Yankee Town, Southern City: Race and Class Relations in Civil War Lynchburg 9780814784280

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Yankee Town, Southern City

Yankee Town, Southern City Race and Clas s Relation s in Civi l War Lynchbur g Steven Elliott Tripp

NEW YOR

n

K UNIVERSIT Y PRES New York and London

S

The American Social Experience S E R I E S James Kirby Martin GENERAL EDITO R

Paula S. Fass, Steven H. Mintz, Carl Prince, James W Reed & Peter N. Stearns EDITORS

i. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Shermans Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns JOSEPH T . GLATTHAA R

2. Childbearing in American Society: 1650-1850 CATHERINE M . SCHOLTE N

5. The Origins of Behaviorism.: American Psychology, 1870-1920 JOHN M . o ' D O N N E L L

4. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 GRAHAM RUSSEL L HODGE S

5. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman s Party, 1910-19 2 8 CHRISTINE A . LUNARDIN I

6. Mr. Jefferson s Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-1809 THEODORE J . CRACKE L

7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and Community-Culture among the Gullahs MARGARET WASHINGTO N CREE L

8. "A Mixed Multitude": The Struggle for Toleration in Colonial Pennsylvania SALLY SCHWART Z

9. Women, Work, and Fertility, 1900-1986 SUSAN HOUSEHOLDE R VA N HOR N

10. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union EARL J . HES S

ii. Lewis M. Terman: Pioneer in Psychological Testing HENRY L . MINTO N

12. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 PAUL DAVI S CHAPMA N

13. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 1825-1860 JOHN C . SPURLOC K

14. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETER N . STEARN S

i j. The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 GERALD SORI N

16. War in America to 1775: Before Yankee Doodle JOHN MORGA N DEDERE R

17. An American Vision: Far Western Landscape and National Culture, 182 0-1920 ANNE FARRA R HYD E

18. Frederick Law Olmsted: The Passion of a Public Artist MELVIN KALFU S

19. Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy KENNETH ALLE N D E VILL E

20. Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells RODNEY D . OLSE N

21. Breaking the Bonds: Marital Discord in Pennsylvania, 1730-1830 MERRIL D . SMIT H

22. In the Web of Class: Delinquents and Reformers in Boston, 181 os-19 30s ERIC C . SCHNEIDE R

23. Army of ManifestDestiny: The American Soldier in the Mexican War, 1846-1848 JAMES M . MCCAFFRE Y

2^. The Dutch-American Farm DAVID STEVE N COHE N

25. Independent Intellectuals in the United States, ig 10-1945 STEVEN BIE L

26. The Modern Christmas in America: A Cultural History of Gift Giving WILLIAM B . WAIT S

27. The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America KEVIN WHIT E

28. Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History JOHN C . BURNHA M

29. General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution: From Redcoat to Rebel HAL T . SHELTO N

50. From Congregation Town to Industrial City: Culture and Social Change in a Southern Community MICHAEL SHIRLE Y

51. The Social Dynamics of Progressive Reform: Commodore Kuehnles Atlantic City, 1854-1920 MARTIN PAULSSO N

52. America Goes to War: Race, Class, and Ethnicity in the Continental Army CHARLES PATRIC K NEIMEYE R

55. American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition KENNETH D . ROS E

34. Making Men Moral: Social Engineering During the Great War NANCY K . BRISTO W

55. Tituba, Reluctant Witch of Salem: Devilish Indians and Puritan Fantasies ELAINE G . BRESLA W

36. Yankee Town, Southern City: Race and Class Relations in Civil War Lynchburg STEVEN ELLIOT T TRIP P

N E W YOR K UNIVERSITY PRES S New York and Londo n © 199 7 by New York University All rights reserve d Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Tripp, Steve n Elliott, 1956 Yankee town, souther n cit y : race and clas s relations in Civil Wa r Lynchburg / Steve n Elliot t Tripp. p. cm.—(Th e America n socia l experience serie s ; 36) Includes bibliographical reference s an d index . Contents: Yankee town, southern city—Religion , rum , an d race — The man y battles of Lynchburg—These troublesome s times—T o crow n our heart y endeavors—The maulin g science—Epilogue : Lynchburg's centennia l an d beyond . ISBN0-8147-8205-1 (alk . pap) 1. Lynchbur g (Va.)—Rac e relations . 2 . Socia l classes—Virginia -Lynchburg—History—19th century . 3 . Virginia—History—Civi l War , 1861-1865. I . Title . II . Series . F234.L9T75 199 6 305.8'oo975567i—dc2o 96-3560 2 CIP New York University Press books are printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r binding materials ar e chosen for strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of America 10

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 21

For Elise, Nathan, and Hannah

Contents

List of Illustrations Acknowledgments

XV

xvii

Introduction

1

ONE

Yankee Town, Southern City

6

TWO

Religion, Rum, and Race: Lower-Class Life in Antebellum Lynchburg

48

THREE

The Many Battles of Lynchburg

85

FOUR

''These Troublesome Times": Rebuilding Lynchburg after the War 163

FIVE

"To Crown Our Hearty Endeavors": Religion, Race, and Class, 1865-1872

205

"The Mauling Science": Black and White Violence and Vigilance, 1865-1872

224

Lynchburg's Centennial and Beyond

250

Appendixes Notes Selected Bibliography Index

2

SIX

EPILOGUE

51

275

319 331

xiii

Illustrations

Marketplace an d Ninth Avenu e leading to Cour t Hous e 1 Lynchburg a s seen from th e Cour t Hous e 1 Tobacco factory scene s 2 John William Murrell House , circa i86 0 3 Two illustrations o f Buzzard's Roos t 7 General Samue l Garland, Jr., circ a 186 2 9 Charles Blackford , circ a 188 0 10 Christopher Sila s Booth 11 Lynchburg soldier s in 186 1 12 Lynchburg skyline as seen from Amhers t County , 186 6 17 Lynchburg topography : Diamon d Hil l a s seen from Church Stree t between Twelfth an d Thirteenth Street s 19 Old Lynchbur g Market 23

3 4 6 9 4 7 2 6 3 1 5 5

xv

Acknowledgments

I

t is with a mix of relief and pleasure tha t I finally have an opportunit y to than k thos e wh o hav e helpe d m e se e thi s projec t throug h t o it s completion. I a m gratefu l t o th e staff s a t th e Nationa l Archive s i n Washington, D.C. , th e Alderma n Librar y a t th e Universit y o f Virginia , the Perkin s Librar y a t Duk e University , th e Souther n Historica l Collec tion a t th e Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a a t Chape l Hill , th e Virgini a Historical Societ y in Richmond , an d th e Virginia Stat e Archives in Rich mond. Many people in Lynchburg helped mak e my frequent visit s productive. Without exception , churches , privat e libraries , an d privat e organization s allowed m e t o examin e thei r record s i n ful l an d t o us e wha t I though t relevant. Most o f my research wa s conducted a t Jones Memorial Library , the Lynchbur g cit y clerk' s office , an d th e Lynchbur g Museum . Eac h offered m e a plac e t o wor k an d al l th e attentio n tha t I needed . I a m especially gratefu l t o Pat t Hobb s an d Ada m Sche r o f th e Lynchbur g Museum Syste m and Sara h Hickson an d E d Gibso n o f Jones Library . As a graduat e studen t a t Carnegi e Mello n Universit y i n Pittsburgh , Pennsylvania, I was fortunate t o work with a n excellen t dissertatio n com mittee. Peter Stearn s and John Modell eac h offered penetratin g criticism s and sound advice that have helped me sharpen my conceptual understand ing o f race an d class . Although I can' t clai m t o b e i n thei r league , I a m a xvn

