Yari Religion in Iran [1st ed. 2022] 9811664439, 9789811664434

Table of contents :
Foreword
Acknowledgments
Contents
List of Contributors
Notes on Contributors
List of Figures
List of Charts
List of Tables
Chapter 1: The Political and Juridical Erasure of Yari and Yārsānians in Iran and Iraq
Yari and Yārsānians Under Research
References
Chapter 2: Common Roots of Hinduism and Yārsān (Goran) Beliefs
Introduction
Methods
Yārsān
Rebirth
God’s Manifestation on Earth
Angelology
Religious Classification System
Conclusion
References
Chapter 3: An Ethnography of a Yārsān Diaspora Community’s Endurance in Kalardasht, Northern Iran
Introduction
Methodology
The Background of the Khwajvands in Kalardasht
The Yārsān World
Social Interactions with the Gilaks
A New Yārsān Khandan (Spiritual House)
Marriage Patterns
The Religious Turns in Kalardasht
Conclusion
References
Chapter 4: A Brief Study on the Most Influential Immigrations of the Yārsān Based on Kalāms and Historical Documents (from the Fourth Century AH)
Introduction
Description of Some Basic Terms of Yari Religion
The Holy History and the History of Yārsān
Biogeography of Yārsān
The Social Process of Yari Religion
The Table of Zāti Periods of Yari Religion
References
Chapter 5: Text Dating in Yārsān Studies: Dı̄wān-i Khān-i Almās and the “Prophecies of Darvı̄sh Ojāq”
Introduction
The Historical Critical Studies
The Yārsān Traditions of Gurān and Ṣaḥne
The Yārsān Belief System
Dı̄wān-i Khān-i Almās
The “Prophecies of Darvı̄sh Ojāq”
The Apocalypse
The Historical Content of the Dı̄wān-i Khān-i Almās in the Order Indicated in the Text
Conclusion
References
Chapter 6: The Mystery of Essence and the Essence of Mystery: Yezidi and Yaresan Cosmogonies in the Light of the Kitab al-Tawasin
Between Zoroastrianism and Islam
The Yezidis and the Yaresan
From the One to the Four: First Cosmogonical Stages in the Yezidi and Yaresan Myths
The Mystery of Essence and Its Path to Embodiment
God, Prophet, and Gabriel, and the Question about Identity
God, Ahmad, and Azazil. Hallaj’s Vision of Pre-Eternity in the Kitab al-Tawasin
Fire and Love of God: The Mystery of Hallaj’s Philosophy
The Essence of Mystery
References
Glossary
Index

Citation preview

Yari Religion in Iran Edited by S. Behnaz Hosseini

Yari Religion in Iran

S. Behnaz Hosseini Editor

Yari Religion in Iran

Editor S. Behnaz Hosseini Centre for Studies in Religion & Society University of Victoria Victoria, BC, Canada

ISBN 978-981-16-6443-4    ISBN 978-981-16-6444-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-­01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

To Aidin

Foreword

Over the course of her distinguished professional career, S.  Behnaz Hosseini has been a major influence on the development of Yārsān studies in Europe and a driving force in the field. The contents of this collection are intended to reflect the wide range of interests of her professional colleagues and friends. It is a very successful monograph resulting in a very useful volume. Over these years we are hopefully becoming a little bit wiser and notably, the comparative topics that we are pursuing are getting a bit more mature. However, the challenge of this research and its most important inherent danger lays elsewhere. Behnaz exposed herself to physical danger, namely in the combination of contemporary field work and bookish research on the history of Yārsān. Was it at all possible for one just to go to Iran or Iraq and clarify whether or not the Yārsān are a religious community preserving ancient Indian traditions? The answer was the hardest part of the endeavor and as a result S. Behnaz Hosseini and her colleagues changed their original strong hypothesis into a weaker one. She does not speak about “Indian traditions” now, but about “similarities.” I have little doubt that anyone who carefully reads the present collection would agree that the authors have achieved the goal of detecting ancient elements in Yārsān lore. The contributions in the volume cover specific topics, but now I would like to make some more general remarks which are clearly connected to the subjects discussed in the volume as well. To begin with, let me reflect a little bit on three underlying issues at work in these and other discussions on the Yārsān. vii

viii 

FOREWORD

(1) Truth and Meaning: Besides rational arguments, one requires truth. The kalāms of Yārsān make our understanding of a text dependent upon our determination of its truth: “You will not know much about what the dead meant prior to figuring out how much truth they knew.” Even more emphatically: “Since what counts for us as an intelligible pattern of behavior is a function of what we believe to be true, truth and meaning are not to be ascertained independently of one another.” The collection seems the more liberal on this issue, allowing the historian of religion to be concerned with the meanings of past utterances without apparently worrying about truth. (2) Translatability: An understanding of a foreign thought system does not rest only on the translation we read; it requires effort on our part to read the original texts. The commentary we write and the gloss I require my students to write must put Melek Tawis or Binyāmı ̄n in our terms, but it must also be faithful to the original text. The successful commentary is one that avoids mere reporting of what Melek Tawis said while explaining the meaning of what he said. Some of the authors in this collection are handicapped because they believe they cannot understand another writer if they do not find truth in what that writer says. In general, I think that truth and meaning are not so closely linked. Working as a historian, I do not think I have to concern myself with truth or falsehood before I can make sense of some primary material. Moreover, it is far from clear to me that all Yārsān doctrines can be said to be true or false. Without some very detailed account of truth in Yārsān tradition, I am inclined to say truth is irrelevant to historical and philosophical understanding. (3) Tolerance as a Virtue: There is widespread agreement that tolerance is a mainstay of Yārsān tradition. There is less agreement about what justifies it. I want to offer the definition of tolerance as the refusal, where one has the power to do so, to prohibit or seriously interfere with conduct that one finds objectionable. It captures the central tension between disapproving some conduct and yet allowing it to continue. We find this in the etymology of the word itself, which comes from the Latin tolerare, which means “to bear or endure.” This tension, however, produces a variety of conceptual puzzles and difficulties that bear on the justification and maintenance of the practice itself. One central problem which relates to the present discussion can be stated as follows: Normally we count tolerance as a virtue in individuals and as a duty in Yārsān society which would make them able to love and believe in other prophets, saints, doctrinal issues, customs and so forth. Therefore, where tolerance is based on religious

 FOREWORD 

ix

priorities, it implies that the thing tolerated or the similarity attested is possibly wrong and ought not to exist. The comparative arguments given by the authors of the present collection are still valuable, but they address both serious similarities between Yārsān and ancient traditions and baseless similarities (tawārud). Tehran, Iran Mustafa Dehqan

Acknowledgments

As editor of this volume, I would like to thank all the contributors for their work and for their collaboration during the editing process. My particular thanks go to Dr. Fazil Moradi for her introduction to this volume. The editor is grateful to Dr. Shahab Vali and Dr. Mustafa Dehqan for their reviewing and suggestions. Finally, I would like to thank my colleague Ourania Rodiiti for her kind assistance. I would also like to thank the ÖH Sopro project of the University of Vienna for their support in publishing this volume. S. Behnaz Hosseini

xi

Contents

1 The Political and Juridical Erasure of Yari and Yārsānians in Iran and Iraq  1 Fazil Moradi 2 Common Roots of Hinduism and Yārsān (Goran) Beliefs 13 Ehsan Mahmoudi 3 An Ethnography of a Yārsān Diaspora Community’s Endurance in Kalardasht, Northern Iran 33 Faezeh R. Saffari 4 A Brief Study on the Most Influential Immigrations of the Yārsān Based on Kalāms and Historical Documents (from the Fourth Century AH) 59 Seyed Kasra Heydari 5 Text Dating in Yārsān Studies: Dı̄wān-i Khān-i Almās and the “Prophecies of Darvı̄sh Ojāq” 75 Alireza Zahedi Moghadam

xiii

xiv 

Contents

6 The Mystery of Essence and the Essence of Mystery: Yezidi and Yaresan Cosmogonies in the Light of the Kitab al-Tawasin103 Artur Rodziewicz Glossary189 Index193

List of Contributors

Mustafa Dehqan  University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran Seyed Kasra Heydari  University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran S. Behnaz Hosseini  Centre for Studies in Religion & Society, University of Victoria, Victoria, BC, Canada Ehsan  Mahmoudi Department of History, Payam Noor University, Tehran, Iran Alireza Zahedi Moghadam  University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany Fazil Moradi  Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa Artur  Rodziewicz  Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland Faezeh R. Saffari  University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran

xv

Notes on Contributors

Mustafa Dehqan  is a specialist in Kurdish Studies with an interest in the history, literature, and religions of Kurdistan. He earned a bachelor’s degree in History and a master’s in Historical Linguistics from the University of Tehran. He is the author of a monograph and numerous articles in the field. Seyed  Kasra  Heydari  holds a master’s degree from the University of Tehran. He has been translating English to Persian in theology fields since January 2017. He wrote his thesis on criticism of Ivanov and Minorsky’s perspectives on the subject of Ahl-i-Hagh according to the original Scripture of Yārsān and has translated the book The Truth-Worshippers of Kurdistan, Al-i Haqq Texts from Persian to English. S. Behnaz Hosseini  is a visiting research fellow in Centre for Studies in Religion & Society at the University of Victoria in Canada, and honorary fellow in the Center for Research on Gender and Women at the University of Wisconsin College , as well as minority researcher, project coordinator, and conference organizer at the University of Vienna. She is also a Middle East media analyst with Persian media. Dr. Hosseini has conducted extensive research on minorities in the Middle East and has worked with the United Nations as an expert consultant on ISIS crimes against religious minorities in Iraq. Her most recent publications are The Jewish Diaspora after 1945: A Study of Jewish Communities in the Middle East and North Africa (2020), Temporary and Child Marriages in Iran and Afghanistan: Historical Perspectives and Contemporary Issues (2021), Trauma and the Rehabilitation of Trafficked Women: The Experiences of Yazidi Survivors xvii

xviii 

Notes on Contributors

(2020), and Yar̄ sa ̄n of Iran: Socio-Political Changes and Migration (Palgrave Macmillan 2020). An earlier publication is Forced Migration of Iraqi Religious Minorities in Austria (2018). Currently she is working on a project about the migration of Iranian religious minorities. Ehsan Mahmoudi  holds a master’s degree in Islamic Iran history from Payam Noor (PNU) University of Tehran, Iran. His research interests include Yārsān’s connection with Eastern religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism and Shinto, as well as finding the root of their common beliefs. The author is currently affiliated with the Department of History, Payam Noor University of Kermanshah. Alireza  Zahedi  Moghadam joined the Roman Catholic Diocese of Hildesheim, Germany, as a teacher in Islamic studies in August 2020. From 2008 until 2018 he was a doctoral candidate at the University of Göttingen, Germany, studying the apocalyptic texts of Yārsān. He acquired his PhD in Iranian studies from the University of Göttingen, Faculty of Philosophy in 2018. He received his M.A. in comparative studies of religions and mysticism in 2007 from the Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran in 2007. He received his B.A. in theology and Islamic studies, religions and mysticism, from the same Iranian university in 2001. The focus of Alireza Zahedi Moghadam’s research is the history of religions and mysticism, and religious conflicts. Fazil  Moradi is a research fellow at the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study, University of Johannesburg, and an associate researcher at the Institute for Social Anthropology, Austrian Academy of Sciences. Moradi has been a researcher at the International Max Planck Research School on Retaliation, Mediation and Punishment, and taught at the Institute for Social and Cultural Anthropology, University of Halle in Germany. As a socioanthropologist of modernity, he is a fellow at Law, Organization, Science and Technology Research Network Sci-Tech Asia Research Network, and Refugee Outreach & Research Network in Vienna, Austria. He is also working with medical science scholars at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden on the long-term impacts of chemical warfare agents. He is the editor of Memory and Genocide: On What Remains and the Possibility of Representation (co-edited by Ralph Buchenhorst and Maria Six-­Hohenbalken, 2017), and Tele-Evidence - On the Translatability of Modernity’s Violence (special issue co-edited by Richard Rottenburg, Critical Studies Journal, 2019).

  Notes on Contributors 

xix

Artur Rodziewicz  is an assistant professor in the Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology at the University of Warsaw, Poland. He received his PhD from the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Warsaw, and has worked as an assistant professor in the Institute of Oriental Studies at the Jagiellonian University and in the Department of Intercultural Education at the Warsaw University of Life Sciences. His research focuses on Yezidism, the Yezidi diaspora in the South Caucasus, Sufism, Platonism, and Ancient Greek heritage in the Middle East. Faezeh R.  Saffari  has completed her master’s thesis at the University of Tehran in 2018 on minorities in Iran focusing on the Yārsāni diaspora. Her research interests include ethnic groups and religious minorities in Iran.

List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Fig. 2.2 Fig. 3.1

Common traits of Lord Vishnu and Dāo Kao-Sowār27 Comparison of social religious classification system in Yārsān and Caste 28 God and seven angels’ incarnations 41

xxi

List of Charts

Chart 5.1

The events of Dı̄wān-i Khān-i Almās can be shown in the chart below based on the time of their occurrence Chart 5.2 The events in the prophecies of Darvı̄sh Ojāq can be shown in the chart below based on the time of their occurrence Chart 5.3 The chart below is the result of intersection of the two sets based on the time and of their occurrence

96 97 98

xxiii

List of Tables

Table 2.1 Table 4.1

Similarities between Hinduism and Yārsān29 The table of Zati periods of Yari religion 72

xxv

CHAPTER 1

The Political and Juridical Erasure of Yari and Yārsānians in Iran and Iraq Fazil Moradi

This book offers various engagements with Yari and Yārsānians. It ranges from Yārsān as an “ethnoreligious group” (Saffari), a “mystical community” tied to Ezidis, as another “mystical community” (Rodziewicz), its relation to Hinduism (Mahmoudi), historical speculation and textual references (Heydari), and the literature that constitute Yari (Moghadam). Whether this collection will be available to those who are not invested in the people and issues it addresses is interwoven with whether those who police Yārsān studies will be able to recognize its critical challenge and historical importance. In what follows I rather dwell on the “current” political condition, juridical erasure, and on the conventional studies that have turned Yari and Yārsānians into an ahistorical object of knowledge. In doing so, I hope to point at how to read this book more critically or how not to see it as the ultimate window into Yari and Yārsānians. Studies on the human condition of subaltern/ized people suggest that although the “final” explanation of such a condition never arrives and that it is ongoing and incomplete, their subalternity can never be escaped.

F. Moradi (*) Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 S. B. Hosseini (ed.), Yari Religion in Iran, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1_1

1

2 

F. MORADI

Yārsānians refers to subaltern subjects, that is, a human condition that is deprived of all citizenship rights in Iran and Iraq, but also a heterogeneous human network that is scattered throughout Turkey, Western Europe, and the Americas. Consisting of two nouns, sān (home) and Ya ̄r (friend), Yārsān can be translated as home of friends, referring to the entanglement of a human collective and a system of knowledge, Yari. Yari involves infinite ethics and a complex mixture of worldliness, counterculture, music, prose, and poetry, and an ecological horizon where life migrates from one non/human into others—plants, animals, and humans (Moradi, 2021). The entanglement, therefore, makes it difficult to think of Yārsān only in a physical sense. I use Yari and Yārsānians (plural) not only to point at this entanglement of knowledge and human existence, subalternity and desire of social justice, liberation, or rather, decolonization, but also, at how Yari and Yārsānians’ existence and lives are as much tangled with others in Iran and Iraq and other systems of knowledge as with religious violence and political-juridical inventions, and experiences of epistemicide, “the murder of knowledge” (De Sousa Santos, 2014, 92). To speak about Yari and Yārsānians today is to engage both distant— namely, the expansion of Islam and the annihilatory violence and epistemicides that were essential to it in the seventh century (Ibn Khaldun, 1967, 114; Al-Biruni, 1910, 21-22; Hourani, 1991, 89), and more recent political and cultural histories and memories of unimaginable violence following revolutions in both Iran and Iraq. Since the “Islamic revolution” in 1979 and the post-1958 Iraqi “revolution,” Yari and Yārsānians have been subjected to tyranny, religious nationalism, and juridical erasure. In Iran and Iraq, two neighboring countries that remain part of the twentieth-­ century colonialism and the twenty-first century postcolonial modernity, Yārsānians are erased from the imagination of humanity. They are collectivized and produced as radically other and suffer the divine condemnation to inexistence—“devil-worshipers, infidels, dirty people.” Indeed, political violence and suppression haunts Yārsānians’ history, memories, and human survival, providing insight into a human condition that is marked by statelessness, homelessness, bodies stripped of legal rights, and epistemicide. As subaltern subjects adhering to an unwanted knowledge system, Yārsānians have been subjected to illiteracy and a subcultured mode of existence, and never during the Islamic rule in Iran and Iraq have they had a “share of history’s pages,” to borrow from Forough Farrokhzad (2010, 141). The political orders in these two countries undo Yārsānians by

1  THE POLITICAL AND JURIDICAL ERASURE OF YARI AND YĀRSĀNIANS… 

3

submitting to the authority they derive from Islam as the main state religion and constitution. They are yet to be guaranteed the possibility of access to research institutions, an educational system that is not under censorship, teaching, or even publishing critical inquiries on Yari and in the Gorani language without fear of punishment in Iran. Apart from the systematic control and destruction of unwanted knowledge in Iran (Rahimi, 2015), they are being dispossessed of all juridically promised rights and freedoms. Indeed, the censorship policy can be traced back to Khomeini’s 1989 fatwa to kill Salman Rushdie for writing the novel titled The Satanic Verses. This was also a fatwa ordering control of literature, human imagination, fundamental freedoms, rights, and social justice. The constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the paradigmatic example of domination and epistemicide as tied up with institutionalized censorship. It clarifies the geopolitical technology of knowledge that consolidates the juridical-political imaginary of non/belonging. In Iran, the constitution naturalizes the concept of “minorities” and majority/minority identity to define and guard Persian as the political identity and “core culture” (Bhabha, 1994). There can be no Persian as a technique of government without difference. As Mahmood Mamdani writes, the urgency of defining and managing difference as “the essence of governance” is an invention under colonialism (Mamdani, 2012, 2). Colonialism, as Mamdani (2020) shows, was naturalized through the writing of civil law for the civilized and customary law for the native. The writing of law was also the writing of the un/civilized and “permanent minority” (Ibid). The promises of the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran lie in the definition, management, and control of the un/recognized “minority religions” and peoples in Iran (Sanasarian, 2006). The constitution begins with, “In the Name of Allah, the Magnificent, the Merciful.” Its Preamble states: “The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran sets forth the cultural, social, political, and economic institutions of the Iranian society on the basis of Islamic principles and norms, which represent the earnest aspiration of the Islamic Ummah.”1 Article 12 declares, “The official religion of Iran is Islam and the madhhab (school of law) is the Twelver Ja‘farí school, and this article will remain forever unalterable.” Article 13 annihilates Yari as a knowledge system, and disqualifies Yārsānians and Bahāʿı ̄s, as 1  The English translation of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is available at: https://en.parliran.ir/eng/en/Constitution#preamble and the Persian version at https:// rc.majlis.ir/fa/content/iran_constitution. Accessed on 10 May 2020.

4 

F. MORADI

it states, “Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians among Iranians are the only recognized religious minorities.” Yārsānians and Bahāʿı ̄s are “produced as the stateless at the same time that they are jettisoned from juridical modes of belonging” (cf. Butler & Spivak, 2007, 16). Yārsānians and Bahāʿı ̄s are also subject to the Politics of Rightful Killing, which is the title of Sima Shakhsari’s recent book. She writes, “the possibility of exceptional citizenship is foreclosed, as risk inevitably traverses Iranian bodies inasmuch as they belong to a population that is subjected to the politics of rightful killing” (Shakhsari, 2020, 2). Thinking about Iranian bodies means thinking about how the gendered and heteronormative Islamic Republic engages with life as rhetoric. In the constitution, under Chapter III, “The Rights of the People,” Article 19 states, “All the people of Iran, regardless of ethnic group or tribe, enjoy equal rights; color, race, language and the like do not bestow any privilege.” If there is no direct line from the European imperial-colonial episteme of race to Article 19, how are we then to understand the relation between the revolution and the use of “tribe, color, race, and language”? It is clear that the laws of the Islamic Republic have failed to close the gap between what it has promised and its politics of rightful killing. Moreover, statelessness and juridical erasure and non-belonging of Yari and Kāka’ı2̄ are also inscribed in the Iraqi Constitution. It was drafted in 2005, after the de-Baʿthification Orders no. 1 and 2 on May 16, 2003, and under the United States and United Kingdom’s colonial rhetoric of “revolution” and “democracy” as something that can be imposed on Iraq and its populations (Arato, 2009). The hierarchy of postcolonial political power and violence in Iraq can be traced back to the 1958 Revolution, starting with the Twentieth Infantry Brigade leaving its camp in the Kāka’ı ̄ populated town of Jalawla and moving toward Baghdad on the night of July 13–14 (Batatu, 1978, 800). Jalawla neighbors the oil rich city of Khanaqin, where Kāka’ı ̄s, Jews, and Muslims once lived as neighbors, and which is located on the Iran-Iraq border, about 200 kilometers from the city of Kermanshah, home of Yārsānians, Jews, and Muslims. The 1958 Revolution was organized by male-only Free Officers, children of “lower-middle-class” families, some of whom had migrated to Baghdad. Since they had been born during the British colonization of Iraq in 1917, they inherited Awla ̄d al-Suqu ̄ṭ, The Children of the Fall, as a name faithful to the colonial history of their country (Ibid., 788). There 2

 This is the name that is used to refer to Iraqi Yārsānians in Iraq.

1  THE POLITICAL AND JURIDICAL ERASURE OF YARI AND YĀRSĀNIANS… 

5

were, however, two more revolutions that brought an end to the ruling of the Children of the Fall of Baghdad: the Iraqi Arab Socialist Baʿth Party’s Ramadan Revolution on February 8, 1961, followed by the July 17 Revolution in 1968. None of these revolutions involved social, feminist, or ecological movements or changed the human condition of Kāka’ı ̄. In fact, the de-Baʿthification of Iraq, which was inextricably bound with politicide, epistemicide, and ecocide (Falk, Gendzier, & Lifton, 2006; Stone & Bajjaly, 2008; Baker, Ismael, & Ismael, 2010; Antoon, 2019), has not changed their everyday reality either. Article 2 of the 2005 Iraqi Constitution states, (1) “Islam is the official religion of the State and is a foundation source of legislation,” and (2) “this Constitution guarantees the Islamic identity of the majority of the Iraqi people and guarantees the full religious rights to freedom of religious belief and practice of all individuals such as Christians, Yazidis, and Mandean Sabeans.”3 By reading the Iranian and the Iraqi constitution together, we recognize the inheritance of the permanent majority/minority policy and the juridical authority of Islam that determines social-­ juridical identities, such as citizenship or right to education or employment in Iran, in particular. Yārsānians remain subjected to a demonization, which Edward Said rejected as “a sufficient basis for any kind of decent politics” (Said, 2004, 111), and have become disqualified bodies, whose exposure to certain translations of the Islamic religion as the only order of knowledge and juridical-political force, suggests that “Hell is not something that lies ahead of [them], but this very life, here and now,” to borrow from Walter Benjamin (1989).

Yari and Yārsānians Under Research Among the twentieth and twenty-first century scholars of Yari and Yārsānians, Vladimir Minorsky is repeated as the indispensable Orientalist who has “fish[ed] some useful gems out of the distant Oriental deep” (Said, 1979, 128). Minorsky’s phenomenological gaze repeats Yārsānians as “Ahl-i Ḥ aḳḳ” and defines and isolates them as a “sect” (Minorsky, 1961). The epistemic violence as absence of responsible studies becomes visible as one sees how the studies on Yari and Yārsānians lean on the imperial-colonial epistemology of otherness and difference. Philip 3  The Iraqi Constitution, available at: https://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/ iq/iq004en.pdf. Accessed on 10 May 2020.

6 

F. MORADI

G.  Kreyenbroek writes Yārsānians as a “sect” and “community, where writing did not play a prominent role.” Therefore, as a “largely non-­ literate culture,” Kreyenbroek thinks Yārsānians can be “understood in light of the sect’s traditional religious knowledge” (Kreyenbroek, 2010, 70–71). It follows logically, that to be Yārsānian or have a relation to Yari is to be sectarian, live by traditional religious knowledge, tribal, nonliterate, and therefore pre/non-modern. The key contemporary Yārsān scholars, Martin van Bruinessen (2009, 2015), Mir Hosseini (1994a, 1994b, 1996, 1997), and Kreyenbroek (2010, 2014), who are also the main frame of reference for some chapters in this book, are armed with the colonial classificatory binaries—modern/non-modern and modernity/ premodernity. Sect, tribe, Kurd, religious community, minority religion, traditional/ oral culture, ritual, ethnomusic, inside/outside, us/them or identitarian logic, among others, become vital to understanding “the natural order of things,” to borrow from Abu Reyhan al-Biruni (1910, 35). This is deemed the mode of scientific inquiry, rendering any other possible thought ignorant or traditional. In this tradition in which the aforementioned and following scholars lie, these categories have belonged to men and have been produced under imperial-colonialism, which is neither recognized nor contested. They are repeated as universal to erase any traces of ethnocentrism and histories of colonial violence. Thus, as epistemic violence or episteme of domination, the categories are fundamental to the production of “epistemic inferiority,” homogenizing and turning Yārsānians into native informants who can only give an oral input or “speak up as an authentic ethnic fully representative of his or her tradition” (cf. Spivak, 1999, 60; Grosfoguel, 2013, 74). In his validation of Reza M. Hamzeh’ee’s The Yaresan: A Sociological, Historical and Religio-historical Study of a Kurdish Community (Hamzeh’ee, 1990), the ethnomusicologist Jean During writes, “Though this scholar is an Iranian of A.H. [Ahl-e Haqq] origins he relies on written rather than oral sources” (During, 1998, 109–110). The studies at issue repeat “authentic ethnography” and oral history as always marked by the return to the ethnos itself, just as the return of the traditional/classic philosophy to the “thing itself” in the “actual present” (Said, 1989; Derrida, 1973, 62–3; Derrida, 1976). Since the object of study is already condemned to “a non-literate culture,” orality/ speech is valorized as a present and purer well of meaning rather than the written, which is also mostly used as raw materials. This is where Yari and

1  THE POLITICAL AND JURIDICAL ERASURE OF YARI AND YĀRSĀNIANS… 

7

Yārsānians are “remotely orchestrated” as not to be imagined outside a natural bond with “oral sources,” presupposing a culture fixed in time and space and denying their “precarious Subject-ivity” (cf. Spivak, 1988). The political violence at the heart of the episteme at use is made judiciously clear in Edward Said’s analysis: “Western Middle East specialists treat Arab or Iranian texts as primary evidence for their research, while the direct, even importunate solicitations of debate and intellectual engagement … are left largely unattended” (Said, 1989, 219). In their recent book, “God First and Last”: Religious Traditions and Music of the Yaresan of Guran, Kreyenbroek and Kanakis (2020) place Yari under one God that is enclosed in quotation marks, dissect Yārsānians into casts, and articulate the play of tanbūr as ritual. Other scholars, such as Ziba Mir Hosseini (1994a), have come to repeat the idea of Yārsānians as a “sect” within Shı ̄ʿism, turning to the Shı ̄ʿa political horizon of expectation. Her repetition relies on an uncritical endorsement of the father, the son, and the grandson’s writings—Haj Ne’matullah, Nūr ʿAli Elahi, and Bahram Ilahi (Ibid., 214–215). Yārsānians are made to disappear into homogenizing names such as Ahl-i Ḥ aḳḳ or Ahl-e Haqq (People of Truth), and shaytānparast (“devil-worshippers”). Moving beyond Mir-Hosseini’s writings as suffering from “thorough knowledge of traditional culture” and akin to a “journalistic” account, Jean During passes himself as someone who knows that, “it is difficult to see Ahl-e Haqqism as a syncretism of Islam, old religions and heresies, but rather as an offshoot of a kind of Sufism which adapted itself to Kurdish customs” (During, 1998, 109, 114). Ahl-e Haqq and devil-worshippers continue to function as political technologies of Shı ̄ʿı ̄tization. While the former makes Yārsānians vanish into Shı ̄ʿism, the latter declares them as infidels and superfluous bodies that are killable and rapeable (cf. Moradi & Anderson, 2016). While Martin van Bruinessen (2014) has published his search for the devil (shaytan) among the “Ahle- Haqq of the Guran region” to no avail, During states, “Actually there is no mention of Satan in A. H. [Ahl-e Haqq] texts, except two verses, the authenticity and meaning of which are controversial” (1998, 111). Yari has also been translated into a nationalizing, if not racializing, project. Although Jemal Nebez rightly reads Yari’s history to date back to Mithraism and Mazdaism (see also Bahrami, 1999; Hamzeh’ee, 1990; Von Gall, 1995), he does so only to write it as a Kurdish religion and thus dwells on a nativist project (Nebez, 2005, 4). Yārsānians are homogenized and assigned a fixed national and religious identity and

8 

F. MORADI

as such identified and claimed as known. Mentioning the names of the Yārsān scholars, starting with Minorsky, Van Bruinessen states, “We know by now more about the religions of the Yezidis and Ahl-e Haqq than about lived Islam in Kurdistan” (van Bruinessen, 2014, 6–7, emphasis mine). The scramble for knowing them is also tied with seeing them. In a documentary film bearing the name Music of Yarsan, A Living Tradition, Partow Hooshmandrad4 ethnographizes Yarsan in “their” most simplified possible form as a gendered and an undifferentiated collective that is available to visualization. Yarsan appear as moving images at the absolute disposal of the ethnomusicologist, just as a corpse in the hands of the living. Then the differentiating images expose them to the external world and serve as raw material for the ethnographer to explain them ethnographically. There is no secret and no secrecy that can escape the images and the voice over of the committed ethnographer, who dissects and makes them seen and known. Furthermore, in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and in Iran, “dirty people” and “devil-worshipers” are how Yārsānians and/or Kāka’ı ̄s are known and declared as unwanted. Kāka’ı ̄s’ memories of genocidal violence in Iraq are still to be recognized. In her recent interviews, the singer Rubar Rashid Kakayi, speaks of the human condition of Kāka’ı ̄s and women’s condition among Kāka’ı ̄s. She touches on how the cleansing violence committed against Kāka’ı ̄s and their exclusion from the post-de-Baʿthification political organization in both the Kurdistan Region Government and the Iraqi Federal Government have deep political and religious precedent. She says, “My heart is in pain … Kāka’ı ̄s’ catastrophes … I do not see myself as an artist, but have chosen art to voice the concerns of my people.”5 In her song, Hawary Kakayi (the plea/call of Kāka’ı ̄s), she voices ceaseless violence including the “Islamic states’” murder of Kāka’ı ̄s.6 At the same time, Rubar speaks of oppression of women among Kāka’ı ̄s in Kirkuk, and of how as the first Kāka’ı ̄ woman singer in Iraq she has been criticized for her songs immediately after their release. Those who have criticized her and later changed position are commonly known as Sayyeds. Sayyed refers to a heterogeneous and 4  Hooshmandrad is an ethnomusicologist and producer of the documentary, which is available at: https://youtu.be/g63B8phHxfE, accessed on 3 October 2020. 5  The interviews are available at: https://youtu.be/pvaIRJed5Pk and https://youtu.be/ VgdwFA2_VxQ, accessed on 10 October 2020. 6  Hawary Kakayi is available at: https://youtu.be/4G2aa89wsPQ, accessed on 10 October 2020.

1  THE POLITICAL AND JURIDICAL ERASURE OF YARI AND YĀRSĀNIANS… 

9

hierarchical male group, and to a person who is a reader and knowledgeable about Yari, but also one who could as well be a poet and a tanbūr (long-necked lute) player. The critique against Rubar, undeniably, reveals the principle of sirr-e magou (unsayable secret), which Sayyeds have naturalized and to instrumentalize Yari, exercising a controlling political authority. This has turned many of them, if not all, into political agents and gatekeepers that control the recording and transmission of knowledge as they impose Yari as an unsayable secret that only they can know and possess in both Iran and Iraq. Ziba Mir-Hosseini reads sirr-e magou as Yārsānians’ self-chosen isolation to “practice their creed more freely,” which, she thinks, has with time become “a strict code of secrecy, to be guarded from the outside world at all cost” (Mir Hosseini, 1994a, 213). Mir-Hosseini’s writings produce Yārsānians as a homogenous group that inherits “their creed” through self-isolation or political exclusion, placing a special emphasis on the creation of an inside as opposed to an outside world. This description not only denies conditions of statelessness but also otherizes and ties them to a secretive world of belonging, leaving no chance of protest to the people already turned into an object of study. It is in this way that Mir-Hosseini binds Yārsānians to isolation and secrecy, easing the explicit exclusion of isolation as the Islamic Republic’s technology of destruction and control, and an organized violence against Yari as a knowledge system and Yārsānians’ humanity in particular. As aforementioned, to speak of Yārsānians in Iran and Iraq is to dwell in a colonial context where isolation is neither “their” choice nor in order to “practice their creed more freely,” and where male dominance is a state of normalcy. What cannot be disputed in the twenty-first century Shı ̄ʿa Iran is the radical absence of the right to critical imagination, thinking, and writing or speaking without fear of death as in committed literature, poetry, art, and music that are all subjected to censorship. The Shı ̄ʿa state is mathematical in its political commitment to the destruction of what Edward Said calls worldliness, living and being in an open and hospitable world (Said, 1989, 212–213), making sure that “the people” “do not believe in God, but … [are] afraid of Him,” to borrow from García Gabriel Márquez (2007, 370). This is where Yari becomes a counterculture, hosting literature, poetry, and musical art within which humanity is homeless and cannot be confined to a “we” identity/sect or separated from ecology as a whole.

10 

F. MORADI

References Al-Biruni, A.  Rayhan. (1910 [1030]). AlBêrûni’s India: An Account of the Religion, Philosophy, Literature, Geography, Astronomy, Customs, Laws and Astrology of India about A.D. 1030, vol. 1. Trans. E. C. Sachau. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner. Antoon, Sinan. (2019). The Book of Collateral Damage. Trans. by Jonathan Wright. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Arato, A. (2009). Constitution Making under Occupation: The Politics of Imposed Revolution in Iraq. Columbia University Press. Bahrami, I. (1999). Astoraye Ahl-e Haqq: Az Rouzgare Bastān ta Doura ̄n e Mo’as̄ r. Nashre Atye. Baker, R. W., Ismael, S. T., & Ismael, T. Y. (2010). Cultural Cleansing in Iraq: Why Museums were Looted, Libraries Burned and Academics Murdered. Pluto Press. Batatu, H. (1978). The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq. Princeton University Press. Benjamin, Walter N. (1989). Re the Theory of Knowledge, Theory of Progress. In Gary Smith (Ed.), Benjamin: Philosophy, Aesthetics, History. Trans. Leigh Hafrey and Richard Sieburth. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bhabha, H. K. (1994). Dissemination. In The Location of Culture. Routledge. Butler, J., & Spivak, G. C. (2007). Who Sings the Nation-State? Language, Politics, Belonging. Seagull Books. De Sousa Santos, B. (2014). Epistemologies of the South: Justice Against Epistemicide. Routledge. Derrida, Jacques. (1973). Speech and Phenomena and Other Essays on Husserl’s Theory of Signs. Trans. David B.  Allison, & Newton Garver. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Derrida, Jacques. (1976). Of Grammatology. Trans. by Gayatri C.  Spivak. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. During, J. (1998). A Critical Survey on Ahl-e Haqq studies in Europe and Iran. In T.  Olsson, E.  Ozdalga, & C.  Raudvere (Eds.), Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives (pp. 105–125). Routledge. Falk, R., Gendzier, I., & Lifton, R. J. (2006). Crimes of War: Iraq. Nation Books. Farrokhzad, Forough. (2010). Another Birth and Other Poems. Trans. by Hasan Javadi and Susan Sallée. Washington DC: Mage Publishers. Grosfoguel, R. (2013). The Structure of Knowledge in Westernized Universities Epistemic Racism/Sexism and the Four Genocides/Epistemicides of the Long 16th Century. Human Architecture, 10(1), 73–90. Hamzeh’ee, M.  R. (1990). The Yaresan: A Sociological, Historical and Religio-­ historical Study of a Kurdish Community. Klaus Schwartz Verlag. Hourani, A. (1991). A History of the Arab Peoples. Warner Books.

1  THE POLITICAL AND JURIDICAL ERASURE OF YARI AND YĀRSĀNIANS… 

11

Ibn Khaldun, ibn Muhammad. (1967 [1377]). The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, vol. 3, trans. F. Rosenthal. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Kreyenbroek, P.  G. (2010). Orality and Religion in Kurdistan: The Yezidi and Ahl-e Haqq Traditions. In P.  G. Kreyenbroek & U.  Marzolph (Eds.), Oral Literature of Iranian Languages: Kurdish, Pashto, Balochi, Ossetic, Persian and Tajik, vol. II (pp. 70–88). I.B. Tauris. Kreyenbroek, P.  G. (2014). The Yāresān of Kurdistan. In K.  Omarkhali (Ed.), Religious Minorities in Kurdistan: Beyond the Mainstream (pp.  3–13). Harrasowitz. Kreyenbroek, P.  G., & Kanakis, Y. (2020). “God First and Last”: Religious Traditions and Music of the Yaresan of Guran. Harrassowitz Verlag. Mamdani, M. (2012). Define and Rule: Native as Political Identity. Harvard University Press. Mamdani, M. (2020). Neither Settler nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities. Harvard University Press. Márquez, García Gabriel. (2007). Love in the Time of Cholera. Trans. by Edith Grossman. London: Penguin Books. Minorsky, V. (1961). Ahl-i Ḥ aḳḳ. In P. J. Bearman et al. (Eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.). Brill. Mir Hosseini, Z. (1994a). Redefining the Truth: Ahl-i haqq and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 21(2), 211–228. Mir Hosseini, Z. (1994b). Inner Truth and Outer History: The Two Worlds of the Ahl-i Haqq of Kurdistan. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26(2), 267–285. Mir Hosseini, Z. (1996). Faith, Ritual and Culture Among the Ahl-i-Haqq. In P.  G. Kreyenbroek & C.  Allison (Eds.), Kurdish Culture and Identity (pp. 111–134). Zed Books. Mir Hosseini, Z. (1997). Breaking the Seal: The New Face of the Ahl-e Haqq. In O.-B.  Kehl-Bodrogi & B.  Kellner-Heikele (Eds.), Syncretistic Religious Communities in the Near East (pp. 175–194). Brill. Moradi, Fazil. (2021). Colonized Body, Musical Futures: An Auto/biographical Account of Yārı ̄. Forthcoming. Moradi, F., & Anderson, K. (2016). The Islamic State’s Êzîdî Genocide in Iraq: The ‘Sinjār Operations. Genocide Studies International, 10(2), 1–33. Nebez, J. (2005). The Kurdish Language: From Oral Tradition to Written Language. Western Kurdistan Association Publications. Rahimi, B. (2015). Censorship and the Islamic Republic: Two Modes of Regulatory Measures for Media in Iran. Middle East Journal, 69(3), 358–378. Said, E. W. (1979). Orientalism. Vintage Books. Said, E.  W. (1989). Representing the colonized: Anthropology’s interlocutors. Critical Inquiry, 15(2), 205–225. Said, E. W. (2004). From Oslo to Iraq and the Road Map. Pantheon.

12 

F. MORADI

Sanasarian, E. (2006). Religious Minorities in Iran. Cambridge University Press. Shakhsari, S. (2020). Politics of Rightful Killing: Civil Society, Gender and Sexuality in Weblogistan. Duke University Press. Spivak, G.  C. (1988). Can the Subaltern Speak? In C.  Nelson & L.  Grossberg (Eds.), Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture. University of Illinois Press. Spivak, G. C. (1999). A Critique of Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History of the Vanishing Present. Harvard University Press. Stone, P. G., & Bajjaly, J. F. (Eds.). (2008). The Destruction of Cultural Heritage in Iraq. Boydell & Brewer. van Bruinessen, Martin. (2009). Ahl-i Haqq, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 3rd edition (51–58). van Bruinessen, M. (2014). Veneration of Satan among the Ahl-e Haqq of the Gûrân region. Fritillaria Kurdica. Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 3–4, 6–41. van Bruinessen, M. (2015). Dersim and Dalahu: Some Reflections on Kurdish Alevism and the Ahl-i Haqq Religion. In M. Öz & F. Yeşil (Eds.), Ötekilerin peşinde. Ahmet Yaşar Ocak'aarmag ̆an / In pursuit of the Others: Festschrift in honor of Ahmet Yaşar Ocak. Timaş. Von Gall, Hubertus. (1995). Dokkān-e Dāwūd. In Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VII, Fasc. 5. (472–474).

CHAPTER 2

Common Roots of Hinduism and Yārsān (Goran) Beliefs Ehsan Mahmoudi

Introduction Even before the migration of Aryan people to the Iranian and Indian plateau, the residents of these two territories have shared religious beliefs, as the holy books of the Avesta and the Vedas clearly indicate. Some of these ancient Indo-Iranian cultures remain largely unknown and under-­ researched. A number of scholars and historians have investigated the evolution of these religions among Aryans and looked for vestiges of common cultural traits among people who used to live together centuries ago. The primary cultural commonality between the Iranian and Indian peoples studied so far is between the beliefs of Hinduism and Zoroastrianism. Another example of these common beliefs might be found among the other religions, especially Yārsān. Yārsān or Goran refers to a centralized religion practiced in the western and northwestern parts of Iran. The belief in reincarnation and the human manifestation of the Divine Essence (Mir-Hosseini, 1994a, 267) are seen as the fundamental tenets of Yārsān.

E. Mahmoudi (*) Department of History, Payam Noor University, Tehran, Iran © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 S. B. Hosseini (ed.), Yari Religion in Iran, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1_2

13

14 

E. MAHMOUDI

In addition, the religious ceremonies of Yārsān distinguishes them from today’s Iranian society, where the majority of residents are Muslims. In a study of the Yārsāni people and their beliefs, Hosseini argues that “Yārsān is a faith rooted in Indo-Iranian belief systems” (Hosseini, 2017). This belief can be tested by taking a deeper look at the religious texts and beliefs of the Yārsān religion. The relationship of the Yārsān community to India and its interest in it is one part of the unwritten principles of the Yārsān religion. Furthermore, looking at the Yārsān saints, we repeatedly come across those associated with India, including Bābā Hindu, Pı ̄r Fı ̄rūz Hı ̄ndı ̄, and Bābā Rahmat Mumbai, whose names suggest a spiritual connection between the two societies. Moreover, Pı ̄r Fı ̄rūz Hı ̄ndı ̄, one of the seventy-two elders and special companions of Sultān Sahāk, originally came from India (Safizadeh, 1981, 98). The aim of this research is to compare the beliefs of Yārsān and Hinduism in order to find out how close their religious and cultural roots are. Hopefully this research will open up new horizons for the understanding of cultural and religious commonalities between the two countries and demonstrate a wider perspective of the rich history of these two nations. My research has mainly focused on analyzing the concepts, deities, and other features the religions have in common. By comparing some of the religious myths of Hinduism to the Yārsān and by communicating their beliefs, this chapter demonstrates how close Yārsān and Hindu religions are to each other in terms of their religious and cultural roots. For that purpose, this chapter seeks to answer the following questions: 1. Which myths and religious beliefs of Hinduism and Yārsān have common roots? 2. Is Yārsān an heir to the primitive religion of the indigenous people of the Iranian plateau? The findings of this research indicate that Yārsān is in truth the inheritor of the ancient Indo-Iranian religion, which is closely related to Eastern religions and schools. Indeed, with the emergence of different religions, especially the Abrahamic (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) and their arrival into the Iranian plateau, the beliefs of both indigenous people and the adherents of these new religions have influenced each other. Indeed, Yārsān is one of the heirs of the ancient philosophy of Iran which has preserved the ancient beliefs of the early natives of this land through its dignitaries after Islam (Dehqān, 2004, 47). Moreover, over many centuries,

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

15

in spite of the many political, social, and cultural changes in Iran, the early beliefs of the Yārsān have remained relatively intact, as we can see by looking more closely at this religion.

Methods In this chapter, I make use of qualitative research through interviews with seven religious elders of the Goran tribe and with some respected leaders of Yārsān families. The interviews were conducted in the cities of Kerend–e Gharb, Goran, and rural zones on the outskirts of Goran from June 2018 to January 2019. The interviewees were all men between forty and seventy years old. I had prepared for each interview questions which aimed at exploring the roots of the ancient beliefs of the Yārsān religion. Because the interviewer was Yārsāni himself, the interviewees relaxed and spoke freely. For the needs of this current study, I also utilized desk research by examining the religious texts of Hindu and Yārsān and by analyzing religious structures to find common beliefs between the two religious groups. Afterwards, by collecting information and detailed data, comparing the religious texts of Yārsān and Hindu, and observing the rituals and religious celebrations of Yārsān society, I analyzed the findings.

Yārsān Yārsān is the largest informal religious minority in Iran, the beliefs of which go back to a period preceding Zoroaster.1 According to Yārsāni tradition, the religion was first founded by Sultan Sahāk Barzanji in the fifteenth century (Mir-Hosseini, 1994a, 270). They believe Sultan Sahāk is the physical manifestation of “Khāvenkār”.2 “Nāme’ye Sar’anjām” or “Divan Gureh”3 indicates that the first person who tried to establish Yārsānism was Bahlool Mahi,4 born in the second century AH to a Kurdish family (Safizadeh, 1982, 5–6). After Bahlool, other personalities such as Bābā Sarhang (born in 324 AH), Shāh Khushin (born in 406 AH), and Bābā Navos (born in 477 AH) promoted the religion.  Zoroaster is a prophet of ancient Iran.  The God in Yārsān religion. 3  Holy book of the Yārsāns. 4  In Kurdish, the word Mād is pronounced “Mai,” which means Medes. It refers to the Medes dynasty, founders of the first great empire of the Iranian Plateau, who ruled from 700 to 549 BC. 1 2

16 

E. MAHMOUDI

Yārsān is composed of two parts: Ya ̄r + Sān. Yār means “companion” and Sa ̄n, in the Kurdish dialect of Gorani, means “king.” “King” refers to God or Sultan Sahāk, and in general, refers to the companions of the king. The philosophy of Doon-ā-Doon (transmigration of the soul), one of the most fundamental principles of this religion, has a strong connection with Eastern religions and schools (Hinduism, Buddhism, and others). Other beliefs, discussed below, are also very similar to Hindu beliefs. It is worthwhile also to mention the interest in the land of India demonstrated by elderly Yārsān people. Bābā Yadegār, one of the Yārsān’s dignitaries, was dispatched to India by Sultan Isaac (Sahāk) to develop the Yārsān religion there. His followers are known as Zikri in India and Pakistan (Safizadeh, 1978, 136–137). The geographical distribution of Yārsān followers is mostly concentrated in the western and northwestern regions of Iran and in parts of Iraqi Kurdistan, where they are also called Kaka’i, Ahl-e Haqq, and Goran. Since the Yārsān religion has a Kurdish origin, most of its followers are Kurdish. Yārsān also has significant followers among the Turk and Lur people. In Iran, the center of Yārsān followers is Kerend-e Gharb in Dālāhu County within Kermanshāh Province, where more than ninety percent of residents follow the Yārsān religion and come from the Kurdish Goran tribe. All members of this tribe practice the Yārsān religion. Other cities in Kermanshāh province, such as Sahneh, Qasr-e-Shirin, Sarpol-e Zahab, and Eslamabad-e Gharb (Shah Ābād) also have large numbers of Yārsān adherents. Considerable populations of other Kurdish tribes, including the majority of the Sanjabi, Lak, and Kalhor tribes, also practice Yārsān. In addition, a great number of Yārsāni dwell in the provinces of Lorestan, Ilam, Hamedan, East and West Azerbaijan, and Kurdkoy in Mazandaran province. The religious texts of Yārsān are written in the Kurdish dialect of Gorani which is also Sultan Sahāk’s native language, hence the position of the Gorani language as the religious and sacred language of Yārsānism. The adherents of Yārsān have their own religious customs and rituals performed according to special religious laws. Two of the most important parts are offering sacrifices of Vow and Niyaz for God and reciting religious songs called Kalām. Vow includes ram, beef, or rooster. Niyaz includes fruit such as pomegranate, apple, and peach; almonds; and a local pastry called Gerdeh. Then, for religious ceremonies, a holy gathering ring

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

17

known as a Jam5 forms, with the Pir as pinnacle. In the Jam Yārsāni chant their sacred litany (Kalām), play their sacred lute (Tanbur), make offerings (Niyaz) and share a sacrificial meal (Qurbani) (Mir-Hosseini, 1994b). No one is allowed to enter or exit the Jam until the end of the ceremony. Jam-Khāne is a holy place for Yārsān’s followers where they utter their prayers and offer their vows to God (Yārsānis in Goran, personal interview, February 15, 2019). To honor these traditions, some of Yārsān’s adherents give the names of “JamYār” and “Jamineh” to their sons and daughters, respectively. By having a broad look at Yārsān’s community, we can understand that its belief system reflects an Eastern origin, and the root of its philosophy originates from ancient religions older than Yārsānism.

Rebirth The belief in rebirth or reincarnation is one of the main principles of Yārsān. Yārsāni believe in the reincarnation of ordinary human souls, called Doon-ā-Doon or Jāme be Jāme6 (van Bruinessen, 2017, 70). In Yārsān, every soul reincarnates 1001 times (Hosseini, 2016, 13). The purpose of reincarnation is the perfection and final union of each soul with the Divine Essence (Mir-Hosseini, 1994a, 281). In other words, Ahl-e Haqq believes in descending and ascending incarnation and reincarnation. Descending reincarnation means that anyone who perpetrates evil deeds during their lifetime will be manifested in the form of an animal as a punishment when coming back to life (e.g., a snake, a fly, or other insidious animals or insects). Ascending reincarnation occurs when human beings achieve spiritual progress each time they come to life. It means that if good deeds exceed evil ones, the soul will be awarded a relatively higher place. Therefore, such deeds not only affect the present life of a soul, but have an even more profound impact on its next life, which is not limited to any time or place. Belief in reincarnation separates the followers of Yārsān from all Islamic beliefs and relations (Hosseini, 2017, 22) and brings them into the realm of Eastern religions (Hindu, Buddhism, Shinto, Tao, etc.). Reincarnation, 5  Jam is a holy gathering ring in which Yārsān’s groups come together and Pir is at the top of it. 6  Jāme be Jāme or Doon-ā-Doon means transmigration of the soul from one body to another after death.

18 

E. MAHMOUDI

or rebirth, is an intrinsic and fundamental concept across all Eastern religions. In Yārsān religious texts, there are several references to the rebirth and reincarnation of the soul to this world. The following verse from Sheikh Amir Zulehei, one of the elders of Yārsān, asking God to leave him free from the law of rebirth, indicates a belief in Doon-a ̄-Doon or Ja ̄me be Ja ̄me: Sheikh Amir Maramo [says]: “Ya shah nanoysi nakhsi va charam … Namanan taghat lalay Gafaram.” In English, this means: “God, do not set this destiny (Doon-ā-Doon) for me again, because I cannot bear to return to this world again.”

