Word-Formation. Volume 5 Word-Formation: An International Handbook of the Languages of Europe 9783110424942, 9783110430943

Table of contents :
Contents
XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages
Indo-European (continued)
Baltic
169. Lithuanian
170. Latvian
Albanian
171. Albanian
Greek
172. Greek
Indo-Iranian
173. Ossetic
174. Tat
Non-Indo-European
Uralic
175. Nenets
176. Finnish
177. Estonian
178. Permic
179. Mari
180. Mordvinic
181. Hungarian
Basque
182. Basque
Semitic
183. Maltese
Turkic
184. Turkish
185. Bashkir
186. Tatar
187. Crimean Tatar
188. Gagauz
189. Karaim
190. Chuvash
Mongolic
191. Kalmyk
Northwest Caucasian
192. Abkhaz
193. Adyghe
194. Kabardian
Northeast Caucasian
195. Rutul
196. Budugh
197. Udi
198. Aghul
199. Archi
200. Khinalug
201. Lak
202. Dargwa
203. Bezhta
204. Botlikh
205. Akhwakh
206. Avar
207. Khwarshi
Subject index
I. Terminological index
II. Language index
Map of languages

Citation preview

Word-Formation HSK 40.5

Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science Manuels de linguistique et des sciences de communication Mitbegründet von Gerold Ungeheuer Mitherausgegeben (1985–2001) von Hugo Steger

Herausgegeben von / Edited by / Edités par Herbert Ernst Wiegand

Band 40.5

De Gruyter Mouton

Word-Formation An International Handbook of the Languages of Europe Volume 5 Edited by Peter O. Müller Ingeborg Ohnheiser Susan Olsen Franz Rainer

De Gruyter Mouton

ISBN 978-3-11-043094-3 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-042494-2 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-042751-6 ISSN 1861-5090 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2016 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Typesetting: Meta Systems Publishing & Printservices GmbH, Wustermark Printing and binding: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen Cover design: Martin Zech, Bremen 앝 Printed on acid-free paper 앪 Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Contents

Volume 5 XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages Indo-European (continued)

Baltic 169. Lithuanian · Bonifacas Stundžia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170. Latvian · Agnė Navickaitė-Klišauskienė . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3089 3107

Albanian 171. Albanian · Monica Genesin and Joachim Matzinger

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173. Ossetic · David Erschler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174. Tat · Gilles Authier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3157 3179

Greek 172. Greek · Angela Ralli

Indo-Iranian

Non-Indo-European Uralic 175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180. 181.

Nenets · Beáta Wagner-Nagy . . . . Finnish · Kaarina Pitkänen-Heikkilä Estonian · Krista Kerge . . . . . . . Permic · László Fejes . . . . . . . . Mari · Timothy Riese . . . . . . . . Mordvinic · Sándor Maticsák . . . Hungarian · Ferenc Kiefer . . . . .

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Contents Basque 182. Basque · Xabier Artiagoitia, José Ignacio Hualde and Jon Ortiz de Urbina . .

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Semitic 183. Maltese · Joseph Brincat and Manwel Mifsud . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3349

Turkic 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190.

Turkish · Jens Wilkens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bashkir · Gulnara Iskandarova . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tatar · László Károly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Crimean Tatar · Henryk Jankowski . . . . . . . . . . . Gagauz · Astrid Menz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Karaim · Éva Á. Csató . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chuvash · Galina N. Semenova and Alena M. Ivanova

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192. Abkhaz · Viacheslav A. Chirikba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193. Adyghe · Yury Lander . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194. Kabardian · Ranko Matasović . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3489 3508 3527

Mongolic 191. Kalmyk · Danara Suseeva

Northwest Caucasian

Northeast Caucasian 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207.

Rutul · Mikhail Alekseyev . . . . . . . . . . . . Budugh · Gilles Authier and Adigözel Haciyev Udi · Wolfgang Schulze . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aghul · Timur Maisak and Dmitry Ganenkov . Archi · Marina Chumakina . . . . . . . . . . . . Khinalug · Wolfgang Schulze . . . . . . . . . . Lak · Wolfgang Schulze . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dargwa · Nina Sumbatova . . . . . . . . . . . . Bezhta · Madzhid Khalilov and Zaira Khalilova Botlikh · Mikhail Alekseyev . . . . . . . . . . . Akhwakh · Denis Creissels . . . . . . . . . . . . Avar · Madzhid Khalilov and Zaira Khalilova . Khwarshi · Zaira Khalilova . . . . . . . . . . . .

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3536 3546 3564 3579 3595 3605 3622 3638 3658 3678 3685 3694 3707

Contents Subject index . . . . . . . . . . . I. Terminological index . . . II. Language index . . . . . . Map of languages . . . . . . . . .

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Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

v vii

Volume 1

I.

Word-formation as a linguistic discipline

1. The scope of word-formation research · Hans-Jörg Schmid . . . . . . . . . 2. Word-formation research from its beginnings to the 19 th century · Barbara Kaltz and Odile Leclercq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Word-formation in historical-comparative grammar · Thomas Lindner . . . 4. Word-formation in structuralism · Wolfgang Motsch . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Word-formation in inhaltbezogene Grammatik · Johannes Erben . . . . . . 6. Word-formation in onomasiology · Joachim Grzega . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. Word-formation in generative grammar · Rochelle Lieber . . . . . . . . . . 8. Word-formation in categorial grammar · Ulrich Wandruszka . . . . . . . . . 9. Word-formation in natural morphology · Hans Christian Luschützky . . . . 10. Word-formation in cognitive grammar · John R. Taylor . . . . . . . . . . . 11. Word-formation in optimality theory · Renate Raffelsiefen . . . . . . . . . . 12. Word-formation in construction grammar · Geert Booij . . . . . . . . . . . 13. Word-formation in psycholinguistics and neurocognitive research · Gary Libben . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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II. Units and processes in word-formation I: General aspects 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

The delimitation of derivation and inflection · Pavol Štekauer . . . Units of word-formation · Joachim Mugdan . . . . . . . . . . . . . Derivation · Andrew Spencer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conversion · Salvador Valera . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Backformation · Pavol Štekauer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Clipping · Anja Steinhauer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Composition · Susan Olsen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blending · Bernhard Fradin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Incorporation · Jason D. Haugen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Particle-verb formation · Andrew McIntyre . . . . . . . . . . . . . Multi-word expressions · Matthias Hüning and Barbara Schlücker Reduplication · Thomas Schwaiger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Word-creation · Elke Ronneberger-Sibold . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Allomorphy · Wolfgang U. Dressler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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viii

Contents

III. Units and processes in word-formation II: Special cases 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44.

Affective palatalization in Basque · José Ignacio Hualde . . . . . . . . . . . Parasynthesis in Romance · David Serrano-Dolader . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Affix pleonasm · Francesco Gardani . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Interfixes in Romance · Michel Roché . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Linking elements in Germanic · Nanna Fuhrhop and Sebastian Kürschner Synthetic compounds in German · Martin Neef . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Verbal pseudo-compounds in German · Christian Fortmann . . . . . . . . . Particle verbs in Germanic · Nicole Dehé . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Particle verbs in Romance · Claudio Iacobini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Particle verbs in Hungarian · Mária Ladányi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Noun-noun compounds in French · Pierre J. L. Arnaud . . . . . . . . . . . Verb-noun compounds in Romance · Davide Ricca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Co-compounds · Bernhard Wälchli . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Multi-word units in French · Salah Mejri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Multi-word expressions and univerbation in Slavic · Olga Martincová . . . Compounds and multi-word expressions in Slavic · Ingeborg Ohnheiser . . Paradigmatically determined allomorphy: the “participial stem” from Latin to Italian · Anna M. Thornton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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517 524 537 551 568 582 594 611 627 660 673 688 707 727 742 757

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Volume 2 IV. Rules and restrictions in word-formation I: General aspects 45. 46. 47. 48.

Rules, patterns and schemata in word-formation · Heike Baeskow Word-formation and analogy · Sabine Arndt-Lappe . . . . . . . . . Productivity · Livio Gaeta and Davide Ricca . . . . . . . . . . . . Restrictions in word-formation · Livio Gaeta . . . . . . . . . . . .

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V. Rules and restrictions in word-formation II: Special cases 49. 50. 51. 52.

Argument-structural restrictions on word-formation patterns · Holden Härtl Phonological restrictions on English word-formation · Renate Raffelsiefen Morphological restrictions on English word-formation · Lothar Peter . . . Semantic restrictions on word-formation: the English suffix -ee · Heike Baeskow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53. Dissimilatory phenomena in French word-formation · Marc Plénat . . . . . 54. Closing suffixes · Stela Manova . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55. Closing suffix patterns in Russian · Dmitri Sitchinava . . . . . . . . . . . .

Contents

ix

VI. Semantics and pragmatics in word-formation I: General aspects 56. 57. 58. 59.

Motivation, compositionality, idiomatization · Daniela Marzo . . . . . . Word-formation and folk etymology · Sascha Michel . . . . . . . . . . . Categories of word-formation · Volkmar Lehmann . . . . . . . . . . . . Schemata and semantic roles in word-formation · Hanspeter Ortner and Lorelies Ortner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60. Word-formation and argument structure · Manfred Bierwisch . . . . . . 61. Word-formation and metonymy · Manfred Bierwisch . . . . . . . . . . . 62. The pragmatics of word-formation · Lavinia Merlini Barbaresi . . . . .

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VII. Semantics and pragmatics in word-formation II: Special cases 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89.

Noun-noun compounds · Christina L. Gagné and Thomas L. Spalding . Gender marking · Ursula Doleschal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Singulatives · Paolo Acquaviva . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Collectives · Wiltrud Mihatsch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Action nouns · Maria Koptjevskaja-Tamm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Action nouns in Romance · Livio Gaeta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Verbal nouns in Celtic · Paul Russell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nominalization in Hungarian · Tibor Laczkó . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Result nouns · Chiara Melloni . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quality nouns · Franz Rainer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Status nouns · Hans Christian Luschützky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agent and instrument nouns · Franz Rainer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Patient nouns · Susanne Mühleisen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Place nouns · Bogdan Szymanek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Intensification · Franz Rainer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Negation · Marisa Montero Curiel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Negation in the Slavic and Germanic languages · Jozef Pavlovič . . . . Spatial and temporal relations in German word-formation · Ludwig M. Eichinger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Adverbial categories · Davide Ricca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Denominal verbs · Andrew McIntyre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Valency-changing word-formation · Dieter Wunderlich . . . . . . . . . . Word-formation and lexical aspect: deverbal verbs in Italian · Nicola Grandi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Word-formation and aspect in Samoyedic · Beáta Wagner-Nagy . . . . Verbal prefixation in Slavic: a minimalist approach · Petr Biskup and Gerhild Zybatow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Denumeral categories · Bernhard Fradin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The semantics and pragmatics of Romance evaluative suffixes · Martin Hummel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Morphopragmatics in Slavic · Alicja Nagórko . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Contents

Volume 3 VIII. Foreign word-formation, language planning and purism I: General aspects 90. Types of foreign word-formation · Wieland Eins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91. Word-formation in Neo-Latin · Thomas Lindner and Franz Rainer . . . . . . 92. Foreign word-formation, language planning and purism · Wolfgang Pöckl .

1561 1580 1598

IX. Foreign word-formation, language planning and purism II: Special cases 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101.

Foreign word-formation in German · Peter O. Müller . . . . . . . . . . . Foreign word-formation in English · Klaus Dietz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Foreign word-formation in Italian · Claudio Iacobini . . . . . . . . . . . . Foreign word-formation in Polish · Krystyna Waszakowa . . . . . . . . . Word-formation and purism in German · Mechthild Habermann . . . . . Word-formation and purism in French · Petra Braselmann . . . . . . . . . Word-formation and purism in Croatian · Branko Tošović . . . . . . . . . Word-formation and language planning in Estonian · Virve Raag . . . . . Individual initiatives and concepts for expanding the lexicon in Russian · Wolfgang Eismann . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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102. Mechanisms and motives of change in word-formation · Franz Rainer . . . . 103. Change in productivity · Carmen Scherer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1761 1781

X. Historical word-formation I: General aspects

XI. Historical word-formation II: Special cases 104. Grammaticalization in German word-formation · Mechthild Habermann . . . 105. The grammaticalization of prepositions in French word-formation · Dany Amiot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106. The Romance adverbs in -mente: a case study in grammaticalization · Ulrich Detges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107. Grammaticalization in Slavic word-formation · Krystyna Kleszczowa . . . . 108. The origin of suffixes in Romance · David Pharies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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XII. Historical word-formation III: Language sketches 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114.

Historical word-formation in German · Peter O. Müller . . . . . . . . . . Historical word-formation in English · Klaus Dietz . . . . . . . . . . . . . From Latin to Romance · Éva Buchi and Jean-Paul Chauveau . . . . . . From Latin to Romanian · Marina Rădulescu Sala . . . . . . . . . . . . . From Old French to Modern French · Franz Rainer and Claude Buridant From Old Irish to Modern Irish · David Stifter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Historical word-formation in Slavic · Swetlana Mengel . . . . . . . . . . From Ancient Greek to Modern Greek · Io Manolessou and Angela Ralli The history of word-formation in Uralic · Johanna Laakso . . . . . . . . . From Old Hungarian to Modern Hungarian · Tamás Forgács . . . . . . . Historical word-formation in Turkish · Claus Schönig . . . . . . . . . . .

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2021 2041 2061 2079 2096

XIII. Word-formation in language acquisition and aphasia 120. Word-formation in first language acquisition · Hilke Elsen and Karin Schlipphak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121. Word-formation in second language acquisition · Cornelia Tschichold and Pius ten Hacken . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122. Word-formation in aphasia · Carlo Semenza and Sara Mondini . . . . . . . .

2117 2137 2154

XIV. Word-formation and language use 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130.

Word-formation Word-formation Word-formation Word-formation Word-formation Word-formation Word-formation Word-formation

and and and and and and and and

text · Anja Seiffert . . . . . . . . . . . . brand names · Elke Ronneberger-Sibold planned languages · Klaus Schubert . . sign languages · Ronnie B. Wilbur . . . technical languages · Ivana Bozděchová literature · Peter Handler . . . . . . . . . orthography · Hannelore Poethe . . . . visuality · Lorelies Ortner . . . . . . . .

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131. Dictionaries · Renate Belentschikow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132. Corpora · Ulrich Heid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133. Internet · Georgette Dal and Fiammetta Namer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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XV. Tools in word-formation research

Volume 4 XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages Indo-European Germanic 134. 135. 136. 137. 138.

German · Irmhild Barz . . English · Ingo Plag . . . . Dutch · Geert Booij . . . . Frisian · Jarich F. Hoekstra Yiddish · Simon Neuberg .

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Contents 139. 140. 141. 142. 143.

Faroese · Hjalmar P. Petersen . . . Danish · Hans Götzsche . . . . . . . Norwegian · John Ole Askedal . . . Swedish · Kristina Kotcheva . . . . Icelandic · Þorsteinn G. Indriðason

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Portuguese · Bernhard Pöll . . . . . . . Spanish · Franz Rainer . . . . . . . . . Catalan · Maria Teresa Cabré Castellví French · Franck Floricic . . . . . . . . Ladin · Heidi Siller-Runggaldier . . . . Sardinian · Immacolata Pinto . . . . . . Italian · Franz Rainer . . . . . . . . . . Romanian · Maria Grossmann . . . . .

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Romance 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151.

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Slavic 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168.

Upper Sorbian · Anja Pohontsch . . . . . . . . . . . Polish · Alicja Nagórko . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kashubian · Edward Breza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Czech · Ivana Bozděchová . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Slovak · Martina Ivanová and Martin Ološtiak . . . Ukrainian · Ievgeniia Karpilovska . . . . . . . . . . Belarusian · Alâksandr Lukašanec . . . . . . . . . . Russian · Igor’ S. Uluhanov . . . . . . . . . . . . . Slovene · Irena Stramljič Breznik . . . . . . . . . . Croatian · Mario Grčević . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Serbian · Božo Ćorić . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bosnian · Branko Tošović . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bulgarian · Cvetanka Avramova and Julia Baltova Macedonian · Lidija Arizankovska . . . . . . . . .

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages Indo-European (continued) Baltic 169. Lithuanian 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Backformation Reduplication Clipping References

Abstract This article presents a survey of the word-formation system of standard Lithuanian, which is notable for its highly morphological character and for the predominant role of derivation and “paradigmatization”, a word-formation process that consists in the mere change of the inflectional paradigm, although a change in part of speech is not obligatory (in contrast to conversion). Suffixal derivation is the most productive method of forming words. A two-stem structure and the absence of verbal instances are characteristic features of composition. Backformation, reduplication and clipping play no noticeable role, and blending and word-creation are not characteristic of standard Lithuanian.

1. Introduction The description of Lithuanian word-formation started with the first grammars by Klein (1653) and Sappuhn and Schultz (1673). Although fragmentary, both grammars described the main word-formation processes of Lithuanian, including conversion, mostly from a synchronic point of view (see Urbutis 2008 [1999]: 630). Later the description of word-formation followed the principles of historical-comparative linguistics. Important chapters on word-formation were included in Lithuanian grammars by Schleicher (2008 [1856]: 252–335) and Kurschat (1876: 71−131). The first fundamental research on Lithuanian word-formation belongs to Aleksandrow (1888) and Leskien (1891). Aleksandrow

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analyzed nominal composition, while Leskien devoted a monograph to nominal suffixation, focussing on the origin of suffixes and on correspondences of Lithuanian derivatives in Latvian and Old Prussian. A substantial contribution to both historical and synchronic descriptions of Lithuanian word-formation was made by Skardžius whose monograph (Skardžius 1996 [1943]) covered the whole system of word-formation except for adverbial formation. A similar methodology was characteristic of Otrębski’s research (Otrębski 1965). Both scholars based their analyses on dialectal and Old Lithuanian data; however, Otrębski’s description was slightly more oriented towards modern usage (cf. Keinys 1999: 32−33; Urbutis 2008 [1999] 630). The most comprehensive synchronic description of the Modern Lithuanian word-formation system, especially the nominal one, was carried out in two volumes of the grammar edited by Ulvydas (1965−71, Vol. 1: 251−473 (Formation of nouns, author V. Urbutis), 550−603 (Formation of adjectives, author A. Valeckienė), 635−636 (Formation of numerals, author V. Mažiulis), 718−721 (Formation of pronouns, author A. Valeckienė); 1965−71, Vol. 2: 218−297 (Formation of verbs, authors I. Jašinskaitė and J. Paulauskas), 508−533, 538−542 (Suffixal derivation of adverbs, author K. Ulvydas)). As far as verb formation is concerned, the best synchronic description was given in the grammar edited by V. Ambrazas (2005 [1994]: 385−410, author E. Jakaitienė). The development of the nominal word-formation system has been analyzed exhaustively by S. Ambrazas (1993, 2000, 2011). Short descriptions of the word-formation system of standard Lithuanian were presented by Keinys (1999) and Urbutis (2008 [1999]). Urbutis’s monograph (2009 [1978]) was a major contribution to word-formation theory in Lithuanian.

2. General overview In Lithuanian the majority of complex words are formed by means of two word-formation processes, viz. derivation and composition, the first process being much more productive than the second. In the case of derivation, suffixal derivatives are most typical of Lithuanian, while prefixal derivatives are much rarer in the word-formation system. Hundreds of derivational suffixes, in particular the nominal ones, are characteristic of standard Lithuanian, but only a small number of them are productive. Pure prefixal derivatives are characteristic of verbal derivation (e.g., su-láuk-ti ‘to wait (till)’ ← láukti ‘to wait’), while prefixation in the nominal system as a rule is followed by a change in the inflectional paradigm (IP) of the base word and by a generalization of the inflectional paradigms -is (unstressed) / -ys (stressed, both masculine) or -ė (feminine) in derivatives, e.g., pa-jū́r-is (IP -is) ‘seashore’ ← jū́r-a (IP -a) ‘sea’, pa-tvor-y˜s (IP -ys) ‘(a place) by the fence’ ← tvor-à (IP -a) ‘fence’, pa-vard-ė˜ (IP -ė) ‘surname’ ← var˜d-as (IP -as) ‘name’. The change in inflectional paradigm and the generalization of said inflectional paradigms are characteristic of the second component of compounds as well, e.g., skaĩt-vardis (IP -is) ‘numeral; lit. number-name’ (cf. var˜d-as (IP -as) ‘name’), mės-gal-ỹs (IP -ys) ‘a piece of meat’ (cf. gãl-as (IP -as) ‘piece, bit’), jū́r-lig-ė (IP -ė) ‘seasickness’ (cf. lig-à (IP -a) ‘illness’). The inflectional paradigms -is and -ė both of the second component of compounds and of the base word of prefixal derivatives remain, as a rule, unchanged,

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e.g., pùs-brol-is (IP -is) ‘cousin’, į́ -brol-is (IP -is) ‘stepbrother’ (cf. bról-is (IP -is) ‘brother’), žvỹr-duob-ė (IP -ė) ‘gravel pit’ (cf. duob-ė˜ (IP -ė) ‘pit’), pó-veržl-ė (IP -ė) ‘spacer’ (← veržl-ė˜ ‘screwnut’). Neoclassical formations are to be treated separately because of the preservation of original inflectional paradigms and different accentual behaviour, cf. kilo-mètr-as ‘kilometer’ (← kilo- ‘kilo-’, mètr-as ‘meter’), but kíet-metr-is ‘solid cubic meter’ (← kíetas, -à ‘solid’, mètr-as ‘meter’), makro-program-à ‘macroprogramme’ (← makro- ‘macro-’, program-à ‘programme’), but pã-program-ė ‘subprogramme’ (← pa- ‘sub-’, program-à ‘programme’). Conversion, which is as important as (or even more important than) prefixal derivation, is labelled as a third type of derivation, so-called paradigmatic derivation (for more see section 5). Only affixes play the part of word-formation formants, while alternations of segmental and/or suprasegmental elements play a supplementary role in the word-formation processes. Circumfixation is rare in Lithuanian. Backformation, reduplication, blending and clipping are not common in standard language.

3. Composition Characteristic features of composition in Lithuanian are the two-stem structure (mostly simplex stems), and the absence of verbal compounds. The majority of compounds are assigned to the following inflectional paradigms (IP) which are productive in derivatives as well: masculine nom.sg. -is (unstressed) / -ys (stressed), and feminine nom.sg. -ė. There are compound nouns (including nominalized adjectives) and nouns in general that constitute p a i r s o f d i f f e r e n t g e n d e r marked by said inflectional paradigms, e.g., žem-dirb-ỹs m., žem-dirb-ė˜ f. ‘farmer’ (← žẽm-ė ‘soil’, dìrb-ti ‘to work’, IPs -ys and -ė); ilg-a-pir˜št-is m., ilg-a-pir˜št-ė f. ‘filferer, filcher’ (← ì lg-as, -à ‘long’, interfix -a-, pir˜št-as ‘finger’, IPs -is and -ė). The inflectional paradigms -a (feminine and the socalled common gender nouns) and -as, -a (masculine/feminine adjectives) sometimes attach to compounds as well, e.g., šlãp-drib-a f. ‘sleet, snowy rain’ (← šlãp-ias, -ià ‘wet, moist’, drìb-ti ‘to fall down’, IP -a), ak-ì-plėš-a (common gender) ‘impudent, insolent person’ (← ak-ìs ‘eye’, interfix -i-, plė́ š-ti ‘to tear’, IP -a), ketùr-link-as, -a ‘fourfold’ (← ketur-ì m. ‘four’, leñk-ti ‘to bend, bow’), including qualitative apophony , IPs -as, -a. About half of the compounds have interfixes: -(i)a-, -i-, -(i)o-, -ė-, -(i)u-, -y-, -(i)ū-, e.g., krauj-ã-gysl-ė ‘blood-vessel’ (← kraũj-as ‘blood’, interfix -a-, gýsl-a ‘vein’, IP -ė), gryn-a-kraũj-is, -ė ‘pure-blood’ (← grýn-as, -à ‘pure’, interfix -a-, kraũj-as ‘blood’, IPs -is, -ė), duj-ó-kauk-ė ‘gas-mask’ (← dùj-os pl. ‘gas’, interfix -o-, káuk-ė ‘mask’, IP -ė), virš-ù-galv-is ‘vertex’ (← virš-ùs ‘top’, interfix -u-, galv-à ‘head’, IP -is). The majority of both nominal and adjectival compounds are determinative compounds whose first component, as a rule, determines the second, i.e. the head component. Endocentric compounds prevail in nominal composition (e.g., šón-kaul-is ‘rib’ ← šón-as ‘side’, kául-as ‘bone’, IP -is), while adjectival compounds, as a rule, belong to the exocentric type (e.g., silpn-a-prõt-is, -ė ‘weak-minded’ ← sil˜pn-as, -à ‘weak’, interfix -a-, prõt-as ‘mind’, IPs -is, -ė). There are exocentric compound nouns (mostly bahuvrīhi

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type) as well, e.g., juod-a-dar˜b-is m., juod-a-dar˜b-ė f. ‘unskilled worker’ (← júod-as, -à ‘black, dirty’, interfix -a-, dárb-as ‘work’, IPs -is, -ė), kupr-a-nugãr-is ‘camel’ (← kupr-à ‘hump’, interfix -a-, nùgar-a ‘back’, IP -is). The formal difference between compound nouns and adjectives in some cases is expressed not only by the inflectional paradigm but also by accentuation, cf. the noun ketùr-kamp-is ‘quadrangle’ and the adjective ketur-kam ˜ p-is, -ė ‘quadrangular’ (← ketur-ì m. ‘four’, kam ˜ p-as ‘angle’, IPs -is (noun) and -is, -ė (adj.)). Copulative compounds occur very rarely in Lithuanian, e.g., kur˜č-nebyl-is, -ė ‘deafmute’ (← kur˜č-ias, -ià ‘deaf’, nebyl-ùs, -ì ‘dumb, mute’, IPs -is, -ė). A nominal first member is characteristic of the majority of nominal and some adjectival compounds, e.g., líet-palt-is ‘raincoat’ (← liet-ùs ‘rain’, pált-as ‘(over)coat’, IP -is), vaĩs-med-is ‘fruit tree’ (← vaĩs-ius ‘fruit’, mẽd-is ‘tree’, IP -is), šeiv-a-kõj-is, -ė ‘spindlelegged’ (← šeiv-à ‘bobbin’, interfix -a-, kój-a ‘leg’, IPs -is, -ė), including circumflex metatony. Adjectives (more frequent in adjectival compounds), numerals, verbs, adverbs and, in rare cases, prepositions and pronouns also occur as the first member, e.g., bendrã-but-is ‘hostel’ (← beñdr-as, -à ‘common’, interfix -a, bùt-as ‘flat’, IP -is), aukšt-aū˜g-is, -ė ‘tall, of large stature’ (← áukšt-as, -à ‘tall’, interfix -a-, ū˜g-is ‘height’, IPs -is, -ė), pirm-ã-dien-is ‘Monday’ (← pìrm-as, -à ‘first’, interfix -a-, dien-à ‘day’, IP -is), gyvén-viet-ė ‘settlement’ (← gyvén-ti ‘to live’, viet-à ‘place’, IP -ė), daũg-tašk-is ‘three dots, ellipsis’ (← daũg ‘many’, tãšk-as ‘dot’, IP -is), tarp-ù-kar-is ‘interwar period’ (← tar˜p ‘between’, interfix -u-, kãr-as ‘war’, IP -is), sav-a-nõr-is, -ė ‘volunteer’ (← sãv-as, -à ‘one’s own’, interfix -a-, nór-as ‘wish’, IPs -is, -ė), including circumflex metatony. Synthetic compounds with a verbal second component − in some works also referred to as “verb-centered” compounds − comprise about one quarter of both noun and adjective compounds, with the latter group being less frequent. The verbal element as a rule coincides with the past- or present-tense stem as is shown by the 3rd person (formally identical in singular and plural), which in the following description for brevity’s sake is referred to as PRESENT or PAST (the second verbal component of a compound can be based on the infinitive stem as well). The formation of a compound is also completed with the generalization of the inflectional paradigms -is/-ys or -ė (e.g., šien-pjov-ỹs m., šien-pjov-ė˜ f. ‘haymaker’ ← šiẽn-as ‘hay’, pjóv-ė PAST of pjáu-ti ‘to cut’, IPs -ys, -ė), and there is no suffix involved except in isolated instances as, e.g., žuv-ė́ d-r-a ‘tern’ ← žuv-ìs ‘fish’, ė́ d-a/ė́ d-ė PRESENT/PAST of ė́ s-ti ‘to eat’, suffix -r-, IP -a (in the latter case the word-formation process is to be interpreted as circumfixation). As a rule, the first member of synthetic (verb-centered) nominal compounds is a noun (with adjectives, numerals, pronouns and adverbs also occurring in this position). The meanings of said compounds are similar to the meanings of a) agent nouns − m./f., b) instrument nouns, and c) action nouns, e.g., a) darb-dav-ỹs, -ė˜ ‘employer’ (← dárb-as ‘work, job’, dãv-ė PAST of dúo-ti ‘to give’, IPs -ys, -ė), ūk-ved-ỹs, -ė˜ ‘manager’ (← ū́k-is ‘economy, household’, vẽd-ė PAST of vès-ti ‘to manage’, IPs -ys, -ė); jaun-a-ved-ỹs, -ė˜ ‘bridegroom, bride’ (← jáun-as, -à ‘young’, interfix -a-, vẽd-ė PAST of vès-ti ‘to marry, wed’, IPs -ys, -ė); pirm-ã-gimis, -ė ‘firstborn child’ m./f. (← pìrm-as, -à ‘first’, interfix -a-, gìm-ti ‘to be born’, IPs -is, -ė); sav-ì-myl-a (common gender) ‘self lover, egoist’ (← sav-è ‘oneself’, interfix -i-, mýl-i PRESENT of myl-ė́ -ti ‘to love’, IP -a); čiã-buv-is, -ė ‘native, indigenous’ (← čià ‘here’, bùv-o PAST of bū́-ti ‘to be’, IPs -is, -ė);

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b) laĩk-rod-is ‘clock’ (← laĩk-as ‘time’, ród-o/ród-ė PRESENT/PAST of ród-y-ti ‘to show’, IP -is), véid-rod-is ‘mirror’ (← véid-as ‘face’, ród-o/ród-ė, IP -is), bùlv-ia-kas-ė ‘potato-digging machine’ (← bùlv-ė ‘potato’, interfix -ia-, kàs-ti ‘to dig’, IP -ė); c) sav-ì-gyn-a ‘self-defence’ (← sav-è ‘himself, herself’, interfix -i-, gýn-ė PAST of gìnti ‘to defend’, IP -a), lãp-krit-is ‘November’ (← lãp-as ‘leaf’, krìt-o PAST of krìs-ti ‘to fall’, IP -is), vien-ã-skait-a ‘singular’ (← víen-as, -à ‘one’, interfix -a-, skaĩt-o/ skaĩt-ė PRESENT/PAST of skait-ý-ti ‘to count’, IP -a). The first member of synthetic adjectival compounds with a verbal second member is based on a noun (e.g., mės-ė˜d-is, -ė ‘carnivorous’ ← mės-à ‘meat’, ė́ d-a/ė́ d-ė PRESENT/ PAST of ė́ s-ti ‘to eat’, IPs -is, -ė), numerals (e.g., pirm-ã-gim-is, -ė ‘firstborn’ ← pìrmas, -à ‘first’, interfix -a-, gìm-ti ‘to be born’, IPs -is, -ė), adverbs (e.g., tol-ia-rẽg-is, -ė ‘long-sighted, far-sighted’ ← tol-ì ‘far’, interfix -ia-, rẽg-i PRESENT of reg-ė́ -ti ‘to see’, IPs -is, -ė), adjectives (e.g., gyv-ã-ved-is, -ė ‘viviparous’ ← gýv-as, -à ‘live, alive’, vẽd-a/ vẽd-ė PRESENT/PAST of vès-ti ‘to give birth to’, IPs -is, -ė), and pronouns, e.g., vis-a-žìnis, -ė ‘omniscient’ (← vìs-as, -à ‘all’, interfix -a-, žì n-o PRESENT of žin-ó-ti ‘to know’, IPs -is, -ė). Composition is a rare phenomenon among numerals, pronouns and adverbs. Numerals from 11 to 19 and from 20 to 90 can be mentioned (e.g., penk-ió-lik-a ‘15’ ← penk-ì ‘5’, interfix -io-, lìk-ti ‘to remain, be left’, IP -a, dvì-dešimt ‘20’ ← dvì f. ‘two’, dẽšimt ‘ten’), pronouns (e.g., kel-ió-lik-a ‘some (between 11 and 19)’ ← kel-ì ‘some’, interfix -io-, lìk-ti ‘to remain, be left’, IP -a, vìs-k-as ‘everything’ ← vìs-as, -à ‘all, whole’, k-às ‘who, what’, IP -as), and adverbs (e.g., an-à-pus ‘on that side, on the other side’ ← anàs, -à ‘that, that one’, interfix -a-, pùs-ė ‘side’). (For more on composition see Urbutis 1961b; 2008: 98, 115−116; Ulvydas 1965−71, Vol. 1: 437−473, 591−603; Keinys 1999: 69−74, 80−82, 84−85, 98; V. Ambrazas 2005 [1994]: 150−167, 228−238.)

4. Derivation In the nominal, adjectival and adverbial word-formation system, suffixal derivatives are much more widespread than prefixal ones, however, in verbal derivation the latter type prevails. (See also section 5 on conversion and “paradigmatic derivatives”.) In inflectable derived words, suffixes as the main derivational formants are accompanied by inflectional paradigms (IP) which, as a rule, differ from the inflectional paradigms of the base words and serve as a secondary means of derivation (hence, suffixes are usually listed with endings of the nominative case or 3rd person). Cf., e.g., the denominal suffixal noun egl-ýn-as ‘fir grove’ (suffix -yn-, IP -as) and the base word ẽgl-ė ‘fir tree’ (IP -ė); the denominal suffixal adjective lauk-ìn-is, -ė ‘field, wild’ (suffix -in-, IPs -is, -ė) and the base noun laũk-as ‘field’ (IP -as); the deverbal suffixal verb var-inė́ -ja/ var-inė́ -jo (PRESENT/PAST of var-inė́ -ti ‘to drive there and back’, suffix -inė-, IPs -ja/-jo) and the base verb vãr-o/vãr-ė (PRESENT/PAST of var-ý-ti ‘to drive’, IPs -o/-ė). The same phenomenon is characteristic of many prefixal derivatives as well, cf. the denominal prefixed noun pa-láng-ė ‘windowsill’ (prefix pa-, IP -ė) and the base word láng-as ‘window’ (IP -as); the deadjectival prefixed adjective apý-jaun-is, -ė ‘rather young’ (prefix apy-, IPs -is, -ė) and the base word jáun-as, -à ‘young’ (IPs -as, -a),

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but − without a difference in the inflectional paradigms between all prefixal derivatives and their base words − àt-neš-a, -ė (PRESENT/PAST of at-nèš-ti ‘to bring’) ← nẽš-a, -ė (PRESENT/PAST of the base verb nèš-ti ‘to carry’), ne-graž-ùs, -ì ‘not beautiful, not nice’ ← graž-ùs, -ì ‘beautiful, nice’. In addition to the derivational processes just mentioned, circumfixation is also attested to in Lithuanian, cf. the following prefixal-suffixal denominal derivatives: the adjective prieš-laik-ìn-is, -ė ‘premature, untimely’ (prefix prieš- ‘before’, suffix -in-, IPs -is, -ė) ← laĩk-as ‘time’, the adverb pa-kel-iuĩ ‘on the way’ (prefix pa- ‘on’, suffix -iui) ← kẽlias ‘road, way’, and the verb į-žẽm-in-ti ‘to ground’ (prefix į- ‘in, into’, suffix -in-, infinitive suffix -ti) ← žẽm-ė ‘ground’. As far as derivational affixes are concerned, attention should be paid to some suffixes beginning in back vowels which can have both “hard” and “soft” variants. The “hard” variant is, as a rule, attached to a base stem which ends in a hard consonant, while the “soft” variant is mostly attached to a stem ending in a palatalized consonant, cf. the derivatives with the suffixes -(i)uot-as, -a and -(i)au-ti: auks-úot-as, -a ‘gilded’ (← áuksas ‘gold’) and sluoksn-iúot-as, -a ‘flaky’ (← slúoksn-is ‘layer’), piet-áu-ti ‘to have dinner’ (← piẽt-ūs pl. ‘dinner’) and vakarien-iáu-ti ‘to have supper’ (← vakariẽn-ė ‘supper’).

4.1. Nominal derivation Suffixal derivatives comprising hundreds of word-formation types of unequal productivity predominate in nominal derivation in Lithuanian. Prefixal and converted (“paradigmatic”) derivatives are much less frequent and cover fewer word-formation types. The most productive prefix pa- is characteristic of ca. one third of prefixal nouns. Three groups of nominal derivatives, i.e. denominal, deadjectival and deverbal nouns, are characterized, as a rule, by typical derivational affixes. Nevertheless, in some cases the same derivational affix occurs in two or even three groups, e.g., the suffixes -ininkas, -ė (cf. krẽpš-inink-as, -ė m./f. ‘basketballer’ ← krepš-ỹs ‘basket’, bendr-iniñk-as, -ė m./f. ‘participator’ ← beñdr-as, -à ‘common’, and liùd-inink-as, -ė m./f. ‘witness’ ← liùd-y-ti ‘to witness’) and -(i)uomen-ė (cf. jaun-úomen-ė ‘youth’ ← jáun-as, -à ‘young’, and kar-iúomen-ė ‘army’ ← kar-ỹs ‘soldier’).

4.1.1. Denominal nouns Denominal p e r s o n a l n o u n s with the exception of some prefixed instances (e.g., bedar˜b-is, -ė m./f. ‘(the) unemployed; lit. without a job’ ← dárb-as ‘job’, pa-tė́ v-is ‘stepfather’ ← tė́ v-as ‘father’, į́ -vaik-is ‘adopted child’ ← vaĩk-as ‘child’) are derived by means of more than 50 suffixes. The most productive of them are as follows: -iet-is, -ė m./f. (e.g., miest-iẽt-is, -ė ‘town-dweller’ ← miẽst-as ‘town, city’, europ-iẽt-is, -ė ‘European’ ← Europ-à ‘Europe’), -inink-as, -ė m./f. (e.g., daĩl-inink-as, -ė ‘painter’ ← dail-ė˜ ‘art’, darb-iniñk-as, -ė ‘worker’ ← dárb-as ‘work’), -ist-as, -ė m./f. (e.g., karjer-ìst-as, -ė ‘careerist’ ← karjer-à ‘career’, taks-ìst-as, -ė ‘taxi-driver’ ← taksì ‘taxi’), -ik-as, -ė m./ f. (e.g., elèktr-ik-as, -ė ‘electrician’ ← elektr-à ‘electricity’, satỹr-ik-as, -ė ‘satirist’ ←

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satyr-à ‘satire’), -ant-as, -ė m./f. (e.g., diplom-ánt-as, -ė ‘diploma holder, undergraduate’ ← diplòm-as ‘diploma, degree’, muzik-ánt-as, -ė ‘musician’ ← mùzik-a ‘music’) (the latter three are Latinate suffixes and prefer, as a rule, Latinate bases). Lithuanian has special suffixes which characterize the m a t r i m o n i a l s t a t u s of women and are attached, as a rule, to the husband’s surname: -ien-ė is the suffix denoting a married woman (e.g., Jakáit-ien-ė ← Jakáit-is) while for unmarried women the suffixes are -ait-ė, -yt-ė, -ut-ė, and -(i)ūt-ė depending on the inflectional paradigm of the father’s surname, e.g., Ambraz-áit-ė ← Ambrãz-as, Kein-ýt-ė ← Kein-ỹs, Butk-ùt-ė ← Bùtk-us, Skardž-iū˜t-ė ← Skar˜dž-ius. Rare appellatives derived by adding said suffixes also exist, e.g., bról-ien-ė ‘brother’s wife’ ← bról-is ‘brother’, karal-íen-ė ‘king’s wife, queen’, karal-áit-ė ‘king’s daughter, princess’ ← karãl-ius ‘king’, kunigaikšt-ýt-ė ‘duke’s daughter, princess’ ← kunigáikšt-is ‘duke, prince’. Denominal s t a t u s n o u n s are derived by adding several suffixes, the most productive of which is -yst-ė (e.g., gimin-ỹst-ė ‘relationship, kinship’ ← gimin-ė˜ ‘family, kin’, žemdirb-ỹst-ė ‘agriculture’ ← žemdirb-ỹs, -ė˜ m./f. ‘farmer’). Productive suffixes also include -yb-ė (e.g., brol-ýb-ė ‘brotherhood’ ← bról-is ‘brother’, šun-ýb-ė ‘dirty, mean trick’ ← šuõ ‘dog’ (acc.sg. šùn-į)), the Latinate suffix -izm-as (e.g., idiot-ìzm-as ‘idiocy’ ← idiòt-as ‘idiot’, popier-ìzm-as ‘red tape’ ← põpier-ius ‘paper’). Denominal p l a c e n o u n s are derived by means of ca. 17 prefixes and 17 suffixes. The most productive prefixes are pa- ‘along’, už- ‘over, beyond, outside, the other side of’, and prie- ‘at, by’ (e.g., pa-jū́r-is ‘seashore’, ùž-jūr-is ‘overseas country’ ← jū́r-a ‘sea’, ùž-miest-is ‘outskirts’, príe-miest-is ‘suburb’ ← miẽst-as ‘town, city’), whereas the most productive suffixes are -yn-as (e.g., puš-ýn-as ‘pine forest’ ← puš-ìs ‘pine’) and -in-ė (e.g., kav-ìn-ė ‘cafe’ ← kav-à ‘coffee’). Because of the change in the inflectional paradigms prefixal derivation is similar to circumfixation. Denominal c o l l e c t i v e n o u n s are derived by adding several suffixes, the most productive of which is -ij-a (e.g., draug-ij-à ‘company’ ← draũg-as, -ė m./f. ‘friend’, žmon-ij-à ‘mankind’ ← žmón-ės pl. ‘people’, gyvūn-ij-à ‘fauna’ ← gyvū˜n-as ‘animal’). The suffixes -yn-as (e.g., žvaigžd-ýn-as ‘constellation’ ← žvaigžd-ė˜ ‘star’, laiv-ýn-as ‘fleet’ ← laĩv-as ‘ship’) and -ūr-a (aparat-ūr-à ‘apparatus’ ← aparãt-as ‘apparatus’, profes-ūr-à ‘professorate’ ← profèsor-ius, -ė m./f. ‘professor’) can also be included (the latter suffix is a Latinate one). Lithuanian is known as a language with a host of d i m i n u t i v e s and m e l i o r a t i v e s , which are derived by ca. 15 suffixes. The most productive suffixes -el-is, -el-ė and -ėl-is, -ėl-ė are in complementary distribution: the first suffix-pair is attached to disyllabic nouns, while the second is combined with polysyllabic nouns, e.g., vaik-ẽl-is ‘small child’ ← vaĩk-as ‘child’, dukr-ẽl-ė ‘little daughter’ ← dukr-à ‘daughter’, katinė˜l-is ‘little cat’ ← kãtin-as ‘cat’, vasar-ė˜l-ė (meliorative) ← vãsar-a ‘summer’. A few more suffixes that could be mentioned are the following: -(i)uk-as (e.g., rat-ùk-as ‘small wheel’ ← rãt-as ‘wheel’, žąs-iùk-as ‘gosling’ ← žąs-ìs ‘goose’), -ut-is, -ut-ė (e.g., niekùtis ‘knick-knack’ ← niẽk-as ‘nothing’, kėd-ùt-ė ‘small chair’ ← kėd-ė˜ ‘chair’), -ait-is, -ait-ė (e.g., pyrag-áit-is ‘pastry’ ← pyrãg-as ‘cake’, kepur-áit-ė ‘little cap’ ← kepùr-ė ‘cap’), -yt-is, -yt-ė (e.g., brol-ýt-is (meliorative) ← bról-is ‘brother’, kat-ýt-ė ‘little cat’ ← kat-ė˜ ‘cat’), -užis, -už-ė (e.g., draug-ùž-is, -ė m./f. (meliorative) ← draũg-as, -ė ‘friend’), -ul-is, -ul-ė (e.g., Diev-ùl-is (meliorative) ← Diẽv-as ‘God’, tet-ùl-ė ‘auntie’ ← tet-à ‘aunt’). The suffixes -ėl-is, -ėl-ė and -(i)ukas, -(i)uk-ė can also be attached to diminutive bases, e.g., broluž-ė˜l-is (meliorative) ← brolùž-is (meliorative) ← bról-is

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‘brother’; merguž-ė˜l-ė (meliorative) ← merg-ùž-ė (meliorative) ← merg-à ‘girl’; seneliùk-as, -ė (meliorative) ← sen-ẽl-is, -ė ‘(little) old man, woman’ ← sẽn-is, -ė ‘old man, woman’.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The majority of deadjectival derivatives comprise q u a l i t y n o u n s formed by adding ca. 15 suffixes, of which the more productive ones are -um-as (e.g., aukšt-ùm-as ‘height’ ← áukšt-as, -à ‘high, tall’, ger-ùm-as ‘kindness, goodness’ ← gẽr-as, -à ‘good, kind’) and -yb-ė (e.g., lyg-ýb-ė ‘equality’ ← lýg-us, -i ‘equal’, puik-ýb-ė ‘splendour, pride’ ← puik-ùs, -ì ‘splendid’). A few more suffixes can be mentioned, e.g., -ov-ė (sen-óv-ė ‘old times, antiquity’ ← sẽn-as, -à ‘old, ancient’) and -yst-ė (jaun-ỹst-ė ‘youth’ ← jáun-as, -à ‘young’). Only a few deadjectival suffixal derivatives are attested to in the following wordformation categories which are more typical for denominal formations (see section 4.1.1): p e r s o n a l n o u n s (e.g., šaun-uõl-is, -ė m./f. ‘fine, decent person’ ← šaun-ùs, -ì ‘valiant’, gyv-ū˜n-as ‘animal, living being’ ← gýv-as, -à ‘live, living, alive’, blaiviniñk-as, -ė m./f. ‘teetotaller’ ← blaiv-ùs, -ì ‘sober’), co l l e c t i v e n o u n s (e.g., bendrúomen-ė ‘community’ ← beñdr-as, -à ‘common’; jaun-ìm-as ‘youth, young people’ ← jáun-as, -à ‘young’) and p l a c e n o u n s (e.g., aukšt-um-à ‘hill’ ← áukšt-as, -à ‘lofty’).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns A c t i o n n o u n s , one of the most plentiful word-formation categories in respect to the number of derivatives it has, are formed by means of ca. 50 suffixes, the most productive and regular of which is -im-as/-ym-as attached to the past-tense stem of the base verb (the allomorph -ym-as only attaches to -yti, -o, -ė verbs), e.g., ėj-ìm-as ‘going, walking’ ← ė˜j-o (PAST of eĩ-ti ‘to go, walk’), važiãv-im-as ‘drive, driving’ ← važiãv-o (PAST of važiúo-ti ‘to go, drive, ride’), rãš-ym-as ‘writing’ ← rãš-ė (PAST of raš-ý-ti ‘to write’). Other suffixes attach not only to the past-tense stem but also to the infinitive and sometimes to the present-tense stem of the base verb. Below are a number of productive derivational suffixes of action nouns: -t-is (e.g., bū-t-ìs ‘being’ ← bū́-ti ‘to be’, užduot-ìs ‘task, job, target’ ← uždúo-ti ‘to give, set’), -es-ys (e.g., liūd-es-ỹs ‘sadness’ ← liū˜d-i PRESENT of liūdė́ -ti ‘to be sad’), -ul-ys (e.g., spind-ul-ỹs ‘ray, beam’ ← spiñd-i PRESENT of spindė́ -ti ‘to shine, beam’), -yb-a, pl. -yb-os (e.g., kūr-ýb-a ‘creative work, creation’ ← kū́r-ė PAST of kùr-ti ‘to create’, rad-ýb-os ‘(finder’s) reward’ ← rãd-o PAST of ràs-ti ‘to find’), -sm-as (e.g., eĩ-sm-as ‘traffic’ ← eĩ-ti ‘to go, walk, run’), Latinate -(i)acij-a (e.g., privatiz-ãcij-a ‘privatization’ ← privatiz-úo-ti ‘to privatize’, izol-iãcij-a ‘isolation’ ← izol-iúo-ti ‘to isolate’). About 40 suffixes are employed to derive deverbal r e s u l t n o u n s , but only few of them are productive: -in-ys (e.g., krov-in-ỹs ‘load’ ← króv-ė PAST of kráu-ti ‘to load, lade’), -al-as (e.g., gė˜r-al-as ‘drink’ ← gė́ r-ė PAST of gér-ti ‘to drink’). Deverbal result nouns are also formed by means of conversion or “paradigmatic derivation” (see section 5.3), and some of them go back to metonymic shifts of action nouns.

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A g e n t n o u n s also comprise a sizeable class of derivatives. They can be formed by means of ca. 50 suffixes, the majority of which attach to the past-tense or to the infinitive stem of the base verb. The suffixes -toj-as, -a, -ėj-as, -a and -ėl-is, -ė (all m./ f.) are the most productive in this class, e.g., móky-toj-as, -a ‘teacher’ ← móky-ti ‘to teach’, kūr-ė́ j-as, -a ‘creator, author’ ← kū́r-ė (PAST of kùr-ti ‘to create’), pasiléid-ėl-is, -ė ‘dissolute person’ ← pasiléid-o (PAST of pasiléis-ti ‘to become dissolute’). Other productive suffixes are as follows: -ik-as, -ė m./f. (e.g., ėj-ìk-as, -ė ‘walker’ ← ė˜j-o PAST of eĩ-ti ‘to walk’), -l-ys, -ė m./f. (e.g., bėg-l-ỹs, -ė˜ ‘fugitive’ ← bė́ g-ti ‘to run’), -ūn-as, -ė m./f. (keik-ū˜n-as, -ė ‘one who swears’ ← kéik-ti-s (reflexive verb) ‘to swear’), -tinis, -ė m./f. (e.g., áuklė-tin-is, -ė ‘pupil’ ← áuklė-ti ‘to educate, train’). I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s are derived by means of more than 30 suffixes, which attach to the infinitive or past-tense stem of the base verb, and are not very productive. The more common of these are: -tuv-as (e.g., šaldy-tùv-as ‘refrigerator’ ← šáldy-ti ‘to freeze’), -ikl-is (e.g., krov-ìkl-is ‘charger’ ← króv-ė PAST of kráu-ti ‘to charge’), -t-as (kél-t-as ‘ferry’ ← kél-ti ‘to ferry’), -tuk-as (e.g., trin-tùk-as ‘eraser’ ← trìn-ti ‘to erase’), -al-as (e.g., rãš-al-as ‘ink’ ← rãš-ė PAST of rašý-ti ‘to write’). Deverbal p l a c e n o u n s are much rarer than denominal or deadjectival ones, and mostly take the productive suffix -ykl-a (e.g., leid-ykl-à ‘publishing house’ ← léid-o PAST of léis-ti ‘to publish’). Deverbal nouns denoting c e l e b r a t i o n s and f e a s t s mostly take the suffix -tuvės pl. (e.g., ves-tùv-ės ‘wedding’ ← vès-ti ‘to marry, wed’, išleis-tùv-ės ‘seeing-off party’ ← išléis-ti ‘to let out’). (For more on nominal derivation see Ulvydas 1965−71, Vol. 1: 251−436; Keinys 1999: 36−69; V. Ambrazas 2005 [1994]: 86−150; Urbutis 2008 [1999]: 112−115.)

4.2. Adjectival derivation Suffixal derivatives with ca. 130 suffixes (most with low productivity) play a central role in adjectival (mostly denominal) derivation. Prefixal and “paradigmatic derivatives” are also frequent (the latter type only occurs in deverbal derivation, see section 5). Circumfixation is attested to in rare cases, but is slightly more frequent than in nominal derivation.

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Suffixation is common, while prefixation is limited in denominal adjectives. The majority of prefixal instances consist of p r i v a t i v e adjectives taking the productive prefix be- ‘un-, in-, -less, without’, which triggers regular circumflex metatony or shift of stress to the penultimate syllable (e.g., be-dar˜b-is, -ė ‘unemployed, workless, without work’ ← dárb-as ‘work, job’, be-laĩsv-is, -ė ‘slave’ ← láisv-ė ‘freedom’, bestubùr-is, -ė ‘invertebrate’ ← stùbur-as ‘vertebral column’). The majority of suffixal r e l a t i o n a l adjectives take the highly productive suffix -in-is, -ė (e.g., jū́r-in-is, -ė ‘maritime’ ← jū́r-a ‘sea’, ryt-ìn-is, -ė ‘morning (adj.), eastern’ ← rýt-as ‘morning’, ry-taĩ pl. ‘the east’, darb-ìn-is, -ė ‘work-related’ ← dárb-as ‘work’).

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Other suffixes are unproductive, e.g., -utin-is, -ė (virš-utìn-is, -ė ‘upper’ ← virš-ùs ‘top, upper part’). Q u a l i t a t i v e denominal adjectives are derived by means of several dozen suffixes, the most productive of which are -išk-as, -a (e.g., draũg-išk-as, -a ‘friendly’ ← draũgas, -ė ‘friend’) and -(i)uot-as, -a (e.g., muil-úot-as, -a ‘soapy’ ← muĩl-as ‘soap’) to derive s i m i l a t i v e adjectives, and -ing-as, -a (e.g., laim-ìng-as, -a ‘happy’ ← láim-ė ‘happiness’), eil-iúot-as, -a ‘rhymed’ ← eĩl-ės pl. ‘verse’), -ėt-as, -a (e.g., saul-ė́ t-as, -a ‘sunny’ ← sául-ė ‘sun’), -ot-as, -a (e.g., lig-ót-as, -a ‘ailing, sickly’ ← lig-à ‘illness’), and -in-as, -a (e.g., ámž-in-as, -à ‘eternal, everlasting’ ← ámž-ius ‘century, age’) to derive p o s s e s s i v e adjectives.

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Deadjectival adjectives are formed by adding both prefixes and suffixes and usually express a t t e n u a t i o n , cf. derivatives with the productive prefixes apy- and po- (e.g., apý-balt-is, -ė, pó-balt-is, -ė ‘partly, rather, pretty white’ ← bált-as, -à ‘white’) as well as with the suffix -ok-as, -a (e.g., balt-ók-as, -a ‘whitish, somewhat white’ ← bált-as, -à ‘white’). Other derivational affixes are not productive. Deadjectival e v a l u a t i v e adjectives are derived by means of a group of endearment suffixes with intensifying meaning. The only productive suffixes among them are -ut-is, -ė and -utėl-is, -ė differing in the degree of intensification (e.g., balt-ùt-is, -ė ‘very white’, balt-utė˜l-is, -ė ‘very very white’ ← báltas, -à ‘white’). The opposite ( n e g a t i v e ) meaning of deadjectival adjectives is expressed by adding the highly productive prefix ne- (e.g., ne-graž-ùs, -ì ‘not beautiful, not nice’ ← graž-ùs, -ì ‘beautiful, nice’, ne-laimìng-as, -a ‘unhappy’ ← laimìng-as, -a ‘happy’, ne-dìdel-is, -ė ‘not big, not large’ ← dìdel-is, -ė ‘big, large’).

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives are rarer than denominal or deadjectival adjectives. They are derived by adding the semiproductive suffixes -l-us, -i; -r-us, -i, etc., and express both active and passive meanings, cf. taik-l-ùs, -ì ‘well-aimed, accurate’ ← táik-ė (PAST of táik-y-ti ‘to aim’) and sek-l-ùs, -ì ‘shallow’ ← sèk-ti ‘to become lower, sink’, plėš-r-ùs, -ì ‘predatory, raptorial’ ← plė́ š-ti ‘to rob, plunder’ and tamp-r-ùs, -ì ‘elastic’ ← tem ˜ p-ti ‘to stretch’ (frequent apophony and metatony are characteristic of said derivatives). (For more on adjectival derivation see Ulvydas 1965−71, Vol. 1: 550−591; Keinys 1999: 75−80; V. Ambrazas 2005 [1994]: 191−227; Urbutis 2008 [1999]: 97−98.)

4.3. Verbal derivation Both prefixal and suffixal derivation is characteristic of verbs, the first process being more active but attested only in deverbal verbs. Circumfixation is rather limited. Reflexivization can also be understood as a derivational process (cf. V. Ambrazas 2008 [1997]: 226−234).

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Deverbal verbs are much more frequent than denominal verbs, and especially deadjectival verbs. Deverbal derivation can be accompanied by apophony as well as by a relatively regular acute metatony, which are extremely rare in denominal and deadjectival derivation. The verbs are derived by adding 14 highly productive prefixes and nine basic suffixes which have ca. 80 variants, cf. -(i)o-ti and -čio-ti, -no-ti, -sno-ti; -y-ti and -dy-ti, -sty-ti.

4.3.1. Denominal verbs Denominal verbs are derived by adding seven basic suffixes, i.e. -(i)uo-ti, -(i)au-ti, -(i)oti, -ė-ti, -in-ti, -y-ti, -inė-ti. They belong to the following derivational categories (a−d) or have the following derivational meanings (e−g) (the derivational categories a−c are also characteristic of deadjectival verbs, see section 4.3.2): a) Factitive verbs, e.g., -(i)uo-ti (por-úo-ti ‘to couple, pair’ ← por-à ‘couple, pair’, eiliúo-ti ‘to form up, draw up’ ← eil-ė˜ ‘row, line’, konspekt-úo-ti ‘to take notes’ ← konspèkt-as ‘notes’), -in-ti (lietùv-in-ti ‘to Lithuanize’ ← lietùv-is ‘Lithuanian’), -(i)o-ti (auk-ó-ti ‘to give sacrifice, offer’ ← auk-à ‘sacrifice, offering’, vag-ó-ti ‘to furrow, plough’ ← vag-à ‘furrow’); b) Verbs of performance, e.g., -(i)au-ti (gydytoj-áu-ti ‘to practice medicine’ ← gýdytojas ‘doctor’, karal-iáu-ti ‘to reign’ ← karãl-ius ‘king’), -inė-ti (šnip-inė́ -ti ‘to spy’ ← šnìp-as ‘spy’); c) Inchoative verbs, e.g., -ė-ti (angl-ė́ -ti ‘to become charred’ ← angl-ìs ‘coal’, žvėr-ė́ -ti ‘to become brutal’ ← žvėr-ìs ‘beast’), -(i)uo-ti (gar-úo-ti ‘to evaporate’ ← gãr-as ‘steam, vapour’), -y-ti (vanden-ý-ti ‘to grow, become watery’ ← vanduõ (acc.sg. vánden-į) ‘water’); d) Instrumental verbs, e.g., -(i)uo-ti (irkl-úo-ti ‘to row, pull’ ← ìrkl-as ‘oar’, bur-iúo-ti ‘to sail’ ← bùr-ė ‘sail’), -(i)o-ti (mešker-ió-ti ‘to fish’ ← mešker-ė˜ ‘fishing rod’); e) Verbs with the meaning ‘to look for, collect what is indicated by the base word’, e.g., -(i)au-ti (gryb-áu-ti ‘to gather mushrooms’ ← grỹb-as ‘mushroom’, vyšn-iáu-ti ‘to pick cherries’ ← vyšn-ià ‘cherry’); f) Verbs with the meaning ‘to participate in the activities indicated by the base word’, e.g., -(i)au-ti (puot-áu-ti ‘to feast, banquet’ ← puot-à ‘feast, banquet’, lenktyn-iáu-ti ‘to compete, race’ ← lenktỹn-ės ‘competition’), -(i)úo-ti (sport-úo-ti ‘to go in for sports’ ← spòrt-as ‘sport’, gastrol-iúo-ti ‘to tour’ ← gastròl-ės ‘tour’); g) Verbs with the meaning ‘to be consumed (gripped, seized) by what is indicated by the base word’, e.g., -(i)o-ti (liepsn-ó-ti ‘to flame’ ← liepsn-à ‘flame’), -(i)uo-ti (slogúo-ti ‘to have a cold’ ← slog-à ‘cold’, pūl-iúo-ti ‘to fester’ ← pū́l-iai ‘pus’).

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs Deadjectival verbs are derived by adding seven basic suffixes, i.e. -in-ti, -au-ti, -inė-ti, -ė-ti, -en-ti, -(i)uo-ti, -(i)oti, and belong to the following derivational categories: a) Factitive verbs, e.g., -in-ti (gẽr-in-ti ‘to improve, make better’ ← gẽr-as, -à ‘good’, žẽm-in-ti ‘to lower, debase’ ← žẽm-as, -à ‘low’), -(i)o-ti (bjaur-ó-ti ‘to make foul, dirty’ ← bjaur-ùs, -ì ‘ugly, hideous, disgraceful’);

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b) Verbs of performance, e.g., -(i)au-ti (gudr-áu-ti ‘to contrive, do cleverly’ ← gudr-ùs, -ì ‘clever, cunning’, nuolaidž-iáu-ti ‘to compromise, connive’ ← nuolaid-ùs, -ì ‘yielding, compliant’), -inė-ti (dyk-inė́ -ti ‘to idle, loaf’ ← dỹk-as, -à ‘idle, free’), -ė-ti (garsė́ -ti ‘to sound, be/become famous’ ← gars-ùs, -ì ‘loud; famous’), -en-ti (švepl-én-ti ‘to lisp’ ← švẽpl-as, -à ‘lisping’), -(i)o-ti (kvail-ió-ti ‘to fool (about), play the fool’ ← kvaĩl-as, -à ‘foolish, stupid’); c) Inchoative verbs, e.g., -ė-ti (pilk-ė́ -ti ‘to turn grey’ ← pìlk-as, -à ‘grey’, tams-ė́ -ti ‘to become dark(er)’ ← tams-ùs, -ì ‘dark’), -uoti (rud-úo-ti ‘to grow/be brown, turn reddish’ ← rùd-as, -à ‘brown, red’), -y-ti (gelton-ý-ti ‘to turn yellow’ ← geltón-as, -a ‘yellow’).

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs Deverbal verbs can be derived by adding both prefixes and suffixes. P r e f i x e s express that the action, process or state denoted by the base verb is, was or will be started (e.g., už-dainúoti ‘to begin to sing’ ← dainúoti ‘to sing’) or finished (e.g., iš-mèsti ‘to throw out’ ← mèsti ‘to throw’). Prefixal derivatives, as a rule, pick out different characteristics of the action expressed by the base verb, e.g., a) Direction: iš-eĩti ‘to go out’, į-eĩti ‘to enter, go in’, pra-eĩti ‘to pass, go by/past’, apeĩti ‘to go, pass (to go around, evade)’ ← eĩti ‘to go’; b) Duration: pér-gyventi ‘to outlive’, pa-gyvénti ‘to live, stay’, nu-gyvénti ‘to have lived one’s life; to ruin’ ← gyvénti ‘to live’; c) Intensity: į-gérti ‘to take some drink’, pér-gerti ‘to drink too much’ ← gérti ‘to drink’, ap-ramìnti ‘to calm, quieten, console for a while’ ← ramìnti ‘to calm, quieten, console’, pra-vérti ‘to open slightly’ ← vérti ‘to open’; d) Repetition of an action: pér-dažyti ‘to recolour, repaint’ ← dažýti ‘to colour, paint’, at-kùrti ‘to recreate’ ← kùrti ‘to create’. S u f f i x a l deverbal verbs take nine basic suffixes, and can be attributed to the following word-formation categories: a) Iteratives: -(i)o-/-(s)no-ti (e.g., bėg-ió-ti ‘to run (about), fuss’ ← bė́ g-ti ‘to run’, kiló-ti, kil-nó-ti ‘to lift time and again’ ← kél-ti ‘to lift, raise’ − including qualitative apophony , keik-snó-ti ‘to swear a little’ ← kéik-ti ‘to swear’), -(d)inė-ti (e.g., bėg-inė́ -ti ‘to run about, run to and fro’ ← bė́ g-ti ‘to run’, pul-dinė́ -ti ‘to attack from time to time’ ← pùl-ti ‘to attack’), -(d)/-(st)y-ti (e.g., dauž-ý-ti ‘to break, crush’ ← daũž-ti ‘to strike, hit’, stùm-dy-ti ‘to push, shove time and again’ ← stùm-ti ‘to push, shove’, pìl-sty-ti ‘to pour out, bottle’ ← pìl-ti ‘to pour’), -au-ti (e.g., švìlp-au-ti ‘to whistle time and again’ ← švil˜p-ti ‘to whistle’ − including acute metatony), -(s)ė-ti (e.g., čiršk-ė́ -ti ‘to chirp time and again’ ← čir˜šk-ė PAST of čir˜kš-ti ‘to chirp’), linksė́ -ti ‘to nod, bow time and again’ ← liñk-ti ‘to bend’); b) Causatives: -(d)in-ti (e.g., lẽs-in-ti ‘to feed birds and poultry’ ← lès-ti ‘to peck’, sprog-dìn-ti ‘to blow up, explode’ ← spróg-ti ‘to burst’), -(d)y-ti (e.g., mók-y-ti ‘to teach’ ← mók-a PRESENT of mok-ė́ -ti ‘to know how’, gìr-dy-ti ‘to give to drink, make drunk’ ← gér-ti ‘to drink’ − including qualitative apophony ); c) Diminutives: -(s)telė-ti (e.g., plìk-telė-ti ‘to get, go a little bald’ ← plìk-ti ‘to grow, go bald’, žìl-stelė-ti ‘to grey, go somewhat grey’ ← žìl-ti ‘to grey, go grey’), -ė-ti

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(palūk-ė́ -ti ‘to wait for a short time’ ← paláuk-ti ‘to wait’). On the possibility of circumfixation see below; d) Duratives: -(d)ė-ti (e.g., klūp-ė́ -ti ‘to be on one’s knees’ ← klaũp-ti-s ‘to kneel down’, mér-dė-ti ‘to be dying’ ← mir˜-ti ‘to die’ − including qualitative apophony and acute metatony), -(s)o-ti (klū́́p-o-ti ‘to be on one’s knees’ ← klaũp-ti-s ‘to kneel down’ − including qualitative apophony and acute metatony, vėp-só-ti ‘to gawk’ ← vė́ p-ti ‘to lower’); e) Semelfactives: -(s)telė-ti (e.g., šū́k-telė-ti ‘to give a cry’ ← šaũk-ti ‘to cry’ − including qualitative apophony and acute metatony, trìnk-telė-ti ‘to bang, slam (once)’ ← treñk-ti ‘to crash, bang, strike’ − including qualitative apophony and acute metatony, mó-stelė-ti ‘to wave once quickly’ ← mó-ti ‘to wave’). Among the many deverbatives that exist, there are instances that, as a rule, are treated as circumfixal diminutives derived by simultaneously adding the prefix pa- and the suffix -ė-ti (e.g., pa-bėg-ė́ -ti ‘to run a little’ ← bė́ g-ti ‘to run’, pa-lyp-ė́ -ti ‘to climb a little’ ← lìp-ti ‘to climb’ − including quantitative apophony ). Nevertheless, many verbs of said type could be interpreted as formations derived by adding the suffix -ė-ti to the prefixed base verbs, e.g., panėš-ė́ -ti ‘to carry for a while, a little’ ← panèš-ti ‘to carry’ − including apophony (Keinys 1999: 97; Urbutis 2009 [1978]: 340). There are also suffixal verbs (ca. 15 %), which are mostly iteratives and semelfactives that may be interpreted as interjectional derivatives, e.g., pliùmp-čio-ti, pliump-sė́ -ti ‘to plop (rather frequently)’, pliùmp-telė-ti ‘to plop once’ ← pliùmpt ‘plop’, val-iúo-ti ‘to shout hurrah’ ← valiõ ‘hurrah, hurray!’). It is occasionally difficult to establish whether a suffixal verb is based on an interjection or verb because of the fact that some interjections are derived from verbs. (For more on verbal derivation see Ulvydas 1965−71, Vol. 2: 218−298; Jakaitienė 1973: 8−59; Keinys 1999: 86−97; V. Ambrazas 2005 [1994]: 385−406.)

4.4. Adverbial derivation Suffixal and deadjectival derivatives dominate in the word-formation subsystem of adverbs. In addition, there is a group of circumfixal derivatives. Prefixation is not characteristic of adverbial derivation, except in rare cases, e.g., ùž-vakar ‘the day before yesterday’ ← vãkar ‘yesterday’. The majority of adverbs are derived by means of several dozen suffixes, the most productive of which is -(i)ai (deadjectival and departicipial derivatives), e.g., ger-aĩ ‘well’ ← gẽr-as, -à ‘good’, graž-iaĩ ‘beautifully, nicely’ ← graž-ùs, -ì ‘beautiful, nice’, vỹkus-iai ‘successfully’ ← vỹkęs m., vỹkus-i f. ‘successful’ (active past participle of vỹk-ti ‘to be a success’), neĩgiam-ai ‘negatively’ ← neĩgiam-as, -à ‘negative’ (passive present participle of neĩg-ti ‘to deny, negate’), nelaukt-aĩ ‘unexpectedly’ ← neláukt-as, -à ‘unexpected’ (passive past participle of neláuk-ti ‘to not expect’). Other productive or partly productive suffixes are the following: -yn (mostly deadjectival derivatives), e.g., žem-ỹn ‘down, downwards’ ← žẽm-as, -à ‘low’, maž-ỹn ‘decreasingly’ ← mãž-as, -à ‘small, little’; -omis/-om (mostly deverbal, but also deadjectival and sometimes denominal derivatives), e.g., sėd-omìs/sėd-õm ‘in sitting position’ ← sė́ d-i (PRESENT of sėd-ė́ -ti ‘to sit’), greit-omìs/greit-õm ‘hastily, hurriedly’ ← greĩt-as, -à

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‘quick, prompt, speedy’, juok-omìs/juok-õm ‘jokingly, for fun’ ← juok-aĩ pl. ‘jokes’; -te, -tinai (deverbal derivatives “used with verbs of the same root to intensify or emphasize their meaning”, V. Ambrazas 2008 [1997]: 384), e.g., neš-tè, neš-tinaĩ ← nèš-ti ‘to carry’, žiūrė́ -te, žiūrė́ -tinai ← žiūrė́ -ti ‘to look’. Sometimes -tinai derivatives can have special meanings, e.g., im-tinaĩ ‘inclusive’ ← im ˜ -ti ‘to take’; -(i)aip (depronominal, denumeral and sometimes deadjectival derivatives), e.g., kit-aĩp ‘in another way’ ← kìtas, -à ‘other’, antr-aĩp ‘otherwise, differently’ ← añtr-as, -à ‘second’, nauj-aĩp ‘in a new way’ ← naũj-as, -à ‘new’. Circumfixation is realized mostly by simultaneously adding the prefix pa- and the suffix -iui, e.g., pa-dien-iuĩ ‘by the day, every other day’ ← dien-à ‘day’, pa-kel-iuĩ ‘on the way’ ← kẽl-ias ‘road’. Other prefixes and suffixes also occur, e.g., pra-dien-iuĩ ‘every other/second day’ ← dien-à, pró-tarp-iais ‘at intervals’ ← tárp-as ‘interval’. Circumfixal adverbs are, as a rule, denominal formations. (For more on adverbial derivation see Ulvydas 1965−71, Vol. 2: 500−542; Keinys 1999: 98−102; V. Ambrazas 2005 [1994]: 429−431; Urbutis 2008 [1999]: 432−433.)

5. Conversion Lithuanian linguists understand conversion as a real (and not presumed) derivational process which seems to be as, or even more, productive than prefixation. The result of conversion is a new word which differs from the base word in the inflectional paradigm and frequently, but not necessarily, also in the word class, including, as a rule, a metatony/shift of stress and/or apophony in the root of the base word. Cf. knỹg-ius ‘bibliophile’ ← knyg-à (acc.sg. knỹg-ą) ‘book’, puõdž-ius ‘potter’ ← púod-as ‘pot’, vasãr-is ‘February’ ← vãsar-a ‘summer’ (all given instances are nouns; derivatives differ from the base words in their inflectional paradigms, including circumflex metatony in the second and shift of stress to the penultimate syllable in the third example); šū˜k-is ‘slogan’ ← šaũkti ‘cry, shout’ (deverbal noun with qualitative apophony ). The process of conversion frequently also includes morphophonemic changes in the prefix of the base word, e.g., the prefixes pri-, nu- of the base verb take the allomorphs prie-, nuo- in derivatives (príe-raš-as ‘addition, postscript’ ← pri-rãš-ė PAST of priraš-ý-ti ‘to add’, núo-raš-as ‘copy’ ← nu-rãš-ė PAST of nuraš-ý-ti ‘to copy’). The derivatives in question are labelled as paradigmatic, or inflectional, derivatives according to the Lithuanian word-formation tradition (Lith. galūnių vediniai, see Urbutis 1961a; 2009 [1978]: 333−340). In this case, inflections of derivatives perform a double function: they are affixes both of inflectional and derivational morphology. Thus knỹgius and vasãr-is are interpreted as denominal paradigmatic -ius and -is derivatives, while šū˜k-is as a paradigmatic deverbal -is derivative (with the nominative singular endings serving as markers both of derivational status and inflectional paradigms). Conversion is widespread in Lithuanian nominal and adjectival derivation. It seems that it plays a certain role in verbal derivation as well but this aspect has not yet been studied.

5.1. Nominal conversion Deverbal conversion predominates, while deadjectival conversion is relatively rare and denominal conversion is quite rare.

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Denominal converted nouns, as a rule, consist of personal/profession nouns characterized by the inflectional paradigms -ius m., -ė f. and -is/-ys m., e.g., daĩn-ius, -ė ‘singer, poet, bard’ ← dain-à ‘song’, ragãn-ius, -ė ‘sorcerer, magician’ ← rãgan-a ‘witch’ (including a shift of stress to the penultimate syllable), šiaur-ỹs (acc.sg. šiaũr-į) ‘north wind’ ← šiáur-ė ‘north’), including circumflex metatony. There is also a small group of female nouns characterized by the inflectional paradigm -ė, e.g., kalakùt-ė ‘turkey hen’ ← kalakùt-as ‘turkey-cock’. Deadjectival converted nouns represent quality and personal nouns characterized as a rule by the inflection classes -is/-ys (-ė), e.g., greĩt-is ‘speed’ ← greĩt-as, -à ‘quick, speedy’, skõn-is ‘taste’ ← skan-ùs, -ì ‘delicious, tasty’, márg-is, -ė m./f. ‘a speckled/ piebald/spotted animal’ ← márg-as, -à ‘motley, variegated, of many colours’, kvail-ỹs, -ė˜ m./f. ‘fool’ ← kvaĩl-as, -à ‘foolish’. Some place nouns ending in -ė are also attested to, e.g., núošal-ė ‘offside’ ← nuošal-ùs, -ì ‘secluded, solitary, retired’. Deverbal converted nouns represent a) result nouns, b) action nouns, and c) agent nouns characterized by the inflectional paradigms -a, -as, -is/-ys (-ė), -ė, -ius (the most copious is the first class, and the most productive is the IP -a), e.g., a) ìšmald-a ‘alms’ ← ìšmeld-ė (PAST of išmel˜s-ti ‘to beg successfully’), with qualitative apophony , skald-à ‘broken stone’ ← skáld-ė (PAST of skáld-y-ti ‘to split’), ùžraš-as ‘note’ ← užrãš-ė (PAST of užraš-ý-ti ‘to note (down)’), plyš-ỹs ‘cleft, crack’ ← plýš-ti ‘to split, crack’, riek-ė˜ ‘slice’ ← riẽk-ti ‘to slice’, skỹr-ius ‘chapter, section’ ← skýr-ė (PAST of skìr-ti ‘to separate, detach, divide’), with circumflex metatony; b) apklaus-à ‘interrogatory’ ← apkláus-ti ‘to interrogate’, slaug-à ‘nursing’ ← slaũg-ė (PAST of slaug-ý-ti ‘to nurse’), skrỹd-is ‘flight’ ← skrìd-o (PAST of skrìs-ti ‘to fly’), with quantitative apophony , juõk-as ‘laugh’ ← juõk-ti-s ‘to laugh’; c) drìmb-a ‘lout, bumpkin’ ← drim ˜ b-a (PRESENT of drìb-ti ‘to fall down’), including acute metatony, užúomarš-a ‘forgetful person’ ← užmir˜š-ti ‘to forget’), including allomorphs of the prefix and qualitative apophony , plep-ỹs, -ė˜ ‘chatterer’ ← plẽp-a (PRESENT of plep-ė́ -ti ‘to chatter’), sárg-as, -ė m./f. ‘watchman’ ← sérg-i (PRESENT of sérg-ė-ti ‘to watch’), with qualitative apophony (mostly pejorative derivatives). There are also deverbal converted nouns characterized by the inflection classes -as (plural -ai), -a, -ė and -is/-ys which denote d) instruments, sometimes e) places, and f) celebrations/feasts, e.g., d) spaũd-as ‘stamp’ ← spáud-ė (PAST of spáus-ti ‘to press’), with circumflex metatony; ãpav-as ‘footwear’ ← àpav-ė (PAST of apaũ-ti ‘to put on shoes’), sag-à ‘button’ ← sèg-ti ‘to button’ (including qualitative apophony ), dìld-ė ‘file’ ← dìld-ė (PAST of dìldy-ti ‘to file’), stabd-ỹs ‘brake’ ← stãbd-ė (PAST of stabd-ý-ti ‘to brake’); e) pérėj-a ‘pass, passage’ ← pérėj-o (PAST of pérei-ti ‘to cross’), guõl-is ‘bed, couch’ ← gùl-ė (PAST of gul˜-ti ‘to lie down’), including apophony ; f) atlaid-aĩ pl. ‘church festival’ ← atléid-o (PAST of atléis-ti ‘to absolve, remit sins’), including qualitative apophony . (For more on nominal conversion see Urbutis 1961a; 2008 [1999]: 112−115; Ulvydas 1965−71, Vol. 1: 251−423; Keinys 1999: 55−62; V. Ambrazas 2005 [1994]: 86−145.)

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5.2. Adjectival conversion Adjectival conversion is not as developed as nominal conversion in Lithuanian. Denominal adjectives of this type are very rare (e.g., šiaur-ùs, -ì ‘northern, cold’ ← šiáur-ė ‘north’). The majority of widely used converted adjectives are deverbal, which are characterized by the productive inflectional paradigms -us m., -i f. They occur with both active and passive meanings, cf. gab-ùs, -ì ‘gifted’ ← gẽb-a (PRESENT of geb-ė́ -ti ‘to know how, be able to’), including qualitative apophony , valg-ùs, -ì ‘having an appetite’ ← válgo (PRESENT of válg-y-ti ‘to eat’) and talp-ùs, -ì ‘capacious, spacious’ ← tel˜p-a (PRESENT of til˜p-ti ‘to go in, fit in, find room’), including qualitative apophony , deg-ùs, -ì ‘inflammable’ ← dèg-ti ‘to burn’, pažang-ùs, -ì ‘progressive’ ← pažeñg-ti ‘to make progress’, including qualitative apophony . Deverbal converted adjectives characterized by the inflectional paradigms -as m., -a f. are rarer, e.g., paláidas, -à ‘loose, untied, dissolve’ ← paléid-o (PAST of paléis-ti ‘to let go, loosen’), including qualitative apophony . (For more see Ulvydas 1965−71, Vol. 1: 550−586; Keinys 1999: 78; V. Ambrazas 2005 [1994]: 191−223; Urbutis 2008 [1999]: 98.)

5.3. Verbal conversion The following rare deadjectival and denominal formations could be treated as instances of verbal conversion, e.g., bráng-o (PAST of bráng-ti ‘to rise in price’) ← brang-ùs, -ì ‘expensive’, bùk-o (PAST of bùk-ti ‘to grow, get blunt’) ← bùk-as, -à ‘blunt’, šãš-o (PAST of šàš-ti ‘to scab, grow scabby’) ← šãš-as ‘scab’.

5.4. Adverbial conversion Many adverbs are adverbialized case forms of nouns, especially the following: a) nominative, e.g., val-ià ‘(it) is allowed, one may’ ← val-ià ‘will’; b) accusative, e.g., trupùt-į ‘slightly, little’ ← trupùt-is ‘a little, a bit, some’; c) instrumental, e.g., gret-à ‘side by side’ ← gret-à ‘file, rank’, kart-ù ‘together’ ← kar˜t-as ‘time’. There are adverbialized case forms of adjectives and pronouns as well, in particular the following: a) dative, e.g., ilg-ám ‘for long’ ← ìlg-as m. ‘long’, trump-ám ‘for a short while’ ← trum ˜ p-as m. ‘short’, k-ám ‘why, what for’ ← k-às ‘what’; b) instrumental, e.g., slapt-à ‘secretly’ ← slapt-à f. ‘secret’, ger-úoju ‘voluntarily, of one’s own free will’ ← ger-àsis m. ‘the good (abstr. noun)’; c) genitive, e.g., k-õ ‘why’ ← k-às ‘what’. (For more see V. Ambrazas 2008 [1997]: 382.) Deverbal adverbial conversion is not characteristic of Lithuanian.

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6. Backformation Backformation is not characteristic of standard Lithuanian. Only isolated instances of supposed desuffixation (a) and deprefixation (b) are attested to, e.g., a) ãras ‘eagle’ (a poetic word) ← erẽlis ‘eagle’ (a borrowing from Slavic, interpreted as a diminutive with the suffix -el-is); b) mẽnė ‘hall’ ← priemenė˜ ‘entry, entrance room’ (interpreted as a derivative with the prefix prie-).

7. Reduplication Reduplication, except for onomatopoeic words, is not characteristic of Lithuanian wordformation. Only isolated instances of reduplicated nouns, adjectives and adverbs are attested to, e.g., mãž-mož-is ‘trifle, small point’ ← mãž-as, -à ‘small’, niẽk-niek-is ‘trifle, nothing’ ← niẽk-as ‘nothing’; dialectal sén-sen-is, -ė ‘very old’ ← sẽn-as, -à ‘old’, kar˜tkart-ėmis ‘at times, from time to time’ ← kar˜t-as ‘time’. A great many onomatopoeic words are distinguished by a reduplicated structure, e.g., bra-bràkšt ← bràkšt ‘crack!’, či-čìnkt ← čìnkt ‘chink!’, du-dùn ← dùn ‘crash!’ (see V. Ambrazas 2008 [1997]: 444−445).

8. Clipping Clipping is a phenomenon of informal language, especially jargon, e.g., kòmpas ← kompiùteris ‘computer’, mãgas ← magnetofònas ‘tape recorder’. Standard Lithuanian possesses some borrowed clippings (e.g., metrò ‘metro’ ← metropolitènas ‘metropolitan’) and clipped compound calques, e.g., kol-ū́kis ‘collective farm’ (cf. Russian kol-choz) ← kolektỹvas ‘collective’, ū́kis ‘farm’; spec-drabùžiai ‘overalls, protective outer garments’ (cf. Russian spec-odežda) ← speciãlūs ‘special’, drabùžiai ‘garments’ (regular compounds could have been kolektyv-ūkis and special-drabužiai).

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Jurgis Pakerys (Vilnius University) for useful comments and suggestions which led to some improvements and corrections. Thanks are also due to Dr. Birutė Ryvitytė and Jayde Will (Vilnius University) for the correction of my English. All shortcomings and misinterpretations are, of course, mine.

9. References Aleksandrow, Aleksander 1888 Litauische Studien. 1: Nominalzusammensetzungen. Dorpat: Hermann.

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Ambrazas, Saulius 1993 Daiktavardžių darybos raida. Vol. 1: Lietuvių kalbos veiksmažodiniai vediniai. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla. Ambrazas, Saulius 2000 Daiktavardžių darybos raida. Vol. 2: Lietuvių kalbos vardažodiniai vediniai. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas. Ambrazas, Saulius 2011 Būdvardžių darybos raida. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Ambrazas, Vytautas (ed.) 2005 [1994] Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos gramatika. 4th ed. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas. Ambrazas, Vytautas (ed.) 2008 [1997] Lithuanian Grammar. 2nd ed. Vilnius: Baltos lankos. Jakaitienė, Evalda 1973 Veiksmažodžių daryba (priesagų vediniai). Vilnius: Vilniaus V. Kapsuko universiteto leidybinis skyrius. Keinys, Stasys 1999 Bendrinės lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba. Šiauliai: Šiaulių universiteto leidykla. Kurschat, Friedrich 1876 Grammatik der littauischen Sprache. Halle/S.: Verlag der Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses. Leskien, August 1891 Die Bildung der Nomina im Litauischen. Leipzig: Hirzel. Otrębski, Jan 1965 Gramatyka języka litewskiego. Vol. 2: Nauka o budowie wyrazów. Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe. Schleicher, August 2008 [1856] Litauische Grammatik. In: Ilja Lemeškin and Jolanta Zabarskaitė (eds.), Lituanistinis Augusto Schleicherio palikimas − Das lituanistische Erbe August Schleichers. Vol. 1: 150−508. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas [1st ed. of the Litauische Grammatik. Prag: Calve]. Skardžius, Pranas 1996 [1943] Rinktiniai raštai. Vol. 1: Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla. Ulvydas, Kazys (ed.) 1965−71 Lietuvių kalbos gramatika. 2 Vol. Vilnius: Mintis. Urbutis, Vincas 1961a Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos galūnių darybos daiktavardžiai. Kalbotyra 3: 27−60. Urbutis, Vincas 1961b Sudurtinių daiktavardžių daryba. In: Jonas Kazlauskas, Adele˙ Laigonaite˙ and Vincas Urbutis (eds.): Dabartinė lietuvių kalba, 65−121. Vilnius: Valstybinė politinės ir mokslinės literatūros leidykla. U[rbutis], V[incas] 2008 [1999] Būdvardžių daryba, Daiktavardžių daryba, Prieveiksmių daryba, Veiksmažodžių daryba, Žodžių daryba. In: Vytautas Ambrazas and Kazys Morkūnas (eds.), Lietuvių kalbos enciklopedija, 97−98, 112−116, 432−433, 593−594, 629−631. 2nd ed. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas. Urbutis, Vincas 2009 [1978] Žodžių darybos teorija. 2nd ed. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas.

Bonifacas Stundžia, Vilnius (Lithuania)

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170. Latvian 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Clipping Reduplication Blending References

Abstract This article presents a brief overview of Latvian word-formation with the intention of shedding light on the system of word-formation in standard Latvian. It discusses the main patterns of word-formation, such as composition, derivation and conversion. It also provides a brief discussion of less productive means of word-formation, such as clipping, reduplication and blending.

1. Introduction Although almost all grammars of the Latvian language briefly mention word-formation (beginning with the first grammar of Johann Georg Rehehusen Manuductio ad linguam lettonicam 1644, cf. Fennel 1982), the first more comprehensive study appeared in the 19th-century grammar Die lettische Sprache nach ihren Lauten und Formen [The Latvian Language, Its Phonetics and Forms] by August Bielenstein (1972 [1863−64]). It is the first academic grammar of Latvian that discusses not only the word-formation of nouns but also the word-formation of verbs; it is an attempt to define principal patterns and categories on Latvian word-formation. The famous Latvian linguist Jānis Endzelīns used this grammar while writing his own grammar of the Latvian language (Endzelīns 1951 [1922]). His analysis of Latvian wordformation is based on the comparative method − a number of examples of Lithuanian and Prussian language material are provided, as well as linguistic material from Slavic and other Indo-European languages. Mūsdienu latviešu literārās valodas gramatika [Grammar of the Contemporary Latvian Literary Language] (Sokols et al. 1959) is a work of synchronic orientation. Wordformation is discussed as a part of morphology. Isolated formatives are regarded to be the principal units of the classification of word-formation; there is no definition of the concepts of “word-formation type” or “word-formation category”. It lacks a comprehensive and systematic study of Latvian word-formation. The Latvian linguist Emilija Soida was the first to apply a systematic approach to Latvian word-formation (Soida 2009). Following theoretical works of her time, Soida

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prepared a study on word-formation of standard Latvian that, due to a number of reasons, wasn’t published until 2009. The author regards word-formation as a separate field and not as a constituent part of Latvian morphology. This monograph is a unique work in the context of Latvian linguistics that clearly defines the theoretical principles of synchronic word-formation analysis (for more on the research on Latvian word-formation see Navickaitė-Klišauskienė 2009).

2. General overview Latvian belongs to the Baltic branch of the Indo-European language family. It had a significant contact with Finno-Ugric, Slavic and other Baltic languages during the stages of its development. The first Latvian book − a Catholic catechism − was published in Vilnius in 1585. Today there are about 1,7 million native Latvian speakers in Latvia, where Latvian is the only official language. The majority of the Latvian-speaking population abroad resides in the USA, Australia, Great Britain, Sweden and Russia. Derivation and compounding are the main processes of word-formation that serve as a source of new words in Latvian. Derivation is more productive; however, lately the role of compounding has also been increasing in importance. In the case of derivation, suffixation is more common. Although there are a great number of suffixes, only some of them are still productive. Only prefixed deverbal verbs can be regarded as actual results of prefixation (pabēg-t ‘to escape’ ← bēg-t ‘to run’), cf. section 4.1.1. In nominal word-formation, the addition of a prefix is often accompanied by a change of the inflection, e.g., pa-gald-e ‘place under the table’ (← gald-s ‘table’; the base-noun inflection -s changes to -e) (Urbutis 1978: 219−222), cf. also bez-bārd-is ‘beardless person’ (← bārd-a ‘beard’ + inflection -is), without a personal suffix. The same phenomenon applies to the system of nominal composition. There are no words *garmats, *gardeguns, but only gar-mat-is m., gar-mat-e f. ‘longhaired person’ (← gar-š ‘long’ + mat-s ‘hair’), gar-degun-is m., gar-degun-e f. ‘nosy person, longnosed person’ (← gar-š ‘long’ + degun-s ‘nose’) with a change in the inflection of the second element of the nominal compound. When the second element of a compound is a verb, the inflectional paradigm is generalized, usually to -is m. and -e f., e.g., zemkop-is m., zem-kop-e f. ‘cultivator’ (← zem-e ‘soil’ + kop-t ‘to cultivate’). For more examples see section 3.1.1. When analyzing compounds (if we accept the idea that both stems of a compound are the bases of word-formation) the ending is the only element that can be regarded as a compound formative. In Latvian, these changes in endings are not as regular as in Lithuanian (cf. article 169), especially in the system of prefixed nouns. Some foreign word-formation elements are used to derive nouns and verbs, e.g., the suffixes -ācija (sistematiz-ācija ‘systematization’ ← sistematiz-ē-t ‘to systematize’), -āde (blok-āde ‘blockade’ ← bloķ-ē-t ‘to block’), -ants (konsult-ants ‘consultant’ ← konsultē-t ‘to consult’), -ators (likvid-ators ‘liquidator’ ← likvid-ē-t ‘to liquidate’), etc. Most Latvian international verbs are derived with the suffixes -ē-t and -izē-t: modul-ē-t ‘to modulate’ (← modul-is ‘module’), legaliz-ē-t ‘to legalize’ (← legāl-s ‘legal’), etc. Foreign verbal prefixes can be found in verbs with foreign bases, e.g., reorganiz-ē-t ‘to

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reorganize’, dekod-ē-t ‘to decode’. Some linguists consider such verbs the result of prefixation, others regard them as loanwords adopted into the system of Latvian verbs, but not cases of derivation. Latvian word-formation, as with Latvian in general, is still undergoing significant changes. In the contemporary standard language the following trends in word-formation can be distinguished: 1. more extensive use of compounding; 2. active formation of various abbreviations and the emergence of other popular types of derivatives, e.g., blending; 3. emergence of new patterns of word-formation that gradually enter the wordformation system; 4. more comprehensive possibilities of combinations consisting of elements of Latvian origin and borrowings, e.g., augst-frekvenc-e ‘high frequency’ (Jansone 2008: 91−92).

3. Composition Composition is one of the most productive patterns for the formation of new words in Latvian. Compounds fall into two major groups: determinative (endocentric) and copulative. Determinative compounds are more common in Latvian while there are just a few copulative compounds. The most effective way to discuss determinative compounds is to consider the part of speech of the compound elements.

3.1. Nominal compounds 3.1.1. Determinative compounds The following types of compounds with a second n o m i n a l element occur: N+N: Compounds consisting of two nouns belong to the most productive type of Latvian compounds, e.g., vidus-laik-i ‘the Middle Ages’ (← vid-us ‘the middle’ + laik-s ‘time’). A number of the so-called bahuvrīhi compounds are also attributed to this group: degun-radz-is ‘rhinoceros’ (← degun-s ‘nose’ + rag-s ‘horn’), pīļ-knāb-is ‘platypus’ (← pīl-e ‘duck’ + knāb-is ‘bill’); A+N: Such compounds are highly productive in Latvian. Usually the first element in a compound has its ending dropped, e.g., biez-pien-s ‘curd’ (← biez-s ‘thick’ + pien-s ‘milk’); this group has a number of bahuvrīhi compounds, e.g., mīkst-sird-is ‘soft-hearted person’ (← mīkst-s ‘soft’ + sird-s ‘heart’). There may be cases when the first element of a compound is a pronominal (definite) adjective: vecais-tēv-s ‘grandfather’ (← vecais ‘that old’ + tēv-s ‘father’). In this case the first element can be inflected: vecam-tēvam (dative case) ‘for grandfather’, ar veco-tēv-u (instrumental case) ‘with grandfather’, etc.; Num+N: This is a less productive type of Latvian compound. Relatively common are compounds consisting of an ordinal numeral as first element, e.g., pirm-dien-a ‘Monday’ (← pirm-ais ‘first’ + dien-a ‘day’). Some compounds that have a numeral as first element can be attributed to the bahuvrīhi type: trij-kāj-is ‘tripod’ (← trīs, trij-u gen.pl. ‘three’ + kāj-a ‘leg’; the inflection -a of the second element changes to -is);

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Pron+N: These compounds are rather uncommon in Latvian. There are a few compounds with mūs- as first element: mūs-māj-as ‘our home’ (← mūs-u ‘our’ + māj-as ‘home’) and also with viņ-: viņ-istab-a ‘his room’ (← viņ-a ‘his’ + istab-a ‘room’). Compounds with a second v e r b a l element are of the following types: [N+V]N: The greatest part of these compounds is based on a combination of nominal and verbal elements where the noun denotes the object of an action: celm-lauz-is m., celm-lauz-e f. ‘grubber’ (← celm-s ‘stump’ + lauz-t ‘to break’; inflection -is/-e). Compounds of this kind are semantically similar to nouns formed by suffixes and inflections, therefore they can be grouped into similar categories in terms of meaning, e.g., agent nouns: brīnum-dar-is m., brīnum-dar-e f. ‘wonder-monger’ (← brīnum-s ‘wonder’ + dar-ī-t ‘to do’; inflection -is/-e); instrument nouns: skrūv-griez-is ‘turnscrew’ (← skrūv-e ‘screw’ + griez-t ‘to turn’; inflection -is), and action nouns: lap-krit-e ‘leaf fall’ (← lap-a ‘leaf’ + kris-t ‘to fall’; inflection -e); [A+V]N: Most of these compounds − personal nouns − are similar to agent nouns: ļaun-dar-is m., ļaun-dar-e f. ‘villain’ (← ļaun-s ‘evil’ + dar-ī-t ‘to do’; inflection -is/-e). Few compounds with a first adjectival and a second verbal element might be attributed to action nouns: daiļ-rad-e ‘creation’ (← daiļ-š ‘beautiful’ + rad-ī-t ‘to create’; inflection -e); [Adv+V]N: Tāli-vald-is, a Latvian surname, (← tāl-i (-u) ‘far away’ + vald-ī-t ‘to own’; inflection -is); [Pron+V]N: pat-mīl-is ‘narcissist’ (← pats ‘himself’ + mīl-ē-t ‘to love’; inflection -is); [V+V]N: ēst-nes-is ‘food that is carried to workers in the fields’ (← ēst ‘to eat’ + nest ‘to carry’; inflection -is) (Sokols et al. 1959: 196−221).

3.1.2. Copulative compounds The meaning of copulative compounds (dvandva) is the sum of the lexical meanings of their elements: sāls-maiz-e ‘bread and salt’ (traditionally offered to guests as a symbol of hospitality) (← sāl-s ‘salt’ + maiz-e ‘bread’). Copulative compounds are not common in Latvian.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Latvian adjectival compounds are less common than nominal compounds. However, they vary greatly in form. The elements of adjectival compounds can be in a subordinate as well as in a coordinate relation.

3.2.1. Determinative compounds The first element can be an adverb, an adjective, a noun and − less frequently − a pronoun.

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Adv+A: tumš-zil-s ‘mazarine’ (← tumš-i ‘darkly’ + zil-s ‘blue’). These compounds usually denote colors, sometimes tastes (sald-skāb-s ‘sweet-and-sour’ ← sald-i ‘sweetly’ + skāb-s ‘sour’); N+A: To this group belong compounds with -kārs, -kārīgs, -pilns as a second element: mant-kār-s ‘mercenary’ (← mant-a ‘property’ + kār-s ‘greedy’), dom-piln-s ‘thoughtful’ (← dom-a ‘thought’ + piln-s ‘full’). There are compounds denoting colors, e.g., asinssarkan-s ‘blood-red’ (← asin-s ‘blood’ + sarkan-s ‘red’) as well as other compounds designating attributes perceived by means of senses, e.g., cukur-sald-s ‘as sweet as sugar’ (← cukur-s ‘sugar’ + sald-s ‘sweet’); Pron+A: Compounds with a first pronominal element are few in number, e.g., paš-taisn-s ‘assured’ (← pats ‘himself’ + taisn-s ‘correct’). They are unproductive in standard Latvian (Sokols et al. 1959: 299−310). In standard Latvian, adjectives with the suffixes -ains, -īgs are derived not only from single base words, but also from phrases which they are part of, yielding synthetic compounds. This type of word-formation is more complex in that, first, a base compound stem is formed from the components of a phrase and then a suffixal formative is added, e.g., -ains: N+N + -ains (zelt-mat-ain-s ‘golden-haired’ ← zelt-s ‘gold’ + mat-s ‘hair’), A+N + -ains (meln-ac-ain-s ‘black-eyed’ ← meln-s ‘black’ + ac-s ‘eye’), Num+N + -ains (trīs-krās-ain-s ‘tricolor’ ← trīs ‘three’ + krās-a ‘color’); -īgs: N+N + -īgs (burkānveid-īg-s ‘carrot like’ ← burkān-s ‘carrot’ + veid-s ‘form, look’), A+N + -īgs (aukstasin-īg-s ‘cold-blooded’ ← aukst-s ‘cold’ + asin-s ‘blood’), Num+N + -īgs (div-gad-īg-s ‘biennial’ ← div-i ‘two’ + gad-s ‘year’), etc. (Soida 2009: 125−140).

3.2.2. Copulative compounds Usually compounds consisting of two adjectives are copulative, they denote two distinct features rather than a certain shade of meaning (this is a feature of the previously discussed compound adjectives consisting of an adverb and an adjective): kurl-mēm-s ‘deafand-dumb’ (← kurl-s ‘deaf’ + mēm-s ‘dumb’). Copulative adjectival compounds are unproductive in Latvian.

4.

Derivation

4.1. Denominal nouns 4.1.1. Prefixation Prefixation is productive in Latvian. Prefixes are used to form nouns, verbs, and adjectives. Nouns are usually derived with one prefix. Sometimes, as already mentioned in section 2, after the addition of a prefix, the inflection also changes. It is quite challenging to group prefixed nouns according to their meaning because the variety is great and usually certain meanings are only valid in a given context. Consequently, the corresponding nouns are traditionally grouped by their prefixes (all of domestic origin). They express the following meanings (cf. Sokols et al. 1959: 184−190):

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aiz-: 1. Local (‘behind’): aiz-vēj-š ‘lee’ (← vēj-š ‘wind’), aiz-mugur-e ‘reverse’ (← mugur-a ‘back’; inflection -a → -e); 2. Temporal (‘before’): aiz-vēstur-e ‘prehistory’ (← vēstur-e ‘history’); ap-: 1. Local (‘around’): ap-kakl-e ‘collar’ (← kakl-s ‘neck’; inflection -s → -e); 2. A certain territorial unit: ap-vid-us ‘district’ (← vid-us ‘middle, center’); at-: 1. Repetition: at-bals-s ‘echo’ (← bals-s ‘voice’); 2. Backward direction: at-ceļ-š ‘way back’ (← ceļ-š ‘way’); 3. Others: at-elp-a ‘respite’ (← elp-a ‘breath’); bez-: Absence or negation − 1. In personal nouns: bez-bārd-is ‘beardless person’ (← bārd-a ‘beard’; inflection -a → -is); 2. In names of abstract concepts: bez-darb-s ‘unemployment’ (← darb-s ‘employment, job’); ie-: Local (‘in, inside’), e.g., ie-mut-e ‘mouthpiece’ (← mut-e ‘mouth’). Some derivatives with the prefix ie- do not develop any specific meaning: ie-naid-s ‘despite’ (← naid-s ‘id.’); ne-: 1. Opposite: ne-god-s ‘disgrace’ (← god-s ‘honour’); 2. Lack of a characteristic expressed by the base word: ne-kauņ-a ‘shamelessness’ (← kaun-s ‘shame’); no-: 1. Local, e.g., no-kaln-e ‘slope’ (← kaln-s ‘hill’; inflection -s → -e); 2. Temporal, e.g., no-vakar-s ‘late afternoon’ (← vakar-s ‘evening, even’); 3. Others: no-krās-a ‘nuance’ (← krās-a ‘color’); pa-: Local, e.g., pa-gald-e ‘place under the table’ (← gald-s ‘table’; inflection -s → -e); pār-: Intensification/augmentation: pār-cilvēk-s ‘superman’ (← cilvēk-s ‘man’). In the formation of nouns this prefix is not very productive; pie-: 1. Local (‘near, next to’), e.g., pie-jūr-a ‘seaboard’ (← jūr-a ‘sea’); 2. Others: pie-garš-a ‘smack, spice’ (← garš-a ‘taste’). There are not many nouns containing the prefix pie-; uz-: Local (‘above’): uz-ac-s ‘eyebrow’ (← ac-s ‘eye’). There are only a few nouns with the prefix uz-.

4.1.2. Suffixation There are several derivational categories of denominal nouns: A number of p e r s o n a l n o u n s are derived with the suffixes -(i)nieks m., -(i)niece f. There are two groups: nouns denoting persons according to their occupation, e.g., māksliniek-s m., māksl-iniec-e f. ‘artist’ (← māksl-a ‘art’), gald-niek-s ‘joiner’ (← gald-s ‘table’), and inhabitant nouns: liepāj-niek-s, liepāj-niec-e ‘resident of Liepoja’ (← Liepāj-a). The suffix -iene is used to derive surnames of married women from those of their husbands: Vītol-ien-e (← Vītol-s); certain male personal names (usually denoting a profession) serve as a basis for deriving the names of those persons’ wives: kalēj-ien-e ‘the smith’s wife’ (← kalēj-s ‘smith’). A few less common suffixes are used to derive personal nouns of several groups: -ānis m., -āne f., e.g., amerik-ān-is, amerik-ān-e ‘American’ (← Amerik-a ‘America’); -iķis m., -iķe f., e.g., reimat-iķ-is, reimat-iķ-e ‘rheumatic’ (← reimat-s ‘rheumatism’); -ists m., -iste f., e.g., traktor-ist-s ‘tractor-driver’ (← traktor-s ‘tractor’).

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Only a very small number of i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s are derived from nouns: -ava(s) (dzirn-av-as ‘mill, quern’ ← dzirn-us ‘quern’); -nīca (pavār-nīc-a ‘ladle’ ← pavār-s ‘cook’). The word-formation category of denominal p l a c e n o u n s is of average size in Latvian. Place nouns with different suffixes are derived not only from nouns, but also from adjectives and verbs (see sections 4.2 and 4.3). Denominal place nouns denote a place by the object(s) it contains. The place can be open (open area, field) or closed (some room). One of the more productive place-noun suffixes is -ājs, e.g., kārkl-āj-s ‘willow grove’ (← kārkl-s ‘willow’) (Sokols et al. 1959: 93). The suffixes -iena, -iene, -iens are synonymous and one of their functions is place denotation. The suffix -iena is a constituent part of Latvian location or district names (Druv-ien-a, Gauj-ien-a), but it also occurs in a few place nouns (skaid-ien-a ‘wood chip pile’ ← skaid-a ‘wood chip’). Place denotation is not the main function of the suffix -iene, in standard Latvian it is also used to derive personal and animal names. The same applies to the suffix -iens. However place nouns with the same stems that include these suffixes are synonymous: pried-ien-e ‘pine forest’ (← pried-e ‘pine’) and pried-ien-s ‘id.’ (Sokols et al. 1959: 132−137). In standard Latvian the suffix -nīca (of Slavic origin) is also used to derive place nouns, e.g., vasar-nīc-a ‘summerhouse’ (← vasar-a ‘summer’). Usually they denote some indoor space, or rooms for storing things (Sokols et al. 1959: 142). Typical Latvian place noun suffixes are seldom used to derive denominal nouns: -aine (egl-ain-e ‘spruce grove’ ← egl-e ‘spruce’); -ava (dumbr-av-a ‘swamp’ ← dumbr-s ‘swamp, marsh’); -ūzis (pien-ūz-is ‘room for storing and cooling milk, creamery’ ← pien-s ‘milk’); -ude (pel-ud-e ‘room for chaff’ ← pel-us ‘chaff’). A b s t r a c t n o u n s with the suffix -ība are formed mainly on the basis of personal nouns and denote a quality or status that is attributed to the person signified by the base word: draudz-īb-a ‘friendship’ (← draug-s ‘friend’). A few nouns are derived with the suffix -ums, e.g., austr-um-s ‘east’ (← austr-a ‘dawn’). Denominal d i m i n u t i v e s are quite numerous in Latvian; almost every noun can be used to derive diminutives. The diminutive meaning of smallness and endearment sometimes competes with a pejorative meaning; it is often difficult to separate these two kinds of derivatives as they use the same suffixes. A number of diminutives are derived by the productive suffixes -iņš, -iņa. In standard Latvian they are attached to masculine nouns of the 1st declension (the 2nd declension is less common) and to feminine nouns of the 4th declension (the 5th declension is less common): gald-iņ-š ‘little table’ (← gald-s ‘table’), galv-iņ-a ‘little head’ (← galv-a ‘head’). The suffixes -iņš, -iņa have variants, the most common of which are -tiņš and -tiņa. Diminutives with these extended suffixes are derived from masculine nouns of the 2nd and 3rd declension and feminine nouns of the 3rd and 6th declension: ledu-tiņ-š ‘thin, frail ice’ (← led-us ‘ice’), ūden-tiņ-š ‘little water’ (← ūden-s ‘water’), ragu-tiņ-as ‘little sledge’ (← rag-us ‘sledge’), ac-tiņ-a ‘little eye’ (← ac-s ‘eye’) (Sokols et al. 1959: 112−121). The suffixes -ītis, -īte are no less productive than -iņš, -iņa. Diminutives with these suffixes are derived from nouns of the 3rd and 5th declension: zaķ-īt-is ‘small hare, leveret’ (← zaķ-is ‘hare’), saul-īt-e ‘little sun’ (← saul-e ‘sun’). Derivatives with these suffixes have the meaning of smallness and endearment, pejorative meaning is quite uncommon (Sokols et al. 1959: 130−131). The diminutive suffixes -ulis, -ule are relatively unproductive, except in the modification of names: Ann-ul-e (← Ann-a) (Sokols et al. 1959: 156). Diminutives with the suffix -ēns (a polyfunctional suffix which can also be found in personal nouns, kinship terms

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and place nouns) are less productive in standard Latvian. They express the meaning of smallness, however they lack emotional evaluation. This suffix is used to derive names of young, small, immature animals: vilc-ēn-s ‘wolf-cub’ (← vilk-s ‘wolf’) (Sokols et al. 1959: 109). Some other less productive diminutive suffixes are: -iķis (aun-iķ-is ‘lamb’ ← aun-s ‘ram’); -uks (suņ-uk-s ‘pup’ ← sun-s ‘dog’); -āks (kumeļ-āk-s ‘colt’ ← kumeļ-š ‘horse’); -ēks (sun-ēk-s ‘cur, tyke’ ← sun-s ‘dog’); -uža (pirt-už-a ‘little bathhouse’ ← pirt-s ‘bathhouse’); -uška (meit-ušk-a ‘little girl’ ← meit-a ‘girl’). Diminutives with the suffixes -elis, -ele can express not only smallness, but also pleasure or endearment, or may have pejorative meaning: Mazā dzeltenā grāmatel-e (← grāmat-a ‘book’) ar vienu stūri bija iekritusi peļķē un lēnām piesūcās ar lietus ūdeni ‘The small yellow book had its edge in a bog and was slowly soaked by the rain water’ (meaning of smallness); Viņš nevarēja pieļaut, ka kaut kāds amatnieķ-el-is (← amatniek-s ‘craftsman’) te spriedelē par bagātu cilvēku ‘He could not allow some petty craftsman to rabbit on a rich man’ (meaning of contempt − emotional evaluation) (Sokols et al. 1959: 94).

4.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffix -ums can be used to derive a b s t r a c t n o u n s from most adjectives: smaržīgum-s ‘fragrance’ (← smaržīg-s ‘fragrant’). Another suffix to derive quality nouns is -ība. It is a constituent of most adjective-based quality nouns that are attributed to living beings: bardz-īb-a ‘austerity’ (← barg-s ‘austere’). C o n c r e t e n o u n s denote persons, animals or objects by an inherent quality. The word-formation category is characterized by a large variety of suffixes that differ in productivity. The suffix -(i)nieks m., -(i)niece f. is one of the more productive Latvian suffixes that denote the bearer of a quality: gudr-iniek-s, gudr-iniec-e ‘fox’ (← gudr-s ‘foxy’). Other suffixes are -ulis m., -ule f.: gļēv-ul-is, gļēv-ul-e ‘molly’ (← gļēv-s ‘slack’); -enis: stulb-en-is ‘fool’ (← stulb-s ‘foolish’). Derivatives with the suffix -ava that denote bearers of a quality are considered to be unproductive as a formation type: daiļ-av-a ‘beauty’ (← daiļ-š ‘beautiful’). Some other Latvian suffixes that form deadjectival concrete nouns are: -iķis (meln-iķ-is ‘black horse’ ← meln-s ‘black’); -uks (bēr-uk-s ‘bay horse’ ← bēr-s ‘bay’); -ītis (lēn-īt-is ‘warm south wind’ ← lēn-s ‘warm’); -āns (nešķīst-ān-s ‘monster, fiend’ ← nešķīst-s ‘nasty, ugly’); -ēns (raib-ēn-s ‘speckled calf’ ← raib-s ‘speckled’). There are also some deadjectival p l a c e n o u n s with the suffixes -ājs (mukl-āj-s ‘swamp’ ← mukl-s ‘swampy’); -iene (augst-ien-e ‘height’ ← augst-s ‘high’), and -nīca (slim-nīc-a ‘hospital’ ← slim-s ‘sick’).

4.3. Deverbal nouns The category of a c t i o n n o u n s is one of the largest, consisting of stable word-formation types of fairly good productivity. (In the examples to follow the notation PAST refers to the past tense stem, mostly identical with the 3rd person sg./pl.). The most common action noun suffix is -šana, derivatives can be formed from almost every infinitive stem,

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e.g., domā-šan-a ‘thinking’ (← dom-ā-t ‘to think’). The suffix -iens is also widely used to derive action nouns that denote an i n s t a n t a n e o u s a c t i o n , e.g., sit-ien-s ‘stroke’ (← sit-a PAST of sis-t ‘to beat’), sometimes a c o n t i n u o u s action, e.g., nāc-ien-s ‘going’ (← nāc-a PAST of nāk-t ‘to go, come’). The suffix -ums is quite productive: brīdināj-um-s ‘warning’ (← brīdin-ā-ja PAST of brīdin-ā-t ‘to warn’). The suffix -ulis is a constituent of several action nouns, they mostly stand for various physiological or physical phenomena and states: dreb-ul-is ‘shiver’ (← dreb-ē-t ‘to shiver’). Derivatives with the suffix -oņa belong to a less productive type, e.g., san-oņ-a ‘humming’ (← sanē-t ‘to hum’). Some less productive action noun suffixes are also: -avas (urr-av-as ‘cheering’ ← urr-ā-t ‘to cheer’); -ša (dzim-ša ‘life’ ← dzim-t ‘to be born’); -tus (vil-tus ‘cheat’ ← vil-t ‘to cheat’); -(s)ms (kur-sm-s ‘fire lighting’ ← kur-t ‘to light a fire’); -(s)ma (dzie-sm-a ‘song’ ← dzied-ā-t ‘to sing’); -ests (rūp-est-s ‘concern’ ← rūp-ē-t ‘to concern’); -lis (nobī-l-is ‘scare’ ← nobī-ties ‘to scare’); -eklis (juc-ekl-is ‘confusion’ ← juk-t ‘to confuse’). The category of a g e n t n o u n s is considered one of the largest and is characterized by a great variety of formation types which differ in terms of their productivity: only some formation types are actively used in standard Latvian, others are not so numerous and mostly used in dialects. The suffix -tājs m., -tāja f., e.g., karo-tāj-s, karo-tāj-a ‘warrior’ (← kar-o-t ‘to war’) is the main and most productive suffix for deriving agent nouns, its derivatives form one of the largest groups of Latvian derivatives because -tājs, -tāja can combine with the basis of almost any verb. The suffix -ējs m., -ēja f. has much in common with -tājs, -tāja, but their base words differ: -tājs, -tāja is attached to secondary verbs (with suffixes), -ējs m., -ēja f. to almost any primary verb, e.g., dev-ēj-s, dev-ēj-a ‘giver’ (← dev-a PAST of do-t ‘to give’). The suffix -onis is not very productive. It is attached to verbal stems (transitive and intransitive, with prefixes and without prefixes), e.g., lid-on-is ‘pilot’ (← lid-o-t ‘to fly’). Other suffixes are: -ulis m., -ule f., e.g., brēk-ul-is, brēk-ul-e ‘barker’ (← brēk-t ‘to bark’). Deverbal derivatives with the suffixes -(i)nieks m., -(i)niece f. are not numerous: dzied-niek-s, dzied-niec-e ‘doctor’ (← dziedē-t ‘to heal’); -elis m., -ele f. derives only a small number of agent nouns, e.g., iznir-elis, iznir-el-e ‘parvenu, someone (m./f.) who enjoys undeserved success’ (← iznir-t ‘to surface’). Agent nouns with the unproductive suffix -oņa are indifferent in terms of gender: dauz-oņ-a ‘rover, drifter’ (← dauz-ī-ties ‘to rove, drift’). Other suffixes: -la (mir-l-a ‘diseased man or animal’ ← mir-t ‘to die’); -(s)lis (bēg-l-is ‘runaway’ ← bēg-t ‘to run’); -aļa (mieg-aļ-a ‘sleeper’ ← mig-t ‘to sleep’); -ata (alk-at-a ‘someone who starves’ ← alk-t ‘to starve’); -īte (per-īt-e ‘sitting hen’ ← per-ē-t ‘to sit’); -iķis (min-iķis ‘someone who brakes’ ← min-t ‘to brake’); -ka (bļau-k-a ‘barker’ ← bļau-t ‘to bark’). I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s include numerous formation types, however they are relatively unproductive. A number of Latvian instrument nouns are derived with the same suffixes that are common for agent nouns: -ājs is used to derive several instrument nouns, e.g., pa-cēl-āj-s ‘lifter’ (← pa-cēl-a PAST of pa-cel-t ‘to lift’); -ējs is more common in agent nouns, but cf. instrument nouns as, e.g., kūl-ēj-s ‘thresher’ (← kūl-a PAST of kul-t ‘to thresh’); -tājs, one of the most productive suffixes to derive agent nouns, is used to derive instrument nouns as well: modinā-tāj-s ‘alarm-clock’ (← modin-ā-t ‘to wake’). The suffix -ene derives instrument nouns, e.g., slauc-en-e ‘milker’ (← slauc-a PAST of slauk-t ‘to milk’); -tuve is less productive in the formation of instrument nouns, there are only a small number with this suffix in standard Latvian, e.g., sē-tuv-e ‘seedlip’ (← sē-t ‘to seed’). There are several instrument nouns with the suffix -ulis: vārst-ul-is

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‘valve’ (← vārst-ī-t ‘to string’). Special instrument noun suffixes are not so productive: -nis (lauz-n-is ‘bar’ ← lauz-t ‘to break’); -(s)lis (greb-l-is ‘cutter’ ← greb-t ‘to cut’); -āns (kap-ān-s ‘chopper’ ← kap-ā-t ‘to chop’). P l a c e n o u n s : The suffix -tava is very productive in deriving deverbal place nouns, e.g., audzē-tav-a ‘place for breeding’ (← audz-ē-t ‘to breed’). Place nouns from primary (monosyllabic) verbs are derived by the suffix -tuve: aus-tuv-e ‘place for weaving’ (← aus-t ‘to weave’). The suffix -oņa is a constituent of a few Latvian place nouns derived from verbs. In addition, the derivatives sometimes acquire the meaning of t i m e : slapoņ-a ‘wet place; wet time’ (← slap-t ‘to wet’).

4.4. Denominal adjectives Standard Latvian suffixal adjectives are mostly derived from nouns, seldom from other parts of speech − adjectives, verbs, or adverbs. Combined formation types are also wellrepresented in the standard language, e.g., words with two derivational affixes or with one affix when affixation is combined with compounding (see section 3.2.1). Denominal adjectives belong to the most abundant group of Latvian derived adjectives. The most productive suffixes are -ains, -īgs and -ots. The meaning of each formation type is determined by the semantics of the base word and presents a wide spectrum consisting of central and peripheral areas (Soida 2009: 87). Adjectives with the suffix -ains (mostly r e l a t i o n a l adjectives) are derived from nouns only. The general meaning of this formation type can be described as a relation with an object denoted by the base word (e.g., puķ-ain-s ‘floral’ ← puķ-e ‘flower’), although the -ains-derivatives are characterized by a variety of different shades of meaning that mostly depend upon the semantics of the base noun and express, for instance, p o s s e s s i v e meaning. Some adjectives with the suffix -ains have the meaning ‘full of N’, e.g., alkšņ-ain-s ‘full of alders’ (← alksn-is ‘alder’); another group of adjectives with the suffix -ains share the common meaning ‘covered by or mechanically combined with N’, e.g., darv-ain-s ‘tarry’ (← darv-a ‘tar’) (Soida 2009: 90−95). The meaning of most derived adjectives with the productive suffix -ots is synonymous to that of adjectives in -ains: snieg-ot-s ‘snowy’ (← snieg-s ‘snow’) and snieg-ain-s ‘id.’. They are interchangeable. Adjectives with the productive suffix -īgs belong to several word-formation types with intertwined meanings. The most abundant in derivatives and most monolithic type includes adjectives that have a possessive meaning, e.g., apzin-īg-s ‘conscious’ (← apziņ-a ‘consciousness’). Another large formation type is united by the meaning of s i m i l a r i t y, e.g., brāl-īg-s ‘brotherly’ (← brāl-is ‘brother’), cūc-īg-s ‘piggy’ (← cūk-a ‘pig’) (Soida 2009: 102−107).

4.5. Deadjectival adjectives 4.5.1. Prefixation The three most productive prefixes in the formation of adjectives are ie-, pa- and pār-. They have one function in common − that of expressing a degree of intensity. The base

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word may be simple or derived. The prefix ie- denotes a low intensity of a quality. In standard Latvian, this prefix is usually added to color adjectives, e.g., ie-balt-s ‘whitish’ (← balt-s ‘white’), or to adjectives denoting taste, e.g., ie-sāļ-š ‘saltish’ (← sāļ-š ‘salty’) or form, e.g., ie-apaļ-š ‘rounded’ (← apaļ-š ‘round’); pa- denotes a higher degree of intensity of the quality, usually with adjectives denoting color, size, form: pa-augst-s ‘quite tall’ (← augst-s ‘tall’); pār- − a prefix of standard Latvian − indicates the high intensity of the feature expressed by the base adjective, e.g., pār-agr-s ‘premature, early’ (← agr-s ‘early’) (Soida 2009: 143−146).

4.5.2. Suffixation In standard Latvian there are not many adjectives derived from adjectives. The suffixes -ans, -gans, -ens, -isks can be attached to adjectival stems, however they vary greatly in productivity and function. All suffixes have an a p p r o x i m a t i v e meaning: -ans (unproductive), e.g., silt-an-s ‘lukewarm’ (← silt-s ‘warm’) (Soida 2009: 116); -gans (in standard Latvian usually modifying color adjectives), e.g., brūn-gan-s ‘brownish’ (← brūn-s ‘brown’) (Soida 2009: 116−117); -ens, combining with color adjectives (sārt-en-s ‘reddish’ ← sārt-s ‘red’), but also with adjectives denoting qualities of taste (sald-en-s ‘sweetish’ ← sald-s ‘sweet’), or others (silt-en-s ‘lukewarm’ ← silt-s ‘warm’) (Soida 2009: 117−118); and -isks, e.g., apaļ-isk-s ‘rounded’ (← apaļ-š ‘round’) (Soida 2009: 120). Cf. also RūķeDraviņa (1953).

4.6. Deverbal adjectives In standard Latvian there are a few adjectives derived from verbs. Only the suffix -īgs can be regarded as more productive. The corresponding adjectives designate a feature that is characteristic of an agent that performs or has an inclination to perform the action denoted by the base verb: ēd-īg-s ‘voracious’ (← ēd-a PAST of ēs-t ‘to eat’) (Soida 2009: 108−111).

4.7. Denominal verbs Five suffixes are productive in the formation of denominal verbs. The most productive is -o-t, other suffixes − in the order of decreasing productivity − are -ē-t, -ā-t, -ī-t and -inā-t (-t being the infinitive ending). The analysis of the Latvian verb-formation system reveals that the corresponding types are characterized by synonymous meanings, therefore it is more rational to analyze the subtypes with synonymous meanings (but with different suffixes) by classifying them into certain word-formation categories (cf. Soida 2009: 177−188): a) Verbs of performance: The largest type includes verbs with the suffix -o-t: meistar-o-t ‘to practice craftsmanship’ (← meistar-s ‘craftsman’). Derivatives with the suffix -ē-t

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are slightly less common, e.g., fotograf-ē-t ‘to take a photograph’ (← fotogrāf-s ‘photographer’); b) Instrumental verbs: Derivatives with the suffix -o-t constitute a large formation type: (sa-)nagl-o-t ‘to nail together’ (← nagl-a ‘nail’). There are also a number of derivatives with the suffix -ē-t, e.g., līm-ē-t ‘to glue’ (← līm-e ‘glue’), and with the suffixes -ī-t and -inā-t, e.g., balst-ī-t ‘to shore’ (← balst-s ‘shore’), šļirc-inā-t ‘to syringe’ (← šļirc-e ‘syringe’); c) Verbs of production: The most productive formation type includes derivatives with the suffix -o-t, e.g., burbuļ-o-t ‘to bubble’ (← burbul-is ‘bubble’). It is not homogeneous in terms of meaning. Some verbs have the meaning ‘to search, pick, catch sth.’, e.g., og-o-t ‘to berry’ (← og-a ‘berry’). Derivatives with the suffix -ē-t also differ in meaning: ‘to make N’ (damb-ē-t ‘to dam’ ← damb-is ‘dam’), or ‘to cause N’ (kaun-ē-t ‘to shame’ ← kaun-s ‘shame’); d) Ornative verbs: Most verbs with the suffix -inā-t have an ornative meaning, e.g., sāpinā-t ‘to hurt’ (← sāp-es ‘hurt’).

4.8. Deadjectival verbs Verbs are derived from adjectives using the suffixes -ā-t, -ē-t, -ī-t, -o-t, -inā-t (see also section 4.7). The suffix -o-t is the most productive in deriving i n c h o a t i v e verbs: balt-o-t ‘to become white’ (← balt-s ‘white’); -ē-t is synonymous, e.g., biez-ē-t ‘to thicken, become thick’ (← biez-s ‘thick’). Derivatives with the suffix -inā-t constitute a large word-formation category of f a c t i t i v e verbs: as-inā-t ‘to sharpen’ (← as-s ‘sharp’). The suffixes -ā-t and -ī-t are quite unproductive, their adjectival bases are sparse in standard language, e.g., vingr-ā-t ‘to take exercise’ (← vingr-s ‘flexible’) (Soida 2009: 188−192).

4.9. Deverbal verbs 4.9.1. Prefixation There are different problematic issues related to an effort to describe the formation of prefixed verbs, especially in the selection of classification units. Very often a verb with the same prefix can be attributed to several word-formation types. For example, the verb pa-ie-t ‘to go, pass, flee, be over, elapse’ (← ie-t ‘to walk, go, foot, follow, function, pass, gang, proceed, progress, tread, pad, pace, wend, perambulate’) may belong to different types of word-formation: ‘to be able to perform the action’, ‘to be partially able to perform the action’ and ‘to move below something’. Therefore in order to avoid repetition and ambiguity it is suggested to group the several types into certain blocks or categories according to their meaning: a) Direction: It is not possible to discuss all verbs with prefixes that belong to standard Latvian only in terms of the criterion of direction. Several conditions should be taken into account. First of all, direction can be expressed by verbs that are suitable in

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terms of their meaning, such as verbs of movement. In addition, directional meaning of a prefix often coincides with the meaning of perfectiveness. In a very general way it is possible to explain the meanings of local prefixes by semantically corresponding adverbs, cf. prefixed derivatives with the base word brauk-t ‘to go’ (cf. Soida 2009: 236): aizapatieiznopapārpiesauz-

‘away, aside from’ ‘around’ ‘here, hither’ ‘inside’ ‘outside’ ‘down, off, out of’ ‘underneath, below’ ‘through’ ‘near, close’ ‘together’ ‘on’

aiz-brauk-t ap-braukt at-braukt ie-braukt iz-braukt no-braukt pa-braukt pār-braukt pie-braukt sa-braukt uz-braukt

‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to

depart’ tour’ come’ drive in’ depart, draw out’ drive off, go down, descend’ drive under’ override, transit’ drive to’ converge’ go, run’

b) Beginning: This meaning is expressed by a rather large group of verbs with prefixes such as aiz-, ap-, no-, pa-, ie- sa-, uz- that differ in productivity, e.g., aiz- (aiz-irt ‘to start ripping’ ← ir-t ‘to rip’), ap- (ap-vārgt ‘to collapse’ ← vārg-t ‘to decline’), ie(ie-interesēties ‘to get interested’ ← interes-ē-ties ‘to be interested’), sa- (sa-sirgt ‘to get sick’ ← sirg-t ‘to be ill’), uz- (uz-elpot ‘to exhale’ ← elp-o-t ‘to breathe’). The Latvian linguist Soida calls such groups of derivatives “blocks of word-formation”; they include formation types that are very close in meaning (Soida 2009: 242−244); c) Limitation (semelfactivity): To this quite large group belong derivatives with the prefixes aiz- (aiz-čirkstēt ‘to give a chirp’ ← čirkst-ē-t ‘to chirp’), ie- (ie-bauro-ties ‘to give a roar’ ← baur-o-t ‘to roar’), no- (no-čabēt ‘to shortly swish, rustle’ ← čabē-t ‘to swish, rustle’), pa- (pa-mirdzēt ‘to glimmer for a moment’ ← mirdz-ē-t ‘to glimmer continuously’), sa- (sa-kustē-ties ‘to bestir’ ← kust-ē-t ‘to stir’), uz- (uzbangot ‘to rise in billow’ ← bang-o-t ‘to wave’) (Soida 2009: 245−247); d) Completion: Verbs with this meaning constitute one of the largest groups of prefixal verbs in standard Latvian and are closely connected with the category of perfective aspect, e.g., aiz- (aiz-mig-t ‘to fall asleep’ ← mig-t ‘to sleep’), ap- (ap-klus-t ‘to fall silent’ ← klus-t ‘to keep, be silent’), at- (at-dzist ‘to cool down’ ← dzis-t ‘to get cool’), ie- (ie-mācīt ‘to train up’ ← māc-ī-t ‘to teach’), iz- (iz-kust ‘to melt away’ ← kus-t ‘to melt’), no- (no-adīt ‘to knit up’ ← ad-ī-t ‘to knit’), pa- (pa-gatavot ‘to make’ (pf.) ← gatav-o-t ‘to prepare’), pār- (pār-tulkot ‘to translate’ (pf.) ← tulk-o-t ‘to translate’), pie- (pie-dzirdīt ‘to befuddle’ ← dzird-ī-t ‘to water’), sa- (sa-biezēt ‘to thicken’ (pf.) ← biez-ē-t ‘to thicken’), uz- (uz-augt ‘to grow up’ ← aug-t ‘to grow’) (Soida 2009: 250−253); e) Duration: The most productive standard-Latvian prefixes expressing that an action takes a long time, are no- and sa-, less productive are iz-, pie-, uz-, e.g., no-braukāt ‘to drive all day long’ (← brauk-ā-t ‘to drive’), iz-barot ‘to feed, fatten’ (← bar-o-t ‘to feed’) (Soida 2009: 255−256); f) Excess: Here belong only derivatives with the prefix pār- (pār-censties ‘to overdo’ ← cens-ties ‘to try’) (Soida 2009: 256).

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4.9.2. Suffixation Suffixal deverbal verbs − mostly iteratives and causatives − constitute a rather large group that differs from denominal verbs in a greater variety of formatives. Verbs are derived using not only the already discussed suffixes, but their variants as well: -o-t (-uļot, -avot), -ē-t (-alēt, -elēt, -ulēt, -enēt, -inēt), -ā-t (-aļāt, -uļāt, -avāt), -ī-t, -inā-t. a) Iterative verbs: Almost all suffixes that have been mentioned already are used in the formation of standard Latvian iterative verbs; not all of them are equally productive. Iteratives are mainly derived with the suffixes -ā-t and -ī-t (these suffixes have almost lost their productivity in the formation of Latvian denominal verbs). -ā-t is the most productive suffix in iterative verb formation (the base verbs usually do not have suffixes): brauk-ā-t ‘to ride about’ (← brauk-t ‘to ride’), with the suffix variant -avā-t: urr-av-ā-t ‘to shout hurray (several times)’ (← urr-ā-t ‘to shout hurray’). Another productive suffix is -ī-t: kod-ī-t ‘to bite’ (← kod-a PAST of kos-t ‘to bite’), less productive is the suffix -in-ā-t: aud-in-ā-t ‘to weave’ (← aud-a PAST of aus-t ‘to weave’). There are not many iteratives with the suffix -o-t (which is the most productive in the formation of denominal verbs): šņāk-o-t ‘to pant’ (← šņāk-t ‘to roar’), variant -uļ-o-t: sirg-uļ-o-t ‘to ail’ (← sirg-t ‘to be ill’). Only few Latvian iterative verbs are derived with the suffix -ē-t: berz-ē-t ‘to rub’ (← berz-t ‘to rub’); b) Causative verbs: The most productive suffix in this category is -in-ā-t, e.g., dzis-inā-t ‘to refrigerate’ (← dzis-t ‘to get cool’). A smaller number of causative verbs are derived with the suffix -ē-t: audz-ē-t ‘to grow (tr.)’ (← aug-t ‘to grow (itr.)’). There are also several causative verbs with the suffix -ī-t, e.g., zīd-ī-t ‘to suckle’ (← zīs-t ‘to suck’) (Soida 2009: 192−205).

5. Conversion Conversion − mostly nominal and adverbial conversion − is a quite important means of Latvian word-formation. The result of conversion is a derivative that belongs to a different part of speech than the base word, from which it differs by its ending and inflectional paradigm: mel-is ‘liar’ (← mel-o-t ‘to lie’). In Latvian this type of conversion is not as regular as in Lithuanian (cf. article 169).

5.1. Nominal conversion The most common type is deverbal conversion. The change of grammatical paradigm is formally expressed by the ending of the respective nominal inflectional class. Deadjectival conversion is less common, and denominal conversion is not typical of Latvian. Deverbal converted nouns can be attributed to the following categories of wordformation: a c t i o n n o u n s (inflectional classes: -a, -e, -is): čal-a ‘hubbub, chatter’ (← čal-o-t ‘to clatter, chatter’), apgād-e ‘provision’ (← apgād-ā-t ‘to provide’), sprakšķ-is ‘crackle’ (← sprakšķ-ē-t ‘to crackle’); a g e n t n o u n s (inflectional classes -is m./-e f., -a): mel-is, mel-e ‘liar’ (← mel-o-t ‘to lie’), snauža ‘slumberer’ (← snaus-t ‘to slum-

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ber’); i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s (inflectional class: -is): skrāpis ‘scraper’ (← skrāp-ē-t ‘to scrape’). Deadjectival converted nouns belong to q u a l i t y n o u n s (inflectional class: -e), e.g., brīv-e ‘freedom’ (← brīv-s ‘free’) and p e r s o n a l n o u n s (inflectional class: -is), e.g., resn-is ‘stout person’ (← resn-s ‘stout’) (Sokols et al. 1959: 159−170). Latvian adjectives and participles also serve as a basis for nominal conversion. The base word acquires the functions of the noun and inherits the grammatical meanings typical of this part of speech: vecāki ‘parents’ (← vecāki ‘older (nom. pl.)’), kurinām-ais ‘fuel’ (← kurinām-ais present active participle of kurin-ā-t ‘to heat’), dzeram-ais ‘drink’ (← dzeram-ais present active participle of dzer-t ‘to drink’).

5.2. Adverbial conversion In the case of adverbial conversion a word form is separated from its paradigm and becomes an autonomous word, e.g., adverbialized singular locatives: vakar ‘yesterday’ (nom. vakar-s ‘evening’), augšā ‘up’ (nom. augš-a ‘top’), adverbialized plural instrumentals: vietām ‘in places’ (nom. sg. viet-a ‘place’), reizēm ‘sometimes, at times’ (nom. sg. reiz-e ‘time’), and adverbialized plural locatives: rītos ‘in the mornings’ (nom. sg. rīt-s ‘morning’), vakaros ‘in the evenings’ (nom. sg. vakars) (Soida 2009: 70−72).

6. Clipping So far clipping in standard Latvian has received only little attention (Veisbergs 1997). Supposedly such words as re, redz ‘look’ (← redz-i ‘look’ imperative), klau ‘listen’ (← klaus-ies ‘listen’ imperative), maģ-is ‘tape-recorder’ (← magnetofons ‘id.’) have emerged as a result of this phenomenon. These clippings are common in colloquial language and slang. Some Latvian linguists (Kalnbērziņa 1975; Veisbergs 1997) also associate abbreviation with the phenomenon of clipping, when substitutes for complex names are formed from their initial letters, e.g., VEF (← Valsts elektrotehniskā fabrika ‘National Factory of Electrotechnics’), TES (← Termoelektrostacija ‘Thermoelectric Power Plant’), etc. The question is whether they should be attributed to word-formation as there are some important aspects that contradict this position: they only repeat the meaning of a more complex designation (or form), and they lack derivational affixes.

7. Reduplication Reduplication is not productive as a means of Latvian word-formation. It includes only some compounds such as diendienā ‘every day’ (← diena ‘day’), sensens ‘very old’ (← sens ‘old’), vecvecais ‘very old’ (← vecs, vecais ‘old’), etc. Reduplication as the repetition of the root, stem or the whole word is used to express intensification. Supposedly

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historical reduplication is the basis for the origin of such words as paparde ‘fern’, teteris ‘heath-cock’.

8. Blending Blending is a new and as yet unpopular phenomenon in Latvian. There are only a few examples: taksobuss ‘public-service taxi, taxobus’ (← taksometrs ‘taxi’ + autobuss ‘autobus’), kaplete ‘caplet’ (← kapsula ‘capsule’ + tablete ‘tablet’), cf. Veisbergs (1997: 279).

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Professor Bonifacas Stundžia (Vilnius University) for his important advice. I am also grateful to Agnė Sūnaitė for her help in translating this article into English.

9. References Bielenstein, August 1972 [1863−64] Die lettische Sprache, nach ihren Lauten und Formen. 2 Vol. Leipzig: Zentralantiquariat der DDR [1st ed. Berlin: Dümmler]. Endzelīns, Jānis 1951 [1922] Latviešu valodas gramatika. 2nd ed. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība. Fennel, Trevor G. 1982 The First Latvian Grammar. J. G. Rehehusen’s “Manuductio ad linguam lettonicam ...”. A facsimile Text with annotated translation & commentary. Melbourne: Latvian Tertiary Committee. Jansone, Ilga (ed.) 2008 Latviešu valodas gramatika. Koncepcija, prospekts, atsevišķu nodaļu pirmvarianti, diskusijas materiāli. Rīga: Latvijas universitātes Latviešu valodas institūts. Kalnbērziņa, Rita 1975 Abreviatūru struktūra un to lietošana latviešu valodā. Latviešu valodas kultūras jautājumi 11: 74−88. Navickaitė-Klišauskienė, Agnė 2009 Latvių kalbos žodžių darybos tyrimų istorija. Baltistica 44(1): 107−123. Vilnius: Vilniaus universitetas. Rūķe-Draviņa, Velta 1953 Adjectival diminutives in Latvian. Slavic Review 31: 452−465. Soida, Emīlija 2009 Vārddarināšana. Rīga: Latvijas Universitātes Akadēmiskais apgāds. Sokols, Ēvalds, Anna Bergmane, Rūdolfs Grabis and Milda Lepika (eds.) 1959 Mūsdienu latviešu literārās valodas gramatika. Rīga: Latvijas PSR Zinātņu Akadēmijas Izdevniecība. Urbutis, Vincas 1978 Žodžių darybos teorija. Vilnius: Mokslas.

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Veisbergs, Andrejs 1997 Īsinātas vārddarināšanas formas latviešu valodā. Linguistica Lettica 1: 271−281.

Agnė Navickaitė-Klišauskienė, Vilnius (Lithuania)

Albanian 171. Albanian 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Backformation Reduplication Blending Clipping References

Abstract This article provides an overview of the available and productive word-formation patterns of modern Albanian. Affixation and compounding are the prevalent processes of word-formation in Albanian. As the Albanian language is very open to foreign lexical influences, many foreign word-formation patterns have been adopted. A very fruitful period of coining new words was the time of the national awakening in the 19th century when the core base of the modern Albanian lexicon was created.

1. Introduction Albanian is first attested in written literary texts in the second half of the 16th century. The texts of the 16th to the beginning of the 18th century belong exclusively to the genre of theological literature and represent the Old Albanian language period. From the first attestations on, the two major Albanian dialect areas are clearly discernible, the Gheg dialect in the north of Albania and in Kosova and the Tosk dialect in the south. As Albania had been under Ottoman rule since the second half of the 14th century, all these Old Albanian texts were written and published in Italy by Catholic clergymen. Inside Albania, it wasn’t until the beginning of the 19th century that an independent literary production came into being as a consequence of the national awakening (Rilindja kombëtare) which led to the creation of the independent Albanian state in 1912. In the field of word-formation this was a very fruitful period witnessing the process of the abundant coinage of new words with inherited patterns but also with the patterns of the neoclassical word-formation which entered the Albanian language at this time (see Buchholz and Fiedler 1979). The neoclassical patterns in association with word-formation patterns which Albanian adopted in preliterate times from Latin, Greek, the Slavic languages, Italian, and Turkish give the Albanian language the characteristic of being very open to

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foreign lexical influences (for a short sketch of the language history of Albanian, see Matzinger 2006: 16−26). The lack of a comprehensive codification of the Albanian lexicon from the first attestations up to the present day often causes difficulties in researching Albanian lexicological matters under diachronic perspectives. The word-formation processes of the Old Albanian period in particular have not yet been treated satisfactorily. At least for Modern Albanian word-formation some useful descriptions are at hand. Major works of reference are Xhuvani and Çabej (1962, 1975), Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti (1982), Domi (2002), Hysa (2004), and Buxheli (2008) on verbal derivation.

2. General overview As Albanian belongs to the Indo-European language family, its word-formation principles are typically those of the Indo-European language type. For this reason overt processes with affixes and composition are the prevalent rules of word-formation in the nominal as well as in the verbal system (Emil Lafe in Domi 2002: 58−79). With regard to affixation, the patterns with suffixes predominate, nevertheless in adjectival as well as in verbal derivation prefixation is well represented. As is the case in many other languages, a variety of word-formation patterns in the area of nominal derivation undergo conversion, creating both nouns as well as adjectives (e.g., the suffixes -ár, -ës, -ník, see section 4.2). As regards nominal compounding, all types of Indo-European compounds (determinative, possessive, and coordinative compounds) can be found in Albanian. In contrast to many other languages, suprasegmental phenomena are not used (with the sole exception of the accent shift of some cases in the number distinction).

3. Composition While composition is nowadays a productive process of word-formation (see Fatmir Agalliu in Domi 2002: 147−151), in the oldest stages of Albanian it seemed to be less used, as evidenced by the attestations of the Old Albanian texts (Genesin and Matzinger 2005). With respect to the compositional elements, the following types of nominal compounds can be found in Albanian: Noun + noun: coordinative compounds, e.g., deledash ‘hermaphrodite’ ← dele ‘sheep’ + dash ‘ram’, juglindje ‘southeast’ ← jug ‘south’ + lindje ‘east’; determinative compounds: in the original Albanian type the second element modifies the first element, e.g., ditëlindje ‘birthday’ ← ditë ‘day’ + lindje ‘birth’, bregdet ‘seashore’ ← breg ‘shore’ + det ‘sea’. A second type displays the first element as modifier of the second element. This type has obviously been created after the model of compounds in other European languages, e.g., dorëshkrim ‘handwriting’ ← dorë ‘hand’ + shkrim ‘writing’ (cf. Italian manoscritto ‘id.’), kryeqytet ‘capital (city)’ ← krye ‘head’ + qytet ‘city’ (cf. German Hauptstadt ‘id.’). In another subtype the second element bears the ending of the ablative case -i or -e thus clearly showing the fusion of two formerly autonomous elements, e.g., vajguri ‘petroleum’ ← vaj ‘oil’ + gur ‘stone’, punëdore ‘handwork’ ← punë ‘work’ + dorë ‘hand’; possessive compounds, e.g., zemërgur ‘stony-hearted’ ← zemër ‘heart’ +

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gur ‘stone’, syshqiponjë ‘eagle-eyed’ ← sy ‘eye’ + shqiponjë ‘eagle’; synthetic compounds: the verbal element appears as an agentive noun or as a verbal abstract noun, e.g., bukëpjekës ‘baker’ ← bukë ‘bread’ + pjekës ‘baker’, letërkëmbim ‘correspondence’ ← letër ‘letter’ + këmbim ‘exchange’. Very limited is the type with a true verbal element, e.g., vëmendje ‘attention’ ← vë ‘to put’ + mendje ‘mind’ (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 177). Noun + adjective: determinative compounds, e.g., lulekuqe ‘poppy’ ← lule ‘flower’ + (i) kuq (fem. (e) kuqe) ‘red’, tatëmadh ‘grandpa’ ← tatë ‘papa’ + (i) madh ‘big’; possessive compounds, e.g., fatbardhë ‘lucky, fortunate’ ← fat ‘fate, destiny’ + (i) bardhë ‘white’, zemërgjerë ‘generous’ ← zemër ‘heart’ + (i) gjerë ‘broad’. Adverb + noun: determinative compounds, e.g., bukurshkrim ‘nice handwriting, calligraphy’ ← bukur ‘beautifully, nicely’ + shkrim ‘writing’, keqkuptim ‘misunderstanding’ ← keq ‘badly’ + kuptim ‘comprehension’; synthetic compounds (with agentive nouns in -ës; the derivations function as nouns and adjectives), e.g., keqbërës ‘evildoer; harmful’ ← keq ‘badly’ + bërës ‘doer’, mirëdashës ‘benevolent (person)’ ← mirë ‘well’ + dashës ‘lover’. Pronoun/number + noun: determinative compounds, e.g., vetëbesim ‘self confidence’ ← vetë ‘self’ + besim ‘belief’, dyluftim ‘duel’ ← dy ‘two’ + luftim ‘combat’; possessive compounds (the second member shows the ending -sh of the ablative plural case), e.g., tringjyrësh ‘tricolored’ ← tre (fem. tri) ‘three’ + ngjyrë ‘color’, disajavësh ‘of several weeks duration’ ← disa ‘several’ + javë ‘week’; synthetic compounds (with agentive nouns in -ës; the derivations function as nouns and adjectives), e.g., vetëdashës ‘volunteer, voluntary; egoist, selfish’ ← vetë ‘self’ + dashës ‘lover’, vetëvrasës ‘suicidal, one who has committed suicide’ ← vetë ‘self’ + vrasës ‘killer’. Adjective + adjective: coordinative compounds (the two elements are connected with the vowel -o-), e.g., materialoteknik ‘material and technical’ ← material ‘material’ + teknik ‘technical’, teknikoshkencor ‘technical and scientific’ ← teknik ‘technical’ + shkencor ‘scientific’. Number/quantifier + adjective: possessive compounds, e.g., dyvjeçar ‘biannual’ ← dy ‘two’ + vjeçar ‘annual’, (i) shumanshëm ‘many-sided’ ← shumë ‘much, many’ + (i) anshëm ‘lateral’.