xviii • Acknowledgments better historia n fo r havin g worked unde r them . M y greates t professiona l debt i s t o Jo e Willia m Trotter . Ove r th e years , h e ha s bee n al l tha t a mentor shoul d be—patient , dedicated , enthusiastic , an d forthright . I a m very thankful tha t I had th e opportunit y t o work under him . A numbe r o f peopl e a t Gran d Valle y Stat e Universit y i n Allendale , Michigan, hav e mad e completin g thi s projec t a pleasant experience . Tw o generous grant s from th e university helped me see this project t o comple tion. I a m especiall y gratefu l t o th e university' s librar y staff , especiall y Laurel Balkem a an d Mill y Holrvluwe r i n interlibrar y loan . The y helpe d me locat e a number o f obscur e source s an d save d m e countles s hour s i n doing so . Equall y important , the y neve r yelle d a t m e whe n I faile d t o return book s an d microfil m o n time . I a m als o gratefu l t o m y colleague s in th e histor y department— a wonderfu l an d stimulatin g grou p o f peopl e who hav e mad e m y lif e i n academi a extremel y pleasan t an d meaningful . Thanks to o t o Ne w Yor k University Press , especiall y Coli n Jones, direc tor, Despin a Papazogl a Gimbel , managin g editor , an d Kari n Kuczynsk i and Ada m Becker , editoria l assistants . Eac h ha s bee n extremel y helpfu l and extremel y patient a s I readied thi s for publication . Finally, a wor d o f thank s t o m y family . I n particular , I than k m y parents, Mar v an d Jeanette Tripp , fo r teachin g m e t o lov e learning , fo r encouraging m e t o d o m y best , fo r payin g fo r m y colleg e education , an d for no t protestin g when I tol d the m I wanted t o b e a history major. I als o thank m y brother To m an d m y siste r Cind y fo r bein g s o supportiv e ove r the years . I a m especiall y indebte d t o m y children , Natha n Elliot t Trip p and Hanna h Magdalin e Goul d Tripp , fo r interruptin g m y wor k o n a regular basis . B y doin g so , the y hav e give n m e grea t joy . An d a specia l word o f thank s t o m y wife , Elis e Hanse n Tripp . Quit e literally , ou r marriage ha s bee n bounde d b y thi s project : w e wer e marrie d tw o week s before I entere d Carnegi e Mellon' s Ph.D . program , I complete d th e dissertation on e wee k afte r ou r fifth anniversary , an d I complete d th e book manuscrip t thre e week s afte r ou r tent h anniversary . Throug h i t all, Elise ha s bee n a wellsprin g o f support . Althoug h thi s wor k ca n hardl y repay he r fo r al l tha t sh e ha s don e fo r me , i t i s fitting tha t I dedicat e i t to her .

Introduction

T

his i s a study o f ho w th e peopl e o f on e Souther n community — Lynchburg, Virginia—experienced fou r distinc t bu t overlappin g events: Secession , Civi l War , blac k emancipation , an d Recon struction. I t wa s a volatil e perio d i n th e town' s history . Th e combine d effects o f these event s influenced al l areas of life, non e mor e s o than rac e and clas s relations. Although relation s betwee n blac k an d white , rich an d poor, ha d lon g bee n contentious , th e tumultuousnes s o f th e er a gav e lower-class black s an d white s greate r incentiv e t o redefin e thei r plac e i n the town' s socia l order . The relativ e successe s an d failure s o f their effort s are largely what this study is about . I a m hardly th e first t o explor e thi s topic . Durin g th e pas t decade , th e question o f how war an d Reconstructio n affecte d rac e an d clas s relation s has attracte d a divers e bu t talente d grou p o f historians . Cumulatively , their wor k ha s alread y impacte d o n ou r understandin g o f Souther n his tory. First , the y hav e extende d th e endurin g debat e o f continuit y versu s change i n Souther n histor y t o includ e race , class , an d gende r relations . Second, through meticulou s local studies, they have uncovered significan t regional variations i n a n are a tha t w e onc e mistakenl y terme d th e "solid " South. About th e onl y thing that thes e historians hav e not don e i s to com e t o some consensu s o n wha t ha s becom e th e centra l questio n o f nineteenth i

2 • Introduction century Souther n history : Ho w di d th e wa r an d Reconstructio n affec t social relations in the South? Som e suggest that the impact was negligible. They argu e tha t th e South' s traditiona l elites—namely , planters—suc cessfully fough t of f Yanke e an d lower-clas s insurgent s t o retai n muc h o f their prewa r powe r an d stature . Becaus e o f thei r success , th e "New " South looke d ver y muc h lik e th e "Old " South. 1 Other s conten d tha t th e era was one o f profound change . They argu e tha t th e "crucibl e o f war" — a favorit e ter m o f thi s group—an d Reconstructio n largel y destroye d th e planter regime . Within th e resultin g powe r vacuum , a number o f group s competed fo r power , creating a new and more contentiou s er a of race an d class relations. 2 For th e mos t part , I fin d mysel f i n agreemen t wit h thos e wh o hav e argued discontinuit y over continuity, conflic t ove r consensus—but no t b y much. I n Lynchburg , th e agent s o f chang e wer e s o man y an d s o divers e that it took years for al l segments o f society to adjust t o the new order. As the variou s group s trie d t o negotiat e thei r statu s withi n a n ofte n volatil e social structure, race and clas s relations became increasingly unsettled. B y the en d o f Reconstruction , th e transformatio n wa s stil l incomplet e an d the line s of conflict stil l not full y developed . As a result, th e period ende d with no clea r winners an d losers . Moreover, chang e ofte n occurre d i n a decidedl y conservativ e context . By thi s I mea n tha t individual s invariabl y trie d t o retai n wha t the y had , even a s events propelle d the m i n ne w an d ofte n unanticipate d directions . This was especially true o n the white side of Lynchburg's social structure . After all, most whit e resident s embrace d Secessio n an d wa r t o preserv e a way of life, not t o transfor m th e existin g social structure . For thi s reason , they looked t o th e past—o r mor e properly , t o thei r understandin g o f th e past—to guid e the m throug h th e crise s of the 1860 s and th e earl y 1870s . Even a s th e crus h o f event s accelerate d th e proces s o f change , man y individuals continued t o be attracted t o the past for th e security it offered . In a word, it was a restive age for al l who lived throug h it . Although thi s i s a study of all levels of Lynchburg society , I hav e trie d to b e especiall y attentiv e t o th e word s an d action s o f Lynchburg' s lowe r classes, especiall y lower-clas s whites— a grou p tha t ha s ye t t o receiv e it s full shar e of scholarly attention . B y looking a t life i n th e grogshop , at th e military encampment , an d o n th e stree t corne r an d th e sho p floor, I hav e tried t o sugges t ho w ordinar y peopl e influence d th e contour s o f race an d class relations i n on e Souther n town . I n makin g my presentation, I brea k ranks wit h thos e historian s wh o hav e argue d tha t upper-clas s white s muted clas s antagonisms i n the Sout h by persuading lower-class whites t o

Introduction • 3 join the m i n a ques t fo r whit e racia l solidarity. 3 Ultimately , I argu e that , after th e war , social , political , an d economi c concern s compelle d lower class white s t o def y elites ' prescriptio n fo r rac e relations . B y actin g o n their own , lower-clas s white s expresse d thei r frustrations wit h elit e rul e and contribute d t o th e instabilit y o f postwar society . Although clas s con flict was not a central feature o f mid-nineteenth-century Souther n history , class antagonisms , ofte n onl y vaguel y articulate d a s such , di d influenc e the reshaping of Southern socia l relations. The stud y i s organize d chronologicall y an d thematically . Th e stud y be gins with a n economi c an d demographi c overvie w o f prewa r Lynchburg . Chapter 1 highlight s som e o f th e basi c feature s o f Lynchbur g society , including th e town' s involvemen t i n a market economy , th e stee p grada tions o f th e socia l hierarchy , th e diversit y o f th e town' s laborin g popula tion, an d white residents' commitmen t t o slavery , personalism, an d pater nalism. The secon d chapte r provide s a closer examination o f Lynchburg' s white an d blac k laborers. Through a n extensiv e stud y o f religion, propri ety, an d leisure , th e chapte r suggest s th e genera l contour s o f lower-clas s life. The chapte r highlight s place s of interclass an d interracia l interactio n to sugges t the normative pattern s o f behavior, especiall y vigilance an d th e ethic of honor, tha t informed prewa r socia l relations. The thir d chapte r explore s how war affecte d rac e an d clas s relations a t home an d i n Lynchburg' s militar y regiments . Specifically , th e chapte r argues tha t Lynchburg' s socia l organizatio n wa s remarkabl y durabl e fo r much o f the period. Although clas s and racia l conflicts eventuall y came t o the fore , the y did s o late in th e war an d the n onl y in a haphazard fashion . By war's end , it was not clea r if the town' s antebellu m civi c leaders would have to surrender al l or eve n part of their power . The remainin g chapter s describ e th e ne w socia l environmen t tha t defeat, blac k emancipation , an d federa l occupatio n created . After a n eco nomic and demographi c overvie w of postwar Lynchbur g in chapter 4, th e study return s t o a n analysi s o f th e rol e o f religio n a s a source o f conflic t and consensus, as evinced b y elite-led mora l reform effort s an d the town' s "Great Reviva l o f 1871. " Her e i n chapte r 5 , th e stud y take s t o tas k those historian s wh o argu e tha t racia l solidarit y furthere d clas s solidarity . Finally, th e stud y return s t o a n analysi s o f interracia l violenc e an d vigi lance. I n chapte r 6 , I argu e tha t community-endorse d mo b violenc e against black s becam e increasingl y rar e a s laborin g white s refuse d t o participate i n elite-sponsore d rituals . A t th e sam e time , however , overal l violence agains t black s actuall y increase d a s laborin g white s resorte d t o

