A Concise History of the Qing Dynasty: Volume 4 9814332216, 9789814332217

Table of contents :
Contents
12
Literature, Art, Science and Technology in the Early Qing Dynasty
13
The Intensification of Social Contradictions and Decadence of the Ruling Class
14
Uprisings of Various Nationalities Driven by the White Lotus Society
15
The Ethos in the Early 19th Century
16
Invasions of China by Capitalist Countries
Notes
Glossary
References
Index

Citation preview

This book provides an account of the history of the Manchurian rise, its flourishing, decline and demise, but above all, it reflects the history of the development, creation and struggle for a modern China. The book, in four volumes, begins with the ancestors of the Manchu and the rise of Manchu, and ends at the Opium War in 1840.

AUTHOR

Dai Yi was Deputy Director of the History Department, Renmin University of China and Director of the National Editorial Board on the Qing Dynasty’s History. He has written and edited over 30 books, including the Draft of China’s Modern History and A Concise History of the Qing Dynasty.

A Concise History of the Qing Dynasty

A Complete Account of the 268-Year History of the Qing Dynasty

A Concise History of the

Volume 4

Qing Dynasty

Dai Yi

Volume 4

Chinese Historical Studies ISBN 978-981-4332-18-7

SILKROAD PRESS

SILKROAD P R E S S

SILKROAD PRESS

Dai Yi

Published by Enrich Professional Publishing (S) Private Limited 16L, Enterprise Road, Singapore 627660

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English edition © 2013 by Enrich Professional Publishing (S) Private Limited Chinese original edition © 2006 China Renmin University Press Translated by Lan Fangfang, Liu Bingxin and Liu Hui All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage

and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without prior written permission from the Publisher.

ISBN (Hardback)

978-981-4332-21-7



978-981-4332-71-2 (epub)

ISBN (ebook)

978-981-4332-70-5 (pdf)

This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to

the subject matter covered. It is sold with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged

in rendering legal, accounting, or other professional service. If legal advice or other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional person should be sought. Printed in Hong Kong with woodfree paper from Japan

Preface

vii

Chapter 12 Literature, Art, Science and Technology in the Early Qing Dynasty

1

Chapter 13 The Intensification of Social Contradictions and Decadence of the Ruling Class

61

Chapter 14 Uprisings of Various Nationalities Driven by the White Lotus Society

115

Chapter 15 The Ethos in the Early 19th Century

227

Chapter 16 Invasions of China by Capitalist Countries

249

Notes

289

Glossary

315

References

323

Index

335

The Qing Dynasty was a feudal institution with the Manchu, a minority in China, as the upper class and was the last feudal monarchical dynasty in the long feudal history of China. The Qing Dynasty ruled China, a vast country, for two hundred and sixty eight years. China was an independent feudal state in the stage of late feudal society when the Qing rulers broke through the border in the year 1664 to usurp the achievements of the Peasants’ War in the late Ming Dynasty and establish its rule over the whole country. After more than one hundred years of development, the Qing Dynasty reached its peak in the mid-eighteenth century. Within the vast territory the unity of all ethnic groups in China was further enhanced, and the feudal politics, economy and culture were developed to their peak. Following this, due to the growth of internal contradictions in the feudal society and the bud of capitalism in China, the crisis of feudal rule occurred. In the late eighteenth century, peasant uprisings broke out all over the country. As a result, the Qing Dynasty began to decline. At this time the Western European countries had already completed their bourgeois revolutions and moved into a capitalist society, plundering their colonies all over the world. Finally, feudal China became one of their important targets of predation. With the outbreak of the Opium War in 1840, the armed capitalist invaders opened the door to China. From then on China gradually stepped into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society and onto the stage of modern history. At the same time as imperialism colluded with feudalism in China to force China to beome a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, the Chinese people never gave up their fight against the imperialists and their lackeys. In the Opium War, the Taiping Revolution, the Sino-French War, the Sino-Japanese War, the Hundred Days Reform and the Boxer Rebellion, the Chinese people demonstrated their indomitable courage and fighting spirit. In the Revolution of 1911 the bourgeoisie overthrew the Qing Government, which had become the lackey of imperialism, ending the autocratic monarchy of more than 2,000 years in China and establishing a democratic republic. The "long river" of the history was surging forward. These two hundred and sixty years witnessed the rise, prosperity, decline and downfall of the Aisin Giorro dynasty, but more importantly it witnessed the development, creativity and struggle of the great people of all nationalities in China. During this long and arduous period, the Chinese people suffered enormous hardship and frustration, created beautiful ideas and hopes and undertook continuous

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Preface

exploration and combat. In the most difficult years of hardship the Chinese people still left an extremely rich and valuable heritage. In this two hundred and sixty eight years we can find innumerable passionate and epic battle stories; strong, brave, diligent and wise figures; brilliant economic and cultural achievements; and vivid and rich experience and lessons. The Qing Dynasty is an important chapter in China's long history, a great turning point between the past and future and a ladder used by the Chinese people to wage arduous struggles, grope in the dark, get through the "fog" and go forward to the future. Since the history of Qing Dynasty is close to us and closely associated with practical struggle, it is worth serious study and research. This book describes the history from the rise of the Manchu to the Opium War which broke out in 1840, after which China walked into its modern era in which the natures of society and revolution began to change dramatically and were fundamentally different from the early and mid Qing Dynasty. Various works of detailed modern Chinese history have been published, with which the basic content of this book can link up. This book is written by the Institute of Qing History of Renmin University of China and edited by Dai Yi assisted by Ma Ruheng. Chapter 1 of Volume 1 was written by Li Hongbin, Chapter 2 by Lin Tiejun, Chapter 3 by Du Wenkai, Chapter 4 by Zhang Jinfan, Chapter 5 by Ma Ruheng, Zhang Jinfan and Ma Jinke, Chapters 6 and 7 by Li Hua. At first, part of Volume 2 of this book was drafted by Ma Xin, Ma Ruheng, Ma Jinke, Li Hua, Zhang Jinfan, Hu Mingyang and Qin Baoqi et al. Later, due to the structural changes in the book and personnel changes, the writing work was re-organized. Finally, Chapter 8 was written by Luo Ming, Wang Sizhi and Lin Tiejun, Chapter 10 by Mu Ruheng, Chapter 12 by Lu Yingfan, Wang Daocheng and Chen Yalan, Chapter 13 by Li Hua, Chapter 14 by Lin Tiejun and Ma Ruheng, and Chapter 15 by Wang Junyi. Dai Yi wrote the other chapters and revised the whole book. Illustrations were collected by Li Hua and Li Hongbin. We would like to express thanks to institutions such as the Chinese History Museum and the First Historical Archives of China which provided great assistance in the collection of illustrations. We sincerely look forward to any suggestions on the shortcomings of this book. Dai Yi

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Chapter

Literature, Art, Science and Technology in the Early Qing Dynasty

A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

Literature and Art in the Qing Dynasty The period from the late Ming Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty was a period of great social changes. Intense class struggle and national struggle were inevitably reflected in literary and artistic works, so in the early Qing Dynasty a group of writers who were realists emerged. With the consolidation of the rule of the Qing Dynasty, particularly the policy that the Qing rulers implemented a feudal cultural tyranny, the literature of realism gradually declined and many literary works serving the feudal ruling class were produced. The doctrine of “back to the ancients” and formalism dominated in poems, ci and prose. Although there were a great number of poets, ci -writers and prose writers, and rich works with different styles, generally speaking they were powerless and made no achievements surpassing the previous generations. However operas and novels, being excluded from the “orthodox” by the feudal ruling class, were developed. Some prominent writers inherited and developed the good tradition of classical literature of our country, and composed excellent works of high ideological and artistic achievements, playing an important role in Chinese literary history, such as the Palace of Eternal Youth, Peach Blossom Fan , the Strange Tales of Liaozhai, The Scholars and Dream of the Red Chamber . These works shone in the literary world of China like many bright stars and formed another peak in the development of Chinese literature.

Poetry Among the poets in the early Qing Dynasty, Qian Qianyi and Wu Weiye were the most famous. Qian Qianyi (1582–1664, the 10th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to the 3rd year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Shouzhi and literary name of Muzhai, was from Changshu, Jiangsu. He was vice minister of the Ministry of Rites in the late Ming Dynasty and Minister of the Ministry of Rites in the period of the Fu Prince. After Nanjing was captured by the Qing army, he was retained at post but before long he resigned. He wrote the Collection of Beginning to Learn and Collection of Study . Qian Qianyi’s opinion on poems advocated “having origin”. He held that the ancient National Style, Minor Odes and The Lament all came from the bottom of the heart and all of them had “origin”. He objected to the doctrine promoted by the Seven Poets in the Ming Dynasty, which was that “to write an article must copy the styles in the Qin and Han Dynasties, and to write a poem must copy the styles in the heyday of the Tang Dynasty”, and intensely attacked

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the works for their archaism. He believed that poetry was an “expression of will” and was only used to cultivate the spirit, linger on scenes and express ideas. He praised highly the poems of Bai Juyi, Su Shi and Lu You. His poetry style was close to the styles in the late Tang Dynasty and the Song Dynasty, and showed proficient skills and creativity. His theory and creativity had some influence on poetic creation at that time and later. Wu Weiye (1609–1671, the 37th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to the 10th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Jungong and literary name of Meicun, was from Taicang, Jiangsu. He was a jinshi in the period of Emperor Chongzhen and served as shaozhanshi . After the demise of the Ming Dynasty he lived in seclusion for ten years, but later was forced to become an official as Chancellor of the Imperial College. He was very famous in the poetry world in the early Qing Dynasty. He was good at seven-word poems. His dictions were splendid and the melodies were harmonious. Although his poems were mild, implicative, depressed and sad, the language was not concise and he used allusions which resulted in obscure meanings. Most of his poems used historical facts at the turn of the Ming and Qing Dynasties as themes, so they were called “poem history”. His long poems such as the Song of Yuanyuan, Ci of Yonghe Gong and Two Artists from Chu were works widely read for a period of time. He was appraised in the Summary of Catalogues of Siku quanshu as follows: “his poetic metre is similar to the four outstanding figures in the early Tang Dynasty, the romantic charms in the poems are deep; his narrations are similar to Xiangshan (Bai Juyi), but the elegance and talent are better”,1 which demonstrated the artistic characteristics of his poems pretty well. His works include Home Collected Works of Meicun and Collection of Meicun . Among other famous poets in the early Qing Dynasty, those who reflected the social reality included Song Wan and Shi Runzhang, who were called “Shi in the south and Song in the north”. Song Wan (1614–1673, the 42th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to the 12th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the literary name of Lishang, was from Laiyang, Shandong. He was a jinshi of the Shunzhi period. His official career was bumpy and repeatedly suffered crises and difficulties. He was a vagrant for a long time. Therefore, in his poems, there was much worry and sad feelings. For example, Sad over Falling Leaves, Writing about Sorrow, Nine Elegies, Reflections and other works were very sad, bitter, pathetic and touching. His five-word poems were better. His qilü (an eight-line poem with seven characters to a line and a strict pattern and rhyme scheme) were similar to Fangwong (Lu You) and had good antitheses. He wrote the Collection of Anyatang .

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A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

Shi Runzhang (1618–1683, the 46th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to the 22nd year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the literary name of Yushan, was from Xuancheng, Anhui. He was a jinshi of the Shunzhi period. In the Kangxi period he passed the learned scholar test and served as an imperial tutor. He advocated that a poem should have substance in expression, and objected to emptiness and vanity. Therefore his poems reflected more social reality. For example, Huxi xing, Dong lei xing, Sad over Drought in Linjiang and other works all reflected the sufferings of the people and darkness of administration by officials. His works had steady expressions and concise sentences, and were well-known for their skill, force and articulation. His works were included in the Collection of Xueyutang . In this period there were many poets who showed high national integrity and an indomitable fighting spirit. After being defeated in the anti-Qing War they maintained the attitude of non-cooperation with the Qing court, did not take part in examinations, and did not accept official positions. Some of them hid in temples, and some of them lived in mountains and forests. Among them, those with high achievements included Gu Yanwu, Huang Zongxi, Wang Fuzhi, Du Jun, Qian Chengzhi, Gui Zhuang, Qu Dajun, Chen Gongyin, etc. Some of their poems praised patriots in the anti-Qing War, some of their poems exposed the atrocities of the Qing armies, and some reflected the suffering of the working people, expressed their longing for the Ming Dynasty and their nostalgia and strong desire to make contributions to recovering the Ming Dynasty. Their achievements in art were different, but strong national devotion and a strong fighting will were their common characteristics. In the Kangxi period the regime was increasingly consolidated, and the anti-Qing forces were gradually demoralized. The nationalist feelings of some emerging poets gradually faded. When discussing poems, they put more emphasis on forms and skills. They liked to establish schools of poems. The famous ones included Wang Shizhen, Zhao Zhixin, etc. Wang Shizhen (1634–1711, the 7th year of the Chongzhen period of the Ming Dynasty to the 50th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with courtesy name of Yishang and the literary names of Ruanting and Yuyangshanren, was from Xincheng, Shandong. He was a jinshi of the Shunzhi period and served as Minister of the Ministry of Justice. In his poem doctrines Wang Shizhen praised Wang Wei and Meng Haoran, advocating the doctrine of “verve”, promoting “witticism” and “aesthetic mood”, and deeming “entirely achieving elegance without obvious writing” as the highest quality of poetry. Such a theory of poetry came from the Literature Critique of Si Kongtu in the Tang Dynasty and the Canglang’s Discussions on Poetry of Yan Yu in the Song

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Dynasty. His poems were good at describing scenery. They were fresh, plain, natural and smooth, and had a cultured and restrained style. For example, in the poem On the Fangshan Road , it said: “Out of white clouds in the front mountain, a river winds around. Several fishing cottages are seen, boats freely sail. Prostitutes feel pity for the homeland, settle for the rest of life in lakes. Drink at the bow, listen to a song of bird on a sandy beach.” 2 On the River said: “on the road at the boundary between Kingdom Wu and Kingdom Chu, misty rain falls in dark white waves in deep autumn. In the evening, cross the river under cold tidewater, yellow leaves fill the forest and there are many sounds of geese.”3 It sketches a fascinating chilly, peaceful and wild scene. In short, Wang Shizhen played some role in correcting the poetic style advocating ornament and splendidness and discussing knowledge at that time. However he emphasized verve, was easily divorced from reality, pursued elegance and polished deliberately. The opinion he advocated, which was to “linger on mountains and rivers more often, add details to the landscapes of words”4 did not have much social significance. He was the author of Complete Works of Daijingtang, Yuyang Notes on Poets and Poetry , etc. When Wang Shizhen dominated the poetry world and the verve doctrine was popular, the one who could contest with him was Zhao Zhixin. Zhao Zhixin (1662–1744, the first year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty to the 9th year of the Qianlong period), with the literary name of Qiugu and another literary name of Yishanlaoren in his later years, was from Yidu, Shandong. He did not agree with Wang Shizhen’s verve doctrine. He thought that Wang Shizhen’s poems specialized in elegance, and there were “no reality of people in the poems”. He advocated that there should be people in poems, profound meanings beyond the words, that meanings dominated and language was a tool. His poems mainly reflected real life and had a vigorous momentum. The theories and styles of Wang Shizhen and Zhao Zhixin on poetry were different. It is said in the Summary of Catalogues of Siku quanshu that “Wang Shizhen deems misty verve as the aim, and Zhao Zhixin focuses on the train of thoughts”,5 which stated their characteristics very well. Zhao Zhixin wrote the Discussions on Poetics, Collection of Yishantang Poems and other works. After Wang Shizhen and Zhao Zhixin, the doctrine which had a great influence was the style theory of Shen Deqian. Shen Deqian (1673–1769, the 12th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty to the 34th year of the Qianlong period), with the courtesy name of Queshi and the literary name of Guiyu, was from Changzhou (now Suzhou), Jiangsu. He was a jinshi of the Qianlong period and once worked as secretary of the Grand Secretariat and vice minister of the Ministry of Rites. Most of his poems were straight, smooth and elegant, and he

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A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

was a representative of poets of the cabinet style. The poem doctrine of Shen Deqian advocated style. Regarding ancient-style poems, he had great esteem for poems in the Han and Wei Dynasties. Regarding modern-style poems, he respected the poems from the heyday of the Tang Dynasty. Regarding content of poems, he held that “using poems as a guide can manage temperament, improve human relations and the innate laws of things, implement enlightenment of a country, and deal with dukes or princes.” 6 He objected to focusing on the mockery of wind, snow, flowers and grass. Regarding style of poems, he emphasized that this should be “tender and gentle”, “complaining without cursing” and “all things go to fairness and peace”. Among his poems there were some which reflected the sufferings of the people, but many works eulogizing virtues and achievements weakened the social role of poetry in mocking current malpractices and attacking darkness. This poem school was a product of “heyday” of Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong. His opinions on poem were more conducive to feudal rule than the Verve School. The Source of Ancient Poems, Anthology of Tang Poems, Anthology of Ming Poems, Anthology of Poems of this Dynasty and other works compiled and selected by him according to his opinions on poems have played a certain role in revealing and analyzing origins, pointing out and stating gains and losses, use for reference and the handing down of ancient poems. The one who was a contemporary of Shen Deqian and was not restricted by style but directly expressed temperament and became a school unto himself was Zheng Xie. Zheng Xie (1693–1765, the 32nd year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty to the 30th year of the Qianlong period), with the courtesy name of Keruo and the literary name of Banqiao, was from Xinghua, Jiangsu. He was a jinshi of the Qianlong period and had been County magistrate of Fan County and Wei County, Shandong. Later he resigned, went to Yangzhou, and made a living by selling drawings. He was born poor, but he was clever and studious. He scorned influential officials and showed sympathy for the people. His nature was broad-minded, but he was thought to be arrogant. He was good at poems, calligraphy and drawing, which were called the “three unique skills”. He advocated that a poem should reflect social life, which was different from Wang Shishen’s theory of romantic charm and Shen Deqian’s style theory. In his poems there were many works which showed sympathy for the sufferings of the people and exposed the social darkness. For example, his poem on drawing bamboo: “listen to rustlings of bamboo lying in the room of the yamen , I suspect they are the sounds of the weal and woe of the people, I am a small County magistrate in Caozhou, I am concerned about every detail of the life of my people” 7 and Weixian zhuzhi ci : “there are 10,000 hectares

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of fertile farmlands around the outer city, most of them are merged into the lands of rich people. Meager poor wastelands at Beihai; carry half a basket of illegal salt and are arrested” and other poems were all realistic poems reflecting social contradictions. His works are included in the Complete Works of Zheng Banqiao . Fig. 12.1.

Bamboo in Ink , by Zheng Xie

The person who objected to archaism and formalism more thoroughly was Yuan Mei, who was later than Zheng Xie. Yuan Mei (1716–1797, the 55th year of the Kangxi period to the 2nd year of the Jiaqing period), with the courtesy name of Zicai and the literary name of Jianzhai, was from Qiantang, Zhejiang. He was a jinshi of the Qianlong period. He had served as County magistrate of Jiangning, Sushui and other places. Later he resigned and built the “Suiyuan” (Sui Garden) at Xiaocangshan, Nanjing. Accordingly, he was called Mr. Suiyuan. He wrote Anthology of Poems and Essays of Xiaocangshanfang, Essays of Suiyuan on Poetry and other articles. Yuan Mei was a key figure of the temperament and inspiration school.

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A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

He thought that poetry should express the human temperament. He said “a poet is a person who does not lose the innocent heart of a child.” 8 He also said, “a poem cannot exist without emotions and feelings; otherwise it would become unoriginal and insincere.” 9 He objected to seeing poetry as a pure tool for expressing and defending morality. He advocated that a poem could both elaborate principles of ethical morality and express landscape and love between man and woman. He also objected to the pursuit of style and boasting of knowledge. On the contrary, he emphasized the roles of “temperament” and “inspiration”. “As long as you are willing to find a poem, you will get a poem. Inspiration is my teacher, sunset, grass and usual things can be wonderful words if you know their use” (Expressing Feeling ). Yuan Mei’s poems indeed expressed his feeling of life and “temperaments”. They are fresh, deft and have a unique style, but the shortcoming is its over-emphasis on “temperament”. Most of them express personal circumstances and pleasure, so the themes are narrow and the social significance not great. Finally, it is necessary to mention Wong Fanggang. Wong Fanggang (1733– 1818, the 11th year of the Yongzheng period to the 23rd year of the Jiaqing period), with the courtesy name of Tanxi, was from Daxing, Zhili. He was a jinshi of the Qianlong period and his highest official post was secretary of the Grand Secretariat. He was a famous poet, calligrapher and author of the Anthology of Fuchuzhai . Wong Fanggang’s opinions on poems advocated the doctrine of texture. He said that “poetry must study various textures, and the writing must be realistic.” 10 He also said that “engaging in scholarship shall be subject to textual research, and writing poems shall be subject to texture.”11 He thought that what was important for a poet was knowledge. Thought (argumentation), structure (unity and coherence in writing) and material (texture) should be integrated. In the Jiaqing period he became a leader in the world of poetry and contended with the temperament and inspiration theory, and had a considerable influence. Wong Fanggang was a learned person, and his poems were plain, honest and full. However because he loved to talk about knowledge his works were filled with textual research of epigraphy and lacked the flavor of life. When he mistakenly heard of the death of Wang Fanggang, Hong Liangji wrote an elegy as follows: “like to talk about epigraphy with you best, dislike your lack of temperament poems slightly.”12 This remark was not immoderate. This poem school was a product of the boom period of Han learning.

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Ci Ci , a literary form, emerged in the Tang Dynasty, flourished in the Song Dynasty and declined in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. In the Qing Dynasty there were numerous ci poets, and accordingly ci had a renaissance. The creation of ci , ci comments, and collation of anthologies of predecessors made certain achievements. The ci in the Qing Dynasty could be divided into the following schools: Cheng Weisong highly praised Su Dongpo and Xin Qiji, his ci poems were grand, heroic, magnificent and bold, and were called the Yangxian Ci School; Zhu Yizun supported the Southern Song, his rhetoric was skillful and appealing, and his rhythms were delicate. He created the Western Zhejiang Ci School; Zhang Huiyan promoted Feng and Sao, emphasized metaphor and advocated analogue, forming the Changzhou Ci School. In addition there was Nalan Xingde, who was as famous as Chen Weisong and Zhu Yizhun. The ci poems of Nanlan Rongruo were famous for his lyrics. His ci poems were rich, gaudy, sad, mild and moving, and had a considerable influence on the Ci poems in the early Qing Dynasty. Chen Weisong (1625–1682, the 5th year of the Tianqi period of the Ming Dynasty to the 21st year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Qinian and the literary name of Jialing, was from Yixing, Jiangsu. In the period of Kangxi, in his old age, he accepted the call, and passed the learned scholar test, and was appointed as reviewer of the Imperial Academy. Chen Weisong could write poems and articles. He was especially good at ci . There were a total of more than 1,600 ci poems. The number was so large that there were rare Ci writers who had more works than him. He wrote the Anthology of Huhailou . Chen Weising was learned and extraordinarily talented. His ci poems have heroic momentum, and the long tones and short lyrics are natural and free. Some of his ci poems reflected the sufferings of the people and had positive social significance, but there were also ci poems composed for secular entertainment. Zhu Yizun (1629–1709, 2nd year of the Chongzhen in the Ming Dynasty to the 48th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Xichang and the literary name of Zhucha, was from Xiushui (now Jiaxing), Zhejiang. In the Kangxi period, he passed the learned scholar test, served as reviewer of the Imperial Academy, and was on duty in the South Study. His ci poems imitated Jiang Kui and Zhang Yan, inquired into and studied rhythm, and polished words and sentences, having a certain artistic achievement. He wrote Anthology of Baoshuting , and selected and compiled the Complete Collection of Ci , providing materials for creation and study of ci .

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Nalan Xingde (1654–1685, the 11th year of the Shunzhi period of the Qing Dynasty to the 24th year of the Kangxi period), with the courtesy name of Rongre, belonged to the Manchu Plain Yellow Banner. He was a son of Grand Academician Mingzhu, a jinshi of the Kangxi period, and served as imperial bodyguard. He wrote the Anthology of Drinking Water and the Anthology of Ce Mao. His ci poems did not use ornate decoration and are mild, exquisite, moving and sorrowful. The style of his ci is similar to that of Li Yi. Zhang Huiyan (1761–1802, the 20th year of the Qianlong period of the Qing Dynasty to the 7th year of the Jiaqing period), with the courtesy name of Gaowen, was from Changzhou, Jiangsu. He held that ci should be packed with metaphors and interspersed with evocative images, and associated with natural scenes and emotional expressions. He objected to simply “playing on words”. He took a serious attitude on literary creation. His Minghe ci only consisted of 46 ci poems, but they were simple and natural. The Selected Works of Ci he compiled had a considerable impact on future generations.

Prose Among the writers in the early Qing Dynasty, Hou Fangyu, Wei Xi and Wang Wan were well known for their prose. Hou Fangyu (1618–1654, the 54th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to the 11th year of the Shunzhi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Chaozong, was from Shangqiu, Henan. He had artistic talent and fame, and once joined the Fu Literary Club. He wrote the Anthology of Zhuanghuitang . His essays are natural, fluent, distinctive and elegant, but some articles were freely written and were naturally shallow. The Biography of Li Ji, Biography of Ma Ling, Letter to Yuan Guanglu on the Day of Jinling in the Year of Kuiwei and other articles can represent features of his prose. Wei Xi (1624–1681, the 4th year of the Tianqi period of the Ming Dynasty to the 20th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Bingshu and the literary name of Shuzi, was from Ningdu, Jiangxi. He wrote the Anthology of Wei Shuzi . Among his prose, the biographies are the most prominent. His language was concise, his descriptions were vivid, and he was good at argument. The Biography of Datiezhui is his famous work. Wang Wan (1624–1691, the 4th year of the Tianqi period of the Ming Dynasty to the 30th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Shaowen and the literary names of Dunan and Yaofeng, was from Changzhou (now Suzhou), Jiangsu. He was a jinshi of the Shunzhi period. In the Kangxi period he passed the learned scholar test and was appointed editor

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at the Imperial Academy. He and Hou Fangyu, Wei Yi and others were all advocates of the ancient prose movement. His Biography of Jiang Tianyi has concise description and careful and precise characterization, and can be called a good work. He wrote the Manuscript of Yaofeng . In the mid-Qing Dynasty the doctrine of back to the ancients had some development. The ancient prose movement of the Tongcheng School was started by Fang Bao and developed by Liu Dakui, Yao Nai and other people. Fang Bao (1668–1749, the 7th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty to the 14th year of the Qianlong period), with the courtesy name of Lingbao and the literary name of Wangxi, was from Tongcheng, Anhui. He was a jinshi of the Kangxi period. In the period of Qianlong he served as vice minister of the Ministry of Rites. He wrote a work entitled the Anthology of Wangxi . He devoted his life to the renaissance of ancient prose, and established the basic theories of the Tongcheng School’s ancient prose. He advocated that the purpose of writing was to master the classics and to understand the principles. Therefore scholars must attach importance to principle, find its root causes, and inherit the orthodoxy of Confucius, Mencius, Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao and Zhu Xi. The so-called criteria that “knowledge and conduct inherit Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi, and articles be between Han Yu and Ouyang Xiu” were the highest criteria pursued by the Tongcheng School.13 He despised poetry, and thought that such work depicted nothing more than “addiction to enjoyment and sex”. He proposed the “meaning and rules of ancient prose”. He said “since the Southern Song, Yuan and Ming Dynasties, the meaning and rules of ancient prose have not been paid attention to for a long time. The old adherents in Jiangsu and Zhejiang are especially self-indulgent. They either mix the style of novelists or continue to use the old style of Hanlin. None of them are fresh and refined.”14 “Meaning” refers to having substance in writing; “rules” refers to having order in writing. “Having substance in writing” is to say that an article should have content. “Having order in writing” is to say that an article should pay attention to form. “Meaning is longitude, rule is latitude, and then they form a systematic article.” The literary theory of unity of content and form proposed by him is correct, and had a certain role in correcting the hollow and miscellaneous style of writing. However Fang Bao was deeply influenced by the Neo-Confucianism of Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi. His thought was pedantic. He required the content of an article “to exposit reason and help teaching and have something connected with human relations and morals and manners,” and the language of an article to be plain and sincere. The patterns set by him were too many and too rigid. He said: “there should be no quotations. The people in the Wei Jin and Six Dynasties used ornate diction and haiku . In fu , repeated

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patterns and dictions were used. In poetry, there are paradoxes. Southern and Northern histories are frivolous and full of cunning statements.” 15 Therefore, the meaning and rules he advocated are actually to confine prose to the master classics and to understand the principles and be used as a tool serving the feudal ruling class. Nevertheless, Fang Bao also wrote some good articles with concise language and profound implied meaning. His Collected Essays in Prison, Anecdotes of Zuo Guangdou and other essays are all excellent works in the prose of the Qing Dynasty. Liu Dakui (1698–1780, the 37th year of the Kangxi period to the 45th year of the Qianlong period), with the courtesy name of Haifeng, was from Tongcheng, Anhui. His work is the Anthology of Haifeng . He was a student of Fang Bao. His opinions about prose had some slight difference with Fang Bao. Fang Bao stressed “principle”, but Liu Dakui only stressed “rules”. He held that a good article must pay attention to method, skill, syllables and choice of words. Therefore his “rules” just put special emphasis on one aspect of the rhetoric. Although some of his narrative prose is good, generally speaking his achievements are not high. Yao Nai (1731–1815, the 9th year of the Yongzheng period to the 20th year of the Jiaqing period), with the courtesy name of Jichuan and the literary name of Xibao, was from Tongcheng, Anhui. He was a jinshi of the Qianlong period, served as editor of the Library of Four Divisions, and wrote a book entitled Complete Works of Xibaoxuan . The Anthology of Classical Chinese Prose selected and compiled by him was widely known. He was a student of Liu Dakui. In Yao Nai’s time, the literary theories of the Tongcheng School were more systematic. He developed Fang Bao’s “principles of ancient prose” and proposed the eight specific aspects of spirit, principle, vital energy, taste, rule, form, sound and color. Spirit, principle, vital energy and taste are the spirit and content of an article, and rule, form, sound and color are the rhetoric and form. The principles he stated were not outside the content proposed by Fang Bao. Some good essays by Yao Nai include Biography of Zhu Zhujun, Climbing Mount Tai and Visiting Meibi Spring .

Novels In the literary field in the Qing Dynasty, novels obtained the most brilliant achievements. The most famous novels include the Strange Tales of Liaozhai by Pu Songling, The Scholars by Wu Jingzi and Dream of the Red Chamber by Cao Xueqin. Pu Songling (1640–1715, the 13th year of the Chongzhen period of the Ming

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Dynasty to the 54th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Liuxian, was from Zichuan (now Zibo), Shandong. He was born into a “family of scholars” of landowners and businessmen. However, in his time, the financial situation of his family had already declined. At the age of nineteen, Pu Songling passed the imperial examination at the County level with a very good grade. After that he failed the imperial examinations repeatedly. For most of his life he taught in private schools. At the age of seventy-one, he was appointed to a position as a minor official by citing the example of a precedent. He died four years later. The Strange Tales of Liaozhai is a representative work of Pu Songling. At the age of forty or so, he had basically completed this book. Later he continued to supplement and amend it. Many stories in the book were based on folklores, and some stories were based on what the author had seen and heard or were created by the author. He claimed that the Strange Tales of Liaozhai was a “book of loneliness and anger”. In the book, flower and fox spirits, ghosts and deities were all invested with some “hopes”.16 Fig. 12.2.

Portrait of Pu Songling

In the Strange Tales of Liaozhai , Pu Songling also exposes the darkness of feudal politics. He ruthlessly lashes out at the crimes of oppressing the people by corrupt and cruel officials, despotic gentry and local tyrants. The Cricket aims the cutting edge of criticism at the supreme ruler of the feudal society in a

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story where the hobby of cricket fighting of people in the imperial palace brings disaster to the people. Xi Fangping , Hongyu and other stories effectively strike at corrupt feudal officialdom and tyrannical bureaucrats. The Strange Tales of Liaozhai also exposes and criticizes the rotten imperial examination system. Examiners under Pu Songling’s brush are a group of ignorant and incompetent figures who practice graft, take bribes and bend the law. Under their auspices it can only be that “people with good talents are discarded and mediocre people are chosen.” While exposing all kinds of drawbacks in the imperial examinations, he also makes an in-depth analysis of dirty souls of feudal intellectuals. The purpose of their study is to “have luxury houses, wife and concubines”, lord it over others, and take advantage of their position to bully people. Some chapters thoroughly depict contemptible and poor images of scholars when taking part in the examination, and expose the ravages of the imperial examination system on the intellectuals. In some chapters, Pu Songling expresses progressive ideas of pursuing freedom of marriage, longing for a happy life, and opposing feudal ethics through love stories between flower spirits, fox spirits and human beings. He creates many bold, gentle, brave and beautiful female images who disregard feudal ethics, and some heroes who respect women. In some chapters the author also exposes the feudal marriage system and criticizes feudal mercenary marriage, attacks the snobbish concept of despising the poor and currying favor with the rich, and rebukes the ugly behavior of dallying with women. The themes of the Strange Tales of Liaozhai are very broad. On the basis of real life, the author narrates strange tales through legend and creates many excellent works with complex plots, vivid images and social significance. Due to its outstanding ideological and artistic achievements, the Strange Tales of Liaozhai has been loved by the people for more than 200 years. Owing to class and historical restrictions, there are also some negative and backward things in the Strange Tales of Liaozhai , such as publicizing the feudal creed and karma, and so to a certain extent, the ideological brilliance of the work is weakened. The Scholars is an outstanding satirical novel. Its author is Wu Jingzi (1701– 1754, the 40th year of the Kangxi period to the 19th year of the Qianlong period) with the courtesy name of Minxuan, from Quanjiao, Anhui. He was born into a bureaucratic landowner family, which was a family of official status and scholars for generations, and led a wealthy life. Wu Jingzi was very clever when he was a little boy. “As soon as he finished reading an article, he can recite it.”17 At the age of twenty three, his father died and his life had a big change. Then, he passed the imperial examination at the County level and became a xiucai . However, after that, he repeatedly failed the imperial examinations. Because he

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was not good at financial management and was generous, his property was all sold within less than ten years, and he then moved to Nanjing. Later, he lived a very poor life. His “coarse cloth jacket is not complete”, and his “kitchen has no smoke from chimney”. It was because of his family’s decline and frustrations of life that he experienced the fickleness of human relationships and saw through the drawbacks of the imperial examination system clearly. Accordingly, Wu Jingzi’s ideology underwent a dramatic change. He hated the meanness and evil of the feudal ruling class and intelligentsia. The Scholars is a masterpiece in which he clearly observed reality and truthfully exposed the contradictions in life. Fig. 12.3.

Portrait of Wu Jingzi

In the first chapter of The Scholars , Wu Jingzi criticized the imperial examination system through Wang Mian’s words: “This law is not good. In the future, since intellectuals have such a way of getting high position and great wealth, they will make light of one’s knowledge, conduct and attitude towards his official career.” His work gave vivid accounts of officials taking bribes, abusing the law, and tyrannizing the commoners, as well as intellectuals blinded by the lust of lucre, arty-crafty celebrities and swindlers among the literary friends of officials or rich men. Through description of the ugly scholars, Wu Jingzi violently attacks the imperial examination system and the social atmosphere under its influence. If we say that Pu Songling exposed

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all kinds of maladies of the imperial examination system, Wu Jingzi further rejected the imperial examination itself and reflected the corruption of politics and degeneration of culture and morals in the late feudal society. While denouncing the corruption and scandals of scholars, celebrities, bureaucrats and squires in the government, The Scholars also depicted some “philistines” as positive characters, praising their noble qualities, which represented the author’s ideals. Wu Jingzi fiercely criticized the imperial examination system, but he could not find a solution to the problem. His ideal figures were secluded scholars indifferent to fame and gains, such as Wang Mian and Du Shaoqing. On the one hand he exposed the reactions and hypocrisy of feudal ethics, and on the other hand he praised rites, music, education, criminal penalties and various government decrees, which showed the ideological contradictions of the author. Nevertheless The Scholars is still an excellent classic novel. Lu Xun pointed out that The Scholars “accuses social abuses with a candid attitude”, and “its language is sad but humorous, and euphemistic but ridiculing, so this novel can be called a book of irony.”18 Dream of the Red Chamber is the best classic novel in the literary history of China. Its author is Cao Xueqin, with the given name of Zhan and the courtesy name of Mengran, born between 1715 and 1724 (the 54th year of the Kangxi period to the 2nd year of the Yongzheng period) and died in 1762 or 1763 (the 27th year or the 28th year of the Qianlong period). His family belonged to the Han White Banner and was “baoyi ” (slave) of the imperial family in the Imperial Household Department of the Qing Dynasty. Cao Xueqin’s greatgrandmother was the wet nurse of Emperor Kangxi. Cao Yin, Cao Xueqin’s grandfather, had served in the study of Kangxi. After Kangxi ascended to the throne, the Cao family was put into an important position. Cao Xi, Cao Xueqin's great-grandfather served as Jiangning Weaving Supervisor. After Cao Xi died Cao Yi, his son, and Cao Yong and Cao Fu, his grandsons, succeeded to the office of Jiangning Weaving Supervisor. The weaving office was designated as langzhong (a director of a sector) or yuanwailang (a vice director of a sector) of the Imperial Household Department. Most of them were confidantes of the emperor. They did not have rank, but they could directly submit memorials to the emperor, present secret memorials to the throne, report on official administration and national conditions, and act as the eyes and ears of the emperor. Cao Yi was learned and could write articles. He wrote Lianting Poems and backed the engraving of the Complete Tang Poems . Moreover he was famous for his book collection, and many well-known men of letters and scholars associated with him. Emperor Kangxi appreciated Cao Yin’s abilities

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very much. Emperor Kangxi made six inspection tours of the south, in which he stayed in Cao Yin’s Jiangning Weaving Office four times. During the Kangxi period, Cao Xueqin’s grandfather was loaded with great favors and this was the peak period for the Cao family. After Emperor Kangxi died, the bad luck of the Cao family began. In the early years of the Yongzheng period, Emperor Yongzheng vigorously and effectively straightened out financial and economic affairs. The Cao family served in important posts such as weaving supervisor and salt administration and had a large financial deficit, so the Cao family was investigated. Furthermore, at that time, the struggles between Yongzheng and his brothers were very intense. It is also possible that the Cao family was implicated. In the 5th year of the Yongzheng period, Cao Fu was dismissed from the position of Jiangning Weaving Supervisor and the family properties were searched and confiscated. Only partial properties in Beijing were left to him for “making a living”. However the Cao family did not suffer a crushing defeat. In 1728 (the 6th year of the Yongzheng period), young Cao Xueqin went back to Beijing from Nanjing with his parents. In the early years of the Qianlong period, the Cao family probably suffered a disaster again. After that this family “which had been eminent for nearly a century” completely declined. Later Cao Xueqin moved to western suburbs of Beijing and led a poor life. He “used earth as windows and ropes to make beds”, and “the family ate porridge”. Sick and starving, he wrote Dream of the Red Chamber and died at the age of less than 50 years. Cao Xueqin experienced a wealthy life in his childhood and decline in middle age, so that he had wide contact with social life from various aspects. He experienced and observed the complicated contradictions within a big feudal family, which laid the foundation for the creation of Dream of the Red Chamber . The love tragedy of Jia Baoyu and Lin Daiyu is the main line running through Dream of the Red Chamber . Their love was built on the common ideological basis of anti-feudal tradition. This love tragedy itself has profound social significance. However the greatness of Dream of the Red Chamber is not just because it is a love tragedy, more importantly it is because it shaped numerous vivid characters around the main story, reflected the social life in the late feudal society, revealed the decline of the feudal ruling class and its inevitable doom, and contained a profound criticism of the feudal society. In Dream of the Red Chamber the Jia, Shi, Wang and Xue families were four major feudal families. They were tied together through marriage. They had connections both in the court and prefectures and counties, and became a pillar of the feudal society. The “officials’ protective charm” did not only symbolised the prominent political position and strong economic strength of the four families, but also fully exposed the class nature of the state apparatus in the

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Fig. 12.4. The Jimao edition (left) and Gengchen edition (right) of The Story of the Stone

feudal society and official corruption and political darkness in the declining period of the feudal society. The Jia family was called a “cultured family of official status”, but behind this magnificent curtain an intense struggle around property and power was carried on between father and son, between mother-in-law-and daughter-in-law, between brothers, between wives of brothers, between husband and wife, and between wife and concubine. They were “all like game-cocks fighting to finish each other off”. The masters of the Jia family indulged in sensual pleasures, lead a life of immoderate luxury, sensuality and dissipation, and are degenerate. As Liu Xianglian says, “except that the two stone lions are clean, I'm afraid even the cats and dogs are not clean”. Each new generation of the Jia family was inferior to the last, indicating that the landowner class had no successors. The emergence of rebels against the feudal tradition reflected that the feudal ethics had lost the power to maintain popular morale. The luxury life of the Jia family was built on the ruthless exploitation of peasants. The words said by Jiazhen to Wu Zhuangtou, “who do I ask for except for you”, express an important source of the life of Jia family. In A Dream of Dream of the Red Chamber , Cao Xueqin did not openly depict the struggle of the peasants against the landowner class, but there was a statement about the situation when Zhen Shiyin and his wife want to return to the manor after their financial situation declined: “The last few years’ harvests had been

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ruined by flood and drought and the countryside was overrun by bandits who seized fields and land, giving the people no peace. The punitive expeditions by government troops only made matters worse.” The rule of the landowner class was already experiencing storm and flux. The resistance struggles of the slaves in the Grand View Garden are just a reflection of the class struggle in the society. In Dream of the Red Chamber , Cao Xueqin vividly reflects the social contradictions in the late feudal society through lively and vivid artistic images. This book not only has a high ideological level, but also has a high degree of artistry. Lu Xun said: “Since Dream of the Red Chamber emerged, all traditional thinking and writing were broken.”19 Dream of the Red Chamber is an encyclopedia of Chinese feudal society and a great masterpiece of realism. It was true that Cao Xueqin had an illusion of making up for the feudal system and the reservation of monarchical power, and he adopted a hostile attitude toward the peasant uprising, and his criticisms of the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius were not thorough; nonetheless the name of Cao Xueqin can be listed among the greatest writers in the world. Cao Xueqin left only the first 80 chapters of Dream of the Red Chamber , and the last 40 chapters were completed by Gao E. Gao E, with the courtesy name of Lanshu, was subordinated to the Han Bordered Yellow Banner and was a jinshi of the 60th year of the Qianlong period. He served as clerical worker in the Grand Secretariat, secretary supervising the Office of Scrutiny for Justice Banner, and in other official posts. His sequel completed the love tragedy of Jia Baoyu and Lin Daiyu, making the whole story complete and easy to circulate. However the ideological level and artistry of the last 40 chapters are far lower than the first 80 chapters, and especially the ascent of the fragrance of the orchid and cassia and recovery of the financial situation seriously violate Cao Xueqin’s intent. The Flowers in the Mirror is an excellent novel after Dream of the Red Chamber . The author is Li Ruzhen (1758?–1830?, the 23rd year of the Qianlong period of the Qing Dynasty to the 10th year of the Daoguang period) from Daying, Zhili (now Beijing). He once worked as County magistrate’s assistant in Henan. His learning was wide and profound. The Flowers in the Mirror was a work from his later years. He planned to write 200 chapters, but finally only wrote 100 chapters. In the Flowers in the Mirror , the author described his social ideals, denounced the darkness of feudal society and showed a tendency of progress through what Tang Ao, Lin Zhiyang, Duo Jiugong and other persons saw and heard when traveling in foreign countries. The Flowers in the Mirror praises the talents of women in a highlighted

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manner. There were more than one hundred extraordinarily talented women in the book. The author wanted to improve women’s rights. He exposed and criticized some systems and customs oppressing women in feudal society. However, ideologically, the Flowers in the Mirror did not completely get rid of feudalistic ideas, and artistically it had defects in showing off knowledge and ignoring characterization.

Drama Chinese dramas have a long history and are of a wide variety. The drama of Yuan and legend of Ming marked that Chinese drama had already reached a mature stage. In the Qing Dynasty, Chinese dramas were further developed, and produced Drama Theoretician Li Yu and excellent playwrights such as Hong Sheng and Kong Shangren. Li Yu (1611–1679, the 39th year of the Wanli period in Ming Dynasty to the 18th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Liwang, was from Lanxi, Zhejiang. He wrote many scripts and fostered family performers in his home to perform everywhere. Based on the summarization of the experiences of predecessors and himself, he wrote Sketches of Idle Pleasure , his work on the theory of drama. Li Yu’s theory of drama included the two parts, namely creation and performance. Regarding drama creation, he differed from critics who started from the name of a tune or some characters and sentences. On the contrary, he paid great attention to overall work. He held that a script should have a “main idea”, or “theme” in today’s words. There should be a central figure and central events. Starting from this requirement, he proposed “thickening needlework”, “reducing the main thread” and “every detail concerning a person with a name in the drama and what he says should be considered.” There should be “coordination” and “foreshadowing”, so as to make the script become an organic whole. On shaping the character, he held that the personality of a character should be written. A character to be written should be like a character in reality. He required authors to give consideration to characters in a play by putting themselves in the position of the characters and to express things with the souls of the characters. Regarding language, he advocated that this be easily understood and attached importance to performance results. Hong Sheng (1645–1704, the 2nd year of the Shunzhi period of the Qing Dynasty to the 43rd year of the Kangxi period), with the courtesy name of Fangsi, was from Qiantang, Zhejiang. He led a poor life. He had been a student of the Imperial Academy for more than 20 years, but did not get an official post.

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During this period he suffered family disaster. His father committed a crime and was exiled to the frontier. The hard road of life formed his high-hearted, outrageously arrogant, proud and lonely personality. He often “squatted with the whites of his eyes up and accused past and present.”20 His Palace of Eternal Youth was completed in 1688 (the 27th year of the Kangxi period) and caused a sensation. “Those who like articles like its lyrics and those who know music enjoy its melody.”21 “In a banquet of a rich family, in restaurant and song and dance buildings, this song must be played,”22 so that even women and children all knew name of Mr. Hong. In 1689 (the 28th year of the Kangxi period), as Palace of Eternal Youth was sung during the mourning period of Empress Tong, Hong Sheng was impeached and was dismissed from the title of student of Imperial Academy. Hong Sheng went back to his hometown and led an unhappy life. In the 43rd year of the Kangxi period, he slipped into water and was drowned after drinking at night in Wuxing, Zhejiang. Palace of Eternal Youth was about a love story between Li Longji, an emperor of the Tang Dynasty, and Concubine Yang Yuhuan. The author used the method of combined realism and romanticism to integrate legend and history. Around the love between Li Longji and Yang Yuhuan, the acute and complex class contradictions, national contradictions and internal contradictions of the ruling class before and after the An Lushan-Shi Siming Rebellion were demonstrated. On the one hand, the staunch love between Li Longji and Yang Yuhuan was praised. On the other hand, the serious sufferings brought to the people by luxurious imperial lives were exposed and criticized. Thus this traditional theme was given rich social content and obtained achievements surpassing its predecessors. It is worth special attention that while exposing the evil of the feudal ruling class and describing the sufferings of the working people, the author also created a series of glorious images of patriots, severely criticized treacherous ministers who usurped power, renegade generals and officials who surrendered to enemies, and expressed the author’s sense of rise and fall, and longing for the homeland. Another excellent dramatist in the Qing Dynasty was Kong Shangren (1648–1718, the 5th year of the Shunzhi period of the Qing Dynasty to the 57th year of the Kangxi period). He had the courtesy name of Pinzhi and the literary name Dongtang. He was from Qufu, Shangdong and was the 64th generation descendant of Confucius. In the 24th year of the Kangxi period, Emperor Kangxi made an inspection tour of the south. When he passed by Qufu, he went to pay homage at the Confucius Temple. Kong Shangren narrated and interpreted classics of Confucianism before the Emperor. His ability was appreciated by Emperor Kangxi, and he was granted the title of Doctor of the Imperial

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Academy. After he came to Beijing, he began his official career. In the 25th year of the Kangxi period he was sent to northern Jiangsu for flood control. He came and went between Nanjing, Yangzhou and other places and experienced the sufferings of the people and the darkness of the bureaucracy in person. He also came to know a lot of veterans of the Ming Dynasty, and deepened his understanding of the history of the Southern Ming Dynasty. In the 28th year he went back to Beijing and was promoted to be vice director of the Ministry of Revenue, but he was no longer keen on officialdom and determined to complete the Peach Blossom Fan , which he had been conceiving for a long time. In 1699 (the 38th year of the Kangxi period), Peach Blossom Fan was completed and was a very big success. “Those who performed Peach Blossom Fan did not have a free day a year.”23 However, it was just in this year that Kong Shangren was dismissed from office. In 1702 (the 41st year in the Kangxi period) he went back to his hometown. His later years were quite depressed. The Peach Blossom Fan used the love story between Hou Fangyu, a scholar of the Fu Literature Club, and Li Xiangjun, a famous courtesan of the Qinhuai region to intensively reflect the contradictions and struggles within the ruling class in the late Ming Dynasty. The author closely linked the development of the love story of Hou Fangyu and Li Xiangjun with political situation then. Through distinctive artistic images, the history of the rise and fall of the Southern Ming Dynasty was reproduced. Although the author did not directly write about national contradictions, such a historical drama “writing a sense of rise and fall through the feeling of departing and meeting”24 could not help cause a strong resonance in people miserable about the demise of the country and loss of family. When Peach Blossom Fan was performed, former ministers and veterans “stood alone and wiped their tears with their sleeves” and “left in sobs”, which showed the political influence of Peach Blossom Fan . In the poem Singing Loudly to Liu Yufeng , he said: “a person with bad fate is detested by the characters; a copper man keeping silent is defamed.” The reason that he was dismissed from office probably had something to do with the creation of Peach Blossom Fan . While writing Peach Blossom Fan , Kong Shangren attached great importance to the truth of history. “Times and places of success and failure of power in politics and the meeting and departing of scholars were all really investigated, and had no fabrication.” 25 However he did not ignore the characteristics of opera either. In order to shape typical characters he also “slightly added some details”, 26 and solved the relationship between historical reality and artistic reality in a relatively correct way, making Peach Blossom Fan become a masterpiece of classic drama with ideological and artistic unity.

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Both Palace of Eternal Youth and Peach Blossom Fan were Kun Opera. However in the early Qing Dynasty, while Kun Opera was popular, there were many local operas around the whole country. On the opera stage, a hundred flowers bloomed to compete with each other. There was the saying “Southern Kun, Northern Yi, Eastern Liu and Western Bang”. Kun refers to Kun Opera. Yi refers to Yiyang Opera, which was spread to the north in the Ming Dynasty, and was already popular in Beijing in the early Qing Dynasty. Liu refers to Liuzi Opera from Shandong. Bang refers to Bangzi from Shaanxi, i.e. Shaanxi Opera. In the Qianglong period there was a situation where Huabu and Yabu contended for hegemony. The elegant department refers to Kun Opera. The Huabu is the generic name for various local operas, also called “Luantan ”. “The Salt Administration in the Two Huais usually has Huabu and Yabu for major plays. Yabu is Kunshan tunes. Huabu is Peking tunes, Shaanxi tunes, Yiyang tunes, Bangzi tunes, Luoluo tunes and Erhuang tunes, collectively referred to as Luantan.”27 Although the librettos of local operas were not as good as Kun Opera, they had beautiful tunes, popular language, vivid performances, and were full of the flavor of life. Jiao Xun, a famous scholar, commented as follows: “Although the tunes of Kun Opera are very harmonious with melody, the Jiangsu dialect is variegated so audiences do not know what an actor is singing without reading the libretto”; whereas local operas had “plain librettos, even children and women can understand them. Their tunes are vehement, so that the audiences’ courage and uprightness are stirred by them.” Thus Huabu was very popular among common people. “There is a long history of operas being performed successively in villages out of town in the 2nd and 8th lunar months, and farmers and fishermen gathered there for recreation”; “In their free time in hot summer, a group of people sit under the shade of a willow tree or bean arbor to tell stories. Most of the stories are from plays performed by Huabu .”28 As it broke away from the masses and became a pastime of feudal scholarbureaucrats, Kun Opera increasingly lost its vitality. In the early Qing Dynasty there was Yiyang Opera which competed with Kun Opera on the opera stage in Beijing. Later, other local operas entered Beijing. In the mid-Qianlong period Wei Changsheng, an actor of Shaanxi Opera, performed in Beijing. He “caused a sensation in Beijing, and daily audiences were more than 1,000.”29 In the 55th year of the Qianlong period, to celebrate the 80th birthday of Emperor, the Sanqin Troupe from Anhui went to Beijing. The Anhui troupes used Erhuang tunes as the main tune, reformed the singing style of Shaanxi Opera, and formed Xipi . Thus Pihuang Opera was produced and then formed later Peking Opera. Peking Opera further absorbed advantages of Kun Opera and various local operas. In the late Qing Dynasty there were constant innovations in the

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plays, singing and performance art of Peking Opera and famous actors came forth in great numbers. It thus became the biggest opera most widely popular in the whole country.

Drawing Drawing flourished in the Qing Dynasty. Talented artists came forth in great

numbers, and their schools were as numerous as bamboo shoots after a spring rain. Qing rulers such as Emperor Kangxi and Emperor Qianlong were fond of

drawing and vigorously promoted it. They issued successive imperial orders to compile the Study of Calligraphy and Painting of Peiwenzhai, Pearl Forest

in the Secret Hall, Precious Books from Shiqu (Basic part and sequel) and other masterpieces of Chinese drawings. Some excellent artists worked for the Inner court and were well treated with courtesy. However, under the influence of the authoritarianism of feudal culture, the fashion of the doctrine of back to the ancients and formalism seriously impacted on the art circles in the Qing Dynasty. Although there were many schools, most of them focused on imitation of the ancients. “Their far teacher is Huang Gongwang and the near teachers are Wen Zhengming and Shen Zhou.” Their representatives included Wang Shimin, Wang Jian, Wang Hui, Wang Yuanqi, Yun Ge and Wu Li in the early Qing Dynasty. Among them, the influence of Wang Hui and Wang Yuanqi was the biggest. Fang Xun said that “artists in the whole country were either in the drawing cage of Wang Hui or wore shackles of Wang Yuanqi.”30 Their drawing styles formed the orthodoxy of the art circles in the Qing Dynasty. When the drawing style of back to the ancients and formalism was popular, there were some artists objecting to imitation and advocating creativity. They drew freely, expressed their feelings directly, and were not restricted to set patterns. Therefore orthodox artists called them “madmen” or “eccentrics”. Their representatives included the “Four Monks” (Hongren, Kuncan, Daoji and Badashanren) in the early Qing Dynasty and the “Yangzhou Eight Eccentrics” (there are different views on this. The general view is they were Wang Shishen, Huang Shen, Jin Nong, Gao Xiang, Li Shan, Zheng Xie, Li Fangying and Luo Pin). Among the “Four Monks” in the early Qing Dynasty, some of them were members of the imperial clan of the Ming Dynasty and some of them were adherents of the Ming Dynasty. The “Yangzhou Eight Eccentrics” were intellectuals with a sense of justice who had not had a smooth political career and who lived in seclusion. They expressed their misery about the demise of

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the country and their misanthropic mood through their drawing brushes, and brought a new atmosphere to the art circles of the Qing Dynasty. Wang Shimin (1592–1680, the 20th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to the 19th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Xunzhi and the literary name of Yanke, was from Taicang, Jiangsu. He was the grandson of Wang Xijue, grand academician of the Ming Dynasty. He served as supervisor of Court of Imperial Sacrifices for Yinguan (an official position obtained because of the meritorious deeds of previous generations), and was called Wang Fengchang. He loved drawing from childhood. He was good at drawing landscape, and sedulously tried to understand the artists of the Song and Yuan Dynasties, especially Huang Gongwang, and was deeply appreciated by Wang Qichang. He shipped wrist Ethereal, cloth god Plaza Mexico, free Dianran, peak sink into muddy. His wrist use was flexible and unpredictable and his ink arrangement was marvelous, free and natural. He freely added details, and peaks and valleys were like nature itself. In his later years his art was more mature, and he was deemed a leader in the art circles in the early Qing Dynasty. However as he only knew imitation and was not creative. His works remained within the confines of Huang Gongwang and Dong Qichang. Wang Jian (1598–1677, the 26th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to the 16th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with courtesy name of Yuanzhao and the literary name of Xiangbi, was from Taicang, Jiangsu. He was clan nephew of Wang Shimin, but there was not much age difference between them and they were equally famous in the art and literary circles. He was also fond of imitation. For famous drawings since the Song and Yuan Dynasties, he can stop only until his imitation reached vivid level. For drawing skills of Dong Yuan and Ju Ran, he had better attainments. His drawings were masculine, weighty, ancient and ease, and were good at both crack and dye. However most of them were imitations, and lacked creativity. Wang Hui (1632–1717, the 5th year of the Chongzhen period of the Ming Dynasty to the 56th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Shigu and the literary names of Gengyinsanren and Wumushanren, was from Changshu, Jiangsu. In his youth he was good at landscape drawings. During a tour to Yu Mountain, Wang Jian saw a fan drawn by him and was very astonished, so he took Wang Hui home with him. Under the instruction of Wang Jian, he made a quick progress. Later Wang Jian recommended him to Wang Shimin as a student. Wang Shimin thought very highly of him. He said admiringly that “this is my teacher, but he studies from me.” He and Wang Shimin traveled all over the country, fully read treasured

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private copies of collectors, and made a breakthrough in creative thoughts and artistic skills. He held that the decline of art circles then was caused by sectarianism. “The Youyunjian School sneers at the Zhejiang School, and the Zuloudong School always slanders the Wumen School.” He advocated “using the drawing skills of the artists in the Yuan Dynasty and their profound artistic conception, moistened with the flavor of artists in the Tang Dynasty.” 31 He integrated the expression skills of the south and north schools, which were deemed incompatible in the drawing history of China, won the title of Drawing Sage, and became the founder of the Yushan School. During the Kangxi period he worked for the inner court, and was ordered to draw the South Cruises . Emperor Kangxi was so satisfied with his drawing that he bestowed him with four Chinese Characters, “shan shui qing hui ” (brilliant landscape). Therefore he had a literary name of Qinghuizhuren. His drawings were neat, colorful and far-reaching. Among the “four Wangs”, his achievements were most prominent. Wang Yuanyi (1642–1715, the 15th year of the Chongzhen period of the Ming Dynasty to the 54th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Maojing and the literary name of Lutai, was the grandson of Wang Shimin. He was a jinshi (successful candidate in the highest imperial examinations) in the year of Gengwu of the Kangxi period (1670). His highest official position was vice-minister of the Ministry of Revenue, when he was called Wang Sinong. In his childhood he showed a talent for drawing. He occasionally drew a small landscape picture and put up it on the wall of the study. Wang Shimin thought it was his work and said in surprise: “when did I draw this picture.” When he understood it was drawn by Wang Yuanqi, he praised that “this child’s learning must be better than me.” Under the instruction of Wang Shimin, Wang Yuanchi’s learning improved greatly and his study of Huang Gongwang’s drawing skills was more profound. Wang Shimin once said to Wang Jin that “among the four great artists after the midYuan Dynasty, the best one should be Zijiu (Huang Gongwang). Only Dong Zongbo (Qichang) has his spirit. I have the form of his drawings; my grandson has both the spirit and the form of his drawings.”32 During the Kangxi period he worked for the inner court, and worked as editor in chief of the Study of Calligraphy and Painting of Peiwenzhai and editor in chief of the Wanshou Classics . As he was esteemed by the rulers of the Qing Dynasty, people all over the country studied him and so the Loudong School was formed and Wang Yuanqi became the a master of a generation. His works were profound, pure, honest and elegant, but they were relatively restricted, and followed in the ancients’ footsteps. In the Lutai Poems on Drawing Draft , there were a total of 53 pieces, of which 47 pieces were marked “imitation”. Among them, 25 pieces

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imitated drawings of Huang Gongwang. He bowed to the feet of the ancients, so naturally he was far from being creative. Yun Ge (1633–1690, the 6th year of the Chongzhen period of the Ming Dynasty to the 29th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy names of Shouping and Zhengshu and the literary name of Nantian, was from Wujin, Jiangsu. In his early years he liked to drawing landscapes. Later he thought he could not surpass Wang Hui in this regard, so he switched to study the drawing of flowers and birds. He studied ancient and modern drawings, abandoned the usual practices, and developed his own style. His drawings are concise and exquisite, and use bright and beautiful colors, becoming the orthodoxy of flowers and feathers in the Qing Dynasty. “South and north of the Yangtze River, every household had drawings by Yun Ge.” 33 This drawing school was known as the Changzhou School. Occasionally he also drew landscapes, which were tall, spacious, elegant and graceful. Someone said that his drawings were like the poems of Li Bai and beyond human power. His small-size works are fine and ingenious, but his large-size drawings lack magnificence and have a sense of powerlessness. Wu Li (1632–1718, the 5th year of the Chongzhen period of the Qing Dynasty to the 57th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Yushan, called himself as Mojingdaoren. He was from Changshu, Jiangsu. He and Wang Hui studied drawing from Wang Shimin. He also followed the artists in the Song and Yuan Dynasties, especially Huang Gongwang. His drawings were remote and natural, and had advanced artistic conception. Wang Yuanqi praised him highly. He once said to his student Wen Yi that “among recent artists, only Wu Yushan is outstanding, and the rest are mediocre people.” 34 In his later years, Wuli believed in Catholicism, left home and visited the coast, and finally died in Macau. Therefore some people thought that his drawings used Western painting skills. However, in fact that was not the case. In the Postscript of Mojing Drawing , he said: “our drawings do not pursue to likeness in appearance, and do not fall into a set pattern, but are alike in spirit; their skills completely lie in arrangement of drawing, likeness in appearance, and set patterns. Regarding signature, our signatures are at the top part and their signatures are at the bottom. The drawing skills are also different.” It is very clear that his drawings are different from Western paintings. Hong Ren (1610–1663, the 38th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to 2nd year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy names of Jianjiang, the original surname of Jiang, the first name of Tao, and the literary name of Liuqi, was from She County, Anhui. He was a shengyuan (examinee

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who passed the prefectural test) in the late Ming Dynasty. After the demise of the Ming Dynasty he had his hair shaved off and became a monk. He was good at drawing landscapes. He first studied the drawings of people in the Song Dynasty. Later, he changed to study the drawing skills of people in the Yuan Dynasty. He understood Ni Yunlin quite well and introduced the practice that artists from the Xinan School deemed Ni Yunlin a great master. He loved to visit landscapes, and usually travelled between the Yellow Mountains and Yandang Mountains. Layer upon layer of mountains, strange stones, old trees, dragonlike pines, flowing water, clear ponds, red rocks and huge valleys drawn by him make people feel they are right in the scene. Families of scholar-bureaucrats in the south of the Yangtze River measured elegance or vulgarity with the criterion of whether there was his drawing in the home. After he died his friends planted hundreds of plums (meihua ) beside his grave. Therefore he was also known as Meihua Guna. Chi Can (born in about 1612, the 40th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty, his date of his death is unknown although he died roughly in his 60s), with the courtesy name of Jieqiu and the literary name of Shixi, called himself Candaoren, and signed his name as Shidaoren in his later years. He was from Wuling, Huguang (now Changde, Hunan) and his original surname was Liu. He took part in the anti-Qing war. After being defeated he became a monk and traveled all over famous mountains. Later he went to Nanjing and lived in the Niushou Temple. On the one hand he studied the skills of the people in the Song and Yuan Dynasties. On the other hand, he learned from the nature. His landscape drawings showed profound areas, strange remote places, deep forests and valleys, had an elegant, simple and unsophisticated drawing style, and were fascinating. Zhang Yaoxing commented on his drawings as follows: “among poems under heaven, a few people’s works come from natural disposition and intelligence; among drawings under heaven, a few people learn from nature; among zen under heaven, fewer people discard books, and touch their nostrils. This master is an accomplished monk among them, but never has the bad pattern of expounding Buddhist doctrine by setting up a hall. He occasionally takes part in such a game, and he is always the first.”35 Badashanren (1626–1705, the 6th year of the Tianqi period of the Ming Dynasty to the 44th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the original surname of Zhu, first name of Da, courtesy names of Renwu and Xuege and literary name of Badashanren, was from Nanchang, Jiangxi. He was a member of the imperial clan of the Ming Dynasty. After the demise of the Ming Dynasty he first became a monk and later became a Taoist priest, living in Qingyunpu Monastery, Nanchang. He was good at drawing birds, flowers

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Fig. 12.5. Lotus in Ink , by Zhu Da

and landscapes. His drawings used a free drawing style and did not rigidly stick to set rules. They were vigorous and smooth, and sometimes were beyond worldliness. Among the freehand drawing school in the early Qing Dynasty he was a great artist with a unique original style. His drawings were characterized by sketchiness. The bearings of a thing were outlined by a few lines, opening up a new way of drawing in China. Owing to the demise of the Dynasty and loss of family he was worried and indignant, and his drawing style was gloomy and desolate. The signatures on his calligraphies and drawings associated Bada (八 大) with Shanren (山人) respectively, which look similar to the words “哭之” (cry) and “笑之” (laugh). In an inscription to his drawings, Zheng Banqiao said: “after the demise of the country and loss of family, hair is always white, the learned scholar became a monk, thousands of pictures were drawn, and ink dots are less than tear drops.”36 Such comments were very pertinent. Daoji (1636–1710, the 9th year of the Chongzhen period of the Ming Dynasty to the 49th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the original surname of Zhu, first name of Ruoji, courtesy names of Shitao and literary names of Dadizi, Qingxianglaoren, Xiazunzhe and Monk Kugua, was from Quanzhou, Guangxi. He was a member of the imperial clan of the Ming Dynasty. After the demise of the Ming Dynasty he left home and became

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a monk. He was proficient in the principles of drawing, good at drawing landscapes, orchids and bamboos, and was a great artist with innovative spirit. He was very dissatisfied with the imitation vogue in the art circles. He held that a landscape artist should be a spokesman for mountains and rivers, and should “perceive the mountains and rivers in spirit and then draw them.” The reason why people today do not “stand out” was because people “study the drawings of the ancients, but do not study the ideas of the ancients.” 37 “To prepare a draft from accumulated materials” 38 was the summarization of his creation experiences. Regarding traditional skills, he held that they should be learned. However one could not “rigidly stick to the ancient’s skills” and “know there were the ancients, but do not know there is me.” 39 He said that “drawings have south and north schools, and calligraphy has the calligraphies of Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi. Zhang Rong once said that I do not hate I have no calligraphy of Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi. I hate that Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi do not have my calligraphy. Now I ask the southern and northern schools, are you my school? Do you make me a school? For a short while I laughed, and said: I use my own standards.” Because he attached great importance to observation of nature and experience and did not rigidly stick to the standards of the ancients, his works had novel composition and was varied with a unity of thickness and thinness, and concurrent use of dryness and wetness, and was filled with the rich flavor of life. Wang Yuanqi also admired him very much and said that “in the region south to the Yangtze River, Shitao is the first. Both Shigu and I cannot reach his level.” His Quotations on Drawings was a summarization of his lifetime art practice, and had a large influence on future generations. In the early Qing Dynasty, after the Four Monks, there were the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou. Although not all of them were from Yangzhou, they all lived in Yangzhou for a long time and had a common style of drawing. They lived in the heyday of Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong of the Qing Dynasty, but all of them were disgruntled, discontented with reality ideologically, objected to the shackles of feudal ethics, were not restricted by set rules in art and made great effort to express new content and explore new skills. Most of them engaged in drawing flowers and birds, and then figures, but their landscape drawings were fewer. Wang Shishen (1686–1759), with the courtesy name of Jinren and literary name of Caolin, and another signature of Xidongwaishi, was from Xiuning, Anhui and lived in Yangzhou. He was good at drawing flowers, especially ink plums. His style was scattered, refreshing and unique. He and Jin Nong were good friends. They wrote and replied in poems quite often. In his later years he

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Literature, Art, Science and Technology in the Early Qing Dynasty

became blind but he could still write Kangcao (a highly cursive script in Chinese calligraphy) and draw pictures for other people according to his thoughts. Such works were as good as before. Huang Shen (1687–1766), with the courtesy name of Gongmao and literary name of Yingpiao, was from Ninghua, Fujian. He was good at drawing figures, landscapes and flowers. His drawings were merry, lively, free and full of changes, very different from the orthodox drawing style. Most of figures under his brush were displaced persons, beggars, fishermen and poor monks, who belonged to the lower classes of the society. Because he was very familiar with these figures, he could vividly express their bearing with a few lines. Jin Nong (1687–1764), with the courtesy name of Shoumen and literary name of Dongxin, was from Renhe (now Hangzhou), Zhejiang. He loved ancient mechanics, was accomplished in appreciation and was good at identifying the authenticity of ancient pictures. After he was fifty years old he began to engage in drawing. He lived in Yangzhou, and sold drawings to earn a living. He was good at using a dry brush and dense black ink. His drawings of bamboo and Buddha statues were the most famous. He was also good at drawing horses, birds, flowers, landscapes. His drawings were vigorous, careless and clumsy, had high style and completely got rid of common practices. He had many literary names according to the different content of drawings: when he drew bamboos he used the literary name of Jiliushanmin; when he drew plums he used the literary name of Xiyajushi; when he drew flowers and birds he used the literary name of Longjunxianke; when he drew figures he used the literary name of Chichunwong; when he drew horses he used the literary name of Mr. Dongxin; when he drew Buddha he used the literary name of Anzhoufanseng; when he drew landscapes he used the literary name of Qujiangwaishi. His Dongxin’s Poems on Drawing, Dongxin’s Drawings and other works survive. Gao Xiang (1688–1753), with the courtesy name of Fenggang and literary name of Xitang, was from Ganquan (now Yangzhou), Jiangsu. He was good at drawings of landscapes. He adopted the quietness and simplicity of Hongren mixed with the vigorousness and boldness of Daoji. His drawings used concise lines, and were bold and generous. He was good at drawing plums, and his plum drawings got the style of Jin Nong quite well. In his later years his right hand became disabled, so he wrote with left hand. His calligraphies were vigorous, peculiar, simple and unsophisticated and were treasured by people. Li Shan (1686–1762), with the courtesy name of Zongyang and the literary names of Futang and Aodaoren, was from Xinghua, Jiangsu. He was a juren (a successful candidate in the imperial examinations at the provincial level) in the Kangxi period, once worked for the inner court, and later served as

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magistrate of Teng County. He enjoyed a very good political reputation. Due to disobedience to a high official, he was dismissed. He then lived in Yangzhou and made a living by selling drawings. He had a deep friendship with Zheng Banqiao. He was good at drawing flowers and birds. He added details to drawings freely and was not restricted by rules and regulations, but his drawings had a natural taste. He loved to draw five pines, which had old trunks and branches in dancing ink, and was proud of the works. Zheng Xie was a famous poet, calligrapher and a very accomplished artist in the mid-Qing Dynasty. We have discussed his achievements in literature. Regarding drawing, he was good at flowers, wood and stone, especially ink orchids and bamboo. His drawings are powerful, beautiful, have natural and unrestrained style and impress people with a fresh feeling. Zheng Baoqiao’s drawings attached importance to observation of nature. He said: “All the bamboos drawn by me did not follow any teaching. They came from observation from a paper window or white walls under the sun or the moon.”40 However his works were not naturalistic but were carefully refined. In a paragraph of inscription, he described the scene when he drew bamboo as follows: “In autumn, I got up to watch bamboos in the house at the riverside in early morning. Floating cloud and mist, shadow of the sun and dew were floating in scattered bamboo branches and dense bamboo leaves. A strong desire to draw rose in my heart. In fact, the bamboos in my heart are not the bamboos in my eyes. Therefore, after I made ink, opened paper, and got ready to draw, bamboos drawn always had some change suddenly. They were not same as imagined because the bamboos drawn by hand were not the bamboos that I originally thought to draw, either.”41 He could make in-depth observation of an objective thing and also reproduce it with excellent skills. This was the reason why his works won the praise of people. Zheng Banqiao’s poems on drawing also were quite distinctive. He once wrote a poem on drawing of bamboo as follows: “Throw the official hat away and do not be an official any longer, possess nothing, draw a handsome bamboo, fish in the river in the autumn wind.”42 This poem expressed his moral character. He had no intention of an official career and was morally free from worldly cares. This poem is very natural and sincere. Li Fangying (1695–1754), with the courtesy name of Qiuzhong and literary names of Qingjiang and Qiuchi, was from Nantong, Jiangsu. In the Yongzheng period he was recommended to be a county magistrate as an imperial scholar. He was very upright, repeatedly disobeyed his superiors, and quit his office. Later he lived in Jinling for a long time and made a living by selling drawings. He was good at drawing pine, bamboo, plum and orchid, especially plum. His

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drawings were of great ease and did not observe usual standards. Someone said his portrait was “messy hair and rough clothes.” However there was order in the mess, and a natural spirit. Some of his plum drawings were more than one zhang in size and twisted gracefully, which was not the traditional method. In a poem on plum drawing, he said that “it may not be the right time to write plum, do not blame late writing before blossoms. Thousands of flowers are in front of me, but only two or three plum branches catch the mind.”43 Through this poem, we can see that this artist’s feelings of stand-offish reserve. Luo Pin (1733–1799), with th courtesy name of Xunfu, and the literary name of Liangfeng and of Huazhisiseng in his later years, was originally from She County, Anhui and moved to Yangzhou later. He once learned from Jin Nong and got his real teaching. His drawings of figures, landscapes and flowers were all very good. He was especially good at drawing gods and spirits. His Amusing Drawing of Ghosts was an irony of the ugly phenomenon of social life. For a period of time, princes, dukes, officials and men of letters narrated and intoned it. In the notes of people in the Qing Dynasty, this drawing was often mentioned and was depicted as ghostly, so its influence can be imagined. Throughout the art circles in the Qing Dynasty, landscape drawings and flower and bird drawings were in a dominant position. The number of figure drawings and genre drawings reflecting reality was not large. Although there were differences between emulating nature and imitating the ancients in the ideas guiding creation and differentiation between conformism and innovation in expression skills, there was not much difference in themes. Narrow themes were a very important reason why the achievements of scholars’ drawings in the Qing Dynasty were not prominent. Among the folk drawings in the Qing Dynasty, block prints and New Year drawings made the highest achievements. In the Ming Dynasty, the development of block prints of our country had already reached a very mature stage. There were not only illustrations of many excellent novels and dramas, but also the printing methods of “watercolor block printing” and “convex flower printing”, making block prints more vivid and wonderful. The block prints in the Qing Dynasty inherited and developed the good traditions of block prints in the Ming Dynasty, and produced excellent works such as Taiping Landscapes and the Drawing of Lament by Xiao Chimu, Painting Manual of the Mustard Seed Garden by Wang Gai, Farming and Weaving by Jiao Bingzhen, Painting Manual of Wanxiaotang by Shangguan Zhou, illustrations of Ten Types of Operas by Li Liweng, and Illustrations of Dream of the Red Chamber by Gai Qi. New Year drawings, which emerged almost simultaneously with block prints, were loved more by the masses. In the Qing Dynasty the most famous

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places for production of New Year drawings were Taohuawu, Suzhou, Yang Liuqing, Tianjin, Wei County, Shandong and Zhuxian Town, Henan. The themes of New Year drawings were relatively broad and reflected real life, folk customs and historical stories, and they had bright lines and gorgeous colors. They played an important role in dissemination and popularization of arts and culture. For example the Dai Zengliang family “needed to print one million New Year drawings every year.”44 A general scholar’s drawings could not compare with such a big output and its wide influence. In the late Ming Dynasty, after Western painting was introduced into China, some artists began to absorb some of Western painting skills. Jiao Bingzhen, Leng Mei and Tang Dai in the Qing Dynasty were famous for being good at Western painting, but before long they were in low spirits. Because Chinese drawings and Western paintings have their own traditions, the expression skills of Western paintings were even more out of tune with the orthodox artists who deliberately imitated ancient styles. When talking about Jiao Bingzhen’s works, Zhang Geng said that they were “not elegant, those who like ancient styles would not choose them.”45 Therefore Western painting skills did not have great influence on drawings in the Qing Dynasty.

Science and Technology In the early Qing Dynasty, with the unity and consolidation of the multinational country, the social economy gradually entered the prosperous development stage from the stage of restoration. Accordingly, science and technology also continued to develop on the basis of the Ming Dynasty. In the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty, after Western scientific and technical knowledge were successively introduced into our country with the missionaries as the medium, reforms of some of our traditional science were further promoted. Especially in the astronomical calendar, mathematics and mapping, there were significant improvements and achievements. However, as Engels pointed out, “the occurrence and development of science are determined by production from the beginning.”46 In the whole earlier stage of the Qing Dynasty, social and economic development did not exceed the scope of the feudal economy. In politics there was no new reform. In cultural ideology the Confucian classics were respected, Neo-Confucianism was advocated, and the eight-legged essay was used to choose scholars as officials. In such an environment, science and technology could not make a leap in development and could not get rid of feudal economic and political constraints and enter the ranks of modern science.

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The basic conditions of development of science in the earlier stage of the Qing Dynasty were as follows:

The astronomical calendar Chinese ancient astronomical calendars were of a relatively high standard. Successive governments attached great importance to the enactment and revision of calendars. In history, calendar reforms were conducted many times. In the Ming Dynasty the prevalent Datong Calendar adopted the Shoushi Calendar made by Guo Shoujing. However as it had been handed down for a long time, errors were getting bigger and bigger. Solar and lunar eclipses forecast by the Directorate of Astronomy “often were not proved.” 47 There was an urgent need to revise the calendar. But because of lack of skills of astronomical measurements, calendar revision could not be initiated. In the late Ming Dynasty, Matteo Ricci and other Jesuit missionaries came to China and brought Western mathematics and knowledge of astronomy. With the recommendation and support of Xu Guangqi, Li Zhizao and other scholarbureaucrats, the large-scale Chongzhen Calendar was compiled by using Western methods. An office for revising the calendar was established and Sabatino de Ursis, Didace de Pantoja, Johann Schreck, Johann Adam Schall von Bell and other missionaries were invited to participate. Soon afterwards, the Qing Dynasty entered the Pass. Johann Adam Schall von Bell proposed that the Qing court should change the calendar. On September 1, 1644 (the first day of the eighth lunar month of the first year of the Shunzhi period), a solar eclipse took place. “Grand Academician Feng Quan and Johann Adam Schall von Bell were ordered to carry telescopes and other instruments and lead official students from the Directorate of Astronomy to conduct tests at the Observatory. Only the new Western calendar was in line with the time, location and other items of first contact, middle of eclipse and last contact. Both the Datong Calendar and the Huihui Calendar had time differences.”48 The Qing court determined to adopt the Western calendar. On the 2nd year of the Shunzhi period, the Qing court enacted the Shixian Calendar made by Johann Adam Schall von Bell and appointed Johann Adam Schall von Bell as director of the Directorate of Astronomy. The Shixian Calendar was a calendar which applied Western calculation methods and retained the structure of the old calendar. The differences between this calendar and the old calendars are shown in the following three respects: First, its astronomical calculation method was based on the relatively scientific theory of the universe. Although China’s traditional calendars had

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theories, they usually emphasized calculation and did not reach the level of establishing astronomical theory consciously. A change of calendar in ancient times focused on changing data and calculation formulas. However the Shoushi Calendar was made in accordance with the Celestial Navigation Theory of Danish Astronomer Tycho Brahe.49 Although this theory is more backward than the heliocentric theory of Nicolaus Copernicus, from the perspective of the calendar its analysis of revolutions of the heavenly spheres is more reasonable and scientific than our traditional models of the universe. Second, for the calculation method the new calendar completely used the calculation system of European geometry and introduced latitude, longitude, spherical trigonometry, astronomical refraction and other new concepts. The universe was divided into 360 degrees and the hundred-binary system was changed into the sexagesimal system. Twenty-four hours and ninety-six quarter were used for time. It was complete different from the algebra system of interpolation-empirical formula used by our traditional calendar. Third, regarding the stipulation method of 24 solar terms, the new calendar completely used the system of determining solar terms according to the movement of the sun. That is to ascertain solar terms in accordance with the location of actual movement of the sun along the ecliptic. It discarded the system of determining solar terms according to “pingqi ” 50 used by our traditional calendar, thus making the arrangement of solar terms more in line with the actual law of solar motion and more conducive to farming arrangements. Enactment of new calendar marked that the essence of European classical astronomy had been absorbed by our country. This was a field in which China first had contact with modern science and it had a great impact on the development of astronomy and agricultural production activities. However this progress was resisted and opposed by the traditionalists. In the early years of the Kangxi period, during the period when Aobai was in power, a fierce struggle over calendars broke out and Johann Adam Schall von Bell and other persons were thrown into prison. The situation of this struggle has been stated in Chapter 9 in Volume 3. After Emperor Kangxi took over the reins of government, it was proved by field measurements that the Western calendar was more in line with the science, so this case was readdressed and the Shixian Calendar was still enacted. After that Emperor Kangxi ordered Ferdinand Verbiest, the successor of Johann Adam Schall von Bell, to supervise the manufacture of astronomical instruments in accordance with advanced methods and system of weights and measures used in Europe. The equator theodolite, ecliptic theodolite, horizon circle, zenith sector, sextant, celestial

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globe and other instruments were made, and the Beijing Observatory was equipped with such new instruments. The Directorate of Astronomy used these new instruments to measure and calculate constellations in the sky many times. With the participation of Jesuit missionaries the Directorate of Astronomy also compiled the Establishment of Calendar and the Post-edit of the Establishment of Calendar . They were very important astronomy books in the Qing Dynasty, and in particular the Post-edit had already discarded Tycho Brahe’s Celestial Navigation Theory and changed to use the elliptical motion of the geocentric system and the new data of Newton measurement. However, due to limitation by religious prejudice and restriction of scientific level, the missionaries who came to China did not systematically introduce Nicolaus Copernicus’ astronomical theory which was then the most revolutionary in Europe, so the Chinese scholars could only follow the missionaries in roving around in the circles of European classical astronomy. The need of Chinese feudal society for astronomy was to make a calendar, and the astronomical knowledge brought by the missionaries was already enough for making a calendar. Therefore there was no impulsion or the conditions to continue new exploration and improvement. Furthermore the Chinese feudal government often deemed a new ideological theory a heresy. In 1760 (the 25th year of the Qianlong period), French Missionary Benoist Michael presented the Great Universal Geographic Map and introduced Nicolaus Copernicus’ heliocentric theory and Johannes Kepler’s laws of planetary motion. Such theories did not arouse the interest of the Qing government and scholars. Famous scholars such as Ruan Yuan also attacked Nicolaus Copernicus as follows: “his theory changes the location of upside and downside and reverses motion and motionlessness, so it departs from the classics and rebels against orthodoxy, it cannot be law and there has never been one worse than it.”51 Fig. 12.6.

The celestial globe (left) and armillary sphere (right)

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As the Qing government was paying attention to the astronomical calendar, non-offical astronomy research was also very active and the main representatives were Wang Xichan etc. Wang Xichan (1628–1682, the first year of the Chongzhen period of the Ming Dynasty to the 21st year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Yinxu and literary name of Xiaoan, was from Wujiang, Jiangsu. He did not take part in an imperial examination, did not enter the official circles, and devoted his life to astronomy and the calendar. Since setting up a sundial in person he adhered to astronomical observation for a long time. “Whenever it was clear, he would climb the house and lie on the roof to observe astronomical phenomena all night long without sleep.”52 “At intersections, he compared densities according to the distance measured by him. He had never stopped even if ill, winter or summer.”53 When there was a struggle between Chinese and Western calendars, Wang Xichan conducted an in-depth and careful comparison and study between Chinese and Western calendars on his own. He “checked mistakes of an ancient calendar and corrected it, and selected the advantages of the Western calendar and discarded its dross.” Owing to his hard study and field measurements for many years, he finally became a well-known calendar expert with a thorough knowledge of both Western and Chinese learning, who not only had knowledge but also was used to measurement. He wrote Xiao’an New Calendar, Navigation Degrees of Five Stars and other books. In the Xiao’an New Calendar , Wang Xichan proposed a method of correctly calculating first contact of solar and lunar eclipses and azimuth of last contact. It originated Taitai solar eclipse i.e. method of calculating azimuths of Venus and Mercury transits at transit start and end. Meanwhile he also proposed a method of meticulously calculating start and end time of the moon covering planets and encroaching on each other. His method was very complete and was more advanced than all the Chinese and Western calendars in the past. His scientific attitude of “concurrently adopting both Chinese and Western learning,” long-term study spirit of on-the-spot survey and contributions in astronomy won very high recognition from scholars in his time. Gu Yanwu said that “Wang Yanxu is better than me in knowledge of astronomy and is firm and unshakable.” 54 Mei Wending said that “Regarding the modern calendar, Wujiang is the best.”55

Mathematics Mathematics is a discipline that Chinese people are very good at. In ancient times, China’s mathematics achievements once ranked among the best in the

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world. In the Ming Dynasty, mathematics declined and ancient mathematics nearly became lost knowledge. In the late Ming Dynasty Western mathematics was introduced into China. The period from the time when Xu Guangqi translated the first six volumes of the Elements of Geometry to the time when the Collected Basic Principles of Mathematics was the first period of introduction of Western mathematics to China. The period after the period of Yongzheng and before the Opium War was the rejuvenation period of ancient mathematics. The introduction of Western mathematics and rejuvenation of ancient mathematics constituted two the contents of mathematics development in the early Qing Dynasty. In the great debate on the calendar in the early Qing Dynasty, the new method defeated the old method by its precision, which made the intellectual circles attach importance to mathematics. Emperor Kangxi employed Thomas Pereira, Joachim Bouvet, J. F. Gerbillon, Antonius Thomas and other missionaries to teach geometry, algebra, astronomy, physics and other scientific knowledge in the imperial palace. This promoted the vigorous development of mathematics. There were well-known mathematicians such as Fang Tong, Mei Wending, Mei Juecheng, Ming Antu, Wang Yuanqi, Dong Youcheng and Xiang Mingda. Mei Wending (1633–1721, the 6th year to the 60th year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), with the courtesy name of Dingjiu and literary name of Wuan, was from Xuancheng, Anhui. He devoted his life to mathematics and calendar study. His studies concurrently adopted Chinese and Western learning. He said that “if a law can be adopted, there is no need to care if it comes from west or east; if a principle is clear, there is no need to talk about whether it is old or new;”56 “if a law is recoverable, what of things; if management is clear, what matters if old or new.” As Western mathematics had just been introduced to China at that time, there were not many books, and proofs and graphic solutions were not easy to understand. Mei Wending did a lot of arrangement, mitigation and interpretation work. His language was plain and easily understood. He “usually used plain language to solve very difficult problems, and simple language for abstruse arguments.”57 Mei Wending had very profound attainments in triangles and geometry. Triangle is a tool for studying the calendar. “When a person does not know triangle, he surely does not know the good places of a calendar and he cannot correct shortcomings either.”58 His Main Points of the Flat Triangle was a primer for studying triangles at that time. His Main Points of the Arc Triangle and Ruler in a Sphere made a detailed elucidation of spherical trigonometry and created a graphic solution of spherical triangles. Regarding geometry, he used the

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Pythagorean Theorem to prove many propositions in the first six volumes of the Elements of Geometry . He held that “geometry’s principle cannot be divorced from Pythagorean geometry. Those points most difficult to understand become clear when using Pythagorean geometry to explain them.”59 In the Supplement to Geometry he also proposed calculation methods and principles of volume of various objects with equal area, which had not been introduced from Europe; he made an exploration of the functions of the golden section for many years and found the use of this golden section in the measurement of volumes of polyhedrons. Mei Wending also had very good achievements in study of the calendar. He mainly studied the ancient calendar and clarified that the Datong Calendar used in the Ming Dynasty originated from the Shouli Calendar by Guo Shoujing. Moreover the Shoushi Calendar was the best calendar “integrating the great achievements of the ancient calendar” in China’s history of the calendar. Mei Wending was a very serious scholar. Every time he obtained a book he would correct its mistakes and omissions and point out its good and bad points. For incomplete books and scattered articles, he would copy and collect in person. He did not neglect the difference of one Chinese character, deliberated time and time again, and often neglected his meals and sleep. His works were very abundant. There were a total of 88 books, including 26 mathematics books and 62 calendar books. His achievements in mathematics were especially prominent. In 1705, during his trip to the south, Emperor Kangxi once summoned him for consecutive three days to discuss mathematics and calendar with him and bestowed him with a plaque of “Ji Xue Can Wei ” (“Being able to comprehend the subtle intentions in knowledge”). The scholars in future generations honored him as No. 1 in mathematics in the Qing Dynasty. The mathematical research results of Mei Wending directly provided the foundation for compilation of the Collected Basic Principles of Mathematics in the late years of the Kangxi period. The Collected Basic Principles of Mathematics was a summative mathematical masterpiece of the Western mathematics introduction period of the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty, and was an encyclopedia of mathematics at the highest level in our country at that time. It collected all kinds of Western mathematics introduced to China in the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty, systematically arranged these, and also collected the Chinese essence of mathematics in surviving editions at that time. This book was compiled by Mei Juecheng, a grandson of Mei Wending, together with scholars including Chen Houyao, He Guorong and Ming Antu under Emperor Kangxi in person in the Mengyang Study in the Imperial palace of the Qing Dynasty. It was published in the whole country in the name of an imperial order of Emperor

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Kangxi. As a result, it spread very widely, had a great impact and was a required book for studying mathematics in the Qing Dynasty. Ming Antu (1692–1765, the 31st year of the Kangxi period to the 30th year of the Qianlong period) was another mathematician with outstanding achievements in the early Qing Dynasty. He was from the Mongolian Plain White Banner. When he was a little boy he was admitted to the Directorate of Astronomy as an official student. He was a mathematical talent cultivated by Emperor Kangxi in person, and participated in the compilation of the Establishment of Calendar and the Collected Basic Principles of Mathematics . At that time the French Missionary Pierre Jartoux came to China and brought three formulas of Gregory, namely, “finding the circumference by the diameter of a circle,” “finding the chord by the arc” and “finding the versine by the arc” (triangle function)” (i.e. formulas of expanded forms of trigonometric functions and infinite series expression of π), but the methods to prove these three formulas were not introduced. After long-term hard study, Ming Antu proved the three formulas introduced by Pierre Jartoux through the inductive method of geometry and continued proportion and further derived another six new formulas, namely, “finding sine by arc”, “finding arch by arc”, “finding arc by chord”, “finding arc by sine”, “finding arc by versed sine” and “finding arc by chord”. They were collectively known as the “nine methods of cutting a circle”. He wrote the Quick Method for Determining Segment Areas , which improved study of trigonometric function and circumference ratio to a new level. In the early 19th century mathematician Dong Youcheng wrote the Continued Proportion Graphic Solution for Cutting a Circle , which proved these formulas by using a method different from that used by Ming Antu. Another mathematician Xiang Mingda wrote the Xiangshu yi yuan , which popularized the research results of Ming Antu and derived the formula using continued proportion to find the circumference of an oval. His calculation procedures conformed to the laws of elliptic integral. After the Yongzheng period, the Qing government banned the spread of Catholicism in China and the number of missionaries who came to China was greatly reduced. The introduction of Western learning increasingly tended to break down. Mathematics study was shifted from receiving Western learning to rediscovery and consolidation of ancient mathematics. In this process Dai Zhen made the greatest contribution. He participated in the compilation of the Siku quanshu and found and sorted out many ancient mathematics books from the Great Encyclopedia in the Yongle Reign , such as the Sea Island Mathematical Manual, Arithmetic in the Five Classics, Zhoubi Mathematical Manual, Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art, Sunzi Mathematical Manual, Mathematical

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Manual of the Five Administrative Departments and Xiahou Yang Mathematical Manual . He also copied and compiled the Zhang Qiujian Mathematical Manual and the Compiled Ancient Mathematical Manual from Mao Yi’s transcription of block-printed editions in the Southern Song Dynasty. Together with the Memoir on Some Traditions of the Mathematical Art of the block-printed edition, there were ten books in total. These ten mathematical manuals were included in the Series of Weiboxie by Kong Jihan in the 38th year of the Qianlong period, and were officially entitled the Ten Books of Mathematical Manuals . Dai Zhen also copied and compiled the Nine Chapters of Mathematical Books by Qing Jiushao in the Song Dynasty and Yang Hui’s various mathematical books from the Great Encyclopedia in the Yongle Reign . The Ten Books of Mathematical Manuals and mathematical books in the Song and Yuan Dynasties are the crystallization of mathematics achievements of our country since the Han and Tang Dynasties and are a very precious cultural heritage of the Chinese people. These works were presented to the public again by Dai Zhen after they had failed to be handed down from past generations for a long time. The scholars in the Qing Dynasty attached great importance to Dai Zhen’s contribution in “collecting mathematical books and compiling lost works.”60 After that the style of study on collating, editing and annotating ancient mathematical books prevailed. During the Qianlong and Jiaqing periods, Li Rui edited and annotated the Sea Mirror of Circle Measurement and New Steps in Computation by Li Yi in the Yuan dyansty. Li Huang edited and annotated the Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art , the Sea Island Mathematical Manual and the Compiled Ancient Mathematical Manual and wrote a detailed problem-solving graphic solution. Ruan Yuan and Luo Shilin successively found the Jade Mirror of the Four Unknowns and the Enlightenment of Mathematics , masterpieces by Zhu Shijie in the Yuan Dynasty. Luo Shilin spent 12 years studying the method of single unknown (tian yuan shu ) and method of four unknown (si yuan shu ), supplementing omissions, correcting mistakes, inferring, deducting and revising. Finally he wrote a book entitled Detailed Manual of Jade Mirror of the Four Unknowns , which was published in 1834 (the 14th year of the Daoguang period). Thus the methods of single unknown and four unknowns, which had been lost for 500 years, shone once again. The mathematical achievements of ancient China stirred national pride and interest in in-depth study of ancient mathematics among the scholars in the Qing Dynasty. In the Qing Dynasty mathematical talents appeared successively and their works were numerous. About 500 people wrote more than 1,000 mathematical works, which was more than in any previous Dynasty. However due to the impact of the Qianlong and Jiaqing Chinese Studies,

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these books mainly concentrated on the collation of and commentaries on ancient mathematics. In a lot of fields, the scholars in the Qing Dynasty also made a creative contribution. For example, Chen Shiren developed the stack accumulation method after the Song and Yuan Dynasties i.e. the method of summation of high order arithmetic progression; Jiao Xun annotated the Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art , and put forward the law of commutation of the four species; Wang Lai and Li Rui took on the method of single unknown and method of four unknown of the Song Dynasty, developed study of equation theories, and explorations of nature of the root of equation, relation between roots and coefficients and the like, and made great achievements.