In the early centuries of the Muslim Empire during the Abbasid caliphate, there were also religious political groups that believed in the reincarnation or return of the soul, the most important being Khoramdinan or Sorkh Jāmegān, led by the Azerbaijani Bābak Khorramdin. Some have considered the Khorramdins to be Mazdakies, and others have counted them as Ismaili, Moslemi, Bateni, or even as Abahy’s Sufis, who are said to have believed in reincarnation (Nafisi, 2005, 24–25). Khoram-Dı ̄nān had been a political and religious group during the time of the Abbasid caliphate, the special ideologies of which have been documented in historical texts. Ibn al-Athir describes their belief in the transfer of the spirit from one body to another, as well as the placement of an animal’s spirit in the body of another (Ibn al-Athir, 2002, 3856). This reveals that before the advent of Sultan Sahāk Barzanjei and the development of the Yārsān religion, the belief in rebirth had already been prevalent in many parts of Iran and had not been limited only to Yārsān, which in turn demonstrates that these beliefs are rooted in pre-Islamic Iran. The Hindu philosophy of rebirth is very similar to that of Yārsān. According to the Upanishads, part of the scriptures of the Hindu traditions, those who take steps in the right path and efficiently fulfill their responsibilities will be awarded eternal life after death, while those who deviate from true values will be continually victimized by the cycle of life and death. Other basic Hindu beliefs which are the foundation of all other Indian religions and schools are Karma and Saṃ sa ̄ra (second birth) in the cycle of rebirth (Shaygan, 2004, 20). Karma can be seen as the equivalent to “Kerdār” in the Yārsān religion, or the reflection of each person’s actions. Saṃ sāra means reincarnation, rebirth, and the transmigration of the soul (Choon Kim & Freeman, 1981, 9). In Hinduism, Saṃ sa ̄ra is a

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

19

journey of the soul. The body dies, but not the soul, which still exists in eternal indestructible bliss (Juergensmeyer & Clark Roof, 2011, 271–272). Saṃ sāra is tied to the theory of Karma (Obeyesekere, 2005, 1–2). What has influence on the subsequent Saṃ sa ̄ra is Karma or the law of action and reaction. Likewise, in the Yārsān religion, good or evil deeds (Kerda ̄r) will determine the outcome of the next reincarnation. The following verse from the Upanishads shows clearly the effect of dark deeds in being trapped in the cycle of life and death: “He who does not possess discrimination, whose mind is uncontrolled and always impure, he does not reach that goal, but falls again into Samsara [sic]” (Paramananda, 1919, 67). The liberation from Saṃ sāra is called Moksha or Nirvana (Myers, 2013, 36). The Upanishads primarily focus on the liberation from reincarnation (Choon Kim & Freeman, 1981, 15–17; Sikora, 2002, 18–19). The aim of spiritual questing in the Upanishadic traditions is to find the true self within and to know one’s soul which leads to a blissful state of freedom, or moksha (Coward, 2008, 129). In India, the concepts of second birth and the action-reaction law of life are inseparable and mutual principles of every school of thought. The purpose of Yārsān and Hinduism in the philosophy of Ja ̄me-be-­ Jāme/Saṃ sa ̄ra, which is the sequence of successive cycles of life and death, is to rid the soul of impurities and unite with the divine essence (in the case of Yārsān), or achieve Moksha and merge with the Supreme Brahman (according to Hinduism). In fact, the return of the soul can be considered as the basic and common chapter of both Eastern and Yārsānic religions. Although the details of rebirth differ in each of the abovementioned religions, they are in general all the same and are all rooted in the same principle.

God’s Manifestation on Earth The concept of God-as-man is another basic philosophical belief of Yārsānism. That is to say, God can manifest himself within human society, which Yārsān refers to as Tajali Zāt or Mazharyat, the “the manifestation of God’s essence.” From Yārsān’s viewpoint, God has helped human beings in various ways, having descended to Earth throughout different historical periods. The most recent complete manifestation of God on Earth was in the body of Sultan Sahāk Barzanji who organized the principles of this ancient religion after centuries of its existence. According to Yārsān, God has come to Earth many times in the form of a human, giving

20 

E. MAHMOUDI

guidance to humanity. In every manifestation, God is accompanied by the archangels who have manifested shortly before Him, are waiting for Him, and promise His advent (Mokri, 2003, 74). Regarding the references in Yārsān’s religious texts to the emergence of religious elders in the previous bodies, which has been often mentioned as one of the most central principles of this religion, many of Yārsān’s dignitaries have attested to their previous manifestations through the ages. Nowruz Sorāni, one of the dervishes during the period of Seyyed Haidar,7 refers to his previous manifestations. The manuscript of “Daftar Nowruz Sorāni” reads: Nowruz Maramo [says]: “Zaveli men bim, Zaveli men bim … Zāt zebardast Zaveli men bim Pershay khoyna shar Siavakhsh men bim … Savar sarhad saheb Rakhsh men bim.”8 In English, this means: “In the past, I was Rostam Zāl9, I was the manifestation of Rostam. I was the avenger of Siāvash’s10 blood, and I was the guardian of Iran’s borders and the owner of Rakhsh.”11

Yārsān’s followers believe that the elders of their religion emerged in the form of Iranian mythic kings and heroes whose names can be easily found in Yārsān’s religious texts. The manifestations of Yārsāni elders in the bodies of Iranian kings, dignitaries, and heroes are described in detail in “Bārgah-Bārgah,” a section of “Nāme’ye Sar’anjām” (Bahrāmi, 2006, 83). The notion of the manifestation of God in human form has a special place in Eastern religions and has been the main principle of the Bhagavata religion in India, referred to as Avatara. Avatara in Hinduism means “descent,” the incarnation of God in human form on Earth and the incarnation of the divine agent (Lochtefeld, 2002, 72–73). Avatars have “apparent bodies,” not real bodies; they are not really born and do not really die (Klostermaier, 1998, 33). This had been briefly discussed in the 7  Seyyed Haidar, nicknamed Seyyed Berāka, was one of the elders of Yārsān in the nineteenth century and many miracles have been reported about him. His time was known as “Yari Tani.” 8  Daftar Nowruz Sorāni, 208. 9  Rostam is a mythical Iranian hero. 10  Siāvash or Siāvakhsh is a mythical Iranian prince. 11  Rākhsh is Rostam’s horse.

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

21

Rigveda,12 but was developed more completely as one of the main principles of Bhagavata (Shaygan, 2004, 216-217). Theologically, the idea of Avatara in Hinduism is associated primarily with the god Vishnu, though the idea has been applied to other deities (Kinsley, 2005, 707). Lord Vishnu is one of the three supreme Hindu divinities, known as the Protector of the Universe. In Hinduism, Vishnu is manifested in different bodies and came down to the Earth each time to help human beings (Curta & Holt, 2016, 271). Vishnu Avatars appear in Hindu mythology whenever the cosmos is in crisis, typically because evil has grown stronger and thrown the cosmos out of its balance. The Avatar then appears in a material form to destroy evil and its sources and restore the cosmic balance between the ever-present forces of good and evil (Lochtefeld, 2002, 228). Krishna-Vāsudeva, one manifestation of Lord Vishnu, is called “God of Gods,” or the Supreme Deity (Devadeva) (Malpan, 1992, 58). Vishnu is said to have taken a variety of human and non-human forms in his incarnations, including the form of Rama, the Buddha, a huge fish, a turtle, and others, while in Yārsān, God has manifested himself only in human form. Evidently, Yārsān has remained distant from certain mythical beliefs. The most significant similarity of Vishnu avatars with the manifestations of the “Khāvenkār” is that both have incarnated in a special form whenever humanity has appealed for help. Lord Vishnu incarnated himself as Lord Krishna and Khāvenkār as the hero Rostam Zāl. Both have appeared as great clerics: Vishnu as the Buddha, and Khāvenkār as Sultan Sahāk. It is worthwhile to mention that there are considerable similarities in the material manifestations of God between Hinduism and Yārsān, such as Rostam Zāl, a mythical hero, who is mentioned as a person who was once a manifestation of God and then elsewhere as a manifestation of Dāo. Consequently, the marked similarity between Vishnu’s Avatars and Sultan Sahāk, and the similarity in attributes with Dāo Kao- Sowār, is remarkable. Besides, belief in the manifestation of God and angels in the form of prophets and saints of other religions, especially the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) can be also seen in Yārsānic beliefs, which raises a large number of questions. What is Yārsān’s connection with religions such as Islam and Christianity? In response to this question, it should be stated that Yārsān’s perspectives are based on the manifestation of essence or Avatara in different periods. In other words, Yārsān believe  The collection of Hindu religious poems and hymns written in Sanskrit.

12

22 

E. MAHMOUDI

that in the past, the essences of Yārsān’s saints have appeared as the prophets of other religions, and have eventually incarnated once again in the shape of Yārsān dignitaries. The Kalāms (verses) from the Pardivar13 period in which Sultan Sahāk testifies to his and Pir Benyamin previous manifestations read as follows: Shah (King) Maramo [says]: “Shim aov Barbot … na doreh Khosro shim ao Barbot Ramzem Baad avar Nakisam sokot ... Benyamem Eysa vim shiam ao Bot.”14 In English, this means: Sultan Sahāk says: “I was in the form of Barbud15 in the time of Khosrow Parviz,16 and Pir Benyamin was the manifestation of Jesus Christ.”

Indeed, according to Yārsān, the essence of all angels belongs to God, each of whom shoulders a special responsibility, and according to the above verse the essence of Pir Benyamin is the essence of God. However, it should be noted that none of Yārsān’s religious texts referred to Jesus Christ or Ali ibn-e-Abi Tālib17 and other Semitic saints as Yārsānic missionaries or their followers. They are referred to as the angels of God manifested in the form of prophets so as to provide guidance to humans. Obviously, Yārsān believe that archangels can reincarnate themselves as humans and referring to them in Yārsānic religious texts shows respect to other religions. However, the pressures of other religions on Yārsān cannot be considered ineffective. In order to reduce the amount of these pressures on their followers, the Yārsān have adopted measures such as mentioning the names of other religions’ elders in Yārsānic religious texts. Belief in this kind of philosophy (Tajali Za ̄t/Avatara) was once widely prevalent in most parts of the world. In the past, people would consider kings’ power to be the will of God and they would even believe that God was manifested as kings on Earth. Hence, Yārsān addresses Sultan Sahāk, who is the symbol and manifestation of God, as king. It is a belief originating from the ancient philosophies to which Yārsān still remain faithful. The 13  Pardivar is a place in Iranian Kurdistan where Sultan Sahāk revealed the religion of Yārsān. 14  Divan Gureh, Yādegāri family manuscript. 15  Barbud was a Sassanid dynasty musician. 16  Khosrow Parviz was one of Iran’s ancient kings, ruling from 590 to 628. 17  Ali ibn-e-Abi Tālib is the first Imam of the Shiites and the fourth caliph of the Muslims.

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

23

concept of Man-God is one of the most ancient philosophies in human history, followed in ancient Egypt, Rome before Christianity, and Iran before Islam, particularly at the beginning of the Abbasid caliphate. Furthermore, movements like Muqanna that follow the way of Muslimiyyas, believed that God had manifested in Muqanna and appeared to human beings in this body. That is why Yārsān calls Sultan Sahāk, who is the symbol and manifestation of God, the king, that such a belief stems from the ancient beliefs to which Yārsān have remained faithful. In fact, Yārsān’s outlook on religious, cultural, and social issues is rooted in those ancient beliefs, which are still related to fundamental Iranian and Indian ideologies.

Angelology Sultan Sahāk, founder of Yārsān, established a spiritual hierarchy among his followers, and vested each with special powers. The most important of these are two heptad sets: the haft-tan (“the seven bodies”) and haft-­ tawane (“the seven powers”) (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 121). In Yārsān’s early beliefs, we first encounter four archangels of God (named Binyamin, Dāwūd, Pir Mûsî, and Mustafā) that accompanied Sultan Sahāk Barzanji at the time of his advent (van Bruinessen, 2017). After his establishment in the region of Pardivar, three other angels joined him (Bābā Yādegār, Shah Ibrahim, and Khatun Ramzbar); as a result, a total of seven angels were manifested in their beliefs. The seven archangels, nicknamed Haft Malak, who govern the affairs of the inner realm (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 121) are: 1. Dāo: The Eternal Dalil (“Guide”) for all (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 121). Dāwūd is the guide and problem solver (Rahbar, Moshkek goshay) (Kreyenbroek et al., 1992, 70). Also known as “Kao-Sowār” (a rider on a blue horse). 2. Pir Benyam/Benyamin: Referred to as the “Master of the Pact,” is the Eternal Pir (du master) for all (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 121). He is also known as “Pir-e Shart.”18 Indeed, it should be noted that Pir Benyamin is the preserver of religious allegiance while Dāo Kao-Sowār bears the responsibility of protecting other covenants. 3. Pir Mûsî/Musa: Angel of faith, also has the duty to record the deeds of the people. Known as “Pir-e Ghalam Zar.” Yārsān believe that religious traditions have been slowly gathered through collections and writings by  Pir-e Shart means keeping the religious oath and allegiance with the people.

18

24 

E. MAHMOUDI

Pir Musa, who was the archangel tasked with registering documents and writings (Hosseini, 2017, 22– 23). 4. Mustafā-e Dawdāni: The angel of death (van Bruinessen, 2014, 24). Also known as “Bāsh Kamāndār.” 5. Bābā Yādegār: The successor of Sultan Sahāk in the immortal world. Also known as “Pir-e Narges Cham” and “Pir-e Takht.” 6. Shah Ibrahim: The manifestation of “Anāhitā”19 whose steed is made of ice. Furthermore, in Yārsānism, a holy fountain flows from the heart of Dālāhu Mountains, called “Hānitā.”20 He is also known as “Boza Sowār” (a rider on an icy horse). 7. Dayrak Khatun: The only female angel amongst Haft-Tan, showing the importance of women’s status from the point of view of Yārsān. Also known as “Khatun Ramz-bār” or “Raz-bār.” Female goddesses can be found in Eastern religions. For example, among Hindus: Kali, Saraswati, Durga, Purana, and Devi. The position of Khatun Ramz-bār, one of the seven archangels in Yārsān religion, can be compared to Saraswati, the goddess of wisdom and knowledge in Hinduism. The second rank belongs to the Haft-Tawane, who are in charge of the outer world; they are in effect Sultan’s descendants, each of whom is responsible for the affairs and guidance of a number of followers. Their names are: Seyyed Mohammad Gaorah Sowar (Shah Ibrahim’s father), Seyyed Abu-al Wafa, Haji Bavaisi, Mir Sur, Seyyed Mustafâ, Seyyed Shahab al-Din, and Sheikh Habib Shah (a female companion, a “relative” [Mahram] of Sultan and close to Ramzbar) (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 121). From Yārsān’s viewpoint, it seems that Haft-Tan and Haft-Tawāne are like the two positive and negative poles in the world that are needed to balance the universe. In the Kala ̄ms of the Pardivar period, Mustafa Dawdān describes the Haft-Tan and Haft-Tawāne as follows: Mustafa Maramo [says]: “Na Baghche Yāri rozan Golan … Chovardah Shah Gol na ser haselan.” In English, this means: “These fourteen flowers (Haft-Tan and Haft-­ Tawane) in the world of secrets have taken Divine essence from Sultan Sahāk and give energy to the universe” (Dakei, 2015, 18).

 Anahita is the goddess of water in ancient Iran.  Hānitā is the Kurdish pronunciation of Anahita’s name.

19 20

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

25

All the archangels hold high rank in Yārsān and each of them has their own miracles, but the one who holds the highest rank among all the followers of Yārsān is Dāo 21 Kao-Sowār, and Pı ̄r Dāwūd Dawdāni22 is ­manifested as Dāo during Sultan Sahāk Barzanji. He is the most important angel of God, known as the leader of the Yārsān community, and is associated with the following roles: 1. The preserver of the Earth and sky (universe). This Kalām from Dervish Nowruz Sorāni explains this attribute of Dāo Kao-Sowār: Dervish Nowruz Maramo [says]: “Charkha chi Jahan Bar-o-Bār Dāwūd … Parande bi Par nore Nār Dāwūd.”23 In English, this means: “The preserver of Universe is Dāwūd, who can fly without wing and feather.” 2. Protector/Savior (one who comes to help human beings). Shah Taymour Banyarani describes Dāo in his Kalām, as follows: Shah Taymour Maramo [says]: “Va nāz Yaran barza Mel Dāwūd … fard faryād ras roy Abdul Dāwūd.”24 In English, this means: “The one who can be the savior of the followers of Yārsān is Dāwūd.” 3. The protector of promise and covenant: Yārsān’s followers consider Dāo as a witness in most of their trade agreements and marriage contracts. By holding Dāo’s hands, they strengthen the promise, and believe that a person who violates an agreement will be punished by Dāo. 4. The sun is one of Dāo’s symbols, since he is considered the owner of the sun. Moreover, the sun is referred to as “Zarda Kar Divan Dāo”; it means that sun is the light of Dāo’s court. 5. Spring, the first season of the year, bears his symbol. Baba Navos, in his Kala ̄m, considers the seasons to belong to the four archangels: Baba Nāvos Maramo [says]: “Aseman va Zamin Dorrem varshaneh … Saheb Borjenan koy Malekana.” In English, this means: “I split the pearl and created the sky and the earth. The owners of the seasons are archangels”, that spring belongs to Dāo (Dakei, 2015, 74).  Dāo is a proper noun and is not the abbreviated name of Dāwūd.  According to Yārsān, Dāo has different manifestations and Pir Dāwūd is one of them. 23  Nowruz Sorāni, 213. 24  Divine Shah Taymour, 122. 21 22

26 

E. MAHMOUDI

6. In Yārsān’s culture, those who are at war are begging for help from Dāo and calling his name; therefore, he can also be known as the god of war (Seyyed Hādi Yādegāri, personal interview, July 20, 2018). The characteristics mentioned for Dāo can also be found in Mithra or Mehr, one of the ancient Indo-Iranian supreme gods who with the advent of Zoroaster became one of the gods or angels of Zoroastrianism. Mehr is the god of war in pre-Zoroastrian Iran who protects promises, oaths, and covenants. The sun bears his symbol and receives light from him. The mention of the name Dāo or Deo can also be clearly seen in India. Towards the close of Feroz’s25 reign in 694/1294, his nephew and son-in-­ law, Muhammad, set out from Kara with 8000 horses, crossed the Vindhyas and, after a march of two months through difficult terrain, appeared before Devagiri (Deogiri/Dāogiri) and captured it (Holt, et al., 2008, 9). Moreover, Muhammad b. Tughluq (from the Tughluq dynasty), he was convinced that a new imperial center was needed. He selected Devagiri, which he renamed Dawlatabad, and decided to establish a metropolis there in 727/1327 (Holt, et al., 2008, 14). Using the name of “Dāo /Deo” indicates his sanctity and shows that other schools, nations, and cultures were familiar with this ancient god. It seems that the word Dāo Devan has been used by the adherents of Yārsān in order to beg for help from this angel. Not only this, but he also has the epithet of Devadeva, which he shares with Vishnu. Furthermore, the color blue is another mutual trait of these two ancient gods—Vishnu has blue skin, and Dāo, known as “Kao-Sowār,” is a rider on a blue horse (which is likely to be an allusion to the sky). Vishnu in Rigveda is connected to the sun god (Surya) (Blurton 1993, 118) and Sun is another one of his names (Dalal, 2010, 343), so the sun seems to be another common characteristic between Vishnu and Dāo. Such similarities between Yārsānism and Hinduism indicate their close bond and shared beliefs (Fig. 2.1).

Religious Classification System Yārsānism upholds a social set of rules to which its followers need to adhere. One of the most important of these rules is the religious hierarchy, which will be described in detail below:

 Feroz was one of the kings of the Khalji dynasty in India.

25

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

Dao's traits

The preserver of sky and earth(universe)

The preserver of the universe

Dao Devan

Devadeva

Blue rider

Blue color

Sun is his symbol

Sun is his other name

27

Vishnu's traits

Fig. 2.1  Common traits of Lord Vishnu and Dāo Kao-Sowār

1. Pir: Holds the most superior religious rank in Yārsān, is usually called Seyyed, and takes precedence over all adherents and dynasties. However, this religion’s followers believe that their ancestry does not stretch back to “Shia Seyyed,” but reaches back to the Yārsān dynasties which were formed during the time of Sultan Sahāk. “Seyyed” seems to be a borrowed word and an alternative for Pı ̄r which had been used at that time. The dignitaries of each dynasty were also called Pı ̄r or Seyyed-e Pı ̄r. 2. Baveh or Baba: The second-ranking religious official in the Yārsān religion system. Although Baba himself is placed in the group of Pı ̄r, he has his own category as well. 3. Kāki: Kāki is in charge of the Dalil rank. Dalil means “the guide who shows the way” (Hosseini, 2017, 25). Kāki is a servant in Jam. 4. Ordinary people or folks: They have to follow the religious laws taught by the upper classes based on religious principles (Seyyed Dāwūd Yādegari, personal interview, July 18, 2018). The abovementioned social hierarchy imposes exclusive laws and regulations which should be observed without any violation. One of the most important laws is avoiding matrimony with someone from the higher classes (Pir and Bābā), since the higher classes are considered to be spiritual parents. Hence, matrimony with them is forbidden and is even considered to be one of three unforgivable sins. It is referred to as Khatāye Khāndān, or “sin of the dynasty” (Seyyed Hādi Yādegāri, personal interview, July 20, 2018). Furthermore, people belonging to one class cannot ascend to a higher class; in other words, being categorized in one of the classes is appointive, not acquisitive, and there is no competition to reach a higher class.

28 

E. MAHMOUDI

Such a hierarchy can be found only among Eastern religions; for example, caste. Caste is the fundamental institution of Hinduism (Leach, 1960). The first reference can be given to four classes of Rig-Veda. The four classes are the Brahmins (priestly people), the Kshatriyas (also called Rajanyas, who were rulers, administrators, and warriors), the Vaishyas (artisans, merchants, tradesmen, and farmers), and the Shudras (laboring classes) (Fowler, 1997, 19–20). Caste is the principal factor in determining an individual’s social and religious status (Weightman, 1984, 209) (Fig. 2.2). In this hierarchy, none of the classes can ascend to a higher class, and matrimony among their members has been forbidden. The only possible way to ascend to a higher class is through following the principle of Karma by committing good deeds, leading to the sublimation of the soul and ascendance to a superior class or caste of society in one’s second life. However, there is a difference between the hierarchies of these two groups. Yārsānism’s hierarchy is mostly a religious system, and all individuals have equality before the law, while caste hierarchy is generally based on social and racial discrimination and each class is evaluated before the law based on its status. Yazidis/Izadi, who mostly dwell in the north of Iraq, follow such a hierarchy, with similar beliefs to those of Yārsān’s followers. Another religion with the same hierarchy is Mithraism, including seven degrees or religious ranks. Pater (Pir) has the highest of the grades in the Mithraic cult, therefore, his clothes are the same as the clothes of Mithra. He is a father to his initiates, who call themselves brothers, and guards over the Yārsān System

Caste System

Pir

Brahmin

Bābā(Bāva)

Kshatriya

Kāki

Vaishya

Commoners (Folks)

Shudra

Fig. 2.2  Comparison of social religious classification system in Yārsān and Caste

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

29

interests of his community (as a defender). He is a teacher whose wisdom is symbolized by a ring and staff (stick, cane) (Vermaseren, 1963, 152–153).

Conclusion The diversity of viewpoints and beliefs among Indian and Iranian people can be explained by their encounters with the natives in both lands and the absorption of their cultures centuries ago. These subcultures took on new forms over time and evolved and they eventually turned into a fusion of beliefs by combining elements from both natives’ and newcomers’ values and norms. However, the foundations of their principles remain unchanged. There are many similarities between the religions of Hinduism and Yārsān. The common attributes between the Lord Vishnu in Hinduism and Dāo Kao-Sowār in Yārsānism, the religious hierarchies, and the comparable religious beliefs mentioned above demonstrate the unity of the intellectual lines between these two religions. In fact, the basis of all Eastern religions and Yārsānism is the same, and the current beliefs of Yārsān’s followers are rooted in ancient times (Table 2.1). Over the centuries, Yārsān’s adherents have played a significant role in preserving one of this ancient religion by protecting its culture and handing it down to future generations. Yārsān’s religious tolerance, nonviolent attitude toward the followers of other religions, and the emphasis on a policy of non-propaganda and the preservation of secrets (referred to as “Sir Mago”) has played a vital role in enhancing this durability. Perhaps the reason for adopting such a policy lies in the minority of Yārsān’s followers compared to the majority of those in the Muslim community. Although many years have passed since the lifetime of this group of ancient religions and rituals, a large number of people still adhere to these beliefs. Furthermore, in spite of the emergence of different religions, especially Table 2.1  Similarities between Hinduism and Yārsān

1 2 3 4 5

Hinduism

Yārsān

Avatara Samsāra Karma Vishnu Caste system

Tajali Zāt/Mazharyat Jāme be Jāme /Doon-ā-Doon Kerdār Dao Kao-Sowār Yārsān classification system

30 

E. MAHMOUDI

Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam), and the existence of numerous limitations and pressures from other religious adherents, Yārsānic beliefs make still stand, preserving their intellectual and ideological roots. In conclusion, the beliefs of the people of Yārsān today are the same as the beliefs of the ancient peoples of the Iranian and Indian plateau, and it has the same roots as other Indian and Eastern religions. In other words, these religions are like brothers who share an unbreakable bond and have maintained their strong relationship over time.

References Bahrāmi, I. (2006). Roein Tani va Javdanegi dar Asatir (1st ed.). Asatir publication. Blurton, Richard T. (1993). Hindu Art. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. van Bruinessen, M. (2014). Veneration of Satan among the Ahl-e Haqq of the Gûrân region. Fritillaria Kurdicia, Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 3–4, 6–41. http://www.kurdishstudies.pl/?en_fritillaria-­kurdica.-­bulletin-­of-­kurdish-­ studies.-­no.-­3-­4,77. Accessed 30 July 2019 van Bruinessen, M. (2017). Dersim and Dālāhu: Some reflections on Kurdish Alevism and the Ahl-i Haqq religion. In S.  Raei (Ed.), Islamic Alternatives: Non-Mainstream Religion in Persianate Societies (pp.  65–93). Harrassowitz Verlag. Coward, H. (2008). The Perfectibility of Human Nature in Eastern and Western Thought: The Central Story. State University of New York Press. Curta, Florin, & Holt, Andrew (Eds.). (2016). Great Events in Religion: An Encyclopedia of Pivotal Events in Religious History. 3 vols. ABC-CLIO publication. Dakei, S. F.-o. (2015). Ba ̄ba ̄ Nav̄ os Divine. Sales publication. Dalal, R. (2010). Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide. Penguin Books. Dehqān, M. (2004). Barkhi manabe motale Ahl-i Haqq. Book of Mah Tarikh and Joghrafia, 76–75, 147–153. https://www.noormags.ir/view/fa/articlepage/3971/147/text Accessed 22 March 2019 Fowler, J. D. (1997). Hinduism: Beliefs and Practices. Sussex Academic Press. Holt, P. M., Ann, K. S., Lambton, L., & Bernard. (2008). The Cambridge History of Islam (Vol. 2A). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/ CHOL9780521219488 Hosseini, S.  B. (2016). Life after death in Manichaeism and Yarsan. Fritillaria Kurdicia, Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 13–14, 4–34. http://www.kurdishstudies.pl/?en_fritillaria-­kurdica-­no.-­13-­14,154. Accessed 16 August 2019

2  COMMON ROOTS OF HINDUISM AND YĀRSĀN (GORAN) BELIEFS 

31

Hosseini, S. B. (2017). The oral transmission of Yārsāni’s traditional education. Fritillaria Kurdicia, Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 17, 20–34. http://www.kurdishstudies.pl/?en_fritillaria-­kurdica.bulletin-­of-­kurdish-­studies-­no.-­17,176. Accessed 16 August 2019 Ibn al-Athir, Ali. (2002). The Complete History. 1st ed. Vol. 9. Trans. by Hamid Reza Azhir. Tehran: Asatir publication. https://files.tarikhema.org/pdf/Ibne-­ Asir/Tarikhe_Kamel_Ebne_Asir_09.pdf. Accessed 16 August 2019. Juergensmeyer, M., & Clark Roof, W. (2011). Samsāra. In Encyclopedia of Global Religion. SAGE Publications. Kim, Y. C., & Freeman, D. H. (1981). Oriental Thought: An Introduction to the Philosophical and Religious Thought of Asia. Rowman & Littlefield. Kinsley, D. (2005). Avatara. In L. Jones (Ed.), Gale’s Encyclopedia of Religion (2nd ed.). Farmington Hills, MI. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-­5906.2007. 00345_1.x. Accessed 15 May 2019. Klostermaier, K.  K. (1998). A Concise Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Oneworld Publications. https://historiadelartecursos.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/ klaus-­kostermeir-­enciclopedia-­hinduismo.pdf. Accessed 24 March 2018 Kreyenbroek, P., Mithra, G., Ahreman, B., & Tâwûs, M. (1992). Traces of an Ancient Myth in the Cosmogonies of Two Modern Sects. In P. Gignoux (Ed.), Recurrent patterns in Iranian religions: From Mazdaism to Sufism (pp. 57–79). Studia Iranica. Leach, E. R. (1960). Introduction: What should we mean by caste? In Aspects of Castes in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan (pp. 2–10). Cambridge University Press. Lochtefeld, J. (2002). Avatara. In The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism (pp. 1–2). Rosen Publishing. Malpan, V. (1992). A Comparative Study of the Bhagavad-gı ̄ta ̄ and the Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius of Loyola on the Process of Spiritual Liberation. G&B Press. Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1994a). Inner Truth and Outer History: The Two Worlds of the Ahl-I Haqq of Kurdistan. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26(2), 267–285. https://www.jstor.org/stable/164736?origin=JSTOR-­pdf&seq=1. Accessed 12 September 2019 Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1994b). Redefining the Truth: Ahl-I Haqq and the Islamic Republic of Iran. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 21(1), 211–228. https://doi.org/10.1080/13530199408705601. Accessed 12 September 2019. Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1996). Faith, Ritual and Culture Among the Ahl-i Haqq. In P.  Kreyenbroek & C.  Allison (Eds.), Kurdish Culture and Identity (pp.  111–134). Zed Books. http://www.zibamirhosseini.com/wp-­content/ uploads/2014/10/ZMH-­Faith-­Ritual-­culture-­among-­AH.pdf. Accessed 12 September 2019

32 

E. MAHMOUDI

Mokri, M. (2003). Andisshe Mazharyat dar nazd Ahl-e Haqq, Translated by Mostafa Dehqan. Journal of Name Parsi, 27, 73–78. Myers, M. (2013). Brahman: A Comparative Theology. Routledge. Nafisi, S. (2005). Babak Khoramdin. Asatir publication. Obeyesekere, G. (2005). In W.  Doniger (Ed.), Karma and Rebirth: A Cross Cultural Study. Motilal Banarsidass. Paramananda, S. (1919). The Upanishads (3rd ed.). The Vedanta Center. Safizadeh, S. (1978). Sultan Isaac and Yārsān religion. Journal of Barresihaye Tarikhi, 77, 1. http://ensani.ir/fa/article/11399/. Accessed 18 April 2018 Safizadeh, S. (1981). Mashahir-e Ahle Haqq. Tahori publication. Safizadeh, S. (1982). Neweshtehaye Parakandeh Darbare Yarsan (1st ed.). Ataei Publications Institute. Shah Taymour, Banyarani. (2004). Divine Shah Taymour. Handwritten by Seyyed Nosrat allah Zarin Zolnori. Shaygan, D. (2004). Adyan va makatabhaye falsafi Hend (Vol. l). Amir Kabir. Sikora, J. (2002). Religions of India: A User Friendly and Brief Introduction to Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, and the Jains. iUniverse. Sorāni, Nowruz. (2010). Daftar Nowruz Sorāni. Handwritten by Asad-o allh Safari. Vermaseren, Maarten Joseph. (1963). Mithras, the Secret God. Translated by Therese Megaw and John Vincent Stanley Megaw. New York: Barnes & Noble. Weightman, S. (1984). Hinduism: Hindu Presuppositions and Belief. In J.  R. Hinnells (Ed.), A Handbook of Living Religions (pp.  191–236). Penguin Books.

CHAPTER 3

An Ethnography of a Yārsān Diaspora Community’s Endurance in Kalardasht, Northern Iran Faezeh R. Saffari

Introduction There is a diaspora community of Kurdish Yārsānis in northern Iran known as Khwajvands with little grounded ethnographic data. This chapter thus contributes to the ethnography of the Kurdish community. Travelers’ accounts and historiographies mention several groups from all over the country that migrated to Kalardasht,1 such as Kurdish tribes2 and Laks This chapter is based on ethnographic research I conducted for my master’s thesis in Anthropology at the University of Tehran in 2017–2018. 1  A mountainous region in Mazandaran, surrounded by forests, hills, and snow-covered peaks with thirty villages and a central town (see https://www.mporg.ir/FileSystem/View/ File.aspx?FileId=96f545d1-a549-46fe-bfd7-d6f38c139239, accessed 8 September 2020). 2  The term “tribe” is used here as the translation of the Persian word il. Il in Persian refers to those people who live utilizing herding, are transhumant, and are under the control of a

F. R. Saffari (*) University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 S. B. Hosseini (ed.), Yari Religion in Iran, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1_3

33

34 

F. R. SAFFARI

from Kermanshah, and Turks from Azerbaijan. The late Safavid period, Karim Khan Zand era, and the late Qajar period are referred to as their time of arrival to the region (see Stark, 1952; Bidlisi, 1985; Mirnia, 1989; Rabinow, 1955; and Yousefi Nia, 1992). Mir-Hosseini mentions various tribes under the leadership of Khwajvands that were settled in the region and given land in return for their service,3 as a result of the policy of tribal displacement in the eighteenth century and earlier in an attempt to suppress local rebellions (Mir-Hosseini, 1987, 394; ibid. Mir-Hosseini, 1989, 215). Rabinow, in his travelogue Astara to Astarabad (Rabinow, 1955), says Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar brought the Khwajvands from Gerrus4 to western Mazandaran to protect Tehran from any riots and disturbances by the Kalardasht locals. They went there as mercenaries without any family or property. In 1855, Prime Minister Aga Khan Nouri transferred some of the Kurdish nomads called Khwajvands to Mazandaran for military purposes; but Habibullah Khan, ruler of Mazandaran, was unable to pay the amount needed to relocate the Khwajvands to their homeland after their mission had accomplished, so they remained in the area. Also, Izady, in his book The Kurds: A Concise Handbook notes that during the eighteenth century, Khwajvands were moved from Kermanshah to Kalardasht under the Qajar dynasty’s order to disperse Kurds5 (Izady, 1992, 178). Izady mentions the Khwajvand Confederacy among Alburz Mountain tribes6 in the Mazandaran region (Nur, Kojur, and Kalardasht) who practice Yārsān (ibid., 131). Thus, it is not clear, as stated above and in other testimonies, if Khwajvands were forcibly exiled from Kermanshah or if they migrated freely (Soltani, 1998; Malek Pour, 2000; van Bruinessen, 1992; Delfani, 1990). Although the precise reason for migration does not khan who is from the il or an adjacent il. The tribal population of Kalardasht originally belonged to these groups, but at present, they do not continue the il way of life. (Mir-­ Hosseini, 1987, 411) Il is used by the indigenous to distinguish themselves from those who settled in the region later on. 3  Tribes were the Iranian premodern military authority replaced by central military forces in the modern era (Cronin, 2007, 106). 4  Gerrus was a small, mountainous province of Iran, situated between Zanjan Province and Azerbaijan region in the north, and Kurdistan Province and Hamadan Province in the south. Gerrus is now incorporated within Zanjan and Kurdistan Provinces. 5  “Large numbers of Kurds from Kurdistan found themselves deported to the Alburz mountains and Khurâsân, as well as the heights in the central Iranian Plateau” (Izady, 1992, 176). 6  He mentions the Delfan, Kakavand, Lak, and Sultâqulikhâni tribes.

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

35

have a considerable impact on relationship patterns in the region, these different narrations help us understand various constructions of Yārsāns’ identity, by residents as observers or by themselves, as historically being more or less influential. According to the 2016 Iranian census,7 half of the Kalardasht population (24,000 people) belong to the Yārsāni Kurds. It begs the question of how they define themselves as an ethnoreligious minority when they constitute half the population, have the majority of land and property in the region (see Yousefi Nia, 1992), and are affected by common socioeconomic changes, such as spreading tourism, over past decades.

Methodology I conducted fieldwork in Kalardasht from December 2017 to September 2018. The area includes thirty villages and a central town. I stayed in the most populated settlement, with 1648 people divided into two parts: Kurds and the non-Kurdish groups of the region called Gilaks. My paternal grandfather was a member of the Gilaks, who migrated to a coastal neighboring district fifty years ago, and people there could still remember him. I used my kinship relations to gain the group’s trust and acceptance. Therefore, I was able to be involved in their ritual ceremonies and observe their interaction with the indigenous people of the region. Although the people of the area knew me personally, and they recognized me as a member of the Gilaks, they had questions about what I was doing there. Communicating with people who are not academics and convincing them to trust me to be part of their lives required an ability to turn scholarly words into simpler language. Anthropology was not a familiar discipline to them. Consequently, I had to explain the importance of my study and the purpose of my research. They only allowed me to ask questions about their traditional ceremonies on the grounds that I would leave the village in a week or so. Besides, they were worried that I was collecting information to report to the government. I chose to act ethically, and at the same time, tried to protect myself from possible threats as a researcher in the field. This was not always possible. On certain occasions, I had to hide my identity to make sure that the key informant who put me in contact with others did not know that I was a student who was doing her 7  Retrieved from https://nnt.sci.org.ir/sites/Apps/yearbook/Lists/year_book_req/ Item/newifs.aspx. Accessed 29 July 2020.

36 

F. R. SAFFARI

research there. In my fieldwork, I faced a recurring difficulty in my relationship with the Kurds. This stemmed from their fear of the intelligence services, and also from the level of secrecy the Yārsān have. They are prohibited from talking about their faith openly with others.8 During the interactions with both groups, I realized that if Khwajvands had practiced religion in public, there was a possibility that the Gilaks would report them to the government, and therefore they could get in trouble regarding future employment. This tense background forced me to be clear about the devastating “so what” question. Precisely speaking, I came up with a specific plan detailing my activities in the field. To gather an extensive research sample, I asked my informants to introduce me to new individuals who had comprehensive information on the history of the region. I talked to people whom I selected as key informants of the region. I spoke to highly educated and influential individuals in seven different villages. The discussions focused on the history of the district, the individuals’ social and political situations, and their religious life. Most of my nineteen interlocutors were involved in religious reconstruction activities in the group. Some of them were well-­ known members of the region, including sheriffs, council members, teachers, and Sayyeds9 of Yārsān. There were some illiterate people whom I interviewed, and they avoided talking about religious issues. I also had an opportunity to go on a pilgrimage to Gareh-Ban, the holy place for the Atesh-Begi sect,10 which is the dominant sect of Yārsānis in Kalardasht. Gareh-Ban is located in a green valley in the middle of the Zagros mountain range, some thirty kilometers south of Sahne district in Kermanshah as the center of the Atesh-Begi of Yārsān, next to the calm 8  It is not merely a religious belief; it aims at their safety. Salloum shows that the emergence of Kakaism in Iraq, amid a majority-Muslim environment, as a mystical group urged its followers to hide their true identity. The mysticism is based on the separation between the visible and the invisible. Accordingly, there is a form of life known to all people, and another concerned with secret and spiritual life (Salloum, 2013, 167). Without this secretive trend, Kakaism would not have survived until the present. 9  Sayyeds are direct descendants (spiritual or biological) of the sect’s founder or his later manifestations (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 122). They fall into eleven linkages, referred to as Khandan (spiritual house or family). Khandan means to genealogically belong to the tribe’s founder, and Khandans are also called Sayyed. The leaders select from this group. The believers split into two parts: Tayefa and Khandan. Tayefa is the rest of the believers, who do not have familial bonds with the founder. 10  The founder of Yārsān divided his followers to be ruled by some Khandans (spiritual houses, families). They fall into eleven linkages; Atesh-Begi is one of them.

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

37

and muddy Gamasab river that passes through the village. Gareh-Ban was established as a pilgrimage during the time of Sayyed Mirza-Nezam11 in the nineteenth century (Soltani, 2019; Delfani, 1990, 257). Followers go there as pilgrims to his monument. The observations I made during my religious journey to Gareh-Ban provided me with useful material to compare the religious practices in Gareh-Ban with those in Kalardasht. This juxtaposition between the two locations helped me appreciate the effect that the environment has on the communities. This trip changed my work to a multi-sited ethnography (Marcus, 1995) and allowed me to see the Yārsānis’ changes beyond the physical limits. The presence of a Kurdish diaspora in Kalardasht highlights the importance of coexistence and the mechanism that shapes relations between groups.

The Background of the Khwajvands in Kalardasht There have been historical tensions between the Gilaks and the Khwajvands in the region. The appearance of a newer group in the area has led to many structural, economic, religious, social, and cultural transformations over the years. The initial impact of the arrival of the Kurds in the region 200 years ago was the change in the land ownership pattern. They took12 the ownership of high pastures that were controlled by Gilak landowners (Mir-Hosseini, 1987, 395) with the help of the central government and refused to pay their share to the previous owners. With the tribal system of ownership on the part of the Kurds, the Gilaks were unable to insist upon their rights to the lands as individual owners. Rabinow explains the Gilaks’ negative opinion of the Khwajvands, emphasizing that this is not because of their differences in religion, but because they have the most desirable lands of the district. He believes the Kurds acquired the best lands because of their services for the central administration (Rabinow, 1955, 30–51). Thus, the Gilaks, who found themselves oppressed by the newcomers, wanted to retaliate. They got the opportunity when the Khwajvands gathered around Sayyed Mohammad 11  The leader of Atesh-Begi sect of that time. As mentioned above, the founder of Yārsān divided his followers to be ruled by a few families. These families are called Sayyeds which is a prefix to express respect to a high-status family. It came from the Islamic tradition; descendants of Prophet Mohammad are also known as Sayyeds. 12  Although the followers of Yārsān were largely tribesmen and peasants, or poor urban migrants, with no link to the centers of power (Mir-Hosseini 1994, 213), the Yārsān community in Kalardasht had social power.

38 

F. R. SAFFARI

Kalardashti and led an uprising against the central government during the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah.13 Soltani in Ghiam va Nehzate Alavian-e Zagros (Uprising and Movement of the Alawites of Zagros) (Soltani, 1998) discusses the uprising in detail. As Sayyed Mohammad Kalardashti entered Kalardasht, he was greeted by the followers living in Kalardasht and Rudbarak.14 He turned the disciples into soldiers ready to sacrifice their lives for him. The followers of Sayyed Mohammad began a coup to take control of the region by killing the ruler, Sobhan Qoli Khan.15 Brigadier General Khwajvand (Nematullah Khan) witnessed the crisis and immediately sent a messenger to Tehran to inform the prime minister and ask him to send military aid. Meantime, the disciples warned Sayyed of the arrival of artillery and the government army. However, he did not pay attention, and he repeatedly stated in response to the followers that “weapons of war will not work for you, it will look like a mosquito to you” (Soltani, 1998, 178). After hours of fighting, Sayyed was arrested. Later on, the government monitored the area for three months in fear of reigniting the uprising. Wherever they saw members of the Khwajvand tribe, they shot them without hesitation, and some were handcuffed and buried alive. Gradually, the Khwajvands found themselves with no power, and the Gilaks were afraid that as soon as the central government left the region, Khwajvands would punish them. Thus, they eventually reached a compromise in order to live in peace (Soltani, 1998, 175–80; Jafari, Mohammadi, & Moeini, 2020, 29–34). The uprising caused a considerable reduction in the number of the Kurdish families in the region. However, this did not last for a long time. My informant mentioned that after the killings, Kalardasht turned into a significant migration destination for the Yārsān community. The leaders of Yārsān sent Sayyeds and missionaries to Kalardasht to strengthen the

 Sayyed Mohammad Atesh-Begi, also known as Sayyed Mohammad Baqer and Mirza Sayyed Mohammad Kalardashti, from the Sayyed family of Atesh-Begi and nephew of Sayyed Hassan Atesh-Begi, is known among the disciples as Sayyed Hassan Khoda. (Hassan is their God). After Sayyed Hassan, Sayyed Mohammad claimed to be a manifestation (of Shah Mohammad Beg and Hassan Khalifa) (Soltani, 1998, 159). 14  Rudbarak is a village in Kalardasht which has a great deal of contact with the urban centers. It is used as a summer resort by a large number of townspeople, some of whom own villas and other properties there (Mir-Hosseini, 1989, 216). 15  The brother of Sahib Sultan Khwajvand, one of Nasser al-Din Shah’s wives. 13

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

39

community and tried to connect them to the homeland. Gradually, they received their weapons and population back. After the establishment of the modern state of Iran and the making of a central military force in the early Pahlavi era, Khwajvands lost their weapons and their power over the region (see Yousefi Nia, 1992). Meantime, the modern state started to designate Sheriffs (Kadkhoda) for each village from the influential tribes, including Khwajvands in Kalardasht (Sayyed Reza D.H, personal interview, February 20, 2018). Thus, in a way, they kept rendering their services to the state and remained relatively powerful compared to the Gilaks. After the land reform of the 1960s, Khwajvands gained full ownership of the occupied lands (Mir-Hosseini, 1987, 398), and the ownership pattern did not change in the region. Only after the revolution in 1979 did the power in the region shift to non-­ Kurdish officials appointed by the central government. I heard the story of a massive poisoning that happened some forty years ago in a village called Pishanbur, which happened to be where I resided during my stay in Kalardasht. Commonly, the Khwajvands would accept raw meat from their Gilak neighbors as an offering (Nazr).16 The story goes that the Kurdish women cooked the meals,17 and in the ceremony, men combined them all. Apparently, the raw meat was spoiled, and all the food became infected. By eating the offerings, all the inhabitants fell ill with food poisoning, and a pregnant woman with her child and two elderly men had died. Some people said that the Gilaks did this to put Kurds in trouble (Maryam, personal interview, January 24, 2018). Accordingly, the Khwajvands did not accept any offerings from the Gilaks for a long time. With this general introduction of the tensions in the region, we can turn to the process of the group’s transformation; first, by describing the Yārsāns’ beliefs and main characters, and then, by portraying their changing features, marriage patterns, religious turns, and representations based on their communications with the Gilaks.

 Offering food (Nazr) is the generic form of any offering, and one of the main features of Yārsān rites which are divided into three categories: Niaz (supplication), Qurbani (bloodless or blood sacrifice), and Khedmat (service) (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 124). 17  The women of the family are responsible for preparing the ritual foods and they also perform the same ritual for virtually all daughters-in-law of the group. 16

40 

F. R. SAFFARI

The Yārsān World There are several academic pieces of research on Yārsāni beliefs and doctrines (see Mir-Hosseini, 1987, 1994b, 1996; van Bruinessen, 2009; n.d.; During, 2005; Hosseini, 2015, 2017a, 2017b, 2017c; Kreyenbroek & Marzolph, 2010) discussing the Yārsāni worldview in detail. In the following, I will add what I found in the field to that body of literature. Although the Yārsān.18 is recognized as a sect of Shi’ite Islam, it has beliefs that utterly differentiate it from Islam. The clearest example is that Yārsānis believe in Dῡnᾱdῡni, which means reincarnation or the transmigration of the soul. According to the Yārsān faith, souls existed before pre-eternity (Azal), long before the creator started to build the world. Considering the Shi’ite doctrine, the creator of the world, the God (Khwᾱvandgᾱr in Yārsān beliefs, the divine essence) as the Bᾱtin (inner) of truth, appears in human forms as Zᾱhir (outer) of the divine to inspire the world. Khwᾱvandgᾱr is manifested in seven significant human bodies (Safizadeh-­Bourekeii, 1982a, 117–21; Mir-Hosseini, 1996). Sultan Sahāk, the founder of the Yārsān, is the last manifestation of Khwᾱvandgᾱr on Earth who revealed the mystery of the truth to his followers. In the process of making the world, Khwᾱvandgᾱr and his companion incarnated several times. According to Dῡnᾱdῡni, life is a journey in which the soul should live in one body and migrate to another 1001 times to achieve redemption and excellence (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 121; Hosseini, 2016, 29). “No one knows when these 1,001 times happen to other souls; therefore, people have to be sensitive to all living things because you do not know what spirit that being is hosting at that moment. That is why the Yārsānis are super kind and caring” (personal communication, January 5, 2018). All aspects of this religion are clarified in Kalāms, poetic forms of the scripture of the Yārsān,19 written by the Sultan, his companions, and their incarnations over time. The Yārsānis believe that all Kalāms have the same essence, which appears in different places. The most significant Kalām, Sar-Anjam, was written in the Sultan’s time. “They believe their 18  They are also referred to by some people as Ali-Allahi. According to those people, Yārsānis consider Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Muhammad and a central figure in Shi’ite Islam, to be an incarnation of God, and subsequently, they worship him. 19  The sacred poems have an especially venerated place in these systems, and they are traditionally memorized, studied, and performed by trained professionals or transmitters (Kreyenbroek & Marzolph, 2010, 83).

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

41

religion is embodied in Kalām which transmitted orally throughout generations. They published it in the late nineteenth century (MirHosseini, 1996, 118). Another important Kalām is Khazane (source); the names Sar-­Anjam and Khazane are used too consistently in the Yārsān tradition to be dismissed as fabrications. “It seems likely that many community members believed in the existence of a sacred text bearing such a name, which was generally thought of as a book” (Kreyenbroek & Marzolph, 2010, 87). Sultan Sahāk had companions like Khwᾱvandgᾱr has companions; the companions always include incarnations of the four archangels (char Malak) and are usually said to constitute the haftan (haft tan or seven bodies). Sultan Sahāk had four main companions named Pir Binyamin, Dāwūd, Pir-e Musa, and Mustafā. Each of the four is invested with certain ritual functions (thus, Binyamin is the pir, the master who initiates the other companions, Dāwūd is the dalil, or guide, Pir-e Musa the scribe, and Mustafā, the executioner). They are associated with the four elements, the four directions of the compass, and four colors. They are identical to the four archangels Jibra’il (Gabriel), Mika’il (Micheal), Israfil, and Ezra’il (Azrael), who emanated from the essence of Khwᾱvandgᾱr, the Creator, who was none other than the first manifestation of Sultan Sahāk (Bruinessen 2009, 52–53) (see more in MirHosseini, 1996). For a better understanding, I utilize the figure of dῡnᾱdῡni which Mr. Delfan, one of my interlocutors, showed me concerning Khwᾱvandgᾱr

Fig. 3.1  God and seven angels’ incarnations

42 

F. R. SAFFARI

and his seven spirit incarnations that he discovered from the scriptures. As we can see, the scriptures mention the names of some heroes of ancient Iranian epics (like Shahname and Avesta) as avatars of the archangels (for instance, Siavash,20 Hossein,21 and Yadegar22 are the same person). Also, Alexander the Great manifested Khwᾱvandgᾱr, but he ruined himself, and the soul went out of his body. Ali, the son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad, is even more present (at least his name is) in Yārsān oral narratives, praises, and devotion than Sultan.23 Hossein has a prominent place, with all his incarnations (dun), and the blessing of the offerings (Nazr) ends with the mentioning of the twelfth Shi’ite Imam (Mahdi saheb-e Zaman) (During, 2005, 134). There has been a tendency in the Yārsāni community to establish a recorded history and to write down the Yārsān scriptures.24 Haj Nematollah Jeyhoon Abadi (Jeyhoon Abadi, 1966) dictated it in Persian, perhaps intending to open the Yārsān tradition to the non-Kurdish-speaking public. “He was also innovative in choosing a historical approach instead of the classical paraphrase of the ancient Kalams. His work continues the tradition of the sacred Kalam written in the centuries by great Yārsān saints” (Olsson, Ozdalga, & Raudvere, 2005, 127). Safizadeh-Bourekeii (1982a, 1982b, 1996, 1997, 1999) has made great efforts to write different Kala ̄ms down in Farsi and Kurdish. He shaped the beliefs of the Yārsānis and tried to make an argument for each belief. Also, Burhan al-­ Haqq (Demonstration of the Truth) (Elahi, 1987) explains the definitions and origins of Yārsāni beliefs, then describes Yārsān customs like sirr,25  An Iranian hero in Shahname.  The grandson of the prophet Muhammad and the son of Ali. 22  One of Sultan’s companions. 23  The belief in Ali’s divine nature is shared by many other Middle Eastern sects of extremist Shi’ite (Ghulat) origins, such as the Nusayris (Alawis) in Syria and the Qizilbash (Alevis) in Turkey. Their more orthodox neighbors often lump these sects together under the nickname “Ali-Ilahis” (van Bruinessen, 1991, 14). 24  Yārsāni reciters and religious leaders were traditionally trained, not just to perform the sacred texts but also to understand and interpret them. The background and training of the Yārsān Kalâmkhân (who chant the sacred poems in the Jam ceremony) are generally informal (Kreyenbroek & Marzolph, 2010, 84). 25  At first encounter, the Yārsānis tell you that their faith is a Sirr, an impenetrable mystery. The Yārsān regard their creed as Sirr, a secret accessible only to a select group, who in order to protect it had to transmit it in a secret language (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 112). 20 21

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

43

offerings (Nazr), Jam,26 initiations,27 ablutions, mustaches,28 and so on. This comprehensive literature on the Yārsāni religious world helped me draw a description of it for those who are not familiar with its ideas and have an incomplete view of it. Unlike the scholars who say most of the Yārsānis consider their religion to be distinct (see During, 2005; van Bruinessen, 2009), I found numerous Yārsānis who had no Islamic character call themselves Muslim. They argued that if you look into Yārsāni history, you can find that the majority of early Yārsān names are Islamic, and it shows the strict Muslim or even Sunni origin of the followers.29 However, the leaders of some Yārsāni groups instructed believers to adapt to some Muslim customs when they considered themselves to be at risk. For instance, men’s mustaches are one of the Yārsānis’ most visible features, but they are told to shave them if needed. Furthermore, they can renounce their faith in public if they are in danger. It is an old strategy of survival in the face of threats and persecutions.