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation In the following sections on nominal and adjectival derivation, the affixes responsible for the productive patterns will be presented, minor patterns will be mentioned only briefly unless they are of some special interest.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns In Albanian denominal nouns are typically derived by suffixation and only to a lesser extent by prefixation.

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Prefixation is seen with the following derivations: bashkë- ‘co-, joint’, e.g., bashk-autor ‘co-author’ ← autor ‘author’, bashkë-pronar ‘coowner’ ← pronar ‘owner’, bashkë-sundim ‘joint rule’ ← sundim ‘rule’; kundër- ‘counter-’, e.g., kundër-forcë ‘counterforce’ ← forcë ‘force’, kundër-zjarr ‘counterfire’ ← zjarr ‘fire’; mos- ‘non-, dis-’, e.g., mos-besim ‘mistrust, distrust’ ← besim ‘belief, trust’, moskënaqësi ‘dissatisfaction’ ← kënaqësi ‘satisfaction’, mos-qenie ‘non-existence’ ← qenie ‘existence’; pa- ‘un-, in-’, e.g., pa-durim ‘impatience’ ← durim ‘patience’, pa-pastërti ‘impurity’ ← pastërti ‘purity’, pa-qartësi ‘unclarity’ ← qartësi ‘clarity’. Other prefixes are listed in Fatmir Agalliu in Domi (2002: 145−146) and in the exhaustive treatment of Hysa (2004: 63−106). Albanian has adopted several neoclassical prefixes mostly with borrowed nouns: anti-, e.g., anti-fashist ‘anti-fascist’ ← fashist ‘fascist’, anti-grimcë ‘anti-particle’ ← grimcë ‘particle’; super-, e.g., super-fuqi ‘superpower’ ← fuqi ‘power’, super-prodhim ‘overproduction’ ← prodhim ‘production’. The following nominal types are derived with suffixes: a) Personal nouns (persons with a particular relation to the base): -ár, e.g., argjend-ar ‘silversmith’ ← argjend ‘silver’, derr-ar ‘swineherd’ ← derr ‘pig’, pron-ar ‘owner’ ← pronë ‘property’; -(ë)s (-ës after bases ending in consonant, -s after bases ending in vowel), e.g., gjakës ‘person who takes blood vengeance, killer’ ← gjak ‘blood’, derë-s ‘doorman’ ← derë ‘door’; -tár, e.g., anë-tar ‘member’ ← anë ‘side’, pyll-tar ‘forester’ ← pyll ‘forest’, shkrimtar ‘writer’ ← shkrim ‘piece of writing, writing’; -ór, e.g., dasm-or ‘wedding celebrant’ ← dasmë ‘wedding’, malës-or ‘mountaineer’ ← malësi ‘mountainous region’. Suffixes to derive inhabitants or to denote ethnic origin are: -ák, e.g., austri-ak ‘Austrian’ ← Austri ‘Austria’, durrs-ak ‘inhabitant of Durrës, of/ from Durrës’ ← Durrës; -as, e.g., qytet-as ‘city dweller’ ← qytet ‘city’, tiran-as ‘inhabitant of Tirana, of/from Tirana’ ← Tiranë. As a result of almost 500 years of Ottoman domination of Albania, the lexicon of Albanian has been heavily influenced by the (Ottoman-)Turkish language. Thus, as a result of language contact, not only many lexemes but also some word-formation patterns have entered Albanian. One of them is the suffix -xhí/-çí (-xhi after voiced consonants and vowels, -çi after voiceless consonants) from Turkish -cI/-çI (the suffix vowel follows the “great vowel harmony”, the distribution of -cI/-çI in Turkish is quite the same as given for Albanian) to denote professions, e.g., bakër-xhi ‘coppersmith’ (modern Albanian bakërpunues) < Turkish bakırcı. The suffix gained a certain productivity in the older varieties of the language and was used with Albanian bases as well, e.g., vorra-xhi ‘gravedigger’ ← (Gheg) vorrë ‘grave’ (in modern Albanian replaced by varrmihës). A certain productivity is seen with some neoclassical suffixes:

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b) Status nouns (abstract nouns and collective nouns): -í, e.g., gjakës-i ‘blood vengeance, bloodshed’ ← gjakës ‘person who takes blood vengeance, killer’, drejtor-i ‘directorate, directorship’ ← drejtor ‘director’, dhelpër-i ‘action performed with wiliness, trick’ ← dhelpër ‘vixen, fox’, zejtar-i ‘craft, craftsmanship, the crafts’ ← zejtar ‘craftsman’. In some cases the base of the derivation resembles the plural stem, e.g., mbretër-i ‘kingdom’ ← mbret (plural mbret-ër) ‘king’, njerëz-i ‘people’ ← njeri (plural njerëz) ‘human being’. Besides the regular suffix -í, the two variants -ërí and -ësí are used with some derivatives, e.g., rob-ëri ‘slavery’ ← rob ‘serf, captive’, mal-ësi ‘mountainous region’ ← mal ‘mountain’. Among some neoclassical suffixes -ízëm has gained a certain productivity, e.g., fanat-izëm ‘fanaticism’ ← fanatik ‘fanatic’, terror-izëm ‘terrorism’ ← terror ‘terror’. It is interesting to note that the neoclassical suffix -(a)cion, though found in a number of Albanian nouns, is a constituent part of whole borrowed nouns but has not led to an independent word-formation pattern (Hysa 2004: 117 and 127). c) Place nouns: -íshtë/-íshte, e.g., ah-ishtë ‘beech forest’ ← ah ‘beech’, balt-ishtë ‘ground that gets muddy quickly’ ← baltë ‘mud’, lul-ishte ‘flower garden’ ← lule ‘flower’, misërishte ‘field of corn’ ← misër ‘corn’; -ínë, e.g., balt-inë ‘muddy ground’ ← baltë ‘mud’, kodr-inë ‘hilly land’ ← kodër ‘hill, low mountain’; -ájë (in most cases the derivatives are restricted to the Gheg dialectal area), e.g., kren-ajë ‘peak of a hill or mountain’ ← krye ‘head’, lug-ajë ‘deep, wide and long valley’ ← lug ‘dale’; -tóre, e.g., qebap-tore ‘shop that makes and sells kebab’ ← qebap ‘kebab’, barnatore ‘drugstore’ ← (plural) barna ‘medicinal plants’. d) Feminine nouns: -e (the regular feminine motion suffix), e.g., fshatar-e ‘female peasant’ ← fshatar ‘peasant’, mësues-e ‘female teacher’ ← mësues ‘teacher’; -éshë, e.g., luan-eshë ‘lioness’ ← luan ‘lion’, mik-eshë ‘female friend’ ← mik ‘friend’. In a few instances the base resembles the plural stem, e.g., mbretër-eshë ‘queen’ ← mbret (plural mbret-ër) ‘king’, priftër-eshë ‘priestess’ ← prift (plural priftër) ‘priest’. A very small number of feminine nouns are derived with the suffix -úshë, e.g., ar-ushë ‘she-bear’ ← ari ‘bear’, dren-ushë ‘doe, hind’ ← dre ‘stag, deer’. e) Masculine nouns (all patterns for masculine motion are highly restricted displaying only a few derivatives): -án, e.g., quk-an ‘tom turkey’ ← qukë ‘turkey hen’, vej-an ‘widower’ ← ve ‘widow’; -ók, e.g., pat-ok ‘male goose’ ← patë ‘goose’.

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f) Diminutives: -th, e.g., fjalor-th ‘pocket dictionary’ ← fjalor ‘dictionary’, gur-th (medicine) ‘calculus in a body organ’ ← gur ‘stone’; -(ë)z (-ëz after bases ending in consonant, -z after bases ending in vowel), e.g., dritë-z ‘hole in the top of the chimney’ ← dritë ‘light’, zog-ëz ‘little birdie’ ← zog ‘bird’; -ícë, e.g., petk-icë ‘small-sized garment’ ← petk ‘outer garment’, rrug-icë ‘small street, alley’ ← rrugë ‘street’; -ák (in some instances with a pejorative meaning), e.g., dor-ak ‘handle/grip of a tool/ instrument’ ← dorë ‘hand’, burr-ak ‘short ugly man’ ← burrë ‘male person, man’. g) Instrument nouns: -óre, e.g., fishek-ore ‘cartridge belt, cartridge case’ ← fishek ‘cartridge, bullet’, groshore ‘wide-bellied clay pot for boiling beans’ ← groshë ‘white bean’.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns Most deadjectival nouns are quality nouns, few are concrete nouns: -ërí (the suffix is linked almost exclusively with secondary adjectives ending in -shëm), e.g., gjall-ëri ‘liveliness’ ← (i) gjallë ‘alive’, domosdoshm-ëri ‘indispensability’ ← (i) domosdoshëm ‘indispensable’, qëndrueshm-ëri ‘stability’ ← (i) qëndrueshëm ‘stable’; -(ë)sí, e.g., aft-ësi ‘capability’ ← (i) aftë ‘capable’, ëmbël-si ‘sweetness’ ← (i) ëmbël ‘sweet’, gjat-ësi ‘length’ ← (i) gjatë ‘long’; -í, e.g., bukur-i ‘beauty’ ← (i) bukur ‘beautiful’, pasur-i ‘wealth, property’ ← (i) pasur ‘wealthy, rich’; -ícë, e.g., pak-icë ‘small amount/number’ ← pak ‘not much, little’, shum-icë ‘multitude, large quantity’ ← shumë ‘much, many, a lot of ’. The neoclassical suffix -ízëm is found here too, e.g., majt-izëm ‘leftism’ ← (i) majtë ‘left’, geg-izëm ‘language feature belonging to the Gheg dialect’ ← gegë ‘Albanian from Ghegëria, Gheg’; -(ë)sírë with the Gheg variant -(ë)sínë (the overwhelming majority of its derivatives has a concrete meaning), e.g., verdh-ësirë ‘yellow-tan color’ ← (i) verdhë ‘yellow’, ëmbëlsirë ‘cake, cookie’ ← (i) ëmbël ‘sweet’, thell-ësirë ‘deep place, abyss’ ← (i) thellë ‘deep’.

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Deverbal nouns fall into four semantic categories (verbal bases are cited in the 3rd person singular): a) Action nouns: -ím, e.g., kërk-im ‘search, research’ ← kërkon ‘to seek, search for’, vepr-im ‘action, activity’ ← vepron ‘to be active, act’, këmb-im ‘change, exchange’ ← këmben ‘to change, exchange’; -je (the suffix is attached to the stem of the participle), e.g., ardh-je ‘arrival’ ← vjen (suppletive participle (i) ardh-ur) ‘to come, arrive’, hyr-je ‘entry, introduction’ ←

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Albanian hyn (participle (i) hyr-ë) ‘to enter’, armatos-je ‘armament’ ← armatos (participle (i) armatos-ur) ‘to provide with arms’, shpif-je ‘slander’ ← shpif (participle (i) shpifur) ‘to slander’; -ésë, e.g., ban-esë ‘residence’ ← banon ‘to reside’, von-esë ‘delay’ ← vonon ‘to arrive late’, kth-esë ‘bend in the road, turn, change’ ← kthen ‘to turn, bend’, pag-esë ‘payment’ ← paguan ‘to pay’; -í (only with a few examples), e.g., dëshm-i ‘testimony’ ← dëshmon ‘testify’, lakm-i ‘voracious desire, greed’ ← lakmon ‘to have a voracious desire’; -ímë (the bases are for the most part verbs which denote weather conditions or different kinds of sounds), e.g., bu(m)bull-imë ‘thunder’ ← bu(m)bullin ‘to thunder’, vetëtimë ‘lightning, lightning bolt’ ← vetëtin ‘to shine bright, flash’, xixëll-imë ‘twinkling light’ ← xixëllon ‘to twinkle, sparkle’; -më, e.g., fry-më ‘breath, breathing’ ← fryn ‘to blow’, gri-më ‘crumb, particle’ ← grin ‘to cut into small fragments’, pështy-më ‘spittle’ ← pështyn ‘to spit out’; -átë, e.g., dhur-atë ‘gift, present’ ← dhuron ‘to offer as gift’, gjyk-atë ‘law court, tribunal’ ← gjykon ‘to judge’, ur-atë ‘prayer’ ← uron ‘to wish well’; -ë, e.g., lyp-ë ‘begging for alms’ ← lyp ‘to beg for’, rrjedh-ë ‘flow, stream’ ← rrjedh ‘to flow’.

b) Agent nouns: -ës (-ës after bases ending in consonant, with verbs in -ón the outcome is -úes as a consequence of the contraction of -ó+ës; a variant -ýes appears with a few verbs in -én), e.g., krij-ues ‘creator’ ← krijon ‘to create’, mës-ues ‘teacher’ ← mëson ‘to teach’, rrëf-yes ‘storyteller’ ← rrëfen ‘to narrate’, ndjek-ës ‘pursuer, follower’ ← ndjek ‘to chase, pursue, follow’; -és, e.g., kënd-es ‘rooster, cock’ ← këndon ‘to sing’, rrëmb-es ‘robber’ ← rrëmben ‘to take with force’. c) Instrument nouns: -ésë, e.g., fsh-esë ‘broom’ ← fshin ‘to clean off’, kull-esë ‘colander, filter’ ← kullon ‘to cleanse of unwanted matter’, mbul-esë ‘protective covering, envelope’ ← mbulon ‘to cover’; -ës, e.g., çel-ës ‘key’ ← çel ‘to open’, mat-ës ‘measuring device’ ← mat ‘to measure’, tund-ës ‘milk churn’ ← tund ‘to shake, churn’. d) Place nouns: -ínë, e.g., çmend-inë ‘loony bin’ ← çmend ‘to drive crazy’, grem-inë ‘ravine, chasm’ ← gremiset ‘to fall from a high place’, rrafsh-inë ‘level ground, plain’ ← rrafshon ‘to make flat with the ground, to level’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Albanian has a rich variety of suffixes with which to generate different kinds of adjectives, however most of them show only a few derivatives. Prefixation is seen with deadjectival adjectives only. An important morphological feature divides Albanian adjectives into two major classes, one class with an obligatorily preposed definite article (articulated adjectives) and one without such an element (unarticulated adjectives). It is character-

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istic of most unarticulated adjectives that they are used as nouns by conversion (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 200; Buchholz and Fiedler 1987: 346−348; see here section 5.1). In the following section only the productive patterns of both classes will be presented.

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Denominal adjectives are qualitative adjectives and relational adjectives: -ák, e.g., dimër-ak ‘wintry’ ← dimër ‘winter’, vez-ak ‘oval’ ← vezë ‘egg’; -ár, e.g., gënjesht-ar ‘lying, deceitful’ ← gënjeshtër ‘lie’, vjesht-ar ‘ripening in autumn’ ← vjeshtë ‘autumn’; -ník, e.g., bes-nik ‘true to one’s word, faithful’ ← besë ‘pledge, word of honor’, fis-nik ‘noble’ ← fis ‘clan, tribe’; -ór, e.g., dimër-or ‘wintry’ ← dimër ‘winter’, mal-or ‘mountainous’ ← mal ‘mountain’; -ósh, e.g., mjekr-osh ‘wearing a beard’ ← mjekër ‘beard’, vjetull-osh ‘with thick eyebrowes’ ← vjetull ‘eyebrow’; (i) -shëm (the most productive suffix for adjectives), e.g., (i) frik-shëm ‘frightening, scary’ ← frikë ‘fear, fright’, (i) zakon-shëm ‘ordinary’ ← zakon ‘habit, common practice’; -tár, e.g., guxim-tar ‘brave’ ← guxim ‘daring, courage’, kombë-tar ‘national’ ← komb ‘nation’; (i) -(ë)të, e.g., (i) ar-të ‘golden’ ← ar ‘gold’, (i) gur-të ‘of stone’ ← gur ‘stone’.

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Prefixes serve in most cases to express negation, in some cases intensification. Adjectives derived with suffixes are either referential adjectives or approximative-attenuative adjectives: Derivation with prefixes: jo- ‘non-’ (with unarticulated adjectives), e.g., jo-alkoolik ‘non-alcoholic’ ← alkoolik ‘alcoholic’, jo-fetar ‘non-religious’ ← fetar ‘religious’; pa- ‘un-, in-’ (with articulated adjectives), e.g., (i) pa-aftë ‘unable, inept’ ← (i) aftë ‘capable, able’, (i) pa-diskutueshëm ‘non subject to further discussion’ ← (i) diskutueshëm ‘disputable’; ndër- ‘inter-’, e.g., ndër-kombëtar ‘international’ ← kombëtar ‘national’, (i) ndërgjegjshëm ‘conscious’ ← (i) gjegjshëm ‘obedient, receptive’; stër- (augmentative), e.g., (i) stër-lashtë ‘very old, ancient’ ← (i) lashtë ‘ancient’, (i) stër-madh ‘enormous’ ← (i) madh ‘big, large, tall’. Several neoclassical prefixes are seen in Albanian: anti-, e.g., anti-alkoolik ‘anti-alcoholic’ ← alkoolik ‘alcoholic’, anti-njerëzor ‘inhumane’ ← njerëzor ‘humane’; super-, e.g., super-automatik ‘completely automatic’ ← automatik ‘automatic’. Derivation with suffixes: (i) -shëm (bases are adverbs), e.g., (i) atje-shëm ‘of that place’ ← atje ‘at that place, over there’, (i) sivjet-shëm ‘of this year’ ← sivjet ‘this year’;

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-ósh, e.g., bardh-osh ‘pale’ ← (i) bardhë ‘white’, madh-osh ‘bulky, massive’ ← (i) madh ‘big, large, tall’.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives are for the most part qualitative adjectives: -ës (in most cases the suffix is attached to the stem of the participle), e.g., djeg-ës ‘burning, inflammable’ ← djeg (participle (i) djeg-ur) ‘to burn’, ngjit-ës ‘adhesive’ ← ngjit (participle (i) ngjit-ur) ‘to attach’; (i) -shëm (the suffix is attached to the stem of the participle), e.g., (i) ardh-shëm ‘future, coming’ ← vjen (suppletive participle (i) ardh-ur) ‘to come, arrive’, (i) djeg-shëm ‘combustible’ ← djeg (participle (i) djeg-ur) ‘to burn’, (i) pi-shëm ‘potable’ ← pi (participle (i) pi-rë) ‘to trink’.

4.3. Verbal derivation Verbs are derived chiefly from nouns, from other verbs, from adjectives and adverbs, only a few verbs are derived from other parts of speech like numbers, pronouns, particles and onomatopoeic bases. Derived verbs follow the conjugations 1 and 2, both comprising verbs ending respectively in a vowel or diphthong plus the ending -n or any consonant (on the Albanian conjugational classes see Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 39−44), e.g., pun-o-n ‘to work’ ← punë ‘work’, holl-o-n ‘to make thin’ ← (i) hollë ‘thin’, ndalo-n ‘to stop’ ← ndal ‘to stop’, po-h-on ‘to admit’ ← po ‘yes’ (with a hiatus-filling -h-), ajr-o-s ‘to ventilate’ ← ajër ‘air’, ngul-it ‘to insert, drive in’ ← ngul ‘to implant’, zvarrit ‘to drag’ ← zvarrë ‘dragging’. The majority of derived verbs follow conjugation 1. Regarding the formal aspects of verbal derivation, derived verbs are constructed predominantly by affixation (prefixation, suffixation, circumfixation), while only a limited number of verbs are derived by conversion (see section 5.3). There are approximately 30 prefixes used to generate verbs, and among them the most productive ones are: për-, sh- (with the phonological variants ç- and zh-), followed by s-/z-, n-/m-, mbi-, nën-, stër-, shpër-, ri-, ndër- (Shaban Demiraj in Domi 2002: 348−353), e.g., për-forc-on ‘to reinforce’ ← forc-on ‘to strengthen’ (← forcë ‘force, power’), për-bluan ‘to brood over’ ← bluan ‘to mill’, s-kuq ‘to make red’ ← (i) kuq ‘red’, m-plak ‘to make old’ ← plak ‘old’, zh-vesh ‘to take off, strip’ ← vesh ‘to put on clothes’, mbi-shkruaj ‘to inscribe’ ← shkruaj ‘to write’, nën-shtroj ‘to submit’ ← shtroj ‘to lay down’, stër-nxeh ‘to overheat’ ← nxeh ‘to make hot’, shpër-dredh ‘to untwist’ ← dredh ‘to twist’, ri-botoj ‘to republish’ ← botoj ‘to publish’, ndër-lidh ‘to bring into contact’ ← lidh ‘to tie, bind’. As can be deduced from some of the examples given above the prefixes për-, sh-, s- sometimes induce an intensifying meaning or lead to a new semantic nuance of the verb. Other prefixes generate antonyms with partially identical stems, e.g., shkarkon ‘to unload’ vs. ngarkon ‘to load’, ngul ‘to thrust in, implant’ vs. shkul ‘to uproot’. Though there are no derivational bases to be found with these verbs in the synchronic lexicon they may be considered as derived (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 110; Shaban Demiraj in Domi 2002: 351).

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Suffixation is the most common derivational process for deriving verbs from nouns and adjectives. The most productive suffix is -ó- (with its extensions -lló-, -ró-, -só-, -tó-, -zó-; Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 111) following the conjugational class 1: darko-n ‘to dine’ ← darkë ‘dinner’, afr-o-n ‘to bring close’ ← afër ‘near’, mish-ë-ro-n ‘to embody’ (with an anaptyctic vowel -ë-) ← mish ‘meat, flesh’, ëmbël-so-n ‘to sweeten’ ← (i) ëmbël ‘sweet’, asgjë-so-n ‘to annihilate’ ← asgjë ‘nothing’, copë-to-n ‘to break up into pieces’ ← copë ‘bit’, dorë-zo-n ‘to surrender’ ← dorë ‘hand’, një-zo-n ‘to unite, join’ ← një ‘one’. The extended variant -llo- (with its allomorphs -lli-/-lle-) is for the most part seen with onomatopoeic verbs, e.g., fërfë-llo-n ‘to beat the wings, fly’, gurgullo-n ‘to gurgle’, bu(m)bu-lli-n ‘to thunder’, hinge-lli-n ‘to neigh’ (of a horse). Derived verbs with the suffixes -s/-ís and -ós (with their extensions -atís and -atós) follow the conjugational class 2, e.g., balt-os ‘to spatter with mud’ ← baltë ‘mud’, arrat-is ‘to go into exile’ ← arrati ‘exile’, boj-atis ‘to paint’ ← bojë ‘paint’, helm-atis ‘to poison’ ← helm ‘poison’. Verbs formed by circumfixation are usually derived from nouns or adjectives and are as a rule inflected according to the conjugational class 1 (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 117), e.g., për-pun-on ‘to refine, revise’ ← punë ‘work’, z-bardh-on ‘to whiten’ ← (i) bardhë ‘white’, z-bukur-on ‘to beautify’ ← (i) bukur ‘beautiful, pretty’, n-gur-os ‘to petrify’ ← gur ‘stone’. Compounding is a rather minor pattern in the production of verbs (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 118; Buxheli 2008: 335−345). The first compositional element is either an adverb or a noun: adverb+verb, e.g., bashkë-banon ‘to cohabit’ ← bashkë ‘together’ + banon ‘to reside’, bashkë-bisedon ‘to converse’ ← bashkë ‘together’ + bisedon ‘to discuss’, mirë-pret ‘to welcome’ ← mirë ‘well’ + pret ‘to receive’, kundërvë ‘to put into opposition’ ← kundër ‘against’ + vë ‘to put, place’; noun+verb, e.g., duar-trokit ‘to clap hands’ ← duar ‘hands’ (plural of dorë) + troket ‘to knock, beat’, dëm-shpërblen ‘to indemnify’ ← dëm ‘damage’ + shpërblen ‘to repay, recompense’, këmbë-ngul ‘to put one’s foot down’ ← këmbë ‘foot’ + ngul ‘to insert’. Verbs formed by agglutination are not numerous. They originate from verbal or prepositional phrases (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 119; Buxheli 2008: 347−348), e.g., vëren ‘to observe, notice’ ← vë re ‘to pay attention’, falënderon ‘to thank’ ← falem(i)nderit ‘thank you; lit. to pray to the honour’.

4.3.1. Denominal verbs Denominal verbs are typically generated with the suffix -ó- (and its extensions -lló-, -ró-, -só-, -tó-, -zó-) and follow thus conjugational class 1 (see section 4.3), e.g., bes-o-n ‘to believe’ ← besë ‘belief’, xixë-llo-n ‘to sparkle’ ← xixë ‘spark’, nusë-ro-n ‘to act as a proper bride’ ← nuse ‘bride’, frikë-so-n ‘to frighten’ ← frikë ‘fear, fright’, dëm-to-n ‘to damage’ ← dëm ‘damage’, valë-zo-n ‘to undulate’ ← valë ‘wave’. Other denominal verbs are derived with the suffixes -s/-ís and -ós (and its extensions -atís and -atós) and follow conjugational class 2 (see section 4.3), e.g., bezd-is ‘to bother’ ← bezdi ‘bother’, kallaj-is ‘to coat with tin, solder’ ← kallaj ‘solder, tin’, helm-atis ‘to poison’ ← helm ‘poison’, fund-os ‘to sink’ ← fund ‘bottom’, arm-atos ‘to arm’ ← armë ‘munitions, arm(s)’.

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4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs Deadjectival verbs are generated with the suffixes and their extensions presented in section 4.3.1, e.g., çal-o-n ‘to limp’ ← çalë ‘lame’, holl-o-n ‘to make thin’ ← (i) hollë ‘thin’, kuq-ëlo-n ‘to become reddish’ ← (i) kuq ‘red’, fisnikë-ro-n ‘to ennoble’ ← fisnik ‘noble’, ëmbël-so-n ‘to sweeten’ ← (i) ëmbël ‘sweet’, shpesh-ëto-n ‘to increase the frequency of something’ ← (i) shpeshtë ‘frequent’.

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs Deverbal verbs are generated with the suffixes and their extensions presented in section 4.3.1, e.g., ndal-o-n ‘to stop’ ← ndal ‘id.’, shtjell-o-n ‘to explain, unfold’ ← shtjell ‘to throw, unfold’, njof-to-n ‘to announce’ ← njeh ‘to come to know’, shkund-ullo-n ‘to shake’ ← shkund ‘id.’, ngulit ‘to insert, drive in’ ← ngul ‘to implant’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation As there are articulated adjectives and unarticulated adjectives in Albanian (see section 4.2), the derivation of adverbs depends on which class an adjective follows. As a rule adverbs of the unarticulated class are derived with suffixes, whereas adverbs of the articulated class by conversion. A third type of adverb is generated by agglutination whereby one element consists of a pro-form. A fourth type of adverb is formed by reduplication as will be shown in section 7. Adverbs with suffixes: -(í)sht (-ísht after a base ending in consonant, -sht after a base ending in an oxytone vowel; the suffix is attached to nouns too), e.g., gjerman-isht ‘in German (language)’ ← gjerman ‘German’, politik-isht ‘politically’ ← politik ‘political’, from nouns, e.g., gabimisht ‘by mistake’ ← gabim ‘mistake’, natyr-isht ‘naturally’ ← natyrë ‘nature’; -as or -azi (attached to nominal, adjectival, and verbal bases), e.g., krah-as ‘arm in arm’ ← krah ‘arm’, radh-as/radh-azi ‘each in turn, in a row’ ← radhë ‘serial order, row’, majt-as ‘to the left’ ← (i) majtë ‘left’, fsheht-as/fsheht-azi ‘secretly’ ← (i) fshehtë ‘hidden, secret’, fal-as ‘free of charge’ ← fal ‘to offer, give’; -çe (adverbs from nouns in colloquial speech), e.g., derr-çe ‘stubbornly’ ← derr ‘pig’, qen-çe ‘like a dog’ ← qen ‘dog’. Adverbs by conversion: adverbs of articulated adjectives are generated from the masculine form by deletion of the article (adjectives derived with the suffix -të additionally lose the final -ë), e.g., mirë ‘well’ ← (i) mirë ‘good’, keq ‘badly’ ← (i) keq ‘bad’, natyrshëm ‘naturally’ ← (i) natyrshëm ‘natural’, lart ‘above’ ← (i) lartë ‘high’. Agglutinated adverbs: pro-form+verb, e.g., kudo ‘everywhere’ ← ku ‘where’ + do ‘(it) wants’, verb+pro-form, e.g., diku ‘somewhere’ ← di ‘knows’ + ku ‘where’.

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5. Conversion 5.1. Nominal conversion Nominal conversion occurs predominantly in the formation of nouns from an adjectival base, and to a much lesser extent from verbs. Nouns from adjectives/participles: a) Personal nouns, e.g., bes-nik ‘man of his word’ ← adj. ‘true to one’s word, faithful’, gënjesht-ar ‘liar’ ← adj. ‘lying, deceitful’, malësor ‘mountaineer’ ← adj. ‘from the mountains’, i ri ‘young boy’ ← adj. ‘young’, i vdekur ‘dead person’ ← participle ‘dead’; b) Abstract nouns: in this class two types occur set apart by their grammatical gender, a feminine type in the singular or in a few cases in the plural, and a neuter type, e.g., e drejta (a is the postposed definite article) ‘right, law; justice’ ← (i) drejtë ‘straight, true, right’, e vërteta ‘truth’ ← (i) vërtetë ‘true’, e shkuara ‘the past’ ← (i) shkuar (participle/adjective) ‘gone; past’, (plural) të ardhurat ‘income’ ← (i) ardhur (participle/adjective) ‘that which has come’, (neuter plural with the postposed definite article) të folurit ‘speech ability, speech’ ← (i) folur (participle/ adjective) ‘spoken’, të zitë ‘blackness’ ← (i) zi ‘black’. As a consequence of the continuous reduction of the neuter gender in Albanian, the last type is not productive any longer. However, in older varieties of Albanian the conversion of adjectives into neuter nouns was the unmarked and thus most productive way to generate abstract nouns. Only with the reduction of the neuter gender have the derivational types with suffixes as seen in sections 4.1.1 and 4.1.3 experienced a steady increase (Matzinger 2007: 69−71). Nouns from verbs: (masculine nouns), e.g., mund ‘effort’ ← mund ‘to overcome, be able’, tjerr ‘spun yarn’ ← tjerr ‘to spin’.

5.2. Adjectival conversion Adjectives from nouns: As can been seen in the sections 4.1 and 4.2, a number of derivational suffixes are ambiguous with respect to their interpretation as nouns or adjectives depending on the given syntactic context. Beside these derivations, there are many non-derived nouns which are open to undergo conversion to adjectives, e.g., plak ‘old, aged’ ← plak ‘old man’, trim ‘brave, courageous’ ← trim ‘heroic man’.

5.3. Verbal conversion Only a few verbs are generated by conversion from nouns or adjectives, e.g., ndryshk ‘to make rusty, rust’ ← ndryshk ‘rust’, kuq ‘to make red’ ← (i) kuq ‘red’.

5.4. Adverbial conversion Adverbs from nouns are derived either from the indefinite or definite accusative case, or from the ablative case, e.g., mot ‘next year’ ← mot ‘year; weather’, vjet ‘last year’

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← vjet ‘year’, natën ‘at night’ ← natë (definite accusative natën) ‘night’. Adverbs from the ablative case are derived from a substantivized neuter adjective as their base, e.g., së afërmi ‘close up’ ← (i) afërm ‘close’, së shpejti ‘very soon’ ← (i) shpejtë ‘fast’.

6. Backformation In some historical instances a noun was added to the vocabulary alongside an Albanian verb ending in -it (< Slavic verbs with infinitive in -iti), which was assumed to be a verbal suffix. The noun was derived from this secondarily generated verbal stem with the suffix -í (see section 4.1.3), e.g., çud-i ‘surprise; wonder’ ← çudit ‘to amaze, surprise’, mërz-i ‘boredom, annoyance’ ← mërzit ‘to bore, annoy’. Other backformations can be seen in words like punësi ‘employment’ ← papunësi ‘unemployment’.

7. Reduplication Reduplication is a typical feature of adverbial locutions. Two types of reduplication are discernible, one type formed by direct reduplication and an other type with the interposed conjunction e ‘and’ or the interposed prepositions për ‘for’ and më ‘to, at’. Noun + noun: pjesëpjesë ‘in parts’ ← pjesë ‘part’, vendevende ‘here and there’ ← vend (plural vende) ‘place’, çift e çift ‘in couples’ ← çift ‘couple’, ditë për ditë ‘daily’ ← ditë ‘day’, gojë më gojë ‘from mouth to mouth, privately’ ← gojë ‘mouth’. Adverb + adverb: avashavash ‘very slowly’ ← avash ‘slowly’, hollëhollë ‘in great detail’ ← hollë ‘thinly’, with the conjunction e ‘and’, shpejt e shpejt ‘within a very short time’ ← shpejt ‘quickly’. Reduplication in the verbal system is found with onomatopoeic verbs, e.g., çuçurit ‘to whisper’, bu(m)bullin ‘to thunder’.

8. Blending Blending does not occur very often, only a few examples can be given, e.g., kaposh ‘rooster, cock’ ← kapua ‘capon’ + kokosh ‘rooster, cock’, rrëmon ‘to dig, excavate’ ← rrëmih ‘id.’ + gërmon ‘to dig, dig out’ (both examples cited after Emil Lafe, personal communication).

9. Clipping Clipping is barely detectable in Albanian, the very few examples show that they belong to colloquial speech, e.g., pafshim ‘goodbye, so long’ ← mirupafshim ‘id.’, begs ‘student at the Skanderbeg military school in Tirana’ ← skënderbegas ‘id.’ (both examples cited after Emil Lafe, personal communication; for a few other examples see Lloshi 1994: 189).

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10. References Boretzky, Norbert 1975 Der türkische Einfluß auf das Albanische. Vol. 1: Phonologie und Morphologie der albanischen Turzismen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Buchholz, Oda and Wilfried Fiedler 1979 Zur Herausbildung des modernen gesellschaftlichen Wortschatzes im Albanischen. In: Zur Herausbildung des modernen gesellschaftlichen Wortschatzes in Südosteuropa. Beiträge zur Balkanlinguistik 4, 102−178. Berlin: Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, Zentralinstitut für Sprachwissenschaft. Buchholz, Oda and Wilfried Fiedler 1987 Albanische Grammatik. Leipzig: Verlag Enzyklopädie. Buxheli, Ludmila 2008 Formimi i foljeve në gjuhën e sotme shqipe. Tiranë: Kristalina-KH. Dançetoviq, Vojisllav 1960 Sufiksi diminutiv i emnave të gjuhës shqipe. Prishtinë: Rilindja. Domi, Mahir (ed.) 2002 Gramatika e gjuhës shqipe. Vol. 1: Morfologjia. Tiranë: Maluka. Genesin, Monica and Joachim Matzinger 2005 Nominalkomposition im Missale des Gjon Buzuku: Zu Form, Semantik und Anwendung des Wortbildungstyps in einer Balkansprache. In: Günter Schweiger (ed.), Indogermanica. Festschrift Gert Klingenschmitt. Indische, iranische und indogermanische Studien dem verehrten Jubilar dargebracht zu seinem fünfundsechzigsten Geburtstag, 413−434. Taimering: Schweiger VWT-Verlag. Hysa, Enver 2004 Formimi i emrave me ndajshtesa në gjuhën shqipe. Tiranë: Mësonjëtorja. Lloshi, Xhevat 1994 Substandard Albanian and its relation to Standard Albanian. In: Norbert Reiter, Uwe Hinrichs and Jiřina van Leeuwen-Turnovcová (eds.), Sprachlicher Standard und Substandard in Südosteuropa und Osteuropa. Beiträge zum Symposion vom 12.−16. Oktober 1992 in Berlin, 184−194. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Matzinger, Joachim 2006 Der altalbanische Text [E] Mbsuame e Krështerë (Dottrina cristiana) des Lekë Matrënga von 1592. Eine Einführung in die albanische Sprachwissenschaft. Dettelbach: Röll. Matzinger, Joachim 2007 Prinzipien der altalbanischen nominalen Wortbildung und die deverbalen nomina actionis im Korpus des Gjon Buzuku. Studime 14: 63−73. Newmark, Leonard, Philip Hubbard and Peter Prifti 1982 Standard Albanian. A reference grammar for students. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Thomaj, Jani 1999 Leksikologjia e gjuhës shqipe. Tiranë: shblu. Xhuvani, Aleksandër and Eqrem Çabej 1962 Prapashtesat e gjuhës shqipe. Tiranë: Mihal Duri. Xhuvani, Aleksandër and Eqrem Çabej 1975 Parashtesat e gjuhës shqipe. In: Mahir Domi (ed.), Çështje të gramatikës së shqipes së sotme. Vol. 2, 5−55. Tiranë: Mihal Duri.

Monica Genesin, Lecce (Italy) Joachim Matzinger, Vienna (Austria)

Greek 172. Greek 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Blending References

Abstract This article deals with word-formation in Modern Greek. It provides a basic description of the structure and properties of compounding, derivation and blending, which is followed by explanations drawn from various theoretical analyses that have been proposed in the literature. All issues and claims are illustrated with a number of examples, which, for clarity reasons, are given in a broad phonological transcription.

1. Introduction Since the early sixties, word-formation in Modern Greek (hereafter Greek) has triggered increasing interest within linguistic research (see, among others, Koutsoudas 1962) and a variety of morphological phenomena has been analyzed within the framework of various linguistic schools, resulting in a number of studies, both descriptive and explanatory (see Ralli 2003 for the state-of-the-art of Greek morphology). Basic questions, such as “what is the structure of words”, “what are the basic units and rules/patterns responsible for the analysis and generation of morphologically-complex items”, “what is the relation between the various word-formation processes” and “where is the locus of word-formation in grammar” have received a variety of answers, depending on the theoretical approach one deals with. This article should be seen as a synthesis of the major points that can be found in the existing literature on Greek word-formation of the last forty years, but when needed, reference is made to older works as well. Issues that have attracted attention, such as constituency, headedness, selection, etc. are dealt with in the following sections, and certain major works regarding Greek morphology are cited. Although Greek has a wide variety of intriguing phenomena affecting word-formation, there are areas that are relatively well studied, e.g., compounding, and areas that still call for a thorough exploration (e.g., prefixation). The main sections of this article are dedicated to derivation and compounding, but hints to inflection are also made. The reason for this choice relies on the fact that Greek nouns, adjectives, verbs and certain pronouns are overtly inflected and their endings are

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part of the word structure, most of the time intermingling with the other constituents of the word. For clarity reasons, I list the word bases (stems) and the derivational suffixes with the appropriate inflectional endings. The latter are included in parentheses, together with other material which is irrelevant for the argumentation. Parentheses are absent only when the entire base is used for compounding or derivational purposes, i.e. when a base coincides with a free word. Conventionally, nominal words are given in the nominative singular forms; the first person singular of the present tense is provided for verbs, since Modern Greek has lost its overt infinitival forms. Moreover, all Greek examples are listed in a broad phonological transcription, and stress is assigned properly. It is worth pointing out that word-formation via conversion or stem-internal vocalic change (ablaut) is also possible, but in Greek, these operations are of limited productivity and usually affect stems, since the presence of overtly realized inflection renders difficult the change of category of the word as a whole. On the one hand, conversion is restricted to a small production of denominal verbal stems (e.g., γlosoloγV(ó) ‘to talk about language, behave like a linguist’ ← γlosolóγN(os) ‘linguist’). On the other hand, ablaut applies only to learned stems of Ancient Greek origin (e.g., lóγN(os) ‘speech, oration’ ← léγV(o) ‘to talk, say’, apoxN(í) ‘abstention’ ← apéxV(o) ‘to be off’).

2. General overview Morphology is a particularly developed component in the grammar of Greek, since it displays productive word-formation patterns for both derivation and compounding. Greek morphology is mainly stem-based in that most words are formed by adding an affix − prefix or suffix − to a stem (derivation), or a stem to another stem or word (compounding). Stems can be either morphologically simple (i.e. stems without any affixal or other material), or morphologically complex. On synchronic grounds, morphologically-simple stems coincide with roots. In Ancient (Classical) Greek (5th and 4th c. BC), however, a distinction between the two notions was necessary since roots gave rise to stems with the addition of thematic vowels. For instance, the Ancient Greek word ánthrōpos ‘man, human being’ contained the root anthrōp-, the thematic vowel -o- and the inflectional ending -s, i.e. the case (nominative) and number (singular) exponent. Nowadays, thematic vowels have lost their original stem-forming role and the border between stems and roots is blurred. Since the distinction between the two notions is not structurally relevant, most of the time thematic vowels are considered to be parts of the inflectional endings (Ralli 2005). Thus, ánθropos, today’s form for ‘man, human being’, is analyzed as containing the root/stem anθrop- and the inflectional ending -os. Note that in this article, the term stem is used to refer to both roots and stems. Greek belongs to the fusional type of languages, in that the words of its major grammatical categories bear inflection, and inflectional endings are portmanteau morphemes, combining more than one morpho-syntactic feature. Nouns, adjectives, and certain pronouns inflect for gender, case, and number, while they are distributed into several inflection classes (ten according to Ralli 2005). Articles express the same morpho-syntactic features of nouns and adjectives, but they do not display a transparent and thus, analyzable structure, into stem and inflectional ending. Verbs are morphologically marked for voice, aspect, tense, person and inflection class (mood has lost its overt marking in

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Modern Greek), and are divided into two basic inflection classes. Generally, inflected words are usually formed on the basis of combining a stem and an inflectional ending, as in the pattern [Stem-INFL]Word (e.g., δróm-os ‘road-MASC.NOM.SG.’, oré-os ‘niceMASC.NOM.SG’, péz-o ‘play-IMPERF.PRES.1SG’). The structure is slightly more complex in the perfective form of verbs, where the ending contains an aspectual marker -s- (+perfective) and the portmanteau morpheme combining the features of past, person and number: [[Stem-INFL]Stem-INFL]Word , as in δó-s-ame ‘give-PERF-PAST.1PL’ ‘we gave’ (Ralli 2005). Inflection is generally realized as suffixation. The augment e- in the past tense of verbs is the only case where inflection could be considered to appear as a prefix, and in fact, it indicated the past tense in Ancient Greek. Nowadays, the use of eis connected with the presence of stress, since it is absent in unstressed position (compare é-δo-s-a ‘I gave’ with δó-s-ame ‘we gave’). Since its occurrence is not compulsory in the past tense, its inflectional status is doubtful. In fact, in the literature, it has been often considered as a morpho-phonologically inserted element (Babiniotis 1972; Ralli 2005). Derivation appears as suffixation, or prefixation. It forms stems out of stems and affixes. As already mentioned, a derived stem needs an inflectional ending in order to become a word, and be used for syntactic purposes. The general patterns of Greek derived words are the following: (1)

a. [[Stem DSUF]Stem-INFL]Word [[xorN-évV]V-o]V dance-DSUF-IMPERF.PRES.1P.SG ‘I dance’

b.

[[PREF Stem]Stem-INFL]Word [[á-γnostA]A-os]A PREF-known-NOM.SG ‘unknown’

c. [PREF Word]Word [para-γelóV]V PREF-laugh.IMPERF.PRES.1P.SG ‘I laugh a lot’ (1b) and (1c) differ with respect to the morphological status of the base, i.e. whether the prefix is added to a stem or to a word. As proposed by Ralli (2004), the criteria for selecting a stem or a word are mainly phonological (change of stress), and semantic (change of meaning). For instance, while the prefix a- triggers a change of stress of the adjective it is attached to (cf. áγnostos ‘unknown’ and γnostós ‘known’), there is no such change in a verb like γeló ‘to laugh’, when it accepts para- ‘a lot’. It should be noticed that more than one affix can be added to a base, the exact number of which is restricted by the various constraints and selectional restrictions which operate on derivational structures (see section 4 for more information). Contrary to inflection, the form of which has become poorer in Modern Greek as compared to Ancient Greek, the language has experienced a significant growth of compounding since the Hellenistic period (ca. 3rd c. BC−3rd c. AD). It is important to note that in the late medieval period (after the 13th c. AD), a considerable number of verbverb coordinative compounds is introduced (Manolessou and Tsolakidis 2009; Ralli 2009b), which make Greek diverge from all the other Indo-European languages, where coordination usually affects nominals. Compounding is based on the combination of two lexemes (see Bauer 2001: 695 for a proper definition of the process). In Greek, the first constituent is usually a stem, while the second can be a stem or a word. There are few

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exceptions as far as the first constituent is concerned, namely, cases where an invariant adverbial word is used, such as in the example ksanaγráfo ‘to rewrite’ (ksaná ‘again’ + γráfo ‘to write’). A linking element -o- appears between the two lexemes (e.g., sime-ostolizmós ‘flag decoration’ ← simé(a) ‘flag’ + stolizmós ‘decoration’); it is a semantically empty element originating from an ancient thematic vowel (Ralli and Raftopoulou 1999), the presence of which indicates the process itself. As such, it has been called “compound marker” (Ralli 2008a). Crucially, the marker is not realized if the first constituent is an uninflected word, or if the second constituent begins with a vowel which is stronger than /o/ on the sonority hierarchy (á > a > é > e > ó > ο > í > i > ú > u) proposed by Hatzidakis (1905−07) and subsequently elaborated by Kaisse (1982). For instance, there is no compound-internal -o- in ksanaγráfo ‘rewrite’ (← ksaná ‘again’ + γráfo ‘write’) and in laδémboros ‘oil merchant’ (← láδ(i) ‘oil’ + émboros ‘merchant’). However, when the two constituents are in a loose structural relation, the -o- is present, even if the second constituent begins with a strong vowel. This is the case for compounds which bear a coordinative relation between their two members (e.g., piγenoérxome ‘to come (and) go’ ← piγén(o) ‘to go’ + érxome ‘to come’). It should be noticed that the Greek -o- appears in a wide range of non-native (also called “neoclassical”) compounds of other European languages, that is, in compounds whose constituent parts have been borrowed from Ancient Greek or Latin (e.g., ge-o-graphy, soci-o-linguist, etc.). Compounds show inflection on their right-hand constituents. If the second constituent is a word, the compound bears the inflectional ending of the word (e.g., eleokaliérγia ‘olive culture’ ← elé(a) ‘olive’ + kaliérγia ‘culture’). However, a different inflectional ending may be used from that of the second constituent − when taken in isolation − if this constituent is a stem (e.g., laδolémono ‘oil (and) lemon (sauce)’ ← láδ(i) ‘oil’ + lemón(i) ‘lemon’). Although compounding differs from derivation, the order of application between the two processes, the use of certain units of an unclear status, the so-called “affixoids”, as well as the existence of specific constraints affecting both processes prove that compounding and derivation intermingle in such a way that only the same grammatical domain can handle compounds and derived words properly. In previous work, I have suggested that this domain should be morphology (Ralli 2010). In fact, as shown below, Greek compounds are one-word units, morphologically and phonologically, exhibiting all the morphological properties of words. However, under the influence of English, the emergence of certain recent formations of phrasal structure, displaying semi-visibility to syntactic operations, suggests that another type of phrasal compounding is under development in Greek. Most of these formations constitute terms, are restricted in the domain of specific sublanguages (science, football, etc., e.g., δeltío kerú ‘weather report’), and their formation argues in favour of morphology-syntax interaction (see section 3.5, as well as Ralli and Stavrou 1998 and Ralli 2013a). Finally, it should be noted that the well-known neoclassical formations of most European languages (e.g., ánθropoloγía ~ anthropology, imisferio ~ hemisphere, etc.) are compounds, since they obey the laws of Greek compounding. Many of them are calques, which are fully integrated into the Greek morphological system in that they combine stems, and bear Greek affixes and inflection. For instance, the English term neology has been reformulated in Greek as neoloγía, where the stems ne- ‘young’ and -loγ- ‘doctrine about language’ are linked to each other by the compound marker -o-, and the combination as a whole accepts the derivational affix -ia (there is no overtly realized inflectional

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suffix in this example). Crucially, as observed by Ralli (2008b), the neoclassical type of formations is formed productively in Greek, as proven by the large number of neologisms appearing each day in the media. A considerable number of them belongs to synthetic compounds, which contain deverbal bound stems, i.e. stems that cannot be free with the presence of inflectional affixes (see section 3.4).

3. Composition Compounding as a very productive word-formation process of the Greek language is attested since Homeric Greek (Tserepis 1902). It produces compounds belonging to the major grammatical categories of nouns, adjectives and verbs. Nouns display combinations of two nouns (e.g., kreataγorá ‘meat market’ ← kréa(s) ‘meat’ + aγorá ‘market’) and adjective and noun (e.g., asximópapo ‘ugly duckling’ ← ásxim(o) ‘ugly’ + pap(í) ‘duck’). Adjectives combine two adjectives (e.g., ikonomikopolitikós ‘economic-political’ ← ikonomik(ós) ‘economic’ + politikós ‘political’), a noun and an adjective (e.g., laomísitos ‘hated (by the) people’ ← la(ós) ‘people’ + misitós ‘hated’), or an adverb with an adjective (e.g., aδikoxaménos ‘lost in vain’ ← áδik(a) ‘in vain’ + xaménos ‘lost’). Verbs may contain either a noun and a verb (e.g., xaropalévo ‘to fight (with) death’ ← xár(os) ‘death’ + palévo ‘to fight’), two verbs (e.g., aniγoklíno ‘to open (and) close’ ← aníγ(o) ‘to open’ + klíno ‘to close’) or an adverb and a verb (e.g., kakopernó ‘to badly live’ ← kak(á) ‘badly’ + pernó ‘to pass, live’). As claimed in previous work (Ralli 2009a), adverbial compounds, in their vast majority, are secondary formations resulting from a suffixation process, which adds the most common adverbial suffix -a to primary compounds, usually adjectives (e.g., vorioanatoliká ‘[north-east]ADV’ ← vorioanatolik(ós)A ‘north-east’ + -aADV ← vóri(os)A ‘north’ + anatolikósA ‘east’). It is worth noticing that the nominal stems participating in compounds do not always coincide with those that appear in the citation form, that is, in the nominative singular: they often display an allomorphic variation which is usually found in other cases and/or in the plural (e.g., ematokílizma ‘wallowing in blood’ ← émat-os ‘blood-GEN’ (éma ‘blood.SG’) + kílizma ‘wallowing’, papaδopéδi ‘altar boy’ ← papáδ-es ‘priest-PL’ (papá-s ‘priest-SG’) + peδí ‘boy’). See Ralli (2103a) for more details.

3.1. Stress and morphological structure Greek compounds bear only one stress (they are phonological words), but do not have a uniform stress pattern. In many cases, stress is located on the antepenultimate syllable, independently of the position of stress of the compound members, when taken in isolation (e.g., kuklóspito ‘doll’s house’ ← kúkl(a) ‘doll’ + spít(i) ‘house’). In other cases, stress falls on the same syllable as that of the second constituent of the compound (e.g., xartopetséta ‘paper napkin’ ← xart(í) ‘paper’ + petséta ‘napkin’). As suggested by Nespor and Ralli (1996), the position of stress in Greek compounds depends on their structure. Compounds containing stems, such as kuklóspito, do not have fixed stress properties, and as such, are submitted to a compound-specific phonological law placing stress

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on the antepenultimate syllable. On the other hand, compounds combining a stem and a word, like xartopetséta, keep the stress of the right-hand word, petséta and, as such, have fixed stress properties. As proposed by Ralli (2007, 2009a, 2013a), stress properties and the form of the inflectional ending are the basic criteria for classifying Greek compounds into four structural patterns: a) stem + stem (e.g., rizógalo ‘milk (and) rice (pudding)’ ← ríz(i) ‘rice’ + γál(a) ‘milk’); b) stem + word (e.g., xrisavγí ‘golden dawn’ ← xris(í) ‘golden’ + avγí ‘dawn’); c) word + stem (e.g., eksóδikos ‘extrajudicial’ ← ékso ‘out’ + δík(i) ‘trial’); d) word + word (e.g., ksanavrísko ‘to find again’ ← ksaná ‘again’ + vrísko ‘to find’). In fact, compounds whose second constituent is a stem are stressed on the antepenultimate syllable and may bear a different inflectional ending from that of the second member, when taken in isolation. This is not the case for the other two categories which keep the stress and the ending of their right-hand word. It should be noticed that the most widespread and productively formed types are a) and b), while c) and d) count few examples. Inflection appears on the right-hand side of a Greek compound. It is worth noting, though, that a very limited number of Ancient Greek compounds with word-internal inflection is still in use, such as niktilambís (Ancient Greek nyktilampēs) ‘shining at night’ ← niktí ‘night.DAT’ + -lambis ‘who shines’ and nunexís (Ancient Greek nounekhēs) ‘well minded’ ← nun ‘mind.ACC’ + -ex-is ‘who has’. These compounds contain the ancient inflected forms niktí (there is no dative case in Modern Greek) and nun (nowadays, -n has been lost from accusative forms) on their left-hand constituent, and should be analyzed as fossilized cases.

3.2. Headedness in compounding Many Greek compounds are endocentric obeying Williams’ (1981) right-hand head rule, according to which the head occupies the second position of the structure and is responsible for transmitting to the compound its grammatical category and basic meaning (e.g., kokinóxomaN ‘clay earth’ ← kókin(o)A ‘red’ + xómaN ‘earth’, kozmoksákustosA ‘world known’ ← kózm(os)N ‘world’ + ksakustósA ‘known’, siγovrázoV ‘to simmer’ ← siγ(á)ADV ‘low’ + vrázoV ‘to boil’). Greek also contains a considerable number of the so-called “exocentric” compounds (Ralli and Andreou 2012). Typical examples of these cases are kalótixosA ‘who has good luck’ ← kal(ós)A ‘good’ + tíx(i)N ‘luck’ and misoγínisN ‘misogynist’ ← mis(ó)V ‘to hate’ + γin(í)N ‘woman’. Exocentric compounds show a unique behavior with respect to a number of points: a) the grammatical category and other morpho-syntactic features are not inherited from any of the stems. For instance, kalótixos may be used as an adjective of masculine gender, while the right-hand member is a feminine noun (tíx(i) ‘luck’) and the left-hand member (kal(í) ‘good’) is an adjective agreeing with the noun in the feminine gender; b) their inflectional endings are usually different from those of the second member, when taken separately (cf. kalótixos and tíxi); c) semantically, the meaning of the compound does not denote a subset of the entities expressed by the second member of the formation, as opposed to what happens with the meaning of endocentric compounds. For example, misoγínis does not designate a kind of woman but rather someone who hates women.

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Finally, a category of compounds which is also problematic for headedness involves the coordinative compounds (also called “dvandva”, see section 3.3), such as alatopípero ‘salt (and) pepper’ ← alát(i) ‘salt’ + pipér(i) ‘pepper’, or aniγoklíno ‘to open (and) close’ ← aníγ(o) ‘to open’ + klíno ‘to close’, since both constituents are of an equal status and neither of them prevails over the other. Formations like these could be treated as headless, but in the literature, they have also been treated as double-headed (see Kageyama 2009 for Japanese coordinative compounds) or even headed (see Ralli 2013a for the Greek ones) because it may be the case that certain morphosyntactic features of the second constituent are inherited by the compound as a whole (e.g., γinekópeδa ‘women-(and)-children.NEU’ ← γinék(es).FEM ‘women’ + peδ(iá).NEU ‘children’).

3.3. Compound-internal relations and order of constituents Τhe basic constituents of a compound formation, that is, the two stems or the stem and the word that participate in the structure of a compound, may be in a subordinative, attributive, or coordinative relation (Scalise and Bisetto 2009). In the first two cases, the left-hand member acts like a modifier of the right-hand member, as in the examples aγrióγata ‘wild cat’ ← áγri(a) ‘wild’ + γáta ‘cat’ (attributive relation) and δraxmofoniás drachma-killer ‘miserable’ ← δraxm(í) ‘drachma (Greek coin)’ + foniás ‘killer’ (subordinative relation). Among the productively formed compounds, we also find cases showing a coordinative relation, i.e. compounds the constituents of which are of the same category. For example, two verbs (e.g., anavozvíno ‘to switch on (and) off’ ← anáv(o) ‘to switch on’ + zvíno ‘to switch off’), two nouns (e.g., psomotíri ‘bread (and) cheese’ ← psom(í) ‘bread’ + tirí ‘cheese’), or two adjectives (e.g., pikróγlikos ‘bitter-sweet’ ← pikr(ós) ‘bitter’ + γlikós ‘sweet’) are concatenated without the overt use of a conjunction, and neither constituent modifies the other. In compounds with a subordinative or an attributive relation the constituent order is strict: the modifier precedes the head. There are a few examples, though, which seem to contradict this order, since their constituents combine in a more or less flexible order: (2)

a. karδioxtípi ‘heartbeat’ kefalóponos ‘headache’

vs. vs.

b. xtipokárδi lit. ‘beat-heart’ ponokéfalos lit. ‘ache-head’

As argued by Ralli (2007, 2008b), these occurrences do not constitute real counterexamples to the property of fixed order. An explanation is found in the long history of the Greek language: examples like (2a) display the typical structure of Modern Greek compounds, where the modifier (karδiá ‘heart’ and kefál(i) ‘head’) precedes the head (xtíp(os) ‘beat’ and pónos ‘pain’, respectively), whereas, examples like (2b) belong to an Ancient Greek exocentric pattern, where a verb (e.g., xtip(ó) ‘to beat’, pon(ó) ‘to be in pain’) precedes its complement (karδiá ‘heart’ and kefál(i) ‘head’, respectively). Similar compound structures are formations like filómusos ‘who loves (Ancient Greek phileō) art’ and misoγínis ‘who hates (Ancient Greek miséō) women’.

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In coordinative compound structures, the constituent parts should, in principle, be placed in a free order, since neither constituent modifies the other. In fact, such cases are common among adjectives (cf., for example, makróstenos ‘long (and) narrow’ with stenómakros ‘narrow (and) long’). As opposed to adjectives though, the constituent order is rather fixed in nouns and verbs, as shown by the examples laδolémono ‘oil (and) lemon’ (*lemonólaδo ‘lemon (and) oil’) or aniγoklíno ‘to open (and) close’ (*klinaníγo ‘to close (and) open’). One can assume that this fixed constituent-order may be imposed by independent pragmatic reasons: for example, the order may follow temporal iconicity, or the constituents appearing first express more basic concepts than constituents occupying the second position (see also Andriotis 1957). However, as shown in Ralli (2013a), pragmatic reasons are not sufficient for explaining the fixed order of constituents bearing a coordinative relation.

3.4. Compounds with a verbal/deverbal element Verbal and deverbal (synthetic) compounds are abundant in Greek, and new formations are frequently coined. It has been suggested by Ralli (2007, 2008b, 2009a) that most of verbal compounds, especially those containing a noun as their left constituent (e.g., xartopézo ‘to play cards’ ← xart(í) ‘paper’ + pézo ‘to play’, afisokoló ‘to stick posters’ ← afís(a) ‘poster’ + koló ‘to stick’), are innovative formations, since they did not exist in Ancient Greek. On the other hand, deverbal compounds, that is, compounds whose second constituent is a deverbal noun or adjective (see section 4.2 (7d, 9b)), were common in Ancient Greek, and are still productively created today. It is important to stress that, in both verbal and deverbal compounds, the complement/ argument of the verbal head, or of the deverbal head, can be saturated by the non-head (the left-hand member), and saturation occurs within the limits of the compound structure. For instance, in a compound like katsikokléftis ‘goat-thief’, the first constituent katsík(a) ‘goat’ is the “theme” of the base kléfti(s) who steals ‘thief’. Generally, there is a range of semantic roles that are usually expressed by the first constituent of a Greek verbal or deverbal compound (see Di Scullo and Ralli 1999, and Ralli 2013a for details). For an illustration, consider the following examples: (3)

a. b. c. d. e. f. g.

pontikofáγoma ‘rat eating’ karδiokataktitís ‘heart-conqueror’ oksiγonokólisi ‘welding’ liθóstrotos ‘stone paved’ ematokílizma ‘wallowing in blood’ aγrotoδanioδótisi ‘farmer-loan-giving’ poltopíisi ‘pulp-making’

Agent: Theme: Instrument: Material: Location: Goal: Result:

pontík(i) ‘rat, mouse’ karδi(á) ‘heart’ oksiγón(o) ‘oxygen’ líθ(os) ‘stone’ éma ‘blood’ aγrót(is) ‘farmer’ polt(ós) ‘pulp’

It is worth noticing that a particular class of deverbal compounds contains stems which remain bound, even under the presence of an inflectional ending, and for certain linguists (cf. Anastasiadi-Symeonidi 1996), they could be assigned the status of affixoids. For instance, in (4), the second constituent is not a free unit and cannot become one, even with the appropriate inflectional ending:

3146 (4)

XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Greek Compound a. ktinotrófos ‘cattle-breeder’ b. anθropofáγos man eater ‘cannibal’

Deverbal stem -trof- (← tréf(o) ‘to feed’) -faγ- (← tró(o), ‘to eat’, aorist éfaγ(a)) c. rasofóros cassock carrier ‘clergyman’ -for- (← fér(o) ‘to carry’) d. γlosolóγos tongue talker ‘linguist’ -loγ- (← léγ(o) ‘to talk’)

As shown by Ralli (2008b), bound stems belong to nominals, and derive from a verbal base of an Ancient Greek origin, often with a simple change of the stem-internal vowel (ablaut, e.g., 4a, c, d), and rarely through a conversion of the stem allomorph of the aorist tense (4b). It should be noticed that some autonomous inflected words share the same form with certain bound stems, but bear a different meaning. For instance, the bound stems -loγ(os) ‘who talks about, specialist of a discipline’ and -for(os) ‘who carries/bears’ exist side-by-side with the free words lóγos ‘speech, oration’ and fóros ‘tax’, respectively. The latter originate from the same verbal stem as the corresponding bound stems, but on synchronic grounds, they constitute distinct derivatives. Constructions containing a bound item have always been in use in Greek, throughout its long history (Chantraine 1933). Many of them originate from Ancient Greek, such as θeolóγos ‘who talks about the divine, theologian’ (← Ancient Greek theós ‘God’ + -loγ(← Ancient Greek lég(ō) ‘to talk’)) and have undergone the most striking diachronic changes which affected Greek during the Hellenistic period. Other constructions are recent creations for the specific purposes of scientific terminology, due to scientific and technological development, particularly in the nineteenth century. In today’s language, many of these constructions have become part of the every-day vocabulary, and bound stems currently combine with stems of common words for the creation of neologisms, as illustrated by the examples burδolóγos ‘who talks trash’ (← búrδ(a) ‘trash’ + -loγ-) and katsariδoktóno ‘cockroach-repellent’ (← katsaríδ(a) ‘cockroach’ + -kton- ‘killer’). In addition, they can serve as a base to further word-formation, since they may accept a derivational suffix (e.g., -ia) for the production of derivative nouns. For instance, kerδoskopía ‘speculation’ (← kérδ(os) ‘profit’ + -skop- (← Ancient Greek skopéō ‘to target, observe’)) is formed on the basis of kerδoskóp(os) ‘speculator’, efθinofovía ‘fear of responsibilities’ on efθinófov(os) ‘who fears responsibilities’ (← efθín(i) ‘responsibility’ + -fov- (← fov(áme) ‘to fear’)), etc. Similar constructions appear in the vocabulary of other languages, and are listed under the class of neoclassical formations, which are complex words consisting of stems of Ancient Greek and/or Latin origin (e.g., English sociologist, French sociologue, Italian sociologo, etc.). Interestingly, several of these words belong to a vocabulary of internationalisms, because they have the same meaning, and a quasi identical form in various languages. Consider, for instance, the Greek word astronómos, which appears as astronomer in English, astronome in French, astronomo in Italian, etc.

3.5. Phrasal compounds In recent years, there has been a tendency to form terms which display characteristics of noun phrases, but also certain properties of compounds (for details, see Anastasiadi-

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Symeonidi 1986, 1996; Ralli and Stavrou 1998; Ralli 2013a, b). Structurally, these constructions contain an adjective and a noun (e.g., psixrós pólemos ‘Cold War’) or two nouns (e.g., praktorío iδíseon agency news ‘news agency’, peδí θávma child wonder ‘wonder boy’). In the first case, the adjective agrees with the noun head in gender, number and case, while in the second case, the non-head (second constituent) is assigned genitive case by the head (praktorío iδíseon), or it displays an invariant form in the nominative singular (peδí θávma). The salient properties which make these constructions resemble compounds imply a certain degree of structural opacity. For instance, it is impossible to reverse the order of their constituents, as is usually the case with common noun phrases in Greek, their non-head cannot be independently modified, and no item, or parenthetical expression, can be inserted between the constituents. Moreover, in the case of adjective-noun formations, the definite article cannot be doubled, unlike what is the case for the corresponding phrases (cf. o meγálos o pólemos the big the war ‘the big war’ with *o psixrós o pólemos the cold the war ‘the Cold War’). Also, adjective-noun constructions may be subject to derivational suffixation on the condition that the inflectional ending of the adjective is truncated and a compound marker is introduced between the adjective and the noun (e.g., psixr-o-polem-ik(ós) ‘Cold-War like’ ← psixrós pólemos ‘Cold War’). Nevertheless, both types of formations share with noun phrases the property of containing two independent inflected words, corresponding to two phonological words, and their constituents are placed in the same order as that of noun phrases with a similar structure. Moreover, they differ from compounds in that there is no compound marker between their members. Following recent work, I have claimed (Ralli 2013a, b) that these formations constitute phrasal compounds. Assuming that compounding is a word-formation process which cuts across morphology and syntax, depending on the language one deals with, I have proposed that Greek one-word compounds are morphological objects since they are subject to morphological rules and principles and are formed from proper morphological units (stems and compound marker). On the contrary, phrasal compounds showing semivisibility to syntactic operations, are created in syntax. Their phrasal nature is also proven by the fact that there is no clear borderline between them and the noun phrases, since their syntactic visibility is scalar, depending on the particular example one deals with. For instance, while léksi kliδí word key ‘key word’ is strongly opaque, ánθropos ktínos man beast ‘human beast’ is rather transparent. Finally, it is worth adding that formations of a compound-internal appositive relation, like metafrastís δierminéas ‘translator interpreter’, fall under the same category of phrasal compounds, since they share with them the same semi-syntactic/semi-word properties.

4. Derivation Greek derivation is realized either as prefixation or suffixation. Compared to prefixation, suffixation displays more variability. While prefixes are usually transparent to the properties of the base, most suffixes can be category-changing, and transmit their features to derivative formations. As such, they are heads of their structures. With respect to their origin, affixes may be divided into three categories: a) affixes which originate from Ancient Greek and are still in use (e.g., -osini in a deadjectival

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noun like kalosíni ‘goodness’ ← kal(ós) ‘good’ + -osini); b) affixes which are the product of grammaticalization, i.e. those deriving from other affixes or words (e.g., the prefix kse- which results from the combination of the Ancient Greek preposition ek- with the verbal syllabic augment e- (e.g., kseperno ‘to surmount, overcome’ ← kse- + pernó ‘to pass’, Ralli 2004); c) affixes which are borrowed from other languages. Among those of the third category, one finds examples originating from Italian (e.g., the verbal suffix -ar(o) ← Italian -are, as in voltáro ‘to stroll’ ← vólt(a) ‘stroll’ + -ar(o)), Turkish (e.g., the nominal suffix -dzi(s) ← Turkish -cI, in nouns denoting profession, as in xalvadzís ‘halva seller’ ← xalvá(s) ‘halva’ + -dzi(s)), and Slavic (e.g., the diminutive suffix -itsa which forms feminine nouns from feminine bases, as in δaskalítsa ‘little female teacher’ ← δaskál(a) ‘female teacher’ + -itsa). Finally, as is usually the case for all word-formation processes, there are different degrees of productivity, depending on the process and on the type of the affix involved (Bauer 2001). For example, diminution (e.g., kukláki ‘little doll’ ← kúkl(a) ‘doll’ + -aki) is subject to fewer constraints, and thus more productive, than the formation of deverbal nouns (see section 4.2). Furthermore, within the same process, certain derivational affixes are more productively used than others of the same type. Consider the suffix -iz(o), which creates verbs out of nominal bases (e.g., alatízo ‘to salt’ ← alát(i) ‘salt’ + -iz(o)): its productivity prevails over that of the also denominal suffix -en(o) (e.g., anaséno ‘to breathe’ ← anás(a) ‘breath’ + -en(o)).

4.1. Prefixation As proposed in earlier work (Ralli 2005), there are two kinds of prefixes: (a) bound prefixes and (b) prefixes which have an autonomous form, but do not bear a clear-cut lexical meaning, since the latter is determined in relation with the meaning of the base which combines with the prefix. Prefixes of the second type originate from certain Ancient Greek prepositions, which, already in Classical Greek, were used as preverbs. Some of these preverbs keep the old prepositional function in certain fixed expressions (e.g., aná xíras ← Ancient Greek aná kheíras ‘at hand’), while others (antí, apó, katá, metá) appear as prepositions or adverbs, in restricted contexts, and with a specific meaning. For instance, apó denotes the provenance in a sentence like íme apó tin Eláda ‘I am from Greece’, and metá has an adverbial function, expressing the future, as in the sentence θa se δo metá ‘I will see you later’. (5)

a. Bound prefixes: a- (á-γnostos ‘unknown’), δis- (δis-prófertos ‘unpronouncable’), ef- (ef-parusíastos ‘presentable’), kse- (kse-xorízo ‘to distinguish’); b. Preverbs: aná (anaféro ‘to report’), antí (antiγráfo ‘to copy’), apó (apoxοró ‘to leave’), δiá (δiaγráfo ‘to erase’), is (ispnéo ‘to breathe in’), ek (ekpnéo ‘to breathe out’), en (entíno ‘to tighten’), epí (epivlépo ‘to supervise’), katá (kataγráfo ‘to register’), metá (metaθéto ‘to transpose’), pará (parakáno ‘to overdo’), perí (periγráfo ‘to describe’), pro (protíno ‘to propose’), pros (prostréxo ‘to hasten’), sin (sintonízo ‘to coordinate’), ipér (ipertonízo ‘to overstress’), ipó (ipoγráfo ‘to sign’).

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Prefixes attach to stems or to words, depending on the case (Ralli 2004). In the first case, an inflectional ending follows prefixation ([[Prefix Stem]-INFL]), while in the second case, the prefix combines with an already inflected base ([Prefix [Stem-INFL]]). When prefixes are added to stems there may be changes to the base, formal and semantic, while in formations combining prefixes and inflected words, the latter remain invariable. For instance, verbs prefixed with apó may undergo vowel deletion and change of meaning (e.g., apéxo ‘to be off’ ← apó + éxo ‘to have’). In contrast, a structure with the prefix pará, denoting an excessive realization of the event, like the verb paraéxo ‘to over-have’ (← pará + éxo ‘to have’), is fully transparent, formally and semantically. Prefixes have certain properties which make them behave similarly to the left-hand components of compounds. These properties have probably led grammarians (e.g., Triantaphylidis 1991) to assign to prefixation the status of compounding. One such property is that many preverbs do not change the category of the base they attach to. For instance, the preverb ipér can be combined with a verb (ipertonízo ‘to overstress’ ← ipér + tonízo ‘to stress’), a noun (iperánθropos ‘superhuman’ ← ipér + ánθropos ‘man, human being’) or an adjective (ipersínxronos ‘super-modern’ ← ipér + sínxronos ‘contemporary, modern’). Moreover, as observed in Ralli (2013a), there are cases of prefixation and compounding which share the property of exocentricity, as opposed to suffixation where exocentricity is absent. Consider the adjective ámiros ‘unlucky’ containing the prefix a-, the stem mir- of the noun míra ‘luck’ and the inflectional ending -os. Since neither of the constituents justifies the adjectival category and properties of ámiros, formations of this type could be treated as exocentric.

4.2. Suffixation As already mentioned, most suffixes are category-changing and impose categorial and selectional requirements on the type of the base they combine with. For instance, the verbal suffix -ar(o) (6b) selects nominal bases of foreign origin (Ralli 2012) and the deverbal -ma selects verbal bases of more than one syllable, in contrast with -simo, which requires verbal bases of one syllable (see Drachman and Malikouti-Drachman 1994 for more details): (6)

a. ániγ-ma ← aníγ(o) + -ma vs. lí-simo ← lín(o) + -simo ‘opening’ ‘to open’ ‘unfastening’ ‘to unfasten’ b. sulats-áro ← suláts(o) + -ar(o) ‘to stroll’ ‘stroll’

It has been proposed by Melissaropoulou and Ralli (2010) that selectional properties are not derivable by rule but are lexical specifications of the particular suffixes. Among the lexically-specified morpho-syntactic properties characterizing both stems and derivational suffixes, it is worth mentioning the feature of inflection class which indicates the type of inflection of the derived noun, adjective or verb. Moreover, suffixes are also lexically marked for stress properties, which determine the place of stress of the derived items (e.g., vark-áδa ‘boating’ ← várk(a) ‘boat’). See Revithiadou (1999) for details about stress assignment on morphological structure.

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A derived word has only one inflectional marker, but it may involve more than one derivational suffix. The cumulative order of derivational suffixes follows from their categorial and selectional properties. For instance, a derived word like ekpeδeftikós ‘educational’ contains the prefix ek, the stem peδ- of the word peδí ‘child’, the verbal suffix -ev-, the nominal suffix -ti-, the adjectival suffix -ik- and the closing inflectional suffix -os ([[[[ek[peδ-ev]]-t]-ik]-ós]). The following list displays the most frequent derivational suffixes in Greek. They are classified according to their category and the category of the base they select. Suffixes and examples are taken from Ralli (2005: 147−154). (7)

Noun suffixes a. Denominal suffixes a1. Various denominal suffixes -izm(os) elinizmós ‘Hellenism’ -isti(s) elinistís ‘Hellenist’ -ia lemoniá ‘lemon tree’ -iliki proeδrilíki ‘presidency’ -ona(s) eleónas ‘olive field’ NB. -iliki is of Turkish origin (-lIk).

← ← ← ← ←

élin(as) élin(as) lemón(i) próeδr(os) elé(a)

‘Greek’ ‘Greek’ ‘lemon’ ‘president’ ‘olive’

a2. Suffixes of ethnic nouns -[i/o]ti(s) Meγarítis ‘inhabitant of Mégara’ Pireótis ‘~ Pireás (Piraeus)’ -[i/a]n(os) Zakinθinós ‘~ Zákinθos (Zante)’ Afrikanós ‘~ Afrikí (Africa)’ -i/e(os) Lézvios ‘~ Lézvos (Lesbos)’ Kerkiréos ‘~ Kérkira (Corfu)’ -ez(os) Verolinézos ‘~ Verolíno (Berlin)’ NB. -ez(os) originates from the Italian -ese. a3. Suffixes of professional nouns -a(s) γalatás ‘milk man’ ← γála ‘milk’ ← taksí ‘taxi’ -dzi(s) taksidzís ‘taxi driver’ -ari(s) varkáris ‘boatman’ ← várk(a) ‘boat’ -ieri(s) portiéris ‘doorman’ ← pórt(a) ‘door’ -aδor(os) tornaδóros ‘turner’ ← tórn(os) ‘lathe’ -isti(s) poδosferistís ‘soccer player’ ← poδósfer(o) ‘soccer’ -ia(s) isoδimatías ‘rentier’ ← isóδima ‘income’ NB. As already stated, -dzi(s) is of Turkish provenance (-cI) and is the most frequent of all suffixes creating professional nouns. -aδor(os) and -ieri(s) originate from the Italian -atore and -iere, respectively, while -ari(s) comes from the Latin -arius.

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a4. Diminutive suffixes -aki anθropáki ‘little man’ ← ánθrop(os) ‘man/human being’ -itsa kuklítsa ‘little doll’ ← kúkl(a) ‘doll’ -uli(s) γatúlis.MASC/ ‘little cat’ ← γát(a) ‘cat’ /ula/uli γatúla.FEM/ γatúli.NEU NB. -aki is the most frequent diminutive suffix in Standard Modern Greek. It combines with nouns of all gender values, and creates neuter diminutives (Melissaropoulou and Ralli 2008). The suffix -itsa is feminine, selects feminine bases and, as already mentioned, originates from Slavic. As for -uli(s)/ula/-uli, they form masculine (-uli(s)), feminine (-ula) and neuter (-uli) diminutives, respectively. It should be noticed that the diminutive suffixes -aki and -uli(s)/ula/uli can also be added to adjectival bases in order to form diminutive nouns (see c. below). In other words, they can be category-changing. a5. Augmentative suffixes -ar(os)/-ara póδaros.MASC/ ‘big foot’ ← póδ(i).NEU ‘foot’ poδára.FEM -akla(s)/-akla ádraklas.MASC/ ‘big man’ ← ádr(as).MASC ‘man’ adrákla.FEM NB. Greek augmentatives are exclusively masculine and feminine. Diminutives belong to all three gender values, although neuters are more frequent (Melissaropoulou 2009). a6. Suffixes forming female nouns (see also Pavlakou and Koutsoukos 2009) -isa taverniárisa ‘female tavern ← taverniár(is) ‘male tavern owner’ owner’ -ina δikiγorína ‘female lawyer’ ← δikiγór(os) ‘male lawyer’ -u taksidzú ‘female taxi ← taksidz(ís) ‘male taxi driver’ driver’ b. Deverbal suffixes -ti(s) xoreftís ‘dancer’ ← xorév(o) ‘to -tira(s) kinitíras ‘engine’ ← kin(ó) ‘to ← sinγráf(o) ‘to singraféas ‘writer’ -ea(s) -si lísi ‘solution’ ← lín(o) ‘to -m(os) skotomós ‘killing’ ← skotón(o) ‘to -simo δésimo ‘fastening’ ← δén(o) ‘to -ma δiávazma ‘reading’ ← δiaváz(o) ‘to -ia kaliérγia ‘culture’ ← kalierγ(ó) ‘to -i(o) γrafío ‘office, desk’ ← γráf(o) ‘to -tria xoréftria ‘female dancer’ ← xorév(o) ‘to NB. -ti(s) and -tira(s) form both agent and instrumental nouns.

dance’ move’ write’ solve’ kill’ fasten’ read’ cultivate’ write’ dance’

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Greek c. Denominal and deadjectival suffixes -otita anθropótita ‘humanity’ aγaθótita ‘goodness’ -osini nikokirosíni ‘tidiness’ kalosíni ‘goodness’ -ila kapníla ‘smoky smell’ kokiníla ‘redness’ -aδa varkáδa ‘boating’ aspráδa ‘whiteness’ -aki mikráki ‘little person’ -uli omorfúli ‘little beautiful person’ NB. -osini does not generally combine originates from the Venetian -ada.

(8)

← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ←

ánθrop(os) aγaθ(ós) nikokir(á) kal(ós) kapn(ós) kókin(os) várk(a) áspr(os) mikr(ós) ómorf(os)

‘human being’ ‘good’ ‘housekeeper’ ‘good’ ‘smoke’ ‘red’ ‘boat’ ‘white’ ‘little’ ‘beautiful’

with bases of popular origin. -aδa

Adjectival suffixes a. Denominal -im(os) nómimos ‘legal, legitimate’ ← nóm(os) ‘law’ -er(os) laδerós ‘oily’ ← láδ(i) ‘oil’ -eni(os) asiménios ‘silver made’ ← asím(i) ‘silver’ -isi(os) vunísios ‘mountainous’ ← vun(ó) ‘mountain’ -ik(os) nomikós ‘legal’ ← nóm(os) ‘law’ -in(os) ksílinos ‘wooden’ ← ksíl(o) ‘wood’ -ios uránios ‘celestial’ ← uran(ós) ‘sky’ NB. Adjectival suffixes are listed in their masculine form. Their feminine and neuter counterparts end in -i/-a and -o, respectively. b. Deverbal ← skepáz(o) ‘to cover’ -t(os) skepastós ‘covered’ -sim(os) katikísimos ‘inhabitable’ ← katik(ó) ‘to inhabit’ -tiri(os) kinitírios ‘motive, driving’ ← kin(ó) ‘to move’ -te(os) plirotéos ‘payable’ ← pliro(no) ‘to pay’ -men(os) aγapiménos ‘beloved’ ← aγap(ó) ‘to love’ NB. -tiri(os) and -te(os) are of learned origin and do not combine with popular bases. -men(os) forms past participles; it is listed together with the adjectival suffixes, since participles in -men(os) are inflected like adjectives and have adjectival properties. c. Deadjectival (diminutives) -uli(s)/-ula/ asprúlis.MASC/ ‘whitish’ ← áspr(os).MASC ‘white’ -ulik(o) asprúla.FEM/ asprúliko.NEU -utsik(os)/ meγalútsikos.MASC/ ‘biggish’ ← meγál(os).MASC ‘big’ -utsiki/ meγalútsiki.FEM/ -utsik(o) meγalútsiko.NEU NB. -utsik(os) resulted from a combination of the Italian diminutive suffix -uccio and the Greek adjectival suffix -ik(os). -ulik(o) contains a combination of the noun suffix -uli and the adjectival -ik(o).

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Verbal suffixes a. Denominal -ar(o) filmáro ‘to film’ ← film ‘film’ NB. As mentioned above, -ar(o) originates from the Italian infinitival marker -are (Ralli 2012) b. Denominal and deadjectival -iz(o) zoγrafízo ‘to paint’ kaθarízo ‘to clean’ -ev(o) psarévo ‘to fish’ aγriévo ‘to become wild’ -on(o) kliδóno ‘to lock’ areóno ‘to thin out’ -en(o) θerméno ‘to heat’ anaséno ‘to breathe’

← ← ← ← ← ← ← ←

zoγráf(os) kaθar(ós) psár(i) áγri(os) kliδí are(ós) θerm(ós) anás(a)

‘painter’ ‘clean’ ‘fish’ ‘wild’ ‘key’ ‘loose, thin’ ‘hot’ ‘breath’

(10) Adverbial suffixes -a kalá ‘well’ ← kal(ós) ‘good’ -os akrivós ‘exactly’ ← akriv(ís) ‘exact’ NB. Both suffixes form adverbs out of adjectival stems. -os is the Ancient Greek suffix -ōs; nowadays, it combines with bases of learned origin.

5. Blending In Greek, blending is a rather novel but fast developing word-formation process, which is mostly found in the vocabulary of slang, used by young people and other well-defined social groups. According to Ronneberger-Sibold (2006) blends are deliberate creations resulting from the structural fusion of two words, the by-product of which is the truncation of segmental material from the inner edges of the two constituents, or from only one of them. With respect to Greek, it has been proposed by Ralli and Xydopoulos (2012) that blends resemble compounds, since they involve the combination of at least two lexemes, are phonological words, and their structure follows the structure of (stem + word) compounds (see section 3). In fact, Greek blends and compounds combine the same grammatical categories: there are noun-noun (e.g., aγapúδi ‘love song’ ← aγáp(i) ‘love’ + (traγ)úδi ‘song’) or adjective-noun instances (e.g., vlaksitzís ‘stupid taxi driver’ ← vlaks ‘stupid’ + (taks)itzís ‘taxi driver’), noun-verb (e.g., sidirázo ‘to buy a newspaper in order to get the CD’ ← sidí ‘CD’ + (aγo)rázo ‘to buy’), adverb-verb (e.g., ipulegízo ‘to approach in an insidious manner’ ← ípul(a) ‘insidiously’ + (pros)egízo ‘to approach’) and verb-verb ones (e.g., vrexalízi ‘it rains in small drops’ ← vréx(i) ‘it rains’ + (psi)xalízi ‘to drizzle’), as well as adjective-adjective combinations (e.g., psidrós ‘tall and fat’ ← psi(lós) ‘tall’ + (xo)drós ‘fat’). Moreover, the constituent members of both categories bear the same functional relations, that is, subordinative, attributive and coordinative. Subordinative and attributive blends are subject to rightward headedness, exactly like endocentric compounds, where the head transmits its category and specific meaning to the new formation. Crucially though, and as opposed to compounding, where exocentric

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constructions are productively built, Greek blending does not show any exocentric structures. Furthermore, blends are subject to a form reduction affecting both constituents, while the marker -o-, which is obligatory in compounds, never surfaces in blends. Blends bear a prosodic structure, as put forward in the relevant literature (Arvaniti 1998): while the first constituent can be reduced to the point of keeping only the onset of the first syllable and the second constituent, i.e. the head, is reduced but keeps the maximum of material. Since blends, like compounds, are subject to right headedness, Ralli and Xydopoulos (2012) have suggested that maximization of the size of the head makes the structure easier to identify, and facilitates the semantic recoverability of the formation. Generally, the following instances of segment reduction can be identified: a) the syllabic length of the second constituent is maintained, while the first constituent contributes two syllables to the blend (e.g., si.di.rá.zo ‘to buy a newspaper in order to get the free CD’ ← si.dí ‘CD’ + a.γo.rá.zo ‘to buy’); b) the first syllable of the second constituent is replaced in its entirety by that of the first constituent (e.g., vlá.ma ‘extremely stupid’ ← vlá.kas ‘stupid’ + vlí.ma ‘thick’); c) the syllabic structure of the first constituent is almost entirely reduced except for the onset of its first syllable, which replaces the onset of the first syllable of the second constituent (cases termed “acroblends” by Koutita-Kaimaki and Fliatouras 2001) (e.g., kró.po.li ‘wax and propolis’ ← ke.rí ‘wax’ + pró.po.li ‘propolis’); d) the entire form of the second constituent is kept, and only the onset of the first one is added to it, producing voicing, where applicable (e.g., kré.vo.me ‘to burp while having a haircut’ ← ku.ré.vo.me ‘to have a haircut’ + ré.vo.me ‘to burp’). As generally noticed by Ronneberger-Sibold (2006), the extent of form reduction varies, depending on the speaker’s willingness to communicate a small or bigger part of the meaning of the combination. Since blends are created intentionally, it is worth mentioning Ralli and Xydopoulos’ (2012) suggestion that blending is situated at the boundary of linguistic competence and creativity. On the one hand, blends share structural properties with compounds, thus, blending could be considered as part of the native speaker’s linguistic competence. On the other hand, blends differ from compounds in that speakers always create them intentionally, for specific communicative purposes.

6. References Anastasiadi-Symeonidi, Anna 1986 I neologia stin koini neoelliniki. Thessaloniki: Epistimoniki Epetirida Filosofikis Scholis. Anastasiadi-Symeonidi, Anna 1996 I neoelliniki sinthesi. In: Georgia Katsimali and Fotis Kavoukopoulos (eds.), Zitimata neoellinikis glossas, 97−120. Rethymno: University of Crete. Andriotis, Nikolaos 1957 Ta parataktika rimatika sintheta stin elliniki glossa. In: Afieroma sti mnimi tou man. Triantafillidi, 43−61. Thessaloniki: University of Thessaloniki. Arvaniti, Amalia 1998 Endiksis prosodiakis domis se prosfata leksika migmata tis ellinikis. Studies in Greek Linguistics 18: 68−82. Babiniotis, Gergios 1972 To rima tis ellinikis. Athens: Idryma Sofias Saripolou. Bauer, Laurie 2001 Morphological Productivity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Chantraine, Paul 1933 La formation des noms en grec ancien. Paris: Klincksieck. Di Sciullo, Anna Maria and Angela Ralli 1999 Theta-role saturation in Greek deverbal compounds. In: Artemis Alexiadou, Geoffrey Horrocks and Melita Stavrou (eds.), Issues of Greek Generative Syntax, 175−189. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Drachman, Gaberell and Angeliki Malikouti-Drachman 1994 Stress and Greek compounding. Phonologica 1992: 55−64. Hatzidakis, Georgios 1905−07 Meseonika ke nea ellinika. Athens: Sakellariou. Kageyama, Taro 2009 Isolate: Japanese. In: Rochelle Lieber and Pavol Štekauer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Compounding, 512−526. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kaisse, Ellen 1982 On the preservation of stress in Modern Greek. Linguistics 20: 59−82. Koutita-Kaimaki, Myrto and Asimakis Fliatouras 2001 Blends in Greek dialects: A morphosemantic analysis. In: Angela Ralli, Brian Joseph and Mark Janse (eds.), Proceedings of the First International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory, 117−130. Patras: University of Patras. Koutsoudas, Andreas 1962 Verb Morphology of Modern Greek. The Hague: Mouton. Koutsoukos, Nikos and Maria Pavlakou 2009 A construction-morphology account of agent nouns in Modern Greek. Patras Working Papers in Linguistics 1: 107−126. Manolessou, Ionna and Symeon Tsolakidis 2009 Greek coordinated compounds: Synchrony and diachrony. Patras Working Papers in Linguistics 1: 23−39. Melissaropoulou, Dimitra 2009 Augmentation vs. diminution in Greek dialectal variation: An optimal system. In: Fabio Montermini, Gilles Boyé and Jesse Tseng (eds.), Selected Proceedings of the 6th Décembrettes. Morphology in Bordeaux, 125−137. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. Melissaropoulou, Dimitra and Angela Ralli 2008 Headedness in diminutive formation: Evidence from Modern Greek and its dialectal variation. Acta Linguistica Hungarica 55: 183−204. Melissaropoulou, Dimitra and Angela Ralli 2010 Greek derivational structures: Restrictions and constraints. Morphology 20: 343−357. Nespor, Marina and Angela Ralli 1996 Morphology-phonology interface: Phonological domains in Greek compounds. The Linguistic Review 13: 357−382. Ralli, Angela 2003 Morphology in Greek linguistics: The state-of-the-art. Journal of Greek Linguistics 4: 77−130. Ralli, Angela 2004 Stem-based versus word-based morphological configurations: The case of Modern Greek preverbs. Lingue e Linguaggio 2(2): 241−275. Ralli, Angela 2005 Morfologia. Athens: Patakis. Ralli, Angela 2007 I sinthesi lekseon. Diaglossiki morfologiki prosengisi. Athens: Patakis. Ralli, Angela 2008a Compound markers and parametric variation. STUF − Language Typology and Universals 61: 19−38.

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Ralli, Angela 2008b Composés déverbaux grecs à radicaux liés. In: Dany Amiot (ed.), La Composition dans une perspective typologique, 189−210. Arras: Artois Presses Université. Ralli, Angela 2009a I.E. Hellenic. In: Rochelle Lieber and Pavol Štekauer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Compounding, 453−464. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ralli, Angela 2009b Modern Greek V V dvandva compounds: A linguistic innovation in the history of the Indo-European languages. Word Structure 2(1): 49−68. Ralli, Angela 2010 Compounding versus derivation. In: Sergio Scalise and Irene Vogel (eds.), Cross-disciplinary Issues in Compounding, 57−76. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Ralli, Angela 2012 Contact-induced morphology: Loan-verb formation in Griko and Heptanesian. Italia Dialettale 73: 111−132. Ralli, Angela 2013a Compounds in Modern Greek. Berlin: Springer. Ralli, Angela 2013b Compounding and its locus of realization: Evidence from Greek and Turkish. Word Structure 6(2): 181−200. Ralli, Angela and Marios Andreou 2012 Revisiting exocentricity in compounding: Evidence from Greek and Cypriot. In: Ferenc Kiefer, Maria Ladani and Peter Siptar (eds.), Current Issue in Morphological Theory, 65−82. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Ralli, Angela and Maria Raftopoulou 1999 I sinthesi os diachroniko fenomeno schimatismou lekseon. Studies in Greek Linguistics 1998: 389−403. Ralli, Angela and Melita Stavrou 1998 Morphology-syntax interface: A-N compounds versus A-N constructs in Modern Greek. In: Geert Booij and Jaap van Marle (eds.), Yearbook of Morphology 1997, 243−264. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Ralli, Angela and George Xydopoulos 2012 Blend formation in Modern Greek. In: Vincent Renner, François Maniez and Pierre Arnaud (eds.), Cross-disciplinary Perspectives on Lexical Blending, 35−50. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Revithiadou, Anthi 1999 Headmost Accent Wins. The Hague: Holland Institute of Generative Linguistics. Ronneberger-Sibold, Elke 2006 Lexical blends: Functionally tuning the transparency of complex words. Folia Linguistica 40(1−2): 155−181. Scalise, Sergio and Antonietta Bisetto 2009 The classification of compounds. In: Rochelle Lieber and Pavol Štekauer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Compounding, 34−53. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Triantaphyllidis, Manolis 1991 Neoelliniki grammatiki. 3rd ed. Thessaloniki: Idryma Manoli Triantaphyllidi. Tserepis, Georgios 1902 Ta sintheta tis ellinikis glossis. Athens: Sakellariou. Williams, Edwin 1981 On the notions of ‘lexically related’ and ‘head of the word’. Linguistic Inquiry 12: 245− 274.

Angela Ralli, Patras (Greece)

Indo-Iranian 173. Ossetic 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication Clipping References

Abstract In Iron and Digor Ossetic (Eastern Iranian, The Central Caucasus) word-formation patterns are different for nouns and verbs. For nouns, the dominant strategies are compounding and suffixation. The boundary between compounds and noun phrases is not very clear. Denominal verbs are formed by compounding with light verbs, most frequently ‘to do’ and ‘to be’, whereas deverbal verbs are mostly formed by prefixation. Given that virtually all Ossetians are bilingual, borrowing from Russian has largely replaced the formation of new words on an Ossetic basis.

1. Introduction Ossetic is a cover term for two closely related Eastern Iranian languages spoken in the Central Caucasus, Iron and Digor. Digor is only spoken in North Ossetia, an autonomous republic within Russia, whereas dialects of Iron are spoken both in North and South Ossetia. As far as word-formation is concerned, the two languages are fairly similar, although not all affixes are shared between them. In this article, when Iron and Digor forms are presented simultaneously, the Iron form will precede the Digor form: gɐdə/ tikis ‘cat’. When only one form is shown without indicating its provenance, it means that it is shared by both languages: lɐg ‘man, husband’. Nowadays Ossetic is being rapidly replaced by Russian, a circumstance not without (unfortunate) consequences for the productivity of word-formation processes. Virtually any Russian word can be occasionally used in spoken Ossetic and borrowing has largely replaced word-formation in natural discourse. In the written language, some processes are still productive. Grammars of Ossetic (Axvlediani 1963; Abaev 1964; Bagaev 1965; Isaev 1966; Medojty 2003; Takazov 2009) all have sections dealing with word-formation. Gabaraev’s (1977) monograph deals with word-formation in Iron Ossetic and contains references to papers of native researchers. The most prominent dictionaries are Miller (1972 [1927−

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34]), Abaev (1958−89), Takazov (2003), and Guriev (2004). The latter is the only dictionary specifically dealing with Digor.

2. General overview 2.1. Word classes in Ossetic Ossetic has only two open word classes: nouns and verbs. Adjectives and non-clitic adverbs are not morphologically distinct from nouns in Ossetic, whereas clitic adverbs form a closed class. Potential adjectives do not overtly agree with nouns within noun phrases, nor show any special morphology when used separately as nouns (for nontrivial abbreviations, see the list at the end of the article): cf. Iron rənčən šabi-jə sur sick child-OBL near ‘near a sick child’ and rənčən-ə sur sick-OBL near ‘near a sick (person)’. Accordingly, I will not distinguish denominal, deadjectival, and deadverbial formations in the rest of this article. That said, the maximal structure of a noun is prefix-stem-suffixes: ɐ-gom-əg/ɐ-gomug NEG-mouth-SUFF ‘helpless’ (← kom ‘mouth’); Digor ɐm-χuz-on-ʤijnadɐ COM-kindSUFF-SUFF ‘similarity’, see section 4.1.1 on the semantics of the suffixes -on and -ʤijnadɐ. Verbs are simplex or complex. Complex verbs consist of a nominal and a light verb (usually ‘to do’ or ‘to be’), see examples in section 4.2.1. Simplex verbs form a closed class. They have two stems, present and past. The present and the past stem are similar to each other, but the relationship is not regular, and both stems need to be cited: kɐn-, kod- ‘to do’. Slightly abusing the notation, I will only cite the present stem of the very frequent verb ‘to do’. The copula ‘to be’ is highly irregular, it shows pervasive suppletion in the present and uses different stems to form the infinitive, the past, and, in Digor, also the future. The maximal structure of a simplex verb is preverb-conative.affix-stemtense.mood.agreement. For a complex verb, the pattern is preverb-conative.affix-nominal.part light.verb.stem-tense.mood.agreement. The conative affix does not have very clear aspectual semantics. Example (1) illustrates these patterns: (1)

a. simplex verb ra-cɐj-cud-an PRV-CON-go.PST-PST.1PL ‘we finally went out’ b. complex verb ra-sɐj-gɐpp kod-toj PRV-CON-jump do.PST-PST.3PL ‘they almost jumped out (but did not do so)’

Digor

Iron

2.2. Main characteristics of word-formation Non-concatenative morphology is fairly uncommon, and few non-trivial morphophonological processes are attested. One general requirement is that hiatus be avoided. The

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glottal stop ʔ, and the glides j and w are inserted as regular epenthetics. The distribution of ʔ and j is unclear, w is inserted before u and o. Long consonant clusters tend to be avoided as well. Admittedly, Ossetic morphophonology is understudied and many details are yet unknown. Non-trivial morphophonological phenomena are: consonant gemination (triggered by certain preverbs, see section 4.2.1), insertion of an idiosyncratic epenthetic consonant (also triggered by some preverbs), metathesis (triggered by a nominal suffix -jag, see section 4.1.1), and voicing of a voiceless consonant (it occurs in compounds, see section 3, and after certain nominal prefixes, see section 4.1.1). For nouns, suffixes are much more numerous than prefixes. For finite verbs, only prefixes are used for the purposes of word-formation. On the other hand, non-finite verb forms are all derived by suffixation. Circumfixes and infixes do not exist. Neoclassical word-formation is unattested in modern Ossetic. In general, loaned suffixes are only used in forming personal names, see section 4.1.1. I am aware of only one example of a “bracketing paradox” in Ossetic. It occurs with the suffix -(j)ag both in Iron and Digor: Digor ači gorɐttag has a reading ‘someone from this city’, suggesting the bracketing [ači gorɐt]-jag [this city]-SUFF. The reading ‘this person from a city’ is available as well.

2.3. Compounding vs. syntax 2.3.1. Nominal compounds Noun phrases and compounds are hard to tell apart, because the word order in the noun phrase is fairly rigid and no overt agreement exists between words within a noun phrase. On the other hand, no special linking morphemes are used in compounds. Furthermore, clitics may not intervene in the noun phrase. In favorable cases, certain tests may be used to distinguish noun phrases and compounds. Some roots, when they serve as the second part of a compound, have their initial consonant become voiced: for instance, -gond (← kond, the past participle of ‘to do’): pajda-gond usefulness-do.PST.PRT ‘used’; lɐg-gond ‘tomboy’ (lɐg ‘man’). An alternative analysis would be to posit that roots with voiced initial consonants have been reanalyzed as suffixes. Certain roots appearing in a collocation do not function as separate words. Collocations with such roots should, of course, also be treated as compounds: ɐrš-gɐš/ɐrs-gɐs bear-look ‘a person who owns a tame bear and shows it at fairs, etc.’ (← arš/ars ‘bear’ + kɐš/kɐs ‘look.PRS’). The stem kɐš/kɐs does not occur separately. An additional test is only applicable in Digor. Quite a few Digor nouns preserve a vestige of the old nominative marker, the suffix -ɐ, see section 4.1.1. If a noun requires this suffix in its citation form, then the bare stem of such a noun cannot function as a free form. In some collocations, the first noun occurs without this suffix: zɐnχ(*ɐ)-kosɐg earth-work-PRS.PRT ‘crop farmer’ (but zɐnχ-ɐ ‘earth’). Therefore, such collocations should probably be treated as compounds. When all these tests are inapplicable, the collocation is ambiguous between a compound and a noun phrase: Digor aχsɐn-nez ‘stomach ache’ (← aχsɐn ‘stomach’ + nez

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‘illness’). However, whatever their interpretation, such collocations carry a considerable functional load in the language. Furthermore, some possessive noun phrases function as single nouns: məd-ə bənz/ mud-i binʣɐ honey-OBL fly ‘bee’. To argue that such entities are indeed single words, one can use the fact that any modifiers must precede the whole collocation: (2)

a. štər məd-ə bənz big honey-OBL fly ‘big bee’

b. *məd-ə štər bənz honey-OBL big bee

Iron

In “real” possessive noun phrases the possessor precedes modifiers: (3)

lɐppu-j-ə štər kʷəz boy-EP-OBL big dog ‘a boy’s big dog’

Iron

Many kin terms are formed after this pattern: fəd-ə fəd/fid-i fidɐ father-OBL father ‘paternal grandfather’ mad-ə χo/mad-i χʷɐrɐ mother-OBL sister ‘maternal aunt’, etc.

2.3.2. Verbal compounds Wordhood of simplex verbs is not an issue, as no morpheme within a simplex verb may occur as a separate word. It should be noted, however, that enclitics may end up inside a verb. In Digor, they may be inserted between the preverb and the stem (4a) of a simplex verb, or between the conative affix and the stem. In Iron, enclitics may only be inserted between the conative affix and the stem (4b). (4)

a. ra=j sɐrf-ta PRV=ACC.3SG wipe.PST-PST.3SG ‘(S/he) wiped it.’ bərš-toj b. fɐ-sɐj=nɐ PRV-CON=ACC.1PL overcome.PST-PST.3PL ‘(They) have almost overcome us.’

Digor

Iron

The status of complex verbs is more delicate, because the majority of nominal parts and all light verbs do function as separate words. However, the order of the nominal part and the verb cannot be changed, and they have to be immediately adjacent, although there are some qualifications. These qualifications militate against an analysis which assumes that light-verb stems are verbalizing suffixes. The first qualification concerns the placement of clitics. When a preverb is affixed to the nominal part, then it is only clitics that may intervene between the nominal part and the verb, see (5). Clitics may also intervene in the nominal part, exactly in the same manner as in the case of simplex verbs. (5)

a. fe-gon=ɐj kod-ta PRV-open=ACC.3SG do.PST-PST.3SG ‘S/he opened it.’

Digor

173. Ossetic b. ba-jgom=ɐj kod-toj PRV-open=ACC.3SG do.PST-PST.3PL ‘S/he opened it.’

3161 Iron

The second qualification concerns the placement of wh-phrases, negation markers, and negative indefinites. When a preverb is present, all these items must precede the preverb. However, in the absence of a preverb, these items may be placed either before the nominal part (6a), or between the nominal part and the light verb (6b), with a subtle difference in interpretation. In this example, the complex verb is nəχɐš-tɐ kɐn- talk-PL do- ‘to talk’. When the parts of a complex verb are thus split, the word status of the complex verb is unclear. (6)

a. kɐj-imɐ nəχɐš-tɐ kɐn-əš? who-COM talk-PL do-PRS.2SG ‘Who are you talking to?’ (Ajlarty 2002: 142)

Iron

b. nəχɐš-tɐ kɐj-imɐ kɐn-əš? talk-PL who-COM do-PRS.2SG ‘Who are you TALKING to?’

Iron

Another borderline case is the formation of the causative. It is formed analytically, as the infinitive of the verb (see section 4.1.2) plus an appropriate form of the verb ‘to do’. When a preverb is present, the resulting complex behaves in the same manner as a complex verb, (7a−b). However, in the absence of a preverb, the infinitive of the lexical verb may even be placed after the light verb, (7c−d). (7)

a. fəd=ɐj alan-ɐn š-araž-ən kod-ta Iron father=ACC.3SG A.-DAT PRV-build-INF do.PST-PST.3SG ‘The father made Alan build it. / The father made someone build it for Alan.’ b. *fəd=ɐj alan-ɐn kodta š-araž-ən father=ACC.3SG A.-DAT do.PST-PST.3SG PRV-build-INF Idem (intended reading) c. alan mɐdinɐ-jə žar-ən kod-ta A. M.-OBL sing-INF do.PST-PST.3SG ‘Alan made Madina sing.’

Iron

d. alan mɐdinɐ-jə təχ-ɐj kod-ta žar-ən A. M.-OBL force-ABL do.PST-PST.3SG sing-INF ‘Alan forced Madina sing.’

Iron

Finally, it is worth noting that periphrastic verbs, formed as the combination of a converb (section 4.1.2) and the light verb ‘to do’ definitely do not constitute single words, cf. (8). Periphrastic forms are used when it is the predicate itself that has to be focused. Finite verbs cannot be focused in Ossetic, so, when it is necessary to focus the predicate, the periphrastic form is used, and it is the converb that gets focused. The preverb (if necessa-

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ry) and tense-mood-agreement exponents are then carried by the light verb, cf. (8). This process is fully productive. (8)

fɐd-bɐl ra-kod-tan cɐwu-gɐ=dɐr dɐw go-CVB=EMP you.OBL trace-SUP PRV-DO.PST-PST.1PL ‘And it is because of you (lit. after you) that we did go.’ (Tobojti 2004: 93)

Digor

2.3.3. Demarcating compounding and derivation The only reasonable way to demarcate compounding and derivation is to check whether the (potential) affix has a cognate independent lexeme. However, the semantics of such stems in compounds may differ significantly from that of free forms (see examples in section 3). It is not very clear how to classify the formation of complex verbs and of the causative.

3. Composition Although, as it has already been mentioned, Ossetic compounds are very close to syntactic constructions, native speakers perceive some of them as single words (even when tests do not yield unambiguous results), and therefore it is probably justified to discuss the properties of compounds in Ossetic. Coordination of compound constituents (like in the German Schul- und Universität-s-streik school- and university-LINK-strike ‘school and university strike’) is usually impossible. Many personal nouns are created as compounds with the present participle of the verb ‘to do’, whose first consonant is voiced in such compounds: ʣol-gɐn-ɐg/zul-gɐnɐg bread-do-PRS.PRT ‘baker’. Appositive compounds are fairly uncommon. One example is wad-təməʁ/wad-tumuʁ wind-snow.storm ‘snow storm’. Words like the Iron sɐgat-nəgʷəlɐn north-west ‘Northwest’ are probably calques from Russian. Exocentric compounds are rather uncommon as well. From a formal point of view, there is no morphological difference between endo- and exocentric compounds: compare fəd rən/fud run bad sickness ‘epidemic’, an endocentric compound, with šaw nɐməg/saw nɐmug black seed ‘bilberry’, an exocentric compound. A number of nominal stems function similarly to affixes and it is difficult to distinguish them from such. For a very small number of nouns/adjectives, compounding with šaw-/saw- ‘black’ expresses intensification: šaw-rɐšuʁd/saw-rɐsuʁd black-beautiful ‘very beautiful’, šaw-rašəg/saw-rasug black-drunk ‘very drunk’, šaw-žɐrond/saw-zɐrond black-old ‘very old’. This model is not productive. Another, equally non-productive type of non-compositional compound is only present in Iron: ɐrvəl < arv-əl sky-SUP, when prefixed to a temporal stem, means ‘every’: ɐrvəl-bon ‘every day’ (← bon ‘day’); ɐrvəlaž ‘every year’ (← až ‘year’). Furthermore, there are a small number of non-productive spatial prefixes: raž-/raz- ‘in front of ’, e.g., raž-amon-ɐg/raz-amon-ɐg front-indicatePRS.PRT ‘manager, leader’, faštɐ-/fɐšte- ‘behind’, e.g., fɐštɐ-žad/fɐšte-zad ‘left behind,

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backward’. Such formations may be listed among compounds, because these prefixes all have cognate noun stems. The noun bən/bun ‘bottom, root’ gives rise to several series of compounds. Suffixed to basic color terms, it yields an attenuative meaning: šərχ-bən/surχ-bun ‘reddish’ (← šərχ/surχ ‘red’), bur-bən/bor-bun ‘yellowish, brownish’ (← bur/bor ‘yellow, brown’), etc. With names of trees, it yields the meaning ‘forest of Ns’: bɐrž-bən/bɐrz-bun ‘birch forest’ (← bɐrž/bɐrzɐ ‘birch-tree’), tulz-bən/tolʣ-bun ‘oak forest’ (← tulz/tolʣɐ ‘oak’), etc. The root garž/garz in compounds means ‘tool for’: kʷəš-ɐn-garž/kos-ɐn-garz workMOD.INF-tool ‘working tool’, Iron χʷəšš-ɐn-garž lie-MOD.INF-tool ‘bedding’, etc. As an independent word it survives, for instance, in the Iron plurale tantum gɐržtɐ ‘weapons’. The combinations of a converb with an infinitive (see section 4.1.2) that are based on the same stem V, are single words with the (non-compositional) meaning ‘while doing V’: zur-gɐ zur-ən/ʣor-gɐ ʣor-un talk-CNV talk-INF ‘while talking’, sɐwgɐ-sɐwən/ caw-gɐ cɐw-un go-CNV go-INF ‘while walking, on the way’.

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation As adjectives and adverbs are morphologically indistinct from nouns, it hardly makes sense to consider deadjectival and deadverbial nouns separately.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns Denominal nouns are formed by prefixation and suffixation. Furthermore, some casemarked nouns have been reanalyzed into new lexemes. Most p r e f i x e s enjoy very limited productivity, if any. Prefixes cannot attach to conjoined nouns: i.e. PREF-noun1 and noun 2 cannot mean PREF-noun1 and PREF-noun 2. The meanings of prefixes can be classified in the following manner: a) privative (‘negation/lack of N’): ɐ-, ɐnɐ-; b) ‘sharing N’: ɐm-; c) comitative (‘with N’): ɐd-; d) intensive (‘intense N’): fər-/fur-; e) ‘self-’: χɐd-/χʷɐd-; f) a number of temporal/locative prefixes. In addition, verb nominalizations may occur with verb prefixes, see sections 4.1.2 and 4.2.2: a) p r i v a t i v e ɐ- ‘negation of N’: kad/kadɐ ‘glory, honor’ → ɐ-gad/ɐ-gadɐ ‘dishonor’. If the root begins with a voiceless consonant, the consonant becomes voiced when preceded by this prefix. A relatively large number of words occur with this prefix; however, it does not seem to be productive anymore. The fully productive prefix ɐnɐalso expresses negation or lack of N. The test distinguishing it from the preposition ɐnɐ ‘without’, is their interaction with deictics and/or possession markers: the preposition must precede such items, while the prefixal ɐnɐ- must follow them: Digor ači ɐnɐzongɐ adɐjmag this NEG-known person ‘this unknown person’ vs. ɐnɐ ači zongɐ adɐjmag without this known person ‘without this known person’.

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b) The meaning ‘together with N, sharing N’ can be expressed by the prefix ɐm-, e.g., ɐm-nom ‘namesake’ (← nom ‘name’); ɐm-ɐχšt/ɐm-ɐχst ‘simultaneous shooting’ (← ɐχšt/ɐχst ‘shot’), etc. This prefix also causes voicedness in the first consonant of the root: Digor ɐm-garɐ ‘peer, age-mate’ (← karɐ ‘age’). The prefix is productive to a certain extent. c) The c o m i t a t i v e prefix ɐd- is compatible with common nouns and noun phrases (Digor ɐd=ustur bel with=big spade ‘with a big spade’), but not with personal names, pronouns or noun phrases modified by deictics: Digor *ɐd=ɐ=ustur bel with= POSS.3SG=big spade, intended reading: ‘with his/her big spade’. This motivates treating it as a prefix and not as a preposition. When marked with this prefix, the noun phrase may not receive any overt case marker, except the already mentioned vestigial nominative marker -ɐ. Native speakers vary as to whether this prefix may be adjoined to animates and specific or definite noun phrases. (Definiteness need not be overtly marked in Ossetic, so the latter effect is not a result of incompatibility of this prefix with any lexical material.) For possessive phrases, the grammaticality depends on the position of the possessor on the animacy/referentiality scale: (9) a.

*ɐd Soslan-i kuj with Soslan-OBL dog

Digor

b.

?ɐd biččew-i kuj with boy-OBL dog

Digor

c.

ɐd bandon-i k’aχ with chair-OBL leg

Digor

d) The i n t e n s i v e prefix fər-/fur- is not productive. Some examples are fər-sin/furčijnɐ ‘intense joy’ (← sin/čijnɐ ‘joy’), fər-mašt/fur-mast ‘intense wrath’ (← mašt/ mast ‘wrath’). e) χɐd-/χʷɐd- ‘self-’. The suffix mostly occurs in artificially created words: χɐd-tɐχ-ɐg/ χʷɐd-tɐχ-ɐg self-fly-PRS.PRT ‘plane’. Normally, the Russian loanword samalʲot is used for ‘plane’. f) Additionally, there exist a number of s p a t i a l / t e m p o r a l nominal prefixes. Their productivity is extremely limited, but in Digor it is somewhat higher than in Iron. These prefixes are fɐš-/fɐs- ‘after’ (productive only in the temporal sense): faš-kʷəšt/ fɐs-kust after-work.NMZ.PST ‘time after work’; mid-/med- ‘within’: Iron mid-χoχ within-mountain ‘within mountains’, Digor med-χɐʣarɐ within-house ‘indoors’; Digor ɐndɐ- ‘outside’: ɐndɐ-dwar outside-door ‘outdoors’; dɐl- ‘below’: dɐl-arm below-arm ‘armpit’; wɐl- ‘above’ wɐl-χɐzar/wɐl-χɐʣarɐ above-house ‘the flat roof of a traditional mountain house’. Of these, only fɐš-/fɐs- seems to be truly productive, in particular in Digor; for instance, it can attach to loaned roots: Digor fɐs-urok-tɐ after-class-PL ‘the time after classes’, with the Russian loan urok ‘class’. The spatial prefixes are not productive even in Digor: *dɐl-st’ol below-table, intended reading ‘space below a table’. The number of s u f f i x e s is much larger than that of prefixes. Some suffixes allow suspended suffixation, i.e. noun1 and noun 2-SUFF can mean noun1-SUFF and noun 2-SUFF. Admittedly, not all suffixes have clear semantics. Dedicated suffixes that form p e r s o n -

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a l n o u n s are: the associative plural marker -i-/-e- (cf. (e) below), and suffixes -i (f) and -oj (g), mostly used to form nicknames. Besides that, personal nouns are formed with wide-purpose suffixes -ɐg (b), -on (c), -(j)ag (d), and ʤən/-gun, -gin (l). There are no dedicated suffixes for s t a t u s n o u n s , wide-purpose abstract noun suffixes -ad/-adɐ and -zinad/-ʤijnadɐ (h) are used to this end. Place nouns are formed with the suffixes -ʤən/-gun (l) and -don/-donɐ (m). Diminutives in the proper sense do not exist, hypocoristics are only formed from personal names with loaned suffixes (r). Augmentative suffixes do not exist. Below, I list all derivational nominal suffixes I have been able to find in Ossetic. a) A suffix on the border between inflection and derivation is the vestigial nominative -ɐ, which appears with the plural marker in both languages and, in Digor, with a considerable number of singular nouns. Its function in the modern language is not very clear: For instance, it is compatible with some case markers, a kind of behavior hardly expected for a case marker: Digor zɐnχ-ɐ-bɐl earth-NOM?-sup ‘on the ground’. In the plural, it is deleted: Digor bɐlasɐ ‘tree’, but bɐlɐs-tɐ ‘trees’. The suffix is productive in Digor in the sense that Russian feminine nominative ending -a is reinterpreted as this suffix in loanwords: bričkɐ britzka.NOM ‘a kind of kart’, brički britzka.OBL (from the Russian brička). b) A considerable number of nouns feature the suffix -ɐg (it is homonymous with a nominalizing suffix, see section 4.1.2), e.g., štɐg/ɐstɐg ‘bone’. Roots of such nouns often do not function as independent words. However, this suffix can attach to some extant words as well: Digor gun-gun ‘nasality (of voice)’ → gun-gun-ɐg ‘a person with nasal voice’. In the plural, the suffix takes the form -ʤə-/-gu-: didinɐg/dedenɐg ‘flower’, didin-ʤə-tɐ/deden-gu-tɐ ‘flowers’. c) The suffix -on (productively) forms nouns meaning ‘bearer of the feature X, expressed by the root’: kɐšg-on/kɐsg-on ‘Kabardian’ (← kɐšɐg/kɐsɐg ‘Kabardia’). It is widely used for calquing Russian adjectives: kommuniston ‘communist’. In the plural, this suffix takes the form -ɐ-/-ɐn- and triggers consonant gemination in the plural marker: kɐšg-ɐ-ttɐ/kɐsg-ɐn-ttɐ ‘Kabardians’. d) In p e r s o n a l n o u n s the suffix -(j)ag means ‘person from X’: mɐškʷə-jag/mɐskujag ‘a person from Moscow’). The suffix -gojmag only forms the words šəlgojmag/ šilgojmag ‘woman’ and nɐlgojmag ‘man’ (← šəl-/šil- ‘female’, nɐl ‘male’). In the plural, the -ag in -(j)ag and -gojmag becomes -ɐg-. Diachronically, -gojmag is -gomjag. Another function of the suffix -jɐg, is to form words with the meaning ‘intended for N’: Digor χodɐ ‘hat’ → χoddag ‘material to make a hat of ’. This suffix has the following morphophonological properties: if the root it attaches to ends with a vowel, then the suffix appears in its original form: pajda + -jag → pajdajag ‘something useful’ (← pajda ‘usefulness’). If the root ends in l, n, m, or r, metathesis occurs: šɐr/sɐr ‘head’ → šɐjrag/sɐjrag ‘main’. If the root ends in a cluster or χ, then the suffix surfaces as -ag: χoχ/χʷɐnχ ‘mountain’ → χoχ-ag/χʷɐnχ-ag ‘alpine’. For all other final consonants, the -j- of the suffix gets assimilated yielding a geminated consonant: Digor χodɐ → χoddag; taš/tas ‘fear’ → tɐššag/tɐssag ‘dangerous’; Digor bɐllec ‘wish’ → bɐlleccag ‘desirable object’. I have not been able to find any ʁ-final stems that would be compatible with this suffix. e) The a s s o c i a t i v e p l u r a l suffix -i-/-e-, attaches to personal names to form nouns meaning ‘group of people including N’. It has to be followed by the plural marker:

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f)

g)

h)

i)

j)

k)

l)

m)

XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Indo-Iranian šošlan-i-tɐ/soslan-e-tɐ S.-ASS-PL ‘Soslan and others’. When the name ends in -ɐ, in Digor the -ɐ- disappears: mɐdin-e-tɐ M.-ASS-PL ‘Madina and others’ (← Mɐdinɐ). In Iron, the epenthetic -j- is inserted in this case: mɐdinɐ-j-i-tɐ. With other final vowels, the hiatus is treated in the same way in both languages. Normally, this suffix only attaches to Ossetic names, but some examples of it attaching to foreign names are attested in published fiction: korotkov-i-tɐ K.-ASS-PL ‘Korotkov (a Russian surname) and his group’. The suffix -oj creates the meaning ‘person with abnormal X’: Iron quš-oj ‘person with big ears’ (← quš ‘ear’), Digor bil-oj ‘person with very thick or very thin lips’ (← bilɐ ‘lip’). This suffix is not productive: Iron *šɐr-oj (← šɐr ‘head’), intended meaning ‘a person with a very large/small head’. In Iron, nicknames and animal names can be formed by the suffix -i: fənz-i ‘(a nickname for a) person with a big nose’ (← fənz ‘nose’); wurš-i ‘(a nickname for a) white animal’ (← wurš ‘white’). This suffix is not productive: *šɐr-i (← šɐr ‘head’), *bəl-i (← bəl ‘lip’). Insofar as I was able to check, Digor lacks a cognate for this suffix. Abstract nouns, including s t a t u s n o u n s , are formed with the suffixes -ad/-adɐ and -zinad/-ʤijnadɐ: Digor ɐnsuvɐr-ʤijnadɐ ‘brotherhood’ (← ɐnsuvɐr ‘brother’), Iron χisaw-ad ‘administration’ (← χisaw ‘boss’); Iron šabər-zinad ‘peace’ (← šabər ‘quiet’). The suffix -zinad/-ʤijnadɐ allows suspended affixation: Digor ɐnsuvɐr ɐma suʁdɐg-ʤijnadɐ ‘brotherhood and sanctity’ (← ɐnsuvɐr ‘brother’, suʁdɐg ‘clean’). Words formed in this manner are often perceived by native speakers as artificial, but the two suffixes are fairly productive in written texts. In the plural, the a in the last syllable of these suffixes becomes ɐ: Digor χʷarž-ʤijnɐd-tɐ good-ABSTR-PL ‘different manifestation of the good’, Iron χisaw-ɐd-tɐ boss-ABSTR-PL ‘governments’). An additional suffix forming abstract nouns is -ɐχ/-ɐnχɐ. Respective nouns are singularia tantum. In Digor, this suffix very marginally allows suspended affixation: ?*fud ɐma χʷɐrzɐnχɐ in the meaning fud-ɐnχɐ ɐma χʷɐrz-ɐnχɐ ‘bad and good (nouns)’ (← fud ‘bad’, χʷɐrz ‘good’). This suffix is non-productive. The non-productive -əkkon/-ikkon and -əgon/-igon combine with certain temporal and locative nouns: nər/nur ‘now’ → nər-əkkon/nur-ikkon ‘modern’, bon ‘day’ → bon-əgon/bon-igon ‘in the daytime’; wɐlɐrd- ‘from the upper side’ → wɐlɐrd-əgon/ wɐlɐrd-igon ‘living above the speaker’. In the plural, it takes the form -əkkɐ/-ikkɐn and triggers the gemination of the consonant in the plural marker. The suffix -ən/-in is used to express the meaning ‘made of’: qɐd-ən/ʁɐd-in ‘wooden’ (← qɐd/ʁɐdɐ ‘wood’); dur-ən/dor-in ‘made of stone or clay, clay jar’ (← dur/dor ‘stone’); Digor ɐrʁ-in ‘made of clay’ (← ɐrʁ ‘clay’). The suffix still enjoys some productivity: the Iron words žmiš-ən ‘made of sand’ (← žmiš ‘sand’) and žɐχχ-ən ‘made of earth’ (← žɐχχ ‘earth’) were judged possible by consultants. The productive suffixes -ʤən/-gun and -ʤən/-gin mean ‘with X’: moj-ʤən/mojnɐgin ‘married (about a woman)’ (← moj/mojnɐ ‘husband’); k’abuška-ʤən/k’abuskagun ‘pie with cabbage’ (← k’abuška/k’abuska ‘cabbage’). The same suffix is present in (no longer transparent) šaw-ʤən/saw-gin ‘Christian priest’ (← šaw/saw ‘black’). The distribution of -gun and -gin in Digor is unknown, and, for some stems, both suffixes are possible: ɐrʁ-gin/ɐrʁ-gun ‘area with clay-rich soil’. To form names of containers or spaces intended for a specific use, the suffix -don/ -donɐ is used: χor-don/χʷar-donɐ ‘granary’ (← χor/χʷar ‘grain’); šɐkɐr-don/sɐkɐrdonɐ ‘sugar bowl’. In the plural, an alternation occurs: šɐkɐr-dɐ-ttɐ/sɐkɐr-dɐn-ttɐ.

173. Ossetic

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o)

p)

q)

r)

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The suffix -šton/-ston is only present in the words Irəšton/Iriston ‘Ossetia’ and Gʷərzəšton/Gurʤiston ‘Georgia’. In a number of words, the suffix -əg/-ug is present: fad-əg/fad-ug ‘trouser leg’ (← fad ‘foot’). It is productive insofar as it is used for creating some artificial words, e.g., bonəg/bon-ug ‘diary’ (← bon ‘day’); Iron χajəg ‘particle (a grammar term)’ (← χaj ‘part’). The d i s t r i b u t i v e suffix -gaj can be fairly accurately translated by the English -wise: čəšəl-gaj/mink’ij-gaj ‘gradually’ (← čəšəl/mink’ij ‘small’), Digor rɐnʁɐ-gaj ‘linewise, line by line’ (← rɐnʁɐ ‘line’). Normally, for Digor stems ending in -ɐ, the -ɐ is dropped before -gaj: χɐʣar-gaj ‘house by house’ (← χɐʣarɐ ‘house’), bɐlasgaj ‘tree by tree’ (← bɐlasɐ ‘tree’). However, even these formations are nouns, and not adverbs, insofar as they can carry number and case marking: Iron adɐm-ə k’ordgɐj-tt-ɐj people-OBL group-wise-PL-ABL ‘people by groups’ (the change gaj → gɐj is triggered by the plural marker). Besides that, some non-productive suffixes with unclear or hard-to-define meanings are present in a very small number of words each: -ənʣ/-inʣɐ in qɐd-ənʣ/ʁɐd-inʣɐ ‘onion’ (← qɐd/ʁɐdɐ ‘wood’); -əkk/-ikkɐ in wɐr-əkk/wɐr-ikkɐ ‘lamb’ and Iron šɐnəkk ‘kid’ (← wɐr ‘lamb’, Indo-European *sken ‘baby animal’, Abaev 1979: 71); -c/ -cɐ in rajgʷər-c/igur-cɐ ‘birth’ (← rajgur-/igur- ‘to give birth’); -oj/-ojnɐ in kʷəroj/ kurojnɐ ‘mill’, wiš-oj/wes-ojnɐ ‘besom’ (← wiš/wes ‘osier’); -in/-ijnɐ in fɐš-sɐw-in/ fɐs-cɐw-ijnɐ behind-go.PRS-SUFF ‘servant’; -dan in saj-dan/caj-dan ‘teapot’ (← saj/ caj ‘tea’), -ɐn in šɐr-ɐn/sɐr-ɐn ‘smart’ (← šɐr/sɐr ‘head’). This list is probably nonexhaustive. The a t t e n u a t i v e suffix -gomaw productively attaches to words denoting a gradable quality, it may mean either ‘a weak manifestation of the quality X’ or ‘a slightly excessive manifestation of the quality X with respect to a certain salient scale’; ‘the speaker is not sure whether the quality X is sufficiently present’: šərχ-gomaw/surχgomaw red-SUFF ‘reddish’; štər-gomaw/ustur-gomaw big-SUFF ‘a bit too large (about clothes)’; žɐrond-gomaw/zɐrond-gomaw old-SUFF ‘oldish, a bit too old’; bɐržondgomaw/bɐrzond-gomaw high-SUFF ‘a bit too high/tall’, etc. It is incompatible with non-gradable qualities: Iron *durən-gomaw made.of.stone-SUFF. There are no d i m i n u t i v e s properly speaking. H y p o c o r i s t i c suffixes only exist for proper names. The loaned Russian suffix -ik may attach to clipped proper nouns: As-ik (a male name), Fat-ik (a female name). With some male proper names, -əqo/ -iqo serves as a hypocoristic (rare): šɐrmɐt/sɐrmɐt → šɐrmɐt-əqo/sɐrmɐt-iqo. This suffix is obviously similar to the Georgian hypocoristic -ik’o, but the reasons why q appears in Ossetic instead of k’ are unclear. A u g m e n t a t i v e s (or, rather, intensifiers) exist only for basic color terms and very few other nouns (see section 3 on compounding with šaw-/saw- and section 6 on reduplication and suffixation of -id).

Some frozen case forms have been reanalyzed as nouns: fən-ɐj/fun-ɐj ‘sleep’ (← fən/ fun, which means ‘dream’ in the modern language, with the ablative -ɐj), ɐrɐʤə/ɐrɐgi ‘late, of late’ (← ɐrɐg ‘late’, in the modern language only a bound stem, with the oblique -ə/ -i). These nouns can be marked with case suffixes and the plural suffix -tɐ: (10) tarf funɐj-tɐ bacan deep sleep-PL happened.to.us ‘We fell fast asleep.’ (Xidirti 2007: 42)

Digor

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Normally, the plural marker precedes a case marker, and double case marking is impossible, and therefore this test indeed shows that such case-marked forms have been reanalyzed as nouns.

4.1.2. Deverbal nouns For simplex verbs, nominalizations are formed on the basis of the stem: aχod-ən/aχodun stem-INF ‘to ritually taste a sacrificial pie’. For complex verbs, nominalizations are formed on the basis of the nominal part and the appropriate nominalization of the light verb: Digor ʁigɐ dar-un annoyance hold-INF (← ʁigɐ dar-) ‘to disturb, annoy’. Except for the past participle, all nominalizations are formed on the basis of the present stem. Nominalizations may be modified by preverbs (or, on an alternative analysis, they may be formed on the basis of verbs with preverbs). The infinitive is formed by the suffix -ən/-un. It serves as a c t i o n n o u n : Iron ɐrbasɐw-ən PRV-go-INF ‘arrival’. The modal infinitive is formed by the suffix -ɐn. Modal infinitives are used in certain constructions expressing necessity, but also mean ‘i n s t r u m e n t or p l a c e for Ving’: bad-ɐn sit-MOD.INF ‘bench, stool’, χʷəšš-ɐn/χuss-ɐn lieMOD.INF ‘bed’, Digor χʷar-ɐn paint-MOD.INF ‘paint’. The past participle is usually identical to the past stem of the verb, but the relationship is sometimes irregular: for the verb ‘to do’, the past stem is kod-, whereas the past participle is kond. The past participle may also serve as action noun, Iron ɐrba-səd PRVgo.PRT.PST ‘arrival’. The past participle serves as a basis for the stem of the (finite) impersonal, see section 4.2.2. A g e n t n o u n s are identical to the present participle, formed by the suffix -ɐg, and the habitual participle, formed by the suffix -ag/-agɐ. Examples are Digor χuj-ɐg sewPRS.PRT and χuj-agɐ sew-HAB ‘one who regularly sews’. A p a t i e n t i v e n o u n is formed by the suffix -inag/-ujnag, Digor χuj-ujnag ‘thing to be sewn’. The suffix can be actually analyzed as -ən/-un + -jag > -inag/-ujnag. However, the semantics is not quite compositional, nor can -jag attach to other nominalizations. The converb is formed by the suffix -gɐ. In its basic function, it denotes an action simultaneous with, or preceding to, the one expressed by the finite verb, cf. (11). (11)

fɐzzɐg-i ɐmbeš-i met ɐr-war-gɐ ɐz nɐma fɐ-wwidton Digor fall-OBL middle-OBL snow PRV-rain-CNV I not.yet PRV-see.PST.1SG ‘I have never seen it snowing (lit. snow raining) in mid-fall.’ (Sabajti 2010: 34)

In this function, converbs are often marked with the ablative. For intransitive verbs, the converb also serves as an active participle: tɐχ-gɐ fly-CNV ‘flying’. For transitive verbs, it serves as a passive participle (with the meaning ‘that can be Ved’): χɐr-gɐ/χʷɐr-gɐ eatCNV ‘edible’; dus-gɐ qug/doc-gɐ ʁog milk-CNV cow ‘dairy (lit. milkable) cow’. Finally, Digor has a modal deverbal formation meaning ‘the subject is likely to do X/going to do X (but maybe will not do so)’. It is formed on the basis of the infinitive by suffixing -ijaw to it:

173. Ossetic

3169

(12) fɐstagmɐ politikɐ-mɐ=dɐr ra-χez-un-iaw adtɐncɐ at.last politics-ALL=EMP PRV-climb-INF-MOD be.PST.3PL ‘Finally, they were going to switch to (discussing) politics.’ (Sk’odtati 2008: 112)

4.2. Verbal derivation By default, most preverbless verbs are imperfective, and adding a preverb perfectivizes them. However, this generalization has quite a few exceptions. In what follows, I explicitly indicate the cases when a form carrying a preverb will nevertheless be imperfective.

4.2.1. Denominal verbs As it has already been mentioned, complex verbs consist of a nominal part and a light verb. The test distinguishing complex verbs and idiomatic expressions is whether a preverb can attach to the nominal part: (13) a. Complex verb ba-ʁigɐ=ɐj dard-ta PRV-grief=ACC.3SG hold.PST-PST.3SG ‘S/he annoyed (or disturbed) him/her.’ Idiomatic expression b. *ba-zɐrdɐ-bɐl=ɐj dard-ta PRV-heart-SUP=ACC.3SG hold.PST-PST.3SG c.

ok

zɐrdɐ-bɐl=ɐj ba-dard-ta heart-SUP=ACC.3SG PRV-hold.PST-PST.3SG ‘S/he memorized it (lit. held it on the heart).’

Digor

Digor Digor

Light verbs are ‘to do’, ‘to be’ (highly productive); laš-, laš-/las-, las- ‘to pull’, which has limited productivity; and completely unproductive kɐš-, kašt-/kɐs-, kast- ‘to look’, dar-, dard- ‘to hold’, mar-, mard- ‘to kill’, and mɐl-/mard- ‘to die’. The choice of ‘to do’ vs. ‘to be’ is a rather subtle issue, and for the lack of space it cannot be taken up here. The difference between light verbs and suffixes is discussed in section 2.3.2. The use of the light verb ‘to pull’ indicates the suddenness of the action: Digor ni-ggɐpp lasta jump pull.PST.3SG ‘s/he suddenly jumped off’ vs. ni-ggɐpp kodta jump do.PST.3SG ‘s/he jumped’. Examples of complex verbs with non-productive light verbs are: ɐnqɐl-mɐ kɐš-/ɐnʁɐl-mɐ kɐs- ‘to wait, hope’ (← ɐnqɐl-mɐ/ɐnʁɐl-mɐ hope-ALL); qəg dar-/ʁigɐ dar- ‘to disturb, annoy’ (← qəg/ʁigɐ ‘grief, disturbance’); mɐšt-ɐj mar-/mɐstɐj mar- ‘to tease’ (← mašt-ɐj/mast-ɐj wrath-ABL); Iron tuχɐn-ɐj mɐl- ‘to suffer’ (← tuχɐn-ɐj suffering-ABL). Usually, the nominal part of a complex verb carries no case marking. In very rare instances, case-marked nouns do occur: Iron ɐr-žonəg-əl kɐn- PRV-knee-SUP do ‘to kneel’. The presence of the plural marker on the nominal part normally indicates verbal plurality.

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For some “adjectives”, the verb A-PL kɐn- means ‘to frequently be in the state A’: Iron rənčən-tɐ kɐn- ‘to frequently fall sick’ (← rənčən ‘sick’). For deverbal verbs of this type, see section 4.2.2.

4.2.2. Deverbal verbs Deverbal verbs can be formed in the following ways: by prefixing a preverb, by inserting the conative affix between the preverb and the stem, and by forming a complex verb on the basis of an appropriate nominalization. Furthermore, complex verbs can be formed on the basis of the reduplicated stem of a simplex verb or the reduplicated nominal part of the complex verb. Additionally, the impersonal form can be formed (at least for some simplex verbs) on the basis of the dedicated impersonal stem. Preverbs have spatial meanings, similar to the ones described in the next paragraph. Besides that, all preverbs except fa- always have a telicizing function. Furthermore, each preverb has a host of non-spatial (and often elusive) meanings. They cannot be discussed here for reasons of space. The semantics of a verb with a preverb can be non-compositional: ba-kɐn- lit. ‘do inwards, with the deictic center outside’ may mean ‘to close (a door)’. The following preverbs are productive in modern Ossetic: ɐr-, ba-, ɐrba-, ra-, š-/is-, nə-/ni-, fɐ-, and, in Iron, a-. Besides that, Iron has an unproductive preverb sɐ-. Although historically ɐrba- is a combination of ɐr- and ba-, synchronically this segmentation does not make sense: ɐr- means movement downwards, when the deictic center is below; ba- means movement inwards, when the deictic center is outside, whereas ɐrba- means movement inwards, when the deictic center is inside. In modern Ossetic, multiple prefixation is impossible. Preverbs cannot take scope over conjoined verbs: Digor ba-warzta ɐma zarta PRVlove.PST.3SG and sing.PST.3SG has only the interpretation ‘fell in love and sang’, i.e. the preverb can only scope over the first conjunct. If both conjoined verbs carry a copy of the preverb, the interpretation is different: Digor ba-warzta ɐma ba-zarta means ‘fell in love and started singing’. Many preverbs show irregular morphophonological behavior. For instance, the preverb nə-/ni- triggers gemination of the initial consonant of the verb stem, if the latter begins with a single consonant: Iron nə-liz- → nə-lliz- ‘to run downwards (with the deictic center above)’. If the verb stem begins with a vowel other than ɐ an epenthetic consonant is inserted (and geminated): Iron ažɐl- ‘to sound (about the echo)’ → nɐ-jjažɐl. In Iron, if the stem begins with ɐ and a single consonant, the stem-initial vowel gets deleted: ɐvɐr- ‘to put (ipf.)’ → nəvɐr- ‘to put (pf.)’. In Digor, ni+ɐCV yields nijCV: ɐguppɐg kɐn- ‘to suffocate (ipf.)’ → nijguppag kan- ‘to suffocate (pf.)’. In the case of cluster-initial stems, the preverb attaches directly to the cluster: Iron nə-stər kɐn- ‘to exaggerate’ (← štər ‘big’); Digor ni-st’alu-gin un ‘to become full of stars’ (← st’alugin ‘with stars’). Furthermore, some verbs show exceptional behavior. For instance, in Digor, the verb ɐvɐr- ‘to put’ yields nivvɐr- instead of the expected *nivɐr-. In Digor, the preverb fɐ- shows similar behavior, whereas in Iron it only causes vowel assimilation under certain circumstances: Iron fɐ-ɐvdiš- → fe-vdiš- ‘to show’. For lack of space, I do not describe its properties here in any detail.

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3171

Furthermore, in Iron, the preverbs a-, ra-, ba-, ɐr-, ɐrba-, nə-, and fɐ- interact in a peculiar manner with a-initial simplex verbs. If such a verb is compatible with the respective preverb, an epenthetic -s- is inserted. In the case of nə-, the epenthetic is -cc-. Remarkably, in the case of ɐr-, an insertion of any epenthetic consonant is not phonologically motivated at all. This rule is non-productive, for most complex verbs the hiatus is resolved in a regular manner: a-ʔ-aftid kɐn- PRV-EP-empty do ‘to quickly empty’, but *?a-s-aftid kɐn-. For some speakers, a regular epenthetic -j- is also acceptable in some cases: both nə-cc-agur- and nə-jj-agur- ‘to start intensively looking for’ were judged acceptable (← agur-, agʷərd- ‘to look for’). I have been able to find only one complex verb that requires -s- insertion. It is aχʷər kɐn- ‘to learn, teach’. Thus, the rule concerns only about a dozen stems. One of the main functions of the conative affix -sɐj-/-cɐj- is to indicate that the action was unfinished or prematurely stopped. However, that does not exhaust all its functions, the matter needs further study. This affix is inserted between the preverb and the verb stem, cf. (1). It is more productive in Iron than in Digor. Several derivational means can be used to express v e r b a l p l u r a l i t y (i.e. the plurality of the respective event: the action is either repeated, or frequent, or performed by a number of agents.) The extent to which these processes are productive is, unfortunately, unknown. Such verbs can be formed from the plural of the past participle (if the original verb is simplex) or of the nominal part (if the original verb is complex): Digor rakɐšt-itɐ kɐn- PRV-look.PST.NMZ-PL do ‘to look out in different directions’ (← kast look.PST.NMZ); Digor fɐ-ggɐpp-ittɐ kɐn- PRV-jump-PL do ‘(for many people) to jump’ (← gɐpp kɐn- ‘jump’). This form is imperfective. For some verbs with preverbs, the reduplicated 2nd person imperative form may be used to form a complex verb with the meaning ‘to frequently do X’. In Iron, the 2nd person imperative form coincides with the present stem, whereas in Digor it carries the suffix -ɐ, cf. Digor fɐ-kkɐsɐ-fɐ-kkɐsɐ kɐn- ‘to frequently look at’ (← kɐs- look.PRS), Iron a-bad-a-bad kɐn ‘to frequently sit down’ (← bad- sit.PRS). Clitics may not be inserted between the two copies of the reduplicand. This type of verb is imperfective. The reduplicated nominal part may not carry the plural marking. Preverbs cannot attach on top of the one already present: *PRV-a-bad-a-bad kɐn. From the second person of the imperative of a simplex verb, or from the nominal part of a complex verb, a new complex verb can be productively formed with the meaning ‘X in opposite directions’. It is a complex verb of the form ra-stem ba-stem do: Digor ra-ʣorɐ ba-ʣorɐ kɐn- ‘to negotiate, converse’ (← ʣor-ɐ talk-IMP.2SG); ra-gɐpp ba-gɐpp kɐn- ‘to jump back and forth’ (← gɐpp kɐn- ‘to jump’). The preverbs fɐ- and, in Iron, a-, may be affixed to such verbs: Iron fɐ-ra-wən ba-wən=ɐj kodta PRV=RA-see BA-see= ACC.3SG did ‘she viewed it for a while’ (← wən see.PRS, in Iron the 2nd person of the imperative coincides with the present stem). Both ra-ba-complex verbs and ra-ba-verbs modified by preverbs are imperfective. The nominal part of such a complex verb is a noun denoting the corresponding action. Clitics may not be inserted between the ra-stem and ba-stem. The ra-ba-part may not carry the plural marking. The i m p e r s o n a l form lies at the boundary between derivation and inflection. For many speakers, especially younger ones, this form is available only for a handful of verbs. The subject cannot be overtly expressed with this form, which motivates the choice of the term. The impersonal is formed on the basis of a special stem. Normally, it is the past stem with suffix -ɐ: for instance, fəštɐ/finstɐ write.IPS (← fəšt/finst

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write.PST). The verb ‘to do’ is exceptional: instead of the expected *kondɐ an irregular form čəndɐ/kindɐ is used. The finite morphology is expressed by the 3sg future subjunctive or the 3sg imperative of the copula suffixed to the stem. Certain tests show, however, that the verb stem and the copula have amalgamated into a single word. The form is used in rhetorical questions. It is most frequently used in two expressions: (14) a. sə (ba)-čəndɐ-wa? what PRV-do.IPS-SUB.FUT.3SG ‘What is there to say?’

b. sə žaʁdɐ-wa? what say.IPS-SUB.FUT.3SG ‘What is there to do?’

Iron

4.3. Derivation of numerals Many small morphophonological irregularities exist in the formation of numerals. Moreover, the languages have several counting systems: a vigesimal and a decimal one in both languages; and an additional decimal system, the so-called “shepherd count”, in Digor. The decimal system in Iron was artificially calqued from Digor in 1920s, according to Bagaev (1965: 212).

4.3.1. Cardinal numerals Cardinal numerals differ from nouns in several aspects. First, both in Iron and Digor, in the numeral phrase they assign the oblique case to the noun, when the whole phrase is in the nominative, cf. (15). Second, Digor numerals and numeral phrases have a separate series of case suffixes. (15) ɐrtɐ bɐχ-ə χiž-ənc three horse-OBL graze-PRS.3PL ‘Three horses are grazing.’

Iron

Low cardinal numerals are non-derived. I list them here for the irregularities in the formation of derived numerals to become visible: ju/jew ‘1’; dəwwɐ/duwwɐ ‘2’; ɐrtɐ ‘3’; səppar/cuppar ‘4’; fonz/fonʣ ‘5’; ɐχšɐž/ɐχsɐz ‘6’; avd ‘7’; ašt/ast ‘8’; farašt/farast ‘9’; dɐš/dɐs ‘10’. Numbers between 11 and 19 are formed by compounding the appropriate unit with dɐš/dɐs ‘10’. Unexpected linking morphemes or root changes may occur: juwɐndɐš/ jewɐndɐs ‘11’; dəwwadɐš/duwadɐs ‘12’; ɐrtəndɐš/ɐrtindɐs ‘13’ səppɐrdɐš/cuppɐrdɐs ‘14’; fənddɐš/finddɐs ‘15’; ɐχšɐrdɐš/ɐχsɐrdɐs ‘16’; ɐvddɐš/ɐvddɐs ‘17’; ɐštdɐš/ɐstdɐs ‘18’; nudɐš/nɐwudɐs ‘19’. Decimal numerals are fairly irregular: dəw-ən/duw-in ‘20’; ɐrt-ən/ɐrt-in ‘30’; səppor/ cuppor ‘40’; fɐnzaj/fɐnʣaj ‘50’; ɐχšaj/ɐχsaj ‘60’; ɐvdaj ‘70’; ɐštaj/ɐstaj ‘80’; nɐwɐz/ nawɐʣɐ ‘90’; šɐdɐ/sɐdɐ ‘100’; avd šɐdə/avd sɐdi ‘700’. The oblique marker -ə/-i appears on ‘hundred’ only if no other numerals follow. A Turkic loanword mijn/min is used for ‘thousand’. Complex numerals in the decimal count are formed after the pattern thou-

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sands-hundreds-tens-ones, e.g., Digor duwɐ mijn duwɐ sɐdɐ ɐrtin farast two thousand two hundred thirty nine ‘2,239’. In the vigesimal count: ššɐz/insɐj ‘20’; dɐš ɐmɐ ššɐz/dɐs ɐma insɐj 10 and 20 ‘30’; dəwiššɐzə/duwinsɐj two-twenty ‘40’; dɐš ɐmɐ dəwiššɐzə/dɐs ɐma duwinsɐj ‘50’; ɐrt-iššɐzə/ɐrt-insɐj three-twenty ‘60’; dɐš ɐmɐ ɐrt-i-ššɐzə/dɐs ɐma ɐrt-insɐj ‘70’; səppar-əššɐzə/cuppar-insɐj four-twenty ‘80’; dɐš ɐmɐ səppar-ə-ššɐzə/dɐs ɐma cuppar-insɐj ten and four-twenty ‘90’; fonz-ə-ššɐzə/fonʤ-insɐj ‘100’. Digor has another series, based on the root -sɐʤi: duwin-sɐʤi ‘40’, ɐrtin-sɐʤi ‘60’; cuppar-insɐʤi ‘80’, fonʤ-insɐʤi ‘100’, etc. To form numerals up to 380, multiples of twenty are used: Digor duwadɐs-insɐʤi twelve-twenty ‘240’, nɐwudɐs-insɐʤi nineteen-twenty ‘380’. For numerals starting from 400, multiples of fonz-ə-ššɐzə/fonʤ-insɐj ‘100’ are used: Iron avd fonzəššɐzə ‘700’. Actually, the numerals 200 and 300 can be expressed as multiples of 100 as well. In the vigesimal count, the pattern is ‘thousands hundreds numeral.below.twenty and multiple.of.twenty’: Iron farašt fonzəššɐzə ɐštdɐš ɐmɐ dəwiššɐz minə səppar fonzəššɐzə nudɐš ɐmɐ ɐrtiššɐzə ‘958,479’ (Bagaev 1965: 211). However, nowadays in the spoken language Russian loanwords are often used for higher cardinals. In the Digor shepherd count (Takazov 2009: 51), the unit of count is two, because sheep were counted pairwise. Some numerals have forms different from that in the standard decimal count: artin ‘30’, čippor ‘40’, fɐnʣaj ‘50’, aχšej ‘60’, avdej ‘70’, aštej ‘80’. Complex numerals are formed as ones-and-tens: cuppar ɐma nawɐ ‘94’. An exception are numbers that are equal to eight modulo 10, a special form of the word eight is used there without the conjunction: aštin nawɐ ‘98’.