Mapping Mapping in ancient China had a long history and outstanding achievements. However, due to limitations of the scientific level, the ancient Chinese did not know that the earth is spherical and so the maps they plotted were plane figures and the distance calculated could not accurately reflect the curvature of the Earth’s surface. The Western geographical knowledge and mapping method of using latitude and longitude brought by the missionaries who came to China opened up the horizons of Chinese scholars. Emperor Kangxi attached great importance to it. He ordered missionaries to collect Western maps and purchase measuring instruments, and studied measurement and calculation methods in person. In his western expedition against the Elute, his south trips to the south of the Yangtze River and his inspection to the northeast, he often ordered missionaries to accompany him and survey the terrain, distance, latitude and longitude of various places. In 1708 (the 47th year of the Kangxi period) national unity had been consolidated and the political situation was increasingly settled, so the Qing court began a large-scale mapping of the whole country and invited the French missionaries including Jean Baptiste Regis, Petrus Jartoux and Joachim Bouvet to assist and Chinese scholars including He Guozong and Ming Antu to participate. This mapping work adopted the most advanced latitude and longitude mapping method in the world at that time. Astronomical measurement was mainly used to measure and determine latitudes. The “method of determining latitude by the high arc of the sun at noon” was used to reckon the latitude according to measurement of the sun’s vertical angle on the winter solstice, with the height of the north polar star above the horizon as the criterion. The method of lunar eclipse observation was used to measure longitude, which was to calculate longitudes according to time differences of lunar eclipse observed

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in different places. The longitudes were divided into east longitude and west longitude with Beijing as the center line. In order to unify the mileage count, the full scale of the Ministry of Works was used as the criterion which was five chi equaled one bu , 360 bu equaled one li and 200 li equaled one degree of latitude. From the 47th year of the Kangxi period field measurements were carried out. The Qing court send personnel to different places in the whole country ranging from north of the Heilongjiang River in the northeast, Mongolia in the north, Tibet and Qinghai in the southwest and Taiwan in the southeast. For ten years the surveyors traveled over mountains and rivers, underwent hardships, surveyed important places of various provinces, consulted the annals of various places and inquired of local people and officials. In 1718 (the 57th year of the Kangxi period) the results of the field measurements were summed up to plot a map of the whole country, namely the Imperial Map of China . The map was plotted by using the trapezoidal projection method and a scale of 1:1.4 million. This is the first detailed map of the whole country plotted by field measurements and modern scientific methods. “All the details of strategic positions, sanitation and communications in the passes, fortresses, coast and river defenses, village forts and beacon towers, pavilions of post and ports, even in remote places were plotted.”61 This was a masterpiece in the map plotting history of our country and was of a very high standard. Dr. Joseph Needham said: “it was not only the best among all the maps in Asia then, but also better and more accurate than all the maps in Europe at that time.” 62 This map until the early years of the Republic of China was still based on this map. Because the southern and northern parts of the Tianshan Mountains were still under the control of the Junggar tribe and were hostile to the Qing court when the Imperial Map of China was made, the court could not send people to survey on the spot and the western border of this map stopped at Hami. In the period of Qianlong, after the Junggar and Hui Bu were suppressed, the Qing court immediately sent Liu Tongxun to lead He Guozong, Ming Antu and foreign missionaries to measure Yili and the southern territory of Xinjiang. “All the names of mountains, rivers and place were gathered together through investigation and inspection according to their territories and border areas.” 63 They went to many places which are in Xinjiang today, visited places as far as Tashkent, Samarkand and the Kashmir area, and accumulated a large amount of data. Later this was compiled into the Gazetteer of the Imperial Map on the Western Regions . In 1760 (the 25th year of the Qianlong period), based on the Imperial Map of China , the Qing court corrected some mistakes on the Tibetan section and added the map of Xinjiang including the part west to Lake Balkhash, known as the Qianlong Map of China . This map was more detailed and complete that the map during the region of Emperor Kangxi.

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Agricultural production technology The Qing Dynasty inherited the guiding principle of taking agriculture as the foundation of the country, attached great importance to agriculture production, paid attention to summing up the experience of their predecessors, and compiled books on winning over farmers. In 1708 (the 47th year of the Kangxi period), Wang Hao and other people compiled 100 volumes of the Wide Spectrum of Qunfang on the order of Emperor Kangxi by supplementing and amending the Spectrum of Qunfang , a work of the Ming Dynasty. This is a masterpiece on botany including grains, mulberry, hemp, fruit and vegetables. It described the form, characteristics and cultivation methods of each plant in detail. In 1742 (the 7th year of the Qianlong period), Ertai and other people searched out and collected materials on agriculture from old documents to compile 78 volumes of the Encyclopedia of Issuing Almanac . This book included eight sections on the order of nature, different soils for different grains, seeds of grains, civil construction, encouragement and rebuke, accumulation, silkworm breeding and mulberry growing, and the slack farming season. These two books were published in the name of an imperial order and had a great influence on agricultural development in the Qing Dynasty. In the Qing Dynasty, there were some intellectuals living in the country who participated in and observed the process of agricultural production and wrote a number of valuable works on agriculture. Among them, Zhang Lixiang in the early Qing Dynasty wrote the Supplement to the Book on Agriculture . This book systematically recorded all kinds of specific measures of farm management and agricultural production technologies in the region of south of the Yangtze River in the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty. It inherited the good tradition of intensive and careful cultivation of agriculture. It paid attention to crop cultivation systems, and emphasized deep plowing and drying thoroughly in the sun, application of adequate manure, cultivation of strong seedlings, and reasonably close planting. It also stipulated weeding, intertillage after manuring, drying paddy field in sunshine, insect prevention, harvesting, collection and other methods in detail. “He exercised all farm works and can tell their reasons.”64 Another agriculturist Chen Haozi wrote the Flower Mirror . It records the varieties and cultivation methods of more than three hundred flowers and fruit trees and is the first existing gardening book in our country. He stressed that “human power can reverse the situation” and artificial culture can change the characteristics of plants. He also made a new exploration of the role and principles of plant grafting. He said that “all trees must be grafted, which really has a reason. A plant with small flowers can be changed to one with a big

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flower, a plant with univalve flowers can be changed to one with multiplicate flowers, a plant with red flowers can be changed to one with purple flowers, a plant with small fruit can be changed to one with big fruit, a plant with a sour and bitter flavor can be changed to one with a sweet flavor, and a foul-smelling plant can be changed to a fragrant one. These are the examples by which human power can reverse the situation. The reason lies in grafting.” In addition Yang Shen, a teacher from a village school in Xingping County, Shaanxi participated in agricultural production for long time and wrote a book entitled Zhi ben ti gang . He studied crop farming, gardening, sericulture, arboriculture and animal husbandry, and made a detailed description of various agricultural production technologies to teach students. Another book of his, Bin feng guang yi , summed up his experiences in mulberry planting and silkworm rearing in Shaanxi and gave a detailed description of mulberry varieties, mulberry planting and pruning techniques, silkworm choice, silkworm breeding time, silkworm raising methods, silk reeling, and silk tapestry. The principle of treatment in accordance with time, place and local conditions runs through this book.

Weapon manufacturing and daily technology In the late Ming Dynasty, Western artillery was introduced to China. It was an important weapon with strong power capable of mass destruction when assaulting strong defensive installation and in field war. Before entering the Pass, the Qing army had captured weapon from the armies of the Ming Dynasty and could copy manufacture such weapons. After entering the Pass, the Qing court attached great importance to weapon manufacturing because they were in a war environment for a long time. In the early years of the Shunzhi period, the Eight Banners camped in Beijing all had artillery factories and powder factories. In the fighting between the Qing Dynasty and the Southern Ming Dynasty, the armies of Wu Sangui, Kong Youde, Geng Zhongming, Shang Kexi and other people, which served as the vanguard, had a large number of firearms. They used firearms to attack strong battle positions and swept away all obstacles. In the rebellion of the three seigniors, as the armies of Wu Sangui had many cannons, the Qing armies were repeatedly defeated. Therefore Emperor Kangxi ordered the missionary Ferdinand Verbiest to supervise the manufacture of light cannons suitable for fighting in the mountainous regions in the south. He “ordered Ferdinand Verbiest to do his best to study and think up good methods for manufacturing light artillery emplacements for use in high mountains and deep water.”65 Ferdinand Verbiest made many types of artillery emplacements and was much praised by Emperor Kangxi. Emperor Kangxi went to the

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Lugouqiao Artillery Park many times to inspect drill and firing of artillery and the performance of the artillery manufactured. One drill and training in 1681 (the 20th year of the Kangxi period) lasted for three months. During this drill and training artillerymen from the Eight Banners fired a total of more than rounds of 21,000 live ammunition, and several artillery pieces remained undamaged after firing three or four hundred cannonballs. Emperor Kangxi was very satisfied, so he rewarded the commanders-in-chief and artillerymen of the “Eight Banners” and bestowed a mink fur coat on Ferdinand Verbiest. In the early years of the Kangxi period, many cannons were manufactured. These cannons played a significant role in crusading against the three seigniors, fighting against the invasion of Russia and putting down the rebellion of Galdan. In the early Qing Dynasty there was an outstanding firearms expert named Dai Zi. He was from Renhe, Zhejiang (now Hangzhou). During the period of putting down rebellions of the three seigniors he joined the army as a commoner and invented the “lian zhu tong ” (an early form of machine gun) and the “chong tian pao ” (an early form of flying bomb). The lian zhu tong is “like a pipa. Powder and lead balls are stored in the ridge of the rifle and are opened and closed with a mechanical reel. There are two triggers linked up like male and female. When one trigger is triggered, powder and lead balls fall into the canister automatically, the second trigger moves with it, and stone strikes fire to send the bullet. After all the twenty-eight bullets are sent, bullets were reloaded.” 66 Such firearms, which could be continuously fired, have a similar structure principle with the modern machine gun. The chong tian pao is also called a “cluster bomb”. The barrel was only two chi and five cun long and 375 kg in weight. The path of bomb is curved. The bomb is like a melon. It is powerful and has a long striking distance. “The child is in the womb. The mother sends the child out. It falls down from the sky and shatters into pieces. It is irresistible.”67 Emperor once tried it in person and granted this bomb the title of “General Weiyuan”, and ordered that the name of Dai Zi, the manufacturer, be inscribed on it. Firearms manufacture was in fashion for a time. However after the middle Kangxi period the country was peaceful for a long time, largescale fierce wars were reduced, and the Qing court did not pay attention to the improvement and development of weapons. In the Yongzheng period, “because the Manchu traditionally attach great importance to riding and archery, it might specially exercise the shotgun and neglect the bow and arrow.”68 More emphasis was placed on the bow, arrow, broadsword and lance than on firearms. Firearms manufacturing increasingly declined. In the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty, some western machinery manufacturing principles and daily technologies were also introduced to China.

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They caused interest among intellectuals and artisans, and imitations constantly appeared. In the early Qing Dynasty Sun Yunqiu, a folk handicraft artist from Suzhou, used crystal as raw material for grinding lenses to make eyeglasses for the short-sighted and spectacles for the farsighted. He was the founder of optical manufacturing in Suzhou. He also made a “thousand-li scope” (telescope) to have try out on the Tiger Hill. “Looking at buildings, pagodas and yards in the town is like a connected table and mat. Tianping, Lingyan, Qionglong and other peaks are steep, irregular and verdant. All the manifestations of nature are seen.”69 He summed up his experiences of mirror making to write the History of Mirror . Unfortunately, this book has been lost. In the early Qing Dynasty Huang Lizhuang, a young scientist from Jiangsu, manufactured and imitated many Hwang Chuang Lu was based on Western principles of mechanics, manufacturing, and imitation of much automatic machinery and equipment such as the mechanical bicycle, telescope, microscope, clinical thermometer, thermometer, Ruiguang light and multi-level spiral waterwheel in accordance with Western mechanical principles. The light from a big Ruiguang light with a diameter of five or six chi he invented could radiate for several li at night. He also made a “dryness and humidity checker. It had an indicator inside which could turn left and right. When it is dry, the indicator would turn left, and when it is humid, the indicator would turn right. The result was perfectly accurate, and it can also forecast weather.” 70 Unfortunately these inventions were regarded as “petty skills”, not to be taken seriously, and were soon lost. In the early Qing Dynasty, in some regions of China, mechanical principles were used to manufacture farming machines such as the “wooden ox” used in Guangdong. It was recorded that: “the wooden ox is a machine used for ploughing. It is dragged by two gin poles with a winch each. A six-zhang rope is tied in the winch, and an iron ring is fixed in the rope to serve as drag hook threading the plough. When using the wooden ox, one person holds up the plough, two persons sit on the sitting rack face to face. When it advances, the land is plowed in one direction, and when it is turned around, the land is plowed in the opposite direction. A hand has the power of two oxen. This wooden ox is the best farming instrument.”71 Some people introduced Western waterwheels and windmills and explained their structures and functions. “It is made of a wooden pillar divided into eight parts, with a diameter of six or seven cun and orange sections like a helix encircle out of the pillar. When the waterwheel is obliquely placed in the water and revolved, water is induced into the waterwheel and then the waterwheel is put on land and revolved by a windmill.” “Several mu of land can be irrigated by one person. It improves agriculture.” 72 During the Jiaqing period Xu Chaojun from Huating was

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good at astronomy and mathematics. He tried to make a dragon-tail cart for irrigation. “A cart is carried by a child to fill and draw off water. There is no labor of treading while standing or treading while sitting.”73 However, because China was under the feudal system, there was a large rural population and it did not need new technologies, scattered reforms of agricultural instruments of production were soon produced and soon disappeared, and could not be popularized. Xu Chaojun also studied the chime clock. He wrote the principle of clocks into the Gao Meng hou qiu , which is the first book on clocks in China. In the Daoguang period, Jingjing ling chi by Zheng Fuguang introduced the lens principle and the manufacture of prisms, telescopes and other optical equipments. It was a systematic optical work. There was a female scientist who studied astronomy, mathematics and physics and who personally manufactured all kinds of instruments. The “thousand-li scope” (telescope) was quite novel. “Put a scope on a square casket, and look into the scope under the sun. You can see the scene a few miles away, which is as vivid as a drawing.”74 In summary, after Western science and technology were introduced to China in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, a lot of clever and intelligent people worked hard to study them intensively, developed and recreated them, and achieved some valuable results. Unfortunately, in the feudal society, this research work was considered as “clever tricks and wicked craft” and could not be advocated, promoted, applied and passed down. Thus these inventions emerged and perished without outside interference. Most of them were not handed down and were not well-known. Today, only fragments can be known about them from scattered records.

Construction In the early Qing Dynasty, with the enhancement of political unity and development of the economy and culture, government, landowners and businessmen went in for large-scale construction. Construction of palaces, gardens and temples were all the rage. Engineering and architectural art reached a very high level. In the early years of the Kangxi period, due to a conflagration in the Imperial palace, the Hall of Supreme Harmony was rebuilt and expanded. According to the design of Liang Jiu the original 9-jian building was changed into an 11-jian building. This was the main hall in the Imperial palace. It is imposing, solemn, palatial and magnificent. There are all kinds of lacquer paintings and jeweled embellishments in the hall. It is the largest and most majestic wooden structure building in China. In the Qing Dynasty, the Imperial palace was expanded many times. It had ring upon ring of halls and

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pavilions, layer upon layer of high buildings, houses of a thousand doors, and grand scenes, forming a large and spectacular building complex. In the early Qing Dynasty, Liang Jiu, a famous craftsman, was designer and supervisor of building of the Imperial palaces. “All the works built in the Imperial palace were supervised and managed by Liang Jiu.” Before starting construction, Liang Jiu first made a model on a reduced scale. The work was carried out in accordance with the model. “In the 34th year of the Kangxi period, the Hall of Supreme Harmony was rebuilt. Liang Jiu hand-made a wooden hall with cun as chi and chi as zhang . The model was only several chi in size. It was a house of a dignitary having all the right scale. The construction was carried out in accordance with the model and had no mistakes.” 75 In Beijing city, the three hai (Zhonghai, Nanhai and Beihai) adjacent to the palace were places for the emperors to seek pleasure, enjoy a feast, and have a rest. The Haidian area in the northwest suburb of Beijing had lakes and rivers connected with each other, verdant trees and reflected remote mountains. It was a natural scenic spot. The rulers of the Qing Dynasty embarked on large-scale construction here. After long-term management and construction, many large and small gardens were formed. Among them the most famous ones were five gardens and three hills, namely Jingyi Garden and the Fragrant Hill, Jingming Garden and Jade Spring Hill, Garden of Clear Ripples and Longevity Hill, Changchun Garden and Yuanmingyuan Garden. Fig. 12.7.

Hall of Supreme Harmony in the Forbidden City

After putting down the rebellion of the three seigniors, the Qing court built the Changchun Garden (located to the west of the current West Gate of Peking University), the first imperial garden in the northern part of Haidian town.

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The Wangquan River flowed at the side of this garden. In the garden there was broad water. Along the waterside all kinds of buildings were arranged, trees and flowers were planted, and birds and fish were raised. It was a place for Emperor Kangxi to seek pleasure and handle state affairs. In 1860 it was burned down by the Anglo-French Allied Armies. The first garden in the Qing Dynasty was the Yuanmingyuan Garden. It lay to the north of the Changchun Garden and was originally the “Bestowed Garden”, lived in by Yongzheng when he was a prince. After ascending to the throne, Emperor Yongzheng had it expanded. After that there were 150 years of building and expansion, and much manpower and resources were spent to an imperial garden on a very large scale. The garden covered an area of 5,200 mu including the original Yuanmingyuan and later merged with the Garden of Everlasting Spring and the Garden of Gorgeous Spring (Garden of Ten Thousand Springs). On a large area of flat land lakes were dug, water was diverted, hills were piled up and stones were laid. The whole garden used waterscape as the theme. Meandering channels and streams connected large and small lakes in series. Among them there were artificial hills, mounds, stone banks, islands and many palaces, buildings and pavilions. They were strewn at random and were beautiful, majestic and distinguished, or had poetic and pictorial splendor and natural wonders, or were plain, clean and elegant with lofty conception. To the north of the Garden of Everlasting Spring there was also a group of Western-style buildings and fountains, which were designed by foreign missionaries Castiglione, Benoist Michael and Jean Denis Attiret, who supervised the construction, in accordance with Western architectural theories and styles. All kinds of trees, bamboos, exotic flowers and rare herbs were planted throughout the garden, forming many colorful and wonderful landscapes in thousands of scenes. Among the landscapes, the most famous ones were the “forty scenes in the Yuanmingyuan”. The whole garden reflected the essence of the ancient garden building art of China and was honored as the “garden of the garden”. Emperor Qianlong also proudly boasted that “among regions with natural treasures and kobolds and recreation places of emperors and kings, none is better than it.” Another famous garden was the Garden of Clear Ripples in the western suburbs, which was the predecessor of the Summer Palace. Originally there was a mound known as Wangshan. In front of the mound the water of the Jade Spring and other watercourses converged to form a broad lake with the name of West Lake, which had always been a place of recreation of the common people. In the Ming Dynasty the imperial family built some scattered buildings here. In 1751 (the 16th year of the Qianlong period), in order to celebrate the 60th

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birthday of his mother Niuhulushi, Emperor Qianlong started architectural works here on a large scale to build the Garden of Clear Ripples and renamed Wangshan as Longevity Hill and West Lake as Kunming Lake. The engineering lasted for 15 years and cost nearly 4.50 million taels of silver. The halls, palaces and pavilions on the front hill of the Garden of Clear Ripples, the Long Corridor and the Marble Boat were generally similar to the layout of the current Summer Palace. After being damaged by the Anglo-French Allied Armies, they were ordered to be rebuilt by Empress Dowager Cixi, but many of architectural forms and names were changed. The building complex and landscape on the rear hill have not been restored and are still in ruins. In addition to many imperial gardens built in the northwest of Beijing in the middle of the Qing Dynasty, a summer resort mogul was also built in Chengde. The Chengde area has rolling hills, beautiful scenery and a cool climate, and is a summer resort. Chengde also has abundant water sources and hot springs, so it was called Rehe (Hot River). In 1703 (the 42nd year of the Kangxi period) a large-scale detached palace, covering an area of more than 8,000 mu , began to be built here. The work was basically completed in the last year of the Qianlong period. It took more than 80 years to complete. Its architectural practices simulated the natural geographic features in different places throughout the country, and concentrated and integrated features of gardens in both the north and the south. It included grassland scenery with rich grass, long forests, flying eagles and calling deer, enjoyable and pleasant mountainous scenes with rugged rocks and winding multi-peaked mountains, and southern scenery with exquisite pavilions and a landscape of lakes and moonlight. The mountain villa was strikingly characterized by hills with lofty mountains. It covered a broad area and was the skeleton of the entire garden structure. The scenes from the villa were arranged according to the mountain, were in picturesque disorder, and were coupled with winding water and clear water in the lake area. The buildings in the garden including palaces, verandas, bridge pavilions, temples, pagodas and stone tablets in a variety of forms. Most of the buildings did not have colored drawings and did not use glazed tiles. They were refined, and simple but elegant, unlike the open-bay palaces in the Imperial palace in Beijing. Emperor Kangxi and Qianlong often lived in the Summer Resort Mogul to handle state affairs, hold grand ceremonies and receive ministers, leaders of minority groups and representatives from other countries. It became the second political center at the time. Around the Summer Resort Mogul there was a magnificent temple complex known as the “Outer Eight Temples” (in fact there were 11 temples, only 7 of which have survived). It combined the architectural styles of various

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nationalities of China, and reflected rich and diversified religious art. Among them the Putuo Zongsheng Temple copied the Potala Palace occupied by Dalai Lama in Lhasa, the Shuxiang Temple copied the Shuxiang Temple on Mount Wutai, which was used to enshrine and worship Manjusri Bodhisattva, and the Xuguang Ge in the Pule Temple copied the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvest in the Temple of Heaven. These temples were built to host upper–class people from minority groups for their appreciation or accommodation. They reflected the combination of multinational architectural styles, showed the wisdom of the ancient working people of various ethnic groups, and reflected the grand history of unity and development of a multinational country in the middle Qing Dynasty. In design and supervision of the building of imperial construction works there was a person with remarkable talent named Lei Fada (1619–1693, the 47th year of the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty to the 32nd year of the Kangxi period of the Qing Dynasty), who lived in the same period as artisan Liang Jiu. The native place of Lei Fada was in Nankang, Jiangxi. Later he moved to Nanjing. He liked bricklaying and carpentry skills, and worked hard to study design, drawing and engineering technologies from childhood. In the early Kangxi period, he was ordered to go to the capital to participate in the design and building of the imperial palace. Later he worked as director of the “style house” of the Ministry of Works. Thus he accumulated rich experiences and summarized a set of architectural design technologies. These technologies were passed down generation after generation. Lei Fada and his five generations of descendents were in charge of the “style house” and successively served as engineering designers of the Imperial Palace, three hai , Yuanmingyuan, Jade Spring Hill, Fragrant Hill, Summer Palace and Eastern and Western Tombs of the Qing Dynasty. They were called the “Style Lei”.

Medicine and pharmacology In the Qing Dynasty traditional Chinese medicine and pharmacology had some development, which was shown in progress in medicine and the science of prescription, the formation of an epidemic febrile disease school, the achievements of various clinical departments, etc. (1) Discussion and study of medical theory: the physicians in the Qing Dynasty did much work on commentaries and elucidations of medical books such as the Inner Scripture, Classic of Questioning, Treatise on Febrile Diseases and Essential Prescriptions of the Golden Chamber . The Variorum of Plain Questions and Variorum of Miraculous Pivot by Zhang Zhichong (with the

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courtesy name of Yinan, from Qiantang, Zhejiang) used the principle of only pondering and apprehending the meanings of the classic books and not seeking flowery language, 76 and expounded a number of difficult problems ignored or avoided by physicians in the past. The Explanations of the Classic of Questioning by Xu Dachun (1693–1771, with the courtesy name of Lingtai, literary name of Huixilaoren in his later years, from Wujiang, Jiangsu) used argumentations from the Inner Scripture to explain the Classic of Questioning . “Commentaries and explanations were in accordance with the text; debate and textual criticism were on the basis of the Inner Scripture ”. 77 It “checked and explained difficult questions”78 very well, “deeply thought about, apprehended and knew the book thoroughly,”79 and often had unique opinions on channels and collaterals, internal organs and other functions concerned in the Classic of Questioning. Shang lun pian by Yu Chang (about 1585 to 1664, with the courtesy name of Jiayan, from Xinjian (now Nanchang, Jiangxi) was a book studying the Treatise on Febrile Diseases by Zhang Zhongjing. It first stated the general ideas of the Treatise on Febrile Diseases , secondly debated the shortcomings of the order arrangement by Wang Shuhe and the checks and annotation by Lin Yi and Cheng Wuji, and then used each of the six classes as a chapter. Its compendiums are clear and have good order and reason. It can “find profound and subtle places of in Zhongjing, add to and correct the omissions by Shuhe, add wit, and obtain a wonderful interpretation.”80 Typhoid Lysol by Ke Qin (1662–1735, with the courtesy name of Yinbo and literary name of Si Feng) and Typhoid Beads by You Yi (?–1749, with the courtesy name of Zaijing and literary name of Zhuowu) not only had ideas on the methods and study of Zhang Zhongjing but also had guiding significance for clinical proof and treatment. In addition, the Gist of Essential Prescriptions of the Golden Chamber and the Wings of the Golden Chamber by You Yi are works necessary for reading the Golden Chamber . The first book added repeated explorations to the Golden Chamber and had many understandings of its “profound content”. The latter book was “to supplement things not included in the Golden Chamber , and can really assist the Golden Chamber .” 81 The physicians in the Qing Dynasty had different opinions and heated arguments on writing, collation and interpretations of the texts of the classics, but the results of such debates were beneficial to exploration of China’s medical treasure trove and were conducive to the development of the traditional theory of medicine. (2) Progress in medicine and the science of prescription: in the Qing Dynasty, pharmacology had some development and in particular new varieties constantly appeared, so there was the Supplement to the Essentials of Materia Medica written by Zhao Xuemin (1719–1805, with the courtesy name of Yiji and

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literary name of Suxuan, from Qiantang (now Hangzhou, Zhejiang) after the Essentials of Materia Medica by Li Shizhen. The Supplement entered a total of 921 medicines, of which 716 medicines were new medicines which were not included in the Essentials of Materia Medica . Regarding classification, the two sections of vines and flowers were added and the people section was deleted, and the section on metal and stone was divided into two parts. Thus it had 12 sections, which was more reasonable than the classification in the Essentials of Materia Medica . This book also corrected some mistakes in the Essentials of Materia Medica . After Zhao Xuemin, Plant Names and Actual Drawings by Wu Qijun (1789–1847, with the courtesy name of Lunzhai, from Gushi, Henan) was a specialized work of medicinal botany. This book had 38 volumes in total and collected 1714 plants divided into 12 categories. Shape, color, nature, taste, place of origin and function of each plant were written down in detail, an illustration of each plant was drawn, and the medicinal value of each plant was stated. In this book the different names of a plant or the same name for different plants were checked and corrected, and some mistakes in meteria medicas in the past were also rectified. The opinions of this book were great original ideas. Some physicians also wrote some practical herbal medicine books, which started from extensiveness and finally reached conciseness. For example, the Essentials of Materia Medica (there was a revised and expanded edition later) by Wang Ang (with the courtesy name of Ren An) in accordance with the Essentials of Materia Medica and other works included more than 460 medicines with more than 400 illustrations. For each medicine there was “both its functions and shortcomings, making people understand by reading.” 82 Later, based on this book, Wu Yiluo (with the courtesy name of Zuncheng) wrote the New Compilation of Materia Medica including 720 medicines to expand on items not included in the Essentials of Materia Medica . On the science of prescription there were many new works in the Qing Dynasty. Both the Collection of Prescriptions by Wang Ang and Practical Prescriptions by Wu Yiluo are works guiding clinical application by selecting and collecting effective prescriptions proved by them and stating the theories of prescriptions in details. Both Prescription Directions in Verse by Wang Ang and Prevailing Prescriptions in Verse by Chen Nianzu (with the courtesy name of Xiuyuan) are prescription books helpful to beginners, which are easy to read and recite. Needlework of Materia Medica Prescriptions by Cai Liexian, Category Prescriptions of the Essentials of Materia Medica by Nian Xiyao and Wanfang lei bian by Cao Shengyan are prescription books for clinical testing, search and reference, which have prescriptions appended in the Essentials of Materia Medica organized in accordance with categories of diseases. Chuan ya

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(Internal and External) written by Zhao Xuemin by deleting and revising the prescriptions of Zhao Baiyun, a walking doctor, searched out secret recipes and proven recipes including by endotherapy, external treatment and other methods. Most of these prescriptions were “cheap”, “effective” and “convenient”, which met the needs of the people, and made a valuable contribution to the organization and preservation of folk medical experiences. (3) Formation of an epidemic febrile diseases school: Epidemic febrile diseases include infectious and non-infectious fever diseases. Based on accumulated rich knowledge on epidemic febrile diseases, a systematic theory on dialectic treatment of epidemic febrile diseases was produced in the medical field in the Qing Dynasty, forming the epidemic febrile diseases school. The people with the greatest influence include Ye Gui, Wu Tang and Wang Shixiong. Fig. 12.8.

Portrait of Ye Gui

Both the grandfather and father of Ye Gui (1667–1746, with the courtesy name of Tianshi, from Wu County, Jiangsu) were medical practitioners. Ye Gui studied medicine. He learned from 17 persons respectively. His theories and experiences were very rich. His prescriptions did not follow prejudices and had miraculous treatment effects. “Regarding difficult diseases, he used a treatment method from his daily experience, or slightly changed the medicine-taking methods of other doctors’ prescriptions, or did not give medicines but asked patients to use diets as treatment, or predicted disease when a person had no disease and his prejudgments came true after a few of years.” 83 Ye Tianshi's main achievement was that he further summarized the experiences of his

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predecessors. On Warm Heat Diseases explained the development of warm heat diseases with the basis of theory and discrimination. Wu Tang (1736–1820, with the courtesy name of Jutong, from Huaiyin, Jiangsu) was another doctor of epidemic febrile disease. He originally learned from Ye Tianshi. He “collected and compiled works of famous doctors in the past to compose a book by absorbing the essence, rejecting the dross and adding his opinions and tests”84 entitled Treating Epidemic Febrile Disease . This book first cites scriptural texts and the origin of epidemic febrile disease, secondly describes treatments of nine epidemic febrile diseases including wind epidemic febrile disease and warm epidemic febrile disease, and then appends various opinions, resuscitation methods, recuperation after disease, recuperation after delivery, pediatrics and other chapters. This book boasts distinct graduations and rigorous content. Someone commented on the book as follows: “its prescriptions are concise and precise, and its illustrations are magnanimous”85 Later Wang Shixiong (with the courtesy name of Mengying) compiled the Longitude and Latitude of Warm Heat Diseases , in which the first part uses illustrations in the Inner Inscriptions and On Typhoid as longitude and the later part collects the works of Ye Tiansji and other four persons as latitude, and the notes of Zhang Nan and other persons as well as the author’s opinions are appended. In this way it compiles scattered works of different schools on warm heat diseases into one book, and its collection is precise and appropriate, so it is convenient for learners and had a great influence. (4) Achievements of clinical departments: in the Qing Dynasty various clinical departments made some achievements and there were works on Chinese medicine exploring parts of the human body organs. In the Qing Dynasty there were many doctors who were proficient in inner medicine, chirurgery, gynaecology and pediatrics, who compiled and issued some comprehensive medical works. For example the Treatment of Zhang Family by Zhang Lu was “compiled by collection and compromise”86 of prescriptions of famous doctors of previous generations. The first 12 volumes include 16 sections from strokes to babies. In every case, illustrations from the Inner Inscriptions and the Golden Chamber are listed first, then the doctrines of different people are quoted, and finally treatment solutions are attached. The last four volumes are discussions on prescriptions for various sections which include 94 sections in total. Although most of the prescriptions and main effects of treatment were from his predecessors, his own opinions were used as reference and for decisions. The Shen’s Health Book by Shen Jinao, including medicine, types of pulse, typhoid fever, miscellaneous diseases and the like, was prepared over decades by collecting the theories and methods of

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various schools, studying and reviewing their meanings and aims, mutually checking and correcting, and expressing his opinions. This book summarized clinical experiences and was characterized by attaching importance to Qigong therapy. The Golden Mirror of Medicine mainly prepared by Wu Qian together with others had 90 volumes in total, including Annotations to Corrections on Typhoid Theory, Annotations to Synopsis of the Golden Chamber, On Deleting and Supplementing Prescriptions of Famous Doctors and skills and knacks such as four diagnoses, directing strength through concentration to a part of body, typhoid, miscellaneous diseases, gynecology, pediatrics, small pox, vaccination, chirurgery, acupuncture, ophthalmology and bone setting. The book was prepared by deleting and correcting theories of different schools in the past. It is an important reference book with clinic evidence using excellent drawings and texts, which systematically illustrates differentiation and treatments of various sections, has comprehensive content, drawings, theories and formulas put into verse, making it easy for learners to explore and study and making it convenient to recite and study. People commented on this book as follows: “most parts seek for precision and adequacy, do not uphold unusuality and irregularity; the language is not pompose but plain and easy; ancient prescriptions are considered to make current prescriptions accurate, and trifles are deleted and important points are abstracted. Among ancient and current medical books, this book integrates the great achievements.”87 The Classified Treatment by Lin Peiqin (with the courtesy name of Yunhe and literary name of Xitong, from Danyang, Jiangsu) is a work focusing on internal medicine and also has a brief discussion on chirurgery, gynecology and miscellaneous diseases. It adopts the advantages of different schools, and its choice is very prudent. Moreover medical cases are affixed, so it is very practical. The Corrections on the Errors of Medical Works by Wang Qingren (1768–1831, with the courtesy name of Xuncheng, from Yutian, Hebei) is worth noting. He deeply understood the importance of the organs. He said: “is it not idiotic nonsense that one writes a medical book but does not know the internal organs? It is no different from the blind walking at night if one does not know the internal organs when treating diseases.” 88 He boldly doubted arguments on physiology and pathology in ancient books. For this reason went to graves and execution grounds to observe the organs of corpses in person, and compared human organs with animal organs. Thus he found that there were many differences between internal organs and what was drawn in ancient books. Accordingly he drew what he had observed over 42 years in the Corrected Drawings of Internal Organs Observed in Person , which was collected in the Corrections on the Errors of Medical Works together with other medical arguments. In this book, Wang Qingren

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raised the opinion that “intelligent memory is in the brain instead of in the heart.”89 In addition, he also corrected some mistakes on internal organs written by ancient people. In the Corrections on the Errors of Medical Works , according to his understanding of qi and blood, he originated some prescriptions for nourishing qi and invigorating the circulation of blood, with good treatment effects. Fig. 12.9.

Portrait of Wang Qingren

In chirurgery, A Collection of Chirurgic Evidence and Treatment by Wang Weide (about 1669–1749, with the courtesy name of Hongxu, from Wu County, Jiangsu) was a major achievement. This book publicized the chirurgic experiences passed on for four generations in his family. Wang held that: “there is evidence for carbuncle and ulcer being fatal. Carbuncle is from excessive yang and poison stagnation resulted from hot qi and blood. Ulcer is from deficient yin and poison coagulation resulted from chilly qi and blood. For both of them the natural fiber line of meat should be opened and deficiency and excess of a patient’s yin and yang should be judged.”90 His theory had never been issued before. He also advocated that “at the beginning of treatment, disinfection is prized, delay is bad, and especially knife, needle and toxicant should not be used.” 91 The famous prescriptions he created, such as Yanghe Soup and pill of cow-bezoar, had good treatment effect and were highly thought of by the medical world. Later Collection of Chirurgery Pass by Ma Peizhi made a supplement and development to A Collection of Chirurgic Evidence and

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Treatment and was more practical. Ulcer Treatment Gains by Gao Bingjun was good for treating chirurgic diseases from the perspective of internal medicine, attaching importance to discrimination and emphasizing different treatments for different diseases, which had some merits. In the Qing Dynasty the book which had a great influence on gynaecology was Fu Qingzhu Gynaecology by Fu Shan. All kinds of gynaecological diseases were discussed in this book. The methods used in the book were mainly reconciling qi and blood, and nourishing the spleen and stomach. It contains opinions on diseases and special prescriptions for medicine. This book is a standard for dialectic treatment of gynaecological diseases. In the Qing Dynasty, clinical experiences in pediatrics was richer, and the number of comprehensive works on pediatrics and monographs on measles, small pox, infantile convulsion and other diseases increased. The Iron Mirror on Pediatrics by Xia Ding (with the courtesy name of Yuzhu) contained very clear discrimination and analysis of the actual symptoms in pediatrics. The Integration of Pediatrics by Chen Fuzheng (with the courtesy name of Feixia) “includes the main points on causes and treatment of diseases in infants from fetus to baby.” 92 His theory had unique penetrating views. These two works made a comprehensive exposition on all kinds of symptoms of and treatments for pediatric diseases. (5) Other respects: due to advances in printing technology, large medical books and many collections were compiled and published in the Qing Dynasty. Among them the Complete Collection of Medicine of The Integration of Ancient and Modern Books has a total of 520 volumes, which compiled and collected more than 100 kinds of medicine books from the Inner Scripture to medicine books in the early Qing Dynasty. It has rich content, systematic narration and reasonable arguments on various aspects, and is a medical document collection with high reference value.

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Chapter

The Intensification of Social Contradictions and Decadence of the Ruling Class

A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

Land Annexation, Population Growth and Natural Disasters The intensification of land annexation In the late period of the Ming Dynasty and the early period of the Qing Dynasty, the economy had been seriously damaged by the long term chaos caused by the war. The population had decreased sharply and the land was barren due to the heavy tax. The annexation of land was not a very serious situation. After the 18th century, in about the middle reign of Emperor Kangxi, the whole nation was united and large-scale battles had come to an end. Since the Qing regime had stabilized and the social economy had recovered and developed. At that time the earnings from the land increased and the tax decreased relatively. With the impact of the commodity-monetary economy, the transfer of land and the annexation of land became popular. Landlords, bureaucrats and merchants bought land through various means. We will analyze the trend and features of the land annexation of that time province by province. The land in Jiangsu Province and the south of Jiangsu was fertile and the climate there was favorable. The abundant produce made the place prosperous. Since there were few people and a vast amount of land, many high officials and noble lord settled here and the extent of land annexation was the most serious in the country. Let us take Suzhou as an example. Many remnant royal family of the Ming Dynasty and the upstarts of the Qing Dynasty lived here and claimed the land. In the early reign of Emperor Kangxi, Wang Yongkang, the son-inlaw of Wu Sangui the Pingxi marquise bought “3,000 mu of land” in Suzhou and “occupied a large mansion” using his privileges. The place was called “the humble administrator’s garden in the Qihua Gate.”1 Zhao Xia, the bodyguard of Wu Sangui, was an arrogant and imperious landlord in Suzhou and he once compared in wealth with Zhu Mingyu, a big landlord in Yangshan.2 In the late years of the Kangxi reign Xu Qianxue, a big bureaucrat, usurped thousands of mu of land in Kunshan. 3 After the Kangxi reign, the transfer of land and the buying and selling of land increased. The landlord class fought violently for the land. There was a saying in the local area: “a piece of land will be occupied by many families within a century.” In the reign of Emperor Qianlong, a piece of land would be occupied by several landlords within a decade. “The rich got richer and the poor got poorer.”4 In the reign of Emperor Qianlong, Fan Zhiyan, a bureaucrat in Wuxian County “occupied over 1,800 mu land and 100 mansions within three decades.”5 In the reign of Emperor Daoguang “the land in Yuanhe

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County was occupied by big families.” 6 Shen Maode, a landlord in Wujiang County, “owned over 10,000 mu of land. 7 In the early period of the Qing Dynasty, the land in Changshu County was annexed by imperious families. “There was a landlord who occupied several jia of land (1 jia equals 337 mu ).”8 Someone has pointed out that the occupation of land in Suzhou before the First Opium War meant that “some of the land was calculated by 10,000 mu and some of the land was calculated by thousands of mu .”9 “The land in one county was separated.”10 Songjiang was as rich as Suzhou in the Yangtze River delta. Since the Ming and Qing Dynasty, the heavy land tax in Suzhou and Songjiang had become a serious social problem. At the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, many people were imprisoned for delay in tax payments, “which caused people to be cautious about owning land.” But after the reign of Emperor Kangxi the tax was alleviated and the annexation of land became popular. In the reign of Emperor Qianlong, one mu of the land in Jianshan County was worth 20,000 to 40,000 wen . There were landlords who owned tens of thousands of mu of land. There was one family in Huanting County which owned thirty to forty thousand mu . Chongming island was isolated in the Yangtze River area and the land was barren, “the strong fished there and seized much land while the weak had nowhere to live.”11 Chen Zhaoyu, a big landlord, reclaimed 450 thousand mu of land from the sea. The vast area of the land was amazing, although most of it was sandy and alkaline land. The annexation of land in Changzhou was as popular as in Suzhou and Songjiang. Wuxi County was the richest area in the prefecture. Before the reign of Yongzheng, the land had become a burden due to the heavy tax. “Therefore people tended to abandon the land instead of purchasing land.” Afterwards the Qing regime “wrote off the previous debt and the burden of the people was lightened. The rise of the rice price meant more profit from the cultivation of land”. Thus in the reign of Qianlong, despite the increase in land price, “the value of the land was almost the same as in the reign of Yongzheng”. As purchasing land became popular, “there were more people purchasing land and less people abandoned the land.”12 In the reign of Daoguang and Jiaqing the land in Wuxi was fiercely centralized. “The rich and powerful families owned vast areas of land.”13 Most of the landlords who owned large amounts of land lived in the urban areas and sent people to the rural area to collect tax at the time of the harvest. Jiangyin County was located in the south of Yangtze River, and in the reign of Qianlong “farmers who had no land and labored for landlords has reached 50% to 60%.” Afterwards the land was further annexed, and the majority of farmers lost their land or owned little land and became tenant farmers or farm laborers. In the reign of Jiaqing and Daoguang, “the gap between the rich and the poor was larger and 90% of the poor worked

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for the rich.”14 The annexation of land in Jiangning Prefecture was fierce. Before the First Opium War, someone described the situation in Shangyuan County as “most of the land was occupied by the prosperous families.”15 Fig.13.1.

The contract for the sale of land by Xu Baichuan in the 9th year of the Qianlong reign

The economy of the Subei area lagged behind that of the south of the Yangtze River. Since there were two salt fields which were the gathering place of rich merchants, the trend of the purchase of the land was earlier than that of the Jiangnan area. In the early years of the Kangxi reign, “Rich people had occupied much land” in Andong County. Laozi town in Qinghe County “earned profit from fishing and rice growing”. “Merchants in Suzhou and Anhui sold salt and earned substantial profit. They purchased farmland and houses to benefit their offspring.”16 In the early years of the Daoguang reign Ding Yan, a small bureaucrat in Shanyang County, bought over 124 mu of farmland three times within half a year.17 Since the counties in Yangzhou were the location of the Huinan salt field, salt merchants “all purchased land” in the local area and competed for the Caodang salt field. There was a rhyme in Dongtai County: “In the reign of Qianlong, money was used to buy both house and farmland.”18

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In the reign of Qianlong, Gao Youzhou was “a bureaucrat and owned lots of lands.”19 In Haizhou, an autonomous prefecture located in the coastal area of the East China Sea, a landlord named Meng Sijian owned over 5,000 mu of land.”20 Tongshan County of Xuzhou was the hometown of Li Wei, the Zhejiang governor general in the reign of Yongzheng. Generation after generation of Li Wei’s family were landlords and his family was “the richest family” in the local area. After his death, his sons and grandsons still owned much land property left by their forebears.21 It can be seen that the overall trend of land annexation became more serious, despite the different extents of land concentration and different timings, since the reign of Kangxi. The trend covered both the rich area south of the Yangtze River and the less developed northern Jiangsu Province. Zhejiang was a rich and populous province. The land in Hangzhou, Jiaxing was especially fertile. Since many people lived here, the tilled land per capita was rather small and people lived on sideline production such as sericulture. But landlords and bureaucrats bought a lot of land here. In the reign of Emperor Kangxi, Gao Shiqi, a big bureaucrat, “opened a silk store” which had 400,000 liang silver as the capital in Pinghu. He also “purchased a thousand qing of land to construct grandiose projects and to repair the gardens”. “He bought houses and gardens in Xixi of Hangzhou.” 22 “The land around the city” of Pinghu County was either purchased by the “upstarts” with usury capital or seized by the “larger and powerful families”. In the late years of the Kangxi reign Li Chenchang, a bureaucrat “was born in a poor family” but after he was appointed as the official to monitor the salt dealings in Huaidong and Huaixi he owned “4,000 to 5,000 mu of rich farmland and tens of houses”23 in his hometown, Wangdian of Xiushui. Huzhou was famous for its “Hu silk”. The silk and satins in Jiangning, Suzhou and Guangzhou all used “Hu silk” as the thread. In the early period of the Qing Dynasty, counties in Huzhou were rich in mulberry and fibre. “Land was used to plant mulberry” and there was no land wasted. However there were many landlords in the area. For example Hu Dongqiao, a big landlord (who lived from the reign of Kangxi to the reign of Yongzheng) owned abundant fertile land in the suburb of Deqing County and “tens of qing of land in farther areas.” 24 The counties of Hangzhou were divided up by landlords and despotic gentry. Even the famous West Lake was used by the “despotic upstarts” and “villains” as “the dam for fish-farming and planting water chestnut”, and was then “appropriated to themselves.”25 Tangxi County of Jinhua was located in the mountainous areas of Zhejiang Province, and the peasants there “cultivated the farmland for the rich landlords or rented the land. Only ten percent of farmers worked their own land”26 during the reign of Emperor Kangxi. Before the First Opium War, people in Zhuji County of

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Shaoxing ranked the landlords as “elephant, cow, chicken and dog” according to the amount of land they owned. The landlords who owned over 10,000 mu of land were compared to elephants; the ones who owned over 1,000 mu were cows; the ones who owned several hundred mu were chickens; the ones who owned 100 to 200 mu were dogs. At that time there were “4 elephants, 8 cows, 36 chickens and 72 dogs.”27 In conclusion, at the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the land was deserted and the tax was heavy. Few people wanted to buy land and some landlords were burdened by their land. After the reign of Kangxi, the increase in population led to the annexation of land. “As the population increased, the worth of the land increased to several times than that of the previous years.”28 Compared with Jiangsu and Zhejiang, the natural conditions in Anhui were less favorable. Some counties were mountainous and the land in other counties was barren. The problem of land was quite serious in the early years of the Qing Dynasty. For example, the natural conditions in Anqing were favorable and the land was fertile. The land of Tongcheng County was “fertile and could grow lots of crops”. The hometown of Zhang Ying, who used to be a minister and grand secretary for many years, was Tongcheng. “He purchased thousands mu of land here.”29 Fang Bao said: “only 20% to 30% of land along the Yangtze River was owned by the people themselves. The other 70% to 80% of land was owned by rich merchants.”30 In the early years of the Qing Dynasty, “damaged by the battles, 90% of the land in Lujiang County was owned by the rich families. The rich became richer and the poor became poorer.” Before the Opium War, “more than half of the land was tilled by tenant farmers.”31 Huizhou and Ningguo, the two government offices in the south of Anhui were mountainous and barren, but the world-famous Xin’an merchants were born here. Most of the salt merchants in Huainan and Huaibei were from the two places. The eight salt merchants in Yangzhou such as Xiang Dingyuan, Bao Shufnag and Jiang Chun during the Kangxi reign were all from prosperous families. They occupied a great deal of land in their hometowns. According to Sheng Feng there were “more than ten thousand families and over 30,000 people” in the counties north of Huainan. The landlords there owned the land of the County and lived on the tax from the farmers”32 in the reign of Emperor Kangxi. There was a landlord whose family name was Ni who lived 20 miles southwest of Fuyang County in Yingzhou, north of Anhui. Before the Opium War the land of the Ni family occupied half of the County and Ni also had hundreds of qing of land in the neighboring counties. Hunan Province was a famous rice granary of our nation. At the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, people wandered about and scattered due to the war

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and there were few farmers. In the early years of the Kangxi reign, “the land was not worth much after the battles; landlords hired tenant farmers to work and worried that they would leave.” The annexation of land became more serious. In the later years of the Yongzheng reign, the price of the land rose sharply. “One qing of land was sold at 1,400 to 2,000 taels of gold.” In the reign of Qianlong, landlords who owned tens of thousands of gold were not regarded as rich. 33 There was more land and less people in Liuyang County and the taxes there were rather heavy. Landlords “would rather abandon the land to avoid the taxes”. After the middle of the Kangxi reign, the refugees of Guangdong Province fled to Liuyang and took the chance to reclaim the land. “Some reclaimed less than a hundred mu of land at most; some reclaimed over 70 mu of land at least.” “They worked all by themselves and the fruit of their labor all belonged to themselves.” 34 A group of small and middle landlords and land-holding peasant came into being. The landlords under Li Xiangkun of Changsha County broke up the family and lived apart out of obedience to their father in 1812. “Each of them collected over 600 dan of rice as taxes”. After Li Xingkun assumed an official position in Zhongzhou and was well-paid, he used his official salary to purchase land several times larger than before. After 30 years in 1840, their properties were combined. Compared with the property in the reign of Jiaqing, the land increased by five or six times, which was almost 10,000 dan of land.35 The landlords Deng Renxin and Deng Renen in Guiyang lived in the north of the autonomous prefecture and occupied a hundred qing of land. They were the richest in that area”. The Deng family used horses to carry the landbook, travelled and ate in the fields, and did no harm to either farmers or the crops.”36 From this we can see the vast amount of land owned. Liu Chongwei, a landlord in Hengyang, made his fortune by chopping down trees and earned the name “The most prosperous family”. During the Jiaqing years the Liu family invested in farmland and quickly became a big landlord whose offspring owned tens of thousands land.” 37 Ding Bingkun, a landlord in Wuling County of Changde Prefecture, owned over 4,000 mu of land in the reign of Emperor Daoguang.38 From the above, we can see that land annexation was rather fierce in Hunan Province in the middle reign of Kangxi. Guangdong Province was the most developed place for growing cash crops. In the earlier stage of the Qing Dynasty, the economic conditions of Guangdong Province surpassed those in the middle stage of the Ming Dynasty and those of the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River. Economic crops such as sugarcane, Chinese fan palm, mulberry, tobacco, tea tree, orange, pineapple, coconut, banana, longan, lychee and areca nut stretched to the horizon. There were many mountains and rivers but little farmland in Guangdong Province,

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which provided favorable conditions for growing economic crops. Therefore, ever since the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the landlord class scrambled for the land. For example, “big landlords who owned thousands of qing of land”39 had already come into being in the early years of the Kangxi reing in the Shunde County of Guangdong. In the reign of Emperor Qianlong, most of the people who owned farmland did not till the land themselves. The ones who tilled the land did not own the land and the land changed hands frequently. Farmers handed in the taxes in the same year or the previous year. “The land with less tax would be deprived by the landlord whose land with heavy tax.”40 In the reign of Emperor Qianlong, brothers He Fengxiang and He Fengxi bought a large area of land in Ding’an, Qiongzhou Prefecture. They planted over 50,000 areca-palm trees. They hired laborers to plant and harvest the areca nut or lent them to others.”41 In the reign of Emperor Daoguang, “most of the peasants in Guangning County, Zhaoqing Prefecture farmed for the rich landlords.” These rich landlords occupied a large amount of land. Some of them were the ‘old landlords who inherited the land” and some were the upstart small and middle landlords who “made their fortune and relied on themselves.” 42 The notable families and great clans in Xingning County, Jiaying Prefecture donated a lot of land to the “ancestral temple” in the reign of Jiaqing. Some donated “tens of mu ” and some donated “hundreds of mu .”43 We can see that the landlords owned much land. In the 17th year of the Qianlong reign Chen Dahuan from Hefu County, Lianzhou Prefecture rented a lot of land from landlords and employed workers to plant sugarcane. He set up a large-scale sugar workshop to do the decoction of sugar to sell. Chen quickly became the managing landlord and also engaged in industry.44 During the reigns of Qianlong and Jiaqing, the sandy land in the coastal counties of Guangdong was quickly reclaimed by local farmers. Some powerful and despotic families “occupied the mature land reclaimed by others”. “When harvest came, landlords led the hired thugs, sailed large boats, and held banners and weapons to grab the land.”45 This was a way for the landlord class in Guangdong to plunder farmers by using armed forces to seize the land. Such a phenomenon could be seen in all the coastal counties, and the situation in Shude and Xiangshan in the Pearl delta was the most serious. Sichuan Province had witnessed battles for several decades. The land was deserted and the population had sharply decreased. The war damage in Sichuan was more serious than in other provinces. Since the land was fertile and scarcely populated, it attracted many people from other provinces who had no land. Refugees fled to Sichuan from Hubei and Hunan. They settled there and reclaimed the land. Some peasants soon became middle and small

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landlords and a minority of peasants even became big landlords. Zeng Yuhu in Jintang, Chengdu Prefecture was born in Changle, Sichuan. “He came to Sichuan and settled in Jintang County.” His grandfather died early and his grandmother Chen brought up three sons through farming and purchased some land. Zeng’s father died early, his mother Li brought Zeng Yuhu up. “Li’s will was as firm as Chen’s but she worked even harder.” In the early years of the Jiaqing reign, when the White Lotus Society revolted, many landlords in Sichuan sold their land and fled. Li took the chance to “buy several hundred mu of land with her savings”. She employed people to farm and thus “made her fortune and became prosperous.” Zeng Yuhu “cooperated with Qi to hoard rice for speculation and earned a lot.” Zeng then became a big landlord and merchant. “Zeng became the most prosperous person in the area.”46 The story of Zeng was rather typical. In Sichuan and other areas there were many people who accumulated wealth for several generations and made a fortune through land and commerce, such as Dong Jiahui, the landlord of Hanzhou. Dong was born in Wugang, Hunan Province. His ancestor Dong Quanfeng made the arduous journey to Sichuan and settled in the camp of blacksmiths in Zhouzhi. He tilled and occupied farmland and it passed on to his offspring.” After five generations, Dong Jiahui “inherited 500 mu of land from his grandfather”. In the reign of Emperor Daoguang, “the land increased to over 2,500 mu .”47 The land had increased by five times and Dong became a big landlord. Liu Rushan from Wenjiang County lived in a poor family in his boyhood. “When he grew up, the four brothers of his family divided and each of them got tens of guan of money”. Liu used it as the capital to “diligently work on the farmland and bought several hundred mu of land”. He rented the land to tenant farmers and collected the taxes and gradually made his fortune to become a middle-class landlord.48 The ancestor of Jiang Guorong in Dazhu County, Suiding Prefecture “fled from Hubei to Sichuan”. Jiang Guorong’s father died when he was young and the family was still poor. “He inherited the ten mu land and several houses from his father”. Apart from tilling his own land, “Jiang rented and tilled 50 mu of the neighboring land”. After two decades he became a landlord himself. “His land increased to 600 mu and became prosperous.”49 In Yuyan, Kuizhou Prefecture, “the land was fertile and there were lots of rich people. The Peng family and Xue family were prosperous families there.” Between the Peng River and the Tang River, “there were numerous rich families who owned large amounts of land. The tax handed in by tenant farmers amounted to a great deal of money”. Most of them were people who had moved from other provinces after the reign of Kangxi. “They carried their things with them to Sichuan and most of them became rich. The nationalities and families increased sharply.

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After 200 years, they occupied the land and passed it down to their offspring.”50 There were many people from other provinces who reclaimed and farmed land in Yunyang and became prosperous. The ancestor of Wu Shiwen moved from Hunan in the late years of the Kangxi reign. In 1840 Wu had become a big landlord who owned “silver of over 2,000 liang and several qing of fertile land.”51 The ancestor of Li Maoliang moved from Shaoyang, Hunan Province in 1750 (the 44th year of the Kangxi reign). He accumulated much land afterwards. “The land was fertile and stretched to tens of li . His family became famous in the north of the county.”52 In 1762, Tu Kaisheng followed his father and moved from Puqi. “They encountered many difficulties and reclaimed tens of qing of land”. “They became a rich and powerful family.”53 Of course, only a minority of refugees could become landlords and the majority of peasants were tenant farmers, farm laborers and loafers. Fig. 13.2.

The contract for the sale of land by Fang in the 16th year of the Jiaqing reign

During the Ming and Qing Dynasty, Shandong Province witnessed peasant uprisings and the landlord class came under attack. “The rich and powerful families were restrained and few of them could save themselves from the damage.”54 “Many local prosperous families disappeared in the turbulence.”55 When the class contradictions were alleviated, the feudal relationship was readjusted. It was not long before the social order stabilized, and the landlord class usurped the land from peasants through all means. The situation of land concentration was serious again. In 1684 (the 23rd year of the Kangxi reign) Zhang Penghe, the Governor General of Shandong pointed out that: “Nowadays

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more and more Shandong people have fled to Beijing and the neighboring regions, which was caused by the local despotic gentry invading and occupying people’s land. People had nothing to rely on.”56 Jiaodong and other counties in the south of Shandong was the area where big landlords concentrated. The bureaucrats and landlords in Ju County, Qizhou Prefecture occupied over 50,000 mu of land which covered seven counties in Jiangsu and Shandong Province for more than 300 years. There were 2,000 tenant families living there.”57 A big landlord whose family name was Ding in Rizhao made his fortune during the reign of Emperor Kangxi. In the reign of Emperor Daoguang, the son of the family inherited the property from his father. They possessed 4,000 to 5,000 mu of land which was rented by tenant farmers. The Ding family occupied the land and collected the tax.” 58 During the reign of Qianlong there were four big families named Ding, Yue, Guo and Wang in Wei County, Laizhou Prefecture. Their land occupied half of the county. When Zheng Xie was the county magistrate of Wei County in the early period of the Qianlong reign, he wrote forty poems about Wei County. One sentence went like this: “The tens of thousands of qing of land around the city all belonged to rich families.”59 In the late years of the Ming Dynasty, “taxes were heavy and the masses had no means to live in Wendeng County of Dengzhou Prefecture, and they abandoned the farmland.” “Most of the poor farmers willingly served as the servants of rich families to avoid the taxes.” In the early years of the Qing Dynasty, “the land of the powerful and prosperous families could be seen everywhere.” Big landlords rented the farmland and “farmers or tenant farmers could support themselves.”60 In the reign of Emperor Daoguang, “most of the land of Jiaozhou belonged to officials and merchants, and they rent the land to others.” 61 The landlord Li in Fangliu village, east of Zhangqiu County of Jinan made his fortune in the early years of the Qianlong reign and developed 412 mu of land. The Meng family in Jiujun village of the same county was a merchant and landlord. Since the late years of the Kangxi reign, Meng managed both the land and his business. He opened silks and satins stores named Qian Xiang Yi and Rui Fu Xiang in Beijing, Tianjin and Jinan. The land of the family Bi in the Shujing clan of Li village, Zichuan County was originally only over 30 mu , but the land increased to over 100 mu in the reign of Qianlong. Before the 20th year of the Daoguang reign, the land increased to 900 mu . At the same time, Bi opened the Hengsheng silk workshop in the Qianlong reign. At first there was only one wooden weaving machine, then it developed into a workshop with over 20 looms in the 20th year of the Daoguang reign.62 In the late years of the Kangxi reign, in the Shan County of Zaozhou Prefecture in the southwest of Shandong, “the various products of the land belonged to the landlords. 70% to

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80% of the people farmed. Peasants and tenant farmers shared the harvest with the owners.”63 There was once a town named Xingyuan town in Shan County, but the town was later occupied by the two landlords whose family name were Cao and Ma. Then Xingyuan town was renamed as “the bazaar of Cao and Ma.”64 There were some landlords who managed the growing of cash crops in Shandong. For example, in the junction area of Wenshang and Yuncheng, there were “lots of rich families” in the reign of Kangxi. “One could get 200 catties of cotton from one mu of land which grew kapok trees. There were families who owned over 10,000 mu of land.”65 It was rarely seen in China to plant economic crops in a large area in such a way. Some merchant landlords made their fortune by doing business and purchasing land. For example, Liu Zishi’s family was a poor family in Puyang. He transported salt and wheat for sale with little capital and earned a lot. After that he lent out money at an exorbitant rate of interest. After two decades, his land was vast and the family became prosperous.” 66 There were some bureaucrats and landlords with political privileges, such as the eight powerful and famous families Sun, Xie, Wu, Jiang, Yue, Meng, Wei and Jia in Chaocheng County. “The eight families were all hereditary officials in the Ming Dynasty. Their offspring lived in towns and cities and were more prosperous than others.” 67 The Sun family of the Yu clan in the autonomous Prefecture of Jining was a family of bureaucrats, aristocrats, big landlords and merchants. In the reign of Jiaqing, Sun Yuting assumed the position of governor of Jiangsu, Anhui and Jiangxi and the scholar of Tiren cabinet. In the reign of Guangxu, Sun Yuwen took the position of military minister and official of the Ministry of Penalties. The Sun family merged over 30,000 mu of land by the Dushan Lake and opened the Yu Tang Sauce store in Jingning. The capital amounted to over 40,000 condole money and the product was famous in the nation. The Kong family in Qufu County of Yanzhou was a hereditary aristocratic family. It occupied over a million mu of land which covered Shandong, Jiangsu, Zhili, Henan and Anhui in the heyday of the Qing Dynasty. Some of the land was granted by the emperor; some was occupied through the power of the government and some was obtained by taking advantage of others and purchasing at a lower price.”68 All in all, there were various kinds of landlords in Shandong. The amount of the land they possessed and the extent of land concentration ranked forefront in the country. There was little land but many mountains in Shanxi and the natural conditions were not very favorable. But land annexation still progressed. In 1697, Fenyang saw a famine due to crop failures. Some owner-peasants “followed on each other ’s heels to the landlords to sell their land at a lower price with the land contracts in their hands.” “The price they agreed was no

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more than 20% of that at the normal times.” A landlord named Zhang Ying took the chance to merge the land and “got thousands of mu of land”. Zhang Ying lived in Xiguan village, and the pavilions, terraces and open halls of his family were magnificent. “There was a trench around the village which was a zhang wide and it was rather deep. There were two suspension bridges in the east and west.”69 Kang Shiding, a big landlord in Linfen, was a famous salt merchant. He owned luxury dwelling houses in Yangzhou and a lot of land in Huainan. In his hometown Linfen “he owned numerous houses and was like an aristocratic family.” He was known as “Millionaire Kang”. In the reign of Kangxi, Shanxi witnessed a serious drought. When people’s nerves were in tatters, “Millionaire Kang” claimed proudly that “there was God in heaven and there was Millionaire Kang on the earth. I had tens of thousands of dan of rice even if it does not rain for three years.”70 His land and properties in Shanxi can be inferred from this. The family of Jia Qingyu was poor in his early years in Lucheng. At the age of 14 he “followed his father to Yucheng County”. “After two decades they became rich merchants and moved around”. They bought a great deal of land and became big landlords “whose fertile farmland could be commonly seen.” 71 There were many merchants in Shanxi Province who invested their commercial capital in land. The rate of land annexation was rather quick. Henan Province was the place where the peasant army led by Li Zicheng frequently stationed. The peasant army dealt a heavy blow to the aristocratic families and confiscated the land of the royal members of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, at the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the number of local landlords decreased. After the reign of Yongzheng, the land annexation became more popular. In 1704 Ya Ertu submitted a memorial which read: “there was a big gap between the rich and the poor. The rich were mean and the poor could not make a living, and most rented and farmed other’s land.”72 In the wave of land annexation, one sort of people were bureaucrats who took advantage of their power to invade other’s land. For example in the area of Guangshan and Shigu in Henan Province, “due to the heavy taxes”, small farmers offered their land to become servants to farm for the landlords. Some despotic gentry had many “farming servants”. In the late years of the Shunzhi reign, farming servants revolted and “gathered to threaten landlords with weapons to withdraw the contracts.” 73 Peng Jiaping who used to be a political official in the reign of Qianlong was rich but not benevolent. In his hometown Xiayi, “he possessed rich properties and a large area of farmland.” 74 Another type of people was merchants from other provinces. They purchased land in Henan in the years of famine. In 1786 Bi Yuan, the grand coordinator of Henan said in his memorial:

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“The harvest of crops was bad in Henan. Families with properties sold their land for a living. In the temporary shortage of provisions, an almost mature corn field was sold at a lower price. Getting the news, rich families in Shanxi and other areas went to Henan to lend out money at an exorbitant rate of interest. They took the chance to accumulate the farmland.” 75 Such examples were common. “In years of famine, most people sold the land and moved to other places.” Song Liangbi in Changzhi, Shanxi “got hundreds of mu of farmland at a rather low price.76 In the reign of Kangxi, “Henan Province witnessed a famine and it was rather serious in Jia County. There were less than 10% to 20% people in the Jia County purchased land”. When the Shanxi merchants came here, “over 80% of them cornered the market to make a profit.”77 As the land became gradually concentrated big landlords appeared in Henan, such as Zhou Bozhang in Yifeng County. “His farmland was vast and the land should be calculated by ten thousand mu .” The land around ten li all belonged to the Zhou family.”78 Zhili was the center of the Qing Dynasty and the place where royal members, bureaucrats and landlords concentrated. Much of the land in north Zhili was enclosed. The manors of the Manchu royal members were scattered all over like stars in the sky and their land was vast. The majority of Han peasants descended into serfs and tenant farmers. But there were still some Han landlords in such areas. The Hao family in Huairou County was a powerful and wealthy landlord with “tens of thousands mu of fertile land”. It was said that once Emperor Qianlong “stayed temporarily” in his family and Hao “paid his tribute with over a hundred kinds of rare land and water dishes. The dishes were available to all the other nobility and attendants”. The meals of the Emperor for a day would cost the Hao family over 100,000 liang of silver.”79 “The land was fertile in Shulu County, Baoding Prefecture and it was densely populated.” The land was rarely enclosed in the County. The Han “families with great achievements” and “the officials who lived in the County” occupied a great deal of land.80 In the counties south of Zhili, the land was rarely enclosed and landlords annexed the land by all means. In Xian County, “the rich had enormous lands while the poor had no place to live”. The rich land owners “with enormous land” were all Han landlords and “they did not cultivate the land themselves”. “They rented the land to the poor and let them till the land”. “When harvested, they shared half of the products.” 81 Daming and Guangping Prefecture witnessed famine year after year. “The farmland was sold at a lower price which was one tenths of that of the normal year”. Therefore “the local rich families and merchants from other provinces bought much land at the low price.”82 In the counties near the north bank of Dongting Lake in Hubei Province “there were four millionaires named Xi, Weng, Wu and Xu”83 and each of them

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owned a great deal of land. In the reign of Kangxi, “people in Quanzhou, Guangxi bought land in the name of rich families. Over time, the despotic gentries grab the land for themselves.”84 In the reign of Kangxi, “the land of rich families stretched out.”85 In the reign of Yongzheng, “half of the land of Taiwan belonged to rich families. Millionaires with millions in gold could be commonly seen”. They “took control of the farmland”, and people “acquiesced out of fear.” 86 In Dongxiang County, Fuzhou Prefecture, Jiangxi Province, “the rich had vast land while the poor had no place to live.” 87 Gao Dehou in Yaozhou, Chuxiong Prefecture, Yunnan Province “seized 340 miles of land of the people by using his power.”88 He owned more than 7,000 mu of land. From the above investigation and analysis of the land in our country, we can see that the problem of land was not that serious at the beginning of the Qing Dynasty as peasant uprisings dealt a heavy blow to the landlord class. With the recovery of the economy and profit from the land, the transfer of land accelerated and land annexation became serious after the middle period of the Kangxi reign. Especially after the reign of Qianlong and Jiaqing, the land was highly concentrated. Although the actual conditions, and concentration extent and methods were different in each province, the trend of increasing land annexation was the same. In the early years of the Qianlong reign, someone pointed out that: “Over half of the land belonged to rich families and the ones who used to own land descended to become tenant farmers. 89 Therefore the polarization of rich and poor became more serious. “The properties of one rich family equaled that of thousands of ordinary families; one family could create employment for thousands of families.90 It can be seen from the wave of land annexation that the means of land annexation in the Qing Dynasty was different from that in the Ming Dynasty. The royal family, bureaucrats and gentry in the Ming Dynasty had the privilege of exemption and transfer of taxes. They used the privilege as a weapon to annex the land and plundered the land at no cost. To avoid the heavy taxes and corvee, small landlords and owner-peasants had to offer land to the privileged landlord for free with the aim of trading for political protection or economic exemption. With the lesson of the collapse of the Ming Dynasty, the Qing regime imposed restrictions on the privileges of bureaucrats and landlords. As a result, except for the large-scale enclosure of land by force in north China at the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the “aristocratic families” and “families that had produced public officials for several generations” rarely used political privilege to plunder land. Instead, they bought land most of the time. The main way for the landlord class to make a fortune was to accumulate land, for land was material wealth which could not be burned, flooded or stolen and it could

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bring endless benefit to their offspring. “Purchasing land should come first when one gets possessions.” 91 Landlords bought land one time after another and accumulated it like a snowball by all means possible in order to become big landlords with tens of thousands of mu of land. Commerce and usury often played an important role in the process of land annexation. By taking advantages of the fact that the small-scale peasant economy was vulnerable, bureaucrats, landlords and merchants cornered the market, and bought cheap and sold dear, so as to occupy the land when natural and man-made disasters took place. The economic ways of land annexation was different from the use of political privilege by landlords in the Ming Dynasty. Moreover tenant farming was a common method of exploitation in the Qing Dynasty and more and more landlords rented land to tenant farmers. Quota land rent developed, and the amount of rent was fixed instead of dividing the harvest between the landlords and tenant farmers. On the one hand, the quota rent increased labor intensity, which meant the intensity of feudal exploitation. On the other hand, it motivated the tenant farmers to conduct intensive farming, which improved the output of unit area and the productivity. The employment of labor in agriculture also developed. Landlords and rich peasants employed long-term hired laborers and seasonal laborers to manage the land themselves. The long-term hired laborers and seasonal laborers had few or no means of production of their own and made a living by selling their labor. Although the employed laborers were not completely the same as those in the capitalist system, they were freer in terms of political identity. Landlords managed their own land, which was different from tenant farming. Some of the landlords specialized in growing food crops; some specialized in growing cash crops such as tea, sugarcane, mulberry, areca nut, indigo, cotton and fruits, most of which entered into circulation. They were moving in the direction of becoming commodity producers which produced for the market.

Population growth and the shortage of arable land As land annexation intensified, the population in the Qing Dynasty grew sharply but the increase in farmland lagged behind the increase in population. The prominent contradiction of land concentration, population explosion and shortage of land came into being. It was one of the important causes of social unrest after the middle of the Qing Dynasty. The size of population and farmland of the Qing Dynasty were mentioned in Chapter 6 of volume two of this series. From 1741 (the 6th year of the Qianlong reign) to 1840 (the 20th year of the Daoguang reign) when the First Opium

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War took place, the national population grew from 140 million to 410 million. The population increased by three times within a century and by 2.7 million each year on average, at an annual growth rate of 1.88%. However the increase in amount of farmland was very slow. Within about 140 years from the late years of Shunzhi to the late years of Qianlong, the farmland increased from 500 million mu to 900 million mu . The amount of land may be underestimated as there might be some land which remained under cover and the land newly reclaimed in remote areas was not included. But the overall trend was clear: the increase in arable land lagged behind the increase in population. With land annexation becoming more serious, the contradictions between little land and large population sharpened. In the late years of the Qianlong reign (the end of the 18th century), the national population was about 300 million and the farmland was 900 million mu . The land per capita was 3 mu ; in the reign of Daoguang (the early years of the 19th century) the population increased to 700 million but the area of farmland did not increase and the land per capita was only 2.5 mu . In the reigns of Qianlong and Jiaqing land development reached saturation point and there was hardly any land left to be reclaimed. For example, the land could not support local people in counties of Baoding Prefecture, Zhili. As a result, “people who lived near mountains strived to seek for land available”. “Weeds were cut and burned in cliffs and valleys to reclaim as farmland.” 92 If the land was still insufficient, people emigrated to Inner Mongolia and the northeast part of China. The counties east of Shandong Province were densely populated and the land resources there were short. “Hills, valleys and beaches were all reclaimed to the utmost”. Many people from the Deng and Lai Prefectures fled to other areas “to seek a living outside the Shanhaiguan.”93 “There was no land that could be reclaimed”94 in the remote Yunnan Province in the middle reign of Qianlong. The rich areas such as Suzhou, Songjiang, Jiaxing and Hubei south of the Yangtze River were over-crowded and the land was narrow. Mulberry, hemp, fruits and vegetables were planted along ponds and around houses. All the space was made use of and there was no land wasted. In the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, Sichuan Province was sparsely populated. In the 18th year of the Qianlong reign there were only 1.37 million people and the arable land in the Province reached 45.9 million mu . The arable land per capita was over 34 mu and the social order was stable. At that time, immigrants from Hunan, Hubei, Guangdong, Guangxi, Jiangxi and Shaanxi moved to Sichuan. The population exploded and reached 21 million at the beginning of the 19th century. But the arable land was only 45.95 million mu , hardly any increase. The arable land per capita decreased to 2.2 mu .95 In this period of time, the arable

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land per capita in Sichuan Province was close to the national arable land per capita according to official documents in the reign of Emperor Daoguang. China is a country with a vast territory and the development of economy in various regions was imbalanced. The southeast coastal area, the Yangtze River Delta and the Pearl River Delta were the most developed while the provinces inland developed slowly. The border areas were economically backward and some places were in the initial stage. Economic levels were quite different even within the same area and same county. One of the important factors which led to the imbalanced economy was the difference in natural conditions such as climate, precipitation, soil texture and irrigation works, farming methods and agricultural technology. The acre yields of crops varied in different regions and the economic situation decided population density. Therefore figures for population, land and arable land per capita did not necessarily mean anything. To further illustrate the situation, the figure below shows the economic level in different regions. We can see from the figures of the arable land and population of the four provinces and six regions in Table 13.1 that the places with the highest arable land per capita were Lin County of Zhangde Prefecture, Henan Province and Datong Prefecture, Shanxi Province. The arable land per capita was 6.37 mu and 5.59 mu repectively. The place with the least arable land per capita was Yuqian County, Hangzhou Prefecture, Zhejiang Province and the arable land was only 0.64 mu . In the middle level, the arable lands of Shanhua County, Changsha Prefecture, Hunan Province, Hengyan County, Hengzhou Prefecture and Qi County, Kaifeng Prefecture, Henan Province were 1.08 mu , 1.58 mu and 1.56 mu respectively. According to the above three types, and calculated by five counties in one prefecture, there were 2,918,555 people and 6,606,916 mu and the arable land per capita was 3.26 mu . Since the figures were based on Fang Zhizhong in the reign of Qianlong and Jiaqing, which was earlier than Daoguang, the situation reflected in the graph was in accordance with the estimated national arable land. The reason why the arable land per capita of each county varied was complicated. The difference in natural conditions and the fertility of the land were important reasons. Generally speaking, land in rich areas could support more people, so the place was densely populated and the arable land was small. It was the other way around in the infertile areas. For example, Yuqian County, Zhejiang Province was located in the west of Hangzhou. The place was hilly and the land was sparse, but the land was fertile and rainfall was abundant. Products of sericulture, tea and bamboo were ample. Although the arable land per capita was small, the output was high. There were lots of cash

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crops and the grain was self-sufficient. The selling of the cash crops could make profits. Shanhua and Hengyang were the capital of the province and Hengzhou Prefecture respectively. The two counties which were the rice bases of the Qing Dynasty were located in the valley of the Xiang River with rich products and high unit yield. The arable land per capita was 1 mu or 1.5 mu , which was just enough for people to make a living. The arable land per capita in Qi County, Henan was almost the same as that in Hengyang, Hunan, but it is located in southeast Kaifeng and near the flooding area of the Yellow River. Since floods were frequent and there was less land and more people, the lives Table 13.1. Figures of the arable land and population of six regions

Time

Province, Prefecture, County

Population

The 3rd year of the Qianlong reign

Datong Prefecture, Shanxi Province

722,401

The 23rd year of the Jiaqing reign

Hengyang County, Hunan

The 21st year of the Jiaqing reign

Shanhua County, Hunan Province

The 10th year of the Qianlong reign

Yuqian County, Zhejiang Province

The 16th year of the Qianlong reign

Lin County, Henan

During the Qianlong reign

Qi County, Henan Province

410,553

542,132

86,427

122,387

314,655

Land Land per (mu ) capita (mu )

4,040,230

649,497

590,032

55,308

780,209

491,640

Source

5.59

“Corvee,” Gazetteer of Datong Prefecture in Qianlong’s Reign , vol. 13.

1.58

“Registered residence and corvee,” Gazetteer of Hengyan in Jiaqing’s Reign , vol. 8–9.

1.08

“Registered residence and corvee,” Gazetteer of Shanhua in Jiaqing’s Reign , vol. 6–7.

0.64

“Registered residence and corvee,” Gazetteer of Yuqian in Jiaqing’s Reign , vol. 11.

6.37

“Registered residence and corvee,” Gazetteer of Lin County in Qianlong’s Reign , vol. 6.

1.56

“The record of taxes,” Gazetteer of Qi County in Qianlong’s Reign , vol. 7.

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of the laboring people were hard and many people fled to other areas. Bazhou County of Datong Prefecture, Shanxi is located in the cold zone; Lin County of Zhangde Prefecture, Henan Province was located on the east side of the Taihang Mountains. The land there was barren and life was hard. The unit yield was one tenths of that south of Yangtze River. Although the arable land per capita was over 5 mu , which was the highest, the economy lagged behind. It can be seen that the high arable land per capita did not reflect a high living standard of people. Instead, the arable land per capita was usually in inverse proportion to people’s living standard. That is to say, the place where arable land per capita was high was frequently the place where natural conditions were bad and people’s life was hard; the place where arable land per capita was low was frequently the place where natural conditions was favorable and people’s living standard was high (except for some special areas, such as Qi County of Henan Province). In the Qing Dynasty, what was the minimum area of land that was enough for laboring people to maintain life? There could hardly be a fixed standard as the quality of land and unit yields were different. Zhang Luxiang once said: “Although the land was infertile, the output of two mu equaled that of one mu of good land. One hundred mu of the land could support 20 to 30 people” 96 Zhang Luxiang was born in Tongxiang County, Jiaxing Prefecture, Zhejiang Province. Tongxiang was located in the delta of Hang, Jia and Hu. The land there was fertile and the area was favorable for growing silkworm. The infertile land mentioned by Zhang was the bottomland in Jiaxing and Songjiang where water conservancy was bad and the land was not fertile. Compared with the local fertile land, the area was vulnerable to flood and drought. The output of the infertile land mentioned above equaled to or was slightly more than that of the dry land in Hebei, Shandong and Henan. “A hundred mu of the land could support 20 to 30 people.” People would not suffer from starvation if the arable land per capita was three to five mu . Hong Liangji pointed out in the late years of the Qianlong reign that: “Four mu of land could support a person for a year; a family with ten people should have forty mu of land.”97 This referred to the overall situation of the nation and was similar to what was said by Zhang Luxiang. In the Qing Dynasty, what was the output of each mu of land? How much grain was enough to maintain the living for a person a year? According to the historical records, in the in counties of Wucheng, Gui’an and Deqing in the Huzhou Prefecture, Zhejiang Province in the late years of the Kangxi reign, “at the end of the year, the earnings of tenant farmers were less than 10 dan of rice from ten mu of land.”98 Tenant farmers handed in the land rent and had 10 dan

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of rice, which was half of the harvest, for themselves. It could be inferred that the unit yield of the three counties was 2 dan of grain. Gu Yanwu pointed out that the unit yield was 1 to 3 dan of rice in Suzhou and Songjiang Prefecture in the beginning of the Qing Dynasty.99 Someone pointed out that “one mu of land could produce 2 dan of rice in normal years.”100 Two dan of rice each mu a year was possibly the average output in the area south of the Yangtze River. In other areas the unit yield was smaller. Emperor Kangxi said in his imperial edict: “when I travelled in the south, one mu of land could produce 3 to 4 dan of rice, but the land in the Yuquan Mountain could only yield 1 dan of rice per mu ”. Viewed from a national perspective, 1 or 2 dan of rice from one mu was satisfying. “The farmland in the inland could yield 1 to 2 dan of rice in good years.”101 How much rice did one need to stay away from hunger? Hong Lianji said: “One needed five zhang of cloth a year to stay away from cold and 4 dan of rice a year to stay away from hunger”. And “one person a day needed less than 1 sheng of rice.” 102 Calculated in this way, a person a year would need 365 sheng of rice, which was 3 dan , 6 dou and 5 sheng that was approximately 4 dan . We can reach the conclusion that 4 dan of rice a person a year was the minimum quantity to maintain life. To quote Hong Liangji: “a person a year needed almost four mu of land to support his life”. This applied to the whole country. The average output of one mu of land was a dan of rice. It was said that “in famine years, a mu of land would produce less than a dan of rice”. Four mu of land would yield 4 dan of rice. If someone who owned four mu of land could get 4 dan of rice to maintain his life, it was not enough that the arable land per capita in the nation was three mu and the rice per capita was 3 dan in 1790 (the 55th year of the Qianlong reign). In 1840 (the 20th year of the Daoguang reign), the arable land per capita was 2.25 mu and the rice per capita was over 2 dan . At that time, at least onethird of the people in the nation suffered from starvation and semi-starvation. The land annexation was serious and the population grew fast. However the amount of farmland increased slowly. The price of land and the price of rice rose steeply in the middle period of the Qing Dynasty. “In the early years of the Shunzhi reign, good land was worth two to three liang of silver. In the reign of Kangxi, it increased to four to five liang . In the years of the Yongzheng reign, it decreased to the price of the Shunzhi reign. In the early years of the Qianlong reign, the land price began to increase. In the 30th year of the Qianlong reign and later, the price was seven to eight liang or over ten liang at most. In the 20th year of the Jiaqing reign, it increased to over fifty liang .”103 The land price increased by ten times from four to five liang of silver to over fifty liang . There were many causes but the contradiction between land and people was the main

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cause. Qian Yong talked about the increase in rice price: “in the 46th year of the Kangxi reign, four prefectures in Suzhou and Songjiang saw drought and the price of rice rose from 7 wen 1 sheng to 24 wen . In the summer of the following year, the price of rice decreased to 16 to 17 wen . In the reign of Yongzheng and the early years of the Qianlong reign, the price of rice was about 10 wen per sheng . The four prefectures witnessed plagues of insects and the price increased to 35 wen . Afterwards, there were good harvest years and the price fell to 14 or 15 wen per sheng . In the 50th year when there was serious drought, the rice price rose to 56 to 57 wen . After that, the normal price of rice was between 27 or 28 and 34 or 35 wen no matter whether harvest or famine.”104 Qian’s words were about the fluctuation of the price of rice due to natural conditions. We can see that the increase in price from the reign of Kangxi to the reign of Qianlong was also caused by the increase in population, the short supply of rice and the devaluation of money. Hong Jiliang who lived in the same time as Qian Yong said: “I heard that fifty years ago (in the reign of Yongzheng), one litre of rice was worth 6 to 7 wen and one zhang of cloth was worth thirty to forty wen ”. In the late years of the Qianlong reign, the price of a litre of rice increased by thirty to forty wen ; and the price of one zhang of cloth increased by 100 to 200 wen .”105 According to Hong Liangji, the price of rice increased by six to seven times within fifty years and the price of cloth increased by four to five times. Hong thought the increase in price was caused by the increase in population. In the past “one person worked and he could support ten people. But now the case was different. There were ten times the number of people working but the area of land did not increase.” “There were ten times of people working but the number of idle was ten times more than before”. In such circumstances, it was difficult for the laboring people to make a living and society became unstable. “People were in a state of anxiety. The rich worried they would be robbed by the poor and the poor thought of robbing the rich.” The rulers of the Qing Dynasty had long realized the sharp contradictions between land and population. In the 46th year of the Kangxi reign, the emperor pointed out that “the land was fixed but the population kept increasing. In famine years it was hard for people to make a living.” 106 Although the population increased quickly, there was still land to be reclaimed and the problem of land was not that serious. It was only in famine years that people’s life would be hard. In the 49th year of the Kangxi reign, when emperor Kangxi travelled to the south, he figured out that “the reason why people did not live a rich life was that the land had not increased but the population had increased.”107 He pointed out that the big population was the reason why the life of people could not be improved. In the 52nd year of his reign he said that

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“crops were not in good harvest but cotton and sesame were in good harvest. The price of rice was still high this year, which was caused by little land and a big population.”108 After Emperor Yongzheng took the throne he tried to alleviate the contradiction of little land and big population by encouraging agriculture. In the imperial edict of the second year of the Yongzheng reign it was said that: “Our nation has been rehabilitated for decades and the population grew, but the farmland was fixed. People should work hard and get more products from the land. Otherwise it will be impossible for people to live a happy life.” He hoped that intensive farming could be conducted and the unit yield should be improved. He ordered local officials to “persuade people to farm” and make full use of the land. Measures should be adjusted to local conditions. The waste land should be reclaimed to plant trees. “Mulberry can be used to feed silkworm; Chinese dates can be used to make dishes; tallow trees can be burned to make warmth.” Husbandry and fishing was advocated. “The talents of man and every piece of land should be made full use of.”109 These measures taken by Yongzheng were helpful to develop productivity and alleviate the contradiction, but could not solve the conflict between land and population. By the end of the 18th century (the late years of the Qianlong reign), the contradiction between land and population was quite serious. In 1793 (the 58th year of the Qianlong reign), when Emperor Qianlong read “The Record” of the reign of Kangxi, he found that there were 23,100,000 people in 1710 (the 49th year of the Kangxi reign); there were over 374,600,000 people in 1792 (the 57th year of the Qianlong reign). “The population has increased by over 15 times” (in fact the population increased by more than 15 times). By comparison, Emperor Qianlong sighed with emotion: “our nation was blessed by Heaven and has enjoyed peace for a hundred years. The population has increased by over ten times.” “One farm could support a dozen people but the living standard was not as good as before. What is more, with the increase in population, houses occupy more land than before. The living standard of people drops because more food is consumed but less produced.” And he said in the end: “people are badly off and I do worry about it.”110 Emperor Qianlong understood the social problem but he could not come up with any solutions. At that time, people with insight realized the importance of the population problem. After researching social phenomena such as arable land, population, land price and rice price, Hong Liangji, a famous scholar in the reign of Qianlong, put forward his insightful opinion. He said: “we lived in peace for over a hundred years. The population increased by five times compared with that of 30 years ago; ten times compared with that of 60 years ago; 20

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times compared with that of hundred years ago.” He held that if the increase of population was faster than the increase of arable land, it would lead to social unrest. He made a calculation and came to the conclusion that the over population was beyond the support capacity of society. The price of rice and land increased and laboring people were badly off. “Due to land annexation, one person occupied the land which could be lived on and cultivated by hundreds of people. “There was no wonder that numerous people suffered exposure, deprivation and hunger.” Overpopulation, shortage of arable land, annexation and disparities of wealth brought the class conflicts to a head. The masses were without subsistence allowances. “In drought, flood or famine, people could not tide over by doing nothing.” 111 That was the fundamental reason why Hong felt deeply worried. Due to the limitation of time and class and the underdevelopment of science, Hong Liangji came up with no solution to the problem of overpopulation. The “method of regulation” was as follows: land reclamation, immigration, tax mitigation, advocating frugality, prohibiting waste and suppression of annexation, which was still within the scope advocated by the feudal rulers.

The prevalence of natural disasters and the painful life of the people In feudal society, natural disasters such as drought, flood, hail and locust were common. The occurrence of disasters was the inevitable result of the fact that people had no way to fight against nature due to underdeveloped productivity, and backward science and technology. But in a class society, the severity of natural disasters and the damage to human life and property were closely related with the feudal rule. If the feudal society was politically developed and concerned for the people, natural disasters would be relatively reduced since disaster prevention and relief were put in an important position. On the contrary, if society was politically corrupt, and the ruler was profligate and devoid of principles, the situation would become more serious and there would be great loss of human life and property. Therefore, in feudal society, people tended to relate “natural disaster” with “human errors”. In the reigns of Kangxi and Yongzheng the rulers put great emphasis on irrigation and water conservancy projects. Much manual labor, and material resources were employed to manage the Yellow River, Huai River, Hai River, Yongding River, canal and seawalls in Zhejiang Province, which prevented and alleviated the disaster of drought and flood. After the middle reign of Qianlong the rule of the Qing Dynasty declined, class contradiction sharpened and the rulers paid no attention to the renovation of irrigation projects. As a result, the vast rural areas suffered from drought and flood in successive years. Natural

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disasters seriously threatened agricultural production and people’s lives. I will take several provinces where natural disaster frequently took place as an example to let you see the whole picture from one spot. Fig. 13.3.

The pictures of selling the children (left) and flooding (right)

Fig. 13.4. The receipt of Wang Tingtai in the 25th year of the Qianlong reign

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A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

In history, Shandong Province was often hit by natural disasters. In the reign of Kangxi it frequently witnessed drought and famine. After the reign of Qianlong, catastrophes and serious disasters took place one after another. In the 11th year of the Qianlong reign, the area of Jiaozhou and Laizhou was flooded and people fled to other areas. Zheng Banqiao, the magistrate of Wei County, wrote a poem Travel of Evading Famine : “One sold his son first and then his wife, leaving himself alone on the long journey. The road had twists and turns. Life was not easy in the travel of evading famine. Seeing the abandoned baby along the road, he picked the baby up out of sympathy and put it in the shoulder pole. He sold his son but reared another’s baby.”112 It took three to four years before the area recovered from the effects of the disaster. After a decade, in the 22nd year of the Qianlong reign, famine hit Wei County. In Travel of Selling Sons , Wei Laipeng wrote: “In 1877, there were few people who lived in the north of Wei County. People led a dog’s life and were not able to rear children. They sold children for copper cash to avoid hunger. Fathers had no choice but to leave with regrets. Children waved goodbye to fathers and cried but no one could do anything to help.”113 The poem described how people sold their children because of famine. The family was scattered in different places. People could not bear to see their miserable life. In the 13th year of the Daoguang reign, Wei County suffered from epidemic disease; in the spring of the 15th year of the Daoguang reign, the County witnessed drought; in summer, it was cloudy and drizzly for days on end; in autumn, it saw a plague of insects. In the 16th year of the Daoguang reign, people “suffered from starvation and pestilence”. “The famine victims went to Fengtian to seek things to eat”. In Wei County, “people who came here could only have a pot of porridge for a day and a night. Who could bear the starvation and cold for long without falling sick? Different kinds of people lived in the town god’s temple and the government office. Tens of babies were born there and thousands of children got smallpox. In May and June, even the rich people could not afford to buy coffins and the poor buried the dead in the earth.”114 The situation was the same in other areas of Shandong Province. Tancheng and Lanshan in Qizhou Prefecture south of Shandong were low-lying and were water-logged when it rained. To avoid cold and starvation, laboring people in this area “traveled to beg for food in other areas, which has become a custom.”115 People fled to the northeast of China to the north, and crossed the Huai River to the south and arrived at Fujian. People in Lanshan and Tancheng fled to everywhere to live, and it was the same with the refugees in Fengyang.”116 When drought, flood and other disasters hit rural areas, it was the right time for bureaucrats, landlords and merchants to take the chance to fish in troubled waters. In the 33rd year of the Qianlong reign, famine took place in Juye County

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of Caozhou Prefecture. “The rich families cornered the market”, which caused the rice price to increase sharply but the poor suffered greatly.117 In the 6th year of the Jiaqing reign, when Wendeng County, Dengzhou Prefecture witnessed “big starvation”, rich merchants from neighboring counties came and “opened three pawnshops”118 to exploit victims of the natural disasters. In the 50th year of the Qianlong reign, Zouping County witnessed “big drought, bad harvest and hot weather in summer”. In the spring of the following year, the county had a critical shortage of rice. The landlord class cornered the market and sold rice at a high price. Therefore “the price of rice increased sharply. One dou of rice was worth 2,250 qian .”119 In the 17th year of the Qianlong reign, flood hit Weihai and people there suffered “starvation” in the spring the next year. Local merchants transported lots of rice from Fengtian by sea. “The boats carrying rice followed one after another.” 120 “In the name of relieving disaster”, merchants sold the rice at high prices to gain excessive profit. Shanxi Province was also hit seriously by natural disasters. In the reigns of Shunzhi and Qianlong, drought, flood, locusts and hail never stopped. After the reign of Qianlong, disasters became more serious in each year and in each place. The Fen River was the largest river which flowed across Shanxi and poured into the Yellow River. However, in the rainy season in summer and autumn, the torrential Yellow River poured down to the Fen River laden with silt and blocked the river bed which often caused big disasters. In July, the 32nd year of the Qianlong reign, successive rains caused the Fen River to rise and the dyke was broken. Dozens of villages were engulfed by flood. “The vast water stretched to the horizon”. In a village where 200 families lived the houses all collapsed. A woman floated on the water with a board and asked for help. People all ran for their lives and even brothers, wife and sons did not save each other.” In another village, “water from the Fen River engulfed houses. Hundreds of houses were damaged. Villagers cried in the flood current and the wail of sorrow rose to Heaven.” 121 The flood caused great loss to the properties and human life of tens of thousands of people. Shanxi Province often saw big droughts. In the 24th year of the Qianlong reign, drought hit a large area including dozens of counties in the middle and southeast of Shanxi. In the Jiexiu County of Fenzhou Prefecture, “when there was drought, a dou of rice was worth thousands of money.” “The poor ate grass and wood and were as lean as rakes.”122 In Pingyao County, “when there was no rain, a dou of rice was worth over eight qian .”123 In Xiaoyi County, “in drought years, people starved to death.”124 In Changzhi County, Lu’an Prefecture, “people starved in drought years” and “one dou of rice was worth five qian .”125 Looking at the historical record, there were many miserable cases of starvation and the wilds were full of the dead bodies of the starved.