26  The Jam (assembly or gathering) is the central ritual of the sect, which can be performed collectively in a place known as Jam-Kha ̄ne (the house for gathering). This place could be anywhere. Jam-Khāne is often built in the house of the leading Sayyed of the khandan (spiritual house, family) with the help of the followers (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 125). I took part in an annual celebration of the Yārsān in the house of one of the followers. They provided the largest room of the house for the gathering, covered it with window curtains, and kept its doors closed. The members of the congregation were careful not to let any women in; however, they were allowed to see the inside when the door was open. Main rites include sacrificing specific animals (sheep and roosters) while reciting the scriptures. 27  In order to join them, the Yārsān have some initiation rites which are commonly referred to as Jowze-ye sar shekastan (breaking the nutmeg representing breaking the head) (Mir-­ Hosseini, 1996, 123) or Sar-Separi. They do the rite for most of the children of the Yārsān tribes after they are born. 28  Keeping a mustache is mandatory for men. 29  During mentions the names and the labels, many of which were Mullah (literally means master; it refers to a religious leader) or Sayyed: Mulla Rokneddin (who became a manifestation of Michael), Baba Faqih, Sayyed Mohammed, Zahir-o-din Ibn Mahmud, known as Sayyed Kheder, who is acknowledged as a manifestation of Gabriel. They were angels in human forms and the closest companions of Sultan. Another one, Mostafa Dawudan, was a fiq’h (Islamic jurisprudence) student of Mulla Elyas from Shahre-Zur. Abedin, to whom one chapter of the Kala ̄m is devoted, was a talabe (a theology student), hostile to Sultan before his conversion (During, 2005, 135).

44 

F. R. SAFFARI

Social Interactions with the Gilaks The Khwajvands settled in the region and inevitably mixed with the indigenous population, by having an interrelated economy (in agriculture, herding, and seasonal migration), intermarriages, sharing common water sources, and so on. In 1956, seventy-nine percent of the workforce of the region engaged in agriculture and herding (Mir-Hosseini, 1987, 405). Before the tremendous changes to the economy which started in the 1960s, groups needed to forge relationships among themselves to meet their daily needs. For example, forty years ago, there was no running water in Pishanbur village. There was only one water supply in Bazarsar, the adjacent village, which they had to share. Also, transportation had not yet developed, and when they had errands to run, they had to walk to town. The modern transportation system caused separation in people’s lives. Another field of interaction was herding, which required space for moving livestock. Thus, the villages needed to cooperate to share supplies and meet the group’s basic needs. There was one other point that needs to be mentioned—most inhabitants were not yet familiar with professional careers in the modern system. Modern education increased literacy and turned unskilled individuals into skilled workers. Gradually, individuals could continue their newly acquired occupations without relying on the group. Therefore, the workforce number in agriculture decreased in 2017 to twenty-five percent.30 Because tourism changed the job opportunities in the region, more jobs became available in nonagricultural areas such as the construction of villas, consumer services, restaurants, and supermarkets. It has also changed the economic relationship between the groups. After the 1979 revolution, power in the area shifted from the Khwajvands to the Gilaks. Consequently, the Kurdish community altered its strategies and blurred its boundaries to gain higher social status, and now have access to more job opportunities. Tapper explains the general definition of ethnic groups in history and anthropology. According to him, they share elements of a common culture, identify themselves as an ethnic group, and are conceived by others as a separate category. This approach is a clarification of an older anthropological tradition in which cultures are treated as adjacent to tribes, societies, and people (Tapper, 1997, 315). “There has been a shift in conceptions and approaches, from 30  Retrieved from https://karafarini.mcls.gov.ir/icm_content/media/image/2019/03/ 265710_orig.pdf. Accessed 7 September 2020.

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

45

a concern with ethnic groups as objectively apprehended divisions of a population, to a more subjective, cultural approach to ethnicity as one of many possible discourses on identity”31 (Ibid., 316). Fredrik Barth, in Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (Barth, 1969), extends the notion of ethnic groups.32 He argues that ethnic groups are not necessarily based on the occupation of an exclusive territory, a particular race, a unique religion, or culture. If a group maintains its identity when members interact with others, this entails criteria for determining membership and ways of signaling membership and exclusion. The social boundaries of an ethnic group canalize social behavior and relations and define the group. The same group of people, with unchanged values and ideas, would surely pursue different patterns of life33 and institutionalize various forms of behavior when faced with several opportunities offered in different environments. Tapper uses Barth’s analysis of the Basseri for the Shahsevan: The basic pastoral nomad communities (the Basseri camp, the Shahsevan jamaat/tire section) arise in economic and ecological circumstances quite different from the broader political context of chiefs, tribes, confederacies, and states. I have identified larger communities (the Shahsevan tayefa or the Basseri tire), which also exhibited a degree of cultural cohesion and continuity, even where incorporated into an administrative structure by either chiefs 31  “Ethnic, tribal, and other identities (religion, language, kinship, gender, occupation, region, class, nationality, etc.) are essentially negotiable, changing, multiple, and flexible. The ascription of ethnic identity to a group or individual varies with the speaker, the audience, and the context. Ethnic groups do not exist objectively, but rather, all groups and associations display, to a greater or lesser extent, features commonly associated with ethnicity: a tendency to endogamy and self-definition regarding common values and traditions” (Tapper, 1997, 316). 32  In anthropology, the term “ethnic group” is generally perceived to designate a biologically self-perpetuating population. The group shares fundamental cultural values, realized in overt unitary cultural forms, makes up a field of communication and interaction, and has members who identify themselves as such, and are identified by others as constituting a category distinguishable from other categories of the same order (Barth, 1969, 11). 33  A case in point is the distribution and diversity of Pathan local social systems; “by basic Pathan values, a Southern Pathan from the homogeneous, lineage-organized mountain areas, can only find the behavior of Pathans in Swat so different from, and reprehensible in terms of, their values that they declare their northern brothers are ‘no longer Pathan’. Indeed, by ‘objective’ criteria, their overt pattern of organization seems much closer to that of Panjabis. But I found it possible, by explaining the circumstances in the north, to make Southern Pathans agree that these were indeed Pathans too, and grudgingly to admit that under those circumstances, they might indeed themselves act in the same way” (Barth, 1969, 13).

46 

F. R. SAFFARI

or agents of the state. In the Shahsevan case, I have called them tribes. Furthermore, state formation processes are evident in Shahsevan history like the process by which rulers, would-be rulers, and chiefs seek legitimate power; the expansion of Shahsevan identity; and the devolution of tribal power (Tapper, 1997, 326–44).

According to the notion of ethnic boundaries, the Yārsānis in Kalardasht defined their identity by refusing to absorb into the majority. Being landowners, they still possessed some clout in the region, and they drew boundaries between the members of their group and the Gilak Muslims of the region. Barth argued that ethnoreligious groups assert their boundaries while they are in contact with other groups. He draws upon the example of the members of Baluch tribes who wanted to be members of the neighboring Pathans (also known as the Pashtuns) since they had more cattle and resources at their disposal. They wanted to represent themselves to the outsiders as being “really Pathan.” Barth asks, “What is then left of the boundary maintenance and the categorical dichotomy when the actual distinctions are blurred in this way?” (Barth, 1969, 29). It is a problem when people find themselves between ethnic categories. Like the members of the Baluchs who wanted to represent themselves as “real” Pashtuns, the Yārsānis insist on their boundaries because they are the prominent group in the region. There is another direction to the group’s boundaries—the second and third generations of the Khwajvands tend to pick up ideas that help them assimilate with surrounding ethnic groups. They grow up in a new land with no contacts from their homeland. Thus, they adapt to their brand-­ new context, and their ties to their original ethnic culture weaken. This process will gradually lead to the formation of a new identity. Almost none of the new generation of Kurds in Kalardasht wants to communicate in Kurdish. They can speak Kurdish fluently, but they prefer to speak Farsi everywhere. The younger generations of the Gilaks behave the same, while previous generations could fluently speak both languages. For the new generation of the Kurds, like their Gilak peers, fluency in their mother tongue is not the only way of representing one’s ethnic group.34 For example, the Khwajvands in Kalardasht have held public meetings in the 34  William Shaffir also points to the problem of identity preservation in Montreal, Canada, by studying how a community of Lubavitcher Hasidic Jews has managed to protect their identity in an urban environment. His findings indicate that they uphold their distinctive character by collecting the memories of the members of the group encountered throughout

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

47

region, established NGOs for nonreligious gatherings, emphasized their ethnic outfits for women, and stayed in touch with Kermanshah. In comparison to Baluchs, the Yārsānis have a religious aspect to their identity which is not recognized by the state; therefore, to avoid any further tension, they prefer to not reveal themselves as members of the community. On the other hand, although the community is wealthy in the region, Yārsān members have ambivalent feelings about representing themselves in public as ardent followers of their religion. They recognize themselves as members of this ethnic group, but they deny participating in the rituals. Once I met a member of the rural municipality who represented himself as a non-Kurd. He started to talk about the Kurds living in the village and the struggles between the Kurds and the Gilaks. As the conversation proceeded, he trusted me and revealed a different side of himself. I found out he was a member of the Yārsān and was an influential person in the community who had donated money and land to build two of the five Jam-Khāne (buildings that served as communal meeting points) in the village. He was secretly proud of himself as a member and donated money and lands to the community. However, out of fear of jeopardizing his career, he was convinced to deny his real beliefs. It seems the boundary between the Yārsān and other ethnic groups is blurred and thus versatile, giving them the possibility of preserving their community. I participated in multiple Jam 35 ceremonies. They accepted me as a guest, but did not allow me to get too close to certain rituals. For example, I was not allowed to look at some parts of the Jam-Khāne during the rites or see the handwritten copy of Kalām (sacred text). Once, they even took the Kalām away from my nearby table. Moreover, they did not allow me to watch them while they were preparing food, and I was not allowed to go into the kitchen where the food was. They even locked the kitchen door to stop me from joining them. Also, they did not invite me in during the food preparation time, where they all gathered before the rites started. My further engagement and presence could jeopardize the boundaries they perceive as essential in safeguarding their traditions and rituals. There is a nonbinding law between the Yārsānis that every person outside the group is the agent of the state, and to protect themselves, they its existence, and the events that have shaped the group’s present situation (Shaffir, 1974). The Yārsān reshapes its identity by redefining the group’s identity markers. 35  Yārsāni ritual gathering.

48 

F. R. SAFFARI

should not talk about themselves to anybody and should not reveal their beliefs. For example, when I was there, a new mayor for Kalardasht was elected who belonged to the Yārsāni community. The governor’s approval did not arrive for a long time. People believed that someone reported to the governor’s office that the elected mayor is a Khwajvand and practices it regularly. Hiding Yārsāni membership paves the way for better social status and sometimes access to government jobs. Hosseini, in her study of the Yārsān community diaspora in Sweden (2015), shows that Yārsānis change their practice of religious expression under the influence of Sweden culture; unlike the Yārsānis in Kalardasht, they are free to express their beliefs, inspired by the host culture.

A New Yārsān Khandan (Spiritual House) There have been Yārsānis who started to establish a written tradition early on, and the revolution hastened the speed of interpreting the Yārsāni point of view as a Muslim sect (Hamid, personal interview, May 16, 2018). To do so, they needed to transform the religiosity pattern of Yārsān, their rituals, and redefine their rites. As Whitehouse suggests, people remember certain emblems, historical representations, and stereotypes, experience events, ways of behaving, and a great variety of other phenomena that are used to define the character, boundaries, and relations of social categories and groups (Whitehouse, 2000). Considering the distinctions between memories, he differentiates between two modes of religiosity: Imagistic Religiosity and Doctrinal Religiosity. One of the central features of the doctrinal mode is the frequent repetition of rituals (ibid., 9). Repetitive rituals and everyday prayers influence language use; we repeat the expressions from sacred text regularly. Therefore, they become more common and are used in our practices to impress the actions, beliefs, and attitudes of individuals. Contrastively, imagistic religiosity refers to models that involve irregular and emotionally charged private rituals (ibid., 11). The imagistic mode is intuitive, and each individual has the opportunity to experience things creatively. Folkloric religions with oral traditions that change tremendously in their basic beliefs are examples of imagistic mode.36 Considering Whitehouse modes, in Kalardasht, Islam, as the official religion with repetitive daily prayers and routinized rites, represents 36  In Yārsānism we can see these changes. They have expanded from eight Khandans (families or spiritual houses) to eleven.

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

49

the doctrinal mode. On the other hand, Yārsāni rituals represent the imagistic mode. They are based on special episodic memories37 of the rites and intuition. Yārsānis, in response to the 1979 Islamic revolution, accelerated the speed of the transformation of their faith from imagistic to doctrinal mode. For example, Yārsāni revivalists in Kalardasht started to do repetitive and regular rituals, keep continuous and direct relations with their homeland, acquire knowledge about their faith, and do research38 on religious manuscripts. The Yārsāni companions rebuilt their religion as a doctrinal religion that required the performance of weekly and monthly rituals. To be more widely accepted, Khwajvands shifted irregular experiences of Jam gatherings into weekly ceremonies. Interestingly, I realized there is another Khandan residing in Kalardasht and parts of Gilan, known as Haftavane. Sultan divided Yārsān into eight Khandans (families) to readily organize the believers.39 Additionally, three  Episodic memory refers to mental representations of personally experienced events, conceptualized as unique episodes in one’s life (Whitehouse, 2000, 5). Episodic memories are not generalized. 38  The influential Burhan Al-Haqq (Elahi, 1987) by Nur Ali Elahi started a reformist movement inside the Yārsān community, using Islamic resources as reference to their origins and redefining Yārsān beliefs (Mir-Hosseini, 1994b, 214; Halm 1982). 39  These eight Khandans (spiritual houses) include: 37

1. Khandan (spiritual house, family) of Shah-Ebrahim; Shah Ibrahim himself was from Haftan, and his father was Sayyed Mohammad from Haftavaneh. His children are Mire Beg, Qanun Beg, Qalandar Beg, and Cheragh Beg. Khan Ahmad Khan and Khoubyar were also the children of Mir Habib. 2. Ᾱli-Qalandari; He was one of the haftan. When the Sultan determined the families, he did not have children because he was not married, and he was not alive while the Khandan were created. Therefore, two of his relatives named “Dada Ali” and “Dada Hussein” were appointed by the Sultan to be his successors. Now, Sadat Ali-Qalandar are their descendants. 3. Baba-Yadegar; He is also from the Haftan, and he was not married like AaliQalandar and had no children. Thus, two of his companions, in the terms of Khial (imagination) succeeded his position as Pir. The Babayadgar Sayyeds family are their descendants. 4. Mir-Sour; from Haftavaneh. 5. Sayyed Abol-Vafᾱ; he is from Haftavaneh, and after his death, his son Sayyed Ood, and after him, Sayyed Sheikh Ali, became the leaders of that family. 6. Sayyed Mosaffa from Haftavaneh. 7. Haji Baba-Isa, from Haftavaneh. 8. Zonnour; who is a descendant of Sayyed Abu al-Wafa (Elahi, 1987, 63–66).

50 

F. R. SAFFARI

families were added after Sultan’s era.40 Kalardasht Yārsānis have added an additional group to the Yārsān community residing in two tiny villages41 which are not recognized by other groups. They call themselves “Haftavane” (inspired by Yārsān mythology). The Yārsān neither observe Muslim rites, such as daily prayers and fasting during the month of Ramadan, nor share Islamic theology and sacred space (such as the belief in the day of resurrection and sanctity of the mosque) (Mir-Hosseini, 1994a, 268). However, this new branch has accultured its behavior to its Shi’ite neighbors the most. They assimilated into the Shi’ite majority and perform their gatherings at the mosque. The followers of Haftavane participate in Islamic ceremonies, pray daily before ceremonies, and perform Jam inside the mosque. As I heard from the native Gilaks, the Sayyeds of Haftavane turned themselves into Sayyeds right after a birth certificate became mandatory for all Iranians. That is why the Gilaks call them fake Sayyeds (Saeed, Mr. Baba-zadeh, and Goli, personal interviews, January 28, February 20, and March 10, 2018).

Marriage Patterns According to the Yārsān community, when someone gets married to a non-Kurdish individual, it is indicative of the fact that he or she does not adhere strictly to the Yārsāns’ views. In general, the Yārsānis reject curious outsiders who seek to understand their beliefs and rituals. However, their boundaries are open to interactions on some occasions; for example, they are open to the idea of getting married to women from other ethnic groups or even conversion to their religions. This helps them transmit their beliefs to future generations. Once, I had a conversation with one of my childhood neighbors. She converted to Yārsān after she got married to one of the followers. She was always engaged in preparing the food for general celebrations and had traveled to Kermanshah with her family to visit the Yārsān holy shrines. She told me that she only had heard that the Khwajvand were a branch of Shi’ite Islam and did not know anything about Yārsānism (Khale Ziba, personal interview, December 15, 2017). However, she had a twenty-seven-year-old son who attended Jam

 Atesh-Begi family; Shah-hayyasi, and Baba-Heydar (Elahi, 1987, 63–68).  The main village is “Ta’eb Kola” (people call it Tabkola) with population of 200, and Bazar-sar has around 300 residents. 40 41

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

51

regularly, and he performed a necessary figure (Khalife)42 in the Jam ceremony. It is convenient to blur some features of the group or even to keep certain parts of the group’s religious beliefs strictly accessible only to members so that the group can live longer. Furthermore, I also witnessed cases where men from a different group went through the initiation rite because they wanted to marry someone from the Yārsān group. These men had socially benefited from these marriages. They were members of the Gilaks, and because of their kinship, they would have been denied membership in Yārsān. When the Khwajvands arrived in Kalardasht, they refused intermarriages to protect their culture and religion, but this did not last too long. People from different groups are marrying each other nowadays (Mojgan D.A., personal interview, January 1, 2018). I was a bridesmaid in a marriage between a Khwajvand boy and a Gilak girl. In that specific case, I witnessed that the girl asked the groom not to perform Yārsāni rites if he wanted to marry her. This shows that the Kurdish side insisted on keeping a distance from Yārsāni traditions; also, they had high social status in the region and had middle-ranking governmental jobs. Each wedding is the occasion of a whole series of ceremonies symbolizing the bonds which unite and divide the betrothed couple within the kin-group (Mir-Hosseini, 1989, 217). The marriage pattern tended to shift to exogamy under specific circumstances, pointing to the existence of tensions between the Yārsāni and other groups.

The Religious Turns in Kalardasht The Islamic revolution in 1979 affected the minority groups in Iran43 (Sheikhzadegan & Meier, 2017, 8; Hoveyda, 2003, 90; Jahanbegloo, 2017, 29; Sanasarian, 2004, Xiii, 7). The Islamic Republic’s constitution recognizes Christianity, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism as religious

42  Khalife helps Sayyed to share food properly in the ceremony and has a high status among the followers. 43  According to estimates by the U.S. State Department and other bodies, such as Global Security, Iran Press Watch, and Iran Primer, Bahaiis, Christians, Jews, Sabean-Mandaeans, Zoroastrians, and Yārsānis constitute less than one percent of the population in Iran. U.S. Department, Iran: International Religious Freedom Report 2017, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, retrieved from https://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/religiousfreedom/index.htm#wrapper. Accessed 27 July 2020.

52 

F. R. SAFFARI

­ inorities44 (Saleh, 2013, 29; Sanasarian, 2004). Unrecognized groups m have trouble practicing their religion, and they are potentially subjected to discrimination in the fields of education and employment (Saleh, 2013). The government alters the religious identity of unrecognized groups to a “legitimate” one in order to cope with the absence of religious freedom in the constitution. For example, the government recognizes Sabean-­ Mandaeans as Christian45 (Arabestani, 2012, 157), even though the Sabean-Mandaeans do not consider themselves as such.46 Based on religious affiliation, the Khwajvands belong to the Yārsān religion, and the Gilaks are Shi’ite Muslims. The government often considers Yārsān as Shi’ite Muslims practicing Sufism,47 although they identify themselves as a distinct faith. The excluded groups differentiate themselves in many aspects from the majority. However, they might self-register as Shi’ite to obtain jobs in the formal economy and have access to governmental benefits. For example, early Western studies on Yārsānis present a new trend among them, namely, the Islamization of the Yārsān doctrine. The Yārsān community believes that they are a complement to Islam and achieve their legitimacy from it. “The Muslims are only able to see the covering (Zaher) of religion, but we have the truth, which is the essence of any religion” (Zari, personal interview, January 5, 2018). The Gilaks and the Kurds have one religion, which is Islam, but the Yārsān possesses the real Islam. In formal Islam (Islam that belongs to the Muslims), people are always mourning, and they do not look out for each other. 44  Article 12 declares that the official religion of Iran is the Jafari branch of Islam; article 13 declares that Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians are the only officially recognized minority groups of Iran who are entitled to perform their religious practices and rituals according to their own traditions (Gavahi, 2007, 19). 45  “Iran and Iraq, the Mandaeans are known as Sobbi, a term derived from the Quranic plural term sabean referring to a group of ahl-il-kitab (people of the Book, the followers of authentic religions), with the others including Christians and Jews. The Mandaeans call themselves mandaii, but living in an Islamic country, they usually prefer to introduce themselves as Sabean mandai to emphasis their identity as ahl-il-kitab” (Arabestani, 2012, 157). 46  U.S.  Department, Iran: International Religious Freedom Report 2017, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, available at https://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/ religiousfreedom/index.htm#wrapper. 47  There are no official statistics available on the number of people who practice Yārsān, although unofficial reports estimate there are more than five million Yārsānis in the Middle East (Hosseini 2017, 21).

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

53

However, in Yārsān, we think of our people’s welfare and comfort, giving food and offerings to our family and friends, and pray for their health (Farhad, personal interview, June 22, 2018).

Once in the annual ceremony, an informant argued that, as you know, the Quran says Iranian should land the first human on the moon, but we saw that the Americans did it. Consequently, the Quran that is available to the Muslims right now is fake and distorted. The Great Quran is in Kermanshah, written down with gold material, and weighs about sixty kilograms (Mahtab, personal interview, January 5, 2018).

In the holy village of Gareh-Ban that was open to Yārsāni followers, my informant asked the executive leader of the group to let me in, and he agreed. As we went on the pilgrimage, I realized that the Khwajvands and other believers around the country practiced certain rituals differently. The majority of the Kalardashti believers try to differentiate themselves from Muslims by avoiding the practice of daily prayers. But, in Gareh-Ban, other women did that. They washed and purified their bodies before going on a pilgrimage, covered their hair and bodies with a Chador,48 and prayed daily prayers at the shrines before going back to the dorm. Unlike the other followers who performed purifications before pilgrimages, the Khwajvands of Kalardasht only pretended to do ablutions while seeing others doing so. They did not perform Islamic daily prayers, while other women did. The rigid core of their identity is defined by not following the majority’s daily rites. It seems that unlike the Khwajvands, the followers of the Yārsān in Gareh-Ban that come from all four corners of the country have acculturated to the majority’s principles and practices. Furthermore, Yārsāni believers are not among the most influential people of western Iranian society. To avoid any tensions with powerholders, they blur boundaries to make their lives easier.

Conclusion In this chapter, I illustrated the process of change in a Yārsāni community. Throughout my fieldwork, I met Kurdish people who described themselves with words such as “exiled,” “hospitable,” and “flexible” (enough  Iranian Islamic veil.

48

54 

F. R. SAFFARI

to live in an ethnically different atmosphere). By and large, the common features with which the Khwajvands repeatedly define themselves can be divided into three categories: 1–They have been exiled and forcefully relocated; 2–Yārsān includes Islam, but is more comprehensive; 3–They have a unique religion, language, and body expressions (mustache for men).

According to Whitehouse’s theory, the Yārsānis’ adjustment to the religion’s traditional imagistic roots helps them reconcile with the redefinition of the community’s identity. The Yārsānis have developed several strategies to adapt to their new environment, ranging from assimilation into the region’s indigenous group, the Muslim Gilaks, to completely disregarding their norms and traditions and differentiating themselves from them. All these different orientations are part of what Barth conceptualizes as boundary-defining among ethnic groups. I want to reemphasize the value of the concept of blurred boundaries between ethnic and religious communities as an effective survival strategy. Ethnic boundaries manage relationships by prescribing limited types of activities for individuals. These boundaries do not reduce the interactions between groups. After the 1979 revolution, Yārsān, as a religion that never rebelled against the governmental authorities, witnessed a shift in power, even at the local level. We can see that Yārsān has taken on the character of a doctrinal religion. Writing down the sacred texts and performing weekly rituals in Jams are some of the indications of a shift to doctrinal religiosity, as Whitehouse states. In the meantime, they remain intuitive and visual, constructing a new Khandan (family) in Kalardasht.

References Arabestani, M. (2012). Ritual purity and the Mandaeans’ identity. Iran and the Caucasus, 16(2), 153–168. https://doi.org/10.1163/1573384X-­20120003. Accessed 10 June 2020. Barth, F. (Ed.). (1969). Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. Scandinavian University Press. Bidlisi, A. S. K. (1985). Sharafname: Tarikhe Mofassale Kordestan. Ali Akbar Elmi. Cronin, S. (2007). Tribal Politics in Iran: Rural Conflict and the New State. Routledge. Delfani, S. (1990). Tarikh-e Mosha’sha’iyan. Bahr-Ol-Oloum.

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

55

During, J. (2005). A Critical Survey on Ahl-e Haqq Studies in Europe and Iran. In T.  Olsson, E.  Ozdalga, & C.  Raudvere (Eds.), Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives (pp.  125–150). Curzon. https://doi. org/10.4324/9780203985878. Accessed 17 February 2020. Elahi, N. A. (1987). Burhan al-Haqq. Jeyhoon. Gavahi, Abdolrahim. (2007). The Role of Religion in the Constitution of Iran. In the Sixth Session of Dialogue Between Abrahamic Religions, Lisbon, December 6–8, 21–30. http://spektrum.irankultur.com/wp-­content/uploads/2013/ 04/The-­Role-­of-­Religion-­in-­the-­Constitution-­of-­Iran.pdf. Accessed 12 July 2020. Hosseini, S. (2015). Religious Transnationalism of the Yārsāni Community in Sweden. Journal of the Sociology and Theory of Religion, 1, 1–25. http://revistas.uva.es/index.php/socireli/article/view/696. Accessed 9 October 2020 Hosseini, S. (2016). Life after death in Manichaeism and Yārsān. Fritillaria Kudica, Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 13, 4–34. https://www.academia. edu/34751046. Accessed 8 September 2020 Hosseini, S. (2017a). An ethnography of a community’s re-appropriation of Yārsān in cyberspace: the Facebook phenomenon. Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture, 6(1), 1–22. https://cyberorient.net/2017/11/10/ transnational-­religious-­practices-­on-­facebook/. Accessed 16 March 2020 Hosseini, S. (2017b). The Oral Transmission of Yārsāni’s Traditional Education. Fritillaria Kurdica. Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 17, 20–33. https://www.academia.edu/34750966. Accessed 4 June 2020 Hosseini, S. (2017c). Transnational religious practices on Facebook. Cyber Orient, 11(2), 61–91. https://www.academia.edu/35487776. Accessed 22 May 2020 Hoveyda, F. (2003). The Shah and the Ayatollah: Iranian Mythology and Islamic Revolution. Praeger. Izady, M. R. (1992). The Kurds: A Concise Handbook. Taylor & Francis. Jafari, A.  A., Mohammadi, S., & Moeini, M. (2020). Seyed Mohammad Kelardashti’s Claim To Be Mahdi in Naser Aldin Shah’s period (1891), Its Social Consequences, and His Fate. Pajohesh-Haye Oloume Tarikhi, 1, 21–43. https://doi.org/10.22059/jhss.2020.274907.473076. Accessed 25 August 2020. Jahanbegloo, R. (2017). Intellectuals and Society in Iran since 1953. In A. Sheikhzadegan & A. Meier (Eds.), Beyond the Islamic Revolution: Perceptions of Modernity and Tradition in Iran Before and After 1979, Welten Des Islams— Worlds of Islam 8—Mondes de L’Islam (17–29). De Gruyter. https://doi. org/10.1515/9783110399882. Accessed 3 October 2020. Jeyhoon Abadi, Haj Nematollah. (1966). Shahname-Ye Haghighat: Tarikh-e Manzoume Bozorgan-E Ahl-E Haqq. Tehran. Kreyenbroek, P. G., & Marzolph, U. (Eds.). (2010). Oral Literature of Iranian Languages: Kurdish, Pashto, Balochi, Ossetic, Persian and Tajik. A History of

56 

F. R. SAFFARI

Persian Literature 18. London. I.B.  Tauris. https://www.bloomsbury. com/9780857718143. Accessed 7 October 2020 Malek Pour, A. (2000). Kalardasht: Tarikh, Farhang, Joghrafia. Kar-Afarinan. Marcus, G. E. (1995). Ethnography in/of the World System: The Emergence of Multi-sited Ethnography. Annual Review of Anthropology, 2, 95–117. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.an.24.100195.000523. Accessed 8 September 2018. Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1987). Some Aspects of Changing Economy in Rural Iran: The Case of Kalardasht, a District in the Caspian Provinces. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 19(4), 393–412. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S0020743800056488. Accessed 21 August 2020. Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1989). Some Aspects of Changing Marriage in Rural Iran: The Case of Kalardasht, a District in Northern Provinces. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 20(2), 215–229. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743800 056488. Accessed 21 August 2020. Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1994a). Inner Truth and Outer History: The Two Worlds of Ahl-I Haqq of Kurdistan. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26, 267–285. https://www.jstor.org/stable/164736. Accessed 24 May 2018 Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1994b). Redefining the Truth: Ahl-i Haqq and the Islamic Republic of Iran. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 21(2), 211–228. https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/195474. Accessed 1 October 2020 Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1996). Faith, Ritual, and Culture Among the Ahl-I Haqq. In P.  Kreyenbroek & C.  Allison (Eds.), Kurdish Culture and Identity (pp.  111–134). Zed Press. http://www.zibamirhosseini.com/wp-­content/ uploads/2014/10/ZMH-­Faith-­Ritual-­culture-­among-­AH.pdf. Accessed 10 April 2018 Mirnia, S. (1989). Ilha va Tavayefe Ashayeri-e Iran (Iranian Tribes and Clans). Toos. Olsson, T., Ozdalga, E., & Raudvere, C. (Eds.). (2005). Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives. Curzon. https://doi.org/10.4324/978 0203985878. Accessed 17 February 2020. Rabinow, Hyacinth Louis. (1955). Safarname-ye Mazandaran va Astarabad. Translated by Gholam Ali Mazandarani. Tehran: Bongahe Tarjome. Safizadeh-Bourekeii, S. (1982a). Dore-ye Haftavane, Bakhshi az Kalam-e Minavi-e Sar-Anjam. Tahouri. Safizadeh-Bourekeii, S. (1982b). Neveshteh-Haye Parakande Darbare-Ye Yarsan: Ahl-e Haqq. Moassese Matbu’ati Ataii. Safizadeh-Bourekeii, S. (1996). Kalale Khazane Ya Sar-Anjam: Yeki az motoune kohane Yārsa ̄n. Hirmand. Safizadeh-Bourekeii, S. (1997). Daneshname-Ye Namāvara ̄n-e Yar̄ sān. Ahwāl u Asār-i Mashāhir, Tārikh, Ketābha ̄ u Estela ̄hat̄ -e erfāni. Hirmand. Safizadeh-Bourekeii, S. (1999). Tarikh-e Kord Va Kordestan. Atieh.

3  AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF A YĀRSĀN DIASPORA COMMUNITY’S… 

57

Saleh, A. (2013). Ethnic Identity and the State in Iran. Palgrave Macmillan US. https:// doi.org/10.1057/9781137310873. Accessed 12 January 2020. Salloum, Sa’ad. (2013). Minorities in Iraq, Memory, Identity, and Challenges. Translated by The Syrian European Documentation Centre. Baghdad: Masarat (MCMD). Retrieved October 11, 2020, from https://www.academia. edu/13266038. Sanasarian, E. (2004). Religious Minorities in Iran. Cambridge University Press. Shaffir, W. (1974). Life in a Religious Community: The Lubavitcher Chassidim in Montreal. Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada. https://www.worldcat.org/ title/life-­in-­a-­religious-­community-­the-­lubavitcher-­chassidim-­in-­montreal/ oclc/3074542. Accessed 11 October 2020 Sheikhzadegan, Amir, & Astrid Meier, eds. (2017). Beyond the Islamic Revolution: Perceptions of Modernity and Tradition in Iran Before and After 1979. Welten Des Islams—Worlds of Islam—Mondes de L’Islam, vol. 8. Berlin; Boston: De Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110399882. Retrieved October 3, 2020. Soltani, M. A. (1998). Ghiam Va Nehzat-e Alavian Dar Zagros (Dar Hamedan, Kermanshahan, Kordestan, Khuzestan, Azarbaijan) Ya Tarikh-e Tahlili-e Ahl-e Haqq. Soha. Soltani, Mohammad Ali. (2019). Tarikh-e Khandan-Haye Haqiqat Dar Kermanshahan: Shah Ebrahimi, Khamushi (Heidari), Atash-Bagi, Shah-­ Hayyasi, Aali Ghalandari, Baba Heidari, Khamushi (Ghazvine), Yadegari, Zonnuri, Mirsouri, Mostafaii, Haji Baveisi, Teimur va Teimurian, Elahioun Va Ma’arif-e Ahl-e Haqq. 4th ed. Tehran: Soha. Stark, F. (1952). The Valleys of The Assassins. Penguin Books. Tapper, R. (1997). Frontier Nomads of Iran: A Political and Social History of the Shahsevan. Cambridge University Press. van Bruinessen, M. (1991). Religion in Kurdistan. Kurdish Times, 4(1–2), 5–27. https://www.academia.edu/6265981. Accessed 4 August 2018 van Bruinessen, M. (1992). Agha, Shaikh and State: The Social and Political Structures of Kurdistan. Zed Books. van Bruinessen, Martin. (2009). Ahl-i Haqq. In Kate Fleet, Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, Everett Rowson (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Islam (51–58). https://doi.org/10.1163/1573-­3912_ei3_COM_22840. Retrieved October 18, 2020. Whitehouse, H. (2000). Arguments and Icons; Divergent Modes of Religiosity. Oxford University Press. Yousefi Nia, A. A. (1992). Tarikh-e Tonekabon. Ghatreh.

CHAPTER 4

A Brief Study on the Most Influential Immigrations of the Yārsān Based on Kala ̄ms and Historical Documents (from the Fourth Century AH) Seyed Kasra Heydari

Introduction An in-depth presentation of the Yari religion (“Ahl-e Haqq”) is a difficult task. If one looks at publications regarding Yari and Yārsānism or at other sources that discuss it so far, a number of contradicting themes compared to the primary sources of Yari religion emerge. It seems that the best way to proceed is through historical research of written and oral history as well as the study of authentic religious texts such as the Kalāms of Yari. This research requires access to authentic manuscripts as well as knowledge of the Kurdish Gurāni language1 and 1  In order to learn about the nature of Gurāni language, see: Makenzie, D.  N. (2002), Gurāni, Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 11.

S. K. Heydari (*) University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 S. B. Hosseini (ed.), Yari Religion in Iran, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1_4

59

60 

S. K. HEYDARI

unfortunately, most of the scholars who have published in this field did not possess any of these abilities. There have also been a few scholars who have recently accessed these texts, but have been confronted with several tens of thousands of verses of Kalāms (sacred poems of the Yari religion that are in the form of Gurāni Kurdish syllabic poems) (Akopow,  1996, 40–43) and as a result, have unfortunately abandoned the research mainly due to the broadness of the work. In this short chapter, I have attempted to examine the important historical, social, and biogeographical ascents of Yārsān, with the use of Kalām books as well as historical documents (and what is left behind as religious belief among the Yārsān community [divine history]). Although this type of research has been done for the first time (paying simultaneous attention to historical documents as well as to the written and oral religious narrations of Yārsān), and there is remarkably consistent agreement/affinities between them, one cannot be content with the limits of such a brief work and it is hoped that this chapter can only inspire and stimulate further research on this particular topic. If we want to work in the field of Yari and Yārsān, we will encounter a key word that is often repeated across the literature, history, language, and religion, and should not be easily overlooked—the word Gurān. Regarding the centrality of Ahl-e Haqq, Minorsky argues, “The sect’s cradle is certainly a territory occupied by the Gurāni and now divided between the countries of Iran and Iraq” (Minorsky, 1986). Although there is no doubt about this, an effort to define the word Gurān as well as the geographical territory which the Gurān occupied is very contentious. In fact, I believe that, contrary to what Minorsky claims, that geographical area cannot be considered the whole of Gurān—it is actually a much wider region. This vast geographical area stretches west to the cities of Soleymānieh and Shāhre-­ Zoor, east to Hamedān, south to Loerstān, and north to the city of Diwāndarreh. Even nowadays there are followers of the Yari religion or groups named Gurān living in areas included in the aforementioned regions. However, today, only a small population living in a limited area have kept the Gurān name. The Gurān area has not only been a large cultural area, but from the Sasanian era up until a few centuries ago they have had independent governments and independent religious literature from which today’s Gurān and their religious literature, namely Kalām, have been extracted and survived. The term Gurān which, based on historical documents, has been used to denote the religion, language, and the geographical area where the followers of Yari religion resided for at least a thousand years, indicates a vast area which is the remainder of a large

4  A BRIEF STUDY ON THE MOST INFLUENTIAL IMMIGRATIONS… 

61

pre-­Islamic cultural region in southern Kurdistan (Nahghshbandi 2008; Mojmal al-Tawarikh; Al-Kāmel and al-Ghesas). In the following pages, I will try to explain a few religious terms using information extracted from the Yari Kalāms. Later on, based on reliable historical sources and investigative works in the field, I will describe essential religious immigrations of the Yārsān and introduce a new timeline of Zāti periods of Yari religion. The importance of this timeline is noticeable, since the lifetime of the Yari religion’s founder, Sultan Sahāk, is shifted forward by almost 200 years from what was formerly agreed upon. I have tried to briefly explain the degenerative process of the Yārsāns’ social status and the geographical declining of areas populated by Yārsān peoples (a process that started almost 400 years ago), and the reasons behind it with the use of historical documents.

Description of Some Basic Terms of Yari Religion In this section, we will conceptually clarify some of the religious terms pertaining to the Yārsāns: Yari - Yārsa ̄n: The word Ya ̄r is a very popular word in Kalāms2 and is used in Kalāms throughout different periods. In some places it refers to the Khāwenkār3 or any of his incarnations, and in some places, it also refers to the followers of the desired religion. The word Yari is the only word used in Kala ̄ms to denote religion, and has been used throughout all Zāti periods. So, the only acceptable name based on religious texts is “Yari.” In Kala ̄ms, the term Yārsān also refers to Yari followers. Yārsān represents a distinct society that has its own beliefs, thoughts, and lifestyles. It can be said that Ya ̄rsa ̄n consists of two parts: Ya ̄r and San. It is possible that “Yār” refers to the Khāwenkār, while Sān can mean “army,” in which case Yārsa ̄n means “Khāwenkār’s army.” If we translate Yār in the sense of “followers of Yari,” Sān in the Gurāni language can refer to “the Sultan” and the meaning of Yārsān becomes “Sultan’s companions (Sahāk).” The word Ya ̄rsān can also be considered to mean “a set of helpers.” Given the reading of this word by –e-, (Ya ̄r-e-sān), the first definition seems far from the truth while the second definition seems closer to reality. Doonādoon: One of the most important concepts of Yari religion on which many of its theological, anthropological, and cosmological  Syllabic poetry in religious Ya ̄rsa ̄n texts are known as Kala ̄ms.  Refers to Zāt-e Hagh, the same spirit that was incarnated into Sultan Sahāk’s body in the Doonādoon process. 2 3

62 

S. K. HEYDARI

foundations are based is the term Doonādoon. Doon is a Turkish word meaning “garment” or “clothing,” and Doona ̄doon means literally “garment to garment;” in other words, moving the soul from one body to another. In this chapter, we follow the meaning of this word as it is defined within Kala ̄ms. In Kala ̄ms, Doona ̄doon is represented by Sa ̄hibān-e Zāt (see the next definition), who have stated how they have passed various bodies on their way to perfection. In a few Kalāms, Doonādoon is also a process for human beings in which they understand the Truth and take advantage of the opportunities given to them in their bodies in order to reach perfection and ultimately become part of the Truth and the infinite Zāt which extends all over the world. Thus, those who attain this level (as part of the Infinite) already possess knowledge and control over everything. Sāhibān-e Zāt: According to Yari religion, a man can receive some of the infinite light and power that the universe possesses, the amount of which (see: Daftar-e Nowruz, Band-e: Yārān Ye Konji) should reflect the way he lived in different bodies. Anyone who has had this FARRA (for examples, see: Manuscript (1934b), Band-e: Juyār Pey Khawar) has come to an awareness of himself and the mechanism of the universe. In this way, he is able to understand the facts behind this process (behind the universe) with his insight, override time and place, and become a so-called owner of Zāt. Zat-i Period (Dowrey-e Zāti): According to Yārsān, there have always been people in the world who gain knowledge during the process of Doonādoon, and the owners of the Zāt live within regular communities. A Zat-i period is when a number of Sāhibān-e Zāt decide to come together in a society to enlighten others in clarifying their path and reaching the goal of finding truth in life. Sāhibān-e Zāt present to others in specified Zāti periods with the paths they have taken and their past lives, experiences, and intuitions which resulted from seeing the truth, in the form of Kalāms. Yārsān believe that this event can take place in any universe and within any nation in any language or manner appropriate to their biological and cultural context, and does not belong to a particular group or nation.

The Holy History and the History of Yārsān The holy history of Yārsān overlaps with history (in the common sense) to a point and the characters existing in the Kalāms of Yari match some historical figures. Before a certain era, the names of some of these characters were historically unmatched. A number of characters are also mythical. Yārsān believe that the names mentioned in the Kalāms are all intrinsic

4  A BRIEF STUDY ON THE MOST INFLUENTIAL IMMIGRATIONS… 

63

and characteristic incarnations of Haftan4 or Haftwa ̄neh meaning that during their time, they have all experienced objective reality. The reason why some of these names do not exist in human historical memory is because they are ancient and prehistoric. Also, mythical figures, such as Rostam, Zāl, Siāwash, Giw, Keykawus, and Esfandiār, are considered to be real. The Yārsān denote the same positions for them as are given for their incarnations in other Za ̄ti periods because they view them as one Truth and one Za ̄t at different times and places. However, considering that the foundation of Yari in Kalāms is the pre-­ eternity period and the beginning of humanity is thought to be the existence of Khāwenkār’s Zāt in man, there are references to many people who belong to different strata in different societies in Kalāms. The historical periods that follow, according to Yari, are divided into the period from the beginning of creation until the dawn of Islam and the period after Islam to the present day. I will now shed some light on these periods from a historical perspective. • Many personalities and historical periods in the first group are mentioned and confirmed in Kalāms, meaning that they were incarnations of Khāwenkār and his companions. This group includes a wide range of individuals over a long period of time covering prehistoric and mythical as well as historical periods. It includes sages, philosophers, healers, kings, famous warriors, and prophets. It can be understood that in the worldview of Yari, only being human—irrespective of race, language, geographical location, or language—was sufficient to possess the soul. Throughout history, many have reached this desired understanding of the Yari religion; therefore, their names have been mentioned in Kala ̄ms. For example, in the Kalāms of the DamYār’s period (see Manuscript (1934a), DamYār’s period) which forms part of the Perdiwar Diwāna Gowra, there are all sorts of characters, from the Greek and Roman sages and philosophers to Arab emirs and various prophets. Furthermore, Haftan and Haftva ̄neh attested to their existence in those “garments.” These attestations, however, are not limited to the period of DamYār and Diwāna Gowra and have also been sporadically referred to in other books. The table shows examples of these names. 4  Haftan are the divinest figures to the Yārsān, which consist of the Khawenkār and his six eternal assistants. The seven Zāt have been incarnated into human forms during the Zāti periods.

64 

S. K. HEYDARI

• The personalities and historical periods that have been mentioned in Kala ̄m since the appearance of Islam mean that possession of the Sāhib-e Za ̄t was contributed to them. If we want to assess the social status of followers of Yari in its historical period of existence based on the historical characters of Kalāms, we must start with the first period (the period of Islam) which is, according to Kala ̄m texts, the first time Khawenkār appeared on Earth in the body of Ali. The timing and nature of this is clear to the audience as well, so we will refrain from discussing it. For information about the intrinsic incarnations of this period you can take a look at the table. The fifth period is Bohlul’s period. Bohlul and his four Malaks (see: the table) are designated as belonging to a period after Bābā Nāous. It may be possible to consider this character the same as the Bohlul contemporary to Harun al-Rashid, the reason being that both characters are known as Crazy Bohlul or Oghalā al-Majanin. In this case, one can look at it from two different perspectives. First, according to the order of Diwāna Gowra’s Kala ̄m in expressing intrinsic periods, the first period is the period of Ali and the Bohlul period is the fifth period, which means that Bohlul’s period may be after that of Bābā Nāous. If we consider that to be true, this Bohlul must have lived in the fifth or sixth century. There is also a Bohlul Jamkha ̄na on Mount Dālāhu in Kermānshāh province, which is one of the most important places of worship in Yārsān, far from Baghdad and the Bohlul Kufi’s residence. So, it is possible to consider a hole in terms of time and space between the two Bohluls, Kufi and Yārsāni, as well as the possibility of concluding that there were two Bohluls. However, further research is needed to determine the timing and quality of Bohlul’s life, or to make a distinction between Bohlul in the Kala ̄ms and the second-­ century Bohlul. In general, the history and bio-historical geography of the Yārsāns are tied to three great emigrations, all driven by the personalities of the same prominent and central characters, and the founders or reformers of this religion. The first of these is the emigration of Shāh Khowashin, his companions, and his troops and warriors. Shāh Khowashin is the third incarnation of Khāwenkār and a central character in the structure of Yari religion. Shāh Khowashin Lorestani was the son of a maid named Jalāla and grandchild of the daughter of a tribal elder named Mirzā Ā mānā (which is probably “Aman,” which is used by

4  A BRIEF STUDY ON THE MOST INFLUENTIAL IMMIGRATIONS… 

65

Kurds as Ā mān or Ā māna). Historical texts mention the name of Khowashin Masoud twice, once in Mojmal al-Tawārikh in 405 AH, which is stated in this interesting hint: So in Khoms wa Arba’mayeh Badr Hassanouyeh started a battle with Khowashin Masoud near the Sepidrood, and Shams al-Doleh went to help Badr. When he heard that Badr has failed to defeat Khowashin, he went back mid-way. And Badr besieged Khowashin. So some of the Gurāns swore together to kill Badr Hassanouyeh. And there was no one nearer to Badr than them, and no one thought of them. And suddenly they started to beat Badr. And they say it was a tent, they cut a rope and beat him, and Badr Hassanouyeh was killed, and they buried him in a place named Koosh Khol near Sepidrood.

According to the content of the text and names of Gurāns, it is very important to pay attention to the value of this writing and not to consider it accidental, since even in the Turkish language it is common that the followers of Yari are also called Gurān (Sāedi, 1963, 13 and 52). Also, a legend among Yārsān about Shāh Khowashin’s death when he disappears in Seymarah offers a valuable clue for historical study in this field which I hope will be addressed someday. Additionally, the name of Hossein ebne-­Masoud Kurdi is mentioned in the book Al-Kāmel wa Al-Ghesas History by Ebn-e-Asir. Although the name Khowashin is not mentioned, it can be inferred from the previous source that it is Bābā Khowashin. This reference is mentioned in the thirteenth volume of Kāmel history under the heading of the events of year 405: This year, Badr ebn-e-Hassanuyeh, the Emir of Jabal, was killed. How he was killed, he invaded Hussein ebn-e-Massoud Kurdi to overthrow his territory and intercepted him in the Kushad fort. The companions were unhappy with the battle in the winter, so they decided to kill Badr. One of Badr’s special companions reported this to him. Badr said: Who are these dogs that can do this! And he drove them away. Badr went out and sat on a hill and the group was attacked. Badr was killed by a number of those who were called Jorghān and rubbed his camp and abandoned him fallen on the ground and left (Ebn-e Asir, 2006, Volume 13, 5498). This narration is different than the one in Mojmal al-Tawarikh except for two important names, that is, a reference to the name of Khowashin Masoud Kurdi and also the key role of Gurāns which is mentioned in Al-Kāmel, which was originally written in Arabic. The Arabic word of Joraghān, in both works, illuminates many dark spots. Now we can explain

66 

S. K. HEYDARI

the reasons for the existence of an epic plot in the Kalām of the period of Shāh Khowashin, as well as the modes of epic plays of Tanbur in that period. Also, the definitive time of Shāh Khowashin’s death can be specified based on the information of Mojmal al-Tawarikh 405 AH, and on that basis and by its centrality, many religious events before and after Shāh Khowashin can be examined. If we want to follow the events from the Kala ̄ms, Shāh Khowashin is born in Lorestān. The whole context of the Kala ̄ms from Shāh Khowashin’s period is epic, as it evokes and reconstitutes the atmosphere of constant struggle and forced migrations. At the time of his birth, as his clan faces an invasion, he inevitably leaves his home in order to survive. As Khowashin grows up, his emigrations begin which coincide with struggles and epics. He and his companions left Lorestan and crossed Hamedan in order to enter the great area of Old Gurān. Shāh Khowashin also enters Rijab and Dālāhoo, as his descendants still reside in Old Gurān (Diwāna Gowra, Shāh Khowashin’s period). In addition, there is the issue of Shāh Khowashin’s relationship with Bābā Tāher Hamadāni and the elders of Hamadān, whose adventures are passed down from one generation to another among the Yārsāns. Of course, what supports the claim that this visit took place is the existence of Bābā Taher’s words in the Diwāna Gowra’s book, as well as the matching language and accent of the Kala ̄ms of Shāh Khowashin and his companions, including Bābā Tāher. According to the Kala ̄ms, after the period of Shāh Khowashin, this Zāt had lived in Shāhu for 500 years and has been reincarnated as Bābā Nāous, Bābā Jalil, Bābā Sarhang, and their companions in Howrāmān, whose influence and graves are still observable in the Howrāmān area. Their Kala ̄mi periods, which describe many of the events of their Zāti periods, are recorded and preserved in the Diwāna Gowra. The second major emigration and displacement is in the era of someone who is known as the original founder of the current Yari structure— Sultan Sahāk Barzanji, the son of Shaikh Isa Barzanjei and Shaikh Isa, the son of Bābā Ali Darvish (Heydari, 2004, 7). As it is clearly stated in the text of certain Kalāms, he and his companions were forced to emigrate from Barzanje in the Soleymanieh province of Iraqi Kurdistan after a series of clashes with his brothers erupted. He eventually settled in a village called Sheikhan, near Nosod city of the Howrāmān region, and laid the foundations of the Za ̄ti period called “Perdiwari.” According to the Kala ̄m, during this period, the comrades of Sultan Sahāk were scattered in the villages and towns of the Howrāmān region and had theological arguments with the Sunni spiritual leaders in the area. Besides what is

4  A BRIEF STUDY ON THE MOST INFLUENTIAL IMMIGRATIONS… 

67

mentioned in the Kala ̄ms, all the names of places and persons are preserved in the oral history of Howrāmān region while their graves and shrines are venerated by the followers of both religions. After this period, during the third Bābā Yādegar’s migration from Shāhu to Dālāhu, the Yārsān religious center was moved from Shāhu to Dālāhu. In this displacement, it is almost possible to say that from that century, about 900 AH, there was no longer a community of followers of Yari in Howrāmān. The most valuable historical document available from the time of the religious figures of Yārsāni until Bābā Yādegar’s period is that of Anzaleh’s title deed, which was set on the 6th of Rajab 933 AH. Based on this document, a part of Zahāb’s lands were transferred to Bābā Yādegar by a ruler (Mokri, 1963, 229–226). According to this title deed the exact period of Bābā Yādegar’s life can be estimated. If we consider him a mature man at the time he signed the deed, his birth must have been in the late ninth century AH.  Therefore, Bābā Yādegar was born during the time of Sultan Sahāk and in Perdiwar, and Sultan Sahāk and his companions were in Shāhu (a Shikhān village at that time,) so the date of Sultan Sahāk’s birth should be after 800 AH. Taking the above into consideration and contrary to what most scholars support, one cannot accept that Sultan Sahāk was born in the sixth, seventh, or even the eighth century AH. From the Bābādagar period in the tenth century AH to this day, Dālāhu has been the center of Yari beliefs, and the Zāti periods of Sayyed Ya’qub Gurān (the eleventh and twelfth centuries AH) as well as the Zāti period of Sayyed Berāka Gurān (the thirteenth century AH) have occurred in this region.

