Working women of Manila in the 19th century 9789715420594

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Acknowledgement (page vii)
Foreword (page ix)
Introduction (page 1)
1 The Cigarreras (page 3)
2 The Vendadoras and the Tenderas (page 23)
3 The Bordadoras and the Costureras (page 39)
4 Las Criadas (page 45)
5 Las Maestras (page 61)
6 Matronas Titulares (page 81)
7 Mujeres Publicas (page 99)
Conclusion (page 119)
Bibliography (page 131)
Appendix
A List of Maestras Dismissed from the Fabrica de Princesa as of 1874 (page 145)
B List of Domestic Servants in 1852 (page 151)
C List of Female Domestic Servants not Included in the List of Tribute Payers for the Reason of Being Minors (page 159)
D List of Applicants for the Titulo de Maestra de Instruccion Primaria (page 160)
E Reports Submitted by Matronas Titulares (page 172)
F Prostitucion 1862‒1879 (page 183)
Glossary (page 189)
Index (page 193)

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oo - The Cigarreras * 5 Mexico. The Spaniards believed that women were more | adept and more patient for this particular task, and that they were less prone to commit frauds. It should be noted that

based upon documents found at the Philippine National

Archives, reports of smuggling usually involved the cigarilleros (male cigarette makers) and the faginantes

(porters) rather than the cigarreras. It was probably the | acknowledged skill of women for rolling cigars and their observed honesty which made four out of five factories to

hire exclusively women employees. Only the factory in ~ | Arroceros became an exception to ‘the practice as the government experimented on the hiring of men in the

manufacture of cigarettes. , |

- By the 19th century, there were four factories in Manila

and one in Cavite. The Fabrica de Arroceros had 1,000 to 1,500 workers; the Fabrica de Fortin in Arroceros, 8,000; the Fabrica de Meisic, 6,000 and the Fabrica de Cavite, 2,000.9

| The cigarrera would work from six in the morning up to twelve noon, and then from two in the afternoon until six. She would be subject to bodily search twice a day by a

maestra (lead worker of a cigarette factory) —at noon when she would go home for lunch and at the end of the

| day. This was a precautionary measure adopted by the : company to prevent the smuggling of cigars. However, this | practice was abused by some maestras as illustated by the case of Teresa Arenas.4 Teresa Arenas was accused in 1810 _ — by two operarias—Maria del Carmen and Roberta de la Cruz of malice in doing the routine bodily search. The two

confessed their initial hesitation in filing a complaint against Maestra Arenas considering her age and position. (Teresa |

- Arenas was 45 years old while the two plaintiffs were _

6 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

definitely much younger.) But in the interest of putting an end to the abusive behavior of the said maestra, the two

operarias decided to file a case against her. Maria del Carmen and Roberta de la Cruz accused Teresa Arenas of violently touching their private parts. Testimonies of fellow _ maestras corroborated the accusation of the two cigarreras.

When confronted by authorities, Teresa Arenas said she touched their private parts only to check if cigars were | being concealed. Arenas claimed that all testimonies against her were false and calumnious. However, previous __ complaints had been filed against her. In 1803, she was the subject of a complaint filed by Gertrudis Esperadion, in 1805 by Jacinta Juliano, a fellow maestra, and in 1807 by two cabecillas, Manuela de la Cruz and Maria Jacinta. In 1810, with the filing of the complaints of the two operarias,

Teresa Arenas was finally dismissed by the company. , How were the cigarreras organized in the factory? The operarias were grouped around a working table, numbering 10 to 13 per table. As described in a report in 1812,5 work was divided among ten workers in the following manner: two were tasked to moisten, stretch and remove the stem,

seven rolled the cigars while one counted, bundled and weighed the cigars. Those who were assigned the task of rolling cigars were each provided with a stone as large as a

lemon with which to beat the tobacco leaf. Once the leaf , was rendered pliable, the cigarrera would put a small quantity of chopped tobacco at the center of the leaf, a little | gum on one edge and then would roll it to its desired form.

~ Each working table was under the supervision of a cabecilla (section leader) who was in turn supervised by a maestra celadora (custodian).

| _ ‘The Cigarveras * 7 The Fabrica de Puros of Binondo had the following : personnel in 1832: a capatas inspector (foreman), a cabo

de cuadrilla (head of a team of workers), faginantes — (stevedores), celadoras (caretakers), porteras (porters), bastagueras (sorters of tobacco), cabecillas de mesa (heads

of working tables), cigarreras and cortadores (cutters). _ The factory had six tallers or workshops. The number of working tables varied for each workshop. Sometimes, there

would be 42 working tables; at other times, 50 or 54. Based |

on the total number of cigarreras, there would be 13 |

-_ cigarreras per working table. oe The cigarreras worked seated on the floor in front of © low tables. One foreign visitor commented on the strong

smell of tobacco and the noise created by the regular | pounding of tobacco leaves—conditions which the cigarreras

themselves had to contend with. What impressed visitors to |

the factories most was the order and discipline which

reigned over the place. A French visitor commented:§ — I was surprised by the order and decency which reigned ©

| over the multitude of women and young girls; they | certainly did not belong to the lowest rung of society

and usually worked by families. |

A Russian visitor to the cigar factory in Binondo also made

the following observation:” | / | |

7 All were silent and none said a word but their eyes | ~ functioned very effectively and their hands even more |

SO. | , oe , ,

The deftness of the cigarreras in rolling cigars was the

8 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

subject of this account made by a Frenchman:® | ‘I noticed the celerity with which the women rolled each

cigar and pasted both ends. However, their work was not considered done until after both ends of the cigar | were cut following a given model and afterwards strictly inspected by the maestra of the section. Only then was _ the cigar allowed to be part of a pack of 32; a thousand

packs made up a chest and 500, a half chest. | It is pertinent to point out here that the cigarreras were used to entertaining foreign visitors. A visit to a tobacco factory always figured in the itinerary of foreign visitors of

Manila. The cigarreras themselves seemed to enjoy such visits as hinted by this observation of a foreign visitor:?