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A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

Fig. 13.5. The contract of Xu Xianglei selling his daughter as a maidservant in the 20th year of the Jiaqing reign

In the north of Jiangsu Province, the Yellow River, Huai River, canal and the Yangtze River all assembled here. The area was low-lying and subject to flood and drought. In the reign of Kangxi, rulers vigorously governed the Yellow River and the Huai River and the flood was controlled. After the reign of Qianlong, since the water channel had not been repaired for many years, disasters often took place. In the 46th and 50th year of the Qianlong reign an especially big drought took place here. “Trees withered and the canal nearly dried up.”126 “In the 50th year of the Qianlong reign, several provinces suffered from big drought…The price of land increased day by day. In the spring of the next year, one dou of rice had risen to 50 wen . The middle class families ate wheat bran and weeds. The wilds were full of the dead bodies of the starved. Dead bodies were gathered in open areas and the foul smell could not be tolerated. People dared not carry things with them in the street, not to mention in the suburban area. Emaciated people begged for food, squeezed into the door and were not willing to get out. No one could stand to hear the sound of weeping.” 127 The north area of Jiangsu was subject to flood and drought. Sometimes it place witnessed drought in spring and summer and flood after autumn. For example, in the 47th year of the Qianlong reign, after a long period of drought, it rained heavily in August in Shanyang County. “The water was nearly 0.7 metres on flat ground. In winter, the rice and grain were expensive. Local people suffered from starvation.”128 In the reigns of Jiaqing and Daoguang, people suffered greatly from rain as the irrigation was in disrepair.

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In the 13th year of the Jiaqing reign, Huai’an witnessed a great flood. In the name of disaster relief, local officials “pursued private gains and committed irregularities.”129 In the second year, “the main pier of the canal was broken; in the third year, “the dyke was broken and the fields were flooded”. In the 4th year of the Daoguang reign, the thirteen forts of Hongze Lake were damaged. “Houses were destroyed by flood” in Shanyang County. Most of the fields and houses were engulfed in Baoying County. People climbed into the trees and their lives hung by a thread.” 130 Andong County was located by the Yellow River. It experienced over ten droughts, twenty to thirty floods and countless other disasters in the 85 years from the 13th year of the Qianlong reign to the 13th year of the Daoguang reign. In the 51st year of the Qianlong reign, Andong County witnessed the largest famine. “In the spring, people suffered starvation. One dou of grain was worth a thousand Qian and the price of rice was higher. Local people ate bark and many died because of it. When the wheat was ripe, there was no one who could harvest it.”131 Fig. 13.6. The contract of Zuo Youku selling his son Zuo Qun as a slave in the 13th year of the Daoguang reign

For a long period of time, Henan Province was the area hit frequently by flood and drought. The upstream of the Yellow River poured into Henan Province where the land was flat. The water flowed slowly and silt was deposited, which made the river channel higher than the ground. The flood of

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the Yellow River was called the largest disaster of Henan Province. Someone wrote the following poem to describe the catastrophe brought by the Yellow River: “In history, the area along the Yellow River was infertile and frequently hit by flood. Even in good harvest years, the products from the land could not support local people, not to mention in famine years. The flood engulfed the fields and wells. People had nothing to eat but the bark which was tough to swallow. Even so, it should be shared with one’s family. It was not long before the place ran out of bark. People had no place to borrow money. They had no other choice but to sell daughters and sons to trade for several dou of rice to avoid starvation. Children and parents were unwilling to part. Children cried wildly to refuse to leave.” 132 The Yellow River often overflowed. Sometimes there was a world of waters. In the 16th year of the Qianlong reign, the Yellow River and the Qin River rose which seriously flooded Xiangfu County and engulfed the fields and houses. The water did not recede until November when “the weather was cold and the ground was frozen” and wheat could not be sowed. In the 26th year of the Qianlong reign, the Yellow River and Qin River overflowed again. Dykes in 15 areas such as Wushe and Yangwu were broken. “Water poured into the houses and local people suffered a lot.”133 In June, the 21st year of the Daoguang reign, the dam of Xiangfu County burst under the weight of water of the Yellow River. The surging Yellow River poured in from the South Gate and besieged Kaifeng city. “Water in the city was as deep as over a zhang . Houses and fields were engulfed; the market was closed and the price of good skyrocketed”. The rich people all “bought boats and fled away”. “Houses and walls all collapsed”. People asked for help on the treetops and the ridges of houses. After the flood, “people in Kaifeng lost their jobs. The rich became poor and the poor became beggars”. Niu Jian, the grand coordinator of Henan, reported to the court and suggested moving the provincial capital134 to avoid the flood of the Yellow River. Apart from flood, drought, wind storm and plagues of insects were frequently seen in Henan Province. In the 49th year of the Qianlong reign, Kaifeng witnessed drought and the river dried up. In the spring next year, “drought and sand storms took place. Seedlings of cereal crops withered and people suffered starvation in autumn and winter”. In the 51st year of the Qianlong reign, “pestilence took place and innumerable people died. Locusts were everywhere which brought great harm to the crops”. In the following year, “the plague of locusts became more serious and crops were greatly damaged by it.”135 In the 4th year of the Qianlong reign, Yucheng suffered from drought. The next spring, “people were short of food and the rice price skyrocketed. Merchants pursue excessive profit in the market and people were impoverished.”136 In the 51st year of the Qianlong reign, people in

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Yongcheng “suffered starvation” and “people ate people”. In April, the 5th year of the Daoguang reign, “locusts were everywhere in the fields.” 137 In the 18th year of the Jiaqing reign, Weihui Prefecture “had long suffered from drought. The fields could not be ploughed and the poor lived on bark. The leaves of the willow trees along the street have been eaten up.”138 It can be seen that natural disasters affected every county of Henan Province and the situation was rather serious. Shandong, Shanxi, the north part of Jiangsu and Henan were places affected greatly by disasters, and natural disasters also brought great harm to other provinces. In Lu County of Zhili, “flood took place in the 6th year of Jiaqing; in the spring of the 8th year, rain and hail damaged the wheat; in the autumn of the 9th year, crops failed due to drought; the case was the same in the tenth year; in the 15th year, drought; in the 17th year, drought and bad harvest; in the 18th year, still drought, bad harvest and the water in the wells dried up; in the 19th year, the place saw a good harvest; on 14th,August, the 20th year, frost damaged crops; in March, the 21st year, frost damaged the wheat and hail in April injured people and livestock; in the 22nd year, starvation. Wang Yemao, the magistrate asked to opening the grain depot to relieve the people; on 8th April, the 23th year, windstorm damaged wheat crops and innumerable people and livestock, the situation was especially serious in the area around Beijing; in June, the 3rd year of the Daoguang reign, flood destroyed innumerable houses; in the 16th year, drought; in the 17th year, drought and the rice price skyrocketed to one dou for over 800 qian and the grain price to over 1000 qian .”139 From the 43rd to 44th year of the Qianlong reign, famine struck Hubei and Sichuan. A large area was affected. The situation in the disaster area was shocking to see. For example, in Yang County, “local people had eaten up the bark;” 140 in Zhijiang County, “except that people freeze and starve to death, local people eat earth, bark and branches. 20% to 30% of them survived.”141 In Zaoyang County, “people lived on bark and the powder of stone;” 142 in Changyang County, “people who ate bark, grassroots and earth died one after another;” 143 in Chongqing Prefecture, Sichuan, “people who had starved to death could be seen along the streets;”144 in Linshui, “most of the people starved;”145 in Zhongzhou, the dead could be seen in the street and people eat people;”146 in Tongzhou, “there was the market for trading children,” “people who had starved to death could be seen everywhere.” “It was rare to see such devastating famine.”147 In conclusion, natural disaster struck a large area in the Qing Dynasty and the situation was especially serious after the reign of Qianlong. The poor suffered hunger and cold. To maintain its governance, the Qing regime took some measures such as controlling the Yellow River, building water

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conservancy projects, catching locusts, reducing tax and providing relief rice. Local public welfare granaries or barns were established. However, these small measures could not mend matters. After the middle reign of the Qing Dynasty, the disaster area expanded and the population increased. Social contradictions sharpened and the ruling of the Qing regime was in turmoil.

The Feudal Ruling Class Decayed Day by Day The luxurious life of the feudal ruling class In the reign of Emperor Qianlong the Qing Dynasty arrived at the height of its power and splendor. Its economy had recovered and developed greatly, accumulating huge social wealth. It was said that “the corvee and taxes in this Dynasty were light, and we had rehabilitated for hundreds of years, so there were many wealthy families which surpassed those of the former Dynasty.”148 Of course, social wealth did not increase evenly in every class; wealth was all concentrated among officials, landlords and businessmen. They relied on the privilege of politics and economy to exploit peasants and handicraftsmen and to amass wealth by heavy taxation, being insatiably greedy. They led an extravagant and dissipated life, and laboring people were still in extreme misery. Feudal emperors led the most dissolute and luxurious life. The emperors considered all people as targets who could be enslaved and expelled at will, and the fruits of people’s labor could be embezzled and spent lavishly. The Emperor Kangxi paid attention to thrift and strictly avoided waste, however his six tours to the south cost a vast amount and no people knew how much blood and sweat he squandered. In October, the 39th year of the Kangxi reign, which was the empress dowager’s sixty-year-old birthday, the “gifts” from nobilities and officials of different levels were recorded as: “three statues of Buddha, a screen with the content of hoping a long life, a philadephus pekinensis and a pair of turtles and crane flowers made by the emperor order, one thousand four hundred and forty coral, one striking clock, one Shoushan stone carvings with immortals offering birthday felicitations, one foreign clock with Qianqiu, one foreign clock with various flowers, nineteen prayer beads of eastern pearl, coral and yellow amber, Yufeng stone, nineteen fur coats, rain satin, Duoluo woolen cloth, Biji satin, tambac, Symplocos paniculata, Jiang spice, Yun spice, ninetynine antiques of Tongtian rhinoceros, pearl, Han jade, agate, carved lacquerware and official ware, ninety-nine picture albums of the Song and Yuan, ninety-nine Zuan spice, ninety-nine large handkerchiefs, ninety-nine small handkerchiefs,

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ninety-nine taels of gold, ninety-nine taels of silver, ninety-nine satins and six pommel horses.”149 It might be called extreme luxury. In the reign of Emperor Qianlong the financial resources of the Qing government became more abundant and extravagant. Qianlong’s luxury was far beyond that of his grandfather and father. He followed the example of Kangxi in traveling to the south six times, making a sightseeing tour and pursing pleasure. In order to ingratiate themselves with the emperor the local upper class wasted extravagantly. They set up temporary imperial palaces, built decorated tent marquees and held banquets. They drank every day and the lights were lit all night. “Officials flattered the emperor and all abuses were borne by the common people.” From Beijing to Hangzhou the whole journey approached to six thousand li each time, and thirty temporary imperial palaces were built on the way. In order to prepare for the emperor’s lodging when traveling, there was one camp every twenty or thirty li . The emperor’s contingents went to the south along the canal. There were thousands of ships connecting with each other, and the flags nearly covered the sky. The empress, imperial concubines, nobles, emperor ’s relatives, officials of ranks and descriptions and a large group of soldiers accompanied the emperor. The emperor and his queen and concubines’ five ships named Anfu, Xiangfeng and so on had 3,600 boat trackers, divided into six teams, which towed the ships in turn. The troops who carried tents, implements, tools, clothes and ornaments went forward with great strength and vigor. They used 6,000 horses, 400 hinny carriages, 800 camels, and requisitioned nearly 10,000 laborers. On both sides of the canal, all roads were washed with clean water and stone bridges were paved with loess. Harbors, river branches, bridgeheads and entrances of village where the emperor’s ships passed were set up as check-points and sent soldiers for protection. In every place they passed, all local officials came to welcome them in their court dress and older people, women, gentries, shengyuan and jiansheng burned incense and lay prostrate at the side of the road. The emperor gave wine and food everyday, which cost a lot of money. Local officials not only had to contribute table delicacies from land and sea, and local products, and they also had to transport much food from all parts of the country. Drinking water was offered from a long way away. In Zhili they used spring water from Jingyi garden in the Xiang Mountains; in Dezhou, which belonged to Shandong, they used Jinan’s pearl spring water; when they passed Red Flower port, which was in Jiangsu, they used Jinshan spring water; in Zhejiang, they used Hupao spring water. When prosperous cities they passed all decorated archways, decorated tent marquees, hung decorations and erected Xiang arbors. For example, “the mountain pass of Zhili Baoding Changlu was the place where rich businessmen from every province concetrated.

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Businessmen transported colorful satin and treasure, and established sheds with different shapes. Some were like towers, which were colorful and shining, lying across ten li . In stores, when the emperor passed, businessmen shouted like thunder.”150 When the emperor traveled to the south, salt producers worked for the emperor for his favor. They established gardens and pavilions, purchased theatrical troupes, and repaired the way for the emperor, competing with each other. There was no plum blossom in Pingshan Hall, Yangzhou originally, but when Qianlong traveled to the south the first time these salt producers donated 10,000 plum blossoms for the emperor to view. Once, to let off fireworks, salt producers paid a large sum of money to provide the spectacle. “Looking toward the bank, there was a huge peach of red and green color. When the emperor’s ships approached the fireworks went off, making people feel dizzy. In a moment, the peach broke open and the stage appeared. There were hundreds of people on it, who played a new drama of longevity like the mountain and good fortune like the sea.”151 This kind of grand show was praised by Qianlong. Another example was that the big salt seller Jiang Chun tried his best to gain the emperor’s liking. When Qianlong travelled to the south, “one day, Gaozong (Qianlong) visited Dahong garden and stopped at a place, looking around and saying ‘this place is like the Spring of Qiong Island in Beihai, unfortunately there is no tower here’. When Jiang heard about this he bribed Qianlong’s entourage with lots of money to immediately find him the shape of the tower. Once he got the picture, he called together craftsmen and prepared materials, establishing the tower in one night”. Even Qianlong admired the salt sellers’ abundant financial resources. The place he passed must get prepare plays, so the operatic circle and Chinese opera “were most prosperous in his southern tours, and excellent in Liang Huai’s salt merchants. They stored Hua and Ya for the performance. Ya were melodies which originated in Kunshan, while Hua was Beijing dialect, Shanxi opera, Yiyang opera, Bangzi opera, Luoluo opera, and Erhuang melodies, which were generally called a mixed team.”152 Because of Qianlong’s six tours to the south Yangzhou did much building and many repairs, so its appearance changed a lot. In the preface of Record of the Gailypainted Pleasure-boat in Yangzhou written by Yuan Mei he said: “I remembered that forty years ago I traveled to Ping Mountain and I got on the boat outside Tianning Gate. The river was narrow and there were few pavilions but just grass, trees and insects. In the year of Xinwei, when the emperor travelled to the south, officials asked merchants, common people and peasants to work and did corvee to increase scenic spots and decorations, which were all luxurious. Water flowed circuitous; and mountains were tall and rugged; trees were burned; peach and plum blossoms were planted disorderly; gardens were scattered

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everywhere. The grand sight could not be painted by Gu and Lu, or composed by Ban and Yang either.” In the 16th year of Qianlong reign, for the empress dowager ’s birthday, “officials at home and abroad gathered in the capital and held ceremonies. For ten li from Xihua gate to the Gaoliang bridge of Xizhi gate, everyone had a piece of land to decorate with lanterns and streamers and to design and build pavilions. Tian Street was wide and there were no shops on either side of the street. There were splendid mountains and rivers, gold and silver imperial palaces, colorful flowers and bright and beautiful houses. The lights of Jiuhua and the seats of Qibao set each other off and were beyond description. There was one stage within every ten steps, and people sang in different dialects to various melodies. Actors and actress sang and danced, the former one had not stopped before the next had started. Looking to the left, you would feel surprised; looking to the right, you would feel dizzy. Tourists felt as if going to Penglai Island. They were in a richly decorated jade palace, listening to the song and looking at the dance.” 153 In the 45th year of the Qianlong reign the emperor celebrated his seventieth birthday in the Summer Retreat. Officials of different levels looted the common people with the excuse of paying tribute for his birthday, which led to turmoil nationwide. Transporting tribute to the Summer Resort became the most important thing for officials, leading to a blockage outside Gubeikou. At that time, the ambassadors of Korea witnessed the situation along the road and said “I…went out of the Great Wall, going from day to night, and saw tribute from nationwide. 30,000 carriages and people, camels and sedan carried tribute, which was like wind and rain. The things which were carried by people were all quality goods. There were six or seven mules to one carriage and four mules to one sedan with yellow flags with the word “tribute” on them. All tribute was packed in red felt, woolen cloth with various colors, bamboo and rattan mats, which were called jade ware.” The exceedingly large number of transports crowded into the narrow mountain pass. At night, “I had seen carriages competing with each other to going first. Bonfires kindled each other. The bell and whip voice resounded through the wilderness.”154 Such ostentation and extravagance could not be described with words. Such imperial celebrations for marriages, funerals and birthdays were ceaseless throughout the year and every time were luxurious and gorgeous, involving lavish spending. For example, in the 54th year of the Qianlong reign, his daughter Gulun Hexiao princess married He Shen’s son Fengshen Yinde, “the grand love and luxurious trousseau were ten times more than that of her marrying Fu Longan. From the second day of her marriage, the value of gifts sent to her had surpassed millions in gold. On the 27th, when the princess

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went back to the palace, she was granted 300,000 taels of silver. Thousands of officials held jade ornaments and jewelry in their hands with respect and took leave before the princess’ sedan.”155 The second year was Qianlong’s eightieth birthday, A Gui and He Shen took charge of the ceremony. “They devoted their efforts to be luxurious, and all palaces and articles for the ceremony were all new. From the capital to the Old Summer Palace, buildings were decorated with golden beads and jade and temple figures set on the rockery, and when the gear was touched the door and window opened. They cost millions, which did not come from the state treasury. Officials above the third grade in every province all donated money, and officers of all the ministries, academies and halls in the imperial palace all donated their salary. The Salt Hall of Liang Huai donated 4,000,000 taels of gold to hold the ceremony.” 156 In fact, the taels donated by officials and salt merchants were nothing but the flesh and blood plundered from the common people. Qianlong built largely. He repaired and built palaces and gardens, which wasted manpower and money. The Old Summer Palace in Beijing was built by Yongzheng. Yongzheng built twenty-eight scenes in total, which were expanded to forty scenes in the reign of Emperor Qianlong. He also built Changchun garden and Qishun garden in the southeast of the Summer Retreat. Kangxi started to establish the Summer Retreat. There were just thirty-six scenes at first which Qianlong expanded to seventy-two. Most of the outer eight temples in Chengde were constructed in the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Qianlong often lived in the Summer Retreat and handled political affairs there. Once he said to inner minster Boercha that “the climate in this place is quite clear which is better than the capital. Indeed it is worthy of the Summer Retreat”. Boercha answered that “the good climate is only in the palace. The city outside the palace is narrow. Houses are low and small, and people all crowd together in them. In addition, kitchens are all in houses so they are very hot. Therefore among the people there is a saying which goes, ‘the emperor’s retreat is very cool, but the common people are still in Rehe (hot river)’.”157 Qianlong himself also realized that he built largely and wasted manpower. He said that “I have held the reins of government for forty years, and all temples, palaces, enceintes, city walls, gardens and government offices are all repaired. I pay for all materials and manpower. However it is wrong to build too much. In the year of Xinchou (the 46th year of the Qianlong reign), I have written ‘Discussion on My Mistakes’ to admonish myself.”158 Although Qianlong admitted he wasted too much, in his later years his luxurious life style did not change. The emperor ’s life was very luxurious, and the nobles, all officials, big landlords, and big merchants all lived a luxurious and dissipated life. In particular the emporer ’s close Manchu relatives were most infected with this

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luxurious atmosphere. It was said that “bannermen had the most luxurious clothes and food.” 159 For example, Fu Kangan was Qianlong’s nephew. He was not only the empress’ nephew but also had outstandingly meritorious deeds, so he was in the emperor’s good graces, “his family was extraordinarily extravagant. Sedan bearers all wore clothes made by fine animal hair and his harem used thousands of taels to buy flowers every day,” 160 “in the army he was also wasteful and rewarded thousands of taels of gold to soldiers. When officials received his orders, they were more wasteful.” 161 Fu Changan, his younger brother, was the Shangshu of the Ministry of Revenue and was He Shen’s clique member. When He Shen failed, Fu Changan was punished. His house was searched and his property was confiscated. One of his gardens had 674 rooms, and 282 corridors and pavilions; in Fu Changan’s house in Rehe, they found 6450 utensils, which were mostly made with expensive beads and jade.162 Another bannerman Ake Danga, who was appointed to the supervisor of Huai Pass for ten years, looted a great number of people and was powerful and wealthy. He was called “‘The God of Wealth A’. The money he spent on serving guests was no less than 500 taels of gold”, “A’s books, calligraphy and paintings valued 300,000 taels of gold. His gold, jade and beads valued 200,000 or 300,000 taels of gold; he also had nearly 100,000 flowers and plants, eating utensils, and tables, while his clothes, fur coats, carriages and horses were more than 200,000. His servants were counted by the hundreds, and private assistants were counted by tens. Food must fill the table at every meal. Except on days of national taboo, there were few days without Chinese opera. His snuff bottles numbered no fewer than 200 or 300, and no articles were cheaper than 100 taels of gold. All of them were beautiful. His court jades with clouded jade as decoration were valued at 3,000 or 5,000 taels of gold, and were soft like mud, smooth and fragrant. He had more wearing jade with hook. He also had eight servant who took charge of his books, and there were other people to decorate and mend these books. His round silk fans of the Song and Yuan Dynasty amounted to 3,000 and each cost four or five liang and were selected from tens of thousands of fans.”163 The life of emporer ’s close Manchu relatives lived in great luxury, as did Han officials. For example, in the reign of Emperor Jiaqing, fansi (an official position in the Qing Dynasty) Zheng Yuan of Hunan was beheaded because of corruption. “Besides 400 family members, he had two theatrical troupes, competing with each other and going on day and night without stopping. On last September, he sent back some family members because of a marriage and used twelve big ships with colorful banners and flags, shining in the river. All the money he wasted was the flesh and blood of the people.”164 Another example

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was that in the reign of Emperor Daoguang, when the general governor of Min and Zhe Yan Bozhu was removed from office and returned to his hometown, his group of servants amounted to an army. When he passed Zhangzhou, someone witnessed that for ten days, six or seven bearers were in transit carrying his jewelry, expensive clothing and other valuables every day. The day Yan Bozhu arrived at Zhangzhou, “rain fell in torrents. Soldiers, bearers, and family members’ servants were nearly 3,000, and they lived in courtyards and inns separately. The feast had 400 tables.”165 This group of people were like locusts that did not pay for food or drink, and they harassed the places where they passed and caused general turmoil. They lived in Zhangzhou for five days, and “the county could not afford their expenses, so they tried to get them to set out.” Later they gave bribes and used social connections to see them off. At that time, great officials’ homes all had tall and lofty mansions with groups of servants. Some people said that “officials like governors and Sidao built houses, bought farmland, and accumulated hundreds of able-bodied men privately. All officials would do that, so no one could blame them.” 166 The local officials in counties also “bought many servants to show off their wealth and made friends widely to increase their reputation. When they visited with relatives, they brought many servants. There were nearly 100 people within one local office.”167 In addition, big landlords and merchants extorted a amount of money, and they spent money like water, being extremely extravagant and luxurious. For example, Zhushi who was a rice merchant in Beijing, “since the Ming Dynasty, they built up their fortune and they were richer than the nobles. There were thousands of houses in his family. Their garden and pavilion were so magnificent that ten days were not enough to see all his houses. Chashi and Shengshi in Wanping both had beautiful houses like him.”168 Another example was that in Taixing, Jiangsu Province, Jishi was a big landlord. “He was especially luxurious. His house was several li around the wall, and there were passageways between pavilions, connecting with each other, and sixty robust people held bells and chopped wood”. Because of continuous heavy rain he feared that the fur robe were eroded by humidity, and “he ordered the people in charge of these robes to expose them to the sun in the courtyard, opening them and beating them. Robes of sable, fox, snow weasel, golden leopard, and lynx were all unhaired. Their dropped hair piled up on the ground, which reached three cun thick. He had three teams of actresses for singing and dancing, who were all selected carefully. He had pavilions to hold feasts, many alcoholic drinks, and crowns with beads, ivory scepters, robes with embroidery and brocade boots. One prostitute’s ornaments were valued at thousands in gold.”169 Qinhuai River in Nanjing, Pingshan Hall in Yangzhou and Huqiu Mountain in

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Suzhou were all places for visiting and pursuing pleasure, “paintings, boats, bamboo flutes and drums did not stop for one day.”170 Some people recorded the situation in Yangzhou: “whorehouses in this city spend thousands on lights every night, and their ladies were the best in the world,” 171 “in the reign of Qianlong and Jiaqing, the salt law was in full bloom. So merchants established gardens and kitchens, and enjoyed songs and dances in luxury.”172 The big salt merchants’ daily life was extraordinarily luxurious, “famous gardens and huge mansions were established on Ping Mountain continuously. The expenses for actors and actresses, paintings, golden stones, clothes, and food were tens of thousands of taels each day;”173 “salt merchants in Yangzhou competed to be wasteful. Marriages and funerals, halls, food, clothes and carriages all cost more than hundreds of thousands of taels.”174 The customs in the first years of the Qing Dynasty were thrifty and simple. Landlords’ clothes, hats and shoes were made of cloth and jute, “being simple and unsophisticated”, and few people wore fur clothing in winter. However in the reign of Emperor Qianlong the social atmosphere changed from frugalness to luxury, “men all wore light fur coats, while women all wore clothes with brocade and embroidery,”175 “and they all pursued new color and new patterns”. Peasants worked diligently and sweated for the whole year, and planted ten dan of grain, but the money they earned could not compare with landlords and despotic gentries’ one meal or one article of clothing. The atmosphere of luxury was a sign of social decay and turmoil. The Qing Dynasty had experienced a heyday of political stability and economic prosperity, then in the late stage of Qianlong’s reign, the customs became more extravagant day by day; the atmosphere became bad; and there was intense conflict between the poor and the rich. The extravagant and dissipated ruling class was the reflection of the increasingly serious social problem, and this atmosphere of corruption intensified social contradiction. From then on, people’s rebellion became intense like a rising wind and scudding clouds, and the ruling class could not lead a stable and peaceful life.

The system of officials was in ruins, and briberies were committed publicly Along with the nobles’ and officials’ luxurious life, the atmosphere of corruption in governmental institutions was rife and briberies were committed publicly, which was a clear sign of a decayed ruling class and unhealthy social atmosphere. Originally, under the control of the feudal autocracy, corruption through misuse of law was an incurable disease in officialdom, but when the

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feudal politics were clear and bright this disease was in an inconspicuous incubation period. However, when the imperial court’s control was on the decline, it was like a festering abscess which broke out malignantly, and undermined the whole body. A big defect existed in the Qing Dynasty’s system of salary. Officials’ salary was quite low which could not maintain officials themselves and their family members’ life, so this was a motive force to drive officials at every level to blackmail and pillage people. A seventh grade magistrate of a County was only paid forty- five taels of silver per year. Even high-ranking officers of the frontier like governors-general, and grand coordinators were paid only 150–180 taels of silver each year. These small salaries were not enough for them to clothe and feed themselves. When state revenue was in difficulties the emperor always thought about officials’ salary, and asked them to decrease or donate their salary. In addition, the public expense saved in every province which originally belonged to local expenses was a small amount, and because of the urgent demand for military supplies in the first years of the Qing Dynasty it was cut again and again. Kangxi said: “in the past, every state and county saved money for public expenses. Then this all belonged to the Ministry of Revenue, so the state and County could not handle official business.”176 In this way, officials’ living expenses could not be ensured and their office expenses were pocketed, therefore they had to plunder from the common people. This system actually encouraged every level of officials to exploit the common people layer upon layer. In an imperial edict the emperor also admitted that “now when something happens, the Ministries order local officials to manage it and conceal this with a good name, but give the burden to local offices.”177 Some officials also said that “when hiring carriages for the western expedition and transporting rice to the north (the military logistics supply when going on a campaign to Geer Dan ) which were far away affairs, and repairing city walls in the nearby place, local officials were ordered to think of a way.”178 The so called “thinking of a way” was another name for corruption and blackmail. In the reign of Emperor Kangxi the atmosphere of corruption was widespread in the officialdom. Officials who had power all accumulated wealth and took bribes at that time. For example, Suo Etu “could not be matched in corruption and luxury”, Ming Zhu’s “goods from corruption and bribetaking were like mountains.” 179 Xu Qianxue and Gao Shiqi both took bribes and gained extreme notoriety, “Xu Jiangan’s elder and younger brothers (Xu Qianxue, Xu Bingyi and Xu Yuanwen) were like Gao Jiangcun (Shiqi). At that time a ballad said that ‘nine days’ offerings belonged to Donghai (Xu Qianxue), while thousands of counties’ gave to Danren (Gao Shiqi)’. When the emperor

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found out about this he just dismissed them from their post. He said to his close minister that ‘all ministers were xiucai , and led a poor life before. Once they got position, they all rode tall carriages with a team of four horses followed by eight mounted guards. Could I investigate where these came from carefully?’”180 Kangxi had intended to rectify officials and stop the atmosphere of corruption. He considered river management and corruption punishment as two main politicies, and hoped to achieve “clear rivers” and “clear officialdom”. He punished a group of malfeasants and praised Yu Chenglong, Peng Peng, Zhang Boxing and Zhang Penghe as examples of honest and upright officials. However, in practice, he understood gradually that under the feudal political system, it was impossible to eradicate corruption. Therefore in his old age Kangxi no longer emphasized cleaning up political corruption and treated officials’ corruption with leniency without investigating it. Kangxi said that “being called honest officials did not mean they did not ask for a single cent. If there was no extra income, how could they make a living for themselves, family members and servants?”181 He also said that “Zhang Penghe is an honest official. When he was an official in Yanzhou, Shandong Province, he accepted the regulations. Zhang Boxing is also an honest official, but he had engraved in many books. One book could cost thousands taels of gold. Where does the money come from? So there is no need to investigate them carefully. I know that salt officials in Liang Huai sent gifts to people, but I do not want to find out the truth.”182 Because of Kangxi’s indulgence and leniency, officials of every level blackmailed and grabbed unscrupulously, and the administration of officials became much worse, “the deficit of storerooms in every province reached at tens of millions of taels.”183 When Yongzheng became the emperor he was keen on reform, and rectified the administration of officials. He made a deadline for every local storeroom to complement their deficits. He also cracked down on embezzlers, ordered the return of stolen money, and confiscated their property. For example, Niang Gengyao, the general governor of Chuan and Shan, and Long Keduo, Shangshu of the Ministry of Official Personnel Affairs, were convicted and although there were other political causes, corruption was a main reason in crimes listed. Of Niang Gengyao’s ninety-nine crimes, thirty-three were corruption; of Long Keduo’s forty-one crimes, sixteen were corruption. In order to clear up finance and put an end to corruption, he also began with taxes and the system of salary, and implemented “Haoxian belonged to the public”. The so called “Haoxian” meant the subsidy for reasonable loss when levying taxes and land tax. For example, when casting taels, a slight loss would happen, and during the collection and storage of grain some loss would also occur, so allowing

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local officials to levy an extra two or three cents per tael was called “Huohao” or “Haoxian”, which was an additional tax used to make up the reasonable loss. However, in reality, when local officials levied taxes they always collected more than one qian per tael, “some officials even added to four or five qian ,”184 indeed “the extra taxes were several times more than the regulated amount.”185 The “Haoxian” was levied or dominated by local officials and were divided into different portions to send to officials at every level. The amount was different in every place which had great disadvantages. Yongzheng implemented “Haoxian belonged to the public” and regulated “levying extra five cent per tael” as the governmental normal taxes. He implemented unified taxation and stored taxes in local storerooms. He also paid “tael for incorruption” to officials as living subsidy and office expenses, and the amount of “tael for incorruption” surpassed their salary excessively. “Haoxian belonged to the public” was an important reform in the reign of Emperor Yongzheng. This measure concentrated the power of tax collection, which eased people’s burden, and had some effect on rectifying the administration of officials and decreasing corruption. Of course, this was not a complete solution. In the reign of Emperor Qianlong the atmosphere of corruption worsened. The administration ceased to be binding and officialdom turned bad. In the later period of Qianlong’s reign, He Shen held a post lasting for the longest time with the greatest power and was the most famous corrupt official. He belonged to the red banner of Manchu with the surname Niugulu. His family was poor when he was young. He was a student studying in the Imperial College, and inherited the third-class Qingche Duwei (a post in the Qing Dynasty), serving in a low class post in the palace. Because of his smartness and good appearance, he won Qianlong’s favor and was given a high position. He was promoted to minister of the Internal Affairs Department, Shangshu of the Ministry of Revenue and the grand secretary of Guanghua Palace. He was also granted the title first-class Loyal Duke, and was the minister of the military for twenty-four years. “He Shen was in power for a long time. He was good at watching Qianlong’s opinion, so he always acted as a tyrant privately. In the case of those who were not his followers he awaited an opportunity to provoke Qianlong to anger against them, and framed them. In the case of those who took bribes, he had exchanges with them or postponed their affairs to wait for the emperor’s anger to subside. Officials relied on him as their internal secret support and so exploited their inferiors to meet his demands. The salt administration and river projects were both the concentration of property and they exploited much from them, leading to their decline. There was a riot in Chuan and Chu because of disaster. Most of the generals relied on He Shen.

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They wasted the soldiers’ pay and provisions and led a luxurious life, so they did not make a contribution for a long time.”186 He Shen was notorious because of his power and greed. Many foreign envoys who came to China at that time heard much talk about him. For example Zheng Dongguan, ambassador of Korea to China, went back and reported that “He Shen has been in power for nearly twenty years and tyrannically abuses his power, becoming much greedier. From councilors and ministers in the Inner Court to high officers of the frontiers, all are his persons. People who pay bribes and attach themselves to him always get important positions. Those who keep neutral, if they are not punished for a crime, will be frustrated. From nobles to servants, all look askance at him with indignation and revile him.” 187 The diplomatic mission of Macartney from England also heard similar information and recorded as follows: “this Zhongtang (He Shen) commands officials and controls political affairs. Many Chinese people called him the second emperor privately.” 188 In 1795 (the 60th year of the Qianlong reign), Qianlong abdicated, handed over the crown to Jiaqing, and called himself Taishang Emperor (a title assumed by an emperor’s father), but he still controlled the power. As the emperor, if Jiaqing wanted to present a memorial to Qianlong, he had to present it through He Shen, from which it could be seen that He Shen was in Qianlong’s good graces and had an important position. On February 7, 1799 (the third day of the first month of the lunar year of the fourth year of the Jiaqing period), Qianlong died. Jiaqing punished He Shen immediately and confiscated his property. “The house made of nanmu was excessively luxurious and exceeded the regulations. It imitated the Ningshou Palace, and its decorations were no different from those of Peng Island and Yao Tower in The Old Summer Palace”, “his tomb in Jizhou had a Xiang Palace and tunnel, and was called He Tomb by the common people.”189 He had 800,000 mu of farmland, 75 pawnshops, 42 banks, 5,800,000 taels of pink gold, 2,000,000 taels of alluvial gold, 1,000 gold ingots, 1,000 silver ingots, and 9,400,000 taels of ingot silver. Other objects such as pearls, white jades, coral, agates, clocks, gemstones, silks and satins, chinaware, ginseng and marten furs were countless. The properties confiscated numbered 109 in total, and 26 of them were evaluated at more than 220,000,000 taels of silver. At that time, the national treasury had around 40,000,000 taels of silver income, so the evaluated property was equal to five-year’s of income of the national treasury. It can be seen how many his bribes and properties were. Even He Shen’s two servants’ properties were valued at more than 7,000,000 taels of silver.190 Jiaqing searched He Shen’s house and confiscated handsome property, so a proverb among the people said “He Shen was fallen, while Jiaqing was full”. Under the influence of Qianlong’s luxury and He Shen’s greed, the

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worsening of the administration of officials can be imagined. Officials chosen from the imperial examination has studied for ten years. Most of them aim to be officials and to get rich. Zheng Banqiao pointed out frankly that “once they hold the books, they think about passing the provincial civil service examination, the highest imperial examination, and being officials. They also think about how to grab money, to build a big house and to buy farmland.”191 Other officials bought their posts. In order to buy a post they spent a great amount of money, so they considered being officials as doing business and wanted to make money with their capital. Once they got a lucrative post, they spared no effort to reap fabulous profits. In this way everyone amassed wealth by heavy taxation, so the atmosphere of corruption increased. The record at that time said that “civil and military governors and ministers of departments plundered money from states and counties, while states and counties plundered money from the common people. They exploited layer by layer, and exhausted and hurt the common people tired and painful, who lost their fortune.” 192 He also said “generally speaking, most officials lose their sense of shame and seek nothing but profits. The magistrate of a county sends gifts to the magistrate of a prefecture, and the magistrate of a prefecture attends upon influential officials. They cheat superior and inferior officials, shield people and act illegally at will.” 193 Such records exposing officialdom’s corruption through misuse of law are too numerous to mention one by one. In the reign of Emperor Qianlong there were many big corruption cases and some illegal acts by officials were punished. For example in 1757 (the 22nd year of the Qianlong reign), in order to ingratiate themselves with Qianlong, Heng Wen, the governor of Yun and Gui, and Guo Yiyu, the grand coordinator of Yunnan, decided to present a golden censer to Qianlong. When they bought the gold they reduced gold’s price and filled their own pockets. When this was uncovered Qianlong criticized Heng Wen, saying that “in the name of paying tribute you line your own pockets.”194 Qianlong ordered Heng Wen to kill himself and banished Guo Yiyu. In the same year Jiang Zhou, the grand coordinator of Shandong, was indicted for embezzlement of funds from the provincial treasury during his former governorship in Shanxi, and for covering up the deficit by levying additional taxes on the people. He was punished with death. This involved Ming De, the grand coordinator of Shanxi, and many other officials, and they were all convicted. In 1768 (the 33rd year of the Qianlong reign), in the name of raising expenses for Qianlong’s southern tour, officials who made an inspection tour of Liang Huai’s salt business ruled that every certificate for getting salt cost three taels. The collection and payment of these taels were not reported to the Qing government, according to the investigation

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later: the taels collected from the certificates reached one thousand and ninety taels of silver. Besides the expenses of the southern tour, most was embezzled by the salt officers. Gao Heng and Pu Fu who had been salt officers and Lu Jianzeng, who took charge of transporting salt, were put to death. In 1781 (the 46th year of the Qianlong reign) Wang Danwang, the grand coordinator of Zhejiang, was beheaded as when he was the provincial governor of Gansu he embezzled grain donated by jiansheng who bought their way into the government, which was to be given to victims of disasters. More than sixty officials were involved in this case, and twenty-two were executed. Le Erjin, the governor of Shan and Gan, was ordered to take his own life. While this case was still not settled, a new case related to it happened. When Chen Huizu, the governor of Min and Zhe, searched and confiscated Wang Danwang’s family property he used replaced gold with silver and concealed jade ware. He also swapped court necklaces, and took forcible possession of Wang Danwang’s bribes. When this was exposed, and because of too great a deficit of money and grain in Min and Zhe, Chen Huizu was ordered to commit suicide. In 1782 (the 47th year of the Qianlong reign) there were the corruption cases of Guo Tai, the grand coordinator of Shandong, and Yu Yijian, the Buzheng Shi (a post in the Qing Dynasty). Guo Tai and others were corrupt and sought private gain. They also blackmailed subordinates, leading to a deficit in all states and counties in Shandong. Guo Tai was He Shen’s trusted subordinate, but although He Shen sent news secretly to him and tried hard to rescue him, Guo Tai and others were still ordered to take their own lives. In 1784 (the 49th year of the Qianlong reign) Hao Shuo, the grand coordinator of Jiangxi, was put to death for the crime of “taking bribes from subordinates”. In 1786 (the 51st year of the Qianlong reign) Wu Lana, the grand coordinator of Min and Zhe, and Pu Lin, the grand coordinator of Fujian, were exposed as “handling affairs only by corruption, leading to poor county leaders soliciting bribes. There were many corrupt officials, and robbers were unbridled.” 195 Wu Lana and Pu Lin were both sentenced to death. When Wu Lana’s property was searched, Ruyi alone amounted to one hundred handles. In 1792 (the 57th year of the Qianlong reign) Fu Song, the grand coordinator of Zhejiang, was convicted and committed suicide, because of soliciting 110,000 taels of silver and embezzling 60,000 taels of public funds. In the later years of Qianlong he executed a group of corrupt officials. Most of them were governors, grand coordinators, Buzheng Shi, and provincial judges, but the atmosphere of corruption in officialdom did not weaken. A most important reason was that “when those above behave wrongly, those below will do the same.” Qianlong himself wasted money like mud and sand, so officials at every level competed to pay tribute, welcome him,

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offer birthday congratulations, and present gifts, which cost a great amount of money. He Shen, who held the power, “was greedy and hurried to solicit wealth. Civil and military governors and Si Dao were afraid of entrapment by him so they had to send gifts to him to make him become their inner support.”196 In this situation, if officials were not corrupt and had not accepted bribes, they did not have the money to give presents to the emperor and their superiors. Therefore Qianlong and He Shen were the root of the atmosphe-re of corruption in officialdom, “when they punished greedy officials but actually they indulged them. Therefore, there was the sarcastic saying ‘killing the fat duke’. Governors and grand coordinators killed by Qianlong were all people whose crime could not be covered up any more. Innumerable corrupt officials were just fined or had their deficits covered up, so even some corrupt officials were punished the corruption did not stop.” 197 Later, Xue Fucheng criticized that in the reign of Emperor Qianlong “the more corrupt officials he killed, the more serious the atmosphere was. They were afraid of being punished by the net of justice, so they just had to try hard to plunder and exploit in order to bribe more officials for self-protection. Greed was not their nature, but they were driven by hidden reasons and had to become greedy.”198 At that time it was obvious that the officialdom was corrupt, but Qianlong still presented a false appearance of peace and prosperity without listening to any admonition. In 1790 (the 55th year of Qianlong) Yin Zhangtu, a scholar of the cabinet, presented a memorial to Qianlong saying that “every governor and grand coordinator has a tattered reputation, and the administration of officials ceases to be binding. When I passed through different provinces, I asked and observed whether officials were judicious, but half of merchants and common people frowned and sighed. It was the same in nearly every province. I ask for an edict to send ministers of Manchu go to inspect the deficits with me in every province secretly”. These words told the truth, but Qianlong was displeased, and questioned Yin Zhuangtu: “you have said that merchants and common people all frowned and sighed in the provinces you passed through, which is as if the people cannot stand the pressure of the government. Who and where did you hear this from? You my present it to me when you clarify these questions.” 199 Later Qianlong asked Yin Zhuangtu and others to go to every province to inspect deficits. Every province knew the information in advance, so they borrowed all around and complemented the deficits temporarily and the inspections could not find anything. Yin Zhuangtu admitted he had been raving and asked to be punished. The Ministry of Punishments convicted him of deception and wild objection, and wanted to behead him. Nevertheless Qianlong thought it was too much, so he remitted the death penalty and demoted him to an imperial proofreader in the cabinet.

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In this atmosphere of cheating all people and seeking wealth and corruption, officials clung to the habitual ways and flattered and fawned on others. Therefore political affairs ceased to be binding and were not efficienct. Money and grain were in deficit and cases piled mountain-high. Liu Rong wrote a paragraph which stated the corruption of the administration of officials in the Qing Dynasty: Now there are lots of officials, but I have never heard of one who focused on giving peace to the people. All I can see are those who levy taxes rudely and use punishment indiscriminately. They exploit people’s wealth and hurt people’s lives. Are these cases all small accidents?...Settling officials and dividing posts are supposed to serve the people, but officials disregard people and even cruelly oppress and exploit the common people, which puts the people’s fat and blood into the mouths of jackals and wolves without mercy. This makes people feel broken-hearted! Relatives of officials and yamen runners are worse. Thousands of those people without any skills sit and eat between states and counties. In their families no one take up farming and weaving, but they can still enjoy delicious food. There are no less than ten thousand people like them. If common people have the smallest grievance with them by accident, they fool with him until his family is ruined. They trifle with the law, and frame innocent people. It cannot be attended to by anybody! Within the small county, the officials are like jackals and wolves, and also indulge hundreds of falcons and hounds, which is harmful to the village and makes people resent the country…in current times, achievements in high-ranking officials’ career are assessed by how many bribes they send, so the standard of officials’ promotion and demotion is disordered. Lowranking officials decide lawsuits also according to the size of the bribes, so the punishment and rewards are perverse…In states and counties, if somebody preserves his moral integrity and wishes to move higher he has no hope of changing his official rank and is always exposed by others. However corrupt officials not only have a rich family but also can get promotion along with their increasing age. Comparing the two kinds of officials, advantages and disadvantages have a great disparity. Honest people have neither reputation nor benefits. Could it be said that they want to give up what can bring benefits to the world and offend the taboo in the current times? They present gifts privately, and stir up the atmosphere of corruption. Although they have violated their original intention and personal integrity, when they look back they feel no regret.200

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At that time Liu Rong was still a common landlord who had not become an official, but he made a penetrating analysis of the problems with the officialdom. High-ranking officials only hankered after their official position and salary. They were resigned to circumstances and stuck in the mud. They did not attach much importance to political affairs. The main high-ranking ministers in the reign of Emperor Qianlong had different characters and styles, but their conduct and personnel integrity all had serious problems, “Ne Qin was harsh and unreasonable; Yu Minzhong was greedy; Fu Heng was extravagant; and He Shen was all this at the same time. Other officials had a sense of propriety but just kept silent to get their acceptance.” 201 In the first years of Jiaqing, Bi Yuan became the governor of Liang Guang, and Fu Ning and Cheng Huai were appointed as the grand coordinator of Guangdong and Buzhengshi of Guangdong respectively. They ganged up. “Bi (Yuan) was dilatory, and administered affairs of state; Fu (Ning) was insidious and took bribes widely; Chen (Huai) liked picking on other’s flaws, and forced subordinates to empty their purses to avoid disaster”. People at that time scolded that “Bi was not in charge of anything; Fu extorted; and Chen used up people’s fortune.” 202 In the reign of Daoguang, Cao Zhenyong, who was in power for the longest time “in his old age, got great kindness from the emperor, and his fame and status were both stable. His disciples asked after him. Wenzheng (Cao Zhenyong’s posthumous title) said: ‘nothing but more kowtows and few talks’.”203 The seven words became the high-ranking officials’ golden rule. Someone wrote Plum Flowers to satirize the decayed officialdom: One should pay more attention to his official career, which means communicating regularly with people in the capital by letter, and often presenting lavish gifts. Do not talk about current affairs and be a hero. Remain tactful and modest. A high-ranking officials’ rule is to be calm, and not have outstanding service, and not talk about loyalty. Keeping a twilight state is the philosophy of life. Do not discuss anything or refute others. The country is peaceful and has a good harvest, so the country is prosperous and the official career is successful. Praise others’ contributions sincerely, no matter whether good or bad. So that one can rise to become a high-ranking official smoothly and his wife and son can also get benefits. Then he can leave a good name with the posthumous title of either loyalty or modesty.

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This poem fully described officials’ corruption and scandals. Engels talked about the political situation in eighteen century Germany: “everywhere is in utter confusion…it is unbelievable how the arrogant nobles are imperious and cruel to their people. They only know the pursuit of pleasure and leading an extravagant and dissipated life. They confer on their ministers and officials limitless power, which make them oppress the miserable people unscrupulously. So long as they can fill their masters’ coffers and offer them enough beautiful concubines…This is a pile of rubbish which is decaying and disintegrating. No one feels comfortable about it. Domestic handicraft industry, commerce, manufacture and agriculture are languishing. Peasants, handicraftsmen and business owners suffer from double miseries, which are the government’s expropriation and commercial depression. Both aristocrats and nobles feel that although they have bled people’s flesh and blood, their income cannot make up for their increasing expenses. Everything is bad and a resentful mood envelops the whole country…everything is bad and unstable, and it will collapse. There is no a gleam of hope that there will be a turn for the better.”204 In the reign of Emperor Qianlong, the decay of the Chinese political state was even worse than that of Germany.

The decaying army and loose discipline The army is one of the components of, and a major supporter of, a regime. In the feudal society, corruption in the regime inevitably spread to its army. The standard army of the Qing Dynasty was comprised of the eight banner troops and green standard armies. While the eight banner soldiers were in compulsory service, as every Manchu adult male was obliged to “put on armor” and fight for the kingdom, the green standard armies were mercenaries who were ethnic Han. Both the eight banner armies and the green standard armies received monthly payment in silver called “shangyin ” and a yearly allocation of rice called “shuimi ,” which accounted for the largest expense in national finance. In regular times the expense of the armies took up “sixty to seventy percent of the fiscal budget,” while in wartime the amount would greatly exceed this figure. Before the Qing Dynasty expanded its control into within the Shanhaiguan and shortly afterwards, the eight banner armies were very strong and intrepid. However after only one generation the eight banner armies had become much weaker in combat capacity. During the war on the three feudatories, witnessing the loose discipline and low morale in the armies, the Kangxi Emperor wrote in a edict that, “in the face of the enemy and strongholds to be conquered,

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what the princes, generals and officials had in mind was not how to tackle the difficult situation, pacify the people and earn themselves a good name, but was how to benefit themselves. They took women and children, with some going to the extreme of pretending to be bandits and burning down residents’ houses, so as to take over these households’ offspring and money.” 205 These troops knew nothing but plundering and trampling on the lives of the people, and naturally suffered from consecutive defeats in battles. The Qing Court was left no choice but to rely on the green standard armies, who fought a lasting war to finally suppress the revolt by the three feudatories. After the war, the eight banner soldiers grew more corrupt, as “the eight banner leaders stayed home and played music, wore fancy silk dress and rode famous horses, and spent all their time drinking wine with the royalty and their guests.”206 “Both the dutong and vice dutong (both military officials) rarely attended the regular meetings, while those who did attend the meetings went there only to make jokes with each other.” 207 “Many of these military officials join opera troupes and sing Chinese opera, while some do so by themselves.”208 High officials in the eight banner troops lived a luxurious life in which they neglected their duty and ignored and forgot everything they should have been doing such as training in horsemanship, archery and martial arts, office work, and maintaining order and discipline in the army. Regular soldiers, whether they were deployed in Beijing or other provinces, lived a peaceful life and were barred from doing any labor, and idled about everyday in pursuit of vanity. In an imperial edict in Emperor Jiaqing’s reign it was said that, “the Manchu was originally a humble people, and most of our clothes used to be made of plain cloth. However in recent years our soldiers are influenced by the customs of central China. Many of them want to wear colorful and silk cloth and take it as a shame to dress in plainer cloth than others.”209 They lived a luxurious life and were very fond of arranging extravagant occasions. However, with limited salaries, expanding families, and increasing expenditure, many of them found it hard to make ends meet and eventually fell into poverty. “The first moment when they received their payment they spent the money directly on wine and meat, which before long would cost all of their payment.” 210 By the middle of the Qing Dynasty many of the eight banner descendants were impoverished and could only live on borrowing salary in advance, selling land and receiving poverty relief. The eight banner troops became an army filled with spendthrift soldiers that could not live up to its reputation and was incapable of winning a war. During the revolt of the White Lotus Society, the eight banner leaders recommended use of their troops to the imperial court to crack down on the unrest in Hubei and Sichuan Provinces. However their motive was to make a fortune in the turmoil

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by robbing the ordinary people there. “anda, shiwei and zhangjing in Beijing (all military titles) all wanted to join the army deployed to the battle fields, and those who succeeded became rich in no time, as they were all busy arranging new land purchases.”211 As a result the general in the frontline eventually had to ask the imperial court to withdraw the eight banner armies back to Beijing so as to get rid of this intervention in the government force. In the fourth year of the Jiaqing period, the governor-general Lebao made a memorial to the throne, writing that, “the aerial ladder team and the firearms team are not used to hardship and do not abide by discipline, contributing very little to the war on the rebels. They took two days to travel only seventy li to reach Dazhou. Rather than letting them stay in the battle field, consuming our food and looked down upon by the green standard armies, I would rather send them back to Beijing and please do not deploy them to the battle field in the future.”212 Such a weak army was not so weak when robbing and harassing the common people. For instance, the eight banner troops originally deployed in Taiyuan were “vicious and unbridled robbers”, and the residents there ironically said that “the whole place was a big Liangshanbo, the place on which the Chinese novel the Water Margin was based.”213 After that the Qing Court relied on the green standard armies for any major wars and conflicts. However the green standard armies were also deteriorating and showed many malpractices as well. Emperor Qianlong once commented that, “these soldiers, once sent with the army to defend counties, would run away immediately when they are attacked by robbers. The chronic fearful nature of the green standard armies is the thing I hate the most.” 214 Before Emperor Jiaqing came to power, while he was accompanying Emperor Qianglong on a trip in the south, he also witnessed the chronic bad habits of the armies. He said later when he became the emperor, “I went southward with the former emperor to Hangzhou and witnessed the training of the army there. I saw arrows missing the targets and men on horseback falling down.”215 After the uprising of Lin Shuangwen in Taiwan, the Qing court conducted an investigation into the military preparation there, and that was when they found out that high-ranking officials “were very corrupt and turned a blind eye to subordinates who work for their own benefit. The routines in the army were put aside, and soldiers were ordered to go back into mainland China to do business and hand in a set amount of monthly payment... many soldiers who should have been defending Taiwan were sent back home after the officials in charge collected a certain amount of money from them, therefore the defending force there became insufficient in number. Those who remained there were also sent out of the military installations to make money, for example by opening casinos

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and brothels, or trading in unauthorized salt. The officials in charge of these places made them pay monthly and allowed them to skip daily training.” 216 Another example was the navies of Guangdong and Fujian Provinces, which should have been the main force to resist foreign capitalist invasion. However due to severe corruption in the navies, an order to build ten warships often produced only seven or eight warships. The fund for ship building mostly went into the wallets of the corrupt officials. It was said that, “the officials of the defensive camp colluded with each other to take possession of the government expenses”. Even when they did use the money to build ships, there were still “corrupt officials who gave the ships to their relatives or rented them to merchants to do business in Vietnam and Japan.” 217 The most stunning was that there was never a single case of arresting pirates by the navies, which was because “the navies and pirates stand on the same side; if the pirates are the fathers, the navies are the sons; this has been the case for years.”218 The armies scattered in inland China were also in a similar situation. Scenarios such as officials reporting a number of soldiers higher than the actual number and taking possession of the extra salaries, or officials taking possession of existing soldiers’ salaries, were commonplace. It was very often the case that there were names in the registration book, but the soldiers did not really exist. Therefore the officials could get all the salaries of these non-existent soldiers. The difficult financial status of the Qing Dynasty made it even more serious by repeatedly delaying the payment of salaries, thus depriving many soldiers of their means of living. In many places there were only camps but no soldiers, or soldiers who were busy with their own businesses rather than with their training. “The registered number of infantry in Zhener of Hanzhong reached over seven thousand, but there was no one at all. Even the gate keeper was hired for a price of one hundred wen on a daily basis, otherwise there would be no one guarding the city gate”. In one county in Yulin, the soldiers looked like beggers, and had long sold their weapon for food.”219 Due to corruption and decadence, the eight banner armies and the green standard armies lost their ability to fight. When confronted by the uprising by the White Lotus Society the Qing Dynasty had to use militia. In battles, “military officials temporarily decided to put the militias in the forefront, the green standard armies in the middle and the eight banner armies in the rear of their formation.” 220 But the militias were local armed forces summoned for temporary use, not the standard army of the regime. They were summoned in different numbers each time when there were needs for conflicts, and were dismissed after the event. Only after the revolt of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom did the Xiang and Huai troops manage to replace the green standard army and become a regular army. After the the Sino-Japanese War of

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1894–1895, new armies organized, equipped and trained in the Western way came into being. After the middle of the Qing Dynasty, its bureaucracy and military were both severely corrupt and rotten. As a result its ability to suppress rebellions was largely weakened. This was one of the most important reasons that led to the unceasing waves of peasant uprisings.

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Chapter

Uprisings of Various Nationalities Driven by the White Lotus Society

A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

Uprisings of Various Nationalities in the Second Half of the 18th Century In the second half of the 18th century, the Qing Dynasty started to decline after the period of great prosperity under the reign of Emperor Kangxi, Emperor Yongzheng and Emperor Qianlong respectively. This was reflected in the intensifying social conflicts, rotten governing body and more frequent and fiercer uprisings. The formerly scattered and sporadic resistance activities of the masses had become uprisings against feudalism. Between the second half of the 18th century and the early 19th century, the uprisings of the masses against the Qing government had two characteristics as follows: First, the uprisings firstly broke out in frontier areas and areas inhabited by ethnic groups, such as the struggle of Uygurs in Wushi, the insurrection of the Salar nationality in Gansu, the uprising of the Hui nationality, the uprising led by Lin Shuangwen in Taiwan, and the uprising staged by the Miao nationality in Hunan and Guizhou. These regions suffered from complex situations, severe class oppression and national oppression, acute conflicts, and most of the administrative organizations of the Qing Dynasty were newly founded, far from the central government, and weak in ruling power. So anti-Qing government struggles firstly fermented and broke out in these areas and then extended to the central plains (comprising the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River), which ignited the flame of nationwide anti-Qing activities including the rebellion of the White Lotus Society in Sichuan and Hubei. Both ethnic groups and those of Han nationality in these struggles had common targets, shared a bitter hatred of the enemy, supported each other, and became a close and strong fighting troop. Second, many peasant uprisings during this period leveraged on religion and secret societies, such as the rebellion of the White Lotus Society in Sichuan and Hubei, the uprising led by Wang Lun, the Li Wencheng-led uprising, the uprising staged by the Heaven and Earth Society in southern part of China, and the Hui nationality’s uprising in Gansu etc. It would take some time to foment and prepare uprisings of the masses as the ruling class had accumulated long-term government experience and rigorously controlled the grass-roots level in the late period of the feudal society. In this connection, religions and secret societies turned out to be effective tools to plan and launch uprisings. They could unite and contact the masses, promote resistant thought and organize armed forces without attracting people’s attention. In so doing, in the second half of the 18th century, religions and secret societies of all kinds and

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in all names emerged across the nation with the growing class struggles and the decline of the Qing Dynasty. This kind of society at the grass-roots level covered by religion but with social ideals became the most popular form of antifeudalism amongst farmers.

Anti-Qing government uprisings of the Uygur nationality and Han nationality in Wushi and Changji The Qing government had strengthened its rule of frontier areas in northwest of China since the unification of Nanjiang (the southern part of Xinjiang), but it had brought brutal exploitation and oppression to people of all ethnic groups in Nanjiang. Apart from the heavy taxes and tributes paid to the Qing government, local residents had to shoulder exorbitant taxes and levies under various names. Both high and low ranking officials dispatched by the central government to Nanjiang also colluded with the upper-class of the Uygur nationality to exploit local residents by sucking their lifeblood. The daily necessities of government officials and yamen (government offices in feudal China) were all supported by the grass-roots level of the Uygur nationality. Aqimu boke (name of government post) demanded 25 wen hongqian 1 from each household. According to Na Yancheng, “All daily necessities including clothes and food were drawn from the aqimu . There was the so-called offering price, but this was not paid at all. Before, the monthly payment was 500 to 800 bunches of hongqian in Kacheng, and 150 to 300 bunches of hongqian in Karghalik. Apart from the monthly supply, each city must deliver sea dragon, otter, sheep skin of all kinds, coral, gold, silk fabrics, tea, golden figured cloth, and Talian cloth at any time demanded. When there officials passing through the city, 23 shoe-shaped gold ingots and 100 to 200 bunches of hongqian were demanded...both large and small yamen practiced this custom. aqimu boke also doubled taxes and this became a bad practice in the end.”2 Presents were also demanded for officials when they took power, left their posts, had birthdays and even for festivals, “when a minister assumed a post, aqimu of the city and counties under its jurisdiction must present locally produced gold line and silk fabrics, brocade, figured cloth, jade pieces, leathers, and so on…when celebrating festivals and birthdays. When he was ready to go back to the capital after finishing his term of office, the aqimu would present dozens of silver ingots that were demanded from households.” 3 The blackmail by officials of the Qing government must be carried out through the local boke who bullied people by flaunting his powerful connections and carried out unscrupulous plunder, “exploiting local residents and demanding as he wanted without scruple.”4 These officials lived

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a luxurious life in magnificent residences, “that can be compared to gardens with a quiet and elegant landscape, and the aqimu boke of the eight cities in Nanjiang all valued luxury” 5, the things presented included Teppich, figured rugs, copperware, tin ware and porcelain, among others. These presents were immeasurable in value and were demanded from the counties under its jurisdiction. This is a really heavy burden for local people.”6 Uygur people not only suffered from economic exploitation but also brutal political oppression from the officials and boke of the Qing government. Military and government officials dispatched by the central government to Nanjiang acted as tyrants. “They tyrannized local people and threatened them by force after winning battles.”7 “They played tricks on local people and often treated them like dogs and goats.”8 In addition, boke of different areas were also greedy and brutal, they bullied people with their powers and sometimes forced the poor to wear cattle devices to plough for them; some of them cornered the market, tried to gain wealth by all means and exploited the common people all the time; some others set up illegal courtsand abused, tortured and humiliated common people as if human life was not worth a straw; some others forced women to marry them and defied laws. According to Na Yancheng, “government soldiers randomly went in or out of counties of the Hui nationality and even raped local women and bullied children, which was always the case back then.”9 Where there is oppression there is resistance. People of Uygur nationality constantly staged revolts in order to get rid of the tyrannical rule of officials of the Qing government and local boke . The uprising that broke out in Wushi in 1765 (the 30th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) was the earliest and the largest one. The uprising in Wushi broke out on the basis of acute class antagonism. Abdullah, an aqimu boke of Wushi, was an atrocious feudalist ruler. He was the son of the king of Kumul Prefecture. He was appointed as an official to Wushi by the Qing government. “He was brutal, and flogged and humiliated local people every day. Beyond that, he was greedy and demanded wealth from everyone. In addition, his companions in Kumul defied laws and committed fraud everywhere. People of Hui nationality in Wushi could not stand them any more.” 10 The Amban commissioned by the central government was a typical representative of the savage and cruel officials. “He was muddleheaded, didn’t care about affairs, drunk a lot and was obscene.”11 “He exploited people of Hui nationality, and raped women at will.”12 People in Wushi had long felt hatred and this became tinder of the incident of transporting desert dates and launched a large-scale resistance. In the spring of 1765 (the 30th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) Su

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Cheng forcibly recruited 240 people of Uyger nationality in Wushi to transport desert dates and assigned Laihemutula as escort. But the destination was unclear, so the recruited transporters asked aqimu boke Abdullah about the destination. But Abdullah did not tell them and even flogged them for this, which “provoked the anger of these Hui people.” 13 Laihemutula also bore hatred because Su Cheng had once required his wife to stay overnight in the yamen . Therefore these workers picked up weapons and attacked the Qing army stationed in Wushi under the leadership of Laihemutula. Su Cheng and Abdullah climbed up a mountain, but fell into the encirclement of these insurrectionary workers. In the end, Su Cheng committed suicide while Abdullah was captured. Bie Tahai, the amban, dispatched by the Qing ruling government to Aksu, led 400 soldiers to Wushi after learning the news and started a rampant killing. There were only several hundreds of residents in Wushi, and some of them were not involved in the incident, but Bie Tahai suppressed and killed indiscriminatingly, which resulted in the unified resistance of all Uygur people in the city. Bie Tahai could not withstand this, suffered a defeat and ran away. Following that, the rebels defeated the Qing army commanded by E Bao, Amban in Kuqa. The uprising spread its influence to the Uygur people in Yarkant, Kuqa and Aksu. “People there were in truculent state” and were ready to respond to the incident, thus Nanjiang witnessed “insurrectionists in every corner”. The central government assigned Na Shitong, counselor of Nanjiang, to lead an army to Wushi from Kashgar. Na Shitong and Bie Tahai were stationed in the east and west of Wushi respectively and they carried out a two-way pronged attack against the rebel troops. But they were defeated by the rebel army due to internal contradictions and power struggles among the generals of the Qing army. After that Ming Rui, general of Ili, led more than ten thousand troops to the war-ravaged city and attacked the insurrectionists. But the insurrectionists stood fast in resistance and thus the warfare reached a stalemate. Then the Qing government sent out A Gui to assist Ming Rui and executed Bie Tahai and Na Shitong for delaying operations. After arriving at Wushi, A Gui bombarded the city and intensified the attacks against the rebels. Under the lead of Laihemutula, the rebels “fought to the last ditch by relying on their fortified city walls and sufficient food.” 14 After half a year’s unyielding resistance, Laihemutula died in battle and his son Eshemutula took over the command and continued the combat the Qing army. The prolonged siege by the Qing army resulted in a shortage of food inside the city, thus the uprising suffered setbacks. The uprising army was challenged by internal instability and spies, which dealt a heavy blow to the uprising.

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Under the circumstances of “direct attacks from all sides and no way out for the rebels,” 15 Wushi was ultimately captured by the Qing army and thus the uprising ended in failure. During the uprising in Wushi, Uygur people in cities such as Yarkant, Kuqa and Aksu also actively responded, but the central government capitalized on the upper-class Uygurs to split and mislead those involved in the uprising. For example, Uygurs in Yarkant became truculent after they learned about the uprising. But Baylor Edui and his wife invited inferior boke and Ahun (an Islamic word meaning a bishop who was proficient in scriptures) who were about to join the uprising to their residence, induced them to give up their plans, and “made A Hun and his followers drunk and sent their trusted subordinate back. They confiscated their weapons and sent them to the Amban to keep on the one hand, and sent their horses to the deep mountain hundreds miles away on the other. On the next day, Ahun and others woke up and had to give up their plans.”16 Another example was that when Uygur people in Aksu prepared to stage an uprising, aqimu boke Shetiboaledi who “had just returned from the capital to Gansu learned the news and immediately went back to Aksu. He spent seven days and nights on the journey of 6,000 li , and thus the masses dared not act.”17 The Qing government put an end to the anti-Qing struggles in Nanjiang with the support and assistance of the upper-class Uygurs. The Wushi Uprising was suppressed and the Qing government recognized that this incident had been triggered by he brutal oppression by rulers at all levels. Emperor Qianlong noted: “I think the Hui people would not stage the uprising for no reasons, this must have been sparked by the atrocity of officials there.” 18 As part of the efforts to consolidate the Qing rule and crack down on insurrectionists, the Qing ruler made some reforms in Nanjiang including the abolition of apportion, formulation of tax amount, and even commission of officials and reduction of the power of aqimu boke . He also ruled on the etiquette of the meeting between boke and ministers assigned by the central government in a bid to ease their contradictions. Yet the rule of the Qing government became increasingly corrupt and so these measures were not implemented properly, still less did they address the contradictions fundamentally. After that people of all ethnic groups kept rising up to resist the Qing rule. Two years after the outbreak of the Wushi Uprising, the anti-Qing struggles of Han people opening up wasteland and growing grains broke out in Changji. Changji was an important area for opening up wasteland and growing grain. There was a kind of farming called Qiantun, which was to have criminals exiled from the inland to grow crops. They suffered the most severe oppression and

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had to deliver much of their gains from cultivation to the government, so there was virtually nothing left and they could not even support their families. In peacetime, they were insulted and bullied by local officials and had no political freedom. These expelled criminals bore hatred and plotted resistance. On the night of the Mid-autumn Festival of 1767 (the 32nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), these exiled criminals seized the opportunity of the festival to gather to protest, killed the officials, seized weapons, occupied Changji city and started their anti-Qing struggle. On the next day they attacked Urumchi, but they staged the uprising in a hasty manner and had never been trained for it, lacked experience in battles and weapons and war-horses. They met an ambush of the Qing army when arriving at Hongshanju, but they suffered setbacks and had to retreat to Manas River. Eventually they were put down by the Qing army and their struggles ended in failure.

The uprising led by Wang Lun In 1774 (the 39th year of the reign of Qianlong Emperor), less than 10 years after the Uprising in Wushi, Xinjiang, the peasant uprising led by Wang Lun broke out in Shandong which opened the prelude to the large-scale struggles of people of all ethnic groups against the ruling Qing government after the middle of the Qing Dynasty. The White Lotus Society had long been secretly known in Shandong and Zhili (province under the direct jurisdiction of the central government). The uprising led by Wang Lun was an armed peasant uprising organized and launched by Qingshuijiao —a branch of the White Lotus Society. Wang Lun came from Dangjia Village, Shouzhang County, Shandong Province. He was good at martial arts such as shadowboxing and swordplay, and at medical skills and Qigong. He often moved between counties such as Shouzhang, Tangyi and Yanggu, gathered people to recite or chant scriptures, pass on Fu Zhuan and incantations, and plotted to resist the Qing government. Wang Lun was generous in personality and often assisted people in distress, curing diseases without charge, so he enjoyed high prestige among local people. Many poor peasants had been helped by him. “These peasants felt grateful for his kindness and wanted to follow him to repay him.”19 Wang Lun had been active there for a long time and thus Qingshuijiao enjoyed a group of followers among the basic masses. In 1774 (the 39th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), counties such as Shouzhang in Shandong Province “suffered from extra taxes imposed by local officials even amid crop failures.” 20 Local residents were dissatisfied

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and sporadic armed resistance occurred constantly. Against the backdrop of intensifying conflicts, Qingshuijiao grew rapidly and even “servicemen in both military and government offices joined the group.” 21 This caught the attention of local feudal officials so Shen Qiyi, magistrate of the County of Shouzhang, ordered that followers of the society be tracked down and arrested. Wang Lun immediately called his followers to combat after learning the news. In September 1774 Wang Lun sent Meng Can, one of the heads of the society, to Zhangsigu village to “summon their followers” and said that “August 28 (October 4 in the Gregorian calendar) will see winds and rains, and so it is time to act.”22 On the evening of October 3, armed rebellions led by Wang Lun and Wang Jinglong broke out in Dangjia village, Shouzhang County and Zhangsigu village, Dangyi respectively. Wang Lun led peasants to attack Shouzhang County at night and killed Shen Qiyi, magistrate of the County. Wang Jinglong led his troops from Dangyi to join forces with Wang Lun in Shouzhang. After the attack on Shouzhang, Wang Lun called himself “Zhen Zhi Wei Xing (the true emperor)”, and set up official positions such as marshal, Xianxing and Guogong. On October 6 the rebel forces attacked Yanggu County, following up on their victory, and “easily captured the county as there were many of his followers there.” 23 They killed guerrilla Zhao Fu while only Zhang Qiu, zongbing (rank of military official) of Yanzhou, managed to escape. Wang Lun “galloped ahead with his sword drawn and stormed in Yanggu,”24 and captured Dangyi on the 8th. The uprising troops kept expanding their victories. Within a few days, more than two thousand people were assembled in areas such as Shouzhang, Yanggu, Dangyi and Linqing. They apportioned provisions and food from rich people, and confiscated the property of pawnshops and gave it to the poor.25 The rebel army was strongly supported by local people as it was highly disciplined. “They neither kill nor plunder locally, and they pay for all the food they get from local residents. As a case in point, a thief was executed for eating a pear belonging to someone else without giving enough payment, and a double payment was ordered. In this context, all ignorant common people realized the consequences of being a thief while the knowledgeable ones also obeyed the rules to avoid momentary penalty.”26 The successful progress of the rebel troops worried the ruler of the Qing government. Emperor Qianlong who was staying in Rehe ordered grand secretary Shu Hede to “send out imperial envoy Guan Fang from Tianjin to Shandong to command the government army”, and assigned Nawangduoerji, husband of a princess, and A Siha, zuoduyusi (an official post), to lead one thousand soldiers with sharp weapons and “skilled shooters” to crack down on the uprising.

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In September the rebel army took Liulin, only 40 li away from Linqing that is situated on the east bank of Shandong Northwest Canal. “Linqing is the fortress of the south-north waterway”, and it represented an important place for the Qing government to control Caoyun (water transport of grain to the capital). But the Qing army “did not control the canal and only closed the city gate to wait for the ‘thieves (insurrectionists),’” 27 and so the rebel army occupied the old city of Linqing on October 16. “The rebel troops did not have firearms and horses, and half of what they had were sickles and kitchen knives,” 28 but they fought bravely and courageously. “They did not fear guns and artillery in battles and kept fighting with their short knives.”29 The head of the troops “held knives in both hands, ran as fast as if flying, and looked like a macaque, and all of his followers did not fear for their lives and never ran away from guns and artillery.” 30 In contrast, the morale of the Qing troops was quite low and they “either failed to shoot or missed the target as they showed the white feather and could not keep their hands steady. So when the rebel troops arrived, they could not withstand them.”31 Xu Ji, grand coordinator of the Qing government in Shandong, headed his troops but “his officers and soldiers fired all artillery when they thought the ‘thieves’ were coming so failed to withstand them when they really came.”32 This battle fully revealed the decadence and incompetence of the Qing army. After occupying the old city of Linqing, the rebel army dug tunnels preparing for attacks on the new city of Linqing and fired on the enemy with the artillery seized from the Qing army. The Qing troops were extremely frightened, they “cried like owls and geese amid flying bombs inside the city, and everyone was afraid.”33 The situation was quite favorable to the rebel army but unfortunately Wan Lun failed to capture the new city of Linqing, which enabled the Qing army to enjoy enough time to wait for reinforcements. In late October, Shu Hede led the Qing army to Linqing and launched a counteroffensive against the rebels together with local Qing troops and armed landlords. On October 27 the Qing army attacked the old city of Linqing from two sides, but the rebel side fought the Qing army head-on outside the city and made a strong counterattack. That said, the rebel army withdrew to the old city as they were outnumbered by the Qing army. They made use of the “narrow streets and closely built houses” of the city and carried out street fighting against the enemy. “The uprising troops met the Qing enemy head-on, and got on the roofs to throw bricks and tiles at the enemy.” They fought bravely against the Qing army. Yang Wu, one of the leaders of the rebel army, jumped down from the roof and killed the enemy with sword when he found the Qing troops burning, killing and pillaging on streets. “Wu Sanniang, a female leader

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in her twenties, beautiful, charming and with physical strength and the art of attack...led women followers to fight at close quarters. Many women died, but Wu Sanniang fought on alone with two swords.”34 She fought to the bitter end and was eventually killed. After the city was captured Wang Lun stood fast inside the courtyard of Wang Hao, the grand coordinator of Henan, and continued to resist the Qing army. He decided to burn himself in the garret so as to avoid being captured alive. Witnesses recalled that “when burning hot, his beard and hair were charred, but he still sat tight there,”35 and thus he sacrificed his life bravely and gloriously. The uprising led by Wang Lun was put down within only one month. It was small in scale and short in time but has a great significance in the history of the Qing Dynasty. The Qing Dynasty saw a peaceful period of 100-plus years before the middle reign of Emperor Qianlong, even though sporadic and scattered assemblies and societies existed in some places, and some other places witnessed activities against rent and imperial cereals, but large-scale peasant uprisings that attacked cities and seized land were rarely seen. At that time the imperial government of the Qing Dynasty could effectively control the whole nation. But the Wang Lun-led uprising was the herald for large-scale peasant uprisings in the Qing Dynasty, and it broke out along the bank of the Shandong canal where the Qing ruling government had stronger controlling power. The rebel army openly confronted the Qing army, which exerted great influence on other areas and greatly challenged the authoritative ruling of the Qing government. “The fall of one leaf heralds the arrival of autumn”, this uprising signaled that peasant uprisings, which had not been seen for a century, were breaking out again like the eruption of a volcano. Social conflicts became increasingly acute and thus the Qing government inevitably went downhill. In the aftermath of Wang Lun’s uprising a host of peasant events broke out in succession, forming a chain reaction. Firstly the anti-Qing struggle emerged constantly in remote areas and areas inhabited by minority nationalities, and then the uprising led by the White Lotus Society erupted in Hubei and Sichuan.

Uprisings of the Salar Nationality and Hui Nationality in Gansu In 1781 (the 46th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the uprising of the people of the Salar nationality led by Susi Shisan broke out in Xunhua (in present Qinghai), Gansu followed by the uprising of the Hui nationality led by Tian Wu in 1783 (the 48th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong). These two incidents against the Qing ruling government were sparked by the struggles of

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the Salar nationality and the struggles between the new and old religions within the Hui nationality. The Salar and the Hui nationalities believed in Islam. According to the rules of the Islamic “Zakat System”, all those with capital and income must give their property except for necessary expenses to mosques on a certain scale. “One of the leading purposes of the Islamic ‘Zakat System’ was to collect money and products from believers of the religion for soldier’s pay and provisions on the one hand and to relieve the poor believers who were still under oppression on the other.” 36 That said, the “Zakat” was in effect monopolized by imams and Akhonds of mosques in the northwest of the nation. With the development of social production and the increase of individual wealth, the number of imams and Akhonds monopolizing “Zakat” was also on the rise. Imams took advantage of the “Zakat” paid by believers to purchase land and then exploited peasants through renting the land to rural residents for cultivation. As such, the land became increasingly concentrated on the mosques while imams became landlords over time. At the same time, the selection of imams became hereditary as they sought to control the land and wealth of mosques, which shaped the “Menhuan” system. The Menhuan system was a kind of land tenure under the cover of religion in feudal China, but it became the largest exploiter. The lower-class masses believing in Islam firstly stood against the Menhuan system as part of the anti-feudalism struggles. Under the reign of Emperor Qianlong, the struggles of the Salar nationality and the Hui nationality in Gansu were launched in the form of anti-Menhuan struggles among religious sects. Ma Mingxin, of Hui nationality and from Anding (Dingxi County today), Gansu, returned to China in 1761 (the 26th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) after living long in the Middle East and Central Asia. 37 He accommodated the requirement of peasants in opposing the Menhuan system and “decided to abolish the system with emotions,” 38 so he created a new religion and opposed the practice of “collecting more for giving to the poor while accumulating money by deluding the people” of the old religion. This was strongly opposed by Menhuan forces in Didao (Lintao today) and Hezhou. Ma Mingxin went to Xunhua inhabited by the Salar nationality to promote the new religion as the Menhuan forces there were rather weak. “Believers of the new religion shake their heads when reciting or chanting scriptures and play boxing and hands after reciting and chanting scriptures…all believers can be helped.” 39 “The number of believers grew every day” and the new religion quickly became popular among the Salar nationality and the Hui nationality. More than 800 of the 1,000 households of the Salar nationality converted to believe in the new religion. 40 Even the orders and directions of Emperor

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Qianlong noted: “I recently heard that the old religion demands sheep and cloth and more fees, but the new religion only demands 56 wen from believers, so most of the believers of the new religion are poor people.”41 The rapidly spread of the new religion aroused hatred and opposition from the Menhuan landlords, so conflicts between the old and new religions occurred frequently and became intensified over time. The Qing government was on the side of the old religion and expelled Ma Mingxin from Xunhua. But Shu Sishisan and Hema Luhu, assistants of Ma Mingxin, continued their promotion of the new religion and stuck to the fight against the old religion. As the ruler of the Qing government adopted the policy of “helping the old religion and eliminating new religions”, the fight between the old and new religions was transformed into armed uprisings against the Qing central government. On February 4, 1781 (January 12 of the 46th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) Han Erge, assistant of Shu Sishisan, led above 1,000 believers of the new religion to attack the Hedong old parish in Qingshuigong42 and killed Han Sanshiba, the Haer Huzhang (head of the parish). Shu Sishisan “wearing a red hat” called himself “the king of the Hui nationality” and set up a flag, and thus people of the Salar nationality formally embarked on armed uprisings. Le Erjin, governor of Shaanxi and Gansu, sent Yang Shiji, magistrate of Lanzhou, and Xin Zhu, assistant general in Hezhou, to crack down on the rebels after learning the news. Shu Sishisan led more than 1,000 believers of the new religion into combat and killed all the Qing troops including Yang Shiji and Xin Zhu, and then broke through to Hezhou. Le Erjin immediately went to Didao for defense. The leader of the Qing government plotted and managed to arrest Ma Mingxin as he clearly knew that he was highly respected by believers of the new religion. Ma Mingxin was escorted to the prison in Lanzhou. Shu Sishisan went to Lanzhou through “byways”, successfully crossed the Tao River, killed “half of the Qing troops” with the support of the Hui people, and prepared to storm the city of Lanzhou to rescue Ma Mingxin. The central government immediately sent troops from Guyuan, Xining and Liangzhou on the one hand and Hanyu, tusi (tribal chief) of the Salar nationality on the other to assist. In order to ease the attacks of rebel army, the Qing ruler ordered that Ma Mingxin be held on the top of the city wall of Lanzhou to force the withdrawal of the rebels. Ma Mingxin refused to do what the Qing army ordered him and threw his headband down the city wall to express his antiQing resolution. The rebel troops were about to attack the city wall, and the leader of the Qing army was utterly discomfited and killed Ma Mingxin. At that moment Le Erjin came back to Lanzhou from Didao and Wu Mitai, general of Xining, and Ma Biao, commander-in-chief, “arrived with the army of Han

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nationality under the summons of the emperor,” 43 bringing the Qing troops to more than 20,000 altogether while the uprising army was only about 20,000 in number. The rebel army withdrew and moved to Hualin Mountains, 30 li away from Lanzhou. In mid-May, He Shen led the Qing army to Lanzhou and invaded the Hualin Mountains, but the rebel army strongly fought against the invaders even though they were outnumbered. “There were only about 1,000 troops, but they were all sworn followers of the new religion and took hunting as their business. On top of that, they are good at shooting and enjoy strategically located terrain. More than 10,000 Qing troops were stationed in the east of the city, far from the rebel army, and artillery was fired every night.”44 The rebel troops fought bravely and killed Guyuan’s zongbing Tu Qinbao and nearly one thousand enemies. The central government immediately designated A Gui as the imperial envoy for unified command and sent 20,000 soldiers with firearms from Beijing and 1,000 Tibetan soldiers who were experienced in battles in mountainous regions from Sichuan, as well as 700 Mongolian soldiers from Alxa. But the Qing army led by A Gui was constantly defeated by the rebels. Finally, A Gui led his troops to lay siege to the rebel forces by depending on his superior numbers and sophisticated weapons, and cut the passage for the rebel army to the Yellow River. The Qing army also diverted the water from Shuimogou to other places, so the rebels suffered severely from water shortage. The uprising of the Salar nationality was fought swiftly and fiercely at the beginning, took many strategic points and fought to Hezhou and Lanzhou as easily as crushing dry weeds and smashing rotten wood, but they did not take into consideration further plans. They failed to capture the city of Lanzhou, consumed their strength while stationed outside the fortified city walls and ultimately they lost the opportunity to win victory. After that they withdrew to the Hualin Mountains and circled around with the Qing army with their brave spirit and strategically difficult access. But they did not have troops stationed in Xunhua and the captured Hezhou and failed to contact and organize the Hui people to join in them. They did not have assistance and support from coordinated actions by friendly forces but fought alone and fell into a passive position. Having said that, the uprising troops were unified and “defended to the death without water for days.”45 In early August the Qing army broke through the rebels’ defensive line and captured their stockade. Shu Sishisan, the leader of the rebels, died in battle. The rest of the troops retreated to Hualin Temple and “resisted bravely and stood fast.”46 The Qing forces set fire to the Hualin Temple, and so all the rebels heroically gave up their lives and no one surrendered. After cracking down on the uprising, the Qing government imposed a coercion policy on the new religion and the Salar nationality. A Gui proposed

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to the Emperor: “All mosques of the new religion should be ordered to be demolished, and if someone privately promotes the new religion and overtly agrees but covertly opposes the old order, he should be severely treated as a heretic…if there are believers who promote the new religion again, they will be arrested.” 47 He also regulated that “people of the Salar nationality are not allowed to enter into the hinterland, traders must get license from Tusi and go back after selling their products.”48 Li Shiyao, governor of Shaanxi and Gansu, subsequently investigated and dealt with the remaining supporters of the new religion, and Emperor Qianlong ordered him to “stay calm and check and break off all rebel troops.”49 The brutal suppression measures delivered by the Qing government failed to eliminate the struggles of ethnic groups, but rather evoked fiercer resistance. Thus the uprising of the Hui people in Shifengbao broke out three years later. Tian Wu, Zhang Wenqing and Ma Siwa, key leaders of the Shifengbao uprising, believed in the new religion and were indignant at the oppression by the Qing government of the Hui people believing in the new religion. They came back to Guyuan Prefecture and Tongwei to unify local Hui people to take revenge for Ma Mingxin. Shortly after the failure of the uprising staged by people of the Salar nationality, they constructed and renovated campsites and made flags, tents and weapons in Shifengbao, 60 li away from the north of Tongwei, to prepare for rebellion on June 22, 1784 (May 5 of the 49th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong). Unexpectedly, the plan was disclosed to the Qing government. Si Wu launched the uprising ahead of schedule in Yanchating on June 2 (April 15 in lunar calendar), broke through to Xi’an Tubao, 30 li away from Yanchating, and extended to the north to Jingyuan County. But they failed to capture Jingyuan and Huining, and Si Wu was shot dead. The rebel forces moved to the southeast and joined forces with the Hui people to attack Tongwei. Ming Shan, vice-dutong (a position that is inferior to the general), led 1,200 soldiers to “moved in from Jingning” 50 but they fell into the rebel ambush and were totally defeated, and Ming Shan was shot dead. The Qing government immediately sent Fu Kang’an, A Gui, Hai Lancha, among others to lead main forces to Gansu for reinforcement. At this moment, the rebel troops continuously attacked Fuyang and Tai’an but failed to take the cities. The Qing army assembled while the uprising troops were stationed in the Didian Mountains of Jingning and Shifengbao of Tongwei to confront the Qing army. Fu Kang’an and A Gui arrived at Gansu and firstly seized small and scattered strongholds of the rebel forces and captured Didian Mountain at the end of July, so the rebels withdrew to Shifengbao. “Shifengbao is in the mountains, the roads into it are dangerous, and it was accessible only from the north. The rebels

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took it as their stronghold, built a fortress and dug ditches, and this was really a strategically strong location. Fu Gong (Fu Kang’an) arrived at Shifengbao. He checked the topography, cut the water sources, and set up passes. It was the dog days and there were no rains for seven days. So the rebels had no access to water. At midnight on July 4 (August 22 in the Gregorian calendar) some rebel soldiers ran away but they were killed by the Qing army. Without counting those who fell off the cliff, more than 10,000 were captured alive and no one escaped.”51 The uprising was suppressed. The Qing government applied the most brutal means when cracking down on the rebels, it slaughtered more than tens of thousands of people of the Salar nationality and the Hui nationality and transported many to frontier areas for penal servitude. Many areas inhabited by ethnic groups were wiped out. For instance Xiaoshan, the hometown of Tian Wu, and Caoyagou, the hometown of Zhang Wenqing, became ruins. Many lands and property of minorities were confiscated. It is estimated that more than 50,000 mu of lands and 4,000 houses were cheaply sold to the Han people, but the Hui people were not allowed to purchase them. This sowed the seeds of conflicts between the Han people and the Hui people. It was the reactionary crime of the Qing government in instigating national conflict and destroying national unity. The uprisings led by Shu Sishisan and Tian Wu started from the struggles between the old and new religions. This was in fact an anti-feudalism struggle within the ethnic group which had triggered the uprising against the But these two uprisings were self-motivated as a result of the complicated integration of class contradictions, religious contradictions and national conflicts. The rebels failed to clarify their political program and long-term plans, motivate the masses and unify the lower-class of other nationalities, so they fell into passive defense in military terms. The Salar people and the Hui people bravely and courageously fought in battles, which dealt a heavy blow to the reactionary rule of the Qing government, but their struggles ended in failure as they fought in isolation and simply defended their own corner.

The Uprising led by Lin Shuangwen in Taiwan Following the uprising led by Wang Lun, the large-scale peasant rebellion of the Han people and Gaoshan people commanded by Lin Shuangwen broke out in Taiwan in 1786 (the 51st year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong). The political oppression and economic exploitation by the Qing rulers of the common people in Taiwan was a grave picture. As Taiwan was rich in resources and enjoyed fertile soil, bureaucrats and landlords from the mainland crazily

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plundered in Taiwan when they served as officials there, which sparked the resistance of local people. Emperor Qianlong clearly noted in an imperial edict: “I learned today that the reason behind the uprising led by Lin Shuangwen is that greedy and corrupt local officials see Taiwan as a place to collect wealth, thus they defy the laws and are glad to be assigned to Taiwan even if it is dangerous to sail across the sea. Governors also practice favoritism and make recommendations, they do not investigate corruption even though they know about it, while bad officials do not set regulations on local officials but rather they consolidate their relationship with local officials. Those committing crimes in violation of the laws are not investigated, and they randomly accumulate wealth, which has aroused the hatred of local people who had a pretext for their uprising in turn.”52 Furthermore the armed forces dispatched by the Qing government to be stationed in Taiwan were rather corrupt. Their embezzlement and bribery severely corroded the military camp and made soldiers lose fighting ability and deterrent force. Chai Daji, zongbing (a government post that is inferior to commander-in-chief) in Taiwan, was a greedy official and was bitterly hated by local people. “He sought private gains, defied laws, failed to handle the affairs of the military camp, ordered soldiers to privately go back to the mainland for business and demanded silver money from them on monthly basis…garrisons in Taiwan were vacant while those stationed in Taiwan opened casinos and brothels and sold illegal salt. They were ordered to hand in some earnings to the generals and officials, and they did not practice for years.”53 The greed and pillaging of these malfeasants at different levels intensified the conflicts between peasants and the feudal rulers. Thus the uprising targeted corrupt officials. Lin Shuangwen noted that: “I call on people to rise up, hold up together the banner of eliminating those corruptd officials and saving the masses, and this is accord with the order and morals of heaven.”54 Fig. 14.1.

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Official stamp of Lin Shuangwen

Uprisings of Various Nationalities Driven by the White Lotus Society

People of Gaoshan nationality suffered even harsher exploitation and oppression than the Han people. Bureaucrats and landlords of the Han nationality seized their lands at will and forced them to move into the unexploited “inner mountains”. According to figures about the confiscated lands after Fu Kang’an cracked down on the uprising led by Lin Shuangwen, landlords of the Han nationality had seized a land area of as much as 11,200 jia .55 The oppression of the Gaoshan people was even fiercer, and local officials often blamed them for crimes using fabricated charges. “When there were cases that could not be settled, then the Gaoshan people would be blamed and arrested.”56 In 1782 (the 47th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the tongzhi (a civil official) of Danshui was killed and the central government failed to find the murderer so the Gaoshan people were accused of murdering the official and 32 were killed, which sparked the resistance of local people. The uprising led by Lin Shuangwen occurred against the background of brutal political oppression and economic exploitation by the Qing government. Fig. 14.2.

Lin Shuangwen’s notice to reassure the public in the 43rd year of Tianyun

Lin Shuangwen was born to a poor family in Pinghe County, Zhangzhou, Fujian Province. He moved to Daliyi village, Zhanghua County, Taiwan with his father in 1773 (the 38th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) and lived by ploughing and driving a cart there. In 1782 (the 47th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the head of the Heaven and Earth Society Yan Yan who

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came from Zhangzhou arrived at Zhanghua, Taiwan by sea and opened a cloth store to promote the religious doctrine of the Heaven and Earth Society, which developed fast. In the next year Lin Wenshuang became a member of the society. Other leading members included Chen Pan and Wang Fen from Zhanghua, Yang Guangxun and Zhang Lie from Zhuluo, Wang Zuo and Lin Xiaowen from Danshui, and Zhuang Datian from Fengshan. They united together through the organization of the Heaven and Earth Society. “They helped each other and were not afraid of humiliation from others and arrests by officials.”57 As such, the society was highly supported and endorsed by the masses. More and more people joined the society so that it grew stronger. Fig. 14.3. Notice of the official guarding the city from Lin Shuangwen’s rebel army

The Qing government deemed private societies to be snakes and scorpions and tracked down and arrested members of the Heaven and Earth Society. In January 1787 (November of the 51st year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Zhanghua County’s magistrate Yu Jun and his assistant He Sheng’e as well as Geng Shiwen, youji (a general of the government troops), led 600-plus soldiers to search for and arrest Lin Shuangwen. They were stationed in Dadun, 5 li away from Daliyi. “They ordered local villagers to catch Li Shuangwen” and his followers and “set fire to a number of innocent villages to scare them.”58 They threatened the villagers, which aroused the indignation of the masses. Therefore Lin Shuangwen attacked the camp of the Qing army on the night of January

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Fig. 14.4.