4 • Introduction individual act s of aggression t o "protect " themselves , thei r jobs, and thei r neighborhoods agains t presume d blac k interlopers . Blac k residents ofte n responded i n kind . I n contras t t o mos t interpretation s o f postwa r South ern violence , I argu e tha t black s ofte n displaye d a collectiv e resolv e to aveng e abus e tha t frustrate d civi c leaders ' attempt s t o contro l thei r behavior. Lynchburg recommends itsel f for stud y for a variety of reasons. The mos t pragmatic i s tha t th e tow n ha s retaine d a wealt h o f privat e an d publi c records. Many o f these record s pertai n especiall y t o lower-clas s groups — specifically, churc h minute s an d membershi p lists , manuscript censu s ma terials, criminal court records, and army muster rolls. Using these records, I hav e bee n abl e t o reconstruc t lower-clas s lif e i n a wid e variet y o f settings, ranging from th e gro g shop to the prayer meeting . More thematically , Lynchburg' s demograph y make s i t a convenien t place t o examin e th e interactio n o f divers e socia l groups . O n th e ev e o f the Civi l War, th e tow n was about 3 9 percent slave , 5 percent fre e black , 46 percen t nativ e white , an d 1 0 percent foreign-bor n white. 4 I n contras t to muc h o f th e rura l South , th e town' s clos e quarter s compelle d thes e groups t o interac t dail y i n a wid e variet y o f settings . A s a result , Lynchburg is an ideal place to observ e how various groups negotiated th e normative standard s o f race and clas s relations. Finally, Lynchbur g offer s a unique opportunit y t o analyz e th e impac t of industrialization o n Souther n rac e an d clas s relations. Prior t o the war, Lynchburg wa s on e o f th e leadin g center s fo r th e manufactur e o f plu g tobacco, wit h a leve l o f entrepreneuria l activit y tha t rivale d th e textile s towns o f New England . Thus, this stud y invites comparisons wit h simila r developments i n Northern industria l cities . In selectin g a n urba n area , I a m wel l awar e tha t I la y mysel f ope n t o the charg e that I have chosen a n atypical community a s a forum fo r study . Indeed, n o less an authority than C . Vann Woodward ha s argued tha t cit y and countrysid e wer e s o distinc t i n th e Sout h tha t comparison s betwee n the tw o ar e hazardou s a t best . Accordin g t o Woodward , th e face-to-fac e social arrangement s o f the countrysid e allowe d rura l whites t o use direct , or "vertical," forms o f race control. In contrast, cities added a "horizontal" system o f segregation, characterize d b y an "impersona l comple x o f inter locking economic , political , legal , social , an d ideologica l component s t o maintain white dominance." 5 Although Woodward' s thesi s help s explai n on e o f th e mos t salien t

Introduction • 5 differences betwee n urba n an d rura l racia l systems , th e similaritie s be tween tow n an d countr y ma y b e equall y significant . Fo r instance , i t stil l holds tha t mos t racia l encounter s i n cities—especiall y citie s a s smal l a s Lynchburg—were probabl y o f th e informa l vertica l variety . Moreover , poorer urbanites , wh o ha d limite d acces s t o forma l institutions , probabl y relied almos t exclusivel y o n face-to-fac e encounter s t o determin e th e contours o f race relations . We shoul d als o questio n th e wisdo m o f som e Souther n historians ' search fo r th e "typical " Souther n community . Recen t analyse s o f th e nineteenth-century Sout h sugges t tha t i t was a diverse region , marke d b y a larg e numbe r o f subregion s wit h distinctiv e subcultures . Historians ' quest fo r th e typica l Souther n communit y ha s mean t tha t the y hav e depreciated th e significanc e o f th e cit y i n Souther n society . Souther n cities did not evolv e in a vacuum. The South' s cities, no less than the grea t plantations, were product s o f Souther n politics , economy , an d society . As this stud y demonstrates , whit e urba n resident s o f th e Sout h ha d muc h i n common wit h thei r rura l counterparts—mos t notably , a commitment t o slavery and white racial superiority. 6 Finally, many of the event s that change d th e nineteenth-century Sout h first occurre d i n the city . During and afte r th e war, as black and white war refugees lef t th e countryside , citie s an d town s becam e on e o f th e first places wher e th e tw o race s confronte d eac h othe r a s socia l an d politica l equals. Later, as Old Sout h change d t o New South , these towns played a n increasingly important rol e i n th e region' s socia l an d economi c reorgani zation, i f onl y becaus e the y stoo d a t th e junctur e o f th e rura l Sout h an d the international marke t economy. 7 Studying Souther n citie s wil l no t unloc k al l th e secret s o f Souther n history, but it can provide a new vista fo r interpretation .

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Yankee Town, Southern City

O

n th e ev e o f th e Civi l War , Lynchburg , Virginia , enjoye d a national reputatio n a s a progressive , enterprisin g city . Founde d in th e mid-eighteent h centur y b y Charle s Lync h a s a tradin g depot o n th e souther n ban k o f th e James River , th e tow n quickl y gaine d prominence a s a regiona l tobacc o market . On e hundre d mile s upstrea m from Richmond , loca l tobacc o farmer s foun d Lynchbur g a convenien t place t o shi p thei r tobacco , stor e it , an d hav e it inspecte d b y state agent s before sellin g i t a t auctio n t o easter n merchants . B y 1840 , Lynchbur g tobacco accounte d fo r nearl y one-quarte r (23. 4 percent ) o f al l tobacc o inspected i n Virginia . A s earl y a s 1830 , Englis h travele r Ann e Royal l visited th e tow n becaus e o f it s reputatio n a s a "plac e o f considerabl e business." In 1851 , a correspondent fo r th e Richmond Enquirer state d tha t "there i s no t a tow n i n Virgini a mor e interestin g tha n Lynchburg. " It s citizens wer e "aliv e t o interna l improvements " an d evidence d "industry , emulation, an d busines s success. " The edito r o f the nearb y Bedford Sentinel was equall y impressed , notin g i n 185 8 tha t Lynchbur g ha d becom e southwest Virginia' s "sea t o f learning , art , trade , an d manufacture. " I n time, the editor predicted, Lynchburg' s "industry , energy , and enterprise " would make the city "second t o none" in the state. Future Reconstructio n governor Francis H. Pierpoint's tribut e was less hyperbolic but even mor e pleasing t o th e town' s busines s leaders . I n a n 185 8 visi t t o Lynchburg , 6