Probably, they noticed from our grimaces that the pounding was unpleasant to an unaccustomed ear so they banged away with all their might. Most of them |

could hardly restrain their laughter as the noise grew |

a louder. For them, it was unexpected distraction, a |

work. | peculiar coquetry. |

These visits certainly served to break the monotony of

The ages of the operarias varied. A look into the

vecindarios (roll or list of the inhabitants of a place) of the different arrabales showed that some were in their twenties and thirties, and still others were in their forties and fifties.

The operarias were paid according to the number of

cigars they were able to roll. The quota system was | | employed such that women were paid fixed rates for every

| The Cigarrerase 9 hundred cigars rolled. Whoever finished more was paid more. A cigarrera could roll 100 to 200 cigarsa week.

| In the early part of the 19th century, the cigarrera earned about two pesos a month. It was reported that in , 1812,10 the manufacturing cost of 24,377 boxes, if equally distributed among 2,100 workers in the factory, would | amount to 34 pesos, six reales and six granos received annually by an individual worker or two pesos, seven reales

and 2.5 granos monthly. In.1814, more than twenty thousand boxes were manufactured; although the number | of boxes equalled that of 1812, each worker earned two pesos, four reales and eight granos monthly. Considering

that the output of cigars was regulated so that it could — _always command a high price, the salary of an operaria was"

- pegged more or less at two pesos a month. This could be

increased if one was faster in rolling cigars. | | _ Much of the cigarreras’ income really depended on

their speed in rolling cigars. The report added that a

ahalf realesa day. | | cigarrera, depending on her efficiency, could earn two and

_. The cigarrera was subject to a number of regulations. We have already mentioned the bodily search she was - subjected to in order to prevent the smuggling of tobacco

leaves or of cigars from the factory. Any female employee caught with a lone tobacco leaf was punished not only with dismissal from the company but with forfeiture of her pay.

Warnings and penalties against theft were posted conspicuously on the doors of the factory appearing in both |

Spanish and Tagalog. | _ Operarias were also penalized for badly rolled cigars. A first offense meant returning the badly rolled cigars to the

10 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century —

operaria concerned and an admonition for her to redo it. If the operaria was found guilty for the second time, she was punished with the forfeiture of a day’s wage and the cigars

being returned to her for redoing. A third offense meant

forfeiture of the day’s wage and dismissal from the

company with no chance of being rehired. |

Aside from theft and turning out badly rolled cigars, the packing of tobacco of excess weight was also considered a

punishable offense. In 186911 a case of this nature was recorded. Punished with suspension of a month’s salary were the maestras de balanza of the workshop responsible for this fraud, namely, Toribia Constantine and Quintina Arevalo. Nine maestras belonging to the seccion de recibo were each penalized with 15-days wage suspension. The

report ended with the warning that they would be dealt with severely in case of a repetition of the offense.

_ The maestras who had supervisory jurisdiction over the operarias did figure in some complaints and were themselves

| following: | | | 1) repeated absences, | | punished or suspended for one reason or another. Among

the grounds for suspension or termination were the

| duties, a

2) offenses committed in the fulfillment of her |

tobaccos, and , 4) dyeing tobaccos lacking in weight. |

3) working in bad faith in the grading of finished |

_ Sometimes, expulsion meant permanent disqualification from seeking employment in other tobacco factories.!4 |

| | The Cigarrerase 11 There was a report of suspension of some maestras for | _ playing panguingui (a card game) while on the job. | ~ Complaints of cigarreras against maestras and guards were documented. Individually or as a group, the cigarreras denounced extortion activities of some maestras or accused.

them of oral defamation and even physical injuries. The _ Cigarreras had every right to complain since the maestras were admonished to treat employees with due respect and | to refrain from maltreating them by word or by deed. The, maestras were likewise encouraged to be role models in

terms of gentleness and good manners.!3 | —

Extortion or illegal exactions as well as usurious _ practices by the maestras were common. When management

attempted to put an end to such practices, the operarias staged a strike. Only 79 out of 2,000 operarias reported for

work. It was, therefore, decided by the management that | the status quo be maintained. The Auditor wrote the © |

following remarks:!14 | |

| Since the time the workers were told of the Superior ,

decree ordering that they be paid openly to spare them |

from usurious practices committed by their leaders and |

guards, they protested and refused. |

The reason is very evident: their leaders and © | suppliers of clothes and reales are inciting them to do so

that they may return to their usurious system. _ But since these people are ungrateful for benefits given to them, it would be necessary now that they be |

paid like before, considering that they, far from showing themselves grateful, complain about this new a order and since the company is not likely to be hurt by

, this, it would be best to let them be sacrificed as |

12 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century punishment for their disobedience. Upon calming down and with everyone continuing their work, cautiously, it would be possible to investigate

| company. oo

who instigaged this trouble to put them out of the

| Management also said that “it is illegal to abandon one’s : post” and that should the operarias have grievances, they

should ventilate these to their leaders. |

| What then were their complaints if the usurious and _ : extortionist activities of the maestras did not bother them? The operarias complained about the arbitrary action of . the guards posted at the doors. The workers demanded that

_ the time for reporting for work and departure be fixed. They explained that “with the liberties taken by the male : | guard and the overseer regarding this; they prejudice some

| by accomodating others, for reasons of pregnancy or being their goddaughters.” Management responded by fixing the

schedule of entry and departure. Entry was officially ordered to be from six o’clock to eight in the morning and

| departure from eleven to twelve noon. In the afternoon, | entry was from one to three o’ clock and departure from

five to six o’clock. | Oo a The workers also demanded that tobacco leaves be

| given to them ready for rolling. Previously, they had to do the stretching, cleaning and cutting of the leaves before the

actual rolling. They were not compensated for doing all

| these since their wages were reckoned by the number of

demand. )

cigars rolled. Management responded by acceding to their

| _ The cigarreras were also very sensitive to verbal abuse by the capataces and hence demanded that the capataces

| | The Cygarreras * 13 refrain from using foul language in dealing with them. The strike of the cigarreras in 1816 resulted in a number.

of measures adopted by management. Usury was strictly | prohibited and punished with dismissal from work. The selling of cambayas, sinamay, handcloth or any kind of textile, and devotional books to the workers at prohibitive

prices was not allowed. This was addressed particularly to | cabecillas who, taking advantage of the fact that they were

the ones paying the operarias, sold these items at exorbitant |

prices. Those guilty of this practice were punished with imprisonment and dismissal from work. |

The collection of three reales from each table in the

pretext of creating a fund for alms was probihited as well. —

The operarias were paid their wages directly. Before, the money was entrusted to the cabecilla who in turn paid

the operaria. This system bred a lot of corrupt practices on , the part of the celadores such as underpayment of the _ cigarreras. Nonetheless, the management decided to pay __ the workers openly and weekly, i.e. every Saturday. - Management frowned upon the workers mobilizing to present their demands and resented the manner by which the cigarreras presented their demands. The report of the ©

Director of the Factory mentioned that upon reading the _ ‘Superior Decree to the factory workers, tumult ensued.