Biogeography of Yārsān The geographical areas of the settlement of Yārsān can be considered as follows. First, there is the most ancient area, Lorestān and Lakestān, which included many cities, villages, and tribes. Second are the Shāhu and Dālāhu areas, which grew wider during the reign of Shāh Khowashin as well as during the reign of Sultan Sahāk, and the number of followers of Yari in that region increased greatly. Third is the loss of the Shāhu area, the migration to Dālāhu, and the centralization of this area during the time of Bābā Yādegar. This period coincides with the consolidation of the power of the Ardalān dynasty (descendants of Bābā Ardal) who, according to many

68 

S. K. HEYDARI

clues, were Yārsān (for example see: Ardalan, 2008, 31–32, 40–41, etc.). During this period, large sections of the areas ruled by the Ardalān were Yārsāni, around which a large geographic area can be drawn. It still exists to this day—in some places the remnants resemble a big Yārsān city or a small village, and in other places it has decreased to a single family in a village. The area can be imagined in this way: from the east and south of Mosel province, starts with a scattering of villages, and then passes through Dāquq to the city of Kirkuk as well as through many Kirkuk villages, including Tobzāwa, Ali Sarāy, Zanghar, Tel Rābia, Dels Saghir, Delsa Kabir, Rabizeh, Elbo Serāj, Zanklāwa, Elbo Muhammad, and Arabkoy. In addition to the Yārsānis’ significant population in Sulaimāniyeh, areas in Sulaimāniyeh such as Sar Shaghām have an entirely Yārsān population. In Iraq, there are also other Kefri and Khānaghin cities and many villages in these areas contain Yārsān inhabitants. There are also villages such as Hāwār, which are part of the Iraq Howrāmān and are included in the urban divisions of Halabja, and the cities of Tal’afar and Khānaghin and their villages, such as Nafas Khaneghin, Kabieh, Mikhās, Bokeh, Amāraw, Kara Bola, Cham Chaghal, Ghalama, Sawla, Bārika, Tafragha, Bābā Belawi, Markaz Shikh, Amin Bābir, Moghate’a Khānaghin, and Dār Khormā. A considerable population of Yārsān also live in the cities of Mendeley and Zawieh and their villages (Azāwi, 1949, 35–38). Yārsān’s communities can be also found in the Iranian territory, mainly in the cities of Qasr-e Shirin, Sar-e-Pul-Zahāb, Kerend, and most of the villages of these cities up to parts of Gilān-e Gharb City. Kuzrān is also a part of this complex and its pastures are the residence of the Yārsāni tribe of Gurān, a large part of the Sanjabi tribe, and the Kalhor tribe, crossing Islamabad-e-Gharb and Māhidasht which extend from the beginning of the Lakestān area to the southern borders of Kermānshāh (also known as Bujān). It covers a considerable population of the city of Kermānshāh itself and its surrounding villages to the area of Nāwdarwan and Peshtdarwan. This strip extends to the Yārsān settlements of the Dinawar, Bistoon, Sahneh, and Kangāwar districts, in which many villages, in addition to the aforementioned cities, have Yārsān inhabitants. In the Lakestān region, crossing through the Jalālwand tribe and parts of Osmānāwand and villages of Harsin City, crossing the border of Lorestān province and through numerous villages in the cities of Nurābād, tribes such as Zanganeh, Jalilvand, Nour Ali, Khalifa, Sanjābi, Delfān, Chāwāri, Itiywand, Kakawand and the town of Kuhdasht and villages such as Bolurān, Garāb, Domrusān,

4  A BRIEF STUDY ON THE MOST INFLUENTIAL IMMIGRATIONS… 

69

Riswand, Yār ybak in Korāni, Tang Warāz and tribes such as Ā zādbakht, Wali Bag, Ā dinehwand, Ā b Bariki, and others, reach Khorramābād (Ahmadi, 2011, 52–53). There are also many Yārsān villages in Assad Ā bād, many in Hamedān and in parts of Hamedān City and its Turkish areas, following a path that flows to Razan and Ā vaj, to Tākestān, and finally arrives in the city of Qazvin. Except for this continued strip from Kirkuk to Qazvin, the Yārsāns are, in sections, habitants of the north of Sāveh and some of its villages, Varāmin and its villages such as Khorin, Mohammad Ā bād, and others, as well as the cities of Boomehen, Roudehen, Islamshāhr, and parts of Karaj such as Hashtgerd. In addition, Turkish Yārsāns live in the cities of Varāmin, Orumiyeh, Marāgheh, Miandoāb, Tabriz, Ilekhchi, Takāb, Zanjān, Khalkhāl, as well as many villages in these cities, in a way that they are indigenous to these areas. In the above-mentioned areas, there has been a continuous flow of Yari Za ̄ti periods after the time of Bābā Yādegār which have had theological leadership. Periods such as Khan Ahmād, KhoobYār, Bābā Heydar, Shāh Hayās, Sayyed Ya’qub, Ā tash Bag, Sayyed Farzi, and Sayyed Berāka have all contributed to the advancement of the Yari religion in this vast geographical area.

The Social Process of Yari Religion Today, as we look at the geographical distribution of followers of Yari, we can easily notice that they are gradually diminishing. This may be partially explained because of the ongoing process of assimilation in major cities such as Kermānshāh, and in its surrounding geographical areas they have started to decrease as well. This process began from the beginning of Qajar and continues to this day. The main reasons for this development are the following: • Commitment to the official religion of the country. • Governments’ efforts to encourage Yārsāns to convert by providing them with different economic and political incentives. • Sending Shi’a preachers from government centers to Yārsāns’ main centers and major cities. • Placing emphasis on similarities between Yārsāns and Shi’a in order to drain followers from their other theological dimensions and the complete change of attitude of Yārsāns at historically suitable times.

70 

S. K. HEYDARI

• Yārsāns’ efforts to gain the better social and political positions and the need to obtain the approval of Islamic religious scholars in order to receive governmental positions. There are a number of reasons which corroborate the relationship between the declining number of Yari believers and historical and social developments in Iran during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. One example is mentioned by Henry Binder, in his travelogue called Kurdistan, Bein-o-Nahrein and Iran: “Most Kurds in Iran are Ali Allahi” (Binder, 1991, 382). Actually, Binder was only referring to the Kurds of Kermānshāh Province and Ilām and Lakestān whom he had visited. In the same book, he says about Kermānshāh: “The Kurds of Kermānshāh province are calm and sociable people; they belong to the Ali Allahi sect, which is one of the most lenient religious sects, in some villages, the followers of this sect are mixed with Christians which are less lenient” (Binder, 1991, 403). The second valuable source is the book Three Years in Asia by Arthur de Gobineau. This book discusses theology as well as the social and geographical situation and population distribution of Ahl-e Haqq between 1855 and 1858. An interesting point regarding the geography and population of Ahl-e Haqq is the following: “But as for the definite followers of this sect, those who live in Iran, there is no doubt that in the cities, villages, deserts, those who are in permanent residence or under tents, overall, two-fifths of the residents of the country are the Ahl-e Haqq. Especially warrior tribes of Kurdistan and Turk tent-dwellers of the north of Iran are more attached to this religion” (Gobineau, 2004, 156). Our third piece of evidence is the book A Modern History of the Kurds by David McDowell, where he describes the process of conversion from Yari to Shi’ism during the Qajar dynasty, and how the Kurdish tribesmen and tribal elders went through the process of becoming Shi’a in order to be socially acceptable and to gain government positions or maintain their tribal status: “The conversion of the Ahl-e Haqq people to Shi’ism was apparently a simple matter of expediency. For example, the Ardalān clan may have once been an Ahl-e Haqq religion follower, but around the 1820s AD the procurator himself and senior members of the clan adhered to the Shi’a sect and introduced themselves as followers of Shi’a sect. This expanded the scope of marital bonds, and strengthened the clan’s position for government” (McDowall, 2005, 77). In another place he pointed out:

4  A BRIEF STUDY ON THE MOST INFLUENTIAL IMMIGRATIONS… 

71

“In the 1830s AD, the Kalhors were still Ahl-e Haqq, but in the early 1900s AD their majority appeared to be Shi’a. At the end of the century, these people became the stage actors of Kermānshāh politics, and it is not far that their chiefs, like the Ardalāns, before them came to this conclusion that possessing Shi’a identity sounds more beneficial politically, and after that the tribal divisions have followed this policy one after another” (McDowall, 2005, 77). In addition to the aforementioned areas, parts of the Yārsāns’ biogeography have been changed by the political and military developments in the region. Among the most prominent were the Yārsāns’ accompanying Nader Shāh Afshār in the war against the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Sayyed Ya’qub Gurān, as well as the Nānkoli Wand tribe accompanying Nader Shāh on his return to Mashhad. Later, one of those Yārsāns, Karim Khān Zand, reigned. It is also possible to talk about more Yārsāns joining them and immigrating to Shirāz (Ivanow, 1953, 29). Many of them, however, were deported to Tehran and northern cities of Iran, such as Firouzkouh and Kalārdasht, by Agha Mohammad Khān Qājār after the fall of Zandieh. The process of these deportations continued during the Qājār period until the First Pahlavi era. The exile of the Yārsāns to the surrounding areas of Qazvin and the cities of Mazandaran, including Kalārdasht, Salmānshāhr, Kojoor, Noor, Royān, Chamkhāleh, and its villages, continued. Following the end of these population movements, Yārsān, who were easygoing and flexible with their neighbors, enjoyed a peaceful life with them.

The Table of Zāti Periods of Yari Religion The below is based on the text of Diwāna Gowra’s Kalām and it aims to help the reader to recognize the order and timeline of the Zāti periods that have been mentioned in this chapter. It also enables the reader to make a comparison between what is mentioned in parts of Yari religious text and what is contained in the written and oral documents and history. All of the Za ̄ti periods mentioned in Kalāms have been categorized in chronological order in the following table. It is necessary to explain that this classification extends from the time before recorded history to the end of the Za ̄ti period of Bābā Yādegār, from the point of view of Yari Kalāms. Also, in the first row, the name of the Haftan of Perdiwar’s period has been used as a reference to match the names in the next rows. It is also

Shāh Fazl-e Vali’s period

Second period (second and third century AH) Third period (fourth and fifth century AH) Fourth period (pro fifth and sixth century AH)

Shāh Fazl

Ali

Soltān Mahmood-e Ghaznavi Bārbat, Soleyman (crown)

Qodrat, Shantiā, Yā, Alah Mir Hamze-ye Arab

Sultān Sahāk

Shāh Shāh Khowashin’s Khowashin period Bābā Nāous’s Bābā Nāous period

Period of Islam

First period (first century AH)

Incomplete periods before manifestation was complete, and the existence of Khāwenkār in the garment of a human who was one of the existing Haftan

Periods before the creation of the world

Haftan Zāt-I period

Karam

Ayāz, Shams

Isrāfil

Dāvood

Chalawi

Hamza

Ahmad

Nasimi

Kaka riā

Mansoor-e Hallāj

Shirin, Loqmān, Ya’qub, Isa, Gorg, Soleymān Musā, Farhād Salmān Qanbar

Ayāz-e Ghaznavi

Jebrail

Pir Benyāmin

Table 4.1  The table of Zati periods of Yari religion

Sāleh

Shahriar

Zakariā

Nosair

Sohrāb, Arastoo Shāpoor

Hassan-e Ghaznavi

Moghbel Goodarz

Mikāeil

Pir Musi

Ghāzi

Reyhāneh

Torka

Zolfaqār

Neyze-ye shesh par (Six-feather steer) Samsam (Rostam’s sword) Darvish

Ezrāeil

Mustafā

Jamshid-e Kiani

Abel

Rezā

Ahmad

Meyzard

Ghandil

Sotun

Keykhosro, Yousef, Ismāeil, Sokhrijen Fātemeh, the Imām daughter of Hossein Asad Eyna Barra

Simorgh, Pirooz, Bādāvar

Bozarjmehr

Ramz

Ramzbār

72  S. K. HEYDARI

Fifth period (sixth and seventh century AH) Sixth period (seventh and eighth century AH) Seventh period (eighth and ninth century AH) Eighth period (ninth century AH) Ninth period (tenth century AH)

Haftan Zāt-I period

Gheysar

Pir Musi

Sultān Sahāk

Bābā Yādegār Alghās

Pir Benyāmin Zangi

Dāvood

Shakar

Saman

Bābā Sarhang Gholi Yaranj Garchak

Bagtar

Bābā Sarhang’s period Sultān Sahāk’s period Bābā Yādegār’s period

Mirzā

Nojum

Bābā Jalil

Rajab

Pir Musi

Bābā Jalil’s period

Lora

Dāvood

Bohlul

Pir Benyāmin

Bohlul’s period

Sultān Sahāk

Wesāl

Mustafā

Saranj

Sāyi

Mustafā

Sharifa

Ramzbār

Ramzbar

Belgheys

Hātam

Ramzbār

Khiāl

Ahmad

Tabriz

Nawa

Ahmad

4  A BRIEF STUDY ON THE MOST INFLUENTIAL IMMIGRATIONS… 

73

74 

S. K. HEYDARI

important to note that not all members of Haftan necessarily appear in all the Za ̄ti periods; it is possible for a Zāti period to be composed of five people; and it may be possible that some names are missing in the parts related to Diwāna Gowra (Table 4.1).

References Ahmadi, Fahimeh. (2011). Beliefs, practices and traditions of Ahl-e Haqq in Kouhdasht and Nurābād cities. Master’s thesis, University of Tehran. Akopow, G. B. (1996). Guran̄ Kurds. Translated by Sirus Izadi. Tehran: Hirmand Publications. Ardalan, Shirin. (2008). The Kurdish Ardalan Family at the Cross of the Iranian and Osmani Empires. Translated by Morteza Ardalan. Tehran: Iranian History Publication. Azāwi, A. (1949). Al-Kākaie in History. Sherkah altejareh va Altabae Almahdoodeh. Binder, Henry. (1991). Au Kurdistan: en Mésopotamie et en Perse. Translated by Keramatollah Afsar. Tehran: Yasavoli. Ebn-e Asir, Ezzoddin. (2006). Full History. Translated by Hamid Reza Ajir. Tehran: Asatir Publications. Gobineau, J.  A. (2004). Trois ans en Asie. Translated by Abdorreza Hushing Mahdavi. Tehran: Nashr-e Ghatreh. Heydari, S. A. (2004). The Heydari Family Genealogy. N.p. Ivanow, W. (1953). The Truth Worshippers of Kurdistan. Ismaili Society Series A (Vol. 7). E. J. Brill. Manuscript. (1934a). Daftar-e Diwāna Gowra (Perdiwari). Iran, Kirmanshah, Tutshami Village, Heydari Takyeh. Manuscript. (1934b). Daftar-e Nowruz. Kirmanshah, Tutshami Village, Heydari Takyeh. McDowall, D. (2005). A Modern History of the Kurds (3rd ed.). I. B. Tauris. Minorsky, V. F. (1986). Ahl-i Haqq. In M. Th. Houtsma, T. W. Arnold, R. Basset, & R. Hartmann (Eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam First Edition (1913–1936). Mokri, M. (1963). An Investigation of One of the Historical Landmarks of Kurdistan from the Tenth Century AH. Paris Asian Magazine, 251, 229–256. Sāedi, G. (1963). Ilkhchi. University of Tehran. Taghi Bahar, M. (Ed.). (1939). Mojmal al-Tawarikh and al-Qassas. Kalaleh ye Khavar.

CHAPTER 5

Text Dating in Yārsān Studies: Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās and the “Prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq” Alireza Zahedi Moghadam

Introduction The Yārsān (Yāresān or Yāristān) or Ahl-i Haqq (Followers of Truth) are a religious minority in Iran, whose traditions and beliefs have received some academic attention since the twentieth century. Geranpayeh1 writes: “The religion of the Yārsān is an Iranian religion which has very special characteristics in its sacred poems and speeches, songs and rituals in the Middle East. The oral literature of the Yārsān, which also includes the description of their rituals, is in Gurānı ̄, handed down in Persian and Lurish as well as in a Turkish dialect.” No exact data are available on the size of the community, but estimates vary from one to four million people. Today the Yārsān majority live in the western provinces of Iran such as West Azerbaijan, Lorestan, Kermanshah, Hamadan, and also in Kelardasht (in Mazandaran), Karaj, and Tehran. 1

 Behrouz, “Yārıstān—die Freunde der Wahrheit,” 4.

A. Z. Moghadam (*) University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 S. B. Hosseini (ed.), Yari Religion in Iran, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1_5

75

76 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

Two large groups of Yārsān live in two areas in western Iran. The first group lives in the Gurān region up to the western part of the city of Kermanshah, and the other group lives around the small town of Saḥne between Kermanshah and Hamedan. Also, many have emigrated to Western countries such as Germany, Norway, France, and Sweden. Some Yārsān in Iran previously spoke Gurānı ̄ (a Kurdish language), dialects of which are still spoken in Iraq. This language is also considered the religious language in which the religious texts were written. The written literature of this language is no older than the seventeenth century and its heyday was between 1600 and 1800.2 The first notes about Yārsān in European texts can be found in travel reports from travelers to the Orient in the nineteenth century. Some called the group Ali Illahi.3 The word means: “One who believes Ali is God.” Such ideas are not accepted by the Orthodox Muslims; the Yārsān were often seen as “extremely Shi’a.”4 Of all the reports, the Rawlinson report is the most important. This is because Rawlinson’s account described the sacred places and villages of Yārsān and, thanks to this report of 1836, we know that the Yārsān faith was widespread not only among the Kurds, but also among the Lors who led a nomadic life.5 Count J.A. de Gobineau was the first person to try to study the Yārsān in an academic way.6 After him, important works about Yārsān were created by Vladimir Minorski7 and Wladimir Alexeyevich Ivanov.8 These last two people have tried to describe the Yārsān faith in detail using a number of sources of information such as personal observations and for the first time in Yārsān studies, textual evidence. Like Gobineau, Stead said that the origin of the Ali Ilahis was not Islamic, but probably Jewish or Christian.9 After Minorski and Ivanov, a large number of works in Yārsān studies were created by academic researchers, including Stead. Minorski was the first person to use the term “religion” for the Yārsān, thus describing it as  Parvin, The Meter and the Literary Language of Gu ̄rānı ̄ Poetry, 8.  Layard, Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, 206 and Sheil, Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia, 199. 4  Moossa, Extremist Shiites, 185–194, 245–255. 5  Rawlinson, “Notes on a March from Zohab to Kirmanshah,” 36. 6  de Gobineau, Trois ans en Asie. 7  Minorsky, “Notes sur la secte des Ahlé Haqq”; Minorsky, “Notes sur la secte des Ahlé Haqq II”; Minorsky, “Etudes sur les Ahl-i Haqq”; Minorsky, “The Guran”; Minorsky, “Verses in Turkish””; Minorsky, Un Poème Ahl-i Haqq en Turk; Minorsky, “Ahl-i Ḥ aḵḵ.” 8  Ivanow, “An Ali-Ilahi Fragment”; Ivanow, The Truth-Worshippers of Kurdistan. 9  Stead, “The Ali Ilahi Sect in Persia,” 184–189. 2 3

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

77

an independent religion.10 He and Stead have shown that the Yārsān community consists of different religious groups, whose beliefs sometimes differ. A small group of Yārsān adores Ali, which is why some researchers have classified them among the “extreme Shi’ites.” The majority instead maintain an Old Iranian religious tradition. In the Gurān region, at the time of Minorsky, the Yārsān considered Sayyed Rostam Ḥ eydarı ̄ Gurān,11 the grandson of Sayyed Brāke,12 the incarnation of God.13 When Minorski started his work as a diplomat in Tabriz, and Sayyed Rostam was the religious authority for some Gurānic tribes, Hājj Neʿmatollāh Mokri Jeyhunābādi14 also lived as a reformer in the Ahl-i Haqq community. His view was not accepted by the majority of religious authorities, and they recognized him as heterodox among the Yārsān. Although his views did not affect the Gurāns, his teachings and those of his son and successor, Nur-Ali Elahi,15 and also his grandson, Bahrām Elahi, attracted new believers among the non-Kurdish population in Iran and also among Western Europeans.16 Hamzeh’ee showed the correlation between Yārsān and Zoroastrianism in his work,17 but he did not consider the heterogeneity of the Yārsān.18 The research in this area was enriched with the works of Kreyenbroek,19 van Bruinessen,20 and Vali21 in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.  Minorsky, “Ahl-i Ḥ aḵḵ,” 260–263.  Sayyed Rostam Ḥ eydarı ̄ Gurān was the religious leader of the Gurāns from 1872 to 1934. 12  Sayyed Brāke was an esoteric spiritual master in the Yārsān community, especially among Gurāns, in the nineteenth century. 13  Stead, “The Ali Ilahi Sect in Persia,” 184–189. 14  Hājj Neʿmatollāh Mokri Jeyhunābādi (1871–1920) Mystiker and Autor of Ahl-i Haqq Order. 15  Nur-Ali Elahi (1895–1974) was an Iranian spiritual thinker, musician, and judge of Kurdish descent who dedicated his life to exploring the metaphysical dimension of the human being. 16  Kreyenbroek and Kanakis, “God First and Last,” 4. 17  Hamzeh’ee, “The Yaresan.” 18  Kreyenbroek & Kanakis, “God First and Last,” 4. 19  Kreyenbroek, “Modern Sects with Ancient Roots”; Kreyenbroek, “Orality and Religion in Kurdistan”; Kreyenbroek, “Zoroastrianism Under the Achaemenians”; Kreyenbroek, “The Yāresān of Kurdistan”; Kreyenbroek, “Some Remarks on the Early History of the Ahl-e Ḥ aqq”; Kreyenbroek & Behrouz Chaman Ara B., “Literary Gurani: Koinè or Continuum?”; Kreyenbroek, & Kanakis, “God First and Last.” 20  van Bruinessen, “Haji Bektash”; van Bruinessen, Agha, Shaikh and State; van Bruinessen, “When Haji Bektash Still Bore the Name of Sultan Sahak”; van Bruinessen, “Ahl-i Ḥ aqq”; van Bruinessen, “Veneration of Satan among the Ahl-e Haqq of the Gūrān region”; van Bruinessen, “Between Dersim and Dālāhu.” 21  Vali, Les Yârsâns: Aspects Mythologiques  – Aspects Doctrinaux; Vali, La littérature religieuse des Kurdes Yarsan, E tudes Kurdes; Vali, & Şubat-Mart, “Yarsan ve Yezidi Kürtlerin 10 11

78 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

The above researches included social studies, sociology, and religious phenomenology based on the current situation. This means that Yārsān religious texts were used only to describe and interpret Yārsān beliefs and neither critical-historical studies nor text dating was done. For this purpose, two Yārsān texts were considered for research: The prophecies of Darvı̄sh Ojāq and Dı̄wān-i Khān-i Almās (book of poems of Khān-i Almās), but before addressing these two texts, explanations should be given about Yārsān traditions, religious texts, and their relation to Yārsān beliefs.

The Historical Critical Studies For the first time in modern times Baruch Spinoza22 in his Tractatus Theologico-­Politicus (1670)23 showed that the parts of the Old Testament that religious people believed to be a revelation dating back to 1500 BC, could not be that old and came into being later. He rejected the mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch. His work became the basis for further studies on the Old Testament with the help of disciplines such as historical linguistics, archeology, paleography, and diplomatics. These researches showed that these texts, despite the initial revelatory and prophetic claims, have historical contradictions and errors and are of completely human origin. These studies are collectively called historical-critical studies.

The Yārsān Traditions of Gurān and Ṣaḥne Since the nineteenth century, when the first Western travelers to the Gurān regions met the Yārsān, the Gurān tradition was distinctly different from the traditions of other Yārsān communities. This difference is so strong that the members of this group (Gurāns) consider their views and beliefs to be an independent religion, while the other groups consider themselves to be Shi'a Muslims. Gurāns accepted Sayyed Brāke as the incarnation and manifestation of the deity and later adored Sayyed Rostam, his grandson, as a manifestation of deity. Since the time of Sayyed Brāke and their last Yazılı Edebiyatı (Written Literature of Yārsa ̄n and Yezidi Kurds)”; Vali, “Nasandina Gişti ya Edebiyata Dînî ya Kurdên Yarsanî”(General Introduction to the Religious Literature of the Yārsān Kurds); Vali, Ehl-i Hak Kürtlerin Dini Edebiyatı, Kürt Edebiyatı, (Religious Literature of the Kurds of the People of the Right, Kurdish Literature); Vali, Antolojiya Edebiyata Kurdên Yarsan (Anthology of Kurdish Literature in Ya ̄rsa ̄n). 22  Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677) was a philosopher. 23  Spinoza, Treatise on Theology and Politics, 8–95.

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

79

sacred texts, Gurāns have insisted on holding on to their ancient Iranian cultural and traditional beliefs and identity. Soon after, the Jeyhunabadi branch split from the other Yārsān communities. In contrast to the Gurāns, Jeyhunabadists reemphasize affinity with the Shi’ites. In the Ṣaḥne tradition, the Shi’ite elements such as the worship of Ali, the first Imam in Shi’ism, are very pronounced. Both traditions (Gurān and Ṣaḥne) reject the religious authority of the Jeyhunabadist group.

The Yārsān Belief System According to the Yārsān worldview, life on earth is influenced by two different forms of reality. The former is the changeable and differently visible “external reality” (ẓah̄ er, outer). People know the external reality because they experience it in their everyday life. The second is the profound and unchangeable “inner truth” (bātẹ n). The inner truth is opaque to people, because it is hidden from people and is hidden by external reality. Inner is under outer and the outer conceals the inner. The inner influences the outside with different manifestations and changes. The “outer” manifests itself in the repeating time cycles. Just like the external world and reality, people are born again and again (Dūnādūnı̄) in order to achieve perfection.24 The general beliefs of Yārsān also emphasize the unity of all things. The repeating time cycles and periods (Dowre) shape the sacred history of Yārsān. The “inner” reflects itself in a cycle to make a new history in the “outer.” In addition to soul wandering with the goal of becoming pure and ultimately uniting with the divine Creator (Haqq), there are beliefs that a divine being manifests in a human body for a lifetime (Ṣa ̄ḥib Dhāt or Dhātda ̄r) or occupies a human body for a short time (Dha ̄t mehmān).25 Yārsāns believe that God and seven archangels, all of whom derive from his manifestation, have been embodied several times in human form. The divine being enters the human body as a guest. Those who have the gift of seeing the truth of the inner world are called seers (Dı ̄deda ̄r) and wise (Dāna ̄) in the Yārsān community. Such people have the ability to prophesize about the future. Esoteric truths cannot be fully perceived by ordinary members of the community. The “religious wisdom” of this group of people able to see the inner world represents an accumulation of divine  Kreyenbroek, “The Yāresān of Kurdistan,” 3–11.  Ibid. & Kreyenbroek, & Kanakis, “God First and Last,” 6.

24 25

80 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

inspiration and insight from the seers.26 The accumulated wisdom of the visionaries constitutes the religious knowledge of the Yārsān, which they have partially recorded in their sacred collection of poems (Kalām).27 This is the core of the Yārsāns’ religious knowledge, which is passed down by learned members of the community (Daftarda ̄n and Kalāmkhān). These texts (Kala ̄m) constantly refer to this knowledge, and the community is reminded when the texts are recited or the music associated with them is played. Kala ̄ms are the most important sources for research on the Yārsāns’ religious beliefs. These texts have been written in the form of a series of “holy hymns” by esoteric teachers of the community (seers [Dı ̄dedār]). The Kala ̄ms are sacred from the perspective of Yārsān members because they are the words of the religious leaders. According to the Yārsān tradition, the first speeches (Kala ̄ms) were oral and were passed down from generation to generation of Daftarda ̄ns and Kala ̄mkhāns for hundreds of years through an oral tradition. These religious hymns uttered by the older and past religious leaders of the Yārsān (Kalāms) contain the esoteric teachings and ancient knowledge and are secrets from the Yārsāns’ point of view (Serr) which are alluded to in most Kala ̄ms. Usually, individual Kalāms are attributed to a certain Dowre (“cycle of history” in which a religious leader manifested). The Kala ̄m have a syllable meter. A stanza usually has two half-verses, each containing a certain number of syllables. Poems and words are divided into six or eight or ten syllables. Most of them are in eight syllables. According to the legendary and sacred history of the Yārsāns, Kala ̄ms were written and collected in writing by the oldest leaders of the Yārsān from around the eighth century to the nineteenth century. From the Yārsāns’ point of view, these Kala ̄ms are to be regarded as the words of God because they believe that these hymns are from religious leaders who had the divine essence. A series of some Kala ̄ms collected during a time is called a booklet (Daftar), which is almost in the form of a book. The Daftars were written in many different time periods (Dowre). Almost all Kala ̄ms and Daftars are written in “literary Gurāni,” which belongs to the language branch of western Iran. It is not clear exactly when they were written, and so far, these texts have not been examined in detail. Their content includes discussions about religion, mythology, and rituals. According to the tradition of Yārsān, Kala ̄ms and Daftars were  Kreyenbroek, & Kanakis, “God First and Last,” 6.  Kreyenbroek, “The Yāresān of Kurdistan,” 3–11.

26 27

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

81

first handed down through oral tradition. This complicates some aspects of the scientific investigation. However, some of them are part of the group's religious history rather than factual history. They are stories that have been reshaped and restored. They have been removed from the original context to serve new functions. That is why they were used by people interested in memorization and altered by them.28 This is of course a common issue when studying oral traditions and narratives. The Yārsāns’ prophetic genre includes the prophecies of Īl-Beygı̄ Jāf (sixteenth century), the prophecies of Khān Almās (eighteenth century), the prophecies of Darvı̄sh Ojāq (nineteenth century), and the prophecies of Teymūr Bānyārānı̄ (nineteenth century) according to the Yārsān narration. For this chapter, “Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās” and “The prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq” have been examined by using historical-critical text dating in order to find the historical periods in which these texts were developed. The main criterion for the selection of these two cases is to present the development of this genre through history based on the claims of prophecy timeline development in the Yārsān religious tradition. The first text was selected as it is claimed to present the initial developments of prophecies, and the second text was selected to show the later developments as claimed by the tradition. For the first (Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās), I examined two versions of the manuscript. One manuscript was written by Kākʿ Aziz Pānāhı ̄ Tutshāmı ̄ and was completed on February 4, 2000. The other manuscript was corrected, interpreted, and published by Sayyed Khalı ̄l ʿĀ linezhād in 1997. Two versions of manuscripts have been examined for the second text (The prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq) as well. A manuscript was written by Bahrām Tarkehı ̄ in Gahwareh in 1989 and a copy of that (with some differences) was done by Ṣadı ̄q Ṣafı ̄zāde and published in Tehran in 2002. A second version of the Daftare Darvı ̄sh Ojāq, dated July 19, 1989, whose copyist is not mentioned.

28  Patricia Crone in Tom Holland’s “Islam The Untold Story,” Channel 4 UK Documentary, from 18:07 until 18:37, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LNihITTZ5HE.

82 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

Dıwa ̄ ̄n-i Khān-i Almās According to the Yārsān oral tradition, this scripture belongs to the writings of the eighteenth century (1721). It was written by Khān-i Almās. According to Yārsān narration, he lived in the village of Nūr in the province of Luristān in Iran (1661–62?–1725–26?). He was the brother of Khān-i Ā tash. Khān-i Ā tash was a manifestation of deity in human body that had begun a cycle period and his brother Khān-i Almās was one of his archangel manifestations in human body. The place of Khān-i Almās in the Yārsān religious hierarchy authorized him as an esoteric spiritual teacher among other Yārsān. So far, we have no evidence for his existence such as vestige or burial place. The Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās or Daftar Khān-i Almās consists of two parts: • prophecy about the apocalypse and eschatology • rituals (Jam29 and sacrifice) Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās consists of twenty-three sections of which fifteen are apocalyptic (sections 5–9, 11, 12, 15–21, 23) and examined for this chapter.

The “Prophecies of Darvısh ̄ Ojāq”

Darvı ̄sh Ojāq (1796–97?–1869–70?) was born according to the Yārsān tradition in the village of Biyāmeh in the province of Kermanshah in Iran. He was a follower of Sayyed Brāke, who lived in the nineteenth century and was an esoteric spiritual master in the Yārsān community. According to the Yārsān’s narrations Sayyed Brāke was the last divine manifestation in Yārsān history with a time cycle (Dowre) among the Yārsān. This period is called “Dowre Sı ̄ o shesh shāʿer”(The thirty-six poets). Darvı ̄sh Ojāq was one of these poets. These were manifestations of archangels and deities. According to the Yārsāns, Divane-Ash’ār (poetry) has survived from Darvı ̄sh Ojāq. Fifteen parts of this poetry are apocalyptic.

29  The Jam is the central communal ritual of the Yārsān. It combines singing religious texts with the blessing and ritual consumption of small quantities of food and drink (Kreyenbroek 2020, 97.)

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

83

The Apocalypse The term apocalypse describes the complete, final destruction of the world, as described in the biblical book of Revelation.30 A genre of revelation literature has been defined as including a narrative framework in which a revelation is located, conveyed through an otherworldly being to a human recipient, and reveals a transcendence of reality that is both temporal in that it provides eschatological redemption and spatial in that it includes other supernatural worlds.31 This definition is mainly based on Jewish and Christian writings from the period of around 250 BC to AD 250, but also on analyses of Gnostic, Greco–Roman, Persian, and some later Jewish writings. There are also different types of apocalypses.32 In the Yārsān tradition there are also other texts like the two texts above that are apocalyptic. The apocalyptic sections of the two texts contain predictions about the spread of disease, the occurrence of natural disasters, war and the killing of human beings, famine and drought, and the increase in human mortality. These predictions include historical misinformation as well as true events. Other recurring themes include the manifestation and victory of the Savior. As stated above, according to Yārsān, these two texts belong to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but there is no original version and copies have been created in the twentieth century. In this case, there is no original paper and no original ink to determine the date of production in a laboratory. In the absence of such forensic evidence, a question can be posed as to whether the dating claim about the texts are reliable. Does the content of the texts confirm this assumption? If this claim is hypothesis “α,” can it be contradicted by evidence? Is it possible to have another alternative hypothesis called “β”? These texts include syllabic poems that contain religious, military, literary, and metaphorical terms. To answer these questions, the texts themselves must be studied in order to extract their historical information and this is the only possible way to make a historical-critical study of these texts among the different types of critical-­ historical methods.  https://www.lexico.com/definition/apocalypse.  Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, 2–9. 32  Collins, “What is Apocalyptic Literature?”, 1–19. 30 31

84 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

The first step is to extract historical information from the texts. Below are, for example, parts of these two texts with their translations. I prefer the recommended transcription of the Third Edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam in this work. The Historical Content of the Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās in the Order Indicated in the Text The list of the events which are available in Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās after checking them with the translation of Sayyed Khalı ̄l ʿĀ linezhād (1997) are presented below. These are historical events which had taken place between the seventeenth and the twentieth centuries. It is claimed that these events had been prophesized many years before the actual events occurred. Here is the list of the events: • The First World War (1914–1918) ghulghuliye rūmāt, khāqān u qı̄ṣar chı̄ūn malakh gı̄r ū sarzamı̄n yiksar zangı̄ zangāwār tātār u ḥawash akrādi aṭrāf tūrkāni sarkash na zhı̄ri bāl u hind ṭughyāni ‘askar khı̄z ū hayāhūy nāmdārān yaksar zha shām tā ḥalab balkh u bukhāra zha aṭrāfi chı̄n faghfūr u dārā girdāgird jahān farang chanı̄ rus bulan mau ṣedāy nāliy ṭabl u kūs khurisht u pā nāl sum sutūrān hind gı̄r u farang ı̄rān u tūrān

- A storm of Chinese and Roman activity - Covers the whole world like a plague of grasshoppers - Dark-skinned people from Zangbār [Africa] and Tatars and Abyssinians - The Kurds from the area and the defiant Turks - And troops come from all over India - And one always hears loud screams from famous people, - From Damascus to Aleppo, from Balkh to Bokhara - From the outskirts of China, the kings of China and Iran - All over the world, in Europe and Russia - One can hear the noise of drums and the war horn - One can hear the noise of horseshoes and the sound of hooves - In India, Europe, Iran, and Turan

• Mention of Mortar sharāri yi ātish shūmı̄ satārān hangāmi yi nabard, tūp u khumpārān

- Flames of fire of war and misfortune of stars - Storms and volleys of cannons and mortars

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

85

• Alliance of Turks and (1915–1918) - Turks come from above (north) and Kurds from turkān zha sarı̄n kurdān zha below (south) dāmān zha pāy sahan kū sānu ghulāmān - will line up as troops on the Sahand hill together

• famine (1912) hizār sı̄ṣadusı̄uyik mayo zhi waswāsi qaḥt,̣ dil pir shik mabo

- When the year 1331 (1912–1913) arrives - Because of starving evil whispers in hearts and hearts become skeptical

• The end of the war and return of the prisoners of war (1919–1920) chūn ası̄ri ‘abı̄r zhi ‘arāq mayū

- Some prisoners will come back from Iraq

• Reform of Nur-Ali Elahi (1920–1974) yārān sard mabū daurāni fānı̄ dauri sard mayū chan mardāni mard wa nāmard mabū shūn barān wa rāy rās war gard mabū ḥubbi ḥaq zhi qalb, yārān kam mabū rūshnāı ̄y dhiynān chı̄ūn pāyi sham‘ mabū yārān zhi qāpı̄ ḥaq wārim mabū wa amri shiyṭān khātị r jam mabū

- Oh! Yārān! It's going to be cold - A cold period will come in the ephemeral time cycles - Some brave men become shameless and cowards - Researchers step back from the right path - Haqq’s love will be diminished in the hearts of the Yārsāns - The light of minds will be darkened like the foot of a candle - The Yārsān will resign from the Haqq’s court - And the devil’s command will be confident

sharāriyi qalbān wa yakhban mabū

- The flame in their hearts will turn cold

naqshi yārı̄shān ṣāf war kan mabū

- They will cut off or shave the symbols of their Yārsān being

According to the Yārsān tradition, it is obligatory for men not to shave or shorten their mustaches. Nur-Ali Elahi revoked this religious order. • Reign of the Tyrant (Rezā Shāh) as Prime Minister and Minister of War and then as King of Iran (1921–1941) • forced sedentariness for nomads in Iran (1925–1941)

86 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

• War in 1917 • Alliance between Kurds and Turks and massacre of the infidels [Armenians and Assyrians] (1915–1918) • The First World War (1914–1915) • Fall of the tyrant and pagan (abdication of Rezā Shāh in 1941) cha shaṣt mulḥaq bo sāli tārı̄khish cha shaṣt mulḥaq bo yikrangān tamām wa ḥaq mulḥaq bo kufr sarnigūn bū ẓālim munshaq bo cha tārı̄kh u sı̄ṣad shaṣt u hizāra bulan mu nāliy sāz u naqāra

- It will take place in the year 60 (1941) - The date of this occurrence is the year 60 -The honest and truthful people will connect to truth Unbelief will fall and tyrants will be split

- In year 1360 [1941–1942] - The sound of drums and horns become louder and louder

• King Abbās the Second (1633–1666),33 Reign of Nāder Shāh (1736–1747)34 pādishāy mayū zhi takht u sarı̄r abbāsi thānı̄ auwan bı̄naẓı ̄r zhu baʿd nādirı̄ makı̄shū sharār sipāy khārijı̄ farār mu farār maṣāfish wı̄nı̄ warı̄nān mabū

- A king will come and sit on the throne - His name is Abbās the Second and he is unique in the whole world - King Nāder will come after him - The corps of foreign enemies will flee - He will fight against foreign enemies

• The murder of Nāder Shāh by his own son (1747) ʿadl u ʿidālat qadı̄mān mabū mudatı̄ chı̄ūn takht shāhı̄ qarār bū diwāni ḥukmish hanı̄ hazar bū tā dhariyi cha dhāt haq na bārish bū ʿadl u ʿidālat cha raftārish bū

- He will rule with justice - He will rule for some time - His court rules are like extremity - As long as a part of divine essence exists in him - He will rule with justice and impartiality

 Shah Abbās II was the seventh Safavid king (Shāh) of Iran, ruling from 1642 to 1666.  Nāder Shāh Afshār was Shāh (King) of Iran (Persia) from 1736 to 1747.

33 34

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

nu dam ki qalbish cha nūr khālı̄ bū ẓulm u ḍalālat sitamkārı̄ bū rı̄shiyi jargi wı̄sh margash hāna das cha tı̄ghi miṣrı̄ makarūsh du has

87

- The moment his heart loses the light of God - He will be unjust and wicked and a tyrant - He’ll be murdered by his own liver - He will be murdered by an Egyptian blade

These two parts have historical mistakes. Between Shāh Abbās II (King Abbās II) and Nāder Shāh (King Nāder), four more people come to the throne and Isfahan, the capital of the Safavids, falls with the revolt and attack of the Afghans. The word “jargi wish” here means his son. According to this text, Nāder Shāh is killed by his son, while in reality Nader Shah was killed by his military commanders. The importance of these mistakes is that these events happened during the life of Khān-i Almās. If this text belonged to that time, it would not contain such mistakes. • Reign of Nāser al-Din Shāh (1848–1896)35 yikı̄ piydā mau ṭāyifiyi qājār wa takhti shāhı̄ magı̄rū ghārar au nāsị r wa nām ʿidālat mabū

- Someone will come from the Qajar tribe - He will sit on the royal throne - His name is Nāsị r and he is a man of justice

badkhāh u badgū khijālat mabū

- His enemies will be shamed

panjāh sāl au shā salṭanat mabū khush ʿahd u ayām bā rafʿat mabū

- He will rule for fifty years - The time of his reign is a good time filled with joy for Iran

• The murder of Nāser ad-Din Shāh by Mirzā Rezā Kermāni (1896)36 ma’mūr margish ridhā nām mabū shāhı̄sh pāymāl nātamām mabū

- His killer is called Rezā - His kingdom is crushed and ended prematurely

• Three successors of the Nāser al-Din Shāh (1896–1925) • The reign of Ahmad Shāh Qājār (1909–1925)37 si farzandi au zhi nu shā mabū nasli ākhirı̄n aḥmad nām mabū

- Three of his successors become kings - The last one is called Ahmad

35  Nāser al-Din Shāh Qājār was the Shāh of Persia from 1848 to 1896 when he was assassinated. 36  Mirzā Rezā Kermāni, born in Kermān, Iran and died on August 10, 1896 in Tehran, was an adherent of Jamāl al-Din al-Afghāni who assassinated King Nāsser-al-Din. 37  Ahmad Shāh Qājār was Shāh (King) of Persia from 1909 to 1925, and the last ruling member of the Qājār dynasty.

88 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

• The just and good king Rezā Shāh comes to power (1925)38 yikı̄ piydā mau hām nāmi ı̄mām

- Then someone will come who has the name of an imam

shāhı̄ qājārān makarū tamām sharāriyi ʿadlish makı̄shū sharār

- He will end the Qajar kingdom - The flame of his justice rises

mudatı̄ wādih shāhı̄sh barqarār yik mudat durān khās barqarār bū nı̄shāniyi gulshan ʿālam dayār bū

- He will be king for some time - A time will come which will be spectacular - Signs of a rose garden will show up in the world

• Human misery (The beginning of the Second World War) (1939) • The war in Europe (1939–1945) • Occupation of Iran by the Allies (1941) hizār u sı̄ṣad hanı̄ zı̄yāytir āthāri talkhı̄ makı̄shū sharar sāli tārı̄khish sı̄ṣad panjā u hasht chuār gūshiyi jahān mayū au jumasht giruy milatān makaran khurūsh khı̄yūn wı̄nı̄ lā fāu majūshū wa jūsh ṣidāy quwāyqū hay halāy farang ı̄rān ḍalālat dhalı̄l zadiyi jang cha yik lā margan cha yik lā qaḥṭı̄ yik lā zūr u ẓulm bı̄chārān sakhtı̄

- When a little time has passed from 1300 [1882–1883] - Signs of difficulty and bitterness will erupt - It will happen in 1358 [1939–40] - Chaos and disorder will arise on [four] sides of the world - All nations will roar - Blood boils like a flood - The sound of the horns and screams and roars will come from Europe - Iran is humiliated - Death on one side and famine on the other - Also, oppression, force, and hardship grieve the poor.

38  Rezā Shāh Pahlavi (1878–1944), commonly known as Rezā Shāh, was the Shāh of Iran from December 15, 1925 until he was forced to abdicate by the Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran on September 16, 1941.

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

89

• Mention of Ā lmānı̄ (German) in the Text ingilı̄s u rūs ʿarab u ʿajam chanı̄ ālmānı̄ dam bı̄an u ham armanı̄ armān turk i isamul

sarānsar jahān dākhil wa jang bū

- English, Russians and Arabs and Iranians - And some Germans will also gather - Armenians from Armenia and Turks from Istanbul - Barbarians and Tatars, and Nobility and Commoners - Everyone will fight against each other

baʿḍı ̄ wa dilshād baʿḍı ̄ diltang bū

- Some of them will be happy and some will be sad

barbarı̄ u tātār afḍal u fuḍūl

In this part, the name of the people of a country that did not exist before 1871 is mentioned. • Alliance between Kurds and Turks [It happened in the fight against the Armenians and the Assyrians (1914–1918)] manı̄shtan uham yārāni warı̄n - Yārān used to sit together in the past muwātan mayū turkı̄ zha sarı̄n - And said: the Turk from the north machū wa m’awāy kurdāni pāı ̄yn haqi haqdārān masānū yaqı̄n

- Comes south to the Kurds - He will surely take the rights of the oppressed from the oppressor

The historical content of the prophecies of Darvı̄sh Ojāq in the order indicated in the text Below is the list of the events which are available in the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq after checking them with interpretation of Ṣadı ̄q Ṣafı ̄zāde.39 In contrast to the Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās, this text covers only the events in the twentieth century. It is claimed that these events had been prophesized many years before the actual events occurred. Here is the list: • Massacre of farmers and workers in Russia (1905) • Revolution in Russia (1917)  Darvı ̄sh Ojāq Gahwareh, “Prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq.”

39

90 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

na urus jang wa shar bar pā mabo lāshiy jūwānān na yak jı̄yā mabo jangı̄ tir nu jā wa hūn pir mabo kārgar u warzyār yaksar qar mabo dunyā nu sāta har wa qāl mabo firı̄ ja mardum gird pāmāl mabo

- There will be wars and battles in Russia - The corpses of young people are scattered everywhere - Another battle will take place and blood will be spilled - Workers and farmers are all destroyed - The whole world will hear the loud and terrible riots - Many people will fall (in war) and the others will step on them (trample them)

• Defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War (1914–1918) ‘uthmānı̄ āna zadiy jang mabo ası̄r u ‘abı̄d gird farang mabo

- The Ottoman Empire will fall in the war - They will all be prisoners and slaves of the Farang40

• Conquest of Iraq and Hejaz (1916–1918) • Occupation of Palestine (1918 or maybe 1935 or 1948) • Great War (the First World War 1914–1918)

wa dasti farang wa zinjı̄r mabo

- People from the Hejaz and Iraq will be all captured - The Europeans will put them in chains

filistı̄n wa dast yahūd gı̄r mabo musilmāni khās har zūr mabo har yak ja ziydish tār u mār mabo

- Palestine will be conquered by the Jews - Good Muslims will be constantly oppressed - They will be kicked out of their birth country

zı̄ndigı̄ parı̄sh zhār u mār mabo farang jau kāta wa sarwar mabo

- Life will become bitter like snake venom - The Europeans will be rulers at this time

musilman ja zhı̄n har biywar mabo

- Muslims will not receive any fortune

ḥijāz u ‘arāq gisht ası̄r mabo

 Europeans.

40

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

91

• Great War (the First World War 1914–1918) jang u kishmakish ji gird lā mabo

- War and battle will start everywhere

wārāni āhir chun balā mabo niy kishmakisha farang pı̄roz mabo

- Rain of fire will come like a plague - Europeans will win in this struggle

pı̄rūzı̄ awwal parı̄ gird huz mabo

- First all groups will win

ji yik lā marg u yik lā qātı̄ bo

- Death will come on one side and hunger on the other - it will be an ominous day for Muslims

parı̄ musalmān roy nahātı̄ bo

• Great War (the Cold War 1945–1990) dū sarı̄ dunyā au ru bar bar bo

- The world will be divided into two camps41

khaylı̄ ja mardum yak yak har qar bo

- Many people will be sacrificed in many places at once (at the same time)

dū sarı̄ dunyā sangi barbaran

- The two sides of the world are like a sharp stone

• Nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki (1945) ja bandarı̄ mau sarbāz chap u rās balā nāzil bū na dū shāri khās aurāk u āzār mayo piy mardum mardum ja dalı̄ dū gird mauwān gum awand kushta bo nau harā u halma

- Soldiers from the right and left will arrive in a port - There will be catastrophes in two good cities - Hunger and sickness will hunt people - People will disappear under the smoke - Many will die in this fire and doom

• Construction of the Berlin Wall (1961) rūs u farang bo wı̄niy khashārı̄ dı̄wārı̄ manan na dauri shārı̄

 Blocks.

41

- The Russians and the Europeans will be humiliated - They will build a wall around the city

92 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

• Constitutional revolution in Iran (1905–1911) or reign of Rezā Shāh Pahlavi (1925–1941) yak wāı ̄y mayū yānı̄ ka shamāl

- A wind will blow from the north

bı̄ bāl u bāldār har dū madū bāl

- He gives anyone who is winged or wingless, the wings (to fly) - A general will come and he will overthrow the king - He will humiliate all oppressors and make them helpless

sardārı̄ mayū shā nigūn karo 8. gird sitamkārān au zabūn karo

• Reign of Rezā Shāh Pahlavi (1925–1941) yikı̄ piydā mau ji ı̄ rūzigār mardum makarū au zār u zigār

- In this era someone will appear - that humiliates people and makes them powerless

zhinān, kināchān sarpatı̄ karo girdı̄n jūwānān wa bı̄ rā baro

- He will remove the veils and headscarves from the women's heads - He will put all young people on the wrong path

ı̄rān bi wı̄nay shār farang karo

- He will make Iran like a country of the Farang

har jā mawı̄nı̄ rangārang karo

- everywhere, that you look, he has made them beautiful and colorful. - But he will control people by force of arms

ammā au chanı̄ mardum jangash bo

• Lors rebellion under command of Qadam Kheyre Fili, her husband, and brothers (1927–1932) zhanı̄ kurd mayū ja wı̄zha kurdān mastı̄zū chanı̄ shā ja sar hardān parı̄ haqa ram mastı̄zū ja ku nāmish barmashū ja sar dālāho

- A heroine will appear among the Kurds - She will fight the King on the tops of mountains - She fights for right(s) on the mountain - Her name will be known on Mount Dālahū

• Iran-Iraq war (1980–1988) mau wa rastākhı̄z42 ‘arāq u ı̄rān

- There will be war in Iran and Iraq

42  The word rastākhı ̄z means “resurrection” but is usually used in folklore to mean events that are unusual, as well as war.