Yankee Town, Southern City • 7 Pierpoint tol d th e edito r o f the Lynchburg Virginian, Charles Button , tha t Lynchburg had "mor e th e appearanc e o f a Yankee town tha n an y other i n Virginia." 1 In man y respects , Pierpoint' s observatio n wa s apt . O n th e surface , antebellum Lynchbur g looke d ver y muc h lik e th e emergin g commercia l and industria l center s o f th e North . Whe n Pierpoin t visited , Lynchbur g had establishe d a nationa l reputatio n a s a leadin g produce r o f on e th e era's mos t popula r manufacture d commodities—"plug, " o r chewing , to bacco. By all accounts , manufactured tobacc o wa s the basi s o f th e town' s economy. Lynchburg' s firs t factorie s appeare d aroun d th e tur n o f th e century; however , plu g tobacc o di d no t becom e a major commodit y unti l the secon d quarte r o f th e nineteent h century . B y then, urbanizatio n an d industrialization ha d create d a market fo r th e product—th e man y labor ers wh o chewe d t o reliev e th e tediu m o f thei r job s an d t o exhibi t thei r manhood. Ye t i t too k considerabl e enterpris e an d economi c acume n fo r the tow n t o attai n an d secur e it s shar e o f th e market . Althoug h Lynchburg's hinterlan d boaste d som e o f th e bes t tobacc o farm s i n th e nation, th e tow n wa s to o isolate d from th e easter n seaboar d t o tak e ful l advantage o f it s resources . Durin g th e secon d quarte r o f th e nineteent h century, however , th e cit y mad e a concerte d effor t t o compet e wit h eastern tradin g centers . I n 1840 , th e Jame s Rive r an d Kanawh a Valle y Canal wa s completed , providin g Lynchbur g a n easie r an d faste r rout e t o Richmond an d th e Atlanti c seaboard . Th e cana l dramaticall y improve d the town' s economi c fortunes . I n 1830 , Ann e Royal l counte d fifteen tobacco factorie s i n th e town . I n 1843 , the Lynchburg Republican boaste d that ther e wer e thirt y factorie s an d b y 1850 , th e manufacturin g censu s listed thirty-fiv e factorie s i n th e city . These represente d a capita l invest ment o f $600,300 , a manufacture d produc t value d a t $1,183,000 , an d a labor forc e o f 1,127 . B y i860 , ther e wer e forty-fiv e factorie s i n th e cit y limits, representin g a n investmen t o f $1,136,190 , a produc t valu e o f $1,907,882, an d a tota l workforc e o f 1,054 . I* 1 t h a t year , Lynchbur g factories accounte d fo r 1 7 percent o f the state' s revenu e o f manufacture d tobacco sales. 2 Although othe r citie s manufacture d mor e chewin g tobacc o tha n Lynchburg, n o othe r cit y pursued th e trad e with suc h a singular interest . According t o a recent stud y o f the antebellu m Virgini a tobacc o industry , Lynchburg produce d mor e tobacc o i n proportio n t o it s siz e tha n an y other cit y in Virginia an d North Carolina , th e principal tobacco-growin g states. Onl y one-sixt h th e siz e o f Richmon d an d one-thir d th e siz e o f

8 • Yankee Town, Southern City Petersburg, Lynchbur g nonetheless produce d tobacc o valued a t one-thir d that o f Richmond an d three-fourth s tha t o f Petersburg. 3 Even mor e tha n o f quantity , however , Lynchburg' s tobacc o manufac turers boaste d o f th e qualit y o f thei r product . Despit e competitio n fro m Richmond, Petersburg , an d Danville , Lynchburger s claime d tha t thei r product wa s th e bes t i n th e countr y an d unabashedl y aske d tha t thei r rivals refer t o th e tow n a s the "Tobacc o City. " In July 1856 , the edito r o f the Lynchburg Virginian tried t o en d al l debat e o n th e subjec t b y trium phantly announcin g tha t "i t i s a fac t no w settle d beyon d a doub t tha t Lynchburg i s the best market fo r th e sal e of manufactured tobacc o in th e world." 4 Although suc h claim s were typica l o f nineteenth-century urba n boost ers, the y probabl y ha d som e basi s in fact . Alexande r Patten , a correspon dent fo r th e New York Mercury who travele d th e Sout h extensivel y i n th e late antebellu m period , state d tha t "thos e wh o indulg e i n th e finer kind s of manufactured tobacc o know that it comes rather fro m Lynchburg , tha n Richmond." Althoug h "awa y off " fro m th e easter n seaboard , Patte n noted, "Lynchbur g ha s a renow n tha t i s universal. " Eve n th e town' s rivals reluctantl y agreed . Afte r visitin g a Lynchbur g tobacc o auction , a correspondent fo r th e Petersburg Express admitted tha t Lynchbur g at tracted th e "fines t tobacc o in the world." 5 Tobacco gav e th e tow n fortun e a s wel l a s fame . Du e largel y t o th e profits generate d from th e tobacc o trade , Lynchburg' s pe r capit a valua tion i n 185 9 wa s $1,262.31 , making th e tow n th e secon d wealthies t cit y in th e country . Th e tobacc o manufacturers—o r tobacconists , a s the y called themselves—le d th e wa y t o Lynchburg' s prosperity . Accordin g t o the censu s o f i860 , th e town' s sixty-thre e tobacconist s accounte d fo r about 2 9 percent o f the town' s persona l wealth , 2 5 percent o f the town' s real estate wealth, an d 2 7 percent o f the town's total wealth. The wealthi est tobacconist s accumulate d impressiv e fortunes . Fiv e possesse d ove r $100,000 in tota l wealth. B y far th e wealthiest o f these was Jesse Hare. I n i860, h e owne d rea l estat e value d a t $110,00 0 an d a persona l estate , including thirty-fiv e slaves , valued a t $800,000 . Other s wer e no t fa r be hind. Thirty-tw o o f th e town' s sixty-eigh t tobacconist s wer e amon g th e town's wealthiest decile. 6 Tobacco gav e Lynchbur g wealt h an d fame , bu t i t di d no t giv e th e tow n economic security . Tobacc o manufacturin g wa s subjec t t o th e sam e vola tile fluctuations a s other antebellu m commercia l enterprises . Despit e th e

Yankee Town, Southern City • 9 fortunes o f a few , mos t tobacconist s foun d th e trad e t o b e exceedingl y unstable. Thus, Lynchburg experience d a rapid turnove r i n tobacco firms. In 1850 , forty-on e me n owne d tobacc o factories . O f these , onl y sixtee n (39 percent ) remaine d i n th e busines s te n year s later—eve n thoug h th e total number o f tobacconists gre w to sixty-one. 7 Several factor s contribute d t o th e instabilit y o f th e trade . Natur e wa s obviously on e culprit . T o receiv e a goo d pric e fo r thei r product , Lynchburg tobacconist s preferre d th e finest grade s o f tobacco . Whe n fine-grade tobacc o wa s i n lo w supply , tobacconist s coul d eithe r en d th e manufacturing seaso n early or make an inferior—and thus , less financially rewarding—product. Ye t t o gro w fine-grade tobacc o require d near-per fect weather, fertile soil , and constan t cultivation. 8 Even mor e tha n from nature , however , tobacconist s suffere d from th e structure o f th e trad e itself . Less-affluen t tobacconist s ofte n complaine d that th e produc t marketin g syste m worke d agains t them . Virgini a tobac conists relied o n Northern factor s t o buy their product, who then shippe d it nort h t o distribut e fo r sale . Unfortunatel y fo r th e tobacconists , thes e factors usuall y bough t th e tobacc o o n credi t an d pai d of f onl y afte r the y sold th e product . A s a result , mos t tobacconist s relie d o n ban k loan s t o continue thei r busines s operations . I n time s o f economi c stabilit y th e system worke d well , sinc e bank s wer e quic k t o exten d libera l credi t t o most tobacconists . I n time s o f economi c dislocation , however , man y to bacconists suffered . Durin g th e pani c o f 1857 , m o s t Norther n factor s defaulted o n thei r payments . I n th e mids t o f th e crisis , on e Lynchbur g tobacconist predicte d tha t whil e thos e o f "larg e means " would b e abl e t o recover eve n i f conditions di d no t improv e i n a year o r two , "th e ma n o f small means" would soo n b e "hopelessly ruined." 9 Fierce competitio n als o mad e tobacc o manufacturin g a volatile enter prise. Much o f th e competitio n wa s local : Lynchbur g tobacconist s com peted wit h on e anothe r t o bu y the bes t tobacco , concoc t th e bes t flavors , and obtai n th e mos t favorabl e agreement s wit h factors . A t th e sam e time, however, Lynchbur g tobacconist s bega n t o fee l pressur e from othe r quarters. Despit e th e town' s nationa l reputatio n a s th e tobacc o capital , Lynchburg tobacconist s foun d themselve s in a n annua l struggl e t o attrac t growers wit h th e bes t produce t o thei r warehouses . Although Lynchbur g always compete d wit h seaboar d citie s fo r th e tobacc o trade , th e competi tion reache d a ne w leve l o f intensit y whe n railroad s from Richmond , Petersburg, Alexandria , an d Baltimor e bega n t o reac h th e interio r o f th e state durin g th e lat e 1850s . With th e arriva l o f th e railroa d i n th e Pied -