Military order of the Lin Shuangwen’s rebel army

16, 1787 (November 27 of the 51st year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) and killed all the Qing troops including Yu Jun, He Sheng ’e and Geng Shiwen. On January 18 Lin Shuangwen led his troops and to capture Zhanghua. They killed malfeasants such as Shun Jingsui, magistrate of Zhanghua, released prisoners, opened warehouses, and armed the rebel forces with weapons and equipment seized from the Qing army. On January 19 they took Danshui, and then Zhuluo on the 24th. On January 31st Zhuang Datian answered the call of the rebel troops in Nanlu, Taiwan and captured Fengshan. Lin Shuangwen’s army implemented some measures that were conducive to the development of the rebellion and the stability of social order. Apart from that “used for military supplies” they “gave away” 59 the money and grain that was seized from malfeasants and the Qing government to the poor. They apportioned wealth to people and ordered them to support “military supplies”. The rebel army practiced strict and impartial military discipline, confiscated all property they seized, and “did not allow the followers to scatter about like the stars.”60 If their troops damaged the property of local residents, “they must pay twice the value, and refund for the tiles if they burned the bothie.”61 They also paid attention to the recovery of production and the restoration of social stability. Lin Shuangwen issued notices many times, saying it was “releasing notices to encourage popular support and ensure agricultural production.”62 They called on both the troops and civilians to “know their place and do their own business” 63 and “be law-abiding to do agriculture.” 64 These measures

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were greatly welcomed by the general public. Even the officials of the Qing government admitted that regions occupied by the rebel troops saw lower prices, stable social order and public support, so the number of the rebels grew each day. But when it came to regions controlled by the Qing army, Luxiang as an example, “rice was much more expensive, standing at 30,000 per dan (unit of weight), but the price was only 800 per dan in Daliyi and Shuishalianzhu occupied by the rebel army as the stock was sufficient, and the rebel army leveraged on this to win popular support, so the poor and those concerned for their livelihood became followers of the uprising.”65 After the rebel troops won victory in the initial stage, Lin Shuangwen led the troops south while Zhuang Datian led his troops north, and they joined forces and attacked Fucheng, Taiwan, but they failed to capture the city. At this moment Huang Shijian, commander of a naval force, and Ren Cheng’en, commander of a ground force, led troops to Taiwan. With the assistance of local armed landlords, the Qing army occupied Zhanghua and Zhuluo. Lin Shuangwen had to give up the plan to attack the city and move to the north to defeat the Qing army, and then came back to Zhanghua to besiege Zhuluo. The Qing court assigned Chang Qingwei, governor of Minzhe, as the general to Taiwan to crack down on the uprising. After arriving at Taiwan, Chang Qing “only defended in camp”. But the rebel troops “always struck first, united together” “while officers and soldiers of the Qing army could not get the upper hand in the battle and was tired from defense.”66 In March 1787 the rebel army in the south lured He Zhuangyou, a general of the Qing army, into the empty city of Fengshan and killed nearly 2,000 of his men. Zhuang Datian again agreed on a joint attack on Fucheng with Lin Shuangwen. Zhuang Datian claimed to have 100,000 troops and fought to areas about 10 li from Fucheng. Lin Shuangwen commissioned more than a thousand reinforcements to support him. At that moment, the Qing army inside Fucheng “growingly showed the white feather” and low morale, and “more than one thousand troops fell ill” due to the unaccustomed climate. At the critical juncture of visible victory, Zhuang Xishe who was in charge of attacking the south gate of Fucheng colluded with the Qing army and led 2,000 troops to surrender, leading to “immediate disorder” 67 in the rebel army. So the siege of Fucheng had to be abandoned. After the failure of the joint attack on Fucheng, Lin Shuangwen led his men north to focus on besieging Zhuluo. Zhuluo was the way connecting the north and the south of Taiwan and was strategically important. The rebel troops besieged the area for more than half a year, making the Qing army led by Chai Daji stand the siege alone. The Qing troops tried three times to reinforce

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Chai Daji but were all defeated by the rebels and only a small number of them entered the besieged city. “Zhuluo was densely besieged, so those who entered Zhuluo could not come out again. Chai Daji’s slip asking for emergency help was sent secretly at night through a path to Dafu (Taiwan’s Fucheng, Tainan today).” 68 Apart from Zhuluo, the city commanded by Chang Qing “was surrounded in all villages ten li around, and even Juncheng was besieged.”69 The whole island of Taiwan witnessed a solid uprising by rebels who were in a positive position. “The rebel troops in the south and the north were closely connected. But the Qing troops were far from each other and could not join forces. Roads were too narrow for dozens of people to go side by side. In addition, the rebel troops were hidden inside villages along both sides of the roads. When the Qing army went close to the middle of a road, the uprising troops would envelop them from both sides suddenly”. “Each time the Qing army’s reinforcements arrived and passed through the villages occupied by the rebel army they would be besieged and intercepted, which boxed in Juncheng and Zhuluo for days. Emergency calls were sent out quite often, officers and soldiers of the Qing troops were threatened.”70 The insurrectionary army had its vulnerabilities although the situation was favorable to it. In this case, they failed to further extend their victories. Lin Shuangwen was the nominal leader of the troops as each army in effect fought separately. They were not unified and had contradictions over terrain. Many of those involved were jobless people or semi-employed refugees. They were not determined in struggle, had not clear ideas about the line of demarcation with the enemy, and were easily influenced by the landlord class. In this connection, when they suffered a setback or were lured by promise of gains, they would change their stand and surrender to the enemy. Landlords in various regions did not suffer deadly attacks so they moved around to organize armed landlords to attack the uprising troops and keep them at bay. Thus Zhuluo city and the capital of Taiwan were not captured. In November 1787 Fu Kang’an arrived in Taiwan and replaced Chang Qing as commander of the Qing army. The central government sent troops from the mainland to the island and claimed they would attack Daliyi. In fact only a small number of troops were involved in the attack on Daliyi as a way to contain the rebel troops while the main force focused on besieging the insurrectionists in Zhuluo. Hai Lancha, a brave general of the Qing army, struck in the front. Lin Shuangwen courageously met the Qing army head-on but was defeated as a result of being outnumbered. He was defeated in Lunziding first and then in Niuhoushan. Under the attack of the superior Qing forces, the insurrectionary army was forced to withdraw from Zhuluo and the siege that had lasted for half a year ended in failure.

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Lin Shuangwen retreated to Daliyi and stood on the defensive while the Qing army assembled to launch the attack against the rebel troops. The rebel troops were eventually defeated and gave up Daliyi. Lin Shuangwen retreated to Jijipu, “a place near Linda brook, up the brook were high cliffs, big stones and steep walls, and it was as long as dozens of li, and the camp was really in a dangerous place.”71 But the troops led by Lin Shuangwen suffered setbacks and he lost his forces, so Jijipu was captured by the Qing army. Lin Shuangwen withdrew to the deep mountains inhabited by the Gaoshan nationality. On February 10, 1788, he was captured and escorted to Beijing. He showed his inspiring courage in the face of inquisition by torture, and “did not confess” and finally died. After the failure of the uprising led by Lin Shuangwen, all the Qing troops focused on the south. Zhuang Datian led his troops to resist the Qing army but suffered setbacks as well as they were outnumbered. Fengshan city was captured. Zhuang Datian retreated to Langqiao in southernmost Taiwan. The Qing troops surrounded Langqiao from land and water and the rebel troops “could not break out the encirclement. Thousands of them were killed, thousands of others were drowned, and thousands of them were arrested and killed.”72 Zhuang Datian was arrested and killed as well, and thus the uprising led by Lin Shuangwen was suppressed. After that, Chen Zhouquan, Chen Guang’ai, Chen Rong and Huang Chao, subordinates of Lin Shuangwen, again called together members of the Heaven and Earth Society to launch uprisings in different areas of Taiwan, but they were put down by the Qing army and armed landlords.

The uprisings of the Miao people in Hunan and Guizhou The border between Guizhou and Hunan was inhabited by people of the Miao and Yao nationalities. Since the implementation of the “bureaucratization of native officers” under the reign of Emperor Yongzheng, the Qing government had tightened direct control of regions inhibited by the Miao people and had set up Liuguan and Yingxun. “Bureaucratization of native officers” was a progressive policy in the long run, but it was inevitably in nature a national oppression and class oppression as it was implemented by the Qing imperial court. Officials at all levels arrived in the regions inhabited by the Miao people and colluded with the upper-level rulers of the Miao people to suppress and exploit the masses there. “They bullied the masses” by every possible means which meant the Miao people “feared officers as they were government officials and feared government officials as if they were gods.” 73 After the implementation of the “bureaucratization of native officers”, the landlord

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class and the usury forces of the Han nationality also extended their reach to “Miaojiang” (provinces including Yunnan, Sichuan, Guizhou, Hunan and Chongqing inhabited by many people of the Miao nationality). They merged land and enslaved the vast and poor Miao people through usury exploitation. According to records, “the wealthy people of the Miao nationality lent out money at an extremely high interest rate. The interest was one shi in cereal for one thousand in cash and it would be several times more in one or two years. If someone could not repay they would have to give up their lands and clothes for repayment, but they could still live. They would rent land to cultivate after giving up their own land, or were enslaved to work for others to grow crops for the rest of their lives.”74 When people were in temporary shortage of food, the Miao people would suffer even more from the exploitation of the Han landlords through usury. If they “borrowed one shi of grain they must pay back three or five shi within one month. In some cases, the male genital organs were even cut, and if they paid late, then the interest rate would be more than one hundred gold coins or the cost of their real estate. The property and possessions of the Miao people were occupied by the Han people, but they still had to work or run errands for the landlords as slaves.”75 Therefore people of the Miao nationality more often than not “had nothing left and added more debts without repaying former debts after long-term exploitation.”76 The lands developed through their hard work were merged by the Han landlords and usurers. Ultimately “the Miao masses were out of work and more and more people fell into destitution”, which inevitably resulted in sharp conflicts between the landlord class of the Manchu and Han nationalities on the one hand and the Miao masses on the other. Uprisings under the reign of Emperor Qianlong and Emperor Jiaqing broke out in the above-mentioned situation. In late 1794 (the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) Shi Liudeng of the Miao nationality from Dazhaiying, Datangxun, Songtaoting (now Songtao Miao Autonomous County), Guizhou Province and Shi Sanbao of Miao nationality from Huanggua village, Yongsuiting, Hunan Province as well as Wu Longdeng who was the Baihu (name of an official post) of Yabao village, Fenhuangting smeared their blood as a sign of the oath—an old Chinese practice—and secretly assembled and agreed to launch an uprising on February 7 the next year (January 18 of the 60th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong). They proposed the slogan of “burning and killing Kemin (landlords of the Man and Han nationalities) and recapturing their land”. “All poor Miao people bared their arms for a fight after learning about the new idea.” 77 Then an armed troop with poor Miao people as the backbone took shape. As the plan for the uprising was discovered by the Han landlords, Shi Liudeng led the Miao

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Fig. 14.5. Picture of organizing defenses against the Miao people by Fu Kang’an

people in Songtao to launch the uprising ahead of schedule and took Datang, Changhangpu, among other areas and set up the anti-Qing flag. Following that, Shi Sanbao in Yongsuiting, Hunan Province started the uprising on January 18 in lunar calendar on schedule, Wu Bansheng in Suma village, Fenghuangting, Wu Bayue in Pinglong, Qianzhouting and the Miao people in each village of Baojing County all responded and attacked Yongsui and Qianzhou separately. Yi Sana, assistant general of the Qing army in Yongsui commanded 600 troops, while Ming Antu, the general in Zhengan fought back bravely. The rebel troops killed Yi Sana and Ming Antu, which had greatly strengthened the uprising. Shi Liudeng led the rebel troops to besiege the forward camp of Tongren city in early February, and the Miao people in Tongren, Zhenyuan, Sinan and Shiqian answered the call, thus “Miaojiang was shocked”. The rebel troops at that time had expanded to 80,000 to 90,000 in number, becoming a huge antiQing force. The Qing government immediately assigned Fu Kang’an, governor of Yunnan and Guizhou, to lead Hua Lianbu, zongbing of Anlongzhen, to go from Yunnan to Tongren, Guizhou Province, and dispatched Ele Dengbao, an imperial bodyguard, counselor De Lengtai, as well as He Lin, governor of Sichuan, to cut off the rebels in Xiushan, Sichuan. The Qing government mobilized tens of thousands of troops from Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan and Hunan to be commanded by Fu Kang’an to attack the uprising from different directions. The Miao army made full use of the local masses and its favorable

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location to fight back bravely. They flexibly applied mobile tactics, saying that “there are 10,000 Qing troops, but we have 10,000 mountains; when they arrive here, we have gone”, which dealt a heavy blow to the Qing army. On March 4 (February 14 in the lunar calendar), Fu Kang’an arrived at Tongren with the Qing army and finally defeated the rebel army with his superior forces. The rebel army had to withdraw from the siege of the forward camp. Fu Kang’an led the troops to Songtao and got rid of the surrounding rebels through setting fire to the mountains. Shi Liudeng dispatched a small number of rebel troops to contain the Qing army and its main force moved to the northwest of Hunan to join forces with Shi Sanbao. The insurrectionist army in northwest Hunan held back the Qing troops in vast areas including Yongsui, Fenghuang and Qianzhou. The Qing army was hidden inside the counties. After Shi Liudeng moved to the northwest of Hunan, the Qing troops also followed them to the area. On March 15 Hua Lianbu arrived at Yongsui. The rebel troops fought for three days with the Qing army and withdrew from the siege of Yongsui. After attacked Huanggua village after he joined forces with another Qing troops in Huguang. In order to defend Huanggua village, the rebel troops “cut dangerous slopes and deep banks, dug ditches and dropped water to block the Qing army.” 78 Before long, the Qing army focused their forces on firing but was stuck in Huanggua village. Shi Sanbao and Shi Liudeng had moved to other places. Within two to three months, the Qing army dared not move a single step in Wuchao River. Just at this moment, the insurrectionists seized the chance to consolidate the troops. In August they set up a unified leading institution of each uprising force in Pinglong. Wu Bayue was called Miao Wang (the King of the Miao) while Shi Liudeng and Shi Sanbao were appointed as generals. Wu Baoyue was born to a poor family, but he was brave, smart and courageous, and he was highly respected among the Miao people. The leading group was shaped with him at the core and employed the strategy of “keeping clear of the enemy’s main force, striking at their weak points, and blocking the Qing army successively”. After July the Qing government sent large numbers of troops to cross the Wucao River and launched attacks against the rebel army. They also bribed inconstant rebel soldiers and “promised heads of the Miao people that they would be given official posts and money”. Under the enticement of the Qing rulers, the traitor Wu Longdeng colluded with the Qing rulers by presenting heads of the rebel army leaders as gifts for the first meeting. He made secret deals with the Qing rulers and killed the main rebel leaders including the youngest son of Shi Sanbao, Long Wudeng, Long Laosan and Wu Baoyue and presented their heads to the Qing rulers, which caused heavy losses among the uprising troops.

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In 1796 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the uprisings led by the White Lotus Society in Sichuan, Hubei and Shaanxi kept growing and thriving. Shi Sanbao decided to take Hunan first and join forces with the White Lotus Society from Hubei. The Qing ruler was afraid of this. Emperor Qianlong, who had abdicated in favor of his son, immediately directed Fu Kang’an to “make a determined effort to avoid the collusion of the rebel troops in Hubei and the Miao people, and this is the most important direction.”79 Unfortunately, the plan of joining the uprising troops led by the White Lotus Society was disrupted and failed to happen. Afterwards the Qing army with the support of local Han landlords attacked Pinglong. Shi Liudeng led the troops to fight back bravely. As of March they had killed Wang Tai, the garrison of the Qing army, and dealt a heavy blow to the Qing army. In the end Wu Tingli and Wu Tingyi, sons of Wu Baoyue, head of the rebel army, were betrayed. Shi Liudeng was wounded in battle and died. Pinglong was captured by the Qing army. After Shi Liudeng died the large-scale uprising of the Miao people was temporarily suppressed but the resistance of the Miao people kept cropping up and dying away again until 1807 (the 12th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing).

The Uprising Led by the White Lotus Society in Sichuan, Hubei and Shaanxi Uprisings led by the White Lotus Society in Hubei In the late 18th century the social conflicts of the Qing Dynasty became increasingly acute. Uprisings led by the White Lotus Society broke out in Sichuan, Hubei and Shaanxi. This large-scale incident lasted for nine and a half years, which exerted influence on Sichuan, Hubei, Shaanxi, Henan and Gansu and dealt a heavy blow to the ruling Qing imperial court. The areas bordering Sichuan, Hubei and Shanxi were high mountains and lofty hills and forests. The range includes the “Nanshan Virgin Forest” stretching from the south of Shaanxi to the north of Hubei and the “Bashan Virgin Forest”80 bordering Shaanxi, Sichuan and Hubei. Historically, these areas were inhabited by jobless and exploited refugees. “Since the 37th and 38th years of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, Hubei had places for the poor to stay, so they came for food…while poor people from Henan, Jiangxi and Anhui came with their families for reclaiming lands in an endless stream.” 81 The virgin forests bordering the three provinces were “mountains connecting Sichuan and Hubei and stretched as long as 1,000 li . Poor people coming for food arrived with their

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families, relatives and friends and reclaimed mountains and lands here. Most villages were inhabited by all kinds of people and both good and bad were intermingled.”82 “Poor people flowed in and settled in the area and the region became home to millions of people.”83 “They met some fellow-villagers, stayed in their homes and reclaimed land, cut wood, built houses with thatch on the roof that could be taken as shelter only from rains and wind. They borrowed food grain as seeds, and reaped grain for years. Then they would pawn their land to build clay houses; otherwise they would migrate to other places.” 84 As they cut wood to build a shed they were known as “pengmin (shed people)”. Only limited areas were available for cultivation, so they “lived on working in salt mines, iron plants, paper plants and coal mines apart from tilling farmlands”. “Tenant peasants were scattered in the valleys to work and moved around their sheds and plants.” 85 They were both tenant peasants and hired workers, and sometimes worked as tenant peasants and sometimes worked as hired workers. Some plants employed hundreds of, thousands of and even tens of thousands of workers. For example, in Dayuan Wood Plant in Nanshan Virgin Forest, “there were more than three hundred people working as boat trackers”. “There were also wood plants inside the forests, and as many as Fig. 14.6.

One of the notices of the White Lotus Society rebel army

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10,000 people were working there”. In the iron plants, “hundreds of workers were needed for one furnace, and craftsmen were no less than one thousand.”86 In the salt mine in Kai County, Sichuan Province, “there were more than 10,000 workers for land and waterway transportation of coal and carriers in the hot season.”87 These people led unstable lives. “When prices of corn were cheap, they extended production and more people would be there, but when the prices were expensive, they would halt production and would leave.”88 The border land of the three provinces, namely Sichuan, Hubei and Shaanxi, was a place which attracted numerous peasants (tenants, hillmen and Pengmin), layouts (jobless sailors from the Yangtze River and illegal salt sellers being tracked down) and local Guolu gangs (the largest mafia in Sichuan under the reign of Emperor Qianlong),89 among others. They were brutally exploited by landlords and employers and suffered from economic oppression. Local guards, shysters and ruffians “started trouble without proper reasons, and sucked the lifeblood of the Pengmin when they had troubles to cover up while officers also acted in collusion with them. For instance, if there was an order to investigate a case with arms today, then the next day they would ban some other things. The area was far in distance from the central government, so hillmen had no place to complain and no one would handle the case when they were humiliated.”90 More often than not they were forced to the end of their tether and had to risk dangers in desperation. So long as there were some cases of rising in revolt, other people would follow suit. “Followers could be found in all counties including Fang, Zhu, Xing and Gui in Hubei, Baoning and Suiding in Sichuan, and Xing’an and Shangzhou in Shaanxi.”91 If we say that the large-scale antiQing government struggles during the late years of the reign of Emperor Qianlong were an inevitable historical trend, then the vast areas bordering Sichuan, Hubei and Shaanxi naturally became the base for uprisings as poor people gathered there and the conflicts were acute while the control of the ruling class was relatively weak. In the late years of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, White Lotus Society secret society became more active in different areas. The society had many branches and different names. Most of the members of the society believed in the eight true words namely “Zhen Kong Jia Xiang, Wu Sheng Lao Mu” and advocated “Mi Le Zhuan Shi, Dang Fu Niu Ba” (the reincarnation of Maitreya is Niu Ba).92 “There were preachers in local areas, thus the believers kept growing in number in the villages, including even servicemen in urban areas. Inspectors employed were just believers of the society. Leaders of the society fled to large villages and protected each other, so it is difficult to capture them.”93 During this period the activities of the White Lotus Society had transformed from secretly preaching

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Fig. 14.7.

One of the notices of the White Lotus Society rebel army

to openly preaching and from religious activities to organizing the masses’ struggle. In 1774 (the 39th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Fan Mingde from Luyi County, Henan Province created the Hun Yuan Society (a branch of the White Lotus Society) and started to pass on scriptures and admit followers. The society put forward political slogans such as “Change the Universe, Change the World”. In the following March the Hun Yuan Society was eliminated by the Qing government. Fan Mingde was arrested and killed, but his disciple Wang Huaiyu escaped and Liu Song, the disciple of Wang Huaiyu, was exiled to Longde County. In April 1788 (March of the 53rd years of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Liu Song and his disciple Liu Zhixie changed the name of the Hun Yuan Society to the San Yang Society and renamed the Scripture of Hun Yuan Dian Hua as the Scripture of San Yang Liao Dao . Liu Song was elected as the head of the society while his disciple Liu Zhixie was regarded as the reincarnation of Maitreya Buddha. They claimed that all followers of the society could be protected from disasters like floods, fire, and slaughter, and continued to pass on the doctrines of the society and admit disciples. As Liu Zhixie felt that the society was rather weak, he went to Xiangyang and Hubei Province to bring Song Zhiqing, former head of the Shou Yuan Society, into the San Yang Society in March 1789 (February of the 54th year of the Qianlong reign). Song Zhiqing came from Xiangyang, Hubei Province and was the third generation of disciples of Sun Guiyuan, former head of the Shou Yuan Society. He had been secretly promoting the society along the border between Hubei and Henan. Two years after he converted to believe in the San Yang Society,

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they split in 1792 (the 57th year of the Qianlong reign). “Because Song Zhiqing had many disciples, and would not give the collected money to Liu Zhixie and Liu Song”, and “scolded Liu Zhixie for cheating as Liu had never shown Niuba to him”. He established the Xi Tian Da Cheng Society and “sat at the feet of Li Sanxiazi who came from Nanyang, Henan Province, and called him the real reincarnation of Maitreya Buddha. He claimed to be the son of Li Sanxiazi and changed his name to Mao Jindao with Mao Er as his nickname. He claimed that he would be rich and he would absorb all followers of Liu Xiezhi.” 94 “Li Shanxiazi was regarded as the reincarnation of Maitreya Buddha, and Li Maoer was Niu Zhu (i.e. Niu Ba).”95 Song Zhiqing had many intelligent and capable disciples including Qi Lin, Song Xiangong, Wu Gongmei, Ran Wenchou, Fan Xueming, Li Chenggui, Gao Chenggong, Sun Cifeng, Song Xiang, Xiao Gui and Xue Guoxi. They went to different areas to advocate their scriptures and enrolled disciples, which started the preparations for the anti-Qing struggles. The Xi Tian Da Cheng Society extended their activities to areas such as Hubei, Sichuan, Henan and Shaanxi and became a strong force in the White Lotus Society. At the same time, in March of the 57th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, Wang Yinghu and his master Ai Xiu of the Shou Yuan Society claimed that Maitreya Buddha was reincarnated into the Zhang family in Wuyingshan, Henan, who would assist Niu Ba in the uprising, and worked hard to develop the Shou Yuan Society along the borders between Hubei and Sichuan. Obviously, one of the most important reasons behind the existence and development of the White Lotus Society and its branches was that they satisfied the anti-Qing aspiration of peasants and small producers and built up a “reincarnation of Maitreya Buddha” and a “Niu Ba” expressing the determination to “overturn the Qing Dynasty and reinstate the Ming Dynasty”. The three branches of the White Lotus Society, namely the Hun Yuan Society led by Liu Song and Liu Zhixie, the Xi Yian Da Cheng Society led by Song Zhiqing, and the Shou Yuan Society led by Wang Yinghu, were active in Hubei, Henan, Sichuan and Shaanxi and had their own reincarnations of Maitreya and Niu Ba, which had demonstrated the dispersibility in organization. But they had the same target, which was to inject anti-Qing political contents into religious activities so as to make all branches of the White Lotus Society play a key role in promoting peasant uprisings. After that, folk religions were spread in Henan, Hubei, Sichuan and Shaanxi, and more and more people responded to the call and joined these societies. The rapid development of the White Lotus Society and its clear-cut antiQing nature directly threatened the rule of the Qing imperial court. In July and August of 1794 (June and July of the 59th year of the reign of Emperor

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Qianlong), the Qing government cracked down on the Xi Tian Da Cheng Society in Anfu, Shaanxi and arrested 60 to 70 backbone members including Xiao Gui, Xiao Zhengjie, Xue Wenbin and Zhang Dayong. Following that, the Shou Yuan Society was suppressed in Daning County, Sichuan and 9 key leaders including Xie Tianxiu, Xie Tianjin, Xiao Taihe, Xie Tianming and Tang Guotai were captured. The matter was reported to the ruling court, so Emperor Qianlong ordered: “The grand coordinator of Henan (Fu Ning)…take the order and go to Henan right away… thoroughly eliminate the followers of these societies, especially those who are most wanted …you must not let them escape; Hubei Zhuzhuanjiao Bi Yuan must search those names on the order and punish them severely; Shaanxi Zhuzhuanjiao Qin Cheng’en must go to the place to search those criminals and arrest them all and allow none of them to escape, and the governor will be punished if some of these criminals run away.” 96 The wave of searching for and arresting followers of the White Lotus Society started in provinces such as Hubei, Sichuan, Shaanxi, Henan, Anhui and Gansu. In September 1794 (in mid-August of the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the Qing government arrested Song Zhiqing, the leader of the Xi Tian Da Cheng Society, and more than 100 of his followers including Qi Lin, Fan Xueming, Song Xiang and Wu Gongmei. On October 4 (September 11 in the lunar calendar) Wang Yinghu, head of the Shou Yuan Society, Liao Yongfu, Wang Yingfeng and dozens of others were captured in Shilinggou, Fang County. In Henan, key leaders of the Xi Tian Da Cheng Society such as Song Xiangong, Gao Chenggong and Zhang Siyao were also arrested. The Qing government also arrested Liu Song, senior leader of the San Yang Society, and his son Liu Sier in Shaanxi in early October (mid-September in the lunar calendar). In November, “Niu Ba” Wang Shuangxi and the mother, the brother and wife of Liu Zhixie were also on the list arrested in Anhui. Within three months almost all branches and organizations of the White Lotus Society were disrupted and most of the members had been arrested with the exception of Liu Zhixie and its leading players. Well-known heads including Liu Song, Song Zhiqing, Wang Yinghu, Qi Lin, Fan Xueming, Song Xiang, Wu Gongmei, Xiao Gui, Xie Tianxiu, Han Long and Liu Sier were executed. Wang Shuangxi was exiled to Heilongjiang as a slave and was killed later. These frantic searches and arrests and bloody massacres spread to a number of provinces and brought disasters to the poor masses there. Government officials regarded this as a good opportunity to plunder the wealth of the people. “They searched everywhere and turned blind eyes to the extortion carried out by petty officials no matter whether their targets were religious believers or not. Beyond that, they only cared about money in the name of

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investigating and handling heresies.”97 “Those who failed to satisfy them would be sentenced for being heretics.”98 Chang Dankui, tongzhi (name of an official post) in Wuchang, Hubei arrested thousands of people with a call to arms in Jinzhou and Yichang. “All yamen and temples were crowded with arrested people who must pay money for their release except for those wealthy people. If they did not have enough payment they would be tortured and nails were even knocked into their hands…or they would be beaten by hammers and their feet would be cut. If the case was uncertain, they would be escorted to the provincial capital. One big boat would carry one or two hundred people, but the boat was so crowded that some of them died in the middle of their journey. Their corpses were dumped into the water while those who survived were sent into prisons.”99 Dai Ruhuang, zhizhou (administrative official) in Dazhou, Sichuan privately recruited 5,000 yamen runners to search each household and intimidated and threatened the common people by force. “All those members of societies were blackmailed by them”. “Their malpractices were greatly denounced by the general public.” 100 On top of that, the Miao people’s uprising broke out in the southeast of Guizhou and the west of Hunan, and the Qing government stepped up its control and exploitation in Sichuan, Hunan, Guangdong and Guizhou. “The Miao people were not in a peaceful state as the Qing government added more taxes in many provinces.”101 “But Hubei suffered the most…corrupt officials were brutal there,” 102 which drove people into destitution and bankruptcy, and made them homeless. Given this situation, the White Lotus Society rose up to resist the oppression of the Qing government with “oppressive government drives us to revolt” as the call. In 1795 the leaders of the society in different places held secret talks and decided to launch uprisings simultaneously in various areas on April 17, 1796 (March 10 of the first year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing). As part of the preparations, members of the society in Zhijiang and Yidu Counties of Jingzhou made weapons under the cloak of guarding against the Miao people, transported and stored grain, and wore red and white clothes and hats, but the local government discovered this and went there to arrest them. Members of the society had to rise up to resist. They launched an uprising under the leadership of Zhang Zhengmo and Nie Jieren on February 15, 1796 (January 7 of the first year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing). They guarded Guannaowan and launched the uprising two months earlier than scheduled. Members of the society in Changyang and Changle counties, Yichang answered the call under the leadership of Lin Zhihua and Jia Jiayao. Organizations of the society in various regions responded with immediate action. In March, Yang Qiyuan, Xiong Daocheng and Chen Deben led a group of members to attack

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Dangyang County; Zheng Shixing’s group captured Zhushan and Baokang Counties; Yang Zi’ao staged an uprising in a col in Laifeng County; and Tan Gui started the rebellion in Qigu village. In April organizations of the society in Xiangyang fought hard against the Qing army and Wang Cong’er, Yao Zhifu, Wang Tingzhao, Liu Qirong, Fan Renjie, Zhang Hanchao, Gao Junde, Qi Guomo, Zhang Tianlun and Wang Guangzhu “summoned 10,000 followers and were stationed in Huanglong;”103 others included Chu Jingui and Lu Weizhi in Hujiazhai. There were crowds of rebel troops along both sides of the Han River (Hanshui) and they were great in strength and impetus. According to records, “Dangyang and Zhijiang witnessed uprisings. Local officials rather than the insurrectionists such as guoluzi (mafia) in Sichuan, laohu (old households) in Nanshan, pengmin (shed men) in Xiangyun, salt smugglers in Yanjiang and criminals in various provinces should be blamed for the situation. They took the opportunity to instigate plunder.” 104 Within few months the anti-Qing campaigns were flaring up in Youyang, Sichuang and Qingxi, Guizhou to the south, Dengzhou and Xinye, Henan to the north and in the five prefectures (Xiang, Yun, Jing, Yi and Shi) and in one zhou (Jingmen Zhou) in the west of Hubei. Rebel troops in different areas “were as much as 10,000 and at least several thousands” 105 of which the force in Huanglong, Xiangyang was the strongest. The leader of this force, Wang Cong’er, was the wife of Qi Lin. She hid in Qinglian Nunnery in the suburb and escaped when her husband was killed. She was elected as the general instructor when the uprising broke out; another leader was Yao Zhifu who was an excellent advocator and organizer. He and his son Yao Wenxue had long moved around in the northern mountainous areas to recruit and organize the general public. “They moved around to promote the religion, and also had their own followers who were not known to each other. When the uprising broke out, some of those involved were rich people while some others were strong ones. So they had their own leaders, and each group had a different number, three, four or five, but they were all heads. They also confessed that Yao Wenxue and his father Yao Zhifu used to be preachers here and were known as senior leaders. In February this year, Yao Zhifu and Yao Wenxue came to Baokang and said that it is time for uprising. So Yao Wenxue went to Fangxian and Zhushan to spread the news of the uprising. They assembled insurrectionists to act separately. Yao Zhifu went back to his hometown Xiangyang for preparation. Therefore Yao Wenxue and Yao Zhifu were key leaders of the society in Zhushan, Fangxian and Baokang.”106 After the uprising broke out in Xiangyang, Wang Cong’er and Yang Zhifu led the rebel troops to set fire to Luyanyi and attacked Fancheng on May 6 (March 29 of the first year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing). “There were tens of thousands

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of rebel troops in Xiangyang and they were the most challenging ones and connected with those in Henan. Yao Zhifu and Qi Wangshi (Wang Cong’er) as well as Liu Zhixie were among them and were selected as leaders.”107 Branches of the White Lotus Society in Hubei launched uprisings, so the Qing government hastily deployed forces and commissioned Bi Yuan, governor of Hubei and Hunan, Hui Ling, grand coordinator of Hubei, and Heng Rui, general of Xi’an, to different regions to crack down on the rebel troops. In addition the Qing government assigned Yong Bao, dutong (name of an official post that is inferior only to general) as the general commander, appointed E Hui, bodyguard of the governor of Sichuan, and Shu Liang, former bodyguard of the general of Sichuan, as secretaries to lead the troops and dispatched 5,000 troops from Shaanxi, Guangxi and Shandong to jointly put down the uprisings. After more than half a year the Qing army led by Bi Yuan “besieged Dangyang for months but failed to take the city”, and the Qing troops led by Hui Ling “failed to capture Zhijiang”. Bi Yuan reported that: “The Qing army killed no less than 10,000 rebel troops but failed put them down them. It was as if they were flames.”108 Then the Qing government dispatched Qing Cheng, commander-inchief of Zhili, and De Ling, general of Shanxi to lead 2,000 troops to crack down on the uprising. In the meantime they pardoned the Mongolian “horse thieves” in Henan and organized them into cavalry to assist the Qing army in battles. In June the forces of the White Lotus Society controlled areas such as Guizhou, Badong, Anlu, Jingshan, Suizhou and Xianfeng. When the Qing army attacked Luyan and Shuanggou separately from Fancheng, the rebel troops moved out of Suizhou, Anlu and Zhongxiang and advanced to Xiaogan to act in cooperation with the branch of the society in Xiaogan. The spearhead of the rebel army was then only one hundred li away from Hanyang, a place of strategic importance to the east, which forced the Qing government to impose the “curfew in Wuchang”. The uprising troops could not move ahead as a result of heavy rain. In July the Qing army sent reinforcements to Xiaogan., The rebel army led by the White Lotus Society “were as many as 10,000 in number, and the general commander Yong Gongbao was always defeated even though they recruited thousands of soldiers, and they were completely annihilated.”109 The Qing government deployed 20,000 troops from Hunan, who were busy cracking down on the Miao people’s uprising, to Hubei. Apart from the Qing troops assembled from various provinces, local landlords and wealthy people also organized militias and assistant troops. They were cruel and brutal while putting down the uprisings of the White Lotus Society and represented an important anti-revolutionary force. According to the report of general Ming Liang, “the rebel troops in Hubei have caused

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trouble and extended to many places. Before the arrival of the Qing army, local governments united assistant troops to support the defense. The wealthy people also organized their militias to protect their villages. They either fought against the rebel army or supported the government troops, which really benefited local governments’ fight against the rebellion.”110 Governor Bi Yuan reported: “Both wealthy people and landlords have been involved in the battle against the insurrectionary troops. I have ordered all subordinates to organize assistant troops to either protect villages or join the government troops to combat the uprising as they will.” 111 These armed landlords cooperated with the government troops to search out and arrest followers of the White Lotus Society and defend the checkpoints of their villages, and they exerted their utmost in the fight. For example, to prevent the rebel troops on both sides of the Han River from joining forces, the Qing army had tot be stationed along the river but this was difficult as the river was too long. Therefore the Qing government “instructed wealthy villagers to summon 1,200 or at least several hundred strong assistant troops to be stationed along the river.” 112 In areas such as Guanghua and Laohekou, “there were above 4,000 assistant troops along the river and they were powerful. There were 600 to 700, or 100 to 200 assistant troops in each strategic pass along the water way in Gucheng and Junzhou.” 113 The militias organized by the landlord class had since the very beginning greatly threatened the rebel troops of the White Lotus Society and had weakened them and held them back. In this large wave of uprisings, one side was the poor and oppressed members of society while the other side was the government and landlords in various places. This war under the cloak of religion was in effect a struggle between different classes. Since the beginning of the uprising, the White Lotus Society had demonstrated that the weakness of farmers was that they were decentralized and conservative. The uprisings had mushroomed and seemed dynamic, but these actions were led by many branches and they were not organized. These branches acted separately even between prefectures, counties or even within one county. At the beginning of the uprising they were mainly in passive defense. They were stationed in counties or deep mountains and forests to defend their own, and did not attack actively and lacked flexibility. The situation of these rebel branches provided good opportunities for the Qing army to destroy them one by one. In March 1796 Nie Jieren, head of the rebel army and former landlord, surrendered but was killed; as of August the Qing army led by Yi Mian, governor of Shaanxi and Gansu, and Qing Cheng, provincial commander-in-chief, captured Zhushan and Baokang, and Zeng Shixing, head of the rebel troops there, was killed; the troops led by Shun Shiyi,

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governor of Sichuan, took Xiaoao, Laifeng and killed Yang Shao, leader of the rebel army there; Bi Yuan, governor of Hubei and Hunan, captured Dangyang and killed Yang Qiyuan, Xiong Daocheng and Chen Deben and their followers; in September Hui Ling, grand coordinator of Hubei, led his troops to attack Zhijiang and arrested and killed Zhang Zhengmo while besieging Guanwannao; Fu Ning, acting governor of Sichuan, and Jingzhou general Guan Cheng broke through the defense of the rebel troops in Qigu Village, Longshan and arrested Tan Gui. Fu Ning cheated the 2,000 surrendered rebel troops and killed them all. In October Fu Ning and Hui Ling moved to Langping but were defeated by Lin Zhihua and Tan Jiayao. In November Hui Lin eliminated the remaining Zhijiang rebel troops led by Tan Zhengchao in Liangshan. By then most uprisings of the White Lotus Society had been put down and they were defeated and broken up. The remaining “rebel troops in Xiang and Deng Prefectures in the north and in Gui and Yi Prefectures in the south were weaked.”114 From the very beginning the rebel forces had no coherent organization, lacked tactical training, and had no sophisticated swords and guns. They only defended against the invasion of the Qing troops and they were in a passive position, and suffered setbacks. The rebel troops in Xiangyang were different as they did not only focus on defense but rather acted frequently in the large areas in the east of the Hanshui from the very beginning. In August the rebels were concentrated in Zhongxiang and were surrounded by the Qing army, but they broke out of the encirclement and moved to Shuanggou in October. They laid an ambush on the Chenjia River and when the Qing army arrived, “the roops hidden in the forests along both sides of the river emerged and fought at close quarters with the Qing army.”115 The Qing army was defeated, and the rebels troops moved to the border of Hebei, Henan and Shaanxi. The leaders of the rebel army knew the law of warfare and recognized the necessity of mobile warfare. Yao Zhifu repeatedly cautioned his subordinates that “they must retreat and not fight against the government troops head-on, and they must not let the government troops know their whereabouts”. He also noted: “If we meet the Qing army, we must separately escape. When the energy of the Qing army is worn out, we can attack the Qing army head-on. If the Qing army is too strong to be defeated, we can escape again.”116 What happened showcased that the mobile battle of “escaping when the enemy came and attacking when the enemy was fatigued” was the right tactic for a weaker force to defeat a stronger enemy. One year after the outbreak of the uprising, branches of the insurrectional army in Hubei had failed to win victory, but the branch in Xiangyang won the battle and extended into a large area. Furthermore, the rebel army made some progress in politics and organization. As a result of the shortage of historical materials, we do not know

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the details of the political stand and organizational status of the army led by the White Lotus Society. But we can find from a notice of the army that still existed in archives that there were 10 disciplines, demanding that “persons in charge must restrain their disciples and must not allow any of them to cause trouble”, “all disciples have their own camps and are not allowed to stay in other camps”, “all disciples must not drink or steal others’ property”, “all disciples must be brave in battles and must not run away”, “it is forbidden to kill old, young and female enemies and to commit rape, those violated the rules will be executed”, “we must count the number of all disciples in order to prevent them escaping”, and etc. This notice indicates that the White Lotus Society made great efforts in both politics and organization, made clear targets for struggles, overhauled organization, and was well-disciplined, so a stronger force took shape in battles. Many soldiers were steadfast in their faith, brave in fights and faced death unflinchingly. A general of the Qing army reported: “These members of the society are die-hard and are too strong to be defeated. Even when they are arrested, they still have no regret.”117 “They are not afraid of being killed and even women and children are engaging in battles with swords and spears in their hands, this is not out of reason.” 118 Many of the rebel troops were firm and inflexible after they were arrested, “some were threatened with execution if they failed to tell the whereabouts of Yao Zhifu, but the arrested criminal kept his eyes closed and said nothing even when facing severe punishment.”119 As the rebel troops in Xiangyang were brave in battle, well-disciplined, wellcommanded, and well-supported by local residents, the Qing government failed to capture and eliminate the main force of the rebel army although it concentrated large forces on this. In February, 1797 (January of the second year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the rebel troops entered Henan from three directions. Wang Tingzhao and Gao Junde captured Baoanyi, Ye County, besieged the Qing army in Yuzhou, and then moved to the west, Shaanxi; Li Quan and Fan Renjie were active in Xinyang and Yingshan bordering Hubei and Henan, and then moved to Zhechuan and Lushi in the west of Henan; Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu attacked Nanyang and Gao County, and then moved back to Yunxi in the north of Hubei and destroyed the Qing army commanded by Hui Ling in Meitanpo. The rebel army extended their reach to more and more regions and they were quite flexible. “No line up, no head-on fights, no fights on plains, hundreds in one force, moving frequently to hold back the forces (the Qing army).”120 The Qing army had to pursue them for long distances and was worn out in the end. Moreover the rebel troops expanded as they won support from the local masses. As a Qing official noted: “Religious believers can be found everywhere in areas

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bordering Shaanxi and Hubei as ignorant people there have been enticed by the rebel army. They are obsessive and mad. At this moment, the rebel troops have moved to Yunxi, Shangnan and Shangzhou and they are no less than several thousands in number. Some of them even carry swords and spears and enter into the camps of the Qing troops, saying they are finding their master. They make incantations, clap hands and knock their heads when meeting someone. There are even more members of the society in Shanyang County because it is located in remote areas. Some local residents even set fire to their houses and became members of the society. This heresy is really a challenge now.” 121 The troops led by the White Lotus Society adopted the mobile military tactic, thus they were strong and vigorous, and grew ever stronger with fighting. The Qing army was weighed down with being led by the rebel troops into deep mountains and into forests. High-ranking officers of the Qing army exclaimed: “Since the outbreak of the uprisings, these gangsters have extended their reach to four provinces. In the last two years the Qing government has deployed troops everywhere they could find these traitors but failed to capture them as they are stubborn and move frequently in different areas”. “These insurrectionists can freely move to different places but not us; we have to scatter our troops when the rebel troops scatter, but we cannot join forces when they join forces…the number of the insurectionist army keeps growing while the Qing army keeps shrinking…they see rising morale while we see weakening morale, and things will become worse as days goes by.”122 The Qing troops dared only tail after the rebellion troops in united forces as they were afraid of being wiped out in mobile warfare. They acted slowly and employed the wait and see tactic. This is reflected in the imperial edicts: “I learned that the government troops are seemingly cracking down on the rebel troops but they are in effect afraid of the rebel troops and they refrain from fighting headon against them. There is a popular saying among the general public ‘The government troops have left when the rebel troops arrive, and the rebel troops have gone when the Qing army arrives. It is clear that head-on combat between the insurgents and the Qing army remains elusive.’ It is also said that ‘The Qing army will disappear when the insurgents come, but when the insurgents leave, they would reappear’.”123 This is the confession of the cowardly Qing army. In the spring of 1797 the rebel army was active in the Qinling Mountains. In May, three columns led by Wang Cong’er, Yao Zhifu, Wang Tingzhao and Li Quan joined forces in Zhen’an, and defeated the Qing army in Biaodaipu, killed Aer Sahu, general commander of the Qing army there, and then set an ambush in Wangjiaping, which took a heavy toll on the Qing army. In June the rebel troops moved directly to Zhiyang from Hanyin and Shiquan and fought their

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way across the Hanshui. Hui Ling, the then commander-in-chief of the Qing army, reported to the emperor: “The insurgent forces fleeing from Huanglong to the west captured boats in Baimashi, Zhiyang County and crossed the river” (May 12 in lunar calendar) and “Qian Wanzheng and his followers…rented boats to carry the insurgent troops across the river…Zhang Sanqing sent the old, women and children across the river for the rebel troops” (the Republic of China).124 Baimashi of Zhiyang County is located in the upper reaches, and the depth of water is only three to four feet. The boats only carried the old, women and children while most of others crossed the river by riding horses. Strong soldiers crossed the river two by two and arm in arm. This was really a spectacular scene. It was five days after the insurrectionary troops crossed the river that the Qing army led by Hui Ling arrived. The successful crossing of the river paved the way for the rebel troops to march to Sichuan. The emperor was angry and anxious and cried out “Hui Ling unexpectedly failed to prevent the rebel forces from crossing the Hanshui and dared to report it to me, he is so impudent. Hui Ling, Heng Rui, Qing Cheng, Ke Fan and Ai Ruwen hear the order.” 125 Hui Ling was “removed from his office and was demoted, and his military duties as the general commander in Yimian was changed, and Hui Ling was demoted to be a team leader and subordinated to Jiezhi.”126 After crossing the Hanshui, the Xiangyang rebel army was divided into three forces in July to enter Sichuan. They passed through the Daba mountainous region and arrived in Tongjiang and Dazhou. The White Lotus Society in Sichuan had answered the call of the Hubei rebel troops but they were besieged by the Qing army due to the lack of combat experience and were in a desperate situation. The rebel troops arrived and joined forces with the Sichuan insurrectionist troops. They defeated the Qing troops there, gained strength and made a great difference in the war situation. The peasant war then entered a new stage.

The White Lotus Society in Sichuan answered the uprising call, and the failure of the uprising in Xiangyang The White Lotus Society was quite popular in provinces such as Hubei, Sichuan, Shaanxi and Henan. The members of the society shared the same vision and went through thick and thin together. Therefore its members in Sichuan responded actively to the uprising launched by its members in Hubei. Back then the Miao people’s uprising had not yet calmed down but the uprising broke out in Hubei, so the Qing army in Sichuan was deployed to the combat and no troops were left in Sichuan. On October 5, 1796 (September 15 of the first year

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of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) Xu Tiande, leader of the White Lotus Society in Dazhou, Sichuan, launched the uprising in Tingzipu and the masses also joined their armed troops to fight against the Qing army, “As many as 10,000 residents joined the uprising troops within ten days.” 127 Following that, other leaders of the society Wang Sankui, Leng Tianlu and Zhang Zicong assembled 10,000 people to respond. The uprising in Sichuan was very strong in force and “two thirds of the insurgent masses were from Shaanxi and Hubei”, “once they rose up in rebellion, it was just like their daily practices. A number of prefectures in the east of Sichuan are bordering with big and small Bashan that stretched as long as 1,000 li . The uprising army was stationed there.”128 Qin Cheng’en, grand coordinator of Shaanxi stationed in Xing’an, Ying Shan, governor of Sichuan, and Le Lishan, general of Chengdu, led the Qing troops to attack them there but they were frightened by the momentum of the insurrectionary troops and hung back. Ying Shan assigned Shang Weiyue, guerrilla of Zhongying, and Fan Mao, guerrilla of Zuoying, to lead 2,000 troops to be stationed in Niangniang Temple and ordered Qing Fu, dusi (name of a government post) of Zuoying, to leave Tianxingqiao of Dongxiang. Xu Tiande moved to Maliuchang after several days in Tingzipu, attacked Niangniang Temple at night, killed Shang Weiyue, Fan Mao, Qing Fu and quite a number of bazong (officials at the grassroots level of ground troops), and the Qing army was completely annihilated. After that, the rebel troops smashed the armed assistant troops in Dazhou, Dongxiang, Taiping, Xinning, Quxian and Dazhu, among other areas. The uprisings of the White Lotus Society “extended their reach…and could not be checked.” 129 In November Huang Fucai and Qin Youyi, leaders of the society in Taiping, embarked on uprisings and the troops led by Xu Tiande passed through Taiping and entered into Shaanxi to attack Ankang, Pingli and Ziyang, among other counties in Xing’anfu, separately. After that, branches of the White Lotus Society in different areas of Shaanxi staged their activities. In December, Feng Deshi from Ankang launched an uprising in Jiangjunshan; Weng Luyu and Lin Kaitai responded to the uprising in the big and small Mixi; Wang Kexiu and Cheng Zizhi rose up in Anling; Hu Zhihe, Liao Mingwan and Li Jiuwan rose up in Rudong Erhe. In the same month, Ying Shan, governor of Sichuan, ordered Yuan Guohuang, military officer of Chongqing, to lead the Qing troops to Dongxiang and he went straight to the barracks of the insurgent troops led by Xu Tiande. But the insurgent troops seized the chance that the Qing army had yet to encamp and started the attack. After three days and nights of fierce fighting He Yuanqin, military officer of Xing’an, Shaanxi, arrived to reinforce the Qing army that finally survived the risky situation. Yuan Guohuang and He Yuanqin

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“joined their forces in Laoyingwan surrounded by huge woods, with bamboo and rawhide as protective screens. They also buried iron arris under it... the Qing army deployed 100 soldiers to shoot guns outside of the camp and blew their bugles three times at dawn and dusk”130 as they believed that they would not be attacked. However on a morning with thick fog the rebel troops launched an unexpected attack, “shot fireballs into the Qing army’s camp like millions of meteors, using long lines and hooks to smash the bars and earth trench, thus the Qing troops were in a panic and had no time to dress, their tents were set on fire, the uprising troops stormed in, and the fighting could be heard even miles away.”131 In the end the rebel army won victory and killed Yuan Guohuang, He Yuanqin and Gao Jie (dusi ), among other Qing officers. In the next January (December of the first year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) Luo Qiqing, leader of the White Lotus Society in Bazhou, Gou Wenming, Luo Qishu and Xian Dachuan launched uprisings in Fangjiaping and called Bazhou “White Banner”; Ran Wenchou, leader of the society in Tongjiang, together with Ran Tianyuan, Ran Tiansi and Wang Shihu launched uprisings in Wangjia Village and called Tongjiang “Blue Banner”; Shao Zhou, leader of the society in Taiping, together with Xu Wanfu and Gong Jian, staged an uprising in Nanjinguan and called Taiping “Yellow Banner”. Other forces engaged in the uprisings including “Yuelan Banner” Lin Dingxiang in Yunyang and “Xian Banner” Gong Wenyu in Fengjie. In Bazhou, Tongjiang, Taiping and Dongxiang “they were adjacent to Shaanxi, Hunan and Hubei, so the rebel troops of the three provinces helped each other and were rampant.” 132 On January 27 (the New Year ’s Eve in the lunar calendar) Xu Tiande and Wang Sankui captured Dongxiang city and killed Fu Zhu, amban of Kumul. The uprisings in Sichuan started to develop and grow vigorously. The rebels in Sichuan won victory at the beginning, but they repeated the story of the Hubei uprising army. They were stationed in villages, failed to attack actively, and fell into a passive position over time. The villages they occupied were in rugged and difficult terrain, located on cliffs, surrounded by dense forests, and difficult to capture. The rebel troops did not continue their victorious pursuit, which gave the Qing army quarter to redeploy their forces. The main forces of the Qing army were sent to Sichuan bit by bit, and the brave generals Ming Liang and De Letai moved to Sichuan after putting down the Miao uprisings. They had strong soldier's discipline. Meanwhile, armed landlords emerged in Weiji, of which the most famous ones include the assistant troops organized by Liu Qing, magistrate of Nanchong County. Liu Qing was an honest and upright official and free from corruption, and he was known as “Liu qing tian ” (an upright magistrate) among the general public. So

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the rebel troops more often than not avoided engaging in battles with him. Liu Qing used to enter the camps of the insurrectionist army alone, and managed to persuade them to lay down their weapons. In addition Luo Siju and Gui Han also led some assistant troops who were local residents. They were strong, good at battle, and familiar with the geography and local conditions, thus they fought together with the Qing army and became a formidable adversary of the rebel army. In the spring of 1897 (the second year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the Qing army and assistant troops gradually captured the strongholds of the rebel forces including Zhangjiaguan, Qingxichang, Jineshi, Chongshizi and Xiangluping and killed Shun Shifeng, a key leader of the insurgent troops. Shun Shifeng had close links with the White Lotus Society in various areas and enjoyed high prestige. According to the reports of the Qing army, “Shun Shifeng enjoys the highest position in the insurgents and is called Master Shun, and even Xu Tiande took orders from him. He has many followers in Xing’an of Shaanxi, Dazhou and Bazhou of Sichuan, and Laifeng of Hubei. He is really the principal culprit of the insurrectionary army. He commanded an uprising in Taiping last year and then moved to Dongxiang.”133 Shun Shifeng died in battle in the lead up to the joining of forces of the rebel troops. The scattered troops lost a liaison who understood the overall situation, had military strategies and inspired the confidence of his followers. This was a blow to the unity of the rebel army in the fight against the Qing army. In July Xu Tiande, Wang Sankui and Leng Tianlu waged an arduous struggle against the Qing army, but they were defeated many times, their troops were reduced and only two thousand were left. Things were really in a dire way. But they were lucky because tens of thousands of rebel troops from Xiangyang arrived in Sichuan from three directions and rescued the Sichuan uprising. The situation suddenly turned for the better. The Xiangyang troops advanced from Zhuyuguan, Tongjiang to Dongxiang and joined the Sichuan rebels. Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu were stationed in Nantiandong, Kai County, and Li Quan, Xu Tiande and Wang Sankui were stationed in Wentangjing. “They were separately stationed in villages and mountains that stretched as long as 30 li .”134 These different columns of the rebel army decided to redefine their banners as Qing (green), Huang (yellow), Lan (blue) and Bai (white), and established new positions such as manager, marshal, vanguard and military officer, and determined the organization system of each column of the troops. In so doing, in Sichuan, Xu Tiande, leader of Dazhou, was called Dazhou Cyan Banner with the support of Xu Tianshou, Wang Dengting, Zhang Yongshou, Zhao Mahua, Wang Ying and Xiong Cui; the troops led by

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Dongxiang leader Wang Sankui and Leng Tianlu were called Dongxiang White Banner with the support of Zhang Zicong, Tuo Xiangyao, Fu Riming, Tang Sijiao and Zhang Jian; the insurgent troops led by Taiping leader Long Shaozhou were known as Taiping Yellow Banner with the support of Gong Jian, Tang Daxin and Xu Wanfu; Bazhou leader Luo Qiqing’s troops were called Bazhou White Banner with the support of Luo Qishu, Xian Dachuan and Gou Wenming; the troops led by Tongjiang leader Ran Wenchou were called Tongjiang Blue Banner with the support of Ran Tianyuan, Ran Tiansi, Wang Shihu and Chen Chaoguan. In Xiangyang, the Xiangyang Yellow Banner was led by Wang Cong’er, Yao Zhifu, Wang Tingzhao and Fan Renjie with Wu Jinzhu, Xin Cong, Xin Wen , Pang Hongsheng, Qi Guomo and Wu Jinyuan as assistants; the Xiangyang White Banner was led by Gao Junde and Zhang Tianluo with Song Guofu, Yang Kaijia, Gao Tiansheng, Gao Tiande, Ma Xueli, Wei Xuesheng and Yang Kaidi as assistants; and the Xiangyang Blue Banner was led by Zhang Hanchao with Li Chao, Li Kui, Zhan Shijue, Chen Jie, Liu Yungong, Zhang Shi, Ran Xuesheng and Dai Shijie as assistants. The joint forces in Dongxiang did not come up with a unified guiding principle and slogan. Zhang Hanchao led his troops to Sichuan and issued a notice to promote: “the Qing Dynasty is declining and losing the support of the general public, it is time for the Han people to rule the nation” and clearly put forward the slogan of “Revitalizing the Han Nationality and Throwing Out the Man Nationality”. The so-called “Revitalizing the Han Nationality and Throwing Out the Man Nationality” was the common slogan of the entire rebel troops, and the slogan features strong nationalism. After the fierce fight against the Qing army for more than one year, the understanding of the rebel troops on the target of the struggle before and after they joined forces in Dongxiang was transferred from the previous “Oppressive Government Drives the People to Revolt against Them” to “Revitalizing the Han Nationality and Throwing Out the Man Nationality”. It is tempting to say that they further understood the targets of the struggle. At this moment, the Qing army stormed in from all directions and attacked the rebels in Sichuan. Yi Mian, governor of Shaanxi and Gansu who was in charge of the military affairs in Sichuan and Shaanxi, Guangzhou’s general Ming Liang, dutong (name of a government post) De Lengtai, provincial commanderin-chief Qing Cheng and Kefan gathered in Dongxiang. Hui Ling and imperial bodyguard Shu Liang also came from Shaanxi. They started to attack the insurrectionists from three directions. There were tens of thousands of people, but the rebel troops were faced with adverse conditions when staying there to fight against the Qing army for long. On the one hand, it was difficult to deliver

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provisions to the troops as there were few inhabitants in the east mountainous regions of Sichuan. On the other hand, the rebel troops in Sichuan and Hubei remained divided in coalition. Small farming producers were conservative, undisciplined and narrow-minded, and they put local interests first. Different columns of insurgents even harbored suspicions and took precautions against each other, and could not unite in the common struggle against the Qing enemy. Wang Sankui noted: “Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu used to send people here to show their will to join forces with us…after negotiations, we thought we in Sichuan will not let the Hubei uprising forces ruin our troops, so we will not collaborate with them”. They were even afraid of being plotted against or taken over. They were on their guard against each other, “they met them on horses and did not go into their military camps”. They also took “it is easy to escape while moving separately” 135 as an excuse and turned down the offer of the Xiangyang rebel troops to fight “in coordination” against the enemy. Wang Sankui led some forces to Tongjiang and Bazhou in the north. Given this situation, the Xiangyang forces decided that Li Quan, Fan Renjie and Wang Guangzhu should remain in Sichuan while the main forces returned to Hubei and passed through Wan County, Yunyang, Fengjie and Daning and went along the Yangtze River. The White Lotus Society branches in various places joined the uprising wave, “the number of the members of the society rose to tens of thousands, and new followers kept increasing.”136 In July and August, the Xiangyang insurgents entered Hubei from two directions. The advance troops led by Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu were about 20,000 in number and they moved from Xingshan to Baokang, Nanzhang in the north with Xiangyang as the target. The other troops led by Wang Tingzhao were 10,000 in number and they moved towards Yuan’an and Dangyang while feigning to attack Jingzhou, but they were actually the rear guard of the troops led by Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu. The Qing government immediately deployed forces to hold them back, “instructed the deployment of three thousand Suolun troops in Jilin and Heilongjiang, and ordered imperial guard Hui Lun, dutong (name of a government post) A Habao to led more than one hundred soldiers as the vanguard and eight thousand Chahar horses to Henan and Hubei.”137 Ming Liang led the Qing troops to intercept the rebels outside Yichang and Yuan'an, and assigned massive forces to guard Jingmen Prefecture. In September the army led by Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu joined forces with that led by Wang Tingzhao. They attacked Xiangyang from three directions, destroyed 2,000 Qing troops led by dutong Fengshen in Guanmiaohe, set an ambush in Caodian, Yun County and killed Gong Huilun, military officer and imperial guard. Because the Qing army defended vigorously, the rebel

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troops abandoned the attack plan and moved straight to Fang County and Zhushan while pretending to move to Shaanxi so as to lure the Qing army intothe mountains so that the insurrectionary army could cross the Hanshui. The Qing army had taken precautions so the rebel army failed to cross the river and marched to Shaanxi in the west. In October the Xiangyang troops led by Li Quan and stationed in Sichuan returned to Shaanxi from the north of Sichuan and joined forces with the Xiangyang army in Xing’an. Between February and September of 1797 (between January and August of the second year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the Xiangyang rebel troops moved along the border of Henan, Shaanxi and Sichuan by a roundabout route. They traveled thousands of li, returned to Hubei and entered Shaanxi. During this more than half a year they took a very roundabout way to mobilize the broad masses of impoverished residents and strike at and threaten the rule of the Qing government. In so doing, achieving victory as such was first and foremost based on the solid masses in the virgin forests. The rebel army “did not have to carry food with them and sleep in tents, the members did not wait to be called up”. “The masses everywhere they arrived would offer them accommodation, food, clothes, gunpowder and horses and forage”. Members of the society in various places “became their guides and transported goods for them”. “More than tens of millions of insurgents have been killed since the deployment of the Qing army, but the number of the uprising army keeps increasing.”138 It is clear that the insurrectionist army was supported by the general public in all aspects. In contrast, the Qing troops had to carry with them a large number of “pots and tents”, and each soldier “carried no less than 20 to 30 jin (half a kilo) of goods”. As the Qing army had no support from the general public, “their troops with people and horses carrying food could only go dozens of li . The food could only be delivered in two or three days, and the Qing army had to be stationed in one place to wait for food as they could not carry much food with them”. Because they did not have informers, the Qing army “had to advance in line, encamp when stopped, dig trenches and set up railings, guard checkpoints and stand guard, so they could not have a good rest”. This was the main reason behind the lament of the Qing officials that “the insurgent troops have enough food while we are starving; the insurgents can have a good rest while we are fatigued.”139 Secondly, the rebel forces employed the flexible mobile military tactic. They “leveraged on virgin forests and feared nothing”, and “moved freely in mountains.” 140 Various columns of the uprising army “separated or joined forces suddenly”; they would separate to the right and to the left when the Qing army attacked them forth and back; they would escape to the south and north

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when the Qing army attacked them from the east and west. They employed scattered actions as their basic pattern of operation. “Thousands of insurgents could join into one force and two to three hundred could be divided into two or three forces.”141 The formation and banner determination of the rebel troops were also flexible. “Small forces were divided from large forces” and “one force could be divided into several forces”. The uprising army of the White Lotus Society was separated into many battalions, such as “Cao Jiao battalion”, “Ran Jia battalion”, “Qi Jiao battalion”, “Yang Jiao battalion” and “Wei Jiao battalion” among others. Each battalion was divided into many banners that were the grass-roots level organizations and often acted alone. As an insurgent said: “We are one branch of the Qi Jia battalion, there are altogether 40 banners, and each banner has two to three hundred soldiers.”142 Taking the uprising army in Gansu as another example, “the army had more than 180 banners of all kinds, and each banner had sixty or seventy soldiers.”143 This kind of banner organizations freely separated and coordinated, and emerged from the requirements of decentralized battles. Emperor Jiaqing, the most powerful ruler of the Qing government, recognized the force of the mobile and scattered tactic of the insurgent army. He said: “when chasing the scattered rebel forces, they would join forces, and when the Qing army arrived, the insurgent troops would separate; they wore out our forces by relying on mobility.”144 Even Le Bao, governor of Hubei and Hunan, admitted: “When it comes to cracking down on the rebel army, it is difficult to besiege dozens of parts of the army; in terms of blocking up these forces, the tens of thousands of Qing army could not be well distributed.”145 On top of that the uprising troops were good at moving and fighting, and they made use of fine weather and favorable geographical positions to “set ambushes, play tricks, and raid enemy camps”, taking the Qing army by surprise and caused heavy losses among the Qing troops. In November 1797 (September of the second year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) Ming Liang and De Lengtai, generals of the Qing army, presented a memorial to the emperor based on the experiences of Liang Yougu, gentry in Xiangyang, in “constructing fortresses to guard against the uprising army”. The memorial suggested instructing local governments, landlords and despotic gentry to organize assistant troops and deploy fortresses, villages and deep ditches to cope with the mobile and scattered rebel army, cutting its links with the masses so that they had “no things to plunder, no shelters at night and no threats in defeat”. It is clear that this is an effective model of combat against the mobile tactic. Yet the emperor back then had a strong faith in the strength of the Qing army, failed to understand the significance of this proposal and and argued that “arresting leaders of the insurrectionary army is more effective than

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building fortresses”, so the emperor set aside this suggestion. As the Xiangyang rebel troops entered Shaanxi for the second time, the Qing rulers redeployed their forces: Le Bao was appointed as the governor of Hunan and Hubei while Ming Liang and De Lengtai focused on chasing the rebel army led by Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu. The imperial edict pointed out: “Strong soldiers and horses of the Qing main forces are commanded by Ming Liang and De Lengtai, their targets Yao Zhifu and Qi Wangshi are the most wanted leaders of the rebel forces. I pin my hopes on Ming Liang and De Lengtai. You must act right away and not wait and see.” 146 At the same time, the emperor also ordered Yi Mian to lead an army to suppress the Sichuan rebel troops led by Wang Sankui, Xu Tiande, Luo Qiqing and Ran Wenchou; instructed Ele Dengbao to combat the Badong enemy led by Qin Jiayao and Lin Zhihua; ordered Guan Cheng and Liu Junfu to cope with the army commanded by Chen Congde in Laomuyuan, Daning; and directed Hui Ling, Heng Rui and Qing Cheng to deal with the forces led by Li Quan. The emporer also clearly ruled: “Each column of the Qing forces must focus on their own targets and fight separately. If rebel leaders are arrested, then the one in charge of this column of the Qing forces would be rewarded, but if the rebel leaders were still at large then the commander of the Qing army in this column would be punished.” 147 Qing government adopted the tactic of going after the enemy separately and focusing on their own targets as a response to the mobile military tactic of the rebel troops. At the end of 1797 the Xiangyang insurgent troops dealt with the Qing troops along the border of Shaanxi and Sichuan, moved in detour over large areas, and abruptly entered into Sichuan or suddenly returned to Shaanxi, thus it was difficult for the Qing army to make certain of their whereabouts. In November the Xiangyang insurgent army launched scattered attacks in Shaanxi’s Pingli, Zhenping, Ankang, Xunyang, Ziyang and Shiquan. After hard-fought battles, they joined forces in the west of Huanzhong in December. These troops stretched as long as about 20 li and they moved back to the north of Sichuan. The Xiangyang insurgent troops decided to launch new attacks in order to break the siege and onstruction by the Qing army. That was to coordinate with the Sichuan insurgent army and leverage on the favorable conditions of the upper reaches of the Han River and the Nanba Virgin Forests on both sides of the river to carry out circuitous attacks and get rid of the pursuit of the Qing enemy. To this end the rebel army made the relevant deployments and reorganized the Xiangyang banners into four forces led by Yao Zhifu, by Wang Tingzhao and Gao Junde, by Li Quan and Fan Renjie, and by Zhan Hanchao and Liu Yongtai separately. At this time a large number of Qing troops and

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assistant troops were defending both sides of the Han River, and Ming Liang and De Lengtai closely pursued the rebel troops who dared not cross the river on several attempts. In January 1798 the insurgent army adopted an ingenious tactic whereby Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu led the main forces to the east of Hanzhong from the north of Sichuan to entice the Qing army to follow. Gao Junde took the enemy unawares and moved to the west of Hanzhong and successfully crossed the Han River on the upper stream. They advanced to Chenggu, Yang County, into Qinling and to Xi’an, “the whole province of Shaanxi was in warfare”. In fact the troops led by Gao Junde were small in number and it was impossible for them to attack Xi’an, but the Qing side was afraid of losing Xi’an and was like a duck in thunderstorm. Ming Liang and De Lengtai who were chasing and attacking the uprising army led by Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu had to stop their pursuit and began to track Gao Junde. Ming Liang said: “Qi Wangshi is the most wanted insurgent leader in terms of the military situation. When it comes to the topography, Gao Jundeng is a threat to Xi’an, Henan and Hubei. So the ground defenders led by Qin Cheng’en could not ride on horses to fight”. “Ming Liang gave up chasing Qi Wangshi and led 8,000 main troops to Hanzhong.”148 This served as a good opportunity for the Xiangyang army to advance to Shiquan from Xixiang and it crossed the Han River in Heishitou. When the emperor learned the news, “the emperor hit the roof” and decried Ming Liang: “You avoided the important and dwelt on the trivial, which had led into the trap of the insurgent army and allowed Qi Wangshi to cross the river in the north. You are dismissed from the post, your purple checkrein and hualing (hat made from peacock plumes) are taken away, and you ought to redeem yourself by good service.”149 After the insurgent troops crossed the Han River, Wang Cong’er and Gao Junde joined their forces in March. They lured the main forces of Ming Liang and De Lengtai to the northeast and moved around Zhen’an, Shanyang and Shangzhou while the troops led by Li Quan and Wang Tingzhao separately went out of Baoji and Qishan in the north through Chenggu and Yang County virgin forests to jointly attack Mei County and Zhouzhi. The insurrectionist troops led by Wang Shiqi, vanguard of Li Quan, approached Xi’an and posed a grave threat to the security of the city, the capital of Shaanxi. Qin Cheng’en, grand coordinator of Shaanxi, hastily withdrew his troops to Xi’an for defense. Qin Cheng’en was “a coward and knows little about military affairs”, “he only closed the city door to defend it, cried day and night, and his eyes were swollen.” 150 At that moment, the rebel army led by Wang Shiqi was engaged in a fierce battle with the Qing army commanded by General Wang Wenxiong in Jiaojia Township and Yizi Village. But Wang Shiqi’s force was a wing of the

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rebel army and was weak in fighting capacity. The Qing army there fought desperately and the insurgent troops suffered a heavy loss, Wang Shiqi was killed and the remaining troops were defeated and withdrew. Looking at the overall situation, we can see that the Qing army had many flexible forces, especially the large number of local assistant troops, and there was a great disparity between the Qing army and the rebel army. Furthermore De Lengtai replaced Ming Liang, took over his powers, and tried his utmost to track the rebel forces. Ele Dengbao also came to his support from the east of Sichuan. The forces led by Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu were entangled by the Qing enemy and they failed to join forces with Li Quan and lost the chance to jointly attack Xi’an. The uprisings staged by the White Lotus Society then fell into a passive position once again. They moved to the southeast and fought fiercely with the Qing army in Shihe and Kuanping, Sanyang but suffered heavy losses under the pursuit by De Lengtai and Ming Liang. The rebel army fought and retired alternately and withdrew to Shanchahe, Yunxi, Hubei. The area was surrounded by high mountains. The rebel troops entered into the valley, and “at that moment the insurgents were exposed to an open area without obstacles. (The Qing troops) were worrying about how to move to the front of the rebel troops.”151 Kong Jigan, magistrate of Yunxi County, led thousands of assistant troops to block the mouth of the valley before the rebel troops reached it. Thus the rebel troops were boxed in as on two sides were hills. “There were still more than eight thousand rebel troops there, they risked their lives to break through, occupied hillsides and rushed to the mouth of the valley.”152 After quite a long time they failed to break the siege and assembled on the right and left hillsides. The scouts of the Qing army found that Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu were stranded in Xiehuapo on the left hillside, so the Qing troops went all out to attack them. “The insurgent leaders are still leading 3,000 men and women to roll stones down”, but the Qing army and assistant troops were overwhelming in numerical strength and rushed on like a swarm of hornets. So the rebel troops could not stand the attacks as most of them were the old, the sick, children and women. Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu “led the troops to escape to dangerous areas, they abandoned horses and climbed up to the mountain.” 153 The Qing army surrounded the mountain, and thus the rebel troops had no way out but fought to the last minute and most of them were killed. Wang Cong’er led about ten female fighters and climbed up to the top of the mountain together with Yao Zhifu. They vowed not to be arrested and insulted, and jumped off the cliff and died a glorious death. Wang Cong’er was only 22. In the last years of her life she led tens of thousands of people in uprisings. She dashed about battlefields and fought in one place after another stretching as far as ten thousand li . She fought

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with strong enemies and made them run like a wolf and rush like a boar. During the long period of peasant struggles in Chinese feudal society, Wang Cong’er built up a glorious image as a faithful and unyielding hero in uprisings. At this point, other forces of the White Lotus Society also included the three large branches led by Li Quan, Gao Junde and Zhang Hanchao. Except for the troops led by Zhang Hanchao in Jingmen Prefecture of Hubei, the other two branches and the troops led by Ruan Zhenglong gathered in Zhen’an and Shanyang in the south of Shaanxi Province. They gathered the remaining troops of Wang Cong’er and Yao Zhifu who were filled with grief and indignation and promised to take revenge for Wang and Yao. They fought fiercely with the Qing enemy. But the Qing government had appointed Le Bao as the governor of Sichuan to replace Yi Mian. Different forces of the Qing army assembled in the south of Shaanxi, the rebel troops were defeated in battles and their morale weakened. Many fighters from Hubei and Henan wanted to return to their hometowns but those from Sichuan and Shaanxi were not ready to go, so they split up. Most of the troops led by Ruan Zhenglong came from Sichuan, and they broke away from the main force and crossed the Han River alone to Sichuan in the south. Other troops led by Li Quan and Gao Junde continued to combat with two main forces of the Qing army commanded by Ele Dengbao and De Lengtai in the deep mountains of Qinling. They moved a long distance and occasionally separated or joined forces, but they failed to break the obstruction of the Qing army. In the end they went to Henan. In July of the same year, Gao Junde and Li Quan crossed the Han River and moved to Ningyang and Guangyuan in the south, entered Sichuan and joined forces with Ran Wenchou in the north of Sichuan. De Lengtai failed to block them in time. For this De Lengtai who was known as “a heroic, brave but ferocious leader” was punished, “an imperial decree reprimanded the rebel troops, De Lengtai was deprived of his post and served as deputy commander.”154 In the second half of 1798 (the third year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), except for the uprising troops led by Zhang Hanchao in Hubei and Shaanxi, all other troops of the White Lotus Society gathered in Sichuan. After that the Xiangyang insurgent troops never recovered and could only served as an assistant, but the insurrectionist army in Sichuan remained strong and became a leading force for the continued struggle.

Defense and offense of the insurgent troops in Sichuan At that time the strongest rebel troops were separately led by Ran Tianchou, Luo Qiqing, Wang Sankui, Leng Tianlu and Xu Tiande among others. Forces

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led by Ran Tianchou and Luo Qiqing were active in Yilong, Yingshan and Bazhou in the north of Sichuan. They coordinated with the remaining troops in Hubei and leveraged on the dangerous topography to guard the villages and combat the Qing army; troops commanded by Wang Sankui, Leng Tianlu and Xu Tiande moved in and out of the east of Sichuan, fought in different places in Kai County, Liangshan and Dianjiang, and mobilized local people to rise up against the Qing government. The remaining troops led by Li Quan and Gao Junde returned to Sichuan and strengthened the forces in Sichuan, but the main forces of the Qing army that originally fought them in Shaanxi also tracked them to Sichuan and concentrated their superior forces to track down, encircle and attack the insurgents; Ele Dengbao, De Lengtai and Ming Liang were at war with the insurgents led by Ran Wenchou, Luo Qiqing, Li Quan and Gao Junde in northern Sichuan; Yi Mian, governor of Shaanxi and Gansu, focused on preventing the rebel troops from entering Shaanxi from Sichuan. Jing An, governor of Hunan and Hubei, guarded against the enemy entering Hubei from Sichuan. Imperial decree noted that “each force had specific responsibility, all troops shall coordinate with each other and must not fight separately in different directions”, and “working together to constrain the enemy and must not flee or escape.”155 A storm of resistance to the rule and suppression by the Qing government emerged and rapidly extended to northeast of Sichuan. The Dongxiang White Banner led by Wang Sankui and Leng Tianlu and the Dazhou Qing Banner led by Xu Tiande were the main forces of the White Lotus Society and were called “the strongest insurgents in Sichuan” by the Qing government. In early 1798 the Qing army besieged the insurgents commanded by Lin Liang in Baiyan Mountain. At the critical juncture, Wang Sankui, Leng Tianlu and Xu Tiande arrived with the reinforcements and they fought between Yuanyang and Kai County and cut the passage for transporting grain from Chongqing to eastern Sichuan. The Qing army surrounding the Baiyan Mountain “lacked soldiers’ pay and provisions for two months, their assistant troops fled, insurgents led by Lin Liang turned out in full force and join forces with Wang Sankui to attack Kai County by both land and water, and their strength and morale improved greatly.”156 Wang Sankui and Leng Tianlu fought fiercely with their enemy in Zitong Temple, Jiulong Mountain and Tiesuo Bridge in Kai County. The following battle in Taiping Jinpenchi utterly defeated Zhu Shedou, military officer of the Qing army. They finally abandoned their artillery in kennels but the rebel troops seized them and moved this artillery to Jinpenchi. In June Le Bao sent Guan Cheng and Shu Liang to intercept Lin Lianggong, the rebel army suffered setbacks, and the remaining two to three thousand troops returned to Anleping, Dongxiang and joined forces with Wang

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Sankui. Xu Tiande and Wang Kezhu were active in Tianping and Kai County and constantly fought with the Qing troops. At that time the Sichuan rebel troops were quite strong but Wang Sankui, leader of the Dongxiang White Banner, had no strong will to fight and had no clear understanding of the plot of the Qing ruler ’s offer of amnesty and lure to surrender. He overly trusted Liu Qing, magistrate of Nanchong, regarded him as “Liu qing tian” (qing tian means an honest and upright judge) and even followed him to enter into the camp of Yi Mian, commander-in-chief of the Qing troops there, as he sought to attack the Qing army by pretending to surrender, but “the Qing troops prepared for the attack and defeated Wang Sankui.”157 In August Le Bao planned a deadly trap and sent dusi (name of official position) Ma Long and gongsheng (appellation of scholars who had outstanding achievements and were sent to study in the imperial college) Liu Xingqu to negotiate, offering amnesty and enlistment to rebels with Wang Sankui. “Wang Sankui thought it was safe to enter into the camp of the Qing army, but he was detained by Liu Qingqu.”158 He was at last captured by Le Bao and was escorted to the capital. Le Bao reported the arrest of Wang Sankui to the emperor and was given the title of “Yi Deng Wei Qin Gong”. The death of Wang Sankui was a heavy loss for the Sichuan rebel army, but the Dongxiang White Banner led by Leng Tianlu remained stationed in Anleping to resist the Qing army. In November Le Bao led the army to encircle Anleping, so the rebel troops inside the village ran out of food. But Leng Tianlu made a feint of surrender, broke through the encirclement at night, and safely escaped. “The emperor ordered Le Bao to attack the rebel troops who were suffering a shortage of food and reinforcements, and the battle lasted for quite a long period.”159 This attack did not produce results. Other rebel troops led by Wang Guangzhu, Bao Zhenghong, Xiao Zhanguo and Zhang Chenggeng launched attacks separately against the Qing army in Fuzhou and Zhongzhou in the north of the river while Xu Tiande advanced to Dazhu and Linshui. The two rebel armies led by Luo Qiqing and Ran Wenchou in northern Sichuan occupied the Dashen Mountains and extended their presence as far as dozens of li in June 1798. In July De Lengtai and Hui Ling beleaguered them, thus they had to move to Ji Mountain in Yingshan County. The surrounding paths of Ji Mountain stretched as long as 100 li , and it was surrounded by cliffs on three sides and could be accessed only from the southeast part. At that time the remaining Xiangyang rebel forces led by Wang Tingzhao, Gao Junde and Zhang Tianlun arrived and joined forces with Luo Qiqing. The battle field of the rebel troops in Ji Mountain was “set with palisades on three sides, lookout posts in the back, blew horns at night and could hear the Qing army. Gao Junde,

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Zhang Zhenglong, Tang Daxin, Wang Tingzhao and Li Quan set stockades on the right and left sides.” 160 The defense of the rebel troops was solid and unassailable. But the two main forces led by Luo Qiqing and Ran Wenchou from northern Sichuan were at odds and failed to fight in coordination. Ran Wenchou was defeated in Dashen Mountains and escaped to Ji Mountain. Luo Qiqing “was not allowed to go up to the mountain due to being at odds with Ran Wenchou.” 161 In September De Lengtai set an ambush and enticed the rebel troops down the hill. Luo Qiqing was taken in and defeated. Gao Junde, Long Shaozhou and Tang Daxin escaped to Guangyuan in the north and joined forces with Xu Tiande, Fan Renjie and Wang Dengting to advance to Shaanxi. De Lengtai immediately gave up targeting Luo Qiqing and Ran Wenchou and started to track down and intercept the rebel troops from several directions for fear of punishment from the emperor for the escape of the rebel troops. Luo Qiqing took advantage of this chance to lead five to six thousand troops to attack Yingshan County and intercept the retreat route of Qing army while Xu Tiande controlled the passage in Qu County in the east, intercepted and captured the provisions of the Qing army, and fought in concert with Luo Qiqing. Ultimately Luo Qiqing was forced to abandon the base in Ji Mountain and retreated to Dapeng Village together with Wang Tingzhao and Li Quan. The four forces of the Qing army led by Ele Dengbao, De Lengtai, Hui Ling and Heng Rui arrived one after another, and thus the rebel troops started a hard battle with the Qing army in Dapeng Village. The Dapeng Mountains were located in dangerous topography, “stretched as long as 100 li , half of it was cliffs, and there were many springs and ponds up on it.”162 In the northwest there was Guanzi Mountain and Longtai Mountain; in the northeast was the high and steep Shuangshanzi, it had “cliffs as high as ten zhang (zhang is a unit of length equalling 1/3 meters)” in the back. It is easy to defend but difficult to attack. In front of it, “each pass was built of stones”. Old villages were built with strong palisades and stone walls up on Shuangshanzi. The insurgent troops were stationed in Baozhu Temple, they stored foods, set defenses, strictly guarded against the enemy, and dispatched forces to intercept and capture the food and provisions of the Qing army in Yingshan, Yilong and Bazhou. In the meantime Xu Tiande and Ran Wenchou attacked Dazhu and Liangshan separately as part of the support. In November the Qing army besieged Dapeng Village from four directions, started the general offensive, bombarded day and night and set fire to the village. After one month of fierce battle, the Qing army broke through to the village from the south and the west, thus Luo Qiqing fought and retreated alternately to Xukong Village, but they were surrounded again. As Xukong Village was short of food and water and

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was hard to defend, they were forced to break out of the encirclement and moved to Fangjiaping. The troops suffered a setback and collapsed in disorder. Luo Qiqing was captured and killed. After Luo Qiqing was defeated the Tongjiang Blue Banner commanded by Ran Wenchou retreated to Tongjiang and built defense works, constructed village gates and established three wood walls in the dangerous and steep Zhima Dam. In January 1799 (the New Year ’s Eve of December of the third year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Hui Ling and De Lengtai fought to the stockade village. De Lengtai and Ele Dengbao attacked in the east; Hui Ling attacked in the west; military officer Zhu Shedou and Amu Leta attacked in the south. The rebel troops fought back fiercely and killed many Qing troops, “the Qing army was about to be defeated.”163 Ran Wenchou held the big banner, led his men in the battle, broke out the encirclement and killed He Shenghua, garrison of the Qing army. But due to presenting a big target Ran Wenchou was shot by the Qing army and died of his wounds after being captured. In the battle in Dapeng Village, Luo Qiqing and Ran Wenchou suffered heavy losses. On the one hand, the Qing emperor seized on this opportunity to play up the victory and ordered the commanders of the Qing army to reward the troops according to their contributions. On the other hand, the emperor worried that they had only killed some “top leaders” of the insurgents, which had dealt a heavy blow to the rebel army but had not changed the whole situation. Emperor Jiaqing pointed out in his imperial edict: “The biggest challenge is that various forces of the Qing army feared the rebel troops and fled”, “officers of the Qing army were cowardly and incapable”, and “officers were mutually making excuses, so how could the Qing army win the ultimate victory”. Officers and soldiers sometimes played up their minor victories in order to take credit for achievements. “They paid no attention to the remaining rebel troops, which has given them a chance to plunder and set fires everywhere they were and they have yet to be cleaned up even after the capture of Luo Qiqing.”164 Against this backdrop Qianlong (who had abdicated his throne to his son Jiaqing) was not reconciled to the situation when he was dying on January 3 rd of the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. According to Emperor Jiaqing, “Qianlong held my hands and looked into the southwest, and it seemed that he had some regrets”. In 1799 (the fourth year of Emperor Jiaqing) the war situation changed in Sichuan, Hubei and Shaanxi. Both the revolutionary and anti-revolutionary sides re-deployed their forces, studied countermeasures and took steps as a way to gain advantages in battles. In early 1799 Emperor Qianlong died, thus Emperor Jiaqing got hold of the real power. As part of the efforts to rapidly eliminate the

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White Lotus Society he made a drastic overhaul in terms of administration and

choosing personnel and military strategies, and said that he would make things

change. He claimed: “I would bear the blame for being unfilial if the military task failed to be met and so would you, including the minister of the military

department and military officers.”165 Firstly, the most important measure taken

by Emperor Jiaqing was the removal of He Shen from his office. He ordered him

to take his own life, eliminated the power of He Shen and pointed out military corruption. “Officers of each force depended heavily on He Shen before, they only secured personal gains, did not prioritize military affairs, made false

reports of accomplishments and so on and so forth”. He cautioned the generals and high-ranking military officers to get rid of long-standing malpractices and

“encouraged them to accomplish the military tasks.”166 Secondly, Governor Le Bao was appointed as the minister for operations and administration to control

the military affairs in Sichuan, Shaanxi, Hubei, Hebei and Gansu. Ming Liang and Ele Dengbao were appointed as deputy dutong to instruct counselors, and each of them led troops to hold back one column of rebel troops. Moreover Hui Ling was ordered to come back to the capital for his “failure of combating the

rebel troops”; Yi Mian “has never engaged in battle with the rebel troops and he is old, so he was removed from his post and was ordered to come back to the capital”; Qin Cheng’en “failed to monitor the army to put down the rebels

and did not enjoy high reputation as an official, so he is sent to the Ministry of Penalties for punishment”; “Jing An was a grandson of He Shen”, “he only

tracked rather than intercepted the rebel troops”, “so he is arrested and put into prison.”167 Some generals were dismissed, some greedy officials were punished,

and some people who had performed meritorious services were rewarded. In addition, Le Bao and other civil and military governors were ordered to give explicit instructions to prefectures and counties to establish armed landlord

militias and practice locally the malicious policy of “strengthening the defenses

and clearing the fields”, and force “the merger of smaller villages with larger villages, move from flat areas to dangerous areas, dig deep ditches and build

high barriers, and accumulate grain and keep the army in good conditions.” 168

They cut the links between the rebel troops and the peasants, which gave great

difficulties to the insurgent army in reinforcements, provisions and weapon supply. They also worked harder to practice the policy of offering amnesty and enlistment to rebels. “The imperial decree allowed repentance and surrender”.