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

93

• Gas attack on Halabja (1988) yārān na jangı̄ khiylı̄ kushti bo hūn wı̄nı̄ lāfāu ja zām rishti bo yak balāy ‘aẓı ̄m piy kurdān mayo ı̄ balā chūn dū na hardān mayo

- Oh Yārān! Many people will be killed in a war - Blood will flow like a flood in the world - A major catastrophe will happen to the Kurds - And this catastrophe will go through the mountainous region like smoke

• The Cold War (1945–1990) dū sarı̄ dunyā sangi barbaran dhulfaqār dayāran dāyim na saran

- The two sides of the world are like a sharp stone - The sharp sword Dhulfeqār is hidden from the eyes

• Iraq and Kuwait War (1990–1991)

kash u ko u dasht wı̄niy dū mabo

- There will be screams from the East - Arabs will drown in the river Nile - Darkness, steam, and fog will cover Iraq - The great earthquake of anger will happen there - The smoke will cover everything

āna gird parı̄ zar u sū mabo dū daryāyi ‘aẓı ̄m siyā rang mabo

- Everything will happen for gold and profit - Two large seas will turn black

nasuki mashriq qāl u qı̄l mabo tājı̄kān gharı̄q daryāyi nı̄l mabo na khāki ‘arāq tam u tār mabo zilziliy ‘azı̄m qahri qār mabo

• Battle of Gallipoli (1915–1916) and The Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923) isamul barbād da’wā yiksar bo tā turkı̄ na rūm bikhı̄z u wa qār

- There will be a war in Istanbul - The Turks will start an uprising in Roman Country

In this text, some events are quite clear and some are incomprehensible. These unclear parts are actually metaphors which refer to historical events. The author of this chapter has explained them in detail in the translation and description sections. After extracting the historical information, the second step is the verification of traditional claims of dating the texts. For this purpose, the following two questions must be answered.

94 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

Does the Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās, as the Yārsāns claim, belong to the eighteenth century? Is the historical information about the eighteenth century in this text correct? Here, the Yārsāns’ claim is considered a “P” proposition. If that “P” is true, its Negation [not P or ~P] is not true. The Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās belongs to the eighteenth century = P The Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās does not belong to the eighteenth century = ~P Negation:

P

~P

T F

F T

Silence of the Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās about the time interval between Shāh Abbās II and Nāder Shāh from the middle of the seventeenth century to the early eighteenth century43, wrong information about Nāder Shāh’s murder, use of the word “ālmānı ̄” in the text. While we know Germany was founded in 1871, the use of the military term “mortar,” which has been widely used in armies since the beginning of the twentieth century, proves that the proposition P is not true. As a result, its negation is true. The Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās belongs to the eighteenth century The Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās does not belong to the eighteenth century

P ~P

F T

The prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq do not contain a single prophecy or reference to the events during the life of its poet in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This is like the silence about the other kings between the reign of Shāh Abbās II and the reign of Nāder Shāh in the Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās. It is probably close to the fact that the poets of the two texts were not from this time and had no knowledge about this period. So far it has been shown that both texts do not belong to the claimed period. Therefore, the claim of the Yārsāns about both texts was rejected. It means the claim is not reliable and that hypothesis “α” is refuted. Can a new conjecture or hypothesis be imagined as “β”? Research on both texts shows that more events of the twentieth century can be found in both texts both metaphorically and in the form of explicit  Kelley, “The Art of Reasoning,” 264.

43

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

95

references. These references include: the First World War (1914–1918); the famine (1912); the mention of mortar (as a weapon in the twentieth century); the end of the war and the return of the prisoners of war (1919–1920); the heterodoxy or Reform of Nur-Ali Elahi (1920–1974); the reign of Ahmad Shāh Qājār (1909–1925); the occupation of Iran by the Allies (1941); the war in Europe (1939–1945); the reign and abdication of Rezā Shāh (1925–1941) in Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās; the massacre of farmers and workers in Russia (1905); the revolution in Russia (1917); the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War (1918); the conquest of Iraq and Hejaz (1916–1918); the occupation of Palestine (1918 or maybe 1935 or 1948); the First World War (1914–1918); the Cold War (1945–1990); the nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki (1945); the construction of the Berlin wall (1961); the constitutional revolution in Iran (1905–1911); the reign of Rezā Shāh Pahlavi (1925–1941); the Lors rebellion under the command of Qadam Kheyre Fili, her husband, and brothers (1927–1932); the Iran-Iraq war (1980–1988); the conquest of Baghdad (1917); the gas attack on Halabja (1988); the Cold War (1945–1990); the Iraq and Kuwait War (1990–1991); the battle of Gallipoli (1915–1916); and the Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923) in the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq. As can be seen, there is clear evidence from both texts to support the writing of the two texts in the twentieth century as supporting the “β” hypotheses. As can be seen, there are common historical events in both texts. These events form the common core of the two texts based on time. According to this, applying set theory can show the approximate time of inventing the texts. The Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās covers historical events from 1633 to 1945, in which some events are repeated (Chart 5.1)  and the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq covers historical events from 1905 to 1991, in which some events are also repeated (Chart 5.2). As mentioned above, these two texts have common events (Chart 5.3). Consider both texts as two separate sets, each with a separate subset of different data. If we call Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās set (A) and then the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq set (B) and every data in the set (x,y,z,..) then we have for each set: A = { x , y, z,... : x ∈ A and y ∈ A and z ∈ A and,….. } Set A is equal to all members (x, y, z,..): every x belongs to A and every y belongs to A and every z belongs to A. ∈ = belongs to

96 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

Chart 5.1  The events of Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās can be shown in the chart below based on the time of their occurrence

Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās = {The First World War, the famine (1912), the mention of mortar,… : The First World War ∈ Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās and the famine (1912) ∈ Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās and,….} B = { o, p, q,… : o ∈ B and p ∈ B and q ∈ B and,….. } The prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq = {The massacre of farmers and workers in Russia (1905), the revolution in Russia (1917), the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War (1918),….: The massacre of farmers and workers in Russia (1905) ∈ the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq and Revolution in Russia (1917) ∈ the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq and the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War (1918) ∈ the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq and,…..} We also have for recurring events: x = (x1, ..., xn) y = (y1, ..., yn) z = (z1, ..., zn)

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

97

Chart 5.2  The events in the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq can be shown in the chart below based on the time of their occurrence

Every recurring of a member in the text takes number to (n) recurring. Simple: x = The First World War and x = (The First World War1,….., The First World Warn) In Chart 5.1, the vertical axis indicates the number of repetitions of events in the text and the horizontal axis indicates the time the events took place. Increasing the repetition of an event increases its length on the vertical axis. Also in Chart 5.2, the vertical axis indicates the number of repetitions of events in the text and the horizontal axis indicates the time the events took place. The intersection of the two sets A and B, denoted by A ∩ B, is the set containing the elements of A that also belong to B. A ∩ B = { x : x ∈ A and x ∈ B } = AB etc. with y, z,... It means: the intersection of Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās and the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq includes the members that belong to both (Dı ̄wān-i

98 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

Chart 5.3  The chart below is the result of intersection of the two sets based on the time and of their occurrence:

Khān-i Almās and prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq) such as the First World War and the reign and abdication of Rezā Shāh. As can be seen, the two collections have common points and content between 1905 and 1941 (indicated by the darker brown area) (Chart 5.3). This means that the core of the two texts was created at the same time. A look at the history of academic research on Yārsān reveals that this year (1905) marked the beginning of the collection and study of Yārsān religious texts by academics (Minorsky).

Conclusion In this chapter, by using a historical-critical method of dating the text and the intersection of set theory, two religious texts (Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās and prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq) of Yārsān were examined. According to our knowledge, this is the first time that such an approach has been used

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

99

for the religious texts of the Yārsān. The two texts, Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās and the prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq, cover some of the historical events of the seventeenth and twentieth centuries and the twentieth century respectively. Believers in this religion believe that these historical events were predicted in these texts. The Dı ̄wān-i Khān-i Almās’s information about the events before 1850 is often inaccurate. The rest of the information is from 1850 to 1941 and in one case from as recently as 1974. The prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq’s information is about events from 1905 to 1991. This information was discontinued in 1941 and resumed in 1945, indicating the work of two different individuals. Based on the above calculation, both texts have a common core of information. The information in this common nucleus (1905–1941) is more accurate than the other parts. The claim of the traditional narrative that the two texts and their content are very old is not confirmed and is not reliable. The results show that the two texts were created much later. My suggestion for dating the both texts is after 1905. In future studies, the same methodology can be used to verify and date the other texts of the Yārsān and Yazidis religions and any religious text claiming to prophesize the future. Acknowledgment  This chapter is a summary of some sections of the full PhD dissertation by Mr. Alireza Zahedi Moghadam. This dissertation was prepared under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Kreyenbroek and it was submitted to Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Göttingen, Germany in 2018. It was successfully defended in 2019. The financial support was provided for this research from the Soudavar Foundation from October 1, 2008 to September 30, 2013 and from the Graduate School of Humanities Göttingen (GSGG) from December 1, 2013 to May 1, 2014.

References Almās Khān-i Kanūleı ̄. (1997). Diwa ̄n-i Kha ̄n-i Alma ̄s. Handwritten, proofread, and translated by Seyed Khalil ʿAlinezhād. Almās Khān-i Kanūleı ̄. (2000). Dı ̄wan̄ -i Khān-i Almās. Handwritten by Kāk ʿAziz Pānāhı ̄ Tūtshāmı ̄. Collins, J.  J. (1998). The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co..

100 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

Collins, J.  J. (2014). What is apocalyptic literature? In The Oxford Handbook of Apocalyptic Literature. Oxford University Press. Crone, P. in “Islam: The Untold Story.” (2012). Channel 4 UK Documentary, YouTube video, 1:11:34, 18:07–18:37. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=LNihITTZ5HE. Darvı ̄sh Ojāq Gahwareh. (1989). Pı ̄shgū’ı ̄haȳ e Darvı ̄sh Oja ̄q (Prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq). Handwritten by Bahram Tarkehı ̄ Gahwareh. Darvı ̄sh Ojāq Gahwareh. (2002). Pı ̄shgu ̄’ı ̄hāye Darvı ̄sh Ojāq (Prophecies of Darvı ̄sh Ojāq). Ṣadı ̄q Ṣafı ̄zāde, trans. Tehran: Ashyaneketab. de Gobinaeu, J.  A. (1922). Trois ans en Asie, 1855 à 1858, 2 Vols. (Published 1859). Hachette. Geranpayeh, B. (2006). Yārıstān—die Freunde der wahrheit: Religion und texteeiner vorderasiatischen glaubensgemeinschaft. Dissertation zur Erlangung des philosophischen Doktorgrades an der Philosophischen Fakultät der Georg-­ August-­Universität Göttingen. Hamzeh’ee, M.  R. (1990). The Yaresan: A Sociological, Historical and Religio-­ historical Study of a Kurdish Community. Klaus Schwarz Verlag. Ivanow, W. (1948). An Ali-Ilahi fragment. Collectanea I. Brill. Ivanow, W. (1953). The Truth-Worshippers of Kurdistan: Ahl-i Haqq Texts. Brill. Kelley, D. (2014). The Art of Reasoning: An Introduction to Logic and Critical Thinking. W.W. Norton & Co.. Kreyenbroek, P. G. (2002). Modern Sects with Ancient Roots: The Yezidis and Ahl-e Haqq of Kurdistan. In P.  Godrej & F.  Punthakey Mistree (Eds.), A Zoroastrian Tapestry: Art, Religion & Culture. Mapin Publishing. Kreyenbroek, P. G. (2010a). Orality and Religion in Kurdistan: The Yezidi and Ahl-e Haqq Traditions. In Kreyenbroek, & Marzolph (Ed.), Oral Literature of Iranian Languages: Kurdish, Pashto, Balochi, Ossetic, Persian and Tajik: Companion Volume II: History of Persian Literature. I.B. Tauris. Kreyenbroek, P. G. (2010b). Zoroastrianism Under the Achaemenians: A Non-­ essentialist Approach. In J.  Curtis & S.  J. Simpson (Eds.), The World of Achaemenid Persia: History, Art and Society in the Ancient Near East. Bloomsbury Academic. Kreyenbroek, P.  G. (2014). The Yāresān of Kurdistan. In K.  Omarkhali (Ed.), Religious Minorities in Kurdistan: Beyond the Mainstream. Harrassowitz Verlag. Kreyenbroek, P.  G. (2017). Some Remarks on the Early History of the Ahl-e Ḥ aqq. In S.  Raei (Ed.), Islamic Alternatives: Non-Mainstream Religion in Persianate Societies. Harrassowitz Verlag. Kreyenbroek, P.  G., & Chaman Ara, B. (2013). Literary Gurani: Koinè or Continuum? In H. Bozarslan & C. Scalbert-Yucel (Eds.), Joyce Blau l’éternelle chez les Kurdes. French Institute for Anatolian Studies. Kreyenbroek, P. G., & Kanakis, Y. (2020). “God First and Last”: On the Religion and Music of the Yaresan of Guran (Vol. 1). Harrassowitz Verlag.

5  TEXT DATING IN YĀ RSĀ N STUDIES: DĪ WĀ N-I KHĀ N-I ALMĀ S… 

101

Layard, Austen H. (1853). Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon: With Travels in Armenia and Babylonia. Digitized and published by Cambridge University, 2010. Mahmoudveysi, P. (2016). The meter and the literary language of Gūrānı ̄ poetry. Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades der Doktorin der Philosophie an der Fakultät für Geisteswissenschaften der Universität Hamburg Asien-Afrika-Institut. Minorsky, V. (1920). Notes sur la secte des Ahlé Haqq. Revue du Monde Musulman 40/41. Minorsky, V. (1921). Notes sur la secte des Ahlé Haqq II. Revue du Monde Musulman 44/5. Minorsky, V. (1928). Etudes sur les Ahl-i Haqq. RHR 97. Minorsky, V. (1943). The Guran. BSOAS 11. Minorsky, V. (1953). Verses in Turkish. In W. Ivanow (Ed.), The Truth-Worshippers of Kurdistan: Ahl-i Haqq Texts. Brill. Minorsky, V. (1954). Un Poème Ahl-i Haqq en Turk. In F. Meier (Ed.), Westöstliche Abhandlungen Rudolph Tschudi zum siebzigsten Geburtstag überreicht von Freunden und Schülern. Harrassowitz Verlag. Minorsky, V. (1960). Ahl-i Ḥ aḵḵ. In H. A. R. Gibb, et al. (Eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition). Leiden and London: Brill. Moossa, M. (1988). Extremist Shiites, The Ghulat Sects. Syracuse University Press. Oxford Lexico. n.d. Apocalypse. https://www.lexico.com/definition/apocalypse. Rawlinson, M. (1939). Notes on a march from Zohab to Kirmanshah, in the year 1836. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society. London: Wiley. Sheil, M.  L. W. (1856). Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia. William Clowes and Sons. Spinoza Baruch. (1670). Treatise on Theology and Politics. Jonathan Bennett, ed. https://www.earlymoderntexts.com/assets/pdfs/spinoza1669.pdf. 2017. Stead, F. M. (1932). The Ali Ilahi sect in Persia. The Muslim World, 22(2), 1. Vali, Sh. (2011). Les Yârsâns: Aspects Mythologiques—Aspects Doctrinaux. Paris. Vali, Sh. (2012). La littérature religieuse des Kurdes Yarsan, E tudes Kurdes no XI: La Littérature Kurde. Harmattan, ed. No 11. Paris. Vali, Sh. Şubat-Mart. (2014). “Yarsan ve Yezidi Kürtlerin Yazılı Edebiyatı (Written Literature of Yārsān and Yezidi Kurds),” Kürt Tarihi, sayı 11. Vali, Sh. (2016). “Nasandina Gişti ya Edebiyata Dînî ya Kurdên Yarsanî” (General Introduction to the Religious Literature of the Yārsān Kurds), (Werger ji Frensî- Sevda Orak Reşitoğlu), Nûbihar Akademi, jimar 5, sal 3. Vali, Sh. (2017). “Ehl-i Hak Kürtlerin Dini Edebiyatı, Kürt Edebiyatı, (Religious Literature of the Kurds of the People of the Right, Kurdish Literature)” Yazarlar: Joyce Blau, Sandrine Alexie, Shahab Vali, Amr Taher Ahmed Ahmad, Hashimzadeh, Estelle Amy de la Bréteque, Geoffrey Haig, Mustafa Dehqan, ̇ Fransızcadan Çeviren: Heval Bucak, Istanbul: Avesta Yay.

102 

A. Z. MOGHADAM

Vali, Sh. (2019?). Antolojiya Edebiyata Kurdên Yarsan (Anthology of Kurdish ̇ Literature in Ya ̄rsa ̄n). Istanbul: Avesta. van Bruinessen, M. (1992a). Haji Bektash, Sultan Sahak, Shah Mina Sahib and various avatars of a running wall. Turcica XXI-XXIII, 55–69. van Bruinessen, M. (1992b). Agha, Shaikh and State: The Social and Political Structures of Kurdistan. Zed Books Ltd. van Bruinessen, M. (1995). When Haji Bektash Still Bore the Name of Sultan Sahak: Notes on the Ahl-e Haqq of the Guran District. In A.  Popovitch & G. Veinstein (Eds.), Bektachiyya: études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachi et les groupes relevant de Haji Bektach. Les Editions Isis. van Bruinessen, M. (2009). Ahl-i Ḥ aqq. In K.  Fleet, G.  Krämer, D.  Matringe, J. Nawas, & E. Rowson (Eds.), The Encyclopedia of Islam (3rd ed.). Brill. van Bruinessen, M. (2014). Veneration of Satan among the Ahl-e Haqq of the Gūrān region. Fritillaria Kurdica: Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 3/4, 1. van Bruinessen, M. (2017). Between Dersim and Dālāhu: Reflections on Kurdish Alevism and the Ahl-e Ḥ aqq religion. In S.  Raei (Ed.), Islamic Alternatives: Non-Mainstream Religion in Persianate Societies. Harrassowitz Verlag.

CHAPTER 6

The Mystery of Essence and the Essence of Mystery: Yezidi and Yaresan Cosmogonies in the Light of the Kitab al-Tawasin Artur Rodziewicz

Behold I am you; […] I am the light of lights […] I am a light of your lights, you love me. I existed before both heavens and earth, before Adam; all of these are my creations.1 Fragment of a poem attributed to Sheikh Adi

The preparation of this chapter was supported by the National Science Centre (Poland), through research grant No. 2019/33/B/HS2/00397. I would like to express my gratitude to Peter Nicolaus, who has repeatedly supported me with his knowledge and enthusiasm during my research and devoted his valuable time to reading the draft of this chapter. I also thank Martin van Bruinessen for his comments and interesting discussion about the symbolism of the peacock. 1

 Frayha, 1946, pp. 38–40.

A. Rodziewicz (*) Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 S. B. Hosseini (ed.), Yari Religion in Iran, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1_6

103

104 

A. RODZIEWICZ

The Yezidis and the Yaresan, two mystical communities from Iraqi and Iranian Kurdistan, have preserved and passed down from generation to generation the story about a Pearl, from which a formal and material manifestation of God—the universe—emerged. Although these communities do not maintain contact with each other and their mutual knowledge of their respective religions is scarce, the strikingly similar cosmogonical myths present in both traditions encourage the assumption that they share a common source. In this chapter, I describe these similarities in regard to the first stages of these cosmogonical myths and point out their relationship with the thought of Husayn ibn Mansur (Hallaj), especially the thought that took the shape of Kitab al-Tawasin. Through this, I endeavor to find an answer to the question concerning one of the vaguest elements of the metaphysics and theology of both of these religions: What happened in the Pearl at the very beginning of the formation of the world?

Between Zoroastrianism and Islam Scholars involved in studies on Yezidism and Yaresanism usually attempt to explain the mysterious elements of these belief systems by seeking references to the old religions of ancient Iran. There is, for instance, far less research on the links between Yezidism and Islam and ghulat sects.2 Thus, it is that the common elements of the cosmogonies of these two religions with Zoroastrianism and Mithraism that are highlighted most frequently.3 Moreover, some parallels with Manichaeism4 and Gnosticism5 have also been suggested. There is no doubt that there are numerous much more far-reaching analogies that might be made here, in particular to Platonism (which, by the way, strongly influenced the concepts mentioned above),6

 Cf. Guidi (1932 and 1933); Ivanow (1953, pp. 69–74); Moosa (1988).  A Taufiq Wahby’s book (1962) is of particular importance here. After him Philip Kreyenbroek (1992) followed the same ideas emphasizing the convergence between Binyamin’s Pact and Mithra as a deity associated with the sun and contracts. In his opinion, the Yaresan origins lay in the Iranian non-Zoroastrian tradition, but their cosmogony “resembles the Yezidi myth of creation so closely that must undoubtedly go back to the same original myth” which “shows clear parallels to the Zoroastrian creation myth” (Kreyenbroek 2020, p. 81). See also Ivanow (1953, pp. 33–41); Hamzeh’ee (1990, pp. 76–89). 4  Minorsky (1960, p. 263); Spät (2010, pp. 49–53). 5  Cf. Spät (2010). 6  Cf. Rodziewicz (2014 and 2016). 2 3

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

105

which, in turn, did not develop from the void, but in reference to some earlier theories. Presently, there are many Yezidis who present themselves with a great deal of certainty as heirs to Mithraism, and one can also hear Yaresan referring to themselves as Zoroastrians. However, very often these statements do not stem so much from their knowledge of Mithraism and Zoroastrianism or their insight into their own religion, but from their attempts to prove the “ancient roots.” Additionally, this search overlaps with the politically motivated quest to find the “ancient religion” of all Kurds. In the case of the Yezidis, there is also another factor, namely their desire that their “ancient religion” has as little as possible in common with Islam, to which they feel an increasing aversion the more they are discriminated against and murdered by its representatives.7 Thus, due to the geopolitical situation of the Yezidis and their complicated relations with the Kurds, both between prominent members of their communities and between common Yezidi people of different castes and common Kurds, accusations are voiced more and more frequently that their famous leader Sheikh Adi (d. AD 1162/3) deformed or even falsified their original ancient beliefs and, together with Sheikh Hasan (d. AD 1245/6 or 1254), tried to Arabize and Islamize them. In addition, there is a shortage of research into the relationship between Christians on one hand and Yezidis and Yaresan on the other, including the relationship between their religions and Christian theology.8 It is even more perplexing in the view of the fact that both these communities adduce their links with Christianity. Most often this is related to the recognition of Jesus Christ as a great mystic who was saved from the cross by the Peacock Angel.9 In addition, I have encountered an opinion among the Yezidis that His description in the New Testament “is distorted.” When it comes to the Yaresan tradition, Jesus Christ is considered to be the incarnation of Benyamin. In Dawra-y Diwan-a-Gawra, it is stated directly: 207.     Binyamin déclare:    En ce moment, je suis Binyam (…)    J’ai été Jésus, Jésus fils de Marie.10 7  For the recent onslaught of Muslim fundamentalists cf. Nicolaus and Yuce (2017, pp. 196–229). 8  On Christian influences on Yaresanism, see Ivanow (1953, pp. 48–57). 9  Cf. Browski (1889, p. 478); cf. Layard (1849, p. 292 and 298). 10  Dawra-y Diwana-Gawra, 186–187.

106 

A. RODZIEWICZ

This affiliation was mentioned in 1932 by the American missionary, Francis M. Stead, who wrote: “My host told me that Benjamin, whom his people all worship, is only another name for Christ. He said that the ‘Ali Ilahis in Persia were originally Christians. At the time of the Mohammedan conquest they were forced to change their religion. The name, Benjamin, meaning the Son of the Right Hand, was substituted for Christ, and in using the name Benjamin, the people mean to imply the Son of God. (…) They accept readily the doctrine of the Deity of Christ, and when we speak of Him as the Son of God, will often remark, ‘We say He is God Himself.’”11 As this chapter does not offer enough space for thorough analysis, let us only remark that even the fragment of the Christian Creed adopted during the First Council of Nicaea in 325, before the Great Schism, comprises numerous elements that are close to both Yaresanism and Yezidism: We believe in one God, the Father All Governing, Maker of all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten from the Father, the only-begotten; that is, from the essence of the Father, God from God, Light from Light, true God from true God, begotten, not made, being of-same-essence with the Father; by whom all things came into being, both in heaven and in earth; who for us men, and for our salvation, came down and was incarnate and became-in-human12 …13

Here, certain principles are directly formulated that are present both in Yezidism and in Yaresanism: faith in an all-sovereign God, who created both the corporeal and incorporeal reality, and in the person that came out of His Essence, in the same way the light comes from the light, and that has the same essence as He has, therefore both Him and the said person can be called “true God.” This person, as a demiurge, caused the creation of the universe (both the things “in heaven” and “in earth”), and then became incarnated in a human body.  Stead (1932, p. 185).  Liddell and Scott translate ἐνανθρωπέω as “put on man’s nature” (1996, p. 554); cf. Lampe (1961, pp. 462–463). 13  “Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεόν, πατέρα παντοκράτορα, πάντων ὁρατῶν τε καὶ ἀοράτων ποιητήν, και εἰς ἕνα κύριον ’Ιησοῦν Χριστόν, τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ θεοῦ, γεννηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς μονογενῆ, τουτέστιν ἐκ τῆς ουσίας τοῦ Πατρός, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, φως ἐκ φωτός, Θεὸν ἀληθινὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ ἀληθινοῦ, γεννηθέντα οὐ ποιηθέντα, ὁμοούσιον τῷ πατρί, δι’ οὗ τὰ πάντα εγένετο, τά τε ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ γῇ, τον δι’ ἡμας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ δια την ἡμετέραν σωτηρίαν κατελθόντα καὶ σαρκωθέντα, ἐνανθρωπήσαντα…” (Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum 1927, 12–13); tr. A. R. Cf. with Nestorius’s version of the Nicene Creed: Connolly (1915). 11 12

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

107

However, instead of reaching far back into the past, it is worth looking into the relationship between Yezidism and Yaresanism and the religion that is nearest to them in space and time, namely Islam. This is because among the many religious traditions that have reached Kurdistan and influenced the local myths about the beginning of the world, the cosmogonic views of some representatives of Islam, including those whom orthodox Muslims considered heretics, deserve particular attention. Husayn ibn Mansur (b. 858, executed in AD 922) from the Fars region in Iran, should be mentioned as the most important here. The concepts developed by this mystic and martyr, to whom the famous statement “Ana’l-Haqq” (“I am the Truth”) is attributed, had a strong impact on Sufism and on the environment in which Yezidism was born, from where they could then have influenced the Yaresan, who profess views similar to those of the Yezidis. Husayn ibn Mansur plays a significant role in Yezidism. In the Yaresan tradition he is mentioned in various stories as one of the manifestations of the four angels in the times of Ma’refat, namely the one that also emerged as Shams Tabrizi and Dāwūd. The reference to Hallaj’s views in the context of studies on the Yezidi and Yaresan cosmogonies seems to be justified for at least three reasons. Firstly, there are clear analogies to his descriptions of primordial Muhammad and Azazil/Iblis in the Yezidi and Yaresan cosmogonies. Secondly, unlike for instance Zoroaster, Mani, or Ali ibn Abu Talib, Hallaj is considered one of the Yezidi holy men, to whom they even dedicated individual sacred hymns (qewls), which shows that he is particularly important to them.14 Thirdly, if we take into consideration his missionary activity in Kurdistan (the area of Kermanshah),15 it is reasonable to assume that the impact of his thought on the inhabitants of this territory and the memory of him might have been stronger than in the case of other mystics. The links between Hallaj’s views and Yezidism have already been highlighted by Louis Massignon, author of monumental La passion d’al-­ Hosayn-­ibn-Mansour al-Hallaj (1922) and editor of his Kitab al-Tawasin (1913). Massignon was intrigued in particular by the coincidence of what was considered to be the Yezidi views on Satan with the content of this treatise, and also by the cult of Hallaj among the Yezidis. In his paper, Al-Hallâj, le phantasme crucifié des Docètes et Satan selon les Yézidis (1911), 14  Kurmanji text and English translation of the Qewlê Husêyînî Helac and Qewlê Hellacê Mensûr in Aloian (2008, pp. 105–120); cf. Omarkhali (2017, pp. 430–431). 15  He visited, among others, Dinawar and Nihawand (Massignon 1982a, pp. 162–164).

108 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Massignon expressed his surmise that “it is Kitab al-Tawasin and more generally the Corpus Hallagiacum of the Hallajiyah zanadiqah of Baghdad, which is the origin of the ideas of the Yezidis on Satan.”16 Unfortunately, he was not able to elaborate on his hypothesis, as he did not know the Yezidis’ qewls, and his knowledge of their religion was not sufficient to investigate these parallels in detail. Another scholars who noticed the influence of Hallaj’s thought on Yezidis’ beliefs was the famous Kurdologist Celîlê Celîl, who published one of the versions of the Yezidi Qewlê Husêyînî Helac (1989), and Zorabê Aloian, author of the monograph titled Religious and Philosophical Ideas of Shaikh ‘Adi b. Musafir (2008), who even refers to the Yezidis as the “Khallaji Kurds,” who he sees as the Hallaj’s followers, who escaped into the Kurdish mountains. In his opinion, the fact that Adi chose Kurdistan as his area of activity was an intentional act of following in Hallaj’s footsteps from the times when Hallaj attempted to convert local tribes in Khorasan.17 The links between Hallaj and Yezidism were also discussed by Victoria Arakelova in her paper on the Yezidi hymn Qewlê Husêyînî Helac (2001).

The Yezidis and the Yaresan The Yezidis and the Yaresan share much more than the vision of the beginning of the world.18 Similarities can be found not only in the area of metaphysics, but also in the social structure, in the sacral function of music instruments, and even in the appearance, as many Yezidi and Yaresan men remain faithful to the religious prohibition on shaving their moustache. These resemblances arise mainly from the similar metaphysical assumptions (metaphysics understood as a general concept of the incorporeal reality) and the religious system based thereupon that are the organizing factors in the lives of the Yezidis and the Yaresan. Both these communities emerged from mystical brotherhoods, strongly influenced by wandering dervishes and the local beliefs of the Iraqi and Iranian Kurdistan peoples. Over time, they developed into independent religions, and in the case of the Yezidis, into an ethno-religious group or  Massignon (1911, p. 204; tr. A. R.).  Aloian (2008, pp. 71–75). 18   On the comparisons between Yezidism and Yaresanism, see: Hamzeh’ee (1990, pp. 121–124); Kreyenbroek (2010 and 2015); Omarkhali (2009–2010). 16 17

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

109

even a nation.19 Despite numerous similarities, this is a differentiating ­element for these two groups, because the Yaresan, unlike the Yezidis, treat affiliation with their religion as a mental state that is independent of ethnos. A respected figure of the Gorani Yaresan, Sayyed Fereidoun Hosseini (son of Sayyed Wali Hosseini) said, when discussing the “four pillars” of Yaresanism, that is, “Purity and Truthfulness and Non-existence and Acceptance” (Paki-o Rasti-o Nist-i Reda): “anyone who follows those four things is a Yār, whether he is a German or an Iranian. (…) My father used to say that some people may be Yaresan without knowing it.”20 The Yezidis hold an entirely different approach to this matter and remain faithful to their rigorous ban on exogamy. One has to be born as a Yezidi to be a Yezidi, there is no other way to become one. Yezidi anthropogonical myths present them as a separate nation that is the only one not to have its origins in Adam and Eve, but only in Adam and his miraculously born son called Shahid ben Jarr.21 Unlike the Yezidis, who have established their own political and religious authorities, the Yaresan community is composed of independent groups or confederations of groups. Moreover, as a result of theological differences, their community has divided into two different “camps.” The first one, which invokes the “old” religious tradition, is linked to the Goran region in the Kermanshah province in Iran. The other group, often referred to as the reform movement, highlights the role of Ali in the religious cult and is influenced by Iranian Shi’ism—actually, it is even defined as one of its branches.22 Thus, unlike the Yezidis, the Yaresan are not a homogenous community, but one which is internally divided. The split is related to Hajj Nematollah Jeyhounabadi (born in Jeyhounabad, near Kermanshah, d. AD 1920) and his followers, who mainly influenced the Yaresan from outside of the Goran area, both from other areas in Iran but also from abroad, for instance, the United States. First, they blended the old tradition with Twelver Shi’sim, and second, they made it significantly easier to convert to Yaresanism. Although it had been admissible before, religious conversion was a rare occurrence.23  Cf. Rodziewicz (2018a and 2018b); Nicolaus and Yuce (2019).  Kreyenbroek (2020, p. 74); cf. Hosseini (2020, pp. 51–62). 21  Spät (2002 and 2010, pp. 327–268); Rodziewicz (2018a, pp. 287–292). 22  Cf. Hosseini (2020, p. 145). 23  Stead (1932, pp.  188–189); Mir-Hosseini (1997); Kreyenbroek (2020, pp.  37–38); Hamzeh’ee (1990, pp. 204–205); During (1998, p. 118). 19 20

110 

A. RODZIEWICZ

As this division also applies to theology, the Gorani Yaresan, distancing themselves from the modernist teachings of the Jeyhounabadist community, are much closer to the original beliefs that influenced the Yaresan religion than the reformers, who sought rapprochement with Shiism and the Iranian religious authorities. The views of the Yaresan of the Guran area are also much closer to Yezidism. Therefore, when I write in this chapter about the similarities between the cosmogonies and theologies of the Yaresan and the Yezidis, I will first of all refer to the concepts that are characteristic for the Yaresan of the Goran area, which are preserved in their oldest religious works. In both cases, the primary source of research into the cosmogony of these religions is the oral tradition, which has taken the form of sacred hymns. These texts have a special status and are treated with great reverence in both religions. It is in the Yezidi qewls and Yaresan kalāms that the oldest references to the creation of the world which are known to these communities have been preserved. The most important qewls were composed in the Kurmanji dialect of the Kurdish language, probably around the thirteenth century, whereas the most important kalāms were probably created several hundred years later (starting from the fifteenth or sixteenth century) in the language of the Goran region, that is, Gorani, which plays the role of the sacred language of the Yaresan community. It should be added here that, apart from the similar character of these religious works, Yezidism and Yaresanism also share one aspect that is related to music. Namely, in both these communities the musical instruments accompanying the performance of some of these hymns are considered sacred, and a deep metaphysical background is attributed to them—in Yezidism these are the def (tambourine) and the shibab (flute), and in Yaresanism—the tanbur.24 Recitation of these hymns and their oral transmission is particularly important in Yezidism, because the followers of this religion did not use writing for centuries, as it was considered a sin. Only one family of sheikhs belonging to the Sheikh Hasan lineage was exempted from this ban. Yaresanism never developed a similar taboo, and therefore its writing tradition is longer and more voluminous. The oldest qewls are treated with pious reverence by the Yezidis, their status being comparable to the holy scriptures known to other religions.  Cf. Rodziewicz (2020); Hooshmandrad (2004); Fozi (2007).

24

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

111

This particular attitude of the Yezidi people to their oral tradition and to the written word can still be observed, although today almost all the Yezidis are literate. The ban on the use of writing by the Yezidis seems to have originated from a few reasons. First, it allowed them to maintain greater autonomy thanks to their isolation from the influence of the holy books of Islam and Christianity. Second, it confined the religious knowledge to a narrow group of Sheikhs and Pirs, whose expertise had become essential for explaining the hymns to the commoners. Thirdly, it allowed for the concealment of any content that was not intended for anyone outside the Yezidi’s own group. Fourthly, and most importantly, the ban was based on the metaphysical and mystical conviction, fundamental to Yezidism, that the Yezidis, because of their exceptional origin, are in direct and active contact with God and therefore do not need writing as a medium. As the representative of the Iraqi Yezidis, Sheikh Nasser (the Baba Sheikh of these days), stated when he talked with the French Vice Consul in Mosul, Nicolas Siouffi, “we, the spiritual leaders, in a state of inspiration, read what God has written in our hearts, and that is why we do not need books.”25 A similar approach can be observed among the Yaresan, who believe in four main epochs called Shari’at, Tariqat, Ma’refat, and Haqiqat, and they reject the religious requirements of the Shari’at stage (fasting and other rules of Islam), claiming that Muslims are still in the Shari’at epoch, while the Yaresan live in the epoch of Haqiqat, in which they have direct contact with the Truth.26 It is not insignificant here that both Yezidism and Yaresanism were founded as mystical movements. There are some elements which they clearly share with the mystical tradition of Kurdistan (both the Muslim one represented by dervishes and Sufis and the earlier Christian one, represented by local monasticism), which, in the case of the Yezidis, was brought to the extreme, as mysticism became the fundamental principle of the theocratic structure of their society. The central figure in the Yezidi religion is the twelfth century Sunni mystic from the Umayyad family (a leading clan of the Quraysh), called Shikhadi (Şîxadi) and Sheikh Adi (Şêx Adî). His full name, as preserved in the oldest known Yezidi document (a so-called mişûr) dating back to 604 AH (AD 1207/8), is Adi ibn Musafir ibn Zayn ad-Din ibn Ismail ibn  Siouffi (1880, p. 82; tr. A. R.).  Cf. During (1998, p. 119); Kreyenbroek (2020, p. 146).

25 26

112 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Utuba ibn Umaya ibn Yazid ibn Mu’awiya ibn Abu Sufiyan.27 Adi was born in western Syria. He studied in Baghdad, among the most notable Sufis of that period, including in particular Ahmad al-Ghazali (c. AD 1061–1126), a younger brother of Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (AD 1058–1111), and Abdul Qadir Gilani (AD 1078–1166), with whom he developed deep friendships, which became even stronger thanks to their pilgrimage to Mecca. It was probably in Baghdad that Adi heard about the views of Hallaj (AD 858–922), popularized by Ahmad al-Ghazali, among others. It can also be supposed that, inspired by the original thought of Hallaj and his missionary activity, Adi left Baghdad and went to the mountains of Kurdistan, to the Lalish valley, situated to the northwest of Mosul. There, he established the mystical brotherhood of the Adawiyya, composed of representatives of local tribes and Arab members of his own family, who with time began to be called the Yezidis. It is also here that his tomb is located and his sanctuary, with a huge black serpent carved next to the stone portal. This very place still remains the center of the Yezidi religion. Nevertheless, the religious principles of the brotherhood he established were not fully defined until his successors completed this task, especially his great grandnephew, mystic Hasan ibn Adi ibn Adi ibn Abi ibn l-Barakat ibn Sakhr ibn Musafir Shams al-Din Abu Muhammad (AD 1197–1245/6 or 1254), whom the Yezidis call Sheikh Hesen, Sheikh Sin and Sheikhsin (Şêx Hesen, Şêx Sin, Şêxsin).28 Within the mystical community in Lalish (and later also in Sinjar), Adi’s teachings were blended with local beliefs and permeated the original views of Hasan and his successors, who saw in Adi and his far ancestor—Yezid ibn Mu’awiya (d. AD 683), called Sultan Yezi(d) by the Yezidis—the incarnation of God (Xwedê), or the manifestation of the first of the seven angels, the Peacock Angel (Tawûsî Melek). Hasan himself was also recognized by the Yezidis as one of divine emanations, namely as the manifestation of one of the seven angels, one that the Yezidis call Melek Sheikh Sin. As the ancestral lineage of Adi and Hasan dates back to pre-Islamic times and the pre-Islamic beliefs of the Quraysh, the Yezidis emphasize the continuity of this ancient tradition by referring to their own community as Tradition (Sunet) and Truth (Heqîqet), and put it in contrast to non-Yezidi people, whom they often call “Şerî’et” (“Law”), in other words, those 27  Pirbari et al. (2020, p. 250). On Adi ibn Musafir, see: Ibn Khallikan (1843, pp. 197–198); Aloian (2008, pp. 37–50). 28  Cf. Lescot (1938, pp. 34–36); Guidi (1933, pp. 414–422); Bois (1961, pp. 212–213).

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

113

who, instead of adhering to the ancient oral tradition and direct contact with God, follow written codification (particularly legalistic Islam).29 The Yezidi tradition is said to date back—through Abu Sufyan and Ibrahim Khalil (Abraham), among others—to Adam and his son, Shahid ben Jarr, who was given by one of the angels the sur (Ar. sirr: “mystery,” “essence” or “innermost self”)30 of God. Thus, the Yezidis perceive themselves as being blessed with a special privilege of participation in the divine essence, which make them a theocratic community of mystics who refer to themselves as the “Nation/People of the Sur” (Milletê Surê).31 The Yaresan use a similar terminology, and describe themselves as a community that is particularly close to the Truth. They clearly differentiate their group, which belongs to the Haqiqat epoch, from Shari’at, Tariqat, and Ma’refat. The effect of this distinction is one of their names, “Nation/People of Truth” (Ahl-e Haqq), which indicates their exceptional knowledge of the divine reality, related to recognizing God as a person who is very close to them, or even a Friend (Yār), which in turn gave rise to the name Yaresan (“Community of friends”). Just as the early stages of the formation of the Yezidi community (not the very beginnings of the views it professes though) may be associated with a concrete person, Adi ibn Musafir, in the case of the Yaresan this person would be the mystic Sultan Sahāk (fourteenth-fifteenth century).32 Sultan Sahāk is considered by the Yaresan as one of the manifestations of God (Yār), who came to Perdiwar (in the Hawraman area in the present-­ day Iranian Kurdistan), where he gathered numerous followers, and where his sanctuary is still located. The most important of his companions are perceived by the Yaresan as manifestations of angels.

29  Rodziewicz (2018a, pp. 283–287). On the distinction between shari’a and haqiqa in Sufism, see: Guénon (2004, pp. 1–13); Brown (1868, p. 91). 30  The meaning of this term in Sufism was concisely described by al-Qushayri (AD 986–1072) in his Risala: “It seems that, like the spirits, the innermost selves are a subtle entity placed in the [human] body. According to Sufi principles, [the innermost self] serves as a repository of direct vision [of God], in the same way as the spirits are the repository of love and the hearts are the repository of knowledge. They say that the innermost self is something that allows you to catch a glimpse [of God], while the innermost of the innermost self is that which is known to no one but God alone. According to the terminology and principles of the Sufis, the innermost self is more subtle than the spirit, while the spirit is more noble than the heart” (al-Qushayri 2007, p. 110). See also: Kamada (1983); Amir-Moezzi (2004). 31  Rodziewicz (2018a). 32  Moosa (1988, pp. 214–223).

114 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Similar to the Yezidis, the mythical history of the Yaresan also reaches back to much earlier times than the historical period when their main religious leader lived. It is based on the faith in cyclical manifestations of God’s essence (zat), also referred to as the Essence of Haqq.33 In the earlier epochs, it manifested itself for instance as Seth, Plato, Jesus, Muhammad, and Ali, or as some famous mystics, such as Hallaj or Hasan al-Basri. However, some of the most important divine emanations were, according to this religion, Bohlul-e Majnun (d. c. AD 809) and Shah Khosin (tenth/eleventh century AD), who belonged to the epoch of Ma’refat (esoteric knowledge), preceding the epoch of Truth (Haqiqat), which started with Sultan Sahāk.34 Both in the tradition of the Yezidis and in the Yaresan tradition, the companions and successors to the main religious leader (Sheikh Adi and Sultan Sahāk) are included in the group of seven human incarnations, manifestations of seven angels, in whom God had revealed Himself. This resemblance goes much further, because both of these traditions link those Seven to the seven heavenly bodies and seven heavenly spheres.35 The Yezidis call these angels Heft Sur (Seven Mysteries/Essences), while the Yaresan use the term Haft Tan (Seven Bodies/Persons), and they refer to their terrestrial counterparts as Haftawane.36 However, what makes these two religions different from one another is the fact the Yaresan also mention an Evil Heptad, who is not present in Yezidism.37 In fact, this is connected to one more fundamental difference—Yezidism radically rejects the existence of evil as a personified force, and thus it is a radical monism (there is only God and His manifestations; what may get denoted as “evil” includes only human actions and their results), while Yaresanism accents dualism. Both religions use the terms mentioned above—sur/sirr and zat—to express the concept of the presence of God’s essence in the world. Actually, the first of these terms is also frequently incorporated by the Yaresan in their kalāms. Its use was noticed already in the nineteenth century by  Kreyenbroek (2020, pp. 77–78).  Ibidem, pp. 44–52. 35  In the areas where the Yezidis and the Yaresan live, the belief in the Seven Angels associated with the seven planets and stars constitutes a very ancient tradition, see: Rodziewicz (2021, forthcoming). 36  Hamzeh’ee (1990, pp.  90–92); Edmonds (1969, p.  94); see their characteristics: During (2005). 37  Cf. an interview with Sayyed Khalil Aghabab Kaka’i, in: Kreyenbroek (2020, p. 141). 33 34

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

115

Arthur, Comte de Gobineau. In his note, in which he included one of the first descriptions of the Yaresan (whom he called “Nossayrys”) in the English language, he wrote: The Nusayris unanimously admit that before time God existed alone, in a state of immobility which was not death, but which was also not movement. This situation—called sirr, “the mystery”—which formed the normal state of the divinity, to which it will return, is only interrupted by the existence of the world. This existence is purely accidental and transitory. Animate and inanimate nature are different forms of divine emanations which will all vanish one day, leaving in its real nakedness the irradiation which gave them life, which is the only positive existence in them, and which will return to its source, that is to say to the immobile god. In other words, under different appearances and in different states, and at different degrees of freedom under the envelope and constraint of forms, there is no other thing in the universe than God, and the universe itself is God. (…) God, and we see what they mean by this word, that is to say the primordial energy that, according to Sufi usage, is most commonly referred to by comparisons, such as doura, “the pearl”; padshahem, “my king”; khavendkar, “the master”; sultan Ishak, or Shah Kushyn, and many others.38

The term sirr can also be found in the oldest collections of Yaresan religious poems, for instance, in Dawra-y Diwan-a-Gawra (presumably sixteenth century), belonging to the Goran Yari tradition: Padishah is a Mystery in the bosom of pure beings.39

Both these religious traditions are based on the belief that the Mystery or Essence of God which manifested itself in the Seven Angels, also reveals itself many times in the successive epochs (Yezidi: bedîl, dewr; Yaresan: dowre)40 thanks to the principle of metempsychosis. One example of such incarnations in Yezidism has already been mentioned—it is Sheikh Hesen, perceived by the Yezidis as essentially identical with the famous mystic Hasan al-Basri (AD 642–728) and with angel Melek Sheikh Sin. There are similar beliefs related to other Yezidi leaders, such as Shams al-Din, believed to be the incarnation of the angel Melek Sheikh Shams, who manifested himself as the mystic Shams Tabrizi (AD  Gobineau (1859, pp. 346–347); tr. A. R. See also: Rawlinson (1839, pp. 36–39).  Dawra-y Diwana-Gawra, stanza 191 (tr. A. R., after Mokri 1977, p. 182). 40  See: Omarkhali and Rezania (2009). 38 39

116 

A. RODZIEWICZ

1185–1248) and the Sun. His brother, Fakhr al-Din, is identified in turn with the Nestorian monk Rabban Hormuzd (seventh century AD) or the famous Sufi Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (AD 1150–1210), angel Melek Fakhradin, and the Moon, among other examples. The most prominent position in Yezidism, however, belongs to the first of God’s angels, the Peacock Angel, in whom God’s Sur revealed itself to the fullest, and who in the course of history manifested himself also in Yezid ibn Mu’awiya and Adi ibn Musafir. The conviction that they share the same essence is well expressed in the The Hymn of the Laughter of Snakes (Qewlê Keniya Mara): 4. Şîxadî û Tawusî Melek û Siltan Êzî êkin  Sheikh Adi, Tawusi Melek, Sultan Yezi are one Hûn me’niya jêk nekin. (…)        Don’t you regard them as separate. (…) 26. Navê Şîxadî yê şîrîn, yê şirîf bi xo Xudêye.  The name of Sheikh Adi, the sweet, the noble,             is verily God.41

God’s mystery or essence is often compared to the light in the Yezidi tradition, in which (just like in many other religions) the Sun and sunlight are believed to be one of the visible demonstrations of the divine world. Similar comparisons are often attributed to Sheikh Adi, who (in the fragments of the text found in Beled Sinjar which he is said to have authored) stated: I am my essence; out of my essence existence came with its marvel. (…) I am the ‘Adi of yesterday, of the day before yesterday, of today, of the past, and of what is to come. I am, all in all; (…) you are in my mind and in my sight. (…) Behold I am you; (…) I am the light of lights (…); I am a light of your lights, you love me. I existed before both heavens and earth, before Adam; all of these are my creations.42

 Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, pp. 392–396; translation slightly corrected).  Frayha (1946, pp. 38–40); cf. Qasida of Sheikh Adi: Pribari et al. (2020, pp. 251–255); Omarkhali (2017, pp. 385–388). 41 42

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

117

The oral tradition attributes similar statements to Adi’s ancestor, Yezid ibn Mu’awiya, who in the Yezidi Great Hymn (Qewlê Mezin), which comprises his mythical biography, declares as follows: 79.  Ez nûrim, eslê min ji nûre  I am the Light, my origin is from the light.43

As one Yezidi, and at the same time one of the greatest contemporary experts in his religion, Feqir Haji (d. 2019), put it, comparing mystery/ essence (sur) and light (nûr): Em her milletê Tawsî Melekî, û milletê surê in. (…) Şêx Adi sur e, nûr a la nûre. (…) Şêx Adi ji nûra Êzi ye, Êzi ji nûra Tawsî Melek e, Tawsî Melek ji nura Xwedê ye. We have always been the nation of the Peacock Angel and the nation of the sur. (…) Sheikh Adi is sur, he is light from light. (…) Sheikh Adi is from the light of Yezi, Yezi is from the light of the Peacock Angel. The Peacock Angel is from the light of God.44

The Yari tradition uses identical metaphors and employs the same terms to express them. Missionary Samuel Graham Wilson, who conducted several interviews with the Yaresan, described their general metaphysical concept in a remarkably similar manner. Among other things, he reported in his writings that “light is their sacred emblem, their symbol of the divine influence. God is the central light, from which the universe of spirit and life emanates, or is reflected as a candle in a room whose walls are covered with many mirrors. (…) Some of them hold to the pantheistic conception that not only prophets and imams, but all angels, men, and the vital principle in animals and trees, have emanated from God and are of his essence. Associated with this idea is the doctrine of transmigration, and the final absorption of all in the bosom of the Infinite.”45

 Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, p. 167; tr. A. R.).  Spät (2010, p. 426 and 445; translation slightly corrected). Cf. the Light Verse (Ayat alnur) from the Quran: “Allah is the Light of the heavens and the earth. The example of His light is like a niche within which is a lamp, the lamp is within glass, the glass as if it were a pearly [white] star lit from [the oil of] a blessed olive tree, neither of the east nor of the west, whose oil would almost glow even if untouched by fire. Light upon light…” (Quran XXIV 35, tr. by Sahih International: quran.com/24. The additions in brackets come from the translator.). 45  Wilson (1895, p. 240). 43 44

118 

A. RODZIEWICZ

While the Yezidis refer to the first angel as the Peacock Angel, in the Yaresan tradition it is Jebrail (Gabriel) who is believed to be the first angel, and he is said to have manifested himself during the epoch of Haqiqat in one of the companions of Sultan Sahāk, namely Benyamin. Benyamin (etym. “Son of the right hand”)46 is the central figure of many religious texts, and his importance is evident from the fact that Yaresanism is also called Shart-i Benyamin, “the Covenant of Benyamin,”47 a phrase which refers to the mythical pact that he is believed to have entered into with God in pre-eternity. As a result of this they became bound together in a master-disciple (pir-morid) relationship.48 Named using the terminology borrowed from Sufism, the relationship between the spiritual teacher and his disciple at the same time constitutes the foundation of the social organization for both the Yaresan and the Yezidis. According to the rules of Yezidism, every member of their community is considered a murid and as such should have two spiritual masters coming from priestly castes (sheikhs and pirs), while in the Yaresan community murids (Yar.: morid) have their pirs and dalils, who belong to the “priestly” group (Sayyed).49 The functional division into Murids, Sheikhs, and Pirs is in fact a general principle of the Yezidi caste system. Therefore, even those born in the caste of Sheikhs or Pirs are treated in terms of spiritual education as murids, who also have their pirs and sheikhs. In short: every Yezidi is a murid, but not every Yezidi was born in the caste of Murids. Similarly, in the Yaresan community every sayyed must be the morid of another sayyed. Eventually, when discussing the similarities between these two communities, it is necessary to mention a very important element of their beliefs, which has made them known as the Devil Worshippers (Sheytanparast) among the followers of other religions (mainly Muslims and Christians and numerous travelers and Orientalists). However, this reference has been much more strongly associated with the Yezidis than with the Yaresan, which is undoubtedly due to the fact that Yaresanism is a more diversified religion. The term Devil Worshippers (which is both an  Cf. Moosa (1988, p. 201).  Ivanow (1953, p. 6 and 13). 48  Cf. Minorsky (1921, pp. 223–228). 49  A similar organization is also known to the Alevi community, where the spiritual teachers are pir and reber; cf. van Bruinessen (2017). Another common element of Yezidis, Yaresan, and Alevis is the socio-religious institution of the Brotherhood of the Hereafter; see: Edmonds (1969, p. 99); Hamzeh’ee (1990, p. 222); Kreyenbroek (2020, p. 28 and 37). 46 47

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

119

accusation and a conviction) is rooted in the observation that in the beliefs of both the Yezidis and the Gorani Yaresan there is an angel whom the Yezidis call Tawûsî Melek, and the Yaresan Malak Tawus, whose characteristics resemble the angel known to Christians and Muslims by the names of Satan and Iblis.50 Moreover, it has long been observed that there is a taboo among the Yezidis which prohibits the use of the word Sheytan, which is very strong even nowadays, and which has intensified accusations of their hidden Satanism and numerous cases of oppression and persecution, including the recent genocide in Sinjar/Shingal committed by ISIS, whose representatives defined the Yezidis as Satanists and Iblis worshippers.51 However, it should be noticed here that some Yezidis directly confirm such identification of their angel. One example of such confirmation may be the statement of Pir Khadir Sileman (one of the first Yezidis to have published their oldest religious hymns and documents)52 included in his book On Izidians and Lalish: An Introduction: Izidies consider Tawoos Malak (Peacock Angel)—the Devil in other religions—the master of all unifiers (those who sought oneness of God) who did not kneel down to Adam thereby confirming God’s oneness. God created Tawoos Malak from His light and gave him all His qualities.53

Also, according to some representatives of Yaresanism, the first angel and his emanations (Gabriel and Benyamin or Dāwūd) remain linked to Satan. A similar attribution is also present in some oral statements of the Gorani Yaresan and in their religious texts. In his latest book devoted to the Yaresan of Goran, Philip Kreyenbroek included, among other things, a fragment of an interview he had with the leader of the “Perdiwari” Yaresan community in 2009, in which the following declaration can be found: Our religion and Yezidism are the same but we have some differences in our customs. (…) In our religion the Devil was Benyamin. But in Islam he is 50  Cf. Ivanow (1953, pp.  46–47); van Bruinessen (2014, pp.  17, 20, 23–24); Dehqan (1383); Hamzeh’ee (1990, p. 75). 51  See the article published in the ISIS journal, “Dabiq”: The Revival of Slavery. Before the Hour (1435 [2014]). 52  Silêman and Cindî (1979); Sileman (1994). 53  Sileman (2009, p. 8).