Meetings took place and the workers presented their _ | demands by scandalously shouting at the management. | The report added that even though some salary increases _ might have been due them, these should be denied not only because of the extremely insulting way they presented their demands but also because of their utter lack of respect for

authority. It was recommended ‘that the leaders of the |

workers be arrested and tried. | |

_ 14° Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

Outside the factory premises, the cigarreras had to contend with abuses committed by cuadrilleros (rural | policemen). The report of the Inspector of the Fabrica de - Princesa to the governor-general in 1856 reads:!5 __

| The so many abuses committed by the soldiers against the female workers of the factory (if the abuses cannot _

| be stopped) might cause the closing down of the

factory as a result of manpower shortage. These | workers are mostly the poor and needy people of the | towns of Obando, Polo y Meycauayan, the remote |

| towns of Bulacan who seek employment in the © establishment starting either as bastaqueras or sorters of

tobacco until they learn how to make cigars. They live miserably in the nearby poblaciones and go to their homes only during fiestas or after having been paid © their wages. However, a group of soldiers would get together at night and search their homes under the

pretext of looking for tulisanes and then would

mercilessly maltreat them. | |

On the night of March 20 of this year (1856) at 12 midnight, a maestra by the name of Maria Tac came to me weeping to denounce the abuses of these soldiers. __ _ While she and her son plus two other companions were

sleeping, the door was forced open and four or five

armed men broke into it and searched the house and | their belongings for smuggled items. Not havingfound © more than a peso and cuartos which they took, they left | uttering profanities showing no respect for the maestra.

| The following day, I went to see the gobernadorcillo of the mestizos to present the attached report. Without _ knowing what decision was taken in this regard, all I assure you is that the money taken was not returned

and the abuses continue being committed. a

| | , The Cigarreras * 15 OO On the night of the 14th of this month (May) between 9 and 10 in the evening, some soldiers led by their lieutenant, while on patrol in barrio Dampalit met _ female cigarette workers residing in other towns and

| forced the workers to follow them in fields and forest. |

soldiers. a | |

_ They (the cigarette workers) were only allowed to go | | after so much begging on their part and after bribing the

With this kind of behavior, it is certain that very soon a

the workshops of this factory shall run out of employees.

This is why I bring all these to your knowledge so that the Central Government can adopt measures to

curb such abuses which may adversely affect the factory |

established in that area. | |

_ The governor-general responded with an order to the sy alcaldes of the provinces of Tondo and Bulacan to adopt measures to curb the abuses of the cuadrilleros. |

Many sought employment in the tobacco factories. Openings for various positions in the factory were published

) in the Boletin Oficial de Filipinas. The announcement _ stated that those interested should personally present themselves in the factory and bring with them a certification

of their being morally upright, signed by the parish priest. Letters of application for the position of celadora or maestra

abounded. We came across a letter wherein a son-in-law _

requested that his mother-in-law be given a position of | celadora. A woman who introduced herself as the wife of

_ an escribiente applied for the position of celadora. A

daughter. oe a

. retiring cigarrera requested that she be replaced by her Whenever vacancies occured three names were submitted _

16« Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

to the Inspector de Fabrica to choose from. This was the procedure followed when there was a vacancy for maestra

tercera in the tobacco factory in Cavite:16 | In order to fill up the position: of maestra tercera presently vacant due to the death of Victorina Custodio, 7 I have the honor to submit as first priority the name of _ Carmen Mejillano, cortadora (a cutter) with six years of service, second priority Ignacia Mendoza and third

priority Tomasa Gonzales, both cabecillas. If your | honor is after efficient service, I implore you to appoint the first because of her good ratings and years of service. She would be capable of discharging the duties |

of a maestra. | ee

From the above statement, we gather that a cortadora

and a cabecilla (a section leader), could aspire for the position of maestra. A cortadora could in fact inform the management of her interest to be promoted to the position _ of maestra like what Feliciana Castillejo did. Castillejo wrote

that her eight years of service as cortadora had remained unblemished and that she had the necessary qualifications

to carry out the duties of a maestra. A maestra tercera

below:!7 | | 1868 - -

worked her way up to the position of maestra primera. The salaries of maestras at various points in time are presented

Maestra Primera - 384 escudos anuales | Maestra Segunda - 288 escudos anuales |

Maestra Tercera - 192 escudosanuales — |

1871 | - |

| | , | co The Cigarreras ¢ 17 ,

1875 |

_ Maestra Primera - 960 pesetas anuales — ,

| Maestra Segunda - 720 pesetas anuales

Maestra Tercera - 480 pesetasanuales - |

__ Maestra Primera - 192 pesos anuales |

_ Maestra Segunda - 144 pesos anuales Maestra Tercera - 96 pesos anuales

It is significant to point out that the maestro or the male counterpart of the maestra received the same salary. This

was a far cry from the female school teachers (also called | maestras) who were paid lower than their male counterpart.

| The maestras were accorded 40 days maternity leave or sick leave. The management however tended to approve only 30 days leave. Each time a. maestra applied for a — leave, the application had to be accompanied by a medical

certificate from the attending physician. _ | - Ynes de los Santos’!® frequent application for leave made her conspicuous in the eyes of management andasa_ result was given a dossier which contained her letters of ©

application for maternity and sick leaves with accompanying | | medical certificates. Ynes de los Santos gave birth almost every two years -- 1869, 1871, 1873 and 1876. Each time she

| gave birth she would request for a leave of 60 days but __ management would only allow her a leave of 30 days.