They spread propaganda among the rebel troops that “those who could arrest

leaders of the insurrectionary troops and escort them to the Qing army would

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not only be forgiven for their guilt but also be rewarded. Those who escaped and surrendered could go back to their hometown so that they could live a

happy and safe life”169 in the hope of breaking up the rebel troops. At this moment the military operations of the insurrectionist army in Sichuan were not plain sailing. The battles in Zhushiguan, Ji Mountain and Dapeng Village exposed their weak point, which was the excessive concentration of their forces. They defended several villages tenaciously, making it easy to encircle them in segments and forcing them into a passively defensive position. Within the year of 1798 their strongholds were taken and key leaders were captured, causing heavy losses to the insurrectionist army. Xu Tiande’s and Leng Tianlu’s forces and the original Xiangyang rebel troops led by Gao Junde and Fan Renjie were still stationed in eastern Sichuan; troops in northern Sichuan suffered heavy losses and escaped; beyond that, Zhang Hanchao moved around southern Shaanxi; and Zhang Kaijia and Zhang Shilong focused on western Gansu. The rebel army drew lessons from the heavy losses, gave up the tactic of defending strongholds tenaciously and settled on the mobile tactic. Furthermore they scattered their troops to lead the Qing army around. They employed measures of all kinds to attack the Qing enemy, and replenished provisions and expanded their troops in a bid to gain the upper hand in battles. Many leaders of the insurrectionist troops were killed, but they kept on fighting, their troops kept expanding, and new leaders emerged. As is stated in the memoir to the emperor: “Each column of the insurgent army has more than ten thousand troops and at least several thousand in number. They invaded and harassed markets, or attacked and beleaguered villages, or even disguised themselves as assistant troops of the Qing army or businessmen to move around and to catch local peasants by surprise. In this sense, the number of insurgents and their leaders keeps rising. Except for their original leaders Xu Tiande, Wang Dengting, Bao Zhenghong, Zhang Zicong, Xian Dachuan, Bo Sanpin, Zhang Tianluo, Xin Cong, Gu Jian, Fan Renjie, Long Shaozhou and Tang Daxin, there were some new ones including Qiao Cheng, Yan Zhongkao, Fang Wenxiang, Ran Tianyuan, Wang Hang, Luo Fengnian, Lei Sibang, Zhang Ji, Li Guangfu and Yu Gang. Other unknown insurgents of the Yellow Banner, Blue Banner, White Banner and Black Banner were still large in number.”170 The insurgent troops staged attacks in different directions in eastern Sichuan; Xu Tiande’s troops moved from Dianjiang to Changshou and Fuzhou in the south and then advanced to Kai County where they were obstructed by De Lengtai. Then they moved to Taiping in the north bordering Shaanxi. The Yunyang Yuelan Banner led by Bao Zhenghong was attacked by the Qing army commanded by Yang Yuchun in Guang’an. In March the Yuelan Banner led

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by Xiao Zhanguo and Zhang Changgeng learned the news and immediately attacked the rear guards of the Qing army, but they were intercepted by the Qing army led by Zhu Shedou in Yingshan and were forced to move to Tanjiashan. Xiao Zhanguo and Zhang Changgeng were killed in battles as they fought alone and had no reinforcements. At this moment, Bao Zhenghong had joined forces with the Dongxiang White Banner led by Zhang Zicong in Yilong and advanced to Linshui in the east. In April Leng Tianlu advanced from Zhongzhou to the west to attack Dazhu, but they were caught up by the Qing army led by Ele Dengbao in Yuechi. Leng Tianlu took the enemy lightly and led eight hundred soldiers to cover a retreat. Leaders including Yang Yuchun, Yang Fang and Muke Dengbu were among the army. They were about to capture key insurgents and chased them in the rain. “Ele Dengbao instructed Muke Dengbu to wait in Shitouyan. Yang Yuchun moved to the back of the insurgent army. (Ele Dengbao) rode on a Suolun horse to smash the rebel troops. The insurgent army fought hard, but Leng Tianlu died of arrow.” 171 The rebel troops lost their commander when Leng Tianlu died. The next day, Yang Fang led a small number of Qing troops to chase the rebel troops and attacked them where they were half way across the Shisun River. The rebels were defeated and five of their boats overturned, which caused heavy losses to the insurgents. In May, leaders of insurrectionary troops in eastern Sichuan including Bao Zhenghong, Zhang Zicong, Bo Sanpin, Fan Renjie, Gong Jian and Xu Tiande gathered their troops in areas between Kai County and Dongxiang, and decided to enter the virgin forests in Sichuan and Shaanxi. To this end Zhang Zicong moved to the west pretending to intercept the provisions of the Qing army in Jiangkou (Pingchang today), so they lured Ele Dengbao to return while Bo Sanpin seized the chance to move to Daning in the north. The rest of the rebel army was divided into two forces; one was led by Xu Tiande and Gong Jian in Daning and Taiping (Wanyuan today) near the virgin forests of the Daba Mountains. The other force was commanded by Fan Renjie, Long Shaohzou, Tang Daxin and Zhang Tainlongand moved in and out of Ankang and Ziyang in eastern Sichuan and Shaanxi. They occasionally separated, and sometimes launched attacks in concentration. In July Bao Zhenghong died in battle. Ele Dengbao tracked down Zhang Zicong in Tongjiang. As part of the efforts to reinforce Zhang Zicong, Ran Tianyuan and Wang Dengting attacked the route of retreat of the Qing army, destroyed their transportation line and then acted in Dongxiang, Dazhu, Lengshui and Changshou. Wang Dengting sent some troops to Dazhu and Quxian to contain the Qing army while he entered Shaanxi. “The warfare extended to 30 li ”, and they gained momentum in the war. In northern Sichuan the White Banner led by Yang Kaijia and the Blue Banner commanded by Zhang Shilong staged an offensive war in Jiezhou (Wudu

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today), Gansu in April. They moved deep into Kongchang (Longxi today) and Huining in the north, and launched wars in Qinzhou (Tianshui today), Cheng County, Hui County and Liangdang to contain the Qing army. In June, Yang Kaijia crossed the Baishui River and entered Lueyang, Shaanxi. Zhang Shilong crossed the river by the upper stream of the Jialing River and joined forces with Yang Kaijia’s troops, and together they moved into northern Sichuan. This action pushed the Qing army into panic and anger. The imperial edict ordered General Fu Cheng to “lead seven thousand troops to attack the Blue Banner and the White Banner. They only tracked them down but did not fight with them head-on. They ravaged Qinglong, and dismissed Dai Wen but kept him in the army.”172 At that time Zhang Shilong was in Zhandao East while Zhang Hanchao was in Zhandao West. Zhang Tianlun attacked Hubei from Pingli and Zhuxi, making Shaanxi be known as the “Three Zhang”. This terrorized the Qing army for a while. Zhang Hanchao originally fought in Hui County and Feng County bordering Shaanxi and Gansu, and then entered Qinling to act separately in Zhen’an, Shangzhou and Lantian. The Qing forces led by Ming Liang were responsible for chasing Zhang Hanchao. But the rebel troops acted flexibly and freely, giving the Qing troops no way out. In the memoir presented by Ming Liang to the emperor he said: “Since last autumn, I have been focusing on tracking down rebel troops day and night between five provinces. Only one thousand of the three thousand troops were left except those that were left for provisioning. We could not focus on blocking and attacking simultaneously…that is why we have yet to eliminate the enemy after half a year.”173 At that time Le Bao ordered Yong Bao to lead two thousand troops from Shaanxi and Gansu and Qing Cheng to lead one thousand troops from Zhili to reinforce the army led by Ming Liang. But Zhang Hanchao sometimes moved to the west and sometimes to the east, moving around just like entering an empty place without anyone there. The rebel troops firstly set an ambush in the Zhongnan Mountains and defeated the Qing army there. Then they climbed over Qinling from Ziwugu to Shangzhou and Shanyang. They were ready to enter into Yunxi and Yun County of Hubei. After that they returned back to Shaanxi and dragged down the Qing army led by Yong Bao, Ming Liang, Qing Cheng, Heng Rui and Xing Zhao. In September Zhang Hanchao divided his troops to attack and contain the Qing troops in Shanyang and Hanyang, and led the main force to Lantian and Wulang in the north. An imperial decree denounced Qing Cheng and Yong Bao for fearing to attack the insurgent army from both sides. In fact, as reported by Song Yun who was assigned by Emperor Jiaqing to make investigations: “since the warfare with the rebel troops began, Yong Bao has been repeatedly defeated” and “the

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morale of his troops was weakened and they had no courage to fight headon with the insurgent army”. His main troops were stationed in Xiaoyiting for more than 20 days in the name of blocking the rebel army separately. He “is inconsiderate and has no courage, cares about personal gain and blames others for mistakes”. Ming Liang had fought battles for a long time, but “he is tired and cannnot track down the rebel troops in a fast manner”. When it came to faults, “Yong Bao should be blamed the most, and then Ming Liang and Qing Cheng, thus Yong Bao was dismissed and arrested.”174 This demonstrates the difficult situation of the Qing army in Shaanxi. In May Zhang Tianlun advanced to Zhuxi from Pingli, Shaanxi, hoping to enter Hubei. The rebel troops led by Gao Junde and Fan Renjie in Taiping, eastern Sichuan and Ziyang, Shaanxi were also ready to enter Hubei. These two forces advanced simultaneously and caused panic in the Qing government. Wo Shibu, governor of Hunan and Hubei, sent troops immediately to meet them head-on. The rebel army killed Dong Ningchuan, military officer of the Qing army, and then returned to Shaanxi. But these forces on the border between Sichuan and Shaanxi were originally the Xiangyang White Banner. Most of the soldiers were from Hubei, and they missed their homes very much, so they wanted to fight back to Hubei even though the Qing main forces were stationed there. In mid-June, Zhang Tianlun led troops to break through firstly Zhuxi, and Gao Junde, Fan Renjie and Gong Jian in ten small groups took turns to attack and strangle the Qing enemy while the main forces attacked Hubei in the interval. According to the report of Wo Shibu to Emperor Jiaqing, the insurgent troops in eastern Sichuan “entered into Hubei one after another, no less than 20,000, and were about to pass through Jingxiang”. From early 1799 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) to July and August of that year, the above-mentioned rebel troops attacked the Qing army separately. They leveraged on the terrain in the virgin forests of Nanshan and Bashan to fight a circuitous war in Sichuan, Gansu, Shaanxi and Hubei, among other provinces, which took a heavy toll on the Qing army and reversed the passive position. As the situation turned for the better, the rebel troops also increased again. “The number of the insurgents kept growing due to their coordination while the Qing troops kept shrinking as a result of their separate defense”. “Reports from counties, prefectures, cities and provinces in eastern Sichuan showed that there were as many as several thousand to even 10,000 insurgents. The number of those whose leaders were unknown was unclear. New insurgents were even more than those killed”. “More insurgents were killed but even more emerged.” 175 The strategic plan of eliminating the insurrectionist army rolled out by the emperor in early 1799 ended in failure

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after half a year. Emperor Jiaqing took Le Bao as the scapegoat and charged him with four crimes, blaming him for “no results after half a year” and “letting down the trust of the two emperors and leaving the masses with hardship”. Le Bao was removed from his post as the head of operations and administration of military affairs in five provinces. Minister Kui Lun and deputy censor Guang Xing “went to Sichuan to catch and punish him” while Ming Liang was put temporarily in charge of the operations and management of military affairs. In September the conflicts between Ming Liang and Yong Bao emerged, Emperor Jiaqing then appointed deputy dutong Ele Dengbao who had contributed the most in military operations as the minister for operations and administration. He was given the title of dutong of the Zheng White Banner of the Han army. De Lengtai was appointed as the assistant minister while Kui Lun was assigned as the governor of Sichuan. In the meanwhile a group of military officers were punished: “Except for Jing An and Yong Bao who were sent to the Ministry of Penalties for sentencing, Qin Cheng’en and Yi Mian were banished to Ili while Ying Shan was ordered to serve as si pin ding dai (an official rank) and to be stationed in Tibet. Hui Ling…was demoted”. “Qing Cheng and Xing Zhao were banished to Xinjiang while Ming Liang was escorted to the capital.”176 Ele Dengbao took office and suggested strategies to eliminate the rebel army to Emperor Jiaqing. The most malicious two measures were: trying to attract the insurgent forces out of the virgin forests and suppressing them in northern Sichuan; and stepping up enhancement of the defenses and clearing the fields, putting in place a militia system, and building stockades and fortresses. These strategies were highly appraised by the emperor. “The emperor issued an imperial decree to reward him”, and the measures were implemented actively. In October Zhang Hanchao, leader of the Xiangyang Blue Banner and one of the initiators of uprisings of the White Lotus Society, fought to the death in battles in Shaanxi. In November Gao Junde, Ran Tianyuan, Zhang Tianlun, Long Shaozhou, Tang Daxin, Gao Tiansheng (Gao Er) and Ma Xueli (Ma Wu) sought to cross the Han River in Ziyuang and Xixiang and moved to the north. They fought fiercely with De Lengtai in Fangmachang. Gao Junde, head of the Xiangyang White Banner and one of the initiators of uprisings of the White Lotus Society, was captured. Zhang Hanchao and Gao Junde lost their lives, which caused heavy losses to the insurrectionist forces. The insurgent troops retreated to Tongjiang and Nanjiang in northern Sichuan. Xu Tiande and Wang Dengting who had entered Hubei returned to Sichuan and engaged in fierce battle with the Qing army. They killed An Lu, imperial bodyguard in the Gate of Celestial Purity, then actively moved between Dongxiang and Taiing and then joined forces with Ran Tianyuan and returned to Sichuan from Shaanxi. “They

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depended on their followers to separately attack in order to contain the Qing army and block the transportation passage.”177 In the end of the year, Ran Tianyuan led his troops to advance to the west and they were stationed in Cangxi. In January 1800 (December of the fourth year of Emperor Jiaqing in the lunar calendar), Ele Dengbao concentrated the Qing troops to besiege the rebel troops led by Ran Tianyuan in Cangxi and started a large-scale decisive battle. Ran Tianyuan was the nephew of Ran Wenchou. He became the commander of the Tongjiang Blue Banner after Ran Wenchou lost his life. Ran Tianyuan was brave and skillful in battle. “He especially focused on trapping the Qing troops.”178 He also enjoyed high prestige in the rebel army. In the lead-up to the battle in Cangxi, Ele Dengbao made careful deployment. He ordered assistant generals Yang Yuchun and Muke Dengbu to attack the rebel troops on both flanks and separately attack in detour. When the warfare began, Muke Dengbu relied on assistant troops to secretly advance to the front of the rebel army and occupied the mountain stronghold while Yang Yuchun attacked from behind the hill. Ran Tianyuan led his troops to rush down from the top of the mountain, directly advanced to the rear camp of the troops led by Muke Dengbu, and spared no effort to attack the commanding camp of Ele Dengbao, which threw the deployment of the Qing army into confusion and made its command disordered. Both sides were in close combat, “fought handto-hand”, and “engaged in a bloody fight throughout the night”. “Commanders were afraid and retreated when meeting with Yang Yuchun.”179 The Qing army moved close to the mountain to encamp. At nightfall, the rebel troops attacked them from four directions, set fire to grass balls and threw them down the mountain to set alight the camp of the Qing army. They also shot sharp arrows and left the Qing army no way to escape. The rebel army won a big victory; Ran Tianyuan led troops to Bazhou and Kai County. This battle resulted in the death of 24 deputy generals of the Qing army, forcing Ele Dengbao who had just taken office to “report it to Emperor Jiaqing and admit his error and ask for punishment”. At that time Yang Kaijia, Wang Tingzhao, Gao Tiansheng, Ma Xueli and Xin Cong in northern Sichuan took the opportunity to move from the virgin forests of Panjiashan to Chenggu and Nanzheng of Shaanxi in the north, and then divided their troops into two forces to contain the Qing army. The front force forced their way across the Jialing River from Lueyang in the west and reentered Qinzhou and Gongchang in Gansu, and their arrogance and power were strengthened greatly. The remaining troops led by Zhang Hanchao and Ran Xuesheng in Xixiang, Hanyin, Shiquan, Ziyang and Jiang’an in Shaanxi also launched attacks in response, thus Shaanxi was in an emergency. Fan Renjie and

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Zhang Tianlun moved from Pingli, Shaanxi, in the east to Zhuxi and Zhushan in Hubei. The Qing government again appointed Ming Liang as the general leading minister to go to Hubei. Given the situation in Shaanxi and Gansu, Ele Dengbao reported to the emperor that he would lead troops to Gansu to suppress the rebel troops. The military affairs in Sichuan were temporarily managed by Governor Kui Lun. Zhu Shedou, Bai Xiang and De Lengtai worked together to put down the insurgent army. On February 8, 1800 (January 15 of the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Ran Tianyuan seized the opportunity of Ele Dengbao and De Lengtai moving to Gansu to fight and Sichuan not being guarded, and joined hands with other columns to cross the Jialing River from Shibantuo, Dingyuan County. The assistant troops defending the river were busy with celebrating the Lantern Festival and appreciating lanterns, and so they dropped their guard. The rebel troops seized the boats and crossed the river, and attacked these assistant troops while they were unprepared. The main troops entered western Sichuan successfully. The troops joined forces with the Dongxiang White Banner led by Zhang Zicong, the Fengjie Xian Banner led by Chen Dechou, the Taiping Yellow Banner commanded by Xu Wanfu, the Dazhou Green Banner commanded by Zhao Mahua and rebel troops from Wangying while passing through Nanbu, Yanting and Shehong. The troops grew from several thousand to 50 thousand rapidly with the involvement of the mafia in the virgin forests. Ran Tianyuan and other troops advanced to western Sichuan and attacked Pengxi County, which greatly shocked the Qing emperor. An official of the Qing government noted: “The rebel troops dared to depend on the local masses to attack the city of Pengxi, which is an unprecedented action.”180 Sichuan’s Governor Kui Lun was dismissed and retained at post. When arriving at Gaoyuanchang, Pengxi County, the rebel army met Zhu Shedou, general officer of the Qing army, and they launched fierce battle there. On February 12 (January 19 of the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Zhu Shedou was besieged by the rebel army. Due to being outnumbered by the troops of the rebel army and the standing by of Kui Lun, Zhu Shedou, a brutal leader cracking down on the uprisings of the White Lotus Society fell down from his horse and was beheaded by the insurgents. Zhu Shedou died and the reactionaries were extremely depressed, while the broad masses of insurgent officers and soldiers applauded and expressed their gratification, and had high morale.181 After the battle in Gaoyuanchang, Ran Tianyuan led his troops to Zitong and Jianzhou (Jiange today) in the north in order to coordinate with the rebel army entering Gansu. The Qing government ordered De Lengtai to return from Shaanxi and gathered troops in Guangyuan to get block the way of the rebels.

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Ran Tianyuan, Xu Wanfu, Chen Dechou and Wang Ying focused on Matigang of Jiangyou County while De Lengtai led Qing troops to the south from Guangyuan and occupied strongholds in Long’an. The two sides met at Baijia Dam and fought in five forces. The rebel forces had set an ambush and moved on while fighting, which lured the Qing army to Xindianzi. The insurgent troops were assembled there. “They were there like crowds of bees and ants, occupied nine hill tops and were in order”. When the Qing army entered into the trap “the rebel forces emerged suddenly from three directions, we shot guns and arrows simultaneously, but the insurgents kept rising in number, they did not escape from arrows and guns, we counterchanged swords and spears and fought hard for two hours. Sai Chong’a, Wen Chun and Amu Leta suddenly surrendered and were shot by guns and arrows.” 182 In this battle Chen Dechou, leader of the Fengjie Xian Banner, and Ran Tianheng, younger brother of Ran Tianyuan, lost their lives. Ran Tianyuan was wounded, but the Qing army was encircled and intercepted and suffered heavy losses. In the evening De Lengtai led the remaining troops to break the encirclement and Ran Tianyuan led his troops to retreat and did not go in hot pursuit. De Lengtai was reinforced immediately and redeployed his troops, dividing them into four forces. Sai Chong’a attacked Baojiagou; A Habao etc. attacked Huoshiya; Wen Chun attacked Longziguan; De Lengtai attacked Matigang. Both sides were still fighting fiercely in Matigang, Jiangyou. Ran Tianyuan still employed the ambush tactic and concentrated his main forces in Matigang and set up an ambush to attack Huoshiya. When the Qing army entered into the ambuscade, the rebel troops suddenly emerged together, and employed wet cotton fibre to wrap mao bamboo to defend against the arrow and artilleries of the Qing army. They took turns to attack: “the rebel troops in the front stepped back, while the troops in the back promised to try conclusions with the Qing army”. The Qing army was surrounded and were thirsty and fatigued, but fought fiercely through day and night, and many forces of rebel army were defeated. De Lengtai led dozens of Qing troops to dismount from their horses and occupy the mountains. They thought they would lose their lives. But Ran Tianyuan led his troops to climb the mountain and directly attack De Lengtai. At this critical juncture Luo Siju, leader of the landlord militia, “instructed soldiers to pick up stones”. The stones fell like rain and the rebel army “gave up the bamboo board and suffered a setback…which saved the assistant general in the front of the mountain.”183 Ran Tianyuan’s horse was shot by an arrow and he fell down from the cliffs and was arrested and killed. The rebel troops lost their commander and were in disarray. The scale and degree of the fight in Matigang, Jiangyou, in western Sichuan were unprecedented for the White Lotus Society. Both sides suffered heavy

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losses. Ran Tianyuan had fought to his death, “he was widely known among the uprising troops…the once defeated manager and operator of military affairs (Ele Dengbao) led troops to Cangxi, ordered the uprising troops to move around Eastern Sichuan, Northern Sichuan and Western Sichuan.”184 His death caused irreparable loss to the rebel troops. In the wake of the Matigang battle there were still more than ten thousand rebel troops led by Zhang Zicong and Wang Ying advancing to the south from Jianzhou. The Qing officials and soldiers were in great fear and fled when they heard about this. The rebel troops attacked Taihe County at the mouth of the Tong River, Shehong County. They crossed the Tong River and rapidly advanced to the west. They entered into “the central region of western Sichuan”, and Chengdu imposed a curfew. Emperor Jiaqing was shocked on learning the news. He re-appointed Le Bao as governor of Sichuan and assistant minister De Lengtai as the general of Sichuan to intercept the rebel troops. The main force of the Qing army assembled in western Sichuan and the defense capability of Chengdu was strengthened. In May the rebel forces decided to divide their troops into two. One was led by Zhang Zicong and Tuo Xiangyao to carry out mobile attacks in western Sichuan and contain the Qing army; the other was commanded by Wang Ying and Xu Wanfu, who crossed the Tong River and moved to the upstream of the Jialing River along Shehong, Xichong, Yanting and Langzhong. They joined forces with the rebel troops in Jiezhou and Minzhou, Gansu. But the landscape had changed a lot, and the Qing army was in a stronger position in Sichuan. The victory in Matigang and the death of Ran Tianyuan exerted grave influence on the morale of the soldiers. After several fierce attacks, the head of the Dazhou Green Banner was captured and killed. Yang Kaijia and Xian Dachuan were killed by traitors. The rebel army withdrew from western Sichuan to the northeastern part of Sichuan, entered the virgin forests of Nanshan and Bashan, and continued its long-term struggles.

Hard-fought battles and the failure of the rebel troops In the second half of 1800 (the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the uprisings of the White Lotus Society kept declining. After that although the rebel troops fought bravely and could still win victories in individual battles, when we put it in perspective they suffered from insuperable difficulties in provisions and funds for their troops and in manpower resources. The scale and momentum of struggles went from bad to worse, and the number of deserters kept growing. The Qing rulers they had drawn on the lessons from the battles

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over the previous years and adopted effective suppression measures in line with the weak points of the rebel army, and especially the policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” and “organizing militias and assistant troops” had produced results. The policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” and “organizing militias and assistant troops” had been put forward in the early days of the uprisings launched by the White Lotus Society, but it failed to be promoted. Subsequently the Qing emperor gradually realized that simply chasing after the rebel troops weighed down the government troops, so this policy did not work and the Qing army was more often than not destroyed. On top of that, the Eight Banners of the Qing army were rather corrupt. “They did not work hard, kicked over the traces, and failed to put down the enemy”. The Green Banner, the main forces of the Qing army tracking down the rebel troops was also challenged by the fact that “officers and generals could not control their soldiers, and the number of them with mistakes was even more than with the insurgents”, and “the insurgent forces kept becoming stronger while the Qing army became increasingly discouraged.”185 In 1798 (the third year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Gong Jinghan’s Strengthening the Defenses and Clearing the Fields and Offering Amnesty and Enlistment to Rebels , volume 1, systematically put forward the mobile and scattered tactic that meant coordinating with militias and assistant troops to combat the rebels. The contents of the policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” was “integrating small villages into big ones, moving from flat areas to dangerous areas, digging deep ditches and building high barriers, and accumulating grain and keeping the army in good condition, transforming all accumulations of the common people into the army. They should focus on agriculture, trade and manage their own lives if the rebel army does not come. When the insurgent troops arrived, they would close the railings and mount the parapets, and the common people would be secure in the knowledge that they had strong backing so they would not flee.”186 After the accomplishment of the construction of villages and fortresses, someone must be employed to guard the villages and fortresses. For this there was “a militia system and strong soldiers”. Strong members of the militia were divided into two groups, namely assistant troops and militias. “Those who fought with the army, guarded stockades, enjoyed salt, vegetables and foods from the government and waited for assignment were called assistant troops. Common people who built fortresses and villages on their own and guarded these fortresses and villages themselves were known as militias.” 187 After promoting the policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields”, each province recruited many militias.

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Between the third year and the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing, Fu Ning, grand coordinator of Sichuan, reported that there were as many as 160,000 militias in Sichuan alone. Luo Siju and Gui Han, known as executioners for cracking down on the uprisings of the White Lotus Society were leaders of the assistant troops in Sichuan. In February 1799 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Emperor Jiaqing spoke highly of the “sound strategy” of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” and “organizing militias and assistant troops” in putting down the uprisings of the White Lotus Society. The emperor issued a decree: “Le Bao and each grand coordinator are ordered to give explicit instructions to residents in Zhou County and control militias in order to ensure the rebel troops have nothing to plunder, and the Qing army is ordered to be distributed in different areas so as to contain and hold back the rebel forces.” 188 This insidious policy was vigorously promoted by Le Bao in eastern and northern Sichuan. Then Na Yancheng, Song Yun, Taibu and Chang Lin introduced the policy to Shaanxi and Gansu. Shu Lin and Wu Xiongguang advocated it in Hubei. In 1800 (the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), as a result of the promotion of the policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” and “organizing militias and assistant troops”, the rebel army had to leave Sichuan and move to Gansu. The Qing ruler thought the policy had paid off, thus he ordered all areas to implement the policy. “Civil and military governors of Shaanxi, Gansu, Hubei and Hunan are to put their subordinates in order, control strategically dangerous villages, dig ditches and build fortresses in flat areas. Effective defense by their militias must be reported, and those who fail to do so will be punished.”189 The policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” produced great results. Before the implementation of the policy, the root cause of insurrectionist army’s ability to rampage at will in the large areas of the five provinces and practice large-scale mobile combat was the support of the masses in manpower, material resources and morale. After the implementation of the policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields”, the Qing government instructed the construction of villages and fortresses and the integration of small villages into big ones, forced the masses to move inside, concentrated all grain and fodder for provisions, “checked up on the hukou (household registration system)”, “inspected the entry and exit”, “operated silver grain”, “”trained able-bodied men” and “put garrisons in order”. The central government adopted all means to forcibly cut off the links between the rebel army and the poor people. Finally “the rebel forces in dangerous areas had to go downhill to seize food. The common people were in unity, the rebels

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had no access to food nearby, there was even no grass available for the rebel troops at the end of winter and the beginning of spring, and they must break through the Qing army if they wanted to go far for food but they dared not do so as they were outnumbered. After being confined for more than one month they run out of food, and thus some died while others fled.”190 This situation was an unprecedented difficulty for the rebel army. They would be entangled by the militias and assistant troops of the Qing army even in minor actions, they had no capability to win battles but there was no food without battles, thus they were hampered everywhere. “In eastern Sichuan and northern Sichuan, villages were solid and local residents (assistant troops and militias) in groups acted vigorously and in coordination to attack the rebel army at night, making the insurgents unable to take a rest.”191 Therefore the form of uprisings by the White Lotus Society changed fundamentally. Emperor Jiaqing said: “Five years ago, the rebel troops had strong momentum, they went everywhere to promote their cause, their following kept on growing, they looted for food the grain controlled by the government; since the implementation of the policy, the common people have built villages in strategically dangerous areas, dug ditches on flat areas, and stored provisions and livestock, so the masses could move into these solid villages and fortresses and relied on the dangerous topography to defend against the rebel troops . When the rebel troops arrived they could find nothing, thus their forces naturally declined.”192 The emperor of the Qing Dynasty rolled out the policy of “suppression and placation”, attempting to disintegrate the White Lotus Society’s troops. In 1798 (the third year of Emperor Jiaqing), Wang Sankui was trapped and killed while Luo Qiqing and Ran Wenchou were in difficult conditions. Emperor Jiaqing pointed out in his edict: “If Luo Qiqing and Ran Wenchou are indeed being tied down tightly by the Qing army, try to find out the whereabouts of Wang Sankui and it is acceptable if he surrenders. Send Le Bao and Hui Lin to inspect the enemy’s situation and encourage assistant troops to advance closely to fight against the rebel troops…insurgents who really want to surrender will be pardoned and saved from death.”193 Following that the emperor made it clear that “we could implement the policy of suppression and placation in a bid to disintegrate the rebel troops”. That said, the policy of offering amnesty and enlistment to rebels did not produce the expected results as the insurgents were brave and steadfast and would not be fooled. In 1799 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) Kui Lun, governor of Sichuan, said: “The emperor issued edicts of pardon a number of times this year and delivered the policy of suppression and placation, but few insurgents have laid down their weapons in recent months.”194 Emperor Jiaqing ground his teeth and scolded the uprising

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army severely: “these insurgents are sticking to evil and defying death, so it is difficult to disintegrate them by means of suppression and placation.”195 In the second half of 1800 (the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the uprisings of the White Lotus Society declined and Emperor Jiaqing published About Heresy , advertising that “if the White Lotus Society abides by the law, that is to accept burning incense, healing diseases and holding a sense of compassion, then the central government would not ban it. But if the society is based on gathering crows and developing troops to revolt against the government, then it would be banned by the imperial law.”196 This was the socalled “punishing insurgents but not religious believers”. In effect, the broad poor masses under suppression and exploitation just utilized the form of the White Lotus Society as a link to launch uprisings. “Insurgents” and “religious believers” were inseparable. The Qing government had been regarding the White Lotus Society as heretics guilty of high treason and strictly prohibited religious activities. This huge uprising was also triggered by the indiscriminate killing of the followers of the society by the officials of the Qing government. The so-called “punishing insurgents but not religious believers” was only a trick by the central government. Many fighters of the Society realized this point, so they defied the fine-sounding words of the government even when they were in an extremely difficult situation. They held high their banners and refused to lay down their weapons, “defied death and refused to surrender”. They fought bravely and consistently in the face of failure and death. They showcased their undaunted and unyielding spirit. Thus the policy of offering amnesty and enlistment to rebels produced little results. In early 1800 (the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the rebel troops that had retreated to Gansu moved to Qinzhou, Minzhou and Jiezhou and joined forces with Zhang Tianlun and Zhang Shilong. Ele Dengbao, commanderin-chief of the Qing army, led his troops personally to confront the enemy personally and dispatched Na Yancheng, Yang Yuchun, Muke Dengle and Qing Cheng to separately attack the rebel army. In April the rebel troops were forced to withdraw to the south of the Wei River and then advance from the east and south. Wang Tingzhao, Yang Kaijia and Zhang Shilong escaped to Qinzhou in the east and to Beizhan; the force led by Gao Tiansheng and Ma Xueli moved to Wen County in the south. In May, as part of the efforts to respond to the battle in western Sichuan, Gao Tiansheng and Ma Xueli captured Long’an, Sichuan and separately attacked Songpan. Western Sichuan was shocked. In June (intercalary April in the lunar calendar), the rebel army utterly defeated the Qing army in Zhuzishan, killed Shi Jin, military officer of the Qing army, and then returned to Wen County, Gansu. Before long the rebel troops entered

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into Shaanxi in succession and assembled in the virgin forests of Zhen’an as the policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” was implemented in the east of Wulang. Due to the pursuit by the Qing army, the rebel troops moved to Shangluo in the east, returned to Hubei, and separately attacked Yunxi and Pingli, and then they returned to Shaanxi. In July they fought fiercely with the Qing enemy in Maoping, Zhen’an. Yang Kaijia, leader of the Xiangyang White Banner, fell in battle. Ran Xuesheng and Zhang Shilong broke through Zhandao and advanced to Qinzhou, Gansu; Gao Tiansheng and Ma Xueli also entered Qinzhou from Minzhou. In August Wu Jinzhu, Zhang Shilong, Ran Xuesheng, Gao Tiansheng and Ma Xueli “all moved to Qinzhou…they joined forces and moved to the east, the 20,000 troops attacked the Qing army led by Chang Lin in Fujia Town, Hui County at night. The Qing troops were utterly defeated, leaving 17 leaders of militia including Tai Ang’a and more than 1,000 soldiers dead. Former general of Sichuan Fu Cheng was defeated and killed.”197 In September Gao Tiansheng, Ma Xueli and Da Jiaying joined forces and entered Shaanxi in the east, took Lueyang, Mian County and Xixiang among other regions, killed 29 officials of the Qing army including military officer Zhale Hang’an, provincial commander-in-chief Wang Wenxiong and deputy general Bao Gui. “A trusted subordinate of Wang Wenxiong was wounded by more than one spear and his left arm was cut”. This brutal leader got what he deserved. “Even more officers and soldiers as well as assistant troops were wounded and killed.”198 The rebel troops won such victories but there were many stockades and fortresses guarded by assistant troops, so the Qing army had no fear of attacks from behind and focused on decisive battles with the rebels. The rebel troops planned to cross the Han River to the north several times, but they were held back by the militias on the north bank and Wu Jinzhu, leader of the Xiangyang Yellow Banner, died in battle. Troops led by Xu Tiande, Fan Renjie, Zhang Tianlun and Gou Wenming moved into Hubei and fought in Xingshan, Zigui, Badong and Gucheng in northwestern part of the province. The Qing forces commanded by Ming Liang fought in Fang County and Jun County. The two sides separately confronted each other. In June they fought fiercely in Yicheng, Jingmeng and Tianzhu Mountain. The rebel troops withdrew to Nanzhang and smashed the Qing troops in Majiaying, killed many Qing troops including Wang Kai, military officer, and zuoling, qianzong and bazong (troop leaders). Before long Zhang Tianlun moved into Zhen’an, Shaanxi, and Fan Renjie moved into Pingli, Shaanxi. In October Fan Renjie, Ran Tianshi and Zhang Shilong advanced to Hubei from three directions and defeated the pursuing Qing army in Niulupo, Yuan’an County, and killed military officer Li Shaozhu and assistant general

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Shen Qingchun among others. On August 18, 1800 (June 28 of the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) Liu Zhixie, a key leader of Shanyangjiao, was betrayed and captured in Ye County, Henan. Liu Zhixie played an important role in preaching religion in the early days, but he lived in seclusion in Henan after the outbreak of uprisings. He was not involved in the actual struggles and his arrest had little to do with the war situation, but the Qing government played up this case in order to fracture the fighting will of the rebel troops and boost the morale of the Qing troops, saying that “Liu Zhixie has been arrested in Henan, which has demonstrated that the White Lotus Sociey is punished by the god and it has cut its own throat”. The government also ordered commanders of each force of troops and local civil and military governors to “promulgate the arrest of Liu Zhixie to the insurgents…if the insurgents of his clan learned of the arrest of Liu Zhixie, dread punishment for their crime, and lay down their weapons, they would be forgiven.”199 Apart from strengthening military attacks and organizing armed militias, the Qing government seized all opportunities to carry out political propaganda so as to shake the rebel troops and try to put down the uprisings of the White Lotus Society as soon as possible. The rebel army was at a disadvantage. The militia system and the policy of “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” adopted by the Qing government forced it to withdraw to the virgin forests of Nanshan and Bashan. The ensuing battles were mainly carried out in the areas surrounding the virgin forests. “These rebel troops often fought separately or jointly, the main forces were concentrated in the borders of these three provinces; the virgin forests of Nanshan see little signs of human habitation, local residents built fortresses and stockades, but they did not have weapons; when Hubei was attacked by the Qing army, they would escape to Sichuan and Shaanxi; they were like animals and birds and weighed down the Qing army.”200 In the late period of the uprisings, struggles were featured by growing difficulties in the supply of provisions, obstructed actions and decreasing armed forces that made the rebel troops incapable of carrying out mobile and circuitous combat. But they fought even harder and faced death unflinchingly when they were in harsh conditions, hunger and rags, and were on the brink of being annihilated. Within the context of weak forces facing the enemy’s strong forces, they fought without flinching and relied on the virgin forests to hold high the banner of the White Lotus Society. In February 1801 (the sixth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Emperor Jiaqing issued a decree: “I have issued many decrees of offering amnesty and enlistment to rebels, but few insurgents have laid down their weapons. At the

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moment the most wanted leaders of the rebel troops are Xu Tiande and Wang Tingzhao. Moreover Gao Er, Ma Wu and Gao San have killed many highranking officials of the Qing army. They are the chief criminals and the great enemies of the government, thus they will by no means be pardoned even if they surrender. I thus issued the encyclic that the one who could capture or kill one of these five criminals would be raised to the second-class official position, and assistant troops will be awarded with two thousand in silver if they could capture one of them; the one who captured the rebel leader and escorted him to the government will be appointed as Qianzong (title of lower-ranking military officer) and awarded with one thousand in silver. For the arrest of others such as Fan Renjie, Ran Xuesheng, Long Shaozhou and Gou Wenming, one class lower awards will be given.”201 The Qing government offered a big reward for their arrest as it sought to capture and kill the leaders of the rebel troops. Ele Dengbao, administration and operations official, and counselor De Lengtai, each led a group of troops to fight the rebel army from two directions in order to root out the leaders of the rebel army in the areas bordering Sichuan and Shaanxi, which worsened the struggle situation. In February Gao Tiansheng (Gao Er) and Fan Renjie were under the converging attack of the Qing army in Shanyang, Hanbei. Gao Tiansheng encountered an ambush and was killed. In March Wang Tingzhao, leader of the Xiangyang rebel army and one of the pioneers in the uprisings of the White Lotus Society, was captured in Anzigou, the borders area between Sichuan and Shaanxi. “Portraits and scriptures were searched, he was put into a prison van and escorted to the capital.”202 In April Ma Xueli (Ma Wu) of the rebel troops and Gao Tiande (Gao San) were arrested in Erlang Dam, Daning. Within only two months, the rebel troops within the border of Shaanxi suffered a heavy loss. More than ten leaders of the rebel army including Wang Tingzhao and Gao Tiansheng lost their lives, and the survivors moved to Hubei. At that time another rebel army in the border areas between Sichuan and Shaanxi led by Ran Xuebu took advantage of the absence of the Qing army to attack Yang Kuiyou who was stationed at the dam. The Qing army was utterly defeated, “the assistant troops were all defeated, Yang Kuiyou escaped narrowly. It is said that a militia surnamed Li was captured by insurgents, a tongzhi (title of civil official) surnamed Wang was killed, He Xing’e, former deputy dutong (title of military officer), fell in battle, and the rebel troops seized all their food, silver, mules and horses.”203 The insurgent troops gained strong momentum. But the victory in individual fights could no longer save the revolution from failure. Ele Dengbao himself led the Qing main forces to crack down on the rebels head-on; Chang Lin commanded his troops to track and search for rebels in the northeast; Qing Cheng led his troops to control the

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southeast; and militias and assistant troops along the river were ordered to stop the rebel troops. Ran Xuesheng had to move to the virgin forests of Bashan. In Hubei, Xu Tiande and Gou Wenming fought in one place after another, such as Yunyang, Zhushan, Xiangshan and Fang County. In March 1801 (the sixth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Long Shaozhou joined forces with more than ten thousand other rebel troops and advanced towards Zhenping of Tongqu, Shaanxi, so De Lengtai immediately dispatched forces to beleaguer them. In April Long Shaozhou detached Tang Mingwan to go straight to the Taiping virgin forests in an attempt to lure the Qing army to follow, and then he led the main forces himself to charge into Hubei. But they were obstructed and were forced to move to Sichuan. At the time Sichuan and Shaanxi were in the grip of famine due to crop failures, thus the rebel troops were facing difficulties in accessing provisions. In May Xue Tiande, Fan Renjie, Wang Guoxian, Chen Chaoguan and Zeng Zhixiu joined their forces and advanced to the east, but they had to fight separately due to the pursuit of the Qing army and the interception by militias and assistant troops. Chen Chaoguan who was wounded jumped off a cliff but was captured; Wang Guoxian, Shun Wanlin and Dai Renjie escaped from Yunyang to Fang County and Baokang while others retreated to Shaanxi in the west. In June Xu Tiande, leader of the Dazhou Green Banner and one of the earliest leaders of the White Locus Society, was drowned when his boat capsized in Lianghekou, Xixiang, Shaanxi. As of the second half of 1801, the White Lotus Society troops led by Long Shaozhou and Gou Wenming were quite active in Pingli, Shaanxi; Wang Guoxian, Dai Shijie and Zeng Zhixiu fought in Xunyang, Shaanxi and Zhushan, Hubei; Xin Cong and Ran Xuesheng were in Baishiguan, eastern Sichuan. The insurgent troops were basically limited to the border areas between Sichuan, Shaanxi and Hubei, and they fought in the virgin forests of Wanshan where there were few militias. According to the Record of Shengwu there were only 24,000 troops altogether at that moment while the assistant troops of the Qing army were ten times more. The uprisings of the White Lotus Society were in a desperate situation. The rebel troops retreated to the virgin forests in the border areas between the three provinces and dared not go one step beyond the region. In July 1801 (the sixth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the administration and operations general Ele Dengbao, commander-in-chief of the Qing army, and De Lengtai, assistant minister, redesigned their strategic plan. De Lengtai advanced from the southwest while Ele Dengbao led troops to attack the rebel army in the northeast in order to beleaguer the areas bordering the three provinces. The vicious “De Lengtai selected each 200 assistant troops as one group to wear the

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clothes and hold the banner of the rebel army, took surrendered insurgents as guides, pretended to join forces or attacked the rebel camp at night.”204 They harassed the rebel troops and forced them to move to the border of Sichuan to assemble there. In August Ran Tianshi and Wang Shihu, leaders of the rebel troops, were killed at Jianci Dam. Ran Xuesheng joined hands with the troops in Qijiaying and Gaojiaying and detoured between Nanjiang and Guangyuan, northern Sichuan. But they were besieged by the Qing army from three directions, and Ran Xuesheng was captured and killed. Long Shaozhou led his troops to return to the virgin forests and killed Tang Yulong, assistant general of the Qing army, in Hegangxi. In September Long Shaozhou, leader of the Taiping Yellow Banner, died in the battle against the Qing army in the Panlong Mountains, Pingli. After that various forces of the rebel army including Tang Sijiao, Liu Chaoxuan, Li Bin, Gou Wenming, Fan Renjie, Dai Shijie, Zhang Tianlun, Zeng Zhixiu, Gao Siqi, Wei Xuesheng and Ran Tianhuang were surrounded and attacked by the Qing troops and suffered serious setbacks. There were only one thousand, one hundred and some dozens of troops in each force and they went to the virgin forests. According to the report of Ele Dengbao, “the groups led by Tang Sijiao, Liu Chaoxuan, Ki Bin Gou Wenming, Fan Renjie and Dai Shijie could be called large forces, but there were only something more than one thousand people in each force. They all advanced to Sichuan and only about 10,000 escaped to Shaanxi and Hubei.”205 The insurrectionist troops suffered heavy losses while the Qing rulers made a great fanfare about their “victory”, believing that “the military task in Sichuan and Hubei was about to be finished” and what was needed next was “rehabilitation works”. It planned to eliminate all insurgents in the winter of 1801. To this end, commanders of the Qing army took further actions. Firstly, new posts including tidu (provincial commander-in-chief), zongbing (military officer), fujiang (assistant general) and shoubei (garrison) were added in townships of strategic importance bordering the three provinces, soldiers were commissioned to be stationed there, and provinces and prefectures were re-divided for convenient administration based on the transport in each area. Secondly, townships were ordered to contribute their military forces to vigorously search for and fight the insurgent army on the basis of their locations. Government officials in various regions joined hands with militias and assistant troops in the efforts. Tens of villages were taken as one strategic region to assist the Qing army’s shortage of military strength. Thirdly, the policy of “armed suppression and invitation to surrender” was stressed so as to further break up the rebel army.

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The situation did npt change completely to the will of the Qing government. Gou Wenming, leader of the Bazhou White Banner, united the scattered forces of other rebel forces, more than 2,000 troops and several hundred mules and horses, to gallop to the upstream of the Jialing River. In early 1802 (the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the troops arrived in Kai County and Daning of eastern Sichuan and joined forces with the Tongjiang Blue Banner led by Li Bin. They moved into the virgin forests due to the pursuit and suppression by the Qing army led by De Lengtai. The emperor instructed Ele Dengbao to withdraw the assistant troops who were guarding the river to the border areas between Sichuan and Shaanxi. But he lagged behind, which enabled the rebel army to cross the Han River in the north to Nanshan. “He was deprived of his post as count, demoted to first-class male, and was stripped of his peacock feather.”206 Emperor Jiaqing who strove for victory was depressed and issued many decrees to denounce the commanders and generals of the Qing army, observing that they had stood by during the prolonged warfare and had failed to come up with general plans, and wasted forces and soldier's pay and provisions. He even dismissed and punished them. But the commanders and generals complained that it was difficult to put down the scattered rebel troops who were hidden in deep mountains and virgin forests. “It is achievable to put down large rebel forces but it is ineffective to crack down on smaller insurrectionary forces”. “These rebel troops moved on foot. They knew they were surrounded by the Qing army and would be pursued closely once they moved out onto the plain. They had not been daring to go out of the virgin forests, so they repeatedly returned to the virgin forests after being forced out of the mountainous regions.”207 The Qing army had obvious advantages in the battles, but victories remained elusive and the government at both higher-level and lower-level remained divided. No one could rapidly put down the rebel army of the White Locus Society. As a result of the encirclement and suppression by the large Qing forces and the larger number of stockades and fortresses as well as the attacks from assistant troops, militias and local gangs, the strength of the troops of the White Lotus Society was greatly weakened and they lost the capacity to fight against the Qing army head-on. Moreover, with the prolonged warfare, local areas were destitute and militias were rampant, so the rebel troops had no access to provisions and were in trouble. Leaders of the uprising troops were used to coming up with methods to get out of trouble. First, given the decentralized operations of the rebel army over the years, the absence of mutual assistance and mutual help, the lack of a concerted plan of action and the failure to form into a strong force, these leaders called on others to make a concerted effort,

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act in coordination and strengthen contacts among various troops; second, they capitalized on the favorable terrain of the borders between the three provinces to lead the Qing army around and play hide-and-seek, required various rebel troops to concentrate in Jieling, Hubei in preparation for seizing boats to cross the Yangtze River and move towards Shinan and then to the rich and populous regions in southern Sichuan. If this plan failed they would cross the Han River in the north and advance to Henan to develop their troops and continue their struggle. They also put forward the slogan of “after the year of Xu Hai, we will live better than immortals”208 to encourage the general public to get through the difficulties and greet victories. According to the confessions of several followers of the White Lotus Society, “during the fifth and sixth year (the fifth and sixth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Fan Renjie, Xu Tiande and Gou Wenming found that the members of the society kept shrinking in Hubei, so they discussed that if each Banner could assemble twenty to thirty thousand troops and simultaneously cross the Yangtze River, or the Han River, or rush to Henan or Bali in western Sichuan, then they could have access to more manpower and horses as well as food as these areas were less inhabited, so they wrote letters to each other and negotiated this proposal.”209 “According to the story told by those from the Green Banner, the uprising troops were broken up as they were not of one mind and pursued personal gains before, but now each group has few people left and they are moving around in mountainous regions…from now on, we must be of one heart. The areas bordering Hubei are regions with high mountains and more roads, and border on Shaanxi and Sichuan. If there are more troops in Sichuan and Shaanxi, we will move to the border of Hubei, but if there are more troops in Hubei, we will move to the borders between Sichuan and Shaanxi, making the Qing army confused. We arranged various troops to go there and form into a large and strong force, and waited for the assembly of these troops to rush out of the deep mountains to cross the Chuan River and Han River to Henan…we must go somewhere else for food and manpower as well as horses, next year will be better… agreed to meet in mountains bordering Shaanxi, Sichuan and Hubei, and left signs on walls when they were moving on…other troops would know that some troops are staying nearby, so they could join forces.” 210 “Our troops were originally led by Fan Renjie and all of us faithfully obeyed him when his letters came. Fan Renjie together with Liu Zhixie, Wang Tinghzao and Li Shu were the most senior leaders. Last February he sent me a letter, inviting various Banners to join forces in Hubei and cross the south bank to Shinan where we can find abundant food, human resources and horses. I did not write back to him due to the close pursuit of the Qing army.”211 Unfortunately the rebel forces were weak and important leaders died

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while the enemy was in a strict defense posture and there was no weakness to take advantage of, thus their plan to seize boats to cross the river to southern Sichuan or Henan failed. The insurrectionary troops were in deep water, but they still engaged in death struggles with the strong enemy. In March 1802 Gou Wenming defeated Liu Ruijun, military officer of the Qing army in Zhouzhi, Shaanxi, and killed Han Zichang, deputy military officer. In April Fan Renjie, Zeng Zhixiu and Dai Shijie led thousands of troops to Hubei through Wushan. De Lengtai commanded a large batch of Qing forces to attack and intercept them, but the insurrectionist army occupied Mazongling. Fan Renjie “was brave and was able to bear and endure battles, raised his arms in a call for action, all insurgents fought desperately, we were defeated.” 212 14 military leaders including Wang Maoshang, the military officer of the Qing army, imperial bodyguard Ta Jinbao and assistant general Xu Qisi were killed. The insurrectionist troops fought bravely and had a good fight, but the overall war situation took a sudden turn and rapidly worsened for the insurgents. In April Li Bin was captured in Ningxiating; in May Zhang Tianlun fell in a battle in Bazhou; in July Fan Renjie and Zeng Zhixiu were defeated in Fang County, Hubei, and they led a large group of the old and sick, women and children to escape into the deep mountains. But they mistakenly entered Maluping where there were high mountains and dangerous roads, rivers and brooks blocked three directions and the Qing troops tracked them from the rear. Rains lasted for several days and the water level rose, so they could not cross the river. But they fought to the last minute. About 500 troops including women and children jumped into the river as they did not want to be captured. “They were submerged due to flashy floods”. Some Qing soldiers wanted to take credit, so they went into the waters to capture Fan Renjie, but three Qing soldiers were captured by the Qing army. “The wave was strong, the waters were swift, and so they could not be found.”213 The heroic battle scene in Maluping was indeed a shock to both the god and the ghost, fully demonstrating the unyielding heroic spirit of the rebel army. After the complete collapse of the troops led by Fan Renjie and Zeng Zhixiu, other rebel forces also failed in succession. In August Gou Wenming’s troops were surrounded in Huashiyan, Ningshanting. He killed many Qing military officials and assistant troops and was exhausted to death; another leader, Liu Chaoxuan, was captured. In November Dai Shijie, leader of the Xiangyang Blue Banner was killed in fighting in Xingshan, Hubei. Tang Sijiao, head of the Dongxiang White Banner in Sichuan, was arrested by the Qing enemy. The insurgent troops suffered heavy losses and the remaining troops were scattered

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in deep mountains and virgin forests. In order to pander to the eagerness of Emperor Jiaqing to win, in January 1803 (December of the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) Ele Dengbao and De Lengtai together with Le Bao, governor of Sichuan, Hui Ling, governor of Shaanxi, and Xiong Guang, governor of Hubei and Hunan, presented their memorial with a yellow cover and red lining from six hundred li away to the emperor: “We have made great achievements as all well-known leaders of the uprising troops in Sichuan, Shaanxi and Hubei have been cleaned up.” 214 Then Emperor Jiaqing issued an edict, “The suppression and cleaning up of the insurrectionary army settled the unaccomplished intention of the late emperor and offered sacrifice to the mausoleum of the late emperor Qianlong, and declared the news inside and outside the Central Plain.”215 The central government awarded people according to their contributions and appointed a group of military officers and generals. The so-called “great accomplishment” was in effect a self-deceiving hoax. The rebel army had suffered heavy losses, but the remaining troops had yet to lay down their weapons and they constantly launched attacks against the Qing army. In the spring of 1803 (the eighth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the rebel troops led by Song Yingfun, Chen Wenhai, Ma Tianbao, Yu Zuobin and Xiong Laoba were scattered in Nanjiang; Liu Xueli joined hands with the remaining troops led by Wang Guoxian, and Wang Wenhui fought in Badong, Hubei. These remaining troops employed ambush and sniper attack tactics, lured the Qing army into the virgin forests to search for them, and then attacked them in dark places, which inflicted heavy losses on the Qing army and achieved certain results. In March 1803 (the leap February of the eighth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), five to six hundred insurrectionist troops led by Liu Xueli moved to Wushan from Hubei, fought with 1,600 to 1,700 Qing troops commanded by military officer Zhang Ji, and killed 9 officials of the Qing government plus militia garrisons and 165 assistant soldiers. In April just dozens of insurgents including Feng Tianbao, Yu Zuobin and Xiong Laoba set an ambush against the Qing army within the border of Nanjiang, northern Sichuan. Muke Dengbu, provincial commander-in-chief and imperial bodyguard, “was too hot-tempered and underestimated the enemy”, and “was speared in the rush and died on the battle field.”216 Muke Dengbu and Yang Yuchun were at the same position, and they were the leader of the right and left wings of the army led by Ele Dengbao. They were well-known leaders in suppressing the White Lotus Society. The Qing government grieved over his death and he was posthumously awarded the title of second-class baron and hereditary Qingche Duwei (a title of nobility). The commander-in-chief of the Qing army wondered “how the Qing army led

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by Muke Dengbu, 1,500 to 1,600 in number, could not resist the attacks of only tens of insurgents even if they searched and fought from different directions.”217 In other battles the Qing troops frequently suffered setbacks. As Ele Dengbao put it: “When looking at the general picture of the three provinces, the fewer insurgents there are the more difficult it is to eliminate them…there were only few scattered insurgents, but what left were all old insurgents and they were cunning. They would escape when the Qing troops arrived, but hundreds of them would gather together when the Qing army left. They were on the watch for ambush.” 218 For example an assistant general of the Qing troops Zhang Mingde searched for rebels in the mountains in Kuizhou, and “when they arrived at Huanglianwan, the insurgents were hidden in thick forests and bamboos. Zhang Mingde was attacked by surprise and was wounded by spear and died.”219 Another example, was when the Qing army was searching for rebel troops in the virgin forests called “Tong Tian La Zhu”. “Scores of insurgents rushed out of an ambush and attacked the Qing troop which was carrying pots and tents,”220 thus most officers in charge of cooking and Qianzhong as well as assistant soldiers were killed. However, in these last battles, the rebel army also suffered heavy losses. For instance leaders such as Feng Tianbao, Song Yingfu, Xiong Laoba and Zhao Jinyou were killed in the fighting. In July 1803 (June of the eighth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Ele Dengbao reported to the emperor that “insurgent troops cannot be found in Shaanxi, only 200 to 300 are in Hubei, while 200 to 300 are in Sichuan inside and outside the mountains. They are decentralized and are prolonging their last gasps. They have become bandits and we need to develop some other countermeasures.”221 In August Ele Dengbao joined forces with Le Bao in Kai County. They decided to launch a last search for and suppression of the remaining insurgents in the virgin forests from two directions. De Lengtai also moved to Sichuan to act in coordination. In September Ele Dengbao, De Lengtai and Le Bao together reported to the emperor and claimed again that the White Lotus Society in the three provinces had been “eliminated” and the Qing army could withdraw troops from the front. Ele Dengbao and De Lengtai returned to the capital to see the emperor. Emperor Jiaqing saluted them with the most solemn meeting etiquette, and civil and military officials reveled in the celebration of the victory. Suddenly, there was an alarm again from the three provinces. The remaining troops of the White Lotus Society led by Gou Wenrun and Gou Chaojiu were still hidden in the virgin forests. They seized the opportunity of the withdrawal of the Qing army to act again and they worked in collaboration with local assistant troops. Originally the assistant troops were the forces used by the Qing government to crack down on the insurrectionists. But finally “the Qing

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government cast them aside as they had served its purposes”. After the White Lotus Society was declared to be eliminated, these assistant troops were dismissed. According to rules of the government, each of them would get 2 liang 5 qian for what they had done, their spears and swords should be taken back and they would be sent back to their native places. But many of them were homeless, they had no farmland to grow crops, and their redundancy pay was confiscated by officers. As described in the last sheet of Xiangbing xing (Assistant troops) written by Yan Ruyu, “assistant troops were called on to fight against insurgents, but they were told that their names could not be found on the list when providing redundancy pay. After ten years of fighting they had become old. They could get few provisions if they wanted to rejoin the forces, and most of their rewards were taken away by their leaders. They got little remuneration, if any”. The dismissed assistant soldiers could not make a living so they went to the virgin forests and joined hands with the White Lotus Society to resist the Qing government. The three provinces, namely Sichuan, Hubei and Shaanxi, where “the settlement of the uprising issue” had just been announced witnessed turmoil again. This incident was like the spindrift in the ebb tide for the entire White Lotus Society. In August 1803 (the eighth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the remaining insurgents worked together with the assistant soldiers to attack Zhouzhi and Yang County in Shaanxi. In October the rebel troops led by Gou Wenrun and several hundred assistant soldiers fought in the border areas between Sichuan and Shaanxi and killed Zhu Kui, deputy general of the Qing army. At that time the insurgent troops were few in number, but “they had all fought in more than 100 battles, they were as strong as falcons, and they were familiar with the bugle order of the Qing army and the paths in the virgin forests. They fought alternately in Sichuan and Shaanxi, suddenly joined forces and suddenly separated, but they were often surrounded. They moved to cliffs abruptly in fog, and some still fought after being shot by an arrow. It is difficult to attack them whether they are separated or in joint forces. The three provinces were not in tranquil even though there were only 200 to 300 insurgents left.”222 The Qing government immediately ordered De Lengtai to return to Chengdu to prevent the spread of the rebel army. On one occasion when De Lengtai was tracking and suppressing these insurgents, the flag of the assistant troops did not move at all, but scores of soldiers of the Qing army were killed. Afterwards they found out that the assistant soldiers in the Qing army and the dismissed assistant soldiers in the rebel troops were countrymen and knew each other. They talked about their inner feelings when they met before the battle, so they waited and watched and did not fight. Wei Zhongcai, the leader of the assistant

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troops, vainly attempted to induce the assistant troops in the rebel army to capitulate, but he was killed. The Qing government had no alternative and had to admit the false image of “the settlement of the uprising issue”. In March 1804 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Ele Dengbao was instructed to go from the capital to Shaanxi in the capacity of imperial envoy. He coordinated with De Lengtai to deploy their forces and carried out suppression on a large scale. As of the spring of 1804, the combat was limited to a dozen counties in the virgin forests bordering Sichuan, Shaanxi and Hubei, but both the Qing army and the rebel troops were in a difficult condition. The Qing army entered the virgin forests which featured rugged and winding roads. “The official and soldiers had to abandon tents and food to track the rebels, but they were tired of combat and missed their homes as they had fought for eight years”, which resulted in “suppressing hundreds of insurgents as if they were in tens of thousands, deploying tens of thousands of soldiers as if they were in hundreds.” 223 The whereabouts of the members of the White Lotus Society and the dismissed assistant soldiers were unknown. They were flexible, set ambushes in dangerous areas, and fought bravely in battles. “Since entering Sichuan from Shaanxi and returning to Shaanxi from Sichuan, they had always been fighting in deep mountains along rivers and amid ice and snow. They had never moved out of the virgin forests, or stayed in less dangerous areas. They moved in narrow winding trails”. When the Qing army moved close, “they occupied favorable terrain to wait for the arrival of the enemy. They either fought to the death or hid. From the high-ranking leaders to the soldiers, they all fought bravely and unyieldingly”. “All of them were ready to die, thus they spared no efforts to combat the enemy.”224 Once, a dozen insurgents were encircled by the Qing forces and they climbed on a platform on cliffs to resist the enemy… claiming: “we would rather die here on the battle field than be captured by the enemy.” 225 The warfare lasted for one year there as these insurgents fought courageously. During this time leaders of the rebel army including Yao Xinzuo, Liu Xueli and Luo Silan fell in battle. Gou Wenrun was betrayed and killed in September. The remaining troops were defeated and dispersed. Gou Chaojiu was eventually captured and killed. In October 1804 (November of the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the Qing army once again declared victory. Thus the uprisings led by the White Lotus Society on a grand and spectacular scale ended in failure. Between February 1796 (January of the first year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) and October 1804 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the uprisings of the White Lotus Society that had lasted for nine years used peasants and vagrants as well as small producers as the mainstay. Their uprisings swept

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through the large areas of Hubei, Sichuan, Shaanxi, Gansu and Henan like a furious sea running mountainously high. They beat back the forces of the Qing government dispatched from 16 provinces, and killed 400 officials of the Qing army inferior to deputy provincial commander-in-chief and assistant generals and “more than 20 second-class officials including provincial commander-inchief and military officers.”226 and made the Qing government spend more than 20,000 silvers. This figure is equivalent to the total fiscal revenue of the Qing government for four years. The insurrectionist army was defeated, but the social conflicts that had triggered this grand uprising had yet to be eased. Farmers and handicraftsmen in trouble followed suit with the White Lotus Society and launched their own struggles against the Qing government across the nation. The historical significance of the uprisings of the White Lotus Society is that it took a heavy toll on the rule of the feudal government of the Qing Dynasty, revelealed the reality of “prosperity” and “peace”, disclosed the governent’s decadence and weakness, and became the turning point for the Qing Dynasty from prosperity to decline. The insurrection launched by the White Lotus Society was the last largescale peasant war in Chinese feudal society. Its failure, like numerous peasant uprisings in feudal society, was the inevitable result for small-scale farmers. The insurgent army of the White Lotus Society used religious superstition as a weapon for organizing the masses and promoting itself among the general public. It failed to come up with a clear-cut and ambitious political program. The Qing noted that “They did not change clothes and set a title of a reigning Dynasty. Their intention was to seize women and money, but not plot a rebellion.” 227 “They had no measures to unite the common people.” 228 The political target of the White Lotus Society was undefined and it failed to come up with a guiding principle and slogan to mobilize and unify the masses. Due to the decentralized and narrow-minded small-scale farmers the rebel troops lacked a long-term and well-planned strategy, fell under different banners and groups in organization, had numerous branches which were not subordinated any of the others, and lacked unity of command. “Several hundred formed one group, and groups suddenly joined forces or separated, moved abruptly to the north or the south”. It was necessary to conduct scattered operations to combat strong enemies, but they had scattered battles and no joint attacks or concentrated offensive; they had simple mobile operations but no relatively stable bases. This made effective the policy of “organizing militias and assistant troops” and “strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields” implemented by the Qing government. The uprising troops were brave and unyielding and were good at fighting, but the destiny of failure could not be reversed.

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After the failure of the uprisings of the White Lotus Society, the three provinces were still in turbulence and had yet to quiet down. Mutiny of assistant troops occurred repeatedly due to the redundancy of assistant soldiers and the reduction of soldiers' pay and provisions. The armed forces that were once relied on by the Qing government in suppressing the White Lotus Society were turning around to resist the government rulers, and one of the largest coups was the “Nishan Mutiny”. In July 1806 (June of the 11th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the troops stationed in Ningshan Town, Shaanxi, launched a mutiny as a result of the reduction of their pay and provisions. The soldiers led by Chen Dashun and Chen Xianlun attacked the city, broke into jails and rescued prisoners, killed officials, and fought as guerrillas in the mountainous areas of southern Shaanxi, and their forces grew to more than 10,000. The Qing court immediately sent De Lengtai, Yang Yuchun and Yang Fang to suppress them. So when the mutinous soldiers attacked Hu County, Yang Fang went there to assist the Qing army but he was utterly defeated and even wounded in the arm; following that, Yang Yuchun led his main forces and fought fiercely with the mutinous troops in Fangcaiguan, but he also lost the battle. All the soldiers engaged in the mutiny were once followers of Yang Yuchun and Yang Fang. The family dependants of Yang Fang were caught, but the mutinous soldiers treated them with due respect and escorted them out of the battle field. Yang Yuchun and Yang Fang recognized that it was difficult to get resolve the situation by force and that the approach of offering amnesty and enlistment to the rebels might be more effective, thus they carried out a political offensive and spoke sweet words to persuade the rebels to lay down their weapons. Yang Yuchun and Yang Fang contacted Pu Dafang who was involved in the mutiny, getting him to kill Chen Dashun and Chen Xianlun. The capitulation clique gained momentum, so they laid down weapons and surrendered. But Emperor Jiaqing did not want to kill all the mutinied soldiers so he instructed De Lengtai to “abandon laws and pardon the soldiers”. De Lengtai was removed from office but remained a post. Yang Yuchun was demoted to be military officer. Yang Fang was banished to Yili for “controlling troops but appeasing them”. But at that moment different peasant uprisings were emerging so the Qing court was in dire need of leaders like Yang Yuchun and Yang Fang. They were reinstated and released.

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Anti-Qing Struggles of People of All Ethnic Groups in the Early Stage of the 19th Century Anti-Qing struggles of the fishermen led by Cai Qian China in the early stage of the 19th century was like a place densely covered by many volcanoes as the fury of people of all nationalities, just like the hot and rolling magma, was brewing and smoldering. In the north, large-scale uprisings of the White Lotus Society were flourishing and the insurgent farmers were galloping in the deep mountains and dense forests in the five provinces, making the rulers of the Qing government focus on one thing but lose sight of another. At the same time, in the southeast sea, the anti-Qing struggles of fishermen in Zhejiang and Fujian led by Cai Qian broke out. After the middle period of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, coastal areas such as Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong witnessed booming foreign trade and their marine traffic was quite developed. Most people in coastal areas lived on marine transportation, fishing and the salt industry. But feudal rulers the carried out brutal suppression and exploitation and people there could not live a happy life. In 1790 (the 55th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) Wu Lana, governor of Fujian and Zhejiang, reported to the emperor: “Please approve the suggestion of burning of all small houses built by people in 457 islands under the jurisdiction of Fujian and 560 islands under the jurisdiction of Zhejiang” 229 so as to cut off all means of subsistence of the common people. On top of that, frequent natural disasters kept worsening. According to the records of Gazetteer of Tong’an County of Fujian, between 1787 and 1795 disasters happened every year and in particular a huge flood swept through Zhang and Quan Prefectures in October 1794. Local people had suffered enough from the disasters but the rulers of the Qing government feathered their nests. The late years of the reign of Emperor Qianlong saw political corruption and the sins of malfeasants. A dozen officials including governor Wu Lana and grand coordinator Pu Lin, as well as magistrates, embezzled as much as 700 liang of gold. When Pu Lin's house was searched, more than 284,300 liang of silver and 700 liang of gold were found. When searching the home of Wu Lana, “there were as much as 400,000 liang of silver”230 and there were more than 100 pieces of gold and jade ornaments alone. All this was the hard-earned money of the common people in the southeast coastal areas. Natural and man-made disasters had driven them into a corner, so they had to take risks to rebel and catch fish for a living. In May 1795 (the 60th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), famine refugees

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encircled the house of the governor in Quanzhou, which was known as the “beg for food” unrest. According to the report of De Rui (member of the royal clan) to the emperor, “We found that pirates have been rampant in Fujian recently. In addition, jobless poor people have all settled for looting in the seas after the Zhang and Quan Prefectures were hit by floods.”231 Cai Qian came from Xipu, Tong’an County, Fujian and was born in 1761 (the 26th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong). He had been lonely and helpless from a child since his parents died long before. According to Gazetteer of Xiamen “he lived on fluffing cotton.”232 In the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong he led unemployed fishermen and boatmen to rise in rebellion in Zhang and Quan Prefectures. He was resourceful and decisive, and respected integrity, valued friendship, and showed consideration for his subordinates, so he was greatly supported by the general public. They despised the court, put in place their own rules and regulations, and imposed taxes on all merchant boats on the sea for their protection of safe passage. They openly confronted the government picket ships. “Picket ships dared not move close to pirates, so they demanded the property of merchant ships and would call them pirates if the merchant ships refused to meet their requirements.” 233 This aroused the dissatisfaction of merchants with the Qing government, so they showed sympathy for “pirates”. Even before Cai Qian became a pirate in the late years of the reign of Emperor Qianlong there were others such as Feng Wei and Shui Ao engaging in piracy in Zhejiang and Fujian. Most of these pirates were poor people under suppression. “Some of them had nowhere to appeal for redress of an injustice, so they were angry and became pirates; some became bandits because they lost their business; some lost their scholarly honor or official rank and so became pirates; some others could tell geomancy, so they were induced by bandits.”234 In the early days, Cai Qian was also one of these groups. But various groups joined together later in the waters of Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong. Some became followers of Cai Qian and mainly acted in the waters of Fujian and Zhejiang; some others became the subordinates of Yu Zhu235 and focused on the waters of Guangdong. The force of Cai Qian kept strengthening and developed from a pirate force into a political force opposing the rule of the Qing government. On May 31, 1802 (May 1 of the 7th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Cai Qian led his fleet to attack the large and small fort barbettes in Haikou, Xiamen. Hundreds of pirates climbed up the mountain and destroyed the forts. 236 This was the start of the offensives launched by Cai Qian against the Qing army. Given that the tall boats and large ships could not be defeated by the navy of the Qing government Ruan Yuan, grand coordinator of Zhejiang,

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reported to the emperor and obtained approval for building 30 ships that would be supervised by Li Changgeng, commander-in-chief of the navy. These ships were named “Ting Chuan”, and each would be equipped with 400 cannons, which strengthened the government force for suppression. Originally, due to the involvement of Feng Wei and Shui Ao, it seemed that Cai Qian’s force had been strengthened, but these groups were previously pirates and were not welldisciplined. They were used to plunder and did as they pleased. In the winter of 1802 Lin Yashun, leader of the group of Shui Ao, was defeated by the Qing army. The remaining troops joined the forces led by Hou Qitian, leader of Feng Wei, and they had 17 ships altogether. They formed their own force and were free from the direction of Cai Qian. At that time Cai Qian, who led 50 ships in the waters of Fujian, killed Hou Qitian for his defiance of orders. The remaining troops of Hou Qitian were then controlled by Zhang Azhi, and they changed their banner to Xing Bang and moved to the waters of Zhejiang. In so doing the remaining troops of Feng Wei and Shui Ao were separated from Cai Qian and they failed to form a unified force to fight against the Qing government. Cai Qian led his troops to Mount Putuo, Dinghai, Zhejiang in February 1803, but Li Changgeng led his main troops to track them and launched surprise attacks. Cai Qian responded without much forethought, so he suffered heavy losses and had to withdraw to the waters of Fujian. There were only 24 ships left, and they almost run out of food. The riggings were rotten, and the Qing navy re-gained the upper hand, so they had no alternatives. Cai Qian resorted to pretending to surrender and “begged permission to surrender from Yu De, governor of Fujian and Zhejiang”. “Yu De dispatched Dao Qinglai, Bingbei, Xingquan to Sansha to offer amnesty and enlistment to the rebels”. Cai Qian put forward: “if the Qing government does want me to surrender, please do not let the troops in Zhejiang compel us.”237 Wang De granted his request and ordered Li Changgeng to stay in port, and then Cai Qian seized the chance to repair his ships, prepare weapons and acquire provisions, and then sailed away. In the battle of Dinghai the “Ting Chuan” of the Qing navy played their role and the fleet of Cai Qian could not match them. After being defeated, Cai Qian spent a large amount of money to order huge ships from merchants in Fujian. These ships were larger than those of the Qing navy. After building these ships, the merchants delivered them laden with grain and instruments to Cai Qian and gave a false report to the Qing government that the ships had been hijacked. Cai Qian’s might was redoubled after he got these ships. In the summer of the 9th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing, his fleet moved to the waters of Taiwan and was stationed there. They hijacked thousands of dan of rice and gave some to the force led by Zhu Suo in the waters of Guangdong. They united their forces

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and concentrated over 80 ships, and suddenly entered the waters of Fujian. The Qing navy in Fujian dared not meet them head-on. Hu Zhensheng, military officer of Wenzhou, happened to lead 24 ships from Zhejiang to ship wood to Fujian. Governor Yu De immediately ordered Hu Zhensheng to meet the enemy, but the navy of Fujian did not give any assistance. Ultimately, Hu Zhensheng was defeated and died. Cai Qian and Zhu He swept the board. The Qing court became nervously irritated and arrested and punished Wu Qigui, military officer of the town of Jinmen, and assistant officer Zhang Shixiong among others for not providing assistance. The central government also instructed Li Changgeng to command the navy of Zhejiang and Fujian to focus on fighting Cai Qian. In September 1804 (August of the 9th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the united forces of Cai Qian and Zhu He dispatched over 100 boats to attack Zhejiang. Li Changgeng led the navies of the all towns to meet the attack in Dinghai. Their fleet lined up horizontally, but the formation was broken up broken in the middle by the navy led by Li Changgeng. Li Changgeng ordered all other towns to track and wipe out the fleet led by Zhu He while he led some troops himself to attack the fleet led by Cai Qian. In so doing he cut off the links between Cai Qian and Zhu He. In the end, Cai Qian was defeated and escaped, accusing Zhu He for his failure to come to the rescue. Zhu denied the blame and left with his troops, and thus the two broke up. In 1805 (the 10th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Cai Qian’s fleet suffered repeated setbacks repeatedly in the waters of Zhejiang and Fujian and drifted here and there at sea. He decided to capture Taiwan and set up strongholds there. He first dispatched 80 boats, captured Danshui, offered a sacrifice to heaven and earth, issued a notice proclaiming “Zhen Hai Wei Wu Wang”, and founded the state of “Guangming”, which signified his resolution to “restore the Ming Dynasty”. After landing on Taiwan Cai Qian received strong support from Hong Laosi, Wu Huisi, Zhou Tiantao, Chen Fan and Chen Bang, leaders of the rebel troops in Danshui and Fengshan. His troops grew and expanded to 20,000 in number. They won all battles and stormed and captured Zhouziwei and had boats sunk in Luermen in a bid to prevent the reinforcements of the Qing army. His troops then encircled Fucheng, Taiwan. In January 1806, Li Changgeng arrived with his troops. Cai Qian failed to take Fucheng due to his separate operations against Li Changgeng. Before long, Xu Songnian, zongbing Jinmen, and Wang Delu, assistant general of Penghu, launched attacks on Anpinggang from Dagang. Li Changgeng controlled Nanshan and Beishan to block them, and both sides fought desperately. In February Cai Qian was stranded in Beishan, but fortunately there was a sudden rising tide that lifted the sunken boats in Luermen and he and his remaining

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troops withdrew from Taiwan through Luermen. In March, “the imperial decree blamed Yu De for keeping a slack hand that had fueled the development of insurgents. In addition, the Fujian navy had more than 70,000 troops but only 3,000 to 4,000 were sent to Taiwan, how they could put down the 20,000 criminals.”238 Soon the emperor issued an edict to arrest Yu De and assigned A Linbao to serve as the acting governor of Fujian and Zhejiang. Li Changgeng was put into prison, “he was dismissed from his post”. In June 1806 (May of the 11th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Cao Qian returned and again moored in Luermen. But he escaped after a fierce battle with the Qing army. In the winter of the same year, Cai Qian’s troops engaged in a battle with the Qing troops in Yushan and Li Changgeng was wounded. After that the waters of Zhejiang and Fujian in Gantang witnessed successive battles, and both sides suffered losses. The rebel troops led by Cai Qian gained assistance from the masses as they had close links with the common people living in coastal areas. “Sometimes businessmen supported Cai Qian with food and gunpowder. One day, one business house supplied them with thousands of preserved eggs. One carrier wanted to buy some wine with his eggs when he took a rest in a wine shop. So he picked up an egg and peeled off the mud cover, but what inside it was gunpowder, so he checked all of them and found that they were all the same.” 239 Even Li Changgeng had to admit: “after Cai Qian’s troops escaped from Luermen, there were only 30 boats left with broken sails and in shortage of gunpowder. But once they returned to Fujian, these boats had taken on an entirely new outlook and they were supplied with sufficient provisions.” 240 The insurgent forces were regarded as “rebels” by the rulers of the Qing government. But they were seen as heroes by the general public, so they were supported not only by the people living in coastal areas but also by some officials and soldiers of the Qing government. “Military officers and soldiers had secret communications with these pirates… and this was not an isolated case. It was also common in Zhang and Quan Prefectures and even in other coastal provinces.” 241 The insurrectionist troops could be supported with provisions in time and they also knew everything about the Qing government. “Secret agents of the rebel army could be found in garrisons and camps of the Qing army in all provinces and prefectures. Cai Qian would even know the questions when examinations were held, let alone about other things.”242 The rulers of the Qing government concentrated the navy and ground forces of Fujian, Zhejiang and Guangdong, constantly built boats, strong ships and cannons so as to overwhelmingly suppress the forces of Cai Qian. But the Qing government was in the grip of the corruption that had turned into the

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common practice. Officials recommended trusted followers, framed others, and those of the same party stood against those in dissent; the corrupt official practices and governance as well as the military and politics were out of hand. After the battle fought in Taiwan, Yu De was dismissed from his office and was arrested. A Linbao, the new governor of Fujian and Zhejiang was at odds with Li Changgeng from the moment he took up his new post.243 He exposed Li’s misdeeds and crimes to Emperor Jiaqing secretly. Jiaqing made secret investigation and verification, and denounced A Linbao after finding the truth: “You have been in office for just ten days but you have focused on picking a hole in Li Changgeng. If I believe you easily, I would lose a good man. From now on, Li Changgeng will be responsible for suppressing the insurgents alone. If A Linbao continues to be jealous of others’ achievements and attempt to impede the good work of others, what happened to Yu De will be a lesson for your mistakes.”244 In 1807, the Qing government further planned the deployment of the Qing army to eliminate insurrectionist troops at sea. On the one hand, it strengthened the defenses and cleared the fields. The activities of the rebel army at sea needed to be supported with food, gunpowder, boats and freshwater on shore. “But the Qing government patrols each seaport strictly to completely restrict the access of the rebels to gunpowder and food. Any leakage would not be allowed”.245 On the other hand, the government unified powers and authority of office, instructed Li Changgeng to take charge of military operations, and earmarked a huge amount of money to build ships so as to enhance the fighting force of the Qing army. After that the rebel troops led by Cai Qian constantly fought with the Qing army but were all defeated. On January 21, 1808 (December 24 of the 12th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Li Changgeng worked in collaboration with Zhang Sheng, commander-in-chief of the Fujian navy, and commanded their forces to stern chase Cai Qian to the open sea of Heishui. At that time Cai Qian had only three large ships and about ten smaller ones left. The board and sail of the control vessel were broken, but Cai Qian still fought bravely even if he was in a deplorable plight and powerless. The government navy numbered ten times more than the rebels, so they were in a better position in the battle. Li Changgeng was sure of success, held his head high and was eager to take credit for his achievements. In this connection, he employed fire to attack the stern of Cai’s boat, wishing to capture Cai Qian alive. Unexpectedly, the stern of Cai’s boat fired a cannon and hit his throat. He died immediately. The control vessel of the Qing army that had lost its commander went into chaos at once. In fact the Fujian navy was quite strong and if they had kept the encirclement, Cai Qian would have been completely annihilated. But

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Governor Zhang Jiansheng was fatuous and a coward, so he was in a panic and ordered the navy to withdraw from the battle when he saw the death of Li Changgeng. Cai Qian’s army escaped narrowly from being annihilated, but its strength wasweakened dramatically. He retreated to the Annan Sea for rest and reorganization. The Qing government was shocked by the death of Li Changgeng. Emperor Jiaqing said himself: “My heart is shocked and my hands are trembling when I am looking at the memorial. It’s such grievious news”. The emperor posthumously awarded Li Changgeng the title of third-class heroic man. Wang Delu and Qiu Lianggong, military officers under the command of Li Changgeng, succeeded Li’s post and continued to crack down on the forces of Cai Qian. Cai Qian’s force suffered heavy losses and its vitality had been undermined after continuous fighting. His subordinates such as Wang Duo, Wang Zhun and Guo Qiu surrendered to the Qing army as they were not steadfast in the fight. Cai Tianlai, Cai Qian’s adopted son, fought bravely but he was killed by the Qing army. They were in open seas for rest and reorganization, but they could not recover for a short while. Before long, Cai Jun returned from the waters of Annan and obtained assistance from Zhu in the waters of Guangdong. They jointly entered the seas of Zhejiang. Cai also received a response from Zhang Azhi of the Xinxing faction in Zhejiang, showing a strong momentum. However their alliance did not have a solid foundation. Ruan Yuanshi, grand coordinator of Zhejiang, drove a wedge between them. Conflicts between Cai and Zhu occurred, so Zhu left Cai Qian and led his troops to the waters of Fujian. But he was soon chased and attacked by the Qing troops led by military officer Xu Songnian and he died from a major gun shot. In July of the following year his younger brother Zhu Wo led three thousand troops and 42 boats as well as 800 cannons to surrender to the Qing government. Cai Qian’s troops were weak in strength and fought alone, and thus they retreated to the seas of Fujian. Following that, Zhang Azhi also led 500 troops and 800 cannons to surrender to the government. Therefore the Qing government concentrated the two navies of Fujian and Zhejiang commanded by Fujian Governor Wang Delu and Zhejiang Governor Qiu Lianggong to cope with the forces led by Cai Qian. In September 1809 (August of the 14th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the navy of Zhejiang engaged in a battle with Cai Qian’s troops in the waters of Yushan, Zhejiang. The Qing army gained the upper hand, so Cai Qian moved to the south to the deep sea of Heishui when he was about to be besieged. After one day and night, he fought in the enclosed sea of Lushui in the next afternoon. The Qing army intensified the attack for fear that Cai Qian would retreat to the open sea. They fought a bloody battle with their ships in parallel.

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Qiu Lianggong led the main warship of Zhejiang navy to strike the ships of Cai Qian. The sails and cables of their ships were intertwined with each other, the sails of the Zhejiang ships were broken, and the rebel army used anchors to hit the Zhejiang ships. They fought at close quarters and Qiu Lianggong was speared in the calf, so the Zhejiang ships were defeated and withdrew. But the Qing fleet had many ships and cannons, so Wang Delu commanded the fleet of Fujian to smash the rebel troops again. Cai’s fleet was divided and blocked and failed to support the leading warship of Cai Qian. After fighting for a while, Cai’s ship fought desperately against the heavy odds of the Qing fleet. The whole fleet suffered heavy losses and only 30-plus people were left. They fired all their artillery and lead shot. The Qing fleet fired their artillery fiercely amid fogs. Wang Delu smashed the rudder of Cai’s boat which caught fire in the stern and could not be put out. “Cai Qian broke his own boat that sunk in the sea.”246 This battle resulted in heavy losses for the rebel army at sea and the loss of their leaders. The remaining troops retreated in defeat. The Qing government implemented the policy of quashing revolts both by force and pacification measures. In the next year (the 15th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), all rebel troops were defeated. The anti-Qing struggles of the fishermen on the southeast coast led by Cai Qian were basically triggered by the oppressive government that drove the people to rebellion. The general public had to pick up weapons to survive. The struggle lacked clear-cut political targets and unified guidance and did not give priority to the mobilization of people in coastal areas and the establishment of a proper base. Under major attack by the main forces of the Qing army, they had long been at sea and failed to respond with anti-Qing struggles. Ultimate failure was inescapable. But they were active in the waters of the three provinces of Fujian, Zhejiang and Guangdong, and fought for more than 40 years, which dealt a heavy blow to the growingly corrupt Qing government and became part and parcel of the anti-Qing struggles of people of all ethnic groups.

The Tianlijiao Uprising led by Li Wencheng and the anti-Qing campaign of carpenters in Sancaixia, Shaanxi Four years after the anti-Qing campaign staged by the fishermen in the southeast was put down, the Tianlijiao Uprising led by Li Wencheng and Lin Qin broke out in Henan, Shandong and Hebei, among other provinces. It was followed by the rebellion of the carpenters in Sancaixia, Shaanxi. The resistance of the masses against the Qing government began to spread in northern China. Tianlijiao, also known as the Ronghua Society, was a branch of the White

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Fig. 14.8.

The site of Tianlijiao uprising in Hua County

Lotus Society. Its basic religious doctrine was roughly the same as that of the White Lotus Society. The society believed in “san ji ” (which means present, past and future) and took “zhen kong jia xiang, tian sheng lao mu ” as its “EightCharacter True Words”. Its major scriptures include San fo ying jie shu (“San Fo ying jie ” means dividing the history of humanity into three ages namely past, present and future). Tianlijiao is also known as the Eight Diagrams Religion as its believers were divided into different divisions named after the Eight Trigrams. It actively developed organizations in northern China. After the failure of the uprising of the White Lotus Society, Tianlijiao sought cover in the vast rural areas in northern China. Under the cover of religious activities it proposed the payment of “basic money” (or money for growing good fortune) for admittance in line with the highly concentrated land areas and the status quo of peasants with little land or even without land, but its believers could be granted land when things were achieved, 247 as they worded their appeal to mobilize the lower-class. Famous leaders of the religion included Li Wencheng, Lin Qing, Feng Keshan and Niu Liangchen. Li Wencheng, a former carpenter, came from Xiejiazhuang, Hua County, Henan. In 1811 (the 16th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) he was elected as the leader of the religion to take charge of the “Zhen Trigram”. “The Zhen Trigram is the first of the eight trigrams as the Supreme Being comes from Zhen (the Orient), so believers took orders from him”. As such, Li Wencheng “concurrently was in charge of Jiu Gong and controlled the Eight Triagrams,

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and had tens of thousands of followers.”248 Back then there was a folk song in Henan that goes like this: “Plum could blossom only amid severe frost”. The scripture of San fo ying jie shu predicts “the reincarnation of Li Zicheng”, and Li Wencheng called himself “Severe Frost Shi Ba Zi” (shi ba zi is the pinyin for 十、八、子 and these three Chinese characters together form the character of 李, the surname of Li Zicheng, the first emperor of the Ming Dynasty).249 He argued that “the family name of the reincarnation of Li Zicheng should be Li (李)”. Lin Qing, whose original domicile was Zhejiang, lived permanently in Huang Village, Daxing County, Zhili (name of the ancient Chinese province under the direct jurisdiction of the capital). He was a former civil official of the routing inspection division in Daxing. He joined the Ronghua Society in 1806 (the 11th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing). As he regarded money lightly and valued friendship, he “gives money to those who ask for a loan, and he supports more than ten thousand families.”250 He was supported and respected by the believers of his society and was in charge of the “Kan Trigram”. Lin Qing preached his religion in various regions of Hebei and especially in areas near the capital city and its environs. Apart from farmers, urban petty bourgeois and rappers, his followers also included low-level officials and low-level eunuchs from the imperial palace. These social forces played a significant role in the following uprisings. Others believers include Zhang Tingjiu, leader of the “Qian Trigram” from Dingtao, Shandong, Guo Sihu, head of the “Liang Trigram” from Yucheng, Henan, Cheng Baiyue, leader of the “Xun Trigram” from Chengwu, Shandong, Zhang Jingwen, leader of the “Li Trigram” from Chengwu, Shandong, Qiu Yu, leader of the “Kun Trigram” from Yueyang, Shanxi and Hou Guolong, head of the “Dui Trigram” from Yueyang, Shanxi. “Together they led the Zhen Triagram”. In the spring of 1811, leaders of the religion in three provinces including Li Wencheng, Lin Qing, Niu Liangchen and Ma Keshan met in Hua County to discuss the uprising and joint actions. The meeting decided that “the Eight Trigrams were under the control of Li Wencheng”, Lin Qing was given the title of “Tian Huang (emperor of the heaven)”, Feng Keshan was called “Di Huang (emperor of the earth)”, and Li Wencheng was given the title of “Ren Huang (emperor of humanity)”, “they agreed to distribute land, Lin Qing got Zhili, Li Wencheng got Henan while Feng Keshan had Shandong.” 251 In this year Lin Qing went to Hua County three times for discussion with Li Wencheng. Li Wencheng used to “study arithmetic and also stars as well as celestial phenomena, and had the best practices in deduction.”252 He threatened that the image of the stars showcased changes, there was a start pointing at the Purple Forbidden Enclosure and it was the image of warfare, so a fight would happen.