120 

A. RODZIEWICZ

frowned upon because he rebelled in the presence of God. (…) The Devil, whom Islam execrates, is part of God. We call him Melek Tawus, the Yezidis use the same name.54

Such an attribution seems to be inspired directly by the unorthodox concepts present among the Sufis and dervishes, which they discussed with the communities encountered, namely the concepts associated primarily with Husayn ibn Mansur (Hallaj) and Ahmad al-Ghazali. As I will return to this issue later, I would just like to mention here only that the relationship of both of these religions with Sufism require more research and terminology studies. The influence of Sufism on the communities of the Yezidis and the Yaresan is evident, as is shown both by the terminology they use and by the way they were originally organized along the lines of the tariqa, which aims to help worshippers achieve unity with God. The connection of both groups with the Qadiriya order seems to be particularly interesting. In the case of Yezidism, the relationship began with the friendship between Adi ibn Musafir and Abdul Qadir Gilani. At the early stages of the formation of Yezidism, this resulted in cases of a flow of members between the Qadiriyya and the Adawiyya and vice versa.55 However, at present these communities do not maintain any relations with one another, and the Yezidis are accused by the Qadiriyya of betraying the principles of Islam and are referred to as pagans. Interestingly enough, however, both the Yezidis and the Yaresan respect the first mystics of Islam, but treat them mainly as “dervishes” and “qalandars,” and contrast them with the Sufis, who are considered to belong to the group or epoch of Shari’a, in other words, to the legalist tradition of Islam. Shah Khosin, for example, believed by the Yaresan to be the incarnation of God’s Essence in the epoch of Ma’refat, described himself not as Sufi, but as qalandar: Awwal qalandar Ma budim, akhir ham Ma’im Bali, rah-i qalandaran ba kas na-nama’im.

 Kreyenbroek (2020, pp. 146–147).  An example can be the famous Sufi Qadib al-Ban (AD 1078–1177); see: Aloian (2008, pp.  81–82); Omarkhali (2017, p.  380); Meri (2002, pp.  97–98). On the relationships between Qadiriya and the Yaresan, cf. During (1998, p. 117 and 119). 54 55

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

121

I was the first qalandar, and I am the last. Verily I shall not reveal the qalandars’ path to any one.56

The reason why the Yezidis distance themselves from Sufism was one of the subjects I discussed in Tbilisi in 2016 with the spiritual leader of the Georgian Yezidis, Dimitri Pirbari (Pir Dima), who explained it in this way: Yezidi religion is mysticism. Without mysticism, it does not exist. In prayer, we address God, Xwedê. In our understanding, God is everywhere and in everything. In the Yezidi religion there is a term—wahdat al-wujud—which later was extensively described by the well-known Sufi, Ibn Arabi. This concept previously functioned amongst the dervishes—“Unity of existence,” i.e. God in everything. (…) Academically speaking, it could be called pantheism. (…) I believe that until Sufism was forced into the framework of Islam by al-­Ghazali, it was a separate teaching of a gnostic and ascetic nature. They called themselves ascetics—derwesh. Later, a term tassawuf appeared. After some time, when some of the dervishes associated with the term tassawuf—Sufis—were recognised by the Islamic tarikats, i.e., “brotherhoods,” the Yezidis did not agree to this. They became dervishes separately, outside the framework of any religion. (…) The thing is that the Yezidis, in fact dervishes—zahed—are ascetics, as they used to be called in the past, have great respect for the first greatest dervishes, such as Rabia al-Adawiyya, Zu al-Nun al-Misri, Hasan al-Basri, Bayazid Bastami, Junayd al-Baghdadi…57

Hallaj is also considered to be one of those dervishes. Later in this chapter, I also will quote a pir’s statement about him.

From the One to the Four: First Cosmogonical Stages in the Yezidi and Yaresan Myths For both religions we are interested in, there is no single, precise description of the cosmogony, but rather some legends, dispersed in the oral tradition, of the creation of the world. Neither of these religions has its Holy Writ that would contain its Book of Genesis, so it is difficult to talk about the “canonical” version of cosmogony in their case. Moreover, given the largely secret and at the same time sacred topic of describing the first activity of God, and also the equally hermetic nature of both of these  Ivanow (1953, p. 11).  Rodziewicz (2017, pp. 40–41 and 46); Ivanow (1953, pp. 57–69).

56 57

122 

A. RODZIEWICZ

communities, the burden of describing and reconstructing the cosmogonies of these religions lies with the researcher. The cosmogony of Yezidism and Yaresanism can be reconstructed mainly based on the wording of their holy hymns (qewls, kala ̄ms). Both groups agree that these hymns are the main source of their knowledge about the beginning of the world. In the case of the Yezidis, texts about cosmogonical issues can, since relatively recently, also be read in publications of the Yezidi authors that discuss this subject.58 Despite that, however, the task of reconstructing the Yezidi cosmogony remains a difficult challenge, because a significant majority of the Yezidis (over ninety percent) come from the caste of Murids, whose knowledge of theological issues is far more scarce than in the case of Pirs and Sheikhs.59 Actually, the fact that one is a Pir or a Sheikh is not a guarantee of in-depth religious expertise either. Even the very well-versed Yezidis often do not understand the phrases and symbols woven into the hymns, as these have become forgotten due to their secret nature and the lack of a written tradition. Although this may come as a surprise, the above also applies to the wellqualified group of the so-called Qewals, who recite qewls during religious ceremonies, and whose task is to memorize these hymns and pass them on to next generations. When I talked to them in Bashiqe and Bahzani (two Iraqi towns traditionally inhabited by this group) about the cosmogonic fragments of the qewls, sometimes, right next to very extensive clarifications, I was faced both with the lack of knowledge and with a refusal to answer my questions due to the fact that they were related to a very confidential subject that was not intended for a non-Yezidi. It also happened that I did receive an answer to my question, but on the condition that I would not publish it, which means that I need to keep my promise in relation to some issues. The question of cosmogony in the Yaresan tradition is slightly different, as beside kala ̄ms this tradition also provides some writings, in particular a long poetical piece written in Persian by Hajj Nematollah Jeyhounabadi, titled Haqq al-Haqayeq (Truth of Truths) or Shahnama-ye Haqiqat (The 58  E.g., Omarkhali (2009–2010); Pirbari and Shtshedrovickiy (2016). However, the first book about the Yezidism was (dictated and later) published, by the illiterate Yezidi prince Ismail Beg Chol (1934). 59  Omarkhali (2008, p. 105).

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

123

Book of Kings of Truth),60 in which the author gathered numerous legends known from the oldest oral tradition of the Yaresan. The text begins with a cosmogonical myth. However, it is not a “canonical” book, and its rank in the Yaresan community is lower than that of the kala ̄ms, because the new elements, also included in it, are, according to some members of the community, contradictory to the oldest religious tradition. As I want to focus only on the beginning of the cosmogony, I will not undertake to describe the entire process here.61 I will only discuss the elements shared by Yezidism and Yaresanism and highlight how these religions present the initial stages of the creation process. According to the myths of both these religions, the world was created from the Pearl, also compared to the Lamp (Qendîl)62 and to the Throne, in which God was present. Thus, it started with a Pearl, immersed in the dark sea or ocean, which God made of his light and in which He stayed. The Pearl burst as a result of God’s activity, and after it splintered, four angels emerged from it representing the first four elements of the world which was later created from them. In addition to these four angels, three more appeared. In total, there were seven angels, and the first one, which was closest to God (or even carried God’s essence), was given the rule over the world. The first stage of creation was mental and involved the creation of incorporeal beings, the second stage was physical and resulted in the creation of the corporeal world, in which seven angels were present in the form of seven heavenly bodies. After that, the first man, Adam, was created, and the individual stages of his creation resembled the creation of the macrocosm. The material components of the world came to life thanks to the presence of God’s essence in them, which means that the whole world, in terms of its essence, can be identified as God. Thus, the cosmogony began with the breaking of the Pearl, brought about by God because of the boundlessness and excess of His divinity,  Jeyhounabadi (1982).  Cf. reconstructions of the Yaresan cosmogony proposed by Ivanow (1953, pp. 41–48), Mokri (1960, 1963), Moosa (1988, pp.  194–205); Hamzeh’ee (1990, pp.  70–74) and Kreyenbroek (1992). 62  Some of the Yezdidis define the Qendîl as the source of God’s Light (Nûra Xwedê) which was present inside the Pearl. Khanna Omarkhali recorded such an explanation of this term provided by the Yezidi Pîr Rizayê Kakê: “Qendîl is a place, where the rennet of the first Yezidi man was kept, it was in the Pearl, the innermost place, from which the Light originated, which was the first primary source of the Light from which everything was created.” (Omarkhali, 2011–2012, p. 150, note 31). 60 61

124 

A. RODZIEWICZ

or—depending on other versions of the myth—God’s kick or His speech. This was the manifestation of God in the world, or through the world, which in one of the most important Yaresan kala ̄ms was poetically compared to a mirror reflecting Him: 11.   Le Monde comme miroir.      Il fit le Monde, d’un bout à l’autre, comme un miroir…63

Let us add here that apart from the myth which contains the symbolics of the sea, imposed by the motif of the Pearl, both these religious traditions have also preserved the story of a primordial tree which grew in the middle of the infinite ocean and on which God nested, and about two angels (Gabriel and—in the Yezidi version—Melek Sheikh Sin/Hasan), who accompanied Him and who joined Him as He began the process of world creation. Moreover, the myths of both religions mention the Bull and the Fish in the first moments of the creation of the world. In the Yaresan account, there is also the motif of Saj-e Nar, a “Fiery Saj”—a kind of convex round pan used for baking bread, which was placed under the bottom of the ocean/sea and caused water to evaporate and the seven heavenly spheres to emerge.64 This motif is not present in the Yezidi qewls. Instead, Leaven/Rennet (Haven) or Love (Mihbet) is mentioned, which, when tossed into the sea, causes the appearance of smoke/steam and the seven heavens. In both religions, the actual moment of coming into being or creation of the world is preceded by a pre-eternal state of static darkness, which is referred to as “enzel” in Kurmanji and “azal” in Gorani. This term has a long tradition in Muslim philosophy, which emphasizes that the specific feature of azal is a kind of eternity (Ar. kidam) which has not been preceded by anything else. Its opposite is called “post-­eternity” (abad/ebed) and is understood as the constant duration in the future.65 The Yezidis mention this pre-creation state inter alia in the following qewls: Qewlê Methê Xwedê: Tu rehîmî            You are merciful, Tu qedîmî,           You are ancient,  Kalām (Mokri (1956, p. 395).  Cf. Tadhkira-i A’la, 8–11 (Ivanow, 1953, pp. 104–105; cf. ibidem, pp. 47–48). 65  Arnaldez (1986, pp. 95–99). 63 64

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

125

Tu Xudayê her xudayî, (…)      You are the God of each god, Tu Xudayê ‘erşe ̨ ‘ezîmî         You are the God of the majestic Throne, Enzel da danî qedîmî,      From pre-eternity You are ancient.66 Qewlê Tawûsî Melek: 2  Ya rebbî tu melekê melikê cîhanî (…)  Oh Lord, you are the Angel-King of the world Tu melekê ‘erşe ̨ ‘ezîmî            You are the Angel of the majestic Throne Ya rebbî ji ‘enzel da her tuyî qedîmî    Oh Lord, you have always been ancient, from pre-eternity.67 Qewlê Şêx Şims: 14.   Ya rebbî, tuyî rehîmî          Oh Lord, you are Merciful! Xaliqekî minî ji ‘enzeldayî qedîmî…    You are my creator from the ancient pre-eternity…68

Let us notice here that, literally, these fragments refer to three different figures—God, the Peacock Angel, and Sheikh Shams. However, the Yezidis with whom I talked about it agree that they are all about God, only different names are used to refer to Him. Another interpretation is also possible, namely that these three figures were all present together in the primordial Pearl in pre-eternity. Therefore, according to the Yezidis, in pre-eternity, when—as we hear from The Hymn of the Creation of the World (Qewlê Afirîna Dinyayê)— “the world was dark,”69 there appeared the luminous Pearl. The cosmogony does not begin until the Pearl fragments. It deserves to be added here that in both the Yezidi and Yaresan cosmogonies two more elements known from the Islamic tradition are mentioned, namely the Pen and the Tablet, and it is emphasized that they were not there in pre-eternity, but appeared later. Moreover, another characteristic element of descriptions of

 Celîl and Celîl (1978, p. 323; tr. A.R.).  Kreyenbroek (1995, p. 244); Reşo (2013, p. 1025; tr. A. R.). 68  Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, p. 203; tr. A. R.). 69  Qewlê Afirîna Dinyayê, st. 1:Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, p. 66); tr. A. R. It should be added, however, that some of the Yezidis do not recognize this hymn as authentic. 1. Ya Rebî dinya hebû tarî Oh Lord, the world was dark. 66 67

126 

A. RODZIEWICZ

the state that preceded the opening of the Pearl that is mentioned in the most important Yezidi qewls is the presence of Love or the Branch of Love: Qewlê Zebûnî Meksûr: 6.  Padşê min ji durê bû,       My Padishah was of/from the Pearl     /Padşê min li70 durê bû      /My Padishah was in the Pearl    Hisnatek jê çê bû,          The Beauty/Goodness comes from him    Şaxa muhibetê lê bû.       The branch of Love was there. 7.    Lê bû şaxa muhbetê…        There was the branch of Love…71 Qewlê Bê û Elîf: 1.    Bê û elif            B and A   Textê nûrî sedef         The luminous Throne—shell   Padşê min li navdayî bi xef.  

  My Padishah is in hiding inside.

2.     Pedşê min li navdayî mixfî bû   My Padishah was hidden inside   Ew bi xo a xo razî bû        He was delighted by Himself   Hêj kewn neye dahir bû     

with

Himself

Being had not appeared yet

  Ew bi xo a xo nasî bû        [And] he knew Himself by Himself 3. 

  Ew bi xo diperiste (…)      He worshipped Himself   Ew nûr bû bi xo diperiste  (…)    He was the Light, He worshipped Himself.

70  Omarkhali (2017, p.  237) juxtaposed two versions of the hymn recited by the same person, namely by Feqir Haji: in 1977 (ji durê) and 2008 (li durê). 71  Rodziewicz (2018c, p. 209); tr. A. R.

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

127

4.    Pedşê min nûr bû, nûr hate bale  My Padishah was the light, the light came to him Aşiq celîle, me’şûq celale  (…)  Splendid Lover [to] the Beloved [, who was] Splendour. 6.   Pedşê min bi xo efirandî dura beyzaye. (…)        By himself my King had created the White Pearl 8.     Berî mişûre, berî xete      Before mishurs, before writing,      Berî qeleme, berî heqîqete     Before the Pen, Before the Truth72      Mêr nasîbû ew mihbete.       The [holy] Man73 got to know this Love. 9.    Mihbeta ji wêye         Love is from here,     Heqîqeta me ji wê hewdêye     From this reservoir is our Truth.74

These initial stages of cosmogony are presented in a very similar manner in the Yaresan myths. In the above-mentioned Persian-language poem Haqq al-Haqayeq, which is based on the oldest Yaresan legends, the beginning of the world is described as follows: ‫کز آنوقت دنیا نبودی بپا   نه ارض و‌سما بود نی‌مسوا‬ ‫نه کرسی ولوح وقلم در فلک   نه جنت نه نار ونه حور وملک‬ ‫نه سیاره بودی نه خورشید وماه   بدی ذات معبود بردون یا‬ ‫بجر حق نبد خلقتی دروجود   که فردالصمد بود حی ودود‬ ‫مکانش بدر بود و ذاتش نهان   که در بود اندر صدف آنزمان‬ ‫صدف نیز در بحر بودی بکان   بدی موج دریا سراسر جهان‬

582   At that time, the world did not exist.        There was neither earth nor heaven nor any thing [except God]  I.e., the Yezidis.  Or: “men.” 74  Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, pp. 71–73); Reşo (2013, pp. 252–253); tr. A. R. 72 73

128 

A. RODZIEWICZ

583   Neither Throne nor Tablet nor Pen on the firmament        Neither Paradise nor Hell, nor houri nor angels 584   There were no planets, neither Sun nor Moon.        There was the Essence of the Honored One, as Ya 585   Except the Truth there was no creature in Existence        Therefore Individual and Self-Sufficient was, Living and All Loving 586   His place was in the Pearl and his Essence was hidden.        A Pearl was in the Shell at that time 587   The shell was also in the Sea        There was a sea wave all over the world.75

This cosmogonic point of departure is almost identical in one of the most famous Yaresan hymns called simply Kalam or The Fifty-Two Verses composed by Sheikh Amir (b. AD 1713), published by Mohammad Mokri with his translation into French: 1. Dieu Majestueux, Dieu Très Puissant. Nous glorifions le Dieu Majestueux, le Dieu Très Puissant. Il n’y avait ni Tablette [Lawh], ni Calame, ni Compagnon [Yar], ni personne d’autre. Il n’y avait que mon Roi [Padsha] dans une Perle et la Perle [dur] dans la mer. 2. II n’y avait pas de bruit. Il n’y avait pas de tumulte, il n’y avait pas de bruit. Mon Roi [Padsha] fut quelque temps dans la Perle. Il prit origine dans une demeure dont nul ne connaissait le secret [sirr]. 3. Dans une gemme [gowhar] en forme de coupe. Mon Roi [Padsha] était dans la Perle, à l’intérieur de la gemme. Le Dieu Très Grand, par l’éclat de sa puissance, fit miraculeusement surgir Quatre Personnes…76

In Yaresanism, the initial state of the cosmogony is related to the emergence of the Four Angels (Chahar Malak or Chahar Tan), who, together with the remaining three angels, form the Heptad. Yezidi myths also mention the Four who were created at the very beginning of the world. In the  Jeyhounabadi (1982, p. 34); tr. A. R.  Kalam (Mokri, 1956, p. 394).

75 76

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

129

Yezidi hymns, they are referred to as “Four Friends/Beloved” (Çar Yare). Both traditions make a link between them and the four primary elements, and thus they echo a very ancient motif, known both to the Western tradition, especially the Pythagorean one, and to Eastern beliefs (Zoroastrianism and Hinduism). As we can hear in the Yezidi Hymn of Sheykh Obekr (Qewlê Şêxubekir), the four elements were created from the Pearl: 25  … ji durrê efrand bû çare   From the Pearl were created Four:    axe û ave û baye û nare.     Earth and Water and Wind and Fire.77

On the other hand, the Yezidi cosmogonical hymn, The Hymn of the Weak Broken One (Qewlê Zebûnî Meksûr) mentions the Four Companions as travelers who accompany God (or His first emanation) travelling on the sea which poured out from the broken Pearl: 25.   Padşê min li merkebê dibû siyare,   My Padishah found himself on a boat     Padşayê û her çar yare,      Padishah and all Four Friends Lê seyrîn çar kinare,       Went round the four sides Li Lalişê sekinîn got: «eve heq ware».    They stopped in Lalish and said: “This is the place of Truth.” 26.   «Heq war» got û sekinîn,        “The place of Truth” they said and stopped Padşê min havên havête behrê û behr meynîn,   My Padishah descended leaven into the sea Duxanek jê duxinî, her heft ezman pê nijinîn.   and the sea coagulated, The smoke billowed and all seven heavens were created. 27.   Padşê min ezman bîraste,       My Padishah has risen to heavens Muhibeta ji qevza raste  Love is from the right hand.78

 Reşo (2013, p. 212); tr. A. R.  The meaning of the expression is not clear. In the context of the analogy to Yaresanism, it is worth paying attention to the analogy to the etymology of the name of the first God’s manifestation, Benyamin: “Son of the right hand.” 77 78

130 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Padşê min mikan danî, text veguhaste.     My Padishah has appointed a place, established a Throne. (…) 34.   Çar qism tê hincinand,      He mixed four elements together, Axe û ave û baye û agire      Earth and water and wind and fire.79

Moreover, some Yezidi hymns, for instance the Hymn of the Black Furqan (Qewlê Qere Ferqan), mention their names, which correspond to the names of the leaders of the Yezidi community, starting from Sheikh Adi: Dahir kirin her çar yarêt zergûne   The four wise Friends were manifest ‘Eslzade, Şîxadî û Melik Şêx Sine  Born of the Origin: Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin Nasirdîne û Sicadîne         Nasirdin and Sejadin Ewan ev dinya bikar tîna      They set this world in motion.80

In both traditions we also find the descriptions of how the angel or angels participated in giving life to the body of the first man, Adam. In other words, they are present both when the macro- and the micro-cosmos are being created. As Sayyed Fereidoun Hosseini noticed, when he referred to Sheikh Amir’s verses, which I quoted above, “the four elements (…) came from the Essence (zat) of those four angels. The four elements are the material signs of the appearance of those four angels on earth. We have Haqq (Truth, God), Hazrate-e Haqq (the Lord Truth, i.e., God), and/or81 Hazrat-e Soltan (Lord Sultan Sahāk), who reached the status of the divine/Divine,82 and we have the Four Angels, who are light and spirituality.”83 His father, a religious leader of the Gorani Yaresan and the performer of the sacred poetry, Sayyed Wali Hosseini (AD 1910–1998), also expounded on this matter, as in the manuscript titled Tafsir (“Exegesis”) where he elucidated some of the mythical elements of Yaresanism in the following way: The Four Angels (…) form a part of the Six [sic!] Beings. (…) Four of those six Persons are the Lords and Originators of the four elements, Earth, Wind, Water and Fire. (…)  Rodziewicz (2018c, pp. 213–215); tr. A. R.  Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, p. 96). 81  Kreyenbroek quotes this statement twice, but using two different connectives each time—“and” and “or.” 82  Again, different spelling in each quotation: “divine” and “Divine.” 83  Kreyenbroek, 2020, pp. 45–46 and 79. 79 80

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

131

One brought Earth and one brought wind, one was made the master of the measure of water One of them brought an atom of fire into being…84

Each of these angels, apart from his respective representation in the form of one of the four elements, is also connected with one of the companions of Sultan Sahāk. Sayyed Wali Hosseini writes in his further exegesis that at the time when some of the seven angels had not yet become separate from God and were part of God’s Essence; together with God himself they were three [sic!] beloved Persons: Jebra’il was manifestation of Benyamin Mika’il was a manifestation of Dawud Esrafil was a manifestation of Pir Musi Ezra’il was a manifestation of Mostafa.85

Unfortunately, for a scholar who interprets the cosmogonic and theological tradition of the Yezidis and the Yaresan, it is often not clear whether God is treated as someone different from the Seven and another than the Four, or as the first one in these groups. For instance, Dawra-y Diwan-a-­ Gawra mentions God and “Trinity”: 49   …O Roi du Secret [sirr] de la Triade…86 which is composed of Benyamin, Dāwūd, and Musi.

Thus, are there six or seven angels? Contradictory conclusions can be drawn from the sources which make references to them.87 Perhaps, however, paradoxically, both answers are correct, because God is both transcendent and present through His essence, from the first angel to the next one. In short, perhaps it would be appropriate to say that there are seven angels, and that the first one of them is God, because of Him sharing his essence.

 Sayyed Wali Hosseini, Tafsir, quoted by Kreyenbroek (2020, 83 and 133).  Sayyed Wali Hosseini, Tafsir, quoted by Kreyenbroek (2020, 85–86 and 137). 86  Mokri (1977, p. 136) (Gorani text: ibidem, p. 375). 87  Cf. van Bruinessen (2009, p. 53): “As the seventh person in the heptad, some groups mention Shāh Ibrāhı ̄m, who may have been an early successor of Sulṭān Sahāk and whose descendants constitute one of the larger khānadān (lineages) of Ahl-i Ḥ aqq religious specialists. Others make Shāh Ibrāhı ̄m a dark adversary of Bābā Yādigār and count Sultạ ̄n Sahāk himself as one of the haftan.” 84 85

132 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Therefore, it seems that the first manifestation of God (in the Yaresan tradition as Gabriel/Benyamin, an in the Yezidi tradition as Tawûsî Melek/ Sheikh Adi) is considered to be an angel, but one that is closest to Him and even essentially Him. However, both traditions mention another figure, namely Sultan (Sahāk and Yezid), who is also treated as the manifestation of God preceding the gathering of the Four/Seven angels.88 Thus, perhaps it is Sultan who is disguised under the term “Padishah” in both these religious traditions. This is how the relations between the Padishah and the first of the angels is described in Dawra-y Diwan-a-Gawra: 171  Pir-Musi déclare: O compagnons, [apportez votre] témoignage. Venez au jugement de Pir-Binyamin apportez [votre] témoignage. Mon Roi [Padsham] était dans l’océan sans borne, il a amené Binyamin au jour. (…) 172.  …Mon Roi [Padsham] est celui qui a fait apparaître Binyam.89

However, this term can also simply refer to God, in His most primordial state before the emergence of His emanations.

The Mystery of Essence and Its Path to Embodiment According to the Yaresan faith, Benyamin was the first creature or emanation of God, with whom he stayed in the Pearl before it broke. It was at his request that God created the world. Therefore, in a sense, one can see in him the first (co-)cause of the world, and even its demiurge. Moreover, still in pre-eternity, Benyamin concluded a Pact with God, under which he subjected himself to cycles of reincarnation and agreed to endure the inconveniences of humanity, which in Yaresan poetry is compared to intoxication. This Pact between the Padishah and Binyamin was mentioned inter alia in Sheikh Amir’s Kalām, just after the reference to the “Four Persons” which I quoted earlier.

 Kreyenbroek, during his interview with the leader of the Perdiwari Yaresan community near the Iraqi-Iranian border, recorded a statement that “Soltan is God. Benyamin and Dāwūd are not God, they the Haftawane” (2020, p. 147). 89  Mokri (1977, p. 173) (Gorani text: ibidem, p. 350). 88

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

133

4.  Ils firent alliance. Alors, ils firent Alliance tous. Mon Roi (Padsha) inengendré etimmortel était dans la Perle; Il fît de Pir-Musi son Ministre (vezir) et son Scribe. 5.  Ce mystère (serr) appartenait à Dieu (Xawandgar). Ce mystère demeurait dans le sein de Dieu (Xawandgar). Il conclut un Pacte avec Benyam, Il fit de Dawud son ami; Ramzbar fut investie d’un service pur. 6.  Compagnon (Yar) de Sa Majesté. Le filet du Pacte était dans la main du Compagnon de Sa Majesté. Alors mon Roi (Padsha) exauça leurs demandes après qu’ils se furent entendus sur le choix d’un Guide et Maître (Pir).90

It is Binyam/Benyamin, identified in the Yaresan tradition as the angel Gabriel, that is this Guide and Pir. His Yezidi equivalent would be the Peacock Angel and his two manifestations: Sultan Yezid and Sheik Adi. Unfortunately, the Yezidis (outside their group of fellow followers) say very little about this angel. Their qewls are also very reticent about this issue. For this reason, let us first look at the characteristics of Benyamin, especially in Dawra-y Diwan-a-Gawra, where he is given the central place. The text (as edited and translated by Mohammad Mokri) starts with comments on the Creator, who perceived sublime Essence in His own being: 3.  …Il a perçu en son propre [hawar] une Essence sublime.91

What follows, is an account of what happened to Benyamin and other figures who are important to the Yaresan, but it is Benyamin who is presented as the one who has a special connection with God, or, more precisely, with His Essence (zat) and Mystery (sirr): 20.  …Binyamin est l’intendant et décide de tout. (…) 21. …La lumière de gloire est descendue sur Binyamin, la semence lumineuse. (…) 27.  Ton Binyam est la base de tout. Dans tous les projets, ton Binyam est la base de tout. C’est lui qui a posé la base de ce monde Il est à la fois le Dastawar (Secourable) et le Rahbar (Guide). (…)

 Mokri (1956, pp. 394–395) (Gorani text: ibidem, pp. 417–416).  Mokri (1977, p. 123) (Gorani text: ibidem, p. 383).

90 91

134 

A. RODZIEWICZ

32.  …Pour tous les projets tu as désigné Binyam. Mon Roi au coeur pur a donné au monde Binyam. C’est Binyam qui boit le poison, et c’est lui aussi qui garde le Pacte. 33.  L’épreuve qui consiste à boire le poison. Binyamin a accepté cette épreuve qui consiste a boire à boire le poison. Il a été créé avec l’Essence du Roi [Sultan] de Yari92 C’est lui qui est nourri du Secret et c’est lui aussi qui garde le Secret.93

Benyamin is said to have been created from the very Essence of God, which descended upon him like light, and, as God’s representative, he was assigned the function of the demiurge of the world. In Dawra-y Diwan-a-­ Gawra, there are numerous remarks concerning his relationship with God’s or Sultan’s Mystery: 34.  Il a gardé ce Secret. C’est Binyamin qui a gardé ce Secret.94 (…) 35.  40.  44.  47. 

…C’est Binyam aussi qui découvrit le Secret de l’Unique. (…) …C’est lui qui cache le Secret, c’est lui qui témoigne de l’Essence divine. (…) …Ton Binyam est un être qui posséde un zat. (…) …Binyam a témoigné de la Manifestation de Dieu. (…)

228.  …C’est Yar qui a fait apparaître Binyamin au jour /C’est Yar qui a fait de Binyamin [le Guide de] la clarté.95

This is what Benyamin says about himself: 161.  Binyamin déclare: De l’origine des sources. Je viens de la source et d’en haut, de l’origine des sources.96

The description of the Benyamin-God relationship and its context brings to mind the content of one of the most ambiguous Yezidi qewls, which I quoted earlier, namely Qewlê Bê û Elîf, where the original state of  One of the names of Yaresanism.  Mokri (1977, pp. 129–132) (Gorani text: ibidem, pp. 380–378). 94  Mokri literally states: “cette action de voiler le Secret” (ibidem, p. 132, note 43). 95  Mokri (1977, pp. 132–135 and 195) (Gorani text: ibidem, pp. 378–376 and 342). 96  Ibidem, p. 168 (Gorani text: ibidem, 353). 92 93

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

135

God in the Pearl was narrated. The very title of this hymn is intriguing, as the order of the first two letters of the alphabet is reversed for some unclear reason: 1.   Bê û elif             Textê nûrî sedef          Padşê min li navdayî bi xef.    

B and A The luminous Throne—shell My Padishah is in hiding inside.

2.  Pedşê min li navdayî mixfî bû     Ew bi xo a xo razî bû        

My Padishah was hidden inside  e was delighted with Himself H by Himself Being had not appeared yet [And] he knew Himself by Himself

Hêj kewn neye dahir bû       Ew bi xo a xo nasî bû         

3.  Ew bi xo diperiste (…)         He worshipped Himself   Ew nûr bû bi xo diperiste (…)      He was the Light, he worshipped Himself…

4.  Pedşê min nûr bû, nûr hate bale    My Padishah was the light, the light came to him Aşiq celîle, me’şûq celale (…)      Splendid Lover [to] the Beloved [who was] Splendour. 6.  Pedşê min bi xo efirandî dura beyzaye.  By himself my King had created the White Pearl Mêr neder pê daye          The [holy] Man97 looked at it, Jê çêkir şêxê Hesen il-Mustefaye.      From it he fashioned Sheikh Hasan, the Chosen.98

By the way, a very similar description is given in the Yaresan manuscript, Tadhkira-i A’la, published by Ivanow: On the first day when the All-High conceived the intention to create the world (…) He turned His perfect vision upon His own beauty, He perceived the glory, the gloryfied, and being gloryfied were all in Himself. Thus it was He who was, He who looked, He who was speaking, and He who listened to Himself. (…) Himself the seeker and the sought, the lover and the beloved, because there was nothing to be seen except for Himself (…). He  Or “men.”  Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, pp. 71–72); Reşo (2013, p. 252); tr. A. R.

97 98

136 

A. RODZIEWICZ

was alone talking to Himself and moving about. Then He conceived a desire to manifest Himself to all beings. (…) The Creator first created a pearl…99

Let us go back to the Yezidi hymn: 8. 

Berî mişûre, berî xete       Before mishurs, before writing, Berî qeleme, berî heqîqete      Before the Pen, Before the Truth Mêr nasîbû ew mihbete.      The [holy] Man got to know this Love.

9.  Mihbeta ji wêye          Love is from here, Heqîqeta me ji wê hewdêye       From this reservoir is our Truth Dayî mirîda, dot û dêye.       Was given to the Murids, the daughter and the mother. 10.  Dayî reda da, dotê reda neda 

 he mother gave her consent, the T daughter did not Nav xasêt Şîxadî bû usfete     Among the Holy Men Shikhadi was praised. Day li dotê şehde da.         The mother gave a testimony about the daughter.

11.   Day mirîde, dot dêye        The mother is a Murid, the daughter is the mother Bêjine min, kî ji berî kêye?      Tell me: Who was before who?100

This bizarre hymn describes the relationship of God to Himself, or actually the moment when God became the object of His own thought and then His own delight and reverence, which was associated with the appearance of Love within the Pearl. God fell in love with Himself, and from that moment on, a kind of primordial division occurred in the Indivisible—into the subject and the object within one entity, into the Lover and the Beloved. According to some Yezidis with whom I have spoken about this verse, it refers to the moment when God recognized Sheikh Adi in Himself. The last of the verses quoted above, namely those which refer to the Murid-Teacher relationship and to the two figures, Sheikh Hasan and Sheikh Adi (Shikhadi), are the most ambiguous ones. They can be read as  Tadhkira-i A’la, 2: Ivanow (1953, pp. 100–102).  Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, pp. 72–73); Reşo (2013, p. 253); tr. A. R.

99

100

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

137

describing the special relationship between these two main leaders of the Yezidi community, of whom Hasan ibn Adi (the daughter), although he lived later in terms of chronology, was the author of the Yezidi doctrine of the divinity of Adi (the mother).101 However, this passage can also be understood as referring to the preceding verses, that is, a much earlier situation that took place in the Pearl, where some kind of a special agreement was made between the original (the mother) and what was created of the original as first (the daughter), which resulted in a reversal of roles. It seems that a similar situation is described in the Yaresan tradition, namely in the myth of the primordial Pact or Covenant (Shart) between God and Benyamin, which was concluded in pre-eternity, that is, still in the Pearl (to which Pir Dāwūd was witness), and as a result of which God became the Murid of Binyamin. In Dawra-y Diwan-a-Gawra, this event is reported in the following way: 46.    …Binyam au jour preeternel [azal] a conclu un Pacte. (…) 166.  Le Roi [Padsha] déclare: (…) Je m’adresse à toi, Binyamin, ô compagnon a la stature élevée! Tu es notre Récitant, tu as lu la leçon initiale.102

The link between this Pact and the master-disciple relationship is truly remarkable here. More details about this Pact are provided in one of the oldest Yaresan texts, Saranjam, where we read about the search for God, called “Shah of the World,” by Benyamin, who finally, cast himself into the sea to go to the Shah.103

There, he finds God, who agrees to follow him to his companions on the condition that Benyamin becomes his Pir. That sounds blasphemous and paradoxical, because as a result of this Pact God will assume the role of a murid. However, God justifies this condition by referring to His omnipotence:

101  A similar explanation was given by the Yezidi Qewals (quoted by Kreyenbroek and Rashow, 2005, p. 73): “although, from a historical point of view (lî tarixê) Sheikh Hesen was the son of Sheikh Adi, on the esoteric level (li surrê) he was Sheikh Adi’s Sheikh. Therefore the Mother is Sheikh Hesen; the Daughter, Sheikh Adi.” 102  Mokri (1977, p. 135 and 171) (Gorani text: ibidem, p. 376 and 353). 103  Saranjam: Pittman (1937, p. 156); cf. Ivanow (1953, pp. 167–168).

138 

A. RODZIEWICZ

O Benjamin, I will come among you on one condition, viz., that you be my pir and I follow you. (…) The follower must be ruled by the command of the pir and obey whatever the pir may say. If I am the pir and you a follower of whatever I say, you will not be able to perform what (ever) I command. Therefore it is advisable that you be the pir and I a follower.104

In Sheikh Amir’s Kalām, Benyamin is even referred to as “Pir of the Pact” (Pir-e Shart), and his relationship with God is compared to the mystical love union, while the Pact itself is called the “Pact of Love/Grace” (Sahib-e Shart-e naz): 27.    Il se prêtèrent serment. Pir et mon Roi (Padsha) se prêtèrent serment. [Pir] a dans sa main le filet du pacte [pour chercher] la trace du Compagnonnage (Yari). Il est enivré d’avoir bu à la coupe du vin antahur.105 (…) 32.    Maître du Pacte de l’amour. Par le moyen de l’amour des hommes, Maître du Pacte de l’amour, et non au moyen du lemps, des longues années, des longs mois, il faut que tu oeuvres afin que Yar soit glorifié. (…) 34  

35  

  Ils ne se séparent pas. Pir et Roi (Padsha) ne se séparent pas. Si Benyâmin venait au monde, Dieu devrait se manifester. (…) …Son pacte avec Dieu est parfait (tayyar). Sa main fuvre au service de Dieu (Xawandgar). (…)

37.    …Dieu est en lui. Il est l’homme de Dieu, Dieu est en lui. Mon Roi (Padsha) est dans la dun…106

In the last stanza, an explicit reference is made to incarnation (dun, hence the term the Yaresan uses for reincarnation: dunaduni), which allows us to understand the essence of this Pact as consent to  Ibidem.  As Morki noted, antahur is a deformation of the Quranic “pure drink” from the Surah al-Insan (LXXVI, 21: shaharab-an-tahura). 106  Mokri (1956, pp. 399–401) (Gorani text: ibidem, pp. 419–418). 104 105

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

139

the act of incarnation (of the first emanation of the Essence of God) in a human body. The Pact, as known from the Yaresan tradition, can be considered to have its Yezidi equivalent, namely the motif of angels, and then Adam, drinking from the Cup (Kas), which makes them dazed. Each time, this motif appears in the description of a transition to the next stage of the world’s realization (becoming real) or its coming to life. We hear about it especially in Qewlê Zebûnî Meksûr, in the fragment where the first angels (called “lovers” of God/First Angel) and Adam are described. Significantly, this process is accompanied by the handing over of “the light of Love” to Adam and by the theme also present in the Yaresan tradition,107 that is, the emergence of music: 8.  Aşiqa ew mîr dît û kir nase,   The Lovers saw the Prince and recognized him Jê vavartin muhibet û kase…   Love and the Cup were taken from him. 38.   Şaz û qidûm hatin û hadirî,   

 he tambourine and flute descended, T and it is ready! Nûra muhibetê hingivte serî   The light of Love struck the head, Ruh hat û li qalibê Adem pêxember êwirî.   Spirit came and inhabited Prophet Adam’s corporeal shell.

39.   Adem pêxember ji vê kasê vedixwar û vejiya,   Prophet Adam drank from this Cup and became alive Mest bû û hejya,             He was drunk and he staggered, Goşt lê ruhya, xûn tê geriya.        He was covered with flesh, the blood started circulating in him.108

A similar description can also be found in The Hymn of Thousand and One Names (Qewlê Hezar û Yek Nav):  Cf. Haqq-al Haqâyeq, st. 1520–1753 (Jeyhounabadi, 1982, pp. 71–92).  Rodziewicz (2018c, pp. 209 and 215–216); tr. A. R.

107 108

140 

A. RODZIEWICZ

10.   Kasek ji minra di-îna          A Cup was fetched for me Her hefta vedixwîne           All seven drink (from it) Pê dibûn melik li zemîne.          Through it they became kings on earth.109

It appears that all these descriptions are about the same issue—the presence of divine reality in the corporeal world. Also, the emergence of instruments and music can be associated with the old concept of “the harmony of the spheres,” that is, the appearance of the movement of heavenly bodies.110 In this context, it is worth noting that when the Yezidis talk about giving life to Adam and the birth of his son, they sometimes mention the participation of the angel Gabriel (Cibraîl), whom they sometimes treat interchangeably with the Peacock Angel. This is particularly significant in the case of the myth of Shahid ben Jarr, that is, “the Witness of the jarr,” whom the Yezidis believe to be their forefather. According to the legend, he was born from the jar (jarr) in which Adam placed his semen or God’s sur. The presence of Gabriel/the Peacock Angel in this process was noted, among others, by Feqir Haji in an interview with Eszter Spät: It wasn’t Adam who put it in a jar. Jibrail brought the sur from his forehead, put it in a jar, not Adam. Tawusi Melek brought it out from his forehead, put it in jar, and threw Adam out of Paradise. (…) Tawusi Melek took out the sur from his forehead. Brought it out and Shehid was born from it, he put this sur in a jar.111

In this way the analogy between Yaresanism and Yezidism becomes even more evident. The Peacock Angel would therefore be the equivalent of Benyamin, who represents God’s Essence. At the same time, both of these figures are identified with archangel Gabriel. Unfortunately, things are more complicated, because the very same Feqir Haji also says that it was Angel Sheikh Sin or his sur from Heaven that reached Adam: It was the sur of Angel Sheikh Sin (…). The spirit (ruh) of an angel had to go into the body.112  Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, p. 75).  Rodziewicz (2020). 111  Spät (2010, p. 432). 112  Ibidem, p. 438; I have changed “soul” to “spirit.” 109 110

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

141

It is not clear which of the angels is the general intermediary of God’s Mystery or Essence—the Peacock Angel, Gabriel or Melek Sheikh Sin? Are they the same person with different names/emanations, or is there a subtle difference here that is illogical only apparently? In another place, Feqir Hagi repeats: Who is the prophet of the Ummah? Adam. This sur, the sur of Angel Sheikh Sin came from the sky to the forehead of Adam.113

An almost identical phrase is used in the Yaresan treatise, Tadhkira-i A’la, which clearly shows that both religions refer to the same source of the myth. Gabriel is mentioned here, as the one who fashioned the figure of Adam and fixed the light of Muhammad the Prophet in Adam’s forehead and ordered the spirit [ruh] to enter his body which it refused to do until it noticed the light of that Saint.114

However, in the place of Melek Sheikh Sin, Muhammad is mentioned, and in the place of light (nur)—sur. When considering these words in the context of the Yezidi myth, it should be said that the Peacock Angel/ Gabriel placed in Adam and his descendant the sur of Sheikh Sin/Hasan, which in turn would correspond to the “light of Muhammad” in the Yaresan myth. Therefore, a conclusion could be drawn that Muhammad and Sheikh Hasan are each other’s equivalents in the respective religions. Indeed, such an analogy can be demonstrated and, what is even more interesting, another figure from the Yaresan tradition can be included in this group, namely Pir-Musi, who in the fragments of Sheikh Amir’s Kala ̄m is mentioned before Binyamin, just as Sheikh Hasan is mentioned before Sheikh Adi in the Yezidi Qewlê Bê û Elîf. In both traditions, these holy men (Sheikh Hasan and Pir-Musi) are considered to be God’s manifestation related to writing and literacy. Pir-Musi was “made His Minister and His Scribe” by God (Sultan Sahāk). One of the epithets that describe him is “the one, who wields a pen” (Qalam-zan).115 In turn, in the Yezidi tradition, Melek Sheikh Sin/Sheikh Hasan is called “the Lord of the Pen”  Ibidem, pp. 422–423.  Tadhkira-i A’la, 16–17 (Ivanow, 1953, p. 107); translation slightly corrected. 115  Kreyenbroek (2020, p. 86). 113 114

142 

A. RODZIEWICZ

(Xudanê qelemê), for instance in the Yezidi Qewlê Şêşims, he is referred to as follows: 35.   Melik Şêxsin di dest da qelemê îmanê  King/Angel Sheikhsin holds in his hand the Pen of Faith.116

His attribute, the pen, is also mentioned in some versions of the Yezidi Shahada: …Qelema Melek Şîxsin nivîsîme    …I have been written by the Pen of Angel Shikhsin.117

The pseudonyms used by the Yezidis to refer to Sheikh Hasan include among others the “Crown of the Gnostics” (Taj al-‘Arifin) and “Prince of qalandars.” In Qewlê Ez Rojekê Sefer Bûm his name is derived from Beauty (Hisn), and he is referred to as the Sheikh of the Tradition (Şêxê sinetê) and Prophet (nebî): ̂ 13   …Melik Fexredîn dizanit Hesenî ji hisnê ye.   Angel Fakhradin knows that Hasan is from Beauty 14   Ĥesen ji hisnê peydabû,            Hasan was created/appeared from Beauty Nûra wî li qendîlê rawesta bû,         His light had its place in the Lamp Bi muhbeta şêxê Ĥesen şa bû.         [He/it] rejoiced of Sheikh Hassan’s love 15   Şa bû ji wê muhbetê,         

[ He/it] was happy from that love Û ewî qewat da nebîyê ometê      And his power made him a prophet of the community Ew li e’zmana sura şêxê sinetê.       In the heavens he is the sur of the Sheikh of the Tradition.118

In conclusion, it can be said that in the Yezidi religion the function of Sheikh Hasan is analogous to that which Islam attributes to Muhammad. This comparison is all the more reasonable because—while we understand very well the role that Hasan played in the formation of the Yezidi  Kreyenbroek and Rashow (2005, p. 206); tr. A. R.  Omarkhali (2017, p. 368 and 370). 118  Reşo (2013, pp. 553–554); tr. A. R. 116 117

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

143

theology—he was the one who preached the credo of Sheikh Adi and Sultan Yezid being the manifestation of God. Thus, it is not surprising that the Yezidis call him the “Messenger (resûl) of God”119 and “Prophet of the [Yezidi] community.” The words: “the New Muhammad is perfect”120 contained in the Qewlê Zebûnî Meksûr also seem to refer to him. Just as Muhammad is mentioned in Muslim Shahada, Melek Sheikh Sin is present in the Yezidi Declaration of Faith: Şehda dînê min êk Ellah         My Declaration of Faith: One God, Melek Şêx Sin heqq hebîb Ellah.(…)    Angel Sheikh Sin [is in] Truth the Beloved of God. (…) Siltan Şêxadî pedşê mine (…)        Sultan Shikhadi is my padishah Siltan Êzî pedşê mine (…)        Sultan Yezi is my padishah Tawûsî Melek şehde û êmanêd mine (…)  The Peacock Angel is my Shahada and Trust Melek Şêx Sin baxoyê mine…       Angel Sheikh Sin is my master…121

However, it deserves to be mentioned here that there are also other versions of this Shahada circulating among the Yezidis, in which the following statements can be found: Êzdîd yek ella, Şîxadî hebub ella   Yezid is one God and Shihadi is the friend of God.122 or Şehda Dînê min êk Allah,       My Declaration of the faith: one God, Tawus Malak heqq hebîb Allah    The Peacock Angel [is in] Truth the Beloved of God.123

If all of the above is considered, it may bring about some confusion, as the question arises how Melek Sheikh Sin (Sheikh Hasan) is related to Sheikh Adi and the Peacock Angel. Who is higher in the hierarchy, and who in fact was the first angel of God? 119  In Dirozga Şêşims, st. 27: “Melek Şêxsin resûlê Ella ye” (Omarkhali, 2017, p. 343; cf. ibidem, p. 372). 120  Qewlê Zebûnî Meksûr, st. 50 “Mihemedê nû kamile” (Rodziewicz, 2018c, p. 218). 121  Şehda Dînî (Reşo, 2013, p. 1023); tr. A. R. 122  Attested in Armenia: Omarkhali (2017, p. 369); tr. A. R. 123  This version I recorded in the Yezidi town of Ba’adre in Iraq in 2019.

144 

A. RODZIEWICZ

God, Prophet, and Gabriel, and the Question about Identity In order to clarify this doubt, a research into the Muslim tradition may prove valuable. This is because both the Yezidi and the Yaresan myth about the first angel and the creation of Adam have their roots in the legend that was known from at least the end of the ninth century AD among Muslim mystics and theologians, and was made popular by storytellers. It states that Adam and Seth were given some particular primordial essence called—just like in the Yaresan myth—“the Light of Muhammad.” This legend, in turn, was inspired by even earlier myths which developed from a Biblical exegesis in which the birth of Adam’s son Seth and his exceptional descendants was described (found inter alia in Christian writings, which were known in the areas inhabited by the Yezidis).124 It is worth mentioning here that one of the first to write about the Nur Muhammad was a Persian mystic and the early teacher of Hallaj, Sahl al-­ Tustari (c. AD 818–c. 896).125 However, this tradition could go back even earlier, as according to one of the hadiths Muhammad himself was credited with the claim that “the first thing God created was my light.”126 Tustari described God as dynamic reality, which he compared to the light that permeates the universe and with which the mystic encounters in his innermost being (sirr). The sirr is actually one of his main technical terms, which he constantly uses in his Tafsir, where it was described among others as follows: Do you not see that in reality the servant only beholds God by means of a subtle “substance” [laṭı ̄fa] from God, through its connection to his heart. This subtle substance pertains to the attributes of the essence [zat] of his Lord. It is neither brought into being [mukawwana], nor created [makhlu ̄qa], neither conjunct [with God], nor cut off [from Him]. It is a secret from a secret to a secret [sirr min sirr ila sirr], an unseen [mystery] [ghayb] from an unseen to an unseen.127

124  Cf. The Cave of Treasures 7, 1–12 (tr. The Book of the Cave of Treasures, 1927, 74); see also: Tubach (2003). 125  Hallaj abandoned Tustari after two years, cf. Böwering (1980, p. 62). 126  Schimmel (2005, p. 6766). 127  Tustari (2011, p. 20). On the Tustari’s concept of the “sirr of the soul” see Böwering (1980, pp. 185–202).