When she was stricken with an illness described as _ calenturas intermitentes (intermittent fever), Ynes de los Santos again requested for a leave of 45 days but was

granted only 30 days. She caught the attention of management not only for her perennial request for leaves

i 18 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

but also for her misdemeanors and her propensity for moving from one factory to another. Moreover, Ynes de los Santos was caught playing panguingui while on the job and was meted out a punishment of six days suspension. A year

after this incident, she was applying for the position of maestra tercera at the Fabrica de Puros in Cavite and ten

days after, was taken in. She worked in the Fabrica de _ Binondo in 1868, was employed in the Fabrica de Fortin, in 1871, and finally went back to the Fabrica de Puros in Cavite

in 1879. — : | |

| Speaking of transfers from one factory to another, we - came across one maestra primera who refused tomove to _ another factory. Leoncia Cotelo!? a maestra primera in the Fabrica de Binondo refused to be transferred to the Fabrica

de Princesa in Malabon. She claimed that she was being transferred because she refused to extend a loan of 300 pesos to the factory inspector. The inspector refuted the accusation stating that the cigars coming from the workshop | managed by Cotelo were observed to be of poor quality. _ This observation was brought to the attention of Cotelo. _ Despite this warning, Cotelo’s taller continued to produce

| cigars which were sloppily done. Taking advantage of the absence of Cotelo, the inspector one day arranged the change of maestras in the said taller and, sent a former assistant. Since then, according to the inspector, Cotelohad © been recalcitrant in the performance of her task. She even.

| attempted to bribe the inspector with 300 pesos in the hope that the previous state of affairs might be restored. The _ | report of the inspector stated that the obstinacy of Coteloto remain in Fabrica de Binondo stemmed from the fact that she exercised influence and coercion over the workers and

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| a ‘The Cigarreras 21

Cotelo. | |

the rest of the maestras, enabling her to commit abuses of

the worst kind. The case ended with the dismissal of The tobacco factories hired a great number of women so that employment of cigarreras ranked first among the occupations of women in Manila in 1887. Allthe 10 suburbs ~

of Manila had cigarreras among its residents. Tondo however ranked first among the arrabales of Manila by the number of cigarreras it contributed to the total work force. The employment of women in the tobacco factories made the males assume occupations which were usually _ ~ considered feminine. An American female visitor of the

Philippines observed that weaving had been taken up by | the other sex. “Into male hands” she said, “have fallen to a

great extent the manufacture and embroidery of the gauze made from the long silky fibers of the pineapple plant.”2° According to her, men have assumed the household chores ‘usually assigned to women as the wife became the family |

breadwinner. The hiring of women as tobacco factory

| workers made it difficult for households to get women helpers to the point that not a few men were hired to _ become nurses and. maids. Even the chore of doing the laundry fell within the purview of men, hence the presence |

of lavanderos or washermen. | | | |

| Employed as cigarreras, the Filipino women for the first time became part of the factory system. Their employment in the tobacco factories constituted the dawning of an age when the Filipino women ventured outside the home and —

~ found work which was not an offshoot of her home chores.

22 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century a

| Notes |

1. Edilberto de Jesus, “Manila’s First Factories,” Philippine Historical Review, v.1, 1971, p. 100. 2. Jules Montano, Voyage aux Philippines et en Malaisie 1879-

1881 (Paris: Hatchette, 1886.), pp. 46-47. |

3. Edilberto de Jesus, op. cit. 4. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1815. The

dossier of Teresa Arenas is in this bundle. |

5. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1812.

6. Laplace, Voyage du Monde sur “La Favorite” (Manila:

, Filipiniana Book Guild, 1974), p. 190. |

| 7. Travel Accounts of the Islands, 1832-1856 (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1974), p. 190.

8. Laplace, op. cit., p. 412. | | 9. Travel Accounts of the Islands, p. 141. 10. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1812. 11. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, Unclassified. 12. Instrucciones Generales de la Renta de Tabaco (Sampaloc, -

13. Ibid. |

| 1829), p.88.

14. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1816. 15. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1856.

16. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1877.

17. In the Philippines, three monetary systems were in actual | circulation during the 19th century. These were the old _ Mexican system, the old and the new Spanish system. This,

therefore, would explain the varying monetary units used. | 18. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1869 -1879.

| The dossier of Ynes de los Santos is in this bundle. | 19. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, Unclassified. The dossier of Leoncia Cotelo is in this bundle.

20. Hannaford, Adjutant E, History and Description of the Picturesque Philippines (Springfield, Ohio: The Crowell and | Kirkpatrick Co., 1900), p. 37. |

The Vendadoras and _ the Tenderas S elling by foreign women visitors has always been a Filipino in tradition. Many of the Philippines the 19th century noticed and admired the entrepreneurial spirit of the Filipino women. One foreign visitor even went to the

| extent of saying that behind the wealth of every rich native family was a woman. It was natural for women belonging | to the laboring class to engage in some business, e.g., running small stores or shops. Dofia Teodora Alonso, mother of Jose

Calamba, Laguna. | | | a

Rizal, tended a store on the ground floor of their house in Markets in the 19th century were generally peopled by women who, aside from selling meat, vegetables and fruits,

also sold other kinds of merchandise. “Many of them take } their goods from their houses to the market every morning and bring them back at night.” Below is a description ofa

market scene by a foreign visitor:! a | ...Much of the business of the Islands is carried on by | - women,.and I saw thousands of them buying and selling in the market today. Short, plump and well-formed with liquid brown eyes... They were dressed in all colours...

but the majority had on reds, blacks, browns, pinks, __ | _ greens and yellows, making a veritable kaleidoscope constantly changing under my eyes. Some of the buyers

24 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

were expensively dressed, and scores of sellers had gold

earrings. Many wore the thin gauzy costume of the | Philippines. All the stallkeepers were bare-headed and

had their dark hair in a knot on the crown of the head

or else flowing loose in the breeze. Oo |

Later, during the American Period, the squatting position

of the women vendors elicited numerous comments from the Americans. Americans considered this position as rather odd: “the women vendors double up like a closed jack knife.”