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He was to create a basis for the “God’s will” uprising. In February 1812 (January of the 17th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), leaders of the religion in various regions held a meeting in Daokou Town, Hua County, deciding that “the uprising would be launched at noon, September 15 of the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing.”253 Li Wencheng and the others made a careful deployment, regulating the slogans: “the open signal was ‘feng tian kai dao ’ (clear the way by the will of God), and the secret signal was ‘de sheng ’ (victory)”; the symbol of the uprising was holding a white flag and tying a white cloth around their head and waist; they must “spread the news to everywhere seven days before the uprising”; and “the white flag with the Chinese characters Feng Tian Kai Dao must be inserted in the front door so as to avoid being killed.”254 In December of the same year Li Wencheng went to Huangcun, Daxing County to meet Lin Qing and secretly agreed that Li Wencheng would launch an uprising in Hua County and then advance immediately to the capital after raising the flag to rebel in Henan, Shandong and Zhili simultaneously. Lin Qing would stage a rebellion inside the capital city as part of the effort to collaborate from within the city with forces from outside, destroy the ruling center of the Qing government, and capture the capital. In March 1813 (July of the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Lin Qing returned to Hua County and finally determined the measures and strategy of the uprising. After Lin Qing went back to Huangcun, Li Wencheng assigned his adopted son Liu Chengzhang to go to where Lin Qin stayed so as to keep in touch with him and told Lin Qing: “the troops from Henan must arrive in Beijing on September 15 to launch the internal uprising.”255 It was a short time to prepare for the uprising. The Henan Tianlijiao under the lead of Li Wencheng focused on all preparations, “privately bought war-horses, accumulated and maintained soldiers, made armor and weapons, and distributed banners,”256 and the number of those who were ready to engage in the uprising kept growing. Niu Liangchen specially organized several hundred of believers to make military instruments on the east slope of Dapi Mountain in Hua County. Li Wencheng rewarded the insurrectionary troops with food and drink in Xiejiazhuang and carried out promotion and mobilization. But this secret was revealed and learned of by the government as many hands provide great strength. Qian Kejie, magistrate of Hua County, tipped off the suppression demanded by the grand coordinator Gao Qi on the one hand and took preemptive measures on the other. On September 28 (September 5 in the lunar calendar) he dispatched a yamen runner to arrest Li Wencheng and Niu Liangchen and put them into prison. Li Wencheng “did not breathe a word about the truth” when he was interrogated,

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thus he was beat so savagely that his femurs were broken and even his shanks and feet. “Niu Liangcheng was also flogged with a stick for several hundred time, making him beaten black and blue.”257 Le Wencheng and Niu Liangchen were arrested, the information on the uprising was disclosed and they were in a desperate situation. Officials of the insurgent army such as Song Yuancheng argued: “We are in a desperate situation, we cannot deal with the issue in 15 days during which food and soldiers were sufficient, so they captured Hua County directly and were stationed there for defense. Kaizhou and Changyuan of Zhili and Jinxiang, Ding and Cao of Shandong were all supported by my troops. The Qing army restrained them unprepared from four directions, then they formed into one army and announced or denounced such a call for several hundred li ”, “the masses obeyed him.” 258 In so doing, on September 30, 1813 (September 7 of the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Song Yuancheng and others gathered more than five thousand religious believers in Hua County and took the Hua County Town. He rescued Li Wencheng and Niu Liangchen from prison and killed the magistrate Qiang Kejie and the polling official Liu Bin, and embarked on the uprising ahead of schedule. After the Tianlijiao uprising broke out in Henan, Li Wencheng “set up feather tents in Hua County”, “set up big flags and wrote the seven Chinese characters ‘ da ming tian shun li zhen zhu ’ on it.” 259 Niu Liangchen served as the military counselor, Song Yuancheng was appointed as the general marshal, and the leaders of all the trigrams were conferred with the title of Trigram King. Leaders were called Gong Bo and Feng Bo. More than 90 people were given titles including vanguard and manager.260 Following that, they captured military strongholds and Daokouzhen, a strategically important passage for storing up grain. Massive forces besieged Jun County, the key passage for moving towards the north, expanded their influence, and called on local believers to answer the call. On September 29, Zhao Guan, magistrate of Changyuan County, led his troops to search for “religious believers” in Weiyuan village in the border areas with Hua County. But he was surrounded and was stabbed to death. Tianlijiao in Changyuan County embarked on the uprising and occupied Chunheng collection of the county. On October 3, two to three thousand believers in Dingtao, Shandong occupied the county, released prisoners, and executed the magistrate and Dianshi (subordinate of the magistrate) as well as other officials. On October 4, Ma Chaodong, leader of Tianlijiao in Cao County, Shandong, led more than one hundred troops to Xianshu directly, killed the magistrate and broke into jails and rescued prisoners. Hua County, Changyuan, Cao County and Ding Tao in the border of Shandong were controlled by Tianlijiao, and

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“they joined into one force” and gained momentum. Wen Chenghui, Governor of Zhili, immediately reported the emergency to the central government, and the Qing court after learning the news ordered Wen Chenghui to lead his troops to defend in the north together with Sheke Tong’a, military officer of Hebei; instructed Henan grand coordinator Gao Qi to “strictly defend the southwest”; Shandong grand coordinator Tong Xing patrolled and defended the border of Shandong; Xu Hong, military officer of Xuzhou; moved to the north. 261 The Qing government lacked recognition of the significance of the uprising and regarded it as local small uprisings. Although it was ordered to “add to the soldiers to wipe them out”, the deployment and dispatch of troops focused on “preventing blocks”, “converging attacks” and “must not let the insurgents cross the river and spread”. But after Tianlijiao attacked the imperial palace in Beijng on October 8 (September 15), the rulers of the Qing government woke up and spared no efforts to suppress the uprising. The uprising led by Li Wencheng in Hua County broke out ahead of schedule, but the troops failed to advance northward due to being blocked by the Qing army. Lin Qing deployed his troops as planned as he knew nothing about the uprising in Hua County. Lin Qing contacted two hundred believers and prepared to advance to the imperial palace to batter down the palace of the emperor. These two hundred people who were divided into the east group and the west group and were in disguise lurked outside of the Donghuamen and Xihuamen and attacked the gates and rushed into the palace in coordination with eunuchs on October 8, 1813 (September 15 of the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing). The east group led by Chen Shuang, supported by Liu Chengxiang and guided by eunuchs Liu Decai and Liu Jin, entered through Donghuamen; the west group led by Chen Wenkui, supported by Liu Yongtai and guided by eunuchs Gao Tai and Gao Guangfu, entered through Xihuamen; eunuchs Wang Fulu and Yan Jinxi reinforced them in the middle. Chen Shuang commanded the fight as agreed after entering into the imperial palace while Lin Qing commanded his troops in Huangcun and awaited the arrival of the soldiers from Henan. The believers entering the Donghuamen were discovered by gate keepers, so a senior military officer ordered the closure of the gate immediately. Only some scores of rebel troops rushed into the palace and they were captured and killed after fierce combat as they were unfamiliar with the paths of the palace and were weak in strength, “but more Qing troops were killed.” 262 The west rebel group entered Xihuamen at noon and attacked shangyijian, wenyingguan (Office of the Eunuchs), and then longzongmen . Unfortunately they were delayed as the gate was already closed. A bloody battle was fought inside the

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palace. The marks of arrowheads can still be seen on the horizontal inscribed board of Longzong Gate. The rebel troops were in a dangerous place, but they fought fearlessly against heavy odds. Some of them broke into the palace through jumping over the wall of bungalows outside the gate, but they were all shot dead as they were in small numbers while much of them were blocked outside the Longzong Gate. At that moment, sons of the emperor including Min Ning (later Emperor Daoguang) in the studying room put on their martial attire after learning the news and shot at the rebel troops with flint lock guns. At Shen Shi (18 o’clock), senior imperial members and the minister of the Imperial House in the capital led troops to reinforce soldiers in the Gate of Divine Might, Zhen Guo Gong (a rank of nobility) Yi Hao dispatched more than 1,000 military officers and men with firearms into the palace and cruelly put down the rebel believers. These 1,000 troops were originally dispatched to crack down on Tianlijiao in Hua County. The rebel troops who entered the imperial palace fought bravely, killed 41 imperial bodyguards and military soldiers, and wounded 60. 31 insurgents died while 41 were captured. Lin Qing who was waiting for news from the Qing army was captured in Huangcun on the 12th and was killed together with other insurgents. The attacking on the imperial palace left Beijing in chaos. “Beijing was challenged by uprisings, people were scared, and rumors were everywhere, which harassed people all the day”, “citizens were in panic for four days.” 263 The uprising was soon put down, but the emperor of the Qing government was still in great fear as if he was facing a formidable enemy. He dispatched more soldiers of five camps to guard each gate of the Forbidden City, “armed forces stood in great numbers to guard against rebel troops while noble members and ministers were searching for them around the clock.” 264 On October 12 (September 17 in the lunar calendar) Emperor Jiaqing, who was staying in his stopover palace in Yanjiao while traveling, issued “a self-blaming edict” exclaiming that the incident was the “worst case scenario” and “it was trouble which started inside the palace” and “this had never happened in the Han, Tang, Song and Ming Dynasties.” 265 He bewailed that “the imperial palace is shocked by the chaos and I could say nothing but beat my chest, shedding tears and praying for the forgiveness of Heaven.” 266 Emperor Jiaqing also noted in his poems that “the Qing Dynasty is unexpectedly facing challenges that have never happened before.” 267 It is clear that the attack on the imperial palace dealt a heavy blow to the emperor,,although it ended in failure due to the great disparity in numbers. The struggles of Tianlijiao in Beijing faced bloody suppression. Moreover the emperor was in fear of a repeat of the White Lotus Society Uprising, so he urgently transferred crack troops in a bid to put down the insurrection

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flaring up in Hua County. He immediately ordered Na Yancheng, governor of Shaanxi and Gansu, to replace Wen Chenghui as the governor of Zhili and also appointed him as the imperial envoy to command the Qing army in Shandong and Henan. He assigned Qing Xiang, officer in charge of engineering and military affairs, to command the crack Qing troops and soldiers with firearms; ordered Shaanxi governor Yang Yuchun, the executioner in the suppression of the White Lotus Society, and Yang Fang to lead the troops in the middle of Shaanxi; and instructed Xi’an general Muke Dengbu to command one thousand soldiers and vice general Fu Sengde to lead one thousand cavalry as well as military officer Xu Hong to lead thousands of troops to encircle and crack down on the rebels in collaboration. On October 31 (October 8 in the lunar calendar) Na Yancheng arrived at Weihui, Henan with his troops, but he stationed his troops there and dared not advance hastily due to the large-scale insurrections in Mount Dapi and Daokou of Hua County. He submitted a written statement to the emperor asking for reinforcements from troops in Shanxi and Gansu, and troops led by Suo Lun. But Emperor Jiaqing was eager to win victory, so after learning of the request he was angry with Na Yancheng and reprimanded him: “You arrived at Weihui on the 8th in the lunar calendar, and took the official seal of imperial envoy on the 10th, but you were still stationed in Weihui when the edict was issued on the 13th and did not go to the military camp in Jun County. But now you say the troops you have available are not enough for fighting…this in effect reflects your timidity and deferment.”268 He also tongue-lashed Na Yancheng: “You are hesitating to advance and just waiting and seeing…you are out of your mind, where is your conscientiousness, you do not deserve to be the grandson of A Gui and an official of the government.”269 Na Yancheng explained to others the reasons for his timidity: “The failure of the Qing army in Sichuan and Hubei was because they hastily entered into fights without assembling enough troops. In consequence, they were frightened and dared not stage attacks, which resulted in the spread of the insurgents. I am not gathering the troops in hope of destroying the uprising troops once for all.”270 Na Yancheng led his troops to advance to Daokou under repeated urging of by Emperor Jiaqing. In early November Yang Yuchun, Wen Chenghui, Gao Qi and Ma Yu led troops to the vicinity of Daokou and attacked the strongholds of the rebel troops including Zhoutan Village, Lian Village, Luojia Village and Dingluanji. On the 13th, the rebel troops set an ambush in Zhongshisuo and staged a fierce battle with the Qing army. “The Qing army was defeated and Yang Yuchun, qianzong (title of military officer) Li Hongchun and waiwei (title of military officer) Ke Yu were killed in battle.” 271 After that the insurrectionist army withdrew to

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Daokou, “dug deep moats”, and “solidly blocked up but not fought with the insurrectionary troops”. The Qing army was divided into seven forces to besiege Daokou, and the cavalries and ground troops bombarded and attacked the rebel army from four directions and smashed thousands of the reinforcements of the army from Hua City and Taoyuan. The insurgent troops were large in number in Daokou, but they were defeated by the Qing enemy as they stood a siege in a small town, failed to give play to their advantages of competence in advancing, retreating, detaching and assembling, and lacked experience in regular operations. The rebel troops suffered heavy casualties while houses of local residents “were burned out”, and “houses were filled with human remains,”272 which was too horrible to look at. Daokou fell into the hands of the Qing army, and thus the base camp of Li Wencheng in Hua County lost its protective screen and was fully exposed to the firearms of the Qing army. Na Yancheng rapidly ordered his troops to march to Hua City and led more than 13,000 troops to besiege the three city gates. The north gate and northwest gate were not surrounded due to the shortage of troops. Na Yancheng was afraid that the insurrectionary army would abandon Hua City and escape, and the spread of warfare would be out of hand, so he immediately reported to the emperor: “Your Majesty, my troops were enough to attack but not to besiege the city”, and requested cavalry reinforcements from Gansu, Shaanxi, Jilin and Heilongjiang. Unfortunately the rebel army was inexperienced in operations and did not settle for mobile military tactics in order to keep away from the main force of the Qing army, but rather they easily believed the “offer advice” of Wu, teacher of officials. Wu said the uprisings of the White Lotus Society ended in failure just because “they did not occupy the city wall and moat and could not defend firmly, so now we can build up battlements high and close the city to defend so as to wait for the reinforcements of other counties and then advance to the north, and this is a safe tactic.”273 As such, they defended city walls to the last, saving time for the central government to dispatch more troops to besiege Hua County. The uprising troops fought several times but were defeated. Believers of Tianlijiao in different areas of Zhili were all broken up and thus Hua County fell into isolation and was on the verge of destruction. The situation was dangerous for the Tianlijiao insurrectionist army. Nanhu General Liu Guoming in Taoyuan led 800 rebel troops himself to enter into Hua County at night via Weitang in the north gate, where the Qing troops were weak, as he sought to rescue Li Wencheng. They carried Li Wencheng who was wounded on the shin out of the city on a light carriage. Li Wencheng realized that defending Hua County to the last would not work, so

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he mustered four thousand rebel troops to advance to Mount Taihang in the west and captured Sizhai in Huixian. But he had missed the golden opportunity as Yang Fang, the general military officer of the Qing army, and an imperial bodyguard Su Lunbao led troops to follow them to Sizhai. On December 11th, a small number of Qing troops lured the rebel troops out of Sizhai and into an ambush, and then staged a converging attack with cavalries and ground troops from both sides. The insurgents fought to the death and “threw big stones at officials and soldiers of the Qing army and ascended a height to fight.” 274 But the rebel troops fell into an ambush and were intercepted by the Qing army from both sides. “The Qing troops stormed into Sizhai and besieged the insurrectionist troops”. On December 12, the attack on Sizhai broke out. The back mountain of Sizhai faced Sichuan and had deep ditches and strong walls that were convenient for defense. The Qing army got over moats, burst into Sizhai and fought from morning to noon. It was really a fierce battle. “They held arrows in the mouth and waged an arduous struggle, which left corpses piled up like mountains.”275 By the afternoon one corner of the village was smashed, thus the Qing enemy stormed inside village and staged close combat and street battles with the rebel troops, who retreated to residential houses. “Sizhai had three hundred columns and stone walls as well as a dozen watchtowers that stood erect and were hard to be broken through”, so the rebel troops “occupied strategically dangerous areas, threw stones, and fired guns and cannons that killed many Qing troops.”276 The fight lasted to dark and was in deadlock. Brutal Yang Fang gave the order to set fire to Sizhai while attacking. “Tthe sky was covered by smoke, the corpses of insurgents blocked the roads, those who were burned and escaped were arrested alive.”277 In the end, Li Wencheng and Liu Guoming as well as others were besieged in a watchtower, so Yang Fang led the troops up the tower as he tried in vain to capture them for honors. But one fighter came out of the tower and “called himself Liu Guoming. He held a sword and killed a dozen enemies”, and Liu Guoming died in the battle. Yang Fang gave orders, “the one who could capture Li Wencheng alive would be rewarded; all remaining insurgents would be saved from death if Liu Wencheng gave himself up”. The rebel troops stood firm and exclaimed: “I am Li Wencheng and I would not surrender even if you killed me”. The Qing army bottled him up and stormed into the watchtower. Li Wencheng and others burned themselves, and “the dozens of insurgents embracing each other”. “Therefore, none of the thousand of insurgents inside the village escaped.”278 The death of Tianlijiao leader Li Wencheng threw the uprising into a dangerous situation of rapid collapse and only the last stronghold of Hua County was held by the rebel army. Hua County had “strong and thick city

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walls that were bricks in the outer layer, sand in the inner layer and earth in the middle layer, so artillery would stop when reaching the middle layer.”279 Thus “the Qing troops failed to take the county after scores of days while the rebel side became even more solid in the fight.”280 After the campaign in Sizhai, the emperor concentrated forces to prepare for aggressive attacks on Hua County. On January 1, 1814 (December 10 of the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Na Yancheng ordered all forces to carry out attacks on the five city gates of Hua County. The Qing army secretly dug tunnels and buried explosives. Before long, the explosives in the southwest corner of the city went off, which blew up more than 20 zhang (1 zhang = 10 feet). The Qing troops stormed in through the south gate followed by breakthroughs of other gates. The hard-fought battle lasted for one day and night inside the city and caused heavy casualties for both sides. On the second day the insurgents resisted inside residential houses and still controlled 50 to 60 strongholds inside the city.281 The insurgent army was in a critical situation as the Qing army had no alternative but to set fire to the civilian houses. The insurgent leader Niu Liangchen and Xu Anguo tried to persuade Li Wencheng’s wife Mrs. Zhang to dress up as a refugee and escape from the city, but she resolutely said: “I will fight to the last minute, otherwise I would not deserve to be a hero” and “she held a sword and fought in street battles and ultimately hung herself after killing a dozen enemies.”282 This female insurrectionist was indomitable and fearless and died with her head high, just like her husband Li Wencheng. Hua County fell into the enemy’s hands as the rebel troops were massacred in cold blood, including the grand marshal Song Yuancheng, Gengong leader Wang Daolong, Zhengong leader Liu Rongshun, Xungong leader Feng Xianglin, Kangong leader Yin Zhen and Qiangong leader Shou Guangde. Niu Liangchen and Xu Anguo wearing instruments for punishment were escorted to Beijing. They were dismembered and publicly decapitated. Tianlijiao's uprising with vigor and vitality was brutally put down by the Qing government. At the critical moment when the emperor of the Qing government was focusing on suppressing Tianlijiao’s uprising, armed struggles of carpenters also broke out in Sancaixia, Qishan County, Shaanxi Province in January 1814 (December of the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing). Qishan County was located in the virgin forests of Nanshan and it used to be the base for hard struggles of the White Lotus Society. It was a mountainous region covered by primeval forests with complicated paths. Bankrupted and landless peasants from different areas drifted from place to place and came here to open up wasteland and make a living. In so doing, many businessmen exploited the rich resources and cheap labor there to open up timber mills,

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paper mills and coal mines, or exploit iron mines to make farm implements, iron pans etc. as they sought to obtain substantial profits. The timber mills established by timber traders were known as “Mu Xiang”. These businessmen hired carpenters to fell and saw timbers into wood board and then sold to other regions. They paid these carpenters with maize. In the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing, Nanshan witnessed continuous autumn rains that resulted in crop failure and the rise of grain price, so timber traders saw profits decrease and had to shut down their mills. Local carpenters lost their jobs, suffered food shortage, and faced the threat of starvation. Wan Wu (Wan Quanzhong), head of the contracted labor283 of Sancaixia “Mu Xiang” in Qishan County, led over 200 carpenters to borrow grain from the owner of the mill, but the owner did not lend grain to them and verbally abused them. The helpless carpenters flared up and looted his grain. Thus the uprising led by Wan Wu broke out. The rebel carpenters moved to the south to Mei County and set fire to the “Mu Xiang” in Dudu River, Qinglong Village, Fuyetan and Houzhenzi. They broke through villages and saw growing numbers of carpenters joining them. “More than 200 people holding red flags” rose in rebellion in Guzigou, over 300 in Zigeyu, Mei County and above 500 in Xiaosanjian.284 These small troops assembled into a rebel army with four to five thousand people. Wan Wu then redeployed his troops and divided them into five banners (i.e. the Yellow, Blue, Red, Green and White Banners). The head of each banner was called Marshal and his subordinates were called Xianfeng and zongbing . These banners sometimes fought separately and sometimes joined forces. They acted in cooperation with each other. At that time the Qing government was busy with concentrating forces to tackle Tianlijiao’s uprising and could not spare any time on the carpenters. Shaanxi grand coordinator Zhu Xun asked for emergency help, but Emperor Jiaqing could only dispatch Gansu governor Chang Ling from Lanzhou to lead 1500 troops to Shaanxi at night. He also ordered Na Yancheng to exterminate Tianlijiao’s uprising within a deadline and then jointly moved to suppress the cappenters’ uprising. The emperor warned the Qing army not to offer amnesty and enlistment to rebels based on experiences in suppressing the White Lotus Society and Tianlijiao’s uprising. He ordered them to crack down on the rebel army by force: “the civil and military governor shall not bear in mind or write on memorials the two characters ‘zhaofu ’ (招撫, offering amnesty and enlistment to rebels). You will be dismissed if you defy the decree and secretly offer amnesty and enlistment to rebels.” 285 In mid-January 1814 Yang Yuchun led ground troops and cavalry from Jilin and Heilongjiang to Shaanxi and assigned

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Yang Fang as the zongbing of Xi’an, Shaanxi to strengthen the suppression of the anti-Qing struggles of the carpenters in Sancaixia. On January 18 the carpenter insurrectionists fought a fierce battle with the Qing army in areas such as Mount Pingmu in Xijiangkou. The rebel army suffered heavy losses, including the deaths of Marshals Jiang and He and generals as well as standard bearers. Wan Wu was forced back into the virgin forests of the Taibai Mountains and engaged in fights in one place after another in deep mountains. At dusk of February 1 (January 12 of the 19th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Chang Ling, Yang Yuchun and Zhu Xun and others joined forces in the Laojun Mountains and set an ambush in Kuangoukou to capture the rebel troops. The next morning Wan Wu commanded his troops into the ambush, was exposed to the attacks of the Qing army, and ultimately lost the battle. Wan Wu was wounded and captured and died. Half of the rebel troops were killed while the others led by Chen Si withdrew to the virgin forests. But they were ultimately annihilated in an ambush set by the Qing enemy. The struggles of the Sancaixia carpenters in Shaanxi were suppressed. During this period, Hu Binghui among others in Jiangxi supported a man whose family name was Zhu to set up a new Dynasty “Houming” based on the pattern and slang carried in broken books, calling for uprisings. But they were eliminated by local government troops shortly after the uprising broke out.

The uprising of the Yao people led by Zhao Jinlong in Hunan and Guangdong During the reign of Emperor Jiaqing, resistance and anti-government struggles arose continuously as government officials became increasingly corrupt and people’s livelihood was in growing difficulties. The feudalist dictatorial system of the Qing Dynasty had turned the entire nation into a prison for controlling and enslaving people of all nationalities. As with the Han nationality, ethnic minorities also raised insurrectionary flags, thus uprising was flourishing. Four prefectures, namely Heng, Yong, Chen and Gui in Hunan, and Lianzhou in Guangdong as well as Quanzhou in Guangxi have been inhabited by Yao nationality—one of China’s ethnic groups for generations. The Qing government practiced an ethnic discrimination policy against the Yao people. On the one hand, local officials carried out even harsher exploitation by extorting excessive taxes and levies with various pretexts and racketeering; on the other hand, they winked at illegal merchants who deceived the simple, honest and modest Yao people. For instance, “in the middle of the reign of Emperor Daoguang, a person of Yao nationality went to Jianghua market to

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buy silver, but the trader gave him tin instead. After recognizing that this was fake he went back and asked to change it. But the trader beat him. Then the Yao man gathered a dozen people and returned again, and in turn the merchant took them to the magistrate of the County, claiming that these Yao people were looters. They were arrested and put into prison.”286 The Yao people smoldered with rage and anger under the oppression and bullying of the Qing government for one part and landlords and unscrupulous merchants of Han nationality for another. The uprising of the Yao people led by Zhao Jinlong broke out in Hunan and Guangdong under the influence of the nationwide anti-Qing government resistance. Zhao Jinlong, of Yao nationality, came from Jintian, Jianghua County, Yongzhou, Hunan Province. He made a living by doing farm work in his childhood. In the winter of the 10th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang, Zhao Fucai, also of Yao nationality, from Changning County, claimed that he was a master of magic arts and could draw magic figures to cure diseases and tell what had happened and what was to come. He also claimed that there would be a king of the Yao people. Zhao Jinlong became acquainted with him and actively prepared for insurrection. “Yet Zhang Jinlong was too cautious and always stayed among the Yao people. He was understandable and eloquent but did not have the courage to contact people in the central areas. He worked hard in farming and accumulation and sometimes prayed with Yao people in temples. As such, he became rich…when someone borrowed money from him, he would not say it is wrong or right”. “All Yao people were convinced.”287 In August and September of 1831, Zhao Jinlong and Zhao Fucai made use of witchcraft, sorcerer ’s dances in a trance and offering sacrifice to ghosts to motivate the masses, propose revenge, and crystallize public opinion on uprising and rebellion. On January 31 of the next year (December 29 of the 11th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), Zhao Fucai motivated more than 360 individuals of Yao nationality in Guangdong and joined forces with the 600 to 700 Yao people organized by Zhao Jinlong in Jiuchong, Hunan to launch an uprising. They wrapped their heads with red cloth as the mark and red and blue banners guided in the front. They carried out arson and plunder in Lianghekou. In addition, they wrote notices and posted them in villages and markets. The name and the first year of the reign of Zhang Jinlao were on these notices.288 After the uprising of the Yao people commanded by Zhao Jinlong broke out, Qingjianghua's magistrate Lin Xianliang, Yongzhou's magistrate Li Mingshen, Yongzhou town’s left camp guerrilla Wang Jun and Yongzhou town’s zongbing Bao Youzhi led officers, soldiers and assistant troops to besiege, suppress and intercept the rebel army. But the Yao people were brave and skillful in battle while the Qing army dared not offend their vanguards. The Yao people firstly

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occupied Jiachong, Changtang and then moved into Lanshan County in the last ten-day period of February. As many as 2,000 to 3,000 people of Yao nationality participated in the uprising. The Yao army attacked Magang of Jianghua County and Luguandong of Ningyuan County among other areas, as they planned to attack and capture Jiuyi Mountain as their base. After the Yao insurgents moved into Ningyuan, Hainan’s grand coordinator Wu Xiongguang and commander-in-chief Hai Ling’a also led troops to advance to Ningyuan. On March 15 1832 (February 14 of the 12th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), Hai Ling’a and Baoqing’s vice general Ma Tao arrived at Chitangxu. Hai Ling’a was arrogant and imperious and looked down on the power of the Yao insurgents, “pushing deep into the area, but the soldiers did not hold swords and spears, so the Yao people dressed up as local people and carried away their weapons, and the Qing army fled or surrendered after learning the news, and Hai Ling’a and Ma Tao were killed.” 289 The Yao army won a landslide victory and seized all the weapons of the Qing army. Zhao Jinlong took advantage of the situation and returned to Ningyuan. On the 19th he attacked Xintian County, killed the magistrate Wang Dingming, and then moved to Yangquan of Changning County after resting and reorganizing for some days. This series of victory were like sudden thunder on a sunny day. “The Qing officiers and soldiers were defeated and fled, and only Zhu Yi alone entered into the village with a gun and he was chased by one thousand people. The southeast troops could not be used”. “Strong Yao people climbed dangerous mountains and escaped rapidly and hit the target with small firelocks. The Qing army was broken through when learning of the arrival of Yao insurgents.”290 After the campaign of the Yao people broke out in Ningxia, the leader of Yao people in Maolishan, Xintian County responded which rapidly expanded the rebel troops. At that time the insurrectionist army was divided into three forces: the Guangdong Yao individuals led by Zhao Jinlong and Tang Ba and the rebel Yao people from different villages of Jintian, Jianghua; the 2,000 to 3,000 Yao people in Changning and Guiyang led by Zhao Fucai and Zhao Fuqing; and the 2,000 to 3,000 Yao people in Xintian, Ningyuan and Lanshan led by Zhao Wenfeng and Zhao Fuming. Many villages and towns near the border of Hunan and Guangdong were captured by the rebel troops. The uprising of the Yao people greatly shocked the Qing government. Emperor Daoguang issued an imperial decree: “Zhao Jinlong has regained momentum and killed our high-ranking officers, which will not be tolerated by the law and has aroused the indignation of immortals and mortals alike. You must do what we can to capture him alive and send him to the capital for punishment. You must not let him escape to other places.”291 The emperor

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also put forward the strategy to put down the Yao uprising, “an imperial edict ordered military officials to entice the insurgents to the open country outside the mountains and encircle and annihilate them all.” 292 The Emperor also instructed Guangdong and Guangxi’s governor Li Hongbin and Guangxi’s commander-in-chief Su Zhaoxiong to defend their borders, Hunan and Hubei’s governor Lu Kun to defend Yongzhou, balance military affairs, muster the 1,600 or so Qing troops from Miaojiang, Zhengan to block and ward off the rebel army in the mountain pass, while commissioning Yu Buyun as the commanderin-chief of Hunan and selecting capable soldiers and crack troops to reinforce him; the emperor also ordered Hubei’s commander-in-chief Luo Siju who was the executioner in the suppression of the White Lotus Society and the leader of assistant troops and militias to carry out encirclement and attacks against the insurgents. At strategic points of prefectures and counties including Hengzhoufu, Changning, Qiyang, Guiyang, Xintian and Jiahe a large number of troops were deployed to defend against and block the insurrectionists. They each guarded a corner and acted in concert with each other. On March 23 the rebel troops led by Zhao Fucai staged a fierce battle with the Qing enemy commanded by Guiyang's magistrate and zongbing Bao Youzhi in Milepu, Zhuankou and Daping. The insurrectionist army was attacked in both the front and the rear. Zhao Fucai was killed and his troops were defeated, and later joined forces with those led by Zhao Jinlong and Zhao Wenfeng. In mid-April the Qing army was concentrated on the border between Hunan, Guangdong and Guangxi while the rebel troops led by Zhao Jinlong were stationed in Liudong and Yangjiapu, north of Xintian; in Yangquan town and Huangdong of Changning; and in Baishuidong and Chalou in Guiyang. The rebel army was at a disadvantage in terms of both topography and balance of power. Lanshan, Ningyuan and Jianghua in the south were all the portals to Guangdong, so the Qing government had a large number of forces there for defense. In the north, zongbing Huo Longwu's troops were stationed in Guiyang and they had strong momentum. Luo Siju led the main forces to enter into the region through Yongzhou and at the same time dispatched Yongshun’s assistant general Xiang Fu and Yuanzhou’s assistant general Ma Tianbao to lead 1,200 troops from Zhengan and Yuanzhou to attack the rebel army from both sides in coordination with Luo’s army, which exposed the insurrectionists to the enemy in both the south and the north. The Qing army also controlled the small paths leading to Qiyang, Daozhou and Lingling, and guarded against the rebel troops in all aspects. On April 19 the rebel forces, about 4,000 to 5,000 in number, gathered in Yangquan town of Changning under the tight suppression of the Qing army. Yangquan, stretching as long as scores of li, was a mountain pass and had a

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brook for boats to pass and strong and thick walls for defence. But the Yao insurrectionists concentrated in one town to withstand the siege and negatively engaged in defensive warfare, so they could not leverage on their advantages in combat in mountainous regions and were bound to fall into a dangerous position. After the Qing army detected the deployment of the insurgent troops, Luo Siju immediately and secretly called up the north forces led by Huo Longwu and Xiang Fu to advance to the south on the one hand and ordered officers and men in checkpoints and passes nearby to advance to Yangquan to implement a tight siege on the other. On the 29th Luo Siju capitalized on the strong point of the Qing army in forces and firearms to launch the attack on Yangquan town. But the Yao insurgents rose up to resist, retreated into civilian buildings, joined forces to defend to the last and killed many Qing troops. The Qing army beleaguered them for four days and nights, took turns to fight, set defenses, emplaced cannons, dug deep moats, built a wood city and launched tight attacks several times but failed to destroy the base of the Yao army. Luo Siju settled for the conventional tactic employed in suppressing peasant uprisings and set fire to civilian houses inside the town of Yangquan. More than one thousand Yao people were burned to death, but they still fought bravely and courageously. Zhao Jinlong, leader of the rebel army, died in a battle on May 8 and the insurrectionists had run out of food inside the town and suffered heavy causalities. As of May 18 there were still over eight hundred insurrectionists defending bravely and tenaciously. On the 21st Luo Siju, Yu Buyun and zongbing Zeng Sheng led their troops to jointly attack the insurgent army from the southeast, the west and the north. They climbed up the city wall using scaling ladders and fired cannons, which destroyed the low level buildings occupied by the Yao army who had to retreat to the second floor. On day two, the Qing army still attacked with fire and burned down all the large rooms on the second floor. The Yao army had to retreat to another building. On the 23rd, after a fierce battle, “all buildings were burned down but the insurrectionists even resisted with guns in fires. On the 25th and the 26th (the 24th and the 25th in the lunar calendar) all insurgents were eliminated and no one escaped.”293 When the battle ended, all family members of Zhao Jinlong and other leaders of the rebel troops Zhao Wenfeng and Li Deming were dead. Yangquan town was left a heap of rubble, with broken and collapsed windows and walls and dead bodies everywhere. From that we can see that the Qing ruler was brutal in suppressing the people of Yao nationality and committed unscrupulous crimes that were too numerous to count against the Yao people. The Yao’s uprising evoked a response among Yao people of different regions, and those in Bapai, Lianzhou, led by Zhao Ziqing, also rose in revolt.

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Zhao Ziqing, of Yao nationality, came from Lianshan, Guangdong, and had studied witchcraft since he was young. He was a stranger to Zhao Jinlong. He motivated people of Yao nationality to respond after learning about the uprising led by Zhao Jinlong. He claimed that he had a master-apprentice relationship with Zhao Jinlong after learning of Zhao Jinlong’s death and called himself the king of the Yao people. He also appointed leaders of the Yao people in Lianshan, such as Zhao Wendian, Zhao Zilong and Zhao Youdian as zongbing . On June 2 Zhao Ziqing engaged in battle with the Qing army from Guangdong in Shaping, which killed over 20 Qing officers and soldiers. He then gathered more than 300 people and advanced to Lanshan in Hunan and Shanzhong in Jianghua, with many people of Yao nationality joining them on the way, increasing the troops to more than 2,000. Luo Siju and Yu Buyun, after putting down the uprising led by Zhao Zilong, started to crack down on the insurrection led by Zhao Ziqing in late June. The Yao troops failed to withstand the attack of the Qing army and had to fight and retreat alternately. But they could only walk one after another due to the valley and deep ravines, and thick shrubs on both sides of the road. The Qing army followed in hot pursuit for more than 40 li . After arriving at Yinjiangchong, the Yao army took three mountain strongholds, “fighters were on the front two mountains while women and children were supporting them on the back mountain. The two sides fought a fierce battle, and Zhao Wendian (zongbing of Guangdong and Guangxi in banner) died in battle.” 294 The Yao army suffered heavy losses. On June 27 the Yao army planned to return to Guangdong so they moved to Magangchong, but encountered the blockade of the Qing army. Zhao Ziqing and his wife and son as well as daughter were captured and died. The uprising of the Yao people led by Pan Junhua broke out in July. Pan Junhua, of Yao nationality, originally lived in Ningyuan, Hunan but moved to He County, Guangxi in the 23rd year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. Later he moved to Hantang of Cangwu County in the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang, and made a living on mountain works there. He got to know Zhao Jinlong in Hunan. After the outbreak of the uprising of the Yao people in Hunan, Pan Junhua organized Yao people in Guangxi in response. On July 16, 1832 (June 19 of the 12th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), more than 2,000 people of Yao nationality elected Pan Junhua as their leader and claimed revenge for Zhao Jinlong. Then they raised the rebel banner in Huidong of He County, Guangxi. On the 22nd the rebel troops arrived at Fanglindu and prepared to cross the river to the east side. Guangxi’s assistant general Man Chengxu pursued them there and both sides fought fiercely to the next dawn. The Yao army failed to resist the firearms of the Qing army and lost more than

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1,000 soldiers. In late July, Pan Junhua was betrayed and was captured and killed in Jianghua County, Hunan. The storm of the Yao people’s uprising was basically put down.

The Zhang Ge’er Uprising After the Qing government united the north and south of Mount Tianshan and started to appoint officials and implement governing policies there, government officials became greedy and corrupt which had incurred the resistance of the Uygurs. Some of them fled to the Hezhuo Family outside the country for shelter, and waited for opportunities to launch uprisings. They tried to leverage on the disillusionment of the masses with the Qing rule to instigate and deluded them into carrying out insurrections so as to restore the feudal rule of the family in Nanjiang in former days. In the 1820s, descendant of Hezhuo Family Zhang Ge’er invaded and harassed Nanjiang several times and committed robberies there with the support of the Haohan ruler and the British colonialists. Zhang Ge’er was the grandson of the elder Hezhuo Boluonidu. After the younger Hezhuo Boluonidu and the elder Hezhuo Boluonidu were put down, Boluonidu’s son Samu Sake escaped to Haohan and had three sons. Zhang Ge’er was the second son. He was part of the declining feudal aristocracy, had longstanding political ambitions, and was ready to return to Nanjiang secretly. He made use of his influence as a descendent of the Hezhuo Family among Uygurs to promote religion and superstition. According to the seized propaganda materials of Zhang Ge’er, “Zhang Ge’er was praised as being quick-witted, resourceful, merciful and honest, and he showed tender affection for the people of Hui nationality…people of Hui nationality would enjoy beatification for two generations after seeing him once, and would forget all troubles after drinking his tea.” 295 It was this feudal superstition that was exploited by Zhang Ge’er to play the fool with the masses. Yet the Haohan ruler and British colonialists also encouraged and supported Zhang Ge’er to return to Nanjiang and stage rebellion and secessionist activities, as they sought to benefit from the troubled situation and realize their political ambitions of aggressing China. In the summer of 1826 (the 6th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), Zhang Ge’er mustered over 500 people including Andijan and Bulut to enter China via the mountain roads of Kaiqi. They entered Artushi Village, more than 100 li away from Kashgar, and instigated local Uygurs to gather crowds and make disturbances in the name of worshiping their ancestor’s ma zha (grave). Kashgar ’s councilor Qing Xiang after learning the news immediately ordered Shuerhashan and Wulinga to lead troops to suppress them. Zhang Ge’er broke

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out of the encirclement and escaped, and forced some common people to take part in a rebellion. Zhang Ge’er who was in fear of possible suppression by the Qing army in Ili in the north dispatched an envoy to Haohan for reinforcements at the cost of betraying the nation, and “agreed to together break the four cities in the west (Kashgar, Yengisar, Yarkant and Khotan). The local people would serve them and their properties would be given to them, moreover Kashgar would be ceded as compensation.”296 The Haohan ruler Mohammed Ali Khan himself commanded more than 10,000 troops and entered Nanjiang to attack Kashgar. The Qing army carried out indomitable resistance, which caused heavy casualties among the Haohan invading troops. Mohammed Ali Khan “retreated to Haohan in desperation.”297 Zhang Ge’er then sent troops to pursue the Haohan army and “above 2,000 soldiers surrendered, and Zhang Ge’er made them serve as guards.”298 Zhang Ge’er together with the Haohan invaders continued to attack Kashgar. The defending Qing army in the city had “gone all out to resist for more than two months.”299 They were in a deplorable plight and powerless, and ultimately the city was captured and Qing Xiang hung himself. Zhang Ge’er, after attacking and occupying Kashgar, “called himself Saiyide Zhang Ge’er Sudan, and declared himself to be the local ruler,”300 which restored the reactionary rule of Hezhuo. After Zhang Ge’er occupied Kashgar, the three cities namely Yengisar, Yarkant and Hetian were also taken by insurrectionists. The Qing government immediately designated Ili’s general Chang Ling as Yang Wei General, and Shaanxi and Gansu’s governor Yang Yuchun and Shandong’s grand coordinator Wu Long’a as counseling ministers. More than 30,000 troops were dispatched from Jilin, Heilongjiang, Shaanxi, Gansu and Sichuan to joined forces in Aksu. At that moment, Zhang Ge’er had arrived at Hunbashi River that was only 80 li away from Aksu as he sought to control Aksu and Ushi. The Qing army fought bravely and courageously and beat back the rebel army led by Zhang Ge’er who were trying to cross the Hunbashi River. In November 1826, the Qing army defeated the insurrectionist army in Keerping to the west of Aksu. Keerping, “accessible from Baerchuke in the southeast and from Kashgar in the southwest, was the only path for the Qing army to enter to put down the rebel army.” 301 The victory in Keerping not only safeguarded the four cities in the east (Wushi, Aksu, Kuqa and Bizhan) but also opened up the path for the Qing army to advance to the west. Winter had come and heavy snow had sealed the mountain passes, so the Qing army temporarily ceased attacks. The next spring, the Qing army advanced to the west on a large scale and met no resistance. In late March 1827 (the 7th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), the Qing army attacked the key stronghold of the insurrectionary army in Shabudouer village where

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“trees and reeds could be found everywhere, floods turned the region into wetland, and the insurrectionists were arranged in a horizontal line near the channels.”302 The Qing army bravely and courageously crossed the river, fought closely with the insurgents, divided the cavalries into right and left wings, and cut through the formation of the rebel army which was defeated utterly. The Qing army chased after them to Yangdama River that was about 10 li away from Kashgar, but suddenly the rebel army sallied forth in full strength and blocked the way with water. The government cavalry led by Suo Lun turned to the lower reaches and pretended to cross the river so as to attract the forces of the rebel army, and then concentrated forces in the upper reaches to cross the river, which drove the rebel army into havoc. On March 27 the Qing army took Kashgar and then recaptured Yengisar, Yarkant and Hetian. After being defeated Zhang Ge’er fled to the nomadic region of the Khalkhas, hoping to make a comeback. In early 1828 he seized the chance of the Spring Festival and the neglect of the Qing army in defense, and gathered over 500 people to invade and harass regions adjacent to Kashgar. The counseling minister Yang Fang led troops to chase Zhang Ge’er who was driven into a corner. In the end, he was arrested in the Kaertiegai Mountains and was executed after being escorted to Beijing. The insurrection was incited by Zhang Ge’er who leveraged on the antiQing government emotions and religious beliefs of the Uygurs. He deceived the Uygurs that the uprising would bring them freedom and happiness. But after occupying the four cities, the true color of Zhang Ge’er as a feudal aristocract was exposed -greed and atrocity., “He slaughtered the people, raped women, grabbed property and was thousands of times more brutal than Hezhuo,”303 “he built more houses, demanded silver, horses and even women. Hui people aged more than 15 years old were forced to be his followers and those who did not follow would be killed.”304 The atrocities of Zhang Ge’er stirred up the strong resistance of the Uygurs who turned to support the Qing army. As an example, the recovery of Hetian city was the result of the rise of local people to resist and their collaboration with the Qing army that had defeated the insurrectionists; and 300 Uygurs formed into combat forces and fought together with the Qing army at Hunbashi River. At last they captured Zhang Ge’er alive. Uygurs sent information to the Qing army and 600 people joined the troops to chase Zhang Ge’er. It is clear that Zhang Ge’er deceived the people of Uygur nationality, but they realized that soon and turned their weapons around and struck, which contributed a lot to the unification of China. What needs to be pointed out is that the uprising led by Zhang Ge’er had much to do with the support of foreign aggressive powers. Hanhao’s ruler had

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been using the descendants of Hezhuo as an instrument to invade China. He not only commanded troops himself to invade Nanjiang but also sent “competent general” Issa Dakwa to Zhang Ge’er as an assistant. The British colonialists' support and control of Zhang Ge’er is also apparent. As early as the 19th century, British colonialists constantly sent agents dressed up as businessmen to Chinese Xinjiang and carried out aggression there. They particularly took Hezhuo and other influential figures as their agents to aggress against China. Zhang Ge’er was chosen by British agents when he was studying in Afghanistan in his early days. His troops in this uprising were organized and equipped with the help of Britain, which can be reflected by the British instructor of his troops. More often than not, five British agents always accompanied him and decided all his actions. So the invasion by Zhang Ge’er was neither “a national liberation movement” nor an “anti-Qing revolt of the masses”. It was a national separatist movement.

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A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

The Wane of Qianjia Sinology and the Wax of the New Text Scholarship The decline of Qianjia and the disputes between Han and Song studies The feudal society of the Qing Dynasty experienced “the flourishing age under the reign of Emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong” and went downhill from the late 18th century. At that time society as a whole showed a dilapidated picture of a declining economy, decaying politics and drowsy thought. The domestic class contradictions remained acute and insurrections of the farmers and different minorities against the Qing Dynasty’s rule were staged vigorously. Meanwhile various capitalist countries launched brutal overseas plunder and strengthened their invasion of China. Against the backdrop of a dramatically changing scenario and profound crises in society Qianjia Sinology, which was popular in the ideological and cultural fields, was also on the decline. Qianjia Sinology had made a great difference in summarizing the cultural and historical legacy of ancient China and could be traced back to the “peaceful and flourishing age” of the Qing Dynasty. It grew and thrived on the basis of economic prosperity and stable politics. As time passed and circumstances changed, the conditions necessary for its existence and further development were lost. This academic group used ancient books and records as its basic objects of research and could not go beyond this research scope to face up to social crises. At that time, China was struggling with “turbulences and twists” amid acute domestic and overseas imbalances. The historical progress challenged the ideologists to turn their attention from ancient books and records to struggles on the ground. Not only were revolutionary people demanding an ideological weapon to criticize and crack down on the old system, but also the ruling class was demanding an ideological weapon to effectively defend the existing system as a way to fend off the ever-growing revolution. The class struggle stirred up new questions and requirements which were different from those in the early 18th century. Clearly, the once flourishing Sinology was not strong enough to meet the requirements of the ruling class and was unable to adapt to the social turbulence. It was bound to decline. Neo-Confucianist Fang Dongshu was the first to launch an intense yet systematic critique against Qianjia Sinology. He wrote a book entitled Sinology Discussion and Consideration which criticized Sinology as a “heresy rarely seen in several thousands of years.” He argued that “what sinologists advocate is well-grounded, but they only discuss the explanations of words in ancient

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books, their explanations are mixed, they cite reasons from ancient books with numerous evidence for themselves and the country and people, so they are useless, only making people confused and unable to make good use of what they have learnt…the essence of Sinology is poisonous, like eating a poison which damages the stomach and brings death to people.” 1 He pointed out six weak points of Sinology: The first was: trying to deny the importance of the principle…; the second was: the investigation is incorrect and claims Cheng and Zhu Sinology as hollow ideas and of limited morality… the third was: avoiding the name of Sinology and the spread of Song and Shi Confucianism; the fourth one was: being afraid of Cheng and Zhu Sinology and handling affairs according to rules, not as Confucianists who do not care about trifling things and speak their views openly… the fifth point was: after reading several books, they think they have learnt something instead of realizing that their mixed, unimportant and ridiculous acts are things abandoned by the great masters. The sixth point was: it has produced many pupils who passed the imperial exam without having true talents. They are concerned with fame, practice fraud, and compete against each other.2

What lay behind Fang Dongshu’s criticism of this Sinology was that it opposed Cheng and Zhu Sinology and Neo-Confucianism. He stood strongly in defence of Sinology, denounced the abuses, and pointed out the vicious features of those defending traditional moral principles. However his ideas on “mixed and broken” and “useless” sinology were reasonable as academic circles had made many criticisms of Qianjia Sinology after the Jiaqing and Daoguang period. As Zhang Ying put it, “when we talk about sinologists, we often come up with the idea that they are interested in searching ancient books. A dispute can use thousands of words, like Qinjin talking about the Shangshu . When we are in good times, it can be used to describe the peaceful world. When there is something happening, it would be spread orally. When we are in bad times, they are at a loss. They only know unimportant things.”3 The decline of Qianjia Sinology came as the result of its basic limitations in its way of pursuing studies. Engels pointed out when repudiating the features of metaphysics that “the way of thinking of metaphysics is sometimes correct and necessary in the wide-ranging fields whose sizes are determined by the characteristics of the objects, but every time it will come to a limit sooner or later. At that time it will become fragmented, narrow-minded and abstract,

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and exhibit imbalances which cannot be addressed. The reason is that when looking at objects, it forgets the correlation between them; when looking at their existence, it forgets their emergence and disappearance; when seeing they are static, it forgets their motion. This is because it only sees the tree and never sees the forest.”4 Qianjia Sinology employed this kind of way of thinking about metaphysics. It could conclude correct explanations through glosses and textual research on individual problems and cases, which had isolated, fragmented and narrow-minded features. It could not research and investigate problems through active, developing and changing approaches and analyze the developments of objects through their correlations. In particular, it could not give necessary explanations for major historical events. It has provided methods attached to scientific elements and specific results from studying ancient books, but it failed to provide a systemic ideological system and meet the requirements of society, so its decline was inevitable. With the decline of Qianjia Sinology Neo-Confucianism, the opposite side of Sinology, began to gain momentum. The royal court of the Qing Dynasty has long held Neo-Confucianism as a role model for imperial examinations for honor and official rank. At the beginning of the 19th century Tang Jian, Li Tangjie, Wo Ren, Wu Tingdong and Zeng Guofan, and Luo Zenan who suppressed the Taiping Revolution, rallied Cheng and Zhu Sinology and tried to reintroduce the spirit of Confucian orthodoxy since Zhu Xi. As it is put in the Draft of Qing History , “Zeng Guofan also learnt about the philosophy of physics, the spirit and control from Tang Jian, Wo Ren and Wu Tingdong. He advocated the articles of Yao Ying the most. So the literati and officialdom began to focus more on politics and the textual research of Qianjia Sinoglogy began to decline.”5 The sinologists of the Cheng and Zhu School criticized that the studies of Luwang were a dangerous heresy and that this was “those who like empty talk and only pay attention to internal accomplishments and those conservative people who only follow suit and are cheated by external things.” Zeng Guofang attacked sinology saying that “in the reigns of Emperors Jiaqing and Daoguang, scholars inherited the ethos of the Qianlong period and simulated a cracked ideology. They distinguished the name of articles, sorted out the classics and gave explanations of 10,000 words on only one or two words in the classic books; they cited classics all the time, but did not know the exact meaning; they tried to discover the drawbacks of ancient people. Sometimes they used the articles of Confucius and Mencius about justice to overthrow the explanation of ancient people and find new visions; these ideas were echoed by so many people that they could not be gainsaid. The books of some Confucianists in the Song Dynasty are definitely of such a kind and subject to the ridicule of future

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generations. If some discuss their ideas, they will counterattack.”6 Zeng Guofan was concerned about the prevalence of such “heresy”, which in the sinologists’ view was the reason for farmers’ uprisings and the shaky feudal rule. Tang Jian said that “the divergent scholarship leads to different public feeling, which means an uneven society and the disappearance of the three cardinal guides and the five constant virtues and of order and political discipline and order. Are these the result of paying attention to details?”7 In order to protect the three cardinal guides and the five constant virtues and to regulate the ruling order, they picked Cheng and Zhu Sinology from the ideological bank which had been serving the feudal autocracy and rule for hundreds of years. Of course such an old tool was utterly decadent and could not reverse the wane of feudalism. But that said, it was more satisfactory to the ruling class than Qianjia Sinology as it contained more malicious cheating and suppression of the public. The ruling class had to fall back on such a dilapidated tool to fight amid the surging revolutions. Despite the discrepancies and struggles between Neo-Confucianism and Sinology, the two are both schools of Confucianism and the academic thought of the feudal landlord class, and they do not absolutely exclude and oppose each other. In certain circumstances the two could work together and supplement each other. If we say that Qianjia Sinology was a bookish philosophy and was needed to embellish peace and tranquility when the ruling class was at a prosperous and flourishing stage, then Cheng and Zhu Sinology was an “executioner” philosophy which could be used by the ruling class to address the “alarming” and dangerous scenario. The great Taiping Revolution pushed the internal contradictions among the ruling class into a secondary position and the grand revolution of peasants submerged the consistent quarrel between Sinology and Neo-Confucianism. The two schools serving the feudal system were both faced with the threat of peasant revolution and found that they were part of a family and both “in the same boat”, so their differences became narrowed, their mutual hatred gradually disappeared and they combined together. In this sense, Zeng Guofan advocated that “argumentation, textual research and poetry and prose cannot be ignored.” 8 Some of the scholars in the late Qing Dynasty were sinologists, while others were Neo-Confucianists. For instance, Chen Li advocated that “it is useful to learn argumentation from the commentaries of the Han and Tang Dynasties; the original meaning can be grasped if reading is based on the argumentation of Confucianism of the Song Dynasty.”9 Zhu Yixin argued that “if sinology were based on Neo-Confucianism, the Qianjia Sinologists would not be so piecemeal; if Neo-Confucianism were based on sinology, the Confucianists would not have become absurd at the end

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of the Ming Dynasty.” 10 By the late Qing Dynasty a clear opposition between Sinology and Neo-Confucianism did not exist; rather the struggle remained between New Text Scholarship and Old Text Scholarship.

The emergence of New Text Scholarship Both the New and Old Text Schools were schools which moved promoted the classics of Confucianism. Their opposition started from the late years of the Western Han Dynasty. After a long period of ideological struggles, Old Text Scholarship monopolized the right to explain the classics of Confucianism while New Text Scholarship remained silent and unclear. What Qianjia Sinology followed was the Old Text Scholarship that emerged later and followed Zheng Kangcheng and Xu Shen of the Eastern Han Dynasty. But other scholars in the early 19th century traced their thought back to the New Text Scholarship of the Western Han Dynasty with Dong Zhongshu as the founder and formed a contradiction with Qianjia Sinology. By New Text Classics we mean the Confucian classics of Confucian scholars in the Western Han Dynasty which were written in lishu (official script) and therefore were given the name of “New Text”. By Old Text Classics we mean the Confucian classics written in the characters of the Six States before the book burning of the Qin Dynasty. Due to the policy of burning books and burying the literati in pits implemented by Emperor Qinshihuang, Confucian scholars hid their classic books in walls and these were not discovered until the Western Han Dynasty. As the script was different from the popular lishu , they were called “Old Text”. During the long process of transmission of Old and New Texts, apart from the different scripts they had different explanations of the Confucian classics and different comments on Confucius. Even the same Confucian classics written in Old and New Texts had some differences in passages, words and contents. So the two schools of New Text Scholarship and Old Text Scholarship emerged. The major features and differences between the two are as follows. Basically, Old Text Scholarship focused more on the name, description and explanation of a thing and on the passages and words of the Confucian classics. New Text Scholarship placed emphasis on the “sublime words with deep meaning” of the Confucian classics which were often cited when deliberating on state affairs. For a long time after the Han Dynasty no one studied New Text Scholarship so the explanations of many classics were missing and only the Gongyang jie gu of He Xiu was kept complete and was dubbed “Gongyang Scholarship”, as it was regarded as an important classic book. This school does not strictly follow the passages, words and characters of ancient books and

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records, but rather it rejects the complicated textual research way of learning and represents a vivid school subject to only few restrictions. “It includes many extremely strange arguments”, such as “da yi tong ”, “zhang san shi ”, “tong san tong ” and “reforming structures under instructions”, among others. It is easy to elucidate thoughts on managing and rectifying state affairs and revolution by using such “extremely strange arguments”. Arguably, it is a philosophy for the landlord class to use in adapting to changes and effecting reform. The initiator of New Text Scholarship in the Qing Renaissance Period was Zhuang Cunyu. Zhuang Cunyu (1719–1788, the 58th year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi to the 53rd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), styled Fang Feng, was a native of Changzhou in Jiangsu. He lived in the same period as Dai Zhen but his study method was different from that of the sinologists. He does not focus on the name, description and explanation of a thing, but rather on the theory that “any book in the Liu Jing has a profound principle,” “we can find the true intention of the previous sages from implications.” 11 At the same time, against the backdrop of unique Sinology, he does not only “focus on distinguishing Sinology from Neo-Confucianism but rather he works to digest the exact meaning of the sages and combine all the right things; this is unique among the scholars in the Qianlong period,”12 which points to his unique style of ideological thought different from the Sinology popular at that time. His major master work Chunqiu zheng ci is the first work of New Text Scholarship in the Qing Dynasty. In the era under the reign of Emperor Qianlong when Zhuang Cunyu lived, the feudal rule of the Qing Dynasty had yet to come to the brink of collapse. His grandfather, his father and he himself served as highranking officials in the Qing government. His posts included Examiner of the Local Examination of Zhejiang, Zhili, official responsible for examination in Henan, Grand Secretary of the Cabinet, and Ceremonial Master. He lived in the prosperous age of Emperor Qianlong when there was no requirement to change the status quo, although he witnessed some issues remaining in society. He re-established a New Text Scholarship which fell short of an ideology of changing the system but rather looked for different forms that were suitable to the old ruling order. Some scholars pointed out that Zhuang Cunyu’s purpose in advocating the “sublime words” in the Chunqiu , such as “there cannot be two kings in a country, soldiers only serve one master, and a house cannot have two masters” was nothing but catering to the political standpoint of Emperor Qianlong on “supreme decision making power”, and therefore he could “take the study of Confucian classics as the major undertaking.”13 In addition, Zhuang Cunyu was not an absolute New Text scholar. As well as the master work of Chunqiu zheng ci of the New Text School he also wrote some books about Old

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Text Scholarship, such as Zhou guan ji and Mao shi shuo . As he re-opened the New Text School in the Qing Dynasty, heavyweights of the New Text School in the Qing Dynasty were all his students or were affected by him. Gong Zizhen spoke highly of him, saying that he “takes scholarship as his lifelong task and advocates that all scholars engage in the New Text Scholarship. This has been rarely seen in hundreds of years.”14 After Zhuang Cunyu, other great masters of New Text Scholarship in the Qing Dynasty were Liu Fenglu (1776–1829, the 41st year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong to the 9th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang) and Song Xiangfeng (1776–1860, the 41st year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong to the 10th year of the reign of Emperor Xianfeng). These two masters were both the grandsons of Zhuang Cunyu. The age they were living in was close to the Opium War when the Qing’s rule stood at a critical juncture. So they tried to look for a way to address social crises from the “sublime words with deep meaning” of New Text Scholarship. In the Han Dynasty, Old and New Text Scholarships had a long-term debate over the Zuo zhuan and Gongyang zhuan in the Chunqiu and three explanatory works. Old Text scholars advocated Zuo zhuan and New Text scholars Gongyang zhuan . Some New Text scholars in the Qing Dynasty also used the Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan to write articles. Liu Fenglu argued that the Chunqiu “sets an example for the world”15 and was a book that “can rescue the disastrous world,” 16 and only the Gongyang zhuan in the three explanatory works of the Chunqiu could “understand the relationship of things and consider and explain the hidden truth.” In this connection he spoke highly of the Gongyang School of He Xiu, a New Text scholar of the Han Dynasty, saying that “his dedication in carrying forward the spirit was incomparable in the world.” 17 He also wrote the Gongyang Heshi shili , Gongyang Heshi jie guqian and other books to repeatedly state the “sublime words of the sage”, such as da yi tong , tong san tong and zhang san shi . He criticized Old Text Scholarship as “choosing explanations of literal meaning over precise and profound meaning.” He also produced the Zuoshi Chunqiu kaozheng , arguing that the Old Text school Zuo zhuan was “an unrighteous work”18 after “supplementation by scholars such as Liu Xin.” When expressing the thought of da yi tong in Gongyang’s ideology, he expounded that “if we want to conquer the Barbarians and other ethnic minorities, we need to regulate the central area and the capital first; if we want to educate the ordinary officials and the public, we need to educate the ministers first; this must be done after regulating the emperor and the capital.”19 Essentially, this pointed to the dilemma faced by the Qing Dynasty and he hoped that a top-down reform from the highest ruler, the Emperor, could be carried out to regulate both the order of the court and

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control foreign enemies, siyi as a way to stabilize society. The original intention of Liu Fenglu was to hold together the way of the feudal society and rescue the feudal empire that was about to collapse, but he failed to disclose and condemn the decadent feudal rule. That said, he advocated New Text Scholarship and the philosophy of the landlord class of adapting to changing circumstances against the backdrop of the declining Qianjia Sinology, which greatly influenced some progressive thinkers such as Gong Zizhen and Wei Yuan, who advocated practical learning and changes before and after the Opium War. Liu Fenglu was an important representative of the New Text Scholarship in the Qing Dynasty. Both Gong Zizhen and Wei Yuan learnt the Gongyang Chunqiu from him and Gong Zizhen praised Liu’s theory highly. He said in his poem that “he is committed to discarding the theory of explanations of words in ancient works and textual research, and to New Text Scholarship that is taunted as a cakeseller.”20 Gong Zizhen also noted in his poem sent to another New Text scholar Xong Xiangfeng that “it is a great privilege to shake hands with you.”21 We can perceive the great influence of Liu Fenglu and Song Xiangfeng in academic and philosophical circles.

Changes in the thinking in the intellectual circle The thoughts of thinkers changed greatly as Sinology declined and the New Text Scholarship flourished. The ruling power of the Qing Dynasty continued downhill and did not exert strict and vigorous control on intellectual circles, so the cases of literary inquisition decreased significantly. When facing reality after emerging from the old books and papers, the thinkers became dissatisfied with the darkness of society and so they strongly lashed out against the rule of the Qing Dynasty. Zhang Jiliang said that the officials of the feudal society “squeezed the ordinary people, their cruel torture stirred up the indignity of the public and they even showed off their literary skills to cheat the court. But this is a tiny fraction of their crimes.” He lifted up his voice: “I don’t know where the sky, sun, thunder and ghosts are. But I can feel the light of the sky and sun, hear the sound of thunder and feel the indifference of ghosts. Otherwise, no one would lose their lives without hearing the thunder.”22 Zhang Mu pointed out that the ruling power of the feudal class was decadent, “like a person with their five sense organs, hands and feets undamaged, but without agile joints, his movement will become slow.” 23 Sheng Yao criticized the official circles saying that “everything is for the interests of the winner and there exists no one who can get along with genuineness”, based on his long first-hand experience in Beijing. He found that all high-ranking officials lived high on the hog and

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abused their power, “they always ride horses, sit in luxurious sedans and order their subordinate to sign signatures when dealing with official copies; they indulge in a luxurious life at home. Even well-mannered people ignored the difficulties of ordinary people and only touched on trifling matters.”24 The society as a whole was dead as a doornail. Some thinking professionals sought to change the status quo, advocated reform, and expounded on the necessity of reform from the perspective of history. Yun Jing said that “five kingdoms replaced the three kingdoms, and seven countries replaced the five; after Qingshihuang unified China, this replaced the seven.”25 Wei Yuan noted that “the system of paying grain and silk as tax was replaced by dual tax, which was then replaced by rules and regulations, and exploitation of people became ever more serious.”26 Gong Zizhen argued that “from ancient times to now, everything has been changing, from laws and influences to regulations and working manner.”27 He also said that “the discussions of the public are influential, it is better to reform of one’s own accord rather than being forced to reform by others.” 28 They attempted to persuade the ruling class to embark on top-down reform and they were unwilling to be confined by the imperial examination, eight-part essay and complicated textual research. Many of them lashed out at the imperial system whereby “learners try to obtain fame and success for careless work, and this is the reason behind the ever decreasing talents.” 29 They “urge all people to embark on the road of pursuit of wealth and position,” 30 “so all talents are useless.”31 Advanced intellectuals hoped to unlock the idealistic shackles and face reality so as to do research on realistic problems, advocate pragmatic learning, and heal the society and the country. In the first year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang, Wei Yuan replaced He Changling in compiling the Huangchao jingshi wenbian and the book’s name reflected the purpose of compilation and could be regarded as an important mark in the transformation of the environment of the intellectual circle. Bao Shichen noted that “scholars must do real things. They have no special professions and all things about the public are their specific works.” 32 He took research and addressing the “issues of the general public” as the task of the intellectuals, which represents a stark difference from the environment of Qianjia Sinology which was committed to old books and papers. Other examples include Yao Ying’s statement of “taking the whole country’s affairs as one’s own task,” “scholarship must be the combination of learning and practicing rather than empty talk.” Lin Zexu said that “he is good at scholarship and knows everything from mountains to people’s feelings. So he can better address all things. His political achievements are evident in southern Fujian and he can easily supervise and handle cases

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such as river works and canals.”33 Tang Peng advocated “taking the country’s affairs as one’s own business”; and Zhou Ji noted “learning the philosophy of running affairs and also the philosophy of war with Li Zhaoluo and Zhang Junqi of the same town, and Bao Shichen of Jingxian Country, when he was young.” 34 These foresighted intellectuals “were all vehement and inspiring and their pursuit and literary talent were extraordinary and powerful.”35 But “they could not be viewed as models as they took the lead in establishing a new environment.” They tried to correct the weak points, encourage training of skills, and paid attention to pragmatic thinking, thus blazing a new trail in exploring the environment of practical learning. Foresighted intellectuals in the early 19th century put a high value on revolution and turned to reality, which represented a great step forward when compared with their forebears—the Qianjia sinologists. Of course their “revolution” was not intended to change the whole ruling system; and their “pragmatic learning” was confined to the minor patching up of the feudal system. The Jing Chen Liu shi shu presented by Huang Juezi before the Opium War reflected the intellectuals demand for political reform against the backdrop of the impending crisis. Huang Juezi came up with the proposals of “expanding the recruitment of talented people” and “regulating military order”. He hoped that the Qing court could expand the recruitment of talented people as “those having a clear understanding of history and current affairs are not be employed”; as regards the abandoned armament, he pointed out that the court should rectify the army, select good generals and phase out weak generals to realize the goal of “resisting invasion and the enemy”. The British invaders were at the time unscrupulously engaging in opium smuggling, and “the civil and military governors ignored and endured them.”36 So Huang Juezi suggested that the Qing government urge the governors along the coastal provinces to carefully practice naval drill and repair the arsenals to guard against the armed aggression of foreign countries. All of his standpoints were defined by progressiveness and patriotism. When it came to the economy and society, the advanced thinkers put forward the ideas of developing production and valuing industry and commerce. They especially came up with proposals for reform in affairs that had a direct bearing on the country and the public and which were the weakest points, such as water transport of grain, salt tax, and river regulation. The Qing government allocated and transported millions of shi of grain from the southeastern coastal regions to the capital, which was termed cao yun (water transport of grain)”. Due to the decadent bureaucracy, mismanagement and the rampant corruption within the feudal system, together with the lack of repair of

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the channels, the river ways were blocked which led to erratic delivery of grain. As a result huge amount of grain mildewed and rotted, and the transport costs skyrocketed each year. The burden of the southeastern provinces in transporting rice increased day by day, as did the financial difficulty of the Qing government. In order to escape the defects of water transport, Bao Shichen produced the Haiyun nan cao yi , suggesting that river transport of tribute rice be replaced by sea transportation and transport by officials be replaced by merchants, and that set “special quarters” were set aside to plant rice in the north to reverse the scenario of transporting rice from the south to the north. In so doing the financial difficulty of the Qing government could be reduced, which went a long way towards the development of commerce.37 Later on Wei Yuan evolved the theory on “haiyun nan cao ” of Bao Shichen and argued that transport by sea had four advantages and six conveniences, that is “advantages for the country, the people, officials and merchants” and “conveniences for the country, the people, merchants, officials, rivers and grain transport.” 38 Such a suggestion facilitated the development of the commodity economy. Salt tax was an important financial revenue for the Qing government. Only a few big traders who were authorized by the Qing government were entitled to collect, transport and sell salt. They colluded with feudal officials in monopolizing the operation, arbitrarily pushing up the salt price to reap fabulous profits and compromise people’s lives. For a long time salt was taken as a source of lucrative revenue whereby the big salt dealers and officials embezzled and plundered money amid chaotic management, which led to a shortage in the salt tax and an increasing number of private dealers. Some intellectuals suggested that the defects in the salt monopoly be addressed through a salt coupon system, that is, the private salt dealers should be allowed to take coupons, transport and sell salt, and the limitations on areas and price of salt should be relaxed and salt smuggling be addressed through tax and price reduction. These measures could not only increase the sales volume of salt to supply people’s daily lives, but also reduce “embezzlement” and so add to the fiscal revenue of the government. The measures supported free transportation and sale by ordinary merchants to replace the monopoly by officials and the big merchants. Apart from water transport of grain and the salt tax, intellectuals also touched upon many political and social problems such as river work, water conservancy, land, agricultural affairs, currency and population, and came up with revolutionary measures with the aim of getting rid of defects, facilitating production and improving people’s wellbeing. Such an environment of researching practical problems and pragmatic learning made a great difference in society.

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At that time the intellectual circle was defined by its attention to the study of history, geography and the form of the border areas. Thinkers even expanded their research scope into other countries in the world. Their horizon was much wider than that of their predecessors. Such a scenario could not have happened without the ever-increasing unification of the country, close contact between the central plains and the border areas, and the increasingly frequent exchanges between capitalist countries and China since the Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong eras. Chinese intellectuals stepped out of their enclosed and uneducated state to glance at the expansive world through a small gap. At the beginning of the 19th century, the intellectual circle was defined by popular research into the geography and history of northwestern part of the country, such as the Fanbu yaolüe of Qi Yunshi, Record of the Water Ways of the Western Regions and Xinjiang shilüe of Xu Song, Mengu youmu ji of Zhang Mu , Kangyou ji xing of Yao Ying, and Shuo fang bei cheng of He Qiutao. Lin Zexu, in the capacity of governor of Guangdong and Guangxi during the period of the Opium War, ordered the collection of foreign books and papers to compile the Gazetteer of Four Continents , which for the first time introduced the conditions in the rest of the world in a systematic way. Later Wei Yuan built on this and produced the Haiguo tuzhi and Xu Jiyu produced A Short Account of the Maritime Circuit . All of these reflected the requirement of patriotic intellectuals to get to know other countries and to resist invasion by foreign countries. Yao Ying said that previously, the intellectuals “turned a blind eye to the affairs of other countries, so when the foreign ships invaded they were frightened. This pointed to the decline of the country.” Yao Ying “began to look for books of foreign countries to get a clear picture since the Jiaqing era.” What lay behind the intellectuals’ efforts to introduce information on foreign countries and China’s border areas was to “use the books written on the basis of hatred to warn the fellowmen throughout the country, both young and old, to understand other countries and then come up with plans to combat foreign countries, wipe out the humiliation of China, strengthen the defense of frontier and coastal areas and prevent officials from falling into the ghostland.” 39 Their books not only released the shackles of feudalism and opened up people’s horizon, but also cemented their patriotic emotions and represented the initial awakening of Chinese intellectuals amid the national crisis.

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Outstanding Thinkers Gong Zizhen and Wei Yuan Gong Zizhen Gong Zizhen (1792–1841, the 57th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong to the 21st year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), alternative name Ding’an, was a native of Renhe (Hangzhou) in Zhejiang. He was born to a scholarly family of “high-ranking officials for several generations.” His grandfather and father were both feudal officials, and his maternal grandfather Duan Yucai was a wellknown scholar. He was born in the late Qianlong era when the feudal rule of the Qing Dynasty went downhill, “from the capital to the local regions, the wealthy people become poor while poor people are suffered from disasters. The prestigious people are humbled. The conditions of every province become urgent and cannot sustain one month, still less a year.” 40 In the year before Gong’s death the rumbling artillery of the Opium War opened the prelude of China’s modern history. The 50 years when he lived were the evening of China’s feudal society when it began to break up and become a semi-colonial and semifeudal society. The ideology of Gong Zizhen directly showed the characteristics of this critical moment. Gong Zizhen grew up under the education and influence of his parents and grandfather, and he demonstrated his talents when he was young. A poem he wrote “was powerful and arrogant.”41 He followed his father on travels through Jiangsu, Zhejiang and Anhui, witnessed the corruption of the official circle, and came into contact with “farmers, elderly people and servants” which helped him better understand society. He was well-educated and concerned with reality, and his thought was progressive. “As regards classic books, he studies the Gongyang and Chunqiu in respect of historical science, and he knows the northwestern regions and geography. His articles cover Liu shu , the works of the Zhou and Qin Dynasty and the daily lives of the country and ordinary people. He likes reading the books of Western countries in his twilight years and is self-acclaimed with high attainments.”42 His works precisely disclosed the conflicts at the end of the feudal society and acutely targeted the drawbacks of autocracy, so he was hated by the ruling class. His intimate friend Wei Yuan exhorted him that “we are intimate friends with more than kindred feelings. It is a pity that you do not care what you are saying. It is a drawback that must be eradicated. Otherwise, once it becomes a habit, it cannot be quickly changed.” Gong Zizhen passed the jinshi examination when he was 38 years old. In the ensuing decade his posts were only those of medium level official of the cabinet and a functionary in the organization responsible for the affairs of the imperial

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family. He was unable to realize his ambition. He resigned from his post in 1839 to give lectures in the south and died of a terminal disease in Danyang, Jiangsu in August, 1841. Gong Zizhen pointed out that the society then was in a “declining era like a setting sun with an impending baleful wind.” As regards society and the economy, land acquisition had reached unprecedented heights and high-ranking officials and landlords abused their privileges to occupy land, which led to the situation where “the poor get locked in strife, the rich show off; the poor become very poor and the rich get more comfortable” so that “strange cases happen one after another; the environment is ominous. After a long period this will lead to war and plague. No one is immune to this. All of this is the result of uneven wealth distribution. The wealth divide becomes yawning and then destroys the whole society.”43 He noted that the root cause of the political instability was the uneven wealth distribution in the economy, which demonstrated his profound and acute insight. While pointing out the uneven wealth distribution in society, Gong Zizhen exposed the arbitrariness and corruption of the feudal autocracy in a profound manner. He attacked the autocracy by saying that the autocrats use the autocratic means to suppress, “it’s cruel to eradicate the sense of honor in one century.” 44 Under such absolute autocratic rule social culture was destroyed, skills were ignored, and officials flattered and escaped calamity and pandered to high-level officials. “Looking back on history, very few of those reporting to the monarch feel ashamed! The longer they serve as officials, the more dreadful they become; the greater the fame, the greater the flattery.” 45 So the official circle was filled with fatuous, base and selfish officials who only cared about promotion and their family, and ignored national safety and people’s wellbeing. Gong also criticized the seniority-based recruitment system in which “days of hard labor lead to promotion year by year.” After passing the exam to become a member of the Imperial Academy an official would be granted the title of shujishi , “but it takes 30 to 35 years to be promoted from shujishi to minister and even another 10 years to become grand secretary…His body has grown old from being a low-ranking official at his 30s to becoming chancellor, and so has his mind.”46 “Abundant experience makes them more careful in scrutiny and means that they delay and then neglect their duty; they are unwilling to resign after a long term.”47 He compared such officials to the stone lions in front of the government offices in feudal China, “sitting in the same position for hundreds of years.” They were simply the decorations of the bureaucratic apparatus even though of the highest seniority. Gong Zizhen also criticized the philosophical circle at the end of the feudal

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society as being dull and gloomy. The intellectuals were only committed to writing eight-part essays, their ambitions were worn down and their talents were useless. The ideological rule of the autocracy destroyed and strangled talent: “when able people appear, hundreds of unable men come to urge and confine them, not with knives and saws, but rather they use articles and fame to damage them and to harm their patriotic and creative pure hearts.”48 Finally, talent was totally discarded. No clever generals and ministers worked in the court and no excellent soldiers, farmers or businessmen lived in society, and even the thieves were backward. “Looking at society, there will soon be chaos.” Gong Zizhen sounded an inspiring call that “only grand power can add vigor and vitality to the country and the silence of officials and ordinary people is sad. I hope the emperor of heaven can display vigor and provide more talented people.”49 He hoped that numerous skilled people would emerge and add more vigor and vitality to the Chinese territory. While disclosing and criticizing the social reality, Gong Zizhen put forward a host of revolutionary standpoints. He believed that the rise and fall of a dynasty was closely linked to the even distribution of land and wealth, “the wider the gap, the faster the destruction will be; the narrower the gap, the easier the control and management will be. This is true over tens of thousands of years of control and management.”50 So he suggested that land and wealth be distributed evenly to address unequal wealth distribution. He also tried to include the tenancy relationship into the backward patriarchal clan system according to his dream of the future society. He suggested that people be divided into four grades based on blood lineage, that is dazong , xiaozong, qunzong and xianmin and be granted land according to their grade to form a social totality that was “mutually checked”. He hoped that people could compete freely and accumulate private wealth under the patriarchal clan system. He said that “the ancient people did not view a personal relationship as a taboo, the owner of 100 mu of farmland must support his son”, “those who can obtain grain on a tiny piece of land are called Chituzhu and those obtaining grain from several folds of tiny land are called beichi, shichi or baichizhu.”51 In this sense he tried every means to oppose the ideology of the defenders of traditional principles who advocated “holding back desire” and “getting rid of selfishness”, which was similar to the ideology of his senior Dai Zhen. Beyond that, given the excessive concentration of power of the autocratic monarch, Gong Zizhen also suggested increasing the power of ministers and local officials, changing the situation whereby civil and military governors could not “be dedicated to one thing”; that the rites between the monarch and ministers should be reformed and that the monarch shall not treat ministers as

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servants, so as to restore “style of lofty and serious ministers in ancient times.”52 He advocated abolishing the eight-part essay and implementing a performancebased recruitment system to enlist able men “inclusively”. He was concerned about frontier defense and coastal defense, suggesting people immigrate to the northwestern regions in order to strengthen border defense; he also pointed out that we should guard against western capitalists “eying Macau covetously”. When Lin Zexu went to Guangzhou to ban opium-smoking, Gong Zizhen wrote the Preface to Lin, the Imperial Envoy Houguan supporting the ban on opium and the resistance against the UK, and provided input for Lin Zezu. Some of Gong Zizhen’s revolutionary proposals were aimed at patching up but not shaking the feudal system and were unattainable. His success did not lie in the fact that he came up with plans to rescue the country, but rather in his criticism of the old things and his expectations and praise for new things. He reflected the requirements of the advanced intellectual circle for progress and his poem became an elegy to the collapse of China’s feudalism. Gong Zizhen’s thought greatly influenced subsequent intellectuals and Liang Qichao said that “Gong Zizhen is not bound by details. He is like Rousseau of France, and considers things in a profound way. His articles are strange, so many people dislike them. But he likes this and often cites the Gongyang zhuan to criticize politics and autocracy…Gong Zizhen also contributes to the ideological emancipation in the late Qing Dynasty. During the Guangxu period, most of the New Text scholars worshipped him and are impressed when reading the Ding’an wen ji for the first time.”53

Wei Yuan Wei Yuan (1794–1857, the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong to the 7th year of the reign of Emperor Xianfeng), alternative name Moshen, was a native of Shaoyang in Hunan. He lived in the same era as Gong Zizhen and learnt New Text Scholarship with him. They both advocated practical learning with similar thoughts and intimate friendship, so the two were collectively called “Gong Wei”. Wei Yuan was born to a small landowner family, led a poor life when he was young, and had contact with the lower classes. He followed his father to Beijing when he was 21 years old, learned Gongyang scholarship from Liu Fenglu, and became acquainted with Lin Zexu, Gong Zizhen and Yao Ying. They studied and discussed current politics together. He passed the provincial civil service exam when he was 29 and then failed the imperial examination many times. He worked as an assistant to He Changling and Tao Shu when he wrote articles for them, studied society and the economy, and assisted them in

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reforming the salt tax, water transport of grain, and river works. During the Opium War he was invited to join the office of Yu Qian, governor of Jianxi and Jiangnan (today’s Jiangsu, Anhui and Jiangxi), and joined the anti-Britain war in Zhejiang. In 1845 when he was 52 years old he passed the exam as a jinshi and worked as the magistrate of Dongtai and Xinghua in Jiangsu. He was then promoted as zhizhou of Gaoyou. He “was dismissed because of a delayed report” 54 during the Taiping Revolution. In his twilight years he studied Buddhism, and “was only committed to writing books and sitting quietly all day long.”55 He died in March 1857. Wei Yuan’s books covered a wide array of fields, including New Text Scholarship books that expound on “sublime words with deep meaning”, such as the Shi gu wei, Shu gu wei, Gongyang Chunqiu gu wei and Dongzi Chunqiu fa wei , general discussions on philosophy and politics such as Mo Gu , practical learning such as Chou he pian, Chou cao pian, Chou cuo pian and Jun zhu pian and Huangchao jingshi wenbian compiled on others’ behalf, and Yuan shi xin bian about history and geography as well as research on waterways and mountains. The Record of Shengwu and Haiguo tuzhi which he wrote after the Opium War were the most important books that demonstrate the features of the era amongst all of his books. The two books reflected the patriotic thoughts of the Chinese people against the capitalist invasion and proposed the ideology of “learning the technology of foreign countries to deal with them” that called for studying from Western countries. Fig. 15.1.

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Portrait of Wei Yuan

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Britain staged the Opium War in 1840 to invade China, which witnessed the failure of China. After that China’s feudal society experienced important changes and the conflicts between foreign capitalism and the Chinese nation became ever acute and prominent. How to deal with the foreign invaders? How to help the country rid itself of the crisis? Each and every intellectual could not help but think about these questions. Wei Yuan understood the world trends most clearly and resisted foreign invasion the most strongly, and his plan to rescue the country was the most fitting among all intellectuals at that time. Wei Yuan believed that the failure in the Opium War was caused by political corruption. In the Qing Dynasty “years of peace and contentment meant that people did not think about resistance against invasion, the invasion in an island would shock a province, which would then shock every province. They are paper tigers.”56 He saw “deceiving people’s feelings (mei )” and “deficient talents (xu )” as the two drawbacks of society. By “Mei ” he meant bewildered and by “Xu ” empty. He had a clear picture of the two major issues in the official and intellectual circles, and came up with the idea of “getting rid of hypocrisy, concealment, difficulty and disease, and going to military camp” to address “Mei ” and the idea of “measuring success by facts and vice versa” to get address “Xu ”. The ardent patriot hoped that the failure of the Opium War would stimulate people’s “anger” and “concern” and become the key to “consciousness and pragmatism,”57 but his call was ignored by many people. Wei Yuan proposed that “we must understand the conditions of foreign countries before curbing the threats posed by them,”58 given the defects of the closed feudal rulers who did not know the world trend. Lin Zexu met with Wei Yuan in Jiangkou (Zhenjiang) in 1841 when he was dismissed from office. They had an all-night talk. Wei Yuan wrote down about their meeting “I could not say anything because of a whirlpool of emotion”, “I could not get to sleep even though I am lying near you.” 59 Lin Zexu bequeathed his Gazetteer of Four Continents to Wei and urged him to continue the book. He did not let Lin down and produced the Haiguo tuzhi “based on historical data, the maps of islands since the Ming Dynasty, and the maps and words about foreign islands, and blazed a new trial”60 in which he pointed out that “what is the purpose of writing the book? It is to attack foreigners using their technology and to learn their technologies to resist them.”61 The feudal diehards viewed the advanced science and technology of other countries as “diabolical tricks and wicked craft” and rejected them. Wei Yuan distinguished foreign invaders from the science and technology they commanded in a correct way and argued that opposition to the invaders did not necessarily mean opposition to all new things from foreign countries; on the contrary, China should learn the advanced objects of foreign

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countries as a way to resist their invasion. The idea of “learning the technology of foreign countries to deal with them” exerted a huge influence on China’s modern history. By “the advantage of foreigners”, Wei Yuan meant warships, guns and “ways of maintaining and training the army.” Specifically, he suggested setting up a ship building factory and firearms bureau in Guangdong, recruiting foreign technicians and learning the new technologies of foreign countries; “merchants in coastal areas should be allowed to set up similar factories to build ships and machines, or for personal use, or for sales.” Apart from ships and guns, Wei Yuan also noted that China should learn to produce general industrial goods, “telescopes, pneumatic saws, water saws, self-rotating hammers and steel yards. All of these products are useful and could be produced here.” 62 Wei Yuan’s suggestions were patriotic proposals to learn from the West and resist foreign invasion. More importantly, they facilitated the development of the Chinese economy and capitalism. Wei Yuan, a New Text scholar and reformist, was an idealist. In particular, he indulged in Buddhism in his twilight years. But the turbulently changing era made his thought dialectical. He said that “all things on earth are changing all the time” and “the sky, land and people of the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties are different from today’s sky, land and people, and so are the objects.”63 Since all things were changing, why could the “ancestor system” advocated by the conservatives not change? He said that “laws will be abolished over time, no laws are unchangeable, no laws can bring benefit without eradicating the drawbacks and no laws can become flexible without changing.”64 His opinions were all arguments for reform. He paid attention to “practice” in theory, and said that “we can know things after dealing with them, understand the difficulty after experience. Without practice, we cannot know anything!” and that “when having a picture of the Five Mountains, one would have the feeling that he knows what a mountain is, but his knowledge is less than the foot of a woodcutter; talking about the vastness of sea one has the feeling that he knows what the sea is, but it is less than the glance of a visitor; knowing the recipe for delicious food he believes that he knows the taste, but this is not equal to a chef’s taste.” 65 He underscored the importance of obtaining perceptual knowledge through practice, which was in line with the epistemology of materialism. Beyond that, he had an excellent perception of the conflicts of things, he treated winter and summer, bend and stretch, lie and fly, happy and unhappy, pleasure and displeasure, disaster and fortune, advantage and disadvantage as contrary things. “Disappearance and appearance, disaster and fortune come together, so do all things on the earth!” 66 He expounded on

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the combat and conversion of conflicts in his own words “all things appear in pairs, but we cannot say that both are tall, big, noble and powerful. As they will compete with each other between them there must be a master and a subordinate, but this does not violate the unparalleled principle.” 67 The discussion on the opposition, integration, and conversion and subordination relationship of conflicts revealed his acute insight. The dialectical thought of Wei Yuan did not remain consistent. Sometimes he said that “only principles do not experience change amid the changes of unrepeated days and time.” Due to the constraints of idealism he advocated supernatural being as “beneficial for people”, “beneficial for the ruling class”. He opposed the peasant uprising in politics and stood up to the Taping Revolution in northern Suzhou in his twilight years. All of these demonstrated his historical and class limitations. However these weak points did not constitute the major aspects of his thought and action.

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Chapter

Invasions of China by Capitalist Countries

A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

Trade Relations between China and Capitalist Countries in the Early Stage An overview of foreign trade Navigators of western countries went by a roundabout route past the Cape of Good Hope in Africa to explore new routes and arrived at China in the early 16th century. At that time some Western economies had entered the stage of primitive accumulation of capitalism, and plundering colonies became an important way to accumulate capital. A large group of merchants and missionaries ventured all around the world in the capacity of pioneers in overseas expansion. The Portuguese were the earliest arrivals in China, followed by the Spanish, the Dutch, the British and the French. When Western colonists first came to China they usually employed cheating, extortion and plunder by force to harass the coast of China. In 1553 (the 32rd year of the reign of Emperor Jiajing of the Ming Dynasty), the Portuguese invaded and occupied Macao; in 1603 (the 31st year of the reign of Emperor Wanli of the Ming Dynasty), the Spanish oppressed and slaughtered overseas Chinese in the Philippines; in 1624 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Tianqi of the Ming Dynasty), the Dutch invaded and occupied Taiwan; in 1637 (the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen of the Ming Dynasty), the first British ship intruded into Guangzhou and shelled Humen. Their commercial trade was always linked with pirate looting. As the British people said, “plunder, plotting to murder and resorting to force were the defining features when the European countries began to establish trade ties with China.” “All this was the behavior of the so-called pioneers of peaceful commerce. They are more like robbers than peaceful and civilized persons. They should not only be expelled from imperialist countries, but be wiped out by the Chinese authorities. They moved swiftly along China’s southern coast, looted and burned towns and cities, killed hundreds of innocent adults and children and then left safely. Sometimes when they landed they used the most brutal methods to coerce local Chinese to build forts for them, seized women, snatched all the valuable articles of local residents, and violated all the tenets of the rituals and humanity.”1 At the very beginning of exchanges between China and the rest of the world, the trade volume was rather insignificant. In particular, in the early Qing Dynasty, Zheng Chenggong and others occupied the Fujian and Zhejiang coastal areas and staged resistance against the Qing government. The authority

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imposed a strict ban on maritime trade and ordered that “no shipping is allowed to enter the port” to force residents living along the coastal areas into the hinterland as a way to cut off their food and materials supply. As a result, foreign trade began to shrink. Only Xiamen and Taiwan under the control of Zheng Chenggong witnessed some foreign trade, and foreign businessmen living in Macao established trade relationships with Guangzhou business people. In the early stages of the reigns of Emperors Shunzhi and Kangxi, the Netherlands and Portugal dispatched envoys to Beijing and demanded the opening up of trade. But the government thought of them as countries that presented tributes and only allowed them to engage in trade when presenting tributes. “When the countries do not present tributes, they are not allowed to engage in trade.”2 In 1685 (the 24th year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), the Qing Dynasty unified Taiwan. In the ensuing year the government issued an order to lift the maritime ban and allowed Chinese businessmen to engage in overseas trade and designated Guangzhou, Zhangzhou, Ningbo and Yuntaishan as trading ports. But foreign trade was concentrated in Guangzhou. In the following century between the opening up of foreign trade and the early 19th century maritime trade between China and other countries witnessed some development, but it was far from meeting the demands of the European capitalist class. In 1764 (the 29th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the total value of maritime trade of Western countries with China was recorded as 5.55 million liang of silver and the figure increased to 19.12 million liang in the early 19th century, or a 3.5fold increase in just 40 years.3 In particular, China managed to maintain a trade surplus for a long period of time. The manufactured goods of the European countries were expensive because of the long distance of transportation and the forms and types could not meet Chinese demand, so it was impossible for them to enter into the Chinese market in a large amount. Moreover China’s self-sufficient feudal natural economy was naturally resistant to foreign goods. What Britain could sell in China were only woolens, metals and cottons imported from India, but China’s tea, raw silk and native cloth were readily marketable products in the European market. In 1764 (the 29th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the total value of products imported from Europe to China was recorded at 1.91 million liang of silver, while that imported from China to Europe stood at 3.64 million liang , representing a surplus of 1.73 million liang . Until a large amount of opium was imported to China in the early 19th century, China had maintained a trade surplus. A British writer noted that “in nearly three centuries between the 16th century and the 19th century, the defining feature of exchanges between China and the West was that the western

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countries had a huge demand for Chinese products, but they failed to offer enough products for exchange.”4 Fig. 16.1. Certificate issued to Chinese merchants for maritime trade in the 25th year of the Qianlong reign

An evident change in foreign trade in the 18th century was the continuous decline of the old colonialist countries such as Portugal, Spain and the Netherlands, and their trade with China reduced to an insignificant point. However Britain witnessed a fast growth after the bourgeois revolution. It defeated its rivals in competing for colonies and grasped maritime hegemony with ever increasing influence. In 1689 (the 28th year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi) the British ship “Defender” arrived at Guangzhou, which represented the start of British trade in Guangzhou after the lifting of the ban on maritime trade. Trade became a common practice in 1715 (the 54th year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi) and the trade volume was on the increase when the UK established a commercial center in Guangzhou. In the mid-18th century the total trade volume of Britain with China surpassed that of the total of other European countries with China. In 1764 (the 29th year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), of the total 1.91 million liang worth of goods imported from Europe to China by water, 1.21 million liang or 63.3% came from Britain while 3.64 million liang worth of goods were transported from China to European countries by sea, 1.7

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million liang of which went to Britain, or 46.7% of the total. The UK became the leader among countries which had trade ties with China. In the second half of the 18th century, British external trade with China skyrocketed. At the end of the 18th century, roughly 90% of goods imported to China through European countries came from the UK and 70% of goods imported to European countries from China went to the UK. At the turn of the 19th century dozens of British commercial ships headed to Guangzhou each year, 62 in 1787 (the 52th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) and 85 in 1826 (the 6th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), far more than other countries. Fig. 16.2. Certificate issued by the Japanese government to Chinese merchants

France tried to expand its territory and to develop trade ties with China in the period of Louis XIV. In 1698 (the 37th year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi) the French ship “Anphedredi ” came to China for the first time and in 1728 (the 6th year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng), France established its commercial center in Guangzhou. France paid much attention to the undertaking of missionary work in China and dispatched many Christians to China. However its business did not achieve evident development and only a few French ships came to Guangzhou each year. In 1792 (the 57th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), less than 50,000 liang worth of French goods were imported to China and only 360,000 liang of China-made products were exported to France. “The trade volume of France in China was way too small and there is a world of difference compared with the UK.”5

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American foreign trade with China started quite late. The US did not start its trade with Asian countries until the War of Independence. In 1784 (the 49th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the American business ship “Chinese Empress” left from New York and arrived at Guangzhou via the Cape of Good Hope, the first American ship to come to China. After that American foreign trade with China grew quite rapidly as the US government offered protection in taxes and favorable allowances for American merchants engaging in trade with China. As of the end of the 18th century, the US ranked second among all countries which had trade ties with China. In particular, in the early 19th century when Europe was suffered from the Napoleonic wars, American trade with China experienced an era of quick development. Between 1817 and 1820 its trade volume with China recorded 15 million to 16 million yuan each year and almost thirty to forty ships came to China yearly. According to historical records, “In recent years, many (American) ships arrived at China, similar to the number coming from the UK.” 6 As is pointed out by a Western historian, “Two eye-catching flags flying in the seas of China during periods of war in the UK and France are those of Britain and America—because Britain is the leader of maritime trade with China and the neutral US is a friendly country of all countries…And it can develop trade ties with countries which other countries cannot.”7 In the early stages of foreign trade the products exported from China were mainly agricultural and sideline product. For a long time our ancestors provided high quality tea, splendid silk and high quality native cloths for other countries, and the export of tea ranked the first. As capitalism developed and the ordinary British people became poor, black tea became their main drink. Tea became a daily necessity and the consumption was ever increasing. In the early 18th century only 500 dan of tea was imported to the UK, but after the mid-18th century the figure mounted to 50,000 dan . As the British government imposed high taxes on imported tea, tea smuggling began. In 1784 (the 49th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the UK government reduced tea taxes and eliminated tea smuggling; more than 100,000 dan of tea was exported to the UK which surged to 200,000 dan in the early 19th century. At the end of the 18th century the British East India Company purchased 4 million liang worth of tea from China each year, which was enough to off-set the value of three kinds of commodities (woolens, metal and cotton) that UK exported to China. A member of the George Macartney mission said about the sales volume of Chinese tea in the UK in the 18th century hat “at the beginning of the century, less than 50,000 pounds of tea was sold by the East India Company on top of the small amount of smuggled tea each year, but now the figure has surged to 20 million pounds. In other words, the sales volume increased by 400-fold in less than a century.”8

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Raw silk was another commodity imported in huge amounts. Initially the Qing government imposed restrictions on the export of raw silk and only 8,000 catties of raw silk was allowed to be carried by each foreign ship. Later on the restriction was relaxed. As a result, export of raw silk surged significantly from less than 1,200 dan every year at the beginning of the 19th century to over 8,000 dan in the 1930s. China’s native cloth was also popular in other countries. About 1 million pi of native cloth was exported each year. “According to the report sent by the Chawtontrading company to the business partners, China’s ‘purple figured cloth’ is better than the cotton cloth produced in Manchester in both texture and cost.”9 Western countries had a huge demand for commodities made in China, and the East India Company and the British government gained a lot from the tea and silk trade. “In the last several years of monopoly, the tea taxes added 3.3 million pound to the British national treasury. Tea imported from China provided roughly 1/10 of the total British national treasury and all the profits of the East India Company.”10 Tea export could help obtain high profits so the British East India Company capitalized on this opportunity, but what concerned them most was how to obtain the capital to purchase tea. British merchants came to China with unsaleable and money-losing commodities. Among which the woolens were too expensive for ordinary Chinese to buy. So the sales of woolens was a money-loser for a long time. At the end of the 18th century, British merchants were suffering an annual loss of 100,000 to 200,000 liang and were eager to obtain Chinese currency to buy tea, so they were forced to continue their unprofitable businesses. However “the market for British goods in Guangzhou is rather limited, and even if the goods are promoted at a loss it is difficult to expand the market.”11 Beyond that, the main hard good imported to China was lead, of which the major purpose was to be used for lining cases for packaging tea. So the utilization amount was rather small. Only cotton imported to China was widely used. The textile handicraft workshops had developed rapidly in the coastal townships of Guangdong, so large amounts of cotton were needed. In the early 19th century roughly 4 million liang worth of cotton was imported by British merchants to China, or 60% of the total import value. Cotton was produced in India, so the East India Company conducted the trade between the UK, India and China, that is it transported products made in the UK to India (a small amount was directly transported to China) to exchange for Indian cotton and other products, which were then shipped to China, then it purchased tea in China and transported this to the UK. There was no market in China for the machines made in the UK. In 1790 (the 55th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), British merchants tried to sell 2,000 pi of machine-made

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cotton produced in Manchester to Guangzhou, but the price was too high so the cotton was unmarketable. In 1821 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), “4,509 pi of British printed cloth and 416 pi of cutting and velvet are auctioned in Guangzhou…representing a loss of more than 60%. Obviously, the era of selling British cotton products has yet to come.”12 The value of all products transported from the UK and India to China was only equal to the value of tea exported from China which had maintained a long term trade surplus. In order to achieve a trade balance, Western business people had to transport a large amount of hard currencies to China. Guangzhou alone witnessed the inflow of millions of silver dollars every year. “In the 50 years between 1710 and 1759 after the merger of the old and new East India Company, 26,833,614 pounds of gold and silver were transported to China and only 9,248,306 pounds of goods were exported to China.”13 American trade with China also relied on the silver dollar. At the beginning of the 19th century, the huge export of hard currency triggered panic in the US. According to a survey by the House of Representatives, “the amount of coins in circulation is no more than one fold of that imported to China in the past year. India is a name including China.”14 An official of the Qing Dynasty talked about the conditions in the first half of the 18th century: “foreign ships must wait for the trade wind and arrive at Guangdong between May and June and most of the goods they carry are foreign currencies.”15 This was especially the case at that time. The features of foreign trade fully demonstrated the self-sufficient character of China’s feudal economy. In most of China, individual farming was closely connected with small sized handicraft industry. Farmers not only produced the food they ate but also engaged in various kinds of works and handicraft industry, ranging from spinning and weaving, to building houses to manufacturing and repairing farm tools and appliances. Their lives were quite harsh and difficult, so they had to capitalize on every opportunity to make a living and rely on themselves to meet their own demands. Essentially, goods exchanges had yet to develop and the market scale was quite small. Foreign goods were not their daily necessities and they were less equipped to buy such products. As Marx said, “the huge impediments posed by the inherent structure of the previous national mode of production of capitalism to the disintegration of commerce could be vividly seen from the trade ties between the British, and Indian and Chinese, whereby individual farming and domestic industry had integrated to form a broader foundation for the mode of production”, “the direct integration between agriculture and hand-made industry led to great saving in time and costs, and the strongest resistance against industrial products was the price for industrial goods including various kinds of non-production costs emerging from the circulation process.”16

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The condition of foreign trade also demonstrated that even with rather low productivity China, as a country with a vast territory, abundant resources and large population base, had huge potential for increasing output. Chinese and British products competed intensely in the century before the Opium War when Chinese export of commodities grew fast and the production of silk and tea increased hugely, stimulated by foreign trade. But the British commodities produced by machines on a large scale still failed to enter the Chinese market in huge amounts and reverse the trade deficit even after the Industrial Revolution in the second half of the 18th century.