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

145

In Tustari’s interpretation, man is essentially a particle of light that comes from God, as the Light of Muhammad, which preexisted before the birth of Adam and was mixed with clay. The earthly Muhammad was born in a future generation from this clay alone: God, Exalted is He, before he created Adam said to the angels I am appointing on earth a vicegerent, and He created Adam from the clay of might consisting of the light of Muḥammad.128 The progeny (dhurriyya) comprise three [parts], a first, second and third: the first is Muḥammad, for when God, Exalted is He, wanted to create Muḥammad He made appear (aẓhara) a light from His light, and when it reached the veil of divine majesty it prostrated before God, and from that prostration God created an immense crystal-like column of light, that was inwardly and outwardly translucent, and within it was the essence of Muḥammad. (…) The second among the progeny, is Adam. God created him from the light [of Muḥammad]. And He created Muḥammad, that is, his body, from the clay of Adam. The third is the progeny of Adam. God, Mighty and Majestic is He, created the seekers [of God] (murı ̄dun̄ ) from the light of Adam, and He created the [divinely]-sought (murādun̄ ) from the light of Muḥammad.129

The greatest similarity to the Yezidi and Yaresan myths mentioned above is found in the version of this legend about the primordial Muhammadan light which was associated with Ka’b al-Ahbar, a Jewish contemporary of Muhammad, and which was recorded by “Umara ibn Wathima al-Farisi al-Fasawi (d. AD 902) in his Kitab bad’ al-khalq waqisas al-anbiya.”130 In al-Farisi’s version, the legend begins with God’s statement, in which He tells the angels that His intention is to create a being whom I will honor and exalt over all other beings, whom I will make the master of the first and the last and the intercessor of the Day of Resurrection. (…) Then God commanded the peacock of the angels, Gabriel, to bring him the pure and purifying white handful which is the splendor and the light of the world. Gabriel descended among the angels of paradise (…) and took the handful of the Messenger of God [qabada qabdat rasul allah] from the site of his grave. At that time it was white and pure; it was the cleanest, purest, most radiant, and most immaculate spot on the face  Tustari (2011, p. 16).  Ibidem, p. 77. 130  See variants collected and discussed by Katz (2007, pp. 15–29); see also: Rubin (1975). 128 129

146 

A. RODZIEWICZ

of the earth. It was kneaded with the waters of Tasnim and Salsabil and swelled until it became like a white pearl; then it was immersed in all of the rivers of heaven, and taken around all of the heavens, the earths, and the seas. So the angels knew Muhammad and his merit before they knew Adam and his merit. When God created Adam, he heard a swishing like the sound of dust motes from the lines of the wrinkles in his forehead. He said, “Glory be to You, what is that?” [A voice] called to him, “O Adam, that is the glorification of the Seal of the Prophets and the master of the messengers among your descendants, Muhammad, My servant, messenger, beloved, close friend, and chosen one from among My creatures; take him with a pact and covenant with Me to place him only in pure loins and resplendent channels.131

Therefore, thanks to the angel Gabriel, referred to explicitly as “the Peacock of the Angels,” Adam was given the Light of Muhammad, which is directly compared to the Pearl. As we learn from the subsequent part of the myth—and the analogy especially to Yezidism is even stronger here— he hands over this light to his son Seth (in the Yezidi legend—Shahid) and, after many years, makes him a party to the pact which he had made with God. Each new generation receives this Light and repeats the Pact until the birth of Prophet Muhammad.132 Another version of this myth comes from the eleventh century, from Abu’l-Faraj ‘Abd al-Rahman Ibn al-Jawzi (d. AD 1200), who included it in his Al-Wafa’ bi-ahwal al-Mustafa: From Ka‘b al-Ahbar; he said: When God willed to create Muhammad, He commanded Gabriel to come to Him. He brought Him the white handful that is the place of the Prophet’s grave. It was kneaded with the water of Tasnim, then immersed in the rivers of paradise, and carried around the heavens and the earth. So the angels knew Muhammad and his merit before they knew Adam. Then the light of Muhammad was visible in the blaze of Adam’s forehead. He was told, “O Adam, that is the master of the prophets and messengers of your children.” When Eve conceived Seth, [the light] was transferred from Adam to Eve; she used to give birth to two children at a time except for Seth, whom she bore singly in honor of Muhammad. Then [the light] continued to be transferred from one pure person to another until [the Prophet Muhammad] was born.133  Katz (2007, pp. 15–16).  Ibidem, p. 16. 133  Ibidem, p. 20. 131 132

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

147

The analogy is explicit here, and it demonstrates that in the Yezidi myth Muhammad was replaced with Sheikh Hasan, while Gabriel was replaced with the Peacock Angel. It deserves to be noticed that the angel Gabriel is the protagonist of one of the Yezidi myths in which the Peacock Angel is not mentioned at all. It is the legend which describes the state which preceded the creation of the world, and it contains certain elements that are absent from the holy hymns of Yezidism. Presumably the source of this legend is one of the Sufi versions of the myth concerning the Muhammadan Light. As stated by Arent J. Wensinck, who studied the bird’s symbolism in the cosmogonies of western Asia, “according to the theosophic conceptions, Muhammed, before the creation of the world, was a luminary substance in the form of a peacock and the peacock was on the tree of certainty (yakin). From this substance the world was created. Similar ideas appear in theological papers having currency in India.”134 The protagonist of this legend is a particular Trinity, namely God, the angel Gabriel, and Sheikh Hasan. The legend was first recorded by Nicolas Siouffi, in Iraq in the late nineteenth century. A few dozen years later, a Soviet Kurdologist and ethnographer, Oleg Vil’chevskiy, heard a different version in Armenia. The latest version of the legend, as told by Qewlbêj Merwanê Xelîl (b. 1981) was recently published by Khanna Omarkhali.135 The main motif of this story is the conflict between God and Gabriel, which was about the inability to recognize God and ended with forgiveness and cooperation of all participants. The motif of the Pearl is not present here. Instead, it mentions the tree that God inhabited as a bird. In the oldest version of this myth known to us, recorded by Siouffi, we read: In the beginning the world was an ocean in the middle of which there was a tree created by divine power. God rested on this tree in the form of a bird. No one knows how many centuries he remained there. In a region far away from where the tree had grown, there was a rose bush full of flowers, and Sheikh Sin (or Sheikh Hassan-el-Bassri) had taken his place in one of its roses. God had brought him out of himself, to give him the existence. Then God created the Archangel Gabriel from his own splendour, also in the form of a bird, and placed him on the tree beside him.136 134  Wensinck (1921, p.  38). See also: Schimmel (1985, pp.  291–292); van Bruinessen (2020, forthcoming). 135  Omarkhali (2017, p. 121). 136  Siouffi (1882, pp. 252–253); tr. A. R.

148 

A. RODZIEWICZ

The version recorded by Vil’chevskiy is very similar: In the beginning there was a big sea, and in the middle of the sea, on a rose bush sat Sheikh Sinn, i.e. Hasan al Basri, “the Lord of the Rose,” and Sheikh Sinn had the form of a bird. A big tree was growing in the same sea. There was god137—Xudê and the Angel Jebrail (Gabriel) sitting on the tree; they both also had the appearance of large white birds.138

The version published by Omarkhali is almost identical. Let us note here that Gabriel is not the first angel in this myth, as Melek Sheikh Sin (Sheikh Hasan) is listed before him. Siouffi’s version says that God had brought Hasan out of Himself, and Gabriel was created out of God’s splendor. Moreover, according to all versions of this myth, in its further part, Sheikh Hasan was presented as having the knowledge of God, while Gabriel did not recognize God and could not answer His question about his own and God’s identity. When God asked him: “Who are you and who am I?”, he replied only: “You are you, I am I.” God got angry with him and—depending on the version—kicked him or started pecking him, as a result of which Jebrail fell from a tree and flew over the sea for seven years.139

After that, he came back and again outraged God, because he still could not answer the initial question. Then, God spat in his fontanelle, and the angel flew off the tree again. Then Gabriel met Melek Sheikh Sin/Hasan sitting on a rose bush, from whom he learnt that the bird was God, who was his creator, and who created him from light/splendor, and that the right answer was “You are Creator, I am the creature.” Thus, he went back to God and gave the correct answer, to which God replied: “Only our lord—Sheikh Sin, the Lord of the Rose, could teach you this!”140 In other words, Gabriel is presented here as the murid of Sheikh Hasan. In the version quoted by Vil’chevskiy, the myth ends with the following statement:

137  The lowercase spelling may be a result of the nature of the communist journal Atheist, in which the article of Vil’chevskiy was published. 138  Vil’chevskiy (1930, p. 85); tr. A. R. 139  Ibidem; tr. A. R. 140  Ibidem; tr. A. R.

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

149

Then god-Xudê, Jibrail and Sheikh Sinn left to create the world.141

Unfortunately, it is not entirely clear whether it is God or Gabriel or Sheikh Hasan who is the alter ego of the Peacock Angel in this story. This ambiguity was also noted by Vil’chevskiy: “sometimes Sheikh Sinn is replaced by Melek-Taus and Jibrail by Melek-Yezid (Angel Yezid). (…) Sheikh Sinn and Melek-Yezid take part in the creation of the world together with god. As the crowning of the whole world, man is created from the soil, and, based on Yezidi legends, it is very difficult to determine who exactly created man—God or Sheikh Sinn.”142 Let us acknowledge that in one account of this myth, Gabriel is thrown off the tree by God and goes to the sea, where he stays for seven years. I think it is worth linking this to the Yaresan myths, which mention Benjamin precisely in the context of the sea. For example, Minorsky cites a myth very similar to the Yezidi one, which he heard from Sayyid of Kalardasht, about God and Benyamin swimming in the water: “God was in the Pearl, then he came into the water where Benyamin was swimming. God asked him ‘Who are you’ Benyamin replied: ‘I am me, you are you.’ God burned Benyamin’s wings. The same thing happened a second time. Then God came in a new form and taught Benyamin—that is to say, Jebrail—to answer ‘You are the creator, and I am the servant.’”143 The following verses of Dawra-y Diwan-a-Gawra may refer to the same legend: 43.   …Binyam est misérable dans l’océan tumultueux (…) 65.   …O Sultan de la religion de Yari! 66.   Tu emmèneras Binyamin de l’emprise de la mer…144

The same myth, in the context of the description of the creation of the first angel, is also comprised in Haqq al-Haqayeq: 600        601        602   

In a time when the Truth was hidden in the Pearl There was also a Mystery residing in the heart of the Pearl There was a sea of water all over the world The Essence of Truth was alive because of this So then Karamdar, the Majestic God,

 Ibidem; tr. A. R.  Ibidem, pp. 85–87; tr. A. R. 143  Minorsky (1920, p. 25); cf. Ivanow (1953, p. 105). 144  Mokri (1977, pp. 134–140) (Gorani text: ibidem, pp. 360–357). 141 142

150 

A. RODZIEWICZ

    Wanted to create Gabriel 603    In this clothing of the Mystery, then, this Righteous God      Looked at the pearls and the jewels 604    He chose one seed [dane]      The place of this pearl was in a shell 605   He took out a seed [from inside the shell]      And evaluated its value as a human 606   When the Living Essence took this seed/pearl      At that moment he looked at it with kindness 607    He put a cloth on the pearl     Pir Benyamin was created 608    Because the cloth was shining like a Sun      In this moment he changed his name 609    He named him “Gabriel”     Who became a Pir and an Imam for both worlds

It is followed by the following remark: 610         611        612       

The Judge [=God] threw him into the water And he immediately spread his wings He started to strike his feathers and wings in this endless sea He did not follow God Bewildered he searched in every place He did not see any trace of anyone else except himself.145

The myth that is told in the subsequent part of Haqq al-Haqayeq is almost identical as the Yezidi one. God asks Binyamin to identify Him, but Benyamin fails to recognize “God’s Mystery” (Serr-e Haq) and responds: 622         623       

I am one [yek tan], who is free in the world I do not know anything else There is no one higher than me I cannot see anyone but myself.146

After that, “a flash sprang from the pearl (treasury) and burnt the wings of Jebra’il. Jebra’il remained for some years in the whirpool. Then the Truth (God) pardoned him and he again received wings. But he remained in his ignorance and thus when he was asked (about the mystery) he  Jeyhounabadi (1982, pp. 35–36); tr. A. R.  Ibidem, p. 36; tr. A. R.

145 146

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

151

answered the same, which caused him the same fate as before. This time the Truth sent a messenger (out of Himself) in the form of a boy, who appeared to Jebra’il. The messenger taught Jebra’il how to answer the question. The messenger also gave Jebra’il ‘life water’ to drink. As Jebra’il drank the water he became enlightened and spiritually intoxicated. This time, when he was asked about the mystery, he answered: ‘You are the Creator and I am the creature.’ Then God made him the head and the leader of all His creatures.”147 Therefore, also in this case we can see clearly that the source of this myth is the same as the one which inspired the Yezidis and the Yaresan. Moreover, there is a very similar myth, known in the Eastern Christian and Alevi traditions, recounting a bird floating in the sea, who is given demiurgic powers and is called Satana/Satanail/Sotonail, and who, just like Gabriel in the legends quoted above, does not know the answer to God’s question “Who are you and who am I?”148 The question itself is also attested, for example, in one of the hadiths quoted by Abu Bakr al-­ Kalabadhi (d. AD 990 or 995) in his Kitab al-Ta’arruf: “When God created the intellect. He said to it, ‘Who am I?’ It was silent: so He anointed149 it with the light of Oneness; and it opened its eyes, and said, ‘Thou art God; there is no god except Thee.’” The intellect, then, had not the capacity to know God, except through God.150

On the other hand, given the analogies between Gabriel and Benyamin and descriptions of their fall into the sea, and also the relationship between the angel Gabriel and the Peacock Angel or—as in the Muslim myth— “the Peacock of the Angels,” it is important to be aware of the fact that this comparison is not only characteristic for only the Yezidis or the Yaresan, since it is also present in a similar legend known to the Iraqi Mandaeans. They know the myth of the son of God, compared to the peacock, who has the function of a demiurge and who has been entrusted with the rule over the earthly world. As it can be read in the Mandaean Book of John (seventh/eighth century AD), he, too, was said to have a problem with his identity, and, due to his beauty, he was so focused on himself, that he did not see God with whom he came into conflict:  Ibidem, pp. 36–39 (paraphrased by Hamzeh’ee, 1990, p. 262).  See: Stoyanov (2001); Ivanow (1953, pp. 46–47). 149  Lit. “smeared with kohl”. 150  Al-Kalabadhi (1935, p. 50). 147 148

152 

A. RODZIEWICZ

1 

Over yonder, by the seashore,      stands and preaches the Peacock. He says, Who is like me?             Is there anyone like me? (…) 7  I am the Peacock;       Life, my ancestors, have laid me low. They made me the enclosure’s guardian. I was filled with doubt, With doubt, I was filled,        and my senses failed (…). 20     [They set me] at the world’s distant end,   until Earth comes to nought (…). 29  When the Great [Life] did this to me,    I said, 30   ‘Woe is me, the Peacock,         whose decency is exceeded by his stupidity, whose beauty has killed him,        whose own words have trapped him, and whose pride has trapped him (…). 42.   The Peacock did not submit,       and they called him a defiant son.151

At the same time, both the older Mandaean tradition and the Yezidi and Yaresan traditions have preserved the myths about God’s ultimate forgiveness for his counterpart. This demonstrates that the myths quoted above are echoes of a much older legend about an angel, who, like a ray, carried light that illuminates darkness, and who passed from the divine world to the earthly world of corporeality, for which the sea seems to be a very ancient metaphor of carnality, into which he falls like a bird, to finally fly up and return to God.

God, Ahmad, and Azazil. Hallaj’s Vision of Pre-­Eternity in the Kitab al-Tawasin Instead of reaching for remote parallels to the Yezidi and Yaresan cosmogonies, let us now look at a relatively close concept, which is connected with Hallaj and his interpretation of the Muslim descriptions of cosmogony. The main work that includes both descriptions of pre-eternity and the very beginning of the world is his Kitab al-Tawasin (Book of Ta-Sins). Unfortunately, a treatise attributed to Hallaj, The Pearl (Al-Durra), which could shed more light on the main motif of the Yezidi and Yaresan cosmogonies, has not survived. In his works Hallaj referred to the symbolic 151

 Drasha d Yahia 75, 1–42 (The Mandaean Book of John, 2019, 215–219).

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

153

character of the White Pearl (Durra bayda), which is also evidenced in a fragment of the text of his sentences (included in the Riwayat), in which Hallaj apparently quoted one of the hadiths: 22. By the south wind, by the essence of the Mim, by My constellations, by the nebula, by the lightning flashes, by My ocean, with its shimmering waves, by the glory and the heart, it is said: “that God descends each night from heaven to the earth (with a white pearl) …”152 Due to the scarce number of written sources and the religious ban on writing among the Yezidis, we do not have any evidence that would confirm that the Yezidis knew the content of Kitab al-Tawasin at the time when their community formed and the oldest cosmogonical hymns were created, although its members might have come into contact with his text at a time when the taboo on writing was not yet in force. From the twelfth to the thirteenth century, the times of Sheikh Hasan and his closest successors, when the “doctrine” of Yezidism was being formulated, Hallaj’s treatise must have been of great interest to the mystics, since it was also available in Persian, translated and complemented with a commentary by Ruzbihan Baqli (AD 1128–1209). Thus, the Yezidis may have known either the text itself or at least the thoughts it conveyed, which was popular in both the Arabic and the Persian-speaking circles of mystics. There is no doubt that already the very mysterious title of Hallaj’s work and especially the chapter devoted to the history of Iblis titled Ta and Sin of Pre-­ eternity (Ta-Sin al-Azal), could bring to mind the name of their two holy beings, Tawusi Melek and the Angel Sheikh Sin, who play an important role in the cosmogonical myths. It also seems very likely that Adi ibn Musafir himself came into contact in Bagdad with the views of Hallaj (if not with the text itself), all the more so given the fact that they were promoted by one of his masters, Ahmad al-Ghazali.153 Let us briefly analyze the descriptions of cosmogony included in the Kitab al-Tawasin.154 Its first chapter, Ta-sin of the Lamp (Tasin al-siraj), begins with the following words: 1.  A lamp appeared from the Light [siraj min nur] of the Unseen. It appeared and returned, and it surpassed the other lamps. It was a ruling  Riwayat XXII (Massignon, 1982b, p. 332).  Cf. Dehqan (1383, p. 51). 154  Arabic and Persian (Baqli’s) text: Hallaj (1913). 152 153

154 

A. RODZIEWICZ

moon, manifesting itself radiantly among the other moons. It was a star whose astrological house is in the Empyrean. Allah named him “unlettered” in view of the concentration of his aspiration, and also “consecrated” because of his majesty of his blessing, and “Makkan” because of his residence in His vicinity.155

This fragment refers to Ahmad/Muhammad, who is compared to the lamp coming from God’s Light. The first phrase appears to be a reference to the Quran, in particular to the Surah al-Ahzab, where a similar comparison was made of the prophet Muhammad and a lamp: 45.  O Prophet, indeed We have sent you as a witness and a bringer of good tidings and a warner. 46.  And one who invites to Allah, by His permission, and an illuminating lamp [sirajan muniran].156

Hallaj’s words also bring to mind the “Light Verse” (Ayat al-nur) from the Surah al-Nur, particularly appreciated by Sufis. Remarkably, this verse also includes a reference to the Pearl symbolism: 35. Allah is the Light of the heavens and the earth. The example of His light is like a niche within which is a lamp, the lamp is within glass, the glass as if it were a pearly [white] star lit from [the oil of] a blessed olive tree, neither of the east nor of the west, whose oil would almost glow even if untouched by fire. Light upon light…157

Bearing in mind the fact that the Yezidi and Yaresan myths compare the Pearl to the Lamp, the analogy between the beginning of Hallaj’s treatise, reinforced by the reference to the mystical passages of the Quran, becomes even more evident. In the Kitab al-Tawasin, Ahmad/Muhammad appears as the first or one of the first elements of the beginning of the world, “Master of Creation” (Said al-bariyya) and the herald of the Uncreated Word of God: 3.  …He was in the presence of Allah, then he brought others to His Presence. He saw, then he related what he saw. He was sent forth as a guide (…).

 Kitab al-Tawasin I 1 (tr. by ‘Aisha ‘Abd al-Rahman Bewley: Hallaj (1974, p. 19).  Quran XXXIII 45–46; tr. by Sahih International: quran.com/33/45-46; cf. El-Jaichi (2018, pp. 157 and 159). 157  Quran XXIV 35, tr. by Sahih International: quran.com/24. 155 156

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

155

6.  The lights of prophecy issued from his light, and his light appeared from the light (of Mystery)158 (…). 7.  …His existence preceded non-existence, his name preceded the Pen because it existed before. (…) His title is the Master of Creation, and his name is Ahmad, and his attribute is Muhammad (…). 8.  …He is and was, and was known before created things and existences and beings. He was and still is remembered before “before” and after “after,” and before substances and qualities. His substance is completely light, his speech is prophetic, (…) his title is “unlettered.” 9.  …It was Allah who made him articulate His Word (…). It is he who brings the Uncreated Word that is not touched by what touches it, nor phrased by the tongue, nor made. It is united to Allah without separation, and it surpasses the conceivable. (…).159

Regrettably, Hallaj does not explain what this Word “united to God without separation” means, whether it existed “earlier” or “later” than the primordial Ahmad/Muhammad and in what ontological relationship it is with him. It can be understood either as the first word of God, the archetype of the Quran, or, for example, as the symbolic term for divine attribute or Essence of God.160 The descriptions of Ahmad/Muhammad can be interpreted in the context of the thought expressed in the largest chapter of the Kitab al-Tawasin, The Letters T and S of Pre-Eternity (Ta-Sin al-Azal), which contains a further description of the state before the appearance of the world and time. Ahmad is presented next to another pre-eternal character, whose original name is Azazil and who, as a result of his refusal to bow to Adam, is named Iblis. The chapter starts with the following words: 1. Making claims is appropriate for no one but Iblis and Ahmad, except that Iblis fell from the ‘ayn while Ahmad—God bless him—had revealed to him161 the ‘ayn of ‘ayn.162

158  “Mystery” preserved in the Persian text by Ruzbihan Baqli: “…az nur-e geyb” (Hallaj, 1913, p. 11). 159  Kitab al-Tawasin I 3–9 (Hallaj, 1974, pp. 20–22). 160  Cf. Massignon (1982b, pp. 139–146 and 282–283). 161  The text is ambiguous and can also be understood: “There is no established mission except that of Iblis and Muhammad, peace be upon him, only Iblis fell from the Essence while Muhammad perceived the Essence of the Essence” (Hallaj, 1974, p. 41). 162  Kitab al-Tawasin VI 1 (Sells, 1996, p. 273).

156 

A. RODZIEWICZ

which describe these two persons as having contact with God’s Essence (lit. “eye”). According to Hallaj it was Ahmad/Muhammad who had access to the “eye of the eye” and conveyed the revelation about God. However, we must bear in mind that according to Islam, it was Gabriel who revealed the Quran to Muhammad. That is why Hallaj differentiates and writes about his pre-eternal model as “Ahmad.” Do the Yezidi and Yaresan myths about the angel who is not able to recognize God, and about Melek Sheikh Sin who reveals his knowledge of God, not refer to these descriptions? Perhaps one more reference to the concept outlined by al-Hallaj is hidden in a very vague fragment of the major cosmogonic hymn of the Yezidis, the Qewlê Zebûnî Meksûr: 17 

He gave them Love and the Roe of …Muhibet û xerzê nûrê dane light as a nîşan.163 wan nîşane.          

18.  Xerzê nûrê bave,       The Roe of the Father’s light Du cehwer keftine nave,     Two little pearls fell inside Yek ‘eyne, yek çave.       One is the eye, one is the eye.164 19.  Yek ‘eyne, yek besere,        One is the eye, one is sight Padşê min da durê nedere…    My Padishah looked at the Pearl…165

It seems that the elements mentioned here, called Love and the Roe of light, which have been compared to eyes, can be linked precisely to Iblis and Ahmad, whose equivalents in the Yezidi tradition seem to be the Peacock Angel (or Sheikh Adi) and Angel Sheikh Sin (or Sheikh Hasan). By the way, similar descriptions of the pre-eternity and God who looks with his eye are also present in the mystical Muslim tradition, which links them to the legends of the creation of Muhammad, the motif which—as Marion Holmes Katz noted in her book The Birth of the Prophet Muhammad—“seems to have been in circulation by the seventh-century AH among popular storytellers.”166 Katz quotes several versions of this legend, including the one cited by Muslim theologian Ibn Taymiya (died AD 1328) in one of his fatwas, claiming that this myth is inconsistent with the true Muslim tradition:  Lit. “sign,” but for the Yezidis it can also signify a holy place, a kind of niche where they put burning wicks. 164  The word “eye” was used here once in Arabic, once in Kurmanji. 165  Rodziewicz (2018c, p. 211); tr. A. R. 166  Katz (2007, p. 26). 163

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

157

They also transmit that God took a handful of the light of His face and looked at it; it sweated and tricked. God created a prophet from every drop, and the handful [itself] was the Prophet [Muhammad]. There remained a pearly star and it was a light that was transferred from the loins of men to the bellies of women.167

Another version of this myth is attributed to Ibn al-Jawzi (c. AD 1115–1201), who wrote that God took a handful of His light and said to it, “Be My beloved, Muhammad”— and it was. It circumambulated the Throne for seventy thousand years glorifying God. Then [God] looked at the handful with the eye of majesty and might; one hundred and twenty-four thousand drops dripped from it. God created from every drop a prophet; then God inspired them to circumambulate the Throne (…) Then God commanded that handful to split into two halves. He looked at the first half with the eye of majesty and looked at the second half with the eye of compassion. The half which He looked at with the eye of majesty and might became running water; it is the water of the oceans, which never sleeps and never subsides out of fear of God. As for the half which He looked at with the eye of compassion, God created from it four things…168

According to these legends, Muhammad preexisted before the creation of the world and then, thanks to the transmission of divine light that passed from Seth to his generation, he assumed a human shape. In other words, these legends are based on the belief in incarnation and the transmission of the divine element that is compared to the light, which is still present in the Yezidi and Yaresan religions. In both of these religions, incarnation is not about Muhammad (or his “counterparts”) in the first place, but about the one who was said to manifest himself as Benyamin or Sheikh Adi, and who is identified by these traditions as the first angel, whom other religions identify as Iblis. Therefore, let us now return to the Kitab al-Tawasin, namely to the chapter titled Ta-Sin al-Azal, which includes the story of Azazil/Iblis. Hallaj portrayed him as an extreme monotheist, who in pre-eternity was closest to God and loved Him so much that he refused to be disconnected from Him under any condition:  Majmu‘ fatawa (Katz, 2007, p. 27).  Mawlid al-Nabi (Katz, 2007, p. 27).

167 168

158 

A. RODZIEWICZ

6.   Among the inhabitants of heaven, there was no affirmer of unity [muwahhid] like Iblis, 7.   When Iblis was veiled by [ulbisa] the ‘ayn, and he fled the glances and gazed into the secret [sirr], and worshiped his deity stripped of all else (…).169 9.   He was told: “Bow down!” He said, “[to] no other!” He was asked, “Even if you receive my curse?” He said, “It does not matter. I have no way to another-than-you. I am an abject lover.”170 11.  He fell into the Sea of Majesty, he became blind, and said: “There is no path for me to other-than-You. I am a humble lover.” (…) “I am he who knew You from pre-eternity.”171

The manner in which Hallaj describes Iblis and his arguments against bowing to Adam makes it possible to see in him a role model that embodies mad love for God. Thus, Hallaj is associated by the Yezidis and the Yaresan as the author of the description of Iblis as a frenzied lover, which made this mysterious person a model of a mystic who is the lover of the Beloved. Nowadays, this motif can often be heard from representatives of both these religions. For example, in one of the statements recorded by Mustafa Dehqan among the Yaresan, it is accounted that, since God wanted to reveal himself, he first created angels, of which the most dear to him was Malak Tāvus. Then he created man from the ashes and ordered the angels to bow down before him. Malak Tāvus did not fulfil the wish of God, because that was his fate and destiny, and besides, he was in love with God [‘asheq] and therefore he did not want to bow to man.172

It seems that it is precisely because of the descriptions of this fiery love, among other things, that in Yaresanism Hallaj was associated with Shams Tabrizi, known in the tradition as the beloved master of Jalaluddin Rumi. Seeing Hallaj and Shams as the emanations of the same angel probably also resulted in some Yaresan people attributing the statement “Ana’l-­ Haqq” to Shams.173 Similarly, for the contemporary Yezidis, Hallaj is,  Kitab al-Tawasin VI 6–7 (Sells, 1996, p. 274).  Ibidem VI 6–9 (Sells, 1996, p. 274). 171  Ibidem VI 11 (Hallaj, 1974, pp. 42–43, translation slightly corrected). 172  Dehqan (1383, p. 54). 173  Dawra-y Diwan-a-Gawra, st. 81 (Mokri, 1977, pp. 144–145); Haqq-al Haqâyeq, st. 5028–5100 (Jeyhounabadi, 1982, pp. 261–265); cf. van Bruinessen (1995, pp. 126–128); Ivanow (1953, p. 171). 169 170

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

159

above all, an advocate for the love of God, although they are obviously aware of his attempts to rehabilitate Satan (whose name they do not mention, though). As Pir Dima told me in one of our interviews: Regarding Hallaj—a special qewl is devoted to him, Qewlê Husêyînî Helac. However, the legend that says that he justifies it, that he says this person is not guilty surely influenced the minds of the Yezidis. And it influenced them not because they excuse Him, but because they claim He does not exist. (…) Indeed, al-Hallaj claimed He does not exist. But if He does exist—as the opponents claim—then where is His guilt, if He complied with God’s first words? Thus, the Yezidi respect for Hallaj is not because of that, but because he claimed that a man can unite with God through love.174

The Yezidi pir refers here to the famous argumentation which Hallaj included in Ta-Sin al-Azal, where Iblis explains that he refused to bow before Adam, because a bow would not mean paying respect, but would manifest an act of worship to Adam, while he is obliged to show religious reverence to God only. Moreover, as he is associated with the element of fire, he does not want to come into contact with what was created from earth. Both of these arguments are rooted in Iblis’ pride and his conviction that it was him who had come first, of which he informs God in a very explicit manner: 11. … “I am better than him” because of my priority in service. There is not in the two creations anyone more knowing of you than I. I have a will in you and you have a will in me. Your will in me is prior and my will in you is prior. If I bow before another-than-you or do not bow, I must return to my origin, for “you have created me from fire.” Fire returns to fire (…).175

However, Hallaj’s thought goes much further, and his descriptions of Azazil being driven by love for God are closely linked to his concept of theology and cosmogony. It should be noted here that, as he describes Azazil/Iblis in the Kitab al-Tawasin, Hallaj often refers to the two concepts that are related to Azazil’s/Iblis’ origin and the state he represents: fire and love. Here, we come to a key element that is common to the thoughts of Hallaj and the Yezidi cosmogonical myths, which emphasize the presence 174 175

 Rodziewicz (2017, p. 46).  Kitab al-Tawasin VI 11 (Sells, 1996, p. 274).

160 

A. RODZIEWICZ

of Love at the beginning of the world. This connection will become evident, when we read the above quoted excerpts from the Kitab al-Tawasin in the context of Hallaj’s views on love and its metaphysical beginning. The manner in which he described it is clearly different from the earlier thinkers of Islam and, just as clearly, places him closer to the Greek philosophical tradition. What distinguishes him is not so much emphasis of the importance of Love in relation with God, but something else. Describing the mystical relation as love to the Beloved is one of the oldest topoi of mystical literature, so it is not original here and has predecessors in Islam, too. What definitely distinguishes him from other authors connected with Islam is giving Love a personal status, similar to the one it had in Greek philosophy, where it was described especially as a divine daemon, Eros.176 Nevertheless, he does not elaborate on this thought in Kitab al-Tawasin.

Fire and Love of God: The Mystery of Hallaj’s Philosophy Hallaj’s views on the essence of love have been preserved thanks to Abu al-Hasan al-Daylami (d. c. AD 1001), a philosopher and mystic, who gives a detailed account of them in his Book of the Conjunction of the Cherished Alif with the Conjoined Lām (Kitab ‘atf al-alif al-ma’luf ‘ala al-lam al-­ ma’tuf ),177 one of the oldest Arabic treatises on love. Daylami quoted there Hallaj’s intriguing definition of love (‘ishq), along with a detailed description of its genesis: Al-Husayn b. Mansur, known as al-Hallaj, said: “Eros [‘ishq] is fire, light, the first fire! In pre-eternity it was colored with every color and manifest with every attribute. Its essence flamed through its own essence, and its attributes sparkled through its own attributes; it was something truly realized, crossing the infinite distances from pre-eternity into the ages of ages. Its source is he-ness, and its emerges out of I-ness. What is hidden of what is manifest of its essence is the reality of existence, and what is manifest of what is hidden of its attributes is that form perfected through the concealment that proclaims universality in its perfection.”178

 Rodziewicz (2014).   Critical edition of Kitab ‘atf al-alif: al-Daylami (1962); English translation: al-­ Daylami (2005). 178  Kitab ‘atf al-alif, 90 (al-Daylami, 2005, pp. 70–71). 176 177

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

161

Then, Daylami cites the following passage from Hallaj’s poem, which was the inspiration for the title of his own treatise: Eros [‘ishq] existed in the pre-eternity of pre-eternities, from all eternity, in him, through him, from him; in it appears the manifestation of being. Eros is no temporal being, for it is among the attributes of one, the victims of (love for) whom still live. His attributes are from and in himself, uncreated; a created thing is something that originates from things. When the beginning appeared, he displayed his eros as an attribute in the one who appeared, and there shone in him a glistening light. And the lām was in union with the conjoined alif: the two in pre-eternity were one thing…179

Let us pay special attention to the definition of Love, which presents Love as being linked to the element of fire. Unfortunately, the Arabic text, due to vocalization and punctuation, can be interpreted in various ways: “Love is fire, light, the first fire!” (Al-’ishqu narun, nurun, awwalu narin!) or “Love is fire, the light of the first fire!” and “Love is the fire of the light of the first fire” (Al-’ishqu narun, nuru awwali narin!).180 Thus, Love can be understood either as the first fire or as the fire coming from the first fire. Regardless of the interpretation of this sentence, it can definitely be stated that according to Hallaj, Love is associated with the very beginning of the main element—fire—and as such it precedes even the beginning of the creation of the world. It is the same element that is referred to as Azazil/ Iblis in Kitab al-Tawasin. In order to understand it even better, one should read the description of the beginning of Love, on which he elaborates on immediately after defining Love. He wrote that “in pre-eternity it was coloured with every colour”—which might elicit association with the Peacock in readers’ minds—“and manifest with every attribute.” This means that before the cosmogonic process started, Love manifested itself as the effect of God’s contemplation of Himself, who afterwards contemplated every possible aspect of Love, until Love became a “Person” (Shakhs). Daylami quotes the detailed description of this complex process:

179 180

 Ibidem (al-Daylami, 2005, p. 71).  Al-Daylami (2005, p. 70, note 34).

162 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Al-Husayn b. Mansur said: “God in his preeternity [azal] was conscious of181 himself through himself (…). Thus in his preeternity he was contemplating himself through himself in his totality,182 nothing having yet appeared. (…) And he contemplated, through the perfect totality of his attributes, the attribute of eros [‘ishq] in himself, which is a form in his essence that is his essence. (…) Then he contemplated the quality of eros through all qualities, and he discoursed with himself about it with all discourse. Then he spoke to it with all speech. (…) All of this was from his essence, in his essence, and to his essence…”183

God contemplated Love beyond all time, before time came into being; He contemplated it in its qualities and attributes in all possible ways and in all possible aspects, described in detail in the further part of the text. The process ends with the personification of Love, which is essentially related to God, who enters into a personal relation with it: And God willed to see this attribute of eros alone, looking upon it and speaking to it. And he contemplated his pre-eternity and displayed a form that was his own form and his own essence. For when God contemplates a thing and manifests in it a form from himself, he displays that form, and he displays in that form knowledge, power, movement, will, and all his other attributes. Now when God had thus become manifest, he displayed a person [Shakhs] who was himself, and gazed on him for an age of his time. Then he greeted him for an age of his time. Then he saluted him for an age of his time. Then he spoke to him (…). And then made him his elect (by endowing him) with like attributes from his (attributes of) act (…). He it is who is creator and sustainer, who creates and sustains, who is glorified and whose unity is proclaimed184 (…). And when God had gazed on him and possessed him, he became manifest in him and manifest through him.” This is the opinion of al-Husayn b. Mansur concerning the origin of eros and love. What distinguishes his view from that of the ancients is that they considered love to be originated, while he held it to be inherent in the Essence of God.185

 Or: “was one.”  Or: “in union.” 183  Kitab ‘atf al-alif, 51–53 (al-Daylami, 2005, pp. 39–41). 184  Or: “who glorifies and who proclaims the divine unity.” 185  Kitab ‘atf al-alif, 54–56 (al-Daylami, 2005, pp. 42–43). 181 182

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

163

Such a concept of Love is very similar to the one that is known from ancient Greece (especially the Orphic concept of Eros Protogonos) and to the Hindu vision of Love (Kama) as the name of one of God’s manifestations, which assumed the shape of a gleaming deity that was present at the beginning of the world and was its demiurge.186 A similar idea is proposed in Christianity, where Love is one of the names of the Second Person of the Holy Trinity (after God the Father), called also the Son of God and depicted in the New Testament as the demiurge of the world.187 Let us note that Hallaj directly refers to love as a “person” and presents it as the first element that emerged from God, one that can even be considered to be His Essence, or His first manifestation. This raises the question about the relation of this “person” to the descriptions of pre-eternity contained in the Kitab al-Tawasin. If we assume that we are dealing with a coherent concept which Hallaj outlined in different texts, the answer is that this “person” is either the primordial Ahmad/Muhammad or Azazil/ Iblis, since both are associated with the very beginning and with light. It can also be assumed that this “person” is even more primordial than both of them and represents the state from which they emerged, as if they were two forms of the original Love—Ahmad/Muhammad as the intellectual and stable one and Azazil/Iblis as the mad and emotional love. A similar perception of these two characters—complementing each other—can be found in the statements formulated by a follower of Hallaj, Ayn al-Quzat Hamadani (AD 1098–1131), the first who dared to quote the Kitab al-Tawasin after Hallaj’s execution (and who, like his master, was accused of heresy and executed too). In his Tamhidat (Preludes),188 he depicted Iblis as a mad lover of God, and a “complement” to Muhammad, explaining that whiteness could never be without blackness. Heaven would not have been proper without earth. Substance could not be imagined without accident. Muḥammad could not have been without Iblis. (…) Muhammad’s happiness would not exist without the misery of Iblis.189

 Cf. Rodziewicz (2014).  Cf. the Gospel of John 1, 1–5 and the First Epistle of John 4, 7–19. 188  Critical edition of Tamhidat: ‘Ayn al-Qudat Hamadani (1341 [1962]). 189  Tamhidat, 245 (tr.: Arberry, 1969, p. 100). 186 187

164 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Do you know what this sun is? It is the Muhammadan Light which emerges from the eternal east. And do you know what moonshine is? It is the black light of Azrael which emerges from the everlasting west.190 In his monograph study on Neoplatonic motifs in Hallaj’s philosophy, Saer El-Jaichi attempts to defend the thesis that this “person” mentioned by Hallaj is the primordial Muhammad (however, he emphasizes that it is just a supposition).191 Muhammad, on the other hand, as interpreted by Saer El-Jaichi, following the old mystic tradition, can be perceived as God’s Intellect. Even though his latter conjecture may be correct, it needs to be taken into account that it was Azazil, not Muhammad, whom Hallaj associates with both the element of fire and love. Thus, it is Azazil who sems to be this mysterious “person” who stayed at the very beginning with God as His Beloved. The obvious conclusion that results from that is the recognition of Azazil as the demiurge of the world, or a co-demiurge, along with God and Muhammad. At the same time, this conclusion brings to mind the ending of the Yezidi myth quoted above, in which Gabriel, God, and Sheikh Sin (the equivalent of Muhammad) were presented as those who created the world. It deserves to be mentioned here that Daylami, thanks to whom Hallaj’s quotes on love have survived, and who does not hide the inspiration he received from Hallaj’s thought, differentiates between the cosmogonic activity of love from intellect, and writes about it in Kitab ‘atf al-alif in the following way: Love in its essence is a luminous entity that appeared among the effects of the original love in the abode of the intellect. The intellect conveyed it to a “spiritual” spirit, which received it. Then this spirit conveyed it to subtle bodies (that is, spirits), and they received it and were adorned with it. Then the spirits conveyed to bodies, together with love… (…). Thus it emerged from pre-eternity into temporal existence, and its abode was the world of intellect, which is the purest of all possible worlds. Then the intellect conveyed it to the world of the spirit…192

These words resemble the descriptions of the primordial Pearl known from the Yezidi and Yaresan traditions. This is especially true of those

 Ibidem, 175 (tr.: Arberry, 1969, p. 100).  El-Jaichi (2018, p. 155). 192  Kitab ‘atf al-alif, 93–4 (al-Daylami, 2005, p. 73). 190 191

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

165

versions of the cosmogonical myth which emphasize that there was Love in the Pearl, which emerged from the Pearl after it broke. By the way, let us note that his concept of the preexistence of Muhammad had its noble followers—although the conclusions drawn from the analysis of the descriptions of Iblis in Hallaj’s texts were too heretical for Muslim orthodoxy. The philosophy of Ibn Arabi (AD 1165–1240) and his concept of the Muhammadan Reality (Haqiqa Muhammadiyya) seem interesting in this respect. Remarkably, he compares it to the Pearl and, similarly to Hallaj, distinguishes between the preexistent Muhammad and his incarnation.193 The concept of preexistence of Muhammad or the Muhammadan Light and his demiurgic role in the cosmogony was also developed by other Sufis, although they considered it to be a tradition that was older than Hallaj, which is evidenced in the following fragment cited by the Egyptian mystic Shaykh al-Hurayfish (d. AD 1399), who attributes this concept to the companion of Muhammad, Jabir ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Ansari (d. AD 697): From Jabir ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Ansari: I asked the Messenger of God about the first thing God created. He said, “It is the light of your Prophet, Jabir. He created it, then created every good thing from it, and after that He created everything [else]. When He created it He made it stand before Him in the station of closeness for twelve thousand years. Then He divided it into four parts; He created the Throne from part, the Footstool from part, the bearers of the Throne from part, and the keepers of the Footstool from part. He made the fourth [part] stand in the station of love for twelve thousand years, then divided it into four parts. He created the cosmos [al-khalq] from part, the Tablet from part, and Paradise from part… (…). That light worshiped God in each veil for a thousand years. When the light emerged from the veils, God mounted it in the earth; it illuminated it from the east to the west like a lamp on a dark night. Then God created Adam in the earth and installed the light in him, in his forehead. Then it was transferred from him to Seth and from him to Enoch…” 194

The description is rather lengthy and it leads the readers as far as to the birth of Muhammad. The basic question it evokes is: what is the relationship between “the light of Prophet” and the “Prophet”? Some common elements with the Yezidi and Yaresan cosmogonies are visible here, as well  Cf. Ernst (2010).  Katz (2007, pp. 24–25).

193 194

166 

A. RODZIEWICZ

as another important motif that is shared by these two religions, namely the emanation of God’s element. In this case, a particular convergence with the Yezidi myth about Shahid ben Jarr is visible. Most importantly, however, just as in the Yezidi and Yaresan myth the world was created from the elements of the Pearl, here the Light of Muhammad is mentioned instead of the Pearl. The closeness of these two symbols becomes evident when we notice how Ibn Arabi blended them into one or how Sohrawardi (AD 1154–1191), in his allegorical work, On the Reality of Love (Fi haqiqat al-ʿishq), made a reference to the words of a hadith which was popular among Shiites and Sufis: “The first thing God created was the intellect [‘aql]”195 and he added: Know that the first thing God created was a glowing pearl He named Intellect [‘aql].196

When we realize how a certain concept, and the symbols used to describe it, have wandered through the stories and texts of mystics, it is difficult to say to what extent the Yezidis and the Yaresan have relied on Hallaj’s tradition and on its versions. It is just as difficult to say to what extent the concepts described in the Kitab al-Tawasin are original, and to what extent Hallaj knowingly echoed the content deliberated upon by earlier mystics and philosophers, especially Christian ones; and before them Greek ones, who wrote about Love and the divine Reason (Logos) as the demiurge of the world, which already Heraclitus had compared to Fire (as the Stoic tradition would in later times), the manifestation of which he considered was all reality. Whatever version is correct, it still seems that it was Hallaj who included Iblis in cosmogonic considerations, and presented him as the power whose status was similar to that of Ahmad/Muhammad, the power that was strictly connected with God’s Love, or even was its personification. If Hallaj’s theological and cosmogonic considerations really affected Yezidism and Yaresanism, then it should be concluded that they were creatively adopted by representatives of these religions. However, these similarities are more significant in the case of the Yezidis. As a result of the 195  As Chittick noted (1992, p. 211): “This hadith is found in several early Shi’ite hadith collections, but among Sunnis it is mainly the Sufis who quote it (for example, Iṣfahānı ̄, Ḥ ilya 7:318; Rāghib, Dharı ̄ʿa 73; Ghazālı ̄, Mı ̄zān al-’amal 331).” 196  Critical edition: Sohrawardi (1970, pp. 268–269); tr.: Suhrawardi (1999, pp. 58–59).

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

167

adaptation of his theory, the Peacock Angel/Gabriel/Benyamin may have become the equivalent of Azazil, while Muhammad’s equivalent would be the Yezidi angel Melek Sheikh Sin, whose incarnation was Sheikh Hasan (his position, in turn, can be compared in Yaresanism with Pir Musi).197 Moreover, it should be acknowledged that both the Yezidis and the Yaresan do have two parallel cosmogonic myths—one about a tree and three birds and the other one about a Pearl from which the world emerged—but that these are in a way “two parts” of one myth and that they complement each other. The first one discusses only the state of the pre-eternity and describes the relationship within the Trinity, which consists of God and His first two Persons: Azazil/Love and Muhammad, whose specific emanations and incarnations are honored by both religions. The other myth focuses primarily on the moment of the creation of the world, while the events taking place in pre-eternity are secondary to it. In short, the myth of the tree and birds is a theological myth, while the myth of the bursting Pearl is a cosmogonical myth but both these myths seem to refer to Hallaj’s thought.

The Essence of Mystery The special attitude which the Yezidis and the Yaresan demonstrate toward the leader of God’s angels has a deep metaphysical background, which might have been shaped by Hallaj’s thought. At the same time, the remarks he made in the Kitab al-Tawasin may help to answer the question as to why the Yezidis refrain from using the words “Satan” and “Iblis.” Why is the question of that name so important to them that its usage has become an object of a religious prohibition? For vague reasons, the Yaresan, who share these metaphysical assumptions with the Yezidis, have no such taboo. The question of the name is one of the main topics in Kitab al-­Tawasin. Hallaj clearly takes this issue into account, as can be seen in the manner in which he uses the names of Ahmad and Muhammad in its first chapter. In the chapter Ta-Sin al-Azal, on the other hand, he elaborates on the name “Azazil,” and writes that God-loving Azazil was named Iblis only as a result of his refusal to perform His command. Azazil justified his refusal by claiming, among other things, that he originated from fire. Obviously, Hallaj is not the author of this myth, but shapes its creative derivation. The myth saying that Iblis came from fire and that his previous name was  Cf. During (2005, pp. 140–141).

197

168 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Azazil was known in the Muslim tradition, which referred to his descriptions in the Quran. This myth was recorded, among others, by the famous Iranian scholar contemporary to Hallaj, Tabari (AD 838–923) in his History of the Prophets and Kings (Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk), in which he noted that before committing disobedience, Iblis was one of the angels. His name was ‘Azazil. (…) He was one of the most zealous and knowledgeable of the angels. That led him to haughtiness. He belonged to a tribal group called jinn.198

This myth was already known before Islam, and it circulated for instance among the Christians who inhabited the areas where the Yezidis settled. One of its versions is recorded in Book of the Cave of Treasures, whose copy has been preserved near Lalish, in the old Nestorian monastery of Rabban Hormuzd. It deserves to be mentioned here that Rabban Hormuzd (seventh century AD) is considered by the Yezidis as the incarnation of one of the Heft Sur and as a far ancestor of their highest religious leader Baba Sheikh.199 This text is attributed to Saint Ephrem of Nisibis (fourth century AD), although it is supposed to have been written by some other Syrian from the St. Ephrem’s school in the sixth or seventh century and rewritten later by a local Nestorian monk in Alqosh.200 Among other things, it presents a legend about the angel who, as a result of his rebellion against God, was renamed “Satan.” The angel was said to have been created out of fire and to have refused to bow to Adam, because when he saw what greatness had been bestowed upon Adam he envied him from this day on. He did not want to worship him and spoke to his army: “Let us not worship and glorify him together with the angels. It is meet that he worships me who am fire and spirit and not that I worship dust formed from dirt.” As soon as the rebel conceived this and was disobedient as regards the wish of his soul and volition he separated himself from God. He was cast down and fell, he and his whole rank (…). The garments of their glory were taken from them and he was called “Satan” because he set himself apart [Syr. seta], and “Sheda” because his glory had been shed [Syr. sheda] and he had forfeited the garment of his glory.201  Ta’rikh al-rusul wa’lmuluk I 83 (al-Tabari, 1989, p. 254).   I heard this opinion from the peshimam (“Chief of imams”) of Baba Sheikh, Peshimam Nu’man. 200  The Book of the Cave of Treasures, 1927, xi–xvi. 201  The Cave of Treasures 3, 1–6 (tr. A. Toepel: Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 2013, 542). 198 199

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

169

It cannot be ruled out that the Yezidis, who inhabited the same territory as the Nestorians and, what is more, had good relations with them, came across this myth not only in the Muslim version. However, while the Christian myth strongly condemns what Satan did, the argumentation provided by Hallaj contains some elements for his rehabilitation. This is how Hallaj explained his name in Ta-Sin al-Azal: 26.  The name “Iblis” is derived from his name ‘Azazil: the letter ‘ayn corresponds to the height of his inner resolve, the za’ to the compounding of dilation; the alif to his views on his “thatness”; the second za’ to his renunciation in rank; the ya’ to his seeking refuge in the knowledge of his priority; and the lam to his disputation over his reddening. 30.  …Iblis was called ‘Azazil because he was set apart. He was set apart in walaya [intimate friendship, share in sovereignty]; and he did not arrive from his beginning to his nihaya [end]; because he was made to emerge from his end.202

However, Hallaj mentions in his treatise de facto three names of the character discussed here: “Azazil,” the name from before the conflict with God; “Iblis,” the name that is related to his offence, and the third name which he uses to refer to himself: “lover” or “lover abject.” Besides, he also mentions epithets which demonstrate his conceit: 27.  (…) “I am a lover; lover abject. (…) How was I to abase myself before him [=Adam] when ‘you created me from fire and created him from tin [mud, clay]?’ two contraries cannot meet, and I am in service senior, more majestic in his favor, in knowledge more learned, in living more complete!”203

According to his line of reasoning presented in the Ta-Sin al-Azal, there is no raison d’être for the names that describe him in a negative light, because his act showed no indications of sin. In addition to the arguments mentioned before, Iblis adds another one, namely that God did not order him to bow to Adam, but in fact subjected him to a test to verify His lover’s loyalty: 14.   … “That was a test, not a command.”204  Kitab al-Tawasin VI 30 (Sells, 1996, p. 368, note 46).  Kitab al-Tawasin VI 26 (Sells, 1996, p. 278). 204  Ibidem VI 14 (Sells, 1996, p. 275). 202 203

170 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Therefore, his refusal to pay respect to Adam should not be considered as rebellion against God, but on the contrary, as successful passing of the test of faithfulness and monotheism. It seems that these arguments, as put forward by Hallaj, may have been the main reason why the Yezidis do not say the name Satan (and Iblis). It is not out of reverence for this name, but out of fear of the curse of the one that is their object of reverence. They understand the angel’s doing not as rebellion, but as an act of obedience. It follows from these assumptions that the use of the names “Satan” or “Iblis” is contrary to the truth and an insult to the first angel, because it treats as evil the one who: firstly, cannot be evil as he comes from the very essence of God, and secondly, has not committed evil. If any, the name Azazil would be acceptable, because it was the name he is said to have used before that crucial event, but the majority of the Yezidis avoid this name too, so as not to attract unnecessary suspicion from Muslims. At present, some of the Yezidis formulate similar conclusions in an explicit manner. For instance, one of the articles (supervised by one of the Yezidi pirs) published in the main Yezidi journal Lalish published in Iraq, states: The other name of Tawoos Malak is Azazel. As a concept, Azazel used by Husein al-Halaj. He interpreted the word Azazel in mystic way (…). Many stories of world religions describe Azazel as the smartest and greatest angel who has common characteristics with God and the closest one to Him. Among His qualities, He is from God’s light. And this has been mentioned in our religious texts (Qawels); God created the Angels from His light, that is why Azazel refused to kneel down for Adam because God created Him from His light and Adam from dust. Azazel is an Arabic word and originally it means (plowman). Azazel was considered as the smartest and the most powerful Angel, God has given him absolute freedom and power to do whatever he wishes on the earth. So, Azazel is the only Angel who knows the greatness of God and appreciates Him. He applies God’s orders and rules through monotheism, since he is the chief of monotheists. (…) Azazel refused to kneel down to Adam, only not to break God’s will and fulfill the principles of oneness in the mighty God.205

It is not the only text that demonstrates this viewpoint. Similar arguments were used by another Yezidi, Sabah Darwesh, who in his 205

 Salih (2013, p. 26).