4.3.2. Ordinal numerals Ordinal numerals are derived from the cardinal ones by the suffixes -ɐm and -ɐjmag in Iron and only -ɐjmag in Digor. The three exceptions are the lower ordinals: fəccag/ficcag ‘first’ and də-kkag/du-kkag ‘second’, ɐrt-əkkag/ɐrt-ikkag ‘third’. All higher simplex ordinals are formed regularly, by affixing -ɐm or -ɐjmag to the right edge of the numeral: səppɐr-ɐjmag, səppɐr-ɐm/cuppar-ɐjmag ‘fourth’, ɐrtiššɐzɐjmag, ɐrtiššɐzɐm/ɐrtinsɐjɐjmag ‘60th (vigesimal)’; šɐd-ɐjmag/sɐd-ɐjmag ‘100th (decimal)’. In the case of a complex numeral, the ordinal suffix is attached to the right edge of the cardinal numeral. The choice of the suffix is conditioned by the rightmost word in the cardinal: Digor ɐvddɐs ɐma duwinsɐj-ɐjmag ‘57th (vigesimal)’, Iron min fonz šɐdɐ səppor ɐrtə-kkag ‘1,543rd (decimal)’. Morphosyntactically, ordinal numerals are identical to nouns: Digor sɐdɐjmag-ɐn hundred-ORD-DAT ‘to the hundredth’.

4.3.3. Distributive numerals Distributive numerals are formed by suffixing -gaj to the cardinal ones. Some minor changes happen to the stem (only irregular forms are listed): də-gaj/du-gaj ‘by twos’; ɐrtə-gaj/ɐrti-gaj ‘by threes’; səppɐr-gaj/cuppɐr-gaj four-DISTR ‘by fours’; fɐnz-gaj/fɐnʣgaj ‘by fives’; ɐvd-gaj ‘by sevens’; ɐšt-gaj/ɐst-gaj ‘by eights’; farɐšt-gaj/farɐst-gaj ‘by

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nines’. Some speakers adjoin the suffix directly to cardinal nouns without causing any alterations for numerals larger than three. Even such speakers require the respective alternations to occur in the plural: səppɐr-gɐj-ttɐ/cuppɐr-gɐj-ttɐ. The numeral -gaj is obviously similar to the homonymous nominal suffix (see section 4.1.1) but the latter does not trigger any changes in the noun it attaches to, therefore, the nominal and the numeral suffixes are synchronically distinct. Morphosyntactically, distributive numerals are identical to nouns: they can receive plural and case marking, cf. Digor ɐrtigɐj-tt-ɐj three.DISTR-PL-ABL ‘by threes’, and behave as regular modifiers in a noun phrase: Iron dəgaj χɐdɐ-ttɐ two-DISTR shirt-PL ‘two shirts each’.

4.4. Derivation of pronouns P e r s o n a l and r e c i p r o c a l p r o n o u n s are non-derived. Oblique forms of personal pronouns serve as stems for substantivized pronouns: mɐn I.OBL → mɐn-on ‘mine’, maχ → maχ-on ‘ours’. R e f l e x i v e s are formed as possessive proclitic + reflexive stem χi/χe: mɐ-χi/mɐ-χe myself.OBL. Reflexive pronouns can be substantivized as well: mɐ-χi/mɐ-χe → mɐ-χiwon/mɐ-χe-won ‘my own one’. I n t e n s i f i e r s (i.e. functional analogs of ‘himself’ in John did it himself) are formed as possessive proclitic + stem -χɐdɐg/χʷɐdɐg: mɐ-χɐdɐg/ mɐ-χʷɐdɐg ‘I myself’. There exist derived d e m o n s t r a t i v e s : a-sə/a-či PROX-what, and wu-sə/je-či DISTwhat. In Digor, the proximal a and the distal je function as independent words as well, e.g., je is used as the 3rd person singular personal pronoun. Digor has an additional distal demonstrative wo-či, whose stem wo-, not an independent word, also appears in nonnominative forms of the distal deictic je, e.g., wo-j he/she/it-OBL. What historically were the inessive forms of the distal and proximal pronouns, have been reanalyzed into the words am/ami ‘here’ and wəm/womi ‘there’. The meanings ‘in this/that one’ are expressed by combinations of the oblique forms with appropriate postpositions, e.g., Iron wəj χʷərf-ə she/he/it.OBL in-OBL ‘in her/him/it’. Non-negative i n d e f i n i t e s are formed on the basis of wh-words by affixes is-/jes-, -dɐr, and -dɐrittɐr. Negative indefinites are formed by the prefix ni-/ne-: ni-sə/ne-či NEG-what ‘nothing’. In certain non-interrogative contexts, wh-words themselves may function as indefinites (with the meaning ‘some elements of a specific salient set’): Digor (16) ka štukaturkɐ kodta ka pec dasta who plaster[Rus] do.PST.3SG who stove build.PST.3SG ‘Some were doing the plaster and some were constructing the stove.’ (Legkojti 2009: 48) Certain case forms of wh-words may undergo conversion. First, what historically was the inessive of ‘who’, the wh-word kɐm/kɐmi, now only means ‘where’. The meaning ‘in whom’ is expressed by appropriate postpositions. Second, the superessive plural form of ‘who’, kɐ-wəl-t-ə/kɐ-bɐl-t-i who.IDR-SUP-PL-OBL undergoes conversion to mean ‘where, by which trajectory’: Iron kɐ-wəl-t-ə a-səd who.IDR-SUP-PL-OBL PRV-go.PST ‘Which road did s/he take?’. The respective form of the -dɐr series indefinite means

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‘somewhere, by some trajectory’: Digor kɐ-bɐl-dɐr-t-i fe-nd-ɐj who.IDR-SUP-IDF-PL-OBL PRV-away-PST.3SG ‘S/he got away somewhere.’ Third, the oblique form of ‘who’, kɐj/ke, serves as a wide-purpose complementizer (Erschler 2012). Fourth, the Digor kumɐ ‘where to’ is the allative of ku, which synchronically only serves as the complementizer ‘where, if’. The same stem is present in the Iron nikʷə ‘never’.

4.5. Oaths Oaths are formed from nouns and pronouns by the means of the suffix -stɐn: Digor aboni stɐn today OATH ‘I swear by today’ χucaw-i stɐn God-OBL OATH ‘I swear by God’, mɐ=χe stɐn POSS.1SG=REFL OATH ‘I swear by myself’ (consultants judge the latter oath possible, although fairly impertinent). Alternatively, this suffix can be treated as a stem, but it never appears on its own.

5. Conversion Given that nouns and adjectives are not distinct, it hardly makes sense to speak about deadjectival conversion. Two negated verbs in the 3rd person of the future subjunctive have been reanalyzed as nouns: maguša/magosa < ma kuš-a/ma kos-a NEG.IMP work-SUB.FUT.3SG ‘idler’; mazura/maʣora < ma zur-a/ma ʣor-a NEG.IMP talk-SUB.FUT.3SG ‘taciturn person’. Alternatively, these examples may be interpreted as instances of reanalysis. Arguably, there is one case of conversion of pronouns into nouns: the allative of the reflexive pronoun is reanalyzed as a noun ‘at home’ and as adjectives meaning ‘my/our/ their kind of, local, indigenous’, cf. (17). It is not clear whether this is possible for all numbers and persons. (17) a. ‘at home’ divan-bɐl ɐvduld-ɐj cuma sɐ=χe-mɐ as.if POSS.3PL=self-ALL couch-SUP slouch.PST-PST.3PL ‘As if he was sprawling on a couch at home.’ (Maliti 2008: 15) b. ‘local’ χwɐnχag sɐw furk’a-j duwɐ nɐχe-mɐ two POSS.1PL=self-ALL alpine black ram-OBL ‘two local alpine black young rams’ (Sabajti 2010: 6)

Digor

Digor

When quoted, any word is converted into a noun, and may be marked with an appropriate case suffix as required by the context. In example (18), the verb receives the dative marking, i.e. is treated as a noun. (The use of the dative marking in the possessive construction shows that the infinitive is considered as a verb’s inalienable possession.)

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(18) mivdišɐg fɐndə-jɐn nɐj infinitivon formɐ verb want.PRS.3SG-DAT NEG.exists infinitive form ‘The verb fɐndə (‘wants’) lacks the infinitive form.’ (Medojty 2003: 173)

Iron

6. Reduplication Reduplication is fairly marginal in Ossetic. For verbs, reduplication serves to form the verb with the meaning ‘to frequently do X’, see section 4.2.2, whereas for nouns, reduplication expresses a wider variety of meanings. Clitics may not intervene between reduplicands, and therefore reduplicated entities form single noun phrases (or even words, but I am not aware of any tests that would distinguish between words and noun phrases in this case). Names of some geographic entities can be reduplicated yielding the meaning ‘along the edge of the object’: don-don ‘along the river’ (← don ‘water, river’), qɐd-qɐd/ʁɐdɐʁɐdɐ ‘along the edge of the forest’ (← qɐd/ʁɐdɐ ‘forest’). This reduplication is judged impossible, when the object either lacks an edge (e.g., for kom ‘gorge’), or when it is abnormal to walk along its edge (e.g., for fɐndag ‘road’). Reduplicated nouns of this type do not allow case marking. In this sense, they are “true” adverbs. Some allative-marked nouns may be reduplicated, with the meaning ‘gradually in the direction X’: dɐlɐmɐ-dɐlɐmɐ ‘gradually downwards’ (← dɐlɐmɐ ‘downwards’), asərdɐmasərdɐm ‘gradually hither’. In Iron, some nouns can be reduplicated to be used as depictives, cf. (19a), i.e. functional analogs of ‘drunk’ in Bill studied morphology drunk; e.g., k’ʷələχ-k’ʷələχ ‘limping’, gʷəbər-gʷəbər ‘slightly bending down (in order to hide oneself)’. The normal way to form a depictive is to obligatorily mark the noun with the ablative, cf. (19b): (19) a. k’ʷələχ-k’ʷələχ-(*ɐj) sədiš go.PST.3SG limping-*ABL ‘S/he walked limping.’ b. rašəg-*(ɐj) sədiš drunk-ABL go.PST.3SG ‘S/he walked drunk.’

Iron

Iron

In Iron, the nouns χɐzar ‘house’ and qɐw ‘village’ serve as the basis for reduplicationlike formations χɐzar-i-χɐzar ‘among homes, from home to home’ and qɐw-i-qɐw ‘among villages, from village to village’. The pattern does not seem to be productive. Apparently, the marker of one of the indefinite series, -dɐrittɐr (see section 4.4) is formed on the basis of -dɐr following to a similar pattern. Converbs (see section 4.1.2) may undergo reduplication as well, although in Iron this phenomenon is fairly marginal, and converb-infinitive compounds are normally used in that language for this purpose. Examples (from Digor) are χodgɐ-χodgɐ ‘laughing’ (← χod-gɐ laugh-CNV), ʣorgɐ-ʣorgɐ ‘talking’ (← ʣor-gɐ talk-CNV), nɐmgɐ-nɐmgɐ ‘beating’ (← nɐm-gɐ beat-CNV). The semantic difference between reduplicated and non-reduplicated converbs is unknown. Like non-reduplicated converbs, reduplicated ones may

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be marked by the ablative: Digor ʣorgɐ-ʣorgɐ-j ‘talking-ABL’. The case marking may not appear on both copies of a converb. In a limited manner, m- and w-reduplication is attested, for instance, c’əndɐg-məndɐg/ c’undɐg-mundɐg ‘having shut one’s eyes tight’ (the word c’əndɐg/c’undag does not exist); Digor cɐlqe-wɐlqe ‘lumbering’. The process is not productive. A considerable number of onomatopoetic words are reduplicated. In this case, the respective non-reduplicated words often do not exist: c’ip-c’ip/č’ip-č’ip ‘sound produced by young chickens’, χərt-χərt/χirt-χirt ‘sound of scratching, squeaking, or riffle’, etc. For a number of basic color terms, an intensified form is obtained by reduplication and suffixing of -id: šərχ-šərχ-id/surχ-surχ-id ‘bright red’ (← šərχ/surχ ‘red’), wuršwurš-id/wors-worš-id ‘bright white’ (← wurš/wors ‘white’), etc.

7. Clipping Productively, clipping is used to form hypocoristics from personal names, e.g., Aslan → As, Zɐlinɐ → Zɐli, Fatimɐ → Fati. Clipped forms can attach the suffix -ik, see section 4.1.1. Arguably, clipping is also responsible for situations when the first syllable of a wh-word, or a preverb, are repeated after the verb. The former phenomenon is relatively common in colloquial speech, whereas the latter seems to be fairly rare. Using the truncated forms kɐ or sɐ/cɐ in isolation, is impossible. (20) a. kɐdɐm sɐw-əš=kɐ where.to go-PRS.2SG=WH

Iron

b. sɐmɐn liz-əš=sɐ why run-PRS.2SG=WH

Iron

c. ra-kɐš ra PRV-look.IMP.2SG PRV ‘Look!/Watch out!’ (Bagaev 1965: 315)

Iron

Besides that, in Iron, the 2sg imperative of the verb kɐn- ‘to do’ can be formed by clipping: kɐ. The non-clipped form, kɐn, is used as well. Any other instances of clipping have not been attested.

Acknowledgements Much of the data used in this article have been collected in the course of my field work in North Ossetia in 2007−2012. I thank all my consultants for their patience and readiness to help. I am particularly grateful to Aslan Guriev and Elizaveta Kochieva, whose help was crucial in organizing the trips (and who also provided some of the judgments for this article), and to Fedar Takazov for numerous discussions. I thank Lisa Bylinina,

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Ekaterina Lyutikova, and Dmitri Sitchinava for comments to earlier versions of this article.

Abbreviations ALL ASS CNV COM CON DIST DISTR EMP EP

allative associative plural converb comitative conative distal deictic distributive emphatic epenthetic

HAB IDF IDR LINK MOD PROX PRV SUB SUP

habitual indefinite indirect (stem) linking morpheme modal proximal deictic preverb subjunctive superessive

8. References Abaev, Vasilij 1958−89 Istoriko-ėtimologičeskij slovar’ osetinskogo jazyka. 4 Vol. Leningrad: Nauka. Abaev, Vasilij 1964 A Grammatical Sketch of Ossetic. The Hague: Mouton. Ajlarty, Asæxmæt 2002 Fæzzygon didindžytæ. Dzæudžyqæu: Ir. Axvlediani, Georgij (ed.) 1963 Grammatika osetinskogo jazyka. Vol. 1. Ordžonikidze: SOIGSI. Bagaev, Nikolaj 1965 Sovremennyj osetinskij jazyk. Vol. 1. Ordžonikidze: Severo-Osetinskoe knižnoe izdatel’stvo. Gabaraev, Nikolaj 1977 Morfologičeskaja struktura slova i slovoobrazovanie v sovremennom osetinskom jazyke. Tbilissi: Mecniereba. Isaev, Magomed 1966 Digorskij dialekt osetinskogo jazyka. Moskva: Nauka. Legkojit, Giuærgi 2009 Næ karnæ. Iræf 2: 10−65. Maliti, Vaso 2008 Uadzimistæ. Dzæugighæw: Ir. Medojty, Bobolka 2003 Nyrykkon iron ævzag. Morfologi. Tsxinval: s.e. Miller, Wsewolod 1972 [1927−34] Ossetisch-Russisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch. Ed. by Alexander Freiman. The Hague/Paris: Mouton. Sabajti, Sulejman 2010 Radzurdtæ. Dzæugighæw: Gassiti Viktori nombæl rauaghdon-poligrafion kustuat. Sk’odtati, Elbrus 2008 Radzurdtæ. Iræf 1: 88−117.

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Takazov, Fedar 2003 Digoron-urussag dzurduat. Dzæugighæw: Alaniston. Takazov, Fedar 2009 Grammatičeskij očerk osetinskogo (digorskogo) jazyka. Vladikavkaz: SOGU. Tobojti, Cæræg 2004 K’axnad cæuj Særisæfænmæ. Iræf 4: 79−139. Xidirti, Ramzan 2007 Mæ cardi ænk’ard tauræq. Iræf 3: 12−82.

David Erschler, Amherst, MA (USA)

174. Tat 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract The present article provides an overview of the available and productive word-formation patterns of composition, derivation, conversion and reduplication in Jewish Tat, based on material published in the literary variety.

1. Introduction The name Tat refers to a small group of closely related Iranian languages, all more or less seriously endangered, which are now spoken by approximately 50,000 people in Azerbaijan and Daghestan. They seem to be descended from a language very similar to Early New Persian, which was spoken and probably used as a lingua franca in the Eastern part of the Caucasus before it was slowly replaced in this function by Azeri, a Turkic language of the Oghuz branch, which exerted a strong influence on all Tat varieties in both their vocabulary and their grammar. There are three southern Tat languages, which will not be dealt with in this article. Apsheron Tat, still spoken in the outskirts of Baku, the Lahic dialect and other varieties from the South-Eastern piedmont of the Great Caucasus range, and the North-Eastern piedmont varieties centered around Qonaqkend and described by Grjunberg (1963) are all now spoken by Muslims.

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Jewish Tat, or Juhuri, is a fourth language, very different from the others in many respects, and the only one to have a − recent but quite rich − literary tradition. It is spoken in the town of Quba, Azerbaijan; in larger cities of Daghestan; elsewhere in Russia; and in Israel. The number of competent speakers is hard to evaluate, but probably lies below 30,000. The Quba dialect represents a southern variety; a central variety is found primarily in Derbent and Makhachkala, Daghestan; and a northern variety, originally from the Kaitag region and other districts of central Daghestan, has spread in towns of the Northern Caucasus since the Russian conquest in the 19th century. It was documented by Miller (1898). All data below come from texts published in the literary variety based on the dialect of Derbent. Due to its long and intensive contact with Turkic and East Caucasian languages, Tat has developed features not found in Persian. While these features are most obvious on the level of lexicon and syntax, changes on the morphological level, though few in number, are highly indicative of language contact, and Tat word-formation does not resemble Persian word-formation particularly closely. It has not been studied in any detail in the scarce literature, for which see Authier (2013). However, Izgijaeva’s dictionary (2006) has been useful in the preparation of this article, along with the systematic scanning of a sample of literary works, especially by Hizqil Avshalumov (1913−2001).

2. General overview Tat has a highly balanced array of word-formation devices. Compounds, especially verbal compounds, are well represented; derivation, mostly suffixal, is not particularly rich nor very productive but is applicable to all parts of speech; adjectival conversion of NPs is quite productive, and reduplication and other reiteration phenomena are also found, mainly to mark intensity on adjectives and in a subtype of uninflected elements used in compound verbs. A special feature of all Tat languages is the integration of many borrowed elements, including grammatical ones, mainly from Azeri, a Turkic language, into a generally Iranian framework.

3. Composition Tat has different kinds of compounds, belonging to all word classes, but only verbal compounds are highly productive.

3.1. Nominal compounds 3.1.1. Determinative compounds L e f t - h e a d e d N + N c o m p o u n d s : Most determinative compounds in Tat associate two nominals [N+N], the first of which takes a relational suffix -y (called the “ezafe”

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[EZ]) only if the stem ends in a vowel: xoye=y kovter egg=EZ pigeon ‘pigeon egg’, seg-ho=y gele dog-PL=EZ herd ‘sheepdogs’. Consonantal stems are directly linked by juxtaposition, with a single intonational contour: ser ‘head’ + sümbül ‘ear (of wheat)’ → sersenbol ‘curl’, divor xune wall house ‘house wall’ (cf. divor en xune wall GEN house ‘wall of the house’), kuk-ʕäm-le ‘cousin’, in which the diminutive suffix -le (see section 4.1.1) bears on kuk ‘son’, not on ʕäm ‘paternal uncle’. Obviously, the resulting compounds are often not fully lexicalized. R i g h t - h e a d e d N + N c o m p o u n d s : Rarer is the type in which the head follows the modifier: qäsob-tuku ‘butcher shop’, desde-boš group head ‘band leader’, ongur-boq grape orchard ‘vineyard’. The case of bäʕä-veče toad-bird ‘sparrow’, in which the first noun qualifies the second one, is also exceptional. Names of trees pleonastically combine a specifying Azeri term with the Tat word dor ‘tree’: qovoq-dor ‘poplar’, balud-dor ‘oak tree’, dombul-dor ‘prune tree’, šäʕme-dor ‘pine tree’. Another type, rare in Jewish Tat but very frequent in the southern Tat languages, is a calque of Azeri p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s , e.g., mäšä-bäg-i forest guard-POS ‘forest ranger’. These involve a possessive marker -i borrowed from Azeri, which is attached to the determined noun: čum ʕärs-i eye tear-POS ‘tear’ (cf. Az. göz yaš-ı), nunpul-i bread money-POS ‘livelihood’. Note that in Tat, the borrowed morpheme is not subject to (labial) vowel harmony: räħ-pul-i road money-POS ‘money for a trip’, bisdukor-i garden work-POS ‘gardening’. A + N n o m i n a l c o m p o u n d s are rare, for instance, kele-merd-ho large-man-PL ‘old men’. N + V c o m p o u n d s : This type is native and relatively productive. The noun is given the function either of direct object or, less frequently, of an adjunct to the verb. These compounds refer to a human agent or an instrument carrying out the activity denoted by the verb: xun-riz blood-pour ‘murderer’, jofo-keš labour-pull ‘worker’, gufere-furux cradle-sell ‘cradle-seller’, ošne ‘lover’ + gir-de ‘to take’ → ošne-gir ‘adulterer’, yon-nüši side-sit ‘counselor’; the object can be marked by the definite clitic =(r)e, and the predicate can be complex: qonun=e-puzmiš-sox law=DAT-destroyed-do ‘outlaw’. Examples of terms of instruments are čay-deki tea-pour ‘teapot’, muš-gir mouse-catch ‘mousetrap’, ser-či head-pluck ‘razor’, des-poku hand-wipe ‘towel’, yor-ovurd memorybring ‘remembrance’, biror ‘brother’ + zere ‘born’ → biror-zere ‘cousin’. A small subclass of the latter, with similar meanings, takes the nominalizing suffix -i: dül-suxun-i heart-burn-NMLZ ‘pity’, yozuq-ber-i pity-bear-NMLZ ‘feeling of pity’, and the negative ne-yozuqberi ‘recklessness’, ʕäyb-keš-i shame-pull-NMLZ ‘feeling of shame’. Another subtype of N+V compounds is calqued from Azeri, e.g., biq-bur-an moustache-twist-ACTIVE.PART ‘frightening’. These can combine a Tat noun and an Azeri participle: gürg=e-bas-an wolf=DAT-crush-ACTIVE.PART ‘wolf-strangler’ (name of a dog). The word duš-ov boil-water ‘juice, syrup’ does not represent a productive type, and is probably a phonetically adapted loan from Persian.

3.1.2. Copulative compounds Copulative compounds (dvandvas), whose constituents are equal in rank and thus can both be considered as heads, are sometimes found but do not represent a very productive

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type: šei-šovol shirt-trousers ‘covering clothes’, des-poy ‘hand and foot’, biror-xäher ‘siblings’, bebe-dede ‘parents’, gov-gusele ‘cow and calf’, qovol-zurnov ‘drum and pipe’ (cf. the derivate qavol-zurnov-či-ho ‘drum-mer-s and pipe-r-s’), torik-i-tovuši dark-nessshining ‘chiaroscuro’. Some are no longer recognized as compounds: tir-komu ‘(arrow and) bow’, naz-buz ‘coquetry (and needle, sic!)’. Compounds joining two synonyms are a feature of both spoken and literary registers: tike-para ‘pieces’, xäto-boloh ‘calamities’, buy-bala ‘size’, nifri-näʕleti or nifri-qärquš ‘hate and curse’, nifri-serkuši ‘hate and reproach’, niyet-ho-xäyol-ho ‘intention-s and imagination-s; i.e. plot’, din-imon ‘religion and faith’, piše-seniʕät ‘craft and art’, pul-mol ‘money and goods’, tur-sever ‘net and basket’, tuz-tüpräq ‘dust and earth’, dih-jäʕmeti ‘village and community’, din-ho-ʕädot-ho ‘religion-s and custom-s’, doq-ho-tepei-ho ‘mountain-s and hill-s’, lov-domoq ‘lip and palate’, qähri-birazi ‘anger and resent’, nole-buruj ‘moan and wail’, tufi-näʕleti ‘spit and curse’, dumit-ho-fikir-ho ‘thought-s’, dumit-ho-niyet-ho ‘intention-s’, dumit-ho-xäyel-ho ‘dream-s’. The first element is often borrowed from Azeri while the second, particular to Tat, is explicative of the first: xosiyet-ho-diväʕ-ho ‘temperament(s)’, Kumyk ovil ‘sheepfold’ + Tat xune ‘house’ → ovil-xune ‘sheepfold’, xämze-šomomo ‘ogling and peeking’. Sometimes a part-whole relation is extended to designate a larger entity: xiš-kuton ‘sock and plough’, xune-ho-ħäyot-ho house-s-yard-s ‘household-s’, kosib-fäħle ‘poor and labouring people’, nüker-gede ‘servants and boys’, qunši-ho-dusd-ho ‘neighbours and friends’, qunši-mäħäle ‘neighbourhood’. In a number of cases, the first element of the copulative compound is not found independently or has become obsolete: *merg ‘death’ (replaced by the masdar mürde-i) + ʕäzor ‘sickness’ → merg-ʕäzor ‘all sorts of calamities’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds N + V c o m p o u n d a d j e c t i v e s are well attested, and take the attributive suffix -e when modifying a noun: šir-xur-e gusele milk-eat-ATTR calf ‘suckling calf’, xoye-sox-e kerg egg-do-ATTR hen ‘good layer’, xudo-ters-e zen God-fear-ATTR woman ‘devout’. P o s s e s s i v e c o m p o u n d a d j e c t i v e s are numerous. A first type preserves the order A+N usual in Tat, as in Persian loans like xuš-buy good-smell ‘smelling good’, bed-bäxd bad-luck ‘unlucky’, bed-ħol bad-state ‘sick’; but an additional attributive marker -e after the noun signals the expression as a new adjective: (tünd-e-poy)-e ʕäsb ‘a swift-footed horse’. A subtype of this is the class of adjectives denoting age in which a number precedes the noun sal ‘year’ plus the attributive -e: sizdeh-sal-e kuk ‘sixteenyear-old boy’, ħofdod-sal-e merd ‘seventy-year-old man’. Sometimes -sale is taken as a suffix, and another -(y)e is added: šasd-sale-ye zen ‘sixty-year-old woman’. Another, productive type of compound is N + A d j (or Adv), in which the noun is a body part: poy-biräħne foot-naked ‘barefoot’, ten-biräħne body-naked ‘naked’, dül-dinj heart-calm ‘serene’, dül-temiz heart-clean ‘sincere’, dül-očuq heart-open ‘generous’, dülšor heart-happy ‘joyful’, dül-xürd heart-broken ‘despairing’. All take the attributive suffix -e: dül-šor-e odomi ‘a man with a joyful heart’, muy-zarzari-ye gusbend ‘a sheep with curly hair’, muy-duraz-e gede ‘a boy with long hair’. dül-hemin-i heart-always-ADJ ‘equanimous’ has an additional adjectival marker -i.

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N + A d v is less frequent: dül ‘heart’ + peso ‘behind’ → dül-peso ‘worried’. In A + A c o m p o u n d s two synonymous or semantically complementary adjectives can be combined to express intensity: kosib-ʕoni ‘poor (Azeri) + poor (Hebrew)’, jonlüjürʕätlü ‘lively-hardy’, qoq-mäħtel stunned-surprised ‘very surprised’, qoq-pert stunnedpeeved ‘scandalized’, qoq-sesüz stunned-voiceless ‘abashed’, yetim-bebe-süz ‘orphanfather-less’. N + V a d j e c t i v a l c o m p o u n d s are restricted to a type in which the verbal element is a locative copula: ruš-veri beard-be_on ‘bearded’, rang-nе-vеri colour-NEGbe_on ‘pale’, muy-nе-vеri-ye sеr ‘hairless head’, dеndu-nе-dеri-ye läʕä tooth NEGbe_in-ATTR mouth ‘mouth without teeth’. Even though numerals are not prototypical adjectives, I will treat compounds based on numerals in this section. In n u m e r a l c o m p o u n d s , juxtaposed numbers mark approximation. The two numbers always differ by a single unit: se-čor ‘three or four’, penj-šeš ‘five or six’, nüh-deh ‘nine or ten’, deh-yezdah ‘ten or eleven’, etc. The element ‘ten’ follows in numbers between 13 and 19, with phonetic modifications: penj ‘five’, šeš ‘six’ + deh ‘ten’ → pazdeh ‘fifteen’, šazdeh ‘sixteen’; düvazdeh ‘twelve’ has a buffer syllable analogical on yezdah ‘eleven’, which itself has probably borrowed the Persian vocalism. Between 20 and 99, numbers always show tens followed by units, for instance, siv-penj ‘thirty-five’. Hundreds are formed by juxtaposition: hofd ‘7’ + sad ‘100’ → hof-sad ‘700’.

3.3. Verbal compounds Tat has no productive verbal compounding of the V + V t y p e , but collocations exist which juxtapose verbs with opposite meanings: verafde-furamore ‘to go up and (come) down’, vešende-fušende ‘to put on and take off (trousers)’; or with complementary meanings: xisire-domunde sleep-be tired ‘to fall asleep (out of laziness)’, jümüsde-čarüsde move-turn ‘to fidget’. The verb domunde ‘to remain (in)’ is used together with another verb to express result in the past: zuhun en u guyge vogosi e läʕäy en u domund ‘His tongue remained stuck in his mouth’. On the other hand, the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of other parts of speech in verbal predicates is an extremely common phenomenon shared with Persian (for which see Lazard et al. 2006, and most recently Samvelian 2012) and other languages of the region, including Azeri. Complex verbs consisting of an invariable element or “coverb” and a light verb (mainly bire ‘to be’ and soxde ‘to do’) make up a major domain of the lexicon, and this is the only source of new verbs in the modern language. The observed patterns are of two types according to whether the individual elements can still be used as independent lexical forms or not. The coverb can be an existing noun, as in para ‘piece’ → para bire/soxde ‘to split (itr./tr.)’, or an existing adjective: xürd ‘in pieces’ → xürd bire/soxdе ‘to break’, xos ‘healthy’ → xos soxde/bire ‘to cure/be cured’, or an interjection: piš ‘away!’ → piš soxde ‘to expel, oust’, quduz birе ‘to go mad (like a mad dog)’ (from Azeri quduz ‘rage’). Very often though, the coverb is an element which does not exist in isolation, for instance: jül soxde ‘to crawl’, subit soxde ‘to prove’ (cf. Az. subut ‘proof’), sinesov bire ‘to break’, gilgez soxde ‘to wrestle to the ground’.

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Instances of complex verbs using other light verbs are šiħine zere ‘to neigh’, šiv kende ‘to attack from above’, qič gürde ‘to squeeze’, ser gürde ‘to begin’ (zere ‘to strike’, kende ‘to dig’, ser ‘head’, gürde ‘to take’); tov dorе light-give ‘to shine’, vor dore wind-give ‘to spin (wool)’. A large subclass makes use of Azeri verbs borrowed in the form of their perfect participle, with an invariable ending -miš: If the Azeri verb is transitive, the Tat auxiliary is soxde ‘to do’: Az. as-maq ‘to hang’ → Tat asmiš soxde ‘to hang’, injimiš soxde ‘to ennoy’, sečmiš soxde ‘to choose’, sinemiš soxde ‘to check, test’, qäzеnmiš soxde ‘to earn’, duzetmiš soxde ‘to arrange’, bemzer soxde ‘to look like’. If the Azeri verb is intransitive, the Tat auxiliary is usually bire ‘to be’: batmiš bire ‘to sink’, satašmiš bire ‘to clash’, qizmiš birе ‘to be furious’, učmiš birе ‘to fly’, tündlemiš bire ‘to be enraged’. In some cases an intransitive Azeri verb becomes a transitive Tat complex verb, taking soxde ‘to do’, rather than bire ‘to be’, as its light verb: Azeri atlanmaq ‘to throw oneself, jump’ → atlanmiš soxde ‘to attack’, Azeri dolanmaq ‘to make a living’ → dulanmiš soxde ‘to subsist’. Note that the valency-marking system of Azeri is not borrowed into Tat (see article 196 on the situation in Budugh): a verb can change its valency by switching auxiliaries, but the coverb remains unaffected, e.g., Az. hirs > Tat ħürš ‘anger’ → ħüršlemiš bire/ soxde ‘to be/make angry’, češmiš birе/soxdе ‘to be surprised/surprise’ (Azeri has hirslänmäk ‘to be angry’ and čašmaq but the derived causatives hirs-län-dir-mäk ‘to make angry’ and čaš-dır-maq); bula-n-miš bire/soxde ‘to be troubled/trouble’ (based on a derived anticausative form: Azeri has the underived transitive bula-maq), evlеnmiš birе/ soxdе ‘to get married/marry off’ (Azeri has the derived causative evlän-dir-mäk). Another valency-changing device is syntactic, adding the Tat passive auxiliary omore ‘to come’ to the compound verb: tapšürmiš soxdе/tapšürmiš soxdе omorе ‘to entrust/be entrusted’ (Azeri has the derived passive tapšır-ıl-maq). The Azeri verb ačmaq ‘to open’ is not used with its basic concrete meaning, but rather in metaphorical or specialized expressions: ez xov očmiš birе ‘to wake up (from sleep)’, sеbäħ očmiš birе ‘morning comes’, dül xüšdеrе očmiš soxde ‘to open one’s heart’. The borrowed coverb can be phonetically changed along with the source noun. Often Tat retains a form older than the one found in contemporary Azeri: degmiš bire ‘to touch’ (Azeri has däymäk). This device is at least partly derivational and productive, since the coverb of the complex verb can be a purely Tat derivate, not found in Azeri, of a noun found in both languages: Az. bäxš ‘part’ (borrowed from Persian) → Tat bäxšlemiš soxde ‘to forgive’, but Azeri has only bäxš etmäk and no *bäxšlämäk. A couple of Russian infinitives have been used as coverbs, even in texts from the first part of the 20th century, like dumat’ ‘to think’ → Tat dumit soxde.

3.4. Adverbial compounds Adverbial compounds are few, for instance, peso-pušo behind-in front ‘around’, dir-zu late-soon ‘sooner or later’.

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4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation Nominal derivation uses few suffixes, but most of them are productive.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns A b s t r a c t n o u n s denoting qualities or habits are formed from animate nouns by means of the suffix -i: mar ‘snake’ → mar-i ‘snake’s nature’, xär ‘(n.) donkey; (adj.) stupid’ → xär-i ‘stupidity’, qäčäq ‘robber’ → qäčäq-i ‘robbery’, nüker ‘servant’ → nüker-i ‘servitude’, yesir ‘captive’ → yesir-i ‘captivity’, ʕärüs ‘bride’ → ʕärüs-i ‘wedding’, bordor ‘pregnant’ → bordor-i ‘pregnancy’, durgu(n) ‘liar’ → durguni ‘lie’, ošnegir ‘adulterer’ → ošnegir-i ‘adultery’. Some nouns are also derived from inanimate nouns by means of -i: qälxänd ‘shield’ → qälxänd-i ‘defence’, kišd ‘waist’ → kišd-i ‘belt’ (not an abstract noun). Derivates of this kind may be based on compounds: zenšüver ‘wife (and) husband’ → zen-i-šüver-i ‘marital status, life as a married couple’. The suffix -i is so closely associated with abstract nouns that it is also found added to many abstract nouns borrowed from Azeri: buyruq-i ‘order’, qärqüš-i ‘curse’, qunoqluq-i ‘party’ from Azeri qunoq-luq, cf. qunoq ‘guest’; or from Arabic via Azeri: ħijroni ‘labour’, ħille-i ‘trick’, iħdibor-i ‘trust’, iħtiyot-i ‘cautiousness’, nubot-i ‘turn’, ozon-i ‘call to prayer’, qälet-i ‘error’, teklif-i ‘proposition’, xärj-i ‘expense’, xurofot-i ‘superstition’, šükeyet-i ‘complaint’, šolum-i ‘peace’, zaral-i ‘damage’, dulanmiš-i ‘subsistence’, kumek-i ‘help’ (the bare form kumek is now found only in the meaning ‘helper’), etc. Some of these abstract nouns ending in -i originate elsewhere (usually Aramaic) and are synchronically opaque, such as oxmuri ‘ignominy’, or menäħäfi ‘flattery’. The suffix -(y)eti mainly produces q u a l i t y and s t a t u s n o u n s , usually from nouns denoting animates: qul ‘slave’ → qul-eti ‘slavery’, kovxo ‘village chief’ → kovxoyeti ‘function of village chief’, usdo ‘craftsman’ → usdo-yeti ‘capacity’, ovči ‘hunter’ → ovči-yeti ‘hunting’, igid ‘hero’ → igid-iyeti ‘bravery’, odomi ‘person’ → odomi-yeti ‘humanity’, and, with a locative extension, padšoh ‘king’ → padšoh-eti ‘realm’. P e r s o n a l n o u n s denoting occupations add the suffix -či (borrowed from Azeri) to nouns denoting places (yesiyov ‘mill’ → yesiyov-či ‘miller’, bisdu(n) ‘vegetable garden’ → bisdon-či ‘gardener’), objects, whether animate (jäʕ ‘fish’ → jäʕ-či ‘fisherman’, guselov ‘calf’ → guselov-či ‘calf-tender’) or inanimate (kobob ‘roast meat’ → kobob-či ‘seller of roast meat’, ʕärebe ‘cart’ → ʕärebe-či ‘carter’), as well as abstract nouns (ʕilm ‘science’ → ʕilm-či ‘scientist’). In some cases, the suffix -či is added to a noun which already denotes an occupation in the source language (Arabic or Persian): čupon(-či) ‘shepherd’, qäsob(-či) ‘butcher’, boğbon(-či) ‘gardener’, komsomol-či ‘komsomol member’. On the other hand, some Azeri derivates which do bear the suffix -či are borrowed without their base noun: demürči ‘smith’, yulči ‘traveller’, cf. Azeri dämir-či, yol-cu, derived from ‘iron’ and ‘road’ respectively, for which Tat retains the Iranian words ohu(n) and räħ. An old suffix found on p l a c e n o u n s is -du (cf. Persian -dân): gov ‘cow’ → govdu ‘stable’, sümer ‘straw’ → sümer-du ‘barn’, along with semendu ‘barn’ from Azeri saman ‘straw’. This suffix is no longer productive.

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The suffix -luq (Azeri -lIq, type bataq-lıq ‘moor’ from batmaq ‘to sink’) is found both on loans from Azeri and on native Iranian terms, denoting a place with a particular type of vegetation: qämiš-luq ‘place with reeds’, čemen-luq ‘meadow’, kulе-luq ‘bushes’, bäqälü-luq ‘place with cherry trees’, šеvеlü-luq ‘place with chestnut trees’. The d i m i n u t i v e s u f f i x -le, probably borrowed from Yiddish, is very productive in Jewish Tat. It is not found in Persian but is shared by the southern Tat languages, where it is less productive. It is mainly found on nouns to express either small size/ quantity: bor-le ‘little wood’, ʕärs-le ‘little tear’, ye meh-le ‘just a little month’, or youth: nazu ‘cat’ → nazu-le ‘kitten’, tülki-le ‘fox cub’, duxder-le ‘little girl’. The older suffix -če has been widely replaced by -le, and where it survives it shows at least some semantic drift: sovu ‘jug’ → sovu-če ‘flask’, boq ‘vineyard’ → boq-če ‘garden’.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffix -i forms q u a l i t y n o u n s from primary adjectives: ʕošir ‘rich’ → ʕošir-i ‘wealth’, šor ‘glad’ → šor-i ‘joy’, xinik ‘cold’ → xinik-i ‘cold’, germ ‘hot’ → germ-i ‘heat’, gisne ‘hungry’ → gisne-i ‘hunger’, kele ‘large’ → kele-i ‘size’, luqond ‘deep’ → luqond-i ‘depth’, gurund ‘heavy’ → gurund-i ‘weight’, sipi ‘white’ → sipi-i en xoye ‘white of an egg’, rač ‘pretty’ → rač-i ‘beauty’; and from historically compound adjectives: kele-ged ‘big + ? > braggard’ → keleged-i ‘boasting’, ʕämel-dan ‘wile-know > wily’ → ʕämeldan-i ‘wiliness’. The suffix -(y)eti also occasionally produces quality nouns from adjectives: ovodune ‘fertile’ → ovodune-yeti ‘fertility’. Note also: foriq ‘free, not busy’ → foriq-eti ‘shabbat’. This suffix -eti is the result of a reanalysis. Abstract nouns of Arabic origin ending in -et had come to be used as adverbs and predicative adjectives, meaning that the nominalizing suffix -i had to be added in order to recreate the original nominal sense: räħät ‘calm’ → räħät-i, qälet ‘erroneous’ → qälet-i ‘flaw’, xijolet ‘shameful’ → xijolet-i ‘shame’, zarifet ‘delicate’ → zarifet-i ‘soft-ness’. Unproductive, opaque prefixes are seen in the derivations biror ‘brother’ → še-biror ‘brother-in-law’ and zen → xüsür-zen ‘mother-in-law’ (xüsür is attested separately as ‘in-law’, cf. Latin socer and socrus).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns A few words retain unproductive suffixes added to a verbal base, which may be perfective as in parüsde ‘to fly’ → parüsde-k ‘swallow’ or imperfective as in pürsire ‘to ask’ → pürsü-š ‘question’. However, the most commonly encountered deverbal nouns are the very regular forms known as “masdars”. These are derived from any verb by adding the nominalizing suffix -i to the non-finite form (either participle, converb or infinitive) in -De (D is for the two allophones d and r): ze-re ‘to beat’, zere-i ‘beating’, verexši-re ‘to vomit’ → verexšire-i ‘nausea’, raf-de ‘to go’ → rafde-i ‘action of going’, vomux-de ‘to learn’ → vomuxde-i ‘instruction’. Masdars can be derived from a verb phrase: poy ‘foot’ + nore ‘to put’ →

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poynore-i ‘step’, nüvüs-de ‘to write’ → duz nüvüsde-i ‘orthography’, (fürso-rei-ombаrаkbu)-i=re ez Аmerike ‘messages of congratulation from America’. One can also consider as verbal nouns those derived from Azeri participles ending in -miš like tapšürmiš-i ‘mission’, dulanmiš-i ‘way-of-living’. Personal and a g e n t n o u n s add to the infinitive the suffix -gor, which is historically an element of compounding (the root-noun of the Iranian verb kardan ‘to do’). But synchronically, this formation can be viewed as inflectional and labelled the “agentive participle”, as it is totally regular and productive, e.g., e=kuče bi-regor-ho LOC=street be-AGT-PL ‘those gathered in the street’. But it can serve to translate nouns in other languages: zihis-degor-ho=y Derbent ‘inhabitants of Derbent’, heysäʕät-ine xun-degor ‘today’s reader’, kura bi-rogor-e odomi-ho gathered be-AGT-ATTR person-PL ‘crowd’, po=y malad-i bi-regor foot=EZ mud-ADJ be=AGT ‘(person with) dirty feet’, xokoru ‘dirt, dust’ → xokoru večiregor ‘dustman’ → xokoru večiregor-i ‘garbage collection’. Some suffixes are no longer productive: -bon, originally ‘guard’, as in boq ‘vineyard’ → boq-bon ‘gardener’ (but dih ‘village’ → dih-bon ‘hamlet’); -dor ‘possessor’: bor ‘burden’ → bor-dor ‘pregnant’, teref ‘side, party’ → teref-dor ‘partisan’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Apart from relational adjectives, which are entirely regular and take the native suffixes -i or -in, all derived adjectives show suffixes borrowed from Azeri.

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives R e l a t i o n a l a d j e c t i v e s show a suffix -i (middle Persian -īg) which is not related to the nominalizing suffix -i. They constitute a very important facet of word-formation in Tat, because they allow the creation of new lexemes: maral doq-i doe mountain-ADJ ‘chamois’, gov küh-i cow mountain-ADJ ‘ibex’, boqče=y ʕäyl-i garden-EZ child-ADJ ‘kindergarten’, dih ‘village’ → dih-i ‘of the same village’. They are widely used to specify a generic noun: buz-po-i point-foot-ADJ ‘tiptoe’, ser xug-i ‘pig’s head’, zurbe=y verf-i tempest=EZ snow-ADJ ‘snowstorm’, boq-ho=y kolxoz-i orchard-PL=EZ kolkhoz-ADJ ‘kolkhoz orchards’, ʕäil-ho=y škola-i child-PL=EZ schoolADJ ‘schoolchildren’, odomi verf-i person snow-ADJ ‘snowman’, ruz vasal-i day springtime-ADJ ‘spring day’ (cf. the corresponding genitival noun phrase: ruz en vasal), ħäyvonet xune-i/čul-i animals house-ADJ/countryside-ADJ ‘domestic/wild animals’, xurek sebäħmünde-i meal morning-ADJ ‘breakfast’, xune-le=y seg-i house-dimin=EZ dog-ADJ ‘kennel’, čele=y muš-i trap=EZ mouse-ADJ ‘mousetrap’, qob ʕov-i vessel water-ADJ ‘water vessel’, sifet ʕärs-i/xun-i face blood-ADJ ‘face covered in blood’, čum ʕärs-i eye tearADJ ‘eye full of tears’, zuhun-ho=y mizräħ-i language-PL=EZ orient-ADJ = mizräħ-lü-ye zuhun-ho orient-ADJ-ATTR language-PL ‘oriental languages’, hinqär kerg-i ‘chicken broth’, jele=y ʕovun-i ‘iron trap’, Šimi Derbend-i ‘Shimi of Derbent’, kiläħ buxore-i ‘astrakhan cap; lit. cap from Bukhara’, xalif bäqdod-i ‘Caliph of Baghdad’, dialekt miyone-i ‘intermediary dialect’, e=lüväħ yehudi-i ‘Jewish calendar’, lo=y ruz-i direction= EZ day-ADJ ‘the south’, lo=y šev-i/tsofun-i direction=EZ night-ADJ/bad_weather-ADJ ‘the

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north’, xäzr-i Caspian-ADJ ‘Oriental’. This qualification device is recursive: e=kul liħif pešm-i deve-i LOC-back blanket wool-ADJ camel-ADJ ‘on a camel’s wool blanket’. In some cases (idiolects?) the use of the genitival preposition en is possible in front of the relational adjective: xune=y en gilov-i house=EZ GEN clay-ADJ ‘mud house’. And indeed these multi-word units are fairly similar to noun phrases linked by the more recent genitive marker en: riħon en čul-i basil GEN countryside-ADJ ‘wild basil’, tešd en xämii basin GEN dough-ADJ ‘basin for dough’, lengeri en müs-i basin GEN copper-ADJ ‘copper basin’. A few words have a labile ending /n/ which appears in this construction (status constructus): e=zuhu-n türk-i LOC=tongue Turk-ADJ ‘in Azeri’, zuhu-n mar-i tongue snake-ADJ ‘snake tongue’. Another type of adjectival derivation takes the ending -i(n), and the resulting adjectives are usually preposed to the noun: ʕäyb ‘shame’ → ʕäyb-ine jige shame-ATTR place ‘pudenda’. Adjectives based on nouns of time also take the suffix -i(n): di ‘yesterday’ → dih-i(n) ‘yesterday’s’; ruz-in-e qäzenj ‘dai-ly income’, växd sebäħ-ine ozon ‘morning call to prayer’, ye penj-hozor-sаl-ine šeher ‘a five-thousandyear-old city’. Two adjectives in -i/une, which constitute a semantic microclass, are postposed: merd ‘man’ → partal merd-une ‘clothes man-ADJ’, nar ‘male’ → ʕäil narine ‘child male-ADJ’. The relational suffixes -i and -in are Iranian, and so are -mend and the prefix bi-. The very productive possessive and privative suffixes -lü and -süz, on the contrary, are both borrowed from Azeri. The p o s s e s s i v e suffix -mend is always used with human animates and laudative: ʕäqül ‘wit’ → ʕäqül-mend ‘clever’, ʕäsül ‘breed’ → ʕäsül-mend ‘noble’, ħäyo ‘modesty’ → ħäyo-mend ‘modest’, hinor ‘skill’ → hinor-mend ‘gifted’, devlet ‘wealth’ → devlet-mend ‘rich’; but derd ‘worry’ → dеrdimеnd or derdimend-i-ye ‘sad (person)’ but dеrdimеnd-lü ‘sad (thing)’. The p r i v a t i v e prefix bi- produces adjectives from abstract nouns: ħürmet ‘respect’ → bi-ħürmet ‘disrespectful’; in turn these derived adjectives have a nominal derivate in -i: biħürmet-i ‘insolence’, tob ‘patience’ → bi-tob ‘impatient’ → bitob-i ‘impatience’, šäʕr ‘verdict’ → bi-šäʕr ‘unjust’ → bišäʕr-i ‘injustice’, insof ‘justice’ → bi-insof ‘iniquitous’ → bi-insof-i ‘iniquity’, växd ‘time’ → bi-växd ‘premature’ → biväxd-i ‘prematurity’, bi-rač ‘ugly’ → bi-rač-i ‘ugliness’. In some cases, the basic noun is obsolete: *obur ‘eyebrow’ > ‘pride’/bi-obur ‘impudent’ → biobur-i ‘impudence’, *jo ‘place’ cf. injo ‘here’/unjo ‘there’ → bijo ‘irregular’ → bijo-i ‘irregularity’. Two Azeri adjectival suffixes have been borrowed, though without the vowel harmony which characterizes their behaviour in Azeri. The p o s s e s s i v e suffix -lü is no less productive than in its source language: yara-lü ‘wounded’, qüzdürme-lü ‘impaludated’, meng-lü ‘moon-lit’, dumit ‘thought’ (cf. the Russian infinitive dumat’) → dumut-lü ‘preoccupied’, ħäroy ‘shout’ → ħäroy-lü ‘exclamative’, quvot ‘strength’ → quvot-lü ‘strong’, buho ‘value’ → buho-lü ‘precious’, velg ‘leaf’ → velg-lü ‘leaf-covered’, din-doʕot-lüye juhur-ho ‘religious Jew-s’, mizräħ-lü-ye zuhun-ho ‘oriental language-s’. The suffix -lü is also used to translate expressions like biror-lü-ye xälq-ho ‘brother people’ and may even be applied to bases which are not found as independent nouns, such as *fehm, from Arabic ‘understanding’: fehm-lü ‘clever’, cf. the compound verb fehm soxde ‘check’; *oloqo (cf. Azeri älaqä ‘relation’) → oloqo-lü ‘interesting’, or in order to integrate and characterize Azeri participles and adjectives like bacar-an ‘able’ → bojoren-lü ‘efficient’, yeke-lü ‘massive’ (cf. Azeri yekä). It is possible to form an adjective ending in -lü from some noun phrases: ombar-e ʕäil-lü-ye kiflet ‘a family with many children’, but

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there are limitations on this procedure: biq-lü-ye odomi ‘a man with a moustache’ vs. sara biq-ine(-ye) odomi ‘a man with a yellow moustache’, using the native derivational suffix -in. Not all derivates in -lü can be part of predicates, for which the Tat circumpositional instrumental case (e=...=(r)Evoz) must sometimes be used instead: yeräqlüye odomi ‘armed man’ but e=yeräq=ävoz=ut ‘They are armed (lit. with weapons)’. The borrowed p r i v a t i v e suffix is -süz: biq-süz ‘without moustache’, sovod-süz ‘ignorant’, ʕovun ‘sin’ → ʕovun-süz ‘sinless’; unlike -lü and the Iranian prefix bi-, it can be attached to proper names: Soro-süz ‘without Sarah’. Note that these suffixes have replaced older, Iranian formations still retained in individual instances, such as: bäxd ‘luck’ → bäxd-ever ‘lucky’; ħürmet ‘respect’ → biħürmet ‘disrespectful’, ses bi-evoz-i/ses evoz-dor-i sound without-voice-ADJ/sound voicekeeping-ADJ ‘voiced/voiceless sound’. Etymologically related to the deverbal nominalizer -gor is an unproductive adjectival suffix -kor, found in temäħ ‘greediness’ → temäħ-kor ‘greedy’.

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Ordinal numerals are formed by means of the suffix -imün: dü-imün ‘second’, etc. But dü ‘two’ → dü-voin ‘double’ should be grouped together with the denominal adjectives of section 4.2.1. Intensive derivation based on adjectives involves reiteration of material, and will be discussed in section 6.2 together with reduplication.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives The “prospective participle” is derived from the infinitive -De(n) with the adjectival suffix -i; contrary to the agentive participle and to the past participle, it is not fully productive/inflectional, and frequently serves to translate specialized lexemes into Tat: keši-reni-ye odomi smoke-Deni person ‘smoker’, ters do-reni-ye či fear give-Deni-ATTR thing ‘something frightening’, ne=verzi-reni-ye odomi NEG=praise-Deni-ATTR person ‘infamous’, bovor ne=sox-deni-ye kor ‘something unbelievable’, e=räħ ber-deni LOC=way bear-Deni ‘amendable’, xisi-reni-ye utoq sleep-Deni-ATTR room ‘bedroom’, хilos soхdeni-ye ez bаtmiš-i stаntsiya saved do-Deni-ATTR ABL sink-ing post ‘rescue post’. The deverbal agent noun formation in -gor can be used as an attribute: xun-degor read-AGT ‘well-read’, taking the attributive suffix -e before a head-noun xun-degor-e odomi read-AGT-ATTR person ‘educated person’.

4.2.4. Deadverbial adjectives Adverbs can be turned into adjectives by means of the suffix -i(n). The resulting forms are found as preposed attributes, e.g., peso-i poyho ‘hind legs’, and often take the attributive suffix -ye: burun-i-ye/dorun-i-ye jige outside-ADJ-ATTR/inside-ADJ-ATTR place, dur

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‘far’ → dur-in ‘far’, pušote ‘before’ → pušote-i-ne ‘previous’, imburuz ‘today’ → imburuz-i-ne ruz today-ADJ-ATTR day, u-växdi that-time ‘then’ → u-växdi-ne pisatel-ho ‘the authors of that time’, šovu ‘the evening before’ → šovu-ne ‘of the evening before’.

4.3. Verbal derivation (deverbal) The Tat languages show almost no denominal or deadjectival derivation of new verbs; they seem to have split from their common ancestor with Persian before this device became productive in the latter. Single instances like bäxš ‘part’ → bäxšire ‘to share with’ are exceptional and have probably been borrowed from Persian in recent times.

4.3.1. Spatial preverbs Spatial preverbs have developed in Tat from elements already present in Persian (cf. Lazard et al. 2006: 281−283), certainly under the influence of Daghestanian languages of the Lezgic branch such as Aghul or Rutul. There are four spatial preverbs. Three are simple: de(r)- ‘in, down’, ve(r)- ‘on’, fu(r)- ‘down, along’. vedE(r)- ‘out’ conflates ve(r)and dE(r)-, but here ve(r)- is a reversive operator, analogous to an element found in the neighbouring languages Lezgian and Rutul. These spatial categories are the ones most frequently expressed by preverbs in Lezgic languages. Naturally, spatial preverbs are mostly found on verbs of movement like rafde ‘to go’ → de-rafde ‘to go in’, hišde ‘to let’ → de-hišde ‘to let in’, or omore ‘to come’ → diromore ‘to come in’; nüšde ‘to sit’ → ve-nüšde ‘to mount’, ve-rafde ‘to go up’; vederafde ‘to go out’, kende ‘to dig’ → vede-kende ‘to dig, extract’, fürsore ‘to send’ → vede-fürsore ‘to expel’. Some roots can take all preverbs: berde ‘to carry’ → de-berde ‘to carry in’, fu-berde ‘to swallow’ (note the demotivated variant süperde), ve-berde ‘to lift’, vede-berde ‘to carry outside’; šende ‘to throw’ → de-šende ‘to throw in or down’, fu-šende ‘to take down (trousers)’, ve-šende ‘to throw on’, vede-šende ‘to throw out’. Other verb roots only take some of the available preverbs, like čire ‘to pluck’ → dečire ‘to tidy up’, fu-čire ‘to steal’, ve-čire ‘to gather up’, nore ‘to put (down)’ → donore ‘to put in’, ve-nore ‘to put on’, while *funore, *vedečire, or *vedenore do not exist. Semantic drift has occurred in a number of cases: omore ‘to come’ → ver-omore ‘to grow’, pičire ‘to roll, wind’ → ve-pičire ‘to wrestle’, šumorde ‘to count’ → ve-šmerde ‘to abuse’ and je(hi)sde ‘to jump’ → ve-je(hi)sde ‘to dance’. Most preverbed roots also appear without a preverb. Exceptions are vo-gosire ‘to stick (on)’, fu-joqunde ‘to grumble’, fu-qunde ‘to speak through the nose’; fur-munde ‘to cheat’ no longer bears any relationship with munde ‘to remain’. vo-kurde ‘to build (up), de-kirde ‘to pour’, vede-kirde ‘to repudiate’ are related to Persian kardan ‘to do’, which is attested in southern (Muslim) varieties of Tat with the taboo meaning of ‘to fuck’: this accounts for its total loss in Jewish Tat.

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4.3.2. Causative verbs Causative verbs come paired with their anticausative counterparts. In one subtype, causative verbs are formed by adjunction of the suffix -un- without further changes: giris-de ‘to cry’ → giris-un-de ‘to make cry’, rix-de ‘to flow’ → rix-un-de ‘to make flow’, suxde ‘to burn (itr.)’ → sux-un-de ‘to burn, kindle’. But regressive vowel harmony frequently applies: depiči-re ‘to roll (itr.)’ → depuč-un-de ‘to roll (tr.)’, düši-re ‘to boil (itr.)’ → duš-un-de ‘to boil (tr.)’. Other causatives are more irregular, being based on the alternating, sometimes obsolete present stem: xur-de ‘to eat’ → xor-un-de ‘to feed’, degešde ‘to lie’ → de-gerd-unde ‘to lay’, diromo-re ‘to enter’ → dirov-un-de ‘to push in’, geš-de ‘to walk, look for’ → gerd-un-de ‘to carry around’, pois-de ‘to stop (itr.)’ → poy-un-de ‘to stop (tr.)’, växüšde ‘to stand up’ → växiz-un-de ‘to raise’, vejes-de ‘to dance’ → vejeh-un-de ‘to make dance’. Verbs ending in -ire have a causative counterpart without /i/: lerzi-re ‘to tremble’ → lerz-un-de ‘to shake’, tasi-re ‘to choke (itr.)’ → tas-un-de ‘to stifle’, tersi-re ‘to be afraid’ → ters-un-de ‘to frighten’, varasi-re ‘to understand’ → varas-un-de ‘to make understand’, vogosi-re ‘to stick (itr.)’ → vogos-un-de ‘to stick (tr.)’, xisi-re ‘to sleep’ → xis-un-de ‘to put to bed’. Many intransitive verbs show a suffix -Is (I is a high vowel subject to harmony) which commutes with the causative suffix, producing equipollent pairs: bürj-us-de ‘to cook (itr.)’ → bürj-un-de ‘to cook (tr.)’, čar-üs-de ‘to turn (itr.)’ → čar-un-de ‘to turn, transform’, günj-üs-de ‘to be fit’ → günj-un-de ‘to adapt’, je(h-ü)s-de ‘to slip’ → jehun-de ‘to make slip’, tov-us-de ‘to be hot’ → tov-un-de ‘to warm up’. Some transitive verbs seem to be causative derivates but have no anticausative counterpart: palun-de ‘to filter’, voburjun-de ‘to fry’, voqun-de ‘to thrust’, vošun-de ‘to winnow’. Semantic drift has occurred in a number of cases, such as vosux-de ‘to burn’ → vosux-un-de ‘to show compassion’, virix-de ‘to flee’ → virix-un-de ‘to kidnap’ (cf. Azeri qač-ır-maq), vomux-de ‘to learn’ → vomux-un-de ‘to advise’, voxur-de ‘to meet’ → voxor-un-de ‘to search’, nüš-de ‘to sit’ → nuš-un-de ‘to plant, organize’, verzi-re ‘to be worth’ → verz-un-de ‘to praise’, zihis-de ‘to live’ → zen-de ‘to give birth’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation (denominal) Noun phrases are recognizable in i(n)-ruz ‘this day’ > imburuz ‘today’ (with epenthesis), i(n)-šev ‘this night’ > imišev ‘tonight’, umoho(y) ‘then’/imoho(y) ‘now’ (probably from meh ‘month’), e=u lo ‘to that side’ > ovlo ‘far’, e=i lo ‘to that side’ > eylo ‘this way, here’, e-čor-kino-mürd LOC-four-ridge-? ‘around’. A suffix -o/-ovo/-u is found on many adverbs derived from an attested noun: šev ‘night’ → šovu ‘the evening before’, šüqäm ‘belly’ → šuqomo ‘face down’, cf. French à plat ventre, Persian zi-bar → zever-o ‘above’, Persian piš ‘forehead’ → pušo(vo) ‘in front’, kun-boloq-ovo → bottom-upside-ADV ‘upside down’, yon ‘side’ → yon-ovo ‘askance’.

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In some case, an older adverb has received the characteristic suffix: *pes ‘then’ → peso or pesovo ‘behind’, kim-väʕd-o INDEF-time-o ‘sometimes’ (from Azeri växd ‘time’), bäqd-o ‘later’ (from Arabic baʕd ‘after’). Less frequent is the formative -ki: äxir ‘end’ → äxirki ‘eventually’, xäber ‘news’ → näxäber ‘unaware’ → nä-xäber-eki ‘inadvertently’. There is an adverbial (attenuative?) diminutive suffix -lEy, probably related to -le (see section 4.1.1): yevoš or asda ‘slowly’ → yevoš-ley or asda-lay ‘rather slowly’.

5. Conversion Major word classes show a tendency to be signaled overtly in Tat: abstract nouns usually acquire a nominalizing -i suffix, attributive adjectives attach a suffix -(y)e, and verbs have overt conjugation in all tenses and persons. Conversion is thus restricted to a few particular cases, namely the non-finite form of verbs and the conversion of nouns into attributive adjectives.

5.1. Nominal conversion Deadjectival conversion of nouns is available but rarely used except in the case of agent participles undergoing a semantic shift, e.g., gešde ‘to walk’ → gešde-gor walk-er ‘prostitute’. Nominal conversion is rare, but one may cite kerg ‘chicken’ → kerge-lü (with an elided head-noun jige ‘place’?) ‘henhouse’, given the fact that -lü is otherwise exclusively used to derive adjectives. Names of inhabitants are substantivized adjectives derived from place names: Müšgür-i ‘person from Mushgur’.

5.2. Adjectival conversion Conversion of nouns into attributes rarely goes without marking of some kind. Examples of bare conversion/of conversion without any morphological marking include: sula ‘hole’ → ‘pierced’, bij ‘bastard’ → ‘disloyal’, and probably zurbo ‘strong’→ zurbe ‘tempest’. But very often, a noun may take the attributive suffix -(y)e and modify a following noun: oxmuri-ye gof ‘offens-ive word’ (along with the derivate oxmur-lü). This pattern serves to express r e s e m b l a n c e : kafdar ‘ghoul’ → kafdar-e ‘ghoul-ish’, ʕälbüs-e čum-ho ‘devil-ish eye-s’, ʕäzroil-e zen ‘Azrael-ATTR woman’, rač-e maral-e zen prettyATTR doe-ATTR woman ‘a woman as beautiful as a doe’, tomoše-ye odomi marvel-ATTR person ‘an extraordinary person’, xär-e odomi donkey-ATTR person ‘stupid person’, sevor-e ʕäil gufere-i basket-ATTR child cradle-ADJ ‘infant’, xinik-e liħä-ye ʕov cold-ATTR mud-ATTR water ‘cold, muddy water’.

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P o s s e s s i v e meaning is also frequent: češmek-e-čum-ho ‘eyes with glasses’, ħilleye mulla ‘wil-y mulla’, šexde-ye ruz ‘frost-y day’, bioburi-ye num ‘ignomini-ous name’, se ser-e dev ‘three head-ed demon’, qäšqä-ye gusele ‘white_spot-ted calf’, ʕäsel-e lovho ‘honey-tasting lips’, se kepik-e pul ‘three kopeck-ATTR money’, gürve-ye zimisdu ‘frost-y winter’, *merg ‘death’ (obsolete, but cf. Persian marg) > merg-e više ‘deep forest’, synonymous with xäste više lit. ‘sick forest’. Azeri nouns may also undergo conversion: qonquš-e dor ‘hole-ATTR tree’, qobon-e odomi ‘hog-ATTR person’. And some Azeri participles in -miš used in verbal compounds can also be used as attributes to a noun: češmiš-e čum-ho ‘astonished eyes’ (cf. češmiš bire ‘be astonished’). But conversion of an Azeri adverb is exceptional: dalda-ye jige ‘remote, secret place’ (cf. Azeri dal-da ‘in the back’).

5.3. Conversion of nouns as adpositions Most precise spatial relations are expressed in Tat by possessive NPs including a noun implying spatial reference, usually a body part: ser ‘head’ > ‘on’, also found in Persian. But qäd ‘fold’ > ‘interior’, qäriš ‘span’ > ‘inside’, lo ‘direction’ > ‘towards’, läʕä ‘mouth’, lov ‘lip’ > ‘near’ are proper to (Jewish) Tat.

6. Reduplication Reduplication devices are well represented in Tat and quite productive in Jewish Tat, applying to all parts of speech.

6.1. Nominal reduplication Reduplication patterns producing nouns are somewhat exceptional and irregular: gof ‘word’ → gofe-gof ‘conversation’, ħäroy-ħäroy ‘shouts’. The formation can be imitative (onomatopoeic): gurgur ‘turkey’, läqläq ‘big mouth’. Gilguli ‘trouble’ seems to be a variant of bilbul-i, which is deadjectival, čem-či ‘all sorts of food’ seems to be made according to the superlative pattern from či ‘food’, which is the root-noun of the verb či-re ‘to pick, pluck’. Echo-reduplication in which the onset of the second occurrence is changed to /m/ is a pattern which expanded from Turkic into many languages of Russia including those of Daghestan; it is also found in Tat: savzi-mavzi ‘all sorts of greens and salads’, luti ‘lecherous man’ → luti-puti ‘hooligans’. Other reduplication patterns are less straightforward: šele ‘burden’ → šele-šulte ‘one’s entire burden’, dalde ‘hidden’ (cf. Azeri dal-da ‘in the back’) → dalde-dulda ‘stealthily’, kosib ‘poor’ → kosib-kusub ‘poor crowd’, qob ‘dish’ → qob-qujob ‘all sorts of dishes’; Azeri däqiqä ‘minute’ is borrowed in Tat as däqdäqä. Sometimes, two independently existing words echo each other and are commonly juxtaposed to give rise to a single meaning, with an affective nuance: kor ‘work’ + bor

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‘burden’ → kor-bor ‘chores’, bojäħ-bürüj ‘shouting’; some elements of these echoing compounds can be words which no longer exist, or have never existed, in their own right in Tat, as in pol-xol ‘small scrap of land’, which patches together Russian pol ‘floor’ and an adaptation of Persian xor ‘land’ (the Tat word is xori); qäsd-šükesd ‘plea and complaint’; the two elements of qoziye-qäder ‘adventures’, which are Arabic words not found individually in the language. In vizor-gizor en=u=re mi=ber-d ‘She gives him a hard time’, vizor ‘painful’ is a frequent form, but gizor, which represents the obsolete present stem of Persian guzâštan ‘to pass’, is not attested independently.

6.2. Adjectival reduplication Adjectives, both Iranian and borrowed, very often have an intensive form which functions as a superlative. The pattern, copied from Azeri, consists of the copying of the first consonant, followed by a high vowel and a labial element, which is /m/ before a voiced consonant: johil ‘young’ → jem-johil ‘very young’, duraz ‘long’ → dim-duraz, zerd ‘yellow’ → zim-zerd, tij ‘sharp’ → tim-tij, duz ‘exact’ → dim-duz or dib-duz, tenbiräħne ‘naked’ → tim-tenbiräħne ‘stark naked’; or /p/ before a voiceless consonant: siye ‘black’ → sip-siye ‘pitch black’, kovu ‘blue’ → kip-kovu, tihi ‘empty’ → tip-tihi, soq ‘healthy’ → sip-soq, täħno ‘alone’ → tip-täħno ‘all alone’. Exceptions are tik ‘upright’ → tim-tik ‘very upright’, zünde ‘alive’ → zip-zünde xurde ‘to devour raw’, temiz ‘clean’ → tiptemiz or tur-temiz, and täʕdi ‘rapid’ → ter-täʕdi, sov ‘broken’ → sovesov ‘shattered’, bed ‘bad’ → beter ‘very bad’ → beš-beter ‘terribly bad’. Total reduplication of adjectives is exceptional: digil ‘twisted (smile)’ → digil-digil ‘unpleasantly twisted (smile)’. Note the semantic change in kele ‘large’ → kele-kele ‘loud’. More commonly seen are adjectives resulting from the total reduplication of nouns: xoši ‘good mood’ → xoši-xoši ‘joyful’, jüre ‘sort’ → jürbejür ‘manifold’, xär ‘donkey; stupid’ → xär-xär-e gof ‘very stupid talk’, benek ‘freckle’ → benek-benek ‘freckled’, para ‘piece’ → para-para ‘scattered’, rang ‘colour’ → rangi-be-rang-i ‘richly coloured’, petli-pitov ‘entangled (hair)’ (from Russian petlja ‘loop’ and Azeri bütün, dialectally bitov ‘totally’). But no simple base is attested for bil-bul ‘troubled’, pelü-pelü ‘worn out’, or qir-qir ‘curly’.

6.3. Verbal reduplication Reduplicated syllables form ideophonic coverbs: jiv-jiv zere ‘to chirp’, ħov-ħov soxde ‘to bark’, qär-qär zere ‘to crow’. Some existing nouns are found reduplicated in expressive compound verbs: sürg ‘horn’ → sürge-sürg soxde ‘to fight with horns’, tov-tov soxde ‘to shine’ (cf. tov-sebäħi ‘dawn’, tovuš ’light’, tovusde ‘to be hot’), guš ‘ear’ → guše-guši soxde ‘to whisper in the ear’, vor ‘wind’ → vorvori xurde ‘to wave in the wind’, sille ‘slap’ → sille-sille soxde ‘to slap’, qähri ‘hatred’ → qähri-qähri or qähre-qähr denišire ‘to look hatefully’.

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Another type associates a noun with another, slightly different element: loy ‘side’ → loy-lum xurde ‘reel, stagger’ (cf. Russian lomat’ ‘to break’), nifri ‘hatred’ → nifri-ofri soxde ‘to hate’, sabür ‘patience’ → ez sabür-obur vedarafde ‘to be out of patience’ (oburi ‘dignity’), ʕänje-ʕänj bire ‘to be torn (by the teeth of dogs)’ (cf. ʕänj gürde ‘bite, tear’), ruq-ruq dore ‘to shine (of a carpet)’ (cf. ruqän ‘oil’). Reduplication of the converb form ending in -De yields a depictive adjunct predicate: xän-de xän-de ‘laughing’, javus-de javus-de ‘chewing away’. Compound verbs duplicate the auxiliary only: fit ze-re ze-re ‘whistling’, päħni bi-re bi-re ‘stealthily’, simov ze-re ze-re ‘swimming’.

6.4. Adverbial reduplication Reduplication is found in a number of adverbial expressions: dir ‘late’ → dir-dir ‘slowly’, täħno ‘alone’ → täħno-väħno ‘all alone’, qüj ‘strength’ → qüje-qüj ‘with difficulty’, nerm ‘soft’ → nerme-nerm ‘softly’, sove-sov ‘totally broken’, xun-i-xun-i dеnišire bloody-blood-y look ‘to look very angrily’, xänjel-xänjel soxde dagger-dagger do ‘to gouge’. Distributivity is expressed by doubling the number: yeki yeki ‘one by one’, dü-dü=y en=u-ho ez guš-ho=y xär gir-d two-two=EZ GEN=3-PL ABL ear-PL=EZ donkey take-AOR3 ‘They both catch him, each of them seizing one ear of the donkey’. The distributive value of reduplication also accounts for expressions like čend ‘how many’ → čend-čend or češ-čend ‘so many’, and nubo ‘turn’ → nubo-nubo ‘in turn’. A couple of adverbs form another adverb by reduplication: pes-pes-o ‘and so on’, sebäħ ‘morning’ → sebäħ-sebäħ ‘very early’, yevoš-yevoš ‘slowly’, puš-pušo-ki ‘beforehand’, ser ‘head; on’ → ser-sereki ‘one on top of the other’. Derived from verbal bases are vidov-vidov ‘running’ (cf. vidovusde ‘run’), and similar expressions: in riz-riz ʕov rixde ‘to drip water’, the repeated obsolete present stem of the verb rixde, riz- acquires expressive value, as in šur-šur tihi bire ‘to flow abundantly’ (of blood, cf. šušde ‘to wash’, subjunctive šur-um).

Acknowledgements I am most grateful to Steven Kaye for correcting my English and many details in a preliminary version of this article, as well as to Samra Azarnouche, Claire Le Feuvre and Géraldine Walther for valuable comments. I am sole responsible for remaining errors.

7. References Authier, Gilles 2013 Grammaire du juhuri ou judéo-tat, langue iranienne des Juifs du Caucase de l’Est. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Grjunberg, Aleksandr L. 1963 Jazyk severoazerbajdžanskix tatov. Leningrad: Izd. Akademii nauk SSSR.

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Izgijaeva, Ėdėso B. 2005 Tatsko-russkij i russko-tatskij slovar’. Okolo 20000 slov. Tatskij jazyk gorskix evreev Kavkaza. Maxačkala: Jupiter. Lazard, Gilbert, Yann Richard, Rokhsareh Hechmati and Pollet Samvelian 2006 Grammaire du persan contemporain. Paris/Teheran: Institut Français de Recherche en Iran. Miller, Vjačeslav F. 1892 Materialy dlja izučenija evrejsko-tatskogo jazyka. Sanktpeterburg: [Imperatorskaja Akademija nauk]. Samvelian, Pollet 2012 Les prédicats complexes nom-verbe en persan. Etude syntaxique et sémantique. Paris: Hermès-Lavoisier.

Gilles Authier, Paris (France)

Non-Indo-European Uralic 175. Nenets 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion References

Abstract This article gives a short overview of the means of word-formation in Nenets. Nenets is a typical agglutinative language displaying a number of inflecting features. This characterization, however, applies only marginally to word-formation. The most frequent mode of word-formation is derivation, the less frequent one is composition. Nenets almost exclusively uses suffixes for derivation, prefixation is a rather marginal phenomenon.

1. Introduction Nenets belongs to the Samoyedic branch of the Uralic language family. It can be divided into two major dialects: Tundra Nenets and Forest Nenets, of which Tundra Nenets is more widely known and better researched. The discussion below is based on Tundra Nenets data. Although several studies have been published on Tundra Nenets, only one comprehensive grammatical description (Nikolaeva 2014) has been compiled of the language. Mostly textbooks and chrestomathies have been published, such as Tereŝenko (1947, 1956), Almazova (1961), Décsy (1966), Kupriânova, Barmič and Homič (1985), etc. On the topic of inflectional morphology, however, more than one study is available. Salminen (1997) describes Tundra Nenets inflectional categories, while Körtvély (2005) concentrates on verbal categories. As for word-formation, systematic and detailed research has not been conducted in this field. Every grammar, textbook and dictionary gives some information on word-formation. However, these descriptions fit the needs of language learners and generally list only the most productive affixes. Some articles, such as Fancsaly (1983, 1996, 2009) are dedicated to certain subfields of word-formation.

2. General overview The most frequent method of word-formation in Nenets is derivation. Other methods sporadically occur, but cannot be regarded as characteristic. No examples of reduplica-

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tion, blending, back-formation and clipping have been found. There are some compounds, though, but their number is very low.

3. Composition Composition is a rare word-formation strategy in Nenets. Neoclassical compounds (i.e. compound words composed of Greek or Latin roots) are missing from the language. Such words are all Russian loanwords, compounded in Russian, rather than in Nenets. Nenets compounds are exclusively noun-noun determinative compounds with the modifier as the first and the head as the second element, verbal compounds are non-existent. There are two structurally different groups of noun-noun compounds. In one group both elements of the compound are in the nominative, while in the other group the first element is in the genitive. Words belonging to the first group of compounds are almost exclusively names of food and are endocentric compounds, e.g., xalʲaja ‘fish soup’ ← xalʲa ‘fish’ + ja ‘soup’, ŋamsaja ‘meat soup’ ← ŋamsa ‘meat’ + ja ‘soup’, tiija ‘reindeer soup’ ← tii ‘reindeer’ + ja ‘soup’. In this group, usage of the genitive case for the first element of the compound results in a genitive construction: tiiɁ ja ‘soup of the reindeer’. In the second group of compounds the first element is in the genitive case. It must be mentioned, though, that a compulsory phonological alternation occurs here. In compounds, unlike in genitive constructions, the genitive marker of the dependent, which is a glottal stop (-Ɂ), is realized as an underspecified nasal which triggers the sonorization of the initial consonant of the head, and is on its part specified as a homorganic nasal: ŋoďambʲa ‘black cherry’ ← ŋoďaɁ/ŋoďam- (NOM: ŋoďa) ‘berry’ + pʲa ‘tree’, janďer ‘inhabitant’ ← jaɁ/jan- (NOM: ja) ‘land’ + ťer ‘contents’. Those compounds whose meaning is semantically an attributive phrase also belong to this group: neŋgan ‘sleigh for females (a type of sleigh)’ ← neɁ/neŋ- (NOM: ne) ‘woman’ + xan ‘sleigh’, jawndab ‘sand of the sea’ ← jawɁ/jawn- (NOM: jamɁ) ‘sea’ + tab ‘sand’, jaxaŋgalʲa ‘river fish’ ← jaxaɁ/jaxaŋ- (NOM: jaxa) ‘river’ + xalʲa ‘fish’. These structures cannot be understood as true genitive constructions (for further examples see Tereŝenko 1956: 63−64).

4. Derivation There are a large number of derivational morphemes in Nenets. Therefore, the most important means of word-formation is derivation − more precisely, suffixation − in the language. Prefixation is sporadic, there is only one example of this (prefixation will be returned to in section 4.3.2). Infixes and circumfixes are not used either.

4.1. Nominal derivation Denominal nouns are relatively rare in Nenets. Most of them are evaluative derivations. The majority of derivatives are deverbal nouns.

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4.1.1. Denominal nouns A peculiar suffix of the Northern Samoyedic languages is the limitative suffix, whose form is -rʲi or -lʲi, depending on the phonological form of the stem. The suffix expresses restriction, i.e. the action expressed by the sentence is restricted to one object or one subject, e.g., torʲi ‘only lake’ ← to ‘lake’, tʲońarʲi ‘only fox’ ← tʲońa ‘fox’, mʲaɁlʲi ‘only tent’ ← mʲaɁ ‘tent’. For a detailed description of the suffix, see Körtvély (2001). Among the denominal noun-forming suffixes the augmentative and diminutive suffixes are the most frequently used. These refer to the size of the named object, and the derivation is relational, as the size of the named object is compared to the size of a typical object of that kind. Diminutive suffixes occur even more often than augmentative suffixes. The general diminutive suffix is -ko (-ku), ‘small N’, e.g., ńawako ‘small hare’ ← ńawa ‘hare’, xanko ‘small sleigh’ ← xan ‘sleigh’, weneko ‘small dog’ ← weɁ ‘dog’. This suffix often occurs in hypocoristics, but in this function is restricted to personal names for children, such as Xasawako ← Xasawa, Sawlʲoko ← Sawlʲo. Another similar suffix is -cʲe, as in jiikcʲe ‘small neck’ ← jiik ‘neck’. This ending, however, occurs much more frequently in combination with the general diminutive suffix. The order of the suffixes is fixed in the complex suffix: -kocʲe. The suffix has a diminutive, endearing meaning: wenekocʲe ‘small puppy’, tekocʲe ‘tiny reindeer’ ← tii ‘reindeer’, xaradkocʲe ‘very little house’ ← xarad ‘house’. Another diminutive suffix is -je, which is again not very frequent. It may carry an additional pejorative meaning: toje ‘small lake’ ← to ‘lake’, xadaje ‘poor little granny’ ← xada ‘grandmother’. The above three suffixes can be combined into one with the form -cʲeko(Ɂ)je, as in puxuucʲeko(Ɂ)je ‘little old woman’ ← puxuu ‘old woman’. These forms are mostly lexicalized. Augmentative meaning is also expressed with the help of a suffix in Nenets: -Ɂja/Ɂje: pedaraɁja ‘large forest’ ← pedara ‘forest’, maɁja ‘big tent’ ← maɁ ‘tent’, toɁje ‘large lake’← to ‘lake’. Nouns can combine with the selective suffix -jumʔ as well; however, this is restricted to the nouns with the feature [+animate]. The function of the suffix is to mark one person from a group of two. Words featuring this suffix usually occur in narrative texts. (1)

xasawa-jumɁ lerkabtɁ xonara-wi-Ɂ man-SEL suddenly fall.asleep-NAR-3SG.R ‘The man (but not the woman) has suddenly fallen asleep.’ (Ângasova 2001: 10)

(For a further description of this suffix see section 4.2.2.)

4.1.2. Deverbal nouns Several derivational processes form nouns from verbs in Nenets. These words are action nouns and agent nouns in most cases. A c t i o n n o u n s are formed by the -wa/-ma suffix. The derived word refers to the action expressed by the stem verb. The suffix can attach to both perfective and imperfec-

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tive verbs, as in jilʲe-wa ‘life’ ← jilʲe-sʲ ‘to live’, xańe-wa ‘hunt’ ← xańe-sʲ ‘to hunt’, jeraŋgo-wa ‘guarding’ ← jeraŋgo-sʲ ‘to guard’, sʲanako-wa ‘playing’ ← sʲanako-sʲ ‘to play’. It is characteristic of this type of derivation that the derived noun behaves like a verb from a syntactic point of view. Both in a verb phrase and in a noun phrase having an action noun as its head, the object of the transitive verb stem is in the accusative case, i.e. the deverbal action noun preserves the original verbal complement. If the complement of the stem verb is not in the accusative but in another case, that case appears in the NP: jabtuɁmana xańesʲ ‘to hunt for wild geese’ (complement: prolative, -mana) and jabtuɁmana xańewa ‘the hunting of wild geese’. The agent of the action noun is marked by genitive case: ńaka-nda towa ‘his brother’s arrival; lit. brother-GEN.3SG + arrival’, kńigamɁ tolabawa ‘the reading of the book; lit. book-ACC + reading’. Words ending in the suffix -ja also refer to an action or the p o s s i b i l i t y o f t h e a c t i o n. In this case, the emphasis is on the possibility of the action being carried out either because there is a possibility or because the agent is capable of acting so, e.g., xańe-sʲ ‘to hunt’ → xańe-ja ‘the possibility/capability of hunting’. The product or r e s u l t o f a n a c t i o n is referred to by words ending in -bc as in sʲanako-bc ‘a kind of game’ ← sʲanako-sʲ ‘to play’, and in jaŋger-cʲ ‘to sing’, from which the word jaŋger-c ‘song’ is derived. In the latter case, the suffix-initial b is dropped owing to the stem-final consonant of the base. Accordingly, the infinitive form and the derived word differ only in that the infinitive marker is palatal, while the noun ends in a non-palatal sound. A g e n t n o u n s are also very frequent. Contrary to closely related Nganasan, Nenets does not differentiate between the professional and the occasional readings of agent nouns. The only way to derive an agent noun is by using the nominalized present participle form (-na, -da, -ta): xańe-na ‘hunter’ ← xańe-sʲ ‘to hunt’, jeraŋgo-da ‘guard’ ← jeraŋgo-sʲ ‘to guard’. (Compare the Nganasan examples basu-ďa ‘to hunt’ → basu-tuə ‘person who currently hunts’ and basu-Ɂsʲi ‘professional hunter’.) The i n s t r u m e n t of an action can also be expressed by a derived form. The suffixes -bcʲɁ (-sʲɁ, -cʲɁ) can have this meaning, as in tir-cʲɁ ‘brush’ ← tir-cʲ ‘to comb’, ńeransʲɁ ‘bucket’ ← ńeran-sʲ ‘to fetch water’, pagna-bcʲɁ ‘pencil’ ← pagna-sʲ ‘to draw’. Occasionally, the same suffix is used to refer to the place of the action, e.g., jilʲe-sʲɁ ‘home, place to live in’ ← jilʲe-sʲ ‘to live’. P l a c e n o u n s are typically derived by two other suffixes in Nenets, though. Words with the suffix -Ɂma/-Ɂmʲa mark the former place and time of the action. Less frequently, the same suffix serves as an action noun-forming suffix. E.g., to-Ɂma ‘previous arrival, place of arrival, time of arrival’ ← to-sʲ ‘to arrive’, jilʲe-Ɂma ‘former place to live in’ ← jilʲe-sʲ ‘to live’. In case the regular place of an action is talked about, the suffix -rawa/ -lawa is used, as in xańe-lawa ‘regular hunting place’ ← xańe-sʲ ‘to hunt’, xońo-lawa ‘the place where they normally sleep’ ← xońo-sʲ ‘to sleep’, jade-lawa ‘street, place to walk’ ← jader-cʲ ‘to go, walk’. The usage of the suffixes -bcod and -bco is quite peculiar. Beyond the expression of p u r p o s e the Nenets language further differentiates between objects serving a certain purpose and being prepared for this and objects that still have not been prepared. Words ending in -bcod refer to an object which is intended to be acted upon by the agent, but the object still has to be prepared for this action. Words ending in -bcod refer to the same object if it has already been prepared for the action (Tereŝenko 1965: 883). In sum, these words refer to two distinct stages of a working process. The following example

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illustrates the usage of these nouns: pʲire-bcod ‘unprepared thing to be cooked’, pʲirebco ‘something to be cooked’ ← pire-sʲ ‘to cook’, sʲanako-bco ‘an object to play with, toy’ ← sʲanako-sʲ ‘to play’.

4.2. Derivation of adjectives In Nenets, adjectives are not considered a primary word class, i.e. adjectives are normally derived. There are not that many examples of unsuffixed adjectives, cf. ŋarka ‘big’, xemɁ ‘short’, lamdo ‘low’, sawa ‘good’, ŋoka ‘many’, ťańo ‘few’, wæwa ‘bad’, ŋixi ‘old’, luca/lucʲa ‘Russian’, ńuďe ‘young’.

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Adjectives are frequently formed from nouns. An ending with a special meaning is the s i m i l a t i v e suffix -raxa/-laxa, -rxa, whose meaning is something like ‘being like X’, e.g., mʲaɁ-laxa ‘similar to a tent’ ← mʲaɁ ‘tent’, ńiibʲe-raxa ‘similar to a needle’ ← ńiibʲe ‘needle’. These derived forms are either used attributively or play the role of the predicate, as shown by the following sentence pair. (2)

ńińeka-n sarmʲika-rxa weńe-ko-da tańa dog-DIM-3SG exist.3SG brother-GEN.1SG wolf-SIM ‘My brother has a dog which is like a wolf.’ (Tereŝenko 1956: 159)

(3)

ńińeka-n weńe-ko-da sarmʲika-rxa brother-GEN.1SG dog-DIM-3SG wolf-SIM ‘My brother’s dog is similar to a wolf.’ (Tereŝenko 1956: 159)

The same suffix is used to produce names of colours: num-laxa ‘blue’ ← numɁ ‘sky’, ŋamdeɁ-laxa ‘green’ ← ŋamdeɁ ‘grass’, paďe-raxa ‘yellow, green’ ← paďe ‘gall’, sʲunraxa ‘blue’ ← sʲun ‘vapour’. Other colour terms are derived from verbs, see section 4.2.3 for details. The suffixes -j and -(i)k form either adjectives referring to qualities or r e l a t i o n a l adjectives. The ending -j typically attaches to names of seasons and times of the day, i.e. it cannot be regarded as a productive suffix, e.g., pi-j ‘nightly’ ← pi ‘night’, sira-j ‘winterly’ ← sira ‘winter, snow’, nara-j ‘spring-’ ← nara ‘spring’. The ending -(i)k can be used with a variety of stems. It can even attach to adjectives: ńul ‘sludge’ → ńul-ak ‘soft, tender’, lamdo ‘small, short’ → lamd-ik ‘small, short’. Unfortunately, the sources do not mention whether the suffixed and the unsuffixed adjective differ from each other in their meaning, distribution, style or frequency. The suffixes -ki/-gi and -ŋgi, -ńij, -ij, -i form relational adjectives which refer to something belonging to a certain place, e.g., mʲaɁ ‘tent’ → mʲa-ki ‘belonging to the tent’, war ‘edge’ → war-i ‘marginal’, maxa ‘back (noun)’ → maxa-ńij ‘right (side)’. The latter

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meaning needs clarification: The Nenets used to sit on the left side of their sleigh hanging their legs along the left side, therefore everything that is behind their back belongs to the right side. The suffix -lʲaŋg forms p o s s e s s i v e adjectives, most often attaching to names of natural phenomena, land surface forms and materials covering land (Szeverényi 2003: 285). The derived form expresses that the named quality is highly characteristic of the given entity, i.e. this is not simply adjective formation but also intensification, as in pedara ‘forest’ → pedara-lʲaŋg ‘covered with forest’, ńulʲ ‘sludge’ → ńulʲ-lʲaŋg ‘sludgy, marshy’, pe ‘stone’ → pe-lʲaŋg ‘stony’. This derivational suffix is used only in the Bolshaya Zemlya dialect (Tereŝenko 1956: 160). Another adjective-forming suffix is the possessive suffix -sawej. The derived forms express possession or comitative function, but they often refer to attributes as well. In such cases the feature or ability is possessed: ńe-sawej ‘with his wife, married’ ← ńe ‘woman’, sira-sawej ‘snowy, covered with snow’ ← sira ‘snow’, ji-sawej ‘clever’ ← ji ‘wit’, wărcʲăwej ‘dirty’ ← warɁ ‘dirt’. The semantic opposite of the previous suffix is the c a r i t i v e (privative) suffix -sʲada/-zʲada/-cʲada/-sʲa, which expresses the lack of something, e.g., ńe-sʲa ‘unmarried’ ← ńe ‘woman’, jeďe-sʲada ‘healthy’ ← jeďe ‘illness’, wăr-cʲăda ‘clean’ ← warɁ ‘dirt’. As the above examples show, it is often the case that a positive adjective is derived from a stem with a negative meaning. This phenomenon is characteristic of Nenets, of closely related Enets and also of Nganasan.

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Adjectives are not often derived from other adjectives in Nenets, but adjectives referring to the i n t e n s i t y or any kind of degree of an attribute are often formed in this manner. The diminutive suffix -ko described in section 4.1.1 and the complex suffix -kocʲaje work in this way. Both express a lesser degree of intensity of the attribute in question (attenuative): wewa ‘silly’ → wewa-ko ‘somewhat silly’, ńuďa ‘small’ → ńuďa-ko ‘somewhat small’, ńuďa-kocʲaje ‘tiny’. The augmentative suffix has a similar function, but expresses a higher intensity of the attribute: ŋarka ‘big’ → ŋarka-Ɂja ‘very big’. In case the intensity of the quality is compared to a standard, the derivational suffix -mboj is applied, e.g., ŋarka ‘big’ → ŋarka-mboj ‘quite big’, pʲircʲe ‘tall’ → pʲircʲe-mboj ‘quite tall’. The gradation of the quality is expressed by words with the ending -rka: sawa ‘good’ → sawa-rka ‘a bit better, good enough’, ŋarka ‘big’ → ŋarka-rka ‘big enough’. Thus, a scale can be set up: ŋarka ‘big’ < ŋarka-mboj/ŋarka-rka ‘quite big, big enough’ < ŋarka-Ɂja ‘very big’. Some suffixes have a s e l e c t i v e function. If a choice must be made between two objects/entities with the same quality, but this quality is more intense for one of the objects, the suffix -jumɁ is used. However, if there are more than two entities to choose from, the suffix -doɁ is attached to the adjective. This is illustrated by the following examples: ŋarka ‘big’ → ŋarka-jumɁ ‘the bigger one of two’ ~ ŋarka-doɁ ‘the biggest one of many’, sawa ‘good’ → sawa-jumɁ ‘the better one of two’ ~ sawa-doɁ ‘the best one of many’. Words featuring this suffix occur in the sentence as attributes, as can be seen in the following example:

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ŋarka-jum xasawa to-wa-n ńi xarwa-Ɂ man come-ACT-DAT NEGAUX.3SG want-CN big-SEL ‘The bigger man doesn’t want to come.’ (Labanauskas 2001: 116)

However, the adjectives with this suffix never appear in a comparative construction. In these sentences the adjective is unmarked, i.e. the predicate of the sentence is nongradable. The standard NP of the comparative construction receives the elative case suffix, while the object of the comparison (the comparee NP) remains in the nominative. (5)

juno te-xed ŋarka horse reindeer-EL big ‘The horse is bigger than the reindeer.’ (Kupriânova, Barmič and Homič 1985: 233)

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives are not very frequent in Nenets. There are only two such derivational affixes: -ik and -xad. Both form qualitative adjectives: marner- ‘to make noise’ → marner-ik ‘noisy’. Adjectives ending in -xad mean ‘who tends to be X’, as in ťida- ‘to be jealous’ → ťid-xad ‘jealous, tending to be jealous’, pina- ‘to be afraid’ → pin-xad ‘fearful’ (for the group of colour adjectives, which are created from verbs, see section 5).

4.3. Verbal derivation Nenets is rich in verb-forming suffixes, and both denominal and deverbal verbs are frequent. There are several complex suffixes as well, composed of simple individual suffixes. Only few verbs are formed from an adjective. As we will see in section 5, typically adjectives are formed from verbs referring to an attribute.

4.3.1. Denominal verbs Most denominal verb-forming suffixes have the form -CV in Nenets. One of the most important and a rather many-faceted derivational suffix is -ta/-da, which plays an important role in many other Uralic languages (cf. Laakso 1997). This suffix has the following functions: 1. ornative verbs, e.g., pʲa ‘wood’ → pʲa-da- ‘to hammer a handle in (for an axe)’, ŋumɁ ‘hay’ → ŋum-da- ‘to put dry hay into the shoe’; 2. instrumental verbs, e.g., ŋo ‘colour’ → ŋo-ta- ‘to colour’, săl ‘payment’ → săl-da- ‘to pay’; 3. essive verbs, e.g., sera ‘widow’ → sera-da- ‘to be a widow’, lek ‘lazy person’ → lek-da- ‘to be lazy’; 4. if attached to the names of seasons, the resulting verbs have the meaning ‘to spend time somewhere’, e.g., nara ‘spring’ → nara-da- ‘to spend spring somewhere’, ŋerʲo ‘autumn’ → ŋerʲo-da- ‘to live in the autumn settlement’.

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Among the more frequent denominal verb types is the t r a n s l a t i v e (change-ofstate) verb formed by the suffix -mɁ ‘to become X’. In a similar manner to the zero suffix, this suffix also attaches to the plural genitive stem, as in sera ‘widow’ → serʲem‘to become a widow’, xańɁ ‘autumn frost’ → xańiimɁ- ‘to become freezing cold, freeze’, ŋar ‘bigness’ → ŋaram- ‘to become big, grow’, pir ‘height’ → piram- ‘to become tall’. It is important to note that the stem of the verb here is the quality noun and not the corresponding adjective. A closed set of verbs end in the derivational suffix -n. Certain researchers, like Hajdú (1968: 67−68) or Kupriânova, Barmič and Homič (1985: 113), assume a zero suffix here. They claim that the infinitive-forming suffix attaches to the plural genitive stem and there is a Ɂ ~ n alternation present in these forms. Contrary to this assumption, Fancsaly (1983) postulates a verb-forming suffix -n, which is preceded by stem alternation. The base form is the name of an animal, plant or some food, and the meaning of the resulting verb is ‘to hunt for X, collect X, eat/drink X’. Examples are: jabto ‘wild goose’ → jabtu-n- ‘to hunt for wild goose’, noxo ‘arctic fox’ → nosʲi-n- ‘to hunt for arctic fox’, ŋoďa ‘berry’ → ŋoďa-n- ‘to collect berries’, tirebʲa ‘roe’ → tirebʲa-n- ‘to eat roe’, malaka ‘milk’ → malaki-n- ‘to drink milk’. A typical Samoyedic derivation is one in the course of which a verb is formed with the meaning ‘to smell of/like X’. Such a suffix is -ja in Nenets, e.g., xalʲa ‘fish’ → xalʲaja- ‘to smell like fish’, xerosin ‘kerosene’ → xerosin-ja- ‘to smell of kerosene’, ŋamsa ‘meat’ → ŋamsa-ja- ‘to smell like meat’.

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs As already mentioned, deadjectival verb formation is rather seldom in Nenets, yet there are a couple of instances of it. In Nenets − and likewise in Nganasan and Enets − the words ŋoka ‘many, much’ and ťano ‘few, little’ belong to the category of adjectives. These words may combine with the translative suffix -mʔ: ŋoka ‘many, much’ → ŋokamɁ- ‘to proliferate, accrete’, ťano ‘few, little’ → ťano-mɁ- ‘to diminish, decrease’. (For the suffix see section 4.3.1.) The word ŋoka can combine with the transformative suffix -mda too. This compound suffix is composed of the translative suffix -mʔ and the transitive-causative suffix -ta/ da: ŋoka-m-da- ‘to raise, manifold’.

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs Nenets typically does not have prefixed words. There are two instances where prefixes occur, both being a form of the negative auxiliary (ńiisʲ). This verb can take the emphasizer prefix wu- and the interrogative prefix xa-. The first form is the Tundra Nenets wuńiisʲ (Forest Nenets wɨńiš). These emphasized forms express emphatic negation, as the following sentence illustrates:

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Forest Nenets šeɁew xanel-ť šonš-tuŋ wɨńi-Ɂ ŋa-Ɂ, manɨɁ-mɨ-Ɂ seven Komi-PL.2SG inside-ACC.3SG NEGAUX-3PL be-CN, say-PTPST-PL wɨńi-Ɂ ŋa-Ɂ NEGAUX-3PL be-CN ‘Well, the seven Komi people do not say the truth, they do not say that.’ (Koškarëva, Burkova and Šilova 2003: 82, ex. 4)

The form with the interrogative prefix can only be used in interrogative-emphasizing sentences. An example of its usage: (7)

Tundra Nenets xańa-dm jar-Ɂ NEGAUX-1SG cry-CN ‘How should I not cry?’ (Kupriânov, Homič and Ŝerbakova 1957: 143)

As stated above, these prefixes only attach to the negative auxiliary and they never attach to any other verb. Therefore, prefixation cannot be regarded as a productive process in Nenets. Nenets has a very rich system of verb-forming s u f f i x e s. Several meanings that are expressed by a converb construction or an auxiliary-verb construction in Indo-European languages are expressed by a derived verb in Nenets. One of the most frequently used derivational suffixes is t r a n s i t i v e - c a u s a t i v e -ta/-da, which forms a transitive verb from an intransitive one: xasa- ‘to be dry’ → xasa-ta- ‘to dry out’, xawa- ‘to fall’ → xawa-da- ‘to drop’, xaa- ‘to die’ → xaa-da- ‘to kill’. Transitive verbs are also formed with the help of -bta and -btʲe. The stem is always an intransitive verb, as in tira- ‘to get dry’ → tira-bta- ‘to dry sth.’, ńaajol- ‘to spread (itr.)’ → ńajol-abta- ‘to spread sth.’, jilʲe- ‘to live’ → jilʲe-btʲe- ‘to make sb. live’. Furthermore, the same meaning is expressed by the derivational suffixes -ťe/-ďe, -laa and -lʲe, e.g., ńensʲum- ‘to get, be angry’ → ńensʲum-ďe- ‘to make sb. angry’, toxo- ‘to learn, study’ → toxo-laa- ‘to teach’, jabʲe- ‘to be drunk’ → jabʲe-lʲe- ‘to make sb. drink alcoholic drinks’. The suffixes -raa and -rʲe also form transitive verbs: tarpaa- ‘to come out’ → tarp-raa- ‘to take sth. out’, pʲii- ‘to cook (itr.)’ → pʲiirʲe- ‘to cook sth.’. Further research is needed to discover what governs the choice among these transitivizing suffixes. Like in all Northern Samoyedic languages, most verbs are perfective in Nenets. There are several derivational suffixes that make a perfective verb imperfective. However, most of these suffixes also attach to imperfective stems. The f r e q u e n t a t i v e - i t e r a t i v e suffix -rɁ behaves in this manner: ŋam- ‘to eat up’ → ŋaw-orɁ- ‘to nibble, be eating’, sʲerta- ‘to make’ → sʲerťe-rɁ- ‘to be making’, pʲuu- ‘to look for’ → pʲuu-rɁ- ‘to be looking for’. Sometimes verbs with this suffix gain a new meaning, as in temda- ‘to buy’ → temdo-rɁ- ‘to trade, deal’. Another frequently used suffix is the d u r a t i v e - p r o g r e s s i v e -ŋka, which generally attaches to intransitive stems, e.g., xa- ‘to die’ → xa-ŋka- ‘to be dying’, to- ‘to arrive’ → to-ŋga- ‘to be approaching’.

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The h a b i t u a t i v e suffix -sʲeti/-cʲeti is one of the most frequently used affixes in Nenets. Verbs with this suffix seem to have a defective paradigm, as their modal forms and infinitives (except for the connegative form) have not been found in the corpora (see Salminen 1997: 53 for a more detailed account). Examples with this suffix are: nu‘to be standing’ → nu-sʲiti- ‘to use to stand’, madaa- ‘to cut’ → madaa-sʲeti- ‘to be cutting’. Verbs ending in -lɁ/-la have an i n c h o a t i v e meaning. The resulting verbs follow the reflexive paradigm, although their meaning lacks reflexivity or mediality. In consonant-final stems the stem-final consonant is dropped in the course of derivation, e.g., meńe- ‘to love’ → meńe-lɁ- ‘to begin to love’, jilʲe- ‘to live’ → jilʲe-lɁ- ‘to begin to live’, pisʲe-n- ‘to laugh’ → pisʲ-la- ‘to begin to laugh’. The same meaning can also be expressed by a verb + auxiliary construction, in which the verb pʲa- ‘to begin’ is preceded by the infinitive form of the main verb, as in ilʲesʲ pʲawaɁ ‘we began to live well’. According to Tereŝenko (1947: 117) in this latter construction inchoativity is stronger than in the corresponding derived item. S e m e l f a c t i v e actions are expressed by verbs ending in the complex suffix -xalɁ, whose second element is the inchoative suffix: sʲură- ‘to turn something’ → sʲur-xalɁ‘to turn around’. The suffix -jbťe/-jebťe/-bťe forms a t t e n u a t i v e (diminutive) verbs, like jar- ‘to cry’ → jar-jebťe- ‘to cry out regularly’, je- ‘to be ill’ → je-jebťe- ‘to be a bit ill, be sickly’, nu- ‘to stand’ → nu-jbťe- ‘to stand for a little while’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation A frequent adverb forming suffix is -wna, which is formally the same as the prolative inflectional suffix. This suffix forms an adverb of manner from an adjective, e.g., ŋarka ‘big’ → ŋarka-wna ‘to a great extent, very’, jăna ‘slow’ → jăna-wna ‘slowly’, sawa ‘good’ → sawa-wna ‘well’. The suffix can attach to derived adjectives as well, so it can appear after an augmentative suffix or a suffix expressing intensity. The following examples show the possible forms of the stem a ŋarka ‘big’: ŋarka-rka ‘bigger’ → ŋarkarka-wna ‘to a very great extent’, ŋarka-Ɂja ‘huge, very big’ → ŋarka-Ɂja-wna ‘to a great extent’.

5. Conversion The most frequent type of conversion in Nenets is n o u n - a d j e c t i v e conversion. The class of adjectives is a secondary word class in Samoyedic languages. Adjectives are generally derived, but some are converted from nouns. This phenomenon, however, is not only attested in the Samoyedic branch of the Uralic language family. It also occurs in Hungarian: a tanár fiam ‘my teacher son, i.e. my son who is a teacher’. Certain Nenets nouns can appear in an attributive position without any morphological marker. In that case the noun is used as an adjective of quality, e.g., jalʲa ‘sun, light’ is used

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with the meaning ‘well-lit’, as in jalʲa mʲakana ‘in the well-lit tent’. Further examples: wesako ‘old man’ → ‘old’, ŋacʲeki ‘child’ → ‘young’, pe ‘stone’ → ‘made of stone’. In a d j e c t i v e - n o u n conversion, the present participle form of a verb (-na, -ta, -ťa) is lexicalized as a noun. This phenomenon is typical with names of professions, e.g., xańe-sʲ ‘to hunt’ → xańena ‘hunter’, jor-cʲ ‘to fish’ → jorťa ‘fisherman’ (for agent nouns see section 4.1.2). While Nenets adjectives cannot take case markers, an adjective converted to a noun behaves like an ordinary noun, i.e. it can take case markers and possessive markers as well. Some names denoting professions belong to this group: toxodanna ‘learner’ → ‘student’, manzarana ‘working person’ → ‘worker’. A group of adjectives is created from verbs by conversion. In p a r t i c i p l e - a d j e c t i v e conversion, the present participle form (-na, -ta, -ťa) of certain stative verbs can be used in the role of an adjective. Several colour terms and adjectives denoting inherent properties of objects belong to this group, e.g., saxarja-sʲ ‘to be sweet’ → saxarja-da ‘being sweet’ → ‘sweet’, ńaɁmʲe-sʲ ‘to be hard’ → ńaɁmʲe-na ‘being hard’→ ‘hard’, ńaŋo-cʲ ‘to be thick’ → ńaŋota ‘being thick’ → ‘thick’. The derived adjectives, contrary to the participle, denote a permanent and not a temporary state. As pointed out in section 4.2.1, some colour terms are derived by a similative suffix from nominal stems, while other colour terms are derived from stative verbs by conversion: ńarja-sʲ ‘to be red’ → ńarja-na ‘being red’ → ‘red’, tanzʲerta-sʲ ‘to look dark/blue’ → tanzʲerta-na ‘being dark blue, dark coloured’, → ‘dark blue/dark coloured’, jalʲena-sʲ ‘to be gray’ → jalʲena-na ‘being gray’ → ‘gray’, parʲiďe-sʲ ‘to be black’ → pariďe-ńa ‘being black’ → ‘black’. N o u n - v e r b conversion is limited to a small group of verbs. The infinitive-forming suffix -sʲ attaches to a stem that is identical to the corresponding noun: sʲanako ‘toy’ → sʲanako-sʲ ‘to play’, jaake ‘smoke’ → jaake-sʲ ‘to smoke’. Naturally, it does not follow from this fact that Nenets does not distinguish between nouns and verbs. That is, it cannot be claimed that a noun-verb category is present in Nenets, even if in Nenets (similarly to Mordvin and other Samoyedic languages) nominal categories can take verbal personal suffixes. The noun-verb problem has been dealt with by several authors (e.g., Hajdú 1970; Laakso 1991), so I will not discuss it in more detail. A distinct group of denominal verbs is derived by conversion from the plural genitive stem of the noun. The meaning of the derived verb is ‘to possess X’ or ‘to use an object as X’. In the latter case, the object being talked about is used in a non-traditional way. Examples are: sawa ‘cap’ (PL.GEN stem: sabiɁ) → sabi- ‘to have a cap, use something as a cap’, xor ‘knife’ (PL.GEN stem: xoroɁ) → xoro- ‘to have a knife, use something as a knife’, mʲaɁ ‘tent’ (PL.GEN stem: mʲadoɁ) → mʲado- ‘to have a tent, use something as a tent’, tubka ‘axe’ (PL.GEN stem: tubcʲiɁ) → tubcʲi- ‘to have an axe, use something as an axe’. The opposite is expressed by the c a r i t i v e (privative) suffix -sʲa. This suffix creates a stative verb with the meaning ‘to be without X’. Formally, the suffix is identical to the denominal noun forming suffix (see section 4.2.1). Therefore, this derivation can be analyzed as conversion. In that case, the following process is supposed: 1. a caritive adjective is formed from the base noun pija ‘nose’ → pija-sʲa ‘without a nose’; 2. from this adjective a verbal stem is created by conversion pijasʲa- ‘to have no nose, be without a nose’. The other possible description of the process is that a denominal verb forming suffix with a caritive function is supposed to exist. Caritive verbs are, for example: ńumɁ ‘name’ → ńumsʲa- ‘to be anonymous’, pedara ‘forest’ → pedarasʲa- ‘to have no forest, be without a forest’, asipka ‘mistake, fault’ → asipkasʲa- ‘to be faultless’.

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Abbreviations ACT CN EL NAR

action noun connegative form elative narrative

NEGAUX PTPRS R SEL

negative auxiliary present participle reflexive conjugation selective suffix

6. References Almazova, Antonina Vasiľevna 1961 Samoučiteľ neneckogo âzyka. Leningrad: Učpedgiz. Ângasova, Nejko Maksimovna 2001 Neneckie skazki i neneckie pesni sudbabc”, ârabc”. Tomsk: Izdateľstvo Tomskogo Universiteta. Comrie, Bernard 1976 The syntax of action nominals: A cross-language study. Lingua 40: 177−201. Décsy, Gyula 1966 Yurak Chrestomathy. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Fancsaly, Éva 1983 A jōnć típusú igék és a PlGen. In: Gábor Bereczki and Péter Domokos (eds.), Urálisztikai tanulmányok 1. Hajdú Péter 60. születésnapja tiszteletére, 133−137. Budapest: ELTE. Fancsaly, Éva 1996 A jurák denominális igeképzésről. In: Edit Mészáros (ed.), Ünnepi könyv Mikola Tibor tiszteletére, 88−93. Szeged: JATE. Fancsaly, Éva 2009 Bemerkungen zur deverbalen Verbbildung im Nenzischen. In: Éva Fancsaly (ed.), Írások Györke József és Hajdú Péter tiszteletére 2002−2007, 43−51. Pécs: Dialóg Campus. Hajdú, Péter 1970 A nyenyec “nomen-verbumok”-ról. Néprajz és Nyelvtudomány 14: 5−9. Koškarëva, Nataľâ Borisovna, Svetlana Igorevna Burkova and Valentina Vasiľevna Šilova 2003 Obrazcy tekstov na lesnom dialekte neneckogo âzyka. Novosibirsk: NGU/Institut filologii SO RAN. Körtvély, Erika 2001 Nyomósító elemek a tundrai nyenyecben. Néprajz és Nyelvtudomány 41: 154−167. Körtvély, Erika 2005 Verb Conjugation in Tundra Nenets. Szeged: SzTE Finnugor Tanszék. Kupriânova, Zinaida Nikolaevna, Lûdmila Vasiľevna Homič and Anna Mihajlovna Ŝerbakova 1957 Neneckij âzyk. Leningrad: Gos. Učebno-Pedagogičeskoe Izdateľstvo. Kupriânova, Zinaida Nikolaevna, Mariâ Âkovlevna Barmič and Lûdmila Vasiľevna Homič 1985 Neneckij âzyk. Leningrad: Prosveŝenie. Laakso, Johanna 1991 Reflections on the problem of Uralic N/V word stems. In: László Jakab, László Keresztes, Antal Kiss and Sándor Maticsák (eds.), Congressus septimus internationalis fenno-ugristarum 3A, 153−157. Debrecen: s.n. Laakso, Johanna 1997 On verbalizing nouns in Uralic. Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 54: 267−304. Labanauskas, Kazis 2001 Yamidihi' Lahanaku. Moscow: Russkaya literatura.

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Lehtisalo, Toivo 1956 Juraksamojedisches Wörterbuch. Helsinki: Suomalais-ugrilainen seura. Nikolaeva, Irina 2014 A Grammar of Tundra Nenets. Berlin: de Gruyter. Popova, Âdviga Nikolaevna 1978 Nenecko-russkij slovar’. Lesnoe narečie. Szeged: SzTE Finnugor Tanszék. Pusztay, János 1976 Material aus dem Wald-Dialekt des Jurak-Samojedischen. Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, I. Philologisch-historische Klasse 10: 349−379. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Pusztay, János 1980 Über die Kiseljowskaja Mundart des Waldjurakischen. Annales Universitatis Scientiarum Budapestinensis de Rolando Eötvös nominatae, Sectio Linguistica 11: 43−70. Pusztay, János 1984 Die Pur-Mundart des Waldjurakischen. Grammatikalischer Abriss aufgrund der Materialien von T. V. Lehtisalo. Szeged: JATE. Salminen, Tapani 1997 Tundra Nenets Inflection. Helsinki: Suomalais-ugrilainen seura. Salminen, Tapani 1998 A Morphological Dictionary of Tundra Nenets. Helsinki: Suomalais-ugrilainen seura. Szeverényi, Sándor 2003 Enyec denominális névszóképzők és (északi-)szamojéd hátterük. Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 100: 280−288. Tereŝenko, Nataľâ Mitrofanovna 1947 Očerk grammatiki neneckogo (jurako-samoedskogo) âzyka. Leningrad: Učpedgiz. Tereŝenko, Nataľâ Mitrofanovna 1956 Materialy i issledovaniâ po âzyku nencev. Moskva/Leningrad: Nauka. Tereŝenko, Nataľâ Mitrofanovna 1965 Nenecko-russkij slovar’. Moskva: Sovetskaâ Ènciklopediâ. Verbov, Grigorij Davydovič 1973 Dialekt lesnyh nencev. In: Aleksej Pavlovič Okladnikov (ed.), Samodijskij sbornik, 3− 190. Novosibirsk: Akademiâ nauk SSSR.

Beáta Wagner-Nagy, Hamburg (Germany)

176. Finnish 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Backformation, blending and clipping References

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Abstract Even though Finnish has a very rich derivational morphology and many productive suffixes, the most productive word-formation method in Finnish is compounding. However, Finnish word-formation has mainly been described through derivation and as a consequence, compounding has been studied less. Finnish has ample material to serve as the basis for the description of the structure of complex words: the dictionaries contain only 10−15 percent simplexes, while the rest are compounds and derivatives that are based on them. Perhaps for this reason, Finnish word-formation has often been described in terms of the established vocabulary.

1. Introduction During the 19th century, linguists specialising in Finnish focussed on its versatility and the freedom of its word-formation. For example, Elias Lönnrot, professor of Finnish in Helsinki in 1854−1862, taught word-formation in his lectures. His retained notes contain extensive collections and formulas of derivation as well as some descriptions regarding compounding and onomatopoetic words. He considered derivation “the richness and the loveliest feature of Finnish” and referred to potential vocabulary already at that time, long before it became a topic in linguistics (Pitkänen 2005). Some years later, in 1877, August Ahlqvist examined the derivation of nouns and adjectives, classifying the derivatives into semantic categories and into “blurry” and “clear” derivational types. However, to date, a comprehensive monograph or textbook that concentrates on wordformation and covers both derivation and compounding has not yet been written. Grammars have instead naturally presented word-formation (e.g., Setälä 1898; Penttilä 1957), the most comprehensive being the descriptive Iso suomen kielioppi (Hakulinen et al. 2004). Furthermore, Finnish word-formation has been examined typically in terms of language history, not actually from the perspective of vocabulary growth. For example, L. Hakulinen’s (1979 [1941]) handbook on the structure and development of Finnish includes a description of word-formation using old derivatives and compounds. Itkonen (1966) examines the means of word-formation in a monograph that concerns the study and structure of Finno-Ugric. A later monograph by Häkkinen (1990) discusses derivatives and compounds and concerns the origin of Finnish words. In addition, Karlsson examines derivation in his book on Finnish phonology and morphology (1983) and the textbook by Lepäsmaa, Lieko and Silfverberg (1996) also introduces Finnish derivation particularly to students learning Finnish as a foreign language. In his textbook on the structure of Finnish words, Koivisto (2013) also examines word-formation. The distinguishing features of Finnish word-formation have been described in many articles and studies. Concerning derivation, many articles and extensive studies have been written, for instance, on the productivity of suffixes, the relationship between base and suffix, the derivation by correlations, the particular derivational types and historical derivation, and these include the works by Lehtinen (1976, 1979, 1993), KangasmaaMinn (1977, 1982, 1983, 1984), Koski (1978, 1979, 1981, 1982), Rintala (1978, 1985), Räisänen (1978, 1979, 1985, 1986, 1988), Kulonen (Kulonen-Korhonen 1985, 2010), Länsimäki (1987, 1988), Kytömäki (1989, 1990, 1992, 1993) and Laakso (1990, 2000,

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2005), Koivisto (1991, 1995, 2006, 2008, 2013). As the editor of the Iso suomen kielioppi [The large grammar of Finnish], Koivisto has also been responsible for a description of a vast part of it. Pitkänen (2005, 2008, Pitkänen-Heikkilä 2013, 2015) has also examined derivation and compounding, particularly term-formation in the languages for special purposes. Compared to derivation, fewer studies in general have explored the mechanisms of compounding. However, research has begun to focus more on the structure of compounds, for example, on the various compound types. Also many articles concerned with language planning discuss compounds (e.g., Laaksonen 1984). Furthermore, the semantics of compounds has been analysed by Seppänen (1981) and Räisänen (1986, 1988), and the structure of compounds or of particular compound types have been explored among others by Saukkonen (1973), Rahtu (1984), Häkkinen (1987), Vesikansa (1989), Heinonen (2001) and Malmivaara (2004). In addition, the history of compounds has been analysed by Häkkinen and Björqvist (1991) and Vaittinen (2003, 2007). In his doctoral thesis, Mäkisalo (2000) examined the position of Finnish compounds between the lexicon and the grammar. It is important to note that in the descriptions of Finnish word-formation far less space is devoted to compounding in comparison to derivation. This has been explained by noting the simplicity of compounding: the familiar elements are compounded without morphological modifications. This lack of attention, however, does not represent the whole picture of the significance of composition: some of the compounds appeared frequently in the vocabulary of what is referred to as Old Literary Finnish (from the 16th to the beginning of the 19th century), and a great number of compounds are found in modern Finnish (Häkkinen 1991: 33, 37). This article is based primarily on the sources mentioned above (especially Karlsson 1983, Vesikansa 1989, Lepäsmaa, Lieko and Silfverberg 1996 and Hakulinen et al. 2004) and most of the examples cited here have also been gathered from these authors’ works, but due to space restrictions, this article offers a very limited description of Finnish word-formation.

2. General overview Finnish is a member of the Finno-Ugrian language family; it belongs to the Baltic Finnic languages that are spoken around the Gulf of Finland by about 7 million people. It is one of the two official languages of Finland and an official minority language in Sweden. Finnish is spoken by about five million people who reside mainly in Finland. There are also notable Finnish-speaking minorities in Sweden, Norway, Russia, Estonia, Brazil, Canada, and the United States. Finnish word-formation consists mainly of compounding and suffixal derivation. Compounding is the most productive method of word-formation in present-day Finnish. The most important restrictive factor is semantics: all material can be combined that yields an understandable concept. New compounds are typically formed by combining two or more independent words but new compounds can also be derived from earlier compounds (e.g., viikonloppu ‘weekend’ → viikonloppu-isin ‘in the weekends’) or phrases (pitkä tukka ‘long hair’ → pitkätukka-inen ‘a person who has long hair’) (Vesikansa 1989: 213; Häkkinen 1990: 144−145).

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A compound is an entity that consists of two or more words, but as a unit of language it behaves like one word. An important semantic characteristic of a compound is that it names a concept (cf. Itkonen 1966: 234, 237). Contrary to many other languages, compounds in Finnish are always complex words, never phrases. Practically, however, the border between compound and fixed phrase is unstable: the more fixed the connection is, the more probable it is that the structure is a compound. The clearest marker of a compound can be stress. The primary stress is placed on the first element of a compound, while in a fixed phrase both elements can have primary stress. Problems of demarcation concern the cases in which the first element appears in some other case than the nominative (e.g., the genitive) − if the first element is in the nominative, the interpretation as a compound is the only possibility (Häkkinen 1990: 146−147). Moreover, words that include a prefix, such as epä+rehellinen ‘dishonest’, epä+ miellyttävä ‘unpleasant’ and ei-toivottu ‘unwanted’ are considered to be compounds (Finnish has only two native prefixes, epä- and ei-, and these both express negation). In addition, certain prefix-like compound parts are used among others in the vocabularies of special fields (many of them have been adopted as calques from foreign languages). Finnish words can have also foreign prefixes (e.g., anti-, mono-, ultra-) that are also considered as compound parts. Compounding and neoclassical word-formation are discussed in section 3. The derivational methods of Finnish are derivation by suffixes and derivation by correlations, and they include backformation too (see, for example, Lepäsmaa, Lieko and Silfverberg 1996: 17−18). Derivation by correlations means that the formation is based on correlative patterns: words in the same word group do not necessarily have a clear base but have close root elements and a connection in their meaning and a new member of the group is motivated by a parallel word series (e.g., jyräjää ‘to rumble’ : jyrisee : jyristää : jyrinä : jyry ‘rumble’ ~ humajaa ‘to hum’ : humisee : humistaa : humina : humu ‘hum’; ime-ä ‘to suck, absorb’ : ime-yty-ä ‘to be absorbed’ : ime-yt-tä-ä ‘to get sth. to be absorbed, be saturated’ ~ sito-a ‘to bind’ : sito-utu-a ‘to commit, bind oneself ’ : sito-ut-ta-a ‘to get sb. to bind oneself ’, cf. Räisänen 1978: 329; Koivisto 2013: 314−318; cf. also article 177 on Estonian). A further method can be derivation by particular morphological patterns or formulas (Hakulinen et al. 2004: 172−173). Sometimes the phonological variation found in the onomatopoetic and descriptive vocabularies is thought to belong to derivation, as are conversion and clipping (e.g., Häkkinen 1990: 109−110; Lepäsmaa, Lieko and Silfverberg 1996: 18−19). Section 4 examines mainly suffixal derivation, but also discusses the phonological variation found in the onomatopoetic and descriptive vocabulary. Conversion will be considered in section 5, backformation, blending and clipping in section 6. When examining Finnish word-formation, it is difficult or even impossible to isolate the phenomenon of “word-creation”, because the new concepts have been traditionally named in terms of word-formation. This means that novel words are native coinings − new simplexes, derivatives and compounds. Particularly in the 19th century, when the usage of Finnish expanded into the several domains of usage, many new words were consciously formed on the basis of native material while loans were intentionally avoided. For example, the collection of derivative words by Lönnrot includes 3,700 simplexes classified according to the final elements of the words. Based on this collection, he composed specific derivation formulas that were used when forming new words for his Finnish-Swedish dictionary (1867−1880) (Pitkänen 2005). In the 19th century, many new

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derivatives were coined, even analogically by means of unproductive suffixes; today new phenomena are usually named by compounding. Consciously formed neologisms are, however, often loan translations that are formed word-to-word by relying on foreign models. In this overview the creative methods in section 6 include more unexpected formations, such as clippings, acronyms and blends. Clipping also includes the formation of slang words with certain suffixes.

3. Composition Many of the compounds’ structures will be introduced next with nominal compounds, although adjectival and verbal compounds possibly contain them also.

3.1. Nominal compounds Most Finnish compounds are nominal compounds, and the largest structural group consists of d e t e r m i n a t i v e c o m p o u n d s whose first element is in the nominative case (sade+takki ‘raincoat’, silmä+lasi+kotelo ‘eyeglass box’). In addition, new compounds mainly belong to this group. Finnish has a few c o o r d i n a t i v e c o m p o u n d s ; according to Saukkonen’s (1973) estimate, only approximately 200 lexemes occur in dictionaries (such as parturi-kampaaja ‘barber-hairdresser’, and jääkaappi-pakastin ‘fridgefreezer’). Historically, the dvandva compounds are the oldest type of compound in the Baltic Finnic languages. One example of this type of old compound is maailma ‘world’ (maa ‘earth’ + ilma ‘air’) (Itkonen 1966: 235). The first element occurring in the n o m i n a t i v e c a s e of the determinative compounds expresses an essential feature of the entity that is named in the second element. Furthermore, the semantic relationship between the parts of the compound is free; it only indicates that things are somehow associated with each other (Seppänen 1981). However, compounds with the nominative in the first position often have an established meaning, although other readings are also possible in principle. Lexicalised compounds can also be used in some contexts in the meaning that elements allow by the grammar, e.g., katu+kauppias ‘street vendor’ could according to the grammar, refer to both a ‘vendor who works in the street’ and a ‘vendor who sells streets’, similarly kala+kauppias ‘fishmonger’ can refer to both a ‘vendor who sells fishes’ and a ‘fish who works as vendor’ (Räisänen 1988: 3−5). There are some semantic groups that have the nominative in the first position of the compound: they can express, e.g., material (timantti+sormus ‘diamond ring’), place or location (häkki+lintu ‘cage bird’, etelä+raja ‘southern border’), time (joulu+yö ‘Christmas night’, tiistai+konsertti ‘Tuesday concert’), an instrument (kirje+ystävä letter-friend ‘pen friend’, verkkokauppa net-store ‘online store’) or a quality (kylmä+kaappi ‘cold cupboard’, kuiva+kukka dry-flower ‘dried flower’) (Vesikansa 1989: 222−223; Hakulinen et al. 2004: 396−397). The second typical case for the first element of a nominal compound is the g e n i t i v e. The functions are predominately the same as those of the nominative, but the semantic relationship between the elements is not equally open and free (Hakulinen et al.

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2004: 398). The genitive on the first element of nominal compounds indicates which domain the referent of the second element belongs to (e.g., tuoli-n+jalka chair’s leg ‘leg of a chair’, kuuse-n+oksa ‘branch of a spruce’, velje-n+poika brother’s-son ‘fraternal nephew’, mere-n+ranta ‘seashore’). Moreover, the first element in the nominative can express the same relationship (e.g., jalka+pohja leg-bottom ‘track’, pöytä+laatikko tablebox ‘drawer’); in languages for special purposes, the part-whole relations of the concepts are also expressed by nominal compounds in which the first element is in the nominative (Laine 2007: 327−328; Pitkänen 2008: 271−272). The genitive can also occur in the plural (äiti-en+päivä ‘Mothers’ Day’). When the second element is deverbal, the genitive on the first element often expresses the subject or the object of the corresponding verb phrase (e.g., talo-n+rakenn-us ‘house building’ − rakentaa talo ‘to build a house’, auringo-n+nous-u ‘sunrise’ − aurinko nousee ‘the sun rises’). The first part of the compound can also be in some other case (e.g., maa-sta+ muutt-o, country-from-migration ‘emigration’, käde-stä+ennusta-ja hand-from-soothsayer ‘palmist’), especially if the second element of the compound is an action or agent noun. The first member of a compound can also be a stem that does not occur as an independent word. These types of “casus componens”-forms are roots (e.g., suur+kaupunki ← suuri ‘big’, kaupunki ‘city’) or have an extra element (e.g., jalk-o+pää ‘foot of the bed’ ← jalka ‘foot, leg’, pää ‘head’). The first element can also be prefix-like material that expresses location or other relationships or negation (e.g., lähi+kauppa local-store ‘convenience store’, pika+ruoka ‘fast food’). Furthermore, the foreign elements of the neoclassical compounds belong to this group (e.g., geo+kätkö ‘geocache’, ultra+ääni ‘ultrasound’). Subtypes of determinative compounds are iterative and bahuvrīhi compounds. I t e r a t i v e compounds emphasise the prototypic meaning of a noun (e.g., ruoka+ruoka foodfood ‘antonym of fast food’). In the b a h u v r ī h i compounds (e.g., kalju+pää bald-head ’baldie’, kiero+silmä crooked-eye ‘person who has crooked eyes’, tyhjä+tasku emptypocket ‘person who has empty pockets’), the referent is not the same nor does it belong to the same category as the referent of the second element; the literal meaning is a characteristic of a person that is named by the compound. In addition, the referent typically is a human being or another living creature. Bahuvrīhi compounds are predominately affect words and in Finnish dictionaries, they constitute a few hundred entries (Vesikansa 1989: 250−253; Hakulinen et al. 2004: 407−410). A p p o s i t i v e compounds (e.g., lapsi+näyttelijä ‘child-actor’, poika+viikari ‘boy-urchin’) are a subtype of coordinate compounds, their first element does not clearly define the second element but the second element can also be interpreted as defining and the first part also as representing the whole (e.g., lapsi+näyttelijä is at the same time a child and an actor).

3.2. Adjectival compounds Finnish has considerably fewer adjectival compounds than nominal compounds. The first element of an adjectival compound can be another adjective (e.g., paha-n+hajuinen ‘foul-smelling’, tumma-n+vihreä ‘dark green’), a noun (kivi+kova ‘rock hard’, tuli+ kuuma fire-hot ‘boiling’), a pronoun (joka+päivä-inen every-day-ADJ ‘everyday’) or a numeral (kaksi+vuot-ias two-year-ADJ ‘two-year old’, kolmi+osa-inen three-part-ADJ

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‘consisting of three parts’). The most common adjectival compounds are those that have an inen-derivative as a second element; they can also be analysed as derivatives from a phrasal base. The case of the first element of an adjectival compound is typically the nominative or genitive. A noun in the genitive in the first position can express comparison (e.g., kuvan+kaunis picture’s-beautiful ‘beautiful like a picture’, langa-n+laiha thread’s-thin ‘thread thin, thin as a thread’, yö-n+musta night’s-black ‘black as the night’), an adjective in the genitive in the first position modifies the second element in some other way (e.g., helakan+punainen ‘bright red’, puhta-an+valkoinen ‘clean white’). The methods used in languages for special purposes to form adjectival compounds are characteristic of this category. For example, the compounds of plant morphology reflect the conceptual system by the method in which the name of a subordinate concept is formed using the first part of the name of a superordinate concept as the second part of the subordinate concept, such as terms describing the leaf like pari+leht-inen pairleaf- ADJ ‘feathered, pinnated’ → tasa+par-inen ‘paripinnate’, tois+par-inen ‘bipinnate’; saha+laita-inen saw-margin-ADJ ‘serrated’ → tois+saha-inen ‘biserrate’, vasto+sahainen ‘reversed serrate’. They are free loan translations from Latin or Greek terms; therefore, for instance, terms with pari- ‘bi-’ or vasto- ‘retro-’ are basically referred to as neoclassical compounds (Pitkänen 2008: 267; Pitkänen-Heikkilä 2013). In addition, compounds that have a participle form as the second part can be used as adjectives. They typically have a first element that could be an object or a subject in the corresponding verb phrase (e.g., asian+tunte-va fact-know-PARTICIPLE ‘expert, wellinformed’, madon+syö-mä ‘worm-eaten’). Adjectival compounds can also be coordinative (sini+valkoinen ‘blue and white’); bahuvrīhi compounds have an adjectival usage as well (e.g., keltanokka matkalainen, composed of kelta+nokka yellow-beak ‘newcomer, tenderfoot’ and matkalainen ‘wayfarer’).

3.3. Verbal compounds Verbal compounds contain a verb as the second element and they make use of the complete inflectional paradigm of verbs. In comparison to nominal and adjectival compounds, verbal compounds are a small minority, constituting approximately 250 lexemes in dictionaries, even though that number has increased in the last decades. The first element of verbal compounds is a noun or adjective, a nominal stem, an adverb or a particle (Rahtu 1984; Hakulinen et al. 2004: 414). Verbal compounds have been formed typically by compacting phrases (e.g., irtisanoa ← sanoa irti ‘to dismiss’, composed of sanoa ‘to say’ and irti ‘aweigh, loose’) or by adding a prefix-like first element to the verb (ali+arvioida ‘to underestimate’, yli+velkaantua ‘to get into debt over’). Verbs can also be derived from compounds (e.g., valokuva-ta ‘to take photos’ ← valo+kuva light-picture ‘photo’, huutokaupa-ta ‘to auction’ ← huuto+kauppa shout-trade ‘auction’, yksinkertais-ta-a ‘to simplify’ ← yksin+kerta-inen ‘simple’), or arise as backformations (aivopes-tä ‘to brainwash’ ← aivo+pes-u ‘brainwash’, palovakuut-ta-a ‘to take out a fire insurance’ ← palo+vakuutus ‘fire insurance’, ilotulit-ta-a ‘to use fireworks’ ← ilo+tulit-us ‘fireworks’, composed of ilo ‘delight, pleasure’ and tulit-ta-a ‘to fire’).

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4. Derivation Typical cases of derivation in Finnish involve a suffix being added to the end of a stem. Sometimes this suffix causes modifications in the stem, and moreover, the boundary between the stem and derivative is not always clear. In addition, to distinguishing derivative words from simplexes is not always easy, and analytically it is sometimes best to place the words on a continuum of derivative-like words (cf. Räisänen 1978; Hakulinen et al. 2004: 173−175). It is important to note that occasionally the end of a word can resemble a Finnish suffix even though the word is borrowed. Descriptions of Finnish derivation have often used old derivatives that the Finns themselves do not automatically recognise to be derivatives because those words have become established as lexemes. The objective of this description is to provide examples that people can currently recognise as derivatives, in other words, derivatives that can be identified as having been formed from a certain stem. Finnish has nearly 200 derivational types − over one hundred nominal and adjectival suffixes and about fifty verbal suffixes (Vesikansa 1977: 11). This overview can only introduce some of them. It is important to note that, due to vowel harmony, the suffixes often have two allomorphs; this is expressed in the examples by capital letters (e.g., U = u and y). In addition, due to morphophonological changes, the suffixes show allomorphic variation (e.g., -inen : -ise-, -in : -ime-, -itse : -it-). A suffix can change the lexical category of a stem word (e.g., laula-a ‘to sing’ → laul-u ‘song’) or can modify the meaning of the stem within a lexical category (laula-a → laul-el-la ‘to sing continually’). Finnish derivation can be described through various derivational types that are classified according to their typical word classes and stem words. It is, however, common, for the same suffixes to also be added to stems of various word classes (e.g., -iO: kasv-io ‘flora’ ← kasvi ‘plant’, kylm-iö ‘cold room’ ← kylmä ‘cold’, ol-io ‘creature’ ← olla ‘to be’) or to form new derivatives in several word classes (e.g., -kAs: asia-kas ‘customer’ ← asia ‘thing’, viikse-käs ‘moustached’ ← viikset ‘moustache’). The same stem can also be followed by many different suffixes (e.g., syöjä-tär ‘man-eater’ ← syö-jä ‘eater’ ← syö-dä ‘to eat’; asu-nto-la ‘dorm’ ← asu-nto ‘apartment’ ← asu-a ‘to live’; tutu-stu-tta-a ‘to familiarise’ ← tutu-stu-a ‘to familiarise oneself with’ ← tuttu ‘familiar’).

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns Denominal nouns in Finnish have many derivational types for p e r s o n a l n o u n s , such as the derivatives with the suffixes -lAinen, -skA, -tAr or -(U)ri. The very productive suffix -lAinen expresses that someone belongs to a group (e.g., suku-lainen ‘relative’ ← suku ‘family’, kansa-lainen ‘citizen’ ← kansa ‘people’), a place (kaupunki-lainen ‘townsman, town resident’ ← kaupunki ‘town, city’, helsinki-läinen ‘person from Helsinki’), a nation (suoma-lainen ‘Finn’) or is the adherent of an ideology (marxi-lainen ‘Marxist’). In addition, the suffix -(U)ri, which takes bases of all major lexical categories, can also form denominal agent nouns (e.g., part-uri ‘barber’ ← parta ‘beard’, metsuri ‘lumberman’ ← metsä ‘forest’).

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The suffix -skA borrowed from Swedish and the indigenous -tAr form both f e m i n i n e counterparts to masculine nouns (e.g., professor-ska ‘wife of professor’, Virta-ska ‘wife of Virtanen’; laulaja-tar ‘songstress’ ← laulaja ‘singer’, ystävä-tär ‘female friend’ ← ystävä ‘friend’); however, both of these are currently rare. Another major group of derivational types is constituted by p l a c e n o u n s , for instance, the nouns with suffix -iO, -lA, -Us(tA) (: Ukse), -nkO or -nne. Place nouns with the suffix -iO are, e.g., kahv-io ‘cafeteria’ (← kahvi ‘coffee’) and minister-iö ‘ministry’; this suffix can also be added to an adjectival or verbal stem (e.g., tyhj-iö ‘vacuum’ ← tyhjä ‘empty’; keitt-iö ‘kitchen’ ← keittää ‘to cook’, luk-io ‘upper secondary school’ ← lukea ‘to read’). The lA-derivatives typically indicate a building where people or animals live (e.g., mummo-la ‘grandmother’s place’ ← mummo ‘grandmother’, pappi-la ‘manse’ ← pappi ‘priest’; kana-la ‘henhouse’ ← kana ‘hen’, sika-la ‘piggery’ ← sika ‘pig’); this derivative type also includes surnames (Heikki-lä ← Heikki). In addition, the suffixes -Us or -UstA express “relative” places such as jal-usta ‘base, podium, a part on which foot rests’ (← jalka ‘foot’) and sein-us (or sein-usta) ‘region near the wall’ (← seinä ‘wall’). The suffixes -nkO and -nne are more uncommon, e.g., ala-nko ‘lowland’ (← ala- ‘under, lower’), jyrkä-nne ‘bank, cliff’ (← jyrkkä ‘abrupt’). The third group of denominal nouns consists of c o l l e c t i v e n o u n s such as those with the suffix -(i)kkO, -(i)stO or -Ue (e.g., hylly-kkö ‘shelves’ ← hylly ‘shelf’, linnusto ‘birdlife’ ← lintu ‘bird’, pesue ‘brood’ ← pesä ‘nest’). Many of these derivatives can at the same time refer to a collective and a natural location (e.g., kiv-ikko ‘rocky ground’ ← kivi ‘boulder, stone’, pensa-ikko ‘shrubbery’ ← pensas ‘shrub’, koiv-ikko ‘birch forest’ ← koivu ‘birch’, kuus-isto ‘spruce copse’ ← kuusi ‘spruce’, saar-isto ‘archipelago’ ← saari ‘island’). The most productive d i m i n u t i v e suffix in Finnish is -nen (e.g., kirja-nen ‘booklet’, lintu-nen ‘little bird’, tyttö-nen ‘little girl’); this is also the second element of many affective suffix combinations (e.g., -Onen, -kAinen, -kkOnen, -rAinen: lapso-nen ← lapsi ‘child’, lapsu-kainen ← lapsi ‘child’, miekko-nen ← mies ‘man’, pappa-rainen ← pappa ‘old man, grandfather’). Furthermore, the diminutive suffix -kkA often occurs in combined suffixes (e.g., -UkkA: lehdykkä ‘leaflet’ ← lehti ‘leaf’).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns Deadjectival nouns can be formed, for example, with the suffixes -ex, -(U)ri and -(U)Us. (The x after the -e means that the suffix produces gemination or lengthening of the first phoneme of the next word for historical reasons.) -ex is not productive but it has typically been used when consciously forming novel words, e.g., kuume ‘fever’ (← kuuma ‘hot’), hyve ‘virtue’ (← hyvä ‘good’), muste ‘toner, ink’ (← musta ‘black’). It was especially popular in the 19th century and also with verbal stems. P e r s o n a l n o u n s with -Uri are typically denominal; deadjectival formations are rare and often have a pejorative meaning (e.g., julm-uri ‘brute’ ← julma ‘cruel’, laisk-uri ‘idler’ ← laiska ‘lazy’, tyhmyri ‘fool’ ← tyhmä ‘dull’); similar to these are the nouns formed with the suffix -Us, such as kömpel-ys ‘clumsy lout’ (← kömpelö ‘clumsy’) or typer-ys ‘idiot’ (← typerä ‘silly’, however cf. vanhus ‘senior’ ← vanha ‘old’). The highly productive suffix -(U)Us creates q u a l i t y n o u n s , for example, rikka-us ‘richness’ (← rikas ‘rich’), vaike-us ‘arduousness, difficulty’ (← vaikea ‘difficult’), nuor-uus ‘youngness, youth’ (← nuori

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‘young’) and suomalais-uus ‘Finnishness’ (← suomalainen ‘Finnish, Finn’). It is a suffix that can, in principle, produce quality nouns from any adjective, and even from some nouns (e.g., äiti-ys ‘mothernity’ ← äiti ‘mother’). In certain special languages, however, it seems to be impossible for semantic reasons to derive quality nouns from absolute adjectives (Pitkänen-Heikkilä 2015).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns The semantic types of deverbal nouns include nouns denoting action, result of action, actor, instrument and place. Action and result nouns can be formed using the suffixes -ex, -mA, -minen, -mUs, -nA, -ntA, -nti, -ntO, -O, -Os, -U, -Us and -UU. A c t i o n n o u n s can be formed by adding the highly productive suffixes -minen (e.g., luke-minen ‘reading’, teke-minen ‘doing’, ajattele-minen ‘thinking’) and -nti (e.g., tupakoi-nti ‘smoking’, pysäköi-nti ‘parking’). In addition, the descriptive verbs with -istA can become action nouns with -nA (e.g., heli-nä ← hel-istä ‘to jingle’, suhi-na ← suhista ‘to whiz’). Action nouns and sometimes result nouns can also be created by adding the following suffixes: -O (e.g., tul-o ‘coming, arrival’ ← tulla ‘to come’, läht-ö ‘leaving, departure’ ← lähteä ‘to leave’, lep-o ‘rest’ ← levätä ‘to sleep, rest’, luettel-o ‘list, directory’ ← luetella ‘to enumerate’, kielt-o ‘proscription’ ← kieltää ‘to forbid, deny’) and -U (e.g., ajattelu ‘thinking’ ← ajatella ‘to think’, kättel-y ‘shaking hands’ ← kätellä ‘to shake hands’, juoksu ‘run, running’ ← juosta ‘to run’). The suffix -O has also been used to form the lexicalised names of the senses: kuul-o ‘hearing’ (← kuulla ‘to hear’) and tunt-o ‘sense of touch’ (← tuntea ‘to touch, feel’). Both action and r e s u l t n o u n s are formed by the suffixes -mA (e.g., elä-mä ‘life’ ← elää ‘to live’, muistel-ma ‘memoir’ ← muist-el-la ‘to look back, commemorate’ ← muista-a ‘to remember’), -mUs (aiko-mus ‘intention, plan’ ← aiko-a ‘to be going to’, kysy-mys ‘question’ ← kysy-ä ‘to ask’), -Us (metsäst-ys ‘hunting’ ← metsä-stä-ä ‘to hunt’ ← metsä ‘forest’, rakenn-us ‘building, house’ ← rakenta-a ‘to build’), -ntA (uusinta ‘replay’ ← uusi-a ‘to replay’, kosi-nta ‘proposal of marriage’ ← kosi-a ‘to propose marriage to’), -ntO (opi-nto ‘study’ ← oppi-a ‘to learn’, keksi-ntö ‘innovation’ ← keksi-ä ‘to coin, contrive, fabricate’) and -Os (piirr-os ‘drawing’ ← piirtä-ä ‘to draw’, te-os ‘work, opus, writing’ ← tehdä ‘to do’). In addition, result nouns are created by the suffix -ex as in raaste ‘grated food’ ← raastaa ‘to grate’) and vihj-e ‘clue, tip’ (← vihjata ‘to suggest, allude to’). The suffix -jAinen (: jAise-) creates plural words that are names of ceremonies (for example, ava-jaise-t ‘opening ceremony’ ← avata ‘to open’, hauta-jaise-t ‘funeral’ ← haudata ‘to bury’, myy-jäise-t ‘rummage sale’ ← myydä ‘to sell’). Deverbal a g e n t n o u n s are formed by adding the suffixes -jA and -(U)ri. The suffix -jA names a person or an animal that acts (e.g., kertoja ‘narrator’ ← kertoa ‘to tell’, lukija ‘reader’ ← lukea ‘to read’; kahlaaja ‘shorebird, wading bird’ ← kahlata ‘to wade, ford’). In addition, -jA is typically used to form the names of professions (opetta-ja ‘teacher’, kalasta-ja ‘fisherman’). Derivatives with the suffix -(U)ri are also mainly agent nouns and names of professions (e.g., huija-ri ‘swindler’ ← huijata ‘to swindle’, leip-uri ‘baker’ ← leipoa ‘to bake’).