| This was a statement made by a man. An American woman betrayed her envy of the Filipino woman’s comfortable way of dressing when she said: “The native women came to the

| hotel and sitting on the floor in corsetless freedom, sell from | baskets exquisite embroidered goods at ridiculously low price

(underscoring mine).? :

As omnipresent as the vendadoras or vendors in the market were the tenderas or shopkeepers. A look into the _ vecindarios of the different arrabales of Manila in 1887 reported the number of tenderas in the following suburbs:

Santa Cruz - 6 San Jose - 58 7 Quiapo - 112 Dilao - 77 oe

Tondo - 478 Sampaloc - 211 |

Binondo - 382 Malate - 74 | San Miguel - 3 Hermita - 149

From the above figures, Tondo and Binondo had the

| highest number of tenderas. Binondo understandably had quite a number of tenderas since Binondo was the commercial center of Manila during the 19th century. Tondo,

| on the other hand, was already known to have welcomed a

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Reports Submitted by Matronas Titulares

FE 1rendered to E6 are samples of statements of services submitted by the matronas titulares. The first four were reports for the period from the start of | assignment to 30 June 1888, and the two others were for

the first semester of 1892. |

| These reports were required by decree in order to form a body of statistical data which was to be submitted

periodically to the Ministerio de Ultramar. This requirement was first enforced in June 1888. |

The reports submitted for the period covering October | 1887 to June 1888 by the different matronas varied in form.

This is illustrated by Appendices E.1 to E.6. The most

; comprehensive as to information provided was the report of Rufina Alix, matrona municipal of Sta. Cruz, which gave _

complete details regarding her patients. One matrona, Benita Miranda, however, submitted only the names of her patients. From the reports in which the dates of assistance — were given, the average number of patients per month was |

only one or two. | : By 1892, a set pattern or format for the reports was _ already being followed. E.5 and E.6 are examples of the

semestral statistical reports submitted by the matronas } titulares. From these reports, it was found that the average __

| number of patients had increased to three per month. a

ei _ Appendix E + 173

E.1 List of women given assistance for the period 1887- | 88, submitted by Ramona Mojica, matrona titulada, on 30 ,

June 1888. The month wherein the assistance was given,

the sex of the baby born and the residence (street and pueblo) of the patient were indicated. Ten women were

listed. ,

|||a||

Balentina, AY | Yd._|Yd._| Huertas | Yd. |

"yd, [Rosario Duenas |Yd_[Nino [vd [ya]

'Dec®__| Gerarda delos Santos _|yd._|¥d. [yd [Yd

|Abril__| Felisa del Rosario __| Yd._|Nina | Yd. | Yd.

[Mayo _|YnesC.AY. | Yd._|Yd._| Mamante | yd. [Junio _|MamertaTuazon | Yd._| Nino | Excano [Yd |

| | 7 Manila 30 Junio de 1888 : | a ; Ramona Mojica |

174 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century | |

E.2 List of services rendered from the 8th of October of

the past year until the date the following names were submitted by Juliana de los Santos on 30 June 1888. Only

| the names and pueblos of residence of the women assisted were given. Although there was a column provided for

| women were listed. |

observations, nothing was written under it. Fourteen —

| Nombres | Pueblos Observaciones

Catalina Fernandez Heérmita | | Petrolina Perez id

Catalina Losaba > id Francisca Arcialla id Gavina de la Cruz id

Josefa Ribera _ Malate , Elena Lumaban — id

Clara Mendoza : Paco oe AnadelaCruz © id |

Romana Reyes id | | Candida Jose id

Catalina Macuan id | _ Regina Francisca id Maria de la. Cruz id ,

| Hermita 30 de Junio de 1888 ©

: La Comadrona | , | Juliana de los Santos |

, | Appendix E ° 175 E.4 List of the services given since 12 October of the | past year until today 30 June 1888, submitted by Benita Miranda on the date indicated. Eighteen women were listed. No other information about these patients were

given. _ Nombres : : a Oo Adriana C.A.Y | , 7 | OO

| Maria Merced Rojo | | : Anacia C.A.Y. Dominga id. id. id. OS D* Rosario Lorenz , | : , , Concepcion San Juan | , oo Gregoria C.A.Y. . -UnaJosefa id. id. id. ! | an criada del Hotel de Espafia su nombre sighora

Maria Salazar | | Isabel Faustino. : Irene Benito ee | | Regina C.AY. | | | | Justa id. id. id. , |

| Pantaleona de Ortazo

Alejandra Arcinas | : | Bernabela Trinidad | | _

|, | Maria de Jesus | | | Manila 30 de Junio de 1888 , , ||- -Benita LaMatrona , , Miranda -

176 ° Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

E.4 List of the women assisted by the undersigned | matrona from the date she took possession of her position until the date indicated, submitted by Rufina Alix on 30 June 1888. The name, age, civil status, address, sex of the baby born, raza, type of childbirth and dates of altas and bajas (dates of natal assistance and discharge) of each of the women assisted were given. There was nothing written

under the column marked observaciones. | |

ee |? [oe| | [oer Carriedo | Ze

[Nombre _| Edad | Estado | Arrabal_| Calle___| Nifio_

[Silvestra Aragon | 25 | Yd. | Quiapo__| B° Bilibid | -

Salvador | | | a Ana | |

}Santos | des { : (T”)

[Silvestra Soriano _|35__|Yd____ | Ydem__| B°Bilibid | - |

|Gavina Enriquez |27 [Yd | Ydem__| B°Bilibid | -

/Marciana Sta.Ana|18 | Yd | Quiapo__| B°Bilibid | -

[Tomasa Estrada_| 38 |Yd | Ydem__| B°Bilibid | -

aid

| - So | Appendix E * 177 | [Nombre __| Edad | Estado _| Arrabal_| Calle | Nifio_

Salcedo _ {of

Santos | | (Tanduay) __

7 | jon |

Antonia Leoncia_|36 [Yd | Ydem | Yris_ |=

[Juliana Sernal__ | 20__ | ¥d__| Quiapo_| B® Bilibid | _ | Antonia Bemabe | 21__| Yd ____| Sampaloc | Alejandro |_ 42 _|