The closed-door policy of the Qing government Apart from the economic resistance, the commodities imported by the UK to China were also subject to political restrictions i.e. the closed-door policy implemented by the Qing government. Generally speaking the closeddoor policy was the result of the economic system as the natural economic structure of feudal China meant that China was better-positioned to achieve self sufficiency without the support of foreign products. As noted in the decree issued by Emperor Qianlong to the British Monarchy, “our country has abundant natural resources and does not need the goods of other countries to exchange for needed goods.”17 Emperor Jiaqing said in his imperial edict that “China has abundant resources and does not need such few goods from small countries.” 18 The natural economy of feudal China was what lay behind the rulers’ seclusion, arrogance and autarchy. Marx expounded on the features of feudal countries in the east: “the household commune is built on household industry and achieves selfsufficiency through the special integration between hand weaving, spinning and agriculture”. “Such a system enables each individual unit to become an independent organization and live a secluded life”. “No matter how harmless the idyllic agricultural commune is, it is always the solid foundation for the oriental autarchy; it limits peoples’ thought to within a small range, and becomes a superstitious tool and the slave of traditional rules.”19 It merits attention that “seclusion” developed upon the foundation of the natural economy, and it became more severe as the imbalance between the Qing government and the ordinary people became more acute. When the imbalance between the government and the public was moderate, the feudal rulers had an open and tolerant attitude towards neighboring countries. For instance, in the prosperous period of the Han and Tang Dynasties, China experienced frequent exchanges with the rest of the world and China’s economy and culture

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were connected with the West along the well-known Silk Road. Buddhists represented by Xuanzang and Jianzhen traveled to India and Japan while students from Japan and other countries came to Chang’an for further studies. In the early Ming Dynasty the colossal naval delegation headed by Zheng He visited Southeast Asia, West Asia and even traveled afar to the African coast. Lu Xun said that “there were some border wars and disputes in the Han and Tang Dynasties, but the government was strong and people did not want to become the slaves of other countries and never considered such an idea. When using objects from other countries they used them freely and without care. But when the country went downhill, people became sensitive. Every time they used goods from other countries they had the feeling they were becoming slaves to them and became resistant and afraid, and tried to evade the feeling and find reasons to cover their fear.” 20 In the late 18th century China’s feudal society was experiencing “bad times” when the public staged uprisings and the Qing government went downhill and demonstrated its decadence and weakness. It did not understand the world’s development and the features and methods of the capitalist movement, still less the right strategy to cope with capitalism. It simply believed that the foreign powers would strengthen the general public in their resistance to the government once they were connected with the public and then trigger new unrest. Thus it strictly followed the seclusion policy and red tape to limit the exchanges between China and the rest of the world to a quite narrow scope. The Qing government built a strong wall to isolate itself and believed that no matter how hard and turbulent the world was, it could still close the door of the “great kingdom” and show no interest in the outside world. Historical facts smashed this illusion. In fact it was only a thin paper wall, which was damaged easily by foreign invaders. The closed-door policy adopted by the Qing government took shape during the process of development of trade ties between China and the rest of the world, and mainly included: 1. Limiting trade intercourse to one port. When Emperor Kangxi lifted the maritime ban, there were no restrictions on ports. Most of foreign merchant ships were concentrated in Guangzhou, but other ships headed towards Xiamei and Ningbo to develop trade relations. In the mid-18th century British merchant Hong Renhui took his ship to Ningbo to engage in trade and aimed to establish a commercial center in the long term, which triggered the concern of the Qing government. Emperor Qinglong said: “the customs of Zhejiang people are unreasonable, so there are more likely to be disputes when dealing with things together with foreign merchants. If we do not set rules to fend off the entrance of foreign merchants, more foreign businessmen will come to Zhejiang in the

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future and Ningbo will become another center for commodity trade by foreign countries. This is a real problem for the security of both the hinterland and coastal areas.” 21 In 1757 (the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) an edict was issued banning foreign merchant ships from entering Ningbo and making Guangzhou the only open port. The British disagreed with it and Hong Renhui traveled to Tianjin by sea and demanded that the Qing government open Ningbo, and also charged the Guangzhou customs with corruption and ransom demands. The Qing government dispatched officials to investigate and the head of Guangzhou customs Li Yongbiao was removed from office, but it still banned the opening of Ningbo. Hong Renhui was imprisoned in Macao for three years on charges of “colluding with the tricky residents in mainland areas and lending money to them with the aim that the ban on maritime trade will be lifted and trade will continue,”22 and was then expelled from China. Subsequently only Guangzhou was allowed as a trading port. Foreign merchants were dissatisfied with the restrictions on open ports. The raw silk and tea that the foreign merchants wanted were mainly produced in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian and Anhui, so if they were purchased in Guangzhou long distance of transportation was inevitable which naturally added to costs. Beyond that, Guangzhou formed a hong merchant system and monopolized foreign trade, which led to numerous weaknesses. So they were eager to get rid of the constraints on trading ports and the hong merchant system. At the turn of the 19th century the UK dispatched two diplomatic missions led by Macartney and Amherst successively, which made opening trading ports and free trade as the major requirement, but the Qing government refused to allow this. 2. Restrictions on cargos imported and exported. Only cannon, arsenal, explosives and nitro sulphur were banned from being exported when the maritime ban was initially lifted, but the scope was expanded with a long list of prohibited exports including rice, soybean, wheat, coarse cereals, ironware, scrap iron, raw silk, silk goods, horses and books, which severely impeded the development of foreign trade. For instance, due to the ban on exporting ironware and grain, each Chinese commercial ship embarking on overseas trade was only allowed to take one iron pan and every person was only allowed to take one axe, adding inconveniences to cooking and daily lives and also losing a means of self defense on the voyage if faced with pirates. The returning date for merchant ships going overseas was also set, and each person on board was only allowed to carry one sheng of grain and one sheng of surplus grain. Due to the unpredictable weather sometimes the voyage date overran the designated date and the navigators were faced with the threat of running out of grain. The complicated and unreasonable regulations greatly limited the voyages

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of Chinese merchant ships. The ban on exporting raw silk and silk products severely impeded domestic production and development as silk is a traditional hand-made product in China and was exported in large amounts. Increased exports and rising silk prices originally demonstrated the law of supply and demand in the market and could facilitate the rapid development of silk production. This was a good thing. However, when seeing the increased price of silk, the feudal officials were nervous and issued the ban on the export of silk. This greatly affected socio-economic development. “In recent years, the foreign trade in Guangdong and Fujian has fallen considerably and so has the number of foreign merchant ships. Even domestic ships engaging in overseas trade have stopped their overseas trade. Foreign countries have cut back on goods export to China because they can buy few articles such as silk from China, and the price of foreign goods that China needs has seen a sharp increase”. Feudal officials admitted that the ban on silk export was “detrimental both at home and abroad.”23 They had to change the approach and relax the ban. Later on the rule was that when exporting raw silk, every foreign ship was allowed to carry no more than 10,000 catties of raw silk while Chinese ships were allowed to ship no more than 2,000 catties of raw silk. 3. Guarding against overseas merchants. The Qing government saw the interaction between the Chinese and foreign merchants as a potential threat after Hong Renhui went to Tianjin and made his accusation. In view of this Li Shiyao, governor of Guangdong and Guangxi Provinces, issued Five Regulations on Guarding against Foreigners in 1759 (the 24th year of the Qianlong reign). First, foreign merchants were not allowed to stay in Guangzhou in winter; second, foreign merchants must live in the commercial residency in Guangzhou designated by the government and the hong merchant was responsible for “control and supervision”; third, Chinese people should not borrow money from foreign merchants or work for them; fourthly, Chinese people should not ask for commercial information on behalf of their foreign counterparts; fifthly, army forces were dispatched to the places where foreign merchant ships moored in order to “suppress and check”. The core of “guarding against foreigners” was to prevent the foreign merchants from coming into contact with the Chinese people. Bai Ling, governor of Guangdong and Guangxi Provinces, issued six regulations on Transaction Rules in 1809 (the 14th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing); governor Li Hongbin issued eight points in 1831 (the 11th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang); Lu Kun issued another edition of eight points in 1835 (the 15th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang). The rules became more complicated, as did the restrictions. For instance, foreign merchants should not reside in Macao for a long time, take on sedans, or send documents

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directly to the government. Those foreigners living in the commercial residency in Guangzhou were only allowed to walk in the neighboring scenery and to Haizhuang Temple on the 8th, 18th, and 28th day of each month of the lunar calendar, and only ten foreigners were allowed each time. At other times they should not leave the commercial residency without a permit, and foreign women were not allowed to come to Guangzhou. 4. The hong merchant system. Merchants handling foreign trade were called “Foreign Firms” and they had similar organizations called “foreign trading company”, or “thirteen-trade monopoly” (十三行), which was a name used in the Ming Dynasty. In fact some old companies went under and new ones were established, so the number was not just thirteen. In 1720 (the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi) the merchants of “foreign firms” set up rules and established a monopoly “canton system” to avoid competition, which was abolished by the foreign merchants. Later on, a general contractor was appointed for the hong merchants to facilitate administration. Foreign trade was totally controlled by hong merchants until the Opium War, although the system evolved over time. To serve as a hong merchant, a person should be recommended by other traders and offer bribes to officials; he could not resign freely. For instance, Pan Zhixiang spent 100,000 liang of silver in 1808 (the 13th year of the reign Emperor Jiaqing) in bribery and was allowed to resign, but six years later Jiang Youxian still forced Pan to serve as a hong merchant. As Jiang said, Pan Zhixiang “has a wealthy family and is sophisticated in dealing with affairs with foreign merchants, and is trusted by domestic and foreign merchants. It is wrong for him to withdraw from the business circle. How can we let him keep out of the affair and contribute little to the country after winning a big fortune while our trade with foreign merchants goes downhill.”24 The hong merchant system was important in the closed-door policy of the Qing government. On the one hand it was a monopolized commercial organization. All goods imported from other countries were underwritten by it; all goods exported to other countries were purchased by it. It was also responsible for setting the prices for cargoes imported and exported. On the other hand, subject to the commission of the government, hong merchants also fulfilled political functions. When foreign merchants came to China for trade they did not pay taxes to the Guangdong customs directly; rather the taxes were collected and paid by the hong merchant on their behalf; any tax evasions had to be compensated by the hong merchant who also handled issues on behalf of the government with foreign merchants as they were not allowed to have direct contact with the government. All orders and documents were forwarded by the hong merchant. In this sense the hong merchant had a dual function of handling commercial and diplomatic issues.

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Foreigners at the time described the hong merchant in this way: “The hong merchant system was the sole organization recognized by the Chinese government and the goods purchased from Chinese business people could only be shipped outside China through the hong merchant who collected handling charges, and the goods were submitted to customs in the name of the hong merchant…” “The hong merchants were responsible for collecting duties and fees with the Ministry of Revenue in feudal China (the Guangdong customs) and only they could handle the formalities with customs officials, thus avoiding the trouble of customs declaration and paying taxes…” “The hong merchants managed all foreign trade that was valued at millions of yuan each year at the Guangzhou port, gained lucrative profits and were tasked with huge responsibilities. They were also put in charge of dealing with foreign ships or other agents which violated commercial regulations…” “The position of the hong merchants was secured through giving a huge amount of money to the central government, standing as high as 200,000 liang i.e. 55,000 pounds. The “license” could ensure long term and lucrative profits despite the high costs. That said, the government also extorted them and forced them to donate for the purpose of public buildings, disaster relief and floods…” 25 The hong merchants amassed huge amounts of gold, silver and treasure and presented them to the monarch and officials at different levels through their long term monopoly on foreign trade so that they could meet their endless demands; on top of that, their future generations could inherit the business to accumulate wealth, leading a luxurious, splendid and wealthy life. Some foreigners estimated that the value of farmland, houses, shops and goods possessed by the famous hong merchant Wu Dunyuan in 1834 (the 14th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang) stood at 26 million yuan. This trade system and measures were the major components of the closeddoor policy of the Qing government. What should we think of the closed-door policy? True, such a policy was built on backward economic foundations and served the feudal ruling class. The rulers of the Qing Dynasty imagined that as long as they could close the door of the “country”, they could ensure their long term rule. “Complete seclusion from the outside world was once the primary condition to ensure the old China.”26 That being said, such a passive and backward policy could not resist the Western invaders or reduce the disaster of invasion. The core of capitalism was to invade colonies, “capitalism could not exist and develop if it failed to expand its ruling scope and integrate the non-capitalist ancient countries into its newly developed global economy.”27 The ability of China to prevent invasion by other

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countries depended on the comparitive strengths of China and the rest of the world. The seclusion policy could not affect and change the inherent quality of capitalism, nor could it impede the development of capitalist economy and politics; on the contrary, it severely impeded China’s development, obstructed China’s vitality and entrepreneurship, and led to depressed, blocked, stagnant and even reverse development. It was of no avail. The closed-door policy triggered the recession of China’s seafaring. In the lead up to the Ming Dynasty, China was ranked among the leading seafaring countries in the world. At the beginning of the 15th century, Zheng He’s voyage to the Atlantic was a heroic undertaking in seafaring history. In 1537 (the 16th year of the reign of Emperor Jiajing of the Ming Dynasty), foreigners saw the Chinese fleet of 40 sailing boats sailing in the South China Sea. After that European colonists reached the Far East area which led to the leapfrog development of the global seafaring industry, but the Chinese government implemented the closed-door policy and tried every means to limit the development of the seafaring industry. The Qing government implemented regulations that outbound merchant ships should be no more than 500 dan ; “soldiers and ordinary people who build ship that have two masts and can carry over 500 dan of goods overseas will be sent into exile,” 28 and the sailors and traveling traders outbound by sea “were offered waist tags indicating name, age and native place for inspection by patrolling officials.” 29 China’s seafaring industry lagged far behind other countries due to the numerous restrictions. The large Chinese fleets which had appeared in the seas of Southeast Asia vanished. The closed-door policy also took a heavy toll on China’s foreign traders and overseas Chinese. Chinese merchants and overseas Chinese were active in Southeast Asia in the very early days, making great contributions to economic exchanges between China and their host countries. The Qing government provided no support and encouragement for them; rather it tried to stand in the way of their overseas trade. For instance, Emperor Yongzheng discriminated against merchants and overseas Chinese, arguing that “they are restless people. If we let them come and go freely, they will become more active and more and more people will leave their home and go to other countries. We must set a term and those who fail to come back within the term will be deemed willing to be exiled in other countries. We will not take pity on them. I will not coax them to come back. (After such an order is issued) those engaging in trade in other countries and seeking to come back will be afraid of staying overseas for long.”30 China had trade surplus for a long time and was blessed with favorable conditions for developing trade. In the 18th century and the early 19th

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century, Guangzhou witnessed an increase in foreigners and trade on an ever geater scale. However the Qing government imposed rigid bans on trade, so Chinese merchants viewed overseas trade as a perilous undertaking and only peddlers who transported goods for sale in small amount and foreign traders monopolized the foreign trade and lucrative profits. Some merchants had accumulated capital and built ships, and were well-equipped to compete against foreign traders, but they could not conduct business due to the crackdown by the Qing government and were suffered from destruction. For instance Zhang Yuanlong, a merchant in Shanghai in the reign of Emperor Kangxi, “manufactured many ships and traveled on the sea,”31 “having a great reputation, abundant capital and investing much money to get acquainted with domestic and overseas people,”32 and he even wanted to build 100 oceangoing ships to compete against foreign ships. But Zhang Boxing, governor of Jiangsu and also a stubborn Neo-Confucianist, most hated this kind of merchant and made unjust accusations, fabricating a case against Zhang Yuanlong and arguing that he associated with pirates. He extorted a confession, executed 12 people engaging in navigation, and did not wind up the case until five years later. Chinese merchants could not carry out foreign trade against this backdrop of feudal rule. In addition, the seclusion policy wreaked havoc on China’s socioeconomic development. For instance most of the exported Chinese goods were tea produced in Fujian and Anhui. The Qing government ruled that tea must be shipped to Guangzhou by land instead of by sea. Long distance of transportation involving customs passes and extortion would not only add to the cost, but also mean a long transportation period. As a result, the tea was prone to go bad. Under the reign of Emperor Jiaqing, some requested that the government permit Fujian tea to be exported from Xiamen, but the Qing government “issued an edict to overrule this” and insisted that “this was instigated by profiteers”. It doggedly insisted on the old policy of long distance land transportation of tea, arguing that “the law shall be strictly abided by.” 33 Such unreasonable regulations severely obstructed the development of production and the improvement of people’s daily lives. Some officials pointed out the perniciousness of the closed-door policy: “before the maritime ban in the south sea, the ordinary people in Fujian and Guangdong had an affluent life, and those unemployed also went overseas to make a fortune driven by the motive of seeking wealth. So very few people suffered from starvation or committed crimes. But after the ban was issued the circulation of commodities became no longer smooth and people became poor. Those at home were troubled with no access to give play to their advantages while those wanting

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to go afar had no way to do so, so large ships built with 4,000 to 5,000 catties of gold had to dock at the dilapidated wharf…residents in the coastal areas lead a poor and difficult life. The maritime ban is to blame.”34 The closed-door policy also impeded the Chinese people in learning global advanced ideology, culture and technology. Western Europe experienced rapid development in culture, ideology and natural science in the 17th century and early 18th century after stepping out of the darkness of the medieval age. But China’s academic circle was still stuck in closure and indulged in Confucianism, eight-part essays, textual criticism, and poetry and prose without any advancement. The Qing government was afraid of cultural exchanges between China and the West, and viewed overseas science and culture as fallacy that rebelled against orthodoxy, and so restricted the transmission of foreign books and languages. Under the reign of Emperor Kangxi a group of Jesuit missionaries took some science and technology to Beijing and other places, but this could not be spread due to social conditions and government prohibitions, still less take root and develop further. The Qing court was at odds with the Vatican and limited missionary work at the end of the era of the reign of Emperor Kangxi. In the early days of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng the government banned Catholicism completely and nipped off the only slight link between Chinese and Western culture. China was confined and closed and the academics could not learn from other countries and get to know information from outside China. While the Western capitalist countries advanced with each passing day, feudal China was at a standstill and lagged far behind.

Tariffs and hong debt We need to mention the tariff system of the Qing government and “hong debt” between Chinese hong merchants and foreign merchants when discussing foreign trade before the Opium War. Foreign trade still developed rapidly despite the seclusion policy implemented by the Qing government and China was deeply involved in the global economy. However the corrupt and rigid Qing government had no capacity to adapt to and effect changes. The tariff system was an evident case in point. Tariff came into being as a necessary means of self-defense for independent countries in the contemporary world. The tariff rules needed to be autonomous and flexible to levy different amount of taxes on different goods exported and imported based on real conditions as a way to protect and develop the economy of a country. But the Qing government did not work this way. It saw itself as

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the “Middle Kingdom” and took foreign trade as a means to “confine” other countries and “bestow” on them. So the legal tariff schedule was far lower than the international standard. But the system was rigid and disordered with all kinds of abuses, and there existed no clear line between legal taxation and illicit extortion. Like other taxation, the tariff of the Qing government was a fixed amount called the “official amount”. The “official amount” of the tariff under the reign of Emperor Kangxi was only 43,000 liang of silver and remained unchanged until the Opium War. The tariff collected greatly surpassed the “official amount” as foreign trade became more prosperous and the excess part was called “surplus”. Later on, the “surplus” part was also fixed. At the end of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, the fixed “surplus” each year was 855,000 liang . The taxation continued to increase as the foreign trade developed. So beyond the “surplus” there was another surplus. The tariff collected each year before the Opium War amounted to over 1.5 million liang . Various items of tariffs were collected. The first one was tonnage dues which were levied according to the size of merchant ships, with three grades and the tariffs ranging from 400 liang of silver to 1,400 liang . But the real practice was that only 80% of the tariff was collected. The second one was commodity tax. According to the relevant rules, “commodities imported were levied with taxes based on the weight; as regards those were measured by pi , the tax was collected according to the price.” 35 The legal taxes were quite low, “2 cents of tax was collected for every liang , i.e. 2%”, but many additional taxes were collected, often as high as several times the official tax. For instance 2 qian of tax was imposed on each dan of cotton imported, but the real tax was 1 liang and 5 qian , 7.5-fold the official tax; according to the rules 2 qian of tax should be collected for each dan of tea exported, but the real amount was 8 qian , 4-fold the official amount. The third type was “guili ”. This was an illegal extortion by officials and the amount was difficult to estimate. Officials at different levels, from governors to the servants of government officials, brazenly demanded guili . Therefore the official circles viewed Guangdong as a good place to be posted. “Regardless of the rank of the title, those who became the officials of Guangdong Province were excited. Their relatives and friends celebrated and believed that where they worked was a good place to extort money and capital. So they competed to offer them loans with high interest rate and urged them to make lucrative profits. Thus after taking up their official title they took making a fortune as the top priority without doing any immediate investigation of political affairs. The good-mannered officials would plunder while crafty officials would set

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traps and collude with their subordinates. They got 30% while the subordinates obtained 70%.”36 The salary provided by the Qing government for officials was very meager, and some officials could not obtain payment. It was tantamount to an encouragement for them to be corrupt and extort money. For instance, “the customs office has set up seven shifts of servants subject to the dispatch of the customs and also for shift changes, altogether more than 200 servants. They charge 1 fen 1 li to 1 fen 3 li on every catty of goods exported and imported, altogether 3,000 to 4,000 liang , and every servant will get 10 to 20 liang as their salary.” 37 In such a corruptive system, corruption became a natural routine. During the reign of Emperor Yongzheng the government overhauled custom taxes and guili collectedly without authorization was recorded as 48,000 liang , but the overall revenue of customs each year was only 90,000. More surprisingly, guili continued to be collected instead of being abolished and became official revenue under the pretext of “being made a public possession”. The illegal extortion became official tax revenue. The Customs Code of Huang Huang even listed the “publicly possessed” guili as an official tax. Officials of Guangzhou reported to Emperor Qianlong that “as regards the codes of customs of Guangdong involving the import by foreign merchant ships, they charge guili for officials, document officials, family members, tongshi and servants under the name of Huozu, and for opening the ship, escorting the ship, measuring, pasting and packaging, altogether 30 items; export also involves document officials and family members under the name of verifying the ship, discharging, taking license, escorting, pasting and packaging, altogether 38 items. It is truly complicated.”38 Beyond that, there were the so-called “hongyong (used by hong merchants)”, or “organization fee”, most of which were 3% and some even as high as 4%, 5% and 6%. In the years when the trade remained prosperous, the fee would amount to hundreds of thousand of liang . Nominally the fee was collected by hong merchants for “official purposes” and was similar to trade commission rather than national revenue. But in fact tax collection and “Hongyong” collection were both under the charge of hong merchants without clear boundaries. Moreover “Hongyong” was not used just by hong merchants and most of it was “given as presents” to the government and officials of various levels, “military requirements, offerings and sharing by merchants all come from it and is divided into domestic and overseas use. In addition, it is also used to meet the demand of officials for recreation and leisure.”39 We should note that the weak points of tariffs of the Qing government did not lie in the heavy tax but rather in the disordered tax system, unclear tax codes and numerous surtaxes. The system was subject to shady deals,

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corruption, extortion and loopholes. Officials of the Qing Dynasty often went too far to blur tax items and collection methods, making them more complicated and mysterious so that they could act in collusion and make profits from this. All these weak points were defined by the corrupt features of the feudal system and taxation, as an organ of the body of the feudal bureaucratic system, naturally inherited all the downsides of that body—disorder, corruption and low efficiency. Some foreigners complained that “they could not obtain a defined tax code from the government, which was an evident downside of the trade system in Guangzhou for years. It was the strategy for the government, hong merchants and translators to make the taxation rules and collection methods inaccessible to foreigners.”40 The tax codes of the Qing government were light and the tax dues collected were quite little. For instance, in the early 1930s, the total value of foreign trade of Guangzhou each year was 17 million liang and the customs taxes were 1.5 million liang , or less than 9% of the total. Even together with illegal extortion the amount was still less than the taxation collected in other countries. A foreign author wrote after conducting research on the trade and taxation conditions at that time: “the tariff on tea of China is 1.279 liang of silver for each dan (including ship money, goods tax and Hongyong), the real collection is 6 liang of silver…this is about 20% to 25% percent of the original price of Guangzhou tea. This is no more than 30% of the stack delivery price that is not included in the government tax…but in the UK, the government collect import tax of 96%, almost 200% of the invoice price of Guangzhou.”41 Another foreign author said that “the total amount extorted by the Qing government and officials in foreign trade was insignificant when compared with the several millions of pounds paid each year from the earnings of trade with China by the East India Company to the British national treasury and bond holders.”42 Another dispute which often occurred between China and other countries before the Opium war was over “hong debt”. This was the debt owed by Chinese hong merchants to foreign merchants. Before the mid 18th century there were no “hong debt” disputes. But as the trade developed, “hong debt” emerged on the horizon. In 1759 (the 24th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) the British translator Hong Renhui filed a suit in Tianjin, one of the clauses of which concerned the 50,000-plus liang of debt owed by Chinese hong merchant Li Guanghua to the British East India Company. The Qing government tried the case and confiscated the Li’s family property for compensation. This was the early form of hong debt and the amount was rather low and easily addressed. In 1779 (the 44th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the large amount of hong debts owed by hong merchants Yan

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Shiying and Zhang Tianqiao stood at 2.8 million yuan. The British and Indian governments dispatched warships to Guangzhou and presented letters to the Qing government to claim the debts. As a result, Yang and Zhang were sent to Yili for penal servitude and their family possessions were sold off to pay the debts. But this was not enough, so the Qing government ordered all the hong merchants of Guangzhou to pay their debts each year from the “hongyong”, thus setting the precedent for the sharing of the hong debts by all hong merchants. Later on, the hong debts increased in amount. In 1784 (the 49th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Cai Zhaofu owed 166,000 liang of silver; in 1791 Wu Zhaoping owed 250,000 yuan; in 1794 Shi Zhonghe owed 600,000 liang ; in 1809 (the 14th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) Mu Shifen owed 240,000 liang , Zhang Chongqian owed 1 million liang , and Ni Bingfa owed 400,000 liang ; in 1815 seven hong merchants including Guang Chengfa owed 1.06 million liang ; in 1824 (the 4th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), Pan Changyao owed 170,000 yuan; in 1826, Li Guangyuan owed 400,000 liang ; in 1827 Guan Chengfa owed another 1 million yuan; in 1929, Liu Chengshu owed 170,000; in 1835, Yang Qixiang and Liang Chengxi owed 3 million yuan. Hong debts became more frequent and of ever increasing amount. The old debts were not repaid but new debts were added. As a result, many hong merchants went under with their family possessions being confiscated. In order to claim hong debts, the British and Indian governments even dispatched warships and barred the entrance of merchant ships, and a standstill emerged. Hong debts became a form of economic invasion by capitalist UK to China in the early days. As China’s feudal society did not have a contemporary financial credit system, some Chinese hong merchants did not have enough capital strength and they could not raise funds after selling the imported goods. But foreign merchants were happy to delay the collection of payment; rather, they lent the money with a high interest rate. Several years later a huge amount of hong debts appeared with long term interest rates. Chinese hong merchants were unable to resist the credit exploitation when dealing with British merchants who had strong financial standing. For instance, in 1779, Zhang Tianqiu only owed over 100,000 yuan in debts, but together with interest the figure mounted to 438,000 yuan. The same was true for other hong debt cases. A British writer pointed out that “most of the debts of hong merchants were not ordinary commercial debts; rather, they were the accumulation of compound interest plus debts. The lack of capital flow and high interest rates in China attracted many foreign investors.”43 For Chinese hong merchants, the delayed payment for goods could address immediate needs, but combined with high interest rates there were many potential problems; it was a temporary relief which resulted in disaster.

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For foreign merchants, turning commercial capital into usury capital avoided difficulties in transportation and operation and the danger of natural disaster and still brought higher profits. Even if the Chinese hong merchant could not repay the debt, all hong merchants should share and pay the debts according to the rules of the Qing government. It was perfectly safe, and so they vied with each other to lend money at high rates. Despite repeated orders from the Qing government to prevent Chinese hong merchants from accepting the money of foreign merchants, and to clear the debts in commercial deals, the orders were equal to dead letters and the hong debts accumulated day by day. In the lead up to the Opium war another 3 million yuan in hong debts were recorded. The British invaders defeated the Qing government and forced it to sign the Treaty of Nanjing which provided that the government should pay 21 million yuan in compensation, including 3 million yuan in hong debts accumulated before the Opium War.

The Macartney and Amherst missions to China Britain experienced the Industrial Revolution in the late 18th century when the textile industry took the lead in employing machines. This was followed by the popularization of steam engines, and the technological revolution then spread into all elements of the industrial production. With the surge of the factory system, manual labor was replaced by machine production and productivity was greatly enhanced. Later, after the War of Independence and the Bourgeois Revolution, America and France also entered into a process similar to the UK’s Industrial Revolution. The Industrial Revolution facilitated the development of capitalism and the British capitalist government, which represented the interests of commercial capitalists, remained proactive in implementing a policy of overseas invasion and expansion as a way to explore places of origin and markets for capitalist enterprises. China, blessed with vast territory, abundant natural resources and a large population, naturally attracted the attention of British capitalists. As early as 1787 (the 52nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the British government sent Kasai Kate as the first envoy to China, requiring that he “find a market for India’s native products and manufactured goods in China.” 44 But Kasai Kate died on the way and so never reached China. In 1792 the British government dispatched the mission headed by George Lord Macartney to China with the aim of “obtaining commercial interests and diplomatic rights that other countries have failed to get through strategy or force”45 and of gathering information about China.

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Invasions of China by Capitalist Countries

The mission had more than 700 people and set sail from Portsmouth, England on the warship “Lion” on September 25, 1792 (the 57th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), accompanied by the merchant ship “Hindustan” and the supply ship “Lupus”, carrying 13,000 pound worth of gifts including astronomical and geographical instruments, musical instruments, clocks, atlases, blankets and carpets, vehicles, weapons and vessel models. The British East India Company dispatched personnel to inform the governor of Guangdong and Guangxi in advance. The Qing government did not understand the true intention of the British Mission and mistook it as the first “tributary ambassador” dispatched by the UK. The report sent by Guangzhou officials indicated that they came to celebrate the 80th birthday of Emperor Qianlong, so the government valued the mission highly and ordered the authorities of coastal provinces to dispatch high-ranking officials to welcome and receive the mission when the British ambassador’s ship was sighted. The Macartney mission arrived at Dagu on July 25, 1793 (June 18 of the 58th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong). Huirui, an official responsible for works related to salt, went to Dagu to welcome them and Zhili governor Liang Fig. 16.3. Acknowledgement letter of British deputy ambassador Tomas in the 58th year of the Qianlong reign

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A Concise HistORy of the Qing Dynasty

Kentang made a special trip from Baoding to Tianjin to receive the mission. After a short rest in Tianjin the mission left for Beijing. Some of the members of the mission were ordered to assemble the instruments they brought with them in the Old Summer Palace and imperial garden in Beijing while the major members went to the Chengde Imperial Summer Resort to meet Emperor Qianlong. At this point the Qing officials fell out with the diplomatic corps over courtesy when presenting themselves before the Emperor. The Qing government demanded they kowtow. Before the mission arrived at Beijing, the edict noted that “we learnt that the westerners bound their legs with cloths and it is inconvenient to worship. This is their national custom” and ordered officials to persuade the mission to “abide by imperial law, unbound the cloth when meeting the Emperor and then tie it up after the meeting. This is convenient.”46 The British mission refused the requirement. The dispute had not be resolved when the mission arrived at Jehol. Emperor Qianlong was quite displeased, saying “they are proud, I am very displeased and have reduced the offerings for them. I will not give other awards…if they are sincere when meeting me, I will provide them with awards to show my care and solicitude. If they are proud they will not have the honor to receive rewards and their standard of reception will be reduced. This is the way to control foreigners.”47 At last a compromise was concluded: Macartney went to see Emperor Qianlong using the same courtesy as when meeting the British Monarch, kneeling on one knee but not kissing the hand of the Emperor. Emperor Qianlong met the British mission at Wanshuyuan Garden, Chengde Summer Resort on September 14, 1793 (August 10th of the 58th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Macartney presented his credentials and Emperor Qianlong granted a banquet, presented gifts for British Monarch, the ambassador and deputy ambassador of the mission, and dispatched ministers to keep them company in visiting the Summer Resort. The mission went back to Beijing after attending the celebration of the 83rd birthday of Emperor Qianlong. The courtesy on meeting the Emperor had long been a focus of dispute in relations between China and the West. Western countries dispatched many diplomatic missions to Beijing in the early days and all of them had quarrels with the Qing government over the courtesy which led to irresolvable impasse. The two sides viewed the courtesy as an important issue about national prestige. The Qing government was arrogant and did not know the trend of the world. It saw other countries as “barbarian countries” with underdeveloped civilization, so they should crawl before the Qing government. Britain, which “ruled the waves”, was also arrogant and despised the Qing government, so why should it kowtow and bow the head before the Qing Emperor. So an impasse emerged as

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Invasions of China by Capitalist Countries

the two sides refused to compromise. The disputes between China and the West over courtesy in their early interaction demonstrated the huge gap between the political and cultural system of feudal China and the rest of the world. China had a long, hard struggle to fight before it could integrate into the world and conduct economic and cultural exchanges with other countries. The Qing government believed that the British corps had finished its task after the tribute and the celebration of the Emporer’s birthday, but Macartney thought that his real mission to China had not yet started. After getting back to Beijing, the mission put forward the following requirements to the Qing government, including: (1) C hina should allow British merchants ships to land at Zhushan (Zhoushan), Ningbo and Tianjin to engaged in trade activities; (2) China should allow British merchants to establish foreign firms in Beijing to engage in transactions according to the regulations on trade relations with Russian merchants; (3) C hina should designate an island without fortification near Zhushan (Zhoushan) which would be used by the British merchants and where British merchant ships could stop, goods could be stored and merchants could live; (4) Another site in Guangzhou should be set up where British people could come and go without restrictions and limitations; (5) British cargoes and goods transported from Macau to Guangzhou should enjoy tax exemption and reduction; (6) British cargoes should be taxed according to fixed tax rates designed by China without additional fees; the tax rates should be announced for compliance. The requirements brought forward by the British corps were defined by the features of colonialist invasion, especially (3) which required China to mark off land and which the Qing government could not accept. Emperor Qianlong refused all the requirements in his letter to the British Monarch, which demonstrated that the Qing government had no understanding about world trends and was arrogant, but it was definitely right to refuse the requirement of the UK for land. The letter noted that “the land of China belongs to the imperial court, the territory includes islands and shoals without division…this could not be permitted.”48 Macartney did not obtain any results after spending 1.5 months in Beijing and Chengde. He left Beijing on October 7 (September 3rd in lunar calendar) and traveled southward to Hangzhou along the canal. He then traveled on to Guangzhou from Hangzhou and was accompanied by Song Yun, Minister of

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Military Affairs and then Chang Lin, governor of Guangdong and Guangxi. He arrived at Guangzhou after more than 70 days of travel in December. He returned to the UK by ship from Guangzhou on January 10, 1794 (December 9th of the 58th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) and arrived at London on September 5th of the same year. The Macartney mission failed to realize the goal of establishing diplomatic and commercial ties with the Qing government, but they collected a wide array of information on China’s economy, politics and culture as well as natural resources, mountains and rivers, military fortresses, defense facilities and military buildup based on field investigation and discussions with Chinese officials. Macartney concluded that the Qing government was corrupt and too weak to stand competition. He said: “Like a first-class but worm-eaten warship, the Qing Empire has survived thanks to the support of a group of lucky, competent and vigilant military officers. Its advantage is nothing but its size and appearance. However it is no longer well-disciplined or safe if an incompetent person serves as the commander.” He even predicted that “Britain will gain more than other countries through this change.”49 After that the British government dispatched another mission headed by William Pitt Lord Amherst to China. Tasked with the requirements proposed by Macartney, the 700-plus mission left the UK on February 9, 1816 on the British Royal Navy ship “Alceste” which was accompanied by the “Whit” and the “Lyra”. It arrived at the port of Dagu on July 28 (June 6th in leap month of the 21st year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), Su Leng’e, the Minister of Works, Guanghui, an official responsible for works related to salt, was dispatched by the Qing court to receive the British mission. When the mission arrived at Tianjin the courtesy issue once again became the focus of dispute. When the corps left Tianjin for Beijing on August 21, the Qing court dispatched He Shitai, Minister of Foreign affairs, and Mu Kedeng’e, Director of the Board of Rites, to welcome them at Tongzhou and persuade Amherst to kowtow when meeting the Emperor. Emperor Jiaqing insisted that “the tributary ambassador must be taught the rites before coming to present himself before the Emperor.” 50 Amherst received two different instructions about the courtesy from the British government and the East India Company. According to the British government, so long as the target of the mission was met, the ambassador may as well yield to the requirement of the Qing government and “act as he sees fit”; but the Board of Directors of the East India Company made a stand against the kowtow rite. Amherst accepted the opinion of the East India Company and said that in meetings with Qing officials that “he could not accept the Tartar rite”51 and only agreed to kneel on one knee, take off his hat and bow. The ministers responsible

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Invasions of China by Capitalist Countries

for receiving the mission were afraid to explicitly report the attitude of the British ambassador to the Emperor and attempted to say that the ambassador had agreed with the rite and done some exercises, “though not so freely, the kowtow could be seen as a rite.” After receiving the report, Emperor Jiaqing was satisfied and prepared to meet the mission at the Old Summer Palace on the morning of August 29, 1816 (5 to 7am on July 7 of the 21st year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing). He Shitai and other officials guided the British ambassador from Tongzhou to the Old Summer Place in western Beijing on the evening of August 28, hoping that after a night trek the ambassador would enter the court and finish the rite in a hasty manner. But Amherst refused to kowtow when getting to the doorway of the Old Summer Palace where the imperial princes and court ministers were waiting for him and the Emperor was ready to receive a gift. The dispute over the kowtow could not be resolved. He Shitai and other officials felt embarrassed, “insisting that they would take him (Amherst) to meet with the Emperor and they even pulled him, but he refused under the pretext that he was truly tired and his formal attire was not prepared; in particular, he was not carrying his credentials with him.” 52 The Qing officials lied to the Emperor that Amherst had suddenly fallen ill and Emperor Jiaqing ordered the deputy ambassador to enter the Palace. He also refused to enter. The Qing officials were unable to cover up the impasse. Emperor Jiaqing felt snubbed and annoyed, saying that “I am self blamed and do not understand their behavior. You have violated the imperial edict many times so that the foreign envoys have offended us, this is an indecency!”53 the Emperor ordered the “ministries concerned to strictly investigate” He Shitai and other officials responsible for receiving the mission and that all costs arising out of the trip should be covered by officials. He also sent back the British diplomatic mission, so Amherst was unable to realize his objectives.

Acute conflicts between China and Britain in the early 19th century The contact between capitalist countries in the West and feudal China became more frequent in the 18th century. Two different worlds with different productivity, social systems and ideologies, and evident gaps and imbalances, were about to collide with each other. During the course of this interaction, capitalist countries in the West sought to make China their commodity market, a place supplying raw materials, and a colony; whereas the feudal China, with her point of view of self defense, blamed the colonist invasion of capitalism. However the course of history has its own objective logic and the result of conflict does not rely on the abstract principle of justice but rather lies in the

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competition between the strength of the two sides. China was doomed to fail in the war due to its backwardness and political corruption, and was unable to safeguard its sovereignty and independence. European countries were less well-equipped to stage a large scale expedition to China as a result of the widespread and strong impact of the Great French Revolution at the turn of the 19th century, so the war was temporarily delayed. However the imbalances became more severe and the invasion became ever more rampant. Foreign warships went on the rampage on China’s coasts and bombarded coastal villages. Many invaders ruthlessly killed Chinese people and looked down upon the Chinese government and laws, so the situation became tenser. But the decayed and ignorant Qing government failed to notice the impending disasters from the conflicts; it still focused on convention and the closed door, and continued its dream of the “Middle Kingdom”. In 1800 (the 5th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the British ship Providence headed to Huangpu and fired rifle shots towards a Chinese civilian ship, causing 1 casualty and 1 death as a result of drowning. The Chinese government demanded that the British punish the murderers, which was refused by the British. The case ended without resolution. In 1807 (the 12th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), a sailor of the British ship Neptune committed a physical assault after drinking and was sent back to the commercial residency. He went out to pick a quarrel and fought, which led to dozens of people injured, including one death from critical injury. The British side was biased towards the murderer who was bailed after paying a 4 pound penalty for manslaughter. In 1809 Huang Yasheng, a Guangzhou worker, was stabbed to death by British sailors. The British side refused to hand over the murderers even though the Guangzhou authorities pledged to the British that they would not be sentenced to death. It sent back three murderers to Britain to evade Chinese judicial sanctions. In 1821 a British ship was docked at Nanshetang Village, Xin’an County of Guangdong Province. Many sailors went ashore to collect water and brought sheep to eat the sweet potato on the farmland. Huang Yiming and other farmers claimed for compensation, but were beaten cruelly. On the ensuing day the British sailors gathered over 100 people to pick a quarrel at Huang’s home and shot and killed Huang Yiming and Chi Dahe, and wounded 4 others. Afterwards the British side refused to hand over the murderers. The Qing government suspended trade with the UK, but the murderers fled back to the UK. The Qing government had no option and restored trade very soon. In order to keep mianzi (face) Ruan Yuan, governor of Guangdong and Guangxi, reported that

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“the officials shall be ordered to inform the monarch of investigation of the criminal foreigners and shall send them to Guangdong for judgment.”54 But in fact the murder case ended without result and the murderers remained at large. The decayed Qing government was unable to bring foreign criminals to justice. Meanwhile British warships continued to pick quarrels on China’s coasts and approached the fort of Humen. They violated the rules of the Qing government and burst into Huangpu at will. Six British warships anchored at sea outside Macau and kept watch on Macau for several months until September, 1802. In July 1808, the British government dispatched rear admiral Drury to lead warships to Macau under the excuse that the UK and France were at war in Europe and France would trespass on Macau to “assist” the Portuguese “defence”. The British army landed in Macau regardless of the objection of the Portuguese and occupied Sanbasi Temple, Longsongmiao Temple and Dongxi fort on August 2. “Macau residents were terrified and fled.” 55 Wu Xiongguang, governor of Guangdong and Guangxi, demanded that the British army withdraw from Macau but the British side refused. Wu Xiongguang ordered the suspension of trade with the UK. Three British warships burst into Huangpu and Drury led over 200 soldiers and sailors in over 30 sampans to land at Guangzhou. They lived in the thirteen-trade concession and asked for a meeting with Wu Xiongguang. The situation intensified. “At that time, not only Huangpu residents, but also merchants of other provinces were terrified, so they moved to the city.” 56 The British merchants thought that it was unreasonable to gain Macau at the expense of suspension trade with China because of the invasion. More importantly, the UK and French army forces were at war in Europe and could not invade China. So the case was not played through. Drury withdrew from Guangzhou in December and Sino-British trade was resumed. Later the Qing court held that Guangzhou officials had dealt with the case in an improper and weak manner. Governor Wu Xiongguang was sent into exile to Ili and grand coordinator Sun Yuting was dismissed and returned to his hometown. In order to further invade China, the British East India Company dispatched the “Amherst” spy ship in 1832 (the 12th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang) on a six-month long scouting mission in China’s coastal areas in order to get to know the conditions of China’s major ports and the attitude of officials, to collect information about China’s politics, economy and military affairs and to spread many democratic propaganda materials to the Chinese. There were over 70 people on board including ship owner Lindsay, alias Hu Xiami, and Germany missionary Charles Gutzlaff, alias Jia Li, who worked as translator cum doctor. The ship pretended to be a merchant ship to Japan

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from Bengal with some machine-made piece goods, beaver, camlet and cotton to deceive the public. The ship set sail in February 1832 from Macau and stayed at Xiamen for more than 10 days where the sailors reconnoitered every day; then the ship sailed to at Fujian and entered Minjiang port in violation of regulations; the sailors twice wrote to the governor of Fujian and Zhejiang demanding the establishment of trade relations. They argued that “when we come to Fuzhou, we must do business” and that “many ships from Fujian Province make money at ports of our countries without any restrictions, so we need to make money in Fujian province.” 57 As a result, roughly 10,000 yuan worth of merchandise was sold. After that, the ship went to Ningbo, Shanghai, Dengzhou and other places, measured waterways and gulfs and drew nautical charts as well as scouting China’s batteries and fortresses. They also sent out A Glance at the Moral Quality and National Affairs of England under the excuse of treating illnesses, doing missionary work and trade as a cover. All of the scouting by Britain provided the bedrock for its invasion of China during the Opium War. The British side not only obtained a clear picture about the shipping lanes off China’s coastal areas, and collected information, but also fully understood the weakness of the coastal defenses of the Qing government and believed that it could win by force. In 1835 Hu Xiami suggested in his letter to Palmerston, the foreign secretary of Britain, that “force of arms should be used to get compensation for previous damages and guarantees for the future”. He also came up with a battle plan against China, using 12 warships and 2,940 soldiers. “India has most of the forces which could be mobilized at little cost”, “blockade of the coastal areas was only needed at the beginning of the war and small size naval forces were needed near the four major ports of Guangzhou, Xiamen, Shanghai and Tianjin”, “the result would be that the prestige of the Chinese naval forces would be totally destroyed very soon and we could bring thousands of local merchant ships under our control.”58 The battle plan of the British army in the first Opium War was developed according Hu Xiami’s suggestions. In 1833 the British parliament abolished the monopoly of the East India Company over trade with China, which legislation would come into force on April 22, 1834. At the end of 1833 the British King designated Lord Napier as the Business Supervisor in Guangzhou, replacing the “manager” dispatched by the East India Company. He was responsible for dealing with all kinds of business affairs of British merchants and establishing diplomatic ties between China and Britain on a governmental level. Lord Napier arrived at Guangzhou in July 1834 (the 14th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang) and wrote a letter to Lu Kun, governor of Guangdong and Guangxi. Lu Kun refused to accept

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the letter because according to the practice, Sino-British trade was handled by Chinese hong merchants and the manager of the East India Company, and the government was not involved in it. Still less was there a precedent for a British official to be stationed in Guangzhou and develop ties with the Qing government. He also ordered the hong merchants to persuade Nord Napier to leave Guangzhou for Macau and work based on previous practice. But Lord Napier refused to leave and insisted on meeting the governor. Lu Kun made an exception to avoid an impasse and dispatched three Chinese officials, including the Guangzhou magistrate, to visit the residency of Lord Napier and ask the goal and identity of Lord Napier. But the two sides were at odds with each other over the seating arrangements. The Qing official insisted that he should sit in the middle and Lord Napier should sit at the side; but Lord Napier arranged his own seat in the middle and the Qing officials at the side. Lord Napier was also arrogant, “he did not explain his reasons for coming to Guangdong, nor did he explain why the warships had come to China and when the ships would return home… he was reluctant to ask the translator to convey his words.”59 He even “condemned openly those officials acting on behalf of the governor.”60 The Qing government could bear no more and called off trade with Britain. The British invaders tried to deter the Qing government by using warships and compel the Qing government to give in. The Qing government also deployed forces, and loaded stones on vessels and submerged them so as to block the channel for British warships. At thst time voices in favor of a crusade against China emerged in Britain, but the work for a military expedition had not been properly done. When he realized that intimidation was ineffective Lord Napier had to make a U-turn and withdraw the warships, and he himself returned to Macau on the condition that the Qing government restored its trade with Britain. Lord Napier died of illness after he had been back in Macau for half a month. This incident showed that the conflicts between China and Britain had become more acute even though the British invaders failed to achieve their desired objectives. They would stage an invasive war against China sooner or later.

The Vicious Opium Trade Opium trade and smuggling Britain’s disadvantageous position in its trade with China made the British capitalist class anxious and indignant and they tried every means to change the situation. However the self-sufficient economic structure of feudal China prevented British products from entering China in large amounts while the Qing Dynasty, which ruled China, tried to maintain its apparent power and appear

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independent and unified despite its decadence. Moreover British invaders could not encroach on and occupy China as they had in India. Finally the British capitalist class found a special commodity after years of exploration: opium. Opium is a hard drug that is addictive and difficult to give up, so a country had to rely on other countries to supply opium in terms of economy and politics regardless of the social and economic structure and political status as long as people were addicted to opium, and the demand would increase continuously. In this way the opium trade effectively helped the British capitalist class reverse the negative situation in trade with China and steered China towards the semicolonial path. In this connection the opium trade in the early 19th century could be seen as an advancement of the long-term conflict between China and the UK as the British capitalist class utilized the drug to realize its vicious aim of opening up China and turning China into a colony. As a result the Sino-British relationship became tenser and the first Opium War broke out. Opium was first imported to China in the name of medicine. The Portuguese and Dutch merchants imported a small amount of opium into China every year using Macau as a base. In the late Ming Dynasty some people began to take opium, which became a habit, so the import of opium began to increase. In 1727 (the 5th year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng), Britain exported 200 cases of opium to China, each case being 133 pounds. The Qing government promulgated a ban on taking opium in 1729 (the 7th year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng), revealing that the Qing government had taken note of the harmfulness of opium. Britain occupied Bengal, the opium-producing area in India, in 1757 (the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) and the import of opium to China increased correspondingly. The figure rose to more than 1,000 cases in 1767 (the 32nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong). In 1737 (the 38th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the East India Company squeezed out the Dutch and Danish companies and monopolized the opium produced in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. Wirral, deputy chairman of the Company, suggested that the Company directly carry out opium trade with China. But in the first few years, opium trade was controlled by “country merchants.” 61 The British Indian government decided to export opium in huge amounts to China as a way to balance British trade with China. Warren Hastings, governor of Bengal, proclaimed that “opium is not a daily necessity but a harmful luxury. Apart from the purpose of external trade (external trade hereby refers to trade with China), opium shall be forbidden. A clever government should strictly limit domestic consumption of opium.”62 In 1780 (the 45th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the East India Company banned country merchants from engaging in opium trade and monopolized the right to conduct opium trade.

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In 1781 the government of Bengal dispatched a carrack loaded with opium to China. In 1794 (the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the East India Company sent another ship loaded with opium to Huangpu. In 1797 the East India Company began to monopolize the production of opium. Starting from 1798 the East India Company no longer directly carried out opium trade, but auctioned the Company’s opium to private tobacconists who transported the opium to China for sale. The East India Company pretended to have nothing to do with the opium trade and even developed a treaty to ban opium trade. Marx incisively pointed out the hypocritical face of the East India Company, saying it “speculates by taking advantage of civilization”, and exposed that as the Indian government, the East India Company “forced some Indian farmers to plant poppy and induced other farmers to plant poppy by offering loans; it strictly monopolized the production of the drug.” “It controlled the steaming and drying of poppy and the concoction of opium to adapt it to the tastes of Chinese opium takers. It packed opium into cases especially made for smuggling and shipped opium to Calcutta where the government marked the price and auctioned the opium. The officials turned over the opium to speculative merchants, and it was then taken by smuggling merchants who shipped the opium to China.”63 Furthermore, the East India Company also regulated in the licenses issued to private ships engaging in trade with China that they should not ship opium produced by anyone other than the East India Company, or they would be penalized. After that, the import of opium increased rapidly. Table 16.1. Table of annual average volume of opium imported between 1795 and 1838

(Unit: carton)



Year

Volume of opium imported

1795–1799

4,124

1800–1804

3,562

1805–1809

4,281

1810–1814

4,713

1815–1819

4,420

1820–1824

7,889

1825–1829

12,576

1830–1834

20,331

1835–1838

35,445

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The soaring import of opium sparked the concern of the Qing government. In 1800 (the 5th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) the Qing government issued another ban on the import of opium, saying that all foreign ships coming to Guangdong must be checked by hong merchants to ensure that the cargo ships entering Huangpu were free from opium. However foreign opium smugglers evaded the ban by bribery and smuggling. The Qing officials responsible for patrolling for opium did not bother after taking bribes and they even covered up for and took part in opium smuggling. Tobacconists became more rampant in secretly transporting opium. So the opium imports continued to increase. Tobacconist Tyler said complacently in 1818 that “opium is like gold and I can sell it at any time;”64 another tobacconist Chawton wrote to his friend inviting him to take part in opium smuggling, impudently saying that opium trade “is the safest speculative business and a person would look like a gentleman when engaging in the trade.”65 The British East India Company, private merchants and the British Indian government gained excessive profits from the opium trade. Each case of Bengal opium was auctioned by the East India Company at 1785 rupees in 1817, but the cost of each case of opium was only 222 rupees. The selling price was 8 times the cost. The profit on each case was 1,563 rupees. The company sold altogether 3,552 cases of opium with 5.55 million rupees in profits, of which the British Indian government collected 2.37 million rupees as opium tax, so the East India Company obtained 3.18 million rupees in net profit. British merchants shipped opium to China and sold it at USD1,300 (or 2,678 rupees) per case, and made a profit of 893 rupees per case. The vicious opium trade helped the British government and merchants line their pockets. The British invaders admitted that “such export business is lucrative for the interests of our Indian colony and should not be given up easily” 66 and the British Parliament also highly valued the opium smuggling trade. House of Commons’ Report stated that “...in the present state of the revenue of India, it does not appear advisable to abandon so important a source of revenue, a duty upon opium being a tax which principally falls on the foreign consumer, and which appears, upon the whole, less liable to objection than any other which could be substituted..”67 The smuggling activities of British opium peddlers became more rampant under the sponsorship and encouragement of the British government. In 1821 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), the Qing government reiterated the ban, implemented stricter measures on patrolling, and punished a group of Chinese opium dealers who had colluded with other countries. In order to evade the ban of the Qing government, British opium dealers moved barges loaded with opium from Huangpu to the Lingding Sea 40 li away from Guangzhou. “Ships armed to the teeth and manned by sailors

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became fixed warehouses for opium. Correspondingly, when the Chinese government tried to suspend the operation of “yaokou ” (i.e. shops privately selling opium) the opium trade was shifted to smaller peddlers who tried every means to carry on the business by taking risks and using all possible methods”. The result of strengthening the ban on opium trade “resulted in nothing but moving opium warehouses from unreliable places to places that suitable for opium trade.”68 The opium smuggling trade in the Lingding Sea became more and more flourishing. According to a British newspaper of Calcutta, “different types of ships were moored here, some of them were barges loaded mainly with opium. These barges had not moved for many years…every day from morning to evening, smuggling ships carried away opium from these barges ceaselessly… there is a vivid, lucrative business scene on the opium ships. Some Patna opium and Benares opium is piled up on one side of the deck and there is Morava opium on the other side of the deck…Looking at the quarters of the ship, you could see numerous cases filled with albata at 2,000 yuan each case; some of the cases are full of fine silver…when you see the symbols of wealth on the ships and the money carelessly scattered around, you would be impressed by the magnificence of the trade and important value of the trade. Investment here is huge, no less than 20 million yuan.”69 Barges served as the distribution centres for the opium smuggling trade. Opium dealers had also established a set of opium smuggling networks across China. A Qing official noted in 1831 that “We found that foreign ships carried opium to Guangdong without authorization from Qiandu to Macau, recently they were questioned due to the strict ban on opium. The foreign ships dare to travel on the ocean near Humen and use other foreign ships to store opium. It is called Yandun. Other foreign warships claim they are delivering goods. They moor together and protect it. But merchants do not dare to buy opium, so foreigners take the opium to China without authorization and collude with local tyrants. They use the pretext of opening money centers but the real purpose is to buy opium. This is called Dayaokou. There are many similar shops in the thirteen-trade monopoly and in Lianxing Street in the provincial capitals. Merchants come to the shop, discuss prices and sign contracts with foreigners which will be used as the evidence for delivering goods, and are called letters. But the goods are on the ocean and difficult to move privately. The ships carrying opium through the customs are called Kuaixie which can carry hundreds of shi . Such ships have three masters and wire netting on the two sides to guard against gunfire. 50–60 oars on the two sides can make the ship travel fast and are called Chayi. The ships travel at night and the customs

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they pass know this is smuggling. But regardless of the calls of the soldiers, they resist and go away very fast. Officials do not report the cases to high-ranking officials for fear of punishment. So they come out even in broad daylight and have become rampant over time. It is reported that there are 100 to 200 Kuaixie. All the opium from the Yandun to the Yaokou is carried by this kind of ship. The customs have many patrol ships but cannot detain them. Some collude with the patrolling ships and share profits according to proportion. Kuaixie are the largest culprit in smuggling and patrol ships cover up the smuggling and are also culprits…smugglers of other provinces are also shielded by the Kuaixie on entering and leaving the country…from Dayao to inland areas, there are people colluding with yamen runners to open private dens which are called Xiaoyaokou, these are numerous in towns and cities.”70 The corruption of Qing Dynasty officials at different levels was to be blamed for the rampant opium smuggling trade. The graft and corruption of officials at different levels had become a common practice. They abused their power in the trade to share out ill-gotten gains. The stricter the government ban, the more likely it was for the officials to be part of the opium smuggling trade which would become the source of their wealth. In this way the ban could only serve as a catalyst for officials to make a fortune. Opium smuggling was promoted in broad daylight under the shield of officials. Opium played an increasingly important role in British trade with China in the first half of the 19th century and the total import value of opium surpassed the value of all other commodities imported. For instance, in the 1930s, than 10 million yuan worth of opium was imported each year but the total import value of woolens, cotton goods and hardware was only several million yuan. This helped reverse the situation in Sino-British trade and China moved from a trade surplus to a trade deficit. For instance, between 1837 and 1838, China exported the following commodities to the UK: 9.561576 million yuan worth of tea, 2.052288 million yuan worth of silk and 976,060 yuan worth of other commodities, making altogether 12.589924 million yuan or 3.147481 million pounds. The UK exported the following commodities to China: 620,114 pounds worth of hardware, 1.640781 million pounds worth of cotton cloth and 3.376157 million pounds worth of opium, making altogether 5.637052 million pounds of which opium alone surpassed China’s total exports by 228,676 pound. China’s trade deficit stood at 2.489571 million pounds a year.71 In order to bridge the trade deficit, China had to export silver dollars. 8.974776 million yuan of silver dollars were exported from Guangzhou alone. Since many silver dollars were exported through smuggling, there is no precise figure for the trade surplus for silver dollars. However judging from the

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total import and export value of maritime trade and the estimated figure for smuggled opium, the trade surplus and deficit of silver dollars appeared before 1826; but after 1826 a trade surplus of silver dollars became the common practice every year. After 1833 (the 13th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), opium smuggling became extremely rampant and the trade surplus of silver dollar each year was recorded at about 10 million liang . This represented a gloomy picture.

The damages of the opium trade The vicious opium trade generated huge profits for the foreign capitalist class but triggered severe disaster for the Chinese people. To begin with, opium generally destroyed the drug takers and damaged the physical and psychological health of the Chinese people. More and more people became addicted to opium as the import of opium and the number of regions selling opium increased over time. The Ministry of Punishments in feudal China reported in 1831 that “opium comes from other countries while some merchants buy it for themselves. Some wealthy people in cities and even ordinary people are taking opium. I found every time I investigate a case with officials that every province has drug takers, especially in the yamen . From civil and military governors to the yamen , few people are not drug-takers.” 72 Huang Juezi reported in 1838 (the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang) that “initially, only wealthy people took the drug. But later people from officials to merchants and servants, women, Buddhist monks and nuns are all taking opium. They buy a smoking set. The capital is the important place of our dynasty and has the prevalence of drug takers.”73 Some estimated in 1820 (the 25th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) that “in Suzhou alone, hundreds of thousands of people are drug takers.”74 Opium includes toxin, and once addicted the physical condition would decline and so would the spirit. Moreover it is difficult to give up opium and both physical and psychological health are severely damaged. Some described the drug takers as: “when addicted, people will burst into tears, their hands and feet cannot move. Even threatened by a naked sword or a tiger, they are willing to die. So the long-term drug takers are weak with bad complexions like diseased men.”75 Others argued that opium made people “exhausted unlike normal people. They are idle during the day but busy at night. They cannot make a living, and they are in a delicate condition. The omniverous drug not only destroys physical health but also leaves people with no offspring.”76 The vicious opium trade was severely condemned by the world’s consensus. Some British people with a feeling for justice also exposed and criticized the

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opium trade. For instance, Montgomery Martin noted in his book—On Chinese Politics, Commerce and Society —that “It is true that the slave trade is merciful when compared with the opium trade; we did not destroy the physical health of the African people as our direct interests required us to protect their lives; we did not damage their morality, encroach on their thoughts and kill their spirits. However opium dealers torment the body after corroding, encroaching and killing the spiritual world of the unlucky people; avaricious Mo Luohe demands more victims all the time, and the British who are the killers, and the Chinese who are the drug takers and commit suicide compete with each other to contribute victims to the altar of Mo Luohe.”77 Second, the large influx of opium led to the outflow of silver dollars, triggering the increase in the silver price. As a result, ordinary people were hit the hardest. At the beginning of the 19th century the price of silver and copper was that every liang of silver dollar could be exchanged for 1,000 wen of copper coin. Later on, as the silver dollar decreased domestically, the silver price continued to rise and by the year 1839 (the 19th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang), every liang of silver dollar could be exchanged for 1,678 wen of copper coin. Farmers and manufacturers could only get copper coin when selling their products, but when paying taxes to the government they had to convert into silver dollars. So some argued that “each province and city witness a rising silver price and decreasing money price. Ordinary people all need to exchange copper coin for silver for buying food and paying tax. The lives are becoming difficult.”78 “When collecting grain, each province use 1,800 wen of copper coin for every liang …ordinary people know that 1 liang silver is equal to 1,000 copper coin, and 800 of the 1,000 are given to the officials. They complain about this, but the officials also need to compensate 20 to 30 wen for every liang .”79 The outflow of silver dollars meant that the currency circulated domestically plummeted significantly, which severely impeded the normal operation of commodity exchange and currency circulation. According to general rules, the overall price of commodities is in proportion to the gross amount of currency in circulation and in inverse proportion to the circulation speed of currency. If the circulation speed does not increase, when the gross amount of currency decreases it will affect the circulation of commodities and make some commodities unmarketable. Lin Zexu took note of this fact. He said that “in Naohao of Suzhou, Hankou of Hunan and other places I have been I have investigated and found that the commodities have become unmarketable recently. 20 to 30 years ago, some products had tens of thousands of transaction value, but now only half remains; now the rest goes for opium.”80

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The rampant opium trade also took a toll on the political, economic and military strength of the Qing Dynasty and compromised the feudal rule. Officials at different levels became addicted and were dizzy and sleepy all day and ignored political affairs, which added to the exploitation and decadence of society. Some soldiers of the Qing Dynasty also took drugs. Someone reported in 1832 (the 12th year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang) that “many soldiers are taking opium. They are incapable, although the number of soldiers is great.”81 The revenue of the Qing government dried up due to the high silver price, and “as regards the rice transported to the capital by water from other provinces and prefectures and counties, most of them collect money and report the actual amount. They exchange silver with copper coin and the damage is huge. So most of those with profits before are now suffering from losses. The salt dealers of each province sell salt and pay tax in silver. The previously profitearning field has become a dangerous road. In the coming years, the silver price will become much higher. How can we report the rice transported, pay tax and deal with the uncertainties?”82 All in all, opium not only severely damaged the Chinese people but also threatened the rule of the Qing Dynasty. Marx said that “as opium becomes the ruler of the Chinese people, the Emperor and those high-ranking officials who cling to old ideas lose their power day by day.”83 In order to completely ban opium and resist invasion, the Chinese people had no choice but to rise and fight and the Qing government had to strictly prohibit opium to protect its ruling interests. As a result, a grand ban on opiumsmoking and opium trade began which became as a great and righteous war of the Chinese nation for survival and advancement. A group of patriotic officials, such as Lin Zexu and Huang Juezi, led the general public to strictly prohibit opium and fight against the vicious opium trafficking by Chinese and foreign drug dealers. The struggle to ban opium had a profound and important significance as what stood behind the drug dealers were the foreign colonialist countries which had long coveted China. In this sense the conflict between those trying to ban opium and the anti-ban parties was not a trivial and casual conflict. It was rather the first profound conflict between feudal China and Western capitalist countries. The features and results were incomparable with any struggles that had taken place within the previous feudal society. China was dragged into the vortex of the capitalist world and faced with new challenges. Foreign capitalist powers staged an invasive war to protect the privilege of the drug traffickers and to open the door to China. This was the First Opium War. It was this war that changed China’s history and suspended the independent development of China’s feudal society. Thus China was ushered into modern times when foreign capitalist power intruded into China, became a major

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reactionary power which suppressed Chinese people, and impeded China’s social advancement. As a result China entered into a semi-colonial and semifeudal society. China stepped onto a long and winding track, and embarked on an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal bourgeois democratic revolution.

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Chapter 12 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao 四庫全書總目提要, vol. 173, “Jibu 集部, Bieji lei·別集類”, 26. Wang Shizhen 王士禛, Jinghua lu xunzuan 精華錄訓纂, vol. 5 (2). Ibid., vol. 5 (1). Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao , vol. 196, “Jibu 集部, Shiwen pinglei 詩文評類”, 2. Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao , vol. 173, “Jibu 集部, Bieji lei 別集類”, 26. Shen Deqian 沈德潛, Shuoshi zuiyu 說詩晬語, vol. 1, 1. Zheng Banqiao ji 鄭板橋集, vol. 5, “Tihua, ‘Wei xian shuzhong huazhu cheng nianbo baodazhong chengkuo’ 題畫《濰縣署中畫竹呈年伯包大中丞括》”. Yuan Mei 袁枚, Suiyuan shihua 隨園詩話, vol. 3. Ibid., vol. 7, 18. Weng Fanggang 翁方綱, Fuchuzhai wenji 復初齋文集, vol. 4, “Yanhuige ji xu 延暉閣集序”. Ibid., “Zhiyan ji xu 志言集序”. Hong Liangji 洪亮吉, Beijiang shihua 北江詩話, vol. 1. Wang Zhaofu 王兆符, “Wangxi wenji xu 望溪文集序”. Shen Tingfang 沈廷芳, Yinzhuozhai wenchao 隱拙齋文鈔, vol. 4, “Shu ‘Fang Wangxi xiansheng zhuan’ hou 書《方望溪先生傳》後”. Ibid. Pu Songling 蒲松齡, Liaozhai zhiyi , zixu 聊齋志異· 自序 (Zhu Xuezhai edition 鑄雪齋鈔本) (Shanghai Renmin chubanshe, 1974 photocopy edition). Cheng Jinfang 程晉芳, Mianxingtang wenji 勉行堂文集, vol. 6, “Wu jingzi zhuan 吳敬梓傳”. Lu Xun 魯迅, Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilüe 中國小說史略. See Lu Xun quanji 魯迅全集, vol. 8 (Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1957), 181. Lu Xun 魯迅, Zhongguo xiaoshuo de lishi bianqian 中國小說的歷史的變遷. See Lu Xun quanji , vol. 8, 350. Changsheng dian 長生殿, Xu Lin 徐麟, “Changsheng dian xu 長生殿序” (Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1957), 225. Ibid., Wu Shufu 吳舒鳧, “Changsheng dian xu 長生殿序”, 226. Note 20. Kong Shangren 孔尚任, Taohua shan 桃花扇, “Benmo 本末” (Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1963), 6. Ibid., “Xiansheng 先聲”, 1. Ibid. “Fanli 凡例”. Ibid. Li Dou 李斗, Yangzhou huafang lu 揚州畫舫錄. Jiao Xun 焦循, Huabu nongtan 花部農譚.

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Notes

29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64.

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Wu Taichu 吳太初, Yanlan xiaopu 燕蘭小譜, “Zayong zhuling 雜詠諸伶”. Fang Xun 方薰, Shanjingju hualun 山靜居畫論, vol. 2, 133. Zhang Geng 張庚, Guochao huazheng lu 國朝畫徵錄, vol. 1, 26. Ibid., vol. 2, 51. Ibid., 55. Ibid., 46. Zhou Lianggong 周亮工, Duhua lu 讀畫錄, vol. 2, 24. Zheng Banqiao quanji 鄭板橋全集, vol. 3. Dadizi tihua shiba 大滌子題畫詩跋, vol. 1, “Bahua 跋畫”. Kugua heshang huayulu 苦瓜和尚畫語錄, “Shanchuan zhang 山川章”. Ibid., “bianhua zhang 變化章”. Zheng Banqiao quanji, Banqiao tihua 板橋題畫, “Zhu 竹”. Ibid. Ibid., “Yugao guili huazhu bie Wei xian shenshi min 予告歸里畫竹別濰縣紳士民”. Note 8, vol. 7. Aying 阿英, Zhongguo nianhua fazhan shilüe 中國年畫發展史略, 27. Note 31, 32. Engels (恩格斯), Dialectics of Nature , 1971 edition, 92. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Zhi 志, 20, “Shixian 時憲”, 1. Qing Shizu shilu 清世祖實錄, August 1 of the first year. The Celestial Navigation Theory of Tycho Brahe deems the earth as the center of universe and believes that the earth is stationary, the sun, moon and stars rotate around the earth and the other planets rotate around the sun. This is a compromise theory of the universe between the heliocentric theory of Nicolaus Copernicus and the geocentric theory of Ptolemy. Pingqi 平氣 refers to dividing the length of a year into 24 equal parts. Each part is a solar term, and the number of days in each solar term is equal (15 days). Ruan Yuan 阮元, Chouren zhuan 疇人傳, vol. 46, “Zhang Youren 蔣友仁”. Ibid., vol. 34, Wang Xichan 王錫闡. Wang Xichan 王錫闡, “Tuibu jiaoshu o xu《推步交朔》序”. Gu Yanwu 顧炎武, Rizhi lu 日知錄, “Quanxun bian 勸學篇”. Hang Shijun 杭世駿, Daogutang wenji 道古堂文集, vol. 30, “Mei Wending (Dingjiu) zhengjun zhuan 梅定九徵君傳”. Mei Wending 梅文鼎, Qiandu celiang 塹堵測量, vol. 2. Note 51, vol. 37, “Mei Wending 梅文鼎”. Mei Wending, Ping sanjiao juyao 平三角舉要. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 293, “Chouren 疇人”, 1, “Mei Wending 梅文鼎”. Note 51, vol. 42, “Dai Zhen 戴震”. Qing Shengzu shilu 清聖祖實錄, vol. 283. Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China , vol. 5, Book 1, 235. Huangyu xiyu tuzhi 皇輿西域圖志, Juanshou 卷首, “Yuzhi 諭旨”. Chen Kejian 陳克鑒, cited from Bunong shu 補農書.

Notes

65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92.

Qing wenxian tongkao 清文獻通考, vol. 194. Note 59, “Yishu 藝術”, 4. Xu Ke 徐珂, Qingbai leichao 清稗類鈔, “Gongyi lei 工藝類”. Qing shi gao 清史稿, “Bingzhi 兵志”, 10. Wu xian zhi 吳縣志, vol. 75. Dai Rong 戴榕, Huang Lüzhuang xiaozhuan 黃履莊小傳, see Zhang Chao 張潮, see Yuchu xinzhi 虞初新志, vol. 6. Qu Dajun 屈大均, Guangdong xinyu 廣東新語, vol. 17. Nalan Xingde 納蘭性德, Tongzhitang gao 通志堂稿, vol. 17. Note 67, “Wupin lei 物品類”. Chen Wenshu 陳文述, Xiling guiyong 西泠閨詠. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 292, “Yishu 藝術”, 4. Suwen jizhu 素問集注, “Jilüe 紀略”. Nanjing jingshi 難經經釋, “Fanli 凡例”. Zhou Zhongfu 周中孚, Zhengtang dushu ji 鄭堂讀書記, vol. 41. Note 77. Note 78, vol. 41. Zhongguo yixue dacheng zongmu tiyao 中國醫學大成總目提要, vol. 7, “Neike lei 內科類”. Bencao biyao 本草備要, 1st edition, “Zixu 自序”. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 289, “Yishu 藝術”, 1, Wenbing tiaobian 溫病條辨, “Zixu 自序”. Ibid., “Zhu Bin xu 朱彬序”. Note 78, vol. 43. Ibid., vol. 43. Yilin gaicuo 醫林改錯, “Zangfu jixu 臟腑記敘”. Ibid., “Naosui shuo 腦髓說”. Note 83, “Wang Weide 王維德”. Ibid. Note 78, vol. 43.

Chapter 13 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Qian Yong 錢泳, Lüyuan conghua 履園叢話, vol. 1, “Wang Yongkang 王永康”. Ibid., “Doufu 鬥富”. Donghua lu 東華錄, the 44th volume of the Kangxi reign. Note 1, vol. 4, “Xieji 協濟” Ibid., vol. 6, “Zhiyan taishi 芝岩太史”. Daoguang Yuanhe Weiting zhi 道光元和唯亭志, vol. 20, “Zazhi 雜志” Guangxu Wujiang xian zhi 光緒吳江縣志, vol. 19, “Renwu 人物”. Guangxu Chang Zhaohe zhi 光緒常昭合志, vol. 7, “Hukou 戶口”. Note 7.

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10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44.

292

Guangxu Suzhou fu zhi 光緒蘇州府志, vol. 13, “Tianfu 田賦”, 3. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, vol. 22, Shen Yu 沈寓, “Zhi Chong 治崇”. Huang Ang 黃卬, Xijinshi xiaolu 錫金識小錄, vol. 1, “Beican 備參”. Li Zhaoluo 李兆洛, Yang Yi zhai wenji 養一齋文集, vol. 9, “Jiangshi yizhuang ji 蔣氏義莊記”. Ibid., vol. 14, “Zhujun junyang jiachuan 祝君賡颺家傳”. Guan Tong 管同, Yinji xuan wen chuji 因寄軒文初集, vol. 8, “ Gan jiefu chuan 甘節婦傳”. Kangxi Qinghe xian zhi 康熙清河縣志, vol. 1, “Zhenji 鎮集”. Ding Yan 丁晏, “Shiting jishi 石亭記事”. Jiaqing Dongtaixian zhi 嘉慶東台縣志, vol. 7, “Xiang yi 祥異”. Wei Tuoma 威妥瑪, Wenjian ziyi ji 文件自邇集, quoted from Li Wenzhi 李文治, Zhongguo jindai nongye shi zilia o 中國近代農業史資料, vol. 1, 67. Xingbu dangchao chaojian 《刑部檔鈔》抄件, quoted from Li Wenzhi, ibid., vol. 1, 68. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 738. Guo Xiu 郭琇, Guo Huaye xiansheng shugao 郭華野先生疏稿, vol. 1, “Tecan jinchen 特參近臣”. Li Xu zouzh e 李煦奏摺, 196. Hang Shijun 杭世駿, Daogutang wenji 道古堂文集, vol. 38, “Hu Dongchao xiansheng muzhi ming 胡東樵先生墓誌銘”. Kangxi Hangzhou fu zhi 康熙杭州府志, vol. 34, “Zazhi 雜志”. Kangxi Tangxi xian zhi 康熙湯溪縣志, vol. 1, “Fengxu 風俗”. Quoted from Zhongguo jingji shi lunwen ji 中國經濟史論文集 (Fujian People Press, 1981), 191. Dingli huibian 定例彙編, vol. 9, the 3rd of May, the 18th year of the Qianlong reign. Zhang Ying 張英, Hengchan suoyan 恆產瑣言. Fang Bao 方苞, Wangxi xiansheng wenji 望溪先生文集, Waiwen 外文, vol. 1, “Zouzha 奏劄”. Guangxu Lujiang xian zhi 光緒廬江縣志, vol. 2, 14. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, vol. 30, Sheng Feng 盛楓, “Jiangbei junding shui 江北 均丁稅”. Qianlong Shanhua xian zhi 乾隆善化縣志, vol. 4, “Fengtu 風土”. Tongzhi Liuyang xian zhi 同治瀏陽縣志, vol. 6, “Sihuo 食貨”. Li Xiangkun 李象焜, Li Huai tang suibi 棣懷堂隨筆, vol. 1, “Hejun chengqing rusi xiangxian ci lüli shishi 合郡呈請入祀鄉賢祠履歷事實” . Tongzhi Guiyang Zhili zhou zhi 同治桂陽直隸州志, vol. 20, “Huozhi 貨殖”. Tongzhi Hengyang xian zhi 同治衡陽縣志, vol. 11, “Huozhi 貨殖”. Quoted from Li Wenzhi 李文治, Zhongguo jindai nongye shi ziliao 中國近代農業史資料, vol. 1, 69. Qu Dajun 屈大均, Guangdong xinyu 廣東新語, vol. 14, “Siyu 食語”. Qianlong Shunde xian zhi 乾隆順德縣志, vol. 4, “Tianfu 田賦”. Quoted from Li Min 黎民, “Qianlong xingke ti benzhong youguan nongye ziben zhuyi mengya de cailiao 乾隆刑科題本中有關農業資本主義萌芽的材料”, Wenwu 文物, 9th edition (1975). Daoguang Guangning xian zhi 道光廣寧縣志, vol. 12, “Fengxu 風俗”. Jiaqing Xingning xian zhi 嘉慶興寧縣志, vol. 10, “Fengxu 風俗”. Note 41.

Notes

45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82.

Tongzhi Panyu xian zhi 同治番禺縣志, vol. 54, “Zaji 雜記,” 2. Minguo Jintang xian xuzhi 民國金堂縣續志, vol. 10, Zhuan 傳, Zeng Xingsan 曾省三, “Gaofeng Wuxian jiangjun yuhu Zenggong xinglue 誥封武顯將軍玉壼曾公行略”. Tongzhi Hanzhou xuzhi 同治漢州續志, vol. 22, “Yiwenzhong 藝文中”. Minguo Wenjiang xian zhi 民國溫江縣志, vol. 8, “Renwu 人物”. Minguo Dazhu xian zhi 民國大竹縣志, vol. 9, “Renwu zhi 人物志”, I. Minguo Yunyang xian zhi 民國雲陽縣志, vol. 13, “Lixu 禮俗”, II. Ibid., vol. 26. Ibid. Ibid. Guangxu Yidu xian tuzhi 光緒益都縣圖志, vol. 41, “The Record of Xiaoyi”. Guangxu Yi xian zhi 光緒嶧縣志, vol. 6, “Fengxu 風俗”. Guangxu Shandong tongzhi 光緒山東通志, “Xundian 訓典”, I. “Dadian zhuang Yanwang zui’er shi 大店莊閻王罪惡史”, Wenshizhe 文史哲, 4th edition (1965). Rizhao Dingshi zupu 日照丁氏族譜. Zheng Xie 鄭燮, Zheng Banqiao ji 鄭板橋集, “Huai xian zhuzhi ci 濰縣竹枝詞”. Minguo Wendeng xian zhi 民國文登縣志, vol. 1, “Fengxu 風俗”. Daoguang Jiaozhou zhi 道光膠州志, vol. 15, “Fengxu 風俗”. Jing Su 景甦 and Luo Lun 羅倫, “Qingdai Shandong jingying dizhu de shehui xingzhi 清代山東經 營地主的社會性質”. Kangxi Shan xian zhi 康熙單縣志, “Fengxu 風俗”. Ibid. “Xiangcun guming 鄉村故名”. Kangxi Puzhou zhi 康熙濮州志, vol. 2, “Customs”. Ibid., vol. 4, “Huoji zhuan 貨殖傳”. Guangxu Zhaochengxian xiangtu zhi 光緒朝城縣鄉土志, vol. 1. Zui’e leilei de Kongfu 罪惡累累的孔府 (People’s Publishing House, 1974). Qianlong Linfen xian zhi 乾隆臨汾縣志, vol. 6, “Xiaoyi 孝義”. Ma Guohan 馬國翰, Zhu ruyi 竹如意, Book 2, “Kang baiwan 亢百萬”. Guangxu Lucheng xian zhi 光緒潞城縣志, vol. 4, “The Old Records 耆舊錄”. Ya Ertu 雅爾圖, Yagong xinzheng lu 雅公心政錄, vol. 2, “Zoushu 奏疏”, May in the 5th year of Qianlong. Qianlong Guangshan xian zhi 乾隆光山縣志, vol. 8, “Fengx 風俗”. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 540, June, the 22nd year of the Qianlong reign. Ibid., vol. 1255, May, the 51st year of the Qianlong reign. Guangxu Changzhi xian zhi 光緒長治縣志, vol. 6, Liezhuan 列傳. Sun Hang 孫珩, Guitian wengao 歸田文稿, vol. 6, “Fu tongyan yi shudi shu 複同寅議贖地書”. Liu Qing 劉睛, Pianke yuxian lu 片刻餘閒錄, vol. 1. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting xulu 嘯亭續錄, vol. 2, “Benchao fumin zhiduo 本朝富民之多”. Kangxi Shulu xian zhi 康熙束鹿縣志, vol. 8, “Fengxu 風俗”. Qianlong Xian xian zhi 乾隆獻縣志, “Sihuo 食貨”. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 310, September, the 20th year in the Jiaqing Reign.

293

Notes

83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120.

294

Dongxuan zhuren 東軒主人, Xuyi ji 述異記, Book 2, “Xu Qi yuxian 許七遇仙”. Qianlong Hua’an fu zhi 乾隆淮安府志, vol. 22, section 1, “Shiji 仕跡”. Kangxi Zhangzhou fu zhi 康熙漳州府志, vol. 11, “Fuyi 賦役”. Chen Shengyao 陳盛韶, Wensu lu 問俗錄, vol. 6, “Lukangtou jia 鹿港頭家”. Jiaqing Dongxiang xian zhi 嘉慶東鄉縣志, vol. 33, “Yiwen 藝文”. Qianlong Zhili Tongzhou zhi 乾隆直隸通州志, vol. 14, “Renwu 人物”. Huangqing zouyi 皇清奏議, vol. 13, the 13th year of the Qianlong Reign, “Yang Xiba zou 楊錫紱奏”. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, vol. 11, Qian Weicheng 錢維城, “Yangmin lun 養民論”. Qian Yong 錢泳, Lüyuan conghua 履園叢話, vol. 4, “Chanye 產業”. Cui Shu 崔述, Wuwen ji 無聞集, vol. 1. Qing Renzong shengxun 清仁宗聖訓, vol. 15, “Aimin 愛民”, the 1st of October of the second year of Jiaqing. Qing Gaozong shengxun 清高宗聖訓, vol. 80, “Aimin 愛民”, no. 11, July, the 31st year of the Qianlong reign. Gao Wangling 高王淩, Qingdai zhongye Sichuan de nongcun shichang ji qi zai nongcun shehui jingji zhongde diwei 清代中葉四川的農村市場及其在農村社會經濟中的地位. Zhang Lüxiang 張履祥, Yang Yuan xiansheng ji 楊園先生集, vol. 5. Hong Liangji 洪亮吉, Juanshige wen jiaji 卷施閣文甲集, vol. 1, “Yiyan, shengji 意言·生計”. Ling Jiexi 凌介禧, Cheng An De sanxian fukao 程安德三縣賦考, vol. 2. Gu Yanwu 顧炎武, Rizhi lu 日知錄, vol. 10. Huangchao xu wenxian tongkao 皇朝續文獻通考, vol. 72. Donghua lu 東華錄, the 80th volume of the Kangxi Reign, October, the 46th year of the Kangxi reign. Note 97. Qian Yong 錢泳, Lüyuan conghua 履園叢話, vol. 1, “Jiuwen, tianjia 舊聞· 田價”. Ibid. Note 97. Qing Shengzu shilu 清聖祖實錄, vol. 231, November, the 46th year of the Kangxi Reign. Ibid., vol. 244, October, the 49th year of the Kangxi Reign. Qingchao wenxian tongkao 清朝文獻通考, vol. 2, “ Tianfu 田賦”, 2. Qing Shizong shilu 清世宗實錄, vol. 16, February the second year of the Yongzheng Reign. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 1441, November, 58th year of the Qianlong reign. Note 97 and “Yiyan, zhi ping 意言·治平”. Zheng Xie 鄭燮, Zheng Banqiao ji 鄭板橋集, Shichao 詩鈔, “Taohuang xing 逃荒行”. Minguo Weixian zhigao 民國濰縣志稿, vol. 3. Ibid. Qianlong Qizhou fu zhi 乾隆沂州府志, vol. 4, “Fengxu 風俗”. Ibid. Daoguang Juye xian zhi 道光鉅野縣志, vol. 13, “Yiju 義舉”. Daoguang Wendeng xian zhi 道光文登縣志, vol. 3, “Fuyi 賦役”. Daoguang Zouping xian zhi 道光鄒平縣志, vol. 18, “Zaixiang 災祥”. Qianlong Weihaiwei zhi 乾隆威海衛志, vol. 1, “Zaixiang 災祥”.

Notes

121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159.

Guangxu Pingyao xian zhi 光緒平遙縣志, vol. 9, “Renwu zhi 人物志”, vol. 11, “Yiwen zhi 藝文志”. Qianlong Jiexiu xian zhi 乾隆介休縣志, vol. 5, “Huanji 宦跡”. Guangxu Pingyao xian zhi 光緒平遙縣志, vol. 12, “Zalu zhi 雜錄志”. Qianlong Xiaoyi xian zhi 乾隆孝義縣志, vol. 8, “Shengji xiangyi 勝跡祥異”. Guangxu Changzhi xian zhi 光緒長治縣志, vol. 8, “Dashi ji 大事記”. Tongzhi Shanyang xian zhi 同治山陽縣志, vol. 21, “Zaji 雜記”, 2. Cao Biao 曹鑣, Huai Chengxin jinlu 淮成信今錄, vol. 5, “Jishi 記事”. Tongzhi Shanyang xian zhi 同治山陽縣志, vol. 21 , “Zaji 雜記”, 2. Ibid. Daoguang Baoying xian zhi 道光寶應縣志, vol. 9, “Zaixiang 災祥”. Guangxu Andong xian zhi 光緒安東縣志, vol. 5, “Zaiyi 災異”. Guangxu Yucheng xian zhi 光緒虞城縣志, vol. 9, “Yiwen 藝文”. Qing Gaozong shengxun 清高宗聖訓, vol. 145, “Juanzhen 蠲賑”. Guangxu Kaifeng xian zhi 光緒開封縣志, vol. 6, “Huanghe 黃河”. Ibid., vol. 23, “Xiangyi 祥異”. Guangxu Yucheng xian zhi 光緒虞城縣志, vol. 6, “Renwu 人物”. Guangxu Yongcheng xian zhi 光緒永城縣志, vol. 15, “Zaixiang 災祥”. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 267, March, the 18th year of the Jiaqing Reign. Guangxu Huolu xian zhi 光緒獲鹿縣志, vol. 5, “Shiji 世紀”. Tongzhi Dangyang xian zhi 同治當陽縣志, vol. 2, “Xiangyi 祥異”. Tongzhi Zhijiang xian zhi 同治枝江縣志, vol. 20, “Zazhi 雜誌”. Tongzhi Zaoyang xian zhi 同治棗陽縣志, vol. 16, “Xiangyi 祥異”. Tongzhi Changyang xian zhi 同治長陽縣志, vol. 7, “Zaixiang 災祥”. Daoguang Chongqing fu zhi 道光重慶府志, vol. 9, “Xiangyi 祥異”. Daoguang Linshui xian zhi 道光鄰水縣志, vol. 1, “Xiangyi 祥異”. Daoguang Zhongzhou zhi 道光忠州志, vol. 4, “Xiangyi 祥異”. Qianlong Pengxi xian zhi 乾隆蓬溪縣志, vol. 7, “Zazhi 雜記”. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting xulu 嘯亭續錄, vol. 2, “Benchao fumin zhiduo 本朝富民之多”. Qing Shengzu shilu 清聖祖實錄, vol. 101, October, the thirty-ninth year of Kangxi. Chaoxian Lichao shilu zhongde Zhongguo shiliao 朝鮮李朝實錄中的中國史料, vol. 11, 4686. Xu Ke 徐珂, Qingbai leichao 清稗類鈔, vol. 24, “Haoxie lei 豪奢類”. Qian Yong 錢泳, Lüyuan conghua 履園叢話, “Yineng 藝能”. Zhao Yi 趙翼, Yanpu zaji 簷曝雜記, vol. 1, “Qingdian 慶典”. Piao Zhiyuan 朴趾源, Yanyan ji 燕岩集, vol. 14, Shanzhuang zazhi, 2, “Wanguo jingong ji 萬國進貢 記”. Note 150, vol. 11, 4809. Ibid., 4807. Qing shi shiyi 清史拾遺, Jiabian 甲編, “Mao wuchen fengjian 某武臣諷諫”. Qinding rixia jiuwen kao 欽定日下舊聞考, “Yuzhi ‘Rixia jiuwen kao’ tici er shou 御製《日下舊聞 考》題詞二首”. Qingchao yeshi daguan 清朝野史大觀, vol. 6, “A Caishen 阿財神”.

295

Notes

160. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄, vol. 10, “Quanchen xiejian 權臣奢儉”. 161. Qing shi gao 清史稿, vol. 330, “Fu Kangan 福康安”. 162. See also documents, Gongzhong zajian 宮中雜件, “Chacao Fuchang’an jiachan qingdan 查抄福長 安家產清單”. 163. Note 159. 164. Yao Yuanzhi 姚元之, Zhuyeting zaji 竹葉亭雜記, vol. 2. 165. Zhang Jixin 張集馨, Daoxian huanhai jianwenlu 道咸宦海見聞錄, 65. 166. Guanxu Taoyuan xian zhi 光緒桃源縣志, vol. 13, Luo Renzong 羅人倧, “Jingchen moyishu 敬陳末 議疏”. 167. Zhupi zouzhe 朱批奏摺, “Anhui anchashi Wangjian zou, diyi lishi dang’an guan zhuangjian 安徽按 察使王檢奏，第一歷史檔案館藏件”. 168. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting xulu 嘯亭續錄, vol. 2, “Benchao fumin zhiduo 本朝富民之多”. 169. Niu Xiu 鈕琇, Gusheng 觚賸, vol. 3 of sequel, “Jishi zhifu 季氏之富”. 170. Qian Yong 錢泳, Lüyuan conghua 履園叢話, vol. 7, “Jiaoxie 驕奢”. 171. Li Dou 李斗, Yangzhou huafang lu 揚州畫舫錄, vol. 9. 172. Guangxu Jiangdu xian xuzhi 光緒江都縣續志, vol. 15. 173. Yang Zhongxi 楊鐘羲, Yiyuan wenlüe 意園文略, vol. 1, “Liang Huai yanfalu yaoxu 兩淮鹽法錄要 序”. 174. Note 171, vol. 1. 175. Note 170. 176. Li Yuandu 李元度, Guochao xianzheng shilüe 國朝先正事略, vol. 12, “Cheng Bin 陳璸”. 177. Qing Shengzu shengxun 清聖祖聖訓, vol. 4, “Sheng de 聖德”, October, the forty-ninth year of Kangxi. 178. Song Luo 宋犖, Xipo leigao 西陂類稿, vol. 38, “Tiaochen Jidong shishi 條陳畿東十事”. 179. Qing shi gao 清史稿, vol. 269, “Suo Etu 索額圖”, “Ming Zhu 明珠”. 180. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄, vol. 1, “Yourong dachen 優容大臣”. 181. Donghua lu 東華錄, vol. 84 of Emperor Kangxi, on September, the forty-eighth year of Kangxi. 182. Ibid., vol. 87, on March, the fiftieth year of Kangxi. 183. Qing Shizong shilu 清世宗實錄, vol. 3, the first month of the first year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng. 184. Ibid., March, the first year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng. 185. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, vol. 27, Qian Chenqun 錢陳群, “Tiaochen haoxian shu 條陳耗羨書”. 186. Qing shi gao 清史稿, vol. 319, “He Shen 和珅”. 187. Note 150, vol. 11, 4881. 188. George Staunton (斯當東), Yingshi yejian Qianlong jishi 英使謁見乾隆紀實, 370. 189. Qing shi gao 清史稿, vol. 319, “He Shen 和珅”. 190. See also Xue Fucheng 薛福成, Yongan biji 庸庵筆記, vol. 3, “Chacao Hekun zhuzhai huayuan qingdan 查抄和珅住宅花園清單”. 191. Zheng Xie 鄭燮, Zheng Banqiao ji 鄭板橋集, Jiashu 家書, “Fan xian shuzhong ji shedi mo 范縣署中 寄舍弟墨”, No. 4.

296

Notes

192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210. 211. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 217. 218. 219. 220.

Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 75, October, the fifth year of Jiaqing. Note 150, vol. 11, 4810. Qing shi gao 清史稿, vol. 339, “Hengwen 恒文”. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄, vol. 1, “Zhu Wu Lana 誅伍拉納”. Xue Fucheng 薛福成, Yongan biji 庸庵筆記, vol. 3, “Rixiang qiyuan 入相奇緣”. Zheng Zhicheng 鄧之誠, Zhonghua erqiannian shi 中華二千年史, vol. 5, the middle part of the book, 219. Note 196. Qing shi gao 清史稿, vol. 19, “Yin Zhuangtu 尹壯圖”. Liu Rong 劉蓉, Yanhuitang wenji 養晦堂文集, vol. 3, “Zhi mouguan shu 致某官書”. Deng Zhicheng 鄧之誠, Gudong suoji quanbian 骨董瑣記全編, vol. 3, “Qianlong zhuxiang 乾隆諸 相”. Xu Ke 徐珂, Qingbai leichao 清稗類鈔, vol. 12, “Jifeng lei 譏諷類”. Li Yuerui 李嶽瑞, Chunbingshi yecheng 春冰室野乘. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “The Situation of Germany (by Engels),” Complete Works of Marx and Engels , vol. 2, 632–634. Donghua lu 東華錄, 24th of the volume of Kangxi, July of the 18th year of the Kangxi period. Qijun zhi 旗軍志, 2. Donghua lu 東華錄, 2nd of the volume of Qianlong, December of the 13rd year of the Qianlong period. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, the 77th Volume, September of the third year of the Qianlong period. Li’an huibian 例案彙編, the 77th Volume, September of the third year of the Qianlong period. Ibid., vol. 1, August 27, the seventh year of the Jiaqing period. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 9. Refer to Xiao Yishan 蕭一山, Qingdai tongshi 清代通史, 209. Zhang Jixin 張集馨, Daoxian huanhai jianwenlu 道咸宦海見聞錄, 38. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 1297, January 23 of the 53rd year of the Qianlong period. Donghua lu 東華錄, the 7th volume of the Jiaqing period, January of the fourth year of the Jiaqing period. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 1297, January 23 of the 53rd year of Qianlong period. Daoguang chongzuan Fujian tongzhi 道光重纂福建通志, Fujian tongji 福建通紀, “Qingji 清紀”, 5. Note 213, 63. Ibid., 352. Note 211, vol. 9.

Chapter 14 1. 2. 3.

Hongqian 紅錢 also known as Pu’erqian 普爾錢 is a currency used in Nanjiang 南疆 and coined with rose copper. Na Yancheng 那彥成, Na Wenyigong zouyi 那文毅公奏議, vol. 77. Ibid.

297

Notes

4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34.

298

Huangchao jingshi wen xubian 皇朝經世文續編, vol. 18, Liu Jintang 劉錦棠, “Zhuocai gecheng huiguan bing kenxiang gei chuli huimu dingdai shu 酌裁各城回官並懇賞給出力回目頂戴疏”. Xiao Xiong 蕭雄, Tingyuan xijiang za shushi 聽園西疆雜述詩, vol. 2. Note 2. Yin Luanzhang 印鸞章, Qingjian gangmu 清鑒綱目, vol. 7. Que Ming 闕名, Xinjiang jian xingsheng yi 新疆建行省議, see Xiao fanghu zhai yudi congchao 小 方壺齋輿地叢鈔, vol. 2. Note 2. He Ning 和寧, Huijiang tongzhi 回疆通志, vol. 12. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 4. Donghua lu 東華錄, under the reign of Emperor Qianlong, vol. 61. Note 10. Na Yancheng 那彥成, A Wenchenggong nianpu 阿文成公年譜, vol. 3. Note 10. Ibid. Ibid. Note 12. Yu Jiao 俞蛟, Mengchang zazhu 夢廠雜著, vol. 6, “Linqing koulüe 臨清寇略”. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 968. Qin Zhenjun 秦震鈞, Shou Linqing riji 守臨清日記. Yu Minzhong 于敏中 and Shu Hede 舒赫德, Qinding jiaobu Linqing nifei jilüe 欽定剿捕臨清逆 匪紀略, vol. 14. Note 19. A folk song recorded in Shou Lincheng riji 守臨城日記 says that the rebel troops “sounded the trumpet call of action and captured Shouzhang 壽張, and rode on horses with swords and took Yanggu 陽谷”. Refer to Donghua lu 東華錄, under the reign of Emperor Qianlong, vol. 80, “Wang Wangyun gongci 王望雲供詞”. Note 19. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 8, “Qianlong Linqing jingfei ji 乾隆臨清靖匪記”. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, “Shandong Buzhengshi guotai zou 山東布政使國泰奏”, September 9 of the 39th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, “Shu Hede zou 舒赫德奏”, September 10 of the 39th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, “Shandong Xunfu Xu Jizou 山東巡撫徐績奏”, September 12 of the 39th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Qi Xuebiao 戚學標, “Jishi 紀事”, see Guochao qixian leizheng 國朝耆獻類徵. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, “Shu Hede zou 舒赫德奏”, September 17 of the 39th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Qin Zhenjun 秦震鈞, Shou Linqing riji 守臨城日記. Note 19, vol. 7.

Notes

35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54.

55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60.

61.