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Both agentive suffixes can also form i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s (e.g., pullonavaaja ‘bottle opener’ ← avata ‘to open’, mitta-ri ‘indicator, measure’ ← mitata ‘to measure’). The common suffix for instrument nouns, however, is -in (: -ime-) (e.g., lask-in ‘calculator’ ← laskea ‘to calculate’, ava-in ‘key’ ← avata ‘to open’, soit-in ‘musical instrument’ ← soittaa ‘to play’). The stem is often a verbal phrase (kahvin+keit-in ‘coffee machine’ ← keittää ‘to cook’, hiusten+kuiva-in ‘hairdryer’ ← kuivata ‘to dry’). The suffix -mO expresses the p l a c e where the action occurs (e.g., kampaa-mo ‘hairdresser’s’ ← kammata ‘to comb’, leipo-mo ‘bakery’ ← leipoa ‘to bake’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation Because Finnish adjectival suffixes can follow stems from various lexical categories they are not typically classified on the basis of stem words but by the suffix types. Adjectival derivatives can be categorised as possessive (the largest group), privative (or caritive, as it is called in Finno-Ugric studies) and approximative (or moderative) adjectives. Adjectival derivatives are typically denominal and the most common suffix is -(i)nen, which is often also an element of complex suffixes (-llinen, -mAinen). The (i)nen-derivatives are typically p o s s e s s i v e , sometimes with an additional nuance of abundance (e.g., arpi-nen ‘scarred’ ← arpi ‘scar’, lika-inen ‘dirty’ ← lika ‘dirt, smutch’). Complex suffixes are used to form possessive adjectives (pilku-llinen ‘dotted’ ← pilkku ‘dot’) but also adjectives of r e s e m b l a n c e (äidi-llinen ‘motherly’ ← äiti ‘mother’, poika-mainen ‘boyish’ ← poika ‘boy’). Other possessive suffixes are, for example, -liAs and -vA (e.g., avu-lias ‘caring’ ← apu ‘aid, help’, une-lias ‘sleepy’ ← uni ‘dream, sleep’, järke-vä ‘sensible’ ← järki ‘sense, sanity’), in addition -isA, -kAs and -kkA, that also expresses abundance (e.g., kala-isa ‘rich in fish’ ← kala ‘fish’, ääne-käs ‘noisy’ ← ääni ‘voice’, nuore-kas ‘youthful’ ← nuori ‘young’, puna-kka ‘reddish’ ← puna ‘red color’). P r i v a t i v e adjectives are formed by adding the suffix -tOn to noun or adjective stems (e.g., sana-ton ‘wordless’, pilve-tön ‘cloudless’, virhee-tön ‘flawless’; kesy-tön ‘wild, untamed’ ← kesy ‘tame’). A p p r o x i m a t i v e adjectives can be formed by the suffixes -hkO and -htAvA. The derivatives with -hkO express low intensity (e.g., suure-hko ‘fairly big’, lämpimä-hkö ‘quite warm’). Adjectives with -htAvA express the concept of approximation (e.g., vanha-htava ‘archaid, dated’ ← vanha ‘old’, harma-htava ‘greyish’ ← harmaa ‘grey’). Deverbal adjectives are typically participles. The suffix -mA is used to form the agent participles (rakasta-ma ← rakasta-a ‘to love’, laula-ma ← laula-a ‘to sing’, for instance, kaikki-en rakasta-ma lapsi everybody-ACCUSATIVE love-PARTICIPLE child ‘a child whom everybody loves’, minu-n laula-ma-ni laulu I-ACCUSATIVE sing-PARTICIPLE-POSS.S.1. song ‘a song that I sing’). The suffix -mAtOn is used to form negative participles (rakasta-maton ‘unloved’, kirjoitta-maton ‘unwritten’, kutsu-maton ‘uninvited’, oppi-maton ‘uneducated’, teke-mätön ‘undone’). The other suffixes used for participles are -nUt and -vA (in the active) and -ttU and -ttAvA (in the passive), for example, onnistu-nut ‘successful’ (← onnistua ‘to manage, succeed’), kiiltä-vä ‘shiny’ (← kiiltää ‘to shine’), tunnettu ‘famous, well-known’ (← tuntea ‘to know’), and makse-ttava ‘payable, due’ (← maksaa ‘to pay’). It is important to note that the meanings of the participles are often

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lexicalised as, for example, in the deverbal nouns etsivä ‘detective’ (← etsiä ‘to look for’) and tehtävä ‘job, commission’ (← tehdä ‘to do’). Deverbal adjectives can also be created with -einen (kielt-einen ‘adverse, negative’ ← kieltää ‘to forbid, deny’), -(e)liAs (antelias ‘munificent, open handed’ ← antaa ‘to give’, puhelias ‘talkative’ ← puhua ‘to speak’) and -vAinen that expresses also a p r o p e n s i t y to do something (naura-vainen ‘laughing, ridibund’ ← nauraa ‘to laugh’, ymmärtä-väinen ‘understanding’ ← ymmärtää ‘to understand’). -vAinen-derivatives are close to VA-participles but express permanent or repeated features. In Finnish studies all three adjective types are also called possessive because they express a feature that somebody has − even when they have a verbal stem.

4.3. Verbal derivation In the verbal derivation of Finnish, a certain suffix can be added to a verb stem, a noun or an adjective stem; a stem can be followed by more than one suffix. Typically, many new verb derivatives can be formed from a stem (e.g., kuva ‘picture’ → kuvata ‘to picture’, kuvastaa ‘to mirror, reflect’, kuvittaa ‘to illustrate’, kuvailla ‘to describe’, kuvitella ‘to imagine’; laulaa ‘to sing’→ laulella ‘to sing continually’, lauleskella ‘to sing casually’, laulahtaa ‘to utter a singing’; ääni ‘voice’ → ääntää ‘to pronounce’, äänestää ‘to vote’, äänittää ‘to record’). The semantic groups of verb derivatives include causative (e.g., -(i)stA-, -Oi-, -ntA-, -tA, -ttA-), factitive (-A-, -itse-, -OittA-, -ttA-), reflexive (-(i)stU-, -ittU-, -OitU-, -ntU-, -VntU-, -tU-, -U-, -UtU-), frequentative (-ele-, ile-, -skele-) and momentative (-AhtA-, -Aise-) verbs. Furthermore, descriptive and onomatopoetic verbs (typically -ise-) constitute a unique verb type. In the following, the typical semantic roles of certain verb types are described. While good translations of these are difficult to find, a description of the semantic roles may help in understanding them better.

4.3.1. Denominal and deadjectival verbs Various types of denominal and deadjectival verbs are called “causatives” in the studies of verbal derivation of Finnish, for example, verbs with suffixes -(i)stA- and -ntA- that are also called factitive. The verbs with -(i)stA- express ‘to make (like) A’ (e.g., jalosta-a ‘to refine, sophisticate’ ← jalo ‘fine, august, high-minded’, om-ista-a ‘to have’ ← oma ‘own’) and ‘to take N into possession’ (e.g., marja-sta-a ‘to collect berries’ ← marja ‘berry’). The deadjectival ntA-derivatives mean ‘to render’, ‘to result in’ or ‘to make (more) A’ (e.g., vanhe-nta-a ‘to age, make older’ ← vanha ‘old’), denominal derivatives mean ‘to result in some state or situation’ (vaara-nta-a ‘to risk’ ← vaara ‘danger, risk’). In addition, adding the suffix -tA to nouns and particularly to adjectives creates causative verbs. Typical stems are the nouns or adjectives that end in -s or the adjectival derivatives with -inen (e.g., instrumentative keihäs-tä-ä ‘to spear’ ← keihäs ‘spear’; “instructive” (i.e. ornative) panos-ta-a ‘to load’ ← panos ‘pellet, load’; factitive kaunis-

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ta-a ‘to embellish’ ← kaunis ‘beautiful’, suomalais-ta-a ‘to make something or someone more Finnish’ ← suomalainen ‘Finnish’ and inhimillis-tä-ä ‘to humanise’ ← inhimillinen ‘human’). The derivatives with -(O)ittA- are also causative verbs such as factitive eläv-öittä-ä ‘to enliven, invigorate’ (← elävä ‘alive, living’) and instructive kuki-tta-a ‘to give flowers, strew with flowers’ (← kukka ‘flower’). The suffix -Oi- serves to form causative verbs such as paket-oi-da ‘to packet’ (← paketti ‘package, packet’), numer-oi-da ‘to number’ (← numero ‘number’) and radi-oi-da ‘to broadcast, radio’ (← radio). The highly polysemic suffix -A- can be added to many types of nominal stems, as well as to loanwords and slang words. This suffix does not have a clear specific meaning; it creates verbs like instructive aida-ta (: aita-a-) ‘to fence in’ (← aita ‘rail, barrier’), instrumentative grilla-ta (← grilli ‘grill’) and googla-ta (← Google), privative ilma-ta ‘to release contained air’ (← ilma ‘air’), causative kasa-ta ‘to pile, mass’ (← kasa ‘pile, mass’) and directional kuopa-ta ‘to put to hole, bury oneself’ (← kuoppa ‘hole, pit’). The verbs with -itse- mean ‘operating with something’ (e.g., instrumentative luk-it-a (: luk-itse-) ‘to lock’ ← lukko ‘lock’ and lääk-it-ä ‘to medicate’ ← lääke ‘medicine’) or ‘making similar as N/making for A’ (e.g., factitive vang-it-a ‘to imprison’ ← vanki ‘prisoner’, vill-it-ä ‘to agitate, drive wild’ ← villi ‘wild’). Denominal and deadjectival reflexive verbs can be formed by adding the suffixes -OitU-, -ne-and -(i)stU-. They express the notions of beginning or change. Such i n c h o a t i v e verbs are called “translative” in Finnish linguistics, borrowing the name of the translative case that marks ‘becoming something’ on the noun. The -OitU-derivatives express a process of beginning or becoming (aavik-oitu-a ‘to desertify’ ← aavikko ‘desert, wasteland’, vakav-oitu-a ‘to become serious’ ← vakava ‘serious’), similar to the derivatives with -ne- (vanhe-ta (: vanhe-ne-) ‘to grow old’ ← vanha ‘old’, rohje-ta ‘to dare, venture’ ← rohkea ‘courageous’). The suffix -(i)stU- also creates inchoative verbs (e.g., hoik-istu-a ‘to become thinner’ ← hoikka ‘thin’, ilo-stu-a ‘to become delighted’ ← ilo ‘joy, delight’). The suffixes -ittU, -VntU- and -UtU- can be called reflexive verbs that create so-called “receptive” (e.g., mets-itty-ä ‘to become covered with forest’ ← metsä ‘forest’, velka-antu-a ‘to run into debt’ ← velka ‘debt’) and directional (rantautu-a ‘to come/go ashore’ ← ranta ‘strand, shore’) verbs. Denominal and deadjecival frequentative verbs can be formed, for example, with the suffix -ile- and unproductive -O (e.g., kynä-il-lä (: kynä-ile-) ‘to compose, write’ ← kynä ‘pen’, pyörä-il-lä ‘to cycle’ ← pyörä ‘wheel, bicycle’, ilke-il-lä ‘to be malicious again and again’ ← ilkeä ‘malicious, wicked’; mel-o-a ‘to paddle, use a paddle’ ← mela ‘paddle’, sauv-o-a ‘to ski, use skiing sticks’ ← sauva ‘stick’; also privative latv-o-a ‘to pollard’ ← latva ‘top’, ves-o-a ‘to prune’ ← vesa ‘shoot’). Their meanings are all close to deverbal frequentative verbs; they name repeated and continuous actions and are also called frequentative in Finnish studies (e.g., Hakulinen et al. 2004).

4.3.2. Deverbal verbs F r e q u e n t a t i v e verbs with the suffixes -ele-, -ile- and -skele- denote an action that happens often and repeatedly (e.g., huud-el-la ← huutaa ‘to shout’, itke-skel-lä ← itkeä ‘to cry’, pyörty-il-lä ← pyörtyä ‘to pass out’). The verbs with -Aise- and -AhtA- express

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momentary and punctual action, called m o m e n t a t i v e in Finno-Ugric languages (e.g., pes-ais-ta ‘to wash quickly’ ← pestä ‘to wash’, potk-ais-ta ‘to kick one time’ ← potkia ‘to kick continuously’; huud-ahta-a ‘to shout momentarily’ ← huutaa ‘to shout’, torkahta-a ‘to doze off for a while’ ← torkkua ‘to doze’). The suffixes -ttA- and -UttA- are used to form c a u s a t i v e verbs (e.g., herä-ttä-ä ‘to awake (tr.)’ ← herätä ‘to awake (itr.)’, kasva-tta-a ‘to grow (tr.)’ ← kasvaa ‘to grow (itr.)’, lakka-utta-a ‘to stop, discontinue (tr.)’ ← lakata ‘to stop, discontinue (itr.)’) or the “curative” verbs that express ‘to have somebody do something’ (e.g., pese-ttä-ä ‘to have washed’ ← pestä ‘to wash’, rakenn-utta-a ‘to have sb. build sth.’ ← rakenta-a ‘to build’, syö-ttä-ä ‘to feed’ ← syödä ‘to eat’, tee-ttä-ä ‘to let sb. do sth.’ ← tehdä ‘to do’). The suffixes -UtU- and -ntU- create r e f l e x i v e derivatives (e.g., puke-utu-a ← pukea ‘to dress, clothe’, pese-yty-ä ← pestä ‘to wash’, jakaa-ntu-a ‘to divide’ ← jakaa ‘to share’). Some of these have p a s s i v e (e.g., aja-utu-a ‘to be driven’ ← ajaa ‘to drive’) or a n t i c a u s a t i v e meanings (ava-utu-a ‘to open by itself’ ← avata ‘to open’; lisää-nty-ä ‘to increase (itr.)’ ← lisätä ‘to increase (tr.)’), in the same way as derivatives with -U- and -tU- (e.g., kaat-u-a ‘to fall down’ ← kaata-a ‘to turn over, fell’, parant-ua ‘to heal spontaneously, get better’ ← paranta-a ‘to heal, make better’, inspiroi-tu-a ‘to be inspired’ ← inspiroi-da ‘to inspire’).

4.3.3. Onomatopoetic and descriptive verbs Words that are termed “onomatopoetic and descriptive” in Finnish linguistics (or simply “expressive”, according Jarva 2003; Kulonen 2010 and Koivisto 2013: 189−198) have some kind of phonological motivation − voice imitations or other descriptions with phonemic form. They do not have a lexemic base as a root, but rather some phonological material. It is constantly possible to form more of them; the only limitations are the number of phonemes and their possibilities of combination (phonotactics). The new expressive words have often been formed by changing vowels or consonants of the stem of some existing expressive word. In Finnish this kind of word-formation is called stem derivation (e.g., Koivisto 2013: 322). This kind of phonological modification not only concerns verbs, but occurs frequently with expressive verbs. When examining descriptive and onomatopoetic words, it is often difficult to determine which words are related etymologically as well as the exact nature of the derivational relationship and, as a consequence, which is the original word (Häkkinen 1990: 113). According to Hakulinen (1979: 260), this type of vocabulary in Finnish is “so rich and productive that it can be considered one of the most characteristic features of Finnish vocabulary”. Expressive words typically imitate some phenomenon that can be heard, seen or perceived by another mode of perception; often the phenomenon is a sound, a movement or an appearance. These kinds of words are a part of more comprehensive affected vocabulary that is used to indicate attitudes toward the issue in question (Itkonen 1966: 204; Koivisto 2013: 192−193). Because the expressive words do not have a lexemic base, their origin and formation differ from the typical derivatives. The formation depends on analogy, certain morpho-

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logical formulas and correlation. Typical are the word sets or series in which the endings of the words are identical but the beginnings show phonemic variation; this variation pertains particularly to the first syllables (Koivisto 2013: 193). Based on phonological modification, we may distinguish the series mentioned below, all of which have very similar meanings, although the descriptive hue and typical contexts can also be very different. The examples often contain a derivative type with the suffix -ise- (or momentative -AhtA-) and they can be nominalised by the suffix -nA (e.g., liristä (: lirise-) ‘to purl’ → liri-nä, kahista (: kahise-) ‘to rustle’ → kahi-na). Since translating this kind of verb can be difficult, the examples below have only very general translations: a) Verbs describing ‘smudging’: tahri-a − tuhri-a − töhri-ä; b) Verbs describing the sound of water (e.g., ‘to purl’, ‘to gurgle’): liri-stä − lori-sta − loti-sta − läti-stä − liti-stä; c) Verbs describing other types of voices, e.g., ‘to hum’, ‘to drone’ or ‘to whoosh’: humi-sta − hymi-stä − hyri-stä − huri-sta; kahista − kohi-sta ‘to rush’ − kopi-sta − kori-sta − koli-sta ‘to clack’ − kilistä − kalista; piri-stä (e.g., like a telephone) − päri-stä (e.g., like an alarm clock) − pöri-stä (e.g., like an insect).

4.4. Adverbial derivation Finnish does not have as many adverbial suffixes as verbal, nominal or adjectival ones. There are only about ten derivational types, and most of them are unproductive. The most productive suffixes are -sti and -(i)ttAin. Finnish adverbial derivatives usually express manner, but they also often express amount, time or position. The suffix -sti forms adverbs expressing manner, amount and intensity. The most common use of this suffix is its addition to the adjective stem, e.g., kaunii-sti ‘beautifully’, selvä-sti ‘clearly’. The derivatives with -sti can be formed basically from all adjectives, the derivation is limited only because not all adjectives express manner or amount (e.g., adjectives that express color, age, shape or size). The derivatives are primarily formed from adjectives that are descriptive and categorising (e.g., tyylikkää-sti ‘stylishly’, epätoivoise-sti ‘desperately’). Somewhat similar are also denominal derivatives with -sti (e.g., kiiree-sti ‘hastily’ ← kiire ‘haste’, leiki-sti ‘not seriously’ ← leikki ‘play, children’s activity’) and derivatives with numeral stems (kolme-sti ‘three times’, tuhannesti ‘thousand times’). The derivatives with -isin express a point in time (e.g., päiv-isin ‘in the daytime’ ← päivä ‘day’, perjanta-isin ‘on Fridays’ ← perjantai ‘Friday’), origin (e.g., synty-isin ‘by birth’ ← syntyä ‘to be born’, koto-isin ‘coming from, originating from’ ← koti ‘home’) or manner (e.g., kolm-isin ‘between three’ ← kolme ‘three’, väk-isin ‘by force’ ← väki ‘force, power’, jalka-isin ‘by foot’ ← jalka ‘foot’). This suffix is typically added to nouns. The derivatives with the suffixes -(i)kkAin, -(i)tUsten and -(i)tUksin express the symmetrical location, position or state of an object. The nominal stem expresses the part of the body that is symmetric with the location or position of the object. These suffixes are not different in meaning and the derivatives are also synonymous with the -ttAin-derivatives: selä-kkäin = selä-tysten = selä-tyksin = seli-ttäin ‘back to back’ ← selkä ‘back’;

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rinna-kkain = rinna-tusten = rinna-tuksin ‘abreast’ ← rinta ‘breast’; syli-kkäin = sylitysten = syli-tyksin ← syli ‘lap’. The suffix -lti can be added to adjectives, forming adverbials expressing manner and amount (e.g., ohue-lti ‘thinly’ ← ohut ‘thin’, pitkä-lti ‘mainly’ ← pitkä ‘long’) that are very similar to the derivatives with -sti. Derivatives with -itse- express the way, route, instrument, method or manner of an action (e.g., maante-itse ‘by road’, post-itse ‘by mail’, mer-itse ‘by sea’, puhelim-itse ‘by phone’). The suffix -ttAin can be added to the nominal stem with a d i s t r i b u t i v e meaning (e.g., aluei-ttain ‘from region to region’ ← alue ‘region’, päivi-ttäin ‘daily’ ← päivä ‘day’). This derivational type can also express a large amount if the stem is a numeral or a word that refers to a measure or a group (e.g., kymmeni-ttäin ‘dozens’ ← kymmenen ‘ten’, sadoi-ttain ‘hundreds’ ← sata ‘hundred’, joukoi-ttain ‘en masse’ ← joukko ‘group, crowd’, metrei-ttäin ← metri ‘meter’).

5. Conversion Conversion is a very marginal phenomenon in Finnish and it typically occurs between nouns (or adjectives) and verbs, when the verb is primary and the noun motivated by it. Some stems occur both as nouns (or adjectives) and as verbs (e.g., sula adj. ‘molten’, sula noun ‘smelt’, sula-a ‘to melt’, tahto ‘will, volition’, tahto-a ‘to will’). However, this type of phenomenon is a historical relic and no longer a productive process.

6. Backformation, blending and clipping B a c k f o r m a t i o n is based on the analogy with existing derivational relations. For example, the verbs liimata ‘to glue’ (← liima ‘glue’) and naulata ‘to nail’ (←naula ‘nail’) have been formed as a result of normal suffixation but through their influence, other nouns have been backformed, such as tarra ‘decal, sticker’ (← tarrata ‘to grab’) as well as rieha ‘happening’ (← riehua ‘to rage’) and jytä (colloquial ‘rock music’ ← jytistä ‘to rumble’). Today, new backformations are formed on the basis of deverbal noun compounds, yielding new verbs such as pakkolunastaa ‘to expropriate’ (← pakko+lunastus ‘expropriation’, from pakko ‘necessity, compulsory’ and lunastus ‘reclaim’) and suruliputtaa (← suru+liputus ‘flag at half-mast’, from suru ‘sorrow’ and liputus ‘flagging’). The source words of b l e n d s are typically synonymous or have close meanings (e.g., viinakset ‘alcohol’ + juomat ‘drink’ → juomakset). Other old Finnish blends are possibly hempeä (hellä ‘tender’ + lempeä ‘lenient’) and vaisto ‘intuition’ (vainu ‘scent’ + aisti ‘sense’), whereas the new blends are typically playful and can be used consciously, for example, in literature (Häkkinen 1990: 121; Hakulinen et al. 2004: 191). According to Häkkinen (2003: 41), blends have also currently been used as a normal wordformation process, for instance, for creating new animal names; for example, the earlier bird name maanärhi (maa ‘earth’, närhi ‘jaybird’) has been changed to marhi because the bird is not actually a jaybird but belongs to another bird family.

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C l i p p i n g s can be created, for instance, by removing a part from an original word (e.g., ale ← alennus ‘discount’, ope ← opettaja ‘teacher’; likewise names: Kata ← Katariina), by forming acronyms with the first letters of the compound or phrases (oy ← osake+yhtiö ‘joint-stock company’, tv ← tele+visio) and by combining parts of compounds or phrases (e.g., mopo ‘moped’ ← moottori+polkupyörä ← moottori ‘motor’ + polkupyörä ‘bicycle’, polku ‘pedaling, treading’, pyörä ‘wheel’). Finnish slang words are often formed by clipping plus suffixation. The typical suffixes are -Ari and -is (: -ikse-). These suffixes typically shorten the stem and cause only a stylistic modification. The Ari-derivatives have three syllables and the source word is typically a compound (e.g., ost-ari ← ostoskeskus ‘shopping center’, tekst-ari ← tekstiviesti ‘text message’, syd-äri ← sydänkohtaus ‘heart attack’). The suffix -is has been borrowed from Swedish (e.g., godis) and it forms derivatives that have two syllables. The source words in these formations are also typically compounds (e.g., kor-is ← koripallo ‘basketball’, huolt-is ← huoltoasema ‘service station’) but they can also be simplexes and even loanwords (e.g., mah-is ← mahdollisuus ‘chance’, fut-is ← football).

Acknowledgements I am very grateful to Vesa Koivisto for his comments on the manuscript.

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Rintala, Päivi 1985 Eräät deverbaaliset substantiivityypit suomessa ja virossa. In: Hannu Remes (ed.), Lähivertailuja, 52−82. Turku: Turun yliopisto. Räisänen, Alpo 1978 Kantasanan ja johdoksen suhteesta. Virittäjä 82: 321−344. Räisänen, Alpo 1979 Segmentaation ongelmasta suomen kielen johto-opissa. Virittäjä 83: 167−178. Räisänen, Alpo 1985 Suomen kielen ne- ja ntu-, nty-johtimiset translatiiviverbit. Virittäjä 89: 1−32. Räisänen, Alpo 1986 Sananmuodostus ja konteksti. Virittäjä 90: 155−163. Räisänen, Alpo 1988 Suomen kielen u-johtimiset verbit. Helsinki: SKS. Saukkonen, Pauli 1973 Suomen kielen yhdyssanojen rakenne. In: Commentationes Fenno-Ugricae in honorem Erkki Itkonen sexagenarii die XXVI mensis aprilis anno MCMLXXIII. Erkki Itkonen 60v, 332−339. Helsinki: SUS. Seppänen, Lauri 1981 Nominaalikompositumien semantiikkaa. In: Sananmuodostuksen ongelmia, 69−82. Turku: Turun yliopisto. Setälä, E. N. 1898 Suomen kielen oppikirja. Äänne- ja sanaoppi. Oppikouluja ja omin päin opiskelua varten. Helsinki: Otava. Vaittinen, Tanja 2003 Vanhan kirjasuomen yhdysverbit. Sananjalka 45: 45−66. Vaittinen, Tanja 2007 Mikael Agricolan teosten yhdysadjektiivit. Virittäjä 111: 523−542. Vesikansa, Jouko 1989 Yhdyssanat. In: Jouko Vesikansa (ed.), Nykysuomen sanavarat, 213−258. Porvoo: WSOY.

Kaarina Pitkänen-Heikkilä, Helsinki (Finland)

177. Estonian 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Backformation Reduplication Blending Clipping Word-creation References

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Abstract The Estonian word families contain 203,600 words (compounds are quoted twice, i.e. under both constituent words) and include about 9,000 simplex words as heads/base words. The number of native derivational suffixes is approximately 100. Among the 60 adapted neoclassical combining forms a few can be attached to native bases. Often, both the base and the suffix are adapted − phonotactic analogy of the established words becomes important because new complex words have to fit some morphonological type of inflection. The most regular fields of derivation are deadjectival and deverbal noun formation (with nouns of past action being of typological interest), deadjectival adverb formation, formation of denominal iterative adverbs, etc. Diminutive and female modification of nouns is often used for pragmatic reasons. Compounding is probably the most productive method used in forming new words. The formation of verbal compounds as well as noun-to-verb conversion show rapid growth. In the two recent decades, the dictionary-centred research of word-formation has been enriched by corpus and text studies.

1. Introduction Right into the early 20th century, Estonia was culturally dominated by local Baltic Germans translating ecclesiastical texts, developing the literary standards and studying the language. Since 1637, several grammars have appeared, but no attention has been paid to word-formation. The first systematic word-formation overviews (Knüpffer 1814; Ahrens 1843) dealt with derivatives and compounds. Without using the term, Ahrens first described verbnoun conversion. With regard to the following grammarians, the most detailed description of word-formation was given by Wiedemann (1875). In the first decade of the 20th century and after the independence of Estonia in 1918, applied linguistics became of great importance. In order to synchronize language and thought with the rest of Europe, the description of word-formation, the principles of adapting loanwords, etc., had to support translations and the formation of terminology. Before World War II these processes were led by Aavik (1914; see Chalvin 2010; also article 100 on word-formation and language planning in Estonian), Veski (1930, 1933), and Muuk (1938), followed by Riikoja (1960), Kask (1967), Kull (1967, 1970), Saari (1985), and T. Erelt (1982, 2007); Vare (1984, 1992) contributed to the compilation of school grammars. Via the theoretical-descriptive paradigm, diachronic research on word-formation dominated until the 1970s, cf., e.g., studies on personal nouns (Kont 1955), verbs suffixed with -i (Rätsep 1956), the distribution of -ne-suffixed adjectives in dialects (Viires 1963), the adaption and naturalization of foreign words (Raiet 1966), the history of adverbial suffixes (Villup 1969), the emergence of the feminine suffix -nna (Kask 1969), the development of compounding (Kull 1967), the evolution of -tu-suffixed adjectives and -mu-suffixed nouns (Univere 1972, 1976), the suffixes forming place and collective nouns (Vare 1975), the development, variation and distribution of deverbal noun suffixes in dialects (Neetar 1994), lexicalization and grammaticalization in the 17th century texts (Habicht 2001).

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In works by Saari (e.g., 1978, 1985, in German 1997), his panchronic view of wordformation is of special interest. Saari’s threefold view of vocabulary adoption − depending on origin (native or borrowed), structure (prosodically and phonologically naturalized or foreign), and use (frequent or rare) − has been widely accepted. In the wake of the general boost in word-formation research, descriptive-synchronic approaches reached Estonian linguistics in the 1970s, cultivated, e.g., by Tauli (1973) and Vare (1979, 1994). Vare’s studies yield several monographs resumed in a scholarly grammar (EKG 1995). In parallel, Kasik (1975, 1994) studying verbs and nominalization clearly represented the functional approach. Kerge (1990, 1996, 1998 and 2001) discussed the synchronic regularities and micro-diachronic processes of lexical enrichment, incl. types of conversion, backformation, shortening, and processes of univerbation (defined by Dressler 1981: 425−426 as the historical process of lexicalization which leads from a stable combination of two words to a complex or simplex word) as well as the lexicogrammar of present participles. In 1993, volume 2 (Syntax) of the scholarly grammar of Estonian touched upon wordformation, which was described as a syntactic strategy (EKG 1993: 261−272). Volume 1 of the grammar (EKG 1995) was dedicated to inflectional morphology and word-formation; the word-formation chapters were authored by Vare (formation of nouns, adjectives and adverbs; compounding) and Kasik (verb formation). Kasik’s university textbook on derivation (1996) has hitherto survived three revised editions; she has also studied some typological features of Estonian word-formation (Kasik 1991, 1997, 2001, 2010). Kasik (2006a, 2006b, 2012) and Kerge (1991, 2003, 2004) have studied lexical enrichment as a textual process. Recently, the syntax of nominalizations (Sahkai 2011) and the structure of complex words (Kasik 2013) were analyzed from the perspective of construction grammar. Vare (2012) has published a substantial dictionary of Estonian word families. An overview of word-formation research in Estonia has been given by Kasik, Vare and Kerge (2003). The diachronically oriented overview of Estonian phonology, morphology and word-formation by Viitso (2007) has been published in English.

2. General overview According to the 2011 Population and Housing Census, 157 languages were mentioned as mother tongues among the 1,294,236 inhabitants of Estonia; 68.5 % of the population declared themselves to be native speakers of the official language, which is Estonian. Mostly, standard Estonian with its formal and informal varieties is used in every-day communication (only 10.1 % reported managing their daily lives using some local dialect), cf. SE 2012. Typologically, Estonian is an agglutinating Finnic language, clearly more inflectional and analytic than the languages belonging to the northern branch of the group, e.g., Finnish, Karelian, Veps, or Livonian (M. Erelt 2007: 7). Verbs are inflected for mood, tense and person; nouns and adjectives for case; adjectives and adverbs have synthetic degrees of comparison; adverbs, stemming historically from nouns, tend to limited inflection (2−3 internal or external locative case forms, especially when denoting a state, see section 4.4). − In the following a colon (:) is used between basic (grammatical) forms, e.g., Nom, Gen; a tilde (~) is used to mark variative (semantically identical) forms.

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Estonian has numerous morphonological alternations, most of which occur only in a restricted set of stems (Viitso 2007: 25−32). This means that typical derivation for lexical enrichment is achieved by phonotaxis, the strongest restrictive factor being phonology: as a derivative has to be inflected according to its phonological features, the components are carefully chosen not only on the basis of semantic but inevitably also of sound characteristics (see section 4). In compounding, any lexemes (formally adaptable) can be combined as long as the result expresses an understandable concept or clear reference (see section 3). The share of complex words in the established lexicon is 95 % (Rätsep 1983). In addition, derivation and composition have an important position as actively used either independently or as concomitant morphonological and morphosyntactic operations. In texts, about 5 % of the tokens are “new”, although 80 % of these ad-hoc formations are potential words derived or composed using either a simple or complex base. Often, an ad-hoc compound is an optimized form of a potential phrase. Yet, in figurative language use, even bound stems and affixes are creatively turned into words (Kerge 2004; see also section 10). When it comes to special terms, compounds are clearly preferred to phrases, and so are derivatives to compounds (Saari 1987). Besides a number of stem alternations and their combinations (see Viitso 2007: 25− 32) such as vowel-consonant reversal in the second syllable (küünal: küünla ‘candle NOM: GEN’), vowel alternation or adding (uba: oa ‘bean NOM: GEN’, tuli: tule, tul- ‘fire’, korter: korteri ‘apartment’, ori: orja ‘slave’), consonant alternations (lumi: lume: lun-d ‘snow’ NOM: GEN: PART, teine: teise: teis-t ‘second, another’), etc., Estonian morphonology is characterized by various types of quantity gradation (open for potential and foreign words) and quality gradation (mostly closed for new items). This manifests itself in a systematic alternation of weak- and strong-grade stem variants within inflectional and derivational paradigms. Tab. 177.1: The factors of the Estonian syllable quantity as means of quantity gradation (based on Viitso 2007: 11) Syllable length

Q1 Syllabic quantity

Q2 Q3

short long

Syllable weigth

light heavy

Quantity grade alternation (contrast typical of a number of inflectional or derivational types) − weak stem strong stem

As to quantity gradation, it is based on two syllabic quantities (Q2: Q3), while three of them (also Q1) are typical of the language. Viitso (2007: 10−19) gives an overview of syllable quantities which are based a) on the contrast of short and long stressed syllables, and b) on their weight, i.e. on the contrast of light and heavy stressed syllables (see Table 177.1). The weight is a result of several factors, such as tone, intensity, the proportion of duration of the stressed syllable, and the following unstressed syllable, which together form a foot. In addition, the contrast between Q2 and Q3 is usually supported by the difference in positions of pitch peak in the stressed syllable: a syllable of Q2 has rising-

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falling pitch, and a syllable of Q3 has a level or falling pitch that can be preceded by a short rise (Viitso 2007: 13). Only the systematic contrast between Q2 and Q3 has a grammatical function (see below) while the contrast between one of them and Q1 differentiates between lexemes (kali ‘root beer’, kalli in Q2 ‘hug’; kalli in Q3 ‘dear-GEN’) or between the nominative and illative of a small number of words, such as elu ‘life’, ellu (Q3) ‘into life; lit. lifeILLAT’; maja ‘house’, majja (Q3) ‘into the house; lit. house-ILLAT’, etc. For instance, by quantity gradation (depending on the morphonological type of the word) a strong stem may appear in the nominative and partitive case, e.g., link and linki (Q3) ‘link (in a computer-text)’ or in the infinitive(s), e.g., linki-ma and linki-da (Q3) both ‘to link’, plus in all the forms based on those stems, while a weak stem may appear in the genitive lingi (Q2), and in the 1st person of the verb lingi-n (Q2), plus in all forms based on them. This alternation may be marked orthographically, e.g., in the nominative, genitive and partitive singular: pikk: pika: pikka ‘long’ (cf. pika-ldane ‘tardy, phlegmatic; lit. long-ADJ’, pikkamisi ‘slowly; lit. long-ADV’), Marss: Marsi: Marssi ‘Mars’, makaak: makaagi: makaaki (with the main stress on the syllable -kaak) ‘macaque’, haip: haibi (Q2): haipi (Q3) ‘hype’, and also in verb forms, such as haipi-ma: haipi-da (two infinitives) ‘to hype’: haibi-n ‘I hype’, hakka-ma: haka-ta (two infinitives) ‘to start’: hakka-n ‘I start’ (cf. haka-tus ‘start (n.)’, hakka-ja ‘eager; lit. start-ADJ’). On the other hand, gradation may occur only in pronunciation; for instance, the orthographic words paksu ‘thick’, liimi ‘glue’ and põnni ‘child, small fry’ would be pronounced in Q2 in the genitive (also in the genitive-based derivatives liimi-ne ‘gluey; lit. glue-ADJ’, põnni-ke ‘small child; lit. child-DIM’), and in Q3 in the partitive and illative. Quality alternation is reflected as mutation, assimilation or loss in the weak grade of the initial single obstruent of the second syllable g, b, d, s, [s/h]t or [s/h]k (Viitso 2007: 26). This means that a strong stem includes those consonants, while its weak stem, in contrast, does not, cf. the nominative, genitive and partitive forms of the singular: tuba: toa: tuba ‘room’ (cf. tuba-ne (toiming) ‘inside (action)’, toa-ke ‘small room; lit. room-DIM’); märg: märja: märga ‘wet’ (cf. märja-kas ‘resident of Märjamaa (lit. wet-land)’, märg+ala ‘wetland; lit. wet-area’); kiht: kihi: kihti ‘layer’ (cf. kihi-stus ‘stratum; lit. layer’, kiht+haaval ‘by layers; lit. layer+by’); vask: vase: vaske ‘copper’ (cf. vask-ne ‘of, from copper; lit. copper-ADJ’, vase+ sulam ‘copper alloy’).

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The same can be found in verbs: karga-ma: kara-ta ‘to hop’ (two infinitives) (cf. karga-ja ‘hopper’, kara-nu ‘one who hopped’); märga-ma: märja-ta ‘to wet the bed’ (two infinitives) (cf. märga-ja ‘bedwetter’, märja-nu ‘one who wetted the bed’); sulge-ma ‘to close’: sule-tud (past participle) ‘closed’ (cf. sulg: sul-u ‘close-down (n.)’). There are, for instance, old nouns, such as leib: leiva: leiba ‘(dark) bread’ with quality gradation and sai: saia: saia ‘(white) bread’ with quantity gradation. The two are blended in a new brand “Saib” ‘half-dark bread’ which is automatically inflected as a neologism (as if it were borrowed) adding i as a stem-vowel and using quantity gradation which is still active (i.e. open for new words): the genitive saibi is pronounced in Q2 and the partitive saibi in Q3, although theoretically, the word could be inflected as its parts (saiva like leiva or saiba like saia). Gradation typical of derivation means that, for instance, the common stem of a nongradational base and its non-gradational derivative may occur in different grades. For example, the reflexive verb võõrdu-ma ‘to become estranged’ (with an invariably strong stem containing d) has a causative modification võõru-ta-ma ‘to wean’ (with an invariably weak stem without this d), as if both were based on the non-existent noun *võõrd: võõru: võõrdu. Recent examples show that besides quantity alternation, quality alternation (although not used in the inflection of neologisms) is still an active part of derivation. Weakening and strengthening of stems also occur as an independent means of derivation (strong-graded kirju is the plural (partitive) stem of kiri ‘letter, pattern’, whereas weak-graded kirju means ‘varicolored’; cf. section 4.4) even though the difference is not always reflected in spelling but in pronunciation and use. In languages with complicated morphology and free word-order, such as Estonian, independent rules of phonology, morphonology, morphosyntax, and syntax work simultaneously. Diverse stem-variants may be used, and thereby adapted (e.g., taks, taksi in Q2 and Q3, takse ‘tax’, kaamel, kaameli ‘camel’, puudel, puudli ‘poodle’, puhas, puhta, puht- ‘clean’, õmble-, õmmel- verbal stem ‘to sew’, vanker, vankri, vanger- ‘carriage’, asi, asja in Q2 and Q3, asju ‘thing, matter’). To be inflected, also derivatives undergo changes, incl. alternation of a suffix, e.g., jäi-ne ‘freezing’ is declined jäi-se (GEN), jäis-t (PARTIT); vii-m ‘carrying away; lit. carry-NOUN’ has two vowel-stems, vii-ma in Q2 (GEN) and Q3 (PARTIT), the former occurring in viima-ne ‘last; lit. carry-ADJ’, etc. Depending on the characteristics of both derivational types available for a lexical class and the phonotaxis of the words of this class in the established lexicon, a new word may be based on any stem variant to be combined with any suffix or a combination of them fitting its sound, under the condition that the stem remains clearly associated with a lexical unit and its reference. An Estonian verb stem is always bound (too-ma: tuu-a (two infinitives) ‘to bring’, tõ-i ‘he/she brought-IMPERF’), except in the imperative (too piima ‘bring (some) milk’). Bound verb stems often modify nouns (levi+ala ‘broadcast area’ ← levi-ma ‘to spread’ + ala ‘area’). Therefore, in what follows, the nominative and genitive (and if needed, the partitive) stem forms are given in the examples without comments (vend: venna ‘brother’ → venna-lik ‘brotherly; lit. brother-ADJ’), while the alternative forms of a verb (at least

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other than the lemma, the infinitive in -ma) are provided with additional grammatical information (kudu-ma: koo-n ‘knit-INF: knit-1st pers.’ → kudu-m ‘knitwear; lit. knitNOUN’, koo-tud ‘knitted’). Bound stems are marked with a hyphen (e.g., era- ‘private’ as occurring in era-k ‘hermit, loner’, era+maja ~ era-mu ‘villa’, era-sta-ma ‘to privatize’, era+kanal ‘private channel’). In a typical compound, a modifier also tends to be a bound stem variant rather than a motivated word form (õpi+koda ‘workshop; lit. learn-shop’, cf. õppi-ma ‘to learn’; kerge kruus ~ kerg+kruus ‘lightweight gravel’, cf. kerge ‘easy, light, lightweight’; tehislik intellekt ~ tehis+intellekt ‘artificial intelligence’, cf. teh-tud ‘done’; inim+toit ‘human food’, cf. inimene ‘human’; võhm+võimlemine ‘aerobics; lit. breath-gymnastics’, cf. võhma-l ‘out of breath’). Especially in compounds, root nouns or short deverbals, such as suusk: suusa: suuska ‘ski’ (cf. suusa-ta-ma ‘to ski’) or söö-k: söögi: sööki ‘meal; lit. eat-NOUN’ (cf. söö-ma ‘to eat’), occur in their verbal and nominal meaning in parallel (e.g., suusa+dress ‘skiing-suite’, suusa+kott ‘ski-bag, bag for skis’; söögi+kombed ‘eating habits’, söögi+sedel ‘menu; lit. meal-list’). Sometimes, the boundary between a lexical morpheme and a prefix is not clear. For example, in folk linguistics, it would probably be difficult to decide whether eba- is a prefix (cf. the adjectives eba+aus ‘dishonest’, eba+meeldiv ‘unpleasant’) or a bound lexical stem with a fuzzy negative meaning; cf. the nouns eba-rd ‘bastard; lit. un-NOUN’, eba+koht ‘flaw; lit. un-place’, eba+looma-d ‘unnatural animals; lit. un-animal-PL’ (translation of Vercors’s Les Animaux dénaturés by Lennart Meri, President of Estonia 1992– 2001). In teen-speak, eba is a free adjective (täitsa eba ‘absolutely abnormal’). Combined with suffixation, “derivation by correlation” (Pounder 2000: 108) is typical of Estonian. Words in the same word family have close root elements and a connection in meaning, while a new member is motivated by a parallel word-series (see also article 176 on Finnish). For instance, the meaning of tead-lane ‘scientist; lit. know-PERS’ is associated with an abstract lexicalized -us-noun tead-us ‘science; lit. know-ABSTR’ which has the same root, but formally, tead-lane ‘scientist’ is correlatively derived from a verb (← tead-ma ‘to know’), just like many other -lane-nouns (sõlt-lane ‘addict’ ← sõltuma ‘to depend’, liit-lane ‘ally’ ← liitu-ma ‘to join’, etc.). Derivation by correlation seems to be caused by phonotactic properties characteristic of the type in the established lexicon, i.e. established constructions are imitated. In the same way, mõt-e ‘thought’ is correlated to mõt-le-ma ‘to think’ and motivated by a series of deverbal -e-suffixed nouns, although the root mõt- is unique. Also kolla-ne ‘yellow’ and kolle-nda-ma ‘to turn yellow’ have the common unique root, while verbs of the type match the series of deadjectival derivatives (e.g., ere ‘glaring’ → ere-nda-ma ‘to glare’). If needed, such a derivative may contain several redundant elements as if derived with a composite suffix (cf. the example of sead-el-d-is ‘appliance’ in section 4). According to Kasik (2013), there are a large number of words derived by correlation to match certain patterns of established words. Sometimes it is hard to define the ad-hoc words needed in texts. For example, there is no striking difference between Estonian nouns and adjectives. The only marker of using nouns as adjectives is congruence typical of adjectival attributes (e.g., idioodi-le ja kamandaja-le tädi-le ‘to my idiotic bossy aunt; lit. idiot-ALLAT and boss-ALLAT auntALLAT’), whereas using an adjective as a noun is recognizable only from its syntactic function, e.g., Võta punane, sinised on kadunud ‘Take the red one, the blue ones are lost; lit. take red, blues are lost’. Linguistic means of this kind may be seen as a typologi-

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cal feature, as regular syntactic derivation or as an occasional contextual process (Kerge 1998), see sections 3.2 and 4.2. One can also find clippings, acronyms and blends. Clipping (typical of informal registers) also concerns the adaptation of clipped words with certain types of inflection and the formation of nicknames with certain suffix-like elements (see section 9). In Estonian, the term word-creation mainly stands for artificial (ex nihilo) or associative stem formation (see section 10), incl. clipping (called morpheme-formation by Saari 1997; see sections 8 and 9). It is also applied to the lexicalization of bound morphemes, the adaption of translational loans, or it stands for diachronic processes, such as certain inflectional forms systematically violating the paradigm, especially when used figuratively (e.g., koge-ma-ta ‘unwittingly; lit. experience-INF-ABESS’, pensioni-l ‘retired; lit. pension-ADESS − on pension’, seene-l ‘mushrooming; lit. mushroom-ADESS’, moosi-l ‘eating jam (secretly); lit. jam-ADESS’, vere-l ‘bleeding; lit. blood-ADESS’, nais-te-s ‘womanizing; lit. woman-PL-INESS’).

3. Composition In Estonian, a compound is understood as one phonetic-orthographic word usually characterized by a specific intonation contour with its peak on the first component, while the last component has its own stress-pattern needed for inflection. Composition is an active textual process (Kasik 2013). Still, many compounds are more or less idiomatic, e.g., ise+seise-v ‘independent; lit. self-stand-PR.PRTC’, määrdunud+valge ‘grayish white; lit. soiled-white’, meele-s+pea ‘forget-me-not, memo; lit. mind-INESS-keep’, looma+aed ‘zoo; lit. animal-GEN-garden’, üles+ehitus ‘composition; lit. up-building’, abi+elu ‘marriage; lit. help-life’, abielu+rikku-mine ‘adultery; lit. marriage-infringe-ABSTR’, etc. In dictionaries, about one third of the words contain two or more roots. The form and meaning of such complexes are relatively independent. Words containing several stems (regardless how formed, i.e. derived or composed) behave identically in inflection and phrase coordination irrespective of whether the last component exists as free word or not. The last component or word-like constituent a) is inflected as a morphological word (cf. the compounds ala+koorma-ma: ala+koorma-tud ‘to underutilize: underutilized’, korv+pall: korv+palli ‘basketball (NOM: GEN)’, a compound-based -ur-derivative korvpall-ur: korvpall-uri ‘basketball player; lit. basketball-AGENT (NOM: GEN)’, and a derived two-stem adjective in -lik correlated to a phrase kaug+näge-lik: kaug+näge-liku ‘long-sighted; lit. long-seeADJ’, cf. näge-ma kauge-le ‘to see far-ALLAT’). The above mentioned components, such as -pallur (‘ball-AGENT’) and -nägelik (‘see-ADJ’) are not lexemes (see article 33 on synthetic compounds in German), despite their occasional appearance in reference chains; b) may be subject to coordination reduction (ellipsis) (ala- või üle(-)koormatud ‘underor overutilized’; korv- ja võrkpall ‘basket- and volleyball’, korv- ja võrkpall(-)urid ‘basket- and volleyball players; lit. basket- and volleyball-AGENT-PL’, lühi- või kaug+nägelike-le ‘(for) short- or long-sighted (persons)’). Both components of a compound may be complex, cf. the neologism referring to a graycovered document (as characteristic of a person) halli+passi+mees ‘person without (any)

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citizenship living in Estonia; lit. gray-passport-man’ is analogous to halli+vati+mees standing for ‘wolf; lit. gray-wadding-man’ in fairy-tails (cf. vati-d ‘(warm) clothes; lit. wadding-PL’). In practice, words consisting of more than three lexical components are quite rare. For iterative adverbial compounds, see section 4.4.

3.1. Nominal compounds In Estonian, there are numerous productive types of d e t e r m i n a t i v e c o m p o u n d s. As to form, head notions are modified by a noun in the genitive (vihma+mantel ‘raincoat’, prilli+karp ‘eyeglasses case’) or nominative (nahk+kott ‘leather bag’, ballett+ meister ‘ballet master’), or by an adjective (kuiv+šampoon ‘dry shampoo’, õrn+pesu ‘delicate wash’), especially typical of scientific taxonomies, e.g., kõrge- ja madal+pinge ‘high and low voltage’, etc. Also bound modifiers are widely used either in parallel to adjectives and adverbs (e.g., kõrg+hoone ‘tower block; lit. high-building’, cf. kõrge ‘high’; lähi+naaber ‘close neighbour; lit. near-neighbour’, lähi+ajalugu ‘contemporary history; lit. near-history’, cf. lähedal ‘near’; üli+küllus ‘profusion; lit. extreme-abundance’, cf. ülim ‘outmost, extreme’), or to verbs (ava+mäng ‘overture; lit. open-play’, cf. ava-ma ‘to open’). Practically, the boundary between a compound (other than verbal) and a fixed phrase is unstable, depending on formal factors, grammatical distinctions or conceptual relations. A modifier in the nominative is grammatically unmotivated, except for appositions such as õpetaja/doktor Kress ‘teacher/MD Kress’. All other nominative modifiers lead to compound spelling, e.g., raud+kast ‘box of iron; lit. iron-box’). They usually denote material (teemant+sõrmus ‘diamond ring’), while adjectival modifiers can express any specific quality (külm+kapp ‘fridge; lit. cold-locker’, kuiv+aine ‘dry ingredient; lit. drysubstance’). Verbal stems (heegel+nõel ‘crochet needle’, cf. heegelda-ma ‘to crochet’), and foreign stems that do not have an adjectival form (detektiiv+romaan ‘detective novel’, neoon+värv ‘neon-color’), are bound, too (Kasik 2013: 216). Specifying and classifying, the genitive case as frequent modifier can be used to designate almost any type of connection with its head, e.g., looma+liha ‘beef; lit. animal’s-meat’, juustu+(või+)leib ‘cheese sandwich; lit. cheese-(butter-)bread’, raua+kast ‘box for metal; lit. iron-box’, huule+pulk ‘lipstick’, venna+poeg ‘fraternal nephew; lit. brother’s-son’, Viini-reis ‘trip to Vienna; lit. Vienna-trip’, mere+reis ‘cruise; lit. seavoyage’, kire+mõrv ‘crime of passion; lit. passion-murder’, rarely in the plural (võõraste+maja ‘guesthouse; lit. guest-PL-house’, ema-de+päev ‘Mother’s Day; lit. mother-PLGEN day’). Only if the modifier is a countable noun in the genitive singular, does the compound express the grammatical category of indefiniteness. The bound modifier refers to an indefinite determinator, the free one to a definite referent, e.g., lapse+vanem ‘parent; lit. child’s-elder’ refers to parental status, while lapse vanem ‘parent of the/this child’ to a parent of a certain child. As to mass-noun modifiers, there is no such difference: vee anum and vee+anum ‘water container’ are equally acceptable. Some phrase constituents may be integrated in verbal or deverbal nouns. Under a) and b) there are − and can appear − only verbal nouns as heads, i.e. only verbal nouns

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integrate, besides all adverbial modifiers, subject and instrument modifiers. Under c)–f) there can be both verbal noun heads (heads without any suffix) and deverbal noun heads (i.e. heads with a derivational suffix, such as -mine, -us, -e, -k, -m, etc.): a) agentive modifiers, e.g., linnu+laul ‘bird song; lit. bird’s-singing’ (cf. lind laula-b ‘bird sings’), päikse+tõus ‘sunrise; lit. sun-GEN-rise’ (cf. päike tõuseb ‘sun rises’); b) instrumental modifiers, e.g., laeva+reis ‘cruise; lit. ship-GEN-voyage’ (cf. reisi-n laeva-ga ‘I travel by ship; lit. travel-1st PERS ship-COM’); c) perfective modifiers, e.g., ära+võt-mine ‘taking away; lit. away-take-ACTION’ (cf. võtti-s ära ‘took away’), ära+söö-mine ‘eating all’ (but cf. söö-mine ‘eating’ as a process); d) direct objects reformulated in the genitive case, e.g., supi+söö-mine ‘soup eating; lit. soup-GEN-eating’ (cf. söö-n suppi ‘I am used to eat soup, I am eating soup; lit. eat1st pers. soup-PARTIT’); e) forms typical of arguments, e.g., vette+hüppe-d ‘diving; lit. water-ILLAT-jumps’, suure-ks+saa-mine ‘growing up; lit. big-TRANSL-turning’, mehe-le+mine-k ‘getting married (of a woman); lit. man-ALLAT-going’; f) stems of any constituents (incl. formally adapted), especially in terminology, e.g., koos+seis ‘personel, staff, corps; lit. along-stand-NOUN’ (cf. koos-ta-ma ‘to compile’ → koost-is ‘composition, components’), kaas+töö ‘contribution; lit. co-work’ (cf. töö-ta kaasa ‘to cooperate; lit. operate with’), säil+luge-mine ‘non-destructive reading; lit. hold-down-read-NOUN’ (cf. säili-ta-ma ‘to hold down’, andme+säilit-us ‘data-holddown’). Some compounds cannot be clearly defined as coordinative or determinative (e.g., köök+tuba ‘living room with open kitchen; lit. kitchen-living room’, laps+prostituut ‘child-prostitute’). New appositive compounds widely denote multifunctional occupations and affiliations, etc., cf. analüütik-programmeerija ‘analyst-programmer’, kohvikkino ‘cafe-cinema’. D v a n d v a s are the oldest type of compounds in the Finnic languages. They occur as compound modifiers (õppe-kasvatus+töö ‘teaching and education; lit. teaching-(child-) raising-work’), approximate quantifiers (kott-paar ‘one or two bags; lit. bag-couple’, klaas-kaks ‘glass or a couple; lit. glass-two’), and adverbials (kahe-kolme/kesi ‘in twosthrees; lit. two-GEN-three-ADV’, siin-seal ‘here and there; lit. here-there’, ööd-päevad ‘night and day; lit. nights-days’). Dvandvas as mere hyperonyms are very stable (söökjook ‘wines and dines; lit. food-drink’, noad-kahvlid ‘cutlery; lit. knives-forks’, õedvennad ‘siblings; lit. sisters-brothers’, naised-lapsed ‘a man’s family; lit. wives/womenchildren’, e.g., in an Internet heading: “Vutihullude naised-lapsed kinno” ‘Football-fans’ families (wives and children) to the cinema’ (i.e. they should go to the cinema while men are watching football). See also article 40 on co-compounds. A p p o s i t i v e compounds differ from dvandvas in declension: in an appositive compound, only the head is declined (kohvik-kino-s ‘cafe-cinema-INESS’), whereas dvandvas behave like phrases: both components are declined (e.g., emale-isale ‘to, for mother and father; lit. mother-ALLAT-father-ALLAT’); cf. also section 3.2. In informal texts, hundreds of b a h u v r ī h i / e x o c e n t r i c compounds occur (libe+keel ‘unctuous person; lit. slick-tongue’, kiilas+pea ‘baldie; lit. bald-head’), incl. recently formed words like viltu+nina lit. ‘skew-nose’ (cf. the phrasal adverb nina viltu ‘discontented; lit. nose askew’), and are used for self-reference in the Internet, e.g.,

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peen+pea ‘classy-head’, kibe+keel ‘bitter-tongue’. The bahuvrīhi pattern is also common in various terminologies, cf. vesi+sulg ‘Hottonia palustris; lit. water-feather’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Most Estonian compound adjectives are determinative. They may include modifiers, such as a) a noun in the nominative case, e.g., lumi+valge ‘white as snow; lit. snow-white’, surm+tõsine ‘deadpan; lit. death-serious’; a (shortened) stem, e.g., inim+sõbralik ‘sociable; lit. man-friendly’ (cf. inimene ‘human’), külalis+lahke ‘hospitable; lit. visitorkind’ (cf. külaline ‘visitor’), liig+ilus ‘too nice’ (cf. liiga ‘too’), or a noun in the genitive case, e.g., naha+sõbralik ‘skin-friendly’, rasva+vaene ‘low-fat; lit. fat-poor’, rarely the plural, as laste+vaenulik ‘hostile, detrimental to children; lit. children-hostile’; b) an adverb or its stem, e.g., vara+vana ‘prematurely aged; lit. early-old’, hilis+küps ‘late maturing; lit. late-mature’; c) a prefix-like quantifier, e.g., üli- ‘extremely, highly, hyper-, super-’ (üli+hoolikas ‘extremely careful, solicitous’), ala- ‘under-’ (ala+tundlik ‘undersensitive’), kesk- ‘mid’ (kesk+kõrge ‘mid high’), pea- ‘the most’ (pea+tähtis ‘the most important; lit. headimportant’), incl. some grammaticalized noun-stems, typical of informal style. Many adjectives are derived from a phrasal base or from a compound, but cannot be regarded as compounds themselves, e.g., suur maht ‘big cubage’ → suure+mahu-line ‘high cube, capacious; lit. big-cubage-ADJ’, sulg-jas leht ~ sulg+leht ‘pinnate leaf; lit. feather-like leaf’ → sulg+lehi-ne ‘with pinnate leaves; lit. pinnate-leaves-ADJ’, or other combinations of stems (kuri+tege-lik ‘felonious; lit. evil-do-ADJ’, cf. kuri+teg-u ‘crime; lit. evil-do-ABSTR’). Formations such as minu+pikk-une ‘of my height; lit. my-tall-ADJ’, ukse+lai-une ‘as wide as the door; lit. door-GEN-wide-ADJ’, Anni+van-une ‘as old as Ann; Ann-GEN-oldADJ’, etc., are limited only by the basis for comparison. Based on the open type of comparative adjectives (pilt+ilus ‘beautiful like a picture; lit. picture-beautiful’, juus+peen ‘hair-splitting; lit. hair-thin’), some noun modifiers, such as ime ‘wonder’, tuli ‘fire’, surm ‘death’, põrgu ‘hell’, etc., are widely turned into intensifiers, e.g., surm+kindel ‘absolutely sure; lit. death-sure’, ilm+selge ‘absolutely clear; lit. air-clear’. Depending on their meaning, participles may act like adjectives, e.g., pärl+sära-v ‘glittering, shiny like a pearl; lit. pearl-glittering’, surm+väsi-nud ‘dog-tired; lit. deadtired’, üle+väsinud ‘too tired; lit. over-tired’, liig+tun-tud ‘too well known; lit. tooknown’ (cf. liiga ‘too’). Mostly, however, they have modifiers typical of their own category (e.g., perfective particles, such as ära+söö-dud ‘all gone; lit. away-eat-PRTC’; cf. section 4.1.3). The same goes for deverbal agentive -ja-suffixed nouns marking an animate agent and used in the positions of predicative adjectives. Those nouns regularly refer rather to habits and characteristics of the agent than to the agent itself, thereat incorporating relevant modifiers of their base (liha-söö-ja ‘preferring meat; lit. meat-eatAGENT’, aru+saa-ja (inimene) ‘understanding (person)’, vii-te-le+õppi-ja (poiss) ‘(boy)

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with all As; lit. five-PL-ALLAT-learn-AGENT (boy)’ (5 = best school grade in Estonia). The phrase-shaped incorporations are written as a phrase, e.g., (selline) esimese viiuli mängi-ja ‘(such a) dominant person; lit. first violin’s play-AGENT’. Color names form a large group of adjectives, incl. comparative adjectives (e.g., sireli+lilla ‘purple lilac; lit. lilac-GEN-purple’, mündi+roheline ‘mint green’), tone and brightness-scale modifications (hele+sinine ‘cyan, sky-blue; lit. bright-blue’, tume+punane ‘dark red’, roosa-kas+kollane ‘pinkish yellow’, tuhm-jas+lilla ‘dull purple’). Many phrase-based formations express a shape, pattern, a mixed or dominant color (musta+ruudu-line ‘black-chequered; lit. black-square-ADJ’, õrna+joone-line ‘with delicate lines; lit. tender-line-ADJ’, sügava+mustri-line ‘with deep grooves; lit. deeppattern-ADJ’). Simple color adjectives c o o r d i n a t e d in twos or threes form compounds (see section 3.1), describing tricolors (mainly nominalized), interior design, visual images, etc. (sini+must+valge (lipp, interjöör) ‘blue-black-white (flag, interior)’). Coordination may be emphasized by using hyphens (puna-valge setter ‘red and white setter’). In the parametric partitive case (i.e. the modified partitive form with adjectival function of marking variables (changing features), such as color, fashion, ancestry, quality, etc.), the words värv ‘color’ and especially its obsolete synonym karv ‘hair, color’ (i.e. värvi and karva ‘colored; lit. color-PARTIT’) can be modified unlimitedly, e.g., salli+värvi kinda-d ‘gloves matching the scarf; lit. scarf-GEN-colored glove-PL’, mure+karva mõtte-d ‘careworn thoughts; lit. concern-GEN-colored thought-PL’. Interestingly, some nouns in this parametric partitive form, such as -ohtu ‘dangerPARTIT’, -võitu ‘victory-PARTIT’, are nearly grammaticalized and have turned into a semisuffix, semantically relating an adjective to implicit stereotypes or frames. They function as compound heads, whereas the lexical meaning is carried by the formal modifier (lapse+ohtu (õpetaja) ‘(teacher) looking almost like a child, very young (teacher)’, (ujumiseks) külma+võitu (vesi) ‘too cold (water) to (swim)’, noore+võitu ‘too young to’). Close to them, the parametric partitives laadi (laad ‘mode’) and moodi (mood ‘mode, fashion’) form compounds with demonstrative pro-forms (seda+laadi ‘this kind of; lit. this-PARTIT-fashion-PARTIT’, nii+moodi ‘like this, that way; lit. so-fashion-PARTIT’, etc.). Quite similarly, the productive -sugu-ne ‘alike; lit. family-ADJ’ is used (minu+sugune ‘like me’, Andy-sugune ‘like Andy’, etc.). There are a few adjectival bahuvrīhi compounds, such as nina+tark ‘impertinent; lit. nose-wise’ (most probably a calque of German naseweis ‘id.’ as a number of other elder compounds are), sometimes used in reverse order (tark+nina).

3.3. Verbal compounds The oldest verbal compounds were formed and used for special purposes (nuri+sünnitama ‘to miscarry; lit. fail-give-birth’, bio+lagunema ‘to bio-degrade; lit. biodecompose’, etc.); the number of them is rapidly increasing. In 1999 the dictionary of contemporary Estonian contained ca. 40 verbal compounds; in 2006 the number had risen to approximately 150. A large group is constituted by modifications with so-called semi-prefixes: taas- ‘re-; lit. again’, eel- ‘pre-’, üle- ‘over-’, ala- ‘under-’, järel- ‘after-’ (eel+hinda-ma ‘to pre-

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evaluate’, järel+küpse-ma ‘to ripen after picking; lit. after-mellow-INF’, taas+esita-ma ‘to represent; lit. again+present-INF’, üle+rahvasta-ma ‘to overpopulate, overcrowd’). Verbal compounds differ from phrasal verbs in orthography and syntax (cf. ala+hindama ‘to underestimate’, alla hindama ‘to discount; lit. down count’), the constituent order of any verb phrase (idiomatic or not) depending on the structure of the clause; cf. Sa ala+hindad mu võimeid. ‘You underestimate (lit. undervalue) my abilities.’ Sa hindad mu võimeid üle. ‘You overestimate my abilities; lit. you value my abilities over.’ (Kerge 1990: 36−39; 1992) Components of phrasal verbs obligatorily form an orthographic word only in case of adjectivized participles (e.g., silma+paiste-v ‘outstanding; lit. out-look-ACT.PRES.PRTC’, kokku+pan-dav ‘prefab, folding, self-assembly (adj.); lit. together-put-PASS.PRES.PRTC’). Kerge (1990) and Kasik (2013) also include complex derivatives as the following (which are based on adjectival or nominal compounds) into the description of verbal compounds, e.g., sügav+külma ‘deep-frozen; lit. deep-cold-GEN’ → sügavkülm-u-ma ‘to freeze (itr.); lit. deep-cold-REFL-INF’ → sügavkülmu-ta-ma ‘to freeze (tr.); lit. freezeCAUS-INF’, or heli+lint ‘audiotape’ → helilindi-sta-ma ‘to record (on audiotape)’, heli+plaat ‘vinyl disk’ → heliplaadi-sta-ma ‘to record (on vinyl disk)’. The last wordlike part (as, e.g., -plaadistama) is conjugated and may undergo ellipsis (helilindistama ja -plaadistama ‘to record on a tape and a disk’). Cases of backformation, e.g., aju+pes-u ‘brain-wash’ → aju+pese-ma ‘to brainwash’, might also be studied in connection with verbal compounds. Like in English, French, or Russian, the pattern of determinative compound verbs is spreading due to reanalysis of compounds with a deverbal nominal head (see section 6).

4. Derivation In the Estonian tradition (EKG 1995), derivational types are defined by word class and then, suffix by suffix, classified by form and function. According to Kasik (2013), there are over 60 derivational types and about 100 subtypes with dozens of cases where the constituents are chosen and adapted by analogy. Verbal and nominal suffixes often vary (containing, for instance, components of contaminated suffixes or used with different vowels depending on the base), adjectival suffixes do not. In derivation, thousands of foreign stems and a few prefixes are common (e.g., maailm ‘world’ → anti+maailm ‘anti-world, counterworld’, poliitiline ‘political’ → a-poliitiline ‘apolitical’, konstruktsioon ‘construction’ → re-konstruktsioon ‘reconstruction’). However, international prefixes are mainly used in special fields (anti-foon ‘antiphony’, a-tonaalsus ‘atonality’, re-agent ‘reagent’). See also section 4.3. The most regular suffixes change the word class of a word (e.g., kudu-ma ‘to knit’ → kudu-mine ‘knitting’, pikk ‘long’ → pikk-us ‘length’ and pika-lt (adv.) ‘long time, way’), thereby explicitly focussing on a category of its frame (kudu-ja ‘knitter’, kudu-

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nu ‘one who knitted’, koo-tu ‘something knitted’). To a limited extent, modifications of the meaning occur (hüppa-ma ‘to jump’ (momentaneous action) → hüp-le-ma ‘to jump about’ (continuous action); nukk: nuku ‘doll’ → nuku-ke ‘small doll; lit. doll-DIM’; vürst ‘prince’ → vürsti-tar ‘princess’; hall ‘gray’ → halli-kas ‘grayish’, haige ‘diseased, ill’ → haig-lane ‘sickly’. To enrich the vocabulary, both the word class and meaning may be changed (e.g., aeg ‘time’ → aeg-lane ‘slow’, kaunis ‘beautiful’ → kauni-tar ‘beautiful woman, girl; lit. beautiful-FEM.PERS’). Often, new words are first used and comprehended contextually, while the stem designates an entity in a metonymical manner and the suffix stands for the lexicogrammatical (sub)category of the entities it belongs to, e.g., lubi: lubja: lupja ‘lime’ → lupj-u-ma ‘to calcify; lit. lime-REFL-INF’ (referring to the deposition of lime salts in human tissues), haige ‘ill, sick person’ → haig-la ‘hospital; lit. ill-PLACE’, jalg: jala ‘foot’ → jala-ts ‘footwear’, üli- ‘over’ → üli-kond ‘suit; lit. over-COLL’. During the process of suffixation certain regular derivation-specific phonological changes of the stem occur. For instance, if the suffix begins with a vowel, either the stem-final vowel is superimposed or lost (kõhnu-ma ‘to emaciate’ → kõhn=u=s (suffix -us) ‘emaciation’, lülita-ma ‘to switch’ → lülit-i ‘breaker, switch’), or a consonant-initial alternative of the suffix is chosen (lükka-ma ‘to push’ → lüka-ti ‘slide-rule’, hea ‘good’ → hea-dus ‘goodness’). If the derivative has a three-syllable stem, its strong-grade base stem will weaken, e.g., valge (Q3) ‘light’ → valge-ne-ma (Q2) ‘to grow light; lit. lightREFL-INF’; an intransitive verb of the strong quality-grade such as loobu-ma ‘to give up, waive’ is turned into a weak-grade stem within the transitive verb loovu-ta-ma ‘to submit, hand over’. Similar suffixes can be attached to stems of various word classes and lexical groups (torma-kas ‘rash’ (adj.) ← torma-ma ‘to rush’, pasta-kas ‘ball pen; lit. pasteINSTR.NOUN’, vilda-kas ‘wry, skew; lit. askew-ADJ’, väik-lane ‘small-minded’ ← väike ‘small’, london-lane ‘Londoner; lit. London-PERS’). Varieties of the same stem (see section 2) can be followed by a number of suffixes; mets ‘forest, wood’, for instance, has 12 nominal, adjectival, or verbal derivatives based on its lemma, on the genitive (metsa), or on the plural stem (metsi) (Vare 2012: 1081−1082), the choice between and adaption of derivational stem-variants depending on different criteria. Only few suffixes have a more or less clear-cut categorial meaning, e.g., the nominal suffix -la with local meaning when attached to verbal stems (asu-la ‘settlement; lit. reside-PLACE’) and nominal stems (garaaž-la ‘area of garages; lit. garage-PLACE’, recently coined for a study of urbanism). There are dozens of suffixes which merely signal an inflectional category, e.g., -(vowel+)k, mainly used as -ik forming nouns and adjectives from any base (tühi-k ‘space; lit. empty-ABSTR’, jooks-ik ‘runaway; lit. run-AGENT’, lap-ik ‘flat; lit. patchADJ’), or suffixes ending in ne with tens of bound or unique stems, such as koht-lane ‘oafish’, reba-ne ‘fox’ (possible cognate reb-u ‘egg yolk’; cf. also Finnish repo ‘fox’), kolla-ne ‘yellow’ (possible cognate kuld: kulla ‘gold’, cf. kuld-ne ‘golden’). The suffix -(a)rd always has negative connotation (sõja-rd lit. ‘war-PERS’, cf. neutral sõja+väe-lane ‘military man; lit. war-force-PERS’, kõhna-rd ‘haggard; lit. slim-PERS’, juhm-ard ‘idiot; lit. dim-witted-PERS’, õg-ard ‘glutton; lit. gormandize-PERS’). Certain suffixes form a general type. For example, the adjective suffix -(vowel+)s has the following variants:

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Uralic -as -es -is -us -s

hool-as ‘diligent’ tõrg-es ‘uncooperative, wayward’ õnn-is ‘blessed’ teg-us ‘active’ sidu-s ‘coherent, cohesive’

← ← ← ← ←

hool ‘care’; tõrku-ma ‘to disobey, resist, bulk at’; õnn ‘luck, happiness, felicity’; tege-ma ‘to act, do, make’; sidu-ma ‘to bind, tie’.

Often the boundary between the base and the suffix is vague. The verb rõõmusta-ma ‘to rejoice’, for instance, may be based on rõõm: rõõmu ‘joy’ as well as on rõõmus ‘joyful, merry’, thus formed either with -sta or -ta. In case of adaptions used to attain the typical phonemics/phonotaxis of the type, it is difficult to point out the exact constituents of the derivative (cf. vaik-ne: vaik-se ‘quiet’ → vaigista-ma ‘to quiet’, tead-e ‘message’ → teadista-ma ‘to answer a request’). Sometimes suffixes of nonexistent members of the derivational chain occur, e.g., sead-el-d-is ‘appliance’ (nonexistent *sead-el-da-ma ← *sead-le-ma) ← sead-ma ‘to arrange, configure’ (cf. result nouns of an analogous sound shape, e.g., tahvel-d-is ‘boarding (of walls)’ ← tahvel-da-ma ‘to board’ ← tahvel ‘board’, peegel-d-is ‘reflection’ ← peegel-da-ma ‘to reflect’ ← peegel ‘mirrow’). The most typical derivatives formed to enrich the vocabulary are quite irregular. One of a set of words that happen to be synonymous or close in meaning (or otherwise appropriate for reference) is chosen as derivational base (e.g., the root-nouns tiir, rõngas, sõõr, or ring ‘circle’), while the stem-variant depends on the available suffix options (tiir-le-ma ‘to circle’, tiiru-ta-ma ‘to circle around’, ring-le-ma ‘to circulate’, sõõri-k ‘doughnut’, rõng-el ‘ring-shaped rusk’, ring-kond ‘social circle’, rõngas-ta-ma ‘ring (e.g., for birds)’; cf. sõrm-us ‘ring; lit. finger-SUFF’, sõrm-ik ‘glove; lit. finger-SUFF’, etc.). In general, derivation with all kinds of suffixes is actively used, interestingly, not so much in Estonian fiction as in media texts (Kerge 2004). Only in special fields of language use (e.g., for special terms in legal, administrative, academic, or technical texts) are derivational types and their constituents more carefully and systematically chosen. In statistics, for instance, designations of rates are marked with the nominal suffix -mus (luge-mus ‘reading rate’, ala+toitu-mus ‘malnutrition rate’), nouns of random probability are based on the passive participle (loe-tav-us ‘legibility’, juhi-tav-us ‘controllability’). In the taxonomy of the class of mammals, the order is marked with line (kiskja-lise-d ‘Carnivora’) and the family with lane (kas-lase-d ‘felidae, cats’), etc. (Note: All -ne-endings − sometimes as part of the suffix like here in -line and -lane − appear as -se in the genitive.) As in many languages, some old root words are displaced in recursive chains, e.g., pelg ‘fear, -phobia’ → pelga-ma ‘to be afraid of’ → pelg-us ‘fear, -phobia’. Adjectives and verbs are derived from these old words, e.g., põlg ‘contempt’ → põlg-lik ‘contemptuous’, puna ‘redness’ → puna-ne ‘red’, arm ‘love’ → arm-as ‘lovely’ → armas-ta-ma ‘to love’, etc. In many cases, further derivation either leads back to the basic meaning, such as põlg-likk-us ‘contempt’ (← ADJ ← N) instead of põlg or põlg-us ‘contempt’, arm-as-t-us ‘love’ (← ADJ ← V ← N) instead of arm ‘love’, etc., or generates semantic distinctions, e.g., puna ‘blush, rouge’, pelg-us ‘fear’, põlg-us (designations of states), puna-s-us ‘redness, being red’, pelglikk-us ‘shyness’, põlglikk-us (designations of properties). Descriptions of Estonian derivation have often analyzed old opaque examples hardly recognized as derivatives. The objective of the overview below is to provide examples of synchronically recognizable derivatives.

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4.1. Nominal derivation As discussed above, it is somewhat problematic to draw a line between Estonian nouns and adjectives (see section 2). Restricted by the meaning of the base, regular modification of nouns and adjectives is often used for individual pragmatic purposes. Two types are of main concern here − diminutive and female suffixes based on the genitive case: -nna (less frequently also -tar) -ke(ne): -kese

stands for female gender in a number of nouns of the established lexicon, e.g., laulja ‘singer’ → laulja-nna, laulja-tar ‘female singer’, tantsija ‘dancer’ → tantsija-nna, tantsija-tar ‘female dancer’ (in the opera and ballet, respectively); renders diminutive modifications of nouns and adjectives, e.g., karp ‘box’ → karbi-ke ‘small box’, paks ‘thick, overweight (person)’ → paksu-ke ‘a little overweight, chubby (person)’.

If gender or dimensions are irrelevant as to the nature of a referent, endearment may be expressed in some contexts, e.g., in motherese (tore ‘nice’ → toreda-ke, rõõmus ‘merry’ → rõõmsa-ke), while irony is the most typical motive in the use and interpretation of such types as, e.g., ministri-nna ‘incompetent female minister; lit. minister-FEM’, romaani-ke ‘so-called novel, feeble novel; lit. novel-DIM’ (Kerge 1991). The metonymical nature typical of derivation as well as the importance of phonology (see section 2) makes it possible to use any form of the nominal base such as the genitive-SG (käpa-line ‘orchid’ ← käpp ‘paw’), the nominative (elu-kas ‘creature’ ← elu ‘life’, leht-la ‘gazebo’ ← leht ‘leaf’), or the plural stem (lim-u-kas ‘slug’ ← lima ‘slime’). If necessary, any stem may be further adapted or shortened (kusi-ti ‘urethra’ ← kuse-ma ‘to urinate’, tolmuk-kond ‘stamens (of a blossom)’ ← tolmu-kas ‘stamen’), or derivation by correlation may be preferred (võõr-ik ‘parasitic organism’, võõr-is ‘foreign substance or body’) although the stem can be hard to classify (cf. võõras: võõra ‘foreign, strange; stranger, guest’, võõr-sil ‘abroad’, võõri-ti ‘wrongly, contrariwise’, võõrista-ma ‘to feel shy of’). Despite of or due to that, the derivation of nouns is productive and substantial. Kasik (2013: 98−147) discusses 11 types of denominal and deadjectival noun derivation, 14 types of deverbal noun derivation, and six types based on both nouns or adjectives and verbs, almost all exemplified with fresh findings.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns Besides expressing modificational categories typical of nouns (see section 4.1), the denominal derivation of nouns is widely used for lexical enrichment. As to types of p e r s o n a l n o u n s , the productive suffix -lane denotes several kinds of stable affiliation (inhabitant names, members of organizations, followers of confessions, ideologies, etc.), cf. erakond-lane ‘party member’ (← erakond ‘party’), viin-lane ‘inhabitant of Vienna’ (← Viin), austraal-lane ‘Australian’ (← Austraalia), luter-lane

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‘Lutheran’). The suffix -line, in its turn, refers either to an occasional relation to what is denoted by the base or to the temporary nature of an implicit action, e.g., suvi-line ‘summer farm-hand; lit. summer-PERS’, kino-line ‘one who went to the cinema; lit. cinema-PERS’, pulma-line ‘wedding guest’. The suffix -nik (e.g., kunst-nik ‘artist; lit. artPERS’, lihu-nik ‘butcher; lit. meat(PL )-PERS’) is not productive. A number of derivational types with the suffixes -stik, -stu, -ik, -kond form c o l l e c t i v e n o u n s : õhu-stik ‘atmosphere; lit. air-COLL’ (← õhk ‘air, atmosphere’), sõna-stik ‘dictionary’ (← sõna ‘word’), nimi-stu ‘list’ (← nimi ‘name’), tamm-ik ‘oak grove’ (← tamm ‘oak’), töölis-kond ‘workers’ (← tööline ‘worker’ (with s-stem)). The infix s is regularly added to vowel-final personal nouns, when using the suffix -kond, e.g., töötaja ‘employee’ → töötaja-s-kond ‘(all) employees’, liige: liikme ‘member’ → liikme-s-kond ‘members’, õde: õe ‘sister’ → õe-s-kond ‘sisterhood’ (but cf. the consonant-final stem in kalur-kond ‘fishermen’). To name f i e l d s o f s o c i a l a c t i v i t y, the suffix -ndus (based on the genitive) is used, e.g., kauba-ndus ‘trade’ (← kaup ‘goods’), panga-ndus ‘banking sector’ (← pank ‘bank’), raha-ndus ‘finance’ (← raha ‘money’), while derivatives with the suffix -lus refer to s t a t u s or other a b s t r a c t n o u n s , e.g., vend-lus ‘brotherhood’, autor-lus ‘authorship’, novaator-lus ‘innovativity’ (← novaator ‘innovator’), epikuur-lus ‘Epicureanism’. Many widely used (non-specialized) suffixes can also form denominal nouns, e.g., -ur for personal and instrument nouns (kang-ur ‘weaver’ ← kangas ‘fabric’, kasu-r ‘beneficiary species’ ← kasu ‘benefit’, kahju-r ‘pest’ ← kahju ‘damage’); -ik marking any connection (kohv-ik ‘café’ ← kohv ‘coffee’, kaks-ik ‘twin’ ← kaks ‘two’), etc. (Kasik 2013).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns In Estonian, adjectives and adjectival present participles are regularly nominalized with the suffix -us, e.g., q u a l i t y n o u n s : kõrge ‘high’ → kõrg-us ‘height’, täie-lik ‘absolute’ → täielikk-us ‘absoluteness’, täna-matu ‘ungrateful’ → tänamat-us ‘ungratefulness’, reguleeri-tav ‘inclinable’ → reguleeritav-us ‘inclinability’. However, a few potential results are blocked by lexicalized nouns (valg-us ‘light; lit. white-NOUN’, must-us ‘dirt; lit. black-NOUN’). In case of past participles as bases, -mus and -tus are correlatively used, i.e. with the suffix of the base omitted (kohku-nud ‘horrified’ → kohku-mus ‘horror’, mur-tud ‘broken’ → mur-tus ‘brokenness’). In correlation with line- and lane-adjectives, the suffix -lus is used, e.g., rohe-lus ‘greenness, greenery’ (cf. rohe-line ‘green’), väik-lus ‘narrowmindedness’ (cf. väik-lane ‘narrow-minded’), õig-lus ‘fairness, justice’ (cf. õig-lane ‘fair, just; lit. right-ADJ’). A number of noun-suffixes are used with adjectival as well as some other bases, e.g., -kas (sini-ne ‘blue’ → sini-kas ‘Vaccinium, bruise’; cf. sina-kas ‘bluish’), -ik (teine ‘another’ → teis-ik ‘counterpart, one’s double’), -(vowel+)s (pehme ‘soft’ → pehm-is ‘soft ice cream’), cf. also the composite suffix -ikas (must: musta ‘black’ → must-ikas ‘blackberry’).

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4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Based on meaning or context, the types of Estonian deverbal nouns regularly denote states, processes, or actions (hardly distinguished from (single) acts or results) and agents, instruments, objects or results (hardly distinguished from each other and from adjectives). Any of such nouns may incorporate a subordinated constituent of its base (see section 3.1). Regular nominalization of verbs with the suffix -mine (GEN -mise-, PARTIT -mis-t; see Kerge 2003; Kasik 2006a, 2006b; Sahkai 2011) is based on the -ma-infinitive stem (the lemma), e.g., maga-ma ‘to sleep’ → maga-mine ‘sleeping’, õmble-ma ‘to sew’ → õmblemine ‘sewing’. In complementary distribution, the suffixes -us and -e regularly form compound modifiers of verbal/actional meaning (e.g., õpet-us+viis ‘teaching method’, plahvat-us+oht ‘explosion danger’, oot-e+ruum ‘waiting room’, sööb-e+gaas ‘etching gas’, cf. söö-bima ‘to eat into’, söö-vi-ta-ma ‘to etch’). These suffixes as well as -m and -k (chosen according to the phonological properties of the base) occur in many lexically established a c t or r e s u l t n o u n s , such as sure-ma ‘to die’ → sur-m ‘death’, joo-ma ‘to drink’ → joo-k ‘drink’, mat-ma ‘to bury’ → mat-us ‘funeral’, õpeta-ma ‘to teach’ → õpet-us ‘teaching, doctrine’, õmble-ma ‘to sew’ → õmbl-us ‘sewing, seam’, tund-ma ‘to feel’ → tunn-e ‘feeling’, võt-ma ‘to take’ → võt-e ‘take, grip’. In some -e-deverbals, such as teave: teabe ‘information’, lööve: lööbe ‘rash’, etc. (correlated to tead-ma ‘to know’, välja löö-ma ‘to break out; lit. out break’), quality gradation ve: be refers to a potential base of non-existent verbs *tea-bi-ma, *löö-bi-ma. The suffixes -ng, -is and a composite suffix -elu productively form result nouns, -ng also on a foreign base, cf. the weakenedstem laha-ng ‘dissection’ (← lahka-ma ‘to dissect’), solva-ng ‘insult’ (← solva-ma ‘to insult’), planeeri-ng ‘design’ (← planeeri-ma ‘to design’), lama-tis ‘bedsore’ (← lamama ‘to lie’), käsit-el-u ‘discussion, treatment’ (← käsit-le-ma ‘to dissert, treat’), liigitelu ‘classification’ (← liigi-ta-ma ‘to classify’). The suffix -mus is used to denote either s t a t e s (leppi-mus ‘acceptance, acquiescence’ ← leppi-ma ‘to accept, acquiesce’, sõltu-mus ‘dependency’ ← sõltu-ma ‘to depend’) or r e s u l t s (sünd-mus ‘occasion’ ← sündi-ma ‘to happen’, pihti-mus ‘confession’ ← pihti-ma ‘to confess’). In special terms, it refers to a b s t r a c t phenomena (sündi-mus ‘fertility’ ← sündi-ma ‘to be born’, sure-mus ‘mortality’ ← sure-ma ‘to die’). A number of abstract terms are formed with -lus, partly correlative to -lik-adjectives, e.g., taht-ma ‘to want’ → taht-lus ‘intent’ (cf. taht-lik ‘intentional’), kõlba-ma ‘to befit’ → kõlb-lus ‘morality’ (cf. kõlb-lik ‘suitable’, kõlva-tu ‘immoral, jackleg’). (For onomatopoetic-descriptive verbs, see section 4.3.3.) Regular a g e n t n o u n s are represented in two types: With a few typical semantic restrictions, -ja-suffixed agent nouns are based on the lemma, e.g., toot-ma ‘to produce’ → toot-ja ‘producer’, saavuta-ma ‘to achieve’ → saavuta-ja ‘achiever’ (see section 3.2). The suffix -nu regularly denotes an a g e n t o f a p a s t a c t i o n. The type is based on the active past participle (saabu-nud ‘arrived’ → saabu-nu ‘one that arrived’, sur-nud ‘dead’ → sur-nu ‘the dead’). In parallel, the suffix -tu in derivatives from the passive past participle is focused on result, e.g., teh-tu ‘sth. made, done’, mõel-du ‘sth. thought’ (actions as “objects of themselves”), joos-tud ‘to run’ → joos-tu ‘the distance run’, elatud ‘lived’ → ela-tu ‘years lived’, etc. All these types are based either on a single verb (referring to an implicit frame as above) or on a phrase (referring to a situation), e.g.,

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eile vähki sur-nu ‘the person who died of cancer yesterday; lit. yesterday cancer-ILLAT dead-PERS’; eile kiiru-ga teh-tu ‘sth. done rapidly yesterday; lit. yesterday rush-COM done-NOUN’ (Kerge 1996). Other types of agent nouns (kaev-ur ‘miner; lit. digger’, pettur ‘swindler’) are less productive. The suffixes -is and -(a)rd derive agent nous from expressive verbs, such as laterdis ‘chatterbox; lit. schmooze-AGENT’, laaberd-is lit. ‘foot-slog-AGENT’ ~ lak-ard lit. ‘lick-AGENT’ meaning ‘drunkard’, koob-ard ‘clomper’, tüüd-ard ‘annoying, boring person’. Deverbal nouns in -ja not only convey the meaning of agent nouns, e.g., professions (õpeta-ja ‘teacher’, korista-ja ‘cleaning person; lit. cleaner’, laul-ja ‘singer’), but also of i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s (vahusta-ja ‘(kitchen) mixer’, sega-ja ‘(signal) jammer; lit. interfere-INSTR’, seg-ur ‘(concrete or kitchen) blender’). The suffix -el always refers to instruments (keet-el ‘water heater; lit. boil-INSTR’), and -is (-dis, -tis) mostly to results (ehit-is ‘building’, kirjut-is ‘writing’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation There is no striking difference between Estonian nouns and adjectives (see sections 2 and 3.2), some old roots occur in both classes (noor ‘young’ or ‘youngster’, paha ‘harm’ or ‘harmful’, külm ‘cold’ or ‘frost’, etc.). On the other hand, no comprehensive research in the field has been undertaken. Some adjectives are derived from the base of old adjectival nouns (cf. ilu ‘beauty’ → ilu-s ‘beautiful’, viha ‘anger’→ viha-ne ‘angry’, õnn: õnne ‘luck’ → õnn-is ‘blessed, blissful’ and õnne-lik ‘happy’, sina ‘blueness, blue’ → sini-ne ‘blue’; cf. recursive derivation, section 4). Some adjectives occur only in the bound form (vääris+kivi ‘precious stone’, meelis+toit ‘favourite food’, plenaar+istung ‘plenary session’), see section 3.2. Adjectival suffixes can combine with stems of various parts of speech: nouns (pea ‘head’ → pea-mine ‘main, major, premier’, kott ‘bag’ → kot-jas ‘baggy’); adjectives (pikk ‘long’ → pik-lik ‘elongated’); verbs (kuula-ma ‘to listen’ → kuule-kas ‘obedient’); adverbs, particles and postpositions (alati ‘always’ → alati-ne ‘permanent’, peal ‘on, atop’ → peal-mine ‘top, upper’, sees ‘in, inside’ → sees-mine ‘inner’), and correlative bound stems (vääri-kas ‘dignified’, cf. indeclinable väärt ‘worth’, vääri-line ‘worthy’, vääri-ma ‘to be worth of’). Many deverbal adjectives are either idiomatic/lexicalized participles, e.g., elata-nud ‘elderly, advanced in years’, ela-v ‘lively, vivacious’ (cf. elama ‘to live’, ela-ta-ma ‘to live off’), käi-dav ‘crowdy’ (cf. käi-ma ‘to walk’), or rather grammaticalized as, e.g., an-tud ‘given, this’. Out of some 15 relevant suffixes, -lik and -jas derive adjectives only. Two suffixes vary: the tu-suffix has a matu-subtype used with a verbal base (cf. mõtte-tu ‘nonsensical; lit. sense-NEG.ADJ’, mõtle-matu ‘unthoughtful; lit. think-NEG.ADJ’); the suffix -(vowel+)s takes various vowels (see section 4) (Kasik 2013: 149). A few suffixes modify adjectives (for diminutives, e.g., ilus ‘nice’ → ilusa-ke ‘niceDIM’, see section 4.1; for adjectives referring to tone or shade, e.g., pruun ‘brown’ → pruun-jas ‘browny’, sünge ‘murky’ → sünk-jas ‘almost murky’, see section 4.2). Based on nouns in the nominative case, the expression of similarity by means of the suffix -jas is quite productive, e.g., siid-jas ‘(feels) silky’, paber-jas ‘(feels) like paper’, ronk-jas ‘raven-colored, very dark’, muna-jas ‘egg-shaped’.

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4.2.1. Prefixation The derivation of adjectives with a n e g a t i v e meaning is limited to about 60 evaluative adjectives with eba- (eba+sümmeetriline ‘asymmetric’, eba+aus ‘dishonest’), while mitte- (cf. mitte+rahuldav ‘dissatisfacory’), is productive with special terms (mitte+ verbaalne ‘non-verbal’, mitte+perioodiline ‘aperiodical’). eba- and mitte- are the only genuine prefixes in Estonian word-formation.

4.2.2. Suffixation To a limited extent, the suffix -tu forms c a r i t i v e ( p r i v a t i v e ) modifications, e.g., siivas: siivsa ‘decent, appropriate, modest’ → siivu-tu ‘indecent, inappropriate’. The suffix is very productive with nominal stems (hool ‘care’ → hoole-tu ‘careless’), taken actively even by plural bases (cf. sõpra-de-tu ‘without friends; lit. friend-PL-NEG.ADJ’; Kasik 2013: 170). Suffixal n e g a t i o n is mostly correlative, i.e. it refers to the same or a related base as its antonymous derivative (kirg-lik ‘passionate’ − kire-tu ‘dispassionate’ (both derived from kirg ‘passion’), maitse-kas ‘tasty’ − maitse-tu ‘tasteless’ (← maitse ‘taste’), tänulik ‘grateful; lit. gratitude-ADJ’ − täna-matu ‘ungrateful; lit. thank-NEG.ADJ’, kõla-v ‘sounding-PRTC’ − kõla-tu ‘scrannel, hollow; lit. sound-ADJ’), or a present participle and a -tu- or -matu-suffixed adjective (passive: söö-da-v ‘esculent’ − söö-da-matu ‘inedible’, cf. söö-ma ‘to eat’; active: usalda-v ‘trustful’ − usalda-matu ‘distrustful’, cf. usalda-ma ‘to trust’); haplology is possible (taba-ta-v ‘tangible’ − taba-matu ‘intangible’) (Sang 1983). The productive suffix -kas: -ka expresses p o s s e s s i v e meaning with a nuance of augmentation/intensification (jõu-kas ‘wealthy; lit. force-ADJ’, raha-kas ‘well-heeled; lit. money-ADJ’, rinna-kas ‘chesty, busty’). The suffix -lik denotes s i m i l a r i t y, allowing unlimited comparison of objects to their prototypes (konna-lik ‘typical of frogs’, lapselik ‘child-like’ (cf. laps-ik ‘childish’), thomas+manni-lik ‘typical of Thomas Mann’); -mine denotes spatial relations on a restricted base (e.g., äär-mine ‘endmost; lit. edgeADJ’, külg-mine ‘lateral’). Borrowed adjectival stems are adapted with a native suffix, e.g., homogeen-ne ‘homogeneous’, elegant-ne ‘elegant’, šarmant-ne ‘charming’, allergi-line ‘allergic’. Dozens of adjectives have corresponding borrowed base nouns in Estonian (tempo ‘tempo’ → tempo-kas ‘fast-paced’, ambitsioon ‘ambition’ → ambitsiooni-kas ‘ambitious’, kultuur ‘culture’ → kultuuri-line ‘cultural’, etc.); very few of them are not adapted by Estonian suffixes (noobel ‘elegant’, rentaabel ‘profitable’, respektaabel ‘respectable’, šikk ‘classy’; Kasik 2013: 149). There is an open class of non-declinable adjectives, mostly genitive-formed names, e.g., iiri ‘Irish’ (cf. Iiri+maa ‘Ireland’), romaani ‘Roman’, or other nouns characterizing products, e.g., suitsu ‘smoked’, grill+õhu ‘air-grilled; lit. grill-air-GEN’, and expressing negative feelings (kuradi ‘goddamned’, cf. kurat ‘Devil’, etc.).

4.3. Verbal derivation In verbal derivation, there are nine basic types, all containing several subtypes with several suffix variants. Nearly all parts of speech may be used as a base if the derivative

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meets certain phonological criteria and is easily understood by analogy (cf. Kasik 2013: 58). For example, the suffix -ta/-da with its variants -t, -sta, -lda, -nda, -rda, and -a is productively used with nominal bases (suvi ‘summer’ → suvi-ta-ma ‘to spend summervacation’, kaja ‘echo’ → kaja-sta-ma ‘to reflect’, laps ‘child’ → lapse-nda-ma ‘to adopt’, häda ‘trouble’ → häda-lda-ma ‘to complain’), adjectival bases (õilis ‘nobleminded’ → õilis-ta-ma ‘to ennoble’, hele ‘bright’ → hele-nda-ma ‘to shine’), verbal bases (söö-ma ‘to eat’ → söö-t-ma ‘to feed’, halve-ne-ma ‘to get worse’ → halven-dama ‘to make worse’), and other types of stems (ei ‘no’ → ei-ta-ma ‘to deny’, kõrval ‘besides’ → kõrval-da-ma ‘to depose, eliminate’, koos ‘with, together’ → koos-ta-ma ‘to compile’). Some verbs are derived by correlation, i.e. they have the common base with another derivative associated by meaning (see section 2), e.g., ühi-ldu-ma ‘to beseem, agree’, cf. ühi-ne ‘common’; võima-lda-ma ‘to make possible’, cf. võima-lik ‘possible’ (Kasik 2013: 62−73). The use of the same base with different suffixes usually results in unassociated meanings, e.g., käsi-ta-ma ‘to understand’, käsi-tle-ma ‘to deal with’, käsi-tse-ma ‘to manipulate’.

4.3.1. Denominal and deadjectival verbs In the studies on Estonian verbal derivation, various types of denominal and deadjectival verbs are called “causative” if the derivatives are transitive (rikas-ta-ma ‘to enrich (e.g., a drink with vitamins)’ ← rikas ‘rich’); if not, the term “factitive” is used, e.g., töö-tama ‘to work’ ← töö ‘work’). (The first can be ascribed the categorial meaning ‘to make N/A’, the second − ‘to do N’ according to the terminology used in other articles on individual languages in this handbook.) On the other hand, the term “automatic process verbs” (referring, e.g., to intransitive impersonal verbs) is used when speaking of natural processes (e.g., pime-ne-ma ‘to darken, get dark’ ← pime ‘dark’; corresponding to the categorial meaning ‘to be or become A’), and “reflexive verbs”, when speaking of states and actions (rikastu-ma ‘to enrich oneself’). Denominal derivatives often have the meaning ‘to result in some state or situation denoted by the stem’, e.g., ohu-sta-ma ‘to endanger’ (← oht ‘danger’, correlated to ohtlik ‘dangerous’), rooste-ta-ma ‘to corrode’ (← rooste ‘rust’), vangi-sta-ma ‘to imprison’ (← vang ‘prisoner’). Deadjectival verbs often convey the meaning ‘to become A’, e.g., vana-ne-ma ‘to get old(er)’ (← vana ‘old’), or ‘to make sth. A’, e.g., avaliku-sta-ma ‘to disclose’ (← avalik ‘public’), cf. also the depronominal verbs oma-nda-ma ‘to acquire’, oma-sta-ma ‘id.’, omi-sta-ma ‘to ascribe’ (← oma ‘own’). Other broad meaning categories are ‘to provide with N’, e.g., ahel-da-ma ‘to enchain’ (← ahel ‘chain’), mehi-ta-ma ‘to man’ (← mehi ‘man-PL’), and ‘to act with the help of N’, e.g., klaver-da-ma ‘to play piano’ (← klaver ‘piano’), guugel-da-ma ‘to google’, sõna-sta-ma ‘to put in words’ (← sõna ‘word’). The category ‘to make (to) A’ in a special meaning ‘to translate to’ is referred to with the suffix -nda- based on language names, e.g., vene (keel) ‘Russian’ → vene-nda-ma ‘to translate into Russian’, whereas verbs of this category, denoting cultural integration, are derived by -sta- (cf. vene-sta-ma ‘to russify’ ← Vene ‘Russia’).

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Verbs of repeated or continuous actions (or states) are formed with the suffix -le-, e.g., valu ‘pain’ → valu-le-ma ‘to yearn (painfully)’, igav ‘boring’ → igav-le-ma ‘to be bored’. Unlimitedly, verbs with the suffix -ta- denote the use or iteration of words, e.g., sinata-ma ‘to address familiarly’ (← sina ‘you; 2nd pers. sg.’, cf. German duzen ← du), miksi-ta-ma ‘to repeat the word why; lit. why-GEN-V-INF’, anni-ta-ma ‘to overuse the first name (here: Ann); lit. Ann-GEN-V-INF’, eks-ole-ta-ma ‘to over-use the particle/question tag meaning ‘isn’t it; lit. isn’t-it-V-INF’. Different kinds of verbs can be formed with the suffix -tse- attached to phonologically adapted stems, e.g., õi-tse-ma ‘to blossom’ (← õis ‘blossom’), uudi-tse-ma ‘to rubberneck’ (← uudis ‘news’), or derived by correlation, e.g., poliiti-tse-ma ‘to get, turn political’ (← poliiti-line ‘political’). Recently, the Latin suffix -(consonant)eeri-, e.g., agiteeri-ma ‘to agitate, canvass’, informeeri-ma ‘to inform’, has been used with the native noun arvuti ‘computer’ (arvutiseeri-ma ‘to computerize’). The importance of phonemic analogy can be seen in verbs semantically correlated to adjectives, but derived from nouns, e.g., -ta-suffixed aeglus-ta-ma ‘to retard’ (← aeglus ‘slowness’; cf. aeg-lane ‘slow’), kindlus-ta-ma ‘to ensure’ (← kindlus ‘sureness’; cf. kindel ‘sure’); -sta-suffixed keelu-sta-ma ‘to prohibit, ban’ (← keeld: keelu ‘prohibition, ban’; cf. the participle keela-tud ‘forbidden’), igaviku-sta-ma ‘to eternalize’ (← igavik ‘eternity’; cf. igaviku-line ‘eternal’). The inchoative verb häo-stu-ma ‘to become hazy’ (← hägu: höo ‘haze’; cf. hägu-ne ‘hazy’) is formed with the complex suffix -stu-.

4.3.2. Deverbal verbs Causative, reflexive, and other verbal modifications are quite irregular in form, often dominated by phonemic analogy. The suffix -u- may refer to intransitivation (kuhj-u-ma ‘to pile up’ (itr.) ← kuhja-ma ‘to pile’). The f r e q u e n t a t i v e suffixes -le-, -t(e)le-, -dle- and -sk(e)le- may denote repeated or continuous action, or point to a kind of slightness thereof (rända-ma ‘to travel’ → ränd-le-ma ‘to travel here and there’, vehki-ma ‘to lay about one’ → vehk-lema ‘to fence’, aruta-ma ‘to discuss’ → arut-le-ma ‘to debate, reason’). The type is also productive with nominal and adjectival bases (see section 4.3.1). The suffixes -tle- and -tele- (cf. the infinitives arutle-ma ‘to debate, reason’: arutle-da ~ arutele-ma: arutell-a) are synonymously used, the latter being poetic. M o m e n t a r y and p u n c t u a l actions are referred to with the suffix -a(h)ta- (the expressive -ahta- being rarer), e.g., kuula-ma ‘to listen’ → kuul-ata-ma ‘to prick up one’s ears’, karju-ma ‘to cry’ → karj-ata-ma ‘to give a cry’. The suffixes of the -ta-group are used for c a u s a t i v e modification (ära-ta-ma ‘to awaken’ ← ärka-ma: ärga-ta ‘to wake up’, ellu ära-ta-ma ‘to revive’ ← ellu ärkama ‘to come to life; lit. life-INESS wake-up’). Yet, the semantics of the type may be complex, e.g., põrga-ta-ma ‘to bounce’ (continuous) ← põrka-ma ‘to bump’ (momentary), and the suffixes may have different functions, e.g., tukk-u-ma ‘to drowse’ denoting a continuous state as opposed to tuka-sta-ma ‘to drowse off’ with the meaning of a momentary event.

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For example, verbal pairs consisting of reflexive/so-called “automatic process verbs”/ other intransitive verbs, on the one hand, and causative (transitive) verbs, on the other, can be formed with different pairs of suffixes, such as -u- − 0̸ 0̸ − -ta-u- − -ta-

-ne- − -ta-/ -da-

-bu/-bi-, -du/-d-i − -ta -bu- − -nda-le- − -da-

sulg-u-ma ‘to shut (itr.)’ ← sulge-ma ‘to shut sth. (tr.)’, katt-u-ma ‘to become covered, overlap’ ← kat-ma ‘to cover’; kõiku-ma ‘to sway, pendulate’ → kõigu-ta-ma ‘(to make) sway’, õppi-ma ‘to learn’ → õpe-ta-ma ‘to teach’; välj-u-ma ‘to exit’ → välju-ta-ma ‘to excrete’, nõrg-u-ma ‘to seep’ → nõru-ta-ma ‘to leach’, imb-u-ma ‘to filter in’ → immuta-ma ‘to impregnate’; halve-ne-ma ‘to get worse’ → halven-da-ma ‘to make worse’, taga-ne-ma ‘to back off’ → tagan-da-ma ‘to withdraw, expel’, palju-ne-ma ‘to propagate’ → paljun-da-ma ‘to duplicate, multiply’; (both non-gradational): loo-bu-ma ‘to give up’ → loovu-ta-ma ‘to submit, pass on (to)’, juur-du-ma ‘to take root, establish’ → juuru-ta-ma ‘to introduce’; lee-bu-ma ‘to become relieved’ → leeve-nda-ma ‘to relieve’; tolm-le-ma ‘to receive pollen, be pollinated’ → tolmel-da-ma ‘to pollinate’ (cf. tolmu-kas ‘stamen’).

Correlatively (i.e. not derived from each other) intransitive kõne-le-ma ‘to speak’ and transitive kõne-ta-ma ‘to turn to (sb.)’ (cf. kõne ‘speech’), nõrge-ne-ma ‘to grow weaker’ and nõrge-sta-ma ‘to weaken sb./sth.’, etc. are derived on the base of nouns or adjectives. Quality alternations b : v, d : 0̸, etc. are still active, e.g., häävu-ta-ma ‘to cause slow extinction’ (← hää-bu-ma ‘to fade away, die out’), koolu-ta-ma ‘to bend sth.’ (← kooldu-ma ‘to bend’) (all non-gradational in inflection).

4.3.3. Onomatopoetic and descriptive verbs Words termed as “onomatopoetic”, “descriptive”, or “expressive”, i.e. voice imitations or other descriptions are quite typical of Finnic languages. Based on appropriate phonological material, they can be constantly formed and reformed, the only limitations coming from phonotaxis. In Estonian, there are several ways to form new expressive words (nouns, verbs and adverbs) by varying sounds of the existing onomatopoeia − with or without changing the meaning − or using an established base with new suffixes. Often, only the suffix can be identified whereas the stem is unique or correlated to a couple of other words. A variety of suffixes or suffix-like stem endings are used (cf. Kasik 2013: 27): -isevulise-ma, sulise-ma (sulin, solin) ‘to burble’, sisise-ma, susise(correlative to ma (susin, sisin) ‘to hiss’, kohise-ma (cf. kohin) ‘to sough’; -in-nouns) -umatsu-ma ‘to munch’ (cf. matsa-kas ‘corpulent’);

177. Estonian -ata-uta-rda-tse-

3251 laksata-ma ‘to slap (once)’ (cf. laks ‘slap’); nunnuta-ma ‘to dote, pamper’ (cf. nunnu ‘cute baby’); ki: ohkima, puhki-ma (cf. ohib ja puhib ‘moans and groans’); laterda-ma ‘to talk, blather’ (cf. lat-ard ‘blatherskite’); pulbitse-ma ‘to effervesce’, etc.

4.4. Adverbial derivation Pointing to an interesting small difference between inflection and derivation, we refer to the strengthening of the stem of locative forms as an independent means of adverb formation; cf. the weak inessive forms loki-s, tüki-s, kimbu-s (lokk ‘curl’, tükk ‘piece’, kimp ‘bundle’) and strong-stemmed adverbs lokki-s ‘curled’, tükki-s ‘lumpy’, and kimpu-s ‘in a bunch’. Regular locative case-forms are also often used as manner adverbs (mürina-l ‘rumbling; lit. rumble-ADESS’, vudina-l ‘pattering (mainly used when referring to small children, but not only); lit. running-ADESS’, etc.; see section 4.3.3), or state adverbs (kuiva-l olema ‘to be short of sth.; lit. dry-ADESS be’, kuiva-le jääma ‘to be cut short of sth.; lit. dry-ALLAT stay’). Regularly, manner adverbs are derived with the suffix -lt based on the genitive case of adjectives, including foreign ones (kõrge-lt ‘highly’, nõrga-lt ‘slightly’, totaal-se-lt ‘totally’, sümmeetri-lise-lt ‘symmetrically’), or on present participles (liiguta-va-lt ‘touchingly’). In the case of past participles, the nu- or tu-stem is used, e.g., kohku-nud ‘horrified’ → kohkunu-lt ‘horrified-ADV’ (Ta vaatas mind kohkunult ‘He looked at me horrified’), tape-tud ‘killed’ → tapetu-lt ‘killed-ADV’ (Mees leiti tapetult ‘The man was found killed’). Occasionally, momentary adverbs are based on nouns, e.g., hoobi-lt ‘promptly; lit. blow-ADV’, nalja-lt ‘easily; lit. joke-ADV’. In parallel to descriptive verbs in -u(ma) and -ata(ma) such as laksuma, laksatama ‘to slap’, praksuma, praksatama ‘to crack, crepitate’ (see section 4.3.3), onomatopoetic adverbs, such as laks-ti, praks-ti can be formed. The formation of -lt-adverbs is blocked by a few established -sti-suffixed synonyms, e.g., hä-sti ‘well’, paha-sti ‘sorely’, sageda-sti ‘frequently’. As to Kasik (2013: 183), the massive -sti-type is still productive, e.g., pimeda-sti ‘blindly’, tulusa-sti ‘profitably’, sorava-sti ‘fluently’. The suffix -(m)ini regularly forms comparatives of adverbs, based on the comparative of the corresponding adjectives, either suppletive or regular (hea: parem ‘good: better’ → parem-ini, halb: halve-m ‘bad: worse’ → halvem-ini, paras: paraja-m ‘fitting: better fitting’ → parajam-ini, tulus: tulusa-m ‘beneficial: more beneficial’ → tulusam-ini, etc.). Here, the suffix is regarded as derivational and its shape is -ini. However, in terms of regular adverb gradation the suffix would be -mini, e.g., kiire-lt ‘quickly’ − kiire-mini ‘more quickly’ − kõige kiire-mini ‘most quickly’, sageda-sti ‘often’ − sageda-mini ‘more often’ − kõige sageda-mini ‘most often’. In combination with semantically restricted groups of bases, adverbs are productively derived with several other suffixes: -ti and -si express manner or distribution, e.g., samuti ‘(in) the same way; lit. same-PL-ADV’, hommiku-ti ‘(in the) mornings’, neljapäevi-ti ‘on Thursdays’, kasutaja+rühmi-ti ‘by user-groups’; jalg-si ‘on foot’, varg-si ‘covertly’, cf. varg-ne ‘covert’; -kesi either refers to a set, group (kahe-kesi ‘two together, in twos’,

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viie-kesi ‘in a group of five’, saja-kesi ‘100 together’), or to manner (tasa-kesi ‘quietly’); -stikku and -kuti denote a position related to the meaning of the base (peali-stikku ~ peale-kuti ‘atop of sth.; lit. on-ADV’, rinna-kuti ‘abreast; lit. breast-ADV’); -tsi refers to the medium by which an action is performed (meri-tsi ‘by sea’, mai-tsi ‘by land’, telefoni-tsi ‘by phone’, mobiili-tsi ‘by mobile’, meili-tsi ‘by e-mail’, interneti-tsi ‘via the Internet’); -(consonant+vowel)le: -(consonant+vowel)l is an inflectional suffix for external cases to express positions, e.g., istu-kile ‘to a sitting position’, istu-kil ‘sitting’ (← istuma ‘to sit’), and states, e.g., äre-vile, ärevi-l ‘(to become, be) troubled’ (← ärev ‘troubled’), liik-vel: liik-vele ‘afoot; lit. move-ADV-ADESS: ALLAT’ (← liiku-ma ‘to move’). Position is also expressed with the suffix -li, e.g., seli-li ‘on the back’ (← selg ‘back’), näo-li ‘face down’ (← nägu ‘face’) (Viitso 2003: 84−85; Kasik 2013: 197). Regular iterative adverbs are formed with the suffix -lt (aeg-aja-lt ‘from time to time; lit. timeNOM-time-GEN-ADV’; päev-päeva-lt ‘day after day’, leht-lehe-lt ‘page by page’, etc.); cf. section 7 on reduplication. Imitating sounds of movement, many expressive adverbs are formed by modifying the phonemic base with the endings -a or -at, creatively using reduplication (e.g., lohmalohma, lohma-lahma, lohmat-lahmat referring to the sound of slouching; kihva-kõhva, kohva-kohva referring to any swashing or susurrus, e.g., the sound of sb. flying; lokaloka, likat-lokat referring to the sound of a carriage or train). The same stems occur in verbs (lohma-ma ‘to slouch’, lahmi-ma ‘to strike repeatedly, gobble, act rushly’, lokkama ‘to flourish’, kõhvi-ma ‘to hone’, kõhvi-tse-ma ‘to scratch’, etc.) and adjectives (lahma-kas ‘huge’, lohma-kas ‘baggy’, etc.), cf. section 4.3.3.

5. Conversion Some researchers prefer not to speak of conversion or even of word-formation if there is no directional process involved (cf. Lieber 2005: 421 f.; Szymanek 2005: 433). In Estonian, many nouns and verbs with a matching inflectional stem share the verbal meaning (e.g., kõnd: kõnni: kõndi ~ kõndi-ma: kõnni-n ‘to walk, walking’, rööv: röövi: röövi ~ röövi-ma: röövi-n ‘to rob, robbing’, sööt: sööda: sööta ‘fodder’ ~ sööt-ma: sööda-n ‘to feed’). However, only a few types of noun-to-verb conversion (partially adjective-to-verb conversion) are directional: a) Instrument → ‘to act with’, e.g., puur: puuri: puuri ‘drill’ → puuri-ma ‘to drill, bore’, liim ‘glue’ → liimi-ma ‘to glue’; mõõk: mõõga: mõõka ‘sword’ → mõõka-ma ‘to use a sword’ (child language data); b) Material/object → ‘to provide with’, e.g., silt: sildi: silti ‘label’ → silti-ma ‘to label’, etikett ‘label’ → etikettima ‘to label’, parkett ‘parquet’→ parketti-ma ‘to install parquet’; c) State/stative quality → ‘to become’, e.g., adjective-based kuiv: kuiva: kuiva ‘dry’ → kuiva-ma ‘to dry’, rauge ‘languorous’ → rauge-ma ‘to languish’, nüri ‘blunt’ → nüri-ma ‘to blunt’; d) Result → ‘to make, lead to’, e.g., pais: paisu: paisu ‘bulge’ → paisu-ma ‘to bulge’, varu ‘fund, store’ → varu-ma ‘to store up’. These types comprise dozens of established words (cf. Kerge 1990: 20−23; Kasik 2013).

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Influenced by English, verb-to-noun conversion has begun to increase, with many recently borrowed colloquial stems functioning both in nouns and verbs, e.g., reiv ‘rave’ − reivi-ma ‘to rave’, haip ‘hype’ − haipi-ma ‘to hype’, klikk ‘click’ − klikki-ma ‘to click’, tšekk ‘check’ − tšekki-ma ‘to check’, link ‘link’ − linki-ma ‘to link’ (Kasik 2013: 803−804). Some old lexical items occur in three parts of speech, e.g., külm ‘frost’ (as in early frost), ‘cold’, and külma-ma ‘to freeze’, sula ‘smelt, molten’ and sula-ma ‘to melt’. For nouns and adjectives, see sections 2 and 3.2 (cf. also Plank 2010).

6. Backformation Tauli (1968: 147−151) describes the reanalysis of deverbal compound nouns, such as võimle-ma ‘to exercise, do gymnastics’ → võimle-mine ‘gymnastics’ → compound ilu+võimlemine reanalysed to iluvõimle-mine ‘rhythmic gymnastics’ ← verb iluvõimlema ‘to do rhythmic gymnastics’. In Kerge (1990: 36−39), this type of reanalysis has been discussed in comparison to other languages. Even though the number of compound verbs is significantly growing (see section 3.3) they are still formed on the basis of a known compound noun, i.e. the verb ravi+kindlusta-ma ‘to insure against sickness’ appears after ravi+kindlust-us ‘sickness insurance’, foto+kopeeri-ma ‘to photocopy’ after foto+koopia ‘photocopy’; cf. also isa+puhka-ma ‘to take a fraternity leave; lit. to father-rest’ ← isa+puhk-us ‘fraternity leave’, (telesaateid) järel+vaata-ma ‘to follow broadcasts via catch-up service; lit. afterwatch (TV-broadcasts)’ ← järel+vaata-mine ‘watching on demand; lit. after-watching’ (Kasik 2013: 234−241). Kasik (2013: 143) also points to result nouns ending in -nd as nouns deliberately backformed from -nda-verbs, e.g., laienda-ma ‘to extend’ → laiend ‘extension’, lühenda-ma ‘to shorten’ → lühend ‘shortening’. Nouns of this type may occur as compound modifiers lühend+vorm ‘shortened form’, even if neither a corresponding verb nor a noun exists (lüka-nd+uks ‘sliding door; lit. push-N-door’). Kerge (1990) has described the revival of old root-words, e.g., peit: peidu ‘hiding place’, alg: alu ‘beginning, start’, etc., backformed from bound stems in peit-ma ‘to hide’ (tr.), peidu+koht ‘hiding place’, and peit-u-ma ‘to hide (oneself)’, alg+kool ‘primary school; lit. beginning-school’, and alu-l ~ algu-l ‘in the beginning; lit. start-ADV’, typical of stylization (here mainly a pseudo-historical style). Based on the analogy of regular derivational pairs, the method occurs in child language (e.g., õmb ‘sewing machine’ is backformed from õmb-le-ma ‘to sew’); in philosophy, mõtt: mõtu (cf. mõt-lema ‘to think’) is revived as equivalent for the German Sinn, etc.

7. Reduplication Reduplication is very active in adverb formation (see section 4.4). Quite typically, reduplication is used to intensify a quality meaning, e.g., suur-suur (maja) ‘very big (house)’ or (tule) tasa-tasa, ruttu-ruttu ‘(come-IMP) very quietly, very

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quickly’. In derived color names, only the stem is reduplicated, e.g., rohe-roheline (rohi) ‘green-green (grass)’. In case of alliteration and initial rhyme, old compounds are hardly recognized as reduplicative, e.g., veri+värske and uhi+uus both meaning ‘brand-new’, while the first element is either interpreted as unique (uhi-) or as comparative base (veri ‘blood’ giving the compound a meaning ‘blood-fresh’). Like the English grand and great or the German groß, the modifier vana ‘old, of previous generation’ is iterated as many times as the generations of the relative go back (vana+vana+isa ‘great-grandfather’, vana+vana+vana-tädi ‘great-granny’s aunt’, etc.). There are numerous syntactic reduplications referring to confirmation/disconfirmation or agreement/disagreement in dialogue turns, such as tule-tule ‘come-come’, oota-oota ~ oot-oot ‘just a moment; lit. wait-wait’, ja-jaa ‘well-well; lit. yes-yes’, ei-ei ‘no, no’ (Keevallik 2007: 369). Reduplication of onomatopoetic stems (tut-tuut ‘car’) is typical of early child language (Argus 2005).

8. Blending Some old blends, e.g., tihnus ‘spiteful and stingy’ (← tige + ihnus ‘id.’), are found in South Estonian dialects (Tauli 1968: 140). In common Estonian there are a blended conjunction selmet ‘instead of’ (← selle asemel et ‘id.’) proposed by Aavik (see Chalvin 2010), an informal blend kehka ‘physical education’ (← kehaline kasvatus ‘id.’), and calques or other loans from the 1970s (sudu ‘smog’ ← suits ‘smoke’ + udu ‘fog’, motell ‘motel’ ← moto- + hotell). Over the last decades, Kapo ‘security police’ (← kaitse + politsei), Mupo ‘municipal police’ (← munitsipaal + politsei) and masu ‘economic depression’ (← majandus + surutis) have appeared.

9. Clipping Clipping is typical of informal registers, e.g., colloquial language, student slang, or motherese, cf. Kerge (1990: 25−31). Clippings, such as füssa ~ füss (← füüsika ‘science’) or kätu ~ kännu (← käsi ‘hand’) fit the most frequent open inflectional types of nongradational two-syllable nouns (füssa: füssa: füssa-t), or one-syllable nouns with a quantity grade alternation (füss: füssi: füssi). As clipped nouns must be grammatically adapted, the stem vowels a, u, i and the consonant s are favored. School subjects are called inga, ingu, or inks (← inglise keel ‘English language’), mata, mate, mats, or matt (← matemaatika ‘mathematics’), etc. This type is also widely used in shortening given names, e.g., Peeter → Peta, Pets; Katrin → Kata, Kati, Kats; Jaanus → Jann, Jansa; Joonas → Jonna, Jonka. As u is also an old diminutive suffix, nicknames such as Katu, Jannu, Jonnu are more often used in private than in public. In the 1960s, bound adjectival stems such as mini-, midi-, and maksi- were borrowed (mini + seelik ‘miniskirt’, midi + kleit ‘midi dress’, maksi + torn ‘maxi tower’). Since the 1970s, numerous foreign clippings are used in the standard language in parallel to the source nouns, e.g., info ~ informatsioon ‘information’, troll ~ trolli+buss ‘trolley

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bus’, tele ~ televisioon ‘TV-broadcast’. In colloquial language and professional slang, many foreign constituents of word-combinations and words are shortened (mattfüss ← matemaatiline füüsika ‘mathematical physics’, pattfüss ← patoloogiline füsioloogia ‘pathological physiology’; spetsriietus ← spetsiaal+riietus ‘special clothing’, sotstöötaja ← sotsiaal+töötaja ‘social worker’; eurorahastus ← EL rahastus ‘EU financing’). Nowadays, numerous brand names are formed by blending, e.g., Estbis referring to Estonia and business, etc. Recently, colloquial adverbs such as lõpp ← lõp-mata (lõpp ilus ‘endlessly nice; lit. end nice’), and suht ← suhtelise-lt (suht kiire ‘relatively quick’) have spread. In contrast to abbreviations and acronyms of proper nouns (e.g., ETV ‘Estonian Television’), appellative acronyms are not yet typical of Estonian, except in special fields using English ones (e.g., L2 for ‘second language’), and those coined by bureaucrats (e.g., IUT ~ individuaalne uurimistoetus ‘individual research grant’). However, due to language contacts, the number of acronyms is increasing (IT occurs in many compounds, e.g., IT-spets ‘IT-expert’; SKP ‘GDP’ is preferred by the media, while sisemajanduse kogutoodang ‘gross domestic product’ is used in legislation, etc.). Mainly foreign abbreviations and acronyms have been lexicalized, i.e. they are used without any connection to their full source form (e.g., WC, Q10, 3D, LCD, CD, DVD are spelled, while SWOTanalüüs ‘SWOT-analysis’, aids, laser are pronounced as Estonian words).

10. Word-creation About hundred years ago, artificial or ex nihilo stem-formation was widely used by Johannes Aavik and many others (see article 100 on word-formation and language planning in Estonian). Nowadays, dozens of words of that kind are established, e.g., roim ‘hard crime, murder’, male ‘chess’ associated with malev ‘military troup’, or rase ‘pregnant’ associated with its poetic synonym raske+jalg-ne lit. ‘heavy-leg-ADJ’, etc. Artificial and associative stem-formation, incl. blending, is still common in writers’ production and in public neologism competitions. In addition, a lot of play with onomatopoeticdescriptive stems can be seen (cf. section 7). In Estonian texts, bound stems are contextually turned into free words, e.g., väga küber ‘very cyber’, täitsa eba ‘totally unacceptable; lit. totally un’, nouns are turned into adjectives, e.g., väga punk ‘very punk’ (Kerge 2004), acronyms and occasional blends become lexemes (Kerge 1990: 25−31); stems are shortened in compounds and derivatives, etc. (see above). As the language abounds in more or less regular patterns of potential words it is not easy to differentiate between creative and normal language use. Creativity seems to lie in stem-formation or, in combining words and stems with each other and with suffixes, or even more, in how established or potential words are used considering the norms of the fields and the genres typical thereof. Sometimes, the verbal valency is creatively changed (jaluta mind ‘walk me’ instead of regular jaluta minuga ‘walk with me’), or decreased (e.g., a legal term (kerge/raske) rikku-mine ‘(light/heavy) infringement’ ← rikku-ma ‘to brake’ is used without an obligatory direct object, here civil acts). Influenced by English, doubt is expressed with the unexpanded verb olene-b ‘it depends; lit. depends’, etc. Sometimes, semantic rules are broken in inflection, e.g., võrdse-ma-d ‘equal-COMP-PL’ in the translation of Orwell’s famous [...] some animals are more equal than others (Kerge 1996; 1998: 21−31).

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List of abbreviations of some Estonian cases ABESS ADESS ALLAT COM

abessive adessive allative comitative

ILLAT INESS PARTIT TRANSL

illative inessive partitive translative

11. References Aavik, Johannes 1914 -line ja -lik lõpulised omadussõnad. Jurjev: Eesti Kirjanduse kirjastus. Ahrens, Eduard 1843 Grammatik der Ehstnischen Sprache Revalschen Dialektes. Reval: Lindfords Erben. Argus, Reili 2005 Imitatiivide kohast lasekeeles: Reduplikatsioonist, morfoloogiast ja sõnaliigilisest ambivalentsusest. Eesti Rakenduslingvistika Ühingu aastaraamat 1: 19−34. Bauer, Laurie 2004 A Glossary of Morphology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Chalvin, Antoine 2010 Johannes Aavik et la rénovation de la langue estonienne. Paris: ADEFO/L’Harmattan. Dressler, Wolfgang U. 1981 General principles of poetic license in word formation. In: Horst Geckeler, Brigitte Schlieben-Lange, Jürgen Trabant and Harald Weydt (eds.), Logos Semantikos. Studia Linguistica in honorem Eugenio Coseriu. Vol. 2, 423−431. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter. EKG = Erelt, Mati (ed.) 1993 Eesti keele grammatika. Vol. 2: Süntaks. Tallinn: Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia Eesti Keele Instituut. EKG = Erelt, Mati (ed.) 1995 Eesti keele grammatika. Vol. 1: Morfoloogia. Sõnamoodustus. Tallinn: Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia Eesti Keele Instituut. Erelt, Mati 2007 Preface. In: Mati Erelt (ed.), Estonian Language, 7−8. Tallinn: Estonian Academy Publishers. Erelt, Tiiu 1982 Eesti oskuskeel. Tallinn: Valgus. Erelt, Tiiu 2007 Terminiõpetus. Tartu: University of Tartu Press. Habicht, Külli 2001 Eesti vanema kirjakeele leksikaalsest ja morfosüntaktilisest arengust ning Heinrich Stahli keele eripärast selle taustal. Tartu: University of Tartu Press. Jõgever, Jaan 1920 Eesti keele grammatika. II aasta. Tartu: Odamehe. Kasik, Reet 1975 Verbide ja verbaalsubstantiivide tuletusvahekorrad tänapäeva eesti keeles. Tartu: Tartu Riiklik Ülikool. Kasik, Reet 1991 Derivatiivsetest laenudest: u-liitelised verbid eesti ja soome keeles. Keel ja Kirjandus 8: 466−476.

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Kasik, Reet 1994 Verbid ja verbaalsubstantiivid tänapäeva eesti keeles. Tuletusprotsess ja tähendus. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool. Kasik, Reet 1996 Eesti keele sõnatuletus. 1st ed. Tartu: University of Tartu Press. Kasik, Reet 1997 Typology of Estonian and Finnish word-formation: The verb. In: Mati Erelt (ed.), Estonian. Typological Studies. Vol. 2, 42−73. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool. Kasik, Reet 2001 Analytic causatives in Estonian. In: Mati Erelt (ed.), Estonian. Typological Studies. Vol. 5, 77−123. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool. Kasik, Reet 2006a Nominalisatsioon meediauudiste tekstimoodustusvõttena. Keel ja Kirjandus 2: 122−134. Kasik, Reet 2006b Nominaliseeritud protsessi agent meediauudistes. Emakeele Seltsi aastaraamat 51: 21− 37. Kasik, Reet 2010 Tähelepanekuid soome ja eesti keele liitnimisõnadest. In: Eve Mikone, Kirsti Siitonen and Maria-Maren Sepper (eds.), Lähivõrdlusi. Lähivertailuja. Vol. 19, 9−21. Tallinn: Eesti Rakenduslingvistika Ühingu. Kasik, Reet 2012 Nulltuletus ja konversioon. Keel ja Kirjandus 12: 793−803. Kasik, Reet 2013 Komplekssete sõnade struktuur. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool. Kasik, Reet, Silvi Vare and Krista Kerge 2003 Tänapäeva eesti kirjakeele uurimine: Sõnamoodustus. In: Mati Erelt (ed.), Eesti keele uurimise analüüs, 49−62. Tartu: Emakeele Selts. Kask, Arnold 1967 Liitsõnad ja sõnade liitumisviisid eesti keeles. Tartu: Tartu Riiklik Ülikool. Keevallik, Leelo 2007 Colloquial Estonian. In: Mati Erelt (ed.), Estonian Language, 343−378. Tallinn: Estonian Academy Publishers. Kerge, Krista 1990 Liitsõna. Mõisteid ja seoseid. Tallinn: Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia Keele ja Kirjanduse Instituut. Kerge, Krista 1991 Morfopragmaatilised seigad eesti tuletuses. In: Jaan Õispuu and Krista Kerge (eds.), Eesti keele ja kirjanduse kateedri töid. Vol. 2, 26−30. Tallinn: Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool. Kerge, Krista 1992 Kas eesti keeles on prefiksoide? In: Jaan Õispuu and Krista Kerge (eds.), Eesti keele ja kirjanduse kateedri töid. Vol. 3, 57−65. Tallinn: Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool. Kerge, Krista 1996 The Estonian agent noun: Grammar versus lexicon. STUF − Language Typology and Universals 49(3): 286−294. Kerge, Krista 1998 Vormimoodustus, sõnamoodustus, leksikon. Oleviku kesksõna võrdluse all. Tallinn: Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool Kirjastus. Kerge, Krista 2001 Action nouns on -mine in Estonian grammar and lexicon. In: Jussi Niemi and Janne Heikkinen (eds.), Nordic and Baltic Morphology. Papers from a NorFA Course. Tartu. June 2000, 34−45. Joensuu: Jyväskylä University Press.

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Kerge, Krista 2003 Keele variatiivsus ja mine-tuletus allkeelte süntaktilise keerukuse tegurina. Tallinn: Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool Kirjastus. Kerge, Krista 2004 Viga ja loovus tekstis: Sõnaloome ja loov sõnakasutus ajakirjanduslikus essees. In: Reet Kasik (ed.), Tekstid ja taustad. Vol. 4: Tekstiliigivaatlusi, 37−52. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool. Knüpffer, Arnold Friedrich Johann 1814 Ueber die Bildung und Ableitung der Wörter in der ehstnischen Sprache. Pernau: Rosenplänter. Kont, Ilse 1955 Isikut märkivad sufiksilised nimisõnad eesti keeles. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of the Estonian Language, University of Tartu. Kull, Rein 1967 Liitsõnade kujunemine eesti kirjakeeles. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of the Estonian Language, University of Tartu. Kull, Rein 1970 Quo vadit eesti õigekeelsussõnaraamat: Sõnamoodustuse sihiseadeid. Keel ja Kirjandus 7: 390−404. Lieber, Rochelle 2005 English word-formation processes: Observations, issues, and thoughts on future research. In: Pavol Štekauer and Rochelle Lieber (eds.), Handbook of Word-Formation, 375−427. Dordrecht: Springer. Muuk, Elmar 1938 uma-intransitiivide tarvitamise piiri küsimus. Eesti Keel 3−5: 103−117. Neetar, Helmi 1994 Deverbaalne nominaaltuletus eesti murretes. Vol. 1. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool. Plank, Frans 2010 Variable direction in zero-derivation and the unity of polysemous lexical items. Word Structure 3(1): 82−97. Pounder, Amanda 2000 Processes and Paradigms in Word-Formation Morphology. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Raiet, Erich 1966 Võõrsõnade kuju sõltuvus lähte- ja vahendajakeeltest tänapäeva eesti kirjakeeles. Ph.D. dissertation, Estonian Academy of Sciences, Institute of the Estonian Language and Literature, Tallinn. Rätsep, Huno 1956 i-sufiksilistest verbidest eesti keeles. Emakeele Seltsi aastaraamat 2: 74−91. Riikoja, Elli 1956 Kirjakeele ja rahvakeele vahekorrast mõningates nominatiivse liitumise rühmades. In: Eeva Ahven (ed.), Keelelisi küsimusi, 88−104. Tallinn: Eesti Riiklik Kirjastus. Riikoja, Elli 1960 Eesti keele nimisõnade nominatiivse liitumise reeglite rahvakeelne alus. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of the Estonian Language, University of Tartu. Saari, Henn 1978 Sünkroonia, diakroonia ja kolm uut liiki keelevara. In: Huno Rätsep (ed.), Keel ja struktuur. Vol. 10, 42−65. Tartu: Tartu Riiklik Ülikool. Saari, Henn 1985 Sõnamoodustuse mõisteid. In: Mati Erelt and Henno Rajandis (eds.), Ars Grammatica 1985, 111−145. Tallinn: Valgus.

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Saari, Henn 1987 Opisanie slovoobrazovatel’nyx ėlementov pri složnoj sisteme fonetičeskix čeredovanij (ėstonskij jazyk). Ph.D. dissertation, Estonian Academy of Sciences, Institute of the Estonian Language and Literature, Tallinn. Saari, Henn 1997 Ein Weg zur Wortgrammatik am Beispiel des Estnischen. Tallinn: Eesti Keele Institut. Sahkai, Heete 2011 Teine grammatika. Eesti keele teonimede süntaks konstruktsioonipõhises perspektiivis. Tallinn: TLÜ Kirjastus. Sang, Joel 1983 Eitus eesti keeles. Tallinn: Teaduste Akadeemia Keele ja Kirjanduse Instituut. SE 2012 = Statistics Estonia http://www.stat.ee/en [last access 31 January 2013]. Szymanek, Bogdan 2005 The latest trends in English word-formation. In: Pavol Štekauer and Rochelle Lieber (eds.), Handbook of Word-Formation, 429−448. Dordrecht: Springer. Tauli, Valter 1973 Standard Estonian Grammar. Part I: Phonology, morphology, wordformation. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell. Univere, Aili 1972 Eesti tu-liitelistest omadussõnadest. Emakeele Seltsi aastaraamat 18: 159−173. Univere, Aili 1976 Lisandeid mu-sufiksi ajaloole. Emakeele Seltsi aastaraamat 21: 43−49. Vare, Silvi 1979 Lähtekohti eesti derivatsiooni käsitluseks. Tallinn: Eesti Raamat. Vare, Silvi 1984 Sõnamoodustus. In: Peep Nemvalts and Silvi Vare (eds.), Eesti keele õpik X kl., 3−59. Tallinn: Valgus. Vare, Silvi 1992 Sõnamoodustus. In: Mati Erelt and Silvi Vare (eds.), Eesti keele õpik XI kl., 3−64. Tallinn: Koolibri. Vare, Silvi 1994 Nimi- ja omadussõnatuletus tänapäeva eesti kirjakeeles. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool. Vare, Silvi 2012 Eesti keele sõnapered. 2 Vol. Tallinn: Eesti Keele Institut, Eesti Keele Sihtasutus. Veski, Johannes Voldemar 1930 Küsimused ja kostused. Eesti Keel 9(3): 70−72; 6: 144. Veski, Johannes Voldemar 1933 Need kolm vastust. Eesti Keel 12(1): 28−29. Viires, Helmi 1961 ne-sufiksilised omadussõnad eesti murdeis. Tallinn: Institute of the Estonian Language. Viitso, Rein 2007 Phonology, morphology and word-formation. In: Mati Erelt (ed.), Estonian Language, 9−92. Tallinn: Estonian Academy Publishers. Villup, Astrid 1969 Adverb eesti keeles. Tallinn: Eesti NSV Kõrg- ja Keskerihariduse Ministeerium. Wiedemann, Ferdinand Johann 1875 Grammatik der ehstnischen Sprache. St.-Pétersbourg: Imprimerie de l’Académie Impériale des sciences.

Krista Kerge, Tallinn (Estonia)

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178. Permic 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Backformation Reduplication Blending Clipping Word-creation References

Abstract Permic languages are highly agglutinative, using almost exclusively suffixes. The most common ways of word-formation are derivation and compounding. All other possible methods are very rare.

1. Introduction The Permic languages, Udmurt (abbreviated here as Ud.; also known as Votyak) and Komi (also Zyryan; abbreviated here as KZ.) are Uralic languages spoken in Russia, on the Western side of the Urals. Udmurt is spoken by more than 500,000 people in the Republic of Udmurtia and in the neighbouring federal subjects. Udmurt has one standard form. Slightly more than two thirds of the 300,000 speakers of Komi live in the Komi Republic, slightly less than a third in the Komi-Permyak Okrug. The two standards are Komi-Zyryan and Komi-Permyak, respectively. Most speakers of the Permic languages are bilingual: Russian is their dominant language. Therefore the productivity of word-formation patterns is difficult to measure. Speakers prefer loans when it would be possible to coin a word for the given phenomenon. Vocabularies of neologisms like Ovchinnikov and Khokhryakov (1998), Beznosikova and Tsypanov (1998) and Tsypanov and Beznosikova (2005) contain artificially coined terms and cannot be taken as representing the “natural” way of word-formation. Due to the lack of wide, computer-based corpora, it is impossible to follow the rise of new words. There are just a couple of studies devoted to the word-formation of Permic. Most of them are outdated (Medvecky 1912; A. Kövesi 1965; Bátori 1967; Kneisl 1978). Recently, two Ph.D. dissertations have been defended on Permic word-formation (Fejes 2005; Kozmács 2008). Information on Permic word-formation is also available in teaching materials (Fedyuneva 2000; Fedyuneva and Punegova 2002; Karmanova 2002). In this account of Permic word-formation, a phonemic transcription system is used. The symbols have the same phonetic value as in IPA, except for a [ɑ]. Concerning the

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question of whether compound-like structures should be written as one or two words and with or without capital letters, we will follow the orthography of the given language. For lack of space, dialects will be neglected.

2. General overview Permic morphology is rich both in inflectional and derivational suffixes. Prefixes are restricted to some pronouns (e.g., Ud. kin ‘who’, nokin ‘nobody’, kockin ‘anyone’, etc.). The Komi superlative med can be analyzed both as a prefix and as a particle. Permic word-formation is essentially agglutinative, but a couple of structural features deviate from a pure agglutinative structure. In the following, the most important cases will be presented. There are some nominal stems which display an epenthetic consonant before a Vinitial morph: KZ. kɨv ‘language’ vs. kɨvj-ɨn ‘in language’. After palatal consonants j is assimilated to the preceding sound: doɟ ‘sleigh’ vs. doɟː-ɨn ‘in a sleigh’. In Udmurt, epenthesis is even more restricted and may be morphologized: ɲuɫesk-ɨ ‘to a forest’ vs. ɲuɫes-e ‘my forest’. In standard Komi-Zyryan and Permyak stem-final v alternates with ɫ before V-initial suffixes: KZ. nɨv ‘girl, daughter’ vs. nɨɫ-əj ‘my girl/daughter’, kɨv-nɨ ‘listen-INF’ vs. kɨɫa ‘listen-PRS.1SG’. Stems ending in v or ɫ without such alternation are exceptional (mostly new loans). Vowel-deletion is always lexicalized in Permic: KZ. gətɨr ‘wife’ vs. gətraɫ/v- ‘get married (male)’, but gətɨra ‘married (male)’; Ud. sereg ‘corner’ vs. serg-ɨn ‘in a corner’, but sereg-o ‘with a corner/corners (adj.)’. Komi prefers hiatus but Udmurt prefers the hiatus filler j: KZ. ʃondi ‘sun’ vs. ʃondia ‘sunny’; Ud. ʃundɨ ‘sun’ vs. ʃundɨjo ‘sunny’ (but toɫeʑ ‘moon’ vs. toɫeʑo ‘with moon (adj.)’). In derivation, Komi may eliminate hiatus by the deletion of the stem final vowel: kokɲi ‘light’ vs. kokɲəd ‘lightness’. Let us now turn to verbal paradigms. Komi has one conjugation type. If the syllable structure requires it, an epenthetic ɨ is inserted: pukt-ɨ-nɨ ‘put-INF’ vs. pukt-ɨ-0̸! ‘putIMP.2SG’ vs. pukt-a ‘put-PRS.1SG’. Epenthesis can also occur when a CV-structured verb stem is followed by a derivational suffix consisting of one consonant: vo-ɫ-ɨ-nɨ ‘arrive-FREQ-INF (frequent-INF)’. Epenthesis can differentiate homonymous stems: viɕ-ɨ-nɨ ‘beat-REFL-ɨ-INF (beat.each.other.to.death-INF)’ vs. viɕ-nɨ ‘be.ill-INF’. There are two conjugation types in Udmurt. One is for a-final stems and the other is for all others (C-final and CV- stems; there is no Ca- stem). Except for some peripheral cases, suffixes for the two conjugations differ systematically. There are two suffix types, as shown in (1) and (2). For non-a-final stems, both types are vowel-initial. When the first suffix type occurs after a-final stems, it is ɫ-initial (1a), after non-a-final stems ɫ is missing (1b; there are no such derivational suffixes). When the other suffix type occurs after a-final stems, the vowel is missing (2a). In some cases, the suffix consists of one vowel for non-a-final stems (2c) and a zero morph for a-final stems (2d). (1)

ɫ ~ 0̸ alternating suffixes: a. vaɫa-ɫo ‘understand-PRS.3PL’ or ‘understand-FUT.1SG’ b. tod-o ‘know-PRS.3PL’ or ‘know-FUT.1SG’

3262 (2)

XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Uralic 0̸ ~ a. b. c. d.

V alternating suffixes: vaɫa-d ‘understand-FUT.2SG’ tod-od ‘know-FUT.2SG’ tod-e ‘know-PRS.3SG’ vaɫa-0̸ ‘understand-PRS.3SG’

Although words coined in a neoclassical way do occur in Permic, they are all Russian loans. However, we can find some special features, not typical of these languages in some Russian borrowings. Some derivational suffixes also developed under Russian influence. In Udmurt, -ija and -ije final Russian loan words are inflected in a special way, the stem final -ja/-je being deleted before suffixes: Roɕːija ‘Russia’ vs. Roɕːi-ɨn ‘in Russia’ vs. Roɕːi-tek ‘without Russia’. In Komi, there are about a dozen words in which a dental consonant is changed into a palatal one before the endearment suffix -ik (see section 4.2.2): guɕən vs. guɕəɲik ‘silently, secretly’, urəd vs. urəɟik ‘ugly’, etc. This kind of palatalization is typical for Russian, but not for Komi. The suffix -ov is used in a wide range of functions. When it is an adjectival suffix, there is no v/ɫ alternation: i.e. gərd ‘red’ vs. gərdov ‘reddish’. Probably, the alternation disappeared under the influence of Russian, through loanwords like zdorov ‘healthy’.

2.1. Compounding vs. syntax There are several criteria for deciding whether a structure including two or more stems is a word or a phrase. Unfortunately, they may contradict each other. Furthermore, the notion of compounding among native researchers differs from the one found in current Western literature. According to Fedyuneva (2000: 24−30), a compound forms an indivisible semantic whole, i.e. compounds are not paraphrasable. Under this assumption, endocentric N+N compounds are not compounds, while lexicalized A+N constructions are compounds. In the discussion below, the following criteria will be considered: a) phonological: Alternating stems discussed above occur inside a compound before a V-initial constituent in the same form as before a word boundary; b) morphological: A compound cannot be interrupted by another morpheme. Nouns with case suffixes (other than the zero suffix of the nominative) never seem to act as a modifier in a compound. N-PL+N structures are very rare; cf. naukajas akaɟemija ‘academy of sciences; lit. science-PL academy’; c) syntactic: A compound is a syntactic island, so it cannot be interrupted by words, the modifier cannot be referred to by a pronoun and the compound-internal modifier alone cannot be modified by a modifier outside the compound. However, the meaning of a phrase is not always compositional, and modification of or reference to a constituent may fail because of semantic non-compositionality.

2.2. Compounding vs. derivation The problem of distinguishing compounding and derivation may arise due to different reasons. Different phonological processes may apply to different kinds of morpheme

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boundaries. If we find that an independent word occurs in the same phonetic form and meaning inside another word, in a position where it can be both a compound constituent and a derivational affix, the default assumption must be that the structure is a compound. However, if we find that the phonological processes are typical of the morpheme boundaries between a stem and a derivational suffix, we have to at least speak of a borderline case. In Komi, beside the noun in ‘place’ grammars speak of a suffix -in, deriving place nouns from nouns, adjectives and verbs (participle forms). The forms vizuv ‘stream, current’ vs. vizuɫin ‘river stretch with fast current’ suggest it is a derivational suffix, the forms ʨəv ‘silence, silent’ vs. ʨəvin ‘silent recess’ suggest it is a second element of a compound, since there is a ɫ/v alternation in the former case but not in the latter. The lack of C-insertion normally triggered by vowel initial suffixes in tɨʃ(k-) ‘battle’ vs. tɨʃin (*tɨʃkin) ‘battlefield’ suggests -in is not a derivational suffix. Furthermore, forms like bur ‘good’ vs. burʤɨk ‘better’ vs. burin ‘good place’ vs. burʤɨkin ‘better place’ show that this structure cannot be unambiguously regarded as a compound either. Another problematic case is when there is no independent word identical both in form and meaning with the supposed suffix, but formal criteria show that the morpheme is not a typical derivational suffix. Compound constituents can be elided in coordination, but in cannot: petanin da pɨranin ‘exit and entrance’ (*petan da pɨranin).