Cruz of i= | | bide -

ee — Carcel _| Bilibid | : | del Parto Mes | Mes -

|Naturales | Laboriosa |_9 | Nob*_| 87 | 21 |yd | Yd |

yd fyd | 8 [Db | yd | 12 |ya_ | ya

178 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

= ESF Ere del Parto Mes Mes =

|Ydem___ | Ydem__| 16 |yd | yd | 24 [yd | va

-

_ | Europea |

|

Ydem | Natural_| 8 | Junio | yd | 11 [Junio _| Yd |

Yd | Natural | 19 [Junio [yd] | |

Sigue visitandolo | | oe Manila 30 de Junio de 1888 | |

| Rufina Alex | La Matrona Titulada de Sta. Cruz

- | Appendix E'* 179 E.5 Statement of the assistance rendered by the | Municipal Midwife of Tondo, Ramona Mojica, in the first — semester of 1892, submitted on 30 June 1892. Indicates the

name of the patient, sex of the baby (optional item), the age of the patient, her civil status, the type of assistance (at

childbirth) given, the date of the service and the patient’s |

residence. Sixteen women listed. |

a | Asist| | | d encia | _ , | d | , | de | | icillo |

Ell a a Fea a al a Gl

SPP PE Cel Castro | of. || 7 |

— |laCruz |. | | ral Enero | da | | Juana Nifia | 18 | Casada 29 idjid |

Enrique Po | Febo a

| Cruz : | | elaria |

|| Remigia Santiago | | | || dad | | id 21 |id ~—i id 28 = jid J id

soos YS RR

| 180 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

mE EP d encia | Fea a a Fa a| —a Mendez | ida de | | icillo Asist- | |

Escueto | - __| Marzo | Z

| esas PLE| Abril EE [ae Gonzalez | -ra || Albares | ___ | dad

[atte [PE ee Fae bal il

aa ai a de los | |

| Antonio _ | faction _ | de pie |

Bariz ral__| Mayo ta

los Stos. | | Junio | | | | Jualiana | Nina | 29 | id id 16 Tid |id. |

Lichuco |. | La Matrona

: Tondo 30 de Junio de 1892 , Ramona Mojica

| : Appendix E * 181 E.6 Statement of the assistance rendered by the Municipal Midwife of Quiapo, San Miguel and Sampaloc, —

Ygnacia Pardo, in the first semester of 1892. Fourteen

women were listed. _ |

al| - | aAsistencia ol Ra| |

Fem a a LG Fe kl Feo

{| Sevilla | | | Enero_ Quiapo No.20

| Abelarde fo | No. 1 Sta. Cruz | Enriquez | | , | No. 3 Sampaloc

Fel GG Fl

Fe ld Fes a Fe a Gl GE

| Barroso | __ | | Paco

Cornelia 28 Casada | Parto Laborioso | 18 de id | San Miguel ,

Datu : | con el Medico | Gen. — Solano | »

| | San Miguel oe

Bautista , Marzo —30 Quiapo —

Fee a _Ortanez ae Tandua Flores | Abril | Quiapo Santiago San Miguel

Javier | Mayo __| No. 6 Sampaloc

EEE SE ad al Ea a al Em a a lB 182 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

_ 7 Asistencia |

Jacinto | | ___|_No. 30 Sta. Cruz | Nufiez | | aborto | | No. 13 Sta. Cruz} Selis | | embarazo unio No. 17 Quiapo_ | —

| Ganantes | | | San Miguel _ :

a Prostitucton 1862-1879 L ist of bundle prostitutes madeProstitucion from the documents found in sthe labelled 1862-1879 at the Philippine National Archives. The following information were presented: the woman’s name, civil status, age, place of origin (naturaleza), place of registration (empadronado)

- and "legitimate" occupation. A column for observations was |

provided for. Forty six women and one man were listed. a This group of prostitutes was composed mostly of solteras. All the rest, except for one whose civil status was

not given, were either casadas (6) or viudas(4). | The youngest prostitute was thirteen years old and the | | oldest was 60 years old. The average age was 26 years old. Twelve were below 20 years old and the same number

were above 30 years old. a |

| With regard to birthplace, 23 came from Manila and its _ arrabales and 20 from the Luzon provinces. Half of the latter came either from Cavite or Bulacan.

Majority (93.48%) were residents of Manila and its

arrabales, with eight each registered in Binondo and | Hermita, five each in San Jose de Trozo and Santa Cruz,

four in San Miguel, three in Tambobo, two each in Dilao | and Tondo, and one each in Pasig, Mariquina, Pandacan, | Quiapo, Malate and Navotas. Only one was registered: in the provinces, that of Cavite.

184 * Working Women of Mansla in the Nineteenth Century

The legitimate occupations of majority of these prostitutes were as costureras (14), lavanderas (14) and

| cigarreras (12). Among these women, were a partera and | a corredora. One had even listed her occupations as being

both a cigarrera and a costurera. OO | | Six prostitutes were noted to have syphilis. Basilia Quitalio a lavandera of Hermita was indicated, however, to

be cured of the disease. Three women were mestizas sangleyes and was a mestiza espaniola. /

unmarried. | The lone male prostitute included in the list was a

pescador from Tondo. He was 35 years old and

, : | 7 | Appendix F ¢ 185

i su su em_mee se cee | | naturaleza padronado | oe provincia de | provincia de

Bataan | | Alcantara __ deFernando Dilao| 7aa| Quincias alsangley al7 .=| | | ll ___| | Fernando Fernando , Francisca soltera | 22 | San Binondo costurera | has syphillis

SBataan =Fcosturera Ee =|| | de Dilao de Dilao oo 7

| | for.