io • Yankee Town, Southern City mont, Lynchbur g foun d tha t i t n o longe r possesse d th e advantag e o f geography. A s a result, Lynchburg' s statu s a s a tobacc o marke t bega n t o slip. In 1856 , the sam e Petersburg corresponden t wh o reluctantly praise d Lynchburg tobacconists fo r thei r commitmen t t o excellence als o observed that Lynchbur g n o longe r attracte d th e numbe r o f tobacc o farmer s i t once had . H e wa s an astut e observer . Fro m 185 3 t o 1858 , the numbe r o f hogsheads inspecte d an d sol d a t Lynchburg decline d eac h year, s o that b y 1858, Lynchburg sol d onl y 7 0 percent o f its 185 3 total . Durin g th e sam e period, Lynchburg' s percentag e o f state sale s decline d b y half, fro m 20. 2 percent t o 1 0 percent. Ultimately , thi s increased competitio n amon g local tobacconists, wh o no w foun d themselve s payin g exorbitan t price s fo r whatever goo d weed the y could find. A s their cost s rose, their margin s o f profits declined. 10 Civic leader s responde d t o th e burgeonin g urba n rivalr y wit h th e economic foresight tha t they believed se t them apar t from othe r Souther n towns. Durin g th e 1850s , tow n father s embarke d o n a n ambitiou s pro gram o f internal improvement s tha t the y hoped woul d solidif y th e town' s place i n th e regiona l tobacc o market , a s wel l a s enabl e th e tow n t o diversify it s economi c base . Th e resul t wa s a decad e o f almos t frantic railroad construction , funde d largel y b y loca l taxe s an d privat e subscrip tions. B y i860 , Lynchbur g wa s th e crossroad s fo r thre e railroads . Lynchburg's first line , the Virginia an d Tennessee Railroad , buil t in 1850 , enabled th e tow n t o surmoun t it s easter n barrier , th e Blu e Ridg e Moun tains, to reach the fertile farmland s an d rich mineral deposit s of southwest Virginia an d easter n Tennessee. The secon d line , the Southsid e Railroad , completed i n 1856 , linked th e city to Petersburg, thu s giving the tobacco nists greate r acces s t o th e easter n seaboard . Th e town' s final antebellu m project, th e Orang e an d Alexandri a Railroad , promise d eve n greate r changes b y connectin g Lynchbur g t o norther n Virgini a and , ultimately , the urban North. 11 Civic boosters anticipate d a new era of economic prosperity from thei r investments. Charle s Button , edito r o f the Lynchburg Virginian, predicted that Lynchbur g woul d on e da y surpas s Richmon d i n tobacc o productio n by monopolizin g th e inlan d trade . Eve n mor e boldly , h e suggeste d tha t the town migh t on e da y rival Wheeling fo r it s iron foundrie s an d Alexandria fo r it s flour mills . Othe r busines s leader s wer e equall y hopefu l tha t the railroad s woul d ushe r i n a n eve n greate r er a o f economi c prosperit y born from expansio n an d diversification . Accordin g t o th e Boar d o f Di rectors o f th e Virgini a an d Tennesse e Railroa d Company , th e town' s

Yankee Town, Southern City • 1 1 emerging statu s a s a rail cente r woul d mak e i t a n idea l locatio n t o manu facture an d shi p th e ric h salt , copper , iron , coal , an d gypsu m deposit s o f southwest Virginia . T o promot e th e town' s interest s withi n th e stat e an d beyond, civic boosters established a Board o f Trade, a Mechanical Society , and a n Agricultural Society. 12 Although civi c booster s neve r realize d muc h o f wha t the y se t ou t t o do, b y th e en d o f th e decad e the y di d witnes s a ne w ag e o f economi c prosperity. Beginnin g i n 1858 , with th e competitio n o f th e Orang e an d Alexandria Railroad , Lynchburg' s tobacc o industr y slowl y rebounded . I n i860, th e tow n exporte d 9,30 1 hogshead s o f tobacco , roughl y th e sam e amount i t exported durin g the flush times in the beginnin g o f the decade . At th e sam e time , th e tow n regaine d som e o f it s shar e o f th e stat e trad e moving, from a decade-low 1 0 percent in 185 8 to 1 2 percent in i860. 13 Other industrie s als o profite d from railroa d construction . Althoug h tobacco remaine d th e dominan t industry , Lynchburg' s statu s a s a n im portant crossroad s t o point s east , west , an d nort h attracte d a numbe r o f new industrie s an d encourage d a fe w olde r one s t o expan d thei r opera tions. O n th e ev e o f th e Secessio n crisis , Lynchbur g an d vicinit y wer e home t o si x foundries , includin g on e tha t provide d th e passenge r an d freight car s fo r th e Virgini a an d Tennesse e Railroad ; eleve n gris t mills ; four coachmakers ; tw o coppersmiths ; an d on e fertilize r manufacturer . Although mos t o f thes e businesse s wer e relativel y small , ther e wer e a few exceptions . Joh n Bailey' s coachmakin g establishment , house d i n a cavernous, abandone d tobacc o factory , employe d fifty workers . Tw o o f Lynchburg's foundrie s wer e als o relativel y larg e establishments . Franci s Deane, forme r proprieto r o f th e Tredegea r Iro n Work s i n Richmond , operated a n iro n foundr y tha t manufacture d passenge r an d freight car s for th e Virgini a an d Tennesse e Railroad . I n i860 , h e employe d twenty five workers, an d hi s product value was $52,800. A. G. Dabney' s Phoeni x Foundry was only slightly smaller. I n i860 , the foundr y employe d thirty five workers an d produce d $40,00 0 wort h o f iro n fixtures fo r th e town' s tobacco factories. 14 Button, fo r one , was impressed. In 1860 , he observe d that , becaus e th e number o f ne w businesse s ha d grow n appreciabl y i n th e las t fe w years , "now ever y suitabl e localit y fo r busines s i s occupied." 15 Th e scal e an d pace o f economi c activit y allowe d Lynchbur g t o reasser t tha t i t rivale d the Nort h i n busines s expertis e an d ingenuity . Visitors helpe d sprea d th e word. I n lat e 1859 , Davi d Forbes , newl y arrive d from th e countryside , wrote hi s mother tha t h e believe d hi s economi c prospect s wer e excellent :

12 • Yankee Town, Southern City "I believ e I wil l lik e Lynchburg, " h e tol d her . "Thi s i s a hardworkin g community an d a very ric h one." 1 118, 120 , 134 ; postwar career of, 163-64 , 165; response to secession crisis , 87-88; and servants, 18 , 19, 23, 146-47, 161-62 , 163, 176 , 18 5 Blackford, Launcelo t Minor, 46, 129 , 16 5 Blackford, Lewis , 113 , 129, 16 5 Blackford, Mary , 46, 88, 141, 176 Blackford, Susan : during war, 101 , 119, 128-29, 136 , 143, 155; and servants, 145 46, 147-4 8 Blackford, William , 88 , 89, 122 , 125, 128 Blackford, William , Jr.: as Confederate of ficer, 105-6 , 107 , n o, 117 ; and servants , 20, 17 4 Blacks: aggressive behavior of, 152-54 , 231, 246; attempt t o define freedom, 173-79 ; churches of, 20 , 61-62, 152 , 207; community development of , 181-83 , 228, 251; and Confederat e defeat , 161-62 ; criminal

337

338 • Index Blacks (Continued) behavior of , 24-25 , 187-89 , 232-34 , 236; as domestic laborers, 17 ; relations with the federa l government , 168-70 , 173, 177; and the ethi c of honor, 76-78 ; and judicial system, 77-78 , 236-37, 239-41 ; leisure activities of, 77-78 ; and police, 77, 237-38, 241-46 ; and politics, 179-81 , 183, 253-54 ; postwar economi c disloca tion of , 165 , 168, 183-85; as refugees , in o factories , 12-17 , 168-69, x184; ^45 m tobacc 24-25, 177-79 , 2 5 J ; during war, 144-54 ; as victims of violence, 224-25 , 227-28; vigilance against whites, 242-46 ; violent behavior of, 24 , 78-79, 151-52 , 224-25, 231-32. See also Slaves; and names of individual black leaders Blankenship, James, 9 6 Bobbitt, James, 22 7 Boisseau, John, 23 6 Booker, W. T., 16 3 Bowles, John, 22 7 Bowles, Lucy, 66 Bowyer, P., 53 Branch, William, 126 , 127 , 154 , 167 , 233; attempts to stop liquor trade, 80-81 ; pre sides over mayor's court, 21 , 70-71, 72 , 76, 77-78 , 90 233; reelections of, 127 , 128, 167 . See also Civic leaders; Lynchburg, judicial system i n Brown, Lee, 24 2 Brown, Robert, 13 1 Bruce, George, Jr., 23 7 Buckner, Waddy, 24 1 Burch, George, 18 1 Bureau o f Immigration, 19 6 Burns, Joshua, 15 3 Burton, David, 1 6 Button, Charles : on blacks, 153 , 176-77, 186-87, *88 , 246; criticizes Confederat e military leaders, 99, n o , 121 , 137-38; criticizes democracy, 34 , 36; encourages private charity, 33 , 137, 193, 194; on fed eral reconstruction policy , 170 ; on th e K u Klux Klan, 248 ; on lower-class whites, 27-28, 72 , 73, 74, 75, 76, 192 , 232, 241; on postwar economy , 171 , 172, 195 ; endorses secession, 89 ; on soldier s i n Lynchburg, 127 , 128 ; on speculators , 134, 135 , 137; Unionist sympathie s of ,