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

171

deliberations over the meaning of the Yezidi festival of the New Year (which is devoted to the Peacock Angel) wrote that God had examined his seven angels and Azazil had passed the exam and God named him Tawoos Malak and made him the king of angels. God sent Tawoos Malak to dissolve the ice of earth to make it suitable for plants, animals and humanity to live on it. (…) Thus, the beginning of life on earth is the beginning of Ezidis religion.206

Although it is not explicitly stated here, the image of melting ice included in the text, as well as the fact it is a springtime celebration welcoming life after winter, suggests the activity of the element associated with fire, that is to say, the element that is closely linked to Azazil, understood here as the cause or beginning of earthly life. In the Yezidi mythology, it is as much the cause of life on earth as it is the cause of human (“micro-earth”) life itself. The relationship between Azazil and the fire element and between Adam and the earth element (or a mixture of two lower elements: water and earth) also allows for the act of refusal to bow before Adam to be interpreted as the unwillingness of something that is bright and high to descend into the humid earth (clay/sludge); it is an allegory of the objection on the part of an angel (or God’s element), who does not want to agree to such incarnation in which opposite elements would be combined. As Hallaj put it, “two contraries cannot meet!” In other words, the act of opposition against God can also be understood as what the Yezidi and Yaresan myths represent as the opposition of an angel (or angels) against entering Adam’s body. That is to say, de facto, becoming a human being, which was to be the culmination of the process of creation. This myth and the analogies thereto can be analyzed on many levels for symbolism. It seems that one of its Yezidi and Yaresan variants may be the myths about the tree, God, and birds, where the motif of a test is also present, but Gabriel fails it at first, which as a result he falls from the tree and flies over the sea, or even falls into it. Moreover, the holy hymns of both of these religions invoke in the cosmogonic context the motifs of Love or Leaven (in the Yezidi qewls) and the Frying Pan of Fire (in the Yaresan kalāms), which, having come into contact with water, were said to cause the appearance of smoke and the emergence of the seven heavenly spheres. 206

 Sabah Darwesh (2009, p. 56).

172 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Undoubtedly, these myths describe a combination of opposing elements, on the levels of the macrocosm and the microcosm. According to the Yezidis and the Yaresan, the angel(s) agrees to give life to Adam and give him God’s Mystery (sur) or Light (nur) and—as can be seen especially in Yaresanism—a special pact is made. If we want to adhere to the allegory based on the symbolism of the elements of fire (Iblis) and water combined with earth (Adam), the fact that Adam was given life and that there are people in the world at all, proves that God and Azazil/Iblis reached an agreement and entered into a special kind of pact. According to both religions, it resulted in the first angel receiving the rule over the world. This, in turn and within the same allegory, would mean that he contributed to the completion of the creation of the world by making God’s Essence/Mystery present in the material world, which from that moment on was given over to the angels and their leader (which is also a metaphor for the divine element permeating reality). This seems to be the matter regarding which both religions agree upon. However, it is puzzling that, with so many similarities, the Yaresan, in particular the group from the Gorani region, have no taboo related to the name Satan, which, given the earlier arguments based on Hallaj’s reasoning, would seem logical. The Yezidis are very careful when using the names of the first angel. It is significant that the name “Tawûsî Melek” does not appear in the Yezidi cosmogonic myths, although we encounter there many other names of different angels and other characters. Also, the Peacock Angel is very rarely mentioned in qewls. Therefore, in a sense, he is the embodiment of the Mystery of the Yezidi religion, both as what is hidden and in the most metaphysical sense—as one who had insight into the essence of God. And, since he is the Mystery, he should not be discussed excessively. However, this name is present in the Yezidi prayers, and it is also repeated and shouted during religious ceremonies—therefore, it is not a forbidden name for the Yezidis, although it is very sacred. The name Satan is treated differently. The taboo which is related to it is so strong that it is hardly ever heard, apart from some references in a few contemporary publications written by Yezidis, or statements made by those less involved with the religion. In the case of the Yaresan, the situation is completely different. In their kalāms, the name Malak Tawus does not occur, although it is present in myths and oral statements. The name Satan, on the other hand, is not a taboo and is present both in some kala ̄ms, in casual speech and in contemporary publications. One such statement is the answer given by the Yaresan

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

173

religious leader Sayyed Khalil Alinezhad from Sahne, to the question he was asked by the Iranian government organization, the Office of the Revolutionary Guards: “What are the views of the People of the Truth about Satan? If some group worships him, what is its/his name? Explain if incorrect.”207 The answer was given and even published on the Internet, on the afore-quoted yaresan.com website: The Ahl-e Haqq believe that Satan is one of the angels who are close to the Court of God, exalted is He. The outward [zaher] version of this matter is that he was banned from God’s Court for disobedience and was given the chance to make amends by the God of the World. The “inner” [baten] version is that he came to this world as a benchmark and criterion in order to enable [the world] to distinguish right from wrong, and he has been given a mission by the God of the World to encourage people to take the spiritual path [rah-e baten] (…). The Ahl-e Haqq believe that (…) he has a mission and is excused. In fact in the spiritual realm [baten] in his own conscience, Satan is a believer in God’s Unity like few others; wasn’t it he who refused to accept to bow down for anyone but God, e.g. for the form of Adam? (…).208

One of the most important kala ̄ms in which the name Satan is explicitly mentioned, and in the cosmogonic context, is the Gorani Kalam-e Baktor (The Hymn of Baktor) contained in the collection Ganjine-ye Yari. In the version published by Mustafa Dehqan, we read: Baktor maramo ̄:             Baktor says: c ̌a del ̣ı ̄ doṛna            Inside the Pearl esme šayṭa ̄nı ̄m c ̌a deḷı ̄ doṛna       My satanic name [was] inside the Pearl xōda ̄m jalı ̄lan sar tanem seṛan    My Lord is full of majesty, I am all Mystery šaṛe šayṭa ̄nı ̄m parı ̄ makarān (…)    Satan’s evil is attributed to me by unbelievers c ̌a doṛ āmānı ̄            I come from the Pearl šayṭan̄ nānı ̄ c ̌a doṛ āmānı ̄        I am Satan, I come from the Pearl na gu ̄šmāhı ̄ c ̌aniš baya ̄nı ̄        I was in the shell with Him/him209 207  www.yaresan.com/about-yaresan/articles/221-m18; tr. A.  R. [accessed 23 September 2020]. 208  Kreyenbroek (2020, p. 159). 209  It seems, that “Him” is pointing to God. However, according to Dehqan (1383, p. 58), the figure representing Satan in the Yaresan tradition is Dāwūd, and “him” refers here to

174 

A. RODZIEWICZ

panem mua ̄c ̌an̄ šaytạ n̄ dı ̄wan̄ ı ̄ (…)    They call me Satan of the deves. war c ̌a baḥr u ̄ baṛı ̄            Before the creation of the earth and the sea ḥa ̄ḍer baya ̄nı ̄ war c ̌a baḥr ū baṛı ̄    I existed before the creation of the earth and the sea dhātem ha ̄mı ̄tan c ̌a girde ḥoṛı ̄     My essence exists in everything panem muāc ̌a ̄n šayt ̣a ̄ne šaṛı ̄ (…)     They call me the Satan of Evil. bāre nalatı210 ̄              The burden of the curse hā azı ̄kı ̄ša ̄n ba ̄re nalatı ̄        I still carry the burden of the curse.211

The content of these passages corresponds to the analysis, made in the previous chapters, of the metaphysical meaning of the first angel, who originated from the Pearl in both the Yezidi and the Yaresan traditions. It seems that both traditions agree when it comes to the descriptions of this figure and that they both suggest that he was unfairly cursed by those who do not have access to Truth. The main difference is the taboo that is related to his name. Unfortunately, I am not able to answer the question about the source of this discrepancy. It is difficult to explain it by referring to the political situation, because Iraqi Kurdistan, which is inhabited by the Yezidis, is much more liberal (now) than Iran, where the Yaresan live, in this respect. As Jean During pointed out in 1996, the appearance in Iran of publications in which the Yaresan refer directly to Satan shows their astonishing naivety: “still recently several groups professed their devotion to Satan and wrote a manifest signed by numerous seyyed. At the last moment they understood that they were tying the noose around their own necks, and stopped the diffusion of this pamphlet before it reached the libraries.”212 Thus, the Yezidis are the ones who refrain from any kind of connection with Satan and refuse to use this name. Perhaps this results from the fact that the Peacock Angel is the central figure of Yezidism, Benyamin. 210  In the Persian text: ba ̄re la’natı ̄. 211  Dehqan (1383, pp. 57–60); tr. A. R (after Deqhan’s Persian translation). I would like to thank the Polish Iranist, Renata Rusek-Kowalska, for making this text available to me. As I was informed by Martin van Bruinessen, he also heard these lines in 1976 from the daftardan Ka Karim, the most knowledgeable person in Tut Shami, who had permission from the Goran Yaresan major spiritual leader, Sayyed Nasreddin, to talk about the Yaresan religion with him. 212  During (1998, p. 118).

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

175

while in Yaresanism he is not considered to be a major actor. It is also possible that it is somehow related to the fact that the Yezidis refuse to accept names other than the Peacock Angel as adequate and true, whereas for the Yaresan this issue is not so important. Undoubtedly, this is also related to the taboo of writing, as we might suppose that just as some (though not many, indeed) statements of the Yezidi people in which they use the word “Satan” can be found these days, a longer history of writings would probably have yielded more of such cases, and additionally there would be some poetry on this subject. Still, these are only my conjectures. Most of all, however, one might get the impression that the Yezidi concept is more coherent, which in turn might be connected with the fact that they are more uniform, a feature which the Yaresan community lacks. This lack of uniformity is also evident in the disagreement among the Yaresan themselves as to which of their holy figures represents Satan—whether it is Benyamin or Dāwūd instead.213 These discrepancies are well illustrated by the statements made by representatives of Yaresanism assembled by Philip Kreyenbroek. For example, according to one of the leaders of the Gorani Yaresan, Sayyed Wali Hosseini (d. 1998), the stories about Satan’s misleading Adam, and Satan’s refusal to obey God’s Command are baseless fantasies, for Malak Tawus is of Light, and he is an angel who is close to God’s court. (…) Malak Tawus consists of light, he is obedient and devoted to God, he is pure and without sin, he is above… and free of any bad actions. (…) In the phase of Shari’at, Malak Tawus is given the name of Sheytan, in Haqiqat he is called Dāwūd.214

His son, Sayyed Fereidoun Hosseini, expresses the same view, and additionally links it to cosmogony: We don’t believe that sharr [evil] is negative. We don’t believe that Sheytan [Satan] rebelled against God. We believe God needed Sheytan, that is Dāwūd, for His Creation.215

213   Von Bruinessen (2014); Kreyenbroek (2020, pp.  90–91); Hosseini (2020, pp. 141–145). 214  Kreyenbroek (2020, p. 134). 215  Ibidem, p. 79.

176 

A. RODZIEWICZ

On the other hand, however, in his interview with a representative of another Yaresan group, Kreyenbroek recorded certain statements that well illustrate the ambiguity of the issue: In our religion the Devil was Benyamin. But in Islam he is frowned upon because he rebelled in the presence of God. Dāwūd is the Guide [Rahbar].216

Apart from the lack of concurrence among the contemporary Yaresan about the figure that is the representation of Satan, they also fail to agree among themselves about his description (here, I assume that they agreed about it before)—we will encounter in this community both statements in which he is called Malak Tawus and described identically as in Yezidism, that is, as a positive figure who reconciled himself with God, and views claiming that he was the rival of God, who refused to bow not so much before Adam as before God Himself.217 These discrepancies are certainly linked to internal divisions and subdivisions within the whole Yaresan community, as well as to the influence of Shi’ism, which rejects any positive evaluation of Satan. Early accounts about them stipulated that within the Yaresan community there was a group known as Dawudi, which held Dāwūd in particular honor, and another group—Tawusi. Thus, it cannot be ruled out that several sects operated in parallel in Iranian Kurdistan,218 some of which were to some extent inspired by Hallaj’s mystical thought or even maintained contact with Sufis and dervishes connected with Yezidism, but they did not belong to the Yaresan. When Francis M. Stead wrote about the internal division and cult of the Peacock Angel among the Yaresan (called there ‘Ali Ilahi), he noted that “the two persons who seem to be specially revered and  Ibidem, p. 146.  Van Bruinessen (2014, pp. 29–30) mentions his interviews with the old Yaresan expert of the sacred hymns (kalâmkhwân), Kâ Karîm who stated, inter alia, that “Unlike the other angels, Satan was not created out of God’s light only (…) but out of nâr o nûr, fire and light. Kâ Karîm claimed that Satan had long been an opponent of God, and even His direct rival. He had fallen from grace not for refusing to pay homage to Adam but for refusing to kneel before God Himself. The rivalry had lasted until their incarnations in the persons of Soltân Sahâk and Dâwûd, when the latter became the former’s most intimate associate again. Even now, Kâ Karîm added, Satan is extremely powerful, the only angel with a certain degree of independence vis-à-vis the Deity.” Cf. Dehqan (1383, p. 53). 218  Cf. Minorsky (1920, pp. 50–52 and 78–79). According to Nikitine (2000, pp. 397–398) at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century in Iran there was active a group associated with Yaresanism described as the Shi’a hetorodox sect called “Tawusiyya.” 216 217

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

177

invoked are David (…) and Benjamin (…), [the latter] seems to be more mysterious than David. (…) People do not seem to know anything definite about him, and ordinarily, they hesitate to speak his name,”219 after which he added that “one of the branches of the ‘Ali Ilahi cult, known as the Tausi, or Peacock sect, goes still farther afield, and venerates the devil. While these people do not actually worship Satan, they fear and placate him, and nobody in their presence ventures to say anything disrespectful of his Satanic majesty. In connection with the name of this peculiar sect, it is supposed that the peacock (Taus) was the guardian of the gate of Paradise (or Eden), and passed the devil through to get acquainted with Adam and Eve.”220 Martin van Bruinessen, who also makes a reference to these fragments in his article Veneration of Satan Among the Ahl-e Haqq of the Gûrân region, admits, however, that “[I] never heard the names Tâwûsî or Dâwûdî during my visits to the Gûrân. The name of Malak Tawus was known, however, and Satan was acknowledged as a basically benign spirit, or even the highest of God’s angels, by all my Goran interlocutors.”221 Nevertheless, if we rely on the oldest sources of Yaresanism that I referred to above, it appears that Dāwūd was identified as Satan later than the identification with Benyamin took place.222 I believe that the material gathered and the arguments presented above demonstrate that it is Benyamin who is identified in these sources as both Gabriel and Satan. Another argument to support this “original” attribution is the myth, one of fundamental significance for the Yaresan community, about the Shart [“Covenant”/“Pact”] concluded between God and Benyamin. This is because the said myth plays a substantial role in one of the most important rituals in the Yaresan community, namely the initiation ceremony called Sar Sepordan (“Submitting one’s head”)223 during which the pir-morid relation is established, for which the said mythical Pact was of archetypical significance.

 Stead (1932, pp. 184–185).  Ibidem, pp. 185–186. 221  Van Bruinessen (2014, p. 21). 222  A similar opinion was expressed by Kreyenbroek (2020, p.  61, note 100): “Certain groups of Kaka’is share the Perdiwaris’ identification of Sheytan with Benyamin. This suggests that the identification with Dāwūd took place in Iran at a later stage, after Kaka’i communities moved westward, but further research is needed.” 223  Minorsky (1921, pp.  223–228); Ivanow (1953, pp.  89–92); Hamzeh’ee (1990, pp. 200–204, 210–211, 216–219); Kreyenbroek (2020, pp. 103–109). 219 220

178 

A. RODZIEWICZ

In this ceremony, a reference can be seen to the legend of Iblis refusing to bow to Adam, which in the Yaresan interpretation ended with the Pact and God’s bow to Binyamin—that is, accepting him as His pir. Therefore, in a sense, God apparently behaved toward Binyamin/Gabriel in the same way as he expected his angel to behave toward Adam. In one of the interviews published by Philip Kreyenbroek, a member of the Kaka’i (Yaresan) community in Iraqi Kurdistan in 2009, Sayyed Khalil Aghabab Kaka’i, states this directly: Benyamin is one of the angels who are closest to God, he is Gabriel. God said to Gabriel, “I should ‘offer my head’ to you. I will ‘offer my head’ to you and you shall be my Pir. But you cannot be a Pir unless you yourself have ‘offered your head.’” He said “To whom shall I offer my head?” [God] said, “You must offer your head to Sayyed Mohammad, i.e. to Adam.” The first prophet was Adam. (…) Benyamin refused to offer his head to Sayyed Mohammad. (…) We still perform the ritual of sar-sepordegi [“offering one’s head”] for our children even now (…) Sheytan is Benyamin. He eventually “offered his head” to Adam.224

The ritual of initiation in the Yaresan community is based directly on their cosmogonical myth and is metaphysical assumptions about the relationship between God and His first angel. The ritual includes references to the archetypical bow God performed to Gabriel/Benyamin (which is strictly related to the bow before Adam). During the ceremony, the Prayer of Nutmeg is recited, among other texts, which is attributed to Sultan Sahāk and also makes a reference to the cosmogonical myth: …According to the Shart and the vow of allegiance to the ancient secrets I have made the Path of Saj-e Nar visible to the eye They have become visible to the eye now, that Banquet and Secret [sirr] The Primordial Secret [Sirr-e azali] that Shart in the Pearl (…) This nutmeg represents the luminous Golden Nutmeg…225  Kreyenbroek (2020, p. 143).  Ibidem, 106.

224 225

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

179

Nutmeg, which is used during this ceremony, brings to mind the primordial Pearl.226 At the end of the ceremony, nutmeg is cut into pieces and distributed among the participants, which can also be interpreted as a reference to the cosmogonical myth about the breaking of the Pearl. During Sar Sepordan, after the prayer mentioned above is recited, the pir uses, among other phrases, the following words, to address the initiate: The King of Truth: Soltan Sohak, The Pir of Truth: Benyamin, The Dalil of Truth: Davud. (…) In the incorporeal world [‘alam-e dezz] the King is Khavankar and the Pir is Jebra’il, who is in charge of the guide to salvation…227

Moreover, when a nutmeg is cut, the five faithful surrounding the pir utter the formula: We gave the head [sar] but we did not betray the secret [serr].228

Each of the sentences uttered during this ceremony carries a deep symbolic meaning which is not easily understood by outsiders. Let us note, however, that many of the symbols included in the quoted excerpt from the Prayer of Nutmeg can be associated with Hallaj’s cosmogony. Above all, this applies to the element of fire symbolized by the Saj-e Nar and the “pre-eternal Secret” connected with the “Pact in the Pearl,” which bring to mind Hallaj’s descriptions of that primordial moment when God looked at Love, that is, in the Person whom He brought to existence, and who was Him, for it was the first emanation of His own being, which God—as Hallaj put it—“made his elect.” In fact, the motif of a bow also plays an important role during one of the most important Yezidi celebrations, namely the Festival of the Assembly (Cejna Cimayê), which lasts seven days. Every night during this festival (and three times on its last day) the mystery of sema’ is performed, during which the highest religious leaders follow a black-clad dervish. They move in two rows of thirteen dancers (seven and six) in a slow dance around a centrally placed candelabrum and all of them (except of the dervish) make a symbolic bow (though not a full one) with every move. However, the 226  Similarly, berat, a little white pellet made from earth mixed with water and leaven, which is an important element of the Yezidi ceremonies, and also resembles the Pearl. 227  Hamzeh’ee (1990, p. 202). 228  Minorsky (1920, p. 31); tr. A. R.

180 

A. RODZIEWICZ

meaning of a bow in Yezidism deserves and requires to be discussed in a separate study. Perhaps the Yezidi religious ban on stepping on the doorstep when entering holy sites is also associated with the archetypical bow, which was commended by God to His angel. This might be to avoid that a person entering the door does not need to bend and make a bow. A very similar association seems to underlie one of the myths told among the Yaresan, about the Peacock Angel and Adam, who wanted to force the angel to bow. This myth is quoted by Martin van Bruinessen and Mustafa Dehqan.229 Van Bruinessen heard it from his Yaresan friend, Ahmad Bâbâ’î, who admitted openly to be a Satan worshipper and identified Satan with the Peacock Angel. He accounted the legend of God commanding Satan to bow to Adam and added that By giving this order, God had in fact been testing the angels and other creatures, and Malak Tâwûs was the only one who proved to be a true monotheist. Rather than punishing him, as human slander has it, God rewarded Satan by giving him power over the affairs of the world. Adam and his descendants never forgave Satan for not showing him the same respect that he showed God. Adam once tried to oblige Satan to bow his head by inviting him to a house with a very low door, but the angel noticed this of course and raised the top beam of the opening so that he could enter without bending.230

Metaphysics is reflected not only in myths, but also in rituals and everyday practices. Taking into account everything we have said above about the relationship between the figure of the first angel and the element of fire, attention should also be paid to the special attitude toward this element in both religions. In the Yaresan myth, one of the key elements in the creation of the world is the Frying Pan of Fire, also mentioned in the initiation Prayer of Nutmeg. In Yezidism, the motifs of Love and Rennet/ Leaven play a similar role, while fire is the crucial element of all their religious practices. Both ordinary Yezidis and the highest religious leaders light a fire in their sanctuaries—even the tiniest Yezidi holy places have some fire burning in them. There are several hundred nishans in Lalish alone, which are lit every day, one after another, at sunset, and the major Yezidi sanctuaries are filled with the smell of burning oil. Also, during the Yezidi New Year’s celebration, all the people gathered light up the wicks 229 230

 Dehqan (1383, p. 54).  van Bruinessen (2014, p. 17).

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

181

they are holding, one after another, starting from the first fire brought by a Yezidi feqir from the inside of the Sheikh Adi sanctuary.231 Deep behind all these customs, there are metaphysical preconceptions about the nature of fire as the first element, the first carrier of light, which appeared at the very beginning of reality, personified in both religions as an angel carrying God’s Mystery, and compared to Love by Hallaj. Its contact with the element of earth represented by Adam, can be compared to a bow, the consequence of which is the incarnation of Love that progresses through successive incarnation cycles. This contact was preceded by Love’s special relationship with God’s Essence, and this Mystery was witnessed by the Pearl, which like a lamp appeared from the Light of the Unseen. It appeared and returned, and it surpassed the other lamps.

Funding  Work on this chapter was supported by the Polish National Science Centre, grant: 2019/33/B/HS2/00397.

References Al-Daylami. (1962). In J. C. Vadet (Ed.), Kitab ‘atf al-alif al-ma’luf ‘ala l-lam al-ma‘tuf. Cairo. Al-Daylami. (2005). A Treatise on Mystical Love. J. Norment Bell, & H. M. A. Latif Al Shafie (Trans.). Edinburgh University Press. al-Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr. (1935). The Doctrine of the Sufis (Kitan al-Ta’arruf li madhab ahl al-tasawwuf). A. J. Arberry (Trans.). Cambridge University Press. Aloian, Z. (2008). Religious and Philosophical Ideas of Shaikh ‘Adi b. Musafir. Apec Förlag. al-Qushayri, Abu’l Qasim. (2007). Al-Qushayri’s Epistle on Sufism. Knysh A. D. (Trans.). Garnet Publishing. al-Tabari. (1989). The History of al-Ṭ abarı ̄. Vol. I.  Rosenthal, F. (Trans.). State University of New York Press. Amir-Moezzi, M. (2004). Sirr. In P. J. Bearman et al. (Eds.), The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, vol. XII. Supplement (pp. 752–754). Brill. Arberry, A. J. (1969). A Sufi Martyr. The Apologia of ‘Ain Al-Qudat Al-Hamadhani. Allen & Unwin.

231

 Rodziewicz (2016).

182 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Arnaldez, R. (1986). Ḳidam. In P. J. Bearman et al. (Eds.), The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, vol. V (pp. 95–99). Brill. ‘Ayn al-Qudat Hamadani. (1341 [1962]). Tamhidat. A. Osseiran (Ed.). Tehran. Bauckham, R., Davila, J.  R., & Panayotov, A. (Eds.). (2013). Old Testament Pseudepigrapha: More Noncanonical Scriptures, vol. 1. William B.  Eerdmans Publishing Company. Bois, T. (1961). Les Yézidis. Essai historique et sociologique sur leur origine religieuse. Al-Machriq, 55(109–128), 190–242. Böwering, G. (1980). The Mystical Vision of Existence in Classical Islam: The Qur’a ̄nic Hermeneutics of the Ṣu ̄fı ̄ Sahl at-Tustarı ̄ (d. 283/896). Walter de Gruyter. Brown, J. P. (1868). The Dervishes; Or Oriental Spiritualism. Trübner and Co.. Browski, L. E. (1889). The Yezidees, Or Devil-Worshipers. The Popular Science Monthly, 34, 474–482. Budge, E. A. Wallis, trans. (1927). The Book of the Cave of Treasures. : Religious Tract Society. [Celîl, C. C.] Джалил, Дж. Дж. (1989). Езидские легенды о первомученике суфизма – мистике Хусеине Халладже, Լրաբեր Հասարակական Գիտությունների [Lraber Hasarakakan Gitut’yunneri], 11, 61–70. Celîl, O., & Celîl, C. (1978). Zargotina K’urda (Vol. 1). Erevan. Chittick, W. C. (1992). Faith and Practice of Islam: Three Thirteenth-Century Sufi Texts. State University of New York Press. Chol, I. B. (1934). In C. K. Zurayk (Ed.), El Yazidiyya qadiman wa hadithan. American Press. Connolly, R.  H. (1915). Nestorius’s Version of the Nicene Creed. Journal of Theological Studies, 16, 397–402. de Gobineau, A. (1859). Trois ans en Asie (de 1855 a 1858). Librairie de L. Hachette. Dehqan, M. (1383 [2004]). Qet’ei Gurani dar bare-ye Sheytan. Name-ye Iran-e Bastan, 2, 47–64. During, J. (1998). A critical survey on Ahl-e Haqq studies in Europe and Iran. In T.  Olsson, E. Özdalga, & C.  Raudvere (Eds.), Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives. Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul (pp. 125–150). Routledge. During, J. (2005). Notes sur l’angélologie Ahl-e haqq. In G.  Veinstein (Ed.), Syncrétisme et hérésie dans l’Orient seljoukide et ottoman (XIVe–XVIIIe siècles) (pp. 129–151). Peeters. Edmonds, C. J. (1969). The Beliefs and Practices of the Ahl-i Ḥ aqq, of Iraq. Iran, 7, 89–101. El-Jaichi, S. (2018). Early Philosophical Ṣufī sm. The Neoplatonic Thought of Husayn Ibn Mans ̣ūr al-Ḥ allāg ̆. Gorgias Press.

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

183

Ernst, C.  W. (2010). Muhammad as the Pole of Existence. In J.  E. Brockopp (Ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Muhammad (pp. 123–129). Cambridge University Press. Fozi, N. (2007). The Hallowed Summoning of Tradition: Body Techniques in Construction of the Sacred Tanbur of Western Iran. Anthropological Quarterly, 80, 173–205. Frayha, A. (1946). New Yezı ̄dı ̄ texts from Beled Sinjār, ‘Iraq. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 66, 18–43. Guénon, R. (2004). In S.  D. Fohr (Ed.), Insights into Islamic Esoterism. Sophia Perennis. Guidi, M. (1932). Origine dei Yazidi e storia religiosa dell’Islam e del Dualismo. Rivista degli studi orientali, 13(fasc. 3), 266–300. Guidi, M. (1933). Nouve ricerche sui Yazidi. Rivista degli studi orientali, 13, fasc. 4, 377–427. Häberl, C.  G., & McGrath, J.  F. (Eds.). (2019). The Mandaean Book of John. De Gruyter. Hallaj. (1913). In L.  Massignon (Ed.), Kitab al-Tawasin. Paris: Librairie Paul Geuthner. Hallaj. (1974). The Tawasin of Mansur al-Hallaj. A. Abd ar-Rahman at-­Tarjumana (Trans.). Diwan Press. Hamzeh’ee, R.  M. (1990). The Yaresan: A Sociological, Historical and Religio-­ Historical Study of a Kurdish Community. Klaus Schwarz Verlag. Hooshmandrad, P. (2004). Performing the Belief: Sacred Musical Practice of the Kurdish Ahl-i Haqq of Guran. Ph. D. dissertation, Berkeley University. Hosseini, S.  B. (2020). Ya resan of Iran, Socio-Political Changes and Migration. Palgrave Macmillan. Ibn Khallikan. (1843). Wafayat al a’yan, Ibn Khallikan’s Biographical Dictionary. Baron Mac Guckin de Slane [William McGuckin] (Trans.), vol. II.  Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland. Ivanow, W. (1953). The Truth-Worshippers of Kurdistan. Brill. [Jeyhounabadi], Hajj Ne’matollah Mojrem. (1982). In M. Mokri (Ed.), Haqq-al Haqâyeq ou Shâh-Nâma-ye Haqîqat. Bibliothèque Iranienne. Kamada, S. (1983). A Study of the Term Sirr (Secret) in Sufi Laṭāʾif Theories. Orient, 19, 7–28. Katz, M.  H. (2007). The Birth of the Prophet Muhammad: Devotional Piety in Sunni Islam. Routledge. Kreyenbroek, P.  G. (1992). Mithra and Ahreman, Binyāmı ̄n and Malak Ṭ āwūs. Traces of an Ancient Myth in the Cosmogonies of Two Modern Sects. In P.  Gignoux (Ed.), Recurrent Patterns in Iranian Religion (pp.  57–79). Association pour l’avancement des études iraniennes. Kreyenbroek, P. G. (1995). Yezidism – Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition. The Edwin Mellen Press.

184 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Kreyenbroek, P.  G. (2010). Orality and Religion in Kurdistan: The Yezidi and Ahl-e Haqq Traditions. In P.  G. Kreyenbroek & U.  Marzolph (Eds.), Oral Literature of Iranian Languages (pp. 70–88). I.B. Tauris. Kreyenbroek, P. G. (2015). The Yezidi and Yarsan Traditions. In M. Stausberg & Y.  S.-D.  Vevaina (Eds.), The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Zoroastrianism (pp. 499–504). Wiley Blackwell. Kreyenbroek, P.  G. (2020). Religious Traditions. In P.  G. Kreyenbroek & Y.  Kanakis (Eds.), “God First and Last”: Religious Traditions and Music of Yaresan of Guran (Vol. 1). Harrassowitz Verlag. Kreyenbroek, P.  G., & Rashow, K.  J. (2005). God and Sheikh Adi Are Perfect. Harrassowitz Verlag. Lampe, G. W. H. (1961). A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Clarendon Press. Layard, A. H. (1849). Nineveh and Its Remains (Vol. 1). John Murray. Lescot, R. (1938). Enquête sur les Yezidis de Syrie et du Djebel Sindjār. Librairie du Liban. Liddell, H. G., & Scott, R. (1996). A Greek-English Lexicon. Clarendon Press. Massignon, L. (1911). Al-Hallâj, le phantasme crucifié des Docètes et Satan selon les Yézidis. Revue de l’histoire des religions, 63, 195–207. Massignon, L. (1922). La passion d’al-Hosayn-ibn-Mansour al-Hallaj. Librairie Paul Geuthner. Massignon, L. (1982a). The Passion of al-Halla ̄j, Mystic and Martyr of Islam (Vol. 1). Princeton University Press. Massignon, L. (1982b). The Passion of al-Hallāj, Mystic and Martyr of Islam (Vol. 3). Princeton University Press. Meri, J. W. (2002). The Cult of Saints Among Muslims and Jews in Medieval Syria. Oxford University Press. Minorsky, V. (1920). Notes sur la secte des Ahlé-Haqq. Revue du Monde Musulman, 40(41), 19–97. Minorsky, V. (1921). Notes sur la secte des Ahlé-Haqq, Part II. Revue du Monde Musulman, 44/45, 205–302. Minorsky, V. (1960). Ahl-I Kakk. In Gibb, H. A. R. et al. (Eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Ed., vol. 1, pp. 260–263). Brill. Mir-Hosseini, Z. (1997). Breaking the Seal: The New Face of the Ahl-e Haqq. In K. Kehl-Bodrogi et al. (Eds.), Syncretistic Religious Communities in the Near East (pp. 175–194). Brill. Mokri, M. (1956). Cinquante-deux versets de Cheikh Amîr en dialecte gurâni. Journal Asiatique, 244, 391–422. Mokri, M. (1960). Le symbole de la perle dans le folklore persan et chez les Kurdes fidèles de Vérité (Ahl-e Haqq). Journal Asiatique, 248, 463–481. Mokri, M. (1963). La naissance du monde chez les Kurdes Ahl-e Haqq. In Труды XXV Международного Конгрессса Востоковедов (pp. 159–168). Москва.

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

185

Mokri, M. (Ed. and trans.). (1977). Dawra-y Diwana-Gawra. La grande assemblée des Fidèles de Vérité au tribunal sur le Mont Zagros en Iran (Dawra-y Dı ̄wa ̄na-Gawra). Librairie Klincksieck. Moosa, M. (1988). Extremist Shiites. The Ghulat Sects. Syracuse University Press. Nicolaus, P., & Yuce, S. (2017). Sex-Slavery: One Aspect of the Yezidi Genocide. Iran and the Caucasus, 21, 196–229. Nicolaus, P., & Yuce, S. (2019). A Look at the Yezidi Journey to Self-Discovery and Ethnic Identity. Iran and the Caucasus, 23, 87–104. Nikitine, B. (2000). Ṭ āwūsiyya. In P. J. Bearman et al. (Eds.), The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, vol. X (pp. 397–398). Brill. Omarkhali, K. (2008). The Yezidi Clan and Tribal System. Journal of Kurdish Studies, 6, 104–119. Omarkhali, K. (2009). The status and role of the Yezidi legends and myths. To the question of comparative analysis of Yezidism, Yārisān (Ahl-e Haqq) and Zoroastrianism: a common substratum? Folia Orientalia, 45–46, 197–219. Omarkhali, K. (2011–2012). Yezidi Religious Oral Poetic Literature: Status, Formal Characteristics, and Genre Analysis. Scrinium, 7–8(2), 144–195. Omarkhali, K. (2017). The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition: From Oral to Written. Categories, Transmission, Scripturalisation and Canonisation of the Yezidi Oral Religious Texts. Harrassowitz Verlag. Omarkhali, K., & Rezania, K. (2009). Some Reflections on Concepts of Time in Yezidism, [w:] From Daēnā to Dîn. In C.  Allison, A.  Joisten-Pruschke, & A.  Wendtland (Eds.), Religion, Kultur und Sprache in der iranischen Welt (pp. 337–352). Harrassowitz Verlag. Pirbari, D., Mossaki, N., & Yezdin, M. S. (2020). A Yezidi Manuscript: Mišūr of P’ı ̄r Sı ̄nı ̄ Bahrı ̄/P’ı ̄r Sı ̄nı ̄ Dārānı ̄, Its Study and Critical Analysis. Iranian Studies, 53, 223–257. Pirbari, D., & Shtshedrovickiy, D. (2016). Tayna shemthushiny. Ezidskaya teosofiya i kosmogoniya. Taus. Pittman, C.  R. (1937). The Final Word of the Ahl-i Haqq. The Muslim World, 27, 14–163. Rawlinson, M. (1839). Notes on a March from Zoháb, at the Foot of Zagros, along the Mountains to Khúzistán (Susiana), and from Thence Through the Province of Luristan to Kirmánsháh, in the Year 1836. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 9, 26–116. Reşo, X. C. (2013). Pern ji Edebê Dînê Êzdiyan. Spirez Press & Publisher. Rodziewicz, A. (2014). Yezidi Eros. Love as the Cosmogonic Factor and Distinctive Feature of the Yezidi Theology in the Light of Some Ancient Cosmogonies. Fritillaria Kurdica. Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 3–4, 42–105.

186 

A. RODZIEWICZ

Rodziewicz, A. (2016). And the Pearl Became an Egg: The Yezidi Red Wednesday and Its Cosmogonic Background. Iran and the Caucasus, 20, 347–367. Rodziewicz, A. (2017). Odrodzenie religii jezydzkiej w Gruzji? Rozmowy z Dimitrijem Pirbarim, głowa ̨ Duchowej Rady Jezydów w Gruzji [Revival of the Yezidi Religion in Georgia? Conversations with Dmitri Pirbari – The Head of the Spiritual Council of the Yezidis in Georgia]. Fritillaria Kurdica. Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 16, 4–67. Rodziewicz, A. (2018a). The Nation of the Sur. The Yezidi Identity Between Modern and Ancient Myth. In J. Bocheńska (Ed.), Rediscovering Kurdistan’s Cultures and Identities: The Call of the Cricket (pp.  259–326). Palgrave Macmillan. Rodziewicz, A. (2018b). Milete min Êzîd. The Uniqueness of the Yezidi Concept of the Nation. Securitologia, 1, 67–78. Rodziewicz, A. (2018c). Jezydzkie hymny kosmogoniczne: “Hymn o Nieszczęsnym Rozbitku” (Qewlê Zebûnî Meksûr) i “Hymn o Be i A” (Qewlê Bê û Elîf). Przegla ̨d Orientalistyczny, 265–266, 207–222. Rodziewicz, A. (2020). The Yezidi Wednesday and the Music of the Spheres. Iranian Studies, 53, 259–293. Rodziewicz, A. (2021). Heft Sur – The Seven Angels of the Yezidi Tradition and Harran. In D. Lauritzen (Ed.), Inventer les anges de l’Antiquité à Byzance: conceptions, représentations, perceptions. Travaux et Mémoires 25, 2021. Rubin, U. (1975). Pre-existence and Light. Aspects of the Concept of Nūr Muḥammad. Israel Oriental Studies, 5, 62–119. Sabah Darwesh. (2009). The Ezidis New Year Feast (Sare Sal). Slavgaha Lalish, 56. Salih, K. (2013). The Yazidian Religion as a Religion of Canonizing the Elements of Nature. Lalish, 38, 8–29. Schimmel, A. (1985). And Muhammad Is His Messenger: The Veneration of the Prophet in Islamic Piety. University of North Carolina Press. Schimmel, A. (2005). Nūr Muḥammad. In L. Jones (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Religion (2nd ed., pp. 6766–6768). Thomson Gale. Schwarts, E. (Ed.). (1927). Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, vol. 1.1.1. Berolioni et Lipsiae 1927: Walter de Gruyter. Sells, M.  A. (1996). Early Islamic Mysticism: Sufi, Qurʼan, Mi’raj, Poetic and Theological Writings. Paulist Press. Sileman, K. (1994). Mišūrat al-yazı ̄diyat. Lalish, 2–3, 95–113. [Sileman] Pir Khadir S. Khalil. (2009). On Izidians And Lalish: An Introduction. F. H. Khudeda (Trans.). Khani Press. Silêman, X., & Cindî, X. (1979). Êzdiyatî: liber Roşnaya Hindek Têkstêd Aînyî Êzdiyan. Baghdad. Siouffi, N. (1880). Une courte conversation avec le chef de la secte des les adorateurs du diable. Journal Asiatique, 18, 78–83. Siouffi, N. (1882). Notice sur la secte des Yézidis. Journal Asiatique, 20, 256–260.

6  THE MYSTERY OF ESSENCE AND THE ESSENCE OF MYSTERY: YEZIDI… 

187

Sohrawardi. (1970). Œuvres philosophiques et mystiques, vol. II, Œuvres en persan (Opera metaphysica et mystica III). Nasr, S. H., Corbin, H. (Eds.). Paris-Teheran. Spät, E. (2002). Shahid Bin Jarr, Forefather of the Yezidis and the Gnostic Seed of Seth. Iran and the Caucasus, 6, 27–56. Spät, E. (2010). Late Antique Motifs in Yezidi Oral Tradition. Gorgias Press. Stead, F. M. (1932). The Ali Ilahi Sect in Persia. The Muslim World, 22, 184–189. Stoyanov, Y. (2001). Islamic and Christian Heterodox Water Cosmogonies from the Ottoman Period: Parallels and Contrasts. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 64, 19–33. Suhrawardi. (1999). The Philosophical Allegories and Mystical Treatises. Thackston, W. M. (Ed. and Trans.). Mazda Publishers. The Revival of Slavery. Before the Hour. (1435 [2014]). Dabiq, 4, 14–17. Tubach, J. (2003). Seth and the Sethites in Early Syriac Literature. In G.  P. Luttikhuizen (Ed.), Eve’s Children. The Biblical Stories Retold and Interpreted in Jewish and Christian Traditions (pp. 187–201). Brill. [Tustari] Sahl b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Tustarı ̄. (2011). Tafsı ̄r al-Tustarı ̄. A.  Keeler and A. Keeler (Trans.). Fons Vitae. van Bruinessen, M. (1995). When Haji Bektash Still Bore the Name of Sultan Sahak: Notes on the Ahl-i Haqq of the Guran District. In A.  Popovic & G. Veinstein (Eds.), Bektachiyya: études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach (pp. 117–138). Éditions Isis. van Bruinessen, M. (2009). Ahl-i Ḥ aqq. In K.  Fleet, G.  Krämer, D.  Matringe, J. Nawas, & E. Rowson (Eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam (3rd ed.). Brill. van Bruinessen, M. (2014). Veneration of Satan Among the Ahl-e Haqq of the Gûrân Region. Fritillaria Kurdica. Bulletin of Kurdish Studies, 3-4, 6–41. van Bruinessen, M. (2017). Between Dersim and Dālāhu: Reflections on Kurdish Alevism and the Ahl-e Haqq Religion. In S. Raei (Ed.), Islamic Alternatives: Non-mainstream Religion in Persianate Societes. Harrassowitz Verlag. van Bruinessen, M. (2020, forthcoming). The Peacock in Sufi Cosmology and Popular Religion Connections Between Indonesia, South India, and the Middle East. Epistemé, 15, 177–219.. Vil’chevskiy, O. L. (1930). Ocherky po istorii ezidstva. Атеист, 51, 81–113. Wahby, T. (1962). The Remnants of Mithraism in Hatra and Iraqi Kurdistan, and Its Traces in Yazidism: The Yazidis Are Not Devil-Worshippers. Eveleigh Printing. Wensinck, A. J. (1921). Tree and Bird as Cosmological Symbols in Western Asia. Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 22, 1–56. Wilson, S. G. (1895). Persian Life and Customs (3rd rev. ed.). Studen Missionary Campaign Library.



Glossary

Anāhitā: the goddess of water in ancient Iran Azal: pre-eternity Azazil/Iblis/Malak Tawus: an extremely monotheistic pre-eternal character who refused to bow down to Adam because he saw this as an act of worshipping someone other than God; similar to Satan in Christianity Bābā Yādegār/Pir-e Narges Cham/Pir-e Takht: one of the four archangels of God who accompanied Sultan Sahāk Barzanji after his establishment in the Pardivar region; also the successor of Sultan Sahāk in the immortal world Bahlool Mahi: the first person who tried to establish Yārsānism Bᾱtin: inner God of truth Baveh/Baba: the second-ranking religious official in the Yārsān religion system Binyāmīn/Benyamin/Pir-e Shart: “Master of the Pact”/ “Son of the right hand” or preserver of religious allegiance Chador: Iranian Islamic veil worn by some Yārsān women Daftarda ̄n: learned members of the Yārsān community Da ̄nā: “wise” Dāo: the eternal Dalil (“guide”) for all Darvīsh Ojāq: a poet and follower of Sayyed Brāke, the last divine manifestation in Yārsān history; some of his poetry is apocalyptic

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 S. B. Hosseini (ed.), Yari Religion in Iran, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1

189

190 

GLOSSARY

Dāwūd: a guide and problem-solver, the “preserver of the universe” Dayrak Khatun/Khatun Ramz-bār/Raz-bār: the only female angel amongst the haft-tan Dha ̄t mehmān: a divine being that occupies a human body for a short time Dı ̄deda ̄r: “seers” or esoteric teachers of the community Divan Gureh: Holy book of the Yārsāns Doon-a ̄-Doon/Dῡnᾱdῡni/Jāme be Jāme: transmigration of the soul from one body to another after death (reincarnation) dowre: a cycle of history in which a Yārsān leader manifested Gûrân/Goran: synonym for Yārsān, also the western and northwestern region of Iran in which it is practiced Hafttan: Seven Bodies or seven human incarnations haft-tawane: Seven Powers in charge of the outer world (Sultan Sahāk’s descendants) Jam: a holy gathering ring in which the various groups of Yārsān come together Jam-Kha ̄ne: a holy place for Yārsān’s followers where they utter their prayers and offer their vows to God; a “house for gathering” Ka ̄ki: a servant in Jam who is in charge of the Dalil rank kala ̄m: Yārsān religious verses Kalāmkha ̄n: learned members of the community who pass on kala ̄ms Kerda ̄r: good or evil deeds that determine the outcome of a reincarnation Khalife: helps a Sayyed to share food in a Jam ceremony and holds a high status Khandan: Yārsān family or spiritual house; started with eight but now eleven are in existence Khāvenkār: God in Yārsān religion Mûsî/Musa: angel of faith who is tasked with recording the deeds of the people Mustafā-e Dawdāni/Bāsh Kamāndār: angel of death Niyaz: fruit and pastry offerings Pir: holds the most superior religious rank in Yārsān, is usually called Seyyed and takes precedence over all adherents and dynasties; also, the pinnacle of a Jam ceremony qewls: Yezidi religious hymns Rākhsh: Rostam’s horse Rostam: a mythical Iranian hero

 GLOSSARY 

191

Ṣa ̄ḥib Dha ̄t/Dha ̄tdār: a divine being that manifests in a human body for a lifetime Sāhiba ̄n-e Zāt: the highest spiritual level of Doon-ā-Doon Sar Sepordan: a Yārsān initiation ceremony related to Benyamin’s refusal to bow to Adam; literally, “submitting one’s head” Sayyed/Seyyed: direct (male) descendants of Yārsān’s founders Shah Ibrahim/Boza Sowār: the manifestation of Anāhitā whose steed is made of ice sirr: “the mystery,” a term used by Yārsāns to describe the concept of the presence of God’s essence in the world Sultan Sahāk Barzanji: the founder of Yārsān in the fifteenth century; some believe him to be the physical manifestation of Khāvenkār Tajali Za ̄t/Mazharyat: the manifestation of God’s essence within human society tanbur: a long-necked lute Vow: a sacrificial offering of ram, beef, or rooster presented during a Jam ceremony Yārsān/Ahl-i Haqq/Kaka-i: literally, “home of friends”; an ethnoreligious group or community with origins in Iran and Iraq Yazidism/Yezidism: a religion with some parallelisms and similarities to Yārsān; Yezidis mainly live in northwest Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Europe Zᾱhir: outer or human forms of the Divine zat: God’s essence Zāti period/Dowrey-e Zāti: periods during which the seven Zat have been incarnated into human form

Index1

A Abbasid dynasty, 18, 23 Ahl-e Haqq, 6–8, 16, 17, 59, 60, 70, 71, 113, 173 Ali-Allahi, 40n18, 70 Alı-Qalandar, 49n39 Atash bag, 69 AzazIl, 107, 153–160, 162–164, 167–172 B Bābā Yadegār, 16, 23, 24, 49n39, 67, 69, 71, 131n87 Bāṭen, 81, 173 D Dālāhu, 67 Dalil, 23, 27, 41, 118 Devil worshippers, 7, 118

Discrimination, 19, 28, 52 Divan Gureh, 15 Doon-ā-Doon, 16–18, 17n6, 61, 61n3, 62 Dun, 42, 138 Dūnādūnī, 81, 138 E Ethnic boundaries, 46, 54 Ethnic identity, 45n31 F FARRA, 62 Fieldwork, vii, 35, 36, 53 G Gurānī dialects, 76 Gurānic tribes, 77

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 S. B. Hosseini (ed.), Yari Religion in Iran, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1

193

194 

INDEX

H Haftan, 41, 49n39, 63, 63n4, 71, 74, 131n87 Haftvāneh, 63 Howrāmān, 66–68 I Indo-Iranian, 13, 14, 26 J Jam-Khāne, 17, 43n26, 47 K Kāka’ī, 4, 5, 8, 16, 178, 178n222 Kalām/Kalam, viii, 16, 17, 22, 24, 25, 40–42, 43n29, 47, 59–72, 82, 110, 114, 122–124, 128, 132, 137, 141, 172–174 Kalam Saranjam, 137 Kermanshāh/Kermānshāh, 4, 16, 34, 36, 47, 50, 53, 64, 68–71, 75, 76, 84, 107, 109 Kirkuk, 8, 68, 69 Kurd, 6, 34–37, 34n5, 39, 46, 47, 52, 65, 70, 77, 87, 91, 105 L Lurestan, 83

P Pir, 17, 17n5, 23, 27, 28, 41, 49n39, 111, 118, 118n49, 121, 122, 133, 137, 138, 150, 159, 170, 178, 179 Pir Benyamin, 22, 23, 41, 132, 150 Pir Mûsî/Pir-Musi, 23, 131, 132, 141, 167 R Ramzbar, 24, 132 S Sahneh, 16, 68 Sanjābi tribe, 16, 68 Sar-e-Pul-Zahāb, 68 Seyyed, 27, 175 Shah Khosin, 114, 120 Shaytānparast/Sheytanparast, 118 Sufi, 18, 111, 112, 113n30, 115, 120, 121, 147, 154, 165, 166, 166n195, 177 Sultān Sahāk, 14–16, 21–24, 22n13, 27, 40, 41, 61, 61n3, 66, 67, 113, 114, 118, 130, 131, 141, 179

M Mazharriyyat, 19 Mithraism, 7, 28, 104, 105 Mustafā, 23, 24, 41 Mustache, 43, 43n28, 54, 87

T Tanbur, 7, 9, 17, 66, 110 Tribe, 4, 6, 15, 16, 33, 33n2, 34, 34n3, 34n6, 36n9, 38, 39, 43n27, 44–46, 67–71, 79, 108, 112 Tut Shami, 174n211

N Nationalism, 2

U Umayyad dynasty, 111

 INDEX 

V Victim, 161

X Xwarrah

W Worship Satan, 177

Y Yezidis, 8, 104

195