‘Rosa , | | Cavite Trozo Oo | |

,, ,a, in previous , | occasions , | | | prohibited |

| Fabiana Ignacio San Jose imprisoned

Santos Bulacan :

= Fea =p

_-Malonso Reyes | Cavite | | , Pangasinan |

fe

ieee oe Pe = 186 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

provincia de | provincia de , su su em-

| naturaleza_| padronado | __ ,

Tarlac | phillis

:Ramirez | BUlacan|| pS ee 7

Maravillosa | Laguna | a a

santos Bataan | |

|Fal Espanola _ all cal Cruz | Pampanga _ | | |al | | Rufina de Jesus | soltera | 14 | Sta. Cruz__| Sta.Cruz__| cigarrera |

| PlacidaJavier__| viuda_| 35 | Mariquina | Mariquina__| labandera |

al a la Gell |ilNicolas Cruz | | | 7 | ll =a ,al Cavite | oe al

Dominguez. ee | | Sangle | _| Cavite | a coe SB feee|h [e Pere [rere

CE = Fa da Ea lll EA Gl lll ll Faia ll il ll = = = Fa al lal = = oP Cruz | |== | | Appendix F ¢ 187 |

, provincia de | provincia de | _

su em- cy _ ft | | naturalezasupadronado

Cruz. | |_| Bulacan _

Evangelista | __

Ea Torralva _ = | | | | Trinidad 7 | | Santos oe | - : | Salvador | : Pangasinan

Potenciano | Pampanga |

Inocencio | cigarrera_ |

Esguerra |

Miranda | al aFFE ll =a |al |=Cavite |= so =P = =P] Lorenzo _ | Bulacan Macapagal _ 7

, 188 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

ee Eo laa Gonzales |

= = = == =| |=| Santos provincia de | provincia de

su. su emnaturaleza padronado | |

Sanson -

FTE Ell _

, Sista Cabrera soltera | 17 San , San costurera | de Dilao de Dilao

_ [Erene Dunca___| casada | 43 | Sta. Cruz___| Sta.Cruz__| labandera |

Glossary a Alcalde governor — Alferez Comandante Commanding Officer | | arrabales - outskirts of a town Oo |

ASCENSO promotional —_ |

Justice | oe

Audiencia Royal Tribunal High Court of >

bastagueras o | sorters of tobacco os | bastaqueras

bastidor - aframe, either round or square,

||— used for embroidery So | bibinca native rice cake more viscous in — | | consistency thanthe puto © |

bizcocho de cana a cylindrical toast bread shaped | |

| of Molo, Iloilo | | buyo. betel chew ee | | | like a tube of sugar cane typical |

cabecillas | — section leader — | |

cabecillas de mesas heads of working tables a

cabo de cuadrilla head of a team of workers |

camisa | shirt | OO capatas inspector foreman 7 | |

— carcel prison castorcillo de a hat made of serge (a twilled

medio lado — worsted fabric) worn somewhat ,

| : cockily to one side a 7

190 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

- certificate

cedula personal - personal document, card, chocolate frances French way of cooking strong, very thick chocolate drink

cigarilleros male cigarette maker

cigarillos cigarettes oo | cigarreras woman cigar maker colegio school, college, academy

Guardia Civil Veterana 2. the Command |

3, Distict and troops

cortadores cutters | cuadrilleros rural policemen

cuartos centimes of a Spanish peseta | Cuerpo de | Body of soldiers detailed to Carabineros de pursue smugglers for _ |

Seguridad Public public security |

| entrada — initial | escribiente | clerk, scribe escuelas publicas _ public schools

expedientes -_—s dossier, records, file

, fajinante = ~—~—_—_ porters, stevedores | | gobernadorcillo head of a town |

gradillas shelves an Jefe chief, leader | | Junta de Sanidad Board of Health . Oo

: _ Inspector de Fabrica Inspector of the Factory

| leyes reguladas regular laws, statutes, decrees maestra teacher, lead worker of a cigarette .

factory _ a

Maestras de Balanza Master weigher Maestra Celadora custodian, curator, caretaker,

warden : |

) | | Glossary * 19]

Oo , Rank — | merienda snack, light meal

| Maestra Tercera Teacher of the Third (or Highest) -

operarias operator, laborer, worker pinipit a native pastry braided in shape

poblaciones cities, towns, villages

| Polos y servicios forced labor rendered by the | inhabitants during the Spanish

, — . colonization porteras _ door keepers, gate keepers | , principales | native elite — | | propietaria proprietress | | puto a native rice cake , | reales Spanish coins around 10 US cents |

Reglamento del Regulations for domestic service

| Servicio Domestico | |

Reglamento Vigente Laws enforced in primary _ |

dePrimaria Ynstruccion |_instruction | | oo | _. Seccion de Recibo Receiving Section : | servidumbres — servants | sobresaliente outstanding, excellent |

| Subdelegado _ Subdelegate | Oo suman native pastry made of glutinous

, | rice paste, usually of fat,

| banana leaf ) | | tendera | shopkeeper | cylindrical shape, wrapped in

| Teniente de Alcalde | Deputy Governor > |

_ termino final | | , vagamunda _ vagabond a |

vendedora vendor | | |

| 192 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century a

, a Index * 193 _ abaca fibers 27 | batalan 28 —

Aborto 98 , Batangas 89 | | abuses 14, 21, 121, 126 Beaterio de la Compania de |

_ Academia de Dibujo 29 oe Jesus 62 | advances 51, 121 betel nut 28, 30 | advertisements 99, 100, 117 betel nut chewing 29

alborotos 121, 126 betel nut vendor 29 ,

alcalde mayor 100, 107 Bilibid 67 | 7 alumna interna 64 — Binondo 7, 24, 27, 43, 49, 65, | ama 109 69, 78, 82, 89, 109 amo 109 bordadoras 1, 29, 39, 40, 121,

apog 29 124, 127 , | areca 29, brothels 51 |

_Arroceros 3,5 Bulacan 15, 51, 75, 89, 108, 114 Artemio Ricarte 73 | buyera 29, 30, 33

Asilo de Huerfanas de Nuestra buyeras 127 7 |

Senor... 62 buyo 28, 30 | Audiencia de Manila C | || a ayudantes 68, 69,5670 Asilo de San Vicente de Paul 62

zB cabecillas 16 , _ cabecillas de mesa 7 , , , Calle Balmes 111

|

Balabac 102, 103, 105, 111, 120 Calle de la Paz 68 ,

bastagueras 7Calle | | Calle Escolta 34 | | bastidor 29 | Iris 109 | . bata 56, 59 Calle Labasan 110