86, 88; on voting habits of lower-class whites, 201 , 202, 203, 223. See also Civic leaders; Lynchburg Virginian; Politics Buzzard's Roost , 18 , 167, 183 ; described, 73-75; race relations in, 78-81 , 228 . See also Lynchburg, residential patterns i n Callen, Dan, 6 8 Callen, Mary, 7 0 Calloway, Claiborne, 23 3 Camp Davis , 12 8 Carey, 21-2 2 Carter, James, 18 4 Castiglioni, C , 229 , 240 Centenary Methodist Church , 200 , 210, 212, 213 , 215, 217, 220,, 221, 222; evangelical traditions of, 56-59 ; See also Charity; Great Reviva l of 1871 ; Home missio n movement; Religio n Charity: to blacks, 20-21 ; before th e war, 32-32; during the war, 141-44 ; after th e war, 193-94 . See also Churches; Hom e mission movement ; Overseer s of the Poor; and names of individual charitable organizations Chenault, James, 23 2 Churches: benevolent giving of, 32 , 141; during the Civi l War, 124 ; Home missio n movement of , 211-16 ; race relations in , 60-63; women in , 63-65. See also Charity; Dorcas Society ; Great Reviva l of 1871; Home missio n movement; Women; and names of individual churches City council. See Lynchburg, cit y council of Civic leaders: benevolent activitie s of, 3 1 33, 141-44 , 211-16; on blac k lawlessness, 188-89, 232—33 , 238; booster activitie s of, 7 , 10-12 , 30, 195-96 ; during Civi l War, 99 , 125 , 139, 141 , 142, 154, 157 ; relations with federa l agents , 166-70 ; and Great Reviva l of 1871 , 218 ; on lower class impropriety, 71-76 ; patronage of , 38-41, 190 ; political power of , 25-26 , 34-37, 248-49 , 254-56 ; on postwar econ omy, 167 , 171-72 , 177 , 194 , 251; response to postwar poverty, 192-94 ; response to Congressional (Radical ) Reconstruction, 173 ; slave insurrectio n fears of , 77-79 ; surrender tow n t o federa l

Index • 33 9 authorities, 160-62 ; on vigilance, 81-85, 232-33, 247-49 ; wartime division s among, 154-55 , 157 . See also Lynchburg, city council of ; and names of individual leaders Civilians (durin g the Civi l War): conflict s between, 123-24 , 136-40 ; criticize soldiers, 125-33 ; enthusiasm fo r war, 88-90 , 121-23; o n hoardin g an d speculating , 134-38; resist conscription, 157-58 ; wartime Unionis m of , 106-8 ; waning enthu siasm for war, 156-61 . See also Blacks; Civic leaders; Soldiers; Women Civil War. See Battles and military engage ments mentioned; Lynchburg , battl e of ; Military units mentioned; Soldiers ; and names of individual soldiers and civic leaders Clay, Henry, 231-32 , 24 1 Cleland, James, 49, 15 7 Cleland, Jannett, 48 , 136 , 205, 211, 21516 Clement, Georg e Washington , 3 0 Clopton, J. C , 6 2 Cobb, J. M., 4 5 Coleman, Fleming, 3 6 Colored Methodis t Church , 20 8 Colston, Raleigh , 15 9 Conscription, 108 , 112, 118 , 157 Conservative party, 173 , 180-81, 219 ; white laborers and , 199 , 200-204; gains contro l of Lynchburg, 218-19 , 2 4°- See a ^ s o Lynchburg News; Lynchburg Republican; Lynchburg Virginian; Politics; and names of individual political leaders Cooley, F. M. 172-73 , 179, 238. See also Freedmen's Bureau ; Reconstruction; Re publican party ; and names of individual federal agents Court Stree t Baptist Church: See African Baptist Churc h Court Stree t Methodist Church , 53 , 55-56, 5 8 - 5 9 , 209 , 210 , 212 , 2 1 3 - 1 4 , 217 , 218 ,

220. See also Charity; Dorca s Society ; "Great Reviva l of 1871; " Home missio n movement; Religio n Cousins, Thomas, 7 6 Craig, John Warwick , 206 , 207 Crawford, John, 5 4 Crime: See Lynchburg, crime i n Curtis, Gaston, 23 6

Dabney, A. G., 11 , 40 Daniel, John Warwick , 51 ; Centennial ad dress of, 250-5 1 Daughtery, James, 24 1 Davy, 17 6 Dawson, Samuel , 19 9 Deane, Francis, n , 40 , 13 3 Deane, John, 76 , 77 Democratic party , 35 ; and secessio n crisis, 86, 97, 89. See also Civic leaders; Conser vative party; Lynchburg Republican; Politics; and names of individuals Dennett, John Richard , 112 , 165 Didlake, Henry, 4 5 Diuguid, George , 15 9 Diuguid, Edwin , 226 , 244 Dixon, Charles, 23 4 Dodge, H. W, 56 Dorcas Society , 32-33 , 63-64, 213 , 216. See also Charity; Centenar y Methodis t Church; Cour t Stree t Methodist Church ; Home missio n movement ; Wome n Douglas, Fred, 22 6 Douglass, John, 42, 82, 136-3 7 Douglass, Joseph, 9 0 Earle, A. B., 217 Early, Mary, 159-6 0 Early, Ruth, 1 9 Early, Thomas, 21 3 Economy: postwar depression , 163-66 , 183-85, 189-93 ; attempts t o diversify , 10-12, 133 , 194-99; dominance o f tobacco manufacturing, 6-10 , 170-72 , 251; during the war, 133-36 . See also Artisans; Blacks; Civic leaders; Slaves; White labor ers; and names of individual boosters and entrepreneurs Edward, E N. , 212-13 , 2 I 4 Edwards, James, 19 9 Elvira, 14 5 Federal Government . See Blacks; Freedmen's Bureau ; Reconstruction Ac t of 1867 ; House o f Representatives' Selec t Committee o n Reconstruction ; Republi can party; and names of individual federal agents Ferguson, S . B. 230 Field, Solomon , 24 3

340 * Index First Baptist Church, 210 , 211, 212, 217, 220, 221 , 222; evangelical traditions o f 56-59; relations with African Baptis t Church, 61-62 . See also Charity; Grea t Revival of 1871 ; Religio n First Presbyterian Church , 49, 53, 140, 193, 205, 209 , 210 , 2 1 1 , 212, 213 , 217 , 220 ,

221, 222 . See also Charity; Cleland, Jannett; Grea t Reviva l of 1871 ; Home mis sion movement; Ramsey , James; Religio n Fletcher, Elijah, 37-38 , 44 Fletcher, William Andrew, 13 0 Flynn, Charles, 20 0 Folkes and Winston Cabinetmakers , 197 , 198 Forbes, David, 1 1 Ford, Calvin, 62 Ford, Hezekiah, 68 , 70 Fort Snacks , 16 6 Freedmen's Bureau , 166 , 168 , 169, 170, 177, 208; assistance to blacks, 185-86 ; respond t o interracial violence i n Lynchburg, 227-28 , 237-38, 239, 240, 248; schools of, 169-70 , 181-82 , 186 , 208. See also Blacks; Reconstruction; Re construction Ac t of 1867 ; Republican party; and names of individual federal agents Gabe, 129 , 146 , 161-62, 16 3 Gache, Louis-Hippolyte, 132-33 , 137 Garland, Samuel , Jr., 41, 44; business practices of, 29-30 ; as Confederate officer , 9 6 Glass, Carter, 254-5 5 Glass, George W, 4 5 Glass, Robert: criticizes blacks, 145 , 150, 180; criticizes Confederate leadership , 127-28, 136 , 138; on secession , 89 ; supports vigilance, 139 , supports war effort , 130. See Also Democratic party ; Lynchburg Republican; Politics Goggin, James O., 87 , 158 Goodman, A. B., 197, 19 8 Gracie, Archibald, 11 5 Graham, Maria, 2 9 Great Reviva l of 1871 , 216-2 3 Green, Charles , 22 6 Green, John, 24 5 Gregg, J. Irvin, 167 , 168, 169 . See also Civic leaders; Freedmen's Bureau ; Reconstruc tion; and names of individual federal agents