3. Composition All determinative compounds are right-headed in Permic.

3.1. Nominal compounds Permic determinative N+N compounds like KZ. pɨzan kok ‘table leg’ are usually interpreted as unmarked possessive phrases (Rédei 1978: 94; Csúcs 1990: 34). However, they behave like compounds. The modifier always modifies the whole unit: KZ. kuʑ pɨzan kok ‘long table leg’ (cf. kuʑ pɨzanɫən kok ‘leg of a long table (long table-GEN leg)’). They are morphologically uninterruptible: there is no Ud. *ɕaɕkaos zɨn ‘smell of flowers’, etc. N+N structures like Ud. tuɫɨs zor ‘spring rain’ are regarded as phrases in grammars. However, they are morphologically and syntactically uninterruptible (like compounds), while real syntactic structures are not: kuʑ zor ‘long rain’, kuʑ-eɕ zor-jos ‘long rains’, but *tuɫɨs-eɕ zor-jos ‘spring rains’. Compounds with a deverbal head: KZ. kerka kutiɕ ‘landlord; lit. house keeper’ can be modified as a unit: vaʒ kerka kutiɕ ‘old landlord’ (*‘owner of an old house’). In action nouns, the unmarked patient forms a compound with the head: Ud. baʤːɨm kion vijan ‘great killing of a wolf/of wolves; lit. big wolf killing’ (but baʤːɨm kion-ez vijan ‘killing of a big wolf; lit. big wolf-ACC killing’). Determinative A+N compounds like KZ. vɨʎɫun ‘Monday; lit. new day’ are very common among biological terms: Ud. gərdkuʃman ‘beetroot; lit. red root’, KZ. gərd ruʨ ‘red fox’, etc. The problem with determinative V+N compounds is complicated. In these structures, the verb must be a present participle (KZ. -an, Ud. -(o)n). The modified noun corre-

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sponds to the subject of intransitive or to the object of transitive verbs: KZ. uʤaɫan mort ‘worker; lit. working man’, puan rok ‘cooked porridge’, etc. These structures cannot be interrupted: tom uʤaɫan mort (*uʤaɫan tom mort) ‘young worker’. However, the verb can have a modifier of its own: gut vijan ʧak ‘fly agaric (Amanita muscaria); lit. fly killing mushroom’. In this case, the modifier of the head has to interrupt the structure: asɨvnas puan ʨəskɨd rok ‘tasty porridge cooked in the morning; lit. in.the.morning cooked tasty porridge’. One could suppose that there are two similar structures, a compound and a phrase; however, this assumption does not explain the impossibility of *uʤaɫan tom mort as a phrase. Copulative N+N compounds (dvandvas) are formed from synonyms or words from the same semantic field: KZ. zеr-sɫət ‘sleet; lit. rain-sleet’, kəʥɨd-moroz ‘cold-freeze’. In other cases, coordination marks a category, of which the named things are members: ʨoj-vok ‘siblings; lit. sister-brother’, kaʧa-raka ‘Corvidae; lit. magpie-crow’, dərəm-gaʨ ‘male underclothing; lit. shirt-pants’, nɨr-vom ‘face; lit. nose-mouth’, vir-jaj ‘body; lit. blood-flesh’, etc. In some cases, a meaningless suffix -a is added to both elements of the compound. However, these constructions behave differently: some of them can be modified by a numeral, others not; some can be used in the plural, some cannot; in some of them, both constituents are inflected, in others just the last one, etc. These formations are lexicalized, the construction is not productive (Fejes 2005: 126–127). Bahuvrīhi compounds occur among lexicalized terms like KZ. ɕəd bəʒ, Ud. ɕəd bɨʒ ‘ermine; lit. black tail’. In Udmurt, the construction seems to be productive: ɫɨz ʃapka kofe jue ‘the (person in the) blue cap is drinking coffee’. Similar structures do not appear in Komi; an adjective-forming suffix must be used instead.

3.2. Adjectival compounds In Komi, there are N+A compounds meaning ‘A as N’, i.e. ɫɨm jeʤɨd ‘white as snow; lit. snow white’. These structures are lexicalized: koʎkviʒ ‘yellow; lit. egg yellow’, turunviʒ ‘green; lit. grass yellow’, ji keʤɨd ‘ice cold’, bi pəɕ ‘hot as fire; lit. fire hot’. Color terms with the derivational suffix -ov ‘-ish’ can modify other colour terms, forming an A+A determinative compound: ɫəzovjeʤɨd ‘blueish white’. These constructions are absent from Udmurt. In Permic, coordinated colour terms can be used. In Komi, a coordinating suffix -a must be used on both constituents: ɫəza-gərda dərəm ‘blue-red shirt’ and ɫəza da gərda dərəm lit. ‘blue-a and red-a shirt’ mean the same. A similar structure without the suffix -a, however, means something different: ɫəz da gərd dərəm ‘a blue and a red shirt’. On the contrary, in Udmurt there is no suffix: ɫɨz-gərd derem ‘blue-red shirt’ vs. ɫɨz no gərd derem ‘a blue and a red shirt’. Therefore the Udmurt construction is not a syntactic coordination without a conjunction.

3.3. Verbal compounds There is a restricted set of N+V compounds in both Permic languages, e.g., Ud. kuraʤːɨnɨ ‘suffer; lit. evil see’, however this is not a productive pattern. They can be the result of backformation (see section 8).

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In Komi, there is a specific group of compound verbs. They are uninterruptible (ruʤmunnɨ ‘to lose strength’ / og ruʤmun ‘I don’t lose strength’). Similar but interruptible constructions (ruʤ ɫeʤnɨ ‘to weaken’ / ruʤ og ɫeʤ ‘I don’t weaken’) are not regarded as compounds here. The heads of these verbs belong to a restricted group: munnɨ ‘to go’, kɨvnɨ ‘to hear’, viʤnɨ ‘to watch, guard’, kernɨ ‘to do, make’, vartnɨ ‘to hit’, vəʨnɨ ‘to make, deal with’. 281 verbs are registered with munnɨ and 16 with vəʨnɨ (Beznosikova, Aybabina and Kosnyreva 2000). There are some more verbs which occur in fewer constructions than these. These constructions are not transparent, the verbs have lost their original meaning and most of the initial constituents are bound morphemes (see Fejes 2004). There are coordinated verbal structures like KZ. ɕojnɨ-junɨ, Ud. ɕiɨnɨ-juɨnɨ ‘to eatdrink’, which are also called compounds, although both verbs are inflected and the structure is morphologically interruptible.

4. Derivation In Permic, the only form of derivation is suffixation. Although the closely related Permic languages have similar inflection systems, the derivational suffixes differ considerably. Both languages have borrowed derivational suffixes: Komi from Russian, Udmurt mostly from Tatar. Some words have developed into suffixes deriving nouns, a process which has been quite strong in Komi. But even the etymologically related suffixes may have quite different functions. Many suffixes are used in several different functions and may be attached to different bases; therefore it is not easy to present them as a system. For lack of space, less productive suffixes will be neglected, and just one or two examples will be presented for each suffix.

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns Nouns derived from nouns can express a great variety of meanings: − Ud. -ʨi (of Tatar origin): vuzʨi ‘trader’ (← vuz ‘ware’), kreʑʨi ‘zither player’ (← kreʑ ‘zither’); − KZ. -ɲik (for males), -iʨa, -ɲiʨa (for females, of Russian origin): juərɲik ‘messenger’ (← juər ‘news’), kukaɲiʨa ‘cowherd girl’ (← kukaɲ ‘calf’), porɕɲiʨa ‘female swineherd’ (← porɕ ‘pig’), paʨːəriʨa ‘who likes to lay at the inglenook’ (← paʨːər ‘inglenook’); − KZ. -pu: pu ‘tree, wood’ like in kerkapu ‘timber; lit. house wood’, etc.: dərəmpu ‘material for shirt’ (← dərəm ‘shirt’), gətɨrpu ‘bride, would-be wife’ (← gətɨr ‘wife’); − KZ. -uɫov (from Russian uɫov ‘fisherman’s catch’): muʒɨkuɫov ‘men’ (← muʒɨk ‘man’); − KZ. -koɟ (from koɟ ‘like, as’): ɕiktkoɟ ‘the whole village’ (← ɕikt ‘village’); − Ud. -ɫɨk (from Tatar ‘-hood, -ship’): tirɫɨk ‘instrument’ (← tir ‘axe’);

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− KZ. -ɫun (from ɫun ‘day’): dəvaɫun ‘widowhood’ (← dəva ‘widow’); − KZ. -tuj (from tuj ‘way’): uʤtuj ‘result’ (← uʤ ‘work’); − KZ. -tor(j-) (from tor(j-) ‘piece of’): kabaɫator ‘slip of paper; note’ (← kabaɫa ‘paper’); − KZ. -pom, -pon (from pom ‘end’): rədpom ‘distant relative’ (← rəd ‘relative’); − KZ. -ə (endearing): babə ‘granny’ (← bab ‘grandmother’), kekə ‘paw’ (← kek ‘hand, paw’); − KZ. -ka (from Russian): nɨvka ‘girlie’ (← nɨv ‘girl, daughter’), eɲka ‘mother-in-law’ (← eɲ ‘mother’); − KZ. -koɟ (from koɟ ‘like, as’): muʒɨkkoɟ ‘boy acting like a real man’ (← muʒɨk ‘man’); − KZ. -ʃoj (from ʃoj ‘dead body’): kəmʃoj ‘bad shoes’ (← kəm ‘shoes’).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns Most deadjectival suffixes form q u a l i t y n o u n s. Some of them are “derived” from bound stems: Ud. paɕtaɫa ‘width’ (← paɕkɨt ‘wide’); KZ. paɕta ‘width’ (← paɕkɨd ‘wide’). But in the normal case, the stem remains unchanged: − − − − − − −

KZ. -a: kɨza ‘thickness’ (← kɨz ‘thick’); KZ. -əd: kokɲəd ‘lightness’ (← kokɲi ‘light’); KZ. -ta: kɨzta ‘thickness’ (← kɨz ‘thick’); Ud. -daɫa: kuʑdaɫa ‘length’ (← kuʑ ‘long’); Ud. -ɫɨk (Tatar): zemɫɨk ‘truth’ (← zem ‘true’); KZ. -ɫun (from ɫun ‘day’): pemɨdɫun ‘darkness’ (← pemɨd ‘dark’); KZ. -tuj (from tuj ‘way’): dɨʃtuj (~ dɨʃɫun) ‘laziness’ (← dɨʃ ‘lazy’).

Another group is constituted by a t t r i b u t i v e suffixes, which denote things or persons which possess the quality expressed by the adjectival base: − KZ. -tor(j-) (from tor(j-) ‘piece of’): vɨʎtor ‘news, novelty’ (← vɨʎ ‘new’), donator ‘expensive thing’ (← dona ‘expensive’), kiʑərtor ‘liquor’ (← kiʑər ‘liquid’); from pronouns: seʧəmtor ‘thing like that’ (← seʧəm ‘that kind of’), bɨdtor ‘everybody’ (← bɨd ‘all kind of’); − KZ. -uɫov (from Russian uɫov ‘fisherman’s catch’, hence the collective meaning): tomuɫov ‘youth’ (← tom ‘young’).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Many deverbal nouns express the a c t i o n or s t a t e expressed by the verbal base, or some metonymically related concept, such as the object, the instrument or the place associated with the action: − Ud. -(o)n (formally the same as the present participle): Ud. vuon ‘arrival’ (← vu- ‘to arrive’), juon ‘drinking; drink’ (← ju- ‘to drink’); − KZ. -əm (formally the same as the past participle): korɕəm ‘search’ (← korɕ- ‘to search’); Ud. -(e)m (formally the same as the past participle): pukem ‘sitting’ (← puk‘to sit’), pɨʒem ‘roast’ (← pɨʒ- ‘to bake’);

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− KZ. -ɫun (from ɫun ‘day’, see section 4.1.2), attached to the present participle: koɫanɫun ‘necessity, importance’ (← koɫ/v- ‘to have to’), to the past particple: kuʒəmɫun (~ kuʒanɫun) ‘capability’ (← kuʒ- ‘to be able’), to the negative participle: povtəmɫun ‘bravery’ (← poɫ/v- ‘to be afraid’), or to a finite irregular verb form: emɫun ‘property; surplus’ (← em ‘is’); − KZ. -tuj (from tuj ‘way’): emtuj ‘property’ (← em ‘is’); − Ud. -(o)n, KZ. -an: Ud. ɕijon ‘food’ (← ɕi- ‘to eat’), kuron ‘request’ (← kur- ‘to ask’); KZ. ɕojan ‘food’ (← ɕoj- ‘to eat’), vartan ‘thresher’ (← vart- ‘to thresh’); − Ud. -et, KZ. -əd: Ud. goʒtet ‘letter’ (← goʒt- ‘to write’), kivaɫtet ‘government’ (← kivaɫt- ‘to govern’), eskeret ‘revision’ (← esker- ‘to examine’), only with non-a-initial stems; KZ. giʒəd ‘note, text’ (← giʒ- ‘to write’), kərtəd ‘bandage, tie’ (← kərt- ‘to bind’); − KZ. -an (formally the same as the present participle): juan ‘drink’ (← ju- ‘to drink’), vurɕan ‘something to sew’ (← vurɕ- ‘to sew’), vundan ‘harvest’ (← vund- ‘to cut’); − Ud. -ti, -ɲi: aranti ~ aranɲi ‘place of harvest’ (← ara- ‘to harvest’). The suffix is attached to a participle form, but not to nouns. A g e n t n o u n s are expressed by Ud. -(i)ɕ and KZ. -ɨɕ, which are formally identical to the present participle: Ud. dɨʃetiɕ ‘teacher’ (← dɨʃet- ‘to teach’), KZ. veɫədɨɕ ‘teacher’ (← veɫəd- ‘to teach’). As with adjectival bases, KZ. -tor(j-) (from tor(j-) ‘piece of’), attached to the present participle, has an a t t r i b u t i v e function: bɨdtantor ‘foster-child’ (← bɨdt- ‘to foster, raise’), vorsantor ‘toy; instrument; drama’ (← vors- ‘to play’); to the past participle: voʃəmtor ‘lost thing’ (← voʃ- ‘to lose’), ɫoəmtor ‘incident, event’ (← ɫo- ‘to be, become’); to the negative participle: aʥːɨvɫɨtəmtor ‘unprecedented thing’ (← aʥːɨvɫ- ‘to see’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Denominal adjectives fall into three main groups. The first group of suffixes has a p o s s e s s i v e / o r n a t i v e meaning: − Ud. -o, KZ. -a: Ud. ʃundɨjo ‘sunny’ (← ʃundɨ ‘sun’), duno ‘expensive’ (← dun ‘price’); KZ. ʃondɨa ‘sunny’ (← ʃondɨ ‘sun’), dona ‘expensive’ (← dun ‘price’); − Ud. -eɕ, KZ. -əɕ: Ud. derijeɕ ‘muddy’ (← deri ‘mud’); KZ. busəɕ ‘dusty’ (← bus ‘dust’); − Ud. -jem: arjem ‘... years old’ (← ar ‘year’), metrjem ‘... meters long/high/etc.’ (← metr ‘meter’). The second, p r i v a t i v e group expresses the opposite meaning. It is represented by Ud. -tem, KZ. -təm: Ud. duntem ‘cheap’ (← dun ‘price’), uʒtəm ‘idle’ (← uʒ ‘job, work’); KZ. dontəm ‘cheap’ (← don ‘price’), uʤtəm ‘unemployed’ (← uʤ ‘job, work’). R e l a t i o n a l suffixes form the third group. Here the meaning depends very much on the semantics of the base noun:

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− KZ. -sa (local): ɕiktsa ‘in or from village’ (← ɕikt ‘village’), Sɨktɨvkarsa ‘in or from Syktyvkar’ (← Sɨktɨvkar ‘Syktyvkar’); − KZ. -ɕa (temporal) talunɕa ‘of the current day’ (← talun ‘today’), rɨtɕa ‘(in the) evening’ (← rɨt ‘evening’); − KZ. -ja (temporal) talunja ‘of the current day; of the same day (in another year)’ (← talun ‘today’), rɨtja ‘(in the) evening’ (← rɨt ‘evening’); − KZ. -jan (temporal) təvjan ‘(for) winter’ (← təv ‘winter’); − KZ. -ov (different functions): jumov ‘sweet’ (← jum ‘fermented dough’), tuvsov ‘(of) spring’ (← tulɨs ‘spring’).

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Deadjectival adjectives express some modification of the meaning of the adjectival base, mostly a p p r o x i m a t i o n or some kind of diminution or endearment: − Ud. -ales: voʒales ‘greenish’ (← voʒ ‘green’), paɕkɨtales ‘a bit wide’ (← paɕkɨt ‘wide’); − Ud. -mɨt: voʒmɨt ‘greenish’ (← voʒ ‘green’), only with colour names; − Ud. -pɨr(jem): voʒpɨr, voʒpɨr(jem) ‘greenish’ (← voʒ ‘green’), only with colour names; − Ud. -da: kuʑda ‘as long as’ (← kuʑ ‘long’); − KZ. -ik: iʨəcik ‘tiny’ (← iʨət ‘small, little’). On palatalization, see section 2; − KZ. -(i)ɲik: kosiɲik ‘dry’ (← kos ‘dry’), miʨaɲik ‘beautiful’ (← miʨa ‘beautiful’); − KZ. -iɲʥi: ʥoʎaiɲʥi ‘little, young’ (← ʥoʎa ‘little, young’).

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives There are no deverbal adjective-deriving suffixes in Permic. Some participle forms have developed into adjectives, but this is not a common phenomenon: Ud. ʨidaɕ ‘tough’ (← ʨida- ‘to bear’), uʒaɕ ‘hard-working’ (← uʒa- ‘to work’), KZ. kɨvzɨɕɨɕ ‘obedient’ (← kɨvzɨɕ- ‘to listen to’).

4.3. Verbal derivation Some verbal derivational suffixes are also used in a denominal, deadjectival and deverbal function. In Udmurt, suffixes deriving non-a-final stems dominate. In Permic, especially in Komi, derivational suffixes often occur after bound morphemes. For example, okaɫ/v‘kiss’ → okaɕ ‘to kiss each other’, okɨʃt- ‘to kiss (once)’; ʨorɨd ‘hard’ → ʨorʑ- ‘to harden’, etc. Since such formations do not match the traditional definition of derivation (“one word from another”), they will be ignored.

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4.3.1. Denominal verbs There are a dozen suffixes deriving denominal verbs with a variety of meanings largely determined by the semantics of the base noun and encyclopaedic knowledge: − Ud. -a-, KZ. -aɫ/v-: Ud. ɲimaɫ/v- ‘to name, call’ (← ɲim ‘name’), vuza- ‘to sell’ (← vuz ‘ware’), ajʃona- ‘to put on an ayshon’ (← ajʃon ‘ayshon (a kind of female bonnet)’, tuʃmona- ‘to hate’ (← tuʃmon ‘enemy’); KZ. ɲimaɫ/v- ‘to brand; to be known, famous’ (← ɲim ‘name’), vuzaɫ/v- ‘to sell’ (← vuz ‘ware’), kəmaɫ/v- ‘to put on (a footware)’ (← kəm ‘shoe’), suɟːaaɫ/v- ‘to work as a judge’ (← suɟːa ‘judge’). In Komi, this suffix is very productive in the meaning ‘to be a N, to act/work as a N’; − Ud. -ja-: burdja- ‘to make wings (for sb./sth.)’ (← burd ‘wing’), goʒja- ‘to write’ (← goʒ ‘line’); − Ud. -ma-: goʒma- ‘to jot’ (← goʒ ‘line’); − Ud. -na-: kortna- ‘to harness’ (← kort ‘iron’); − KZ. -əd-: kəməd- ‘to help somebody with his/her footwear’ (← kəm ‘shoe’), roʑəd‘to perforate’ (← roʑ ‘hole’); − KZ. -d-: mɨʒd- ‘to accuse, charge’ (← mɨʒ ‘sin’), dojd- ‘to injure’ (← doj ‘wound’); − Ud. -t-: goʒt- ‘to write, draw a line’ (← goʒ ‘line’); − KZ. -aɕ-: vuzaɕ- ‘to trade’ (← vuz ‘ware’), kəmaɕ- ‘to put on (some footware) (itr.)’ (← kəm ‘shoe’), jiaɕ- ‘to freeze (itr.)’ (← ji ‘ice’); − KZ. -ʑ-: jiʑ- ‘to freeze (itr.)’ (← ji ‘ice’); − KZ. -ɕ-: ʃogɕ- ‘to be sad’ (← ʃog ‘sorrow’); − KZ. -j-: pasj- ‘to indicate’ (← pas ‘sign’), təvj- ‘to spend the winter’ (← təv ‘winter’); − Ud. -jaɕk-: tuʃmonjaɕk- ‘to be at enmity’ (← tuʃmon ‘enemy’).

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs There are also about a dozen suffixes deriving verbs from adjectival bases. The meaning is mostly inchoative or factitive, more rarely stative (‘to look A’): − Ud. -ekt-: voʒekt- ‘to look green’ (← voʒ- ‘green’); − Ud. -a-, KZ. -aɫ/v-: Ud. baʤːɨma- ‘to grow, enlarge (itr.)’ (← baʤːɨm ‘big’), KZ. ɕədaɫ/v- ‘to look black’ (← ɕəd ‘black, muddy’); − Ud. -ʥ-: ɨʎʥ- ‘to get wet’ (← ɨʎ ‘wet’); − Ud., KZ. -m-: Ud., KZ. vɨʎm- ‘to renew (itr.)’ (← vɨʎ ‘new’); − Ud. -om-: ɫɨzom- ‘to become blue’ (← ɫɨz ‘blue’); − KZ. -mm-: miʨamm- ‘to get (more) beautiful (itr.)’ (← miʨa ‘beautiful’); − KZ. -aɕ-: buraɕ- ‘to be reconciled’ (← bur ‘good’), ɕədaɕ- ‘to blacken (itr.)’ (← ɕəd ‘black’); − KZ. -ʑ-: kodʑ- ‘to get drunk’ (← kod ‘drunken’); − KZ. -əd-: burəd- ‘to reconciliate; to hush’ (← bur ‘good’), ɕədəd- ‘to blacken (tr. and itr.)’ (← ɕəd ‘black’); − Ud. -ja-: bɨdesja- ‘to accomplish’ (← bɨdes ‘whole’); − Ud., KZ. -d-: Ud., KZ. vɨʎd- ‘to renew (tr.)’ (← vɨʎ ‘new’); − KZ. -t-: kuʃt- ‘to shear’ (← kuʃ ‘bald’); − Ud. -ma-: gordma- ‘to redden (tr.)’ (← gord ‘red’).

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4.3.3. Deverbal verbs In Permic, the aktionsart and the (in)transitivity of the described event must be marked on the verb. For example, Ud. ɕi- ‘to eat’ can only be used if there is an object present in the sentence: (3)

Ivan ɲaɲ ɕije. Ivan bread eat-PRS.3SG ‘Ivan is eating bread.’

When the object is not explicit, a suffix -(i)ɕk- (-sk-) must be used: (4)

Ivan ɕiɕke. Ivan eat-PRS.3SG ‘Ivan is eating.’

This is a quite general phenomenon, but not without exceptions. For example, one of the verbs semantically close to ɕi- ‘to eat’, namely ju- ‘to drink’, behaves in a different way: (5)

Ivan (ʨaj) jue. Ivan (tea) drink-PRS.3SG ‘Ivan is drinking (tea).’

Another verb, dɨʃet-, can mean both ‘to teach (sb.)’ and ‘to learn’ with an explicit object, while without an object it only means ‘to teach’. To say ‘to learn’ without an object, one must use the verb dɨʃetsk-. Concerning Komi, KZ. ɕojɕ-, which is etymologically identical to Ud. ɕiɕk-, may be used in the same manner as ɕiɕk-, but can also appear with an object, in which case it means ‘to eat up’ (without an object it can also mean ‘to be eaten up’). As for a k t i o n s a r t , the situation is similar. In many cases the verb must be marked depending on whether the event happens once or several times, whether it lasts for a short or a long time, etc. However, the markers can be homonymous and polysemic. Because of the relative obligatoriness of the marking of these features, researchers from Russia tend to regard these suffixes as inflectional, Western scholars as derivational, since they are by far not as systematic as mood, tense, number or person marking. Here we follow the Western tradition. Etymologically related suffixes are listed separately if their prominent semantic features are different: − KZ. -aɫ/v-: ujavaɫ/v- ‘to swim (for a long time, or said of several swimmers)’ (← uj‘to swim’), boɕtaɫ/v- ‘to get, take, buy (several times)’ (← boɕt- ‘to get, take, buy’), voɕtaɫ/v- ‘to open (more things)’ (← voɕt- ‘to open’), pɨraɫ/v- ‘to go in for a while (and go out)’ (← pɨr- ‘to go in’); − KZ. -aɕ-: ńəbaɕ- ‘to buy (itr.), go shopping’ (← ńəb- ‘to buy (tr.)’), kiɕtaɕ- ‘to pour, dash, strew (to different places) (itr.)’ (← kiɕt- ‘to pour, dash, strew (tr.)’), kərtaɕ- ‘to tie (itr.) (oneself or each other), get in touch’ (← kərt- ‘to tie (tr.)’); − KZ. -əd-: bərdəd- ‘to make cry; to begin to lament’ (← bərdəd- ‘to cry’), viɕəd- ‘to be hurt (by an illness)’ (← viɕ- ‘to be ill, hurt (itr.)’);

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− KZ. -ədɫ-: vetlədɫ- ‘to go, frequent’ (← vetl- ‘to go’), novɫədɫ- ‘to wear (regularly, several times)’ (← novɫədɫ- ‘to wear’); − Ud. -ʥ-: uɫʥ- ‘to revive’ (←uɫʥ- ‘to live’); − Ud. -ɨɫ-: kuʃtɨɫ- ‘to pelt (several times)’ (← kuʃt- ‘to throw’); this suffix is attached to non-a-final stems; − KZ. -ɫ-: kutɫ- ‘to catch (for a short time), hold (shortly), shake (hands), hug’ (← kut‘to grab, hold’); − Ud. -ʎːa-: veraʎːa- ‘to say (several times)’ (← vera- ‘to say, speak’); this suffix is attached to a-final stems; − KZ. -ɨvɫ-, -ɫɨvɫ-: aʥːɨvɫ- ‘to see, meet (several times); to survey’ (← aʥː- ‘to see; to look at’), artmɨvɫ- ‘to arise, come into being (about different but similar things)’ (← artm- ‘to arise’), vajɫɨvɫ- ‘to bring (different things); to give birth (several times)’ (← vaj- ‘to bring; to give birth’); − Ud. -(e)mjaɕk-: uʒamjaɕk- ‘to pretend to be working’ (← uʒa- ‘to work’), zoremjaɕk‘to mizzle, drizzle’ (← zor- ‘to rain’); − Ud. -(i)ɕk-, -sk-: ʨupaɕk- ‘to kiss (each other or without an explicit object)’ (← ʨupa‘to kiss (sb.)’); see Kozmács (2008); − KZ. -ɕ-: kerɕ- ‘to be done’ (← ker- ‘to do, make’), aʥːɨɕ- ‘to be/stay somewhere; to meet’ (← aʥː- ‘to see; to find; to look at’); − Ud., KZ. -t-: Ud. goʒtɨt- ‘to make sb. write’ (← goʒt- ‘to write’), KZ. giʒt- ‘to draw a line’ (← giʒ- ‘to write’); Ud., KZ. pɨrt- ‘to get in (tr.), take in’ (← pɨr- ‘to go in’); − Ud., KZ. -ɨʃt-: Ud. kɨɲɨʃt- ‘to blink’ (← kɨɲ- ‘to close eyes’), KZ. puɨʃt- ‘to cook (a bit)’ (← pu- ‘to cook’); KP pɨrɨʃt- ‘to go in for a while (and go out)’ (← pɨr- ‘to go in’); − KZ. -ʑ-: puʑ- ‘(to start to) boil (itr.); to boil over (itr.)’ (← pu- ‘to cook, boil’), puvʑ‘to frighten (itr.)’ (← puv- ‘to fear, be afraid’).

4.4. Adverbial derivation There is only one derivational adverbial suffix, KZ. -a: bura ‘well’ (← bur ‘good’), miʨaa ‘beautifully’ (← miʨa ‘beautiful’). In Permic, many adverbs developed from nouns or adjectives in an oblique case or from gerunds.

5. Conversion Conversion is not a productive means of word-formation in Permic. There are some sporadic examples, where one can suppose a conversion process has taken place, e.g., KZ. mɨʒ ‘buttress, support’, mɨʒ- ‘to prop up, support’. However, it is difficult to ascertain without historical data which form was the original one. Moreover, both can be backformations from mɨʒəd ‘to buttress, support’.

5.1. Nominal conversion Some adjectives, especially colour names can behave like nouns. However, it is difficult to decide whether they are converted or the head noun (i.e. ‘colour’) is elided.

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Nouns can arise from the participle forms of verbs: in fact, participle markers have developed into derivational suffixes (see section 4.1.3), therefore it is not necessary to speak about conversion.

5.2. Adjectival conversion Certain groups of nouns (names of materials or of ethnic groups, etc.) can modify other nouns like adjectives without forming a compound (the structure is syntactically interruptible). It is possible to analyze these cases as occasional conversions of a noun into an adjective. However, these nouns cannot be used as predicates and adjectival plural markers cannot be attached to them. In Udmurt, the noun modifier never agrees with its head in number or case, while this is possible with proper adjectives (see section 3.1). For deverbal conversion, see section 4.2.3.

5.3. Verbal conversion In a few cases semantically related noun and verb stems are identical: Ud. ʧut ‘cripple, lame’ vs. ʧut- ‘to halt, limp’, tod ‘memory’ vs. tod- ‘to know’, zor ‘rain’ vs. zor- ‘to rain’; KZ. zer ‘rain’ vs. zer- ‘to rain’, etc. We can also find some examples of the same adjective and verb stems: Ud. tɨr ‘full’ vs. tɨr- ‘to fill (tr.), load’, KZ. tɨr ‘full’ vs. tɨr- ‘to fill (itr.), brim’.

5.4. Adverbial conversion In Udmurt, most adjectives are also used as adverbs, except for fresh loans.

6. Backformation Backformation is difficult to detect, as it produces forms similar to constructions coined by other procedures (e.g., compounding) or to morphologically unanalyzable words. On the one hand, we have to suspect backformation when a given structure cannot be produced straightforwardly, e.g., N+V compounds: Ud. kivaɫtɨnɨ ‘to lead’ ← kivaɫton ‘leadership’, from ki vaɫtɨnɨ ‘to lead one’s hand’; KZ. kikutnɨ ‘to engage’ ← kikutəm ‘engagement’, from ki kutnɨ ‘to take/grab the hand’. On the other hand, backformation can be conscious and documented: KZ. məvp ‘thought, idea’ from məvpaɫ/v- ‘to think’, əd ‘speed’ from ədjən ‘fast, quickly’, etc. (Lytkin and Timushev 1961: 845).

7. Reduplication Reduplicaton in Permic always affects whole words. It can indicate intensity: Ud. ʨagɨrʨagɨr ‘deep azure’ (← ʨagɨr ‘azure’), zoɫ-zoɫ ‘very strong’ (← zoɫ ‘strong’); KZ. ɨɫɨn-

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ɨɫɨn ‘very far’ (← ɨɫɨn ‘far’), miʨa-miʨa ‘very beautiful’ (← miʨa ‘beautiful’). In Komi, it can also mark distributivity: ɫun-ɫun ‘for days, every day’ (← ɫun ‘day’). In onomatopoetic and evocative words, reduplication can be partial: Ud. zup-zup (heartbeat), ʨiʎi-biʎi (reflections of light on the water); KZ. ruʧ-raʧ (rattle) (raʧ (rattle)), ruz-raz, ruz-paz (scattered). In these cases, one or none of the parts are used as independent words.

8. Blending Blending is not typical for Permic. Even in artificial word-formation it is very rare, although it is very common in Russian; in the exceptions we find units which are used in similar Russian words: KZ. gosembur ‘state property’ (< gosudarstvennəj embur, cf. Russian gossobstvennost’), vərpromovməs ‘timber industry enterprise’ (← vər ‘forest’ + promɨʃʎennəj ‘industrial’ + ovməs ‘household, farm’, cf. Russian lespromxoz).

9. Clipping Clipping is very atypical for Permic except for personal names. In Udmurt, clipped words regularly get a suffix -i: Nati from Nataʎija, Ondi from Andrej, etc. In Komi, unsuffixed forms are also common: Gaʎ or Gaʎin from Gaʎina, Bor from Boris, etc. Ud. Iʒ ‘Izhevsk’ may belong here. A special case of clipping can be found in Komi: ov ‘surname’ and iʨ ‘patronym’ come from the typical endings of Russian surnames and patronyms.

10. Word-creation The conscious coining of neologisms was typical for the twenties and early thirties of the 20th century. However, the methods used were the same as in “natural” word-formation: mainly derivation and compounding, only exceptionally word-creation. Later conscious word-formation was politically prohibited: the only “legal” way of extending the vocabulary was loaning from Russian. During the late eighties, demand for “own words” arose again. Today even commissions for terminology work at a governmental level. Most of the newly coined terms are not used by ordinary people, although they are actively propagated in the media.

11. References Bátori, István 1967 Wortzusammensetzung und Stammformverbindung im Syrjänischen mit Berücksichtigung des Wotjakischen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

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Beznosikova, Lyutsiya M., Evgeniya A. Aybabina and Raisa I. Kosnyreva 2000 Komi-roč kyvčukör. Komi-russkij slovar’. Syktyvkar: Komi knižnoe izdateľstvo. Beznosikova, Lyutsiya M. and Evgeny A. Tsypanov 1998 Vyľ komi kyvvor. I petas. Syktyvkar: Komi Respublikasa una sikas vojtyrlön ministerstvo, Komi kyv komissija da Rossijasa naukajas akademija, Komi tujalan šörin Kyv, literatura da istorija institut. Csúcs, Sándor 1990 Chrestomathia votiacica. Budapest: Tankönyvkiadó. Fedyuneva, Galina V. 2000 Komi ėmakyv artmöm (Ydžyd školaly otsög vylö). Syktyvkar: Rossijasa naukajas akademijalön, Ural jukönys’, Komi nauka šörinsa Kyv, literatura da istorija institut. Fedyuneva, Galina V. and Galina V. Punegova 2002 Komi kyvjyn torˮjakyvˮjas artmöm: učebnöj posobie. Syktyvkar: Syktyvkarskij gosudarstvennyj universitet. Fejes, László 2004 “Compound verbs” in Komi: Grammaticalisation without a grammatical morpheme? Acta Linguistica Hungarica 51: 5−43. Fejes, László 2005 Összetett szavak finnugor nyelvekben. Ph.D. dissertation, Uráli nyelvészeti doktori iskola, Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem. Karmanova, Aľbina N. 2002 Torˮjakyvˮjas tečasnog da artmannog. Syktyvkar: Syktyvkarskij gosudarstvennyj universitet. Keľmakov, Valerij K. 1998 Kratkij kurs udmurtskoj dialektologii. Iževsk: Izdateľstvo Udmurtskogo universiteta. Kneisl, Marianne 1978 Die Verbalbildung im Syrjänischen. München: Finnisch-Ugrisches Seminar an der Universität München. Kozmács, István 2008 Az -śk- képző az udmurt (votják) igeképzés rendszerében. Nyitra: Konstantin Filozófus Egyetem, Közép-európai Tanulmányok Kara. A. Kövesi, Magda 1965 A permi nyelvek ősi képzői. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. Lytkin, Vasily I. and Dmitry A. Timushev 1952 Kratkij očerk grammatiki komi jazyka. In: Vasily I. Lytkin (ed.), Komi-russkij slovar’, 835−923. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Akademii nauk SSSR. Medveczky, Károly 1912 A votják nyelv szóképzése. Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 41: 310−338, 413−455. Ovchinnikov, A. S. and V. P. Khokhryakov 1998 1-tï bichet. Iževsk: Udmurt nimkylˮёsˮja no šoner gožˮjas’konˮja ėľkun öri. Rédei, Károly 1978 Chrestomathia syrjaenica. Budapest: Tankönyvkiadó. Tsypanov, Evgeny A. 2002 Grammatičeskaja kategorija zaloga v komi glagole. Syktyvkar: Institut jazyka, literatury i istorii, Komi naučnyj Centr, Uraľskoe otdelenie, Rossijskaja Akademija nauk. Tsypanov, Evgeny A. 2005 Grammatičeskie kategorii glagola v komi jazyke. Syktyvkar: Institut jazyka, literatury i istorii, Komi naučnyj centr, Uraľskoe otdelenie, Rossijskaja Akademija Nauk. Tsypanov, Jölgin’ and Lyutsiya Beznosikova 2005 Vyľ kyvvor. Syktyvkar: Rossijasa Naukajas akademija, Ural juköd, Komi tujalan šörin, Kyv, literatura da istorija institut.

László Fejes, Budapest (Hungary)

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179. Mari 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction Overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract In this article the major processes of word-formation in the Mari language will be presented, these being composition and derivation followed by conversion and reduplication. There is little, if anything, in Mari word-formation that would make it unique, most processes being typical of other Finno-Ugric languages as well. Of particular interest to general linguists are the converb constructions and the wide usage of reduplication in common onomatopoetic expressions.

1. Introduction The Finno-Ugric language Mari is spoken by roughly 600,000 people in the Volga basin of the Russian Federation. The exonym expression Cheremis was formerly widely-used, but was replaced in official usage in the early days of the Soviet Union by the endonym Mari and in recent decades has also fallen into disuse in the West. The Mari nation uses two codified literary languages, commonly known as Meadow Mari and Hill Mari. Meadow Mari is the variant used by the great majority of the Mari and it is exclusively this variant which is described below. It cannot be maintained that word-formation in Mari has been the topic of intensive research. As is the case with other “small” Finno-Ugric languages (i.e. all but Hungarian, Finnish and Estonian), research has concentrated on historical aspects in the framework of general Finno-Ugric linguistics or on a descriptive, traditional depiction of wordformation in the modern language with little or no recourse to other methods. Descriptions of word-formation processes are typically contained in larger, traditional works on Mari grammar, above all Pengitov, Galkin and Isanbaev (1961, all types of word-formation) and Alhoniemi (1993, derivation), complemented by the monograph on Mari wordformation by Lavrenťev (1984, with a large bibliography). Additional work in this field is desirable and particularly in the field of converb constructions (cf. section 3.3) ongoing research is underway, not only in the Mari Republic but also abroad.

2. Overview As regards word-formation, Mari is a typical Finno-Ugric language in that the two major methods of forming new words are derivation and composition.

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In Mari, word-formation affixes are suffixes. Prefixes are to be found only in the formation of adverbs (cf. section 4.4.1). Whereas there are a great number of suffixes, many of them are non-productive and only some are actually employed at present to form new words. Many of the suffixes are also characterized by polysemy. Composition can be found in all major parts of speech, but is above all typical for nouns and verbs. As is the case with other Finno-Ugric languages the importance of composition has risen with time and now rivals derivation. In addition to derivation and composition, conversion and reduplication are of importance. Other types are uncommon or unknown (at least in native, non-loan vocabulary). Blending, in particular stump compounding, was, for example, artificially introduced into Mari word-formation in the early Soviet period in accordance with Russian patterns, but it never achieved any real importance, one of the few words surviving today being pürtüs ‘nature’ ← pürymö tüs ‘(God-) created appearance/exterior’ which is no longer necessarily felt by Mari speakers to be derived (Lavrenťev 1984: 168). Most words formed can be easily categorized by formation type, but certain fuzzy areas cannot be denied. One case in point is the converb (cf. section 3.3), which could be considered a question of syntax rather than of word-formation and lexicalization. While this can be considered true of governmental and copulative converb constructions, the important class of directional and aspectual converbs must be described as a wordformational process. Another example of possible ambiguity is the relationship in certain forms of derivation and compounding. In the verb kamvozaš ‘to fall’ the first appearance would suggest a prefix kam- + the verb vozaš ‘to lie down, fall’ and indeed this solution has been suggested in the past (Lavrenťev 1984: 45), whereas the element is actually a reduced form of kaen (gerund of kaâš ‘to go’), meaning that kamvozaš is an opaque converb construction (cf. section 3.3). It should also be mentioned that there are a number of words in Mari that result from both derivation and composition, e.g., vestüsemaš ‘to change color’ ← ves ‘other’ + tüs ‘color’ + -em ‘denominal/deadjectival verbal suffix’ (-aš is the infinitive ending). Note that there is no verb tüsemaš, from which vestüsemaš could have been derived. Finally, it should be noted that a principal source for new Mari words in the past century has been extensive borrowing from Russian. Neologisms to fill gaps in the Mari vocabulary and/or to replace Russian loans were created in large numbers in the 1920s and 1930s, but many of these fell into disuse after the Soviet repression of the late 1930s, in the course of which most leading Mari authors and linguists were murdered or repressed. Since the fall of the Soviet Union a new upsurge in the creation and usage of neologisms can be noted. Time will tell how many of them will be accepted by the Mari-speaking community as an integral part of their vocabulary. An excellent overview of the development of the Mari vocabulary in the 20th century is Ivanov and Moisio (1998). Of great interest in this connection is also the collection of neologisms by Ivanov (2001). In agreement with the author, the examples in this article are rendered using the transliteration ISO 9 1995.

3. Composition Composition is an important method in Mari word-formation, comprising several subtypes. Typically, the elements are simply juxtaposed with no change. Some morphopho-

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nological tendencies can, however, be noted: 1. Fricativization of the word-initial consonant of the second element, e.g., k- > γ- (> g in the modern language), p- > β- (> v- in the modern language): jolgorno ‘path’ < jolγorno ← jol ‘foot’ + korno ‘way, road’, šürgyvylyš ‘face, looks’ < šürgyβylyš ← šürgö ‘face’ + pylyš ‘ear’; 2. Vowel loss at the point of juncture: ûmoṅa ‘icon’ ← ûmo ‘god’ + oṅa ‘board’.

3.1. Nominal compounds Nominal compounds in Mari are numerous and are generally classified in Mari linguistics as belonging to one of two major groups, subordinating and coordinative compounds, cf. Pengitov, Galkin and Isanbaev (1961: 93−97).

3.1.1. Subordinating nominal compounds These compounds are for the most part endocentric and typically consist of two elements, the first of which determines and specifies the latter. The two elements are juxtaposed with no inflectional elements. The second element is typically a noun, whereas the first can be of several different parts of speech: a) n o u n + n o u n : mutvož ‘word stem’ ← mut ‘word’ + vož ‘root, stem’, vakškü ‘millstone’ ← vakš ‘mill’ + kü ‘stone’, satusavyrtyš ‘commodity circulation’ ← satu ‘goods, commodities’ + savyrtyš ‘turn, turnover’; b) a d j e c t i v e + n o u n : šemšydaṅ ‘buckwheat’ ← šeme ‘black’ + šydaṅ ‘wheat’, izieṅ ‘child’ ← izi ‘small’ + eṅ ‘person’; c) p a r t i c i p l e + n o u n : šüšmüj ‘butter’ ← šӱšmӧ ‘churned’ + üj ‘butter, fat’; d) n u m e r a l + n o u n (rare): kumjol ‘tripod’ ← kum ‘three’ + jol ‘foot, leg’; e) a d v e r b + n o u n : počelamut ‘poem’ ← počela ‘one after the other’ + mut ‘word’.

3.1.2. Coordinative nominal compounds These are typically copulative, d v a n d v a compounds and contain elements having equal semantic weight. The elements can be either closely related in meaning or construed as contrasting opposites; šürgyvylyš ‘face, looks’ ← šürgö ‘face’ + pylyš ‘ear’, kümyž-sovla ‘dishes’ ← kümyž ‘bowl’ + sovla ‘spoon’; ača-ava ‘parents’ ← ača ‘father’ + ava ‘mother’, iza-šoľo ‘brothers’ ← iza ‘younger brother’ + šoľo ‘elder brother’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Compound adjectives are far rarer than nominal compounds. One typical method of formation is the combination of two adjectives of color: ošalge-narynče ‘pale yellow’ ← ošalge ‘whitish, pale’ + narynče ‘yellow’. Additionally, two derived adjectives can be combined: imnân-uškalan ‘having horses and cows’ ← imnân ‘having a horse’ (imne ‘horse’ + suffix -an (cf. section 4.2.1)) + uškalan ‘having a cow’ (uškal ‘cow’ + suffix -an).

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3.3. Verbal compounds There are various types of verbal compounds in Mari, all differing in their structure. The most important and prevalent type is that of the converb construction (cf. below), but others can also be distinguished: a) a d v e r b or n o u n + v e r b : vašliâš ‘to meet, encounter’ ← vaš ‘mutually, together, towards’ + liâš ‘to be’, vujšiâš ‘to complain’ ← vuj ‘head’ + šiâš ‘to hit’; b) two j u x t a p o s e d f u l l v e r b s : kuštaš-čüčkaš ‘to (folk) dance’ ← kuštaš ‘to dance’ + čüčkaš ‘to rock, swing’, modaš-voštylaš ‘to enjoy oneself, make merry’ ← modaš ‘to play’ + voštylaš ‘to laugh’; c) t r u n c a t e d g e r u n d + f u l l v e r b : naṅgaâš ‘to carry away’ ← nal(yn) (gerund of nalaš ‘to carry’) + kaâš ‘to go’, kamvozaš ‘to fall’ ← kaen (gerund of kaâš ‘to go’) + vozaš ‘to lie down, fall’. This last type, exhibiting assimilation processes, is rare and occurs only in the case of a few very common verbs. C o n v e r b c o n s t r u c t i o n s constitute a typical areal phenomenon in the languages of the Volga basin, and are a characteristic feature of the Mari language where this feature is common and productive. Converb constructions are also the topic of ongoing research, not only by native, but also by non-Mari scholars, as certain aspects of this construction have not yet been thoroughly analyzed. In a converb construction, two verbs form a unit in which the first verb is in a gerundial form and the second one is conjugated freely. Various types of the Mari converb construction can be distinguished. These do not differ in their structure, but can be distinguished on semantic grounds. In the following, a highly simplified list of four types will be given. The first two, governmental and copulative converb constructions, are of interest from a syntactic point of view, but do not strictly fall within the bounds of word-formation. The last two, however, i.e. directional and aspectual converb constructions, are subject to lexicalization and are studied within the framework of word-formation. a) G o v e r n m e n t a l converb construction: In this case the full verb governs the gerund rather than the infinitive. This is, for example, the case with verbs such as kertaš ‘to be able to’ and moštaš ‘to be able to, know how’. Example: ludyn kertaš ‘to be able to read’ ← ludyn (gerund of ludaš ‘to read’) + kertaš ‘to be able to’; b) C o p u l a t i v e converb construction: Two verbs are connected closely to one another using this construction, but each retains its specific meaning. Examples: kočkyn šinčaš ‘to sit and eat; lit. sitting eat’ ← kočkyn (gerund of kočkaš ‘to eat’) + šinčaš ‘to sit’; c) D i r e c t i o n a l converb construction: In such constructions the directionality is expressed by the main verb, the type of movement by the gerund. Examples: kuržyn volaš ‘to run down; lit. running sink’ ← kuržyn (gerund of kuržaš ‘to run’) + volaš ‘to sink’, nuškyn volaš ‘to crawl down; lit. crawling sink’ ← nuškyn (gerund of nuškaš ‘to crawl’) + volaš ‘to sink’; d) A s p e c t u a l converb construction: In these cases the major meaning is borne by the gerund and the full conjugated verb serves merely to impart aspectual meaning. A varied number of aspectual meanings are possible: perfective, imperfective, inchoative, etc. A large number of verbs can be used in this converb construction as the finite verb, imparting aspectuality. Examples: jöraten šyndaš ‘to fall in love; lit. loving put’ ← jöraten (gerund of jörataš ‘to love’) + šyndaš ‘to place, put’, palen nalaš ‘to recognize, experience; lit. recognizing take’ ← palen (gerund of palaš ‘to know’) +

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nalaš ‘to take’, ludyn lektaš ‘to finish reading; lit. reading go’ ← ludyn (gerund of ludaš ‘to read’) + lektaš ‘to go, leave’. Research is now focusing on the directional and aspectual converb constructions, e.g., on which verbs can be used as the finite ones, their precise role, interchangeability, and productivity.

3.4. Adverbial compounds Adverbial compounds are frequent, still somewhat productive and can be formed in various ways. Here only a few examples: a) combination of noun/adjective/gerund, etc. with an adjective in -a (not occurring independently): čaravuâ ‘bare-headed’ ← čara ‘bare’ + vuâ (vuj ‘head’ + -a). These forms in -a can also occur in pairs: tupa-tupa ‘back to back’ ← tup ‘back’; b) combination of noun/adjective/pronoun, etc. with a postposition: türgoč ‘too’ ← tür ‘edge, border’ + goč ‘over, through’; c) pairing of two adverbs: möṅgeš-on’yš ‘back and forth’ ← möṅgeš ‘back’ + on’yš ‘further’; d) pairing of two nonfinite verbal forms: vučen-vučydymyn ‘quite unexpectedly’ ← vučen (gerund of vučaš ‘to wait’) + vučydymyn (← vučydymo, negated participle of same verb + adverbial ending -n, cf. section 4.4.2).

4. Derivation As is the case with all other Finno-Ugric languages, derivation plays a key role in wordformation. In the following the most important derivational suffixes will be mentioned.

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns P e r s o n a l n o u n s (‘person acting with N, using N’): -če/-čo/-čö (unproductive): šoâče ‘liar’ ← šoâ ‘lie’, kütüčö ‘shepherd’ ← kütü ‘herd’; -ze/-zo/-zö (somewhat productive): pyčalze ‘hunter’ ← pyčal ‘rifle’, ečyze ‘skier’ ← eče ‘ski’; -eške (unproductive): imneške ‘rider’ ← imne ‘horse’. P u r p o s i v e n o u n s (‘artefact meant for N’): -aš (productive): jolaš ‘trousers’ ← jol ‘leg, foot’, parnâš ‘thimble’ ← parnâ ‘finger’; -lyk (productive): šinčalyk ‘glasses’ ← šinča ‘eye’, nerlyk ‘muzzle’ ← ner ‘nose’. C o l l e c t i v e n o u n s : -er (used above all with trees, plants): kožer ‘fir grove’ ← kož ‘fir’, ukšer ‘brushwood’ ← ukš ‘branch’, muter ‘dictionary’ ← mut ‘word’; -la (unproductive): šügarla ‘cemetery’ ← šügar ‘grave’. A b s t r a c t n o u n s : -yš (unproductive): kutyš ‘length’ ← kut ‘height’. Noteworthy is the lack of d i m i n u t i v e (and a u g m e n t a t i v e ) suffixes in Mari, cf. Pengitov, Galkin and Isanbaev (1961: 91−92). In this respect Mari contrasts noticeably with most other Finno-Ugric languages.

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4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns Q u a l i t y n o u n s : -lyk (productive): jorlylyk ‘poverty’ ← jorlo ‘poor’, jočadymylyk ‘childlessness’ ← jočadyme ‘childless’; -yk (unproductive): kumdyk ‘width’ ← kumda ‘wide’; -t (unproductive): kužyt ‘length’ ← kužu ‘long’, küžgyt ‘thickness’ ← küžgö ‘thick’. C o l l e c t i v e n o u n s : -er (unproductive): tygyder ‘bushes, young growth’ ← tygyde ‘small, fine’.

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns (Note that the infinitive ending of Mari verbs is -aš.) A c t i o n n o u n s : -maš (productive): murymaš ‘singing’ ← mur-aš ‘to sing’, pogynymaš ‘meeting, gathering’ ← pogyn-aš ‘to gather’. R e s u l t a t i v e n o u n s : -yš (somewhat productive): kočkyš ‘food’ ← kočk-aš ‘to eat’, levedyš ‘roof’ ← leved-aš ‘to cover’; -yk (unproductive): nönčyk ‘dough’ ← nönčaš ‘to form’; -ež (unproductive): punčež ‘curve, curved line’ ← punč-aš ‘to twist’; -tyš (somewhat productive): kokyrtyš ‘cough’ ← kokyr-aš ‘to cough’, avyrtyš ‘barrier’ ← avyr-aš ‘to surround, encircle’; -ka (unproductive): pütyrka ‘bundle, bunch’ ← pütyr-aš ‘to roll, turn’; -em/-èm (unproductive): ilem ‘dwelling’ ← il-aš ‘to live’, kuèm ‘fabric, cloth’ ← ku-aš ‘to weave’; -yl (unproductive): kuškyl ‘plant’ ← kušk-aš ‘to grow’, šüvyl ‘saliva’ ← šüv-aš ‘to spit’. A g e n t n o u n s : -čyk (unproductive): kutyrčyk ‘boaster’ ← kutyr-aš ‘to speak’, voštylčyk ‘scoffer’ ← voštyl-aš ‘to laugh’; -ze/-zo/-zö (somewhat productive): urgyzo ‘tailor’ ← urg-aš ‘to sew’. I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s : -e (unproductive): šokte ‘sieve’ ← šokt-aš ‘to sieve’. P l a c e n o u n s : -ak (unproductive): vončak ‘ford’ ← vonč-aš ‘to cross over’. P r i v a t i v e n o u n s : -dymaš ~ -tymaš (productive): sitydymaš ‘insufficiency’ ← sitaš ‘to be enough’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives P o s s e s s i v e and s i m i l a t i v e adjectives: -an (common and productive): pylan ‘cloudy’ ← pyl ‘cloud’, peledyšan ‘flowery’ ← peledyš ‘flower’; -le/-lo/-lö (somewhat productive): tamle ‘tasty’ ← tam ‘taste’, gerojlo ‘heroic’ ← geroj ‘hero’; -n (unproductive): rožyn ‘hole-ridden’ ← rož ‘hole’; -a (uncommon, but cf. section 3.4): jytyra ‘beautiful, slim’ ← jytyr ‘rolling pin, stem’. R e l a t i o n a l adjectives: -se/-so/-sö ~ -yse/-yso/-ysö (common and productive): olykyso ‘meadow’ ← olyk ‘meadow’, veryse ‘local’ ← ver ‘place’; -aš (also purposive, somewhat productive): kydalaš ‘middle, medium’ ← kydal ‘middle’, tylzaš ‘monthly’ ← tylze ‘month’.

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P r i v a t i v e adjectives: -dyme/-dymo/-dymö (common, productive): jočadyme ‘childless’ ← joča ‘child’, püjdymö ‘toothless’ ← püj ‘tooth’; -syr (unproductive): jönysyr ‘uncomfortable, inconvenient’ ← jön ‘method, means’. P u r p o s i v e adjectives: -lyk (productive): kornylyk ‘for the way/journey’ ← korno ‘way, journey’.

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives N e g a t i v e adjectives: -syr (unproductive): törsyr ‘uneven’ ← tör ‘even’. A p p r o x i m a t i v e adjectives, denoting reduced intensity: -alge (somewhat productive): šemalge ‘blackish’ ← šeme ‘black’; -aka (uncommon): kükšaka ‘elevated, highish’ ← kükšö ‘high’.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives This is an uncommon and unproductive category: -an: külešan ‘important’ ← küleš ‘is necessary’; -ata: šulata ‘thawed, melting’ ← šul-aš ‘to thaw’.

4.2.4. Deadverbial and depronominal adjectives R e l a t i o n a l adjectives: -se/-so/-sö (common and productive): tačyse ‘today’s’ ← tače ‘today’. P u r p o s i v e adjectives: -lyk (productive): tyjynlyk ‘meant for you’ ← tyjyn ‘your’, èrlalyk ‘intended for tomorrow’ ← èrla ‘tomorrow’.

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs A c t i o n v e r b s expressing ‘to perform an action involving N’: -l (productive, common): šükl-aš ‘to drop litter’ ← šük ‘litter’, tyrmal-aš ‘to harrow’ ← tyrma ‘harrow’; -al (unproductive): üštyl-aš ‘to tie a belt’ ← üštö ‘belt’; -lt (unproductive): čiâlt-aš ‘to paint’ ← čiâ ‘paint’; -št (unproductive): šojyšt-aš ‘to lie’ ← šoâ ‘lie’; -ynč (unproductive): üpšynč-aš ‘to smell, sniff’ ← üpš ‘smell’; -tar ~ -dar (unproductive): uvertar-aš ‘to inform’ ← uver ‘news’. I n c h o a t i v e verbs: -ešt (unproductive): kasešt-aš ‘to become evening’ ← kas ‘evening’; -lan (somewhat productive): čerlan-aš ‘to fall ill’ ← čer ‘illness’; -aṅ (productive): küaṅ-aš ‘to turn to stone’ ← kü ‘stone’; -g ~ -k (unproductive): lavyrg-aš ‘to become dirty’ ← lavyra ‘dirt’. O r n a t i v e verbs: -t ~ -d (somewhat productive): lümd-aš ‘to name’ ← lüm ‘name’, ümylt-aš ‘to shade’ ← ümyl ‘shade’.

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4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs I n c h o a t i v e verbs: -ešt (unproductive): šuldešt-aš ‘to become cheap(er)’ ← šuldo ‘cheap’; -ešn ~ -yšn (unproductive): talyšn-aš ‘to become stronger’ ← tale ‘strong’; -ešk (unproductive): tuešk-aš ‘to become ill’ ← tuj ‘ill’; -em (productive): ošem-aš ‘to become white’ ← ošo ‘white’, nelem-aš ‘to grow heavy’ ← nele ‘heavy’; -n (unproductive): šalan-aš ‘to fall to pieces’ ← šala ‘scattered’; -lan (somewhat productive): čaṅgalan-aš ‘to be stingy’ ← čaṅga ‘stingy’; -aṅ (productive): lopkaṅ-aš ‘to become wider’ ← lopka ‘wide’; -g ~ -k (unproductive): čeverg-aš ‘to become beautiful’ ← čever ‘beautiful’. F a c t i t i v e verbs: -t ~ -d (somewhat productive): kadyrt-aš ‘to bend, curve’ ← kadyr ‘crooked’; -ykt (unproductive): èrykt-aš ‘to clean’ ← ère ‘clean’.

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs F r e q u e n t a t i v e verbs: -yl (also momentary; productive): yštyl-aš ‘to do’ ← yšt-aš ‘to do’, lümdyl-aš ‘to call’ ← lümd-aš ‘to name’; -ed/-èd (unproductive): puèd-aš ‘to distribute’ ← pu-aš ‘to give’; -kal ~ -gal (somewhat productive): ‘to write (occasionally)’ ← voz-aš ‘to write’; -edyl (unproductive): voštyledyl-aš ‘to chuckle’ ← voštyl-aš ‘to laugh’; -ked (unproductive): šupšked-aš ‘to tug’ ← šupš-aš ‘to pull’; -ešt ~ -yšt (also momentary; somewhat productive): šelyšt-aš ‘to cleave, chop’ ← šel-aš ‘to break, chop’. S e m e l f a c t i v e verbs: -al (productive): ončal-aš ‘to look at, glance’ ← onč-aš ‘to look’. R e f l e x i v e verbs: -alt (productive): yštalt-aš ‘to be done’ ← yšt-aš ‘to do’; -ylt (somewhat productive): muškylt-aš ‘to wash (oneself)’ ← mušk-aš ‘to wash’. A n t i c a u s a t i v e verbs: -n (unproductive): šujn-aš ‘to become longer’ ← šuâš ‘to make longer’. R e c i p r o c a l verbs: -edal (also frequentative; unproductive): örgedal-aš ‘to butt one another’ ← örg-aš ‘to butt’; -as (unproductive): söras-aš ‘to consent’ ← sör-aš ‘to promise’. C a u s a t i v e verbs: -t ~ -d (somewhat productive): šolt-aš ‘to boil (tr.)’ ← šol-aš ‘to boil (itr.)’; -ykt (productive): ončykt-aš ‘to show’ ← onč-aš ‘to look’, yrykt-aš ‘to warm up’ ← yr-aš ‘to become warm’; -ar (somewhat productive): pytar-aš ‘to end (tr.)’ ← pyt-aš ‘to end (itr.)’; -tar ~ -dar (somewhat productive): jomdar-aš ‘to lose’ ← jom-aš ‘to get lost’; -j (unproductive): šuâš ‘to lengthen’ ← šu-aš ‘to reach, attain’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation In addition to simple adverbs which from a synchronic point of view do not consist of more than one element, such as kyzyt ‘now’, pyrlâ ‘together’, aram ‘to no purpose’, vara ‘then’, a great many adverbs are formed with prefixation and suffixation.

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4.4.1. Prefixation Pronominal adverbs can be formed with the help of the following prefixes: ni- ‘negation’, ala- ‘some-, any-’, keč- ‘any-, -ever’, kerek- ‘any-, -ever’, iktaž- ‘some-, any-’. Examples: nigušto ‘nowhere’ ← ni + kušto ‘where?’, ala-kuš ‘(to) somewhere’ ← ala + kuš ‘(to) where?’, keč-kunam ‘whenever’ ← keč + kunam ‘when?’, kerek-kušeč ‘from wherever’ ← kerek + kušeč ‘from where?’, iktaž-kuze ‘somehow’ ← iktaž + kuze ‘how?’.

4.4.2. Suffixation The combination of a base word which can be a noun, verb, adverb, adjective, numeral, pronoun or even interjection with a (productive or non-productive) c a s e s u f f i x has often resulted in the formation of an adverb: G e n i t i v e case suffix -n ~ -yn : jolyn ‘on foot’ ← jol ‘foot’, jükyn ‘(out) loud’ ← jük ‘sound’. D a t i v e case suffix -lan: èrlalan ‘for/by tomorrow’ ← èrla ‘tomorrow’, pytartyšlan ‘finally’ ← pytartyš ‘end’. A c c u s a t i v e case suffix -m ~ -ym: telym ‘in winter’ ← tele ‘winter’, jüdym ‘at night’ ← jüd ‘night’. I n e s s i v e case suffix -šte/-što/-štö: šolašte ‘on the left’ ← šola ‘left’, žapyšte ‘in/ on time’ ← žap ‘time’. I l l a t i v e case suffix -ške/-ško/-škö: purlaške ‘to the right’ ← purla ‘right’, möṅgyškö ‘(to) home’ ← möṅgö ‘home’. L a t i v e case suffix -eš: uèš ‘once again’ ← u ‘new’, vieš ‘by force’ ← vij ‘force’. C o m p a r a t i v e case suffix -la: marla ‘in Mari’ ← marij ‘Mari’, jočala ‘childishly’ ← joča ‘child’. Unproductive l o c a t i v e cases -an (lative), -ke/-ko/-kö (illative), -ne/-no/-nö (inessive), -č (elative): ončylan ‘forwards’, ončyko ‘forwards’, ončylno ‘in front’, ončyč ‘at/ from the front’ ← ončyl ‘front part, front side’. Other (non-case) suffixes: -n ~ -yn: sajyn ‘well’ ← saj ‘good’, vučydymyn ‘unexpectedly’ ← vučydymo ‘unexpected’; -e: koktyte ‘twice, in half’ ← koktyt ‘two’; -nek: izinek ‘since early years’ ← izi ‘small’; -sek: ožnysek ‘from olden times’ ← ožno ‘long ago’; -gynat: kušto-gynat ‘somewhere, anywhere’ ← kušto ‘where’.

5. Conversion Following the Russian linguistic tradition, in works on Mari grammar conversion has been referred to as the “morphological-syntactic method of word-formation” or “formation without formation suffixes”. Lavrenťev (1984: 145−153) discusses denominal and deadjectival verbal conversion under the heading “inflectional method of word-formation”, considering that the derived verbs can be recognized by the presence of the infinitive ending -aš. There is, however, no reason not to use the term conversion, although in Mari, as in other languages, the exact boundaries between conversion and functional

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shift are not well-defined. In the following, the most common types of conversion in Mari will be mentioned.

5.1. Nominal conversion 5.1.1. Adjective-to-noun conversion As in other Finno-Ugric languages, nouns and adjectives, when not formally identified by specific derivational suffixes, are not easily distinguishable by other than semantic means. In the case of a few, it is not readily apparent whether the word in question is originally a noun or adjective, e.g., jüštö ‘cold ~ the cold’, šokšo ‘hot ~ heat’. Otherwise, an (original) adjective can easily be used as a noun without any formal substantivizing element. In such cases, the adjectives are employed with the usual nominal suffixes: samyryk ‘young’ → ‘young (one)’, samyryk-vlak ‘young ones, the young’ (-vlak is a plural suffix), samyrykna-vlakyn pašašt ‘the work of our young people’ (-na ‘possessive suffix 1. person plural’, -yn ‘genitive case suffix’, paša ‘work’, -št ‘possessive suffix 3. person plural’). Adjectives formed with certain derivational suffixes are also easily susceptible to nominalization. Lavrenťev (1984: 170−171) mentions two in particular: -lyk and -aš, both denominal and/or deadjectival nominal suffixes with the meaning ‘intended for, meant for’: nerlyk ‘intended/meant for the nose’ → ‘muzzle’ (← ner ‘nose’), šinčalyk ‘intended/meant for the eyes’ → ‘eye-glasses’ (← šinča ‘eye’), tuvyraš ‘intended/meant for a shirt’ → ‘shirt material’ (← tuvyr ‘shirt’), šüâš ‘intended/meant for the neck’ → ‘necklace’ (← šüj ‘neck’).

5.1.2. Participle-to-noun conversion Participles in Mari fulfill a variety of syntactic functions and play a major role in sentence formation. The four participles (active, passive, future-necessitive and negated participles) are all used as attributes in the manner of underived adjectives and in this capacity are also prone to nominalization. In such cases these forms are often equivalents to personal nouns, as illustrated by the following examples. A c t i v e p a r t i c i p l e in -še/-šo/-šö: tunem-aš ‘to learn’ → tunemše ‘learning’ → ‘pupil’, tunykt-aš ‘to teach’ → tunyktyšo ‘teaching’ → ‘teacher’, šyl-aš ‘to hide (oneself)’ → šylše ‘hiding’ → ‘deserter’. P a s s i v e p a r t i c i p l e in -me/-mo/-mö: pal-aš ‘to know’ → palyme ‘known’ → ‘acquaintance’, jörat-aš ‘to love’ → jöratyme ‘loved’ → ‘darling, loved one’. N e g a t i v e p a r t i c i p l e in -dyme/-dymo/-dymö ~ -tyme/-tymo/-tymö: lüd-aš ‘to fear’ → lüddymö ‘fearless’ → ‘daredevil’.

5.1.3. Verb-to-noun conversion As will be seen in section 5.3.1, there are many stems in Mari that can be used either as nouns or verbs. In the great majority of cases the assumed direction is verb → noun,

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but in some the assumption of a verb stem becoming a noun is more plausible, e.g., pogo ‘property, belongings, treasure’ ← pog-aš ‘to collect, accumulate’, pudyrgo ‘fragment, bit’ ← pudyrg-aš ‘to break, be broken’. For a discussion of the direction involved with such ambivalent stems, cf. Lavrenťev (1984: 145−151).

5.2. Adjectival conversion 5.2.1. Noun-to-adjective conversion In compounds (cf. section 3.1) nouns are often used as defining attributes. Examples: kü ‘stone’ ~ kü pört ‘stone house’, porsyn ‘silk’ ~ porsyn tuvyr ‘silk shirt’.

5.2.2. Participle-to-adjective conversion As mentioned in section 5.1.2 a core function of the participles is their usage as attributes.

5.3. Verbal conversion 5.3.1. Noun-to-verb conversion In the case of most ambivalent noun-verb stems (cf. section 5.1.3) the assumed direction is noun → verb. Some semantic categories can be distinguished. In one type the verb denotes an activity carried out by means of the noun mentioned: muškyndo ‘fist’ → muškynd-aš ‘to hit with a fist’, tule ‘(flax) brake’ → tul-aš ‘to brake (flax)’, poš ‘bellows’ → poš-aš ‘to fan with a bellows’, pužar ‘plane’ → pužar-aš ‘to plane’. In another type the verb denotes the bringing about of what the noun mentions: tušto ‘riddle’ → tušt-aš ‘to set a riddle’, lum ‘snow’ → lum-aš ‘to snow’, peče ‘fence’ → peč-aš ‘to fence (in)’. Other verbs derived from nouns with zero derivation do not fit so neatly into these two patterns (Lavrenťev 1984: 147−148), e.g., kaṅaš ‘advice’ → kaṅaš-aš ‘to consult, seek advice’, oškyl ‘step’ → oškyl-aš ‘to step, stride’.

5.3.2. Adjective-to-verb conversion A number of Mari adjectives can also form verbs with no further derivational processes. In this case the verb has the typical meaning of transformation into the state expressed by the adjective (inchoative, inceptive verbs): šapalge ‘pale’ → šapalg-aš ‘to turn pale’, šopo ‘sour’ → šop-aš ‘to turn sour’, oâr ‘bright, clear’ → oâr-aš ‘to clear up’.

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5.3.3. Verb-to-verb conversion (conversion through conjugation shift) All Mari verbs belong to one of two separate conjugations which are distinguished by the use of separate endings in all finite and non-finite forms with the exception of the infinitive ending -aš and the third person plural imperative ending -yšt, which are the same in both conjugations. Thus, the ending will (almost) always show to which conjugation the verb in question belongs. The two conjugations are known as the I. and II. conjugations. Formerly, they were often referred to as the -am and -em conjugations as the ending for the first person singular present indicative is -am or -em respectively: tolam ‘I come’ (I. conjugation verb tolaš ‘to come’) ~ il-em ‘I live’ (II. conjugation verb ilaš ‘to live’). Interestingly enough, there are a good number of verbal stems, which are conjugated in accordance with either conjugation. These must be considered as separate verbs since they are not only conjugated differently, but bear different meanings. The meanings are, however, not totally divergent. In such cases the I. conjugation verb is intransitive, whereas the II. conjugation verb is transitive and/or the I. conjugation verb is reflexive, the II. conjugation verb is not. It should be noted, that apart from these verbs the two conjugations are not intrinsically connected with transitivity/intransitivity or reflexitivity/non-reflexitivity, i.e. transitive and intransitive (reflexive/non-reflexive) verbs can be found in both conjugations. Examples (with superscripted 1 and 2 denoting conjugation): kodaš 1 ‘to remain’ ~ kodaš 2 ‘to leave (something)’, temaš 1 ‘to be filled’ ~ temaš 2 ‘to fill’, nöltaš 1 ‘to rise’ ~ nöltaš 2 ‘to raise’, šinčaš 1 ‘to sit down (itr.)’ ~ šinčaš 2 ‘to sit’. This phenomenon is also often present in verbs derived with the suffix -alt (cf. section 4.3.3): vaštaltaš 1 ‘to be changed’ ~ vaštaltaš 2 ‘to change’, šarnaltaš 1 ‘to remember’ ~ šarnaltaš 2 ‘to remind’, pomyžaltaš 1 ‘to wake up (itr.)’ ~ pomyžaltaš 2 ‘to wake up (tr.)’. The direction of conversion would seem to be II. conjugation (transitivity) → I. conjugation (intransitivity), but this question has not been clarified thoroughly. Note in addition that this phenomenon is not connected with cases of homonymous verbal stems belonging to different conjugations, such as koštaš 1 ‘to go’ ~ koštaš 2 ‘to dry’ or šulaš 1 ‘to cut’ ~ šulaš 2 ‘to melt’.

5.4. Other forms of conversion In addition to those mentioned above, further types of conversion can be found which, however, are of lesser importance from a synchronic point of view. Between the categories of adverb and postposition there is substantial permeability with many words being used both as one or the other, for example, ončylno ‘ahead, in the front’ ~ ‘in front of’, vošt ‘through and through’ ~ ‘through’. Other possibilities are, for example, gerund-toadverb: kojyn ‘seeming’ ~ ‘noticeably’, gerund-to-postposition: lijyn ‘being’ ~ ‘due to’, gerund-to-conjunction: manyn ‘saying’ ~ ‘that’, adverb-to-interjection: čeveryn ‘nicely’ ~ ‘good-bye’.

6. Reduplication Reduplication is a not uncommon method to form new words in Mari. Due to the binary nature of such formations it bears strong resemblance to compounding. Different forms

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of reduplication can be distinguished. One possibility is the simple repetition of the same word, this typically expressing heightened intensity or expressitivity. Examples: ugyčugyč ‘repeatedly’ ← ugyč ‘anew’, koklan-koklan ‘from time to time’ ← koklan ‘occasionally’, kande-kande ‘very blue’ ← kande ‘blue’. Words with a completely new meaning can also be formed in this way: maneš-maneš ‘gossip’ ← maneš ‘(s)he says’. Another common method of formation is the use of an independent word together with a variant of it employing other vowels and/or consonants. Examples: kadyr-gudyr ‘crooked’ ← kadyr ‘crooked’, tygyde-tagyde ‘small, tiny’ ← tygyde ‘small’, uver-aṅar ‘news’ ← uver ‘news’, šükšak ‘junk, rubbish’ ← šük ‘junk, rubbish’. The words kadyr, tygyde and šük exist on their own, the second components of the reduplicated forms do not. In still another form of reduplication the meaning of an adjective beginning with the structure CVC can be intensified through the prefixation of this CVC element with the second C becoming p: taza ‘healthy’ → tap-taza ‘quite healthy’, tynys ‘quiet’ → typ-tynys ‘quite quiet’, tura ‘straight’ → tup-tura ‘quite straight’. This last type is due to Turkic, i.e. Tatar and Chuvash influence. Finally, another type of reduplication can be found in words consisting of two elements which are similar but differ with regard to some of their vowels or consonants, but which contrast with such words as kadyr-gudyr in that neither element exists independently. Examples: aldi-buldi ‘so-so; unstable’, sypte-sopto ‘clumsily, awkwardly’. A noteworthy feature of Mari word-formation is, in addition, the widespread usage of reduplicated forms of an onomatopoetic nature. These expressions typically consist of two words, either the same word twice or two words differing from each other only slightly and can often be used in highly specific situations: vyrt-vurt ‘rapid completion of an action’, juvo-juvo ‘noisy and chaotic movement of a group of people or animals’, vrek-vrek ‘a cat or hare jumping’, jyl-jol ‘quick, intermittent actions’, lyb-lyb ‘weak vibration’, jylt-jolt ‘flashing, shining’, čylde-čoldo ‘dull knock, clanging’, čyl-čyl ‘flickering, twickling’. The many hundreds of such expressions pose a particular challenge to all those translating Mari texts into a different language.

7. References Alhoniemi, Alho 1993 Grammatik des Tscheremissischen (Mari). Hamburg: Buske. Bradley, Jeremy 2015 Mari converb constructions: Interpretation and translation. In: Martin Hilpert, Jan-Ola Östman, Christine Mertzlufft, Michael Rießler and Janet Duke (eds.), New Trends in Nordic and General Linguistics, 141−161. Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter. Ivanov, Ivan Grigor’evič 2001 Mutvundynam pojdarena. U mut-vlak muter. Joškar-Ola: Marijskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Ivanov, Ivan and Arto Moisio 1998 Marin kielen sanaston kehitys 1900-luvulla. Turku: Publications of the Department of Finnish and General Linguistics of the University of Turku. Lavrenťev, Jurij Ivanovič 1984 Sostav slova i slovoobrazovanie v sovremennom marijskom âzyke. Joškar-Ola: Marijskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo.

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Pengitov, Nikolaj Tihonovič, Ivan Stepanovič Galkin and Nikolaj Isanbaevič Isanbaev (eds.) 1961 Sovremennyj marijskij âzyk. Morfologiâ. Joškar-Ola: Marijskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Učaev, Zinovij Vasiľevič 1993 Marij jylme. Teorij. Joškar-Ola: Marij kniga savyktyš.

Timothy Riese, Vienna (Austria)

180. Mordvinic 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Non-finite verbs Other word-formation methods Word-creation References

Abstract In the Mordvinic language, which belongs to the Finno-Volgaic group within the FinnoUgric language family, the most productive word-formation method is compounding, but the derivational system of the language is also very rich. Subordinate compounds outnumber coordinate ones; a special group within coordination is that of the copulative compounds, among which verbal compounds are the most frequent. Traditional categories of derivation are the deverbal and denominal verb and noun affixes. Nominal affixes consisting of a single letter/sound are rarely productive today, while affixes having evolved from independent words still produce a great number of new words. Prefixes and infixes are not characteristic of Mordvinic, nor are word-formation methods like backformation, blending or clipping. The category of non-finite verbs is rich, however. Neologistic activities of the modern era − translations of the Bible and the creation of a linguistic terminology in particular − have also added a number of new derived and compound words.

1. Introduction The Mordvinic language, which belongs to the Finno-Volgaic group within the FinnoUgric language family, is the largest among the languages spoken by Finno-Ugric peoples living in Russia. According to earlier census data, between 1959 and 1989 there were about 1,2–1,3 million Mordvins; however, the latest census has counted only 850

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thousand people (and only about two-thirds of them speak their mother tongue). The Republic of Mordovia, whose capital is Saransk, is situated some 650 kilometres southeast of Moscow. However, only two-thirds of the Mordvinic people live there, while the rest of them are scattered through the Volga Area, territories beyond the Volga (like Samara and Orenburg), or are diaspora communities to be found even in remote lands like Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan or Siberia. Mordvinic is considered by the majority of West-European linguists as one single language spoken in two main dialects, Erzya and Moksha. As opposed to this view, the linguists of Mordovia distinguish two different languages, although this division brings forth different disadvantages and dangers (cf. Zaicz 1995). I myself prefer the former view. In this article − chiefly due to considerations of space −, the derivational and compositional system of the Erzya language is described, while Moksha examples are only mentioned when justified. (If the dialectal affiliation of a form is not indicated, that means that the word is in Erzya, and in any other case, the abbreviations E and M are applied. The Mordvinic data are given in Roman-letter transcription.) The descriptive approach (and especially dialectology) is a strong point of Mordvinic linguists. Word-formation is treated to a smaller or greater extent in Mordvinic and WestEuropean comprehensive works. Evsev’ev’s grammar (1963 [1934]), the first grammatical summary of professional character, already discussed derivational affixes (38−44, 168− 181) and compounds (44−50, 181−182) in a systematic way. The work titled Grammatika, published in 1962, described these word-formation methods in 25 pages (35−61). The next summary (Grammatika 1980) presented these categories in considerably more detail, in a better grouping format, and with abundant material (99−136). The two latest works, the Erzya (EK 2000: 34−51) and the Moksha (MK 2000: 75−83, 92−93, 170−172, 181− 182, 187−188) descriptive grammar handbooks discuss this topic in a well-organized fashion. In addition, M. A. Kelin has published extensive systematic papers on subordinate and coordinate compounds (1967, 1969). There are only short summaries to be found on word-formation in the handbooks of West-European scholars. In the grammatical overview that we find in the chrestomathy of Paasonen (1909), the first prominent researcher of Mordvinic, only participial suffixes appear in the derivational charts. László Keresztes’s chrestomathy from 1990 (50−52, 65−69) and his latest comprehensive book (2011: 122−123) introduce us into wordformation briefly, in a list-like manner. This subject is treated in a relatively detailed way in Raija Bartens’s manual (1999: 105−107, 110−111, 157−161). Alo Raun (1988: 108−109, 565−568) and Gábor Zaicz (1998: 202−204) give a short overview of the derivational and compositional system in their handbooks on Finno-Ugric languages published in English in the last decades of the 20th century. It is only Serebrennikov who discusses derivational affixes with an historical approach in a reliable manner (1967: 66−71, 75−80, 217−235). As a matter of course, there is ample material on this topic in different articles and papers, however, monographs are hard to find. Nominal derivation (and nominal compounds to a minor extent) is dealt with by D. V. Cygankin (1981), Valmen Hallap (whose 1955 work was published in 2000) and Edit Mészáros have written a whole book on verbal derivation (1999). The greatest advantages of Cygankin’s monograph are its vast (native) language corpus, the description and systematization of this corpus, as well as the inclusion of a wealth of dialectal material. His book gives a clear and lucid picture of the derivational system, the semantic groups of the affixes and their productivity.

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Mészáros describes the system of Erzya verbal derivational affixes through a successful combination of descriptive and historical approaches, using a large quantity of linguistic material. Hallap discusses the topic from a historical point of view. The classification (and at times, even the recognition) of derivational affixes varies from author to author and from book to book. This article takes Cygankin’s (1981) and Mészáros’s (1999) framework as its basis since these are the most detailed and complete classifications currently available.

2. General overview The derivational system of the Finno-Ugric languages is exceptionally rich, and there are also an equally large number of compounds. Derivational affixes already appeared in the Uralic/Finno-Ugric proto-language (e.g., *šiηe-re ‘mouse’, *śiδä-m3 ‘heart’, the meaning of which gradually became obscure, so that a non-professional can no longer detect the affix in them), and subsequently their number has increased. Only a small percentage of the compounds are traceable back to ancient times, and these are the socalled copulative compounds: Fin. maa+ilma earth-air ‘world’, Hun. orca nose-mouth ‘face’. This word-formation method became really widespread only much later, during the separate lives of the individual languages. Mordvinic linguistic records are available only from the 18th century on; therefore it is impossible to estimate when exactly compounds appeared in the language. The Mordvinic system of word-formation is similar to that of the other Finno-Ugric languages. Subordinate compounds outnumber coordinate compounds; a special group within coordination is the category of copulative compounds (noun pairs, verb pairs). Traditional categories of derivation are the deverbal and denominal verb and noun affixes. The different items of the exceptionally rich set of derivational affixes are all classifiable into one of these four groups. Another way of classification is according to productivity: nominal affixes consisting of a single letter/sound are rarely productive today, while affixes having evolved from independent words still produce a large number of new words. Affixes are described here according to the principles of the semasiological approach traditionally used in Finno-Ugric linguistics. In a similar fashion to the majority of other Finno-Ugric languages, prefixes and infixes are not characteristic of Mordvinic either, and affixes are usually suffixes (one exception is the morpheme a-, which originates from a negative verbal root: lamo ‘a lot of’ → alamo ‘a few’, sati ‘enough’ → asati ‘not enough’).

3. Composition Composition is treated in Grammatika (1962: 48−61); Evsev’ev (1963: 44−50, 181− 182); Kelin (1967, 1969); Grammatika (1980: 127−136); Cygankin (1981: 60−73); Raun (1988: 108−109); Bartens (1999: 105−106, 110, 157−158); EK (2000: 48−51); MK (2000: 79−81). Similarly to all the other Finno-Ugric languages, composition is still the most productive method of word-formation in present-day Mordvinic. Collocations and compounds

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are not always clearly distinguishable, and usually orthography decides: compounds are spelt as one word (though their orthography cannot be considered as settled yet), e.g., veďkev ‘millstone’ vs. meńeľeń kev ‘meteorite’, pŕakeď ‘scalp’ vs. śardoń keď ‘buckskin’, piŕekeńkš ‘garden gate’ vs. suľikań keńkš ‘glass door’, lomańeń pŕa ‘human head’ vs. čuŕkapŕa ‘(a) bulb (of onion)’ (the anterior constituent in these compounds is in the nominative, which is an uninflected case, while the first part of collocations is usually inflected). Sometimes, both forms exist side by side: tumolopa ~ tumoń lopa ‘oak leaf’, čačimastor ~ čačoma mastor ‘motherland, birthplace’, and sometimes a differentiation of the senses takes place: od ava ‘young wife’ vs. odava ‘stepmother’, jakšamo kov ‘cold month’ vs. jakšamkov ‘January’. Almost any grammatical category can serve as the constituent of a compound. The Mordvinic linguistic literature classifies the different compound types taking grammatical category as its organizing principle; it may be more practical however, to discuss subordinate compounds in a grouping format based on the relationship obtaining between the constituents.

3.1. Subordinate compounds Determinative compounds form a frequent and productive category: avaka+veŕgiz ‘female wolf’, aťaka+ovto ‘male bear’, ińe+veď big-water ‘sea, ocean’, piźol+čuvto ‘sorb tree’, piźeme+peľ ‘rain cloud’, ruz+ava ‘Russian woman’, siveľ+jam ‘meat soup’, tol+kev ‘fire stone’, ojme+jalt holy-breeze ‘Holy Spirit’; keńkš+kundamo ‘door latch’, kši+kuvo ‘bread crust’, mekš+ava ‘bee queen’, narmuń+ľevks ‘bird nestling’, pejeľ+ńeŕ ‘knife point’, piľge+sur ‘leg finger’, či+valgoma ‘sunset’, či+valdo ‘sunlight’. Possessive compounds are very rare and unproductive (like in Finno-Ugric languages in general), e.g., MordM. kolməpiľgəńä ‘three-legged pot-hanger’ (← kolmə ‘three’ + piľgə ‘leg’). The constituents usually unite without any modifications in the original forms, but sometimes phonological changes do take place. The most frequent among these is the regular voicing at the morpheme boundary: the first consonant of the compound assimilates if the anterior constituent ends with a consonant. According to the 1995 spelling reform, this partial assimilation is indicated in writing, but dictionaries are not consistent in this matter and both of the forms can be found in them: veďkev ~ veďgev ‘mill’ (← veď ‘water’ + kev ‘stone’), its pronunciation is [veďgev]. (This article follows the principle of etymology and thus does not indicate the assimilation in spelling.) Sometimes, the last sound of the anterior constituent is deleted: eŕźava ‘Erzya woman’ (← eŕźa + ava), and even whole syllables can be dropped: śeľveď ‘tear’ (← śeľme ‘eye’ + veď ‘water’), tuľevks ‘piglet’ (← tuvo ‘pig’ + ľevks ‘young of an animal’).

3.2. Coordinate compounds A very special group within Mordvinic compounds is the category of coordinate compounds. The constituents of these can be nominals (nouns and adjectives) or verbs. These copulative compounds differ from “real” compound words in two (formal) features:

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the constituents are relatively freely interchangeable (ovtot-veŕgizt ~ veŕgizt-ovtot bearswolves ‘wild animals’), and they are separately inflected (jalgat-ojat ‘friends-companions’: Gen. jalgań-ojań, Dat. jalgańeń-ojańeń). These are written with a hyphen in Erzya and in two words in Moksha. The most frequent compounds are those with nominal constituents (d v a n d v a s ). Three semantic subclasses are distinguishable within this category: a) Constituents referring to a collectivity of people or close relations (kinship, marriage, friendship). Here, the constituents are in the plural, but in fact, they do not have a plural meaning: the meaning of ťeťat-avat ‘father-PLUR + mother-PLUR’ could be either ‘one married couple’ or ‘more married couples’. Other examples are: avat-ćorat mother-son ‘mother with her son’, ťeťat-avat mother-father ‘parents’; b) Constituents referring to objects sharing a certain feature (size, color, characteristic feature, quality, function). These forms are also in the plural: viďema-sokamo ‘ploughing-sowing’, keďť-piľgeť arm-leg ‘limbs’, peńčť-vakant spoon-bowl ‘pots, tableware’, sukst-unžat worm-bug ‘insects’, ťeveľavtmaksot lung-liver ‘internal organs’, jarsamo-śimema ‘eating-drinking’; c) Compounds in which the meanings of the constituents are (almost) the same, and the role of the second constituent is only the intensification of the first constituent’s meaning: veľamo-čaramo spinning-turning ‘bustle, hurry’, piďevks-pańevks cooking-baking ‘food’, ťŕića-kastića nurturing-fostering ‘supporter’, eŕamo-ašťema life-living ‘existence’, jakića-pakića walking-moving ‘passer-by’. A d j e c t i v a l c o n s t i t u e n t s are also relatively frequent. These can be a) qualifiers expressing different shades: ašnaza-piže ‘light green’, valdo-ožo ‘light yellow’, ožozajakśťeŕe ‘orange’, piže-ožo ‘greenish yellow’, čopoda-jakśťeŕe ‘deep red’; b) qualifiers with similar meanings: jontomo-luvtomo meaningless-disorderly ‘confused, muddled’, kepe-štapo barefooted-naked ‘naked’; c) repetitions expressing intensity: salov-salov ‘(very) salty’, seťme-seťme ‘(very) quiet’; d) onomatopoeic constituents that are not used individually: śurdov-śardov ‘arboreous’, tupor-tapor ‘awkward, clumsy’. The category of a d v e r b i a l c o m p o u n d s is heterogeneous. Here, one can find synonymous pairs (nučk-pačk through-across ‘criss-cross, up and down, thoroughly’, šumbrasto-parśťe ‘healthily-well’), antonymous pairs (alov-veŕev ‘up and down’, čińekveńek ‘day and night’) and repetitions (alamoń-alamoń ‘little by little’, baška-baška ‘separately, one by one’, kičkeŕ-kičkeŕ ‘sidelong, askew’, kosto-kosto ‘from here and there’, škań-škań ‘from time to time’, mejeľćek-mejeľćek ‘one after the other’, pećekpećek ‘behind one another’). N u m e r a l c o n s t i t u e n t s express either indefinite quantity (kavto-kolmo ‘two or three’) or distributivity in genitive case (kolmoń-kolmoń ‘in threes, three at a time’). The subclass of p r o n o m i n a l c o m p o u n d s is also populous: koj-kov ‘to somewhere’, koj-źardo ‘at some time, sometimes’, kije-kije ‘somebody, each’, koso-koso ‘here and there’, ta-kodamo ‘some kind of’. It is practical to handle o n o m a t o p o e i c w o r d s as another, separate group, e.g., avol-uvol (onomatopoeic word expressing rocking or swaying), buldor-galdor (splashing), galdor-guldor (rattling), kalt-kalt (knocking), čikor-lakor (squeaking, creaking). The set of v e r b a l c o m p o u n d s is very productive, with numerous items in it. Through the linking of verbs some additional meaning is expressed. Subclasses within this category are: a) linking two verbs with the same or a similar meaning (here, the infinitive forms of the verbs are given, cf. section 5): viťems-peťems ‘to repair’, dumamsaŕśems ‘to think about’, ŕiznems-majśems grieve-suffer ‘to suffer’, ťŕams-kastoms ‘to

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bring up, raise’, eŕams-ašťems lit. ‘to live-be’; b) linking two verbs expressing two phases of the same action or series of actions: viďems-sokams lit. ‘to plough-sow’, kišťems-morams dance-sing ‘to have fun’, oršams-kaŕśems put on clothes-put on shoes ‘to get dressed’, sokams-izams plough-harrow ‘to cultivate’, šľams-nardams wash-wipe ‘to wash’; c) linking antonymous verbs: ľiśems-sovams come out-go in ‘to come and go’, kuźems-valgoms lit. ‘to descend-ascend’, mijems-ramams sell-buy ‘to trade’. There are certain verbal compounds whose second constituent does not function as a semantic element, but indicates the aspect of the action. These are the following verbs: ťejems ‘to do’, meŕems ‘to say’, moľems ‘to go’. The item ťejems endows the verb with the progressive aspect on the one hand, e.g., ńeďľačiste jakińek-ťejińek uľcava ‘we are walking on the street on Sunday’ (Bartens 1999: 157); on the other hand, it emphasizes the semelfactive-inchoative quality of the action when it appears on onomatopoeic roots. E.g., zujk-ťejems ‘to give a throb’, likast-ťejems ‘to stagger’, nolšt-ťejems ‘to give a lick’, nock-ťejems ‘to give a tug’, skiŕk-ťejems ‘to get excited’, tarsk-ťejems ‘to shudder’. The verb meŕems appears with similar roots (kivčk-meŕems ‘to twinkle, shine up’, skiŕkmeŕems ‘to get excited’, sork-meŕems ‘to quiver, tremble’, ćiťeŕ-meŕems ‘to shine, glitter’, juvk-meŕems ‘to whisk, flash past’), and so does moľems (zujť-moľems ‘to shudder, shiver’, zeŕť-moľems ‘to give a thundering sound’). These verbs can be attached to color terms too, constituting a special subcategory: śerojšť-meŕems ‘to grizzle, loom grey’, ťužt-moľems ‘to loom yellow’, jakśťeŕť-meŕems ‘to look red’. In these structures, a process of grammaticalization has begun on the three verbs, leading to some sort of semantic loss.

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation Nominal derivation is treated in Grammatika (1962: 39−41); Evsev’ev (1963: 38−44); Serebrennikov (1967: 67−71); Grammatika (1980: 103−111); Cygankin (1981: 35−60; 1996; 2000: 142−157); Mészáros (1997: 229−239); Zaicz (1998: 202−203); Bartens (1999: 106−107); EK (2000: 35−38, 46−48); MK (2000: 75−78); Saarinen (2004: 334− 340); Maticsák (2005). The most ancient among the nominal derivational suffixes are the ones that had appeared even before Mordvinic began its separate life (in the Uralic/Finno-Ugric/FinnoPermic/Finno-Volgaic age). Another group of nominal affixes is made up of those, usually complex, suffixes that developed later, when Mordvinic set off on its own way. There are more recent suffixes that have evolved from non-finite verbs, for instance. Even more recent are the complex suffixes and elements loaned from Russian. The most recent suffixes have developed by way of grammaticalization during the past few centuries and are still developing. The classical grouping format based on the function of the suffixes can be applied here as well: we can distinguish between denominal and deverbal noun suffixes. Both of these categories are remarkably rich. The productivity of the different suffixes varies considerably: some of them are still very productive, while others are completely unproductive today. The linking rules affecting the suffixes are very intricate; therefore they are not discussed here for lack of space.

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4.1.1. Denominal and deadjectival nouns Dependent items (one-letter/sound suffixes and derivative clusters) are discussed first, and then suffixes that have developed from independent words follow. Suffixes belonging to the former group usually produce nouns with a concrete meaning. Some of them are specifically used for the creation of plant and animal names, while others form onomatopoeic words. Diminutives (evaluative suffixes), among others, can be classified here. Suffixes grammaticalized from independent words produce abstract nouns. They are very frequent and productive. The most frequent and productive Mordvinic nominal suffix is -ks. Its base can be a noun, an adjective, an adverb or a verb alike, with versatile semantics. The main semantic subclasses are the following: a) some kind of object: piľeks ‘earring’ ← piľe ‘ear’, surks ‘ring’ ← sur ‘finger’, torśejks ‘rigging’ ← torśej ‘mast, pole’; b) some kind of location: akśalks ‘space under the bench’ ← akśalo ‘under the bench’, veŕks ‘the top part of sth.’ ← veŕe ‘upper’, mastorks ‘ground, floor’ ← mastor ‘earth’, potmaks ‘bottom, bed’ ← potmo ‘the inside of sth.’; the base form is an adverbial vasolks ‘distance’ ← vasolo ‘far away’, ikeľks ‘front part’ ← ikeľe ‘in front’, udalks ‘back part’ ← udalo ‘at the back’; c) names for trees and bushes form a special group: ińźejks ‘raspberry bush’ ← ińźej ‘raspberry’, piźolks ‘sorb-tree’ ← piźol ‘sorb, serviceberry’; d) abstract nouns: vajgeľks ‘echo’ ← vajgeľ ‘sound’, meľks ‘wish, desire’ ← meľ ‘mood, humour’, meńeľks ‘weather’ ← meńeľ ‘firmament, canopy of heaven’; in some cases, the base and the derivative noun have the same meaning: viďme ~ viďmeks ‘seed’, guboŕ ~ guboŕks ‘hill’, jon ~ jonks ‘side, direction’, koz ~ kozks ‘cough’. The productivity of -kš is low, it is rather infrequent. The few occurrences we can find do not suffice to form clear-cut semantic classes. The derived noun is usually concrete in meaning, e.g., avakš ‘hen-bird’ ← ava ‘woman, mother’, aťakš ‘rooster’ ← aťa ‘old man’, śeľmukš-t (pl.) ‘glasses’ ← śeľme ‘eye’. The suffix -ka has manifold functions in Mordvinic, for several suffixes have come together in this single element. Firstly, it is a diminutive suffix (sazorka ‘little sister’ ← sazor ‘the younger sister of someone’, cf. below), secondly an authentic Mordvinic nominal suffix, and thirdly an alternate of the suffix -ka of Russian origin. Words formed with the denominal suffix -ka are mainly zoological terms: maksaźej ~ maksaka ‘mole’, śeźgan ~ śeźaka ‘magpie’, marav ~ maraka ‘wine fly’, and the expressions avaka ‘female (mammal), bitch’ ← ava ‘woman, mother’, aťaka ‘male (mammal)’ ← aťa ‘old man’ as well. − The denominal/diminutive suffix -ka of Russian origin is traceable in a great number of words that have already been integrated into the Mordvinic vocabulary: zapiska ‘leaflet, short letter’, kurtka ‘jacket’, lampočka ‘little lamp’, otkritka ‘postcard’, tabuŕetka ‘kitchen stool’, ťetradka ‘notebook’, eťiketka ‘label’, etc. The Erzya suffix -t, -ť, -vt, -vť and its equivalent, Moksha -f, are etymologically connected with the Eryza agent participle suffix -vt and the Moksha past participle suffix -f respectively (cf. section 5). This suffix primarily denotes various persons: avavt ‘mother-in-law’ ← ava ‘woman, mother’, aťavt ‘father-in-law’ ← aťa ‘old man’, pŕavt ‘chief, boss’ ← pŕa ‘head’; but it can also refer to the result of an action: gajť ‘voice, sound’ ← gaj ‘ringing, melodious’. The words mact ‘pit, cellar’, mevť ‘sail’, ťeńśť ‘broom’, kanst ‘load’, panst ‘bridle’, porovt ‘sill, doorstep’ are likely to belong to this group too. -kaj is a productive, relatively frequent suffix. It is attachable to nouns, adjectives and verbs alike. Among the semantically varied subgroups, botanical and zoological

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terms make up the largest set. Examples: seńkaj ‘snowdrop’ ← seń ‘blue’, jakśteŕkaj ‘red beet’ ← jakśťeŕe ‘red, crimson’. Though the meaning of their bases is obscure, the following words also belong to this category: varmańkaj ‘primrose’, nunolkaj ‘(a kind of) hawthorn’, ćipiŕkaj ‘love-lies-bleeding’, noronkaj ‘lark’, piťeŕkaj ‘lapwing’, seńškaj ‘drake’, torkaj ‘lark’, čemeńkaj ‘cock-pigeon’. Cygankin distinguishes another semantic group, the names for elder relatives: paťkaj ‘elder sister-in-law’ ← paťa ‘elder sister’, matkaj ‘mother-in-law’ ← mať ‘mother’, siŕkaj ‘aunt’ ← siŕe ‘old’. -k appears in onomatopoeic words: boldork (splash), buńk (bang), jombolk (a quick activity), zeŕk (thud), zeχeľk (lull), kalck (knocking), ľibork (whoosh), rovck (bang), ćivťork (sparkle, glitter), ćiŕk (crack). According to Cygankin, in the central and northwestern Erzya dialects, the names of trees are not created with the suffix -ks mentioned earlier (umaŕks ‘apple tree’ ← umaŕ ‘apple’), but with the suffix -ina/-ŕina: piźoľina ‘sorb tree’ ← piźol ‘sorb, serviceberry’, čevgeľina ‘queen’s pincushion tree’ ← čevgeľ ‘the fruit of a queen’s pincushion tree’. The allomorph -ŕina probably developed from the forms umaŕina ‘apple tree’ ← umaŕ ‘apple’, ľomźoŕina ‘bird cherry tree’ ← ľomźor ‘bird cherry’ by way of reanalysis: pešťeŕina ‘hazel bush’ ← pešťe, sľivkaŕina ‘plum tree’ ← sľiva. Through a metonymic shift, it took on the meaning ‘a place where a certain kind of plant or animal is likely to be found’: ćokovina ← ćokov ‘nightingale’, topoľina ← topoľ ‘poplar’. Furthermore, there are some elements in Mordvinic that possibly used to be suffixes: -un, -ata, -źej. These are not clearly understandable suffixes anymore, and it is impossible to find their origin even with the help of related languages. Their suffixal nature is supported by the fact that they can be classified into a common semantic group, botanical and zoological terms: ďeŕgun ‘corncrake’, peźgun ‘swift’, ćiŕkun ‘cricket’; keŕgata ‘woodpecker’, piźgata ‘swift’, šekšata ‘woodpecker’; varmaźej ‘falcon’, maksaźej ‘mole’, suvoźej ‘wood grouse’, trańźej ‘seagull’, panźej ‘white wagtail’. As opposed to Russian, where d i m i n u t i v e s are very frequent, Mordvinic has only two suffixes with emotional overtones: a) -ńe/-ińe/-ne and b) -ka/-ke (the choice between them depends on the ending of the base noun). These can go with a wide variety of nominal bases, and semantic groups are hard to find. The most general and frequent among them is -ińe. -ka primarily functions as a suffix used for the nicknaming of relatives: ćoraka-m ‘my little son (Px1Sg)’; it is frequently attached to personal names: Miťaka-j ‘little Mitja (vocative)’; it is used for the naming of animals in folk tales: ovtoka-j ‘little bear (vocative)’. Examples: kiskińe ← kiska ‘dog’, nuŕkińe ← nuŕka ‘short’, nućkińe ← nućka ‘grandchild’, piľgińe ← piľge ‘leg’, unžińe ← unža ‘beetle’, ćorińe ← ćora ‘boy’, eŕkińe ← eŕke ‘lake’; ťejťeŕka ← ťejťeŕ ‘girl’; avakške ← avakš ‘hen’, ŕiveźke ← ŕiveź ‘fox’, jalakske ← jalaks ‘younger brother’. The two diminutives, -ka and -ińe, can even appear together: numolkińe ← numolo ‘rabbit’. In Mordvinic, we can also find suffixes that developed by means of g r a m m a t i c a l i z a t i o n (from independent words). In the process of grammaticalization, the semantic content of a lexical unit begins to fade away, while its syntactic restrictedness strengthens. At a later stage of development, the word loses its independence and attaches to other words as a clitic, then later as an affix or an inflection. Notwithstanding the loss of its independence, however, a certain extension of its meaning is also detectable: while it becomes more abstract, its semantic range widens. The grammaticalization process of suffixes having developed from independent words usually takes place in the following

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steps: independent word > second constituent of a compound > suffix. The threshold for the transformation of a word into a suffix is desemantization. In Finno-Ugric languages, the set of suffixes developed from independent words is relatively numerous, but the diachronic pathway of grammaticalization processes is rather difficult to examine because of the lack of linguistic records from the early times. It is almost impossible to follow the lives of the suffixes through hundreds of years under such circumstances. There are about a dozen and a half lexemes in the Mordvinic linguistic literature that are susceptible to agglutination. These items are all at different stages of the transformation process. Part of them can be excluded from grammaticalization. Historical research has proven that the elements -kaz, -tor, and -maz are not to be considered as suffixes, while -al, -alks, -bije, -kirda, -lango, -maŕ, -nal and -pulo are just second constituents as of now. The items -luv, -pŕa, and -pe have begun to be transformed into suffixes. The lexemes -meźe, -ńi, -peľ, and -peľks are already suffixes, rather than constituents of compounds. Finally, the element -či is undoubtedly a suffix. The latter five items are to be described below. As an independent word, the suffix -či means ‘day or sun’; when it is a first constituent its meaning is ‘sun’; and as a second constituent it means ‘day’. This word has been transformed into a nominal suffix in Mordvinic, being the most frequent suffix producing a b s t r a c t n o u n s today. The suffix -či is most often attached to adjectives, e.g., kemeči ‘strength’ ← keme ‘strong’, mazijči ‘beauty’ ← mazij ‘beautiful’, paroči ‘goodness’ ← paro ‘good’, šumbrači ‘health’ ← šumbra ‘healthy’, but it also appears on nouns: ojači ‘friendship’ ← oja ‘friend’, oľači ‘freedom’ ← oľa ‘freedom’. The base often contains the suffix -mo, -ma: eŕamoči ‘life, wealth’ ← eŕamo ‘life’ (← eŕa- ‘to live’), jomamoči ‘destruction, loss’ ← jomamo ‘destruction’ (← joma- ‘to perish’) − in these cases, the form with the -či suffix does not have additional meaning compared to the base form. The suffix in question can frequently be attached to words containing the suffix -ks: jalgaksči ‘friendship’ ← jalga ‘friend’, pazoksči ‘deity’ ← paz ‘god’. The base is seldom a verb (čaŕťči ‘courteousness’ ← čarťa- ‘to inform’), a past participle (eŕaviksči ‘necessity’ ← eŕaviks ‘necessary, needed’), an adverbial, a modifier (alkuksči ‘truth, reality’ ← alkuks ‘truthfully, really’), a numeral (vejkeksči ‘unity, homogeneity’ ← vejke ‘one’), a pronoun (tonači ‘the hereafter’ ← tona ‘that’). This is a highly productive suffix that is also used with a number of words of Russian origin. Its spreading is a relatively new phenomenon: there were only a couple of -či suffixed words in the 1785 Damaskin dictionary (published in Feoktistov 1971). -peľ appears as meaning ‘half’ in present-day dictionaries: peľ ľitra ‘half a litre’, peľ ije ‘half a year’. As a first constituent, it is very productive (peľkov ‘crescent’). The element peľ as a suffix, having developed from an independent word through desemantization, usually goes with words containing the deverbal noun suffixes -mo, -ma. It is not connected to the original form anymore, its main function is ‘a means for some kind of an action’: karksamopeľ ‘belt’ ← karksamo ‘waist’, oršamopeľ ‘clothing’ ← oršamo ‘dressing’, jarsamopeľ ‘food’ ← jarsamo ‘eating’, lambamopeľ ‘sweets’ ← lambamo ‘sweet’, targamopeľ ‘cigarette’ ← targamo ‘smoking’. The element -peľks means ‘detail, piece’ when it is an independent word. It does not function as a first constituent, but it appears in some syntactic groups/subordinate compounds: pŕapeľks ‘headpiece’ ← pŕa ‘head’, valoń peľks ‘syllable’ ← val ‘word’. In some lexemes, peľks has already lost its original meaning and has been transformed into an abstract suffix: čopońpeľks ‘twilight’ ← čopoda ‘dark’, ikeľepeľks ‘facade, fu-

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ture’ ← ikeľe ‘in front (of)’, nartńemapeľks ‘eraser’ ← nartńema ‘deletion’, seďejpeľks ‘dear, kind’ ← śeďej ‘heart’. -meźe is a suffix producing collective nouns referring to people: Vaśameźeń ‘Vasiliy plus everybody who is with him’, Śergejmeźeń ‘Sergey plus everybody who is with him’. The suffix developed from the lexeme meźe ‘what.GEN’. Its use is very limited, it does not seem to be a frequent form, but it is doubtlessly a suffix. The -ńi, -ńe suffix produces the n a m e s o f m a r r i e d w o m e n : Peťańeze ‘Petr’s wife’, Ivanńize ‘Ivan’s wife’, Večkajńize ‘Večkay’s wife’. This suffix, following the husband’s name, takes on a possessive ending (Px3Sg). It developed from the independent word ńi, meaning ‘wife, woman’. Its Moksha equivalent is the suffix -ŕä, which has been created from the word əŕvä ‘wife’. The well-defined nature of the original word makes it difficult for this suffix to become more abstract. It cannot connect with words very freely and it has not become independent from the etymon in meaning at all.

4.1.2. Deverbal nouns The suffixes belonging here usually create nouns with abstract meaning, or sometimes nouns naming objects. Similarly to its denominal equivalent, -ks is an equally productive and frequent suffix. The verbs it is attached to are usually intransitive. The last syllable of the base word is often deleted. Its main semantic groups are the following (in the case of deverbal forms and verbal suffixes, it is the root of the verb that is indicated): a) the result of the action is some kind of an a b s t r a c t n o u n : keńarks ‘joy’ ← keńardo- ‘to be glad’, ľezks ‘help’ ← ľezda- ‘to help’, ozks ‘prayer’ ← ozno- ‘to pray’, ŕizks ‘sorrow’ ← ŕizne- ‘to grieve’, ušodks ‘beginning’ ← ušodo- ‘to begin’; b) some kind of i n s t r u m e n t or equipment: kirvaźťks ‘tinder’ ← kirvaźe- ‘to catch fire’, potomks ‘plug’ ← potomo ‘to get plugged up’, avadks ‘blanket’ ← tavado- ‘to cover’. Another subclass is made up of lexemes that have a base word expressing some kind of sound effect: kaštorks ‘rustling’ ← kaštordo- ‘to rustle’, śotorks ‘crackling’ ← śotordo- ‘to crackle’, čikorks ‘squeaking’ ← čikordo- ‘to squeak’. Mordvinic linguists consider the -vks suffix a subclass of -ks; it seems reasonable, however, to handle it as a separate morpheme. The suffix -ks was originally attached to intransitive verbs, while -vks was joined to transitive ones (it can be seen from the examples that this duality is not necessarily effective anymore, especially not in the group of abstract nouns). This suffix is primarily used to create abstract nouns: aŕśevks ‘conception’ ← aŕśe- ‘to think’, veľavks ‘turning’ ← veľa- ‘to turn’, kemevks ‘belief’ ← keme- ‘to believe’, meŕevks ‘expression’ ← meŕe- ‘to say’, ńevťevks ‘example’ ← ńevťe- ‘to show’. The other large semantic group is composed of a set of (more) concrete lexemes: artovks ‘painting’ ← arto- ‘to paint’, kuštavks ‘mould’ ← kušta- ‘to mould’, oršavks ‘clothing’ ← orša- ‘to get dressed’, sokavks ‘plough-land’ ← soka- ‘to plough’. (It is in connection with the present passive participle suffix -viks, cf. section 5.) The suffix -mo/-ma/-me belongs to the most universal class of deverbal suffixes (action nouns). It is very productive and very frequent. This suffix produces abstract nouns; there are very few concrete ones such as the following examples: kuźťema ‘stairs’ ← kuźńe- ‘to climb’, ľiśma ‘well, spring’ ← ľiśe- ‘to pop up, come out’. The semantic

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categories of its bases are manifold. Examples: kuloma ‘death’ ← kulo- ‘to die’, nujema ‘reaping’ ← nuje- ‘to reap’, udoma ‘sleeping, dream’ ← udo- ‘to sleep’; moramo ‘singing’ ← mora- ‘to sing’, čaramo ‘turning’ ← čara- ‘to turn’, eŕamo ‘life’ ← eŕa- ‘to live’; piźeme ‘rain’ ← piźe- ‘to rain’. Onomatopoeic verbs make up a major group here: botmoždoma ← botmoždo- ‘to squelch’, buľkajema ← buľkaje- ‘to bubble’, vatordoma ← vatordo- ‘to croak’, murnoma ← murno- ‘to purr’, ćaχamo ← ćaχa- ‘to neigh’. Its ability to connect to words of Russian origin also shows its high productivity: družamo ‘fraternization’, cveťamo ‘blooming’. -mka is primarily used for the naming of objects (instrument nouns): jozamka ‘wisp’ ← joza- ‘to rub’, nardamka ‘towel’ ← narda- ‘to wipe’, nuŕamka ‘rocking chair’ ← nuŕa- ‘to rock’, ozamka ‘small seat’ ← oza- ‘to sit’. But on rare occassions, the new word can be abstract as well: kortamka ‘discussion’ ← korta- ‘to speak’, pejďemka ‘joke’ ← pejďe- ‘to laugh’. The suffix -t/-ť/-vt/-vť also produces deverbal forms: vanovt ‘glance’ ← vano- ‘to look at, watch’, zeŕť ‘rumble’ ← zeŕńe- ‘to rumble’, keŕavt ‘clearing (as a place)’ ← keŕa- ‘to cut (down)’, piŕavt ‘fence’ ← piŕa- ‘to fence off’, čalgavt ‘step’ ← čalga- ‘to step’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Adjectival derivation is treated in Grammatika (1962: 40−42); Serebrennikov (1967: 75− 79); Grammatika (1980: 111−115); Cygankin (1981: 52−54); Bartens (1999: 110−111); EK (2000: 38−39); MK (2000: 78−79, 92−93).

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives The suffixes classified here generally mean ‘being fitted up with N’. The resulting o r n a t i v e or p o s s e s s i v e adjectives refer to a characteristic feature expressed by the base word. The suffix -v is frequent and productive, and it usually expresses the state of being supplied with something (ľemev ‘fat’ ← ľem ‘fatty’, meďev ‘honeyed’ ← meď ‘honey’, salov ‘salty’ ← sal ‘salt’, viŕev ‘wooded’ ← viŕ ‘wood’, kevev ‘stony’ ← kev ‘stone’, nupońev ‘mossy’ ← nupoń ‘moss’), or a feature or state (vijev ‘strong’ ← vij ‘strength’, kažov ‘miserable’ ← kažo ‘misery’, ućaskav ‘happy’ ← ućaska ‘happiness’; often attached to the name of a body part: veŕev ‘bloody’ ← veŕ ‘blood’, sakalov ‘bearded’ ← sakalo ‘beard’, unksov ‘hunch-backed’ ← unks ‘hunch’, usav ‘moustached’ ← usa ‘moustache’). The suffix -j is synonymous with the former -v, but it is considerably less frequent: kežej ‘angry’ ← kež ‘anger’, pŕevej ‘clever’ ← pŕev ‘reason, brain’; piťńej ‘expensive’ ← piťńe ‘price, value’, keľej ‘wide, broad’ ← keľe ‘width, breadth’, sepej ‘bitter’ ← sepe ‘gall, bitter taste’. The suffix -ń is exceptionally productive and frequent. It derives r e l a t i o n a l adjectives and is attachable to any nominal. To pick out just some of the several semantic groups: a) it can express notions connected with a person: ćorań ‘man, male (in attribu-

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tive use)’ ← ćora ‘man’, ťejťeŕeń ‘girl (in attributive use)’ ← ťejťeŕ ‘girl’; b) its base forms can be animal names: vatrakšoń ← vatrakš ‘frog’, tuvoń ← tuvo ‘pig’; c) plant names: ińźejeń ← ińźej ‘raspberry’, kaľeń ← kaľ ‘willow’; d) material names: saχaroń ← saχar ‘sugar’, šokoladoń ← šokolad ‘chocolate’; e) it can refer to space relations: vasoldoń ← vasoldo ‘far away’, veľeń ← veľe ‘village’; f) time relations: peľeveń ← peľeve ‘midnight’; g) abstract relations: vardoń ← vardo ‘enemy’, lomańeń ← lomań ‘person, human’; and much more categories could be listed here. Its productivity is well shown by its occurrence in new words of Russian origin as well: ľingvisťikań, mińisťerstvań, parlamenteń. The suffix -će appears in relational adjectives derived from bases denoting space or time: alće ‘lower, bottom’ ← al- ‘lower (part of sth.)’, udalće ‘back’ ← udalo ‘at the back’. This same suffix also serves to produce o r d i n a l n u m b e r s : kolmoće ‘third’ ← kolmo ‘three’, kevejkejeće ‘eleventh’ ← kevejkeje ‘eleven’, śadoće ‘hundredth’ ← śado ‘a hundred’.

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives The base word of the suffix -la has an a p p r o x i m a t i v e function and is most often a color term: ašola ‘pale, sallow’ ← ašo ‘white’, ožola ‘yellowish’ ← ožo ‘yellow’, pižela ‘greenish’ ← piže ‘green’; furthermore: taštola ‘old-fashioned’ ← tašto ‘old’, ečkela ‘fattish’ ← ečke ‘fat’. (Sometimes it can also be attached to nominals, expressing similarity: ovtola ‘clumsy, awkward’ ← ovto ‘bear’, čavola ‘stupid, silly’ ← čavo ‘empty’, čuvtola ‘wooden-headed, dull-witted’ ← čuvto ‘wood’.) It is a relatively productive suffix. Other rare and unproductive suffixes are: -ža (alkaža ‘a bit short (in height)’ ← alka ‘short (in height)’, beŕaža ‘worthless’ ← beŕań ‘id.’, ľembeža ‘warm’ ← ľembe ‘id.’); -za (ožoza ‘yellowish’ ← ožo ‘yellow’, ormaza ‘rabid’ ← orma ‘illness, disease’); -na/ -ńa (kośkańa ‘a bit dry’ ← kośke ‘dry’); -mo (lambamo ‘sweet’ ~ lambakš ‘nauseating’).

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Suffixes producing deverbal adjectives are usually also used for the expression of some kind of quality or feature. Similarly to its denominal analogue, -ks is also a productive and frequent suffix, expressing attributes or qualities: nulgoďks ‘disgusting’ ← nulgoďe- ‘to be disgusted’, eŕaviks ‘necessary, needed’ ← eŕavo- ‘to need’, eŕiks ‘viable’ ← eŕa- ‘to live’. The suffix -ńa is also used for the expression of a feature: zliďńa ‘wandering, tramping’ ← zliďa- ‘to wander, tramp’, olańa ‘faded’ ← ola- ‘to fade’, solańa ‘soft’ ← sola‘to soften’. If the original form is not an existing word (anymore), the passive root of the word cluster is still traceable from the -kado- suffixed form: kavšańa ‘loose’ ~ kavšakado- ‘to loosen’, kažańa ‘rough’ ~ kažakado- ‘to become rough’, nusmańa ‘sad’ ~ nusmakado- ‘to sadden’, počańa ‘dry’ ~ počakado- ‘to become dry’.

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4.3. Verbal derivation Verbal derivation is treated in Grammatika (1962: 43−49); Yevsev’ev (1963: 168−181); Serebrennikov (1967: 217−235); Grammatika (1980: 115−122); Zaicz (1998: 203−204); Bartens (1999: 158−161); Mészáros (1999: 34−178); EK (2000: 39−44); Hallap (2000: 77−304); MK (2000: 170−172). Mordvinic verbal suffixes can be classified based on the manner, quality and state of the action, as well as its relation to the subject and the object (the aspect of the action is not relevant, however). The principal categories are similar to those of the other FinnoUgric languages: frequentative, durative, semelfactive, inchoative, factitive, causative and reflexive suffixes are to be found in the language. The frequentative and durative functions are often expressed by common suffixes. Verbal suffixes do not exclusively connect to base roots, but can also combine with one another. The number of such combinations is large, so they are not dealt with here for lack of space. Since deverbal verb suffixes are considerably more frequent and more productive in Mordvinic than denominal ones, it seems advisable to start the discussion with this subclass.

4.3.1. Deverbal verbs The suffixes grouped here are mainly frequentative-durative or semelfactive-durative, but we can find here a factitive, a causative and a reflexive suffix as well. The suffix -n (-ńe, -no, -ne, -ńa) is the most frequent and most productive f r e q u e n t a t i v e suffix. Among the variants, -ńe is the most used, while -ne is very rare in the standard language. This suffix expresses prolonged, continuous and, in some cases, repeated actions. Its English (or Russian) translation cannot convey the original meaning properly, therefore the meaning component ‘often, frequently’ should always be implied: jovtńe- ← jovta- ‘to tell’, kandńe- ← kando- ‘to bring’, kortńe- ← korta- ‘to talk’, ńiľńe← ńiľe- ‘to swallow’, śimńe- ← śime- ‘to drink’, ujńe- ← uje- ‘to swim’, čijńe- ← čije‘to run’. Sometimes, the base verb and the new word created from it express the same action: ľivťńe- ← ľivťa- ‘to fly away’, maštńe- ← mašto- ‘to kill’, oršńe- ← orša- ‘to get dressed’. New meaning: ozno- ‘to pray’ ← oza- ‘to sit’. It frequently occurs in onomatopoeic words as well: gajńe- ‘to ring’, klokno- ‘to cackle’, korno- ‘to snore’, lažno- ‘to buzz’, urńe- ‘to sob’, urno- ‘to yell, scream’. -kšno/-kšńe is also a very frequent and productive suffix. It is a f r e q u e n t a t i v e p r o g r e s s i v e suffix, expressing frequent and repeated, but discontinuous actions. In translations, these functions are not conveyed in an exact way, therefore the meaning component ‘often, sometimes, in succession, with interruptions’ has to be implied in each case: kajakšno- ← kaja- ‘to throw away’, oršakšno- ← orša- ‘to get dressed’, rakakšno- ← raka- ‘to laugh’, ujkšńe- ← uje- ‘to swim’, eŕakšno- ← eŕa- ‘to live’, jarsakšno- ← jarsa- ‘to eat’. Many of these verbs can take up a frequentative suffix as well: jovtńe- ~ jovtakšno- ← jovta- ‘to tell’, kuźńe- ~ kuźekšńe- ← kuźe- ‘to climb up’, ľeďńe- ~ ľeďekšńe- ← ľeďe- ‘to shoot’, maksńe- ~ maksokšno- ← makso- ‘to give’. The suffix -śe is also relatively frequent. It expresses p r o l o n g e d , c o n t i n u o u s , f r e q u e n t a t i v e actions: morśe- ‘to sing (repeatedly)’ ← mora- ‘to sing’, palśe- ‘to

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kiss (repeatedly)’ ← pala- ‘to kiss’, sovśe- ‘to frequent, attend’ ← sova- ‘to go in’, eŕśe‘to live on (uneventfully)’ ← eŕa- ‘to live’. Often, a durative and/or frequentative meaning component is present in the new sense: vajśe- ← vaja ‘to sink’, keľmśe- ← keľme‘to feel cold’, kolśe- ← kola- ‘to damage, spoil’, tombśe- ← tomba- ‘to hit’, udśe- ← udo- ‘to sleep’. The suffix -nd/-ńď is rare but relatively productive with a d u r a t i v e semantic component. It is synonymous with -ńe: ozonda- ~ ozno- ‘to pray’ ← oza- ‘to sit’, poŕeńďe~ poŕńe- ‘to nibble away at sth.’ ← poŕe- ‘to chew’. Some examples: purgonda- ‘to come out, bud’ ← purga- ‘to (burst) open’, keŕmanda- ~ keŕmeďe- ‘to wind round’. Other, unproductive, f r e q u e n t a t i v e / d u r a t i v e suffixes are: -še (javše- ← javo‘to divide, distribute’, tokše- ← toka- ‘to touch’); -če (końče- ‘to blink’ ← końa- ‘to shut (one’s eyes)’, meńče- ~ meńďe- ‘to bend, bow’); -ľe (kandľe- ← kando- ‘to bring’; the meaning of the original form is usually obscure, but synonymous derived verbs help in its interpretation: lužaľe- ~ lužado- ‘to idle, laze’, ordaľe- ~ ordado- ‘to get offended’, pačkoľe- ~ pačkoďe- ‘to arrive’, jaχoľe- ~ jaχoďe- ‘to wave one’s hand’); -ŕe (śińťŕe‘to break (into pieces)’ ~ śińďe- ‘to break, smash’); -ld (kirgaldo- ‘to goggle, stare’, kumboldo ‘to fluctuate, wave’); -rd (primarily in loan words: čiďardo- ‘to bear, stand’ < Tatar, dumarda- ‘to think about’ < Russian, ťagarda- ‘to compete, race’ < Russian). -je/-ja is a frequent and productive suffix. It usually appears in onomatopoeic verbs and loan words. Its primary function is to express the c o n t i n u i t y of an action and its d u r a t i o n in time. Although, it only exists as a passive root today, it is distinguishable through a cross-check with other suffixes: kapoje- ~ kapoďe- ‘to grab, take’; kopoŕa- ~ koporda- ‘to take a sip, gulp’, kutmoŕa- ~ kutmorda- ‘to hug’. Onomatopoeic verbs: ćoχaje- ~ ćoχaďe- ‘to hit, beat (about)’, kivčkaje- ~ kivčkaďe- ‘to glitter, gleam (in flashes)’, tulkaje- ~ tulkaďe- ‘to push, jostle (around)’. In Russian loans -ja possibly used to be a first person singular inflection, and was transformed into a suffix later: dumaja- ~ duma- ‘to think about’, otvečaja- ~ otveča- ‘to answer’. The suffix -d/-ď is also frequent and productive. Its semantic field is broad, but two of the most important functions are the f r e q u e n t a t i v e and s e m e l f a c t i v e ones. There are a number of verb pairs to be found in Mordvinic in which the semelfactive function of one verb can be set against the durative or frequentative function of the other: angorda- ‘to scratch (with a single, sort movement)’ ~ angoŕa- ‘to scratch’, kučkordo- ‘to kick (with a single, short movement)’ ~ kučkoŕa- ‘to be kicking at’, eśkeľďa‘to step (one step)’ ~ eśkeľa- ‘to pace, stride’. The d u r a t i v e function of this suffix is most often observable in the case of onomatopoeic verbs: galdordo- ‘to rattle’, dubordo‘to rumble’, kaštordo- ‘to rustle’, lagordo- ‘to creak, squeak’, ćivťordo- ‘to glitter, gleam’, čikordo- ‘to creak, scroop’. -gad/-kad is a relatively frequent, productive suffix. It has an i n c h o a t i v e function: nuŕakado- ‘to start ringing/swaying’ ← nuŕa- ‘to ring, sway’, čarakado- ‘to start turning/ revolving’ ← čara- ‘to turn, revolve’. It can often be paired with other suffixes: avaŕgado- ‘to burst into tears’ ~ avaŕďe- ‘to cry’, keńargado- ‘to rejoice at sth.’ ~ keńardo- ‘to be glad (with some duration)’, čikorgado- ‘to give a grating sound’ ~ čikordo- ‘to grate (with some duration)’. Its variants are the -lgad/-ľgad (viźďeľgado- ‘to be overcome with shame (suddenly)’ ← viźďe- ‘to feel ashamed of’, pejďelgado- ‘to start laughing’ ← pejďe- ‘to laugh’) and the -geď/-keď/-goď/-koď suffixes (peškeďe- ‘to become full’ ← pešťe- ‘to fill’, čangoďe- ‘to help’ ← čańśťa- ‘to bless’).

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The suffix -m is rare and unproductive. It refers to one-time, momentary actions with an inchoative meaning component: viťeme- ‘to draw oneself up’ ← viťe- ‘to straighten’. Its original form is not clearly recognizable anymore, but set against other verbs the suffix becomes distinguishable: veńeme- ‘to stretch out (itr.)’ ~ veńśťńe- ‘to stretch out (tr.)’, lužamo- ‘to calm down’ ~ lužaľe ‘to laze, idle’, nuŕgamo- ‘to get parched’ ~ nuŕgado- ‘to droop’. At times, it can combine with other suffixes: with the -kst or -z semelfactive-inchoative suffixes for instance: aparkstomo- ‘to break down’ ~ apargado‘to break down’, čarakstomo- ‘to turn over’ ~ čara- ‘to rotate’; lakaźeme- ‘to begin to boil’ ← laka- ‘to boil’, čataźeme- ‘to waver’ ← čata- ‘to shake’. -źev is a relatively productive but rare suffix. It is attached to semelfactive-inchoative (oftentimes onomatopoeic) words: guŕńeźeve- ‘to begin to rumble/growl’← guŕńe- ‘to rumble, growl’, ďiŕńeźeve- ‘to begin to buzz/hum’ ← ďiŕńe- ‘to buzz, hum’, irneźeve‘to begin to growl/snarl’ ← irne- ‘to growl, snarl’, kećaźeve- ‘to rejoice at sth.’ ← keća‘to be glad (with some duration)’, moraźeve- ‘break into song’ ← mora- ‘to sing’. The suffix -ź is rare and unproductive with an inchoative meaning component: kirvaźe- ‘to catch fire’ ← kirva- ‘to burn, flame’, sirgoźe- ‘to be stirring from one’s sleep’ ← sirga- ‘to get up’. -t/-ť is a frequent and productive suffix. When it joins a root starting with a consonant, the result is a s e m e l f a c t i v e - p e r f e c t i v e , a c t i v e (transitive) verb. Applied after a root starting with a vowel, it creates a p a s s i v e - r e f l e x i v e meaning. This difference is likely to suggest different origins. Examples for the former group are, e.g., kasto- ‘to (make sth.) grow’ ← kaso- ‘to grow’, siŕemťe- ‘to set light to sth.’ ← siŕeme- ‘to catch fire’, engamto- ‘to soothe sb.’ ← engamo- ‘to calm down’. − Passive-reflexive suffix: vačkoťe- ‘to bump (against)’ ← vačkoje- ‘to hit, beat’, maŕato- ‘to be heard, be felt’ ← maŕa- ‘to hear, feel’, panžoto- ‘to swing open’ ← panžo- ‘to open’. There are two passive-reflexive suffixes to be found in Mordvinic, of which the -v is more frequently used. Sometimes, both of these suffixes can be attached to a verb at the same time, e.g., lotkavo- ~ lotkato- ‘to stop (unintentionally)’ ← lotka- ‘to stop’. Derivative clusters with the element -t/-ť : -st/-śť (very frequent, can be paired with a number of other suffixes; it primarily expresses a c a u s a t i v e or momentary action; the root is often durative-frequentative, but it has an inchoative function as well: avaŕďśťe- ‘to make sb. cry’ ← avaŕďe- ‘to cry’, kirvaśťe- ‘to set light to sth.’ ← kirva- ‘to flame’, koľśťe- ‘to break sth., put sth. out of order’ ← koľe- ‘to break down’, rangsta‘to cry out, exclaim’ ← rango- ‘to shout, cry’); -kst (rare and unproductive; it is a semelfactive-inchoative suffix, often applied on onomatopoeic verbs: gajksta- ‘to be heard as far as …’ ~ gajńe- ‘to ring’, nuŕaksto- ‘to fling sth.’ ← nuŕa- ‘to sway (itr.)’); -št (rare and unproductive; it is a semelfactive suffix: kapšta- ~ kapoďe- ‘to grab, catch sth.’, mamšta- ‘to take a sip’ ← mama- ‘to slurp (with some duration)’, nolšta- ← nola‘to give sth. a lick’). -v is a very frequent and productive suffix. Its two main functions are: a) r e f l e x i v e - p a s s i v e suffix of intransitive verbs, b) modal function: when it is attached to any type of verb, it produces a potential verb phrase ( v e r b u m p o t e n t i a l e ), which means that the meaning component ‘to be able to, be possible’ should often be implied in its sense. Examples for the reflexive sense: valnovo- ‘to flow, pour’ ← valno- ‘to pour out, spill’, veľťńeve- ‘to wrap oneself up’ ← veľťńe- ‘to cover’, kadovo- ‘to stay’ ← kado‘to leave, lose’, maŕśeve- ‘to be heard, be felt’← maŕśe- ‘to hear, feel’, panžovo- ‘to swing open’ ← panžo- ‘to open’, pŕadovo- ‘to come to an end’ ← pŕado- ‘to finish off’,

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ušodovo- ‘to commence (itr.)’ ← ušodo- ‘to start’. Besides these, it also has a perfective function, and the verbs created this way express the result of an action, e.g., jarsavo- ‘to eat one’s fill’ ← jarsa- ‘to eat’, udovo- ‘to have a good sleep’ ← udo- ‘to sleep’. Sometimes, this suffix refers to a sudden, unintentional action: lotkavo- ‘to stop (unintentionally)’ ← lotka- ‘to stop’, ozavo- ‘to sit down (unintentionally, unexpectedly)’ ← oza‘to sit (down)’. The suffix -vt/-vť is very frequent and productive. It has a f a c t i t i v e meaning. It tends to combine with other suffixes. Examples: vajavto- ‘to sink to the bottom, plunge into’ ← vaja- ‘to sink, go down’, kemevťe- ‘to make sb. believe sth.’ ← keme ‘to believe sth.’, koštavto- ‘to dry sth. out/up’ ← košta- ‘to run, become dry’, kulovto- ‘to kill sb.’ ← kulo- ‘to die’, lotkavto- ‘to stop sth./sb.’ ← lotka- ‘to stop’, sevevťe- ‘to feed’ ← seve- ‘to eat’. It can often be paired with the -d suffix: kalavto- ‘to destroy sth.’ ~ kalado- ‘to collapse, tumble down’, tandavto- ‘to scare sb.’ ~ tandado- ‘to get scared’; apargavto- ‘to break sth., put sth. out of order’ ~ apargado- ‘to break (down)’.

4.3.2. Denominal and deadjectival verbs Suffixes belonging here all form c h a n g e - o f - s t a t e or o r n a t i v e verbs. -gad/-kad is a very frequent and productive suffix. It has a change-of-state function, and it primarily joins to adjectives, sometimes to nouns (‘to become sth./like sth., be equipped with sth.’) and occasionally to adverbials (malavgado- ‘to near, approach’ ← malav ‘near, close to’). Examples: kežejgado- ‘to get angry’ ← kežej ‘angry’, kelejgado‘to widen out, broaden (itr.)’ ← keľej ‘wide, broad’, kičkeŕgado- ‘to get crooked’ ← kičkeŕe ‘crooked, curved’, koźakado- ‘to grow rich’ ← koźa ‘rich’, raužkado- ‘to blacken (itr.)’ ← raužo ‘black’, urozkado- ‘to become an orphan’ ← uroz ‘orphaned’. Its productivity is well shown by the fact that it can be attached to words of Russian origin as well: veśolgado- ‘to rejoice at sth.’ ← veśola ‘merry’, gluχojgado- ‘to become deaf’ ← gluχoj ‘deaf’. The suffix -lgad is also very frequent and productive. Its function is the same as that of the suffix -gad: vaďŕalgado- ‘to improve, become better’ ← vaďŕa ‘good’, viďelgado‘to straighten (itr.)’ ← viďe ‘straight’, ľembelgado- ‘to warm up (itr.)’ ← ľembe ‘warm’, pśilgado- ‘to get hot’ ← pśi ‘hot’, čevťelgado- ‘to soften (itr.)’ ← čevťe ‘soft’, čurolgado- ‘to become thin/scarce’ ← čuro ‘scarce, sparse’, šumbralgado- ‘to recover’ ← šumbra ‘healthy’. The suffix -gad can combine with other suffixes, but the productivity of these clusters is very low: -mgad (valdomgado- ‘the day breaks’ ← valdo ‘light’, lavšomgado- ‘to weaken (itr.)’ ← lavšo ‘weak’); -skad/-śkad (duraskado- ‘to grow stupid’ ← durak ‘stupid’, ormaskado- ‘to become ill’ ← orma ‘illness’; lambaśkado- ‘to sweeten (itr.)’ ← lambamo ‘sweet’, štapśkado- ‘to get nude’ ← štapo ‘nude, naked’). -m is a relatively frequent and productive suffix with a change-of-state function: ľeťkeme- ‘to get wet’ ← ľeťke ‘wet’, taštomo- ‘to grow old’ ← tašto ‘old’, ekšeme- ‘to cool down’ ← ekše ‘cool’. It can be combined with the suffix -kst, resulting in the same function: odkstomo- ‘to grow young again’ ← od ‘young’, vaďŕakstomo- ‘to improve, become better’ ← vaďŕa ‘good’, čurokstomo- ‘to become thin/scarce’ ← čuro ‘scarce’. The suffix -ija/-ja is also frequent and productive. It also has a change-of-state function, expressing the meaning component ‘to be equipped with sth., create, produce’:

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veŕija- ‘to become bloody’ ← veŕ ‘blood’, ľemija- ‘to become oily/fatty’ ← ľem ‘fat’, peľija ‘to cloud over’ ← peľ ‘cloud’, salija- ‘to become salty’ ← sal ‘salt’, čemeńija‘to get rusty’ ← čemeń ‘rust’, šeržija- ‘to turn grey’ ← šerže ‘grey hair’. A special group is that of plant names, with the meaning ‘to become overgrown with’ (nupońija‘to become mossy’ ← nupoń ‘moss’, pangija- ‘to become overgrown with mushrooms’ ← pango ‘mushroom’); and that of animal names, with the meaning ‘to give birth to’ (vazija- ‘to calve’ ← vaz ‘calf’, vašija- ‘to foal’ ← vašo ‘foal’). -nza is relatively rare and unproductive. It is another suffix with a change-of-state function (with the additional ornative meaning component ‘to equip with sth.’): vijenza‘to strengthen’ ← vij ‘strength’, kevenza- ‘to petrify, turn into stone’ ← kev ‘stone’. It can be attached to numerals as well: kavonza- ‘to double’ ← kavto ‘two’, kolmonza ‘to triple’ ← kolmo ‘three’, etc. The suffix -d/-ď is very frequent and productive. Its semantic field is manifold. Most often, it serves an ornative function (‘to equip with sth.’; or sometimes: ‘to use sth.’), but it can have change-of-state or factitive meanings as well: jondoldo- ‘it is lightning’ ← jondol ‘lightning’, pižeďe- ‘to green’ ← piže ‘green’, pŕado- ‘to finish’ ← pŕa ‘head’, śormado- ‘to write’ ← śorma ‘letter, writing’, čopoďe- ‘to grow dark’ ← čopoda ‘dark’, jakśťeŕďe- ‘to redden (itr.)’ ← jakśťeŕe ‘red’. In the case of certain verbs, it is synonymous with -gad, cf. čopolgado-, jakśťeŕgado-. We can find a couple of derivative clusters that contain the element -d/-ď. One of these is the relatively productive and frequent suffix -nd/-ńď, with ornative (‘to equip with sth.’) and change-of-state meanings (‘to turn into sth., become similar to’): vejkeńďa- ‘to become equal’ ← vejke ‘one (of)’, kevenďa- ‘to petrify, turn into stone’ ← kev ‘stone’. A rare variant of this suffix is the -dna/-ďńa: vejkeďńa- ‘to be equalized, be balanced’, keveďńa- ‘to petrify, turn into stone’. A quite frequent and somewhat productive suffix is -ld, which primarily joins to color terms: ašoldo- ‘to show white’ ← ašo ‘white’, ožoldo- ‘to show yellow’ ← ožo ‘yellow’, piželdo- ‘to green’ ← piže ‘green’. Other examples: kavtoldo- ‘to doubt, be sceptical about sth.’ ← kavto ‘two’, mazildo‘to be in full radiance (of one’s beauty)’ ← mazi ‘beautiful’. Rare suffixes are the -žd: kromoždo- ‘to limp’ ← kromoj ‘lame’, śijaždo- ‘to sparkle with a silvery shine’ ← śija ‘silver’; and the -ŕď: kikeŕďe- ‘to wind’, tajarda- ‘to get scared’. The suffix -t/-ť is very frequent and productive. It has several functions. It most often occurs with nouns as an ornative suffix; and it serves a change-of-state or factitive function when used with adjectives: kambrasta- ‘to saddle’ ← kambraz ‘saddle’, kiľkšťa‘to noose’ ← kiľkš ‘noose, slip-knot’, načto- ‘to dampen’ ← načko ‘damp, wet’, salto‘to salt’ ← sal ‘salt’. There are suffix clusters containing the element -t/-ť. The factitive -st/-śť is one such cluster, and it is rare, with low productivity (anoksta- ‘to prepare’ ← anok ‘ready’, keveŕśťe- ‘to roll away’ ← keveŕ ‘round’); the ornative -kst is more frequently used and more productive (kambraksta- ‘to saddle’ ← kambraz ‘saddle’, kemeksta- ‘to strengthen’ ← keme ‘strong’); the ornative and factitive -vt is more in use and is more productive (keľmevťe- ‘to freeze sth.’ ← keľme ‘cold’, kujavto- ‘to fatten up’ ← kuja ‘fat, lard’). -v is rare, but productive in certain cases. It is a suffix with a change-of-state function, that is attached to Russian loans: adŕesova- ‘to address (an envelope)’ ← adŕes ‘address’, aŕendova- ‘to rent, hire’ ← arenda ‘rent (money)’, aŕestova- ‘to arrest’ ← aŕest ‘arrest, detention’, postova- ‘to keep fast’ ← post ‘fast’.

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Other, rare and unproductive suffixes producing change-of-state verbs are: -ća (kiŕmića ‘to shrink (itr.)’ ← kiŕma- ‘to shrink sth.’); -no/-ńe/-ńa (ľevežńa- ‘to dissolve, clear off’ ← levš ‘soaked bast’); -kšno/-kśńe (čovorkšno- ‘to get mixed up’ ← čovor ‘together, mixed’).

5. Non-finite verbs Non-finite verbs are treated in Bubrih (1953: 153−163); Grammatika (1962: 320−326); Evsev’ev (1963: 285−294); Serebrennikov (1967: 209−216); Grammatika (1980: 344− 362); Keresztes (1990: 67−69); Bartens (1999: 144−157); EK (2000: 216−227); MK (2000: 172−181). Mordvinic is rich in non-finite verbs. The i n f i n i t i v e has three different forms: Infinitive I (infinitivus-illativus), its suffix is -ms; this is the base form of the verb; Infinitive II (infinitivus-nominativus), its suffix is -mo/-me; it is used for the expression of the analytical future tense together with the verb karmams ‘will’ (e.g., karman učomo ‘I will wait’); furthermore, it can occur with certain lative verbs referring to movement (e.g., sams ‘to arrive’, tujems ‘to go away, set off’); Infinitive III (infinitivus-ablativus), its suffix is -modo/-meďe; it appears with verbs that take the ablative (e.g., peľems ‘to halve’, viźďems ‘to feel ashamed’). Erzya uses six types of p a r t i c i p l e s (while Moksha uses five). These were transformed into participles from predicated adjectives/nouns. Types: 1. present active participle: -ića; 2. perfect active/passive participle: -ź (= gerund); 3. present passive participle: -viks; 4. present passive participle: -ma; 5. perfect passive participle: -ń; 6. agent participle: -vt/-vť. There are three types of g e r u n d s , but of those, Gerund II was originally an elative infinitive (-msto/-msťe; its function: antecedent time adverbial). The actual gerund, Gerund III (-ź), is a perfect participle, as it is shown above. Gerund I (its suffix is -do) has a state adverbial function.

6. Other word-formation methods Backformation, blending and clipping are not characteristic of Mordvinic, however such words are borrowed from Russian (especially within the domain of political vocabulary), e.g., rajkom ‘district committee’, śeľsovet ‘village council’, partkom ‘party committee’, gosplan ‘a year plan of the state’, vuz ‘college’ (Cygankin 1983: 106−117). For reduplication, see section 3.1.

7. Word-creation There are a large number of onomatopoeic words to be found in Mordvinic. Several suffixes can create an almost unlimited quantity of new derivatives from these interjec-

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tions: ćat ~ ćator ~ ćator-ćutor ~ ćatnoma ~ ćatordoma ~ ćatorks ‘crackling, crunching’, ćataďems ~ ćatnoms ~ ćatordoms ‘to crack, crunch’, etc.

8. References Bartens, Raija 1999 Mordvalaiskielten rakenne ja kehitys. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Bubrih, Dmitrij Vladimirovič 1953 Istoričeskaâ grammatika èrzânskogo âzyka. (Pod red. Michaila Nikitiča Kolâdenkova i Nikolaâ Fedoroviča Cyganova.) Saransk: Mordovskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Cygankin, Dmitrij Vasiľevič 1981 Slovoobrazovanie v mordovskih âzykah. Saransk: Mordovskij gosudarstvennyj universitet im. N. P. Ogareva. Cygankin, Dmitrij Vasiľevič (ed.) 1983 Leksikologiâ sovremennyh mordovskih âzykov. Saransk: Mordovskij gosudarstvennyj universitet im. N. P. Ogareva. Cygankin, Dmitrij Vasiľevič 1996 Poluaffiksaciâ kak odin iz sostavnyh komponentov arhitektoniki slovoproizvodstva v mordovskih âzykah. In: Heikki Leskinen, Sándor Maticsák and Tõnu Seilenthal (eds.), Congressus Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum 8(5): 18−22. Jyväskylä: Gummerus. Cygankin, Dmitrij Vasiľevič 2000 Suffiksaľnoe slovoobrazovanie imen suŝestviteľnyh v dialektah èrzânskogo âzyka. In: Dmitrij V. Cygankin (ed.), Mordovskie âzyki glazami učenogo-lingvista, 142−157. Saransk: Krasnyj Oktâbr’. EK 2000 = Cygankin, Dmitrij Vasiľevič (ed.) Èrzân’ kel’. Morfologiâ. Saransk: Krasnyj Oktâbr’. Evsev’ev, Makar Evsev’evič 1963 [1934] Osnovy mordovskoj grammatiki. Izbrannye trudy. 2nd ed. Saransk: Mordovskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Feoktistov, Aleksandr Pavlovič 1971 Russko-mordovskij slovar’. Iz istorii otečestvennoj leksikografii. Moskva: Nauka. Grammatika 1962 = Kolâdenkov, Michail Nikitič (ed.) Grammatika mordovskih âzykov. Vol. 1: Fonetika i morfologiâ. Saransk: Mordovskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Grammatika 1980 = Cygankin, Dmitrij Vasiľevič (ed.) Grammatika mordovskih âzykov. Saransk: Mordovskij gosudarstvennyj universitet im. N. P. Ogareva. Hallap, Valmen 2000 Verbaaltuletussufiksid mordva keeltes. Toim. Valdek Pall. Tallinn: Eesti Keele Sihtasutus. Kelin, Michail Aleksandrovič 1967 Složnye suŝestviteľnye podčiniteľnogo tipa v mordovskih âzykah. Voprosy mordovskogo âzykozaniâ. Trudy MNIÂLIÈ [Saransk] 32: 39−72. Kelin, Michail Aleksandrovič 1969 Složnye slova sočiniteľnogo tipa v mordovskih âzykah. Voprosy mordovskogo âzykoznaniâ. Trudy MNIÂLIÈ [Saransk] 36: 108−144. Keresztes, László 1990 Chrestomathia Morduinica. Budapest: Tankönyvkiadó.