Bataan 50, 89, 108, 114 Calle San Fernando 27 7

194 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

Calle Uli-uli 110 Comandancia de la Guardia

Caloocan 33, 52 Civil Veterana 45, 46,54 |

Calzada de Iris 66 Comisaria de Vigilancia 101

, cambayas 13 corredora 110 , camisa de pitia 28 cortadora 16

-— Canacao 99 costureras 1, 42, 43, 79, 124, Carcel de Bilibid 91, 101, 102, 125, 127 )

105, 107, 111 criadas 1, 45, , 49, 51, 52, 53,

_ castorcillo de medio lado 30 | 54, 55, 56, 79, 109, 122, 124

celadoras 7, 15, 107, 122, 127 cuadrilleros 14, 15 |

cedula personal 56, 89, 105 Cuerpo de Carabineros de _

child labor 59 Seguridad Publica 45 childbirth 85, 87, 92, 93, 95, 96 |

chocolate frances 28 , D : cholera 86, 99 , | cou “hy 33, do 3 Deberes de Maestras 65

cigar factory 7 , deportation 100-107, 111

:; Direccion General de cigarette factory 5 |;. cigarreras 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11- Administracion Civil 90

15, 21, 79, 108, 120, 122, domestics 51, 52, 54, 58, 59, |

125-127 108, 109, 113, 114, 124

cocinero 55, 59 E Colegio de la Concordia 73 | oo cochero 114

Colegio de la Imaculada embroiderers 1, 29, 39 a

Concepcion 62 enfermedades venereas 99, 100 Colegio de la Nuestra Sefiorade =, pidemic 86, 99 ; , ,

Guia 62 Ermita 69, 77, 89 , 62 | Escuela Municipal de Nifias 68, Colegio de la Sagrada Familia escribiente 15

Colegio de Nuestra Sefiora del 75,77 |

P ilar 66 . Escuela Normal de Maestros 65

Colegio de Santa Catalina 62 expediente 101, 108 , |

Colegio de Santa Rosa 62 — comadronas 81, 82, 85,93 | _ - /

, : Index ¢ 195 F Isla de Balabac 101, 105 , |

intrusas 87 , | Fabrica-de Arroceros 5 ) | |

Fabrica de Cavite 5 7 . aca e oa | 2 18 , Jacobo Zobel 100 Fabrica de Binondo 14,18 | | J

BTCA Oe MCISIC | Jefe de Sanidad 99 Fabrica de Princesa 14, 18 Jose Rizal 23

Fabrica de Puros 7,18 Juan Cailles 73 —_ |

friar-curate 65, 67, 107 Junta Superior de Ynstruccion

| ) Primaria®OS ———™ | G Junta Suprema de Sanidad 82 |

- Gandara Gagalangin 109 33, 96| K , ||

gobernadorcillo 96, 105, 110, Katipunan 76, 121 , | ,

111 Katipuneros 120, 121 | -.Guardia gonorrhea 99, 100 | | Civil Veterana 56 L , Gremio de Mestizos 96 a

| | | ” _ Jabandera 21, 107, 108 — LlaErmita 42) ©

| | La Sinamayera 27 | Hermita 24, 73, 81, 92 Lagda 119 , bilot 83, 88, 93, 94, 97, 123 Laguna 23, 66, 76, 77

Hojas de Servicio 75 lechera 32, 33, 34,127 | Hospicio de San Jose 62 | licensed prostitution 115

101, 102, 107 M©

Hospital de San Juan de Dios lintic na osioso 30

: | maestra 2, 5, 6, 10-12, 14-18, 68,

icmo 30 69, 73, 77, 120-123, 127, 128

indocumentada 112 maestra de ascenso 77,90 , Intramuros 89, 94, 96, 97 _ maestra de entrada 90

196 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

_ maestra de termino 90 | Q Malate 24, 42, 67, 75, 81, 89, 96

manguera 34, 36 Quiapo 24, 66, 73, 77, 81, 85,

Mariano Gil 8997111 matrona titular 81,76 89, 96, ,|, matrona titulada 87 | matronas 81, 85, 89, 90-93, 95-97, | R , 122, 123, 127, 128

_ matronas titulares, 82, 85-88, 90- _ Real Colegio de Santa Ysabel 62

94 Reglamento del Servicio —

medico titular 76, 91 Domestico 45

milkmaid 33, 34 Reglamento Vigente de

| mujer publica 105, 112, 115, 120, . Ynstruccion Primaria 69 125

N

Ss.

81 |

_ Sampaloc 24, 33, 78, 81, 89, 111

Nueva Quipuzcua 100 San Fernando de Dilao 68, 78,

O San Jose de Trozo 109

| : San Juan de Dios Hospital 115 . San Miguel 24, 54, 69, 78, 81, operarias 5, 6, 8, 10-13 39.111 _ | Santa Cruz 24, 27, 66, 67, 69,

Pp 76, 77, 81, 89, 92, 109 | School of Midwives 85

Paco 29, 39, 89 , Servidumbres Domesticas 60,

panguingui 11, 18 _ 124

parish priest 67. 70. 72, 120 sinamayera 27, 29, 39, 127 parteras 81, 82, 85, 86, 93 Superior Normal. School for

Pedro Serrano 73 _ Women 61, 62, 70

porteras 7 a | 116, 125, 127 , oe Philippine Revolution 128 syphilis 99, 100, 114, 115

| pina 27, 39, 40 | ; sa | prostitutes 51, 52, 99-104, 106-

ss Imdex ¢ 197

T , WV _ ,

| Tambobo 58, 72 vacunadores 90 ,

—. tampipi 49 vagamunda 105, 112 ! teachers 17, 65, 67, 71, 72, 74, vecindarios 124 : | 75, 79, 122, 123,126,127 ~vendadores 24, 124

tenderas 1, 2, 24, 27, 124 | - tobacco factories 3, 10, 15, 21, _ Ww . Tribunal | --wages 12,de 13,Naturales 14, 43, 53,49 68,| 71,

, (127 | |

U , | on

| 72, 73, 78, 89, 90, 122, 127 |

unlicensed midwives 81

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