Gregory, Nannie, 21 2 Guggenheimer, Max , 19 6 Hamner, A. J., 5 1 Hare, Jesse, 8, 27, 51 Hargrove, J. G. , 14 9 Harrison, Carter , 11 4 Haythe, Gilbert, 240-4 1 Heath, Colonel , 23 0 Henderson, Walter , 114 , 13 5 Hendricks, William, 68 , 71 Henry, John, 92 , 94, 95-96, 113 , 114, 129 Heroes o f America, 107-8 . See also Civilians (during the Civi l War); Unionists Higginbotham, Isaac , 75, 76 Hoarding, 134-3 6 Home missio n movement, 211-13 ; lowerclass whites' response to , 213-16. See also Charity; Churches; Dorcas Society ; and name of individual churches and benevolent associations Honor, ethi c of: an d blacks, 76, 78, 225; and courts , 226 , 232-33; and lower-clas s whites, 67-71, 225-32 ; and postwar violence, 225-32; and women, 69-71 . See also Blacks; Vigilance; White laborers ; Women House o f Representatives' Selec t Commit tee on Reconstruction, 174 , 200, 236. See also Reconstruction Hughes, Hughey, 22 6 Irish, 28 , 33, 41, 66-67, 132—33 , 191, 203 Jack, 14 7 Jackson, Reuben, 228-29 , 24 0 Jackson Stree t Methodist Church , 18 3 James River and Kanawha Valley Canal, 7 Jeffries, John, 24 4 Jenny, 17 5 Johnson, Andrew, 172 , 241 Johnson, John Lipscomb , 13 5 Johnson, Thomas, 68, 71 Judkins,W E. , 21 8 Juelius, Gundey, 7 6 Kabler, Nathan, 4 0 Kean, Robert Garlic k Hill: as officer i n Confederate Army , 93, 106; postwar ob servations of , 164 , 17 0

Index • 34 1 Kelley, Thomas, 112 , 114 , 115 , 173 Kelso, Samuel, 178 , 179 , 180 , 185 , 247 King, Edward, 22 8 King, William, 10 8 Kinkle, William, 6 0 Kinnier, Dacre , 66-6 7 Kinnier, John, 66-6 7 Kirkpatrick, Thomas , 8 7 Knights of Labor, 252 . See also Blacks; Regulators; White laborer s Knights Templar, 20 8 Ku Klux Klan, 247-48 . See also Vigilance Laboring whites. See White laborer s Lacey, R. S. , 167 , 168 , 171, 186. See also Freedmen's Bureau ; Reconstruction; and names of individual federal agents Ladies' Relief Hospital, 122 , 123 , 143, 157. See also Charity; Ladies' Relief Society ; Soldiers' Aid Society ; Wome n Ladies' Relief Society , 122 , 141 . See also Ladies' Relief Hospital; Charity ; Soldiers ' Aid Society ; Wome n Langhorne, Allen, 7 7 Langhorne, John, 100-10 5 Langhorne, Marion, 10 4 Langhorne, Maurice, 96, 155 , 174, 175, 185 Langhorne, Orra , 2 2 Langhorne, William, 10 4 Latham, Henry , 19 3 Latham, Georg e Woodville, 27 , 95 Lee, Robert E. , 115 , 120, 15 9 Leftwich, Augustine , 41 Lomax, L. L., 15 9 Lower-class Whites. See Artisans; White la borers Lucas, George, 12 9 Lucas, N. E. , 119-2 0 Lydick, William, 17 9 Lynch, Charles , 6 Lynch, Edward, 14 4 Lynch, John, 66 Lynchburg: boosters of , 10-12 , 195-97 ; centennial celebratio n of , 250-51 ; cit y council of , 34 , 36, 126, 127 , 129 , 142, 154, 185-86 , 190 , 193-94, 196 , 219, 237; crime in, 68-81, 125-27 , 139-40 , 152 53, 160-62 , 187-89 , 193 ; described, 6-8 , 170-71; judicial system in, 21 , 70-73,

188, 236-37 , 239-41 ; last days of war in, 159-61; organization o f military compa nies in 91-93; police in, 21 , 80, 225, 232, 234, 237-39 , 2 43~445 railroad construc tion in, 10 , 168 , 218-19; residential pat terns in, 27 , 38, 182-83; revival in, 216 23; settlement and early history of, 6 ; slavery in, 12-17 ; soldiers in, 125-30 ; surren der of, 160-62 ; Unionists in , 86 , 89, 90, 106-8. See also Buzzard's Roost ; Civi c leaders; Economy; Lynchburg, battl e of ; Politics Lynchburg Agricultural an d Mechanical So ciety, 3 0 Lynchburg, battl e of, 113 , 128, 144, 156. See also Civilians (durin g the Civi l War); Soldiers Lynchburg Bibl e Society, 21 3 Lynchburg Boar d o f Trade, 3 8 Lynchburg College , 96 , 192 , 211 Lynchburg Labouring Association, 251-52 . See also Knights o f Labor; Regulators ; Strikes Lynchburg News, 177 , 185 , 189, 203. See also Perry, J. G . Lynchburg Press, 199 . See also Republican party Lynchburg Republican, 65 , 89, 127 . See also Democratic party; Glass, Rober t Lynchburg Tobacco Association, 18 5 Lynchburg Virginian, 34, 47, 65, 71, 78, 93, 98, 124 , 137 , 144 , 192 , 201, 203. See also Button, Charles ; Conservative party ; Whig part y Maria, 14 8 Marion Record, 19 9 Massie, William, 45-4 6 Maury, R . E, 11 5 McAlister, John, 22 6 McClain, John, 23 8 McCorkle, Alex, 221-2 2 McDivitt, Patrick , 23 2 McLoughlin, John, 6 9 Meem,John, 13 5 Merchants, 30 , 39, 119 ; business ethic of , 133; accused o f extortion durin g the war, 133-36; postwar, 16 5 Military units mentioned: Beauregar d Ri fles, 106 ; Eighteenth Virgini a Infantry ,

342 • Index Military units mentioned (Continued) 105; Eleventh Virginia Infantry , 96 ; Home Guard , 92 , 93, 95, 96, 156; Lynchburg Rifles, 96 ; Second Clas s Militia, 155-56 ; Second Virginia Cavalry , 92, 94, 119 ; Southern Guards , 111 . See also Soldiers Miller, William, 5 1 Mitchell, Jacob Duche, 18 , 32, 51, 91, 210; visitation records of, 54-55 ; activities dur ing the Civi l War, 124 , 131 , 132-33, 134. See also Religion; Secon d Presbyteria n Church Moore, Edward, 6 9 Moore, James, 24 5 Moore, Jerry, 24 5 Moorman, Edmond , 92 , 94 Moorman, Marcellus, 10 6 Moorman, Mary Barbara Grant , 5 9 Morgan, William Henry , 88 , 109 , 115 Morriss, 2 1 Mosby, Charles , 5 5 Mulligan, John, 6 9 Munford, George , 11 9 Munford, Thomas , 11 7 Myers, Frederick, 197 , 19 8

Payne, John Meem , 2 7

New, Sarah , 13 7 New York Herald, 192 New York Mercury, 8, 1 6 Nicholls, Francis, 1 56

Quakers, 41 Queen, 1 9

Oakey, Samuel, 95, 131 Old, James, 106 , 11 1 Orris, Thomas, 24 4 Ostrander, Charles , 2 3 Otey, Lucy, 28 , 141 Overseers o f the Poor, 31 , 144. See also Charity; Civi c leaders Owen, Narcissa, 14 1 Owen, Robert , 14 2 Owen, William Otway , 12 3 Padgett, J. W, 224-2 5 Padgett, Wyatt, 24 5 Parrish, Powhatan, 6 8 Patten, Alexander, 8 , 1 6 Patterson, Fendall , 232 Payne, D. B. , 55 Payne, D. P., 40