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Keresztes, László 2008 Neological aspirations in a few recent Finno-Ugric Bible translations. In: Ksenofont Nikanorovič Sanukov (ed.), Congressus Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum 10(4): 65− 71. Joškar-Ola: Marijskij gosudarstvennyj universitet. Keresztes, László 2010 The questions of Finno-Ugric literary languages in the light of the latest Bible translations. In: Sándor Csúcs, Nóra Falk, Viktória Püspök, Viktória Tóth and Gábor Zaicz (eds.), Congressus Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum 11(1): 127−168. Piliscsaba: Reguly Társaság. Keresztes, László 2011 Bevezetés a mordvin nyelvészetbe. Debrecen: Debreceni Egyetemi Kiadó. Maticsák, Sándor 2005 Az agglutinációval keletkezett mordvin képzőkről. Nyelvtudományi Közlemények [Budapest] 102: 7−34. Mesaroš, Ėdit [Mészáros, Edit] 1999 Slovoobrazovateľnye suffiksy glagola v èrzânskom âzyke. Szeged: Universitas Szegediensis de Attila József nominata. Mészáros, Edit 1997 Az erza-mordvin -či képzős absztrakt főnevek. Néprajz és Nyelvtudomány [Szeged] 38: 229−241. MK 2000 = Alâmkin, Nikolaj Stepanovič (ed.) Mokšen’ kjaľ. Morfologiâ. Saransk: Krasnyj Oktâbr’. Paasonen, Heikki 1909 Mordwinische Chrestomathie mit Glossar und grammatikalischem Abriss. Helsingfors: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Raun, Alo 1988 The Mordvin language. In: Denis Sinor (ed.), The Uralic Languages. Description, History and Foreign Influences, 96−110. Leiden: Brill. Saarinen, Sirkka 2004 Mordvalainen abstraktisubstantiivien johdin. In: Márta Csepregi and Eszter Várady (eds.), Permiek, finnek, magyarok. Írások Szíj Enikő 60. születésnapjára, 334−341. Budapest: ELTE BTK Finnugor Tanszék. Serebrennikov, Boris Aleksandrovič 1967 Istoričeskaâ morfologiâ mordovskih âzykov. Moskva: Nauka. Zaicz, Gábor (ed.) 1995 Zur Frage der uralischen Schriftsprachen. Budapest: Az MTA Nyelvtudományi Intézete. Zaicz, Gábor 1998 Mordva. In: Daniel Abondolo (ed.), The Uralic Languages, 184−218. London/New York: Routledge. Zaic, Gabor [Zaicz, Gábor] and Raisa Širmankina 2001 Osnovnye obrazovaniâ mordovskoj lingvističeskoj terminologii. In: Tõnu Seilenthal (ed.), Congressus Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum 9(6): 431−437. Tartu: Uurali Keelte Õppetool.

Sándor Maticsák, Debrecen (Hungary)

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181. Hungarian 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion References

Abstract The article gives an overview of Hungarian word-formation. Hungarian has a rich inventory of word-formation devices, including compounding, suffixation, and conversion. Nominal and adjectival compounding are productive processes. Derivaton is performed by suffixation. Hungarian has a considerable number of productive derivational suffixes. Conversion of adjectives to nouns is productive. The formal and semantic characteristics of these devices will be discussed.

1. Introduction Hungarian is an agglutinating language, which has both a rich inflectional and a rich derivational morphology. A general overview of Hungarian morphology can be found in the descriptive grammar of Kenesei, Vago and Fenyvesi (1998). Up to the eighties theoretical papers have concentrated more on individual phenomena of inflectional morphology rather than on word-formation. This is partly due to the fact that in derivational morphology − in contrast to inflectional morphology − the syntax-morphology or phonology-morphology interface does not raise particular problems. There is no comprehensive study of Hungarian word-formation in English, however, an important number of articles deal with particular problems of word-formation such as noun incorporation (Kiefer 1990–91), prefix reduplication (Kiefer 1995), or irregular morphology (Ladányi 2000). Ladányi (2000) discusses the productivity of certain derivational suffixes in considerable detail. An overview of compounding can be found in Kiefer (2009). A comprehensive and theoretically oriented grammar (Kiefer 1992−2008), written in Hungarian, was published in four volumes; the final volume is dedicated to the structure of the lexicon. Throughout this article the following phonological notation will be used in affixes: A stands for the vowels a and e, Ó for the vowels ó and ő, Ú for the vowels ú and ű, finally V stands for the vowels a, o, ö, e, where the choice is determined by vowel harmony.

2. General overview The first comprehensive descriptive studies of word-formation in Hungarian were published in 1960 as chapters of the grammar of Hungarian (see Tompa 1961). Following

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tradition this grammar did not make a clear distinction between productive and unproductive processes. Recent advances in theoretical linguistics have been incorporated into the grammar of Hungarian edited by Borbála Keszler (Keszler 2000). For the diachronic aspects of Hungarian word-formation see article 118 From Old Hungarian to Modern Hungarian. The major word-formation processes in Hungarian are composition and derivation. Derivation is performed exclusively by suffixation. The language does not distinguish between particle and prefixed verbs, all complex verbs are particle verbs. The prefix legmarks the superlative, but comparison does not belong to word-formation. New words may also be productively created by means of conversion (see section 5). Productive conversion is restricted to adjectives, verbs do not participate in conversion. Foreign words are easily accommodated to the Hungarian system. Nouns such as internet and email (or with Hungarian spelling ímél) have become current nouns in Hungarian, foreign verbs, however, can only be turned into Hungarian words if they are supplied with a verbal derivational suffix: e.g., save − szév-el, format − format-t-ál, edit − edit-ál, install − install-ál. Note that save, format, edit, install are not words in Hungarian, they are considered abstract nominal stems from which verbs can be derived. This is a very productive process in Hungarian. Backformations are gaining ground in Hungarian and can be considered to be a semiproductive process in contemporary Hungarian. Some examples are given in (1): (1)

tényfeltár ‘to disclose facts’ (tény ‘fact’ + feltár ‘to disclose’) ← tényfeltárás ‘disclosure of facts’ házkutat ‘to house search’ (ház ‘house’ + kutat ‘to search’) ← házkutatás ‘house search’ agymos ‘to brainwash’ (agy ‘brain’ + mos ‘to wash’) ← agymosás ‘brainwash’

Semantically, backformations come from various domains, their spread can be explained by frequency of use and salience. Clipping, too, occurs in Hungarian but normally the reduced stem receives a diminutive suffix: doktor → dok+i, paradicsom ‘tomato’ → par+i. Occasionally we may also encounter blending: film + internet → filmternet ‘internet café in a movie theatre’ but such formations are rare and do not get lexicalized.

3. Composition 3.1. Productive patterns Compounding is a very productive process in Hungarian (cf. Kiefer 2009). The vast majority of productive compounds are endocentric and right-headed. The head belongs to one of the categories N, V, A, the non-head is either N or A. V occurs as head in backformations only. This reduces the number of genuine compounds to four patterns. Words are concatenated without any morphological marking. Nominal compounds are

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recursive and all compounds have a binary structure. Adverbs, pronouns and postpositions occur in unproductive, lexicalized compounds only. Examples for productive compounds are given in (2). (2)

a. N+N ház+tető ‘housetop, roof’ tök+mag ‘pumpkin seed’ mondat+fajta ‘sentence type’ b. A+N hideg+front ‘cold front’ kis+agy ‘little/hinder brain’ orgona+karzat ‘organ-loft’ c. N+A kő+kemény ‘stone-hard’ méreg+drága poison expensive ‘terribly expensive’ euro+kompatibilis euro compatible ‘compatible with the Euro’ d. A+A sötét+zöld ‘dark green’ bal+liberális ‘left liberal’ rövid+látó ‘shortsighted’

The vast majority of compounds belong to the N+N type, A+A compounds with a nonderived head are rather rare. The binary structure (indicated by hyphens) and the recursivity of N+N compounds is exemplified in (3). (3)

vér+nyomás ‘blood-pressure’ vér+nyomás+mérő ‘blood-pressure measure’ vér+nyomás+mérő+készülék ‘blood-pressure measuring-apparatus’ vér+nyomás+mérő+készülék+gyártó ‘blood-pressure measuring-apparatus producer’ vér+nyomás+mérő+készülék+gyártó+cég ‘blood-pressure measuring-apparatus producing firm’

Compounding in Hungarian has been influenced by German to a considerable extent. During the language reform at the beginning of the 19th century thousands of German compounds were translated word-by-word into Hungarian. The great number of loan translations enhanced considerably the productivity of already existing compounding patterns.

3.2. Synthetic compounds Synthetic compounds contain a deverbal head which is either an action noun derived from the verbal base by means of the suffix -Ás, or an agent noun derived from the verbal base by means of the suffix -Ó (cf. article 70 on nominalization in Hungarian). Both derivations are productive.

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3.2.1. Action nouns in head position Some examples are given in (4). (4)

ebéd+főzés ‘dinner cooking’, könyv+írás ‘book writing’, ház+építés ‘house building’, zene+hallgatás ‘music listening’, utca+söprés ‘street cleaning’, fa+vágás ‘wood cutting’

The deverbal head in (4) is derived from transitive verbs, the deverbal noun inherits the theme argument of its base. However, as pointed out by several authors, the relationship between the head and the non-head is different from the predicate-argument structure known from syntax. Therefore, it is more adequate to call the arguments semantic arguments in the case of compounds. The following relationship holds between the head and the non-head: (5)

The non-head of a synthetic compound in which the head is derived from a transitive verb may satisfy the theme argument of the base.

Much less frequently, the head may also be derived from an intransitive verb: (6)

a. liba+gágogás goose gaggling ‘gaggling of a goose/geese’, kutya+ugatás dog barking ‘barking of a dog/dogs’, légy+zümmögés fly buzzling ‘buzzling of a fly/flies’ b. rózsa+nyílás rose opening ‘opening of a rose/roses’, orgona+virágzás lilac blooming ‘blooming of a lilac/lilacs’, gyümölcs+érés fruit ripening ‘ripening of fruit’

In (6a) the head is derived from verbs denoting sound emission of an animal, and in (6b) from verbs denoting phenomena of nature. The non-head in (6a) is certainly not a typical agent: a goose does not act intentionally. If we call the non-typical agent actor, the following generalization can be formulated. The non-head of a deverbal compound in which the head is derived from an intransitive verb of “emission of sounds” may be interpreted as the actor argument of the base. In the case of (6b) the non-head undergoes a certain change, it can thus be interpreted as the patient argument of the base. Note that the examples in (6b) involve unaccusative verbs, which in English do not seem to allow synthetic compounds (cf. Grimshaw 1990: 69). The examples in (6a, b) thus permit the formulation of the following generalizations. (7)

The non-head of a deverbal compound in which the head is derived from an intransitive verb may satisfy either the actor or the patient argument of the base. The choice depends on the semantics of the base: verbs denoting phenomena of nature require a patient argument, emission-of-sound verbs an actor argument.

The same non-head may be interpreted either as a patient or as a theme argument depending on whether the base is intransitive or transitive. For example, the noun csökken+és ‘decline’ is derived from the intransitive verb csökken; the noun csökkent+és, on the

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other hand, comes from the transitive (causative) verb csökkent. Hence csökkenés may take a patient and csökkentés a theme argument: (8)

a. ár+csökkenés price decline ‘decline in prices’ b. ár+csökkentés price reduction ‘reduction of prices’

Deverbal nouns derived from particle verbs are relatively rare in head position but there are some examples. (9)

a. ér+el-meszesedés artery calcification ‘arteriosclerosis’ b. csont+át-ültetés bone transplantation ‘bone grafting’

The head in (9a) is derived from an intransitive verb, hence the non-head is interpreted as a patient argument. On the other hand, the head in (9b) is derived from a transitive verb, consequently the non-head can only be interpreted as theme argument.

3.2.2. Agent nouns in head position The head in the compounds (see examples under (10)) is an agent noun derived from a transitive verb and the non-head may be interpreted as the theme argument of the base: (10) regény+író ‘novel-writer’, újság+olvasó ‘newspaper reader’, zene+kedvelő ‘music-lover’ Agent nouns derived from particle verbs can also occur in head position. We may thus get (11): (11) csont+át-ültető bone transplanter ‘transplanter of bones’ Many of these compounds are lexicalized entities whose head denote an occupation or an institutionalized activity. In such cases the head does not seem to have any argument structure, yet these compounds are interpreted on the basis of what constituted the input to lexicalization.

3.3. Phrasal constructs The phrasal constructs “bare noun + verb” exhibit some features which make them similar to compounds (Kiefer 1990−91): (12) a. Péter levelet ír. Peter letter-ACC writes ‘Peter is writing a letter.’

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(12) b. Anna újságot olvas. Anna newspaper-ACC reads ‘Anna is reading a newspaper.’ The bare nouns in (12a, b) are not referential and have a generic reading exactly like the non-head in the corresponding compounds levél-írás ‘letter writing’/levél+író ‘letter writer’ and újság-olvasás ‘newspaper reading’/újság+olvasó ‘newspaper reader’. The bare noun in these constructions cannot be pluralized, nor can it be modified. The phrasal constructs in (13a, b) can no longer denote a “complex activity”, i.e. ‘letter-writing’ or ‘newspaper-reading’: (13) a. Péter hosszú levelet ír. Peter long letter-ACC writes ‘Peter is writing a long letter.’ b. Anna német újságot olvas. Anna German newspaper-ACC read ‘Anna is reading a German newspaper.’ In addition, the complex verb must express an institutionalized activity: the phrasal constructs in (14a, b) are unacceptable: (14) a. Péter cédulát ír. Peter slip-ACC writes ‘Peter writes a slip.’ b. Anna hirdetést olvas. Anna poster-ACC reads ‘Anna is reading a poster.’ However, by constructing an appropriate context which turns the activities in (14a, b) into something institutionalized, (14a, b) may become acceptable. In sum, then, the only difference between compounds and phrasal constructs is that the former are morphological constructs and the latter are not.

3.4. Exocentric compounds Bahuvrīhi compounds can be formed with some regularity to denote types of people just as in English and other Germanic languages: kopasz+fej ‘bald-head’, nagy+orr ‘bignose’, hosszú+láb ‘long-leg’. Their underlying structure is (15). (15) [Det [Adj N-Suffix] HUMAN]NP The suffix -Ú is an argument-taking suffix: the derivatives *fej+ű ‘headed’, *orr+ú ‘nosed’, *láb-ú ‘legged’ are ungrammatical. By adding an appropriate adjective to these derivatives we receive the grammatical expressions kopasz+fejű ‘bald-headed’, nagy+orrú ‘big-nosed’, hosszú lábú ‘long-legged’. The exocentric compounds are arrived at by deleting the adjectival suffix.

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3.5. Derivation outside composition Compounds may undergo various derivational processes. In fact, the derivations whose input is a noun do not take into consideration the internal structure of the noun if the noun satisfies the input condition of the derivation. Thus, for example, N+N compounds can undergo diminutive formation as shown in (16). The diminutive suffix is -(cs)kA, the base compounds are taken from (2a). (16) [ház+tető]+cske house roof DIM ‘small house roof’ [tök+mag]+ocska pumpkin seed DIM ‘small pumpkin seed’ Compounds can be the input to further derivational processes, exactly like simple words. For example, from the compound tök+mag ‘pumpkin seed’ it is possible to derive the noun tök+mag+os pumpkin seed NOMINAL SUFFIX ‘person who sells pumpkin seeds’, the adjective tök+mag+nyi pumpkin seed ADJECTIVAL SUFFIX ‘quantity corresponding to a pumkin seed’ and the verb tök+mag+oz pumpkin seed VERBAL SUFFIX ‘to eat pumpkin seeds’. Since any verb can be nominalized by the suffix -Ás, we also get (17): (17) [[[tök+mag]N+oz]V+ás]N ‘eating of pumpkin seeds’ From the derived verb tökmagoz ‘to eat pumpkin seeds’, the diminutive form (18) can be derived: (18) [[[tök+mag]N+oz]V +gat]V ‘to eat pumpkin seeds leisurly’ And again (18) can be the input to the nominalization rule which yields (19). (19) [[[[tök+mag]N+oz]V+gat]V+ás]N]]]] This shows already that the particular features of Hungarian word-formation show up in derivational morphology rather than in compounding.

4. Derivation Derivation of complex words in Hungarian is possible by suffixation only. Suffixation determines the category of the output word, which can be captured by assuming a righthand head rule for both suffixation and compounding.

4.1. Nominal derivation Table 181.1 summarizes the productive nominal suffixes, obsolete derivational suffixes will not be discussed.

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Tab. 181.1: Nominal derivation suffix

base category

meaning

-kA -(V)cskA -I -sÁg

noun noun noun noun

diminutive diminutive hypocoristic profession/function

-(V)s -Ás -Ó -(s)di

adjective noun verb verb noun

abstract property profession action noun agent noun action noun

example tál+ka ‘little bowl’ kert+ecske ‘small garden’ Fer+i (← Ferenc) asztalos+ság ‘joiner’s trade’ menedzser+ség ‘manager’s profession’ lusta+ság ‘laziness’ postá+s ‘postman’ tanul+ás ‘learning’ tanul+ó ‘pupil’ katoná+sdi ‘playing soldiers’ (← katona ‘soldier’, see (h) below)

a) Diminutive formation The suffix -kA or -(V)cskA is used to derive diminutives: (20) a. ember+ke ‘little man’, tányér+ka ‘small plate’ b. tej+ecske ‘little milk’, láb+acska ‘small foot’ Diminutives can only be derived productively from nominal bases. Of the two diminutive suffixes -(V)cskA is the more productive: while (21a) are possible though unusual derivatives, the derivatives in (21b) are (apparently for phonological reasons) unacceptable. (21) a. ember-ecske ‘little man’, tányér-ocska ‘small plate’ b. *tej+ke ‘little milk’, *láb+ka ‘little foot’ It would seem that all monosyllabic nouns as well as all bisyllabic nouns ending in the vowel a or e (which are lengthened before suffixes and become á and é, respectively) take the suffix -(V)cskA. It should be noted that the number of lexicalized nouns ending in -ka or -ke is considerable: tálka ‘small bowl’, zárka ‘cell’, padka ‘small bench’, which also means that the suffix -kA does occur with monosyllabic nouns but the derivatives become lexicalized easily (Dressler 1999; Ladányi 2007: 160−161). This is explained by the fact that bisyllabic words are optimal morphological units because they represent a single prosodic foot. (22) *almá+ka ‘small apple’, *körté+ke ‘small pear’, *kefé+ke ‘small brush’ The impossibility of (22) may be due to the fact that words ending in long á or é occur only exceptionally in Hungarian (Ladányi 2007: 161). If no morphophonological constraints intervene doublets may occur: (23) asztal+ka/asztal-ocska ‘small table’, bárány+ka/bárány+ocska ‘small lamb’, gödör+ke/gödr+öcske ‘little hole’, levél+ke/level+ecske ‘small leaf’ As in many other languages, the diminutive suffix often carries a pragmatic meaning.

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b) Hypocoristic formation The suffix -i is the most common suffix used to derive hypocoristics: (24) Ferenc → Fer+i, Antal → Ant+i, Krisztina → Kriszt+i, Erzsébet → Erzs+i As can be seen, the suffix -i is attached to the truncated stem which is identical to the maximal first syllable of the full name: Fer, Ant, Krisz, Erzs. Since Hungarian morphology is basically word-based, the formation of hypocoristics belongs to irregular morphology. c) The derivation of abstract nouns from adjectives Monomorphemic adjectives can take the suffix -sÁg to derive abstract nouns: fekete+ ség ‘blackness’ from fekete ‘black’, magas+ság ‘height’ from magas ‘high’, lusta+ság ‘laziness’ from lusta ‘lazy’, szép+ség ‘beauty’ from szép ‘beautiful’. The suffix -sÁg combines often with abstract adjectives derived from nouns (figyelem ‘attention’ → figyelm+es ‘attentive’ → figyelmes+ség ‘attentiveness’, akarat ‘will’ → akaratos ‘wilful’ → akaratos+ság ‘wilfulness’) and with adjectives containing the privative suffix (pénz ‘money’ → pénz+telen ‘penniless’ → pénztelen+ség ‘impecuniosity’) to yield abstract nouns. It also occurs with names of profession of foreign origin: bróker+ség ‘brokerage’. d) The derivation of abstract nouns denoting trades The suffix -sÁg is also used to derive abstract nouns from nouns denoting an occupation or professions: asztalos ‘joiner’ → asztalo+ság ‘joiner’s trade’, menedzser ‘manager’ → menedzser+ség ‘manager’s profession’. e) The derivation of nouns of profession The suffix -(V)s is primarily used to derive names of profession from concrete nouns: asztal ‘table’ → asztal+os ‘joiner’, kárpit ‘upholstery’ → kárpit+os ‘upholsterer’. In fact, it can also be argued that the suffix -(V)s is used to derive adjectives in the first place, and the nouns are the result of conversion. This can be seen clearly in the case of neologisms: szoftver+es cég ‘software firm’, hardver+es cég ‘hardware firm’. From these adjectives we can derive the names of profession szoftver+es ‘person who specializes in software’ and analogously hardver+es ‘person specializing in hardware’ (cf. section 5 on conversion). f) The derivation of action nouns Actions nouns are derived by means of the suffix -Ás: tanul ‘to learn, study’ → tanul+ás ‘learning, studying’, főz ‘to cook’ → főz+és ‘cooking’ (cf. Laczkó 2000). Action nouns may denote a simple event, a complex event or the result of the activity. Nouns derived from particle verbs have normally a complex event reading but − depending on the semantics of the verb − they may also have a simple event and a result reading. Cf. alá+ír ‘to sign’ (German unter+schreiben) → alá+ír+ás ‘signing, signature’. (25) a. Péter aláírása olvashatatlan volt. Peter signing illegible was ‘Peter’s signature was illegible.’

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(25) b. Aláírás közben ne zavarj! signing during NEG disturb ‘Don’t disturb me during signing!’ c. A

levélnek Péter által történő aláírása nagy esemény volt. letter-DAT Peter by happening signing great event was ‘The signing of the letter by Peter was a great event.’

DET

Examples (25a, b, c) demonstrate that the same form, i.e. aláírás ‘signing’ may be used to denote a result, a simple event and a complex event. At the same time such action nouns as megérkez+és ‘arrival’, megír+ás ‘writing up’, elérés ‘reaching’ have only a complex event reading. g) The derivation of agent and instrument nouns as well as nouns denoting a typical location or a simple event The suffix -Ó is used to derive nouns from verbs with the following meanings: a) agent nouns such as tanít+ó ‘teacher’, szerel+ő ‘fitter, mounter’; b) instrument nouns such as ás+ó ‘spade’ from ás ‘to dig’, vés+ő ‘chisel’; c) typical location of an activity such as olvas+ó ‘reading room’, vár+ó ‘waiting room’; d) simple events such as esküv+ő ‘wedding’ from esküszik ‘to wed, marry’, válogat+ó ‘selection match’ from válogat ‘to select’. The derivation of simple event nouns is not productive and the nouns in c) are the shortened forms of the compounds olvasó+terem, váró+terem, where terem stands for ‘room’. The primary meaning of agent nouns is ‘occasional performer of the activity’ and we get a name of profession if this activity gets institutionalized: an occasional teacher becomes then ‘teacher as profession, an occupation’. Since the suffix -Ó is identical to the present participle suffix it is also possible to interpret the agent nouns as a result of adjective-to-noun conversion. h) The suffix -(s)di The suffix -(s)di is an old derivational suffix which has been reactivated recently and gives rise to a number of derivatives (Ladányi 2007: 142−153). This derivational suffix occurs with certain nominal and verbal bases. For example, (26) képviselő+sdi deputy + -sdi ‘being a deputy’ The suffix -(s)di adds a playful touch to the activity at hand, in (26) it concerns the activity of being a deputy. The base may also be a verb: (27) a. aláír+ós+di ‘playing the signing of papers’ b. befektet+ős+di ‘playing investing things’ The meaning of the derivatives in (27) can be derived compositionally, though the segmentation is not without problems. The suffix -(V)s means that the activity denoted by the verbal base (which in itself, too, may be morphologically complex) is typical of someone, e.g., aláír+ós ‘to sign’ + typical property can be said of someone who signs

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things without any reflection. The suffix -di adds a playful touch to that meaning. The situation is similar in the case of (27b): the verb befektet means ‘to invest’ and befektet+ős is someone whose typical property is investing, and again the suffix -di adds to that a playful character. In addition to the suffixes enumerated in Table 181.1, Hungarian has some derivational suffixes of foreign origin which are summarized in Table 181.2: Tab. 181.2: Nominal derivational suffixes of foreign origin suffix

base category

-itás -ista

A N

-izmus

N/A

meaning abstract noun follower of N practitioner of N member of N ideology

example intim+itás ‘intimacy’ peresztrojk+ista ‘adherent to perestroyka’ novell+ista ‘writer of short stories’ kollég+ista ‘member of a college’ kádár+izmus ‘kadarism’, modern+izmus ‘modernism’

The suffix -itás occurs only with foreign bases, which is a reliable sign of its restricted productivity. The other two foreign suffixes are productive in Hungarian. The suffix -ista can be attached to proper names that represent a political, philosophical trend (hitler+ista ‘adherent to the nazi ideology’), to nouns denoting a community, a school (frad+ista ‘fan of the soccer club FRADI’), field of expertise (algebr+ista ‘specialist of algebra’), etc. The base can also be an adjective: modern → modernista ‘adherent to modernism’. The suffix -izmus can be attached to proper names or nouns with which some kind of trend can be associated such as in the case of kádár+izmus ‘kadarism’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation The productive adjectival derivational suffixes are summarized in Table 181.3. Tab. 181.3: Adjectival derivation suffix

base category

-i -beli -(V)s -tAlAn

N N N N/V

-nyi -(j)Ú -Ós -Ó -hAtÓ

N N V V V

meaning pertaining to N pertaining to N covered with N lacking N unVed amount of N having N sensitive to V be Ving be Vable

example művészet+i ‘pertaining to art’ intézet+beli ‘of the institute’ kavics+os ‘covered with gravel’ felhő+tlen ‘cloudless’ mos+atlan ‘unwashed’ tenyér+nyi ‘handful’ (hosszú) haj+ú ‘(long-)haired’ fáz+ós ‘susceptible to cold’ megdöbbent+ő ‘shocking’ olvas+ható ‘readable’

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a) The adjectival suffixes -i and -beli The suffix -i can be attached to a wide variety of nouns, which can be, among other things, names of professions (orvos ‘medical doctor’ → orvos+i ‘medical’), names of functions (elnök ‘president’ → elnök+i ‘presidential’), institutions (akadémia ‘academy’ → akadémia+i ‘academic’), place name (Budapest → budapest+i ‘of/from Budapest’), an artistic or scientific field (nyelvészet ‘linguistics’ → nyelvészet+i ‘linguistic’, festészet ‘painting’ → festészet+i ‘painting (adj.)’), proper names (Roosevelt → Roosevelt+i (politika) ‘Roosevelt’s (politics)’). Excluded as bases are mass nouns (*arany+i ‘golden’), names of animals and plants (*macska+i ‘feline’, *rózsa+i ‘of roses’). The suffix -beli has a related meaning and can be attached to nouns which have similar meanings to the ones enumerated in connection with the suffix -i. In the case of names of institutions both suffixes can be used: intézet+i and intézet+beli (e.g., a problem which came up in an institut or institution can be referred to as either intézet+i probléma or intézet+beli probléma). b) The adjectival suffix -(V)s Similarly to the suffix -i the suffix -(V)s, too, has a wide variety of uses. The base noun may denote names of objects, plants or animals. In that case the derivative means: ‘supplied/equipped with N’, e.g., cukor ‘sugar’ → cukr+os ‘containing sugar, supplied with sugar’. But the base noun can also denote an institution or an organisation such as iskola ‘school’ → iskolá+s ‘of school’. c) The privative suffix -(V)tAlAn The privative suffix corresponds to English -less in the case of nominal bases and to the English prefix un- in the case of verbal bases. The derivative felhő+tlen ‘cloudless’ is the antonym of felhő+s ‘cloudy’. In the case of verbal bases the following particular feature of Hungarian should be noted. The base for the derivation is the verbal stem, semantically, however, the derivative makes reference to the corresponding participle. E.g., the derivative mos+atlan ‘unwashed’ is not the antonym of mos ‘to wash’, which is the base of the derivative, but of the participial form mos+ott ‘washed’. The derivation of privatives is largely determined by their part-whole relation whereas negative derivatives can be formed from any transitive verbal base. d) The suffix -nyi The suffix -nyi can be attached to any noun whose denotatum can be used as a measure, e.g., ujj+nyi ‘inch long/thick/broad’, láb+nyi ‘one foot long’, öklöm+nyi ‘as big as my fist’, ház+nyi ‘as big as a house’, etc. e) The suffix -Ós The base of the suffix -Ós can be a transitive or intransitive verb. In the former case the verb must contain a frequentative suffix: *néz+ős vs. néze+eget+ős ‘having the habit of looking around’ (from néz ‘to look’), in the latter case the verb must denote a psychological or physical property: mosolyg+ós ‘smiling’ (from mosolyog ‘to smile’), reszket+ős ‘trembling’ (from reszket ‘to tremble’). f) The participial suffix -Ó Adjectives can be derived from present participles if the verb has a source subject argument and an experiencer argument. We thus get adjectives such as dühít+ő ‘enrag-

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ing’, fáraszt+ó ‘tiring’, szórakoztat+ó ‘amusing’. If the arguments of the base verb do not satisfy the above conditions, no adjective can be derived. Compare the derivatives olvas+ó ‘reading’, játsz+ó ‘playing’, fut+ó ‘running’, which are not adjectives. g) The composite suffix -hAtÓ The suffix -hAtÓ is a composite suffix composed of the verbal root -hat ‘may, can’ and the participial suffix -Ó. However, -hAtÓ can by no means be considered to be the participial form of VhAt since − in contrast to VhAt where the external argument is always the subject argument of the verbal base − the external argument of the derivatives VhAtÓ is always the object argument of the base verb. This also means that though any verb can take the possibility suffix -hAt the suffix -hAtÓ can only be attached to transitive base verbs: *ugrál+ható fiú ‘jump+able boy’, but olvas+ható könyv ‘read+able book’. Before concluding the discussion of adjectival suffixes, two remarks are in place. The first remark concerns the derivational suffix -i, whose status is not quite clear (see Kenesei 2014 for a more detailed discussion). The derivatives can be classified as prenominal modifiers (the suffix -i can be said to be an attributivizer) on the one hand, and as parts of compounds, on the other. When N+N compounding is not available, -i affixation saves the day as in asztal+i lámpa vs. *asztal+lámpa ‘table lamp’, kert+i bútor vs. *kert+bútor ‘garden furniture’, udvar+i lakás vs. *udvar+lakás ‘apartment overlooking the courtyard’. On the other hand, however, in many cases -i derivatives behave like genuine adjectives: barát+i ‘friendly’, nagyon baráti ‘very friendly’, baráti+bb ‘friendlier’; költő+i ‘poetic’, nagyon költői ‘very poetic’, költői+bb ‘more poetic’; elmélet+i ‘theoretic’, nagyon elmélet+i ‘very poetic’, elméleti+bb ‘more theoretical’; dráma+i ‘dramatic’, nagyon dráma+i ‘very dramatic’, drámai+bb ‘more dramatic’. Consequently, we will keep the suffix -i in our list. Another property of the suffix is that it can take syntactic phrases as its base, especially when reference is made to place or time. In this case it can be considered to be an attributivizer. Consider (28) [[[az elmúlt 3 év] +i] jelentés] the past 3 year +i report ‘the report of the past 3 years’ The function of the suffix -i to turn syntactic phrases into prenominal modifiers, however, has nothing to to do with word-formation. The second comment concerns the suffix -(j)Ú, which must have two words in its base: The form *haj+ú ‘haired’ is in itself unacceptable, the base can only be something like hosszú haj ‘long hair’ from which hosszú haj+ú ‘long-haired’ can be derived. This means that the suffix -(j)Ú is attached to phrases rather than to words and it is used to derive prenominal attributes (cf. also Kenesei 1995). The situation is quite parallel to the corresponding Germanic suffixes, compare English long-haired, German langhaarig.

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4.3. Verbal derivation The productive verbal derivational suffixes are summarized in Table 181.4. Tab. 181.4: Verbal derivation suffix

base category

-(V)z -(V)l -ál (s)kVd(ik)

N N V A/N

-(V)gAt -(t)At -At

V V V

-(t)Atik -An -(V)g -Ul -Vdik -ít -(V)sít -(V)sVdik -izál

V A A A A A A

meaning to to to to to to to to

do N do N V be A be an N V a little bit let V cause to V

to be Ved any onomatopoetic root any onomatopoetic root to become A to become A to make more A to make A to become A to make A

example motor+ozik ‘to ride a motorcycle’ print+el ‘to print’ install+ál ‘to install’ ideges+kedik ‘to be nervous’ bíró+skodik ‘to be judge’ olvas+gat ‘to read leisurely’ olvas+tat ‘to let read’ mozg+at ‘to move (tr.)’ (← mozog ‘to move (itr.)’) olvas+tatik ‘to be read’ zizz+en ‘to give a rustling sound’ ziz+eg ‘to rustle’ zöld+ül ‘to become green’ sötét+edik ‘to become dark’ mély+ít ‘to make deeper’ német+esít ‘to Germanize’ német+esedik ‘to become German’ modern+izál ‘to modernize’

a) The verbal suffixes -(V)z, -(V)l and -ál The suffixes -(V)z and -(V)l are both used to derive verbs from nouns but the former is more productive. The latter can only be used under specific conditions; for example, monosyllabic stems ending in a vowel get the suffix -(V)l as in park+ol ‘to park’, voks+ol ‘to vote’, print+el ‘to print’. Note that foreign stems are considered nominal stems whatever their status is in the source language, i.e. print is considered a nominal stem by the Hungarian system from which the verb print+el is derived. In the case of new loanwords the two derivational suffixes are in complementary distribution: ímél (email)+ezik ‘to send an email message’ vs. *ímél+el and szkenn+el ‘to scan’ vs. *szkenn+ez(ik). In some cases doublets may occur, however. This is the case when the phonological and the lexico-semantic conditions are in conflict. Polysyllabic stems should receive the suffix -(V)z(ik), but if the stem is a polysyllabic English word denoting sport or gymnastics, we often get doublets: jogging+ol ‘to jog’, jogging+oz(ik). The suffix -ál is used to accommodate foreign polysyllabic verbs into the Hungarian verbal system: install+ál ‘to instal’, format(t)+ál ‘to format’, edit+ál ‘to edit’, invit+ál ‘to invite’. The suffix, which is not related to the suffix -(V)l, has to obey a phonological condition: the polysyllabic stem must not contain front vowels only (they must either all be back vowels or the stem must contain mixed vowels). Polysyllabic stems containing only front vowels take the suffix -(V)l as in menedzs+el ‘to manage’. b) The suffix -(s)kVd(ik) Verbs can be derived by means of the suffix -(s)kVd(ik) either from adjectival or from nominal bases. The adjectival bases denote a human property and are morphologically

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complex: they contain either the negative suffix -(V)tlAn, as in nyug+talan ‘restless’ (from nyugszik ‘to rest’), or the adjectival suffix -(V)s, as in alázat+os ‘humble’ (from alázat ‘humbleness’). By adding the verbal suffix we get nyugtalan+kodik ‘to be worried’ and alázatos+kodik ‘to humble oneself’. In the cases of nominal bases the resulting meaning is ‘to be/profess N’, as in tanár+kodik ‘to be teacher’, színész+kedik ‘to be actor’, mérnök+ösködik ‘to be engineer’. c) The attenuative suffix -(V)gAt Verbs with an attenuative meaning are derived by means of the suffix -(V)gAt, as in olvas+gat ‘to read leisurely’, rajzol+gat ‘to draw pictures now and then’, énekel+get ‘to sing now and then’, etc. In case the base verb is not durative but punctual, the derived verb expresses repetition: nyit+ogat ‘to open repeatedly’, csuk+ogat ‘to close repeatedly’, ad+ogat ‘to give repeatedly, keep giving’, nyom+ogat ‘to push repeatedly’. We find quite a few lexicalized forms among the attenuative derivatives, e.g., lát+ogat ‘to visit’ from lát ‘to see’ + gAt, hall+gat ‘to listen, keep silent’ from hall ‘to hear’ + gAt, emle+get ‘to speak often of sb./sth.’ from the fictive root emle + gAt, u+gat ‘to bark’ from the onomatopoetic root u + gAt ‘to bark’, óbé+gat ‘to lament’ from the onomatopoetic root óbé + gAt, etc. d) The factitive and the causative The factitive is derived by means of the suffix -(t)At: olvas+tat ‘to let/make read’, rajzol+tat ‘to let/make draw pictures’, énekel+tet ‘to let/make sing’. The factitive must be distinguished from the causative, though the two suffixes may be formally identical. Both require a causer but the factitive presupposes an executor. A derivative may contain both a causative and a factitive suffix, as in forg+at (causative)+tat (factitive) ‘to make sb. turn sth.’. The derivative forg+at just means ‘to cause sth. to turn’, there is no third participant involved. The causative suffix can only be attached to non-agentive verbs, the factitive only to agentive verbs. (For details, see Kiefer and Komlósy 2011.) Note that both the factitive and the causative can be followed by the attenuative suffix -(V)gAt: forg+at(causative)+tat(factitive)+gat(attenuative) ‘to make sb. turn sth. from time to time’. The attenuative suffix can be followed by the possibility suffix, which, however, cannot be used to derive new words. e) The passive The passive suffix -(t)Atik can be attached to any transitive verb though it is hardly used. The passive disappeared almost completely from the language by the end of the 19th century. Some actually existing but rarely used derivatives are ad+atik ‘to be given’, megnéz+etik ‘to be seen’, enged+tetik ‘to be permitted’. Passive forms such as olvas+tatik ‘to be read’, bizonyít+tatik ‘to be proven’, rendel+tetik ‘to be ordered’ are obsolete. f) The onomatopoetic verbs Derivatives containing the suffix -(V)g or -An are onomatopoetic verbs. Verbs with the suffix -(V)g denote a continuous sound, verbs with the suffix -An a sudden sound. Any sound-imitating sequence can serve as a root, provided that it ends in a consonant.

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Such sequences may be termed onomatopoetic roots. The onomatopoetic verbs often come in pairs: kop+og ‘to patter’ vs. kopp+an ‘to clap’, rez+eg ‘to rustle’ vs. rezz+en ‘to give a (sudden) rustling sound’, dör-ög ‘to thunder’ vs. dörr-en ‘to give a thundering sound’. The first members of these pairs are durative, the second ones punctual verbs. g) Deadjectival verbs Deadjectival verbs are derived from monosyllabic stems by means of the suffix -Ul and from polysyllabic stems by means of the suffix -Vdik. Compare sárg+ul ‘to turn yellow’, szép+ül ‘to get prettier’, vak+ul ‘to go blind’ and vörös+ödik ‘to redden’, okos+odik ‘to become sensible’, magas+odik ‘to grow higher’, which are all change-ofstate verbs. In case the stem ends in a vowel, this vowel is deleted before the derivational suffix: sárga ‘yellow’ → sárg+ul ‘to turn yellow’, barna ‘brown’ → barn+ul ‘to turn brown’. The suffix -ít is the causative equivalent of the two suffixes mentioned in the previous paragraph: szép+ít ‘to make prettier’, magas+ít ‘to make higher’. In this case, too, the last vowel of the stem gets deleted before the derivational suffix: barna ‘brown’ → barn+ít ‘to make brown’, fekete ‘black’ → feket+ít ‘to blacken’. The causative suffix -(V)sít is similar to the previous suffix and it could also be analyzed as consisting of the suffix -Vs, as in német+es ‘German-like’, and the causative suffix -ít; there is, however, a serious semantic argument against this analysis: német+esít means ‘to Germanize’ and not ‘to make more German-like’. Consequently, -(V)sít must be treated as a separate suffix. The suffix -(V)sVdik is the non-causative equivalent of the previous suffix: német+esedik ‘to become German’. In both cases the base adjective is an ethnic name. h) Foreign roots In the case of foreign adjectives verbs are derived by means of the suffix -izál, as in szinkron+izál, digital+izál, immun+izál, modern+izál. This suffix corresponds to German -isieren. i) Prefix reduplication In connection with verbal derivations the case of reduplicated particles should not be left unmentioned. Hungarian particle verbs are phrasal predicates rather than words (Booij 2010: 118). Hungarian does not distinguish between prefix and particle verbs, however, the reduplication of the verbal particle results in genuine prefixed verbs. Compare: (29) a. el+olvas egy könyvet ‘He/she reads a book.’ b. el-el+olvas egy könyvet ‘He/she reads a book from time to time.’ Note that − in contrast to (30a) − (30b) cannot be negated (by descriptive negation), and it cannot contain any focus constituent. The reason is that the position immediately preceding the verb is the position of the negative particle as well as that of the focused constituent. But reduplicated particles cannot be moved from their preverbal position: (30) a. *El-el nem olvas egy könyve. REDUPL.PART NEG read DET book-ACC ‘He/she does not read a book from time to time.’

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egy újságot olvas. newspaper-ACC read ‘He/she reads a newspaper.’

REDPL.PART DET

The reduplicated particle and the verb form an inseparable unity which cannot be interrupted and no part of it can be moved into another position. Reduplication is not without limitation: (i) the particle of stative verbs cannot be reduplicated (*el-el+áll ‘to stick out (from time to time)’), (ii) particles longer than two syllables cannot be reduplicated (*keresztül-keresztül+fut ‘to run across’). A semantic restriction concerns particle verbs denoting irreversible events such as fel+robban ‘to explode’. However, the particle can be reduplicated even in such cases if the change concerns (sub)sets rather than individuals: Egy-egy bomba fel-felrobbant ‘A bomb exploded now and then’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation Adverbs can productively be derived from adjectives and from nouns, cf. Table 181.5. Tab. 181.5: Adverbial derivation suffix -(A)n -Ul -lAg -kor -(V)stUl

base category A A A N/Num N

meaning adverbial meaning

temporal comitative

example meleg+en ‘warm’ lengyel+ül ‘Polish’ elméleti+leg ‘theoretically’ érkezés+kor ‘at arrival’, öt+kor ‘at five’ család+ostul ‘together with the family’

The distribution of the deadjectival suffixes is fully predictable. The suffix -(A)n is attached to base adjectives as well as to derived adjectives; in the case of derived adjectives; however, the suffix must not be one of the suffixes -i, -beli, -nyi or -tAlAn. Adverbs and adjectives are systematically kept apart morphologically. Compare Szeretem a meleg (Adj) levest ‘I like warm soups’ − A levest melegen (Adv) szeretem ‘I like soups warm’. Note also the formal difference between lengyel lány ‘Polish girl’ and lengyel+ül beszélek ‘I speak Polish’. The adjectives with the suffix -i or -beli take the adverbial suffix -lAg and adjectives with the negative suffix -tAlAn as well as ethnic adjectives take the adverbial suffix -Ul. The temporal -kor is only possible with event nouns and numerals, the comitative can be attached to any concrete noun.

5. Conversion Conversion is not a typical derivational device in Hungarian. It occurs productively only in the case of certain types of adjectives. As we saw above the suffix -i can productively be used to derive adjectives with a number of different meanings. Substantivization, however, is possible in the case of the

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meaning ‘person stemming/coming from N’ only: vidék+i Adj ‘coming/stemming from the countryside’ → vidék+i N ‘country (wo)man’; város+i Adj ‘stemming/coming from a town’ → város+i N ‘townsman, townswoman’; budapest+i Adj ‘stemming/coming from Budapest’ → budapest+i N ‘person coming from or living in Budapest’; kálócfapuszta+i Adj ‘coming/stemming from Kálócfapuszta’ → kálócfapuszta+i N ‘person coming from or living in Kálócfapuszta’. Sometimes the substantivized adjectives can also refer to a product coming from a certain place, and the “product meaning” may get lexicalized: Tokaj → tokaj+i ‘(sweet) wine from Tokaj’. The adjectival suffix -(V)s can be used to derive adjectives from nouns denoting objects, animals, plants, institutions, mass nouns, proper names, temporal intervals (Kiefer and Ladányi 2000: 183−185). Some of these adjectives can be substantivized to yield names of professions with the meaning ‘practice N or work with N’. Such a conversion is possible (i) in the case of persons doing a certain sport, e.g., bob ‘bob-sled’ → bob+os ‘practicing bob-sled (Adj)’ → bob+os ‘person practicing bob-sled’; gördeszka ‘skateboard’ → gördeszká+s ‘practicing skateboard (Adj)’ → gördeszká+s ‘person practicing skateboard’; the base noun can denote any sports equipment; (ii) persons selling some merchandise, e.g., zöldség ‘vegetables’ → zöldség+es ‘of vegetables (Adj)’ → zöldség+es N ‘greengrocer’; öv ‘belt’ → öv+es ‘belted (Adj)’ → öv+es ‘merchant selling belts’; (iii) names of musicians, e.g., klarinét → klarinét+os ‘having to do with the clarinet (Adj)’ → klarinét+os ‘clarinetist’; cseleszta ‘celesta’ → cselesztá+s ‘having to do with the celesta (Adj)’ → cselesztás ‘musician playing the celesta’.

6. References Booij, Geert 2010 Construction Morphology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dressler, Wolfgang U. 1989 Prototypical differences between inflection and derivation. Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung 42: 3−10. Grimshaw, Jane 1990 Argument Structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Kenesei, István 1995 On bracketing paradoxes in Hungarian. Acta Linguistica Hungarica 43: 153−173. Kenesei, István 2014 On a multifunctional derivational affix: Its use in relational adjectives or nominal modification, and phrasal affixation in Hungarian. Word Structure 7(2): 214−239. Kenesei, István, Robert M. Vago and Anna Fenyvesi 1998 Hungarian. London/New York: Routledge. Keszler, Borbála (ed.) 2000 Magyar grammatica. Budapest: Nemzeti Tankönyvk. Kiefer, Ferenc 1990−91 Noun incorporation in Hungarian. Acta Linguistica Hungarica 40 (1–2): 149−177. Kiefer, Ferenc 1992−2008 Strukturális magyar nyelvtan. 4 Vol. Budapest: Akadémiai Kadió. Kiefer, Ferenc 1995 Prefix reduplication in Hungarian. Acta Linguistica Hungarica 43: 175−194. Kiefer, Ferenc 2003 Alaktan. In: Katalin É. Kiss, Ferenc Kiefer and Péter Siptár, Új magyar nyelvtan, 189− 284. Budapest: Osiris Kiadó.

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Kiefer, Ferenc 2009 Uralic, Finno-Ugric: Hungarian. In: Rochelle Lieber and Pavol Štekauer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Compounding, 527−541. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kiefer, Ferenc and András Komlósy 2011 On the order of word-class preserving derivational suffixes in the Hungarian verb. Word Structure 4(2): 171−184. Kiefer, Ferenc and Mária Ladányi 2000 Morfoszintaktikailag semleges képzések. In: Ferenc Kiefer (ed.), Strukturális magyar nyelvtan. Vol. 3: Morfológia, 165−214. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. Laczkó, Tibor 2000 Az ige argumentumszerkezetét megőrző főnévképzés. In: Ferenc Kiefer (ed.), Strukturális magyar nyelvtan. Vol. 3: Morfológia, 293−407. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. Ladányi, Mária 2007 Produktivitás és analógia a szóképzésben. Elvek és esetek. Budapest: Tinta Könyvkiadó. Tompa, József (ed.) 1961 A mai magyar nyelv rendszere. Leiró nyelvtan. Vol. 1: Bevezetés, hangtan, szótan. Budapest: Akadémiai Kadió.

Ferenc Kiefer, Budapest (Hungary)

Basque 182. Basque 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Backformation Reduplication Blending Clipping Word-creation References

Abstract This article offers an overview of the main processes of word-formation in Basque. Basque possesses a relatively large number of derivational suffixes. Several types of compounds also enjoy productivity. Some compounds and derived words show the application of complex morphophonological rules. Other types of word-formation are also discussed.

1. Introduction Basque is a language isolate and the only surviving pre-Indo-European language of Western Europe. A well-known feature of Basque is that it displays ergative-absolutive morphology. Most Basque-speakers are found in northern Spain, in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country (ACBC, comprising the provinces of Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa and Araba/Álava), where it is an official language together with Spanish. There are smaller numbers of speakers in the region of Navarre, where it has a more limited official status, and, across the Spanish-French political border, in the western half of the Départment des Pyrénées Atlantiques, where it is not official. Although the historical Basque-speaking territory has contracted significantly, the trend towards the disappearance of the language has been reversed in the last few decades and the number of speakers is now growing, at least in the ACBC, thanks to officialization and the introduction of the language in the school system. Nowadays there are about 700,000 native speakers. Nevertheless, there are virtually no adult monolingual speakers left. Standard Basque (euskara batua), was developed by the Basque Academy starting at the end of the 1960s and has been very successful. Although local dialects often have prestige for their speakers, there is a trend towards convergence.

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The detailed study of word-formation in Basque began with the work of Azkue (1923−25). Two monographic studies on compounding, written in Basque, are Euskaltzaindia (1987−92) and Azkarate (1990). The volume edited by Pérez Gaztelu, Zabala and Gràcia (2004) focuses on the boundaries between composition, on the one hand, and derivation and/or syntax, on the other. On derivation, from a diachronic perspective, Múgica (1978) is worth mentioning. Villasante (1976) is another useful work on Basque derivation and composition, with extensive exemplification from Pedro de Axular’s Gero (1643), a classical work that is widely considered a model of written expression in Basque. Trask’s (1997) treatment of the Basque lexicon and its historical development is relatively brief, but contains a number of interesting observations. Two recent grammars written in English, Hualde and Ortiz de Urbina (2003) and de Rijk (2008) include relatively extensive sections on compounding and derivation. De Rijk (2008) is especially rich in exemplification of words created with different affixes.

2. General overview 2.1. Preliminaries In its inflectional morphology, Basque comes close to the agglutinative ideal of allowing clear segmentation of roots and affixes (although there are some portmanteau affixes and a few other deviations from the ideal). Nominal inflection is all done by means of suffixes, e.g., mendi-tik ‘from the mountain’, mendi-eta-tik ‘from the mountains’. In verbal inflection, on the other hand, we find both prefixes and suffixes, e.g., i-bil-i ‘walk, participle’, n-a-bil ‘I walk’, d-a-bil ‘s/he walks’, d-a-bil-tza ‘they walk’. Both derivation and compounding are common processes of word-formation. Derived words are almost exclusively formed by suffixation. There are only a couple of prefixes and these are either borrowed from Romance languages (des-egin ‘to undo’, des-lotu ‘to untie’, des-oreka ‘lack of balance’) or calqued on their model (ez-ezagun ‘unknown’ ← ez ‘not’). However, in verbal morphology we can identify a fossilized derivational causative prefix e-ra- in a handful of verbs. This process is not productive and there have often been shifts in meaning, so that the original causative function of the prefix is for the most part opaque to speakers, e.g., entzun ‘to hear’, e-ra-ntzun ‘to answer’; i-kas-i ‘to learn’, i-rakats-i ‘to teach’. The basic distinction between derivation and compounding is that in compounds the last member also exists as an independent word. Problems of analysis arise because a suffix may gain status as an independent word and, conversely, a formerly independent word may be lost outside of compounds. An example of the first type is the suffix -(t)asun ‘-ness’, which has been promoted to independent word as tasun with the meaning of ‘quality, feature’ (see section 4.1.1). De Rijk (2008), following Múgica (1978), uses the term parasuffix to refer to “a free morpheme occurring as the final member in a large number of useful compounds” (de Rijk 2008: 229). In this class, he includes zale ‘fond’, bide ‘way’, gabe ‘without, lacking’ and gai ‘matter’, among others. The Basque Academy, Euskaltzaindia, uses the term erdi-atzizki ‘semisuffix’ to refer to this group of items. Pérez Gaztelu (2004) concludes that, since these “parasuffixes” or “semisuffixes”

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are, in fact, independent nominal or adjectival roots, the words in which they occur as last member are compounds. Regarding the distinction between compounding and syntactic concatenation, in N+Adj exocentric compounds, such as belarri-luze ‘long-eared, donkey’ (← belarri ‘ear’ + luze ‘long’), the two members occur in their normal syntactic order, cf. belarri luze ‘long ear’. In some dialects, there is an accentual difference, but this does not happen in the standard language. The same sort of ambiguity may arise in compounds with gabe ‘without’, e.g., gupida-gabe ‘pitiless, cruel’ vs. gupida(rik) gabe ‘without pity’, if used without optional partitive marking (-rik) on the noun (see Odriozola 2004). In N+N compounds the absence of genitive inflection on the first noun indicates morphological fusion, cf. bake-zale ‘peace-loving’ vs. bakearen zale ‘fond of peace’. With location nouns there is fluctuation regarding the use of the genitive and, thus, morphological or syntactic structure: mahai(aren) azpitik ‘from under the table, from the bottom of the table’ (← mahai ‘table’ + -aren ‘genitive singular’ + azpi ‘bottom’ + -tik ‘from’). Phrasal verbs are considered in section 3.3. There are a few cases of lexicalized sentences or phrases, which can take further derivational and inflectional affixes, as in nahi-ta-ez ‘necessarily’ (← nahi ‘want’ + ta ‘and’ + ez ‘not’), nahitaezko ‘obligatory’; ba-da-ez-pa-da ‘just in case’ (← ba ‘if’ + da ‘is’ + ez ‘not’ + ba ‘if’ + da ‘is’), badaezpadako ‘uncertain’.

2.2. Morphophonological alternations There are some morphophonological transformations that affect the ending of nouns when they occur in non-final (non-head) position in compounds and in derived forms. Thus, for instance, begi ‘eye’ appears as bet- in compounds such as bet-ile ‘eyelash’ and bekain ‘eyebrow’ (← bet- ‘eye’ + gain ‘top’). Although these transformations have some complexity, the nouns that participate in these alternations form a closed class. With trisyllabic or longer nouns, as well as with some bisyllabic nouns ending in a high vowel, the last vowel is deleted: itsas-gizon ‘seaman’ (← itsaso ‘sea’ + gizon ‘man’), itsas-bazter ‘coast’. If, after deletion of the final vowel, the last consonant is a rhotic tap, it is replaced by -l: gal-eper ‘quail’ (← gari ‘wheat’ + eper ‘partridge’); afalordu ‘supper time’ (← afari ‘supper’ + ordu ‘hour’). In the same context, -d, -g are replaced by -t, which can, in its turn, be deleted before another consonant: errepide ‘highway’ (< erret-bide ← errege ‘king’ + bide ‘road, trail’). With bisyllabic nouns ending in a non-high vowel, we find neutralization of the mid vowels with -a: erla-tegi ‘beehive’ (← erle ‘bee’ + tegi ‘place’); usa-tegi ‘dovecote’ (← uso ‘dove’ + tegi ‘place’). There are also a few other irregularities affecting nouns ending in -n: egur-aldi ‘weather’ (← egun ‘day’ + aldi ‘time’) or that historically had an intervocalic -n-, which was preserved in the compositional form of the noun: ardo ‘wine’ (< *ardano), ardantza ‘vineyard’. The compositional form of gizon ‘man’ is giza-, which is found in compounds like giza-seme ‘man; lit. man-son’. A few other exceptional changes are also found. These alternations may be analogically extended. So, from merkatari ‘merchant’ a form merkatal ‘commercial’ has been created, as in merkatalgo ‘commerce’. The neologistic school of the turn of the 20th century led by Sabino Arana promoted the creation

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of new forms following these patterns, mostly to avoid loanwords (see Pagola 2005). One example is gotzain ‘bishop; lit. soul-keeper’ (← got- ‘soul’ + zain ‘keeper’), where got- is a previously inexistent compositional form of gogo ‘intention, memory’ (with its meaning broadened to ‘soul’, to avoid the borrowing arima ‘soul’ < Lat. anima), created by analogy with begi/bet- ‘eye’, ogi/ot- ‘bread’, etc. Although most of these neologisms have not prospered, some remain in the language (see section 4.1.1). There are also alternations affecting the initial segment of the second member of the compound and derivational suffixes. One alternation, already illustrated in some examples above, is due to the devoicing of stops after a voiceless segment; for instance, for bide ‘way, path, road’, cf. adi-bide ‘example’ (← adi-tu ‘to listen, understand’), adieraz-pide ‘way of expressing’ (← eraz-i ‘causative’). Morpheme-final affricates become fricatives before another stop in compounds and derived words, ikaztun ‘coal seller’ (← ikatz ‘coal’ + -dun), cf. esne-dun ‘milkman’. In the same context, the first stop systematically deletes, making the reason for the devoicing opaque, as in arkazte ‘lamb’ (< art-gazte ← ardi ‘sheep’ + gazte ‘young’), okin ‘baker’ (< ot-gin ← ogi ‘bread’ + -gin ‘to make’). In a few cases, devoicing is found without any obvious phonetic reason, so the initial consonant of gabe ‘without’ is devoiced in uste-kabe ‘accident’ (← uste ‘opinion, belief’). Another alternation in morpheme-initial position is produced by the voicing of stops after /n/ and /l/, cf. txerri-tegi ‘pig sty’ vs. ardan-degi ‘tavern’. There are exceptions to both the devoicing after voiceless obstruents and the voicing after nasals and liquids, e.g., ikas-bide ‘learning method’ (ikas ‘to learn’), euskal-tegi ‘Basque-teaching institution’ (euskal- < euskara ‘Basque language’). A few morphemes have a vowel-initial allomorph and another allomorph starting with /t/ or /k/, e.g., eri-tasun ‘illness’, osa-sun ‘health’ (osa-asun ← oso ‘complete, healthy’ + -asun); jarr-era ‘position’, hiz-kera ‘way of speaking’, ibil-era ~ ibil-kera ‘way of walking’; haurr-ide ‘sibling’ (← haur ‘child’), lan-kide ‘co-worker’ (← lan ‘work’). This alternation is synchronically unmotivated. Some derivational suffixes thus have up to three forms (e.g., -tar, -dar, -ar ‘originating from’, -tegi, -degi, -egi ‘place’), as we can see, for instance, comparing Bizkai-tar ‘Bizkaian’, Usurbil-dar ‘person from Usurbil’, Burgi-ar ‘person from Burgi’. In a couple of cases, a consonant-initial form that arose in compounds has become an independent form with a different meaning. This is clearly the case with kume ‘offspring of an animal’ vs. ume ‘child’, where the former must have arisen in compounds like kata-kume ‘kitten’, with an originally epenthetic consonant. Likely, talde ‘group’ (vs. alde ‘side’) has resulted from reanalysis in compounds like art-alde ‘flock of sheep’. Finally, suffix-initial affricates become /t/ after a fricative, cf. antola-tzaile ‘organizer’, nahas-taile ‘embroiler’. This covers the most regular alternations. There are, nevertheless, a few, less common, additional idiosyncrasies that we leave aside.

2.3. Neoclassical formations In present-day Basque, neoclassical formations usually have essentially the same shape as in Spanish (replacing with or depending on its phonetic value and

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without accent marks): telefono, mikrobiologia, filologia, elektromagnetismo, with a few exceptions such as telebista ‘television’ and except that the ending -lari is optionally used to derive names of professions, as in fonologilari ‘phonologist’, sintaxilari ‘syntactician’. An earlier proposal made in the 1970s to use classical spelling in technical words (telephono, photographia, etc.) did not prosper. Earlier proposals (from the beginning of the 20th century) to replace all technical vocabulary, including neoclassical formations, with native compounds have also been mostly abandoned. Nevertheless, some of these calques, like urrutizkin ‘telephone’ (← urruti ‘far’ + hitz ‘word’ + kin ‘tool’), are still in the passive vocabulary of some speakers and are listed in dictionaries. Some such coined terms employed only in specialized fields, especially in linguistics, have become established (e.g., aurr-izki ‘prefix’, atz-izki ‘suffix’, where (h)izki ← hitz ‘word’, is a neologism for ‘letter, grapheme, affix’). Classical prefixes are usually replaced with native equivalents such as locative nouns; e.g., azpi- ‘sub-, infra-’ (azpi-multzo ‘subset’, azpi-egitura ‘infrastructure’), but not always, e.g., infra-gorri ‘infrared’, ultra-more ‘ultraviolet’. In some cases, classical prefixes have been translated by means of suffixes, more in accordance with the morphological structure of the language, where prefixation is rare. Thus, for ‘pre-history’, histori-aurre is preferred to aurre-historia (prehistoria is also found) and for ‘semivowel’ (Sp. semivocal) both semibokal and bokalerdi have been coined. An interesting example of reordering of morphemes in calques, avoiding prefixes, is the word hil-ez-kor ‘immortal, eternal’ (← hil ‘to die’ + ez ‘no’ + -kor), due to the 18th century lexicographer Manuel Larramendi and formed on older hil-kor ‘mortal’.

3. Composition Several types of compounds are frequent and productive in Basque.

3.1. Nominal compounds 3.1.1. Determinative compounds In determinative N+N compounds, very common and productively formed in Basque, the head is final. Thus from behi ‘cow’ and esne ‘milk’ we can obtain behiesne ‘cow’s milk’ and esnebehi ‘dairy cow’. A couple more examples, illustrating the allomorphy rules mentioned in section 2.2, are usakume ‘young pigeon’ (← uso ‘dove’ + kume ‘offspring’) and itsasgizon ‘seaman’ (← itsaso ‘sea’ + gizon ‘man’). With a V+N structure, we find examples like pasa-leku ‘passage way’, irakur-gai ‘reading matter’, ikas-bide ‘learning method’, abia-puntu ‘starting point’, senda-belar ‘medicinal herb’ (← senda-tu ‘to cure’ + belar ‘grass, herb’) and many others. These compounds are formed with the verb radical. In contrast, there is only a relatively small number of determinative nominal compounds with a N+Adj structure; that is, formed with a noun and adjective in the same order in which they appear in a noun phrase. The meaning of the compound is relatively transparent from that of its formatives in some examples and much less so in others. In

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some of these compounds the morphophonological rules described in section 2.2 apply and therefore they are different from the corresponding syntactic phrases of noun and adjective. Others do not differ, except that in some western dialects they may receive a different accentual pattern. Examples are: arkazte ‘lamb’ (← art- ‘sheep’ + gazte ‘young’ vs. ardi gazte ‘young sheep’), gaztanbera ‘cottage cheese’ (← gaztan- ‘cheese’ + bera ‘soft’ vs. gazta bera ‘soft cheese’), saguzar ‘bat’ (← sagu ‘mouse’ + zahar ‘old’), neskazahar ‘spinster’ (← neska ‘girl’ + zahar ‘old’), udaberri ‘spring’ (← uda ‘summer’ + berri ‘new’), zori-on ‘good luck, happiness’ (← zori ‘luck’ + on ‘good’). The same structure is much more productive in the creation of exocentric nominal and adjectival compounds, see section 3.1.3.

3.1.2. Copulative compounds Co-compounding is a common process in Basque. N+N co-compounds (dvandvas) are almost always plural: anai-arrebak ‘brothers and sisters’, neska-mutilak ‘girls and boys’, Bizkai-Gipuzkoetan ‘in Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa’ (examples are given with inflection, to show their plural character, but inflection is phrase-level in Basque, cf. anai-arreba gazte-ak ‘young siblings’). Notice that nominal co-compounds have the same structure as N+N determinative compounds. Generally the semantics (or knowledge of the world) makes the interpretation unambiguous. Thus ardi-zakurrak (← ardi ‘sheep’ + zakur ‘dog’) will be interpreted as a determinative compound ‘sheep dogs’, but the compound ardi-bildotsak (← bildots ‘lamb’) receives the co-compound interpretation ‘sheep and (their) lambs’. The only exceptionally singular co-compounds are those referring to a substance with two components, such as kafesne (← kafe ‘coffee’ + esne ‘milk’), more readily interpretable as a co-compound ‘coffee and milk’ than as determinative compound ‘coffee-ish milk’. The members of a co-compound may be any two nouns that refer to entities that tend to occur together or can be associated semantically or contextually; e.g., ikasle-irakasleak ‘students and teachers’, hanka-besoak ‘legs and arms’. In lexicalized co-compounds the order of the two members is fixed and one can discern both phonological (shorter member precedes longer) and semantic criteria (e.g., older generation before younger generation, aita-semeak ‘father and son(s)’, male before female, seme-alabak ‘sons and daughters’, etc.) in the positioning of the two members (Jacobson 1982). Occasionally, co-compounds may have more than two members. Thus, on the basis of the common zeru-lurr-ak ‘heaven and earth’, the three-member compound zeru-luritsaso-ak ‘heaven, earth and sea’ was coined. Nominal co-compounds may be formed by combining two participles or verbal radicals, as in har(tu)-eman ‘give and take, relationship’ (← har-tu ‘to take’ + eman ‘to give’), joan-etorri ‘coming and going, round trip’ (← joan ‘to go’ + etorri ‘to come’), sal-erosi ‘trade, buying and selling operations’ (← sal-du ‘to sell’ + eros-i ‘to buy’). With an Adj+Adj structure we find a handful of nominal compounds like luze-labur ‘length’ (← luze ‘long’ + labur ‘short’), on-gaitzak ‘pros and cons’ (← on ‘good’ + gaitz ‘bad’). Some of these compounds can be used as singular nouns.

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3.1.3. Exocentric compounds Compounds with the structure N+A and the meaning ‘having a N that is A’ are more or less freely formed: praka-gorri ‘someone with red pants’, buru-handi ‘big-headed’, sudur-luze ‘having a long nose’, bihotz-bera ‘soft-hearted’, mihi-luze ‘with a long tongue, talkative’. Some exocentric N+A compounds have acquired unpredictable, lexicalized meanings: belarri-luze ‘long-eared, donkey’, belarri-motz ‘short-eared, non-Basque, Spaniard’, hega-luze ‘long-fin, type of tuna’. Many of these compounds may be used either as nouns or as adjectives. On the other hand, N+N exocentric compounds are very rare. An example would be txori-buru ‘simpleton; having the head of a bird’ (← txori ‘bird’ + buru ‘head’). With a numeral as first member we find examples like lau-buru ‘type of cross’ (← lau ‘four’ + buru ‘head’).

3.2. Adjectival compounds Compounds with the structure A+A may combine two opposing adjectives, such as gazigeza ‘sweet and sour’ (← gazi ‘salty’ + geza ‘insipid’), busti-lehor ‘wet-dry’ or two quasi-synomyms, alfer-nagi ‘lazy’, eder-galant ‘beautiful and gallant’. A+A adjectives are also freely formed with colors, zuri-urdin ‘white and blue’, gorri-beltz ‘red and black’. As mentioned in section 3.1.3, compounds with the structure N+A, which are very productive, may be adjectives or nouns. With an essentially adjectival function we find, for instance, eskuzabal ‘generous’ (← esku ‘hand’ + zabal ‘wide, open’), bihozbera ‘soft-hearted, tender’ (← bihotz ‘heart’ + bera ‘soft’), begi-urdin ‘blue-eyed’ (← begi ‘eye’ + urdin ‘blue’), ile-gorri ‘red-haired’. Some adjectives that combine with verbs to form V+A compound adjectives are berri ‘new’, gaitz ‘difficult’, bera ‘soft’, erraz ‘easy’ and ezin ‘impossible’; e.g., ezkonberri ‘just married’, argitaraberri ‘just published’, jaioberri ‘just born’, asegaitz ‘hard to satisfy’, ulergaitz ‘difficult to understand’, sentibera ‘sensitive’, ulerterraz ‘easy to understand’, konponerraz ‘easy to fix’, kontaezin ‘innumerable, uncountable’, gaindiezin ‘unsurmountable’. For reduplicated adjectives, see section 7.

3.3. Verbal compounds Causative verbs are productively formed with -arazi ‘to cause’, e.g., galarazi ‘to cause to lose’, janarazi ‘to force to eat’, jakinarazi ‘to let know’. This is so even for the few verbs that have historically derivational causatives with e-ra- (see section 2), since these have acquired special meanings; e.g., e-torr-i ‘to come’, e-torr-arazi ‘to cause to come’, e-ra-torr-i ‘to derive’. Leaving causatives apart, strictly speaking, there are only a handful of verbal compounds in Basque, if by this we mean structures that always behave as a single morphological unit. With a N+V structure, examples include buruberotu ‘to drive crazy’ (←

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buru ‘head’ + berotu ‘heat’ ← bero ‘hot’), indarberritu ‘to recover strength’ (← indar ‘strength’ + berritu ‘to renew’ ← berri ‘new’), itxuraldatu ‘to transform’ (← itxura ‘aspect’ + aldatu ‘to change’), odolustu ‘to bleed’ (← odol ‘blood’ + hustu ‘to empty’ ← huts ‘empty’). With an A+V structure we find oniritzi ‘to consider good’, formerly ‘to love’ (← on ‘good’ + iritzi ‘to consider, opine’), onartu ‘to accept’ (← on ‘good’ + hartu ‘to take’). On the other hand, some very frequent “phrasal verbs” consist of an uninflected noun (the object) and the light verb egin ‘to do, make’, e.g., lo egin ‘to sleep’ (← lo ‘sleep’), hitz egin ‘to talk’ (← hitz ‘word’). Two other verbs that show a certain amount of productivity in these constructions are eman ‘to give’ and hartu ‘to take’; e.g., amore eman ‘to give up, desist’, musu eman ‘to kiss’, hitz eman ‘to promise’, arnasa hartu ‘to breathe’, parte hartu ‘to take part’, hitzartu ‘to agree’ (← hitz + hartu). With other verbs, there are just a handful of expressions. Generally these can be considered to be phrasal verbs rather than true compounds because a) it is possible to use partitive inflection on the noun; e.g., ez duzu lorik egin ‘you have not slept at all’ (lo-rik ‘sleeppartitive’), ez dugu parterik hartu ‘we have not taken any part’, and b) the uninflected noun maintains syntactic freedom and, for instance, can be postponed in interrogatives: non egin duzu lo? ‘where have you slept?’, noiz egiten duzu lan? ‘where do you work?’. Nevertheless, one finds different degrees of lexicalization (see Oyharçabal 2006). Phrasal verbs differ from free syntax in that the noun is uninflected (if not taking the partitive), cf. sagarra jan ‘to eat the apple’ (sagar ‘apple’) but not *sagar jan; cf. also lan egin ‘to work’ (phrasal verb) vs. lana egin ‘to do the work’ (free syntax). Using this criterion, phrasal verbs can also be distinguished from verbal idioms like botoa eman ‘to vote’ (← boto-a ‘vote-DET’) or adarra jo ‘to make fun’ (lit. ‘to play the horn’; adarr-a ‘hornDET’, jo ‘to hit, play’), where the direct object bears singular inflection, and from other idiomatic phrases with complements in specific cases; e.g., kontuan hartu ‘to take into account’ (← kontu-an ‘account-LOC’), buruz ikasi ‘to learn by heart, memorize’ (lit. buru-z ‘head-INSTR’ + ikasi ‘to learn’). In a couple of compounds with hartu ‘to take’ an original ergative inflection has been fossilized, e.g., lokartu ‘to fall asleep’ < loak hartu (← lo-a-k ‘sleep-DET-ERG’). In pipijan ‘sawdust created by moths’ (← pipi ‘moth’ + jan ‘to eat’), harjo ‘worm eaten’ (← har ‘worm’ + jo ‘to hit’), a verb is compounded with what would be its subject. But these are essentially participles, used as adjectives or nouns, as the glosses indicate. Verbs like onetsi ‘to consider good, accept’ (on ‘good’), gaitzetsi ‘to reject’, ederretsi ‘to consider beautiful’, are formed on the same A+V pattern of oniritzi ‘to consider good, love’, onartu ‘accept’. The difficulty in the analysis is that the verb etsi nowadays has the meaning of ‘to despair, lose all hope, accept with resignation’, which is considerably more restricted than the meaning we must give it in structures with -etsi.

3.4. Adverbial compounds Place adverbs enter into the compounds han-hemen ‘here and there’ (← han ‘yonder’ + hemen ‘here’) and han-hor-hemen ‘here and there’ (hor ‘there’). The common phrase hona hemen ‘here it is’ (← hona ‘here-ALLAT’ + hemen ‘here-LOC’) is probably not to be analyzed as a compound, given its inflection.

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Time adverbials also enter into compounds such as gaur-biharretan ‘today and tomorrow’ (← gaur ‘today’ + bihar ‘tomorrow’ + -etan ‘LOC-PL’). Nevertheless, the result in these cases is a nominal compound, given the fact that it takes nominal inflection. Nominal compounds with locative or instrumental inflection may have an essentially adverbial function. More interestingly, there are examples where an uninflected N+N cocompound has an adverbial meaning; e.g., buru-belarri ‘eagerly’ (← buru ‘head’ + belarri ‘ear’). With a determinative structure we find, e.g., musu truk ‘in exchange for a kiss, gratis’ (← musu ‘kiss’ + truke ‘exchange’). A nominal compound forms the base of adverbial derivation in examples like arnasestuka ‘panting’ (← arnasestu ‘pant, difficult breathing’ ← arnasa ‘breath’ + estu ‘narrow’ + -ka ‘adverbial suffix’).

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation Nominal derivation is very productive in Basque, at least as far as the number of suffixes involved is concerned. A few suffixes can have both N and A categories.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns We first discuss agentive denominal suffixes, next suffixes denoting a great amount or having a collective meaning. The remaining suffixes are discussed in strict alphabetical order. The suffix -ari (< Latin -arius) with its variants -lari, -dari and less frequently -kari, is generally described as a denominal suffix that creates p e r s o n a l n o u n s paraphrasable as ‘someone who performs a profession or an activity related to the base’: aizkolari ‘woodcutter’ (← aizkora ‘axe’), bertsolari ‘verse-maker’ (← bertso ‘poem’). This suffix is fully productive with nominal bases, e.g., blogari ‘blogger’. It is generally in complementary distribution with -le and -t(z)aile, which have a similar meaning but take verbal bases. This situation, however, is relatively new in the language (Oyharçabal 1996; Saizar 2004); deverbal agent nouns with -ari were once not rare in the language: gidari ‘guide, driver’ (← gida-tu ‘to guide’), ibiltari ‘walker’ (← ibil-i ‘to walk’). With the variant -kari, originally an adverbial suffix, we find denominal nouns to name types of periodicals: egunkari ‘daily newspaper’ (← egun ‘day’), astekari ‘weekly magazine’ (← aste ‘week’). Two further denominal agentive suffixes are -gin and -gile, both related to the verb egin ‘to do, make’. They follow the pattern [N-gin/gile]N = ‘someone who produces, processes or makes N’. The suffix -gin is no longer productive and is found in nouns referring to old professions like okin ‘baker’ (← ogi ‘bread’ + gin). The suffix -gile is productive and can be found in both old and new professions: bizargile ‘barber’ (← bizar ‘beard’), zinemagile ‘film-maker’. The p o s s e s s i v e s u f f i x -dun, usually paraphrased as ‘possessor of’, is denominal and gives rise to both nouns and adjectives (cf. section 4.2.1 for the adjectival value and

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the apparently non-derivational use of -dun). The adjectival use of this suffix is fully productive, but there are also many nouns formed with -dun: eledun ‘spokesperson’ (← ele ‘word, speech’), euskaldun ‘Basque speaker’ (← euskal ← euskara ‘Basque language’), hiztun ‘speaker’ (← hitz ‘word’), txapeldun ‘beret-holder, winner’ (← txapel ‘beret’). There are also a few deverbal -dun nouns, e.g., jostun ‘sewer’ (← jos-i ‘to sew’). Several suffixes produce c o l l e c t i v e n o u n s , p l a c e n o u n s , or nouns denoting ‘a great amount of’. The suffix -di was originally added to tree and plant nouns to denote a natural grouping of that tree or plant: haritz ‘oak’ → hariz-ti ‘forest of oak trees’, mahats ‘grape’ → mahas-ti ‘vineyard’. S. Arana promoted this suffix to create neologisms, the best known of which is Euskadi ‘Basque Country’ (formerly Euzkadi ← euzko-di ‘grouping of Basques’, where euzko is a stem invented by Arana for ‘Basque person’). This has led to the revival of the suffix -di with bases other than tree or plant names: legedi ‘legislation’ (← lege ‘law’). The suffix -(t)eria, of Romance origin, serves the same purpose in the creation of collective nouns, e.g., gazteria ‘youth, young people’ (← gazte ‘young’), ontziteria ‘tableware’ (← ontzi ‘receptacle’). Finally, -tza also conveys the idea of abundance or great amount in words like jendetza ‘large group of people’ (← jende ‘people’), dirutza ‘great amount of money’ (← diru ‘money’). When denominal, this suffix may also form profession, position or s t a t u s n o u n s : alkatetza ‘mayorship’ (← alkate ‘mayor’), zuzendaritza ‘management’ (← zuzendari ‘director’). For the deverbal use of -tza, see section 4.1.3. The eastern suffix -go is the exact equivalent of this use of -tza: ikaslego ‘studentship’ (← ikasle ‘student’). In many cases, Standard Basque has favored one choice over the other, but often the two words exist: irakaslego/irakasletza ‘teaching profession, professorship’. The suffix -kada, etymologically related to a similar Romance suffix, is usually denominal. It may denote a blow or movement such that the base is the instrument: bihozkada ‘heartbeat’ (← bihotz ‘heart’), burukada ‘head-blow’ (← buru ‘head’); as in Romance, it also yields measurements: ahokada ‘mouthful’, katilukada ‘cupful’. Finally, with NP-egin verbs, it gives rise to action nouns that denote one instance of the action: zurrut egin ‘to swig’ → zurrutada ‘a swig’. The suffix -keta (variant -eta) is an a c t i o n n o u n suffix, productive with verbal bases (see section 4.1.3), yet it is found in several examples with a nominal base: berriketa ‘talk, gossip’ (← berri ‘news’), gogoeta ‘thought, reflexion’ (← gogo ‘mind’), zezenketa ‘bullfight’ (← zezen ‘bull’). In eastern dialects, the denominal use may also convey the idea of abundance or action: diruketa ‘great amount of money’ (← diru ‘money’), arrainketa ‘fishing’ (← arrain ‘fish’). The suffix -keria, of Romance origin, takes both noun and adjective bases. It denotes an abstract n e g a t i v e q u a l i t y or a pejorative action. Examples from noun bases include astakeria ‘donkey-nonsense’ (← asto ‘donkey’), nahikeria ‘caprice, base desire’ (← nahi ‘desire’), umekeria ‘childish action’ (← ume ‘child’); it is true, however, that many of these noun bases often display a qualifying, adjective-like, behavior. The suffix -ki, when denominal (see also section 4.1.3 for its deverbal use), usually indicates ‘ i t e m , piece’. Thus, when applied to edible animals, the corresponding derived noun with -ki means meat of the relevant animal: txerriki ‘pork’ (← txerri ‘pig’), idiki ‘ox-meat’ (← idi ‘ox’). A similar idea is present in odolki ‘blood sausage’ (← odol ‘blood’), esneki ‘milky product’ (← esne ‘milk’) or even the neologism euskalki ‘Basque dialect’ (← euskara ‘Basque language’).

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Little attention is paid to -ko as a derivational suffix in traditional grammar (e.g., Villasante 1976 and de Rijk 2008 ignore it completely). This is so because -ko is mostly a functional adposition that forms locative genitives or qualifying genitives inside noun phrases (e.g., Bilbo-ko gizona ‘a man from Bilbao’, hiru urte-ko ardoa ‘a wine of three years’); sometimes it is simply an adposition required for PPs and other phrases NPinternally (eskolara-ko bidea ‘the path to the school’ ← eskolara ‘to the school’) or part of a complex adposition (cf. zu-re-ki-ko dudan zorra ‘the debt I have towards you’). Be it as it may, -ko gives rise to many nouns and this derivational use is often tied to a locative interpretation: lekuko ‘witness’ (← leku ‘place’) would literally be ‘(someone) at the place’. Nouns of this flavor include belarritako ‘earring’ (← belarri ‘ear’), buruko ‘pillow’ (← buru ‘head’), gerriko ‘belt’ (← gerri ‘waist’), milurteko ‘millenium’ (← mila urte ‘one thousand years’). In other cases, -ko derived nouns indicate a blow into the corresponding body part: muturreko ‘punch in the face’ (← mutur ‘mouth’), masaileko ‘blow to the cheek’ (← masail ‘cheek’). When applied to geographic names and proper nouns, the suffix -tar is totally productive in the creation of nouns denoting o r i g i n and clan or family names: britaniar ‘British’, bilbotar ‘Bilbaoan, native of Bilbao’, johnsondar ‘someone of the Johnson family’ (for the use of this suffix with adjectives derived from nouns, see section 4.2.1). The suffix -tar can also attach to common nouns that may be identified as a location (de Rijk 2008: 130): baserritar ‘farmer’ (← baserri ‘farm’), herritar ‘inhabitant, citizen’ (← herri ‘village, country’), estralurtar ‘extraterrestrian’ (← lur ‘earth’). The suffix -tasun roughly means ‘ q u a l i t y ’ , as its promotion to an independent word meaning ‘feature’ in the fields of theology and linguistics shows (e.g., Jesusen tasunak ‘Jesus’s qualities’, tasun bereizgarriak ‘distinctive features’). Its base is generally an adjective (see section 4.1.2), but it may also be a noun: aitatasun ‘fatherhood’ (← aita ‘father’), adiskidetasun ‘friendship, friendliness’ (← adiskide ‘friend’). Several quantifiers also take -tasun: batasun ‘unity, union’ (← bat ‘one’), aniztasun ‘variety, diversity’ (← anitz ‘many’). Finally, the suffixes -tegi and -te roughly mean ‘ p l a c e ’ (originally ‘shed’) and ‘ t i m e /period’, respectively: hiztegi ‘dictionary’ (← hitz ‘word’), liburutegi ‘library’ (← liburu ‘book’); eurite ‘rain period’ (← euri ‘rain’), gerrate ‘war-time’ (← gerra ‘war’).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns As explained in the previous section, both -tasun and -keria may take a nominal base as well as an adjectival base. It is, however, with the latter that they are fully productive: askatasun ‘freedom’ (← aske ‘free’), edertasun ‘beauty’ (← eder ‘beautiful’), hurbiltasun ‘proximity’ (← hurbil ‘near’). Some minimal pairs illustrate the difference in meaning between the two suffixes: handitasun ‘greatness, enormity’ vs. handikeria ‘arrogance, excessive grandeur’ (← handi ‘big’), txikitasun ‘smallness’ vs. txikikeria ‘small triviality’ (← txiki ‘small’), zorotasun ‘craziness, the illness/situation of being crazy’ vs. zorakeria ‘despicable act of craziness’ (← zoro ‘crazy’). The suffix -era, more common with verbal bases (cf. section 4.1.3), is also attached to adjectives of dimension: lodiera ‘thickness’ (← lodi ‘thick’), zabalera ‘width’ (← zabal ‘wide’).

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4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Deverbal noun suffixation is also highly productive. First, we discuss deverbal agent nouns. Afterwards, we consider action and result nouns. Then, we turn to the productive suffix -gailu ‘machine’. The rest of the discussion goes by strict alphabetical order. Both -le and -t(z)aile form deverbal a g e n t n o u n s , which usually take agentive (either regular transitive or unergative) verbs as their base. The division of labor between the two is morphophonologically conditioned: verbs whose participle (i.e. the citation form) ends in an older participial ending (viz. in -n or in a sibilant, -r or -l followed by -i) tend to take the suffix -le: edan ‘to drink’ → edale ‘drinker’, entzun ‘to hear’ → entzule ‘hearer’, ikus-i ‘to see’ → ikusle ‘viewer’, idatz-i ‘to write’ → idazle ‘writer’, irakurr-i ‘to read’ → irakurle ‘reader’; on the other hand, verbs whose participle ends in a vowel, in any other consonant or in the productive participial ending -tu usually take -t(z)aile: garbi-tu ‘to clean’ → garbitzaile ‘cleaner’, hil ‘to kill’ → hiltzaile ‘killer’, jaso ‘to receive, raise’ → jasotzaile ‘receiver, raiser’; the allomorph -taile is reserved to verbal stems with a secondary ending in a sibilant (after removing the participial ending): bikoiz-tu ‘to double, subtitle’ → bikoiztaile ‘voice-dubber’. This division of labor, in turn, suggests that presently only -t(z)aile is productive in Standard Basque. Most unaccusative verbs do not participate in this kind of suffixation, with a couple of unexpected exceptions: e.g., egoile ‘resident’ (← egon ‘to stay’). In general, if a verb participates in the inchoative/causative alternation, the suffix -le or -t(z)aile will be possible only with the transitive value: thus, for the alternation sortu ‘to emerge, be born, create’, we get sortzaile ‘creator/*emerger’, necessarily tied to the transitive meaning; likewise, from hil ‘to die, kill’, we get hiltzaile ‘killer/*dier’. Regular unergative verbs which do not participate in the NP-egin construction can take the relevant suffix: jazarle ‘attacker, aggressor’ (← jazarr-i ‘to attack’), mintzatzaile ‘talker’ (← mintza-tu ‘to talk’), kolaboratzaile ‘collaborator’ (← kolabora-tu ‘to collaborate’), mendekatzaile ‘avenger’ (← mendeka-tu ‘to take revenge’); for unergative verbs of the NP-egin type, either a compound with egile ‘doer’ (reduceable to the suffix -gile) exists or -ari can be directly attached to the noun: barre egile ‘laughing person’ (← barre egin ‘to laugh’), langile ‘worker’ (← lan egin ‘to work’), dantzari ‘dancer’ (← dantza egin ‘to dance’), iheslari ‘fleer’ (← ihes egin ‘to flee, get away’), korrikalari or lasterkari ‘runner’ (← korrika egin, lasterka egin ‘to run’). E v e n t and r e s u l t n o u n s are typically expressed by the suffixes -keta (already mentioned in its denominal use in section 4.1.1), -kuntza and -pen, which usually take regular transitive verbs, provided these are activity, non-stative, verbs (cf. jakin ‘to know’ → *jakiketa, *jakipen, *jakikuntza). According to de Rijk (2008: 693), in principle both -keta and -kuntza would be action nouns (the first one presenting the action in process and the other as already completed), whereas -pen would refer more to the result or outcome of an action. Although de Rijk’s observation may be true for some -pen words (e.g., itxaron ‘to wait’ → itxaropen ‘expectation, hope’ never has an eventive interpretation) or for a few examples where two suffixes alternate (e.g., irakats-i ‘to teach’ → irakaskuntza ‘action of teaching, teaching business, teaching profession’ vs. irakaspen ‘lesson, amount of things learned’), the fact is, however, that the three suffixes can form true action nouns and, likewise, denote the result or outcome of an action. Moreover, for verbs that take both -keta and -kuntza, the two nominals are often synonyms (cf. zapal-du ‘to step on, oppress’ → zapalketa = zapalkuntza ‘repression’). Here are some

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examples of each suffix: azterketa ‘examination’ (← azter-tu ‘to examine’), banaketa ‘separation, distribution’ (← bana-tu ‘to separate, distribute’), erosketa ‘purchase’ (← eros-i ‘to buy’), konponketa ‘repair’ (← konpon-du ‘to repair’); hobekuntza ‘improvement’ (← hobe-tu ‘to improve’), ikerkuntza ‘investigation, research’ (← iker-tu ‘to research, investigate’); askapen ‘liberation’ (← aska-tu ‘to liberate’), azalpen ‘explanation’ (← azal-du ‘to explain’), ukapen ‘negation’ (← uka-tu ‘to negate’). The suffix -pen has a -men variant (not to be confused with the also deverbal suffix -men ‘capacity’ below) for idiosyncratic phonological reasons: aipamen ‘mention’ (← aipa-tu ‘to mention’), hondamen ‘destruction’ (← honda-tu ‘to destroy’). This -men variant is usually connected with -mendu, itself derived from Latin -mentum; Basque has a few words with -mendu, applied to native or loaned verbs, some of which do have an action interpretation: luzamendu ‘lengthening, delay, moratorium’ (← luza-tu ‘to lengthen’) (cf. also luzamen, luzapen). Regarding the division of labor among -keta/-kuntza/-pen, in general one does not find a single verb that takes all three suffixes in Standard Basque: some -kuntza and -keta alternations exist, some -keta and -pen alternations exist (erakuts-i ‘to show’ → erakusketa ‘exhibition’, erakuspen ‘exhibition, amount of things exhibited’), but fewer -kuntza and -pen alternations are found. As a corollary, it is worth pointing out that the word for language is hizkuntza ‘language’ (← hitz ‘word’), one of the few exceptions where -kuntza takes a noun base, perhaps because the corresponding verb is of the NP-egin form (hitz egin ‘to speak; lit. word make’) and these verbs hardly ever participate in their entire form in derivational processes. There is also a fourth, nonproductive, action noun suffix linked to -kuntza, namely -kunde. Some of the few words that have this suffix are, however, pretty common in Standard Basque: erakunde ‘(body of) organization’ (← era-tu ‘to organize’; cf. also eraketa ‘organization’), hauteskunde ‘election’ (← hautets-i ‘to elect’), zabalkunde ‘diffusion’ (← zabal-du ‘to spread’). Other action nouns include -era, -tza and -t(z)e. The suffix -era (with the variant -kera after radicals ending in a sibilant or affricate) is clearly related to the word era ‘manner’, which suggests that these are compounds: ibilera ‘(manner of) walking’ (← ibil-i ‘to walk’), idazkera ‘(manner of) writing’ (← idatz-i ‘to write’). However, it is often the case that the derived noun means, not the manner of carrying out an action, but the action itself, or even the result of the action. Interestingly, both transitive and intransitive (including unaccusative) verbs may take -era: egoera ‘situation’ (← egon ‘to stay’), eskaera ‘petition’ (← eska-tu ‘to ask for’), gertaera ‘happening, event’ (← gerta-tu ‘to happen’), igoera ‘ascension’ (← igo ‘to climb’), sorrera ‘birth, emergence’ (← sor-tu ‘to emerge’); the word sarrera (← sar-tu ‘to enter’) is particularly telling since it offers the entire range of possibilities: it can be an eventive nominal (cf. ikusgarria izan zen zure Donostiako sarrera ‘Your entering Donostia was spectacular’), but it also means ‘the result of entering, entry’, ‘entrance’, ‘way of entering’ or ‘introduction’, and even the physical object ‘ticket’ (cf. Sp. entrada). The no longer productive deverbal -tza (an allomorph of -kuntza according to de Rijk 2008: 693) is found in a few cases: emaitza ‘gift’ (← eman ‘to give’), laguntza ‘assistance’ (← lagun-du ‘to help’). Finally, -t(z)e is simply a syntactic suffix that can nominalize virtually any verb and give rise to nominalized clauses; however, some words with this suffix have been lexicalized as true nouns. Common examples include: adiskidetze ‘reconciliation’ (← adiskide-tu ‘to reconciliate’), baketze ‘pacification’ (← baketu ‘to pacify, make peace’), euskalduntze ‘Basquization, teaching of the Basque language’ (← euskaldun-du ‘to Basquize, teach Basque’).

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The i n s t r u m e n t a l s u f f i x -gailu is in today’s Basque the most popular one to name new machines or technological devices. It originated in the eastern dialects and has become very frequent in the last decades: berogailu ‘heater’ (← bero-tu ‘to heat’), garbigailu ‘washing machine’ (← garbi-tu ‘to wash’), igogailu ‘elevator’ (← igo ‘to climb, elevate’), ordenagailu ‘computer’ (← ordena-tu ‘to order’, cf. Sp. ordenador). As for the rest of deverbal suffixes, the non-agentive -ari is one of the best studied (Saizar 2004): this suffix is no longer productive and it usually creates o b j e c t n o u n s. According to Saizar (2004), most of these derived nouns come from transitive verbs, so that the -ari object would refer to the internal argument of the verb: edari ‘beverage’ (← edan ‘to drink’), eskari ‘petition’ (← eskatu ‘to ask for’), ikuskari ‘spectacle’ (← ikusi ‘to see’), janari ‘food’ (← jan ‘to eat’); gerta-kari ‘happening’ (← gerta-tu ‘to happen’; cf. also gertaera ‘event’ ) would be one of the few exceptions of a non-transitive verb base. The deverbal suffix -dura refers to the resulting object or consequence of a mental process or action: egitura ‘structure’ (← egin ‘to do’), elikadura ‘nutrition’ (← elika-tu ‘to nourish’), harridura ‘astonishment, surprise’ (← harri-tu ‘to get surprised’). The deverbal suffix -ki can also give rise to instruments whereby an action takes place or, in the case of creation and destruction verbs, the outcome of that action. It is no longer productive: aldaki ‘copy, variant’ (← alda-tu ‘to change’), idazki ‘document, written matter’ (← idatz-i ‘to write’), iragarki ‘announcement’ (← iragarr-i ‘to announce’). A phonologically similar suffix -kin is generally related to the notions ‘remainder’ or ‘resulting product’: hondakin ‘residue’ (← honda-tu ‘to get spoiled, spoil’), eranskin ‘annex, supplement’ (← erants-i ‘to add’); again, most of the verbs taking -kin are regular transitive and the noun refers to their object argument; but we find one wellknown exception: etorkin ‘immigrant’ (← etorr-i ‘to come’). The suffix -kizun is generally possible with regular transitive verbs; the relationship with the base verb is paraphrasable as ‘susceptible to be V-ed’. Thus, eginkizun means ‘work to do’ (← egin ‘to do’), igarkizun ‘riddle’ (← igarr-i ‘to guess’). Finally, we will briefly mention the suffix -men, roughly paraphrasable as ‘capability’: dastamen ‘sense of taste’ (← dasta-tu ‘to taste’), entzumen ‘sense of hearing’ (← entzun ‘to hear’), irudimen ‘imagination’ (← irudi-tu ‘to imagine, consider’). Some deverbal nouns with -men denote action, but these would in principle be allomorphs of -pen (cf. zoramen ‘thrill, ecstasy’ ← zora-tu ‘to become/make someone crazy’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Basque only has one productive suffix for the creation of r e l a t i o n a l adjectives from nouns, namely the afore-mentioned -tar (cf. section 4.1.1), which, when attached to place names, creates both origin nouns and adjectives: italiar bat eta hiru bilbotar ‘one Italian and three Bilbao-citizens’ but also andre italiar bat eta hiru mutil bilbotar ‘one Italian woman and three Bilbaoan boys’. Although unusual, these adjectives may have an argumental interpretation: inbasio germaniarrak ‘Germanic invasions’ (i.e. invasion by the Germanics). The suffix -tar can also apply to proper names and give rise to classificatory adjectives: ikuspegi chomskyar berria ‘the new Chomskyan point of view’, teoria dar-

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windarrak ‘Darwinian theories’. There are also relational (classificatory) -tar adjectives derived from common nouns: atzerritar ‘foreign’ (← atzerri ‘foreign country’), basotar ‘barbarian’ (← baso ‘wood’), eskuindar ‘rightist’ (← eskuin ‘right-hand’). All these may be used as qualifying adjectives. It is worth noting that the eastern and similar suffix -tiar is sometimes mixed up with -tar in its adjectival use giving rise to two versions of a similar word; thus, the variant ezkertiar ‘leftist’ (← ezker ‘left-hand’) is the only one accepted in Standard Basque to the detriment of ezkertar. The suffix -tar can also attach to the numeral bi ‘two’ and create the corresponding classificatory adjective: sistema bitar bat ‘a binary system’ (← bi ‘two’). In general, however, numerals and quantifiers resort to the suffixes -kun and -koitz to form classificatory adjectives: bakoitz, bakun ‘single, consisting of a single piece’ (← bat ‘one’); bikun, bikoitz ‘double, consisting of two pieces’ (← bi ‘two’); anizkoitz, anizkun ‘multiple, consisting of many pieces’ (← anitz ‘many’). As anticipated in section 4.1.1, the p o s s e s s i v e s u f f i x -dun is certainly denominal and gives rise to both nouns and adjectives, but its status as purely derivational is problematic given that its base seems to be a [N-Adj] constituent (bare NP from the point of view of the DP hypothesis) or even a QP ([N-(Adj)-Q]): begi berde-dun neska ‘a greeneyed girl’, hiru hanka-dun aulkia ‘a chair with three legs’. In the latter two cases, -dun looks more like a functional adposition that introduces some sort of predication structure. That aside, many -dun nouns can be used as adjectives: euskaldun ‘Basque speaker’ (← euskara ‘Basque language’) but also andre euskaldun bat ‘a Basque-speaking woman’. There are, however, some -dun words that are typically only adjectives, especially those that describe personal qualities (physical or not): bizardun ‘bearded’ (← bizar ‘beard’), bizidun ‘animate’ (← bizi ‘life’), dirudun ‘rich’ (← diru ‘money’). Most of the exceptions with a verbal base are adjectives: edatun ‘heavy drinking’ (← edan ‘to drink’), ikastun ‘studious’ (← ikas-i ‘to study’). The suffix -tsu is both denominal and deadjectival (cf. section 4.2.2). When denominal, it usually conveys the idea of abundance: diru ‘money’ → dirutsu ‘rich’, ile ‘hair’ → iletsu ‘hairy’, indar ‘force, strength’ → indartsu ‘strong’, pozoin ‘poison’ → pozointsu ‘poisonous’. There are a few cases where denominal -dun and -tsu adjectives compete for the same meaning: dirutsu and dirudun are true synomyms. Both -koi and -ti are typically only denominal adjective suffixes. The former indicates tendency or p r o p e n s i t y and is found in a few words like barnekoi ‘spiritual, intimist’ (← barne ‘interior, inside’), etxekoi ‘home-loving’ (← etxe ‘home’), elizkoi ‘devout’ (← eliza ‘church’). The exception to a nominal base is found in examples with possessive pronouns + -koi: berekoi ‘egocentric’ (← bere ‘his, her’), neurekoi ‘as of me, egocentric’ (← neure ‘my own’). The suffix -ti, on the other hand, is far more productive; it also conveys the idea of propensity or tendency but often with a pejorative value: basati ‘savage’ (← baso ‘forest, jungle’), gezurti ‘liar’ (← gezur ‘lie’), negarti ‘easy cryer, crybaby’ (← negar ‘cry’).

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Basque has a very limited set of deadjectival adjective suffixes; one salient suffix is -tsu (cf. section 4.2.1), which roughly means ‘almost’, ‘more or less’ when applied to adjec-

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tives: berdin ‘similar’ → berdintsu ‘more or less similar’, ber ‘identical’ → bertsu ‘almost identical’. We find this use of -tsu with some adverbs too: oraintsu ‘more or less now’ (← orain ‘now’), honelatsu ‘almost this way’ (← honela ‘this way’). The rest of deadjectival adjective suffixes are mostly diminutives and, as such, are not restricted to adjectives, but shared by other categories. Color adjectives usually take the diminutive -xka: gorrixka ‘reddish’ (← gorri ‘red’), zurixka ‘whitish’ (← zuri ‘white’), whereas other adjectives would take -xko, originally a noun diminutive (de Rijk 2008: 156): handixko ‘rather big’ (← handi ‘big’), harroxko ‘rather arrogant’ (← harro ‘arrogant’). The suffix -txo, productive with nouns, is also possible in the examples given: gorritxo, zuritxo, handitxo, harrotxo.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives The most productive deverbal adjective suffixes are -garri and -kor, which have been extensively studied by Artiagoitia (2003) and Oyharçabal (2003) respectively. The suffix -garri is restricted to verbs that have two arguments and has a twofold value: first, it creates m o d a l - p a s s i v e adjectives out of regular transitive verbs such that the adjective is predicated of the object argument of the verb with the meaning ‘that can/should be V-ed’: barkagarri ‘forgivable’ (← barka-tu ‘to forgive’), ulergarri ‘comprehensible’ (← uler-tu ‘to understand’), ikusgarri ‘worth seeing’ (← ikus-i ‘to see’), gorrotagarri ‘detestable’ (← gorrota-tu ‘to detest, hate’), zenbakarri ‘countable’ (← zenba-tu ‘to count’). Besides, -garri also forms a c t i v e adjectives out of psychological verbs of the preoccupare type (with experiencer objects): aspergarri ‘boring’ (← asper-tu ‘to bore’), erakargarri ‘attractive’ (← erakarr-i ‘to attract’), hunkigarri ‘touching, impressive’ (← hunki-tu ‘to impress’). This pattern also extends to verbs whose subject is some sort of instrumental, non-agentive, argument: aringarri ‘palliative’ (← arin-du ‘to palliate, lessen’), babesgarri ‘protecting’ (← babes-tu ‘to protect’), kutsagarri ‘contagious’ (← kutsa-tu ‘to infect, contaminate’), lagungarri ‘helping’ (← lagun-du ‘to help’). This suffix is productive only in its adjectival value, but there are also nouns (tied to the active value) coined with -garri: euskarri ‘holder’ (← euts-i ‘to hold’ + -garri), txikigarri ‘diminutive’ (← txiki-tu ‘to diminish’). In many cases, the noun coexists with the adjectival use: freskagarri ‘refreshment’ (N), ‘refreshing’ (A) (← freska-tu ‘to refresh’); gehigarri ‘additive, addendum’ (N), ‘additional, supplementary’ (A) (← gehi-tu ‘to add’); lasaigarri ‘tranquilizer’ (N), ‘relaxing’ (A) (← lasai-tu ‘to calm, relax’). The suffix -kor is another productive deverbal adjectival suffix that generally takes intransitive (mostly unaccusative) verbs as its base: erorkor ‘that falls easily’ (← eror-i ‘to fall’), hauskor ‘that breaks easily’ (← hauts-i ‘to break’), sarkor ‘easily penetrating’ (← sar-tu ‘to enter’). Some non-unaccusative intransitives may take -kor, but these never have an agent argument: distirakor ‘that shines easily’ (← distira-tu ‘to shine’), iraunkor ‘durable’ (← iraun ‘to last’). In the case of the few transitive verbs that may take -kor (e.g., emankor ‘fruitful, productive’ ← eman ‘to give, produce’), Oyharçabal (2003) argues that these satisfy the theme/object argument lexicon-internally, in which case they assimilate to the previous pattern; this is shown by the fact that -kor adjectives cannot form compounds with the original theme argument of the verb: arbola honek limoi asko ematen ditu ‘this tree produces many lemons; lit. tree this-ERG lemon many give AUX’

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→ arbola hau emankorra da ‘this tree is productive’, but *arbola hau limoi-emankorra da ‘this tree is lemon-productive’. In cases like this the -kor adjective is necessarily predicated of a non-agentive subject: gizonak odola eman du ‘the man donated/gave blood’ → *gizona emankorra da ‘the man is productive’. Other potential deverbal adjective suffixes are -gaitz and -ezin, in examples like ulergaitz ‘hard to understand’ (← uler-tu ‘to understand’), aldakaitz ‘hard to change’ (← alda-tu ‘to change’), ulertezin ‘incomprehensible’, aldaezin ‘unchangeable’; but given the independent word status of gaitz and ezin, these words are generally regarded as compounds in the Basque grammatical tradition (cf. Euskaltzaindia 1992, also section 3.2). The noun suffixes -t(z)aile and -le also form adjectives occasionally: izar distiratzailea ‘the shining star’ (← distira-tu ‘to shine’), hatz erakusle-a ‘index finger; lit. signaling finger’ (← erakuts-i ‘to show’). The same is true of -ari: zezen adarkaria ‘a goring bull’ (← adar ‘horn’), andre ibiltaria ‘good-walking woman’ (← ibil-i ‘to walk’).

4.3. Verbal derivation Verbal derivation in Basque is accomplished through conversion (see section 5.3; also Odriozola 2003). Strictly speaking, the only deverbal form in Basque is -arazi ‘to cause’, generally taken to be a verb itself, giving rise to compound verbs (cf. section 3.3): eman ‘to give’ → emanarazi ‘to cause to give’. Nonetheless, this verb doesn’t exist as independent word in present-day Basque, so it could be taken as a purely suffixal form (de Rijk 2008: 377 calls it a “causative auxiliary”).

4.4. Adverbial derivation In present-day Basque, manner adverbs are generally derived by the productive suffixes -ki and -ka. The former can form both denominal, e.g., gizonki ‘manly’ (← gizon ‘man’), maisuki ‘masterly’ (← maisu ‘master’) and, above all, deadjectival adverbs such as trebeki ‘skillfully’ (← trebe ‘skillful’), ongi ‘well’ (← on ‘good’), sutsuki ‘ardently’ (← sutsu ‘ardent’). Loaned adjectives can form the corresponding adverb following the same pattern: sozial ‘social’ → sozialki ‘socially’, ekonomiko ‘economical’ → ekonomikoki ‘economically’. The suffix -ka generally conveys the idea of manner by iteration or repetition. Its base can be a noun, e.g., eztul ‘cough’ → eztulka ‘coughing; lit. cough after cough’, kolpe ‘blow, knock’ → kolpeka ‘by means of repeated blows’, talde ‘group’ → taldeka ‘in groups’; a quantifier, e.g., ehun ‘hundred’ → ehunka ‘by hundreds’, bina ‘two each’ → binaka ‘two by two’; and also a verb, provided it admits an iterative interpretation: bultzatu ‘to press’ → bultzaka ‘by means of repeatedly pressing’, jo ‘to play, hit’ → joka ‘repeatedly hitting/playing’, esan ‘to say’ → esaka ‘repeatedly saying’. The so-called stative partitive (de Rijk 1972, 1995) can also be regarded as a derivational suffix that produces predicative adverbs (usually from adjectives). Examples of this sort include bakar ‘only, single’ → bakarrik ‘alone’, gazte ‘young’ → gazterik ‘young, at young age’, gaixo ‘sick’ → gaixorik ‘(state of being) sick’.

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The suffix -ero, historically derived from oro ‘every’, also forms time adverbs; its base is always a noun that constitutes some time unit: egun ‘day’ → egunero ‘every day’, urte ‘year’ → urtero ‘every year’, maiatza ‘May’ → maiatzero ‘every May’. There exist other suffixes to derive (mainly manner) adverbs, but most of them are no longer productive and give rise to lexicalized adverbs. These include -ro: argi ‘clear’ → argiro ‘clearly’, berri ‘new’ → berriro ‘again’; -to as in txar ‘bad’ → txarto ‘badly’, on ‘good’ → ondo ‘well’; -kiro (basically a combination of -ki and -ro), e.g., in maitekiro ‘lovingly’ (← maite ‘dear’); and the reverse combination -roki, as in argiroki ‘clearly’ (← argi ‘clear’; cf. the also existing adverbs argiro and argiki ‘clearly’).

5. Conversion Conversion is particularly productive to derive nouns (section 5.1) and verbs (section 5.3).

5.1. Nominal conversion Deadjectival nouns can be freely formed in Basque: handia ‘the big (one)’, handiak ‘the big (ones)’, aberatsa(k) ‘that rich one(s)’, frantsesa ‘the French (one), the French (language)’, berria ‘(piece of) news’, politikoak ‘politicians, political (persons)’, etc. A syntactic analysis with an empty noun provides an alternative to conversion. Construction-bound deadjectival conversion is found in expressions like zeruaren ederra ‘what a beautiful sky, the beauty of the sky; lit. of the sky beautiful’ (← eder ‘beautiful’), gauaren iluna ‘what a dark night, the dark(ness) of the night’ (← ilun ‘dark’). Genitive in -ren and the meaning indicates the adjective is behaving as a noun. Participles (also infinitives, see section 4.1.3) are often converted into nouns: erratuak ‘flaws’ (← erratu ‘to fail, err’), gatzatua ‘curd’ (← gatzatu ‘to curdle’), esana ‘proverb, saying’ (← esan ‘to say’), even dvandva nouns like joan-etorriak ‘affairs’ (← joan ‘to go’, etorri ‘to come’). There are few converted deadverbial nouns: oraina ‘the present, now’, lehena ‘the past, before’, eza ‘rejection, lack’ (← ez ‘not’).

5.2. Adjectival conversion Participles can be freely used as adjectives: oso emana ‘very much given (to)’ (← eman ‘given’), gauza nahiko jakina ‘fairly (well-) known thing’ (← jakin ‘known’). Apart from this, adjectival conversion is uncommon in Basque. A few nouns and adjectives share the same form, as in argi ‘light, clear’, bero ‘hot, heat’, gose ‘hunger, hungry’, zorrotz ‘sharp, cutting edge’.

5.3. Verbal conversion Open class elements, even phrases, can become verbal roots and display verbal inflection; we will exemplify with the perfective form (-tu). See section 4.3 and de Rijk (2008, ch. 7.4 and 12.3).

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Denominal and deadjectival verbs are particularly common: harritu ‘to astonish’ (← harri ‘stone’), poztu ‘to rejoice’ (← poz ‘joy’), kezkatu ‘to worry’ (← kezka ‘worry’). Sandhi phenomena (cf. section 2.2) may occur, such as mid vowel lowering in osatu ‘to recover, complete’ (← oso ‘whole’), askatu ‘to free’ (← aske ‘free’) or l/r alternation, e.g., ugaldu ‘to increase’ (← ugari ‘plenti(ful)’; ugaritu also exists). Adverb(ial)s may also become verbs: berandutu ‘to become late’ (← berandu ‘late’); musukatu ‘to kiss repeatedly’ (← musu ‘kiss’, musuka ‘with many kisses’; section 4.4), sailkatu ‘to classify’ (← sail ‘class’, sailka ‘by class’). However, adverbial bases with adverbializing suffixes like -ik or -ki do not convert into verbs. Interrogative pronouns can also be converted: zenbatu ‘to count’ (← zenbat ‘how much/many’). Nouns in the allative case (-ra ‘to’) can easily be converted: lurreratu ‘to land’ (← lurrera ‘to the land’), bururatu ‘to occur, come to mind’ (← burura ‘to the head’), niganatu ‘to come, bring, assimilate to me’ (← nigana ‘to me’). Nouns with other postpositions do not follow this conversion pattern. Thus, we find etxeratu ‘to go home’ but not *etxetik(a)tu ‘leave from home’. A few forms with the adnominal marker -ko exist: etxekotu ‘to become part of the house, familiarize with the house’ (← etxeko ‘of the house’), gaurkotu ‘to modernize’ (← gaurko ‘of today’). Sometimes a full phrase converts: bere herriratu ‘to go/take to his village’ (← bere herrira ‘to his village’), and even andere-hantu ‘to turn into a great lady’ (de Rijk 2008: 274).

5.4. Adverbial conversion Some adjectives can be used as adverbs, often alternating with them: zintzo(ki) jokatu ‘to play fair’, gogor(ki) eutsi ‘to hold on firm(ly)’, garbi( ??ki) ikusi ‘to see clear(ly)’, azkar( ??ki) ibili ‘to walk fast’. Which adjectives can be converted into adverbs depends on the adjective but also on the verb it modifies: zuhur jokatu ‘to act judiciously, wisely’ is normal, but zuhur elkartu, jantzi, esan ‘to combine, dress, say wisely’ much less so.

6. Backformation Backformation is scarse in Basque. An old derived nominal (see section 4.1.3) er(h)aile ‘killer’ has given rise to the new verb er(h)ail ‘to assassinate’. Similarly, from euskara ‘Basque language’ eusko ‘ethnically Basque’ was formed (traditional euskalduna ‘Basque’ actually means ‘Basque speaker’).

7. Reduplication Full intensificational reduplication is common with adjectives and adverbs: handi-handia ‘very big’, gorri-gorria ‘very red’, astiro-astiro ‘very slowly’. Full reduplication with nouns is found in isolated cases like egi-egia ‘the real truth’ or completely lexicalized forms like amama ‘grandmother’ (← ama ‘mother’), ait(e)ite (< aitaita) ‘grandfather’ (← aita ‘father’). Many temporal and locative phrases can be reduplicated to indicate

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exact time or location: aurre-aurrean ‘right in front’, zuzen-zuzenean ‘straight ahead’. Emphatic manner can also be conveyed by reduplicating a noun with a case ending: bihotz-bihotzez ‘with the heart, best wishes’, argi-argitan ‘in full light’. Other reduplicated bases include modifiers (ia-ia ‘almost, barely’, oso-oso ‘very, very’), a pronoun (berbera ‘s/he him/herself, the very same one’) and copulative verbal forms in headless relatives (garen-garena ‘exactly what we are’, den-dena ‘absolutely everything, exactly what it is’). Bizkaian displays “distributed duplication” (de Rijk 2007: 881): repeated temporal and locative nominals receive an ‘every/each’ interpretation: goizean goizean ‘each morning’. Expressive reduplication often alters the shape of the base, so m- (very seldom b-) occurs as onset: duda-mudak ‘doubts’ (← duda ‘doubt’), hasi-masiak ‘rudiments’ (← hasi ‘begin’), zirimiri ‘drizzle’. Reduplication is common in expressive formations and in sound symbolism (Ibarretxe 2006): barra-barra ‘in abundance’, mara-mara ‘falling softly and abundantly (snow, tears, rain)’. Many of these also show the m-alternation: isil-misilka ‘whispering’ (← isil ‘silent’ + -ka), totel-motelka ‘stuttering’ (← totel ‘stutterer’). Onomatopoeic reduplication often displays /a/ to /i/ vowel shifts (as in zig-zag), seldom /i/ to /o/: dinbilidanbala ‘repeatedly hitting’, tiki-taka, tipi-tapa ‘walking with small paces’, bilin-balan ‘tumbling down’, kili-kolo ‘wobbling (mostly of weak, sick people)’, etc. Vowel and onset shift co-occur in zirri-parra ‘mess, tangle’, kikili-makala/kikili-mokolo ‘wobbling’.

8. Blending There is little blending in the traditional vocabulary, although it plays a major role in the creation of new words for products, institutions, etc. This type of blending often hinges on shared sounds in the contact area of the two items (which may be subject to clipping): Tekniker (Tekniko + iker ‘research’), euskalabel ‘Basque (quality) label’ (euskal ‘Basque’ + label). Haplology is also found in more traditional words, e.g., sagardo ‘cider’ (← sagar ‘apple’ + ardo ‘wine’).

9. Clipping Clipping is very seldom found in Basque (but see section 2.2). Informally, names are occasionally right-clipped if long (Ganeko(gorta)ra ‘to Ganeko(gorta)’), or, like in Spanish, to create hypochoristic forms (Bego(ña), Esti(baliz), Itzi(ar), etc.). Clipping can cooccur with more important strategies such as expressive palatalization (Domingo → Txomin, Antonio → Antton; see also article 28 on affective palatalization in Basque) or the addition of diminutive suffixes (Estibaliz → Estitxu). Masculine names in -io clip the -o to form feminine names: Anttoni(o), Emili(o), Iñaxi(o). Clipping to -i, however, also occurs in exclusively masculine names: Xabier → Xabi, Txabi, Santiago → Xanti (Salaberri 2009). Clipping in nouns is fairly uncommon, colloquial, and found mostly in borrowed Spanish clipped nouns: telean ‘on TV’.

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10. Word-creation Early 20th century neologisms exploited derivation and compounding. When based on bound morphemes extracted by philological analysis, the resulting words were totally or partially opaque. From the reconstructed formative *aba ‘relative, ancestor’, compounds like aberri ‘fatherland’ (← herri ‘country’) or abizen ‘surname’ (← izen ‘name’) were formed. Similarly, backformation on irakurri ‘to read’, interpreting -ra- as an old causative prefix, produced ikur ‘sign’, and from it, ikurriña ‘(Basque) flag’. These examples have become naturalized, although initially opaque. The development of a Basque bilingual administration since the 1980s and the “normalization” process of Basque, including its use as a university language in all fields, have spawned specialized terminologies on the basis of borrowings as well as productive derivation and compounding processes.

11. References Artiagoitia, Xabier 2003 The case of an enlightening, provoking and admirable Basque derivational suffix with implications for the theory of argument structure. In: Bernard Oyharçabal (ed.), Inquiries into the Lexicon-Syntax Relations in Basque, 147−183. Bilbao/San Sebastián: Supplements of ASJU. Azkarate, Miren 1990 Hitz elkartuak euskara. San Sebastián: Universidad de Deusto-EUTG. Azkarate, Miren and Patxi Altuna 2001 Euskal morfologiaren historia. Donostia: Elkarlanean. Azkue, Resurrección María de 1923−25 Morfología vasca. Published in fascicles in Euskera. [Repr. in 3 Vol., 1969, Bilbao: La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca]. Euskaltzaindia [Basque Academy] 1987−92 Hitz-elkarketa. 4 Vol. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia. Hualde, José I. and Jon Ortiz de Urbina (eds.) 2003 A Grammar of Basque. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Ibarretxe, Iraide 2006 Ttipi-ttapa ttipi-ttapa … Korrika!!! Motion and sound symbolism in Basque. In: Joseba Lakarra and José Ignacio Hualde (eds.), Studies in Basque and Historical Linguistics in Memory of R. L. Trask, 499−518. Bilbao: Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco. Jacobsen, William 1982 Basque copulative compounds: A problem in irreversible binomials. In: Monica Macaulay (ed.), Proceedings of the 8 th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society, 384− 397. Berkeley, CA: Berkeley Linguistic Society. Lakarra, Joseba A. 1995 Reconstructing the pre-Proto-Basque root. In: José I. Hualde, Joseba A. Lakarra and R[obert] L. Trask (eds.), Towards a History of the Basque Language, 189−206. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Lakarra, Joseba A. 2003 Temas para un prólogo: Forma canónica, tipología holística diacrónica y reconstrucción del protovasco. Oihenart 23: 277−347. Múgica, Luis María 1978 Origen y desarrollo de la sufijación euskérica. San Sebastián: Ediciones Vascas.

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Odriozola, Juan Carlos 2003 Verb-deriving processes in Basque. In: Bernard Oyharçabal (ed.), Inquiries into the Lexicon-Syntax Relations in Basque, 185−222. Bilbao/San Sebastián: Supplements of ASJU. Odriozola, Juan Carlos 2004 Estructuras con gabe ‘sin’ en vasco. In: Elixabete Pérez Gaztelu, Igone Zabala and Lluïsa Gràcia (eds.), Las fronteras de la composición en lenguas románicas y en vasco, 355−391. San Sebastián: Universidad de Deusto. Oyharçabal, Beñat [Bernard] 1996 Hitz eratorriak Materreren Dotrina Christiana delakoan. Lapurdum 1: 37−72. Oyharçabal, Beñat 2003 -kor atzizkiaz. In: Jesús M. Makatzaga and Bernard Oyharçabal (eds.), Euskal Gramatikari eta literaturi buruzko ikerketak XXI. Mendearen atarian Iker 14(1), 357−383. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia. Oyharçabal, Beñat 2006 Basque light verb constructions. Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo” 40(1−2): 787−806. Pagola Hernández, Inés 2005 Neologismos en la obra de Sabino Arana Goiri. Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia. Pérez Gaztelu, Elixabete 2004 Fronteras entre la sufijación y la composición: Algunos casos del vasco (alde, aldi, bide, kide, zain, zale). In: Elixabete Pérez Gaztelu, Igone Zabala and Lluïsa Gràcia (eds.), Las fronteras de la composición en lenguas románicas y en vasco, 165−238. San Sebastián: Universidad de Deusto. Pérez Gaztelu, Elixabete, Igone Zabala and Lluïsa Gràcia (eds.) 2004 Las fronteras de la composición en lenguas románicas y en vasco. San Sebastián: Universidad de Deusto. de Rijk, Rudolf P. G. 1972 Studies in Basque Syntax. Relative Clauses. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA. de Rijk, Rudolf P. G. 1995 Basque manner adverbs and their genesis. Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo” 29(1): 53−82. de Rijk, Rudolf P. G. 2008 Standard Basque. A progressive grammar. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Saizar, Mirari. 2004 Ari euskal atzizkiaren azterketa morfologikoa. Sancho el Sabio 20: 101−124. Salaberri, Patxi 2009 Izen ttipiak euskaraz. Bilbo: Euskaltzaindia. Trask, Robert L. 1997 The History of Basque. London: Routledge. Villasante, Luis 1976 Palabras vascas compuestas y derivadas. Oñati: Editorial Franciscana Aranzazu.

Xabier Artiagoitia, Vitoria-Gasteiz (Spain) José Ignacio Hualde, Urbana-Champaign (US) Jon Ortiz de Urbina, Bilbao (Spain)

Semitic 183. Maltese 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview The Semitic stratum The Romance stratum The English influence References

Abstract New words in Maltese can be formed on Semitic roots or on Romance and English bases, but the latter, being mainly Anglo-Latinisms, tend to reinforce or adapt the Romance element of the vocabulary. Romance and English words are inflected according to Semitic patterns, whereas derivations and compounds add Romance prefixes and suffixes to words of both Semitic and Romance origin. Some English words of Germanic origin are also subjected to such adaptations.

1. Introduction Arabic was introduced in Malta with the Muslim conquest of 870, and around the year 1000 the spoken variety was of the Maghreb type with characteristics similar to those of Sicilian and Andalusian Arabic. Latin as a high language was introduced by the Normans in 1127 and contact with Arabic stopped with Frederick II’s deportation of Muslims in 1246. Diglossia with Chancery Sicilian (1127−1530), Italian (1530−1936) and English (since 1800) as high languages, together with the large-scale immigration of Romance speakers at the lower social levels, increased the Maltese vocabulary by a slow but progressive adoption of Romance terms in all domains (Brincat 2008, 2011). The growth of the Maltese lexicon can be gauged by comparing the number of entries in the first known dictionary compiled apparently by a Provençal knight, Thezan, between 1600 and 1647 (Cassola 1992), 3,110 words, with the more systematic Ktyb yl klym Malti/Lexicon published by Michelantonio Vassalli in 1796, about 18,000 entries (Sammut 2002), and with the scientific Maltese-English Dictionary published by Joseph Aquilina in 1987−90. Out of the latter’s 41,016 lexemes 13,293 are of Arabic origin, 21,519 are of Sicilian and Italian origin, and 2,511 are from English (Brincat 2011: 406− 409). There are also 406 words from Latin and French which bring up the number of non-Semitic words to 60.23 % of the total. Even more interesting for our present purposes are the 1,491 local formations, mainly consisting of an Arabic base with Romance affixes or a Romance stem with Semitic suffixes. As a result the Maltese lexicon reveals a flexible structure that, while keeping and simplifying the fundamentally Arabic mor-

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phological rules and core vocabulary, over a thousand years has adapted and still adapts well to the communicative needs of a dynamic population which has grown from 5,000 to 415,000 inhabitants living in 316 sq km, 90 km from Sicily and 290 from the Tunisian coast.

2. General overview As can be deduced from the introduction, the most striking feature of the Maltese language is perhaps its mixed nature at all linguistic levels. In this small habitat, languages with very different lexical repertories and morphological structures have been in close contact for centuries and have gradually developed into a fairly homogeneous system. However, the basic structural differences are still present and radically separate the two elements both conceptually, i.e. in their way of conceiving and expressing reality, and technically, i.e. in their different word-formation processes, that is at their very base. In the Semitic stratum, the basic concept is typically expressed through a sequence (or root) of three or four consonants which are then interdigitated into a number of morphological templates, called forms (or binyanim), to define the lexeme. Following that, the lexeme can be inflected either internally or externally. Subsequent accretions (mainly of Sicilian, Italian or English origin) introduced a different configuration in which a continuous stem conveys the basic concept and affixes are added to develop it both in the derivative and the inflectional directions. Due to the protracted timespan during which the two morphologies have interacted, there must have been a sustained effort to create a common interface between them. This is evinced by several hybrid formations of different types. In one type a Romance suffix is added to a Semitic element which is treated like a stem: fenk-ata ‘rabbit stew’ ← Semitic Maltese (SM) fenek ‘rabbit’ + Romance Maltese (RM) -ata; dar-un ‘large house’ ← SM dar ‘house’ + RM -un (augmentative suffix); lagħq-iżmu ‘servilism’ ← SM lagħaq ‘to lick, be servile to’ + RM -iżmu ‘-ism’; tell-ár ‘auto panel beater’ ← SM tella’ ‘to beat out’ + RM -ar (agentive suffix). In a second group, words are formed on the Semitic Maltese patterns following the abstraction of a sequence of root consonants from what used to be a Romance or English stem: mpitter ‘painted’ (root: p-t-r) ← Rom. pittore ‘painter’; tipjip ‘smoking’ (root: p-j-p) ← Rom. pipa ‘pipe’; fajjar ‘hurl’ (root: f-j-r) ← Eng. fire. It will be seen that, at the word-formation level, such hybridization can give rise also to compounds in which the two elements hark back to two different origins. However, these limited points of contact, intriguing as they may be, should not be taken as indicative of the mainstream development of Maltese word-formation. On the contrary, during the last century especially, one has witnessed the gradual but steady impoverishment of the Semitic Maltese lexical stock (due both to social change and to sociolinguistic factors) and the stagnation of most of its traditional derivative devices, in favour of the less exacting formations of Romance and English. Word-formation in Maltese is thus gradually shifting from the Semitic root-based morphology to the European stem-based morphology, and the latter is probably responsible for some choices even within the Arabic stratum itself. It has been noted (Mifsud 1995a), for example, that Arabic inflectional features expressed through affixation stand a better chance to

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survive and remain productive than others involving internal changes. Such is the case, for example, of the SM sound plural -ijiet (omm-ijiet ‘mothers’, aħbar-ijiet ‘news’), which has not only survived but is often applied to words of Romance and English origin (e.g., prinċp-ijiet ‘princes’, kowt-ijiet ‘coats’). This background will probably suffice to explain why each of the two main strata in Maltese (Semitic and European) is of its own nature prone to certain types of wordformation discussed here and less inclined towards others, and why they are not equally responsive to each of the word-formation tools. Before we turn to a more detailed description of word-formation in Maltese, a short observation is in order concerning terminology. A distinction is made here between r o o t (Semitic, consonantal k-t-b) and s t e m (Romance and English, żvilupp- → żviluppatùr ‘developer’, bricks → briksa ‘one brick’). “Semitic” refers mainly to Arabic but the definition is often used to avoid misunderstandings since the Maltese variety has distanced itself considerably from Classical Arabic (Kaye and Rosenhouse 1997) owing to the islands’ history (it lost contact with Classical Arabic in 1246), culture (the way of life was mainly southern Italian up to World War II and increasingly Anglo-American nowadays) and religion (the Maltese are Catholic). On the other hand the term “Romance” is used when reference is made to Sicilian, Italian and Anglo-Latin terms collectively. The orthography of Maltese uses the Latin system with diacritics as follows (for a basic phonetic description, see Mifsud 1995b: 14−17): Tab. 183.1: Grapheme-phoneme correspondences in Maltese ċ = [ʧ]

ċena ‘dinner’

k = [k]

karta ‘paper’

ħ = [ħ]

ħajt ‘wall’

ġ = [ʤ]

ġdid ‘new’

g = [g]

gidba ‘a lie’

h = mute;

hena ‘joy’

ż = [z]

żejt ‘oil’

z = [ʦ]

ziju ‘uncle’

għ = mute;

għajn ‘eye’

x = [ʃ]

xena ‘scene’

j = [j]

jum ‘day’ ie = [ɪ:]

kien ‘(he/it) was’

q = [ʔ] glottal stop qalb ‘heart’

Accents are only shown on the final vowel of Romance words like kwalità, kafè, virtù. In this article the acute accent is used to facilitate the reader’s pronunciation by showing stress in Romance words that lose the final syllable: kuntrást, kampnár, kattív.

3. The Semitic stratum 3.1. Composition Due to their root-based morphology, Semitic languages are generally averse to those word-formation tools in which words are juxtaposed or develop laterally. Writing about composition in Modern Arabic, Vincent Monteil (1960: 132) admits: “L’arabe ne peut pas réunir deux mots par une voyelle thématique comme font le latin et le grec, ni les joindre selon les composés de l’anglais ou de l’allemand. La composition n’est pas dans son génie.” [Arabic cannot unite two words with a thematic vowel as Latin and Greek do, nor can it join them together in the manner of English or German compounds.

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Composition is not in its nature.] In fact, compounds proper are not too frequent in either modern Arabic or Maltese, and most of them are the historical result of formations that have lost their syntactic significance to varying degrees. The following classes of historical compounds are noteworthy.

3.1.1. Phrases in the construct state The construct state is a typically Semitic syntactic construction involving two members (normally nouns) in a genitive relation, the first member being the headword and the second indicating a relation with the head. The nature of the relation could range from the possessive to a more loosely relational one. The first component is automatically definite and does not take an article. Hence the typical construction noun + (article + noun): dar il-kaptan ‘(the) house (of) the captain’, tmiem il-ġimgħa ‘(the) end (of) the week’. Some construct-state phrases, however, tend to move away from the realm of syntax to become compounds, and could eventually fuse into a single word. One could think of different reasons for this, among which: a) the tendency of construct-state phrases to prosodically behave as a word (cf. Benmamoun 2006), and b) the loss of transparency or the metaphorical content of one of the components (qamħirrun ‘maize, Indian corn’ ← qamħ ‘corn’ + ir-Rum ‘the Greeks’; qawsalla ‘rainbow’ ← qaws ‘arch’ + Alla ‘God’). The weaker the syntactic relation becomes, the easier it will be for the phrase to assume the status of a single noun and be treated as such, e.g., in pluralization. But one can observe a continuum of examples exhibiting greater or lesser integration: a) il-kelb ilbaħar ‘shark; lit. the-dog [of] the-sea’, where kelb takes the article, but pluralization still splits the construct state: klieb il-baħar lit. ‘dogs the-sea’; b) il-ħmar-il-lejl ‘nightmare; lit. the donkey (of) the night’, where ħmar takes the article, but pluralization is a suffix added at the end of the construct state: ħmar-il-lejlijiet lit. ‘donkey-the-nights’; c) bniedem ‘man’ (← bin Adam lit. ‘son (of) Adam’), a construct-state phrase treated as one word both prosodically and morphologically and forming the plural via suffixation (bnedmin); d) qamħirrun ‘maize’ (← qamħ ir-Rum lit. ‘corn (of) the Greeks’), treated as a type noun, i.e. qamħirrun, to which -a is added to develop a singulative; e) qawsalla ‘rainbow’, pl. qawsalel (< qaws Alla lit. ‘God’s bow or arch’) with an internal plural. Maltese bu-, now considered as a prefix, harks back to Ar. ’abu ‘father of, possessor of, person particularly conspicuous for sth.’ which once stood as the first noun of a construct-state formation: bumunqar ‘weevil’ ← bu- + munqar ‘beak’, butwila ‘tall fellow’ ← bu- + twila ‘tall’, budebbus ‘broomrape’ ← bu- + debbus ‘mace, club’.

3.1.2. Further cases of univerbation based on Semitic elements A number of words, mostly adverbs and prepositions, are compounds consisting of a preposition followed by a noun or adverb, just as in English afternoon, forever. Not infrequently they are hybrid formations made up of Semitic and Romance elements: madwar ‘around’ (← ma’ ‘with’ + dwar ‘surroundings’), maġenb ‘beside’ (← ma’ ‘with’ + ġenb ‘side’), xi mindaqqiet ‘at times’ (← xi ‘some’ + minn ‘from’ + daqqiet

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‘times’), bħal ‘such as’ (← bi ‘with, in’ + ħal ‘situation, condition’), minkejja ‘in spite of’ (← minn ‘from’ + nkejja ‘spite’), minfuq ‘in spite of it all’ (← minn ‘from’ + fuq ‘up’), bħalkieku ‘as if’ (← bħal ‘like’ + kieku ‘if’), bħalissa ‘currently’ (← bħal ‘like’ + issa ‘now’), għalkemm ‘although’ (← għal ‘for’ + kemm ‘so much’), għalhekk ‘for this reason’ (← għal ‘for’ + hekk ‘so’), daqshekk ‘that much, enough’ (← daqs ‘as much as’ + hekk ‘so’), għarkupptejh ‘kneeling’ (← obsolete għala ‘on’ + rkupptejh ‘his knees’), flimkien ‘together’ (← fi ‘in’ + l-imkien ‘the (= one) place’), kultant ‘sometimes’ (← kull ‘every’ + tant ‘so much’), kulħadd ‘everyone’ (← kull ‘every’ + ħadd ‘one’), mingħajr ‘without’ (← minn ‘from’ + għajr ‘other than’), tassew ‘truly’ (← ta’ ‘of’ + sew(wa) ‘truth’), flok ‘instead of’ (← fi ‘in’ + lok ‘place’), tadam ‘tomatoes’ (← (tuffieħ) ta’ Adam ‘Adam’s (apple)’). A few compounds are the result of the fusion of three different elements: minflok ‘instead of’ (← minn ‘from’ + fi ‘in’ + lok ‘place’), għaldaqstant ‘however’ (← għal ‘for’ + daqs ‘as much as’ + tant ‘that much’), tabilħaqq ‘truly’ (← ta’ ‘of’ + bi ‘with’ + ħaqq ‘truth’), madankollu ‘however’ (← ma’ ‘with’ + dan ‘this’ + kollu ‘all’). A number of pronouns exhibit the ending -iex (‘what, that which’), originally an independent pronoun standing as the object of the preceding preposition. Another set ends with the relative pronoun suffix -lli, but here the pronominal sense has often been lost: biex ‘with what, so that’ (← bi ‘with’ + -iex ‘what’), fiex ‘in what’ (← fi ‘in’ + -iex ‘what’), fuqiex ‘on what’ (← fuq ‘on’ + -iex ‘what’), għaliex ‘for what, why’ (← għal ‘for’ + -iex ‘what’), mniex ‘from what’ (← minn ‘from’ + -iex ‘what’); billi ‘since’ (← bi ‘with’ + -lli ‘that which’), filli ‘no sooner ...’ (← fi ‘in’ + -lli ‘that which’), talli ‘because of’ (← ta’ ‘of’ + -lli ‘that which’), malli ‘as soon as’ (← ma’ ‘with’ + -lli ‘that which’). Some phrases consisting of head + descriptive also ended up as compounds: qarabagħli ‘marrows’ (← type-noun qara’ ‘marrows’ + bagħli ‘unirrigated’), qaraboċċa ‘a millet grain’ (← qara’ ‘marrows’ + boċċa ‘spherical’). A handful of verbal phrases, especially prepositional verbs, are the historical fusion of highly-used expressions, and possibly were already present in one of the Arabic varieties which reached the islands: ġieb ‘to bring’ (← ġie ‘to come’ + bi ‘with’), amba ‘to need, have some use for’ (probably ← għamel ‘to do’ + bi ‘with’), kellu ‘to have’ (← kien + suffix -lu lit. ‘to belong + to’).

3.1.3. Compounds after Romance models Some nouns hark back to Romance compounds imported bodily into the language or phrases which could not be analyzed into the component parts and were taken up by the monolingual speakers as a whole: parafangu ‘mudguard; lit. keep-out-mud’, reġipettu ‘bra; lit. support-bust’, taljakarti ‘paper-knife; lit. cut-paper’, salvavita ‘circuit-breaker; save-life’, salvawomu ‘life-jacket; lit. save-man’; ġigġifogu ‘fireworks; lit. game of fire’, cf. It. gioco di fuoco, firdiferru ‘metal wire; lit. wire of iron’, cf. It. fil di ferro. The first of these examples, made up of verb + noun, are noteworthy for having served as models to some of the writer Manwel Dimech’s fanciful creations in the past (Dimech 1901), such as aħlilinka ‘scribbler, poor writer; lit. waste-ink’ or bażżasnajja’ ‘dabbler, bad craftsman; lit. frighten-crafts’.

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3.1.4. Compounding in modern Maltese All the above, however, are in the realm of diachrony. Compounding in modern Maltese is largely limited to calques on parallel formations of Italian or English origin which are current in the media. Some locally formed compounds, however, occur: mara-raġel ‘virago’ (← mara ‘woman’ + raġel ‘man’), mara-ħuta ‘siren’ (← mara ‘woman’ + ħuta ‘fish’), rabta ċoff ‘unbinding commitment’ (← rabta ‘tie’ + ċoff ‘bow, slip-knot’), riegla ċomb ‘plumb-line’ (← riegla ‘ruler’ + ċomb ‘lead, plumb-’), (l-)hekk imsejjaħ ‘socalled’ (← hekk ‘so’ + imsejjaħ ‘called’). It is interesting to note that Maltese writers with a sharply functional view of language seem to be more prone to mould it to suit their needs and more ready to let foreign syntax suggest novel formations: tablagħadd ‘uncountable’ (M. A. Vassalli; ← ta’ ‘of’ + bla ‘without’ + għadd ‘count’); (it-)tagħmelxijiet ‘the don’ts, things not to do’ (Juann Mamo; ← tagħmelx ‘don’t do’ + plural suffix -ijiet). Manwel Dimech coined words for most of the grammatical terminology in his Il Chelliem Inglis (1901) replacing learned technical nouns with more mnemonic local compounds: misem ‘adjective; lit. withnoun’, megħmil ‘adverb; lit. with-action’, flokisem ‘pronoun; lit. for-noun’, maleħni ‘consonant; lit. non-vocalic’, lillej ‘dative; lit. to + adj. suffix’, etc. These words remained hapax legomena. In the sixties and seventies of the last century, compounding (as well as blending and clipping) became fashionable again as a means of developing the local linguistic resources to meet the pressing lexical needs of a changing society. Culturally they also represented a daring effort to force the strict limitations of traditional word-formation based mainly on Semitic derivation and to experiment with Maltese in a more creative and flexible way. Only a few of these compounds, however, managed to find favour with the media and the speaking community: ittra-bomba ‘letter-bomb’, storjaritratti ‘picturestory; lit. story pictures’, linji-gwida ‘guidelines; lit. lines-guide’, teletara ‘television’, vapurarja ‘hydrofoil’ (← vapur ‘ship’ + arja ‘air’), student-ħaddiem ‘working student; lit. student-worker’, is-snin sittin ‘the sixties; lit. the years (the) sixties’. Rather than being local creations, these words are calques, except for teletara and vapurarja which were soon rejected. More recent attempts at launching new compounds hardly meet with a more favourable welcome: ġabradati ‘database’ (← ġabra ‘collection’ + dati ‘data’), taqsima-studju ‘study unit’ (← taqsima ‘section’ + studju ‘study’), ittre ‘email’ (← ittr- the stem of ittra ‘letter’ + e-, the first letter of elettronika ‘electronic’; on the English model email, but following Maltese syntax, in which adjectives follow the noun they qualify). For a stimulating discussion on what could be considered as compounds in Maltese, cf. Fabri (2009).

3.2. Derivation As indicated in the introduction to this article, derivation is genetically the stronghold of Maltese word-formation. The lexeme (or root) in the form of a sequence of three or four consonants is inserted into a number of templatic forms (or binyanim) giving rise to different but related nominal or verbal lexemes. While on one hand this system tends to be very egocentric and impervious, on the other hand − given the infinite possibilities of consonantal sequences and the considerable number of forms − one cannot say that

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it is a completely closed system, since a) the possibility of developing new lexemes from old material is far from exhausted (cf. new creations like tisliba ‘crossword puzzle’ ← s-l-b ‘cross’, tisbiħ ‘embellishment’ ← s-b-ħ ‘beauty’) and b) in the case of Maltese, new root bases of Romance extraction have sometimes joined the old stock of Arabic roots (cf. fannad ‘to dig deep’ ← f-n-d ← RM fond ‘deep’, pejjep ‘to smoke’ ← p-j-p ← RM pipa ‘pipe’).

3.2.1. Verbal derivation Since some of the nominal templates are derived from corresponding verbal templates, it would be best here to treat verbal derivation first. Semitic Maltese has nine canonical verbal templates for triconsonantal roots and two for roots with four consonants, listed in Table 183.2. Although traditional grammar associates a host of different meanings with these forms, current expert opinion (cf. Borg 1988) tends to redimension this view and to hold that most of these forms fall squarely into the active-passive distinction. Other meanings tend to be relegated to the status of Tab. 183.2: Verbal templates in Maltese word-formation Form 1

'1v2v3

2

'1v22v3

ā

Main meaning

Examples

the basic meaning: transitive

kiteb ‘to write’, rifes ‘to tread on’

intransitive

daħal ‘to enter’, niżel ‘to go down’

transitive of 1 (itr.)

daħħal ‘to introduce’

intensive of 1 (tr.)

qalla ‘to fry repeatedly’

relative (denominative)

serrep ‘to meander’ (← serp ‘snake’)

3

'1 2v3

transitive of 1 (itr.)

biegħed ‘to place far away’

4

—

—

—

5

't1v22v3

passive/reflexive of 2

tqassam ‘to be distributed’

passive/reflexive of 3

tbierek ‘to be blessed’

ā

6

't1 2v3

7

passive/reflexive of 1 a b c

8

'n1v2v3 'nt1v2v3 'n1tv2v3 '1tv2v3 ā

9

12 3

10

nġabar ‘to be gathered’ ← ġabar ntrifes ‘to be trod upon’ ← rifes nstema’ ‘to be heard’ ← sema’ passive/reflexive of 1

ntefaq ‘to be spent’ ← nefaq

inchoative

twāl ‘to become taller’

(originally inchoative) a b

'stv12v3 'st1v22v3

stenbaħ ‘to wake up’ stkerrah ‘to loathe’

Q1

'1v23v4

the basic meaning

ħarbat ‘to destroy’

Q2

't1v23v4

passive/reflex. of Q1

tħarbat ‘to be destroyed’

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fringe phenomena and more refined nuances end up as lexical qualities of the individual verbs rather than general semantic tendencies. Table 183.2 presents a list of the verbal templates into which Maltese interdigitates the consonantal sequence (here represented as 1–4) to form new verbs, together with their canonical meaning/s. (Superscript ā indicates the long vowel a [ɐ] or its Imāla reflex [ɪ:], which is orthographically represented by ie.)

3.2.2. Nominal derivation With the exception of a handful of forms which are formed externally (e.g., singulative nouns and relational adjectives), nominal forms are obtained through the insertion of the Table 183.3: Nominal templates in Maltese word-formation Noun Noun: verbal

Form 1

1v23

1

12v̅3

Examples talb ‘praying’, serq ‘stealing’ dfin ‘burying’, ħsad ‘reaping’, ħruġ ‘going out’

ā

1

1v2'3 n

serħan ‘resting’

2/5

tv1'2ī3

taħbit ‘knocking/being knocked’

3/6

t1v'2ī3

tberik ‘blessing/being blessed’

7

n12ī3

ndħil ‘interfering’

10

stv1'2ī3

stenbiħ ‘rising up’

Q1/Q2

t1v2'3ī4

tqarbin ‘giving/receiving Communion’

-a

talba ‘a prayer’, taħbita ‘a knock’

Noun: verbal − singulative

ā

Participle: active Participle: passive

Template

'1 2v3

ħiereġ ‘going out’

1

mv1'2ū3

miksur ‘broken’

2

'm1v22v3

mfaddal ‘collected’

ā

3

'm1 2v3

mwieled ‘born’

5

mvt'1v22v3

mitkellem ‘spoken’

10

mvs'tv23v4

mistagħġeb ‘dumbfounded’

Q1

'm1v23v4

mħarbat ‘destroyed’

ā

Noun: agentive

1v2'2 3

kittieb ‘writer’

Noun: of place

mv1'2v3

maħżen ‘store’

ā

Noun: of instrument

mv1'2 3

moqdief ‘oar’

Noun: of type − singulative

-a

ħadida ‘iron bar’

Noun: of quality

12v'3ija

kburija ‘pride’

Noun: diminutive

'12vjjv3

tfajjel ‘small boy’

Adjective: relational

-ī

Malti ‘Maltese’

183. Maltese

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3 or 4 consonants of a root-base into one or more of the nominal or adjectival forms in Table 183.3. The list is not exhaustive, but it should suffice to give an idea of the more important formations. This is an impressive array of morphological tools which could have been of great help to the budding language in meeting the lexical needs along its history, and especially in the periods of major social activity and upheaval. Things, however, worked out in quite a different way since many of these tools became gradually less productive and their members were often reduced to closed lists without any clear connection between them in the mind of the speakers. Some forms, however, have been put to good use at least by language-conscious individuals from the linguistic or mediatic spheres in their search for a “Maltese” alternative to sheer imports. However, some of these creations, ingenious as they might be, never actually got off the ground or were eventually replaced by imported words. The contrary, one must observe, practically never happens. Here are some examples: a) Verbal nouns: tisbiħ ‘embellishment’ (← s-b-ħ ‘beauty’), tisliba ‘crossword puzzle’ (← s-l-b ‘cross’), ċempila ‘phone-call’ (← ċ-m-p-l ‘to ring (a bell)’), titqiba ‘an inoculation’ (← t-q-b ‘to bore, pierce’), sahra ‘overtime’ (← s-h-r ‘to stay up late’); b) Place nouns: mitjar ‘airport’ (← t-j-r ‘to fly’), miksaħ ‘refrigerator’ (← k-s-ħ ‘cold’), mafkar ‘monument’ (← f-k-r ‘to remember’), mirmed ‘ash-tray’ (← r-m-d ‘ash’); c) Agent nouns: kelliem ‘spokesman’ (← k-l-m ‘to talk’); d) Passive participles: mleħħen ‘(phonetics) voiced’ (← l-ħ-n ‘voice’), mniffes ‘(phonetics) voiceless’ (← n-f-s ‘breath’).