Note 22, vol. 9. Compiled by the Institute of Nationality Problems ( 民族問題研究會編), Huihui minzhu wenti 回 回民族問題, 54. Morris Rossabi (莫里斯‧洛沙比), China and Inner Asia 中國與內陸亞洲 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1975), 172. Mu Shaotang 幕少堂, Ganning Qingshi lüe, zheng bian《甘寧青史略》正編, vol. 18. Gong Jinghan 龔景瀚, Xunhua zhi 循化志, vol. 8, “Huibian 回變”. Refer to Lanzhou jilüe 蘭州紀略, vol. 6. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 1341, October 22 of the 54th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Gong 工 in Chinese pinyin, refers to administrative units at the grass-roots level of the Salar 撒拉 nationality, each “gong” included several villages. The Salar nationality in Xunhua 循化 was divided into 12 “gong”. Na Yancheng 那彥成, A Wenchenggong nianpu 阿文成公年譜, vol. 23. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 7 “Guochao Gansu zaizheng pan Hui ji 國朝甘肅再征叛回 記”. Note 43. Ibid., vol. 24. Lanzhou jilüe 蘭州紀略, vol. 16. Xun huazhi 循化志, vol. 8, “Hui bian 回變”. Shifengbao jilüe 石峰堡紀略, vol. 6. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 7, “Guochao Gansu zai zheng pan hui ji 國朝甘肅再征叛 回記”. Qian Yong 錢泳, Lüyuan conghua 履園叢話, vol. 5, “Jing Xian 景賢”. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol.1283, June 24 of the 52nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Ibid., vol. 1297, January 23 of the 50th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. “Shuntian da mengzhu Lin Shuangwen gaoshi 順天大盟主林爽文告示,” March of the year of Shuntian 順天 dingwei 丁未, quote from Kang, Yong and Qian shiqi chengxiang renmin fankang douzheng ziliao 康雍乾時期城鄉人民反抗鬥爭資料, vol. 2, 781. One jia 甲 is a little more than 1.3 mu on the mainland. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 8, “Qianlong sanding Taiwan ji 乾隆三定台灣記”. Compiled jointly by the Institute of Qing History, Renmin University of China (中國人民大學清史 研究所、中國第一歷史檔案館), Tiandi hui 天地會, I , 251, “高文麟供單 Gao Wenlin gongdan”. Note 56. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 1279, imperial edict on April 20 of the 52nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. “Lin Shuangwen qiyi jun shoucheng guan gaoshi 林爽文起義軍守城官告示,” Jaunary 4 of the year of Shuntian 順天 dingwei 丁未, quote from Kang, Yong and Qian shiqi chengxiang renmin fankang douzheng ziliao 康雍乾時期城鄉人民反抗鬥爭資料, vol. 2, 780. “Shuntian mengzhu Lin Shuangwen gaoshi 順天盟主林爽文告示,” December 8 of the year of

299

Notes

62. 63. 64.

65. 66. 67. 68. 69.

70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80.

81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88.

300

Tianyun 天運 bingwu 丙午, quote from Kang, Yong and Qian shiqi chengxiang renmin fankang douzheng ziliao 康雍乾時期城鄉人民反抗鬥爭資料, vol. 2, 780. Ibid. Note 54. “Shuntian mengzhu Lin Shuangwen gaoshi 順天盟主林爽文告示,” Jaunary 4 of the year of Shuntian 順天 dingwei 丁未, quote from Kang, Yong and Qian shiqi chengxiang renmin fankang douzheng ziliao 康雍乾時期城鄉人民反抗鬥爭資料, vol. 2, 780. “Taiwan Tongzhi Yang Tingli bingbao 台灣同知楊廷理稟報”, February of the 52nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, quote from Tiandi hui , 1, 775. Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄, vol. 1284. Qinding pingding Taiwan jilüe 欽定平定台灣紀略, vol. 15. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄, vol. 6, “Taiwan zhiyi 台灣之役”. “Fu Kang’an zou 福康安奏”, October 4 of the 52nd year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, quote from Kang, Yong and Qian shiqi chengxiang renmin fankang douzheng ziliao 康雍乾時期城鄉人民 反抗鬥爭資料, 791. Ibid. Note 68. Ibid. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 7, “Qianlong Hu-Gui zheng Miao ji 乾隆湖貴征苗記”. Yan Ruyu 嚴如煜, Miaofang beilan 苗防備覽, vol. 8, “Fengxu 風俗”. Huang Junzai 黃鈞宰, Jinhu qimo 金壺七墨. Note 74, vol. 22. Yongsui tingzhi 永綏廳志, vol. 4. Tong Chu ping Miao jilüe 銅楚平苗紀略. Hubei tongzhi 湖北通志, vol. 1, session 3. According to Zhuo Bingtian 卓秉恬, “Chuan Shan Chu laolin qingxing ji yi quchu shu 川陝楚老林 情形亟宜區處疏”, Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽, vol. 14, “由陝西略陽、鳳縣迤邐而 東，經寶雞、郿縣、周至、洋縣、寧陝、孝義、鎮安、山陽、洵陽至湖北之鄖西，中 間高山深谷，千枝萬脈，統謂之南山老林；由陝西之寧羌、褒城迤邐而東經四川之南 江、通江、巴州、太平、大寧、開縣、奉節、巫山，陝西之紫陽、安康、平利至湖北 之竹山、竹溪、房縣、興山、保康，中間高山深谷，千巒萬壑，統謂之巴山老林”. Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽, vol. 14, “Xingjiao sheng fu shu 興交升府疏”. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 28, “Qin Cheng’en zou 秦承 恩奏”, February 14 of the 2nd year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽, vol. 14, “Chuan Shan Chu laolin qingxing ji yi quchu shu 川陝楚老林情形亟宜區處疏”. Ibid., vol. 11, “Celüe 策略”. Ibid., vol. 14, “Laolin shuo 老林說”. Ibid., vol. 9, “Shanhuo 山貨”. Ibid. Ibid.

Notes

89.

90. 91. 92. 93. 94.

95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107.

108. 109. 110.

In the 38th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1773), the Qing government attacked the large and small Jinchuan but ended in failure, and then they moved into the virgin forest and joined the Guolu 嚕 gang to form a force. Refer to Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽, vol. 14, “Pingding jiaofei zhonglun 平定教匪總論”. Yangxian zhi 洋縣志 , vol. 4, “Fengxu 風俗”. Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽, vol. 14, “Pingding jiaofei zhonglun 平定教匪總論”. Please refer to Chapter 8 of this book for the ideology and organization of the White Lotus Society. Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽, vol. 11, “Celüe 策略”. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Geming yundong lei 革命運動類, “Xi Jiao 習教”, Nos. 49–52 (2), reported by officials including A Gui 阿桂 on October 13 of the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Nongmin yundong lei 農民運動類, “Mimi jieshe 秘密結 社”, reported by Fu Ning 福寧 on November 17 of the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Gaozong Chun Huangdi shengxun 高宗純皇帝聖訓, Jiaxu 甲戌, August of the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 72, imperial edict, Yichou 乙丑, August of the 5th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, vol. 89, Liang Shangguo 梁上國, “Lun Chuanchu jiaofei shiyi shu 論川楚教匪事宜疏”. Bao Shichen 包世臣, Anwu sizhong 安吳四種, Qimin shishu 齊民四術, and Gei shizhong Gu xiansheng jiachuan 給事中谷先生家傳. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 72, imperial edict, Guichou 癸丑, in August of the fifth year of Emperor Jiaqing. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, vol. 89, Hong Liangji 洪亮吉, Zheng xiejiao shu 征邪 教疏. Note 98. Shi Xiangcun Jushi 石香村居士, Kanjing jiaofei shubian 戡靖教匪述編, vol. 9. Ibid., vol. 2. Shi Shanchang 史善長, Nanshan Bigong nianpu 弇山畢公年譜. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Nongmin yundong leit 民運動類, “Mimi jieshe 秘密結社”, No. 1946 (2), Confessions of Qi Zhongyao 祁中耀 and Zeng Shixing 曾世興. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 9, “Jiaqing Chuanhu Xian jinggou ji 嘉慶川湖陝靖寇記”, vol. 1. Here Wei Yuan mistakenly recorded that Liu Zhixie was involved in the uprising in Xiangyang. As a matter of fact, Liu Zhixie 劉之協 left Xiangyang 襄陽 in the winter of the 59th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong. When the incident broke out, he was not there. “He was hiding in the families of the members of the society in Xinye and Dengzhou 鄧州”. (See Jiao bu dang 剿捕檔, No. 1679 (1), Confessions of Liu Zhixie). Shi Shanchang 史善長, Nanshan Bigong nianpu 弇山畢公年譜. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄, vol. 4, “Xiaogan zhi zhan 孝感之戰”. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Nongmin yundong lei 農民運動類, No. 1961 (l), “Jiaqing yuannian qiyue chuba Ming liang zou 嘉慶元年七月初八，明亮奏”.

301

Notes

111. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Nongmin yundong lei 農民運動類, No. 1928 (4), “Jiaqing yuannian sanyue shiyi ri Bi Yuan zou 嘉慶元年三月十一日，畢沅奏”. 112. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Nongmin yundong lei 農民運動類, No. 1955 (3), “Jiaqing yuannian bayue ershiwu ri Bi Yuan zou 嘉慶元年八月二十五日，畢沅奏”. 113. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Geming yundong lei 革命運動類, “Mimi jieshe 秘密結社”, No. 1986 (8), “Jiaqing ernian wuyue chusan ri Wang Xin zou 嘉慶二年五月初三日，汪新奏”. 114. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 9, “Jiaqing Chuanhu Xian jinggou ji 嘉慶川湖陝靖寇記”, vol. 1. 115. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, session 1, vol. 18, “Jiaqing yuannian jiuyue shijiu ri Yong Bao zou 嘉慶元年九月十九日永保奏”. 116. Ibid., session 1, vol. 31, “Jiaqing ernian eryue ershisi ri Hui Ling zou 嘉慶二年二月二十四日惠齡 奏”. 117. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Geming yundong lei 革命運動類, “Mimi jieshe 秘密結社”, No. 1978 (8), “Jiaqing ernian shiyi yue chuba ri E Le Deng Bao, Funing zou 嘉慶二年十一月初八 日額勒登保、福寧奏”. 118. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Nongmin yundong lei 農民運動類, No. 1935 (6), “Jiaqing yuannian shiyi yue shiqi ri Yong Bao zou 嘉慶元年十一月十七日永保奏”. 119. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Geming yundong lei 革命運動類, “Mimi jieshe 秘密結社”, No. 1991 (5), “Jiaqing ernian sanyue ershiwu ri Hui Ling zou 嘉慶二年三月二十五日惠齡奏”. 120. Note 114, vol. 2. 121. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Geming yundong lei 革命運動類, “Mimi jieshe 秘密結社”, No. 1989 (6), “Jiaqing ernian siyue ershiwu ri Qi Cheng zou 嘉慶二年四月二十五日慶成奏”. 122. Shi Xiangcun jushi 石香村居士, Kanjing jiaofei shubian 戡靖教匪述編, Fulu 附錄, Gong Jinghan 龔景瀚, “Jianbi qingye bing zhaofuyi 堅壁清野並招撫議”. 123. Ibid., vol. 4, “Jiaqing siyue zhengyue shangyu 嘉慶四年正月上諭”. 124. (Minguo 民國) Hubei tongzhi 湖北通志, vol. 69, “Bingshi 兵事”, 3. 125. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, session 1, vol. 39, “Jiaqing ernian liuyue shangyu 嘉慶二年六月上諭”. 126. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 132, “Hui Ling 惠齡”. 127. Shi Xiangcun jushi 石香村居士, Kanjing jiaofei shubian 戡靖教匪述編, vol. 9. 128. Note 117. 129. Note 127, vol. 1. 130. Ibid. 131. Ibid. 132. Ibid. 133. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 41, “Jiaqing ernian liuyue ershier ri Yi Mian deng zou 嘉慶二年六月二十二日宜綿等奏”. 134. Note 117, vol. 2. 135. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, “Confessions of Wang Sankui 王三槐供詞” , Wenwu 文物, vol. 3 (1976).

302

Notes

136. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 45, “Jiaqing ernian bayue Ming Liang zou 嘉慶二年八月明亮奏”. 137. Note 114, vol. 3. 138. Ibid. 139. Note 122, “Jianbi qingye yi 堅壁清野議”. 140. Qing Renzong yuzhi shi chuji 清仁宗禦制詩初集, vol. 26, 31. 141. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, session 1, vol. 181, “Jiaqing wunian wuyue ershiyi ri Tai Bu zou 嘉慶五年五月二十一日台布奏”. 142. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, session 1, session 1, vol. 64, “Jiaqing sannian eryue shiqi ri Ke Fan zou 嘉慶三年二月十七日柯藩奏”. 143. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, session 1, vol. 168, “Jiaqing wunian siyue ershisan ri Guo Lin zou 嘉慶五年四月二十三日國霖奏”. 144. Note 140, vol. 44. 145. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, session 1, session 1, vol. 59, “Jiaqing ernian shier yue ershiba ri Le Bao zou 嘉慶二年十二月二十八日勒保奏”. 146. Note 114, vol. 2. 147. Ibid. 148. Ibid. 149. Ibid. 150. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu, 嘯亭雜錄, vol. 4, “Wang Wenxiong 王文雄”. 151. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, Continuation of vol. 17, “Jiaqing banian bayue shisan ri shangyu 嘉慶八年八月十三日上諭”. 152. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, session 1, session 1, vol. 67, “Jiaqing sannian sanyue shisan ri De Lengtai zou 嘉慶三年三月十三日德楞泰奏”. 153. Ibid. 154. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 131, “De Lengtai 德楞泰”. 155. Note 114, vol. 3. 156. Ibid. 157. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 148, “Liu Qing 劉清”. 158. Note 114, vol. 3. 159. Ibid. 160. Note 103, vol. 4. 161. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 75, “Jiaqing sannian bayue Hui Ling zou 嘉慶三年八月惠齡奏”. 162. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 81, “Jiaqing sannian shiyue shiwu ri Hui Ling zou 嘉慶三年十月十五日惠齡奏”. 163. Note 103, vol. 4. 164. Ibid. 165. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 37, “Jiaqing sinian zhengyue chusi ri 嘉慶四年正月初四日”. 166. Ibid., January 9 of the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. 167. Note 114, vol. 4.

303

Notes

168. Ibid. 169. Note 122. 170. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 107, “Jiaqing sinian liuyue ershiliu ri Fu Ning zou 嘉慶四年六月二十六日福寧奏”. 171. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 131, “Ele Dengbao 額勒登保”. 172. Note 114, vol. 4. 173. Ibid. 174. Ibid. 175. Ibid. 176. Note 114, vol. 5. 177. Ibid. 178. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 131, “De Lengtai 德楞泰”. 179. Note 103, vol. 4. 180. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 153, “Jiaqing wunian eryu ershier ri Qing Xing zou 嘉慶五年二月二十二日慶興奏”. 181. Note 103, vol. 5. 182. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 164, “Jiaqing wunian sanyue De Lengtai zou 嘉慶五年三月德楞泰奏”. 183. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 10, “Jiaqing Chuanhu Xian xiangbing ji 嘉慶川湖陝鄉兵 記”. 184. Note 114, vol. 5. 185. Ibid. 186. Note 122. 187. Donghua lu 東華錄, “Jiaqing jiunian liuyue Renxu 嘉慶九年六月壬戌”. 188. Note 114, vol. 5. 189. Ibid. 190. Note 122. 191. Note 114, vol. 5. 192. Yan Ruyu 嚴如煜, Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽, vol. 12, “Celüe 策略” 193. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 20, “Jiaqing sannian shiyue Dingyou 嘉慶三年十月丁酉”. 194. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 116, “Jiaqing sinian bayue shiqi ri Kui Lun zou 嘉慶四年八月十七日櫆倫奏”. 195. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 58, “Jiaqing wunian zhengyue ershiba 嘉慶五年正月二十八”. 196. Qing Renzong yuzhi xiejiao shuo 清仁宗御製邪教說. 197. Xuan Tong 宣統, Gansu xintong zhi 甘肅新通志, vol. 46, “Rongshi 戎事”, 2. 198. Jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 剿平三省邪匪方略, session 1, vol. 196, “Jiaqing wunian bayue chuliu ri Tai Bu zoushu 嘉慶五年八月初六日台布奏疏”. 199. Jiaobu dang 剿捕檔, 1679 (I), “Jiaqing wunian qiyue shisan ri yu 嘉慶五年七月十三日諭”. 200. Note 124, vol. 70, “Bingshi 兵事”, vol. 4. 201. Note 103, vol. 10. 202. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 10, “Jiaqing Chuanhu Xian jinggou ji 嘉慶川湖陝靖寇記”, vol. 6.

304

Notes

203. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Nongmin yundong lei 農民運動類, “Jiaqing liunian sanyue ershiyi ri Wo Xing’e zou 嘉慶六年三月二十一日窩星額奏”. 204. Note 202, vol. 7. 205. Ibid. 206. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 93, “Jiaqing qinian zhengyue chusan ri 嘉慶七年正月初三”. 207. Note 202, vol. 7. 208. As Ren Xu 壬戌 and Gui Hai 癸亥 were the seventh and eighth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing i.e. 1802 and 1803. 209. Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏摺, Nongmin yundong lei 農民運動類, “Mimi jieshe 秘密結 社”, No. 2142 (3), Confession of Zhao Congguan 趙聰觀供, the 8th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. 210. Ibid. 211. Ibid., No. 2140 (2), Confession of Zhang Shihu 張士虎供，嘉慶八年, the 8th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. 212. Note 124, vol. 4. 213. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, “Jiaqing qinian liuyue 嘉慶七 年六月”. 214. Jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 剿平三省邪匪方略, original book, vol. 352, “Jiaqing qinian shi’er yue shiliu ri Ele Dengbao deng zoushu 嘉慶七年十二月十六日額勒登保等奏疏”. 215. Note 202, vol. 7. 216. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 136, “Muke Dengbu 穆克登布”. 217. Jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 剿平三省邪匪方略, continuation, vol. 7, “Jiaqing banian san yue chusan ri Ele Dengbao deng zoushu 嘉慶八年三月初三日額勒登保等奏疏”. 218. Ibid., continuation, vol. 8, “Jiaqing banian san yue shi ri Ele Dengbao deng zoushu 嘉慶八年三月十 日額勒登保等奏疏”. 219. Ibid., “Jiaqing banian san yue si ri Le Bao zou 嘉慶八年三月四日勒保奏”. 220. Ibid., “Jiaqing banian san yue ershijiu ri De Lengtai zou 嘉慶八年三月二十九日德楞泰奏”. 221. Note 202, vol. 8. 222. Ibid. 223. Ibid. 224. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, continuation, “Jiaqing jiunian er yue chuliu ri De Lengtai zou 嘉慶九年二月初六日德楞泰奏”. 225. Ibid., “Jiaqing jiunian zheng yue chuliu ri De Lengtai zou 嘉慶九年正月初六日德楞泰奏”. 嘉慶九 年正月初六日德楞泰奏. 226. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 136, “ Fulun 附論”. 227. Yuzhi jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe xu 御製剿平三省邪匪方略序. 228. Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略, vol. 234, “Jiaqing liunian er yue chu’er ri Shu Lin deng zou 嘉慶六年二月初二日書麟等奏”. 229. Fujian tongzhi 福建通志, “Qing Ji 清紀”. 230. Ibid. 231. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 2.

305

Notes

232. 233. 234. 235.

236. 237. 238. 239. 240. 241. 242. 243.

244. 245. 246. 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 255. 256. 257. 258.

306

Xiamen zhi 廈門志, vol. 16, “Jiushi zhi 舊事志”. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, vol. 85. (Daoguang 道光) Chongzuan Fujian tongzhi 重纂福建通志, vol. 87, “Haifang 海防”. Zhu Fen 朱濆 was a smuggler in Zhangzhou 漳州 in the early days. According to Xiamen zhi 廈門志, vol. 16, “His is rich, likes making friends and has connections with insurrectionists. He escaped with his wife as he was wanted. He later became a pirate enjoying dozens of boats and called himself the king of Hainan 海南”. Refer to Yu De 玉德, Governor of Fujian and Zhejiang, Jiangai daxiao danshan zhaicheng jilüe 建蓋 大小擔山寨城紀略. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 8, “Jiaqing Dongnan jinghai ji 嘉慶東南靖海記”. Ibid. Mao Xianglin 毛祥麟, Moyu lu 墨餘錄. Qing shi gao 清史稿, Liezhuan 列傳, 137, “Li Changgeng 李長庚”,. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 58. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, vol. 85, “ Chen Genghuan da Wen xunfuju Yan Fang shu 陳庚煥答溫撫軍延訪書”. According to Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄, “A Linbao recognized that it was hard to eliminate insurrectionists. He invited Li Changgeng to drink and said: ‘When will the fish wormed in the net as we are fishing in the sea? There is no evidence for the truce on the shore, so you can behead a man and say he is Cai Qian, then I will reported a success in suppressing the rebel army to the emperor. Then we together could take credit for the achievements. Would that not that be better than taking risks at sea?’ Li Changgeng said with emotion: ‘I will not do things as Shi Sanbao and Nie Renjie have done. On top of that, I do not fear danger as I have long regarded the sea and ships as my home. I swear to die with the insurrectionists but not to live with them.’ The governor of Zhejiang was cross with him”. Note 237. Qing Renzong shengxun 清仁宗聖訓, vol. 40, September 12 of the 14th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. Tong’an xian zhi 同安縣志, vol. 30 , “Renwu lu, Wugong 人物錄‧武功,” “Wang Delu 王得祿”. Refer to Qinding pingding jiaofei jilüe 欽定平定教匪紀略, vol. 25. Lanyi Waishi 蘭簃外史, Jing niji 靖逆記, vol. 5. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Qinding pingding jiaofei jilüe 欽定平定教匪紀略, vol. 33. Note 248. Ibid. Ibid., vol. 3. Ibid.

Notes

259. 260. 261. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266. 267. 268. 269. 270. 271. 272. 273. 274. 275. 276. 277. 278. 279. 280. 281. 282. 283. 284. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289. 290. 291. 292. 293. 294. 295. 296. 297.

Note 248. Refer to Na Yancheng 那彥成, Na Wenyigong zouyi 那文毅公奏議, vol. 32, 33. Refer to Qinding pingding jiaofei jilüe 欽定平定教匪紀略, vol. 1. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄, vol. 6, “Kuiyou zhibian 癸酉之變”. Lanyi Waishi 蘭簃外史, Jing niji 靖逆記, vol. 1; ibid. Tuojin zouzhe 托津奏摺. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 274, September 17 of the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. Qing Renzong yuzhi shi sanji 清仁宗御製詩三集, vol. 16, “Zaji shuhuai 責己述懷”. Ibid., “Five Poems to Express Feelings 有感五首”. Lanyi Waishi 蘭簃外史, Jing niji 靖逆記, vol. 3. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 277. Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting zalu 嘯亭雜錄, vol. 6, “Hua xian zhi jie 滑縣之捷”. Note 268. Na Yancheng 那彥成, Na Wenyigong zouyi 那文毅公奏議, vol. 19. Note 270. Note 268. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, “Jiaqing Jifu jingzei ji 嘉慶畿輔靖賊記”. Note 268. Refer to Na Yancheng 那彥成, Na Wenyigong zouyi 那文毅公奏議, vol. 31. Lanyi Waishi 蘭簃外史, Jing niji 靖逆記, vol. 5. Baotou 包頭, head of contracted labor is the one who led workers to engage in water transportation. Yan Ruyu 嚴如煜, Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽, vol. 10. Refer to Qinding pingding jiaofei jilüe 欽定平定教匪紀略, vol. 25. Lanyi Waishi 蘭簃外史, Jing niji 靖逆記, vol. 4. (Tongzhi 同治) Guiyang zhili zhou zhi 桂陽直隸州志, vol. 23, “Dong Yao 洞瑤”. Ibid. Zhou Cunyi 周存義, Pingding Yaofei shulüe 平定瑤匪述略, part 1. Note 286. (Guangxu 光緒) Ningyuan xian zhi 寧遠縣志, 6 , Wubei 武備, “Jishi 紀事”. Note 288. Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 7, “Daoguang chao Yue ping Yao ji 道光朝粵平瑤記”. Note 288. Ibid., part 2. Pingding Huijiang jiaoqin niyi fanglüe 平定回疆剿擒逆裔方略, vol. 12. Qing shi gao 清史稿, “Shuguozhuan 屬國傳”, 4. Compiled by the investigation team for the social history of ethnic groups in Xinjiang (新疆少數民 族社會歷史調查組), Yimide shi 伊米德史 (mimeographed version), part 1, 68.

307

Notes

298. 299. 300. 301. 302. 303. 304.

Wei Yuan 魏源, Shengwu ji 聖武記, vol. 4, “Daoguang zhongding Huijiang ji 道光重定回疆記”. Pingding Huijiang jiaoqin niyi fanglüe 平定回疆剿擒逆裔方略, vol. 31. D.C. Boulger, The Life of Yakoob Beg , 65. Pingding Huijiang jiaoqin niyi fanglüe 平定回疆剿擒逆裔方略, vol. 34. Qing shi gao 清史稿, vol. 367, “Chang Ling 長齡”. Na Yancheng 那彥成, Na Wenyigong zouyi 那文毅公奏議, vol. 78. Pingding Huijiang jiaoqin niyi fanglüe 平定回疆剿擒逆裔方略, Editor’s Notes.

Chapter 15 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

308

Fang Dongshu 方東樹, Hanxue Shangdui 漢學商兌, First part of vol. 1. Ibid., part 2. Zhang Ying 張瑛, Zhituizhai gao 知退齋稿, vol. 1, “Du Mao Shi Zhuan 讀毛詩傳”. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “Socialism: Utopianism and Science (by Engels),” Selected Works of Marx and Engels , vol. 3, 418–419. Qing shi gao 清史稿, vol. 486, Wen Yuan 文苑, 3, “Mei Zengliang 梅曾亮”. Zeng Guofan quanji 曾國藩全集, vol. 1, “Zhu Shenfu yishu xu 朱慎甫遺書序”. Tang Jian 唐鑒, Guochao xue’an 國朝學案. Zeng Guofan quanji 曾國藩全集, vol. 3, “Ouyang Sheng wenji xu 歐陽生文集序”. Chen Li 陳澧, Dongshu yigao 東塾遺稿, transcript. Zhu Yixin 朱一新, Peixianzhai zacun 佩弦齋雜存, part 2, “Fu Fu Minsheng 覆傅敏生”. Ruan Yuan 阮元, Weijingzhai yishu 味經齋遺書, Juanshou 卷首, “Zhuang Fanggeng Zongbo shuojing xu 莊方耕宗伯說經序”. Qing Ruxue an 清儒學案, vol. 75, “Fanggengxue an 方耕學案”. Zhu Gui 朱珪, Weijingzhai yishu 味經齋遺書, Juanshou 卷首, Chunqiu zhengci xu 春秋正辭序. Gong Zizhen quanji 龔自珍全集, “Zizheng Dafu Libu Shilang Wujin Zhuanggong shendao beaming 資政大夫禮部侍郎武進莊公神道碑銘”, 141. Liu Fenglu 劉逢祿, Liu Libu ji 劉禮部集, vol. 4, “Shi jiuzhi 釋九旨”, “Bao Li 褒例”. Ibid., “Shinei shili 釋內事例”, 1. Ibid., vol. 3, “Chunqiu gongyang jiegu jian xu 春秋公羊解詁箋序”. Ibid., “Zuoshi Chunqiu kaozheng 左氏春秋考證”. Ibid., “Gongyang Heshi shili 公羊何氏釋例”, 9. Gong Zizhen quanji 龔自珍全集, “Zashi 雜詩,” 441. Ibid., “Tou Song Yu Ting 投宋於庭”, 462. Zhang Jiliang 張際亮, Zhang Hengfu wenji 張亨甫文集, vol. 3, “Da Huangshuzhai Honglu Shu 答 黃樹齋鴻臚書”. Zhang Mu 張穆, Qizhai wenji 啟齋文集, vol. 2, “Haijiang shanhou yizhong shouling lun 海疆善後 宜重守令論”. Shen Yao 沈堯, Luofan lou wen ji 落帆樓文集, vol. 9, “Jianzha zhicun 簡紮摭存”, part 2. Yun Jing 惲敬, Da Yunshanfang ji 大雲山房集, vol. 1, “Sandai yinge lun 三代因革論”, 1. Wei Yuan ji 魏源集, “Mo gu 默觚,” 2, “Zhi Pian 治篇”, 5, 48. Gong Zizhen quanji 龔自珍全集, “Shang daxueshi shu 上大學士書,” 319.

Notes

28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66.

Ibid., vol. 7, “Yibing zhiji zhuyi 乙丙之際著議”, 5. Lin Changyi 林昌彝, Sheyinglou shihua 射鷹樓詩話, vol. 12. Chen Shouqi 陳壽祺, Zuohai wenji 左海文集, vol. 3, “Keju lun 科舉論”, vol. 3. Wei Yuan ji 魏源集, vol. 1, “Mingdai shibing erzhenglu xu 明代食兵二政錄敘”, 163. Bao Shichen 包世臣, Yizhou shuangji 藝舟雙楫, vol. 10, “Zhao Pinghu Zhengshu wupian xu 趙平 湖政書五篇敘”. Yao Ying 姚瑩, Dong Mingwen houji 東溟文後集, vol. 9, “Shixing zhaiji 十幸齋記”. Wei Yuan ji 魏源集, vol. 1, “Jingxi Zhoujun baoxu zhuan 荊溪周君保緒傳”, 362. Note 33, vol. 11, “Tang Haiqiu zhuan 湯海秋傳”. Huang Juezi, Xu Naiji zouyi hekan 黃爵滋、許乃濟奏議合刊, Huang Juezi, “Jing Chen Liushi shu 敬陳六事疏”. Refer to Bao Shichen 包世臣, Anwu sizhong 安吳四種, vol. 1, “Haiyun nancao yi 海運南漕議”. Wei Yuan ji 魏源集, vol. 1, “Daoguang bingxu haiyun ji 道光丙戌海運記”, 414. Yao Ying 姚瑩, Dong Mingwen houji 東溟文後集, vol. 8. Gong Zizhen quanji 龔自珍全集, “Xiyu zhixing shengyi 西域置行省議”, 16. Wu Changshou 吳昌綬, Ding’an xiansheng nianpu 定庵先生年譜. Wei Yuan ji 魏源集, vol. 1, “Ding’an wenlu xu 定庵文錄敘”, 239. Gong Zizhen quanji 龔自珍全集, “Pingjun pian 平均篇”, 78. Ibid., “Gushi gouchen lun yi 古史鉤沉論一”, 20. Ibid., “Mingliang lun er 明良論二”, 31. Ibid., “Mingliang lun san 明良論三”, 33. Ibid. Gong Zizhen quanji 龔自珍全集, “Yibing zhiji zhuyi dijiu 乙丙之際著議第九”, 6. Ibid., “Jihai zashi 己亥雜詩”, 5, 521. Ibid., “Pingjun pian 平均篇”, 78. Ibid., “Nong zong 農宗”, 49. Ibid., “Mingliang lun er 明良論二”, 31. Liang Qichao 梁啟超, Qidai xueshu gailun 清代學術概論. Wei Qi 魏耆, Shaoyang weifujun shilüe 邵陽魏府君事略. Ibid. Wei Yuan ji 魏源集, vol. 1, “Daoguang yansou zhengfu ji 道光洋艘征撫記”, 1, 187. Ibid., vol. 1, “Haiguo tuzhi xu 海國圖志敘”, 208. Wei Yuan 魏源, Haiguo tuzhi 海國圖志, “Chouhai pian 籌海篇”. Wei Yuan ji 魏源集, vol. 2, “Jiangkou wu Lin Shaomu zhifu 江口晤林少穆制府” Note 57, 207. Ibid. Note 58. Wei Yuan ji 魏源集, vol. 1, “Mo gu 默觚,” 2, “Zhi pian wu 治篇五”, 47. Ibid., vol. 2, “Chou cuo pian 籌鹺篇”, 432. Ibid., vol. 1, “Mo gu 默觚,” 1, “Xue pian er 學篇二”, 7. Ibid., “Xue pian qi 學篇七”, 18.

309

Notes

67.

Ibid., “Xue pian shiyi 學篇十一”, 26.

Chapter 16 1. 2. 3.

4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

310

Blakeslee, China and the Far East , 35, 39. Donghua lu 東華錄, Kangxi’s reign, vol. 8, March in the seventh year under the reign of Emperor Kangxi. Statistics cited in this Chapter come from Yan Zhongping 嚴中平 et al. (eds.), Zhongguo jindai jingji shi tongji ziliao 中國近代經濟史統計資料, vol. 1; Yao Xiangao 姚賢鎬 (ed.), Zhongguo jindai duiwai maoyi shi ziliao (1840–1895) 中國近代對外貿易史資料（1840–1895）, vol. 1; H. B. Morse ( 馬士), Zhonghua Diguo duiwai guanxi shi 中華帝國對外關係史 (The International Relations of the Chinese Empire). M. Greenberg (格林堡), Yapian Zhanzheng qian Zhong-Ying tongshang shi 鴉片戰爭前中英通商 史 (British Trade and the Opening of China 1800–1842), 1. Zhang Tianhu 張天護, “Qingdai Faguo duihua maoyi wenti zhi yanjiu 清代法國對華貿易問題之 研究,” Waijiao yuebao 外交月報, vol. 8, issue 6. Ruan Yuan 阮元, Guangdong tongzhi 廣東通志, vol. 330, Liezhuan 列傳, 63, “Waifan 外藩”. H.B. Morse (馬士), Zhonghua Diguo duiwai guanxi shi 中華帝國對外關係史 (The International Relations of the Chinese Empire), vol. 1, 93. George Staunton (斯當東), Yingshi yejian Qianlong jishi 英使謁見乾隆紀實, 27. Note 4. Ibid., 3. Ibid., 8. H.B. Morse ( 馬士), Pian nian shi 編年史 (The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635–1834), vol. 4, 2. Note 4, 5. Tyler Dennett (丹涅特), Meiguo ren zai Dong Ya 美國人在東亞 (Americans in Eastern Asia), 18. Wenxian congbian 文獻叢編, vol. 17, “Fujian xunfu Chang Ji zou, Yongzheng wunian qiyue shijiu ri 福建巡撫常齎奏，雍正五年七月十九日”. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “Capital (by Marx),” Collected Works of Karl Marx and Friederich Engels , vol. 25, 372–373. Liang Tingnan 梁廷柟, Yuehai guanzhi 粵海關志, vol. 23, 8. Qingdai waijiao shiliao 清代外交史料, Jiaqing chao si 嘉慶朝四, 29. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “The Rule of Great Britain in India (by Marx),” Selected Works of Marx and Engels , vol. 2, 66–67. Lu Xun quanji 魯迅全集, vol. 1, “Kanjing yougan 看鏡有感”, 31. Qing Gaozong shengxun 清高宗聖訓, vol. 281, 5. Ibid., vol. 199, 10. Huangchao zhengdian leizuan 皇朝政典類纂, vol. 118, “Min-Zhe zongdu Yang Tingzhang deng zou, Qianlong ershi jiu 閩浙總督楊庭璋等奏，乾隆二十九”. Qingdai waijiao shiliao 清代外交史料, Jiaqing chao si 嘉慶朝四, “Liang Guang zongdu Jiang Youxian zou, 兩廣總督蔣攸銛奏”, Jiaqing shijiu nian shiyue shijiu ri 嘉慶十九年十月十九日, 23.

Notes

25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38.

39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52.

W. C. Hunter (亨特), Guangzhou fangui lu 廣州番鬼錄 (The “Fan Kwae” at Canton before Treaty Days, 1825-1844). Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “Revolution in China and in Europe (by Marx),” Selected Works of Marx and Engels , vol. 2, 3. Liening quanji 列寧全集, vol. 3, “Eguo ziben zhuyi de fazhan 俄國資本主義的發展,” 545. Guangxu daqing huidian shili 光緒大清會典事例, vol. 776, “Kangxi ershisan nian yizhun 康熙 二十三年議准,” 4. Huangchao wenxian tongkao 皇朝文獻通考, vol. 33, 11, “Kangxi wushisan nian Zhang Boxing zou 康熙五十三年張伯行奏”. Ibid., 12, “Yongzheng wunian yu 雍正五年諭”. Donghua lu 東華錄, Kangxi’s reign, vol. 94, “Kangxi wushisan nian shiyue 康熙朝卷九十四，康熙 五十三年十月”. Zhang Boxing 張伯行, Zheng Yitang wenji 正誼堂文集, vol. 1, “Haiyang beijie sanan tiqing chibu shenni shu 海洋被劫三案題請敕部審擬疏” ; vol. 2, “Lichen beiwu shimo shu 瀝陳被誣始末疏”. Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄, vol. 365, “Jiaqing ershisi nian shi’er yue shangyu 嘉慶二十四年 十二月上諭”. Lan Dingyuan 藍鼎元, Luzhou chu ji 鹿洲初集, vol. 3 “Lun Nanyang yi shu 論南洋事宜書”. Daqing huidian shili 大清會典事例, vol. 188, 14. Qu Dajun 屈大均, Guangdong xinyu 廣東新語, vol. 9. Note 17, vol. 8, “Liang Guang zongdu Su Chang zou 兩廣總督蘇昌奏”. “Geguan guili mingse qingshan gaizai yuze lizhe 各關規禮名色請刪改載於則例折”, reported by Xin Zhu 新柱 et al. Qianlong ershisi nian 乾隆二十四年, Shiliao xunkan 史料旬刊, 5th edition, 159. Wang Zhichun 王之春, Guochao tongshang shimo ji 國朝通商始末記, vol. 7. John Phipps (菲普斯), Practical Treatise on the China and Eastern Trade , 140. H.B. Morse (馬士), Zhonghua Diguo duiwai guanxi shi 中華帝國對外關係史 (The International Relations of the Chinese Empire), vol. 1, 95. Note 4, 58. Ibid. H. B. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China , 1635–1834, vol. 2, 160. A Narrative of the British Embassy to China (London, 1795), 92. Zhanggu congbian 掌故叢編, vol. 5, “Qianlong wushiba nian qiyue chuba ri shangyu 乾隆五十八 年七月初八日上諭”. Ibid., vol. 7, “Qianlong wushiba nian bayue chuliu ri shangyu 乾隆五十八年八月初六日上諭”. Note 17, vol. 23, Gong Bo 貢舶, 3, “Qianlong zhi Yingwang chiyu 乾隆致英王敕諭”. Cramer Robin, Serving As An Envoy to China: According to Records Made by Lord Macartney When Presenting Himself before Emperor Qianlong (London, 1962), 212. Qingdai waijiao shiliao 清代外交史料, Jiaqing’s Reign 5, “Ershiyi nian yun liuyue ershier ri shangyu 二十一年閏六月二十二日上諭”. Note 41, vol. 1, 63. Ibid.

311

Notes

53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58.

59. 60. 61.

62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76.

312

Qingdai waijiao shiliao 清代外交史料, Jiaqing’s Reign 5, “Ershiyi nian qiyue chuqi ri shangyu 二十一年七月初七日上諭”. Qingdai waijiao shiliao 清代外交史料, Daoguang’s Reign 1, “LiangGuang zongdu Yuan Yuan zou 兩 廣總督阮元奏,” January 28 in the 2nd year of Daoguang’s Reign. Xiao Lingyu 蕭令裕, Yingjili ji 英吉利記. Qingdai waijiao shiliao 清代外交史料, Jiaqing’s Reign 3, LiangGuang zongdu Bai Ling zo 兩廣總督 百齡奏,” April 7 in the 14th year of Jiaqing’s Reign. Proofread and annotated by Xu Dishan 許地山, Da Zhong ji 達衷集, 12. Hugh Hamilton Lindsay (胡夏米), Letter to the Right Honourable Viscount Palmerston: On British Relations with China, F. O. 17/12 of the British Foreign Office, quoted from Yan Zhongping 嚴中平, Yingguo zichan jieji fangzhi liyi jituan yu liangci Yapian Zhanzheng shiliao 英國資產階級紡織利益 集團與兩次鴉片戰爭史料. “Liang Guang zongdu Lu Kun, Guangdong xunfu Qi Gong zou, 兩廣總督盧坤、廣東巡撫祁 奏,” August 28 in the 14th year of Daoguang’s Reign, Shiliao xunkan 史料旬刊, vol. 21. Note 41, vol. 1, 152. Before 1834 the British East India Company monopolized trade with China, but its employees were allowed to carry out some private trade within certain limitations. Indian merchants could conduct import and export trade in Guangzhou after obtaining permission from the Company. These merchants were termed “country merchants”. Report of the Imperial Committee on Opium , vol. 7 (1794), 37, cited from Ding Mingnan 丁名楠 et al., Diguo zhuyi qinhua shi 帝國主義侵華史, vol. 1, p.17. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “History of Opium Trade,” Selected Works of Marx and Engels , vol. 2, p.29. Note 4, 18. Ibid. J. E. Bingham, Narrative of the Expedition to China , prelude. House of Commons’ Report (1831–1832), vol. 11, 10, cited from Ding (note 62), vol. 1, 13. Note 63, 27. Note 66. Feng Zanxun, “Yanjin yapinyan zhe 嚴禁鴉片煙折,” May 24 in the 11th year of Daoguang’s Reign, Shiliao xunkan 史料旬刊. Refer to “Sent to Henry John Temple Palmerston by London East India Company and China Association,” British Blue Papers (November 2, 1839). “Chajin yapin yan’an, Xingbu zhezou zhuojia maishi yapianyan zuiming 查禁鴉片煙案，刑部折奏 酌加買食鴉片煙罪名,” June 16 in the 11th year of Daoguang’s Reign, Shiliao xunkan 史料旬刊. Huang Juezi 黃爵滋, “Qing Yansai louzhi yipei guoben zhe 請嚴塞漏卮以培國本折,” leap April 10 in the18th year of Daoguang’s Reign. Bao Shichen 包世臣, Anwu sizhong 安吳四種, “Geng Chen Za Zhu 庚辰雜著,” 2. Yu Jiao 俞蛟, Mengchang zazhu 夢廠雜著. Zhou Shifan 周石藩, Hailing congzheng lu 海陵從政錄, “Yanjin xishi yapianyan shi 嚴禁吸食鴉片 煙示”.

Notes

77. 78. 79. 80.

81. 82. 83.

Quoted from Karl Marx, “History of Opium Trade,” Selected Works of Marx and Engels , vol. 2, 23–24. Qingdai waijiao shiliao 清代外交史料, Daoguang’s Reign 1, “Wang Zhongmo zou 黃中模奏”. Bao Shichen 包世臣, Anwu sizhong 安吳四種, “Zai da Wang Liangsheng shu 再答王亮生書”. Lin Zexu 林則徐, Lin Wenzhong gongzheng shu 林文忠公政書, “HuGuang zougao juansi 湖廣奏 稿卷四, “Qianpiao wushen guanai yi chongjin chiyan yidu biyuan pian 錢票無甚關礙宜重禁吃煙 以杜弊源片”. Lei Jin 雷 (Comp.), Rongcheng xianhua 蓉城閒話. Note 73. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “Revolution in China and in Europe (by Marx),” Selected Works of Marx and Engels , vol. 2, 2.

313

A Short Account of the Maritime Circuit About Heresy Amusing Drawing of Ghosts Anecdotes of Zuo Guangdou Annotations to Corrections on Typhoid Theory Annotations to Synopsis of the Golden Chamber Anthology of Baoshuting Anthology of Ce Mao Anthology of Classical Chinese Prose Anthology of Drinking Water Anthology of Fuchuzhai Anthology of Haifeng Anthology of Huhailou Anthology of Ming Poems Anthology of Poems and Essays of Xiaocangshanfang Anthology of Poems of this Dynasty Anthology of Tang Poems Anthology of Wangxi Anthology of Wei Shuzi Anthology of Zhuanghuitang Arithmetic in the Five Classics Bamboo in Ink bang Bin feng guang yi Biography of Datiezhui Biography of Jiang Tianyi Biography of Li Ji Biography of Ma Ling Biography of Zhu Zhujun bu Canglang’s Discussions on Poetry Category Preascriptions of the Essentials of Materia Medica chi Chongzhen Calendar

《瀛寰志略》 《邪教說》 《鬼趣圖》 《左忠毅公逸事》 《訂正傷寒論注》 《訂正金匱要略注》 《曝書亭集》 《側帽集》 《古文辭類纂》 《飲水集》 《復初齋文集》 《海峰文集》 《湖海樓集》 《明詩別裁》 《小倉山房詩文集》 《國朝詩別裁》 《唐詩別裁》 《望溪文集》 《魏叔子集》 《壯悔堂集》 《五經算術》 《墨竹》 梆 《豳風廣義》 《大鐵椎傳》 《江天一傳》 《李姬傳》 《馬伶傳》 《朱竹君先生傳》 步 《滄浪詩話》 《本草綱目類方》 尺 《崇禎曆書》

315

Glossary

Chou cao pian Chou cuo pian Chou he pian Chuan ya (Internal and External) Chunqiu Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan Chunqiu zheng ci ci Ci of Yonghe Gong Classic of Questioning Classified Treatment Climbing Mount Tai Collected Basic Principles of Mathematics Collected Essays in Prison Collection of Anyatang Collection of Beginning to Learn A Collection of Chirurgic Evidence and Treatment Collection of Chirurgery Pass Collection of Meicun Collection of Prescriptions Collection of Study Collection of Xueyutang Collection of Yishantang Poems Compiled Ancient Mathematical Manual Complete Collection of Ci Complete Collection of Medicine Complete Tang Poems Complete Works of Daijingtang Complete Works of Xibaoxuan Complete Works of Zheng Banqiao Continued Proportion Graphic Solution for Cutting a Circle Corrected Drawings of Internal Organs Observed in Person Corrections on the Errors of Medical Works Cricket cun dan Datong Calendar

316

《籌漕篇》 《籌鹺篇》 《籌河篇》 《串雅（內外編）》 《春秋》 《春秋公羊傳》 《春秋正辭》 詞 《永和宮詞》 《難經》 《類証治裁》 《登泰山記》 《數理精蘊》 《獄中雜記》 《安雅堂集》 《初學集》 《外科證治全生集》 《外科傳薪集》 《梅村集》 《醫方集解》 《有學集》 《學餘堂集》 《飴山堂詩文集》 《輯古算經》 《詞綜》 《醫部全錄》 《全唐詩》 《帶經堂全集》 《惜抱軒全集》 《鄭板橋全集》 《割圓連比例圖解》 《親見改正臟腑圖》 《醫林改錯》 《促織》 寸 擔/石 《大統曆》

Glossary

Detailed Manual of Jade Mirror of the Four Unknowns Ding’an wen ji Discussion and Consideration on Sinology Discussion on Poeties Dong lei xing Dongxin’s Drawing Dongxin’s Poems on Drawing Dongzi Chunqiu fa wei dou Draft of Qing History Drawing of Lament Dream of the Red Chamber Elements of Geometry Encyclopedia of Issuing Almanac Enlightenment of Mathematics Essays of Suiyuan on Poetry Essential Prescriptions of the Golden Chamber Essentials of Materia Medica Establishment of Calendar Explanations of the Classic of Questioning Expressing Feeling Fanbu yaolüe Farming and Weaving fen Five Regulations on Guarding against Foreigners Flower Mirror Flowers in the Mirror Fu Qingzhu Gynaecology Gao Meng hou qiu Gazetteer of Datong Prefecture in Qianlong’s Reign Gazetteer of Four Continents Gazetteer of Hengyan in Jiaqing’s Reign Gazetteer of Li County in Qianlong’s Reign Gazetteer of the Imperial Map on the Western Regions Gazetteer of Tong’an County Gazetteer of Xiamen Gazetteer of Yuqian in Jiaqing’s Reign Gazetteers of Qi County in Qianlong’s Reign Gazetteers of Shanhua in Jiaqing’s Reign

《四元玉鑒細草》 《定庵文集》 《漢學商兌》 《談龍錄》 《冬雷行》 《冬心畫記》 《冬心題畫》 《董子春秋發微》 斗 《清史稿》 《離騷圖》 《紅樓夢》 《幾何原本》 《授時通考》 《算學啟蒙》 《隨園詩話》 《金匱要略》 《本草備要》 《曆象考成》 《難經經釋》 《遣興》 《藩部要略》 《耕織圖》 分 《防夷五事》 《花鏡》 《鏡花緣》 《傅青主女科》 《高蒙厚求》 《乾隆大同府志》 《四洲志》 《嘉慶衡陽縣志》 《乾隆林縣志》 《皇輿西域圖志》 《同安縣志》 《廈門志》 《嘉慶于潛縣志》 《乾隆杞縣志》 《嘉慶善化縣志》

317

Glossary

Gist of Essential Prescriptions of the Golden Chamber A Glance at the Moral Quality and National Affairs of England Golden Chamber Golden Mirror of Medicine Gongyang Chunqiu Gongyang Chunqiu gu wei Gongyang Heshi jie guqian Gongyang Heshi shili Gongyang jie gu Gongyang zhuan Great Encyclopedia in Yongle’s Reign Great Universal Geographic Map Guili Haiguo tuzhi Haiyun nan cao yi History of Mirror Home Collected Works of Meicun Hongyu huabu Huangchao jingshi wenbian Huihui Calendar Huxi xing Illustrations of Dream of the Red Chamber Imperial Map of China Inner Scripture The Integration of Ancient and Modern Books Integration of Pediatrics Iron Mirror on Pediatrics Jade Mirror of the Four Unknowns jia Jing Chen Liu shi shu Jingjing ling chi jinshi Jun zhu pian Kangyou ji xing kun The Lament

318

《金匱要略心典》 《英吉利人品國事略說》 《金匱》 《醫宗金鑒》 《公羊春秋》 《公羊春秋古微》 《公羊何氏解詁箋》 《公羊何氏釋例》 《公羊解詁》 《公羊傳》 《永樂大典》 《坤輿全圖》 規禮 《海國圖志》 《海運南漕議》 《鏡史》 《梅村家藏稿》 《紅玉》 花部 《皇朝經世文編》 《回回曆》 《湖西行》 《紅樓夢圖咏》 《皇輿全覽圖》 《內經》 《古今圖書集成》 《幼幼集成》 《幼科鐵鏡》 《四元玉鑒》 甲 《敬陳六事疏》 《鏡鏡詅痴》 進士 《軍貯篇》 《康輶記行》 崑 《離騷》

Glossary

Letter to Yuan Guanglu on the Day of Jinling in the Year of Kuiwei li liang Lianting Poems lishu liu Liu Jing Liu Shu Longitude and Latitude of Warm Heat Diseases Lotus in Ink luantan Lutai Poems on Drawing Draft Main Points of the Arc Triangle Main Points of the Flat Triangle Manuscript of Yaofeng Mao shi shuo Mathematical Manual of the Five Administrative Departments Memoir on Some Traditions of the Mathematical Art Mengu youmu ji Minghe Ci Minor Odes Mo gu mu National Style Navigation Degrees of Five Stars Needlework of Materia Medica Prescriptions New Compilation of Materia Medica New Steps in Computation Nine Chapters of Mathematical Books Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art Nine Elegies On Chinese Politics, Commerce and Society On Deleting and Supplementing Prescriptions of Famous Doctors On the Fangshan Road On the River On Warm Heat Diseases

《癸未去金陵日與阮光祿書》 里 兩 《楝亭詩抄》 隸書 柳 六經 六書 《溫熱經緯》 《墨荷圖》 亂彈 《麓台題畫稿》 《弧三角舉要》 《平三角舉要》 《堯峰類稿》 《毛詩說》 《五曹算經》 《數術記遺》 《蒙古遊牧記》 《茗柯詞》 《小雅》 《默觚》 畝 《國風》 《五星行度解》 《本草萬方針線》 《本草從新》 《益古演段》 《數書九章》 《九章算術》 《九哀歌》 《論中國的政治、商業和社會》 《刪補名醫方論》 《方山道中》 《江上》 《溫熱論》

319

Glossary

《芥子園畫傳》 Painting Manual of the Mustard Seed Garden 《晚笑堂畫傳》 Painting Manual of Wanxiaotang 《長生殿》 Palace of Eternal Youth 《桃花扇》 Peach Blossom Fan 《祕殿書林》 Pearl Forest in the Secret Hall 匹 pi 平氣 pingqi 《植物名實圖考》 Plant Names and Actual Drawings 《一剪梅》 Plum Flowers 《詩品》 Poem Quality 《曆象考成後編》 Post-edit of the Establishment of Calendar 《墨井畫跋》 Postscript of Mojing Drawing 《成方切用》 Practical Prescriptions 《石渠寶笈（正、續編）》 Precious Books from Shiqu (Basic part and sequel) 《送欽差大臣侯官林公序》 Preface to Lin, the Imperial Envoy Houguan 《湯頭歌訣》 Prescription Directions in Verse 《時方歌括》 Prevailing Prescriptions in Verse 錢 qian 《乾隆內府輿圖》 Qianlong Map of China 頃 qing 清水工 Qingshuigong 《割圓密率捷法》 Quick Method for Determining Segment Areas 《畫語錄》 Quotations on Drawings 《聖武記》 Record of Shengwu Record of the Gaily-painted Pleasure-boat in Yangzhou 《揚州畫舫錄》 《西域水道》 Record of the Water Ways of the Western Regions 《感懷》 Reflections 《環中黍尺》 Ruler in a Sphere 《臨江憫旱》 Sad over Drought in Linjiang 《悲落葉》 Sad over Falling Leaves 《三佛應劫書》 San Fo ying jie shu 《混元點化經》 Scripture of Hun Yuan Dian Hua 《三陽了道經》 Scripture of San Yang Liao Dao 《海島算經》 Sea Island Mathematical Manual 《測園海鏡》 Sea Mirror of Circle Measurement 《詞選》 Selected Works of Ci 《微波榭叢書》 Series of Weiboxie 《尚論篇》 Shang lun pian 尚書 shangshu

320

Glossary

Shen’s Health Book sheng shi Shi gu wei Shixian Calendar Shoushi Calendar Shu gu wei Shuo fang bei cheng Siku quanshu Singing Loudly to Liu Yufeng Sketches of Idle Pleasure Song of Yuanyuan Source of Ancient Poems South Cruises Spectrum of Qunfang Strange Tales of Liaozhai Strengthening the Defenses and Clearing the Fields and Offering Amnesty and Enlistment to Rebels Study of Calligraphy and Painting of Peiwenzhai Summary of Catalogues of Siku quanshu Sunzi Mathematical Manual Supplement to Geometry Supplement to the Book on Agriculture Supplement to the Essentials of Materia Medica Taiping Landscapes Ten Books of Mathematical Manuals Ten Types of Operas The Customs Code The Scholars Transaction Rules Travel of Evading Famine Travel of Selling Sons Treating Epidemic Febrile Disease Treatise on Febrile Diseases Treatment of Zhang Family Two Artists from Chu Typhoid Beads Typhoid Lysol

《沈氏遵生書》 升 石 《詩古微》 《時憲曆》 《授時曆》 《書古微》 《朔方備乘》 《四庫全書》 《放歌贈劉雨峰》 《閑情偶寄》 《圓圓曲》 《古詩源》 《南巡圖》 《群芳譜》 《聊齋誌異》 《堅壁清野並招撫議》

《佩文齋書畫譜》 《四庫全書總目提要》 《孫子算經》 《幾何補編》 《補農書》 《本草綱目》 《太平山水圖》 《算經十書》 《十種曲》 《海關則例》 《儒林外史》 《交易章程》 《逃荒行》 《鬻子行》 《溫病條辨》 《傷寒論》 《張氏醫通》 《楚兩生行》 《傷寒貫珠集》 《傷寒來蘇集》

321

Glossary

Ulcer Treatment Gains Variorum of Miraculous Pivot Variorum of Plain Questions Visiting Meibi Spring Wanfang lei bian Wanshou Classics Water Margin Weiboxie Series Weixian zhuzhi ci wen Wide Spectrum of Qunfang Wings of the Golden Chamber Writing about Sorrow Xi Fangping Xiahou Yang Mathematical Manual Xiangbing xing Xiangshu yi yuan Xiao’an New Calendar Xinjiang shilüe yabu yaokou yi Yuan shi xin bian Yuyang Notes on Poets and Poetry zhang Zhang Qiujian Mathematical Manual zhaofu Zhi ben ti gang Zhou guan ji Zhoubi Mathematical Manual Zuo zhuan Zuoshi Chunqiu kaozheng

322

《瘍科心得集》 《靈樞集注》 《素問集注》 《游媚筆泉記》 《萬方類編》 《萬壽聖典》 《水滸傳》 《微波榭叢書》 《濰縣竹枝詞》 文 《廣群芳譜》 《金匱翼》 《寫哀》 《席方平》 《夏侯陽算經》 《鄉兵行》 《象數一原》 《曉庵新法》 《新疆事略》 雅部 窰口 弋 《元史新編》 《漁洋詩話》 丈 《張丘建算經》 招撫 《知本提綱》 《周官記》 《周髀算經》 《左傳》 《左氏春秋考證》

Documentary materials A Narrative of the British Embassy to China . Bencao beiyao 本草備要 (Essentials of Materia Medica). Chaoxian Lichao shilu zhongde Zhongguo shiliao 朝鮮李朝實錄中的中國史料 (Chinese Historical Materials in the Record of the Korean Li Dynasty). Dadizi tihua shiba 大滌子題畫詩跋 (Epilogue of Dadizi’s Poems on Drawings). Daoguang Baoying xianzhi 道光寶應縣志 (Gazetteer of Baoying County in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang Chongqing fu zhi 道光重慶府志 (Gazetteer of Chongqing Prefecture in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang chongzuan Fujian tongzhi 道光重纂福建通志 (The General Record of Fujian Reedited during the Daoguang Period). Daoguang Guangning xian zhi 道光廣陵縣志 (Gazetteer Reign of Guangning County in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang Jiao zhou zhi 道光膠州志 (Gazetteer of Jiaozhou in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang Juye xian zhi 道光鉅野縣志 (Gazetteer of Juye County in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang Linshui xian zhi 道光鄰水縣志 (Gazetteer of Linshui County in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang Wendeng xian zhi 道光文登縣志 (Gazetteer of Wendeng County in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang Yuanhe Weiting zhi 道光元和唯亭志 (The Record of Weiting of the Yuanhe Years in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang Zhong zhou zhi 道光忠州志 (Gazetteer of Zhongzhou in Daoguang’s Reign). Daoguang Zouping xian zhi 道光鄒平縣志 (Gazetteer of Zouping County in Daoguang’s Reign). Dingli huibian 定例匯編 (Collections of Usual Practices). Donghua lu 東華錄 (Records from within the Eastern Gate). Gaozong Chun Huangdi shengxun 高宗純皇帝聖訓 (Hadith of Emperor Gaozong). Guangxu Chang Zhao hezhi 光緒常昭合志 (Combined Record of Chang Zhao in Guangxu’s Reign).

323

References

Guangxu Changzhi xian zhi 光緒長治縣志 (Gazetteer of Changzhi County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Huolu xian zhi 光緒獲鹿縣志 (Gazetteer of Huolu County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Jiangdu xian xuzhi 光緒江都縣續志 (Sequel of the Record of Jiangdu County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Kaifeng xian zhi 光緒開封縣志 (Gazetteer of Kaifeng County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Lucheng xian zhi 光緒潞城縣志 (Gazetteer of Lucheng County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Lujiang xian zhi 光緒廬江縣志 (Gazetteer of Lujiang County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Pingyao xian zhi 光緒平遙縣志 (Gazetteer of Pingyao County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Shandong tongzhi 光緒山東通志 (Gazetteer of Shandong Province in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Suzhou fu zhi 光緒蘇州府志 (Gazetteer of the Prefecture of Suzhou in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Wujiang xian zhi 光緒吳江縣志 (Gazetteer of Wujiang County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Yidu xian tuzhi 光緒益都縣圖志 (Illustrations of Yidu County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Yi xian zhi 光緒嶧縣志 (Gazetteer of Yi County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Yongcheng xian zhi 光緒永城縣志 (Gazetteer of Yongcheng County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Yucheng xian zhi 光緒虞城縣志 (Gazetteer of Yucheng County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guangxu Chaocheng xian xiangtu zhi 光緒朝城縣鄉土志 (Gazetteer of Chaocheng County in Guangxu’s Reign). Guanxu Taoyuan xian zhi 光緒桃源縣志 (Gazetteer of Taoyuan County in Guangxu’s Reign). House of Commons' Report . Huangchao jingshi wen bian 皇朝經世文編 (Collection of Qing Dynasty Writings on Statecraft). Huangchao jingshi wen xubian 皇朝經世文續編 (Continuation of Collection of Qing Dynasty Writings on Statecraft). Huangchao xu wenxian tongkao 皇朝續文獻通考 (Comprehensive Investigations Based on Literary and Documentary Sources of the Qing Dynasty). Huangqing zouyi 皇清奏議 (Memorials of the Qing Dynasty).

324

References

Huangyu xiyu tuzhi 皇輿西域圖志 (Illustrations of the Imperial Map on the Western Regions). Huihui minzu wenti 回回民族問題 (Issues of the Hui Nationality). Jiangai daxiao danshan zhaicheng jilüe 建蓋大小擔山寨城紀略 (Records about Building Big and Small Villages and Towns). Jiaobu dang 剿捕檔 (Court Edicts concerning Revolts). Jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 剿平三省邪匪方略 (General Plan of Imperial Edict on Putting Down and Pacifying the Uprising Army in Three Provinces). Jiaqing Dongtai xian zhi 嘉慶東台縣志 (Gazetteer of Dongtai County in Jiaqing’s Reign). Jiaqing Dongxiang xian zhi 嘉慶東鄉縣志 (Gazetteer of Dongxiang County in Jiaqing’s Reign). Jiaqing Xingning xian zhi 嘉慶興寧縣志 (Gazetteer of Xingning County in Jiaqing’s Reign). Junjichu lufu zouzhe 軍機處錄副奏折 (Official Copies of Memorials at the Grand Council). Kang Yong Qian shiqi chengxiang renmin fankang douzheng ziliao 康雍乾時期 城鄉人民反抗鬥爭資料 (Data of Struggles of City and Rural People in the Reigns of Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong). Kangxi Hangzhou fu zhi 康熙杭州府志 (Gazetteer of the Prefecture of Hangzhou in Kangxi’s Reign). Kangxi Pu zhou zhi 康熙濮州志 (Gazetteer of Pu County in Kangxi’s Reign). Kangxi Qinghe xian zhi 康熙清河縣志 (Gazetteer of Qinghe County in Kangxi’s Reign). Kangxi Shan xian zhi 康熙單縣志 (Gazetteer of Shan County in Kangxi’s Reign). Kangxi Shulu xian zhi 康熙束鹿縣志 (Gazetteer of Shulu County in Kangxi’s Reign). Kangxi Tangxi xian zhi 康熙湯溪縣志 (Gazetteer of Tangxi County in Kangxi’s Reign). Kangxi Zhangzhou fu zhi 康熙漳州府志 (Gazetteer of the Prefecture of Zhangzhou in Kangxi’s Reign). Kugua heshang huayulu 苦瓜和尚畫語錄 (Quotations of Monk Kugua on Drawings). Lanzhou jilüe 蘭州紀略 (Records of Lanzhou). Li Xü zouzhe 李煦奏摺 (Li Xü’s Memorials to the Throne). Li'an huibian 例案匯編 (The Collection of Legal Cases). Liening quanqi 列寧全集 (Complete Work of Lenin).

325

References

Lin Shuangwen qiyijun shouchengguan gaoshi 林爽文起義軍守城官告示 (Notice of the Official Guarding the City from Lin Shuangwen’s Uprising). Minguo Dazhu xian zhi 民國大竹縣志 (Gazetteer of Dazhu County in the Period of the Republic of China). Minguo Jintang xian xuzhi 民國金堂縣續志 (Continuation of the Record of Jintang County in the Period of the Republic of China). Minguo Wei xian zhigao 民國濰縣志稿 (Gazetteer of Wei County in the Period of the Republic of China). Minguo Wendeng xian zhi 民國文登縣志 (Gazetteer of Wendeng County in the Period of the Republic of China). Minguo Wenjiang xian zhi 民國溫江縣志 (Gazetteer of Wenjiang County in the Period of the Republic of China). Minguo Yunyang xian zhi 民國雲陽縣志 (Gazetteer of Yunyang County in the Period of the Republic of China). Pingding Huijiang jiaoqin niyi fanglüe 平定回疆剿擒逆裔方略 (General Plan on Pacifying Huijiang and Suppressing and Arresting Insurgents). Qianlong Guangshan xian zhi 乾隆光山縣志 (Gazetteer of Guangshan County in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Hua'an fu zhi 乾隆淮安府志 (Gazetteer of the Prefecture of Huai’an in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Jiexiu xian zhi 乾隆介休縣志 (Gazetteer of Xiujie County in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Linfen xian zhi 乾隆臨汾縣志 (Annals of Linfen County in the Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Pengxi xian zhi 乾隆蓬溪縣志 (Gazetteer of Pengxi County in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Qizhou fu zhi 乾隆沂州府志 (Gazetteer of Qizhou County in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Shanhua xian zhi 乾隆善化縣志 (Gazetteer of Shanhua County in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Shunde xian zhi 乾隆順德縣志 (Gazetteer of Shunde County in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Weihaiwei zhi 乾隆威海衛志 (Gazetteer of Weihai in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Xian xian zhi 乾隆獻縣志 (Gazetteer of Xian County in Qianlong’s Reign). Qianlong Xiaoyi xian zhi 乾隆孝義縣志 (Gazetteer of Xiaoyi County in Qianlong’s Reign). Qijun zhi 旗軍志 (Gazetteer of the Army of the Eight Banners).

326

References

Qinding jiaoping sansheng xiefei fanglüe 欽定剿平三省邪匪方略 (General Plan of Imperial Edict on Putting Down and Pacifying the Uprising Army in Three Provinces). Qinding pingding jiaofei jilüe 欽定平定教匪紀略 (Summary of the Emperor ’s Decision to Pacify Insurrectionists). Qinding pingding Taiwan jilüe 欽定平定台灣紀略 (Summary of the Emperor ’s Decision to Pacify Insurrectionists in Taiwan). Qinding rixia jiuwen kao 欽定日下舊聞考 (The Investigation of Old Anecdotes Ordered by the Emperor). Qing Gaozong shengxun 清高宗聖訓 (The Instruction of Gaozong of the Qing Dynasty). Qing Gaozong shilu 清高宗實錄 (Veritable Records of the Emperor Gaozong of the Qing Dynasty). Qing Renzong shengxun 清仁宗聖訓 (The Instruction of Renzong of the Qing Dynasty). Qing Renzong shilu 清仁宗實錄 (Veritable Records of the Emperor Renzong of the Qing Dynasty). Qing Renzong yuzhi shi chuji 清仁宗御制詩初集 (First Compilation of Emperor Jiaqing’s Poems). Qing Renzong yuzhi shi sanji 清仁宗御制詩三集 (Third Compilation of Emperor Jiaqing’s Poems). Qing Renzong yuzhi xiejiao shuo 清仁宗御制邪教說 (About Suppressing Heresy Ordered by Emperor Jiaqing). Qing Shengzu shilu 清聖祖實錄 (Veritable Records of the Emperor Shengzu of the Qing Dynasty). Qing shi shiyi 清史拾遺 (Adding Omissions to Qing History). Qing shi gao 清史稿 (Draft of Qing History). Qing Shizong shilu 清世宗實錄 (Veritable Records of the Emperor Shizong of the Qing Dynasty). Qing Shizu shilu 清世祖實錄 (Veritable Records of the Emperor Shizu of Qing). Qingchao wenxian tongkao 清朝文獻通考 (Mid-Qing Period Supplement to Ma Duanlin’s Statecraft Encyclopedia). Qingchao yeshi daguan 清朝野史大觀 (Overview of the Unofficial History of the Qing Dynasty). Qingdai waijiao shiliao 清代外交史料 (Diplomatic Records of the Qing Dynasty). Rizhao Dingshi zupu 日照丁氏族譜 (Pedigree of the Clan of the Family Ding in Rizhao). Sansheng bianfang beilan 三省邊防備覽 (View of Border Defense of Three Provinces).

327

References

Shifengbao Jilüe 石峰堡紀略 (Records of Shifengbao). Shou Lincheng riji 守臨城日記 (Diary of Defending Lincheng). Siku quanshu zongmu ti yao 四庫全書總目提要 (Summary of Catalogues of Siku Quanshu). Suwen jizhu 素問集注 (Variorum of Plain Questions). Taiwan Tongzhi Yang Tingli bingbao 台灣同治楊廷理稟報 (Report of Taiwan Tongzhi Yang Tingli to His Superior). Tiandi hui 天地會 (Heaven and Earth Society). Tong'an xian zhi 同安縣志 (Gazetteer of Tong’an County). Tongzhi Dangyang xian zhi 同治當陽縣志 (Gazetteer of Dangyang County in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tongzhi Guiyang Zhili zhou zhi 同治桂陽直隸州志 (Gazetteer of the Prefecture of Zhili, Guiyang in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tongzhi Hanzhou xuzhi 同治漢州續志 (Continuation of the Gazetteer of Hanzhou in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tongzhi Hengyang xian zhi 同治衡陽縣志 (Gazetteer of Hengyang County in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tongzhi Liuyang xian zhi 同治瀏陽縣志 (Gazetteer of Liuyang County in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tongzhi Panyu xian zhi 同治番禺縣志 (Gazetteer of Fanyu County in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tongzhi Shanyangxian zhi 同治山陽縣志 (Gazetteer of Shanyang County in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tongzhi Zaoyangxian zhi 同治棗陽縣志 (Gazetteer of Zaoyang County in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tongzhi Zhijiang xian zhi 同治枝江縣志 (Gazetteer of Zhijiang County in Tongzhi’s Reign). Tuojin zouzhe 托津奏摺 (Memorial of Tuojin). Wenbing tiaobian 溫病條辨 (Treating Epidemic Febrile Disease). Wu xian zhi 吳縣志 (Gazetteer of Wu County). Xingbu zhezou zhuojia maishi yapianyan zuiming 刑部折奏酌加買食鴉片煙罪名 (Report of the Ministry of Punishment on Adding More Charges on Those Taking Opium). Yang xian zhi 楊縣志 (Gazetteer of Yang County). Yilin gaicuo 醫林改錯 (Corrections on the Errors of Medical Works). Yongsui ting zhi 永綏廳志 (Gazetteer of Yongsui Ting). Zeng Guofan quanji 曾國藩全集 (Collected Works of Zeng Guofan). Zhongguo jingji shi lunwen ji 中國經濟史論文集 (Collections of Essays of China’s Economic History).

328

References

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333

Abdullah 118-19 agriculture 45, 48, 76, 83, 109, 133, 179, 256-7 ambassador 95, 103, 272, 274-5 Anhui 4, 11-12, 14, 23, 27, 30, 33, 39, 66, 72, 140, 145, 240, 244, 259, 264 Anti-Qing Government Uprisings 117 aqimu boke 117-18, 120 aristocratic families 72-3, 75 artists 3, 24-8, 34 astronomy 35-9, 41, 49 banner troops 109-11 Bao Shichen 236, 238 Bao Zhenghong 166, 170-1 Bazhou 155-6, 158, 165, 167, 190 Beijing 17, 19, 22-3, 44, 46, 50, 52, 71, 91, 93, 96, 98, 110-11, 127, 136, 207, 210, 214, 224, 235, 243, 251, 265, 272-4 Bengal 278, 280-1 Bi Yuan 73, 108, 148, 150 big landlords 62-3, 65, 67-73, 76, 96, 98 bribes 14, 98, 100, 102-3, 106-8, 261 Britain 225, 245, 251-4, 270, 272, 274-6, 278-80 British 250, 256, 273, 276-8, 285-6 British government 254-5, 270, 274, 277, 282 British merchants 255, 269, 273, 277-8, 282 British Mission 271-2, 274 bureaucrats 16, 62, 65, 71-6, 86, 129, 131 Cai Qian 197-204 calendar 35-41 calligraphy 6, 24, 26, 29-31, 97 canal 84, 88-9, 93, 123, 237, 273 Cao Xueqin 12, 16-19

capitalism 246, 250, 254, 256, 258, 262-3, 270, 275 Capitalist Countries 239, 249, 251, 253, 255, 257, 259, 261, 263, 265, 267, 269, 271, 273, 275, 277, 279, 281, 283, 285, 287 Chai Daji 130, 134-5 China's feudal society 240, 245, 269, 287 Chinese merchants 252, 263-4 Chongzhen period 4, 12, 25-7, 29, 38 Chunqiu 233-4, 240 closed-door policy 257-8, 261-5 Confucian classics 34, 232-3 Confucianism 21, 231-2, 265 corrupt officials 105-7, 112, 130, 146 corruption 16, 18, 97, 99-102, 104-7, 109, 112, 130, 155, 201, 240-1, 259, 267-8, 284 corvee 75, 79, 92, 94 courtesy name 2-14, 16, 19-21, 25-33, 38-9, 54-60 Daoguang 63, 77-8, 88, 108, 230 Daoguang reign 62-3, 67-9, 71, 76-8, 81, 86, 89-91, 98, 108, 216-18, 221-3, 234, 236, 240, 253, 256, 260, 262, 269, 277-8, 282, 285-7 De Lengtai 138, 157, 160-4, 167-8, 170, 174, 176-8, 185-8, 190-4, 196 Directorate of Astronomy 35, 37, 41 drawings 6, 24-34, 49, 53, 58 Dream of the Red Chamber 2, 12, 16-19, 33 drought 4, 19, 80, 82, 84, 86-91 dutong 110, 148, 157-8, 174 Earth Society 116, 132, 136 East India Company 254-5, 268, 274, 27882

335

Index

economy 49, 62, 64, 75, 78, 80, 92, 237, 241, 243, 265, 277, 280 Ele Dengbao 163-5, 167, 171, 174-6, 178, 182, 185-7, 191-2, 194 Emperor Jiaqing 110-11, 137, 160, 168-9, 173-5, 178, 180-2, 188, 191-2, 196, 202-3, 210-11, 215, 257, 274-5 Emperor Kangxi 16-17, 21, 26, 36, 39-41, 43-7, 51, 62, 81-2, 92, 258 Emperor Qianlong 51-2, 74, 83, 111, 120, 122, 124, 128, 130, 140, 145, 169, 233, 257, 267, 272-3 Emperor Yongzheng 17, 51, 83, 102, 136, 253, 263, 265, 267, 280 ethnic groups 116-17, 120-1, 128-9, 197, 204, 216 Europe 36-7, 40, 44, 251-2, 254, 277 European countries 250-3, 276 famine 72-4, 82, 84, 86, 91, 186 Fan Renjie 147, 170-1, 183, 185-7, 189-90 Fang Bao 11-12, 66 farmland 64-5, 67-9, 71, 73-4, 76-7, 81, 83, 98, 103-4, 193, 242, 262, 276 feudal ethics 14, 16, 18, 30 feudal society 13, 17-20, 49, 84, 109, 116, 195, 228, 235, 240, 287 First Opium War 63-5, 278, 280, 287 fleet 198-200, 204 flood 19, 79-80, 84, 86-91, 143, 198, 224, 262 foreign merchants 258-61, 265, 268-70 foreign trade 197, 250-2, 254, 256-7, 25962, 264-6, 268 France 253-4, 270, 277 Fu Kang'an 128-9, 131, 135, 138-9 Fujian 31, 86, 105, 197-204, 259-60, 264, 278 Gansu 105, 116, 120, 124-6, 128, 140, 145, 149, 157, 160, 165, 169, 172-3, 175-6, 178, 180, 182-3, 195, 211-12, 223

336

Gao Junde 147, 162, 167, 173-4 Gao Tiansheng 157, 174-5, 185 Gong Zizhen 234-6, 240-3 government 16, 35, 49, 72, 105-6, 111, 121, 149, 179, 181-2, 184-5, 188, 193, 199, 202-3, 207, 211, 238, 251, 257-8, 260-2, 265, 267-8, 270-1, 279-81, 286 central 116-21, 126-7, 131, 135, 142, 180, 182, 191, 200, 209, 212, 262 governor 98, 104-6, 108, 130, 134, 138, 145, 198, 211, 237, 239, 244, 260, 266, 279-80 grain 45, 79-81, 88-9, 99, 101, 105, 107, 133, 169, 180-1, 199, 208, 215, 238, 242, 259, 286 Guangdong 48, 68, 77, 108, 112, 146, 197-9, 201, 203-4, 216-19, 221, 246, 255-6, 260, 264, 267, 277, 279, 282-3 Guangzhou 65, 157, 243, 250-4, 256, 25861, 264, 267-9, 273-4, 277-9, 282, 284 Han Dynasty 232, 234 Han Nationality 116, 127, 131, 137, 21617 Han River 147, 149, 161-2, 164, 183, 188-9 Hanshui 147, 150, 153, 159 Heaven and Earth Society 116, 132, 136 Henan 10, 19, 34, 55, 72-4, 78-80, 89-91, 140, 143-5, 147-8, 150-1, 153, 158-9, 162, 164, 184, 189-90, 195, 204-9, 211, 233 hong debts 265, 268-70 Hong Liangji 8, 80-4 hong merchant system 259, 261-2 hong merchants 260-2, 267-70, 279, 282 Hou Fangyu 10-11, 22 Huangpu 276-7, 281-2 Hubei 68, 77, 124, 140, 143-8, 150, 152-5, 158-65, 169, 173, 176, 180, 183-7, 18992, 194-5, 211 Hui Ling 148, 153, 157, 168-9, 174, 191 Hui nationality 116, 118, 124-5, 129, 222 Hun Yuan Society 143-4

Index

Hunan 28, 66-70, 77-9, 136-40, 146, 148, 150, 155, 160-1, 165, 173, 180, 191, 217-19, 221-2, 243 Imperial Academy 9, 11, 20-1, 241 imperial decree 164-5, 169, 172, 174, 201, 218 imperial examinations 13-16, 31, 38, 104, 230, 236, 243 imperial palace 14, 39-40, 49-50, 53, 96, 206, 209-10 India 251, 255-6, 258, 270, 278, 280, 282 Industrial Revolution 257, 270 insurgent army 160, 162, 169-73, 176, 187, 195, 208, 214, 220 insurgent troops 153-4, 156-7, 159-60, 162-3, 167, 170, 173-4, 177, 179, 185-6, 191-3, 212, 220 insurrectionary troops 149, 153-4, 170-1, 190, 207, 212 insurrectionist army 139, 156, 159, 164, 170, 174, 190, 195, 211, 218-19, 223 insurrectionist troops 162, 170, 187, 190, 201-2, 213 intellectuals 14-15, 24, 45, 48, 236, 238-9, 242-3, 245 invasion 47, 150, 225, 245-6, 262, 276-7 Jialing River 172, 175-6, 178, 188 Jiangsu 2-3, 5-6, 9-11, 25, 27, 31-2, 38, 48, 54, 56-9, 62, 66, 72, 88, 91, 93, 233, 240-1, 244, 259 Jiaqing 63, 67-8, 72, 75, 78, 88, 91, 99, 103, 108, 185, 202 Jiaqing period 7-8, 10, 12, 103, 111 Jiaqing reign 63, 67-70, 72, 79, 81, 87-9, 91, 97, 140, 146-7, 151, 154-6, 159-60, 164, 168, 173, 176, 178-82, 184, 186, 188-9, 191-4, 196, 198-209, 214-16, 221, 260, 264, 269, 274-6, 282, 285 jinshi 3-8, 10-12, 19, 26, 244 Johann Adam Schall 35-6

Kangxi 6, 9, 16, 30, 41, 65-7, 69, 72-5, 81-4, 86, 88, 93, 96, 100-1, 239, 251 Kangxi period 2-7, 9-14, 16-17, 20-2, 25-9, 31, 36, 38-41, 43-5, 47, 49-50, 52-3 Kangxi reign 62-7, 69-75, 80-3, 86, 88, 92, 100, 116, 233, 251-3, 261, 264-6 Kong Shangren 21-2 land annexation 62-7, 72-3, 75-7, 81, 84 landlord class 62, 68, 70, 75, 87, 135, 137, 149, 233, 235 landlords 62-3, 65-76, 86, 92, 99, 125, 129, 131, 135-7, 142, 149, 160, 217, 241 landowner class 18-19 late Ming Dynasty 2, 22, 28, 34-5, 40, 45-7, 280 laws 14-15, 36-7, 39, 41, 43, 107, 130, 150, 182, 196, 218, 236, 246, 260, 264, 276 Le Bao 161, 166, 169, 174, 180, 191 Le Erjin 105, 126 Leng Tianlu 166, 171 Li Changgeng 199-203 Li Quan 156, 158-9, 161-4 Li Wencheng 204-8, 212-13 Liang Jiu 49-50 Lin Qing 205-7, 209-10 Lin Shuangwen 111, 129-36 Lin Zexu 236, 239, 243, 245, 286 literary name 2-7, 9-12, 25-33, 38-9, 54-5, 58 Liu Dakui 11-12 Liu Fenglu 234-5, 243 Liu Zhixie 143, 145, 148, 184, 189 lunar calendar 128, 138-9, 145, 153, 155, 175, 182, 207, 210-11, 220, 261, 273 Luo Qiqing 155, 161, 165-8, 181 Luo Siju 219-20 Ma Mingxin 125-6, 128 Macartney 103, 259, 272-4 Macau 27, 273, 277-80, 283 Maitreya Buddha 143-4 maps 43-4, 245

337

Index

maritime ban 251, 258-9, 264-5 maritime trade 251-2, 254, 259, 285 mathematics 34, 38-43, 49 medicine 53-6, 58-60, 280 Mei Wending 38-40 merchants 62, 64, 69, 71-4, 76, 86-7, 90, 94, 98-9, 106, 112, 198-9, 217, 238, 246, 250, 258-61, 263-4, 266-7, 269, 271, 273, 277, 283, 285 Miao 136-40, 146 military affairs 157, 162, 169, 174, 176, 178, 211, 274, 277 Ming Dynasty 2-4, 9-11, 22-9, 33-5, 38-40, 45-6, 51, 53, 62, 67, 71-3, 75-6, 98, 144, 206, 232, 245, 250, 261, 263 Ming Liang 158, 160-2, 172-4, 183 missionaries 34-5, 37, 39, 41, 43, 250 monarch 241-2, 262, 277 monk 28-30 Muke Dengbu 175, 191-2 Na Yancheng 117-18, 180, 211-12, 214 Nanjiang 117-20, 174, 187, 191, 222 Neo-Confucianism 34, 230-3 New Text Scholarship 228, 232-5 New Text School 233-4 Nicolaus Copernicus 36-7 Ningbo 251, 258-9, 273, 278 Old Summer Palace 96, 103, 272, 275 Old Text Scholarship 232 opium 237, 243, 251, 279-87 Opium War 39, 66, 234-5, 237, 239-40, 244-5, 257, 261, 265-6, 268, 270, 278 opposition 126, 232, 245, 247 oppression 117-18, 120, 125, 128, 131, 146, 217 overseas trade 251, 259-60, 263 Palace of Eternal Youth 2, 21 Peach Blossom Fan 2, 22

338

peasant uprisings 19, 75, 113, 116, 121, 124, 144, 195-6, 247 peasants 18, 65, 68-70, 72-3, 94, 99, 109, 121-2, 125, 130, 142, 144, 169, 205, 231 Peking Opera 23-4 pharmacology 53-4 philosophy 108, 230, 233, 235, 237, 244 pirates 112, 198-9, 201, 259, 264 poems 2-10, 27-8, 30, 32-3, 71, 86, 90, 109, 210, 235, 240, 243 poetry 2-8, 12, 231, 265 poets 2, 4-6, 8-9 Portuguese 250, 277 prose 2, 10-12, 231, 265 Pu Songling 12-15 Qianjia Sinology 228-32, 236 Qianlong 6, 11, 30, 44, 63-5, 67, 71, 73, 75, 77-8, 82-4, 86-8, 91, 94, 96, 99, 102-6, 126, 145, 168, 228 Qianlong period 5-8, 10-12, 14, 16-17, 19, 23, 37, 41-2, 44-5, 51-2, 102, 230, 233 Qianlong reign 62-5, 67-8, 71, 73, 75-83, 85-93, 95-6, 99, 102-6, 108-9, 118, 121, 124-6, 128-9, 131-3, 137, 140, 142-5, 197-8, 233-4, 240, 243, 251-5, 259-60, 266, 268-72, 274, 280-1 Qianlong's Reign 79, 99, 102 Qin Cheng'en 154, 162, 169, 174 Qing army 2, 4, 46, 119-21, 123-4, 126-9, 132-6, 139-40, 148-68, 170-94, 196, 198-204, 208-21, 223-4 Qing court 4, 35, 43-4, 46-7, 50, 110-11, 134, 196, 200, 209, 237, 265, 274, 277 Qing government 37-8, 41, 93, 104, 11624, 126-34, 136, 138-9, 143, 145-6, 148-9, 151-2, 158-61, 164-5, 173, 176-7, 180, 182, 184-5, 188, 191, 193-9, 201-4, 207, 209-10, 214-19, 222-3, 233, 237-8, 250, 255, 257-74, 276-80, 282, 287 Qing officials 159, 178, 272, 274-5, 279, 282 Qing regime 62-3, 75, 91-2

Index

Qing rulers 2, 24, 120, 126, 129, 139-40, 161, 166, 179-80, 187, 220 Qing troops 123, 126-7, 133-6, 139, 148, 150, 152-5, 158-63, 166, 168, 171-3, 175, 177, 183-4, 187, 190-2, 203, 209, 212-14, 219-20 Ran Tianyuan 155, 157, 170, 174-8 Ran Wenchou 144, 155, 157, 161, 164-8, 175, 181 Ran Xuesheng 176, 183, 185-7 rebel 18, 37, 111, 119-20, 122-4, 126-9, 133-6, 138-40, 147-88, 190-7, 199-202, 204, 207, 209-21, 223-4 rebellion 46-7, 50, 116, 128, 133, 147, 149, 154, 195, 198, 204, 207, 215, 217, 223 reign of Emperor Yongzheng 102, 136, 253, 265, 267, 280 religion 116-17, 125-9, 147, 149, 205-7, 222 rice 64, 67, 73, 80-2, 87-8, 109, 134, 199, 287 rites 2, 5, 11, 16, 242, 274-5 ruling class 21-2, 61, 63, 65, 67, 69, 71, 73, 75, 77, 79, 83, 85, 89, 91, 93, 95, 97, 99, 101, 103, 105, 107, 109, 111, 113, 116, 142, 228, 231, 236, 240 salt 64, 66, 96, 99, 142, 237-8, 244, 271, 274, 287 San Yang Society 143, 145 scholars 2, 11-12, 14-16, 22, 33-4, 37-8, 40, 42-3, 72, 106, 166, 230-4, 236, 240 Shaanxi 23, 46, 77, 140, 142, 144-5, 148, 150-1, 153-7, 159, 161-2, 164-5, 167, 169, 171-7, 180, 183, 185-7, 189-92, 194-6, 204, 211-12, 215-16, 223 Shaanxi Opera 23 Shandong 3-6, 13, 23, 71-2, 80, 91, 93, 105, 121-3, 148, 204, 206-8, 211 Shanxi 72-4, 80, 87, 91, 104, 140, 148, 206, 211

Shi Liudeng 137-40 Shixian Calendar 35-6 Shou Yuan Society 143-5 Shunzhi period 3-4, 10, 20-1, 35, 46 Sichuan 68-9, 77-8, 91, 124, 127, 137-8, 140, 142, 144-8, 150, 153-9, 161-6, 16971, 173-6, 178, 180-2, 184-95, 211, 213, 223 silk 65, 103, 236, 254, 257, 260, 284 sinologists 228-31, 233 Sinology 229-33, 235 smuggling 279, 281-2, 284 Song Zhiqing 143-5 Songjiang 63, 77, 80, 82 Southern Ming Dynasty 22, 46 starvation 80-1, 86-8, 90-1, 215, 264 Strange Tales of Liaozhai 2, 12-14 struggles 17-18, 22, 36, 38, 116, 120-1, 124-5, 128-9, 135, 143-4, 149, 151, 157, 164, 179, 184, 189, 195, 197, 204, 210, 216, 228, 231-2, 287 suppression 84, 165, 181-2, 188, 191-2, 194, 198-9, 207, 211, 216, 219, 223, 231 Suzhou 5, 10, 34, 48, 62-5, 77, 82, 99, 285 Taiwan 44, 75, 111, 129-36, 199-202, 251 Tang Dynasty 2, 4, 6, 9, 21, 26 taxes 62-3, 66-9, 71, 75, 79, 92, 101-2, 104, 146, 198, 236, 238, 254, 261, 265-6, 282, 287 tea 76, 78, 117, 222, 254-7, 259, 264, 266, 268, 284 technology 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 29, 31, 33-5, 37, 39, 41, 43, 45, 47, 49, 51, 53, 55, 57, 59, 84, 245, 265 telescopes 35, 48-9, 246 tenant farmers 63, 66, 69-72, 74-6, 80 textual research 8, 230-1, 235 Tian Da Cheng Society 144-5 Tianjin 34, 71, 122, 259-60, 268, 272-4, 278 Tianlijiao 204-5, 208-10, 212, 214-15

339

Index

Tianqi period 9-10, 28 Tongcheng School 11-12 Tongjiang 153, 155-6, 158, 168, 171, 174 trade, opium smuggling 282-4 transport 93, 95, 187, 238, 256 tributes 74, 95, 105, 117, 251, 273 UK 243, 252-7, 259, 268, 270-1, 273-4, 276-7, 280, 284 uprisings 111-12, 116, 118-24, 127-31, 134-40, 142, 144, 146-50, 152-6, 15960, 162-4, 176, 178-82, 184-6, 188-9, 191, 194-6, 205-13, 215-18, 221, 224-5, 231 Uygurs 116, 118-20, 222, 224 Wang Cong'er 147-8, 151-2, 156-8, 161-4 Wang Lun 116, 121-2, 124, 129 Wang Sankui 158, 161, 165-6, 181 Wang Shimin 24-7 Wang Shizhen 4-5 Wang Yuanqi 24, 26-7, 30, 39 Wanli period 2-4, 10, 25, 27-8, 53 weapons 46-7, 68, 73, 75, 112, 119-21, 127-8, 133, 146, 156, 182, 184-5, 191, 195-6, 199, 204, 207, 218, 224, 271 Wei Yuan 236, 238-9, 243-7 Western Han Dynasty 232 White Lotus Society 69, 110, 112, 11517, 119, 121, 123-5, 127, 129, 131, 133, 135, 137, 139-61, 163-5, 167, 169, 171, 173-89, 191-7, 199, 201, 203, 205, 207, 209-15, 217, 219, 221, 223, 225 White Lotus Society in Sichuan 140, 153 Wu Jingzi 14-16 Wushi 116, 118-21, 223 Wushi Uprising 120 Xi'an 148, 162, 216 Xiangyang 143, 147-8, 150-1, 153, 156-8, 160

340

Xing'an 142, 154, 156, 159 Xinjiang 44, 117, 121, 174 Xu Tiande 154, 156, 161, 165-7, 170, 183 yamen 6, 117, 119, 146, 285 Yang Fang 171, 196, 211, 213, 216 Yang Kaijia 157, 172, 183 Yang Yuchun 171, 175, 182, 196, 211, 215 Yangtze River 27-8, 30, 43, 45, 63-7, 77, 80-1, 88, 142, 158, 189 Yangzhou 6, 22, 30-3, 64, 66, 73, 94, 99 Yao army 218, 220-1 Yao Nai 11-12 Yao nationality 216-18, 220-1 Yao Zhifu 147, 150-2, 156-8, 161-4 Yellow River 79, 84, 87-91, 116, 127 Yongsui 138-9 Yongzheng 6, 17, 30, 39, 51, 83-4, 96, 101-2, 228 reign of 63, 65, 67, 73, 75, 81-3 Yongzheng period 8, 12, 16-17, 32, 39, 41, 47 Yuan Mei 7-8, 94 Yunnan 104, 138 Zeng Guofan 230-1 Zhang Ge'er 222-5 Zhang Hanchao 147, 157, 170, 172, 175 Zhang Tianlun 172-4, 187 Zhang Zicong 157, 170-1, 176 Zhao Fucai 217, 219 Zhao Jinlong 217-21 Zhao Xuemin 54-6 Zhao Zhixin 4-5 Zhao Ziqing 220-1 Zhejiang 7, 9, 11, 20-1, 31, 47, 54-5, 65-6, 93, 197-204, 206, 240, 244, 258-9, 278 Zheng Xie 6-7, 24, 32, 71 Zhili 8, 19, 72, 74, 77, 93, 121, 148, 172, 206-7, 209, 211-12, 233 Zhu Sinology 229-31 Zhuang Cunyu 233-4

Index

Zhuang Datian 132-4, 136 Zhuxi 172-3, 176 zongbing 122, 130, 138, 187, 215-16, 221

341

This book provides an account of the history of the Manchurian rise, its flourishing, decline and demise, but above all, it reflects the history of the development, creation and struggle for a modern China. The book, in four volumes, begins with the ancestors of the Manchu and the rise of Manchu, and ends at the Opium War in 1840.

AUTHOR

Dai Yi was Deputy Director of the History Department, Renmin University of China and Director of the National Editorial Board on the Qing Dynasty’s History. He has written and edited over 30 books, including the Draft of China’s Modern History and A Concise History of the Qing Dynasty.

A Concise History of the Qing Dynasty

A Complete Account of the 268-Year History of the Qing Dynasty

A Concise History of the

Volume 4

Qing Dynasty

Dai Yi

Volume 4

Chinese Historical Studies ISBN 978-981-4332-18-7

SILKROAD PRESS

SILKROAD P R E S S

SILKROAD PRESS

Dai Yi