Peggy, x7 6

Perry, J. G. : endorses ethi c of honor, 226 , 232, 241 ; on poorer whites, 192 , 202, 204, 223 , 228; on postwar economy , 195 ; on race relations in Lynchburg, 177 , 179, 184, 186 , 187 , 188 , 208, 224-25, 246; on religion, 217-18 . See also Conservative party; Lynchburg News; Politics Petersburg Express, 8 Phelps, Charles, 10 6 Pierpoint, Francis , 6, 167 , 172 Pitts, John, 22 7 Plain folk. See Artisans; White laborer s Police. See Lynchburg, police in Politics: antebellum traditions , 34-7 ; during Reconstruction, 167-70 , 172-73 , 179-81 , 185-86; after Redemption , 252-55 ; during the Secessio n Crisis , 86-90; durin g the war, 154-55 . See also Conservative party; Democratic party ; Republica n party; Reconstruction; Whig party; and names of individual political leaders Poor whites. See Artisans; White laborer s Protestant Methodist Church , 209 , 210, 221

Race relations: See Blacks; Civic leaders; Slaves; Soldiers; Vigilance; White la borers Radford, Richard , 11 7 Rambee, Betsy, 2 9 Ramsey, George, 14 3 Ramsey, James, 60, 143 ; and religion o f th e "Lost Cause, " 205-6, 209. See also First Presbyterian Church ; Religio n Ramsey, Sabra , 28 , 82 Reconstruction: Congressional , 172-73 , 179-81, 186 ; Presidential, 167-70 , 172 , 185. See also Blacks; Civic leaders; Con servative party; Freedmen's Bureau ; Republican party; and names of individual political leaders Reconstruction Ac t of 1867 , 17 9 Regulators, 252 . See also Blacks, Knights o f Labor; White laborer s Reid, Catherine , 69-7 0

Index • 34 3 Reid, Whitelaw, 16 8 Religion: Catholics in Lynchburg, 124 , 132-33, 137 ; church discipline , 52-53 , 57, 220-22 ; during Civil War, 130-33 , 205; evangelicals in Lynchburg, 49-51 , 75; of the "Lost Cause," 205-7, 2 I ^ ; post war, 205-16 ; Quakers, 41, 88; revivalism in Lynchburg, 59 , 217-23; women and , 63-65. See also: Blacks; Charity; Great Re vival of 1871 ; White laborers ; names of individual churches-, and names of individual church leaders Religious Herald, 208, 217 Republican party , 173 , 175, 179, 219; blacks and, 179-81 , 183 , 253-54; on ^ t y coun cil, 237-38; membership of , 178-80 , 199-200; moderates in , 172-73 , 179, 180. See also Blacks; Lynchburg Press; Reconstruction; and the names of individual party leaders Reynolds, Benjamin, 24 2 Richmond Enquirer, 6 , 18 0 Rodes, Lucy, 128 , 132 Rodgers, J. W, 22 4 Royall, Anne, 6, 7 Rudd, R. , 243-4 4 Ryan, Patrick, 7 1 Ryder, Spotswood , 22 9 Saint Paul's Episcopal Church , 53 , 55, 5960, 213 , 220. See also Charity; Home mis sion movement; Religio n Saunders, James, 12 7 Saunders, Lewis, 228-29, 2 4 ° Schofield, John, 179 . See also Reconstruction Schoolfield, Sullivan , 24 2 Scott, John, 18 5 Second Presbyteria n Church , 53 , 210, 217. See also Charity; Great Reviva l of 1871; Mitchell, Jacob Duche; Religio n Shenault, Calvin , 6 9 Slaughter, Charles : business practices of , 29-30, 41; elected t o state convention, 8 7 Slaves: as artisans, 42, 182 ; as domestic la borers, 17 , 144-49; in tobacco factories , 12-17, 2 3~25» I 49~5°5 during war, 144 54, 161-62 . See also Blacks; and names of individual slaves Snyder, Mary, 6g

Soldiers: and blacks , 153 ; assessment o f civilians, 91, 118-21, 129-30 , 132-33 ; desertion by , 107-10 ; in Lynchburg, 125 30; assessment o f military service, 91-94, 110-14; assessment of officers, 94-99 , 115-16; theft by , 128 , 129-30; 160 , 161; view of Yankees, 112-14 . See also Civilians (during the Civi l War); and names of military companies, military engagements, and individual soldiers Soldiers'Aid Society , 122 , 124 , 141 , 143,

157

Sommerville, H. C , 160-61 , 16 2 Speed, John M., 8 , 15 8 Speed, William, 21- 2 2 Spence, Virginia, 51-5 2 Spraque, Andrew, 22 9 Sprouts, Bill, 66 Spruell, Bannister, 24 4 Stevenson, Louis , 166 , 185, 186, 248. See also Freedmen's Bureau , Reconstruction , Republican part y Stone, William, 7 0 Strikes: by railroad mechanics , 138 , 142; by tobacco factory workers , 178-79 , 184 , 251-52. See also Blacks; White laborer s Stuart, J. E . B., 105, 106 Stump, George, 6 9 Sublett, Samuel , 112 , 118 , 136 Sullivan, Daniel, 66, 15 3 Sullivan, Peter, 66 Sutphin, Alex, 19 9 Taliaferro, Squire , 178 , 244 Terrell, John, 88 , 129 , 17 6 Tilden, John R. , 154-5 5 Tobacconists. See Tobacco manufacturin g Tobacco manufacturing: postwa r declin e of , 165, 171 , 172, 178-79 , 251 ; prewar, 0-16 ; slave labor in, 12-17 , 2 45 suspension dur ing the war, 149 . See also Blacks; Economy; Lynchburg; Strike s Turner, C . H., 23 2 Turner, John W , 16 0 Tyree, C, 5 6 Unionists, 86-90 , 107-8 , 109 . See also Civilians; Heroes o f America; Lynchbur g Union League , 24 6

344 * Index Vigilance: during war, 139-40 ; postwar, 232-39, 242-46 ; prewar, 81-85 . See also Blacks; Civic leaders; Ku Klux Klan; Lynchburg; White laborer s Virginia Immigratio n Society , 19 6 Waddell, Robert , 231-32 , 24 1 Walker, William, 23 4 Waller, William, 15 7 Ward, W H, 23 0 Whig party , 34-35 ; and secessio n crisis , 86, 87,89 White laborers : respond t o black emancipa tion, 189-91 ; charity for, 31 , 46-47, 14143, 193-94 ; church affiliatio n of , 53-60 , 215, 216 , 219, 220-21, 223 ; postwar crime and, 139-40 , 193-94 ; postwar eco nomic status, 165-66 , 189-93 , I Q 8-99; prewar economi c status, 31 ; wartime eco nomic status, 136-40 , 143-44 ; e thi c ° f honor of , 67-71 , 225-32 ; in Knights o f Labor, 252 ; resist military service, 107-8 , 112, 118 , 157 ; and paternalism , 41, 4 446, 189-90 ; and police , 242-43 ; political affiliation of , 199-204 , 252 ; racial atti tudes of, 79 , 166 , 189 , 224-25, 227-32; participation i n vigilante organizations , 66, 81-84 , 224-25 , 232-35; women, 17 , 191-92; work ethic criticized, 38 , 46-47,

165-66, 202 . See also Artisans; Charity ; Economy; Religion ; Strike s William, 146-47 , 14 8 Williamson, Samue l D. , 17 9 Wills, Aron, 24 2 Wilson, William Lyne , 16 0 Winfree, Christopher , 9 8 Winston, J. H. C , 3 0 Withers, Robert E. , 88; as military officer , 105, 120 , 15 7 Women: activitie s durin g the war, 90, 119, 122-24, 125-26 , 141 , 142, 155 ; charitable activities of, 32-33 , 63-64 , 122 , 123 , 143, 157, 213 , 216; church membershi p of , 63-65; and ethi c of honor, 69-71 , 227 ; in labor force, 17 , 191-92; and prostitu tion, 72 . See also names of individuals and the names of specificcharitable organizations Woodall,Jack,68 Wray, Thomas, 15 2 Wright, James, 20 0 Wright, John P. , 199, 200 Yoder, Jacob, 22 ; as Freedmen's Burea u schoolteacher, 169 , 181-82 , 184-85 ; racial views of, 170 ; religious views of, 21 0 Young Men's Christia n Association, 3 8 Young Men's Unio n Club , 87