3.3. Conversion In a highly inflected language such as Maltese one can hardly expect to come across any cases of conversion, since all word classes would be strongly marked. In fact, the transfer of the qualities of one word class to another occurs only occasionally, and even then it is merely a stylistic device and not a morphological development, as the following examples can show: Il-Jien u lil hinn minnu ‘The Ego (lit. Myself) and beyond it’; irid jaf il-kif u l-għala ‘he would like to know the reason and the modality (lit. the why and the how)’; Forsi raġel ħażin ‘Suspicion (forsi ‘perhaps’ used as a personification) is a wicked man’. An interesting case of development bordering on conversion is the verb daka/idaki ‘to do or mention “that” thing’ used to describe the action of someone who, at a loss for the proper name, refers to things merely by the demonstrative dak ‘that’. Such a person may even ask one to fetch him/her il-x’jismu ‘the what’s-its-name’ or il-x’jgħidulu ‘the what’s-it-called’. One may occasionally come across sporadic creations of this type in literature, such as Juann Mamo’s ingenious jinestasi ‘he becomes ecstatic, spellbound’ in Ulied in-Nanna Venut fl-Amerka, 1930, p. 10, an effective verbalization of the phrase in estasi ‘ecstatic, absent-minded’. Perhaps nearer to true conversions is the canonical possibility in Semitic Maltese to derive verbs of the second or the quadriliteral forms from nouns or adjectives, but here again the word is remodelled on the template of the second form, so that one can hardly

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speak of true conversions: xemx ‘sun’ → xémmex ‘to put in the sun’, serp ‘snake’ → sérrep ‘to meander’, serdúq ‘cock’ → ssérdaq ‘to behave arrogantly’.

3.4. Backformation As in other languages, backformation in Maltese is a sporadic phenomenon rather than a regular word-formation process. Noteworthy examples seem to be the result of friction between the two morphologies in contact, such as singulative nouns which give rise to (rather than derive from) type nouns of Romance origin, e.g., palma ‘a palm tree’, sardina ‘a sardine’, gawwija ‘a gull’ and qaraboċċa ‘a millet grain’ (cf. It. sardina, It. palma, Latin gavia, Sic. boccia) from which type nouns palm, sardín, gawwi, qarabóċċ are backformed. Metanalysis may also occasionally give rise to backformation: The 8th form mtela ‘to be filled’ (root m-l-j with infix -t-) is pronounced *ntela due to its assimilated pronunciation, and hence reinterpreted as the 7th form (with prefix n-) of a supposed *tela (root t-l-j) from which a novel verbal noun tilja is formed, besides the more orthodox milja (for similar cases of metanalysis resulting in reformed root sequences, cf. Mifsud 1995b: 315–317).

3.5. Reduplication Although Maltese, like other Semitic languages, does not particularly favour reduplication, it shares with other Arabic dialects the tendency to develop quadriliteral root bases with an iterative meaning and an onomatopoeic effect by the reduplication of biradical roots: mess (root m-s-s) ‘to touch’ → mesmes (root m-s-m-s) ‘to finger, tamper with’, bass ‘to break wind’ → basbas ‘to break wind frequently’, saff ‘to suck’ → sefsef ‘to suck greedily with a smacking sound’. At the level of the phrase, modern Maltese makes use of a number of patterns displaying reduplication, mainly with an adverbial meaning and presumably due to the influence of Romance, even though the lexical material may be of Semitic origin: ħelu ħelu ‘nicely’, fuq fuq ‘superficially’, baxx baxx ‘stealthily’, kutu kutu ‘underhandedly’, bil-mod ilmod ‘slowly, gradually’. In other cases, reduplication conveys a “distributive” meaning: bieb bieb ‘door-to-door’, wieħed wieħed ‘one by one’ (for a detailed review of reduplication in Maltese against a comparative background, cf. Stolz 2003−04).

3.6. Blending Foreign though they may seem, one can find sporadic formations involving blending in modern Maltese which, however, are hardly ever spontaneous developments. Rather, they tend to be the products of very literate persons in search of an idiosyncratic or catchy name for an innovation: sinktíb ‘shorthand’, made up of sin(g) ‘line’ or sin(jal)

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‘sign’ and ktib ‘writing’, coined by G. Ransley in 1937; Maltralján ‘Australian Maltese’, made up of Malt(i) ‘Maltese’ and (Aws)traljan ‘Australian’, coined by R. Bovingdon. Some more recent examples are the product of mediatic influence: Indifest, from Indi(pendenza) ‘Independence’ + fest(a) or fest(ival), an annual festival celebrating Independence; Festubru, from fest(ival) ‘festival’ + (Ot)tubru ‘October’, the name of a festival organized in the Gozitan village of Kerċem in October; Żinnternet, made up of colloquial żinn ‘lie’ + (i)nternet, for ‘internet fibs’, currently the name of a popular newspaper column.

3.7. Clipping Clipping is rare in Maltese, but it may be resorted to mainly for a euphemistic purpose, namely to decrease the immediate impact of an offensive word by making its stem less apparent, e.g., (v)irġni ‘Virgin (Mary)’, (S)antamarija ‘Saint Mary’. The innocent word ħaxix ‘grass, vegetables’ is often used instead of vulgar ħaxi (lit. ‘sexual intercourse’ but used in the sense of ‘illegal dealings, cheating’). A similar euphemistic effect is sometimes obtained in exactly the opposite way, that is by shrouding the offensive word in a longer and innocent one; thus kazz|ola ‘kitchen pan’ is used in place of vulgar kazz ‘penis’ in expressions like: x’il-kazzola trid? ‘What the hell do you want?’. It is also used to avoid disrespectful exclamations, like Madoffi instead of Madonna.

4.

The Romance stratum

4.1. Words of Sicilian and Italian origin 4.1.1. Adaptation Maltese has adopted a very large number of words from Sicilian and Italian, the majority of which are nouns, 13,420, but there are also 3,898 adjectives, 2,290 verbs and 597 adverbs. One must point out that they are all subject to Semitic inflection. Italian and Anglo-Latin words are also adapted to the Sicilian vocalic system and to some of its consonantal patterns. In Sicilian the Latin vowels A, I, U never change but E and O become [i] and [u] only when they are long: short E and O remain [e] and [o]. In Maltese this pattern was adopted with all the Sicilian words and by analogy it is also applied to words adopted from Italian as well as to English words of Latin origin: It. corona ~ Sic. curuna > M. kuruna, It. catena ~ Sic. catina > M. katina, velo ~ velu > velu, tela ~ tila > tila, voce ~ vuci > vuċi. As to consonants, the main changes concern /s/ > /ʃ/ preceding /k/, /m/, /p/ and /t/ in some of the earlier loans, and gemination. Initial gemination is most common in verbs: ibbenéfika ← benefica(re) ‘to benefit’, iffirma ← firma(re) ‘to sign’ (cf. Mifsud 1995b: 142−168), final gemination marks nouns whose last consonant is ġ, n, or l: kulléġġ ← collegio ‘college’; the voiced palatal nasal [ñ] and the voiced palatal lateral [ʎ] lose their palatal character when the following unstressed vowel is

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dropped, and so they become long n or l (-nn, -ll): disínn ← disegno ‘design’, portafóll ← portafoglio ‘wallet’. Internal gemination characterizes b, ġ, t, and z: formidabbli ← formidabile, inkredibbli ← incredibile, kulleġġjata ← collegiata ‘collegiate (church)’, indikattív ← indicativo, prestazzjoni ← prestazione ‘performance’. Besides, Maltese often drops the final unstressed vowel in singular forms: fil ‘wire’ ← filo ~ filu, kulúr ‘colour’ ← colore ~ culuri, but stress remains as in the original Italian (Brincat 2011: xi, 119, 457−459). Productive Sicilian vowel patterns are applied to all new words from Italian, including learned terms, when they show suffixes as in: perċentwali ← percentuale ‘percentage’, penetranti ← penetrante ‘penetrating’, similitudni ← similitudine ‘similitude’, televiżjoni ← televisione ‘television’, globaliżmu ← globalismo ‘globalism’. Of course there are exceptions, like the Sicilian feminine suffix -issa which is retained in words adopted a long time ago, like barunissa ‘baroness’, but does not figure in the more recent ones, dottoressa, studentessa which keep the Italian -essa (however, studentessa is receding owing to the local analogical adaptation studenta ‘female student’). The closing of the Italian diphthong -eo to -ew in the singular and -ei to -ej in the plural, is consistent: mużéw ← museo, mużéj/mużewijiet ← musei ‘museum/s’; Ewropéw ← europeo, Ewropéj ← europei ‘European’. Another interesting case concerns the passive participle when the Sicilian suffix -utu > -ut substitutes the passive participles (and adjectives) which in Italian end in -ito: ferito, tradito, rifinito become ferút, ittradút, irfinút, and by analogy create forms that are unknown in Sicilian and Italian, like ikkoreġút ‘corrected, chided’, sparixxút ‘disappeared’, splodùt ‘exploded’. These are based respectively on the stem of the Italian third person singular form of the present tense: corregge + -uto, sparisce + -uto and esplode + -uto. However, strong exposure to modern Italian has reduced the productivity of these creative suffixes: stabbilít ← stabilito ‘established’, definít ← definito ‘defined’, suġġerít ← suggerito ‘suggested’. Some derivatives forming adjectives from passive participles are based on nouns instead of the verbal forms: pitturati ‘painted’ ← pittura ‘painting, a painting’, skulturati ‘sculpted’ ← scultura ‘sculpture, a sculpture’, ġuramentati ‘sworn’ ← giuramento ‘oath’ (cf. It. dipinti, scolpiti, giurati). The large number of words integrated from Sicilian and Italian obviously implies that most derivatives and compounds have been absorbed ready-made. Derivatives adopted from Italian when the Sicilian base was already in use in Maltese are readily recognizable, thus creating phonetic contrasts: baxx − bassezzi (‘low’ ~ ‘lowness’), falz − iffalsifika (‘false’ ~ ‘falsify’), polz − pulsazzjoni (‘pulse’ ~ ‘pulsation’), penzjoni − pensjonánt (‘pension’ ~ ‘pensioner’), ċatt − pjattaforma (‘flat’ ~ ‘platform’), ċanga − pjanċa (‘block for cutting meat’, later ‘beef’ ~ ‘plank’), ċar − ikkjarifika (‘clear’ ~ ‘clarify’), gaġġa − gabbjetta (‘cage’ ~ ‘small birdcage’), Franza − Franċiż (‘France’ ~ ‘French’), qanpiena − kampnár (‘bell’ ~ ‘belfry’). The contrast can be quite marked when it implies different lexemes with the same basic meaning, as in flixkún (← Old Sic. flascuni ‘flask, bottle’) and ibbottilját ‘bottled’, which may have been slightly adapted from Italian imbottigliato or derived from English bottle + -at (← It. -ato, translating English -ed). The most common Romance suffixes are: -abbli, -aġni, -ál, -ali, -anti, -ár, -át, -attív, -ázz, -azzjoni, -ibbli, -iċi, -ier, -issa, -ist/-ista, -ittív, -ìż, -iżmu, -izzju, -joni, -udni, -ún, -úr, -út, -úż, as shown in the following examples: probabbli ‘probable’, vojtaġni ‘nonsense’, abitwali ‘habitual’, penetranti ‘piercing’, nutár ‘notary’, żbalját ‘mistaken’, kumbattív ‘combative’, katnázz ‘padlock’, dikjarazzjoni ‘declaration’, possibbli ‘possible’, pittriċi ‘paintress’, arġentier ‘silversmith’, barunissa ‘baroness’, dentíst ‘dentist’, pożittív

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‘positive’, Inglíż ‘English’, realiżmu ‘realism’, preġudizzju ‘prejudice’, deċiżjoni ‘decision’, karettún ‘cart’, kaċċatúr ‘hunter’, ferút ‘wounded’, kurjúż ‘curious’, derived from Sicilian or Italian probabile, vuotaggine, abituale, penetrante, notaro, sbagliato, combattivo, catenaccio, dichiarazione, possibile, pittrice, argentiere, baronessa, positivo, inglese, realismo, pregiudizio, decisione, carretto, cacciatore, ferito, curioso. As a consequence, the need for forming new words doesn’t seem to be pressing because a base like familja ‘family’ has been followed by most of its Italian derivatives: familista, familjari, familjarità, iffamiljarizza, familjarizzazzjoni, familjarmént. The same is true of common prefixes like in-, pre-, and ri- which have numerous derivatives recorded in Aquilina (1987−90). Recent and learned ones are well represented too: telehas 42 derivatives, tri- has 29, and viċi- has 15. An interesting example is the more specialized semi-, present in 19 derivatives, all of which are in Sabatini-Coletti (2006), which has 143 such entries, except two, semikadenza and semitrill which have been adopted from English. However, Sicilian and Italian affixes have been assimilated to such an extent that they have become models for the creation of new terms by analogy. As a result some of them have become productive and therefore a proper discussion of word-formation in Maltese will focus on idiosyncratic processes that are applied automatically to Semitic bases, to newly-adopted Italian terms, as well as to English words of Latin and occasionally of Germanic origin.

4.1.2. Hybrid formations on Semitic bases Derivations like fenkata ‘rabbit stew’, xemxata ‘sunstroke’, ħmarún ‘a big donkey’ (metaphorical for ‘a very stupid person’), sakranázz ‘drunkard’, tellár ‘panel-beater’, and alabibiżmu ‘carelessness’, are based on the Semitic lexemes fének ‘rabbit’, xemx ‘sun’, ħmar ‘donkey’, tella’ ‘to raise’, and the expression ala biebu ‘he does not care’ with the addition of -ata (← -ata), -un (← Sic. -uni, It. -one), -ar (← -aro), and -iżmu (← -ismo). The suffixes -ut (← -uto) and -at (← -ato) are often applied to verbs of Arabic origin to form the passive participle: emmnút ← émmen ‘to believe’, ittamát ← ittáma ‘to hope’. Lexical formations with a Semitic stem and a Romance prefix are less frequent; the commonest example is Arċisqof ‘archbishop’ ← It. arci- + Sem. isqof ‘bishop’. Although function words are almost all of Arabic origin, there have been hybrid compounds to fill in semantic gaps: intánt ‘in the meantime’, sadanittánt/sadattánt ‘in the meantime, until then’, peress li ‘on account of’, appík (li) ‘about to’, disentu ‘continually, without interruption’. They are almost all adverbs.

4.1.3. Maltese derivations with Romance bases and suffixes Romance terms can go through various changes in Maltese, but one must not stop at a comparison with Italian. Lexemes which seemed to have been formed locally can be found in Sicilian: in this way ajkla ‘eagle’, delizzju ‘hobby’, travu ‘beam’ and vojt ‘empty’ turn up in the Vocabolario Siciliano (VS) as aicula, ddilizziu, travu and voitu with the same meanings. However, the derived form vojtaġni ‘nonsense’ can be consid-

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ered a local formation because the suffix -aġni ← -aggine has been modified and added to the Sicilian base vojt- and the term *voitaggini is not recorded in the VS. The same goes for tostàġni, which adds the same suffix to the base tost- (← It. tosto or Sic. tostu), but it can also be a syncopated form of tustitàggini/tustutàggini which has the same meaning in VS, ‘cheekiness’. Italian nouns ending in -e, which becomes -i in Maltese, create difficulties because their gender is not easily defined, contrary to endings in -a (sg.f.) and -u (sg.m.), and so they could be seen as plural forms (m. and f.). In such cases nouns can be assigned analogous forms for each gender, and adjectives can be modified to agree with the nouns they qualify. Therefore It. studente and cantante drop the final vowel in the masculine form and change it to -a in the feminine: studént, studenta, kantánt, kantanta, as do the It. adjectives ignorante and lugubre: injoránt, injoranta, lugubra, lugubru. Consequently the forms with final -i mark the plural of both m. and f., e.g., studenti, kantanti, injoranti, lugubri. Analogy is also applied to Italian masculine words of Greek origin ending in -a, such as problema and sistema, which become feminine. On the other hand, personal nouns ending in -ista drop final -a to produce the masculine form when denoting a profession (dentíst ← It. dentista, xjentíst, xjentista f. ← It. scient- + ist of Eng. scientist) or an ideology (nazzjonalíst ← It. nazionalista, laburíst ← It. laburista or Eng. labourist, though Labourite is more common in English) but retains final -a in adjectives (Gvern Nazzjonalista, Partit Laburista). The most common changes are semantic. Three examples are paxxùt (← It. pasciuto/ Sic. pasciutu ‘well fed and shows it’), which means ‘sitting or lying down comfortably’ in Maltese, armatura (‘suit of armour’ in Italian and Sicilian), which has extended its meaning to ‘shop window’, and entratura (‘entrance’ in It. and Sic.), which also means ‘entrance fee’. Some words modify their meaning by changing grammatical category, like partitarju sg.m. ‘supporter of political party or other clubs’, which is an adjective in Italian (‘partisan’), and veru, vera (← It. vero, vera ‘true’, an adjective which in Maltese is more often used as an adverb). Occasionally, an expression can be lexicalized, like the concessive conjunction avolja ← hai voglia ‘although, in spite of’, and its local synonymous derivative allavolja ← *hai la voglia. Some words are coined by taking Romance stems and adding suffixes that are absent in the original. For instance, ċuċ ‘ass, stupid person’ ← Sic. ciucciu produces ċuċún ‘a very stupid person’ and ċuċésk ‘silly’; paprata ‘blunder’ ← It. papera + -ata, preparamenti ← prepara + -menti ‘preparations’ (cf. It. preparativi), dispramènt ← dispera + -mento ‘despair’ (cf. It. disperazione), allegruż ← allegro + -oso ‘happy’ (cf. It. allegro ‘cheerful’), argumentúż ← argomento + -oso ‘quarrelsome’ (cf. It. litigioso), (triq) traffikuża (← traffiku + -uż; It. (via) *trafficosa, cf. It. via trafficata). The highly productive suffix -un ← -one which, as we have seen above, is applied to Semitic bases (ħmarún ← ħmar), also creates augmentatives on Romance bases: kontún ← conto ‘bill’ + -one, as in the expression kont kontún ‘a hefty bill’. In Italian *preparamenti, *disperamento, *allegroso, *argomentoso and *contone do not exist, and neither do *pubblicatore and *sviluppatore. In Maltese pubblikatúr ‘publisher’ and żviluppatúr ‘developer’ have been formed under the semantic pressure of English on the bases of ippubblika ‘he publishes’ and żviluppa ‘he develops’ + the agentive -tur (← It. tore, Sic. -turi) for Eng. -er (cf. It. editore and imprenditore edile). Clipping is not very common, apart from abbreviated vocative forms, such as first names Ġużé, Marì for the full names, and titles Pa, Ma’, Zi’, Sur, which follow the

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southern Italian pattern with truncation after the stressed syllable for Ġużeppi, Marija, Papà, Mamà, Ziju/Zija ‘uncle/aunt’, Sinjúr ‘Sir’. Forms like Ġuż, Pawl, Karm, Sa’, Dott, Profs, Mons for Pawlu, Karmenu, Karmena, Sinjura, Dottór, Professúr, Monsinjúr are local, the latter two being phonetic renderings of the English written abbreviated forms Profs. and Mons. for Professor and Monsignor. A few lexical examples are: abbli ← probabbli ‘probable’, arrìv ← arrivederċi ‘goodbye, until we meet again’ and parenza ← apparenza.

5. The English influence English was introduced under British rule in 1800 and became an official language in 1814, together with Italian up to 1934, and then with Maltese from 1934 to the present (Italian was dropped in 1936). Anglicization was resisted throughout the nineteenth century but increased rapidly in the twentieth. Although penetration of English words into the standard language has been slow (only 2,511 were recorded by Aquilina 1987−90, just 6 % of the total, in 1990), nowadays codeswitching with English is widely resorted to in everyday speech. A simple modification to commonly-used English words adds the ending -a to consonant-final terms and marks them as singular and feminine: a kettle becomes kitla and a pudding is pudina. Some terms are derived from the plural form, where the morpheme -s is seen as part of the base, thus producing briksa ‘a brick’ ← briks ‘bricks’, ċipsa ‘one chip’ ← ċips ‘chips’. In rare cases, like bans ← buns ‘bun’, although -a is not added, the -s is considered part of the base, so that when the Semitic plural morpheme is added it forms bansijiet ‘buns’. Final -a can also be added to non-count mass nouns to form singulatives, as in simenta ← cement ‘a patch of land covered with cement’. Pedala (sg.f.) could also be considered a similar modification from English pedal because Italian pedale is masculine and the Sicilian word is pidali (the bicycle was introduced in the British period). Strong modifications took place when knowledge of English was scarce (primary school became compulsory as late as 1946), especially when the term entered common usage. Examples from low domains are: pajpli ← pipeclay ‘fine white clay used for cleaning white canvas shoes’, spákxin ← inspection ‘gutter or drain box’ and sajbórt ← sideboard. However, nowadays, since English is not only taught in the primary and secondary schools but is actually a medium of instruction for at least half the subjects in both, the influence of English has become considerable, pronunciation is usually more faithful to the original and it can also affect words that had been adopted from Italian. Alkoħol ← alcohol (vs. It. alcool), emfasizza ← emphasize (vs. It. enfatizza), iħħarmonizza ← harmonize (cf. armonizza, from It. armonizzare), olternattiva ← alternative (vs. It. alternativa), réstorant ← restaurant (vs. restorànt ← It. ristorante) and riċenti ← recent (vs. It. recente) may not all be accepted as standard forms, but they certainly reveal the new tendency. Due to the strong exposure to and frequent use of English, the need has been felt to greatly increase the vocabulary of Maltese to fill in certain gaps in the finer nuances of learned and specialized terminology, especially since, on joining the European Union, Maltese was recognized as an official language and specialized documents had to be

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translated into Maltese in domains which were previously served only or mainly by English. However, the adoption and adaptation of English words had already been increasing since the 1950s. The main processes of derivation concerned verbal bases. English verbs are subjected to Semitic morphological patterns which have been described by Mifsud (1995b: 213−251), but here only the forms of the infinitive, which is used to create nouns, of the passive participle, which creates adjectives, and of the verbal noun of unity are considered. These receive Romance suffixes. The passive participle is formed by adding -at, -ata, -ati (respectively sg.m., sg.f. and pl.m. and f.), and occasionally -ut (← It.-uto) to produce ipparkját ‘parked’, ibbukkját ‘booked’, ipprintját ‘printed’ and spellút ‘spelt’. The verbal nouns are formed by adding -ar (← It. -are) to the English base as in l-ipparkjár ‘(act of) parking’, l-iffilmjár ‘filming’, l-ibbukkjár ‘booking’, lipprintjár ‘printing’, but spelling retains its English pronunciation. The verbal noun of unity adds -atura to the base and produces ċekkjatura ‘one act of checking’, settjatura ‘one act of setting’ and weldjatura ‘one act of welding’ (Mifsud 1995b: 248−250), by analogy with Romance-based terms like sparatura (cf. It. and Sic. sparata). Doublets are sometimes formed when the adaptation of an English term is introduced next to an Italian term, such as bilingwi ~ bilingwali (← It. bilingue ~ Eng. bilingual), bilingwiżmu ~ bilingwaliżmu (← bilinguismo ~ bilingualism). Examples of the sort are increasing: sinjifikanti ← Eng. significant (vs. sinjifikattív ← It. significativo), xjentíst ← scientist (vs. xjenzját ← It. scienziato), maġġorità ← majority (vs. maġgoranza ← It. maggioranza), persentaġġ ← percentage (vs. perċentwali ← It. percentuale), diżappuntamént ← disappointment (vs. diżappúnt ← It. disappunto). However, sometimes the two forms may take on different semantic nuances in line with the lexical stratigraphy, e.g., ikkarga (← caricare) vs. iċċarġja (← to charge): the old-established Italian term means ‘to charge a gun’, whereas the English term is used for ‘charging a price’ or charging the battery of electronic devices. Anglo-French chauffeur changes the suffix to create xufier ‘driver’, by analogy with kuċċier ← Sic. cucchieri ‘coachman’ and infermier ← It. infermiere ‘nurse’. The ending of adverbs in -ly is automatically substituted by -ment (← It. -mente): allegatamént (← allegedly). Words without a suffix can have one added to them as in the case of the ethnic adjective Ġermaniż ← German + -ese, by analogy with Inglíż and Franċiż (← It. inglese, francese), a kind of pleonastic wordformation. The English influence on certain ethnic nouns and adjectives is recognizable by the suffix: Palestinján and Libján carry the English suffix (← Palestinian, Libyan), which is different from the Italian one: palestinese, libico. The same productive suffixes have been added to Iżraelján (← Eng. Israeli + -ján, vs. It. israelita) and also to local Semitic place-names: the inhabitants of Msida, Sliema and Birkirkara are called Misidjani, Slimiżi and Karkaríżi (← (Bir)kirkara + -esi). Anglo-Latinisms generally retain their meaning when adapted to a Sicilianate form. In most cases the meanings in Sicilian and Italian coincide with the English but in some cases they differ. Therefore words like suġġétt, appuntát, kummentarju, direttorju, prosekutúr (← It. soggetto, appuntato, commentario, direttorio, prosecutore) assume the English meanings of ‘subject’, ‘appointed’, ‘commentary’, ‘directory’, ‘prosecutor’, the Italian equivalents being: materia ‘school subject’ or argomento ‘topic’, nominato, radiocronaca or telecronaca, elenco telefonico, pubblico ministero). In these examples the change is semantic. Some English words which are of Latin origin, but have been usually adopted through French, are given an Italianate or Sicilianate form even if they do not exist in Italian: words like awditúr ‘auditor’, kostitwenza ‘constituency’, platitudni ‘platitude’, evalwazzjoni ‘evaluation’, okkupanza ‘occupancy’ do not have phonetic

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equivalents in Italian (*auditore, *costituenza, *platitudine, *evaluazione, *occupanza) because the terms are revisore dei conti, distretto elettorale, luogo comune or banalità, valutazione, presenze negli alberghi. Certain words adopted from Italian keep the original meaning but can add new ones. Indirízz ‘a place’ with its verbal derivative indirizza ‘to address’ has taken on English meanings which Italian does not share, so that nowadays newscasters often speak about Il-Gvern indirizza l-problema tat-traffiku ‘the Government addressed the traffic problem’ or il-Ministru indirizza l-ħaddiema ‘the Minister addressed the workers’. Likewise, strumentali has come to be used for ‘decisive’, translating English (to be) instrumental, and effettív is not only ‘real, actual’ as in Italian effettivo, but also ‘effective’ (in It. efficace). In some cases it has been necessary to adapt an Italian word, already in use, as a substitute for an English word which could be ambiguous. Occasionally, adding a new meaning to a term whose cognate is already used in Maltese, like forma ← It. forma ‘form’, is considered undesirable, and so a different but approximately similar word is used to render the new meaning. This happened in the case of Eng. form ‘a printed document with blank spaces for information to be inserted’, whose Italian equivalent, modulo, never entered Maltese: it has been substituted by formula (more commonly formola to distinguish it from formula ‘formula’), because forma is widely used for ‘shape’. In certain cases phonetic similarity is enough to create new words: allegát ← alleged, relatát ← related, attentát ← attempt (for a more detailed discussion on English words in Maltese see Brincat 2006 and 2012). The most serious problem resulting from bilingualism in Malta is code-switching. It is not easy at all to define where code-switching stops and where standard Maltese begins. At present code-switching is being resorted to in speech at all social levels and in all domains (except the literary one), albeit in varying degrees. This, however, mainly depends on an individual basis. And yet, besides English words for new inventions like washing-machine, dishwasher, fridge, mixer, cooker, and so on, one can notice creeping relexification even in the home: shower, bathroom, toilet, bedroom, sitting-room, diningroom are replacing the traditional doċċa, kamra tal-banju, loki, kamra tas-sodda, kamra tal-ikel. Spelling English words according to the Maltese alphabet seems to be the easiest solution in the short term, but the compromise does not satisfy everybody. The process of modernisation is, of course, unstoppable but one wonders whether its magnitude (every English word of the 650,000 in the OED is available for code-switching) and the unprecedented speed at which it is happening will have serious repercussions on the language.

6. References Aquilina, Joseph 1987−90 Maltese-English Dictionary. 2 Vol. Malta: Midsea Books. Benmamoun, Elabbas 2008 Construct state. In: Cornelis H. M. Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 1, 477−482. Leiden: Brill. Borg, Albert 1988 Ilsienna. Studju grammatikali. Malta: Ħas-Sajjied. Borg, Albert and Marie Azzopardi-Alexander 1997 Maltese. London: Routledge.

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Brincat, Joseph M. 2006 Anglicismi a confronto: L’uso di parole inglesi a Malta e in Italia come viene riflesso nei dizionari. In: Raffaella Bombi (ed.), Studi linguistici in onore di Roberto Gusmani. Vol. 1, 293−301. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso. Brincat, Joseph M. 2008 Malta. In: Cornelis H. M. Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 3, 141−145. Leiden: Brill. Brincat, Joseph M. 2011 Maltese and Other Languages. A Linguistic History of Malta. Malta: Midsea Books. Brincat Joseph 2012 La produttività del superstrato sull’adstrato nell’integrazione di elementi esogeni. In: Vincenzo Orioles and Giampaolo Borghello (eds.), Per Roberto Gusmani. Studi di ricordo. Vol. 2, 61−72. Udine: Forum. Cassola, Arnold 1992 The Biblioteca Vallicelliana ‘Regole per la Lingua Maltese’. Malta: Said International. Dimech, Emmanuel 2001 Il Chelliem Inglis. Malta: Stamperia tal Gazzetta di Malta. Fabri, Ray 2009 Compounding and adjective-noun compounds in Maltese. In: Bernard Comrie, Ray Fabri, Elizabeth Hume, Manwel Mifsud, Thomas Stolz and Martine Vanhove (eds.), Introducing Maltese Linguistics, 207−231. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Kaye, Alan S. and Judith Rosenhouse 1997 Arabic dialects and Maltese. In: Robert Hetzron (ed.), The Semitic Languages, 263−311. London: Routledge. Kontzi, Reinhold 1981 L’elemento maltese nel maltese. Journal of Maltese Studies 14: 32−47. Mifsud, Manwel 1995a The productivity of Arabic in Maltese. In: Joseph Cremona, Clive Holes and Geoffrey Khan (eds.), Proceedings of the 2 nd International Conference of L’Association Internationale Pour la Dialectologie Arabe, Cambridge, 10−14 September 1995, 151−160. University of Cambridge: Faculty of Oriental Studies. Mifsud, Manwel 1995b Loan Verbs in Maltese. A Descriptive and Comparative Study. Leiden: Brill. Mifsud, Manwel 2008 Maltese. In: Cornelis H. M. Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 3, 146−159. Leiden: Brill. Monteil, Vincent 1960 L’arabe moderne. Paris: Klincksieck. OED = Oxford English Dictionary http://www.oed.com [last access 9 Mar 2015]. Sabatini-Coletti 2006 Il Sabatini Coletti. Dizionario della lingua italiana. Milano: Rizzoli and Larousse. Sammut, Frans (ed.) 2002 Mikiel Anton Vassalli. Lexicon. Malta: SKS. Stolz, Thomas 2003−04 A new Mediterraneanism: Word iteration in an areal perspective: A pilot-study. Mediterranean Language Review 15: 1−47. VS = Piccitto, Giorgio, Giovanni Tropea and Salvatore Trovato 1977−2002 Vocabolario Siciliano. 5 Vol. Palermo: Centro Studi Filologici e Linguistici Siciliani.

Joseph Brincat and Manwel Mifsud, Msida (Malta)

Turkic 184. Turkish 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion References

Abstract The article is a short overview of word-formation in Modern Turkish. As derivation is the most important method employed in the creation of new lexical items, the article focuses mainly on derivational suffixes. The lexicon of Turkish has been substantially reshaped since the early 1930s by state language planning, the aim of which was to sort out Arabic and Persian loans and to replace them by Turkish equivalents. Because inherited words − mainly from the dialects or from old written sources − were not always at hand, new words and terms had to be formed from inherited base words by suffixation. Sometimes obsolete suffixes were revived or even pseudo-suffixes were created.

1. Introduction Modern Turkish evolved from Ottoman Turkish and belongs to the Southwestern or Oghuz branch of the Turkic languages. Turkish is the official language of the Republic of Turkey. Furthermore, sizeable groups of Turkish speakers live in several countries of Southeastern Europe (Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, Macedonia, Serbia), in Northern Cyprus, in the Commonwealth of Independent States as well as in migrant communities of Western Europe (especially Germany) and North America. There are approximately 70 million native speakers of Turkish. Word-formation in Modern Turkish is relatively unexplored. Studies of word-formation in late Ottoman and early modern Turkish are rare and usually only found in short chapters in reference grammars. General reflections were provided by Atalay (1946), Mansuroğlu (1960), Dizdaroğlu (1962), Göksu (1966), and Cüceloğlu (1973). Overviews of inflectional and derivational morphology are found in Hatiboğlu (1974) and Özel (1977). Demircan (1977) is a general morphological description of how suffixes are attached to their bases. Some of these works are actually guidebooks with the aim to facilitate the creation of neologisms. Frankle’s study (1948) is a comparative approach dealing with the formation of denominal nouns in Turkic languages. Some deverbal nouns are studied by Römer (1991). Mungan (2002) investigates deverbal nouns from a morphological and syntactical perspective. Particular suffixes active in nominal word-

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formation are investigated by Ercilasun (1975), Erdal (1998, 2000) and others. Diminutives are dealt with in Kononov (1969) and Tosun (1978). Tosun investigates similatives as well. Schakir (1933) explores denominal verb formation in Turkic languages in general with a special focus on the suffixes -lA- and -A-. Verbs derived by the suffix -lA- are studied by İleri (2007) as well. Frequentative verbs are treated in the article by Banguoğlu (1956). Bassarak’s (1985) demarcation between verbal inflection and derivation was taken up again by Knobloch (1987), who made a distinction between syntactical and lexical derivation. Nominal composition is explored in Dede (1982), König (1987) and Röhrborn (1990). But the most comprehensive and detailed study in this field is van Schaaik (2002) providing a new theoretical framework. Higher order compounds, complements of which can be complex phrases or even whole sentences, are dealt with in a separate article by van Schaaik (2000). A contrastive approach (German/Turkish) investigating fixed word combinations in the language of economy and finance with a special focus on phraseological units is Aktaş (2008), who deals with nominal compounds as well. A contrastive study of word-formation in Turkish and English is provided by Tosun (1977), whereas Ülkü (1980) is a contrastive investigation of German and Turkish word-formation. Kahramantürk (1999) provides a contrastive analysis of nominal word-formation in Turkish and German. A profound treatment of the neologistic vocabulary can be found in Röhrborn (2003), which provides in the appendix a lexicon of deverbal nouns. The main aim of the study is to elucidate language contact phenomena between European languages and Turkish in the field of word-formation. Other important works on neologisms are Scharlipp (1978) and several articles by Röhrborn (1996, 1998, 2000, 2002). Zülfikar (1991) deals with problems of forming terms in Turkish, discusses general rules of word-formation and gives a long list of derivational and inflectional morphemes with examples. In his work on the relationship of Turkish with western languages, Sarı (2008) discusses among other things the impact of European languages on the formation of Turkish terms. Neologisms are treated in detail. Siemieniec-Gołaś (1997) investigates the formation of nouns in 17th-century Ottoman transcription texts. Another important book in the field of historical linguistics is Stachowski (1996), a historical dictionary of nouns derived from verbs by means of the suffix -cX/-(y)XcX. Anyone who wants to study diachronic aspects of word-formation in Turkic languages would have to consult the magnum opus by Erdal (1991) on Old Turkic. Hereafter suffixes are presented in morphophonemic transcription. Preharmonic archphonemes are given in capital letters (A = a ~ e, I = ı ~ i, U = u ~ ü, X = ı ~ i ~ u ~ ü, C = c ~ ç, G = g ~ ğ, K = g ~ k, T = d ~ t). Contrary to common usage in Turkic studies, nominal juncture is not expressed by the sign + but with a hyphen.

2. General overview Modern Turkish represents a language of the agglutinating and synthetic type of morphology. In general, one morphological marker represents one specific grammatical category, but in derivational morphology polysemy can be observed. Word-formation in Turkish has a clear and systematic character. Derivation from base words (primary lexical units) by suffixation is dominant. Infixes and circumfixes are absent. The existence

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of prefixes in Turkish is a matter of dispute (Johanson 1990: 167−170). Some authors have reckoned formations such as başparmak ‘thumb’ (← baş ‘first’ + parmak ‘finger’) as compounds, others as prefixations. Already Frankle (1948: 2−3) declared herself against Deny’s (1938) view that we are dealing with prefixes. As formations with ana, alt, baş, dış, iç, ön, öz and üst are formed by juxtaposition with a following noun they should be treated as compounds. Indo-European prefixation was obviously imitated when in the 1930s short-lived formations arose in which the first syllable of yardım ‘help’ was attached to words such as başkan ‘president’ to form yarbaşkan ‘vice-president’ (Lewis 1999: 94). Now ‘vice-president’ is expressed by the compound başkan yardımcısı. Reduplication (e.g., sapsarı ‘bright yellow’ ← sarı ‘yellow’) is occasionally discussed as belonging to prefixation. When a suffix is attached to a base the latter usually remains unchanged except for some phonotactic operations which occur in certain environments: a) stem allomorphy, i.e. voicing of unvoiced stem finals if a suffix beginning with a vowel is attached, b) syncopation of unstressed vowels in words with more than one syllable, c) simplification through haplology, and d) truncation (elision of final consonants of the base words when combined with suffixes). Vowel mutation and apophony are unknown in Turkish (an exception being the pronominal paradigm). Phenomena such as clipping (kondu ‘unauthorized building set up in one night’ ← gecekondu; Balcı 2006: 87−88) or blending (Türkilizce ‘Turkish highly influenced by English’ ← Türkçe ‘Turkish’ + İngilizce ‘English’; Lewis 1999: 133) are sometimes met with. Backformation is rarely encountered. The verb iletiş- ‘to communicate’ is a rather recent backformation of the noun iletişim ‘communication’ (Balcı 2006: 88). By backformation eksi ‘minus’ is derived from eksik ‘deficient’ (Lewis 1999: 66). To create new lexical items Turkish disposes of an abundance of suffixes. Allomorphs are conditioned by phonotactic operations, one of which is synharmonism, better known as vowel harmony. The oppositions in the vowel system are: front vs. back, high vs. low and unrounded vs. rounded. The main opposition, i.e. front vs. back, determines the shape of suffixes although this rule is not universally applied. In words with front/back harmony the last vowel determines the suffix required, e.g., elma ‘apple’ (base word) and elma-lık ‘apple garden’. The opposition front vs. back determines the phonotactics of bases and suffixes. Suffixes beginning with consonants alternate depending on the stem final of the base, i.e. voiced suffixes after stem finals ending in vowels or voiced consonants and unvoiced suffixes after stem finals ending in unvoiced consonants. In Turkish long suffix strings are common and certain rules determine the order of suffixes. Generally, derivational precede inflectional suffixes in the suffix string. When case suffixes are used in derivation they can be followed by derivational suffixes (iç-ten-lik ‘sincerity’ ← iç-ten ‘sincere’ ← iç ‘inside, core’ with ablative suffix). Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between derivational and inflectional suffixes, especially in the verbal domain (reflexive, causative, passive, reciprocal-cooperative suffixes). These suffixes have inflectional and derivational properties (Bassarak 1985). The suffixes where the derivational character is most highly pronounced are those deriving reflexive (-(X)n-) and reciprocal (-(X)ş-) verbs. They follow the verbal root directly (Bassarak 1998: 8). In this article voice suffixes are treated as derivational suffixes because with some restrictions they can be further expanded with other voice suffixes or with suffixes from the nominal domain forming deverbal nouns.

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In neologisms a revival of unproductive derivational suffixes is quite common. In the ongoing process of language planning in Turkey, archaisms and loans play only a minor role whereas neologisms are coined to adapt the language to the exigencies of modern times and to the changes of social structure, technology, science, etc. After Persian and Arabic lost prestige in the early years of the Republic of Turkey, an unprecedented effort of language reform took place after the year 1930, leading to the formation of a large number of new words (see also article 119 on historical word-formation in Turkish). Sometimes the rules of word-formation in Turkic languages were violated by adding deverbal suffixes to nouns or denominal suffixes to verbs. Numerous neologisms were quite short-lived because they were not accepted by the speakers. The arena of language planning was the nominal domain whereas newly formed verbs are rare. But analytical formations of verbs with a neologistic nominal first element are quite common. In Turkish the distinction between derivation and composition is at times not easy to determine. The same holds true for nominal inflection and derivation because certain words with case suffixes can become fossilized. Moreover, some base words are no longer extant in Turkish whereas their derivates are still widely used. We can distinguish several word classes: nouns, pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, postpositions, interjections, conjunctions and verbs. Turkish does not always provide a clear morphological distinction between word classes. In these cases a judgment to which word class a word belongs can only be inferred from context and syntax. Words bearing plural, possessive and usually also case suffixes are nouns. But petrified forms can function as adverbs or postpositions, etc. as well. Except for these cases particles, interjections, adverbs and adjectives in attributive position do not take inflectional suffixes. Widespread in Turkish are onomatopoetics, the term mimetic word-formation covering more phenomena than onomatopoetics (Ido 1999). Simple reduplication of a sound is common (e.g., pıt pıt atmak ‘to pound (of the heart)’). One device for forming mimetic words is vowel alternation in reduplication. By exchanging the vowel, semantic differences can be communicated, e.g., by changing the vowel a to ı the connotation of lightness, smallness and quickness is conveyed: patır-patır ‘sound of footsteps’ vs. pıtır-pıtır ‘sound of rapid footsteps’ (Ido 1999: 69).

3. Composition Composition is a common type of word-formation in Turkish, especially important are nominal compounds of the type ev kapısı ‘front-door’ (← ev ‘house’ + kapı ‘door’ + compound marker). This example displays one basic feature of Turkish composition with the compound marker -(s)I (3rd person singular possessive suffix). In Turkish grammar the type evin kapısı ‘the door of the house’ cannot be assigned to composition proper but is a genitive construction. Most Turkish compounds are right-headed. Left-headed compounds of the Persian iżāfet-type such as hüküm-i hümayun ‘imperial edict’ (← hüküm ‘edict’ + the Persian iżāfet element -i + hümayun ‘imperial, royal’) were gradually discarded during the Turkish language reform. In the combination noun + noun with a compound marker, the latter is deleted if followed by a genuine possessive suffix, e.g., para çanta-m ‘my purse’ (not *para çantası-m). If such a combination is expanded by an adjective suffix the compound marker is missing too: e.g., güneş gözlük-lü ‘with sun glasses’ vs. güneş gözlüğ-ü ‘sun glasses’ (in

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this case -ü is the compound marker) (van Schaaik 2002: 69). Compounds are not restricted to the boundaries of a word in the traditional sense of the term. In spelling a particularly tight combination of words without a compound marker is reflected in dilbilim ‘linguistics’ (← dil ‘language’ + bilim ‘science’); with a compound marker: demiryolu ‘railway’ (← demir ‘iron’ + yol ‘way’ + compound marker). Determinative compounds without a compound marker are usually restricted to attributive relationship (altın bilezik ‘gold bracelet’ ← altın ‘gold, golden’ + bilezik ‘bracelet’). The first constituent can, e.g., denote the material or sex of the second constituent. A noteworthy exception of a first constituent which denotes the material of the second bearing the ablative suffix is kar-dan adam ‘snowman’ (← kar ‘snow’ + ablative suffix -TAn + adam ‘man’). Synthetic compounds are also to be found in Turkish such as ağaç-kakan ‘woodpecker’ (← ağaç ‘tree, wood’ + kak- ‘to strike’). Here the second element is originally a participle which is not a lexical item in its own right. Another example is the neologism bilgi-sayar ‘computer’ (← bilgi ‘information’ + say- ‘to count’). Determinative compounds without an inflectional element are anne-anne ‘maternal grandmother’ (← anne ‘mother’ + anne ‘id.’) or babaanne ‘paternal grandmother’ (← baba ‘father’ + anne ‘mother’). Except for exocentric compounds such as el-i açık ‘generous; lit. his hand open’, where a head is missing, the last element (the head) can either be a basic noun (in root compounds) or a noun derived from a verbal base (in synthetic compounds) (van Schaaik 2002: 13−17). The head in root compounds can be either an adjective or a noun. Head nouns can be compounded with adjectives (karadeniz ‘Black Sea’ ← kara ‘black’ + deniz ‘sea’), participles (yanardağ ‘volcano’, aorist participle of yan- ‘to burn’ + dağ ‘mountain’), numerals (yüzyıl ‘century’ ← yüz ‘100’ + yıl ‘year’) or nouns as complement. A negative aorist as complement is tüken-mez-kalem ‘ballpen; lit. inexhaustible pen’. In complex terms composition and suffixation can be combined, e.g., çok-karı-lılık ‘polygyny’ (← çok ‘many’ + karı ‘wife’ + adjective marker -lı + abstract noun suffix -lık). Argument inheritance can be observed in deverbal nouns such as dış-avurum ‘expression’ and deverbal adjectives such as iç-e-kapanık ‘autistic’ (both with dative suffix). Adjectives as heads can take nouns (sütbeyaz ‘milkwhite’ ← süt ‘milk’ + beyaz ‘white’) or adjectives as complements. A co-compound is, e.g., karı koca ‘wife and husband, married couple’. This type of a co-compound in which the two constituents are co-hyponyms of the superordinate term is common in Turkish (cf. alış-veriş ‘trade’ ← alış ‘buying’ + veriş ‘selling’), and is found even with verbal roots such as gel-git ‘tide’ (← gel- ‘to come’ + git- ‘to go’). Unlike determinative compounds which often consist of more than two constituents cocompounds are generally restricted to two constituents (see also article 40 on co-compounds). To form verbs from nouns, compounding by means of an auxiliary verb (yap-, et-) is wide-spread already in Ottoman Turkish. Often both elements are written as one word, e.g., akdetmek ‘to contract (marriage)’ (akit ‘contract’ with syncopation of the vowel i and sonorization of the final consonant). Some verbal phrases are formed by a converb element and a base element, e.g., alıp ver- ‘to quarrel, be excited’. Johanson (1995: 315) emphasized the “strong semantic fusion” and the “tendency towards lexicalization”. To denote aspect-temporal relations, modality, actionality, etc., constructions with a lexical verb followed by an auxiliary are used in Turkish. Some auxiliaries appear as bound suffixes such as -(y)Abil- (bil- ‘to know’) after the stem of the lexical verb (yaz-abil-ir ‘he is able to write’).

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4. Derivation As there is no strict distinction between nouns and adjectives in Turkish, we have to mention some suffixes under “nominal derivation” and under “adjectival derivation” (cross-references are not given). Numerals are traditionally treated as adjectives. One has to bear in mind that a single derivational suffix may have different etymologies (Berta 1991). Foreign suffixes are mentioned only occasionally as they are − with very few exceptions − no longer productive. Due to the polysemy of many suffixes an arrangement according to the suffixes involved in word-formation would be preferable. To ensure consistency within the volume such an arrangement is impossible. A single suffix is thus treated under several categories or word-formation meanings.

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns P e r s o n a l n o u n s are formed with the following suffixes: -CX: a productive suffix deriving agent nouns; subgroups can be distinguished: a) names of persons by profession: diş-çi ‘dentist’ (← diş ‘tooth’); b) agent nouns − persons who carry out an action sometimes or at the moment: yol-cu ‘traveler’ (← yol ‘way’); c) names of adherents of a particular world view: Atatürk-çü ‘kemalist’; d) names of consumers of food or drink: içki-ci ‘drunkard’ (← içki ‘liquor, drink’); -lX: inhabitant nouns, e.g., İstanbul-lu ‘a person from İstanbul’; -TAş: sociative nouns, cf. vatan-daş ‘fellow countryman’ (← vatan ‘native country’), sometimes with pejorative meaning, e.g., omuz-daş ‘companion, crony’ (← omuz ‘shoulder’); -(X)l: agent nouns, e.g., ard-ıl ‘successor’ (← art ‘back’). In some studies a suffix -msAr is assumed but the example kötümser ‘pessimist(ic)’ is an aorist participle of the neologistic verb kötümse- ‘to be pessimistic’ which itself is derived from the neologism kötüm ‘disapproval’ (← kötü ‘bad’) (cf. Lewis 1999: 77). I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s are derived with -CAk: oyun-cak ‘toy’ (← oyun ‘play’). P l a c e n o u n s are formed with the suffixes -(A)rI: dış-arı ‘outside; foreign country; province’ (← dış ‘outside’); -(A)y: yüz-ey ‘surface’ (← yüz ‘face, surface’); -lXk: indicates a place abundant in that which is denoted by the base, e.g., yemiş-lik ‘orchard’ (← yemiş ‘fruit’); -(X)l: kum-ul ‘dune’ (← kum ‘sand’). A b s t r a c t n o u n s contain the suffix -lXk: asker-lik ‘military service’ (← asker ‘soldier’); the suffix is often combined with the preceding suffix -CX. Especially common is the combination in the denotation of a certain mental, political or religious attitude such as atatürk-çü-lük ‘Kemalism’, rarely professions such as banka-cı-lık ‘banking’ and branches of science such as sözlük-çü-lük ‘lexicography’ (← sözlük ‘dictionary’). C o l l e c t i v e n o u n s are formed with -(A)n: originally a plural suffix (e.g., er-en ‘men’), now a neologistic suffix: kök-en ‘root (ling.), origin’ (← kök ‘root’); -gil(ler): a composite suffix (-gil + plural suffix -ler): turunç-giller ‘citrus fruits’ (← turunç ‘bitter orange’); also with terms of kinship: amcam-gil(ler) ‘the family of my uncle’ (← amca-m ‘my uncle’); -lXk: komşu-luk ‘neighbourhood’ (← komşu ‘neighbour’). E v a l u a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s are represented by nouns with the suffixes -Ak: metaphorical designations and diminutives, e.g., baş-ak ‘ear (of grain), (archaic) arrow-head’

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(← baş ‘head’); -cAğIz: çocuk-cağız ‘poor child’ (← çocuk ‘child’); -CAk: yavru-cak ‘poor child’ (← yavru ‘young, small child’); -CXk: ağ-cık ‘retina’ (← ağ ‘net’); -mAn: originally mostly augmentatives, e.g., türk-men ‘Turkmen, a real Turk’ (← türk ‘Turk’); -çe (a copy from Persian): il-çe ‘district’ (← il ‘land’). Va r i a comprise formations with the suffixes -(A)mIk/-(A)mUk: derives designations for diseases and plants, e.g., kız-amık ‘measles’ (*kız is the base of kızıl ‘red’); further expanded: kız-amık-çık ‘rubella’ (the suffix -CXk derives names for diseases as well, cf. pamuk-çuk ‘thrush’ ← pamuk ‘cotton’); karamuk (← kara ‘black’) has two different meanings 1. ‘rash on the body’; 2. ‘corn cockle’; -(A)rIk: a rare composite suffix attached to place nouns, e.g., iç-erik ‘content; implicit’ (← iç ‘interior’); -CA: derives 1. designations of languages, e.g., Türk-çe ‘Turkish’ (← Türk ‘Turk’); 2. female nouns, e.g., tanrı-ça ‘pagan goddess’ (← tanrı ‘god’), a neologism based on old Serbo-Croatian loans such as çariçe ‘tsarina’; -laç: dishes such as süt-laç ‘rice-pudding’ (← süt ‘milk’); the suffix does not follow synharmonism; -lAmA: dishes, e.g., şeker-leme ‘candy’ (← şeker ‘sugar’); -lXk: similatives (in kinship terms), e.g., ana-lık ‘stepmother’ (← ana ‘mother’); -mer: kat-mer ‘complexity; flaky pastry’ (← kat ‘floor, layer’); the suffix does not follow synharmonism; -(X)l: results of action, e.g., taş-ıl ‘petrifaction’ (← taş ‘stone’). Nouns denoting purpose/suitability/inclination/concrete relationship are formed with -CXl: personal nouns, indicating mainly an inclination or affinity to what is designated by the base word, e.g., kadın-cıl ‘Casanova’ (← kadın ‘woman’), and animal names such as birds of prey indicating their favourite prey, e.g., tavşan-cıl ‘golden eagle’ (← tavşan ‘hare’). Suitability/purpose is expressed by -lXk: pabuç-luk ‘shoe rack’ (← pabuç ‘shoe’). The following suffixes express a concrete relationship with the base, usually the designation of a body part, cf. -CXn: kulak-çın ‘earflap’ (← kulak ‘ear’); birds’ names, e.g., kaşık-çın ‘spoonbill’ (← kaşık ‘spoon’; similarity of the bird’s beak with the base is denoted), çamur-cun ‘a small kind of duck’ (← çamur ‘mud’; the base denotes the natural habitat); -dXrXk: eğin-dirik ‘poncho’ (← eğin ‘upper part of the back’); -sAk: burun-sak ‘muzzle (for young lambs)’ (← burun ‘nose’). N e o l o g i s t i c s u f f i x e s were created during the Turkish language reform, cf. -(A)t: söz-et ‘libretto’ (← söz ‘word’); -nA (a pseudo-suffix): öz-ne ‘grammatical subject’ (← öz ‘self’) is in fact derived by analogy according to nesne ‘object’ (← ne ise ‘whatever’ + ne ‘what’); -TAm: gün-dem ‘agenda’ (← gün ‘day’); -tay: extracted from kurultay ‘congress’ (metanalyzed as kurul-tay, but originally going back to Mongol qurilta ~ quriltai ‘assembly’); first attached to verbal stems it was used to derive denominal nouns such as yargı-tay ‘Supreme Court of Appeal’ (← yargı ‘decision’) as well; -Xt: boy-ut ‘dimension’ (← boy ‘height, length’).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns Deadjectival nouns (including denumeral formations, see section 4, introduction) are derived with the suffixes -(A)ç, an unproductive suffix, e.g., düz-eç ‘spirit level’ (←

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düz ‘flat’), and -lXk. The latter derives a) mainly a b s t r a c t n o u n s , e.g., doğru-luk ‘correctness’ (← doğru ‘straight, correct’); güvenilir-lik ‘reliability’ is derived from a complex base (aorist participle of a passive verb from the base güven- ‘to trust in’); b) nouns with numeral bases denoting the a g e or v a l u e : kırk-lık ‘forty years old’; other nouns derived from numerals are bir-lik ‘unity’ (← bir ‘one’) and bir-inci-lik ‘first rank’ (← birinci ‘first’); c) denumeral nouns denoting the value of a banknote: bin-lik ‘thousand pound note’ (← bin ‘thousand’). Deadverbial is aşağı-lık ‘inferiority’ (← aşağı ‘below’), depronominal is, e.g., benlik ‘ego’ (← ben ‘I’). The suffix -(X)z forms c o l l e c t i v e s or groups of siblings from numerals, e.g., iki-z ‘twin(s)’ (← iki ‘two’). Suffixes deriving n e o l o g i s m s are, e.g., -(A)n: düz-en ‘system, organization’ (← düz ‘flat’); -(A)y: bir-ey ‘individual’ (← bir ‘one’); -lAm: denk-lem ‘equation’ (← denk ‘equal’); -mAn: uz-man ‘specialist’ (← uz ‘capable’); -Xl: çoğ-ul ‘plural’ (← çok ‘many’); -gen: this suffix which is attached to numerals deriving names of geometric figures, is not affected by synharmonism, cf. altı-gen ‘hexagon’ (← altı ‘six’).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns A c t i o n n o u n s (most terms are neologisms) are formed with the suffixes -(A)v: sına-v ‘examination’ (← sına- ‘to test’); -(A)y: ol-ay ‘event’ (← ol- ‘to become’); -KX: uy-ku ‘sleep’ (← uyu- ‘to sleep’, with syncopation); -KXn: denoting calamities, e.g., bas-kın ‘sudden attack, raid’ (← bas- ‘to assault’); -mA: oku-ma ‘reading’ (← oku- ‘to read’); with an extension of meaning: danış-ma ‘the act of making enquiries, information (office)’ (← danış- ‘to consult’); -(X)m/-yXm: action nouns originally denoting a single action, e.g., biç-im ‘act of cutting’ (← biç- ‘to cut’), now often referring to general actions; -(X)ntX/-tX (the latter with stems ending in -n): nouns denoting a continous, intermittent or incomplete action, e.g., gez-inti ‘short walk’ (← gez- ‘to go for a walk’), often derived from verbs denoting unpleasant feelings, e.g., tiksin-ti ‘disgust’ (← tiksin- ‘to be disgusted with’); -(y)Xş: mostly from simple bases, e.g., dön-üş ‘return’ (dön- ‘to return’); reciprocal bases are shortened by haplology, e.g., uğra-ş ‘fight’ (← *uğraş-ış). Often the manner of an action is denoted: otur-uş ‘manner of sitting’ (← otur- ‘to sit’). Some suffixes derive a c t i o n n o u n s and r e s u l t n o u n s , e.g., -bAç: from intransitive or reflexive base words, e.g., dolam-baç ‘winding, turn’ (← dolan- ‘to wind round’), saklan-baç/saklam-baç (in combination with the verb oyna- ‘to play’) ‘hideand-seek (game)’ (← saklan- ‘to hide oneself’); -mAcA: boğ-maca ‘whooping-cough’ (← boğ- ‘to strangle’); often referring to playful activities: bil-mece ‘riddle, puzzle’ (← bil- ‘to know’). A b s t r a c t n o u n s (including designations of mental faculties) are formed with the suffixes -A: doğ-a ‘nature’ (← doğ- ‘to be born’); -(A)k: belle-k ‘memory’ (← belle- ‘to learn by heart’);

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-cA: düşün-ce ‘thought’ (← düşün- ‘to think’); -(X)m/-yXm: bil-im ‘science’ (← bil- ‘to know’); -(y)AcAk, originally a future participle: gel-ecek ‘future (noun and adjective)’ (← gel‘to come’); -(Xn)ç (with stems ending in -n- the suffix is only -ç): bas-ınç ‘pressure’ (← bas- ‘to press’). A g e n t n o u n s comprise formations with the following suffixes: -(A)k: kaç-ak ‘refugee’ (← kaç- ‘to flee’); -cX (with verbs ending in -n) such as öğren-ci ‘student’ (← öğren- ‘to learn’) or -(y)XcX: oku-yucu ‘reader’ (← oku- ‘to read’); -gXç: bil-giç ‘know-all’ (← bil- ‘to know’); -KAn: saldır-gan ‘aggressor’ (← saldır- ‘to attack’); as a designation of a class of animals: sürün-gen ‘reptile’ (← sürün- ‘to creep, crawl’); -KXn: in neologisms, e.g., gez-gin ‘traveler’ (← gez- ‘to travel’); -mA: dön-me ‘renegade, transsexual’ (← dön- ‘to turn’); -mAn: neologisms, analogies to Germanic designations for professions and persons (Engl. postman, Germ. Milchmann), e.g., okut-man ‘lecturer’ (← okut- ‘to teach’), öğretmen ‘teacher’ (← öğret- ‘to teach’); -(X)k: tanı-k ‘witness’ (← tanı- ‘to recognize’); -(X)mcAk: a metaphorical agent noun is ör-ümcek ‘spider’ (← ör- ‘to twist, braid’); -(X)r, originally an aorist participle: okur ‘reader’ (← oku- ‘to read’); -(y)An, originally a participle: çevir-en ‘translator’ (← çevir- ‘to translate’); some agent nouns are metaphorical, cf. sıç-an ‘mouse, rat’ (← sıç- ‘to defecate’); common are terms of mathematics: böl-en ‘divisor’ (← böl- ‘to divide’). N o n - p e r s o n a l n o u n s (characterized by or having a relation to what is designated by the base) are formed with -(A)GAn: gez-egen ‘planet’ (← gez- ‘to go for a walk’); -mAz, originally a negative aorist participle: tüken-mez ‘ballpen’ (← tüken- ‘to be exhausted’); -mXş, originally a past participle from intransitive stems: geç-miş ‘past (n.)’ (← geç- ‘to pass’); -tay, a neologistic suffix (see section 4.1.1) deriving designations for administrative bodies and councils: sayış-tay ‘Superior Audit Office’ (← sayış- ‘to settle accounts’); -X: öl-ü ‘corpse’ (← öl- ‘to die’); -(X)m/-yXm: ak-ım ‘current (n.)’ (← ak- ‘to flow’); -(X)n: ak-ın ‘stream’ (← ak- ‘to flow’); -(X)r, originally an aorist participle: gel-ir ‘income’ (← gel- ‘to come’); -(X)t: sark-ıt ‘stalactite’ (← sark- ‘to hang down’). R e s u l t n o u n s (most terms are neologisms) are derived with the suffixes -(A)k: öden-ek ‘compensation’ (← öden- ‘to be paid’); -(A)l: a) çök-el ‘residue’ (← çök- ‘to sink down’) (≈ subject of the base verb) or b) kural ‘rule’ (← kur- ‘to found, set up’) (≈ object of the base verb); -(A)m: a) dön-em ‘period’ (← dön- ‘to turn around’) (≈ subject of the base verb) or b) kur-am ‘theory’ (← kur- ‘to establish’) (≈ object of the base verb); -(A)mAk: kaç-amak ‘evasion, pretext’ (← kaç- ‘to flee’); -(A)nAk: sağ-anak ‘shower, downpour’ (← sağ- ‘to pour out rain’); -(A)v, a suffix borrowed from Bashkurt and Kazakh (Lewis 1999: 95): türe-v ‘derivation’ (← türe- ‘to be derived’);

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-KA: bildir-ge ‘declaration’ (← bildir- ‘to communicate’, a causative stem); -KX: in the inherited vocabulary only with monosyllabic base verbs, e.g., er-gi ‘attainment, success’ (← er- ‘to attain’), in neologisms also with disyllabic base verbs; -mA: zehir-len-me ‘intoxication’ (← zehir-len- ‘to be intoxicated’), some derivatives denote dishes, cf. kavur-ma ‘broiled or fried meat’ (← kavur- ‘to roast’); -mAç: de-meç ‘statement’ (← de- ‘to say’); -mXk: il-mik ‘sling, loop’ (← il- ‘to knot’); -TX: çık-tı ‘product’ (← çık- ‘to come out’); often from inchoative, denominal verbs referring to colour designations, cf. morar-tı ‘bruise’ (← morar- ‘to turn violet’); -X: göster-i ‘demonstration’ (← göster- ‘to show’); -(X)k: düş-ük ‘miscarriage’ (← düş- ‘to fall, miscarry’); -(X)m/-yXm: çöz-üm ‘solution’ (← çöz- ‘to solve’); the shape of the suffix is different in dene-yim ‘experience’ (← dene- ‘to try’) with an intercalated glide; -(X)mcAk: bürü-mcek ‘bundle, silk worm’s cocoon’ (← bürü- ‘to wrap up’); -(X)n: yay-ın ‘publication’ (← yay- ‘to spread, publish’); -(Xn)ç (often from intransitive or reflexive bases): iğren-ç ‘disgust’ (← iğren- ‘to feel disgust’); -(X)ntX/-tX (the latter with stems ending in -n): oy-untu ‘excavation, section’ (← oy- ‘to hollow out’); collective nouns designating a rest or the result of entropy, e.g., yık-ıntı ‘ruins’ (← yık- ‘to destroy’); -(X)t: yaz-ıt ‘inscription’ (← yaz- ‘to write’); -yIk: eri-yik ‘(chem.) solution, lye’ (← eri- ‘to dissolve, melt’). O b j e c t n o u n s are formed with -mAk: ye-mek ‘food’ (← ye- ‘to eat’); -sAk: tutsak ‘prisoner’ (← tut- ‘to grasp, hold’); -(y)ACAk: yi-yecek ‘food’ (← ye- ‘to eat’). I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s can be derived by means of the following suffixes: -(A)ç: bağla-ç ‘conjunction’ (← bağla- ‘to bind, join’); -(A)k: tara-k ‘comb’ (← tara- ‘to comb’); -(A)sI: giy-si ‘clothes’ (← giy- ‘to put on, wear’; older forms are giy-esi ~ gey-esi); -cAk: salın-cak ‘swing’ (← salın- ‘to sway’); -cX (with verbs ending in -n) or -(y)XcX: al-ıcı ‘receiver’ (← al- ‘to receive’). Some words may function either as agent nouns or as instrument nouns, such as kesici ‘butcher’ and ‘butcher’s knife’ (← kes- ‘to cut’); -KA: süpür-ge ‘broom’ (← süpür- ‘to sweep’); -KAç: süz-geç ‘filter’ (← süz- ‘to filter’), yüz-geç ‘fin’; colloquially ‘good swimmer’ (← yüz- ‘to swim’); -KX: bıç-kı ‘saw’ (← bıç- ‘to cut’); -KXç: soy-guç ‘potato peeler’ (← soy- ‘to peel’); -mAç: em-meç ‘suction pump’ (← em- ‘to suck’); -mAk: çak-mak ‘lighter’ (← çak- ‘to light, kindle’); -X: dürt-ü ‘goad’ (← dürt- ‘to prod’); -(X)m/-yXm: donat-ım ‘equipment, (stage) properties’ (← donat- ‘to equip’); -(X)n: ölç-ün ‘standard, norm’ (← ölç- ‘to measure’); -(X)r, originally an aorist participle: aç-ar ‘key; aperitif’ (← aç- ‘to open’); -(X)t: taşı-t ‘means of transportation’ (← taşı- ‘to transport’); -(y)AcAk, originally a future participle: sil-ecek ‘windscreen wiper’ (← sil- ‘to wipe’). P l a c e n o u n s (most words are neologisms) comprise formations with the suffixes

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-(A)k: dur-ak ‘stop, halt’ (← dur- ‘to stop’); a neologistic term is çık-ak ‘place of articulation (phon.)’ (← çık- ‘to come out’); -(A)mAk: bas-amak ‘step, rung’ (← bas- ‘to step’); -cAk: korun-cak ‘depot’ (← korun- ‘to be kept’); -KAn: koru-ğan ‘bunker, shelter’ (← koru- ‘to shelter’); -X: bat-ı ‘west’ (← bat- ‘to set (of the sun)’); -(X)t: geç-it ‘passage’ (← geç- ‘to pass’); -(y)Xş: gir-iş ‘entrance’ (← gir- ‘to enter’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives The following categories can be distinguished. R e l a t i o n a l adjectives are derived with -lXk, a productive suffix occurring in derivatives referring to periods of time, e.g., gün-lük ‘daily’ (← gün ‘day’) and in complex formations with numerals as a complement denoting duration, weight, extension, value, etc., e.g., yüz kilo-luk ‘weighing a hundred kilos’. Adjectives designating the affinity to, participation in or characterization by what is denoted by the base are formed with: -CXl: ot-çul ‘graminivorous’ (← ot ‘grass’); -(I)t: yaş-ıt ‘contemporary’ (← yaş ‘age’); -TAş: öz-deş ‘identical’ (← öz ‘self’). Further categories are constituted by s i m i l a t i v e adjectives with the suffixes -CA: çocuk-ça ‘childish’ (← çocuk ‘child’); -sX: çocuk-su ‘childish’ (← çocuk ‘child’); -sXl: ağaç-sıl ‘arboreal’ (← ağaç ‘tree’); -(X)msX: kadın-ımsı ‘effeminate’ (← kadın ‘woman’); p o s s e s s i v e adjectives, e.g., -lX: akıl-lı ‘intelligent’ (← akıl ‘intelligence’); p r i v a t i v e adjectives, e.g., -sXz: ses-siz ‘mute’ (← ses ‘sound’) (sometimes nouns arise in this pattern by conversion as well: tel-siz ‘wireless, walkie-talkie’), and c o l l e c t i v e adjectives, cf. -lX: only when derived from numerals, e.g., üç-lü ‘threesome, trio’ (← üç ‘three’). Other adjectives are formed with the suffixes -(A)ç: kır-aç ‘infertile’ (← kır ‘barren land’); -(A)k: orta-k ‘common’ (← orta ‘centre, the public’); -TAn: sıra-dan ‘ordinary’ (← sıra ‘series’). N e o l o g i s t i c adjectives comprise formations with the suffixes -(A)t: baş-at ‘dominant’ (← baş ‘head’); -(A)l (yer-el ‘local’ ← yer ‘place’) and -sAl (duygu-sal ‘affective, sensitive’ ← duygu ‘feeling’). The latter were copied from French (cf. culturel) to replace the Arabic adjective suffix -î. From the neologism kutsal ‘holy’ (← kut ‘good fortune’) which was invented to replace the Arabic loan kudsî ‘holy’ the suffix -sAl was extracted to become a new and productive suffix (Lewis 1999: 102).

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Adjectives expressing i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n are formed with the suffixes -mAn: koca-man ‘enormous’ (← koca ‘big’); -(X)CXk: az-ıcık ‘very little’ (← az ‘few’); with truncation of the final -k of the base: küçü-cük ‘tiny, minute’ (← küçük ‘small’).

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R e s e m b l a n c e and a t t e n u a t i o n are expressed by -CA: küçük-çe ‘smallish’ (← küçük ‘small’); -cAk: büyü-cek ‘rather big’ (← büyük ‘big’), with truncation of the final consonant of the stem; -CXl: modification and gradation, e.g., ak-çıl ‘whitish’ (← ak ‘white’); -(I)msI: ekşi-msi ‘sourish’ (← ekşi ‘sour’); -rAk, originally an augmentative suffix, now an unproductive suffix indicating a low degree of a property (maybe influenced by -(X)mt(ı)rak): boz-rak ‘grayish’ (← boz ‘gray’); the neologism dış-rak ‘exoteric’ (← dış ‘(on the) outside’) shows no gradation; -sI (quite rare): kızıl-sı ‘reddish’ (← kızıl ‘red’); -(X)mt(ı)rak (the suffix does not follow synharmonism): ekşi-mtrak ‘sourish’ (← ekşi ‘sour’), mor-umtırak ‘slightly purple’ (← mor ‘purple’); -(X)mtUl (also -(X)mtIl), an archaic suffix: göğ-ümtül ‘bluish’ (← gök ‘blue’). Other suffixes are -(A)k: sol-ak ‘left-handed’ (← sol ‘left’); -(I)t: karşı-t ‘opposite’ (← karşı ‘contrary, opposite’); -(X)ncX forms mainly ordinals from cardinals, e.g., birinci ‘first’ (← bir ‘one’).

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives express active or passive meaning. L e x i c a l i z e d p a r t i c i p l e s comprise formations with the following formants: -KAn: atıl-gan ‘enterprising’ (← atıl- ‘to throw oneself into’); dövül-gen ‘forgeable’ is a “projection participle” (Erdal) from the passive dövül- ‘to be forged’; -mXş (past participles from intransitive stems): geç-miş ‘past’ (← geç- ‘to pass’); -TIK: tanı-dık ‘known, familiar’ (← tanı- ‘to know, recognize’); -(y)AcAk (originally a future participle): olacak ‘feasible’ (← ol- ‘to be, become’); -(y)An: andır-an ‘analogue’ (← andır- ‘to remind’); -(y)AsI (archaic): görül-esi ‘worth seeing’ (← görül- ‘to be seen’). N e g a t e d participles are formed with -mAdIk: görül-medik ‘unseen, unprecedented’ (← görül- ‘to be seen’) and -mAz: geçir-mez ‘impermeable’ (← geçir- ‘to let through’). Adjectives denoting p e r s o n a l t r a i t s are formed with the suffixes -(A)cAn, a rare suffix: sev-ecen ‘loving, tender’ (← sev- ‘to love’); -(A)k: ürk-ek ‘timid’ (← ürk- ‘to be frightened’); -KAç: utan-gaç ‘shy’ (← utan- ‘to be shy’); -(X)ntX/-tX: uyu-ntu ‘indolent, lazy’ (← uyu- ‘to sleep’). R e s u l t a t i v e adjectives are formed with -KXn: çök-kün ‘sunken, collapsed, depressive’ (← çök- ‘to sink’); -mA: dök-me ‘cast (of metals), piece-meal, loose’ (← dök- ‘to cast’); -vAn: yay-van ‘broad’ (← yay- ‘to spread out’); -X: dur-u ‘crystal clear’ (← dur- ‘to stand still’); -(X)k (mainly from monosyllabic verbs): kes-ik ‘cut off’ (← kes- ‘to cut’); -(X)lX: as-ılı ‘suspended’ (← as- ‘to hang up’). Further categories are represented by formations with the suffixes -(A)GAn: dur-ağan ‘still’ (← dur- ‘to stand still’); -(A)l: dur-al ‘static’ (← dur- ‘to stand’); -(A)y: yap-ay ‘artificial’ (← yap- ‘to make’); -mAl: sağ-mal ‘milk-giving’ (← sağ- ‘to milk’);

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-sAl: gör-sel ‘visual’ (← gör- ‘to see’); -(Xn)ç (with stems ending in -n- the suffix is only -ç): kork-unç ‘dreadful, what ought to be feared’ (← kork- ‘to fear’); -(y)XcX or -cX (with verbs ending in -n) formed from transitive bases: yap-ıcı ‘constructive’ (← yap- ‘to make’).

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Deverbal verbs The following categories of deverbal verbs can be distinguished: a) Actionality -AlA-: iterative action, e.g., it-ele- ‘to push repeatedly, thump’ (← it- ‘to push’); -(I)ştIr-, a composite suffix (reciprocal + causative), marks intensified or repetitive action: ara-ştır- ‘to investigate’ (← ara- ‘to search’); -(X)klA-: repetitive or intermittent action, e.g., uyu-kla- ‘to doze’ (← uyu- ‘to sleep’), dürt-ükle- ‘to prod repeatedly or continually’ (← dürt- ‘to prod’); -(X)msA-: similatives or verbs denoting extenuation of the semantics of the base, e.g., ağla-msa- ‘to whine’ (← ağla- ‘to weep’), gül-ümse- ‘to smile’ (← gül- ‘to laugh’). b) Diathesis and voice In Turkish there are four verbal categories marked by diathesis and voice (valencychanging) suffixes: reflexive, passive, causative and reciprocal-cooperative verbs. After suffixation, these stems may serve as base verbs which can be further expanded with other voice suffixes or with suffixes forming deverbal nouns. Verbs with voice suffixes behave like basic verbal stems and modal and tense suffixes attach to them. c) Passive verbs The morphological marker of passive verbs is -(X)l- except for stems ending in -l- to which the suffix -Xn- is added: sev-il- ‘to be loved’ (← sev- ‘to love’) but böl-ün- ‘to be divided’ (← böl- ‘to divide’). Stems ending in vowels, take the suffix -n: de-n- ‘to be said’ (← de- ‘to say’). There is an intransitivizing use of the suffix -(X)l- which should be distinguished from its passivizing function. The difference is especially important when a causative suffix follows, because genuine passives combine with causatives to create new lexical meanings, whereas intransitives with causatives would convey the same meaning as the simple underived base (Erdal 1996: 80−81). d) Reflexive and medial verbs Only a limited number of verbal stems can be turned into reflexive verbs by means of -(X)n-. Some of these verbs can be passives as well: yıka-n- ‘to wash oneself, be washed’ (← yıka- ‘to wash’). Passivity can be marked by an additional passive suffix, e.g., yıkan-ıl- ‘to be washed’. Sometimes new meanings are created by adding the reflexive suffix, cf. çek-in- ‘to feel embarrassed, have scruples’ (← çek- ‘to draw, pull’) or düş-ün- ‘to think (about)’ (← düş- ‘to fall’). Reflexive verbs can be expanded by the causative suffixes. e) Reciprocal and cooperative verbs These verbs are formed with the suffix -(X)ş-, denoting genuine reciprocals with transitive base verbs: öp-üş- ‘to kiss each other’ (← öp- ‘to kiss’) and cooperative verbs with

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intransitive base verbs: gül-üş- ‘to laugh together’ (← gül- ‘to laugh’). This suffix can be attached to only a few base verbs. In some cases stems expanded with -(X)ş- take on a new meaning, e.g., al-ış- ‘to get used to’ (← al- ‘to take’) or gel-iş- ‘to develop (itr.)’ (← gel- ‘to come’). Some verbs denote an action which lacks direction or course: uçuş- ‘to fly about’ (← uç- ‘to fly’) or they intensify the action: kok-uş- ‘to stink’ (← kok‘to smell’). Some reciprocals are formed from base verbs with a reciprocal pronoun, e.g., birbirini gör- ‘to see each other’ (← bir ‘one’ + bir ‘one’ with accusative suffix + gör- ‘to see’). The causative suffix may be attached to -(X)ş-. f) Causative verbs Causatives are formed from transitive and intransitive base verbs with different suffixes depending on the verbal stem, cf. -Ar-: This suffix attaches only to a few base verbs, e.g., çık-ar- ‘to extract’ (← çık- ‘to go out’); -t-: The suffix attaches to polysyllabic and some monosyllabic stems ending in vowels: büyü-t- ‘to enlarge’ (← büyü- ‘to grow’). Stems ending in -l- or -r- take this suffix as well: getir-t- ‘to let bring’ (← getir- ‘to bring’); -TXr-: The most common suffix is realized with a voiceless consonant after stems ending in voiceless consonants, e.g., yap-tır- ‘to let make, let build’ (← yap- ‘to make’), and with a voiced consonant after stems ending in voiced consonants and monosyllabic stems ending in vowels, e.g., öl-dür- ‘to kill’ (← öl- ‘to die’). -TXr- attaches to most verbal stems ending in consonants and to some monosyllabic stems ending in vowels; -Xr-: Monosyllabic stems ending in consonants take on this suffix, e.g., bit-ir- ‘to bring to an end’ (← bit- ‘to come to an end’); -Xt-: Some monosyllabic stems ending in consonants (especially in -k-) are expanded by this suffix, e.g., kork-ut- ‘to frighten’ (← kork- ‘to fear’). Some exceptions are, e.g., kaldır- ‘to raise, pick up’ vs. kalk- ‘to stand up, rise’ or göster- ‘to show’ vs. gör- ‘to see’. Composite causative suffixes are not uncommon, e.g., bil-dir-t- ‘to cause to inform’ (← bil- ‘to know’).

4.3.2. Denominal verbs The word-formation meaning of some suffixes varies according to the part of speech of their respective base words (see especially -lA-), e.g., -A- forms transitive verbs, e.g., kan-a- ‘to bleed’ (← kan ‘blood’) and intransitive verbs, e.g., yaş-a- ‘to live’ (← yaş ‘age’); -(A)ş-: yan-aş- ‘to approach’ (← yan ‘side’); *-(A)t-: from a synchronic point of view we should reckon with this suffix in göz-et- ‘to look after’ (← göz ‘eye’), but in Old Turkic the verb was most likely pronounced küzäd-, and this verb is not related to köz ‘eye’; -lA-: one of the most productive suffixes, e.g., baş-la- ‘to begin’ (← baş ‘head, beginning’); -lAn-: a composite suffix (-lA- + -n-) forming intransitive or medial denominal and deadjectival verbs with the meaning ‘to acquire that which is denoted by the base’ or ‘to come in contact with that which is denoted by the base’, e.g., aydın-lan- ‘to brighten’ (← aydın ‘bright’); güneş-len- ‘to sunbathe’ (← güneş ‘sun’);

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-(X)k-: forms intransitive verbs derived from adjectives, e.g., ac-ık- ‘to be hungry’ (← aç ‘hungry’), nouns: göz-ük- ‘to seem’ (← göz ‘eye’) or numerals: bir-ik- ‘to gather’ (← bir ‘one’). C a u s a t i v e verbs can be derived by means of -lAndIr-, a composite suffix (-lAn- + causative -TXr-): at-landır- ‘to let mount (a horse)’ (← at ‘horse’); -lAştIr-, a composite suffix (-lAş- + causative -TXr-): sık-laştır- ‘to move together closely’ (← sık ‘dense, thick’); -lAt-, a composite suffix (-lA- + causative -t-), deriving causative verbs from nouns: kir-let- ‘to make dirty, rape’ (← kir ‘dirt’) and adjectives: geniş-let- ‘to expand’ (← geniş ‘wide’). I n c h o a t i v e verbs are formed with the following suffixes: -(A)l- attaches to adjectives denoting a change of quality, quantity, shape, direction, e.g., ince-l- ‘to become thin’ (← ince ‘thin’); some bases ending in -k drop this consonant, e.g., yükse-l- ‘to rise’ (← yüksek ‘high’); -(A)r- derives verbs denoting chiefly a change of color, e.g., mor-ar‘to turn violet’ (← mor ‘violet’); -lA- derives inchoative verbs from adjectives, e.g., geniş-le- ‘to widen’ (← geniş ‘wide’); -lAş-, originally a composite suffix (-lA- + -ş-), forms inchoative verbs only from adjectives: kalın-laş- ‘to become thick’ (← kalın ‘thick, dense’). R e c i p r o c a l verbs are formed with -lAş-, a composite suffix (-lA- + -ş-); when the base is a noun the verbs usually denote reciprocal voice: haber-leş- ‘to exchange news, communicate’ (← haber ‘news’). An exception is yer-leş- ‘to settle’ (← yer ‘place, abode’). M e n t a l a c t i o n verbs are derived by -sA-: when added to nouns, the verbs are transitive, e.g., önem-se- ‘to consider important’ (← önem ‘importance’), or intransitive, e.g., su-sa- ‘to become thirsty’ (← su ‘water’); when added to adjectives, the verbs are transitive: küçük-se- ‘to despise’ (← küçük ‘small’); -(X)msA- derives verbs from adjectives or pronouns: ben-imse- ‘to regard (something) one’s own’ (← ben ‘I’); see also -(X)rgAn-: acı-rgan- ‘to feel sorry for sb.’ (← acı ‘worry’). The following suffixes attach to onomatopoetics and interjections, cf. -KXr-: fış-kır‘to bubble, fizz’ (← fış fış ‘splashing noise’); -lA-: hav-la- ‘to bark’ (← hav hav ‘bowwow’), ah-la- ‘to sigh’ (← ah ‘ah!’); -TA(n)-: gümbür-de- ‘to rumble’ (← gümbür gümbür ‘rumbling’); -n has to be added when the agent is a human being.

4.4. Adverbials In Turkish, adverbials are adverbs, postpositions and adverbial noun phrases. Some adverbs are old loans, e.g., daima ‘always’, hataen ‘mistakenly’ or tamamen ‘completely’ (all from Arabic). Petrified nouns with case suffixes can be adverbs: gerçek-ten ‘really’ (ablative), söz-de ‘supposedly’ (locative). The composite converbial suffix -TXkçA can be used adverbially: git-tikçe ‘gradually’ (← git- ‘to go’). The infinitive marker (-mAk) combined with the privative suffix -sXz and the (now obsolete) instrumental suffix -In is used adverbially, e.g., dur-mak-sız-ın ‘continually’ (← dur- ‘to stand, remain’). Some postpositions are originally converbs such as gör-e ‘according to’ (← gör- ‘to see’ + -A converb) or ol-arak ‘as, being’ (← ol- ‘to be’ + -(y)ArAk converb). The postposition gibi ‘like’ goes back to the noun kip ‘pattern’ (with possessive suffix). An example derived from the noun boy ‘height, length’ with possessive suffix, pronominal -n- and

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the equative suffix -CA is boy-u-n-ca ‘lengthwise, along’. From nominal (çocuk-ça ‘childishly’ ← çocuk ‘child’) or adjectival bases (yavaş-ça ‘gently’ ← yavaş ‘gentle’) adverbs can be derived by means of the suffix -ÇA. With -rA adverbs of place, locative pronouns, interrogatives or nouns are expanded; this suffix has to be combined with -lX or case suffixes (e.g., bu-ra-da ‘here’, ne-re-de ‘where’, ne-re-li ‘whence’). Through conversion some adjectives shifted in preverbal position may function as adverbs. D e n o m i n a l adverbs are derived with the following suffixes: -CAsI, e.g., hak-çası ‘really, frankly’ (← hak ‘truth’); -In, the now obsolete instrumental, e.g., yaz-ın ‘in summer’ (← yaz ‘summer’); -lArCA, e.g., hafta-larca ‘for weeks’ (← hafta ‘week’ the plural suffix -lAr + the nearly obsolete equative suffix -CA); also with numerals, cf. bin-lerce ‘thousands of’ (← bin ‘thousand’); -lArI, a composite suffix (plural + possessive suffix) forming adverbs denoting a certain time: sabah-ları ‘in the morning’ (← sabah ‘morning’); -leyin usually derives adverbs from nouns denoting a time of the day; the suffix does not follow synharmonism: akşam-leyin ‘in the evening’ (← akşam ‘evening’); a few adverbials are derived from pronouns with an extra suffix -ci: ben-ci-leyin ‘just as me’ (← ben ‘I’); -TAn, e.g., top-tan ‘wholesale’ (← top ‘total(ity)’); from an interrogative pronoun: neden ‘why’ (← ne ‘what’). D e a d j e c t i v a l adverbs are formed with the suffixes -CA: yavaş-ça ‘gently’ (some formations are adjectives), to be further expanded by adding the intensifying suffix -CIk: usul-ca-cık ‘gently’, the base usul ‘gently’ is an adverb; -CAk: çabu-cak ‘very quickly’ (← çabuk ‘quick(ly)’), with truncation of the final -k; -CAnA: güzel-cene ‘nicely’ (← güzel ‘nice, beautiful’); -CAsInA: aptal-casına ‘stupidly’ (← aptal ‘stupid’). D e v e r b a l adverbs are, e.g., formed by -(y)AsI-yA, an expanded form of -(y)AsI, cf. öl-esi-ye ‘exceedingly’ (← öl- ‘to die’).

5. Conversion Conversion is a common feature of Turkish because the boundary between nouns and adjectives is not as clear-cut as in other languages. Infinitives and participles in -AcAk, -dXk, -mAz, -(X)r and -(y)An can be used as nouns. When inflectional suffixes are missing, context is the only means to determine whether a word is an adjective or a noun or an adverb or an adjective. Conversion of the verbal stem is quite rare, words such as güreş ‘wrestling’ or yarış ‘competition’ are not simple products of conversion (← güreş‘to wrestle’; ← yarış- ‘to compete’). They are likely to be derived by haplology (← *güreşiş; ← *yarışış) (Röhrborn 2003: 71, and already Erdal 1991: 264 for Old Turkic). But neologistic terms such as ayra ‘exception’ and the verb ayra- ‘to except’ may be examples of conversion of the verbal stem (Röhrborn 2003: 71). One may add kayşa ‘landslip, landslide’ and kayşa- ‘to slip, slide’. Some nouns which from a synchronic point of view are converted verbal stems, e.g., acı ‘pain(full)’ vs. acı- ‘to hurt’ (itr.), are due to loss of final -G (cf. Old Turkic ačıg ‘grief; bitter’) which is dropped already in Old Anatolian.

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Even declarative sentences can be converted to nouns, e.g., imambayıldı ‘a dish (of aubergines); lit. the Imam fainted’, gecekondu ‘a house erected overnight; lit. it took up residence overnight’.

6. References Aktaş, Ayfer 2008 Usuelle Wortverbindungen in der Wirtschaftssprache im Deutschen und ihre Entsprechungen im Türkischen. Frankfurt/M.: Lang. Atalay, Besim 1946 Türkçe’de Kelime Yapma Yolları. İstanbul: İbrahim Horoz Basımevi. Balcı, Ayla 2006 Unit 6: Word-formation processes. In: Zülal Balpınar (ed.), Turkish Phonology, Morphology and Syntax, 77−94. 3rd ed. Eskişehir: Anadolu Üniversitesi. Banguoğlu, Tahsin 1956 Türkçede tekerrür fiilleri. Türk Dili Araştırmaları Yıllığı Belleten: 111−123. Bassarak, Armin 1985 Zur Abgrenzung zwischen Flexion und Derivation (anhand türkischer Verbformen). In: Wolfgang Ullrich Wurzel (ed.), Studien zur Morphologie und Phonologie. Vol. 1, 1−50. Berlin: Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, Zentralinstitut für Sprachwissenschaft. Bassarak, Armin 1998 Suffixpositionen nach türkischen Verbwurzeln und Substantiven. In: Nurettin Demir and Erika Taube (eds.), Turkologie heute − Tradition und Perspektive. Materialien der dritten Deutschen Turkologen-Konferenz Leipzig, 4.−7. Oktober 1994, 7−16. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Berta, Árpád 1991 Gedanken zur Erforschung der Wortbildungselemente im Türkischen. Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45(2−3): 205−217. Cüceloğlu, Doğan 1973 Türkçe türetme ekleri üzerine bir çalışma. Hacettepe Üniversitesi Sosyal ve Beşerî Bilimler Dergisi 5(1): 47−56. Dede, Müşerref Ağan 1982 A semantic analysis of Turkish nominal compounds. İnsan Bilimler Dergisi / Journal of Human Sciences 1: 87−102. Demircan, Ömer 1977 Türkiye Türkçesinde Kök-Ek Bileşmeleri. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi. Deny, Jean 1938 Existe-t-il des préfixes en turc? Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 39: 51− 65. Dizdaroğlu, Hikmet 1962 Türkçede Sözcük Yapma Yolları. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi. Ercilasun, Ahmet Bican 1975 -maç/-meç eki üzerine. Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Dergisi 21: 83−88. Erdal, Marcel 1991 Old Turkic Word Formation. A Functional Approach to the Lexicon. 2 Vol. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Erdal, Marcel 1998 On the verbal noun -(y)Iş. In: Kâmile İmer and Leyla Subaşı Uzun (eds.), Doğan Aksan Armağanı, 53−68. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi. Erdal, Marcel 2000 Açık and kapalı: The Turkish resultative deverbal adjective. Turkic Languages 4(1): 22− 30.

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Frankle, Eleanor 1948 Word Formation in the Turkic Languages. New York: Columbia University Press. Göksu, Sadık 1966 Türkçenin Üreme Yolları ve “Dil Devrimciliğimiz”. İstanbul: Son Telegraf Matbaası. Hatiboğlu, Vecihe 1974 Türkçenin Ekleri. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi. Ido, Shinji 1999 Mimetic word formation in Turkish. Asian and African Studies 8(1): 67−73. İleri, Esin 2007 Überlegungen zur Untersuchung der Verben auf +lA-mAk. In: Hendrik Boeschoten and Heidi Stein (eds.), Einheit und Vielfalt in der türkischen Welt. Materialien der 5. Deutschen Turkologenkonferenz Universität Mainz, 4.−7. Oktober 2002, 116−130. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Johanson, Lars 1990 Studien zur türkeitürkischen Grammatik. In: György Hazai (ed.), Handbuch der türkischen Sprachwissenschaft. Part 1, 146−278. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. Johanson, Lars 1995 On Turkic converb clauses. In: Martin Haspelmath and Ekkehard König (eds.), Converbs in Cross-Linguistic Perspective, 313−347. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Kahramantürk, Kuthan 1999 Nominale Wortbildungen und Nominalisierungen im Deutschen und im Türkischen. Ein Beitrag zur deutsch-türkischen kontrastiven Linguistik. Heidelberg: Groos. Knobloch, Clemens 1987 Syntaktische und lexikalische Derivation beim türkischen Verb: Ein Beitrag zur Diskussion um den Unterschied zwischen Wortbildung und Flexion. In: Werner Abraham and Ritva Århammar (eds.), Linguistik in Deutschland. Akten des 21. Linguistischen Kolloquiums, Groningen 1986, 155−167. Tübingen: Niemeyer. König, Wolf Dietrich 1987 Nominalkomposita im Türkischen. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 6(2): 165−185. Kononov, A[ndrej] N[ikolaevič] 1969 Isimlerin ve sıfatların küçültme şekilleri ve söz yapımı. Türk Dili Araştırmaları Yıllığı Belleten 1968: 81−88. Lewis, Geoffrey 1999 The Turkish Language Reform. A Catastrophic Success. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mansuroğlu, Mecdud 1960 Türkiye Türkçesinde söz yapımı üzerinde bazı notlar. Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Dergisi 10: 5−24. Mungan, Güler 2002 Türkçede Fiillerden Türetilmiş Isimlerin Morfolojik ve Semantik Yönden İncelenmesi. İstanbul: Simurg. Özel, Sevgi 1977 Türkiye Türkçesinde Sözcük Türetme ve Bileştirme. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi. Röhrborn, Klaus 1990 Der Begriff des Nominalkompositums in der türkeitürkischen Sprachwissenschaft. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 140: 51−67. Röhrborn, Klaus 1996 Studien zum neologistischen Wortschatz des Türkischen: Bildung von Verbalabstrakta durch Konversion und subtraktive Wortbildung. In: Lars Johanson, Árpád Berta, Bernt Brendemoen and Claus Schönig (eds.), Symbolae Turcologicae. Studies in Honour of

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Lars Johanson on his Sixtieth Birthday, 8 March 1996, 175−180. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. Röhrborn, Klaus 1998 Restrukturierte Lexeme in der türkischen Sprachreform. Turkic Languages 2: 270−283. Röhrborn, Klaus 2000 Neologistische Archaismen im Türkeitürkischen. In: Çiğdem Balım-Harding and Colin Imber (eds.), The Balance of Truth. Essays in Honour of Professor Geoffrey Lewis, 301− 307. İstanbul: Isis Press. Röhrborn, Klaus 2002 Verbalpräfigierung in der neologistischen Wortbildung des Türkeitürkischen. Nairiku ajia gengo no kenkyū / Studies on the Inner Asian Languages 17: 189−202. Röhrborn, Klaus 2003 Interlinguale Angleichung der Lexik. Aspekte der Europäisierung des türkeitürkischen Wortschatzes. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Römer, Claudia 1991 „Verbalnomen“ oder „Partizip“? Bemerkungen zu einigen türkischen deverbalen Nomina. Der Islam 68(2): 304−319. Sarı, Mustafa 2008 Türkçenin Batı Dilleriyle Ilişkisi. Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu. van Schaaik, Gerjan 2000 Higher order compounds in Turkish: Some observations. In: Aslı Göksel and Celia Kerslake (eds.), Studies on Turkish and Turkic Languages, 113−120. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. van Schaaik, Gerjan 2002 The Noun in Turkish. Its Argument Structure and the Compounding Straitjacket. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Schakir, Saadet 1933 Denominale Verbbildungen in den Türksprachen. Roma: Scuola Tipografica Pio X. Scharlipp, Wolfgang-Ekkehard 1978 Untersuchungen zur Morphologie und Substitution türkeitürkischer Neologismen. Hamburg: Buske. Siemieniec-Gołaś, Ewa 1997 The Formation of Substantives in XVII th Century Ottoman-Turkish. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka Wydawnictwo Naukowe. Stachowski, Stanisław 1996 Historisches Wörterbuch der Bildungen auf -CI/-ICI im Osmanisch-Türkischen. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka Wydawnictwo Naukowe. Tosun, Cengiz 1977 A contrastive study of word-formation by affixation in Turkish and English. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of English Language and Literature Hacettepe University Ankara. Tosun, Cengiz 1978 Türkçede küçültme ve benzetme ekleri. Genel Dilbilim Dergisi 1(1): 48−54. Ülkü, Vural 1980 Affixale Wortbildung im Deutschen und im Türkischen. Ein Beitrag zur deutsch-türkischen kontrastiven Grammatik. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi. Zülfikar, Hamza 1991 Terim Sorunları ve Terim Yapma Yolları. Ankara: Atatürk Kültür, Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu.

Jens Wilkens, Göttingen (Germany)

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185. Bashkir 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication Clipping Conclusion References

Abstract Bashkir is one of the Turkic languages spoken in the Russian Federation. The typological features of an agglutinative language are also reflected in Bashkir word-formation. In this article, the most productive word-formation processes, i.e. composition, derivation, conversion, and reduplication are investigated from a structural, semantic and comparative point of view.

1. Introduction Bashkir belongs to the Kipchak group of the Turkic languages and is closest to Tatar. It is the official language of the Republic of Bashkortostan, also common in the Republic of Tatarstan, and in some other regions of Russia. The number of Bashkir native speakers in Russia is about 1,4 million people, most of them are Bashkir-Russian bilinguals. The Bashkir script was originally based on the Arabic alphabet, which was spread among the Bashkirs after the adoption of Islam in the 10th century. First details about Bashkir can be found in Mahmud al-Kashgari’s “Compendium of the Languages of the Turks” (1072−1074), cf. Auèzova (2005). The earliest written monuments date back to the 14th century. In 1930 a Latin-based alphabet had been introduced, which was in turn replaced by an adapted Cyrillic variant in 1938. Bashkir became a subject of linguistic research in the second half of the 19th century. The author of the first scholarly grammar of Bashkir (1948) was Nikolaj K. Dmitriev. Nicholas Poppe with the Bashkir Manual (1962) and other publications, Ahnaf A. Ûldašev, Zinnur G. Uraksin, and others have much contributed to the study of Bashkir. Bashkir word-formation, however, is still insufficiently investigated, the apparent lack of modern theoretical and empirical studies confirms this fact. The “Grammar of the modern Bashkir literary language” (Ûldašev 1981) and the monograph “Bashkir nominal word-formation” (Garipov 1959) can be regarded as standard reference works. As auxiliary texts we consulted works on word-formation of other Turkic languages, for example, Tatar (Ganiev 1974) and Turkish (Kononov 1956), as well as studies of Russian turcologists (Sevortân 1966; Tenišev 1988; Ŝerbak 1994). In addition, we refer to studies on

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word-formation of other languages, unrelated to Bashkir, for example, Russian (Ermakova 1984), as well as to comparative descriptions of other European languages (Revzina 1969; Gak 1985). In agreement with the author, the examples in this article are rendered using the transliteration ISO 9 1995.

2. General overview Bashkir is an agglutinating language and shows the following essential features in the field of word-formation: a) A word/stem can be followed by several affixes, cf. balyǩ ‘fish’ → balyǩ-sy ‘fisherman’ → balyǩsy-lyǩ ‘fishing, fishery’; b) An affix can have several variants which are caused by vowel harmony: the vowel of the affix is assimilated to the vowel of the stem; c) Another distinguishing characteristic is the absence of the grammatical category of gender. The value ‘female’ is expressed by adding ǩatyn ‘woman, wife’ or ǩyz̦ ‘girl’ (both in the general meaning ‘female being’) + possessive suffix -y (-y, -e, -o, -ô after consonants; -h ̣y, -h ̣e, -h ̣o, -h ̣ô after vowels), e.g., h ̣ind ǩatyny/ǩyz̦ y ‘Indian woman’, francuz ǩatyny/ǩyz̦ y ‘Frenchwoman’; d) The boundaries between the parts of speech are blurred, a fact that promotes the efficiency of conversion (cf. section 5), although this term is not generally accepted in the Turkologic literature. Depending on its position in a syntactic construction, a lexical unit can act either as a noun or as an adjective or a verb (cf. Johanson 1998: 38: “Verbal may also be nominal stems.”; see also Ülkü 1980: 191 on the nominal use of Turkic adjectives and participles without morphological marking); e) Derivation is a productive word-formation process in Bashkir, although the means of word-formation and inflection are not clearly separated from each other. For example, in connection with nouns the affix -ly can derive new words with the meaning of personal/agent nouns, e.g., at-ly ‘horseman’, qualitative adjectives, e.g., taš-ly ‘stony’, but it is also used in comitative forms with the value of possession, e.g., atly ‘with a horse, having a horse’, taš-ly ‘with stones, having stones’. Prefixation is not typical of Bashkir word-formation. Some prefixes of mainly Latin and Greek origin occur in Russian loanwords only, but they are not distinguished as prefixes in Bashkir, e.g., antifašist ‘antifascist’, telereporter ‘TV reporter’, etc. Similar prefixal formations with native Bashkir stems are sporadic, e.g., antidon”â ‘antiworld’, superjondoz̦ ‘superstar’. This fact reminds us of the following statement about Turkish: “Äußerst interessant und völlig neu ist die Voranstellung von europäischen Präfixen vor türkische Wörter (süper-, de-/des-, tele-)” [The attachment of European prefixes in front of Turkish words (süper-, de-/des-, tele-) is extremely interesting and absolutely new] (König 1992: 16). Diachronically, a case of semi-suffixation can be observed in the word-formation model N + -man/-men, denoting personal nouns. The origin of the second element has not yet been determined unequivocally: some scholars assume an (early) influence of Western European (Germanic) languages (man, Mann) (cf. also article 184 on Turkish,

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section 4.1.3), others regard -man/-men as a possible loan from Arabic or Persian. The element -man/-ma˝n occurs also in some Tatar words (Ganiev 1974: 127), in Turkish, its rate is somewhat higher (cf. Kahramantürk 1999: 63). In Bashkir, -man/-men can only be found in some primordial agent/personal nouns, as, e.g., èz̦ a˝rma˝n ‘pursuer’ (cf. the verb èz̦ a˝rla˝u ‘to persue’), ta˝ržeman ‘translator’ (cf. the corresponding stem in the verbal compound ta˝ržema˝ iteù ‘to translate’, see section 3.3), h ̣ôna˝rma˝n ‘good master’ (cf. h ̣ôna˝re ‘skill, mastery’). New Bashkir words with -man/-ma˝n are not created. Russian loanwords of the type kongressmen ‘congressman’, šoumen ‘showman, entertainer’, barmen ‘barkeeper’, ombudsmen ‘ombudsman’, etc., act in Bashkir as simplexes and cannot be decomposed as “base + -men”.

3.

Composition

3.1. Nominal compounds 3.1.1. Determinative compounds In Bashkir, it is difficult to differentiate between determinative compounds and syntactic word combinations. Therefore composition as means of word-formation in Turkic languages is not generally acknowledged (cf. Tenišev 1988: 138). In Gabain’s Alttürkische Grammatik [Old Turkish Grammar] (1950) compounds are examined in the section “Syntactic word combinations”. Diachronically, compounds have developed from various types of word combinations and are based upon various kinds of syntactic/syntagmatic relations (Garipov 1959: 154). Also from the synchronic perspective, the formation of compounds in Bashkir as well as in other Turkic languages is more likely to be a syntactic problem than an issue of word-formation. Nevertheless in linguistic turcology there are various classifications of complex nouns which put in the forefront either semantic, or morphological, or phonetic criteria. As shown in Braun (2000), the basic way of forming determinative compounds is by means of what she calls “suffixation in compounding”. The compounds in question consist of two nominal components and the possessive suffix of the 3rd person singular (-h ̣y, -h ̣e, -h ̣o, -h ̣ô after vowels, -y, -e, -o, -ô after consonants), which is mainly attached to the second component, i.e. the head of a compound. In Turkologic literature such compounds are called izafet constructions. They express a possessive connection between the determining and the determined word in a syntactic structure. The second constituent is mostly a deverbal or denominal derivative, e.g., Bashkir kitap h ̣atyu-sy-hy ‘bookseller; lit. book-sell-AGENT-POSS’. Sometimes the second constituent is a non-derived (or loan) word, e.g., radio diktor-y ‘radiospeaker; lit. radio speaker-POSS’. Besides determinative compounds there is another type of compounding in Bashkir: Verbal derivatives with the suffix -sy/-se which do not exist as autonomous words often occur as second elements, e.g., zakon syġaryu-sy ‘lawgiver; lit. law-give-AGENT’, kitap tôpla˝u-se ‘bookbinder; lit. book-bind-AGENT’. Often the first constituent of a compound occurs in an oblique case as can be seen in the corresponding case suffixes, e.g.,

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a. fortep’âna-la ujnau-sy play-AGENT piano-LOC ‘pianist’ b. uǩyu-z̦ y tamamlau-sy school-ACC leave-AGENT ‘school-leaver’

3.1.2. Copulative compounds In the formation of Bashkir copulative compounds there are special models, explicitly expressing a copulative meaning. Two models are productive: S1-ly + S2 -ly and S1 + S2. Formations with the affix -ly/-le are of particular interest. The suffix combines with both components which are connected by a hyphen, e.g., ataly-ǩyz̦ ly ‘the father with the daughter’, ǩa˝jna˝le-kilenle ‘the mother-in-law with the daughter-in-law’, but cf. also co-compounds like irle-ǩatynly ‘married couple’ (← ir ‘husband, man’, ǩatyn ‘wife, woman’). In such formations, the suffix -ly/-le has a double function: it serves as wordformation affix and as grammatical affix expressing a copulative connection (similar to the conjunction ‘and’), cf. Garipov (1959: 120). In Old Turkish the word-formation structure S1-li/-lı + S2-li/-lï was also common, it expressed ‘both ... and ...’, e.g., ädgüli ayïγlı ‘both good and bad’ (cf. Gabain 1950: 159). The productive model S1 + S2 is characteristic of a rather great number of “sociative compounds”, some of which can be regarded as co-compounds (cf. article 40). The components are either antonymous, or synonymous, or otherwise paradigmatically related, and form designations of relationship (synchronically often with an ironic nuance), e.g., tuġan-yryu ‘relatives; lit. brother-tribe’, ata-baba ‘forefathers; lit. father-grandfather’, ata-a˝sa˝ ‘parents; lit. father-mother’. These compounds are limited to kinship terms.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Coordinative adjectival compounds (in the Bashkir literature on word-formation also called “paired adjectives”), determinative adjectival compounds, and juxtapositions are formed either syntactically or morphologically and syntactically in order to express the coordinative or subordinative relations of the components. C o o r d i n a t i v e adjectival compounds can be regarded as a semantic complex of the meanings of their (simple or derived) components. These components can be either antonyms (aǩly-ǩaraly ‘black and white; lit. white-black’), or synonyms (ta˝mla˝-tatly ‘very tasty; lit. tasty-sweet’), or otherwise semantically related elements. In derived components the most common affix is -ly/-le, e.g., aǩly-kùkle ‘white-blue’, ǩarly-âmġyrly ‘snowy-rainy’. In d e t e r m i n a t i v e adjectival compounds, the head can be non-derived or derived. As modifying components one finds either simple adjectives (ǩara kùk ‘dark blue’), approximative adjectives (aǩh ̣yl ješel ‘whitish green’), or derived adjectives in -taj (taštaj ǩaty ‘firm as a stone; lit. stone-ADJ firm’). If the head is a suffixal adjective, the modifying component can be a non-derived adjective (aǩ joǩ-lo ‘in white stockings’), a derived

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adjective (asyǩ kùn̦ el-le ‘good-natured’), a noun in the nominative case (aġas h ̣ap-ly ‘with a wooden handle; lit. wood-handle-SUFF’), a simple numeral (biš jyl-lyǩ ‘five years (old), quinquennial’), or an adjectival reduplication (matur-matur kulda˝k-la˝ ‘beautifully dressed’). There are also juxtapositions of an adjective and a specifying component which can be expressed by the pronoun ùz̦ ‘one’s (own)’ (e.g., ùz̦ ally ‘independent; lit. one’s (own) front side-ADJ’), a noun in the nominative case (e.g., ès-kerle ‘rancorous, full of rancour; lit. soul-dirty’), or an adjective (aǩ-buz̦ ‘grey; lit. white-light grey’).

3.3. Verbal compounds In the “Bashkir Grammar” (Ûldašev 1981: 213), verbal compounds are termed “compounding forms of affixal character”. These verbs are the result of so-called analytical word-formation (noun + auxiliary verb iteù ‘to do’; cf. also the term light verb in other articles of this handbook), e.g., bajram iteù ‘to celebrate; lit. holiday do’, âl iteù ‘to have a rest; lit. rest do’. Other verbs, such as kil- ‘to come’, bir- ‘to give’, h ̣al- ‘to put’, etc., are used as auxiliary verbs in single cases only, e.g., joǩo kileù ‘to want to sleep; lit. (the) dream come’, komanda bireù ‘to order, command; lit. (the) order allow’, ǩarmaǩ h ̣alyu ‘to fish; lit. fishing tackle put’. There are also some verbs formed on the model “Russian infinitive + Bashkir auxiliary verb”. As auxiliary verb one usually finds iteù ‘to do’, e.g., strahovat’ iteù ‘to insure’, konfiskovat’ iteù ‘to confiscate’, mobilizovat’ iteù ‘to mobilize’, etc. In these cases the auxiliary verb serves adaptation purposes. Some polysemous verbs, as, for instance, torou, bireù, and ǩarau can also function as auxiliary verbs in verbal compounds of the type “Gerund in -(a)j or -p + auxiliary verb”. The auxiliary verb, deprived of its original lexical meaning, expresses various kinds of verbal aktionsart, such as inchoativity, iterativity, intensity, and other meanings. The auxiliary verb torou, for instance, occurs in verbal compounds which denote the continuation of an action, e.g., uǩyj torou ‘to continue to read (reading); lit. reading stand’, ašaj torou ‘to continue to eat (eating); lit. eating stand’. In verbal compounds like âh ̣ap bireù ‘to make sth. for sb.; lit. (after) having made (sth.) give (it) to sb.’, alyp bireù ‘to give (sth.) to sb.; lit. (after) having taken (sth.) give (it) to sb.’ the auxiliary verb bireù denotes that the action is done for somebody (the addressee or beneficiary). Verbal compounds consisting of the gerund of the autosemantic verb and the auxiliary verb ǩarau designate the attempt to perform an action, e.g., h ̣orašyp ǩarau ‘to try to find out; lit. asking look’, h ̣ejla˝šep karau ‘to try to talk; lit. talking look’, etc. (Ûldašev 1981: 216−223). The formation of aktionsart in Turkic languages is interpreted ambiguously: as a phenomenon of inflection (Kononov 1956; Sevortân 1966), as word-formation (Dmitriev 1948), or both (Ûldašev 1981).

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation Affixes in Turkic languages are, as a rule, highly polysemous. Moreover, most of them can be combined with stems of different parts of speech. Due to these facts they are

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usually presented in a semasiological description, not according to word-formation categories. The suffix -sy/-se (the variants -so/-sô occur extremely seldom), for instance, can be attached to verbal and nominal bases, and covers a wide range of meanings, e.g., deverbal a g e n t n o u n s (aġartyusy ‘house painter’ ← aġartyu ‘to whitewash’), denominal p e r s o n a l n o u n s , denoting persons according to their habits or occasional activities (âlġansy ‘liar’ ← âlġan ‘lie (n.)’, ta˝ma˝kese ‘smoker’ ← ta˝ma˝ke ‘tobacco’, en̦ eùse ‘winner’ ← en̦ eù ‘victory’), followers of an ideological orientation (leninsy ‘Leninist’). There is a relatively large group of personal nouns in -sy, motivated by designations of body parts (or their metonymic meanings), e.g., aâǩsy ‘carrier’ (← aâǩ ‘foot’), bašsy ‘leader’ (← baš ‘head’), ǩolaǩtaš ‘confidant’ (← ǩolaǩ ‘ear’), telse ‘linguist’ (← tel ‘tongue, language’), and others. Besides, the suffix -sy/-se can derive designations of tools, objects, etc., e.g., ǩamsy ‘small whip’ (← ǩam ‘shaman’), hôjônsô ‘a gift to somebody who brought a joyful message’ (← hôjônôs ‘joy’). The basic function of the suffix -sy/-se is the formation of denominal agent nouns. In dictionaries they are attested much more frequently than deverbal agent nouns in -sy/-se, as denominal word-formation is especially productive in Bashkir (cf. Garipov 1959; on similar cases in Turkish, cf. Tekinay 1981: 29). There are also a number of agent nouns derived from nouns denoting a material or substance. These derivatives are rather ancient and denote old professions, e.g., tašsy ‘mason’ (← taš ‘stone’), altynsy ‘jeweler’ (← altyn ‘gold’), kômôšsô ‘jeweler, seller of jewels’ (← kômôš ‘silver’), timerse ‘smith’ (← timer ‘iron’). Historically ‘handicraftsman-manufacturer’ and ‘producer-dealer’ were often combined in one person, cf. Turkish derivatives such as aynacı ‘producer and seller of mirrors’ (← ayna ‘mirror’), baltacı ‘producer and seller of axes; woodcutter’ (← balta ‘axe’) (Kononov 1956: 103). The suffix -daš/-da˝š/-taš/-ta˝š/-z̦ aš/-z̦ a˝š derives denominal personal nouns with a sociative meaning (‘with, together’). There are different semantic groups, such as neighbourship, alliance, community, contemporaneity, kinship, cf. yz̦ andaš ‘neighbour of the strip of land between two fields’ (← yz̦ an ‘strip of land between two fields’), auyldaš ‘inhabitant of the same village’ (← auyl ‘village’), kvartirz̦ a˝š ‘next-door neighbour’ (← kvartir ‘flat’); soûzdaš ‘ally’ (← soûz (a Russian loanword) ‘union’), kurstaš ‘fellow student’ (← kurs ‘course’); ja˝šta˝š ‘person of the same age’ (← ja˝š ‘age’), zamandaš ‘contemporary’ (← zaman ‘epoch’); isemda˝š ‘namesake’ (← isem ‘name’), ǩaryndaš ‘uterine children, younger sister, sister’ (← ǩaryn ‘stomach’). Cf. also deverbal ultyrz̦ aš ‘interlocutor’ (← ultyryu ‘to sit’). More than 15 % of all nouns are formed with the suffix -lyǩ/-lek/-loǩ/-lôk. The semantics of the words formed by means of this suffix is wide and diverse: a) Denominal a c t i o n n o u n s , denoting professional actions, various kinds of activities or duties, e.g., h ̣unarsylyǩ ‘hunting’ (← h ̣unarsy ‘hunter’), malsylyǩ ‘cattle breeding’ (← malsy ‘cattle-breeder’), baǩsasylyǩ ‘gardening’ (← baǩsasy ‘garden’); b) Denominal and deadjectival a b s t r a c t n o u n s , e.g., kešelek ‘humanity’ (← keše ‘human (being)’), ǩolloǩ ‘slavery’ (← ǩol ‘slave’), ǩatylyǩ ‘hardness’ (← katy ‘hard, iron’), siba˝rlek ‘beauty’ (← siba˝r ‘beautiful’); c) Denominal p l a c e n o u n s , denoting natural or cultivated areas, e.g., aġaslyǩ ‘grove’ (← aġas ‘tree’), bolonloǩ ‘meadows’ (← bolon ‘meadow’), urmanlyǩ ‘wooded, woody place’ (← urman ‘wood, forest’), besa˝nlek ‘mow’ (← besa˝n ‘hay’), or workshops, e.g., timerlek ‘smithy’ (← timer ‘iron’), utynlyǩ ‘timber merchant’s’ (← utyn ‘timber’).

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The suffix -kys/-kes with the variants -ġys/-ges, -ġos/-gôs, -kos/-kôs is specialized in the formation of i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s from transitive verbs, e.g., jyuġys ‘bast’ (← jyuyu ‘to wash’), ôz̦ gôs ‘breaker’ (← ôz̦ ôy ‘to break’), ǩyrynġys ‘razor’ (← ǩyrynyu ‘to shave’). This instrumental suffix can also express the meaning of a g e n t n o u n s , e.g., belges ‘expert’ (← beleu ‘to know’), ǩorotǩos ‘wrecker’ (← ǩorotou ‘to do harm to sb.’) (cf. Ischtuganowa 2003: 196).

4.2. Adjectival derivation More than 80 % of adjectives in modern Bashkir are derivatives. About 15 suffixes can be attached to verbal bases (e.g., -an, -ar, -ger, -ges, -ġaj, -ġyn, -dyǩ, ez̦ , -eš, -keù, -ma, -naǩ, -sek with their variants, and а few others), and about ten to nominal bases (e.g., -a, -daš, -sa, -sel, -tyǩ, -h ̣el, -šel, etc.). The overwhelming majority of affixes, including the most productive in the derivation of adjectives (-ly/-le, -h ̣ez̦ , -san, -ge, -lek, -h ̣eù, -aǩ, -ġas, -kel, -da˝m and their variants), combine with both nominal and verbal stems or with stems whose meaning and grammatical status are ambiguous. The most productive suffixes are -ly and -h ̣ez̦ . The general semantics of all adjectives in -ly is p o s s e s s i v e. The adjectives can be derived from abstract nouns in -lyǩ/-lek, e.g., izgelekle ‘benevolent’ (← izgelek ‘good’ (n.)), kešelekle ‘human’ (← kešelek ‘mankind’), tuǩlyǩly ‘nutritious’ (← tuǩlyǩ ‘nutritiousness’). Much less often -ly connects with verbs in -(y)u/-(e)ù. The respective derivatives retain a nuance of actional or modal meaning and thus show a certain similarity to participles, e.g., egeùle ‘harnessed’ (← egeù ‘to harness’), maǩtauly ‘honourable’ (← maǩtau ‘to praise’). Adjectives in -ly, derived from names of colours, belong to the most ancient adjectives in Bashkir and other Turkic languages. Their number is rather insignificant, e.g., aǩly ‘with white spots’ (← aǩ ‘white’), ǩaraly ‘with a black background, prevalence of black color’ (← ǩara ‘black’). Adjectives in -ly can also be derived from numeral bases, e.g., ikele ‘double’ (← ike ‘two’), etele ‘seventh’ (← ete ‘seven’). Finally, it is worth mentioning that adjectives in -ly show a large inventory of non-native bases, e.g., Arab (vaǩytly ‘temporary’ ← vaǩyt ‘time’, serle ‘secret’ ← ser ‘secret’ (n.), šartly ‘conditional’ ← šart ‘condition’), and − most widespread − from Russian, e.g., parly ‘paired’ (← par ‘pair’), ra˝tle ‘decent’ (← ra˝t ‘number, order’), cf. Russ. para, râd. Adjectives in -h ̣ez̦ can usually be regarded as antonyms of words derived from the same bases by means of the suffix -ly. The suffix -h ̣ez̦ expresses a p r i v a t i v e meaning (rarely: incompleteness), e.g., kerh ̣ez̦ ‘pure, faultless, innocent’ (← ker ‘dirt’), ûnh ̣ez̦ ‘confused’ (← ûn’ ‘sense’), sikh ̣ez̦ ‘boundless’ (← sik ‘border’). Adjectives with this suffix can also be derived from some verbs (ârašh ̣yz̦ ‘unsuitable’ ← ârašyu ‘to correspond’), or pronouns (h ̣ez̦ h ̣ez̦ ‘without you’ ← h ̣ez̦ ‘you (pl.)’). Adjectives with the suffix -san/-sa˝n express a d i s p o s i t i o n and are mainly derived from verbal or deverbal stems (e.g., oâlsan ‘timid’ ← oâl- ‘to be ashamed’, yšanmausan ‘mistrustful’ ← yšanmau ‘mistrust’). Some adjectives in -san are derived from nominal stems: ujsan ‘thoughtful’ (← uj ‘thought’), èšsa˝n ‘hardworking’ (← èš ‘work’).

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4.3. Verbal derivation Prefixation of Bashkir verbs is uncommon, and suffixation is not productive in verbal word-formation. Basically, one can specify two groups: a) Verbs, derived from nominal and partially from verbal bases by means of suffixes which today are neither productive nor active, e.g., -laš, -lan, -lat, -aj, -ar, -al. Many of these suffixes have merged with the verbal roots and are no longer perceived as suffixes (Ûldašev 1958: 48). b) There are verbal suffixes, which are incorporated into a verbal root, namely, the negation suffix -ma/-ma˝ and numerous suffixes of grammatical voice (-l, -š, -t, -n, etc.), cf. jyuyu ‘to wash’ − passive: jyuylyu ‘to be washed’; reflexive: jyuynyu ‘to wash oneself’; causative: jyuz̦ yrtyu and jyuz̦ yryu ‘to force to wash’; reciprocal: jyuyšyu ‘to wash each other’. As we are dealing here with the formation of grammatical forms, it seems to be justified to refer to this kind of word-formation as to “intraverbal grammatical word-formation” (Ûldašev 1958: 64). Wunderlich, in contrast, claims that these categories must be regarded as derivational if they can be followed by another derivational suffix (cf. article 83 on valency-changing word-formation). In the examples above this would be the case, e.g., in jyuynyu ‘to wash oneself’ + instrument suffix -ġys → jyuynġys ‘washbasin’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation The most productive suffix for deriving adverbs is -sa/-sa˝, which combines mostly with the plural of nouns in -ar (e.g., balalarsa ‘childly’, az̦ nalarsa ‘for weeks’, jyldarsa ‘for years’), or with the genitive of personal pronouns, e.g., min̦ еn̦ sa˝ ‘in my opinion’ (← min̦ еn̦ ‘mine’), bez̦ z̦ensa˝ ‘in our way’ (← bez̦ z̦en ‘ours’). This is a rare case of inflection inside derivation. The suffix -laj/-la˝j is one of the most specific adverbial suffixes. In Bashkir, there are about 50 adverbs in -laj/-la˝j, e.g., temporal adverbs derived from some verbal nouns in -(y)š/-(e)š (baryšlaj ‘in passing, on the way’ ← baryš ‘development, process’, ǩajtyšlaj ‘on the way back’ ← colloquial kajtyš ‘returning’), and from names of the seasons or times of the day (ǩyšlaj ‘in the winter’ ← ǩyš ‘winter’, âǩtylaj ‘before dark, twilight’ ← âǩty ‘light’). Adverbs with the suffix -lata/-la˝ta˝ are derived from concrete nouns, some cardinal numerals and few qualitative adjectives, e.g., aǩsalata ‘with money’ (← aǩsa ‘money’), sejla˝ta˝ ‘in a crude way’ (← sej ‘crude’), ikela˝ta˝ ‘doubly’ (← ike ‘two’), ôsla˝ta˝ ‘three times as much’ (← ôs ‘three’).

5. Conversion Conversion (also referred to as “zero derivation” or “zero suffixation”) is a specific phenomenon of agglutinative languages. All parts of speech can pass into each other without any formal change. Peculiar for Bashkir are not only such types of conversion

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as “V → N” (âz̦ yu ‘to write’ → âz̦ yu ‘letter’) or “Participle → N” (uǩyusy ‘reading’ → uǩyusy ‘reader’), but also “V (infinitive) → A” (ireù ‘to thaw’ → ireù (it) ‘defrosted (meat)’), or “Participle → Adv”, e.g., siratlašyp (present participle of siratlašyu ‘to alternate’) → siratlašyp ‘serially, by turns’. These are cases of the so-called contextual or occasional conversion (Kurbatov et al. 1969: 158), in contrast to the lexicalized or “pure conversion”. To the latter belong words (going back to plural forms of adjectives) which have completely passed into the category of nouns, e.g., ja˝šler ‘youth’ (cf. ja˝š ‘young’), ǩyz̦ yldar ‘Red Army men’ (cf. ǩyz̦ yl ‘red’), ja˝šelda˝r ‘members of the Green Party’ (cf. ja˝šel ‘green’). The possibility of converting some verbal forms into nouns, pronouns, adverbs, particles or interjections might lead us to question the presence of parts of speech. Nevertheless, we speak about traditional parts of speech, as we cannot deny them due to the multifunctional character of some words. This means, for example, that words which are in a relation of conversion to each other can be considered as lexical and grammatical homonyms. If we did not distinguish parts of speech it would be senseless to speak about conversion. Conversion in the Turkic languages remains a controversial issue whose description also depends on the linguistic tradition and possible influences of the description of non-Turkic languages. In fact, the term conversion is avoided or not accepted by some turkologists (see also article 188 on Gagauz and 189 on Karaim) in contrast to, e.g., Kurbatov et al. (1969) who regard conversion along with derivation and composition as the most important means of nominal word-formation in Tatar (see also article 186 on Tatar and article 190 on Chuvash). In Bashkir, adjectives, infinitives, and participles can be converted into nouns: A → N: This is the most productive type of conversion. Both simple (tinta˝k ‘silly’ → tinta˝k ‘silly person’) and derived adjectives (ujsan ‘thoughtful’ (from uj ‘thought’) → ujsan ‘thoughtful person’) can be converted to personal nouns. Participle → N: From the historical point of view, Bashkir derivatives in -sy represent converted present participles, e.g., âz̦ yusy ‘writing’ → âz̦ yusy ‘writer, sb. who writes’, kôtôùse ‘waiting for, expecting’ → kôtôùse ‘shepherd’ (Ûldašev 1981: 315−316). The majority of Bashkir participles have become nouns and are no longer perceived as participles. Also some future participles in -(y)r have passed into the class of nouns and become lexicalized, e.g., aldar ‘liar’ (← aldau ‘to lie’), ûlbaşar ‘robber’ (← ûl ‘way’ + başar ‘coming’). V (infinitive) → N: The initial form of a verb is mostly converted without any formal change into an action noun, e.g., aldau ‘to lie’ → aldau ‘lie’, ašau ‘to eat’ → ašau ‘meal’, ujnau ‘to play’ → ujnau ‘game’. In some cases the infinitive root is converted into personal nouns/agent nouns and action nouns, e.g., auyryu ‘to be ill’ → auyryu ‘sick person, patient’ and ‘illness, disease’, armaj ‘to birch’ → armaj ‘executioner’ and ‘birching, corporal punishment with a birch rod’.

6. Reduplication Reduplication belongs to the most ancient word-formation means in Bashkir (and Turkic languages in general), its perpetuation is evidence of the archaic character of the language.

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In his book Einführung in die altaische Sprachwissenschaft [Introduction to Altaic Linguistics] the turkologist Gustaf Ramstedt specified the phenomenon of reduplication as follows: “Sowohl die mongolische als die türkische Volksliteratur hat [...] einen grossen Vorrat von Synonyma, Wortdoubletten und an sich sinnlosen Reimwörtern, die alle nur für den beabsichtigten Wortklang und nur als stilistisches Mittel beliebt und gebraucht werden” [The Mongolian as well as the Turkish national literature [...] has a considerable stock of synonyms, word doublets and actually senseless rhyme words which are popular with everybody only for the deliberate word-sound and are used only as stylistic means.] (Ramstedt 1952: 253−254). The following adverbs and adjectives can be seen as f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n s : vaǩytvaǩyt ‘from time to time; lit. time-time, ǩat-ǩat ‘repeatedly; lit. times-times’ (ǩat is a multiplication adverb), byš-byš (onomatopoeic) ‘in a whisper’, ašyġys-ašyġys ‘very urgent; lit. urgent-urgent’, tôrlô-tôrlô ‘very different; lit. different-different’, ùtker-ùtker ‘very sharp; lit. sharp-sharp’. I n c o m p l e t e r e d u p l i c a t i o n is observed, if a) the second component represents only a slightly phonetically changed variant of the first component, e.g., malaj-šalaj (ironically) ‘boys’ (← malaj ‘boy’), timer-tomor ‘iron objects’ (← timer ‘iron’), ybyrsybyr (balalar) ‘small (children)’; b) the second component differs phonetically from the first one, e.g., eget-ela˝n ‘guys, young men’ (← eget ‘young man’), etem-eşer ‘orphans’ (← etem ‘orphan’), kurše-kula˝n ‘neighbours’ (← kurše ‘neighbour’). The second component of such formations cannot be used independently. Some authors (cf. Ûldašev 1981) also regard formations like na˝şel-na˝sa˝p ‘relatives; lit. tribe-tribe’, ǩatyn-ǩyz ‘women; lit. woman-girl’ as reduplications. We have treated similar designations, which are based on synonymous or other paradigmatic relations between their constituents as copulative compounds (cf. section 3.1.2); see also article 40 on co-compounds.

7. Clipping In Bashkir, the most common types of clipping are the following: a) The clipped word consists of the initial letters of each word of a multi-word expression, e.g., BDPI ‘Baškir State Pedagogical Institute’ (← Bašǩort da˝ua˝lt pedagogiâ instituty), BDU ‘Bashkir State University’ (← Baškort da˝ua˝lt universitete); b) The clipped unit consists of the initial parts (syllables) of the elements of a multiword expression (the following examples are calques of the corresponding Russian designations), e.g., zavkom ‘factory committee’ (← zavod komitete), rajkom ‘district committee’ (← rajon komitete); c) A part of the first word of a multi-word expression is clipped and joins with the second word, e.g., dramtun̦ a˝ra˝k ‘theatrical circle’ (← dramatik tun̦ a˝ra˝k), cf. Russ. dramkružok ‘id.’; d) The word consists of the initial part of the first and the base of the second word of a multi-word expression, e.g., partojošma ‘(Communist) Party organization’ (← partija ojošmah ̣y), cf. Russ. partorganizaciâ ‘id.’.

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8. Conclusion We have presented the basic word-formation processes in modern Bashkir. Various examples show that the word-formation categories of Bashkir do not differ considerably from those of, e.g., German or English. However, they display some specific features connected with their language typology. In nominal word-formation we distinguish composition (determinative and copulative compounds), derivation (suffixation), reduplication, and clipping. Moreover, conversion of adjectives, adverbs, pronouns, verbs (infinitives) and verbal forms is highly developed in Bashkir word-formation. The formation of determinative compounds has a close connection to syntax, and in some cases it is difficult to differentiate between compound words and syntactic constructions. In the field of derivation, denominal suffixation is very productive. Special attention has to be paid to the great number of reduplications which reflect the archaic character of Bashkir. In certain cases, however, the borderline between reduplication and copulative composition is blurred so that some turkologists regard reduplication as part of composition. Suffixal derivation, composition and reduplication equally participate in the formation of nouns, adjectives, and adverbs. In verbal word-formation analytical composition is productive, while prefixation is absent; suffixation is poorly developed and has mainly a grammatical function (e.g., in grammatical voice formations).

9. References Auèzova, Zifa-Alua M. (ed.) 2005 Mahmud al-Kašgari, Diwan lugat at-Turk. Perevod, predislovie i kommentarii Z.-A. M. Auèzovoj; indeksy sostavil R[obert] Ermers. Almaty: Dajk-Press. Braun, Friederike 2000 Gender in the Turkish language system. Turkic Languages 4(1): 3−21. Gabain, Annemarie von 1950 Alttürkische Grammatik (mit Bibliographie, Lesestücken und Wörterverzeichnis, auch Neutürkisch). 2nd ed. Leipzig: Harrassowitz. Gak, Vladimir G. 1985 Sravniteľnaâ tipologiâ francuzskogo i russkogo âzykov. Moskva: Prosveŝenie. Ganiev, Fuat A. 1974 Suffiksaľnoe slovoobrazovanie v sovremennom tatarskom literaturnom âzyke. Kazan’: Tatarskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Garipov, Talmas M. 1959 Baškirskoe imennoe slovoobrazovanie. Ufa: Akademiâ nauk SSSR, Baškirskij filial. Dmitriev, Nikolaj K. 1948 Grammatika baškirsogo âzyka. Moskva/Leningrad: Izdateľstvo Akademii nauk SSSR. Ermakova, Oľga P. 1984 Leksičeskoe značenie proizvodnyh slov v russkom âzyke. Moskva: Nauka. Ischtuganowa, Gulnara 2003 Die semantische Wortbildungskategorie Nomen Agentis in der deutschen und baschkirischen Sprache. Stuttgart: ibidem. Johanson, Lars and Éva Ágnes Csató (eds.) 1998 The Turkic Languages. London/New York: Routledge.

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Kahramantürk, Kuthan 1999 Nominale Wortbildungen und Nominalisierungen im Deutschen und im Türkischen. Ein Beitrag zur deutsch-türkischen kontrastiven Linguistik. Heidelberg: Groos. König, Wolf 1992 Entwicklungen im Türkischen seit 1980. Arbeiten zur Mehrsprachigkeit 47: 1−25. Kononov, Andrej N. 1956 Grammatika sovremennyh tûrkskih âzykov. Moskva/Leningrad: Izdateľstvo Akademii nauk SSSR. Kurbatov, Hèlef R., Lejla T. Mahmutova, Lidiâ P. Smolâkova and Èdhâm R. Tenišev 1969 Sovremennyj tatarskij literaturnyj âzyk. Мoskva: Nauka. Poppe, Nicholas 1962 Bashkir Manual. Descriptive grammar and texts with a Bashkir-English glossary. Bloomington: Indiana University; The Hague: Mouton. Ramstedt, G[ustaf] 1952 Einführung in die altaische Sprachwissenschaft. Vol. 2: Formenlehre. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. Revzina, Oľga G. 1969 Struktura slovoobrazovateľnyh polej v slavânskih âzykah. Мoskva: Izdateľstvo MGU. Sevortân, Èrvand V. 1966 Affiksy imennogo slovoobrazovaniâ v azerbajdžanskom âzyke. Opyt sravniteľnogo issledovaniâ. Мoskva: Nauka. Ŝerbak, Aleksandr M. 1994 Vvedenie v sravniteľnoe izučenie tûrkskih âzykov. Sankt-Peterburg: Nauka. Tekinay, Alev 1981 Personenbezeichnende Suffixe in der deutschen und türkischen Wortbildung: Eine kontrastive Analyse. Zielsprache Deutsch 3: 29−34. Tenišev, Èdhâm R. 1988 Sravniteľno-istoričeskaâ grammatika tûrkskih âzykov. Morfologiâ. Мoskva: Nauka. Ûldašev, Ahnaf A. 1958 Sistema slovoobrazovaniâ i sprâženiâ glagolov v baškirskom âzyke. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Akademii nauk. Ûldašev, Ahnaf A. 1981 Grammatika sovremennogo baškirskogo literaturnogo âzyka. Мoskva: Nauka. Ülkü, Vural 1980 Affixale Wortbildung im Deutschen und im Türkischen. Ein Beitrag zur deutsch-türkischen kontrastiven Grammatik. Ankara: Ankara University Basimevi.

Gulnara Iskandarova, Ufa (Russian Federation)

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186. Tatar 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication Blending References

Abstract The article provides an overview of Tatar word-formation focusing on the actively used, productive elements. Tatar exhibits typical Turkic strategies in the domain of wordformation such as composition and a large number of derivational suffixes. Both formal and functional characteristics of these devices will be discussed.

1. Introduction Tatar is a Turkic language belonging to the north-western or Kipchak branch, among others, along with Bashkir, Crimean Tatar, Kirghiz and Kazakh. Tatars live in the Republic of Tatarstan, a federal subject of Russia. According to the latest Russian population census in 2010 there are around 2 million ethnic Tatars in the republic. The total number of Tatars is estimated to be 5.3 million, including 1 million in Bashkiria and significant minorities in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The term Tatar is problematic because several other Turkic groups use this name still today. In scholarly publications up to the early 20th century, the word Tatar was used as a cover term for the eastern Turkic peoples, often understood as any kind of Turkic except the Ottomans. Moreover, peoples of the Turkic speaking world were often referred to as Turko-Tatars without any differentiation. Because of this uncertainty, Tatar proper is often called Volga Tatar or Kazan Tatar referring either to the largest river or to the capital of Tatarstan, respectively. Along with Russian, Tatar is the official language of Tatarstan. The official script, used since 1939, is based on the Cyrillic alphabet with six additional letters. The phonology of the literary language is based on the Kazan (central) dialect, whereas its morphology is of the Mishar (western) dialect. Research on word-formation in Tatar has taken shape in three domains in particular: 1. Tatar as a standard language, i.e. academic grammars of Tatar always include a synchronic description of word-formation; 2. Tatar as a subject of linguistic investigation, i.e. different parts and aspects of Tatar word-formation have been discussed in linguistic studies; 3. Tatar as a means for diachronic, historical-comparative Turcology, i.e. the

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word-formation devices of Tatar can help in understanding and reconstructing older stages of word-formation in Turkic. The research methods employed in the study of word-formation in Tatar were and still are structuralist in nature, predominantly based on the item-and-arrangement model, according to which a word form consists of a root morpheme and one or more bound morphemes. This sort of model is indeed ideal for agglutinating languages like Turkic, but its disadvantages are immediately visible if used in broader typological, cross-linguistic comparisons. Modern linguistic research has in fact pointed out that word-formation processes operate on words, but these results have not yet been systematically applied to Tatar, nor in cross-linguistic Turkic studies. Under the influence of the structuralist model, research on Tatar word-formation has focused mainly on the formal side. The derivational devices have been described and classified on the basis of their formal characteristics with little attention to their functional side. In otherwise detailed analyses of Tatar word-formation, the derivational suffixes have often been listed one after the other without any attempt at classification. Academic grammars usually define only broad functional categories such as denominal nouns, deverbal nouns, denominal adjectives, deverbal adjectives, denominal verbs and deverbal verbs. In order to develop a consistent and systematic framework for the functional aspects, Erdal (1991) on Old Turkic and Károly (2013) on Yakut word-formation might be used as a basis for future research on Tatar word-formation. Also due to the structuralist model, many aspects of Tatar word-formation are partly or completely unexplored. For example, with respect to the productivity of the derivational devices, research usually operates only with the broad categories productive, less productive and unproductive. Another problem is that the analyses are often based on a limited number of ad hoc examples, or only on the introspection of the researcher. The lack of systematic, corpora-based research on Tatar word-formation limits our knowledge significantly: many actual questions of general morphology (regularity, predictability, frequency or transparency of derivation, the role of analogy, competing suffixes or blocking, etc.) cannot be discussed for the time being. This is an otherwise typical situation shared by the other Turkic languages as well. These shortcomings make it difficult to integrate the research results of Tatar studies on word-formation into the actual discourse of general linguistics. An old, recurring debate found in the research is related to the word classes in Turkic. Namely, the existence of a prototypical word class “adjective” has been questioned by many Turcologists because they failed to recognize any difference between nouns and adjectives, see, for example, Grönbech (1936: 2, 24). A commonly accepted view among many Turcologists is that there is a word class of nominals which represents “a continuum from prototypical noun to prototypical adjective” (Braun and Haig 2000: 91). Contrary to this view, other Turcologists have found evidence for a distinct major class of adjectives in Turkic, which, for instance, in Tatar studies, is an example for the explicit influence of Russian linguistic traditions. Despite the scepticism expressed by prominent scholars, there does exist a prototypical major class of adjectives in Turkic which is clearly distinct from the major class of nouns. There are grammatical criteria in the domain of syntax (see Baker 2004) which make it possible to distinguish unequivocally between nouns and adjectives. Such a distinction, however, cannot be made on the level of morphology. A related phenomenon of Turkic is that adjectives can function as nouns, which is in fact the result of a deadjecti-

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val nominal conversion, but hardly recognized as such in the Turcological literature. On the other hand, nouns cannot normally become adjectives in Turkic, see Johanson (2006) and Károly (2013: 113−115) for further details. Although no complete reference work on word-formation in Tatar is available, the academic grammars and monographs provide an almost complete catalogue of possibilities regarding compounding and derivation. One of the earliest works on Kazan Tatar including a description of morphology is [Szentkatolnai] Bálint (1877). This work however represents the Kazan dialect of Tatar prior to the modern literary language established in the early 20th century. During the Soviet era several grammars or grammatical descriptions were written by academicians, both in Russian and Tatar. Those including word-formation are: Kurbangaliev and Gazizov (1931), Xangiľdin (1954), Gazizov (1959), Xangildin (1959), Wäliullina, Kurbatov and Jˇäläy (1965), Kurbatov et al. (1969), Zakiev, Ganiev and Zinnatullina (1995). The concise grammar of Golovkina (1966), as an appendix to the Tatar-Russian dictionary, also includes word-formation. Besides the standard grammars, monographs and articles devoted to specific questions of word-formation are limited in number. Significant works are Ganiev (1974) on verb-formation by bound morphemes and Ganiev (1982), a detailed analysis of compounding. Gatiatullina (1984) compares word-formation in English and Tatar from a typological point of view. Salexova (1986) adds valuable data on morphophonological variations in reduplication. Ganiev (2002) is a collection of articles mostly devoted to word-formation in Tatar. Besides the standard works available on word-formation in Tatar, there are recently published dissertations such as those by Tagirova (2004), Sajdaševa (2006), Fatxutdinova (2006) and Gajnutdinova (2011). They demonstrate that a new generation of Tatar linguists is working on word-formation in Tatar from various aspects. A common problem of the above-mentioned publications is that they often analyze both old and recent derivatives only synchronically, which can lead to incorrect interpretations. For instance, the Tatar word yarlïka- ‘to pardon, have mercy on’ cannot be discussed together with aša- ‘to eat’ (← aš ‘soup, food’) as a denominal verb in +A-. Tatar yarlïk ‘written decree’ is in fact an old derivative going back to *yarlïkka- < *yarlïgka- with regular degemination of the segment /kk/, cf. Old Turkic yarlïg ‘(royal) command, decree’ and +(X)(r)kA-. Another typical shortcoming of the analyses is that verbal nouns in -U are described as verbs. As a consequence, words such as kaygïru-lï ‘mournful, sorrowful’ and tüläü-sez ‘free, gratis’ have been incorrectly described as deverbal derivatives in *-lE and *-sEz, respectively. Moreover, the misinterpretation of words in -U has led to the false conclusion that there is a typical deverbal nominal conversion in Tatar. Although most of the scientifically relevant publications are in Russian and Tatar, the readers can find valuable works either in German or in English. The descriptions of Burghardt (1948), Thomsen (1959), Poppe (1963) and Berta (1998) include word-formation, though not in detail. Certain aspects of Tatar word-formation can be found in general Turcological works as well. The historical-comparative morphology of the Turkic languages edited by Tenišev (1988) systematically adds data from Tatar. Berta’s (1996) monograph on Middle Kipchak deverbal derivation mentions all the relevant suffixes from modern Tatar. The historical Chuvash morphology by Levitskaja (1976) is a useful work for word-formation

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in Tatar. The reverse list of Tatar suffixes and suffix combinations by Kecskeméti (1972) provides a good basis for further research. The following description of Tatar word-formation will focus primarily on the productively used and still transparent devices. Old and no longer productive elements will be mentioned only occasionally. In case of special interest the reader can consult the academic publications given in the references. The decision whether a suffix is productive or not is not always clear. For instance, the causative -DEr- is marked as unproductive in some descriptions, in others it appears as an actively used one. Examples will be provided with their full context as well as with linguistic annotation only when of relevance. Tatar data will be given according to a broad transcription, i.e. in near transliteration, that follows the standard Turcological notation system, cf. Deny et al. (1959: xiv− xv) and Johanson and Csató (1998: xviii−xix). Capital letters will indicate the morphophonemes (they are often incorrectly referred to as arch(i)phonemes in the Turcological literature) appearing in harmonic suffixes: K = /k/, /q/, /g/, /γ/; D = /t/, /d/; A = /a/, /ä/; E = /ï/, /e/; and U = /u/, /ü/ which can be realized in the spoken language as /w/, /uw/, /üw/, /ïw/, /ew/, etc. Note that the orthography of modern Tatar does not differentiate between /g/ : /γ/ and /k/ : /q/. A special orthographical indication is that words ending in soft sign (ь) always take suffixes with front vowels, see сəгатьлек /sägatlek/ ‘sufficient for an hour’ (← сəгать /sägat/ ‘hour’). In addition, the soft sign can indicate that the vowel of the preceding syllable is palatal, see яшьле /yäšle/ ‘rheumy, tear-stained’ (← яшь /yäš/ ‘tear’) and җинаятьчел /ǰinayätčel/ ‘criminal’ (← җинаять /ǰinayät/ ‘crime’). Suffix-initial vowels or consonants between parentheses indicate that they are dropped if added to stems ending in vowels or consonants, respectively. A plus or a minus sign to the left of a bound morpheme indicates a denominal or deverbal suffix, respectively. Polyfunctional suffixes can appear under different categories according to their functional properties.

2. General overview Similar to the other Turkic languages, Tatar is an agglutinating language with rich synthetic morphology both in category-defining and category-changing domains. Bound morphemes are typically suffixes in Tatar. Prefixes are extremely rare: they are copied from foreign languages and not used actively, but exist in lexicalized forms, see the Persian privative bī in Tatar bikar ‘useless’ and the Arabic prefix bi in bilaxïr ‘finally, in the end’. Infixes, discontinuous affixes like circumfixes, and apophony (also known as ablaut or vowel mutation) are unknown to Tatar. As in other Turkic languages, bound morphemes can be combined under certain circumstances. For instance, the denominal suffix +lAn- forming reflexive or passive verbs is a composite of +lA- and -(E)n-. Even extremely long chains of suffixes can also be found in Tatar, cf. the word kurk-ïn-ïč-sïz-la-n-dïr-ïl-u ‘being secured; lit. fear-REFL-DEVN-PRIV-DENV-REFL-CAUSPASS-DEVN’ with eight primary suffixes added to the verbal stem kurk- ‘to fear, be afraid of’ (DEVN = deverbal noun; DENV = denominal verb). Although some possible combinations are well known and mentioned already in the literature, e.g., +sEzlEk, +čElEk, +lAn- and +lAštEr-, very limited research data are available on the possible chains of

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bound morphemes in Tatar. It is known already that the order of bound morphemes is strongly determined by semantic constraints. Due to vowel harmony and contact assimilation, bound morphemes in Tatar have predictable morphophonemic variants. Concerning the vocalic harmony of bound morphemes, there is a twofold, i.e. front vs. back, harmony in standard Tatar and three types of suffixes can be differentiated: the E-type, the A-type and the U-type. This latter type is not frequent, but see the productive action nominalizer in -U. Although suffixes do not harmonize with respect to roundedness in standard Tatar, there is a tendency of rounding in the spoken language. As a result of assimilation processes, initial consonants of bound morphemes may change as well. Besides morphophonological changes in bound morphemes, the final segment of stems can sometimes undergo a change, e.g., čïgïš ‘appearance, coming out’ (← čïk- ‘to come out’) and kübäy- ‘to become numerous’ (← küp ‘many, much’). These are typical lenition processes common to Tatar and many other Turkic languages. In Tatar the possible syllable structures of bound morphemes are as follows: V (deverbal nominalizer -U), C (deverbal verbalizer -t-), VC (denominal verbalizer +(A)r-), CV (denominal verbalizer +lA-), VCV (deverbal nominalizer -UčE), CVC (deverbal adjectivizer -KEn), VCCV (deverbal adjectivizer -(E)nkE), CVCV (deverbal verbalizer -KAlA-), CVCC (deadjectival adjectivizer +KElt), CCVC (deverbal verbalizer -štEr-), VCCVC (deadjectival adjectivizer +(E)lǰEm) and VCCVCV (deverbal verbalizer -(E)msErA-). Although deverbal derivation is a discrete category in Tatar, there is no clear distinction between denominal and deadjectival morphology. The term denominal usually covers both categories in the Turcological literature. Accordingly, many suffixes can be added both to nouns and to adjectives such as +lA- in akla- ‘to whiten’ (← ak ‘white’) and ešlä- ‘to work’ (← eš ‘work’). Additionally, many suffixes can form both nouns and adjectives. Participles are frequently used in Tatar in the coinage of new lexical items. Through lexicalization, participles can turn into adjectives or nouns referring either to the subject, or to the object of the action, e.g., atalgan ‘named, intended, planned’ (← atal- ‘to be named’). Besides derivation by bound morphemes, compounding is a commonly used technique in the formation of new words in Tatar. Words of all major classes, i.e. verbs, nouns, adjectives as well as adverbs can be formed by means of compounding. Backformation as a subtractive word-formation process might exist in Tatar, although it is not frequent, but there are no research results available in this regard. Special cultural, social or political settings could trigger the creation of new words significantly: during the Soviet times, the Tatar intelligentsia created an enormous number of words in order to mimic the Soviet style and be able to translate Russian texts adequately. For instance, Russian abstract nouns ending in -nost’ were often borrowed into Tatar by replacing the given element with the genuine Tatar suffix +lEk, cf. Tatar absolyutlïk ‘absoluteness’ created from Russian absoljutnost’. Besides creating new words, the simple borrowing of technical terms is a common phenomenon, cf. Tatar tiski ‘vise’ from Russian tiski ‘id.’. Old words of Persian and Arabic origin were revitalized and reused in modern context, e.g., Tatar säyasät ‘politics’ and nazariya ‘theory’. Recent creations often come from English via Russian mediation or nowadays directly, e.g., Tatar meneǰment ‘management’ and web-sayt ‘website’. New compounds creatively mix

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foreign and Tatar elements, for instance, deficitsïz xuǰalïk ‘deficit-free economy’ based on Russian bezdeficitnoe xozjajstvo, and server-programmasï ‘server software; lit. server software-POSS.3SG’ with partly English vocabulary.

3. Composition Nominal compounds, commonly used in Tatar, are formed either by juxtaposition of the constituents, or by adding the possessive suffix in third person singular, i.e. +(s)E, to the head of the construction, hence the term possessive compound in the Turcological literature. Compounds of juxtaposed words cover a broad functional spectrum: they can be subordinative, attributive or coordinative, exocentric or endocentric, whereas possessive compounds are dominantly of the type endocentric subordinative, e.g., küz kabagï ‘eyelid; lit. cover, lid of the eye’. Endocentric attributive constructions are typically juxtaposition of adjectives and head nouns, e.g., küktaš ‘blue vitriol; lit. bluestone’, but compounds of two nouns are also common, e.g., tašpulat ‘stone building, mansion’. Exocentric compounds frequently show metaphorical characterization of the entity described by the construction, see the subordinate type ayu tabanï ‘buttercup; lit. sole of a bear’ and the attributive type timerayak ‘skates; lit. ironleg’. Coordinatives based on two juxtaposed nouns are either endocentric, e.g., xatïn patša ‘queen; lit. woman king’, ešče xatïn-kïz ‘workwoman, female worker; lit. worker woman-girl’, or exocentric, e.g., il-su ‘homeland; lit. land-water’. Coordinatives can be formed by adding the suffix +lE to both constituents, see analï-balalï ‘mother and child’, cf. ana ‘mother’ and bala ‘child’. Nominal compounds can be headed by deverbal nouns, see radiotapšïru ‘radio broadcast(ing); lit. radiodelivering’ or urïnbasar ‘vice, deputy; lit. placepresser’. Adjectival compounds can be based on two juxtaposed adjectives, see the internally endocentric attributive ozïnayaklï ‘leggy; lit. longlegged’, whereas the nominal compound ozïnayak ‘crane fly; lit. longleg’ is exocentric. Coordinative constructions are also common, e.g., ak-kara ‘black and white; lit. white-black’, kïzïl-kara ‘red and black’ (e.g., spots) or mädäni-tärbiyäwi ‘cultural-educational’. Coordinative nominal compounds can be supplemented by adding the suffix +lE to both constituents, see atalï-analï ‘having parents’ from ata-ana ‘parents; lit. father-mother’. Such coordinative adjectival compounds are common to Tatar, see erele-waklï ‘big and small’. The privative suffix +sEz can be used similarly, see yortsïz-ǰirsez ‘homeless; lit. without house-without land’, or they can be combined, see yünle-yünsez ‘stupid, unintelligent; lit. having sense-without sense’ (← yün ‘sense’). Verbal compounds of nouns and light verbs are frequently used in the formation of new verbs. The light verbs productively used in Tatar are as follows: it- ‘to do’, kïl- ‘to do’, yasa- ‘to do’, bir- ‘to give’, al- ‘to take’, kil- ‘to go’ and bul- ‘to be’. The first five are used to form transitive verbs, whereas the latter two form intransitive ones, e.g., xäbär it-, xäbär bir- ‘to inform’ (← xäbär ‘information, news’) and riza bul- ‘to be pleased, happy with, agree to, be in accord’ (← riza ‘pleased, agreed’). The light verbs can govern cases, e.g., barlïkka kil- ‘to turn into, come into existence; lit. existence-DAT come’. Infinitives of Russian verbs can be used similarly with the light verb it-, e.g., tancevať it- ‘to dance’ (< Russian tancevať ). Two verbs joined by means of the converb suffix -(E)p can result in new meanings, e.g., yan- ‘to burn’ and köy- ‘to be

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burnt’ in minem öčen yanïp-köygän ‘he/she has felt sorrow for me; lit. I-GEN for.POSTP burn-CONV be.burnt-PST.3SG’. Coordinative compounds can yield adverbs, e.g., kön-tön ‘always; lit. day-night’ (the coordinative compounds discussed in this section fit the definition of “co-compound” in article 40).

4.

Derivation

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns P e r s o n a l n o u n s are commonly formed by means of the suffix +čE, often referred to as nomen actoris in the Turcological literature, see balïkčï ‘fisherman’ (← balïk ‘fish’) and timerče ‘blacksmith’ (← timer ‘iron’). The suffix +dAš derives personal nouns denoting ‘follower, sympathizer or companion of X’, e.g., fikerdäš ‘confederate, sympathizer’ (← fiker ‘idea’) and yuldaš ‘travelling companion’ (← yul ‘road, way’). (It can also be extended with the suffix +lEk to form abstract nouns, e.g., fikerdäšlek ‘agreement, unanimity’ ← fikerdäš ‘unanimous’). There are no suffixes in Tatar which primarily derive status or place nouns. The polyfunctional suffix +lEk can however form both categories, see the place noun tašlïk ‘rocky area’ (← taš ‘stone’) and the status noun professorlïk ‘professorship’ (← professor ‘professor’). Additionally, +lEk can form i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s , e.g., küzlek ‘spectacles’ (← küz ‘eye’), and a b s t r a c t n o u n s , e.g., batïrlïk ‘heroism’ (← batïr ‘hero’). The polyfunctionality of +lEk is evidently secondary, all the various functions go back to a core function, i.e. derivatives in +lEk denote ‘sth. for the purpose of X described by the base noun’. The suffixes +čE and +lEk are often combined, see ilčelek ‘embassy’ (← ilče ‘ambassador’ ← il ‘land’) and kawïnčïlïk ‘cultivation of melon’ (← kawïnčï ‘expert of cultivating melon, melon seller’ ← kawïn ‘melon’). It is a real composite suffix and not only an addition of +lEk to derivatives in +čE, cf. urïnčïlïk ‘local patriotism, regionalism’ (← urïn ‘place’ without intermediate *urïnčï). There are suffixes such as +čEn and +sA mentioned in the literature as forming instrument nouns, e.g., kolakčïn ‘ear covers’ (← kolak ‘ear’), ǰiŋsä ‘sleeve cover’ (← ǰiŋ ‘sleeve’) and kolaksa ‘earrings’ (← kolak ‘ear’). They are, however, not productive and the number of derivatives is very limited, therefore the exact function of these formatives is uncertain. In the domain of evaluative morphology, only the category diminutive is common in Tatar. Diminutives can secondarily be used appreciatively. There are neither augmentative, nor depreciative suffixes in Tatar. The commonly used diminutive suffixes are +čEk, +čAk, +čA and +KAy, e.g., koščïk ‘little bird’ (← koš ‘bird’), kïzčïk ‘little girl’ (← kïz ‘girl’), uyïnčak ‘toy’ (← uyïn ‘play, game’), sïzïkča ‘short line, dash’ (← sïzïk ‘line, stripe’), balakay ‘little baby’ (← bala ‘baby’), atakay ‘daddy’ (← ata ‘father’), respectively. The diminutive suffix +As has low productivity, e.g., ǰiläs ‘breeze’ (← ǰil ‘wind’). Diminutives often appear together with the personal suffix first person singular, e.g.,

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balakayïm ‘my little child; lit. child-DIM-1SG’. In some academic grammars, the composite suffixes +KEnAm and +KEnAyEm are discussed as individual diminutives, e.g., gaziz baškïnayïm ‘my dear fellow; lit. dear head-DIM-1SG’. As in other Turkic languages, there is no grammatical gender in Tatar. There are however noun classification strategies with sex-based g e n d e r m a r k i n g distinguishing male and female, copied from other languages. Proper names and some common words of Arabic origin have masculine and feminine forms, see Xänif m. and Xänifä f., Gali m. and Galiya f., or mögallim ‘teacher’ and mögallimä ‘schoolmistress’. Most proper names in Tatar are customarily Russianized by the suffixes +ov and +ova, +ev and +eva, or +in and +ina, thus they can indicate sex, see Galiev m., Islamova f., Miŋnullina f.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffix +lEk, already discussed above, can form q u a l i t y n o u n s from adjectives, see aklïk ‘whiteness’ (← ak ‘white’), maturlïk ‘beauty’ (← matur ‘beautiful’) and ešsezlek ‘joblessness’ (← ešsez ‘jobless’).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns A c t i o n n o u n s , often referred to as nomen actionis in the Turcological literature, are most commonly formed by the suffix -U which is otherwise the standard dictionary form of verbs, e.g., alu ‘taking’ (← al- ‘to take’), polimerlašu reakciyäse ‘polymerization reaction; lit. polymerization reaction-POSS.3SG’ (← polimerlaš- ‘to polymerize’) and karau in kitkän wakïtlarnï karau öčen ‘in order to see the time that has passed; lit. go.awayPTCP time-PL-ACC seeing for.POSTP’ (← kara- ‘to see’). Another suffix forming action nouns is -(E)č, cf. söyeneč ‘joy’ (← söyen- ‘to rejoice, feel joyful’) and üteneč ‘application, petition’ (← üten- ‘to ask for, beg, request’). The composite suffix -UčE (-U and +čE) is a frequently used a g e n t i v e suffix (on the other hand it forms imperfect participles), e.g., biyüče ‘dancer, one who dances’ (← biy- ‘to dance’), karaučï ‘viewer, observer, one who sees’ (← kara- ‘to see’) and ǰïyučï in ǰïyučïlar uylanmïy ‘gatherers do not bethink; lit. gatherer-PL bethink-N-PRS.3SG’ (← ǰïy- ‘to gather’). It is frequently mentioned in the literature that i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s in Tatar are derived by means of the suffixes -KEč and -KE, see ačkïč ‘key’ (← ač- ‘to open’), kïskïč ‘pliers’ (← kïs- ‘to press’); oyïtkï ‘leaven, yeast’ (← oyït- ‘to ferment’), kiyerge ‘embroidery frame’ (← kiyer- ‘to stretch’) and čalgï ‘scythe’ (← čal- ‘to slaughter’), respectively. A thorough analysis however makes it evident that the number of derivatives in -KEč and -KE is very limited and most of them are old, lexicalized forms. There are in fact no productive suffixes in Tatar which are specialized in the formation of instrument nouns. There are relatively few p a t i e n t and r e s u l t n o u n s in Tatar. However, the suffixes -(E)mtA and -KA can occasionally form both, see kušïmta ‘mixture, attachment’

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(← kuš- ‘to add’), sözemtä ‘extract, conclusion’ (← söz- ‘to filter’); totka ‘grip, handle’ (← tot- ‘to hold, seize’), kiskä ‘stump, log’ (← kis- ‘to cut’), respectively. Many of the deverbal nominal suffixes are polyfunctional and can be put into two major classes: 1. suffixes designating agent nouns from intransitive verbs and patient nouns from transitive ones, and 2. suffixes designating agent, patient and action nouns. The most commonly used suffixes of the first class are -KEn, -(E)m, -mA, -(E)ntA and -(E)k, e.g., kačkïn ‘refugee (agent)’ (← kač- ‘to escape, flee (itr.)’) and totkïn ‘prisoner, captive (patient)’ (← tot- ‘to hold, seize (tr.)’); agïm ‘current (agent)’ (← ak- ‘to flow (itr.)’), söyläm ‘statement, dictum (result)’ (← söylä- ‘to speech, talk (tr.)’); oyïšma ‘organization (agent)’ (← oyïš- ‘to be organized (itr.)’), tukïma ‘textile (result)’ (← tukï‘to weave (tr.)’), čïgïntï ‘berm (agent)’ (← čïk- ‘to go out, leave (itr.)’), sïgïntï ‘extract (result)’ (← sïk- ‘to press, squeeze (tr.)’); sïnïk ‘chunk, fragment (agent)’ (← sïn- ‘to break, become fractured (itr.)’), kisek ‘cut, slice (result)’ (← kis- ‘to cut (tr.)’). Suffixes of the second class have the capability to denote first of all the event, i.e. either the action, the happening described by an action verb, or the state of being described by a stative verb. Moreover, they additionally have the capability to refer to, or project the result of the action which has two different manifestations: 1. derivatives from intransitive verbs refer naturally to the agent, or its properties; and 2. derivatives from transitive verbs can refer either to the patient, involved in the action, or to the result of it. Although it was a significant category in earlier stages of Turkic, it has become insignificant in Tatar and in some other Turkic languages. For instance, the suffix -(E)š, which originally formed agent-patient-action nouns, now mainly forms action nouns, and derivatives referring either to the agent or to the patient exist only in the lexicon as old, lexicalized elements, e.g., čïgïš ‘appearance, coming out (action)’ (← čïk- ‘to come out (itr.)’), kileš ‘arrival (action)’ (← kil- ‘to come (itr.)’), beleš ‘acquaintance, friend (patient)’ (← bel- ‘to know (tr.)’) and ineš ‘spring, rivulet (agent)’ (← in‘to enter, fall, go down (itr.)’). The suffix -(E)š is often used in compound constructions, e.g., alïš-bireš ‘trade, commerce; lit. buying-selling’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives The class of suffixes forming r e l a t i o n a l adjectives is considerably small in Tatar. A typical suffix of this domain is +KE, e.g., algï ‘frontal’ (← al ‘front side’), közge (pesän) ‘autumnal (hay cutting)’ (← köz ‘autumn’) and kïškï (ǰepšek) ‘winter (thaw)’ (← kïš ‘winter’). Although +KE is evidently a derivational device, it can occur after inflectional suffixes, typically after the locative case marker +DA, see öydäge ‘belonging to the house, being in the house’. The denominal nominalizer in +LEk is occasionally used to form relational adjectives, e.g., ike yïllïk kurslar ‘two-year-long courses; lit. two yearly course-PL’ (← yïl ‘year’). The so-called nisba of Arabic origin (-i) is not used productively in modern Tatar, but appears in old, lexicalized forms, e.g., ädäbi tel ‘literary language’ and gilmi däräǰä ‘scientific degree’ related to ädäp ‘good breeding’ and gilem ‘science’, respectively. There are various suffixes in Tatar which form q u a l i t a t i v e adjectives. The most commonly used one is +lE forming p o s s e s s i v e adjectives, see tozlï (kïyar) ‘salty

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(cucumber)’ (← toz ‘salt’), akïllï (kiŋäš) ‘wise (advice)’ (← akïl ‘intellect’). Opposed to +lE, the suffix +sEz forms p r i v a t i v e / n e g a t i v e adjectives, see akïlsïz ‘unintelligent’ (← akïl ‘intelligent’), bašsïz ‘headless’ (← baš ‘head’) and aysïz (tön) ‘moonless (night)’ (← ay ‘moon’). The suffixes +čEl and +čAn form qualitative adjectives which express i n c l i n a t i o n towards something designated by the base noun, e.g., kunakčïl ‘hospitable’ (← kunak ‘guest’), üpkäčel ‘tetchy, touchy’ (← üpkä ‘lung’), eščän ‘industrious’ (← eš ‘work’), uyčan (küzlär) ‘pensive (eyes)’ (← uy ‘idea, thought’), respectively. S i m i l a t i v e adjectives are formed by the suffix +sEl, but its usage is restricted, e.g., susïl ‘juicy, watery’ (← su ‘water’), ǰepsel ‘fibrous’ (← ǰep ‘fibre’).

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Deadjectival adjectives are rare in Tatar. The suffixes +sEl, +(E)lǰEm and +sU typically form a p p r o x i m a t i v e s from color names, see aksïl ‘whitish’ (← ak ‘white’); kögelǰem ‘bluish’ (← kök ‘blue’), karalǰïm ‘blackish’ (← kara ‘black’); alsu ‘reddish’ (← al ‘red’), zäŋgärsü ‘bluish’ (← zäŋgär ‘blue’), respectively. The suffix +KElt forms approximatives from certain color names, e.g., kïzgïlt ‘reddish’, sargïlt ‘yellowish’ and yäškelt ‘greenish’. These derivatives do not have immediate bases in Tatar, but most likely go back to certain truncated forms related to qïzïl ‘red’, sarï ‘yellow’ and yäšel ‘green’, respectively.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives can be either active or passive depending on the meaning of the base verb. The suffix -KEr typically forms a c t i v e adjectives, e.g., sizger (atlar) ‘perceptive, sensitive (horses)’ (← siz- ‘to feel’), algïr (yeget) ‘inventive (guy)’ (← al- ‘to take, get’), ütker ‘jaunty, agile’ (← üt- ‘to be sharp’). The suffix -UčE, also used in imperfect participles in Tatar, forms active deverbal adjectives, e.g., biyüče (yeget) ‘dancing (young man)’ (← biy- ‘to dance’, cf. also the nominalized form biyüče ‘dancer’), ukučï (kïz) ‘reading (girl)’ (← uk- ‘to read’). Other suffixes with mostly active meaning are -(E)nkE in kiyerenke (iš) ‘hard, intensive (work)’ (← kiyer- ‘to stretch’), -KEn in azgïn (bala) ‘spoiled (child)’ (← az- ‘to be immoral, behave outrageously’), ütkеn (pïčak) ‘sharp (knife)’ (← üt- ‘to be sharp’), kisken (ǰil) ‘sharp, strong (wind)’ (← kis- ‘to cut’), -gAk in taygak ‘smooth’ (← tay- ‘to slip on’), -čAk in irenčäk ‘lazy’ (← iren- ‘to be lazy’), -čEk in kïlančïk ‘coquettish, finicky’ (← kïlan- ‘to behave in an unnatural manner’), böterček ‘fidgety, restless’ (← böter- ‘to twist, twirl’). P a s s i v e meaning is expressed by the suffix -mA, as in yasalma (tešlär) ‘artificial (teeth)’ (← yasal- ‘to be made’), ǰïyïlma (öy) ‘prefabricated (house)’ (← ǰïyïl- ‘to be collected’). Some suffixes can express both meanings, e.g., -(E)k in uynak (küzlär) ‘frisky, playful (eyes)’ (← uyna- ‘to play’) and bozïk (yul) ‘damaged or bad (way)’ (← boz- ‘to damage’). Perfect participles in -gAn can be used both as passive and as active adjectives, depending on the meaning of the verbal base, whereas imperfect participles in -(A)r

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regularly behave as active adjectives, e.g., yazgan süz ‘written word’ (← yaz- ‘to write’), ütkän eš ‘matter of the past; lit. past work’ (← üt- ‘to pass’) and agar su ‘flowing water’ (← ak- ‘to flow’), respectively.

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs Denominal verbs are most commonly derived by the suffix +lA-. It has various functions, o r n a t i v e , e.g., enǰelä- ‘to decorate with pearls’ (← enǰe ‘pearl’) and tozla- ‘to salt’ (← toz ‘salt’), p e r f o r m a t i v e , e.g., ešlä- ‘to carry out a task, work’ (← eš ‘work’) and ǰïrla- ‘to sing’ (← ǰïr ‘song’), i n s t r u m e n t a l , see boraula- ‘to gimlet, drill’ (← borau ‘gimlet, drill’) and tïrmala- ‘to harrow’ (← tïrma ‘harrow’), l o c a t i v e , e.g., ǰirlä- ‘to bury, entomb’ (← ǰir ‘land, place’) and r e s u l t a t i v e balala- ‘to give birth to’ (← bala ‘child’) and bantla- ‘to make a ribbon’ (← bant ‘ribbon’). Va l e n c y - c h a n g i n g suffixes are often added to +lA- resulting in new composite suffixes such as +lA-n-, +lA-š-, +lA-š-tEr-, +lA-n-dEr-, cf. reciprocal yardämläš- ‘to help each other’ (← yardäm ‘help’), reflexive-causative gazlandïr- ‘to aerify, change to gas’ (← gaz ‘gas’) and reciprocal-causative satulaštïr- ‘to make a bargain’ (← satu ‘selling, sale’). The denominal verbalizer +KAr- is also well-established in Tatar, but not as frequent as +lA-, e.g., sugar- ‘to water’ (← su ‘water’), ǰilgär- ‘to fan, ventilate’ (← ǰil ‘wind’). The composite suffixes +sEn- and +sEt-, based on the no longer productive element +sE-, are seldom used in modern Tatar, cf. küzsen- ‘to be liable to evil eyes’ (← küz ‘eye’) and balasït- ‘to consider someone a child’ (← bala ‘child’), respectively. The suffix +(E)k- also has low productivity, e.g., yulïk- ‘to meet’ (← yul ‘road, way’) and üček- ‘to molest, harass’ (← üč ‘revenge’). O n o m a t o p o e i c verbs are derived by means of the suffixes +(E)ldA- and +(E)rdA-, e.g., mïrïlda- ‘to purr’ (← mïr), mïykïlda- ‘to squeak’ (← mïyk), xïrïlda- ‘to wheeze’ (← *xïr) and čïtïrda- ‘to crack’ (← *čït). The above mentioned denominal verbalizer +lA- can derive verbs from onomatopoeic stems as well, e.g., bežlä- ‘to grouch, grumble’ (← *bež).

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs Many denominal verbalizers can be added to adjectives as well, cf. +lA- in akla- ‘to make white’ (← ak ‘white’); +(E)k- in sayïk- ‘to become shallow’ (← say ‘shallow’), ačïk- ‘to get hungry’ (← ač ‘hungry’); +sEn- in gaǰäpsen- ‘to be surprised’ (← gaǰäp ‘amazing, astonishing’), ügisen- ‘to be offended’ (← ügi ‘non-native, foreign’); and +sEt- in ügiset- ‘to offend’ (← ügi ‘non-native, foreign’). Typical deadjectival verbalizers are +(A)r- and +(A)y- forming i n c h o a t i v e verbs with the core meaning ‘to become X’, e.g., agar- ‘to become white’ (← ak ‘white’), kügär- ‘to become blue’ (← kük ‘blue’) and yaxšïr- ‘to become better, improve’ (← yaxšï ‘good’); azay- ‘to decrease, diminish’ (← az ‘few, little’), zuray- ‘to increase (in

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size)’ (← zur ‘large, big’) and kübäy- ‘to increase (in number), become numerous’ (← küp ‘many, much’), respectively.

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs In the v a l e n c y - r e d u c i n g category Tatar has passive, reflexive and reciprocal verbs as agent removing strategies. P a s s i v e and anticausative verbs are normally derived by the suffix -(E)l-, e.g., ačïl‘to be, become open’ (← ač- ‘to open’) and ukučï kaläm belän yazgan ‘the student has written with a pen; lit. student pen with.POSTP write-PST.3SG’ vs. kaläm belän yazïlgan ‘it was written with a pen; lit. pen with.POSTP write-PASS-PST.3SG’ (← yaz- ‘to write’). Verbs with /l/ in the last syllable always take the variant -(E)n-, cf. alïn- (not *alïl-) ‘to be taken’ (← al- ‘to take’). R e f l e x i v e verbs are derived by the suffix -(E)n-, e.g., kaynar čišmädä yuïndï ‘he/ she washed himself/herself in a hot spring; lit. hot spring-LOC wash-REFL-PST.3SG’ (← yu- ‘to wash (out)’) and bizän- ‘to adorn oneself’ (← bizä- ‘to adorn’). In order to differentiate between passive and reflexive verbs in -(E)n-, passives can be derived by means of the composite suffix -(E)nEl-, cf. konkurska ešlänelgän video ‘video created for the competition; lit. competition-DAT do-PASS-PTCP video’ vs. ešlängän ešlär küp ‘there are many things to do; lit. do-REFL-PTCP thing-PL many’ (← ešlä- ‘to make, work’). R e c i p r o c a l verbs are derived by the suffix -(E)š-, e.g., yeget belän kïz übešte ‘the boy and the girl kissed each other; lit. boy with.POSTP girl kiss-RECP-PST.3SG’ (← üp‘to kiss’), yasaš- ‘to assist in making’ (← yasa- ‘to make’) and sugïš- ‘to beat each other’ (← suk- ‘to beat’). In the v a l e n c y - i n c r e a s i n g category Tatar has the c a u s a t i v e as an agent adding strategy. If a causative suffix is added to intransitive verbs the causee becomes a direct object often marked by the accusative case, cf. čiyälär kïzara bašladï ‘the cherries began to redden; lit. cherry-PL redden-CONV start-PST.3SG’ and awïzlarïn kïzartkan ‘she made her lips red; lit. lip-PL-POSS.3SG-ACC make.red-PST.3SG’. If the verbal stem is transitive, the causee becomes an indirect object marked by the dative case, cf. babay čäyne ečkän ‘the grandfather has drunk the tea; lit. grandfather tea-ACC drink-PST.3SG’ and čäyne babayïna ečergän ‘he/she helped his/her grandfather to drink the tea; lit. tea-ACC grandfather-POSS.3SG-DAT cause.to.drink-PST.3SG’. The class of causatives is well-established in Tatar including five productively used suffixes and some others with low productivity. Many causatives can appear only under special conditions: -(E)r- is added to stems ending in /t/, /č/ or /š/, e.g., beter- ‘to finish’ (← bet- ‘to come to an end’), küčer- ‘to move, transfer (to another place)’ (← küč- ‘to move, go’). The suffix -KEr- is exclusively used after stem-final /t/, e.g., yatkïr- ‘to cause to lie down’ (← yat- ‘to lie down’), ǰitker- ‘to cause to reach’ (← ǰit- ‘to reach’). The -t- causative is used with verbs of two or more syllables, after vowels, /l/, /r/, /k/ or /y/, e.g., ašat- ‘to feed’ (← aša- ‘to eat’), kïzart- ‘to make red’ (← kïzar- ‘to become red’). Other causative suffixes are -(E)z- and -KEz-, e.g., agïz- ‘to pour; to water’ (← ak- ‘to flow’) and torgïz- ‘to cause to stand up’ (← tor- ‘to stand up’), respectively.

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No longer productive causatives are -DEr-, used after consonants, /u/ or /i/, and -(A)r-, e.g., yazdïr- ‘to make write’ (← yaz- ‘to write’), urdïr- ‘to cause to harvest’ (← ur- ‘to harvest’) and čïkar- ‘to bring out’ (← čïk- ‘to come out’), respectively. Different causative suffixes can often be added to the same base, e.g., yatkïr- and yatkïz- ‘to cause to lie down’ (← yat- ‘to lie down’). D o u b l e c a u s a t i v e , i.e. adding more than one suffix to verbal bases at the same time is also possible, e.g., čïkart- ‘to cause to bring out’ (← čïkar- ‘to bring out’ ← čïk- ‘to come out’). The commonly used compound causative suffixes are -DErt-, -KErt- and -ttEr-, but they often carry the same meaning as the single causative suffixes, cf. beldert- ‘to inform; to cause to inform’ (← belder- ‘to make known, inform’ ← bel- ‘to know’) and okïttïr- ‘to cause to teach’ (← okït- ‘to teach; lit. to make someone read’ ← okï- ‘to read’). Indirective causatives can turn into immediate causatives when the causative suffix fuses with the base, thus becoming integrated with it, see okït- ‘to teach’ above and öyrät- ‘to teach’. The latter has no direct base in Tatar, but cf. öyrän- ‘to learn’. In the category of aspectual derivation Tatar has two i t e r a t i v e s. The suffix -KAlAappears only after stems ending in consonants, whereas -štEr- is used after stem-final vowels, e.g., yazgala- ‘to write from time to time’ (← yaz- ‘to write’), kilgälä- ‘to come visiting from time to time’ (← kil- ‘to come’) and yasaštïr- ‘to make from time to time’ (← yasa- ‘to make’), respectively. The two iterative suffixes can be combined, cf. yazgalaštïr- ‘to write once in a while’ (← yaz- ‘to write’) and yasaštïrgala- ‘to do once in a time’ (← yasa- ‘to make’). The originally composite, but synchronically indivisible suffix -(E)msErA- forms diminutive verbs, though used seldom, e.g., kölemsirä- ‘to smile, grin’ (← köl- ‘to laugh’).

4.4. Adverbial derivation The denominal adverbializer +čA, originally an equative case marker, regularly forms adverbs, e.g., tatarča ‘in Tatar’ (← tatar ‘Tatar’), galimnärčä ‘in a scholarly manner’ (← galimnär ‘scholars’) and ölešče ‘partially’ (← öleš ‘part, share’). The suffix +DAy forms adverbs expressing similative meaning, e.g., ayuday ‘like a bear’ (← ayu ‘bear’), yazgïday ‘like in spring’ (← yazgï ‘vernal’). Other prominent adverbializers in Tatar are +lAy, +lAp and +lAtA, see tereläy ‘alive’ (← tere ‘live’), bötenläy ‘entirely’ (← böten ‘whole’); sägatläp ‘hourly, every hour’ (← sägat ‘hour’), stakanlap ‘glasswise’ (← stakan ‘glass’); akčalata ‘in cash’ (← akča ‘money’), ikmäklätä ‘in kind; lit. in bread’ (← ikmäk ‘bread’), respectively.

5. Conversion Deadjectival nominal conversion is the most common type of conversion in Tatar as well as in other Turkic languages, e.g., ak ‘egg-white, cataract’ (← ak ‘white’) and kïzïk ‘interesting, funny, strange’ in kïzïk keše ‘strange person’ vs. kïzïk öčen ‘for fun; lit. fun for.POSTP’. Certain types of deadjectival nominal conversion are often interpreted as unmarked or headless nominalization in the Turcological literature, e.g., matur ‘beauti-

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ful’ in ber matur kile ‘a beautiful (girl, someone, etc.) comes’ vs. ber matur kïz kile ‘a beautiful girl comes’. Deadjectival adverbial conversion is another common type in Tatar, e.g., kiŋ ‘broad, wide’ in kiŋ uram ‘wide street’ and bu termin kiŋ kullanïla ‘this is a widely used term; lit. this term widely be.used-PRS.3SG’.

6. Reduplication Full reduplication of nouns regularly yields adjectives, e.g., yul-yul ‘striped, stripy’ (← yul ‘stripe’) and tugay-tugay ‘winding (river)’ (← tugay ‘curve (of river)’). The denominal adjectivizer +lE can be used in the same function, cf. tugaylï ‘winding (river)’. It is very common for the spoken language to have words that are repeated in slightly different forms. Both the vocalic and the consonantal segment can be changed, e.g., čakïr-čokïr ‘plenty of pit’ (← čokïr ‘pit, ditch’), šaltïr-šïltïr ‘(metallic) clink-clang, dingdong’ (← šïltïr ‘ding’) and kïz-mïz ‘different girls as a group’ (← kïz ‘girl’). By reduplication the initial vowels can be extended with prosthetic consonants, mostly with /m/, e.g., imeš-mimeš ‘all sorts of, miscellaneous rumours’ (← imeš ‘said to have been, happened to’), äbi-čäbi ‘various old women’ (← äbi ‘grandmother’). Reduplicated adjectives have intensifying character if used as attributes of nominal heads in plural, see ozïn-ozïn kešelär ‘very tall people; lit. long-long person-PL’ or biyekbiyek taular ‘very high mountains; lit. high-high mountain-PL’. Adjectives can be intensified with partial reduplications by means of the initial segment (C)V of the adjective + a consonant + the base adjective, e.g., kap-kart ‘very old’ (← kart ‘old’), yäm-yäšel ‘very green’ (← yäšel ‘green’) and ǰip-ǰiŋel ‘very easy’ (← ǰiŋel ‘easy’). This sort of reduplication is occasionally discussed in the literature as an example of prefixation in Turkic. This interpretation is however incorrect: 1. prefixation is not genuine in Turkic, and 2. prefixes should have the same characteristics as regular suffixes, i.e. one standard form with morphophonological variation.

7. Blending According to the literature, blending as a special sort of compounding with subsequent form reduction is relatively frequent in Tatar. The formation of blends is often influenced by Russian patterns. Phonetic overlap and dropping the vowel at the word boundary are considered the simplest forms of blending, e.g., almagač ‘apple-tree’ (← alma agač ‘id.’), yarkanat ‘membranous wing’ (← yarï kanat ‘id.’), respectively. Most blends in Tatar are formed by the shortening of the first constituent of the compound, e.g., altörän ‘coulter’ (← algï törän ‘front plowshare’) and dramtügäräk ‘drama club/circle’ (← dramatik tügäräk ‘drama circle’), cf. Russian dramkružok ‘id.’. Blends can be used to shorten possessive compounds, e.g., profxäräkät ‘trade union movement’ (← profsoyuz xäräkäte lit. ‘trade union movement-POSS.3SG’) and partoyïšma ‘party organisation’ (← partïya oyïšmasï lit. ‘party organisation-POSS.3SG’), cf. Russian partorganizacija.

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8. References Baker, Mark C. 2004 Lexical Categories. Verbs, Nouns, and Adjectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Berta, Árpád 1996 Deverbale Wortbildung im Mittelkiptschakisch-Türkischen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Berta, Árpád 1998 Tatar and Bashkir. In: Lars Johanson and Éva Á. Csató (eds.), The Turkic Languages, 417−433. London/New York: Routledge. Braun, Friederike and Geoffrey Haig 2000 The noun/adjective distinction in Turkish: An empirical approach. In: Aslı Göksel and Celia Kerslake (eds.), Studies on Turkish and Turkic Languages, 85−92. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Burghardt, Ingeborg 1948 Studien zur Kasan-Tatarischen Grammatik. Ph.D. dissertation, Philipps-Universität zu Marburg. Deny, Jean, Kaare Grønbech, Helmut Scheel and Zeki Velidi Togan (eds.) 1959 Philologiae turcicae fundamenta. Vol. 1. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Erdal, Marcel 1991 Old Turkic Word Formation. A Functional Approach to the Lexicon. 2 Vol. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Fatxutdinova, Venera G. 2006 Kompleksnye edinicy slovoobrazovanija v russkom i tatarskom jazykax. Ph.D. dissertation, Kazanskij Gosudarstvennyj Universitet im. V. I. Uľjanova-Lenina, Kazan’. Gajnutdinova, Aľbina F. 2011 Časterečnaja transpozicija (substantivacija) v tatarskom jazyke v sopostavlenii s russkim jazykom. Ph.D. dissertation, Institut jazyka, literatury i iskusstva im. G. Ibragimova Akademii Nauk Respubliki Tatarstan, Kazan’. Ganiev, Fuat A. 1976 Suffiksaľnoe obrazovanie glagolov v sovremennom tatarskom literaturnom jazyke. Kazan’: Izdateľstvo Kazanskogo Universiteta. Ganiev, Fuat A. 1982 Obrazovanie složnyx slov v tatarskom jazyke. Moskva: Nauka. Ganiev, Fuat A. (ed.) 2002 Problemy slovoobrazovanija v tjurkskix jazykax. Kazan’: Fiker. Gatiatullina, Zajtuna Z. 1984 Sravniteľnaja tipologija slovoobrazovateľnyx sistem anglijskogo i tatarskogo jazykov. Kazan’: Tatarskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Gazizov, Riza S. 1959 Sopostaviteľnaja grammatika tatarskogo i russkogo jazykov. Kazan’: Tatarskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Golovkina, O. V. (ed.) 1966 Tatarsko-russkij slovar’. Moskva: Sovetskaja Ėnciklopedija. Grönbech, Kaare 1936 Der türkische Sprachbau. Vol. 1. Kopenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard. Johanson, Lars and Éva Á. Csató (eds.) 1998 The Turkic Languages. London/New York: Routledge. Johanson, Lars 2006 Nouns and adjectives in South Siberian Turkic. In: Marcel Erdal and Irina Nevskaya (eds.), Exploring the Eastern Frontiers of Turkic, 57−78. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

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Károly, László 2013 Deverbal Nominals in Yakut. A Historical Approach. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Kecskeméti, István 1972 Rückläufiges Verzeichnis der tatarischen Suffixe und Suffixkombinationen. Studia Orientalia 43(3): 4−19. Kurbangaliev, Muxitdin and Riza Gazizov 1931 Opyt sistematičeskoj grammatiki tatarskogo jazyka v sravnenii s grammatikoj russkogo jazyka. Kazan’: Tatizdat. Kurbatov, Xėlif R., Lejla T. Maxmutovа, Lidija P. Smoljakova and Ėdxjam R. Tenišev (eds.) 1969 Sovremennyj tatarskij literaturnyj jazyk. Leksikologija, fonetika, morfologija. Moskva: Nauka. Levitskaja, Lija S. 1976 Istoričeskaja morfologija čuvašskogo jazyka. Moskva: Nauka. Poppe, Nicholas 1963 Tatar Manual. Descriptive Grammar and Texts with а Tatar-English Glossary. Bloomington: Indiana University / The Hague: Mouton. Sajdaševa, Ėľmira A. 2006 Slovoobrazovanie v tatarskom i anglijskom jazykax na primere konversii i slovosloženija (sopostaviteľnyj analiz). Ph.D. dissertation, Kazanskij Gosudarstvennyj Universitet im. V. I. Uľjanova-Lenina, Kazan’. Salexova, D. A. 1986 Morfonologičeskie javlenija pri reduplikacii. In: Mirfatyx Z. Zakiev (ed.), Voprosy struktury tatarskogo jazyka. Mežvuzovskij sbornik naučnyx trudov, 44−53. Kazan’: KGPI. [Szentkatolnai] Bálint Gábor 1877 Kazáni-tatár nyelvtanulmányok. Part 3: Kazáni-tatár nyelvtan (Hang-, alak- és mondattan). Budapest: Akadémia. Tagirova, Fjaridja I. 2004 Složnye slova v sovremennom tatarskom jazyke. Problemy leksikografirovanija i orfografirovanija. Ph.D. dissertation, Institut jazyka, literatury i iskusstva im. G. Ibragimova Akademii Nauk Respubliki Tatarstan, Kazan’. Thomsen, Kaare 1959 Das Kasantatarische und die westsibirischen Dialekte. In: Jean Deny, Kaare Grønbech, Helmut Scheel and Zeki Velidi Togan (eds.), Philologiae turcicae fundamenta. Vol. 1, 407−421. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Wäliullina, Zöhrä, Xėlef Kurbatov and Latïyf Jˇäläy 1965 Xäzerge tatar ädebi tele (Leksika. Fonetika. Orfoėpiya. Grafika häm orfografiya. Morfologiya). Kazan’: Tatarstan Kitap Näšriyatï. Xangiľdin, Wäli N. 1954 Tatar tele grammatikasï (Morfologiya buyïnča očerklar). Kazan’: Tatknigoizdat. Xangildin, Wäli N. 1959 Tatar tele grammatikasï (Morfologiya häm sintaksis). Kazan’: Tatarstan Kitap Näšriyatï. Zakiev, Mirfatyx Z., Fuat A. Ganiev and Klara Z. Zinnatullina (eds.) 1995 Tatarskaja grammatika. Vol. 1. Kazan’: Akademija Nauk Tatarstana.

László Károly, Mainz (Germany)

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187. Crimean Tatar 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Reduplication Blending References

Abstract This article provides an outline of Crimean Tatar word-formation. The most typical strategies are derivation, composition and reduplication. It is derivation that is the most abundant of the formal devices. An attempt is made to present all productive and widespread derivational suffixes, but many unproductive suffixes are also discussed. Since the number of suffixes is too high to discuss them all in an article, the choice is subjective, but emphasis is placed on characteristic rather than untypical ones.

1. Introduction Crimean Tatar is a North-Western Turkic language spoken in the Crimea as well as by Crimean Tatar emigrants in Rumania (where it is also called Dobruja Tatar) and Turkey, the other languages of the group being Karaim, Kumyk or Kumuk, Karachay, Balkar or Karachay-Balkar, Urum and Krymchak (Ponto-Caspian sub-group), Tatar and Bashkir (Volga-Ural sub-group) as well as Noghay, Kazakh, Karakalpak and Kirghiz (Central Asian or Aral-Caspian sub-group). It is a language that has developed from the languages spoken by the peoples of the Golden Horde (ca. 1260−1502) which came into being in the north-western part of the Great Steppe where Old Turkic, first documented in the 8th century, was spoken. Crimean Tatar and the other languages of the Crimea (Krymchak and Crimean Karaim, which are extinct, and Urum, still spoken by some elderly people on the estuary of the Don in Russia where they were once deported) are most affected by Turkish, a South-Western Turkic language, among the other languages in their group. Since the return of the Crimean Tatar population in the 1990s from their deportation in 1944, in which the whole nation was exiled, the number of active native speakers has been dramatically decreasing among the young people and since the annexation of the Crimea by Russia in 2014, Crimean Tatar must be considered an endangered language. According to the last census of 2001, the number of the Crimean Tatars in the Ukraine amounts to 248,200, the overwhelming majority of whom (243,400) inhabit the Crimea, where they make up 12 % of the total population (http://2001.ukrcensus.gov.ua/eng/results/general/ nationality/). As many as 92 % of Crimean Tatars declare that their native language is Crimean Tatar (http://2001.ukrcensus.gov.ua/results/general/language/).

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Crimean Tatar is a relatively well examined language, although most studies have focussed on the standard variety strongly influenced by Turkish. Among the points lacking in the study are historical grammar and lexicon. For instance, some historical words with interesting suffixes such as -QA in qolqa ‘request’ (← qol- ‘to ask for’) are not covered by the existing studies. Kurat (1940: 74) could not understand this word, discussed earlier by Zajączkowski (1932: 69), although it is present in Crimean Karaim in the form qoltqa, in which the verb qol- is also evidenced. However, since Crimean Tatar is a relatively well documented language, we may hope that this gap will soon be filled. In contrast to this, the lack of good dialect studies cannot be compensated for, because the disaster caused by the deportation has erased the traditional dialect network. One may only hope to see editions of records and notes taken before this time. The first grammar of Crimean Tatar written in Russian is Samojlovič (1916). A short sketch of the language was published by Sevortjan (1966), followed by Izidinova (1997), both in Russian Turkology handbooks. Outside the Soviet Union, there are two important language descriptions by Doerfer, one devoted to Crimean Turkish (1959a), the other to Crimean Tatar (1959b). The most comprehensive grammar of Crimean Tatar is Jankowski (1992), followed by a completely new edition (2010). Among the more recent grammars one should mention a study by Prokosch (2006) dealing with many aspects of Crimean Tatar, a sketch by Yüksel (2007), and a grammar by Kavitskaya (2010). Various grammars were published in Crimean Tatar, but almost all of them were designed for practical purposes and published as textbooks for schools. First Crimean Tatar grammars appeared in the 1920s, those published before described predominantly Turkish, which was taught in religious and reformed schools. One of the best early grammars of Crimean Tatar is Bektöre (1923), whereas in Çobanzade’s grammar, called “scientific” (1925), written in Turkish, only seventy-three pages are directly devoted to Crimean Tatar (pp. 18−91). Grammatical tables were appended to Odabaš and Kaja’s textbook (1924: 65−90), but in contrast to Bektöre, the forms are half Crimean Tatar, half Turkish. One of the first textbooks published in Latin script by Qaya (Kaja 1928) also contains much information on grammatical structures and a separate grammar section (1928: 60−76), also strongly influenced by Turkish. (Qaya was Krymchak, not Crimean Tatar, and the language of the Krymchaks revealed many South-Western features.) The standard based on the central dialect, in accordance with the rules approved in 1927, was reintroduced in Dermenci and Şemsedinova’s textbook (1940) in new Cyrillic script, although this book contains many Russian loanwords, which was a must at that time. In this first period a few further grammars were published, e.g., Qurtmollayev’s phonetics and morphology (1940) and Islamov’s syntax (1940). After the deportation, the first grammar published in Uzbekistan was Memetov (1984), republished with small changes in 1997 in the Crimea (Memetov 1997). There is also a separate study on word-formation by Çeneli (1979). In the Crimea a few new grammars were published for schools, e.g., Veliullayeva (1999), who presents the grammatical rules of Crimean Tatar in tables. Textbooks were also published by the Tatars in Rumania, though in a different, much more consistent north-western standard, e.g., Ǧafer (1958). The most detailed and the best Dobruja Tatar grammar, written in Rumanian, is Mahmut (1975).

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2. General overview As all common Turkic languages that do not depart from an average norm, Crimean Tatar is an agglutinating language. Morphemic exponents of derivational and inflectional categories are suffixes. Other types of affixes are not employed. In our opinion, the terms “word-formational” and “grammatical” suffixes should be preferred to the traditionally applied terms “derivational” and “inflectional”. Suffixes are typically either nominal or verbal, only a few suffixes may be attached to both nominals and verbs, and two suffixes in the present article are homophonous. Most suffixes, except the borrowed ones, have two vocalic variants according to ±frontness and some have four according to ±frontness and ±roundedness. In other words, suffixes are governed by vowel harmony. As for the former, suffixes have predictable variants, but rounded-unrounded vowel harmony is a complicated issue that will not be discussed here. Most of the suffixes that begin in [d g ğ] have also consonant variants. After vowels, sonorants and weak consonants (lenes), the weak variants remain, but after strong consonants (fortes) they change to [t k q]. Turkish influence on standard Crimean Tatar manifests itself in phonetics, vocabulary and grammatical suffixes, but word-formation suffixes more firmly bound to the stems remain intact. Therefore, for the most part only the phonetic shape of the suffixes in the northern dialect (ND), e.g., -nç:-nIş, -çAQ:-şAQ, -ki:-QI, -(I)lI:-vlI (both nominal and verbal junctures are marked by the same sign -) is different. The presence of typical Turkish suffixes is seen on adverbs, e.g., -ArI, since these were borrowed with bases that were already suffixed. Composition is an important word-formation strategy and is used for the formation of nouns, adjectives and verbs. Reduplication involves all autosemantic word classes. Function words such as conjunctions, postpositions, auxiliaries and modal words are excluded from reduplication. Backformation and clipping are not employed and blending is a marginal process that is not used productively. Word-creation is minimal. New terms and words are borrowed from either Russian or Turkish or are derived from international words borrowed mostly via Russian. It is often the case that the Crimean Tatar intellectuals borrow even ill-constructed Turkish words like özellik ‘characteristic feature’, once they are conventionally accepted in Turkish. As for neologisms, one of the few examples of neologistic word-formation is Yaş Tatar Yazğıçları Cıyını ‘Association of young Tatar writers’, the name of a Tatar writers’ association in Turkey established in 1910 who have created the term yazğıç ‘writer’, cf. -QXç, section 4.1.3. Another example of neologistic word-formation is linguistic terminology, but this problem is little studied. On the whole, we may say that there is nothing special about Crimean Tatar wordformation techniques. All constructions of composition and all derivational suffixes are found in one or the other Turkic language including Old Turkic, the difference being only in phonetic forms, proportion, semantic changes and frequency.

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3. Composition Composition in Crimean Tatar is an often exploited device of word-formation, though not as frequent as derivation. Some old formations are unclear. While most researchers regard the nouns with the component -dUrXq as old petrified compounds, e.g., CTat. boyundırıq ‘yoke’ (← boyun ‘neck’ + turuq ‘something standing’, not used alone nowadays; cf. Useinov 1994: 62), a synonym of moysa (← moyunsa), some others (e.g., Erdal 1991: 104) take this component for a denominal suffix forming nouns.

3.1. Nominal compounds Nominal compounds are formed either by the simple conjunction of two nouns (N+N), e.g., balqurt ‘bee’ (← bal ‘honey’ + ← qurt ‘worm’) (in Dobruja Tatar also balşîbîn), or by adding the third person possessive suffix to the second component (N+N-3POSS), e.g., bala bağçası ‘kindergarten’. Old compounds, especially those in which the second component is a noun denoting a title or kinship relation, can be contracted, e.g., ebanay ‘midwife’ (← ebe ‘grandmother (dated), old woman’ + anay ‘mother’) or mollaqay ‘Mullah’ (← molla ‘Mullah’ + aqay ‘uncle’). There is a special, quite productive type of dvandva compound, whose components are synonymous, e.g., tanış-biliş ‘acquaintances’, antonymous, e.g., ağa-qardaş ‘elder and younger brother(s)’, complementary, e.g., ana-baba ‘parents; lit. mother-father’, and collective, e.g., savut-saba ‘dishware; lit. vessels-containers’, savut-ayaq ‘vessels and bowls’ (Nuzet 2003: 18). (See also article 40 on co-compounds.) There is also a class of pseudo-compounds which are formed by a noun preceded by another which does not occur separately, e.g., qolum-qomşu ‘neighbours’ (qomşu is a standard word for ‘neighbour’). Such formations are also considered reduplications. According to the type of syntactic relationship between the components, the composite words fall into the following classes: a) Subjective: there are only a few compounds of this type, e.g., in ND küntuvar ‘east, sunrise’ (← kün ‘sun’ + tuvar ‘rises’; Kerim and Kerim 1996: 269), but cf. the attributive class, see b) in standard CTat. kündoğuş ‘east, sunrise’ (← künnüñ ‘sunGEN’ + doğuşu ‘rising-3POSS’); b) Attributive: this is a very large group; the attribute may be classifying, e.g., qartana ‘grandmother; lit. old-mother’; quantifying, e.g., qırq ot ‘horsetail, Equisetum; lit. forty herbs’; genitival, e.g., cermay ‘crude oil’ (← cerniñ mayı lit. ‘earth-GEN oil3POSS’); c) Objective: a medium-size group, e.g., başkeser ‘thug, gangster’ (← baş ‘head’ + keser ‘cutter’), ayvanasravcılıq ‘animal breeding’ (← ayvan ‘animal’ + asrav-cı-lıq ‘breeding; lit. breed-AGENT-ABSTR’). In some cases, it is difficult to determine the relation of the components, e.g., baştaş ‘gravestone’ (← başnıñ taşı lit. ‘head-GEN stone-3POSS’) or (ölüniñ) baş yağı taşı ‘the stone at the head (of the dead person); lit. (dead-GEN) head side-3POSS stone-3POSS’.

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3.2. Adjectival compounds Many adjectival compounds are similar to nominal ones and they may be used as both adjectives and nouns, e.g., ND barlı-carlı (Nuzet 2003: 19) ‘wealthy and poor (people); lit. the rich-the poor’, ND qart-caş ‘old and young (people); lit. the elders-the youngsters’. Adjectival compounds are either determinative or copulative. In determinative compounds the first component modifies the second, e.g., qara ker ‘dark bay, dark chestnut (horse colour)’ (← qara ‘black’ + ker ‘bay, chestnut’). Copulative compounds are either synonymous, e.g., pak-temiz ‘pure and clean, very clean’ or antonymous, see qart-caş above. Some compounds, despite the fact that none of their components is an adjective, are used adjectivally, e.g., kül tüs ‘ash colour’ (← kül ‘ash’+ tüs ‘colour’). A group of compound adjectives is formed from nouns and so-called auxiliary nouns such as ald- ‘front’, ast- ‘bottom’, ara ‘the space between’ that are mostly used as postpositions denoting temporal/spatial relations (N+N.AUX-3POSS), e.g., saylavaldı ‘preelection, pre-electoral’, yerastı ‘submarine’. Only rarely are combinations without the possessive suffix (N+N.AUX) found, e.g., halqara ‘international’, now replaced with the Turkish loanword milletlerası ‘id.’. The compound halqara is of an old type, see historical Tağ ara (Çerkeç) ‘mountainous (Circassians)’ (Zetterstéen 1945: 80, document dated 1637/1638).

3.3. Verbal compounds Compound verbs are most typically formed with the light verbs et- ‘to do’ to construct transitive and intransitive verbs and ol- ~ ND bol- ‘to become, be’ to construct intransitive verbs, and a nominal component which, especially in the Turkish-influenced standard literary Crimean Tatar, is Arabic or Persian, e.g., dua et- ‘to pray’ (← dua ‘prayer’ (Ar. du‘ā)). Occasionally the nominal component may be a Turkic word, e.g., ND qulluq et- ‘to serve’. In colloquial Crimean Tatar, Arabic and Persian nominal elements are often replaced with Russian equivalents in the form of infinitives, e.g., prinimať et- ‘to accept, approve’ (< R. prinimať ), instead of qabul et-. Although these forms are not accepted as standard, they are used more and more frequently. It is often the case that the verb ol- ~ bol- forms an intransitive verb, while et- forms a transitive one, e.g., elak ol- ‘to perish, fall’ and elak et- ‘to destroy, kill’ (< Ar. halāk). The verb et- is frequently used to form verbs from onomatopoeic (e.g., pat et- ‘to bounce’) or synaesthetic (e.g., yalt-yult et- ‘to flash (with lightning)’) bases, or from interjections (e.g., ay-vah et- ‘to say ‘Oh! Alas!’’). Other verbs, e.g., al- ‘to take’, ber- ‘to give’, tut- ‘to grasp, hold’, yap- ‘to make’ (a Turkish borrowing) are little used, e.g., qol tut- ‘to support, help’ (← qol ‘hand’).

4. Derivation Derivation in Crimean Tatar is accomplished exclusively by suffixes added to the stem. Most suffixes are simple, but there are also suffixes composed of two former suffixes.

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A few Persian prefixes, such as bi- ‘-less’ and na- ‘non-, un-, in-’, have been borrowed together with their base nominals, e.g., bitaraf ‘neutral’, narazı ‘disagreeing, unsatisfied’; they are unproductive. Some suffixes are not easily analysable and may be regarded as nominal or verbal, e.g., -XltI, a frequent suffix which derives nouns denoting the result of action from onomatopoeic and synaesthetic verbs, e.g., iñilti ‘moan’ (← iñilde- ‘to moan’), şuvultı ‘swoosh’ (← şuvulda- ‘to swoosh’), but these derivatives may also be treated as formed with a denominal suffix -tI from words that no longer exist such as *iñil and *şuvul; the same can be said about -XrdI, e.g., güdürdi ‘thunder’ (← güdürde- ‘to thunder’), patırdı ‘knocking sound’ (← patırda- ‘to knock, rap’), which can go back to such onomatopoeic and synaesthetic words as *güdür and *patır. In principle, a suffix is either denominal (in the broad sense) or deverbal. However, some limited suffixes are attached to both nouns and verbs, e.g., -sIra-, see section 4.3.1. As was already mentioned above, a Crimean Tatar word is either nominal or verbal, but a few words are both, see Kornfilt’s remarks on Turkish (2000: 453). In Crimean Tatar, some stems may be both nominal and verbal, e.g., yarış- ‘to compete’ (although it is now being replaced with yarışla-) and yarış ‘competition’, but this is because of two different, homophonous suffixes, -ş1 and -ş2, or haplology (← yarışış).

4.1. Nominal derivation There is no essential difference among the particular derivational suffixes that form nouns, adjectives and adverbs. Most suffixes form all these word classes.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns The following categories can be differentiated: P e r s o n a l n o u n s and names of l i v i n g b e i n g s are formed with -ÇI, a productive suffix deriving nouns that basically signify professions and habitual activities of human beings, e.g., aydavcı ‘driver’ (← aydav ‘driving’), sebepçi ‘instigator’ (← sebep ‘cause’); -dAQ, an unproductive suffix which derives nouns of various meanings, often humans and living beings, e.g., boydaq ‘single, bachelor’ (← boy ‘stature, size’); -dAş, a productive suffix deriving nouns that denote close association, somebody related, sharing a quality, mostly a companion, e.g., köydeş ‘(person) from the same village’ (← köy ‘village’), soydaş ‘cousin’ (← soy ‘clan, line’); -QAn, an unproductive suffix that forms names of flora and fauna, e.g., botağan ‘one year-old camel’ (← bota ‘he-camel’); this formant in Old Turkic was termed a class marker by Erdal (1991: 76). I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s are derived with -ÇAQ, an unproductive, rare suffix deriving nouns that denote tools or various objects, e.g., boyuncaq ‘necklace’ (← boyun ‘neck’) and -sA, an unproductive, rare suffix forming tool names and other nouns, e.g., tamaqsa ‘throatlash’ (← tamaq ‘throat’), kölekse (recorded in Turkey, H. J.) ‘undershirt’ (← kölek ‘shirt’; see kölek in Kerim and Kerim 1996: 253).

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There is no special productive suffix to derive p l a c e n o u n s , but there is a petrified suffix -lAQ, known from Old Turkic (e.g., Dankoff and Kelly 1985: 315), encountered in place names of the Crimea, e.g., Bağalaq, Çegelek, Çöñelek, Çörelek, Qocalaq and Qutlaq. Some of these names seem to be clear, e.g., Qocalaq from qoca ‘man, elder’ and Qutlaq, apparently from qut ‘good luck’. The Old Turkic local suffix -lAQ most probably goes back to -lA- and -g (for the discussion see Erdal 2004: 109), which in Crimean Tatar has yielded -lAv, e.g., caylav ‘summer quarters, summer pasture (hist.)’ (← caylav ‘staying for summer’), cf. cayla- ‘to summer’. A b s t r a c t n o u n s are formed with -cA, an unproductive, rare suffix deriving nouns from nouns in -mA, e.g., tapmaca ‘riddle’ (← tapma ‘finding’) and -lXQ, a productive suffix that forms nouns of various meanings; it derives both abstract nouns from concrete ones, e.g., dostluq ‘friendship’ (← dost ‘friend’), açlıq ‘hunger’ (← aç ‘hungry’) and other types, such as instrument nouns, e.g., közlük ‘glasses’ (← köz ‘eye’). This suffix also derives nouns from numerals, e.g., beşlik ‘five-rouble piece’ (← beş ‘five’), pronouns, e.g., menlik ‘ego’ (← men ‘I’), and deadjectival nouns, see section 4.1.2. There is one suffix -(A)y that forms e v a l u a t i v e n o u n s from kinship terms and titles. Whereas -çIQ is used in relation to younger people or those of lower status, -(A)y is used for elder and esteemed people, e.g., aqay ‘man, a form of address to an elder man’ (← aqa ‘uncle, brother’), anay ‘mother (respectfully)’ (← ana ‘mother’), allay ~ Allay ‘God’ (← Alla ‘God’). An irregular form is ND qaniy ‘khan’s wife, queen’ (← qan ‘khan’); it is also found in many habitation names of the Crimea, e.g., Celişay, Mamaşay, Matay, Osalay, Şığay. -pçe is another suffix that forms nouns denoting female relationships and honorific titles, e.g., alapçe ‘father’s sister’ (← ala ‘id.’), yengepçe ‘wife of the elder brother, uncle’s wife; title of address for elder women’ (← yenge ‘id.’), ocapçe ‘(woman) teacher’ (← oca ‘teacher’), qudapçe ‘female matchmaker, inlaw’ (← quda ‘matchmaker, in-law’). This suffix probably originated from apçe ‘elder sister’ (← apa, not attested in Crimean Tatar, but cf., e.g., Kazakh -çe); in Dobruja Tatar it has the form -pşi, e.g., ocapşi ‘(woman) teacher’. There is only one d i m i n u t i v e suffix -çIQ common to all Crimean Tatar dialects, in addition to another one used in the northern dialect. In Old and Middle Crimean Tatar the number of diminutive suffixes was higher, e.g., -(A)ş, -(A)ç, -ke, used basically with nouns of relationship and proper names. At present, the derivatives with these suffixes are only preserved in old names and are not used actively any longer. Examples: -çIQ, e.g., balaçıq ‘little child, little boy’ (← bala ‘child, boy’); it also derives diminutive proper names, e.g., Esmaçıq ← Esma (female name); when a stem ends in -Q, it is deleted, e.g., mışıçıq ‘little cat’ (← mışıq ‘cat’). The suffix is also encountered in place names, e.g., Almaçıq (← Alma (name of a river)) without any meaning of diminutiveness; -tAy, an unproductive diminutive suffix, characteristic of the northern dialect, loosely connected with the stem, since it may follow a possessive suffix, e.g., ultay ‘little son’ (← ul ‘son’) (Izidinova 1983: 81) and ulumtay ‘my little son’ (written separately ulum tay) (Çobanzade in: Otar 1999: 176); this suffix is found in some historical place names of the Crimea, e.g., Çağaltay, Canatay, Qalımtay.

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4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns -lXQ is a single suffix that forms abstract nouns from adjectives, e.g., aqlıq ‘whiteness’ (← aq ‘white’), also from derived ones, thus forming composite suffixes such as -lI-lIQ, -(mA)mAz-lIQ, -sXz-lIQ, e.g., cesaretsizlik ‘lack of courage’ (← cesaretsiz ‘discouraged’). It also forms denominal nouns, see section 4.1.1.

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Deverbal nouns comprise the following categories: A c t i o n and r e s u l t n o u n s are derived with -(X)ş, a quite productive suffix that forms action nouns from both intransitive and transitive verbs, e.g., keliş ‘1. coming; 2. case (gramm.)’ (← kel- ‘to come’), uruş ‘hit, combat’ (← ur- ‘to hit, strike’). As the examples demonstrate, derived formations can signify action and result. -(U)v is in principle the suffix that forms verbal nouns, and as such can be attached to any verb; however, some nominalized verbs are used as nouns and denote both action and result, e.g., çağırtuv ‘1. inviting; 2. call; invitation’ (← çağırt- ‘to call, invite’), eşittirüv ‘1. making sb. hear; 2. radio broadcast’ (← eşittir- ‘to make sb. hear’). A g e n t n o u n s can be formed with: -çAQ, a suffix attached to a number of stems in -n-, mostly reflexive ones, forming agent nouns, more exactly: nouns signifying a person’s quality or state designated by the stem, e.g., erinçek ‘lazy person’ (← erin- ‘to be lazy’), inançaq ‘credulous person’ (← inan‘to believe’); -(y)IcI, an unproductive suffix typical of the southern dialect and Turkish loanwords, deriving agent nouns, e.g., yazıcı ‘writer’ (← yaz- ‘to write’), from Old Turkic -QU-çI; its north-western equivalent is -vcI ~ -vçI and can be regarded as a suffix forming nouns from verbal nouns, see aydavcı in -ÇI; -mXr, an unproductive suffix occuring in nouns such as ösmür ‘youngster’ (← ös- ‘to grow’), qıtmır ‘miser’ (← qıt- ‘to grudge’); southern dialect yağmur ‘rain’ denotes result of action, but this is a word pertaining to the Old Turkic layer. There are many suffixes which form derivatives that denote subjects if attached to intransitive, but objects if attached to transitive verbs. The former mostly signify agent, the latter result of action. Erdal (2004: 151) calls such derivatives ergative, but ergative formations in his approach include also those which are called here action and result nouns, and some instrument nouns. -mAQ, an unproductive suffix that derives nouns denoting the subject of intransitive and the object of transitive verbs, e.g., arğımaq ‘fast running horse’ (← arğa- ~ arğı- ‘to gallop, rush’ (hist.)), quymaq ‘pancake’ (← quy- ‘to pour on’) (Çeneli 1979: 30); -Xn, an unproductive suffix that forms nouns designating the subject of intransitive and the object of transitive verbs, e.g., kelin ‘bride’ (← kel- ‘to come’), ekin ‘crop’ (← ek‘to sow’); -(X)Q, an unproductive, but nevertheless quite frequently found suffix that basically forms nouns denoting the result of action from transitive verbs, e.g., bölük ‘division, part’ (← böl- ‘to divide’), töşek ‘bed’ (← töşe- ‘to spread’), but sometimes it is also attached to intransitive verbs and derives formations that are both adjectives and nouns

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as the subjects of the respective verbs, e.g., sasıq ‘1. stinking; 2. stench’ (← sası- ‘to stink’); note that this suffix has a variant with a low vowel -AQ, e.g., qonaq ‘guest’ (← qon- here: ‘to stay for a night’); the suffix -(X)Q with a phonetic variant also derives adjectives, see section 4.2.3; -QAç, there is only one attestation of a derivative formed by this suffix and actively used in Modern Crimean Tatar: artqaç ‘additional, addition’ (← art- ‘to increase’). In other North-Western Turkic languages this suffix forms both nouns and adjectives, the nouns being subjects of intransitive and objects of transitive verbs. As two place names of the Crimea, Carılğaç and Qıyğaç, show, the suffix must once have been used more actively (Jankowski 2006: 514, 1136); -QXn, an unproductive suffix deriving formations that denote subject of intransitive verbs (e.g., tolqun ‘wave’ ← tol- ‘to fill’) and object of transitive verbs (e.g., sürgün ‘exile, deportation’ ← sür- ‘to drag, exile’). R e s u l t n o u n s are derived by means of the following suffixes: -X, an unproductive suffix typical of the southern dialect and Turkish loanwords, forming nouns that denote result of action, e.g., yazı ‘writing’ (← yaz- ‘to write’), örtü ‘cover’ (← ört- ‘to cover’), its North-Western Turkic equivalent being -(X)v; -ç, an unproductive suffix that derives nouns designating abstract words, frequently feelings, being results of action, e.g., ökünç ‘offending’ (← ökün- ‘to be offended’), quvanç ‘joy, happiness’ (← quvan- ‘to be happy’); in spoken language -nç > -nIç, e.g., işanıç ‘belief, trust’ (Qıpçaq 2004: 25), especially in the northern dialect, Dobruja Tatar and Tatar of Turkey where it has the form -nIş, e.g., quvanış ‘joy, happiness’ (Ş. B.), ókíníş ‘sorrow, grief’ (Mahmut 1975: 122); -(X)m, an unproductive suffix that derives nouns denoting result of action, e.g., çıdam ‘patience’ (← çıda- ‘to withstand, be patient’), qaytım ‘change (money returned in a purchase transaction)’ (← qayt- ‘to come back’); -mA, a suffix which basically derives adjectives from verbs similar to participles, is used with only a few verb stems; however, some derivatives so formed change to nouns, e.g., bölme ‘room’ (← böl- ‘to divide’), qaytarma ‘sort of a national dance; lit. returned’ (← qaytar- ‘to return’); -XntI, an unproductive suffix that forms nouns designating result of action, e.g., quruntı ‘trend’ (← qur- ‘to construct’), tökünti ‘windfall’ (← tök- here: ‘to fall down (fruits)’). I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s are formed with the suffixes: -QX, an unproductive, but quite frequently used suffix that derives nouns denoting tools or products from transitive verbs, e.g., sipirki ~ sipirtki ‘broom’ (← sipir- ‘to sweep’), uyutqı ‘leavening’ (← uyut- ‘to leaven’); -QXç forms instrument nouns and designations of other objects, e.g., köstergiç ‘indicator’ (← köster- ‘to show’), yuvğuç ‘dishcloth’ (← yuv- ‘to wash’), cf. the following suffix; -vUç derives instrument nouns and names of other objects from both intransitive and transitive verbs, e.g., yaldavuç ‘fin’ (← yalda- ‘to swim’), tırnavuç ‘rake’ (← tırna- ‘to rake’). This suffix is probably a later variant of -QXç, occurring after a vocalic stem; it is possible that in the form of -(U)ç it has derived such nouns as çomuç ‘ladle’ (← çom‘to immerse, dive’) and çoquç ‘beak’ (← çoqu- ‘to peck’); earlier both -QXç and -vUç also derived agent nouns. Other categories include occasional formations that do not make up any clearly defined class, e.g., -A, an unproductive, rare suffix, originally a converb, e.g., yanaşa ‘proximity, near’ (← yanaş- ‘to draw near, approach’); it is used as an auxiliary noun,

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e.g., stolnıñ yanaşasına ‘close to the table’ but it may also be used as an adjective, e.g., yanaşa köy ‘nearby village’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Some suffixes are specialized in the derivation of relational adjectives determining place, time and measure: -DAki ~ -DAGI, a productive suffix, consisting of the locative case suffix -DA and -ki ~ -QI, derives adjectives which designate the position in space or time. The form -DAGI is used in the northern dialect and in conversational style, e.g., standard Crimean Tatar evdeki ‘home (adj.), house (adj.), indoor’ (← ev ‘house, home’), but ND úydegi (Mahmut 1975: 134), beşteki ‘being at five o’clock’ (← beş ‘five’); this suffix transposes adverbials to adjectival attributes; -ki ~ -QI, a suffix deriving adjectives from nouns that denote position in space and period of time; the phonetically adapted forms are used in the northern dialect and colloquial style except burunğı ‘earlier’ and tışqı ‘outer’, elsewhere the form -ki is used, e.g., soñki ‘last’ (← soñ ‘end’), and -lXQ, a productive suffix, especially when deriving adjectives signifying time and measure from nouns, e.g., künlük ‘daily’ (← kün ‘day’), yutumlıq ‘of a gulp’ (← yutum ‘gulp’). Qualitative adjectives denoting s i m i l a r i t y and p o s s e s s i o n of a certain characteristic are derived by means of the following suffixes: ˈ-ÇA, a suffix that forms many types of words, e.g., a) adjectives and adverbs from nouns, e.g., yiˈgitçe ‘boldly’ (← yigit ‘young man, young fellow’); b) adjectives and adverbs from proper names, e.g., Ereˈcepçe ‘in Erejep’s way’, nemˈsece ‘in German’; c) adjectives and adverbs from adjectives, see section 4.4; -çAn, a not quite clear suffix that forms adjectives from nouns, e.g., işçen ‘diligent’ (← iş ‘job’); sometimes it also derives adjectives from verbs, e.g., aşıqçan ‘prompt, rapid’ (← aşıq- ‘to be fast, prompt’) and yalşan ‘shy’ (← yal- ← uyal- ‘to be ashamed’) (Mahmut 1975: 134); ˈ-iy, after a vowel -viy, a suffix of Arabic origin that derives adjectives from Arabic and Persian loanwords, e.g., ˈdiniy ‘religious’ (← din (Ar. dīn) ‘religion’), aˈnaneviy ‘traditional, customary’ (← anane (Ar. ‘an‘ana) ‘tradition, custom’); -kyar, under the influence of Turkish written which does not correspond to the norm of the standard language, is a suffix of Persian origin (-kār) that appears in Crimean Tatar with Arabic and Persian loan stems, e.g., fedakyar ‘self-sacrificing’ (← feda (Ar. faḍā’) ‘sacrifice’); -kir in işkir ‘diligent’ (← iş ‘job’) is probably a phonetically adapted form; -lX, a productive suffix that derives adjectives from nouns, e.g., taşlı ‘stony’ (← taş ‘stone’), and other word classes, including adjectives, e.g., yeşilli ‘green’ (← yeşil ‘green’). P r i v a t i v e meaning is expressed by the productive suffix -sXz, e.g., suvsuz ~ suvsız ‘waterless’ (← suv ‘water’), küçsüz ‘powerless’ (← küç ‘strength’).

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4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives All existing suffixes but one modify the quality of adjectives to either more or less i n t e n s i v e. The only exception is the ND suffix -tay which is e v a l u a t i v e. ˈ-ÇA, a suffix which expresses a lower intensity of the quality denoted by the base, an old equative suffix, e.g., sıˈlaqça in sıˈlaqça qar ‘watery snow’ (← sılaq ‘watery, wet’); note that some native speakers pronounced it with a stress; it can be added to most qualifying adjectives; ˈ-ÇArAq, a suffix which is an extended form of the preceding one, i.e. ˈ-ÇA and -(A)rAQ; it is used less frequently, the meaning being similar, with only stylistic difference, e.g., uˈzuncaraq bir tayaq ‘a relatively long stick’ (Qurtmollayev 1940: 99); -ÇIl, a suffix that diminishes the intensity of some colour adjectives, sometimes also called colour tone suffix, e.g., kökçil ‘bluish, greenish’ (← kök ‘blue, green’); Dankoff and Kelly (1985: 315) argue that in Old Turkic it denoted abundance; -GIlt, a suffix similar to the preceding one, used in the northern dialect and Dobruja Tatar, e.g., qızğılt ‘reddish’ (← qızıl ‘red’), sarğılt ‘yellowish’ (← sarı ‘yellow’) (Mahmut 1975: 129), the corresponding suffix in standard Crimean Tatar being -(X)ltIm, cf. Old Turkic -GIl (Erdal 2004: 145); note that by its attachment the final vowel or syllable is deleted; -(X)ltIm, a suffix similar to -GIlt, e.g., kökültim ‘bluish’ (← kök ‘blue’), ekşiltim ‘a bit sour’ (← ekşi ‘sour’), typical of the central dialect; -Qay, a northern dialect suffix that diminishes the intensity of the base, e.g., qoñurqay ‘brownish’ (Izidinova 1983: 82) (← qoñur ‘brown, chestnut’); there are also similar, but less clear formations, cf. teraqay ‘slightly, a bit’ with a base word that is not quite clear, and kişekiy ‘tiny’ (probably ← kişi ← kiçi ‘small’ + -key) ~ kişnekiy (probably ← kişi ← kiçi + -kene (an enclitic) + -key ); -tay, an evaluative suffix that attaches diminutive meaning to the base, used only in the northern dialect with a few adjectives, e.g., kişkentay ‘tiny’ (← kişi (← kiçi) ‘small’ + -kene + -tay) (Izidinova 1983: 82).

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Most deverbal adjectives, except for those derived with the suffix -IX which are predominantly passive and -vlI which are resultative, are a c t i v e or p a s s i v e depending on the verbal base. -X, an unproductive suffix which derives adjectives, now mostly perceived as passive, e.g., ayrı ‘separate’ (← ayır- ‘to separate’), and adjectives similar to participles, e.g., tolu ‘full, filled’ (← tol- ‘to fill’); -mA, a relatively productive suffix that derives adjectives referring to the subject of intransitive and the object of transitive verbs, e.g., aylanma ‘winding’ (← aylan- ‘to turn (itr.)’), burma ‘curled’ (← bur- ‘to curl (tr.)’); -nQI, a suffix attested in only one formation köterinki ‘raised, elevated’ (← köter- ‘to raise’); it is clearly passive, since the verb is transitive, but in other Turkic languages there are also derivatives from intransitive verbs, e.g., Kazakh jatıñqı ‘base’ (← jat- ‘to lie (down)’), which is antonymous to köterinki; this suffix is rare in other languages as well;

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-(X)Q ~ -vUQ, an unproductive, but wide-spread suffix that forms adjectives denoting the quality of a state experienced by/referring to the agent (subject) of intransitive and the patient (object) of transitive verbs, e.g., ayınıq ‘sober’ (← ayın- ‘to sober up, come round’), teşik ‘pierced, holed’ (← teş- ‘to pierce, make a hole’); the variant -vUQ occurs after vocalic stems, e.g., qaltıravuq ‘shivering, trembling’ (← qaltıra- ‘to shiver, tremble’); the suffix -(X)Q also derives nouns, see section 4.1.3; -QAQ, an unproductive suffix that forms adjectives denoting a feature expressed by the verb, mostly used in the northern dialect, e.g., batqaq ‘swampy, boggy’ (← bat- ‘to sink, set’), mayışqaq ‘flexible’ (← mayış- ‘to bend, twist’); all examples have active meaning, but in other languages, e.g., Kazakh, there are examples for passive meaning, e.g., ilgek ‘clasp, buckle’ (← il- ‘to hang, clasp’); -QXn, an unproductive suffix that derives adjectives with active meaning derived from intransitive verbs and with passive meaning when derived from transitive verbs, e.g., talğın ‘tired’ (← tal- ‘to be tired’), tüzgün ‘arranged, in order’ (← tüz- ‘to arrange, put to rights’); -QXr, as the preceding one, is an unproductive suffix that derives adjectives with active and with passive meaning, e.g., ötkür ‘sharp, easily cutting, passing through’ (← öt- ‘to pass’), sezgir ‘sensible’ (← sez- ‘to feel’); -vlI, a productive suffix that derives resultative adjectives from verbs, e.g., töşevli ‘covered’ (← töşe- ‘to cover’); it is composed of -v and -lX (cf. Old Turkic -QU-lXg); in Crimean Tatar influenced by Turkish, -v is deleted and the suffix has the form -(I)lI, e.g., qapalı ‘closed’ (← qapa- ‘to close’).

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs Denominal verbs are formed by the following suffixes: -A-, an unproductive suffix that derives verbs like aşa- ‘to eat’ (← aş ‘meal’) and yaşna‘to flash’ (← yaşın ‘lightning’); the verbs are both transitive and intransitive; -dA derives verbs from onomatopoeic and synaesthetic nouns ending in Xl and Xr, e.g., çivilde- ‘to chirp’ (← çivil-çivil ‘chirp-chirp’ ← *çiv ← çip ‘chirp’), balqılda- ‘to gleam’ (← balq-balq ‘repeated gleams’), tasırda- ‘to knock, clatter’, cf. tasır-tusır ‘knockknock’, sometimes taken for one suffix with the word final as -XldA- and -XrdA-; -lA-, one of the most productive suffixes that derives transitive and intransitive verbs of very differentiated meanings from nouns and all other word classes, e.g., arıqla- ‘to slim down’ (← arıq ‘slim, slender, thin’), baltala- ‘to axe’ (← balta ‘axe’), yamanla- ‘to defame, slander’ (← yaman ‘wrong, bad’). The suffix -lA- also derives verbs from deverbal nouns forming thus entities resembling composite suffixes such as: -mA -lA-, e.g., bürmele- ‘to make folds, fold and fold’ (← bürme ‘folding’ ← bür- ‘to fold’) and -IQ -lA-, e.g., sekirikle- ‘to jump and jump’ (← sekirik ‘jump’ ← sekir- ‘to jump’); -XQ-, an unproductive suffix that forms intransitive verbs, often with reflexive or cooperative meaning, from nouns and other word classes, e.g., birik- ‘to come together, assemble’ (← bir ‘one’), keçik- ‘to be late’ (← keç ‘late’); Çeneli (1979: 39), as usually, gives archaic and rare examples such as yoluq- ‘to meet (on the road)’ (← yol ‘road’);

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-sA-, this unproductive formative, often called desiderative, derives a few verbs, e.g., suvsa- ‘to thirst’ (← suv ‘water’); -sXn-, regarded in the literature as the passive form of the simulative -sX- suffix (which derives verbs whose agent pretends to be or to do what is expressed by the stem), forms verbs with the meaning ‘to treat sb./sth. as, regard sb./sth. as’; therefore, it does not have any passive meaning in the modern language, e.g., azsın- ‘to consider little’ (← az ‘little, few’), for more examples see Çeneli (1979: 43); -sIrA-, a quite frequently used suffix that forms verbs from nouns that denote a not fully achieved state or process or action, e.g., yuqusıra- ‘to doze’ (← yuqu ‘sleep’); this suffix is composed of the privative -sXz and the denominal -A- verb suffix and its old meaning of lack or loss is still present in suvsıra- ‘to thirst (for water)’ (← suv ‘water’) (Memetov 1984: 116).

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs The following suffixes are typical of deadjectival verbs: -(A)r- derives factitive and anti-causative verbs from colour names, e.g., ağar- ‘to whiten, turn pale’ (← aq ‘white’), qarar- ‘to blacken’ (← qara ‘black’), less frequently from other adjectives, e.g., yaşar- ‘to get younger’ (← yaş ‘young’). Sometimes the final vowel of the stem is elided, e.g., sarı ‘yellow’ → sarar- ‘to yellow’, but eski ‘old’ → eskir- ‘to grow old’; note that -Ar in suvar- ‘to water’ (← suv ‘water’) is transitive, semantically distinct and probably goes back to -QAr; -Ay-, a quite common suffix used in the northern dialect, deriving verbs from various adjectives, e.g., azay- ‘to diminish’ (← az ‘little, few’), köbey- ‘to increase’ (← köp ‘much, many’); in the southern dialect and standard Crimean Tatar the equivalent verbs have the forms azlaş- and çoqlaş-, respectively. Some derivatives formed with the suffix -Ay- are also used in the standard language, e.g., qartay- ‘to age, grow old’ (← qart ‘old’), and in some cases the two suffixes form verbs of different meanings, e.g., sertey‘to rebuke’, but sertleş- ‘to turn strict, hard’ (← sert ‘strict, tough, harsh’); -sIrA-, a suffix that also forms verbs from nouns (see section 4.3.1); when attached to adjectives, it denotes ‘perceiving, regarding something or somebody as defined by the adjective’, e.g., yatsıra- ‘to regard as a stranger’ (← yat ‘strange, stranger’), ND cañızsıra- ‘to regard sb. as lonely’ (← cañız ‘lonely’) (Yüksel 1989: 66).

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs There are only a few suffixes deriving verbs from verbs that do not transform a verb diathetically, i.e. do not change the valency (see Jankowski 2010: 121 and Kavitskaya 2010: 79). N o n - d i a t h e t i c (non-valency changing) deverbal verbs are formed with: -A-, an unproductive, rare suffix that probably originated from an old exponent of iterativity, e.g., ite- ‘to push repeatedly or forcibly’ (← it- ‘to push’) (Çeneli 1979: 45); -çIQ-, an unproductive, rare suffix that derives verbs expressing an action less intensive or restrained, e.g., talçıq- ‘to be a little tired’ (← tal- ‘to be tired’) (Üseinov 2005: 242);

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-IQ-, an unproductive, rare suffix that forms a few verbs, e.g., toluq- ‘to become full’ (← tol- ‘to be full’) (Useinov 1994: 296); - sIrA-, a suffix forming verbs of a decreased intensity from verbs denoting mood and human feelings, e.g., muğaysıra- ‘to be a little saddened’ (← muğay- ‘to be sad’); cf. the denominal and deadjectival -sIrA-. There is also an actional suffix -QALA- that expresses iterative or multiplicative action. It is quite productive, e.g., basqala- ‘to tread, trample on’ (← bas- ‘to press, tread’), burğala- ‘to twist, turn repeatedly’ (← bur- ‘to twist’), ezgele- ‘to smash again and again’ (← ez- ‘to squash, squeeze’), tintkele- ‘to search for many times, rummage’ (← tint- ‘to search for’) (Qurtmollayev 1940: 171). There are a few suffixes that form d i a t h e t i c (valency-changing) deverbal verbs. The marked classes of voice are passive, reflexive, causative and reciprocal or cooperative, active being normally unmarked. a) Passive is formed with the suffix -Xn- from l- stems, with -n- from the stems suffixed with -lA- and with -(X)l- in other cases, e.g., bilin- ‘to be known’ (← bil- ‘to know’), tüzlen- ‘to be levelled’ (← tüzle- ‘to level’), tapıl- ‘to be found’ (ND tabıl-) (← tap‘to find’), aşal- ‘to be eaten’ (← aşa- ‘to eat’); b) Reflexive is formed with the suffix -Xn-, e.g., cuvun- ‘to wash oneself’ (← cuv- ‘to wash’); there are only a limited number of true reflexive verbs and many -Xn- formations have the meaning of an agent-oriented benefactive, e.g., aşan- ‘to eat for one’s sake’ (← aşa- ‘to eat’); c) Reciprocal or cooperative is formed with the suffix -(X)ş-, e.g., yaldaş- ‘to swim together, in a group’ (← yalda- ‘to swim’); d) Causative is formed irregularly with a range of suffixes depending on stems which will be not discussed here in detail, cf. -t-, e.g., aşat- ‘to feed, make sb. eat’ (← aşa‘to eat’); -tXr-, e.g., östür- ‘to grow, make sth. grow’ (← ös- ‘to grow’). The suffixes which form causative verbs are also used to transform intransitive verbs to transitive ones. In addition to the aforementioned, the following suffixes are also employed: -Ar-, -DAr, -Xt-, -QAr-, -QXz-, -QAz-, -sAt- and -Xz-. Note that some voice suffixes form indivisible suffixes with -lA-, since the respective derivatives normally do not occur with -lA- separately, as in: -lAn-, e.g., türlen- ‘to change, be inflected’ (← tür ‘sort; kind’), but *türle-; -lAş-, e.g., yahşılaş- ‘to recover’ (← yahşı ‘good’), but *yahşıla-; -lAştır-, e.g., mehanizmleştir- ‘to mechanise’ (← mehanizm ‘mechanism’), but *mehanizmle-.

4.4. Adverbial derivation The following suffixes derive adverbs from nouns and adjectives: ˈ-ane, of Persian origin, deriving a few adverbs from Arabic and Persian nouns and adjectives; most derivatives of this type were borrowed through Turkish, although the basic words might have existed in Crimean Tatar earlier, e.g., aqılane ‘wisely’ (← aqıl ‘wisdom’ < Ar. ‘aql), cesürane ‘bravely’ (← cesür ~ cesur ‘brave’ < Ar. ǧasūr). However, some of these derivatives may be used as attributes before nouns, e.g., cesürane küreş ‘fearless battle’; these are little used in spoken language, if ever;

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-ArI, an unproductive suffix forming a few spatial adverbs, used in the southern dialect and standard Crimean Tatar, e.g., tışarı ‘outwards’ (← tış ‘outer side’). The true Crimean Tatar equivalent is -GArI, preserved in a few habitation names of the Crimea; quite interestingly, it is used as an adjective, e.g., ilgeri (Turk. ileri) in İlgeri Camanaq ‘Front Camanaq’ and artqarı in Atqarı Qarsa ‘Rear Qarsa’; ˈ-ÇA(sInA), a productive suffix, e.g., inˈsanca(sına) ‘humanely’ (← insan ‘human being, man’). In the northern dialect it has the form -ŞA, e.g., 'Túrkşe ~ Túˈrúkşe ‘in Turkish’ (Yüksel 1989: 48); ˈ-en, of Arabic origin, deriving a few adverbs from Arabic nouns, borrowed via Turkish and used in the literary language, e.g., ˈqasten ‘purposely’ (← qast ‘purpose’ < Ar. qast). The spoken Crimean Tatar variety of the latter is eñqastan; -lAy is often used in the northern dialect, less encountered in the standard language, e.g., bütünley ‘wholly’ (← bütün ‘whole’); see also northern dialect and historical alay, bulay and şulay ‘thus, in this way, in that way’; ˈ-lAyIn, forming a few adverbs in the southern dialect and standard Crimean Tatar, e.g., saˈbalayın ‘in the morning’ (← saba ‘morning’); ˈ-Xn, an unproductive suffix which forms some adverbs denoting seasons and periods of time, e.g., ˈküzün ‘in the autumn’ (← küz ‘autumn’), kündüzin ‘daytime, by day’ (← kündüz ‘daytime’); not used in the northern dialect. Apart from these, there are some other suffixes which derive words functioning as adverbials, e.g., ˈ-ÇIQ: ˈazaçıq ‘a bit, a little’ (← az ‘little, few’), ˈyañıçıq ‘a short time ago’ (← ˈyañı ‘newly, recently’) (words with this suffix are often reduced, e.g., yañçıq); -DA (locative suffix), -DAn (ablative), -QA (dative), -nen (comitative-instrumental; in ND -mAn, written separately from the stem), -sXz (privative suffix), e.g., başta ‘initially’ (← baş ‘head’); southern dialect, standard Crimean Tatar bir ağızdan, ND bir avuzdan ‘unanimously’ (← ağız, avuz ‘mouth’), birge ‘together’ (← bir ‘one’), böyleliknen ‘in this way’ (← böyle ‘so, in this way’ + lXQ), şartsız ‘unconditionally’ (← şart ‘condition’); -lXQ: bügünlik ‘as for today’ (← bügün ‘today’), ömürlik ‘lifelong, for life’ (← ömür ‘life’); -(s)I, -lArI, e.g., bu yılı ‘this year’ (← yıl ‘year’), aqşamları ‘in the evenings’ (← aqşam ‘evening’).

5. Reduplication Reduplication is a widespread method of forming words to express intensity, quality, but also grammatical meanings, such as distribution and definiteness. In Crimean Tatar such word classes as nouns, pronouns, adjectives, numerals, adverbs, verbs, interjections and conjunctions are reduplicated. Reduplication may be partial and full. There are a few types of both partial and full reduplications.

5.1. Noun reduplication Full noun reduplication may express quantity, e.g., burım-burım tütün çıqa ve kesekkesek olıp […] ‘clouds of tobacco smoke are billowing out and changing into pieces

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[…]’, where there are two reduplications, burım ~ burım ‘billows’ and kesek-kesek ‘pieces’. When the element -mA is inserted between two reduplicated nouns, the whole entity gains a sense of indefiniteness, e.g., dağma dağ (also written dağ ma-dağ) ‘something like a mountain’. Like in Turkish and a number of other Turkic languages, there is also an m-type reduplication by which a noun is reduplicated with the addition of the initial consonant m- when beginning in a vowel or the change of the initial consonant into m-, when in consonant, e.g., taqtadan-maqtadan (Ş. B.) ‘from boards of all types’ (← taqta ‘board, plank; wood’), o malde tereze-mereze yoq edi (Ş. B.) ‘there were no windows at all at that time’ (← ND tereze ‘window’).

5.2. Adjective and adverb reduplication Adjectives and adverbs may also be fully reduplicated, e.g., uzaq-uzaq ‘far, remote’ (uzaq-uzaq memleketlerde ‘in remote countries’). Sometimes the ablative case suffix -DAn is attached to the first component to express intensity, e.g., müimden-müim ‘very important’. Another way of joining two reduplicated components is to insert the interrogative enclitic mI, e.g., ND ǧanîmî ǧanî ‘quite new’ (Mahmut 1975: 132). A type of partial reduplication involves the initial syllable which is closed with the consonant m, p, r, s or t. If the adjective or adverb begins in a vowel, the closing consonant is p, e.g., aq ‘white’ → ˈap-aq ‘all white, entirely white’, uzun ‘long’ → ˈupuzun ‘very long, quite long’. In other cases the choice if the closing consonant is unpredictable (there are some rules, but with many exceptions): m: mostly after b-initial stems, e.g., ˈbam-başqa ‘quite different’ (← başqa ‘another’), but also other stems, e.g., ˈtem-tegiz ‘quite plane’ (← tegiz ‘plane, even’); p: mostly after q-initial stems, e.g., ˈqap-qara ‘all black, entirely black’ (← qara ‘black’); r: ˈter-temiz ‘very clean’ (← temiz ‘clean’), ˈçır-çıplaq ‘all naked’ (← çıplaq ‘naked’); s: ˈmos-mor ‘all bluish-purple’ (← mor ‘bluish-purple, violet’), ˈtös-tögerek ‘all round’ (← tögerek ‘round’); t: in Turkish loanwords, e.g., ˈçet-çeşit ‘of all kinds’ (← çeşit ‘kind’). Other types of partial reduplications include cases in which either the initial, the final or the medial segment of a word is reduplicated, e.g., ND cartı-curtı ‘old and aged’ (← cartı ‘old’). There are some cases of reduplication of words that do not occur separately, e.g., rıqma-rıq ‘all full’, çım-çırt ‘deathly still’, tım-tırış ‘id.’, but they are only used in the predicative position.

5.3. Numeral reduplication Numerals are reduplicated to show distribution. In reduplication both components take suffixes, either standard CTat. -(ş)Ar (-Ar after consonant stems and -şAr after vowels), e.g., birer-birer ‘one by one’ or ND -lAy, e.g., birley-birley ‘one by one’. The adverb az

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‘little, few’ is also reduplicated in this way to express distribution, i.e. azar-azar ‘little by little’, in addition to its normal full reduplication az-az ‘quite little, quite few’.

5.4. Verb reduplication Full reduplication of verbs, both finite and converbs, is employed to express reiterative or durative action, e.g., çapa-çapa ‘(he) is running and running’, ayttı-ayttı ‘(he) spoke and spoke’, süyreklene-süyreklene barıp, yuvasına kirdi ‘it crawled and crawled, then entered its burrow’. It is quite often that verbs are repeated three times, e.g., Kete kete keteler ‘They go, go, and go’.

5.5. Interjection reduplication As a class of words that denote emotions, interjections are very often repeated two and three times, e.g., Vay-vay! or Vay-vay-vay! ‘Oh! Alas!’. There are many reduplicated exclamations to call or drive away birds and animals, e.g., Çip-çip! ‘Cheep! Cheep!’ (calling hens and chickens); Küş-küş! ‘Shoo, shoo!’ (driving away hens and chickens).

6. Blending Blending is encountered in words which emerged from pronouns, demonstrative adjectives and light verbs, e.g., qaytip ~ qatip ‘how; lit. how-doing’ (← qalay etip), şaytip ‘so; lit. so-doing’ (← şulay etip), netip ‘how; lit. what-doing’ (← ne etip), in Tatar of Turkey also bulaytíp ‘in this way’ (← bulay etip), şulaytíp ‘in that way’ (← şulay etip), olaytíp ‘id.’ (← olay etip) (Yüksel 1989: 56). In the northern dialect there are demonstrative pronouns bol ‘this’ (← bu-ol) and şol ‘this one’ (← şu-ol) that emerged as a result of blending, and in the southern dialect such forms as able ‘in this way’ (← *ana böyle) and abu ~ avu ‘this one’ (← *ana bu). Crimean Tatar also displays the blending of some verbs, e.g., ekel- ‘to bring’ (← alıp kel- ‘to take and come’) and eket- ‘to take away’ (← alıp ket- ‘to take and go’), which in addition were adapted phonetically.

Abbreviations CTat. ND SD Ş. B.

Crimean Tatar Northern dialect of Crimean Tatar Southern dialect of Crimean Tatar Şevket Bekbavov, born 1927, from Alibay village (informant)

7. References Bektöre, Şevqiy 1923 Tatarça ṣarf, naḥv. Totayköy.

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Çeneli, Ilhan 1979 Formantien im Krimtatarischen. Freiburg/Br.: Schwarz. Çobanzade, Bekir 1925 Qırım tatar ‘ilmī ṣarfı. Aq Mescid: Qırım Hükümet Neşriyatı. Dankoff, Robert and James Kelly 1985 Maḥmūd al-Kāšγarī. Compendium of the Turkic Dialects (Dīwān Luγāt at-Turk). Edited and translated with introduction and indices by Robert Dankoff in collaboration with James Kelly. Vol. 3. Harvard: Harvard University Printing Office. Dermenci, Eyüp and A. Şemsedinova 1940 Qrımtatar tili dersligi. Grammatika ve doğru yazuv. Başlanğıç mektepniñ birinci ve ekinci sınıfları içün. Simferopoľ: Qrım ASSR Devlet Neşriyatı. Doerfer, Gerhard 1959a Das Krimosmanische. In: Jean Deny, Kaare Grønbech, Helmut Scheel and Zeki Veledi Togan (eds.), Philologiae turcicae fundamenta, 272−280. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Doerfer, Gerhard 1959b Das Krimtatarische. In: Jean Deny, Kaare Grønbech, Helmut Scheel and Zeki Veledi Togan (eds.), Philologiae turcicae fundamenta, 369−390. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Erdal, Marcel 1991 Old Turkic Word Formation. A Functional Approach to the Lexicon. 2 Vol. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Erdal, Marcel 2004 A Grammar of Old Turkic. Leiden/Boston: Brill. Ǧafer, A. Naǧi 1958 Tatar Tílí. Gramatika, Ortografya ve Tízím Derslígí. Sînîf IV. [Bucureşti]: Didaktik ve Pedagoǧik Dewlet Basîmüyí. Islamov, Asan 1940 Tatar tiliniñ grammatikası. Ekinci qısım. Sintaksis. Tam olmağan orta ve orta mekteplerniñ 6−7 sınıfları içün derslik. [Simferopoľ]: Qrım ASSR Devlet Neşriyatı. Izidinova, Sevilja 1983 Fonetičeskie i morfologičeskie osobennosti krymskotatarskogo jazyka v areaľnom osveščenii. In: Vladimir M. Alpatov (ed.), Voprosy vostočnogo jazykoznanija, 75−91. Moskva: Nauka. Izidinova, Sevilja 1997 Krymskotatarskij jazyk. In: Ėdchjam R. Tenišev (ed.), Jazyki mira. Tjurkskie jazyki, 298−309. Biškek: Izdateľskij Dom “Kyrgyzstan”. Jankowski, Henryk 1992 Gramatyka języka krymskotatarskiego. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM. Jankowski, Henryk 2006 A Historical-Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Russian Habitation Names of the Crimea. Leiden/Boston: Brill. Jankowski, Henryk 2010 Język krymskotatarski. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dialog. Kaja, Isaak S. 1928 Rukovodstvo dlja obučenija krymsko-tatarskomu jazyku po novomu alfavitu. Simferopoľ: Krymizdat. Kavitskaya, Darya 2010 Crimean Tatar. München: LINCOM Europa. Kerim, Altay and Leyla Kerim 1996 Dicţionar Tătar Turc Român. Tatarca Türkçe Romence Sözlĭk. Tatarca Türkçe Romence Sözlük. [Bucureşti]: Kriterion. Kornfilt, Jaklin 2000 Turkish Grammar. London/New York: Routledge.

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Kurat, Akdes Nimet 1940 Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivindeki Altın Ordu, Kırım ve Türkistan Hanlarına Ait Yarlık ve Bitikler. İstanbul: [İÜ] Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Yaıynları. Mahmut, Enver 1975 Curs general de limba tătară. Fonetică şi fonologie morfologie. Bucureşti: Universitatea din Bucureşti. Memetov, Ayder 1984 Tatar tili grammatikasınıñ praktikumı. Pedagogika institutı rus ve tatar filologija fakul’tetiniñ tatar bölügi studentleri içün. Taşkent: Uqituvçi. Memetov, Ayder M. 1997 Qırımtatar tili. Yuqarı sınıf talebeleri içün. Aqmescit: Qırımdevoquvpedneşir. Nuzet, Memet 2003 Qırımnıñ çöl ayatından. Saylama eserler cıyıntığı. Simferopoľ: Dolya. Odabaš, Abibulla and Isaak S. Kaja 1924 Rukovodstvo dlja obučenija krymsko-tatarskomu jazyku. Simferopoľ: Krymizdat. Otar, İsmail 1999 Kırımlı Türk Şair ve Bilgini Bekir Sıdkı Çobanzade. İstanbul: Lebib Yalkın Yayımları ve Basım İşleri A. Ş. Prokosch, Erich 2006 Handbuch des Krimtatarischen unter Einschluss des Dobrudschatatarischen. Diachronische Grammatik mit kultur- und realkundlichem Hintergrund. Graz: Institut fu¨r Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Graz. Qıpçaq, Vasfiye 2004 Ömürniñ içinden. Şiirler. İstanbul: Kırım Türkleri ve Yardımlaşma Derneği. Qurtmollayev, Emirasan A. 1940 Tatar tilininiñ grammatikası. I qısım. Fonetika ve morfologija. Tam olmağan orta mektepniñ 5−6 sınıfları içün. Simferopol’: Qrım ASSR Devlet Neşriyatı. Samojlovič, Aleksandr N. 1916 Opyt kratkoj krymsko-tatarskoj grammatiki. Petrograd: Tip. I. Boraganskogo. Sevortjan, Ėrvand V. 1966 Krymskotatarskij jazyk. In: Viktor V. Vinogradov (ed.), Jazyki narodov SSSR. Vol. 2: Tjurkskie jazyki, 234−259. Moskva: Nauka. Useinov, Sejran M. 1994 Krymskotatarsko-russkij slovar’. Svyše 20 000 slov. Ternopoľ: Dialog. Üseinov, Seyran M. 2005 Qırımtatarca-rusça luğat. 25 000-den ziyade söz ve söz birikmesi. Krymskotatarskorusskij slovar’. Svyše 25 000 slov i slovosočetanij. Simferopoľ: Ocaq. Veliullayeva, Aliye 1999 Qırımtatar tili grammatikasından cedveller. Orta mektepniñ 5−9 sınıf talebeleri içün. Simferopoľ: Qırımdevoquvpedneşir. Yüksel, Zühal 1989 Polatlı Kırım Türkçesi Ağzı. Ankara: Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü. Yüksel, Zühâl 2007 Kırım-Tatar Türkçesi. In: Ahmet B. Ercilasun (ed.), Türk Lehçeleri Grameri, 811−882. Ankara: Akçağ. Zajączkowski, Ananiasz 1932 Sufiksy imienne i czasownikowe w języku zachodniokaraimskim (Przyczynek do morfologji języków tureckich). Les suffixes nominaux et verbaux dans la langue des Karaïms occidentaux (Contribution à la morphologie des languaes turques). Avec résumé français. Kraków: Polska Akademja Umiejętności.

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Zetterstéen, Karl Vilhelm 1945 Türkische, tatarische und persische Urkunden im schwedischen Reichsarchiv. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell.

Henryk Jankowski, Poznań (Poland)

188. Gagauz 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Reduplication References

Abstract This article outlines the main devices of word-formation that are productive in Gagauz. As is common in Turkic languages, Gagauz engages mainly compounding and suffixation to derive new words. Since Gagauz word-formation resembles Turkish word-formation very closely, emphasis is placed on those developments characteristic of Gagauz, most of them triggered by intensive contact with Slavic languages and with Romanian.

1. Introduction Gagauz is a Turkic language with about 250,000 speakers, mainly in the Republic of Moldova and in Ukraine. The oldest written sources for Gagauz date back to the early 20th century and consist of folktales gathered by a Russian ethnographer. Before its official establishment by the Soviet government in 1957, Gagauz as a written language was used only by a handful of individuals. Even today, the majority of Gagauz speakers probably prefer to write in either Russian or Romanian, including those living in the autonomous region Gagauziya of the Republic of Moldova. Gagauz must be regarded as an endangered language (see Menz 2006 for general information on the Gagauz people and Menz 2003 on the status of the endangerment of the language). Like Turkic languages in general, Gagauz is agglutinative and thus employs a large number of suffixes for derivational purposes. It belongs to the Oghuz branch of the Turkic languages, and is linguistically very close to Turkish. Due to its long and intensive contact with Slavic languages, however, Gagauz has developed features not found in Turkish. While these features are most obvious on the level of lexicon and syntax, changes on the morphological level, though minor in number, are highly significant for

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research on language contact and on linguistic typology. Since Gagauz word-formation resembles Turkish word-formation very closely, I will put an emphasis on those features that are unique to Gagauz and/or have developed in a special way. All linguistic examples are given in the new Latin orthography of Gagauz that was introduced in the Republic of Moldova in the year 2000. In Turkic languages in general, suffixes undergo morphophonological changes according to the environment into which they are inserted. These changes are rule-bound and thus predictable. In the following sections, suffixes are given in standardized form; capital letters are used to indicate possible changes according to vowel and consonant harmony. In these standardized forms capital A represents the low vowels a or e, capital I the high vowels i, ı, ü, or u; C stands for c and ç, K for k or 0̸, L for l or n, and D for d or t. Brackets signal the possible loss of a consonant or vowel depending on the preceding vowel or consonant. By and large I have followed the system established in Johanson and Csató (1998: xv−xx). Since Gagauz is a language with relatively few speakers, and research on it first began at the turn of the 20th century, few studies focusing on Gagauz word-formation exist. Word-formation is treated in the chapters on morphology in the grammar books of Pokrovskaja (1964) and Özkan (1996). Kolca (1973) deals with compounding in general, while Apostolova (2010) addresses the formation of botanical terms, most of them formed by compounding. The most relevant dictionaries for Gagauz are Baskakov (1973) and Čebotar’ and Dron (2002).

2. General overview The main processes of word-formation in Gagauz are compounding and suffixation. Like all other Turkic languages, Gagauz does not engage prefixes or infixes for derivation, though intensified adjective formation (see section 6) is sometimes (mis-)understood as prefixing. Reduplication plays a significant role in the formation of adverbs. Conversion is not productive. There are, however, some cases of polysemous noun and verb stems like acı ‘pain’ and acı- ‘to feel pain’ or don ‘frozen’ and don- ‘to freeze’. Backformation is not attested in Gagauz. Some of the problematic areas regarding the distinction between syntax and morphology in Turkish have been discussed extensively. Since both languages are similar in this respect, the issues as well as the conclusions of the debate are just as relevant for Gagauz. One field of debate concerns the establishment of distinctive word classes in Turkic languages in general and in Turkish in particular (for this discussion with respect to Turkish, see Johanson 1990: 187−191). Gagauz, like all other Turkic languages, has a morphologically distinct class of nominals and one of verbs. Any stem that can take the suffix for negation -mA is a verb. Within the class of nominals, however, there is no morphologically clear-cut distinction between noun and adjective. Almost any adjective can be used as the head of a noun phrase − but not vice versa, i.e. nouns cannot function as adjectives − without undergoing a derivational process, which is why various authors have regarded them as belonging to a single class of nominals. The border between the two classes is rather fluid, with some gradation (see Braun and Haig 2000), but adjectives nevertheless form a separate word class on the basis of syntactic and semantic features (Johanson 2006).

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Another area of dispute is whether voice suffixes should be understood as derivational or inflectional elements (see section 4.3.2).

3. Composition Composition, i.e. the formation of new words out of at least two stems, is very productive in Gagauz. Noun compounding is most productive.

3.1. Nominal compounds There are two structurally different types of nominal compounds. The more productive type consists of two or more juxtaposed nominals with the head marked with a possessive suffix, i.e. N+N-POSS. The second, less productive compound type consists of two juxtaposed nominals, i.e. N+N. Compounds of the first type are in most, but not all, cases endocentric: compare endocentric domuz yaanı-sı ‘pork; lit. pig meat-POSS3SG’ and gün tut-ul-ma-sı ‘solar eclipse; lit. sun grip-PASS-SUFF-POSS3SG’, with exocentric gün batı-sı ‘West; lit. sun sinking-POSS3’. The simple juxtaposition of two nouns forms determinative compounds in which “[t]he referent of the head is or consists of the entity expressed by the modifier” (Johanson 2006: 67). This type is possible only with certain kinds of nouns, most often denoting a kind of material as in yapaa çorap ‘wool stocking’ ← yapaa ‘wool’ + çorap ‘stocking’, demir kapı ‘iron door’ ← demir ‘iron’ + kapı ‘door’. One type of coordinative compound (dvandva) results from the combining of two related concepts to form a single, new concept, such as ana-boba ‘parents’ ← ana ‘mother’ + boba ‘father’, soruş-cuvap ‘pourparler’ ← soruş ‘question’ + cuvap ‘answer’. A second type of coordinative compound consists of nominals that are synonyms or semantically very close. The resulting compound refers to a concept that can be understood as the sum of the two parts: çayır-çimen ‘fields and meadows; lit. meadow-lawn’, çayır-bayır ‘green area; lit. meadow-hill’. If the head of a compound is a lexicalized participle and the first element an argument of the head, no possessive is necessary either, e.g., aaç kakan ‘woodpecker’ ← aaç ‘wood’ + kak-an ‘pick-PART’, Kervan-kıran ‘(planet) Venus; lit. caravan breaker’ ← kervan ‘caravan’ + kır-an ‘break-PART’. Most of the nominal compounds with the combination adjective + noun contain a colour adjective: maavi çiçek ‘blueweed; lit. blue flower’, al beegir ‘chestnut horse; lit. red horse’, kara damar ‘vein; lit. black artery’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds A type of intensified adjective is constructed through the combination of two semantically related adjectives: hırdıllı-partallı ‘completely ragged; lit. ragged-tattered’. Other

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types of intensified adjectives can consist of a combination of an adjective with semantic content and a kind of (at least synchronically) meaningless echo-element, as in ufak-tefek ‘tiny; lit. small-tefek’ or the partial reduplication of the adjective with the replacement of the initial consonant by the labial m-: çürük-mürük ‘all decayed; lit. rotten-motten’ (see also section 5).

3.3. Verbal compounds Verbal compounds are generally formed with a nominal element, either a noun or verbal noun/infinitive, followed by a light verb. In most cases, either et- or yap- ‘to do’ or ol‘to become, be’ function as the light verbs. The nominal element is generally a loanword of either Arabo-Persian, Slavic or Romanian origin. With Russian nominal elements there is a strong tendency to integrate infinitives by means of et- and nouns by adding yap-, as, e.g., adaptirovat et- ‘to adapt’ and adaptirovat ol- ‘to become, be adapted’ (< Rus. adaptirovať), agressija yap- ‘to exert aggression’ (< Rus. agressija). With AraboPersian loans the light verb et- is more common, e.g., neet et- ‘to intend’ (< Tur. niyet ‘intent’ < Arab. nīya), seftä yap- ‘to begin’ (< Arab. siftāḥ ‘beginning’). A distribution of et- and yap- comparable to that of Russian loans could not be observed. Recent loanwords from Turkish are integrated by using the light verb et-, e.g., önderlik et- ‘to lead’ ← önder-lik ‘leadership’ < Tur. önder ‘leader’. The Turkish base önder, which is a non-transparent derivation from ön ‘forefront’, does not function in Gagauz; instead a derivation with the agent noun suffix -CI is used: önderci ‘leader’ (see section 4.1.1 for this suffix). Some verbal compounds with an Arabo-Persian loanword as the nominal element are written in closed form: azet- ‘to like’ (< Arab. ḥaẓẓ ‘enjoyment’) and metet- ‘to praise’ (< Arab. madḥ ‘praise’). Other light verbs that can appear in compounds without loosing their semantics completely and are thus functionally much more restricted, are çek- ‘to pull’, ver- ‘to give’, koy- ‘to lay’, and ur- ‘to beat’, e.g., soluk çek- ‘to breathe’ ← soluk ‘breath’, söz ver‘to promise’ ← söz ‘word’, amenda koy- ‘to impose a fine’ ← amenda ‘fine’, mitani ur- ‘to bow’ ← mitani ‘obeisance’. Koy- in its function as a light verb is often a dialectal alternative for yap-. The light verb çek- ‘to pull’ is used in a variety of compounds that denote the execution of a physical punishment: dayak çek- ‘to beat up’ ← dayak ‘stick’, kötek çek- ‘to flog’ ← kötek ‘baton’, lobut çek- ‘to beat’ ← lobut ‘blow’, solak çek- ‘to strike a blow with the left hand’ ← solak ‘left hand’, as well as in compounds that designate the suffering of a calamity, such as aaçlık çek- ‘to famish’ ← aaçlık ‘starvation, famine’, acı çek- ‘to suffer from pain’ ← acı ‘pain’.

4. Derivation Like Turkic languages in general, Gagauz has a broad inventory of derivational suffixes, both for nominal and verbal derivation. Suffixes are strictly divided into two groups: those that attach to nominal stems and those that attach to verbal stems. The distinction between noun and adjective is − morphologically speaking − not clear-cut, at least for

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roots. Instead, there is a class consisting of words that tend to function syntactically as nouns, as opposed to others that function mainly as adjectives. Almost any adjective can in principle function as the head of a noun phrase and thus behave like a noun. I therefore treat in what follows nominals (adjectives and nouns) together, separately from verbs. More than one derivational suffix can attach to a root; their order is variable as long as they form a meaningful combination. Changes in meaning and function occur with the changed suffix order. Compare the following examples that consist of exactly the same morphological material. The order of the attached derivational suffixes results in different semantic content and dictates the word class to which the resulting words belong: adam-nık-sız ‘cruel’ ← adam-nık ‘humanity ← adam ‘human being’ vs. adam-sızlık ‘state of being deserted, loneliness’ ← adam-sız ‘deserted’ ← adam ‘human being’. It is also possible to have the same derivational suffix twice in one word, though usually not directly following one another: dooru-luk-suz-luk ‘injustice’ ← dooru-luksuz ‘unjust’ ← dooru-luk ‘truth’ ← dooru ‘accurate’. In what follows, I will concentrate mainly on productive suffixes and mention nonproductive ones only when necessary.

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nominals The denominal suffix -CI derives p e r s o n a l n o u n s , e.g., işçi ‘worker’ ← iş ‘work’, yalancı ‘liar’ ← yalan ‘lie’. In rare cases it also attaches to loanwords that already denote an occupation but are no longer transparent to the speakers of Gagauz. Thus a Persian loan like başçıvan ‘gardener’ − consisting of başçe ‘garden’ (< Pers. bāġča) and the Persian suffix -van − is no longer sufficient to denote the occupation in Gagauz, hence the suffix -CI is attached, resulting in the form başçıvancı. For further examples of the same phenomenon see Özkan (1996: 102). The denominal suffix -LIK derives nouns from nominals with a variety of meanings. The suffix is attested already in Old Turkic with this variety of meanings, which Erdal (1991, Vol. 1: 121) summarizes as “hav[ing] the relational element of ‘purpose, designation’ in common, or, if one so prefers, the sememe ‘for’”. With its broad meaning the suffix has survived in virtually all Turkic languages. It can be used to form a b s t r a c t n o u n s expressing the state denoted by the root, e.g., ahmaklık ‘stupidity’ ← ahmak ‘fool’, körlük ‘blindness’ ← kör ‘blind’, or a p l a c e for the object denoted by the base, e.g., odun-nuk ‘woodshed’ ← odun ‘wood’. It can also be used to form nominals denoting ‘objects or concepts intended for or suitable for X’, e.g., abalık ‘fabric suitable to make a cape’ ← aba ‘a kind of cape’. In some instances the attachment of -LIK to a root can result in the lexicalization or ad hoc formation of two semantically different nominals. We thus find, e.g., nouns like hacılık that has an abstract meaning ‘pilgrimage’ and a place-noun meaning ‘site of pilgrimage, holy site’. The suffix -LIK also follows other derivational suffixes, either nominal, e.g., arıcı-lık ‘apiculture’ from arı-cı ‘apiarist’, or adjectival, as in bitkisiz-lik ‘endlessness’ from bitki-siz ‘endless’ ← bitki ‘final’. Gagauz has two denominal suffixes that express either the smallness of or endearment and pity for the person or object denoted by the stem. The d i m i n u t i v e suffix -CIK

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attaches to nouns and adjectives, cf. denominal oda-cık ‘small room’ ← oda ‘room, chamber’. Nominals ending in -k lose their last consonant before the suffix, e.g., yapracık ‘little leaf’ ← yaprak ‘leaf’, alça-cık ‘low’ ← alçak ‘low’. Nominals ending in -Ik lose their final consonant before the suffix and take a variant with a low vowel in -CAK, e.g., ericäk ‘little plum’ ← erik ‘plum’ (see Pokrovskaja 1964: 104−105). In the case that the diminutive noun has a possessive suffix, endearment semantics come into effect, e.g., bobacıım ‘my dear daddy; lit. father-SUFF-POSS1SG’ ← boba ‘father’. The suffix also serves to derive anatomic, botanic, and zoological terms, like altıncık ‘nasturtium’ ← altın ‘gold’, bademcik ‘tonsil’ ← badem ‘almond’, kızılcık ‘European cornel’ ← kızıl ‘red’, sıırcık ‘starling’ ← sıır ‘cattle’, bürüncük ‘natural silk’ ← bürüm ‘bot. cyst’. A derivation from the pronoun hepsi ‘all’ is hepsicii ‘all-SUFF-POSS3SG’, with basically no semantic difference. The second suffix is -CAAz (compare Turkish -CAğIz), which attaches to any noun, often without a change in meaning. The suffix is sometimes shortened to -CAz. Especially with objects, the added meaning is often quite blurred and there seem to be only pragmatic reasons for using it. The extensive use of diminutives is a special feature of all Balkan Turkic dialects. The non-harmonic suffix -(y)ka, copied from Slavic, is used to derive f e m a l e forms of p e r s o n a l n o u n s. It is the only non-stressable derivational suffix and the only bound marker borrowed into Gagauz. While it probably came into the language by way of borrowed lexemes like Rus. nemka ‘German woman’ and the like, it became productive in Gagauz, especially with denotations for professions, nationalities and geographic origin. With professions it often derives female forms from nouns derived with a denominal -CI or a deverbal -(y)ICI, e.g., aşçı-yka ‘female cook’ ← aş-çı ‘cook’ ← aş ‘food, dish’, üüredici-yka ‘female teacher’ ← üüred-ici ‘teacher’ ← üüred- ‘to teach’.

4.1.2. Deverbal nominals The suffix -mAk derives a c t i o n n o u n s from verbs. Any verb can be nominalized with -mAk, though some are lexicalized to a higher degree than others, e.g., yaşamak ‘life’ ← yaşa- ‘to live’, düşünmäk ‘thought’ ← düşün- ‘to think’. Other deverbal nounforming suffixes include -(y)Iş, e.g., bakış ‘gaze’ ← bak- ‘to look’, gidiş ‘departure’ ← git- ‘to go away’, and -mA, e.g., annatma ‘story’ ← annat- ‘to tell’. Changes in syntax due to language contact have caused these derivations to no longer be used as predicates of non-finite clauses, as is the case in Turkish, but to function as simple nouns. The suffix -(y)ICI forms a g e n t n o u n s and nominals denoting occupations and habits from verbs: güdücü ‘herdsman’ ← güt- ‘to herd’, verici ‘generous’ ← ver- ‘to give’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives The suffix -LI attaches to nouns to form r e l a t i o n a l and q u a l i t a t i v e adjectives, e.g., küülü ‘from the village, villager’ ← küü ‘villager’, tuzlu ‘salty’ ← tuz ‘salt’. In

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Gagauz as well as in other Turkic languages influenced by Russian, there seems to be a growing tendency to use the suffix -LI to mark nominals that are actually adjectives or could function as attributes without derivation. One thus finds forms such as altın-nı ‘golden’ derived from altın ‘gold, golden’ or loanwords like grotesk-li ‘grotesque’ (< Rom. grotesc from Italian grottesco). The suffix -kI derives adjectives from nouns and adverbs denoting time or location, e.g., büün-kü ‘today’s’ ← büün ‘today’, içerki ‘indoor’ ← içer ‘room’. The privative suffix -sIz attaches to nouns mainly to form adjectives that denote the absence of the entity denoted by the base, e.g., ses-siz ‘soundless, silent’ ← ses ‘sound’, uyku-suz ‘sleepless’ ← uyku ‘sleep’, acızgansız ‘merciless’ ← acızgan ‘mercy’.

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives The suffix -(A/I)cIk attaches to adjectives that express i n t e n s i t y in several dimensions. Words ending in -k lose their last consonant before the suffix. The choice of the vowel attached after stems ending in consonants other than -k is not phonologically predictable in terms of lowness or highness, thus az-ıcık ‘very little’ ← az ‘little’, but dar-acık ‘very narrow’ ← dar ‘narrow’. The suffix intensifies the degree of the original meaning: ufacık ‘tiny’ ← ufak ‘small’, incecik ‘very slim’ ← ince ‘slim’. The stressed suffix -CA (for the unstressed -CA see section 4.4) derives adjectives from adjectives, either roots or derived ones, that tone down the semantic content of the base: kısa-ca ‘shortish’ ← kısa ‘short’, tuz-lu-ca ‘somewhat salty’ ← tuz-lu ‘salty’ ← tuz ‘salt’.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives The suffix -(I)lI forms adjectives with r e s u l t a t i v e semantics from transitive verbs, e.g., kurulu ‘built’ ← kur- ‘to build’. In Turkish, -(I)lI can, as Erdal (2000: 28) has demonstrated, “be added only to monosyllabic stems or to stems whose second syllable consists of a vowel, and only to simple, neither deverbal or denominal bases”. This restriction to non-derived stems is not, or perhaps more precisely, no longer valid in Gagauz, where the suffix derives adjectives from transitive verbs of any length and also from derived ones, e.g., yapış-tır-ılı ‘fixed; lit. adhere-CAUS-SUFF’ or terbi-ed-ili ‘trained; lit. education-do-SUFF’. Like in Turkish, the derived adjectives in Gagauz refer to an “attained state” (Erdal 2000: 28−29), hence their resultative semantics. Since the use of participles has significantly declined in contemporary Gagauz in general and the perfect participle in -mIş is no longer used attributively, a semantic opposition between adjectives in -(I)lI and perfect participles of passives stems in -mIş, as is the case in Turkish (Erdal 2000: 28), does not exist. Adjectives derived by -(I)lI function either as attribute or as copula complement and are particularly frequent in predicative function, e.g., annı-sın-da yaz-ılı ‘It is written on her forehead; lit. forehead-POSS3SG-LOC write-SUFF’. The function of these adjectives in Gagauz very much resembles those of Russian past passive participles.

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4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs The only productive denominal verbal suffix in modern Gagauz is the suffix -LA. It mostly attaches to genuine Gagauz nominals to form transitive verbs with the meaning ‘to do, make X’, e.g., hazırla- ‘to prepare’ ← hazır ‘ready, available’ and varakla- ‘to gild, gold-plate’ ← varak ‘gold leaf’. The formation of intransitive verbs is, if only much rarer, also possible with this suffix, e.g., köstekle- ‘to stumble’ ← köstek ‘hobble’. In some rather rare cases it also derives verbs from loanwords of Russian origin, like vaksala- ‘to polish’ (< Rus. vaksa ‘shoe polish’). The denominal derivation of verbs from Russian loanwords, however, is significantly more rare than compounding with Russian nouns or infinitives (see section 3.2) and is used mainly in written form.

4.3.2. Deverbal verbs Apart from some non-productive elements, Gagauz derives 1. r e f l e x i v e / p a s s i v e verbs using -(I)n and -(I)l, as in tutun- ‘to hold on’ and tutul- ‘to be held’ ← tut- ‘to hold’; 2. c a u s a t i v e verbs using -DIr, -t, and -(I)r, as in düzdür- ‘to make someone repair’ ← düz- ‘to repair’; and 3. r e c i p r o c a l verbs using -(I)ş, as in atış- ‘to throw at one another, quarrel’ ← at- ‘to throw’. As mentioned in section 2, some researchers regard these suffixes not as derivational but inflectional. Arguments in favor of inflection include the fact that no change in word class takes place and that almost any verb can be expanded by these voice suffixes. On the other hand, more than one suffix of this category can be applied to a root. Forms like az-dır-ıl- ‘to be made angry’ ← az-dır ‘to cause an inflammation, make angry’ ← az- ‘to become inflamed’, tutuştur- ‘to set fire to’ ← tutuş- ‘to ignite’ ← tut- ‘to hold’ are actually quite numerous. These examples also demonstrate that the semantic content of the derived verb is not always a straightforward causative, passive or reciprocal of the base verb. Moreover, this suffix category is the one closest to the root. Verbs derived by reflexive/passive, causative or reciprocal suffixes can be further derived by deverbal nominal derivation, e.g., yapılmak ‘pretense’ ← yapıl- ‘to pretend’ ← yap- ‘to do’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation The unstressable suffix -CA and its expanded version -CAsInA derive adverbs from nominals: enikunu-ca ‘carefully’ ← enikunu ‘careful’, üfke-li-cä ‘angrily’ ← üfke-li ‘angry’ ← üfke ‘anger’, ad-ın-ca ‘by name’ ← ad ‘name’, adam-casına ‘humanly, decently’ ← adam ‘human’. The diminutive suffix in -CIK/-CAK (see section 4.1.1) also derives adverbs from adjectives and adverbs, as in çabucak ‘quickly’ ← çabuk ‘quick’, kısacık ‘shortly’ ← kısa ‘short’, şindicik ‘just now’ ← şindi ‘now’. The ablative suffix -DAn is “borrowed into the derivational system” (cf. article 14 on the delimitation of derivation and inflection) to derive temporal and locational adverbs

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from nominals, e.g., arka-dan ‘from behind’ ← arka ‘backside’, hep-tän ‘completely’ ← hep ‘always’, an-sız-dan ‘unexpectedly, all of the sudden’ ← an-sız ‘unexpected’ ← an ‘moment’. Similarly, the dative case -(y)A in combination with a third person singular possessive suffix serves to derive adverbials from nouns or adjectives: aykırı-lı-ın-a ‘diagonally; lit. diagonal-POSS3SG-DAT’ ← aykırı-lık ‘diagonal, cross beam’ ← aykırı ‘crosswise’, and hakına ‘actually; lit. verity-POSS3SG-DAT’ ← hak ‘verity’, dik-in-ä ‘vertically; lit. vertical-POSS3SG-DAT’ ← dik ‘vertical’.

5. Reduplication Intensive adjectives are formed by a partial reduplication of the initial syllable of an adjective stem. The first consonant is substituted most frequently by a p, and less often an s or m: ap-ak ‘bright white’ ← ak ‘white’, kos-koca ‘huge’ ← koca ‘big’, düm-düz ‘completely flat’ ← düz ‘flat, even’. Total reduplication of nouns forms distributive adverbials, as in adım-adım ‘gradually’ ← adım ‘step’, buka-buka ‘bit by bit’ ← buka ‘bite, mouthful’, alay-alay ‘in groups, here and there’ ← alay ‘group’. The total reduplication of adjectives or adverbs serves to derive intensified adverbs üüsek-üüsek ‘very highly’ ← üüsek ‘high’ and may-may ‘very nearly’ ← may ‘nearly, almost’.

6. References Apostolova, Anna 2010 Gagavuz dilinin botanik terimlerinin kimi yapı ve anlam özellikleri. In: Mustafa Argunşah, Âdem Terzi and Abdullah Durkun (eds.), Gagavuz Türkçesi Araştırmaları Bilgi Şöleni, 19−25. Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu. Baskakov, Nikolaj A. (ed.) 1973 Gagauzsko-russko-moldavskij slovar’. 11.500 slov. Moskva: Sovetskaja Ėnciklopedija. Braun, Friederike and Geoffrey Haig 2000 The noun/adjective distinction in Turkish: An empirical approach. In: Aslı Göksel and Celia Kerslake (eds.), Studies on Turkish and Turkic Languages, 85−92. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Čebotar’, Petr A. and Ion Dron 2002 Gagauzca-rusça-romınca sözlük. Chişinău: Pontos. Erdal, Marcel 1991 Old Turkic Word Formation. A Functional Approach to the Lexicon. 2 Vol. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Erdal, Marcel 2000 The Turkish resultative deverbal adjective. Turkic Languages 4(1): 22−30. Johanson, Lars 1990 Studien zur türkeitürkischen Grammatik. In: György Hazai (ed.), Handbuch der türkischen Sprachwissenschaft. Vol. 1, 146−301. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. Johanson, Lars 2006 Nouns and adjectives in South Siberian Turkic. In: Marcel Erdal and Irina Nevskaja (eds.), Exploring the Eastern Frontiers of Turkic, 57−78. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

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Johanson, Lars and Éva Á. Csató (eds.) 1998 The Turkic Languages. London: Routledge. Kolca, Elena K. 1973 Obrazovanie složnych slov v gagauzskom jazyke. In: Studij de leksikografie ši leksikoložie − Issledovanija po leksikografii i leksikologii, 173−183. Kišinev: Štiinca. Menz, Astrid 2003 Endangered Turkic languages: The case of Gagauz. In: Mark Janse and Sijmen Tol (eds.), Language Death and Language Maintenance. Theoretical, Practical and Descriptive Approaches, 143−155. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Menz, Astrid 2006 The Gagauz. In: Ergun Çagatay and Doğan Kuban (eds.), The Turkish-Speaking People. 2000 Years of Art and Culture from Inner Asia to the Balkans, 371−383. München: Prestel. Özkan, Nevzat 1996 Gagavuz Türkçesi grameri. Giriş − ses bilgisi − şekil bilgisi − cümle − sözlük − metin örnekleri. Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu. Pokrovskaja, Ljudmila A. 1964 Grammatika gagauzskogo jazyka. Fonetika i morfologija. Moskva: Nauka.

Astrid Menz, Istanbul (Turkey)

189. Karaim 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract This article does not provide an exhaustive survey of Karaim word-formation as the common Turkic word-formation devices are presented in other articles of this volume. It will focus on the productive suffixes and copied, non-Turkic, features. The language studied is the Lithuanian variety of the Turkic language Karaim. Karaim employs typical Turkic strategies of composition and a relatively large number of derivational suffixes. Under the influence of the dominant Slavic-Baltic languages, it has also adopted some non-Turkic strategies in its word-formation.

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1. Introduction The designation “Karaim language” refers to West Kipchak Turkic varieties spoken in small religious communities situated in the territory of present-day Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine and Russia. The communities in question are all followers of the so-called Karaite confession. (See more about Karaitism in Polliack 2003.) The name Karaim as applied here refers to the Turkic-speaking groups that once converted to Karaitism. The historical circumstances of this conversion are not documented. The main Karaim communities are the Crimean Karaim community − still the most numerous one −, the Galician or Halich community, and the Lithuanian community, also called the Trakai (Polish Troki) community. There are also sizeable Karaim communities in St. Petersburg and Moscow. The Lithuanian community is the only one in which the language is still spoken − there are about thirty full-fledged elderly speakers. This means that the language as such is endangered. Little is known about the Crimean Karaim language, whose speakers shifted to the dominant languages of the area a long time ago. The Halich variety, which is significantly different from the Lithuanian one, is practically extinct. Only a few isolated old speakers live today outside Halich. This overview of word-formation in Karaim will deal only with the Lithuanian variety of the Karaim language. The examples will be given in the present Lithuanian Karaim orthography followed by a broad phonetic transcription. In 1932 Ananjasz Zajączkowski published a comprehensive description of nominal and verbal suffixes in Karaim (Zajączkowski 1932). More general treatments of Karaim grammar have been written by the Polish Turcologist Tadeusz Kowalski (Kowalski 1929) and the Kazakh Turcologist Kenesbaev Musaev (Musaev 1964). Omeljan Pritsak gives a brief summary of the main features of the Karaim varieties (Pritsak 1959). Mykolas Firkovičius’ Karaim textbook includes information also on word-formation (Firkovičius 1996). The most comprehensive Karaim dictionary is the Karaimsko-russko-poľskij slovar’ (Baskakov, Zajončkovskij and Šapšal 1974).

2. General overview Karaim, as other Turkic languages, is a synthetic language employing an agglutinating technique. Inflectional and derivational morphemes are almost exclusively suffixes. Some prefixes have been copied from contact languages but their number is very restricted. (See more about the typological features of Karaim in Csató 2001.) Suffixes have predictable variants, which harmonize with the immediately preceding syllable with respect to ±frontness and many suffixes containing a high vowel also harmonize with respect to ±roundedness. Suffixes containing a low vowel have two variants. For instance, the plural suffix has a front variant -liar [lʲær], and a non-front variant -lar [lɑr]. The former is attached to a stem in which the last syllable is front, e.g., üv [jyʋ] ‘house’ is üv-liar [jʏʋʲ'lʲær] in the plural. (Accent is marked in our transcription by a ['] in front of the accented syllable.) The latter, on the other hand, follows non-front syllables. Thus, for example, at ‘horse’ has the plural form at-lar [ɑt'lɑr]. In certain high vowel suffixes, the vowel is realized as [i], [y] or [ɯ], [u]. See, e.g., the variants of the possessive suffix of the first person singular: it’-im [i'tʲim] ‘my dog; lit. dog-POSS1SG’,

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üv-ium [jʏ'ʋʲʉm] ‘my house; lit. house-POSS1SG’, kyz-ym [kɯ'zɯm] ‘my daughter; lit. daughter-POSS1SG’, uvl-um [uʋ'lum] ‘my son; lit. son-POSS1SG’. The rounded suffix vowels [y] and [u] follow syllables containing a rounded vowel and the others follow unrounded vowels. Sandhi rules result in further variation in suffixes. Harmony in Karaim is − as is typical in Turkic − syllabic, i.e. both consonants and vowels participate in signaling the frontness vs. non-frontness of a syllable. A special feature of Karaim is that consonants in front syllables are strongly palatalized, e.g., üv-liar-im-dia [jʏʋʲlʲærʲimʲ'dʲæ] ‘in my houses; lit. house-PL-POSS1SG-LOC’ vs. at-lar-ym-da [ɑtlarɯm'da] ‘by my horses; lit. horse-PL-POSS1SG-LOC’. Word-formation is characterized by typical Turkic strategies of composition and derivational devices. Nominal and verbal stems are strictly distinguished. Denominal and deverbal suffixes therefore constitute two distinct categories. Several derivational suffixes can be concatenated within a word form. Backformation, blending and clipping are not attested. Creation of new words has been a significant task of learned Karaims who have consciously sought methods to enlarge the vocabulary. The need to translate Biblical texts from Hebrew into Karaim made it necessary to create a religious vocabulary. The Hebrew religious terms have been replaced by words based on native items. Thus, for instance, Pesach is called tymbyl chydž-y [tɯm'bɯl χɯ'dʒɯ] ‘the feast of the unleavened bread; lit. unleavened bread feast-POSS3’, a compound of the possessive type. A rich source of neologisms is found in Lavrinovič (2007) including over 35,000 words. The author creates lexical items by employing composition and derivation to substitute for loanwords, e.g., ulus avaz-y [u'lus ɑʋɑzɯ] ‘referendum; lit. people voice-POSS3’, son kol-lu ['son koŋlu] ‘left-handed; lit. left hand-SUFF’, chava biliuvčiu-siu ‘meteorologist; lit. weather knower-POSS3’, chastalych bieľgi-si ‘diagnose; lit. illness document-POSS3’. New lexemes have also been formed by changing the meaning of some old words, e.g., tirki ‘table’ originally had the meaning ‘sacrifice’ or ‘the place to offer a sacrifice’. Words from other Turkic languages have also been copied. The attempt to introduce the Turkish word durak for ‘bus stop’ has, however, failed because the homonym means ‘fool’ in Russian. The multilingual sociolinguistic situation has influenced the speakers’ linguistic habits. One effect is that the use of derivational devices is less productive than in larger Turkic languages. Instead of forming new words, the speakers copy lexical elements from the dominating languages. (See Johanson 2002 on the term copying and the codecopying model.)

3. Composition 3.1. Nominal compounds Nominal compounds are formed in Turkic languages by pure apposition (N+N) or by adding a possessive suffix of the third person to the second nominal element (N+NPOSS3). The second type will be called “possessive compound” (note that the term is not used here as a synonym of bahuvīri compound). The appositional strategy is applied when a referential identity obtains between the two nominal elements or, in other words,

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when the elements denote different aspects of the same individual. In Turkish, for instance, kadın doktor ‘female doctor’ is an appositional compound based on kadın ‘woman’ and doktor ‘doctor’, whereas the possessive type kadın doktor-u means ‘gynecologist; lit. woman doctor-POSS3’. This compound can refer to both a male and a female person. Note that in both types of compounds the accent is on the first element. Karaim applies both appositional and possessive strategies in composition. However, there is a tendency to use more and more appositional compounds and restrict the use of possessive compounds. Examples of appositional compounds are er kiši ['erʲkʲɪʃɪ] ‘man; lit. man person’, katyn kiši [kɑ'tɯn kʲɪʃɪ] ‘woman; lit. woman person’. Other examples are the names of the weekdays: jech kiuń ['jɛχ kʲʉnʲ] ‘Sunday; lit. Sunday day’, jech baš kiuń ['jɛχ bɑʃ kʏnʲ] ‘Monday; lit. Sunday head day’, šabbat kiuń [ʃa'bbat kʏnʲ] ‘Saturday; lit. Saturday day’. In some old compounds, contraction has made the elements non-transparent, e.g., übiy [jʏbʲij] ‘landlord, host’, formed originally from üv ‘house’ and biy ‘lord’, biel-(i)-bav [bʲe'l(ʲɪ)bɑʋ] ‘belt, girdle, apron; lit. waist-POSS3 tie’. An example of a bahuvrīhi type is karvaš [kɑr'ʋɑʃ], formed from kara ‘black’ and baš ‘head’ meaning ‘servant’, cf. also čirik kioź [tʃʲi'rʲikʲkʲœzʲ] ‘herring; lit. rotten eye’. Examples of stable possessive compounds are frequently used lexical items, often proper names. These are not attested without the possessive suffix: Karaj oram-y [kɑ'rɑj orɑmɯ] ‘Karaim street; lit. Karaim street-POSS3’, karaj džymat-y [kɑ'rɑj dʒɯmɑ'tɯ] ‘Karaim religious community; lit. Karaim religious community-POSS3’, Troch šahar-y ['troχ ʃɑγɑ'rɯ] ‘the town of Trakai; lit. Trakai town-POSS3’, aj baš-y ['ɑjbɑʃɯ] ‘the first day of the month; lit. month beginning-POSS3’, Jisraeľ ulus-u [jisrɑ'elʲ ulu'su] ‘Israel’s people; lit. Israel people-POSS3’, diń jesi-si ['dʲɪnʲ jesʲɪ'sʲɪ] ‘religious leader; lit. religion owner-POSS3’. Possessive and appositional compounds can be in free variation. Examples of nonstable possessive compounds in which the possessive element is optional are jer čyban(-y) ['jer tʃɯban(ɯ)] ‘potato; lit. earth bulb(-POSS3)’, kol jazyš(-y) ['koljɑzɯʃ(ɯ)] ‘manuscript; lit. hand writing(-POSS3)’. Moreover, Karaim has introduced a new type of compound in which the attributive noun is in the genitive. The use of such genitive compounds corresponds to that of the so-called non-referential genitives or descriptive genitives (Dryer 2007: 190). One example of a non-referential genitive is the English expression woman’s hat. The use of the genitive in such expressions is a contact-induced feature in Karaim. In Turkic languages, the genitive cannot be used in compounds. Thus, in Turkish ev kapı-sı ‘housedoor; lit. house door-POSS3’ is a compound, whereas ev-in kapı-sı ‘the door of the house; lit. house-GEN door-POSS3’ is a possessive construction. The syntactic criteria applied here for regarding ev kapı-sı ‘housedoor’ as a compound is that no element can be inserted between the two nouns. In the possessive construction, this is an option, e.g., ev-in büyük kapı-sı ‘the big door of the house; lit. house-GEN big door-POSS3’. Lexicalized expressions containing genitives are frequent, for instance, in Polish, e.g., badanie krwi ‘blood test; lit. test blood-GEN’, Russian analiz krovi ‘id.’. In Karaim possessive constructions, the order of the genitive attribute and the possessive noun is free; thus both N-GEN + NPOSS and N-POSS + N-GEN orders occur. The prenominal position of the genitive attribute is typically Turkic, whereas the reverse order is a selective copy from non-Turkic languages, for instance, from Polish, e.g., książka studenta ‘the student’s book; lit. book student-GEN’. Consequently, both ürianiuvčiu-niuń bitig-i lit. ‘student-GEN book-POSS3’ and bitig-i ürianiuvčiu-niuń lit. ‘book-POSS3 student-GEN’ are used to express ‘the stu-

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dent’s book’. The attributive genitive in compounds is also either preposed as in kiertiliknin anlavču [kʲærʲtʲilʲikʲ'nʲinʲ anlavtʃu] ‘realist; lit. truth-GEN understand-AGENT’ or postposed as in savuchturuvču tiš-liar-niń [sɑvuχturuv'tʃu tʲiʃlʲærʲ'nʲinʲ] ‘dentist; lit. doctor tooth-PL-GEN’. The possessive suffix is usually not used in such compounds. Compounds based on a deverbal noun, e.g., an agent noun, exhibit a different type of structure. The argument of the deverbal noun tends to be unmarked when preceding the agent noun and marked by the accusative when following it. This is, however, only a tendency and not a strict rule. Examples: öč al-uvču ['øtʃ ɑluʋ'tʃu] ‘revenger; lit. revenge take-AGENT’, bošat-uvču jazych-ny [boʃɑtuʋ'tʃu jazɯχ'nɯ] ‘forgiver; lit. forgiveAGENT sin-ACC’. Compounds consisting of an adjective and a noun are formed by juxtaposition. Examples: Kara tieńgiź [kɑ'rɑ tʲenʲgizʲ] ‘Black Sea; lit. black sea’, čyj-bal ['tʃɯjbɑl] ‘honey; lit. raw honey’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Synonym compounds are formed by two adjectives with similar meanings, e.g., sav ėsiań ['sɑʋ e'sʲænʲ] ‘healthy’ from sav ‘healthy’ and ėsiań ‘healthy’, tynč ėmiń ['tɯntʃ e'mɪnʲ] ‘calm’ from tynč ‘silent’ and ėmiń ‘safe’. Antonyms are constructed by adding the negative copula tiuviuľ [tʲʏ'ʋʉlʲ] ‘is not’ to the adjective, e.g., tatuvlu [tɑtuʋ'lu] ‘tasty’ and the antonym tatuvlu tiuviuľ [tɑtuʋ'lu tʲʏ'ʋʉlʲ] ‘not tasty’. Such expressions with tiuviuľ function as one word, i.e. as compounds. It is plausible to assume that the frequency of such compounds is influenced by the Slavic antonyms constructed with the prefix ne- ‘non-, un-’, e.g., Russian ne-vkusnyj ‘tasteless’.

3.3. Verbal compounds Verbal compounds are frequently constructed with a nominal element and an auxiliary or light verb, ėť- ‘to do, make’ or bol- ‘to become, be’, e.g., tabu ėť- [tɑ'buetʲ-] ‘to thank’, kabul ėť- [kɑ'buletʲ] ‘to accept’, tas ėť- ['tɑsetʲ] ‘to loose, destroy’ vs. tas bol['tɑsbol] ‘to get lost, perish’. The nominal element in such compounds can be a nominal form of a copied verb, e.g., an infinitive. Examples: zvonť ėtʲ- ['zʋonʲtʲetʲ-] ‘to make a call’ (< Russian zvoniť ‘to call’). This typically Turkic strategy of copying foreign verbal items is still very productive and employed by the speakers in order to integrate nonKaraim verbal items easily into the lexicon, also spontaneously in the course of speech. Other verbs may be used as light verbs in compounds, e.g., tynč al- ['tɯntʃɑl] ‘to take a rest; lit. calm take’, bašur- ['bɑʃur] ‘to bow down, ask, plead; lit. head knock’, saban siur- [sɑ'bɑnsʲʏr] ‘to plough; lit. plough drive’.

4. Derivation Most of the derivative suffixes employed in Karaim are typical of the branch of Turkic that is known as Kipchak or North-Western Turkic.

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4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns The d i m i n u t i v e suffixes -kyna/-hyna/-chyna/-kinia/-ginia attach to nominal (noun/ adjective) stems and can express endearment and affection, e.g., kyz-hyna [kɯzγɯ'na] ‘little girl’ ← kyz ‘girl’, kart-chyna [kartχɯ'na] ‘old person’ ← kart ‘old’, az-hyna [azhɯ'na] ‘just a little’ ← az ‘few, little’. (This suffix also occurs in the adverbs halieginia ['γalʲeginʲæ] ‘now’ ← hale ‘now’, örtia-ginia [ørtjægji'njæ] ‘early in the morning’ ← örtia ‘morning’.) Another diminutive suffix with many allomorphic variants is -čoch/čech/-čych/-čiek/-čiuk/-čik, e.g., kyz-čech [kɯz'tʃəχ] ‘little girl’ ← kyz ‘girl’; kioź-čiuk [kʲœzʲ'tʃʲʉk] ‘little eye, hole’ ← kioź ‘eye’. The two diminutive suffixes can be combined, e.g., kyz-hyna-čech [kɯzγɯna'tʃəχ] ‘little girl’. There is no grammatical gender in Karaim. F e m a l e forms of nominals are derived with suffixes copied from Slavic. These are the non-front suffixes -ka/-ha, in some cases -ča, and the front suffix -čia, e.g., names of nationalities such as esav-ka [esɑʋ'kɑ] ‘Polish woman’ ← esav ‘Pole’, karaj-ka [kɑrɑj'kɑ] ‘Karaim woman’ ← karaj ‘Karaim’. Other examples are kul-ka [kul'kɑ] ‘female servant’ ← kul ‘servant’, bahatyrka [bɑγɑtɯr'kɑ] ‘brave woman’ ← bahatyr ‘hero’, dost-ča [dos'tʃa] ‘girl friend’ ← dost ‘friend’, übij-čia [ʏbij'tʃæ] ‘housewife’ ← übij ‘landlord, owner’. The suffixes are sometimes added to adjectives, e.g., tiugial’-čia [tʏgʲælʲ'čʲæ] ‘the ideal woman, beloved’ ← tiugial’ ‘ideal, perfect’. Adjectives in Turkic can also have a nominal use; thus tiugial’ can also mean ‘the ideal one’. P e r s o n a l n o u n s are derived from nouns with the suffixes -či/-čiu/-čy/-ču. Examples: iš-či [iʃ'tʃɪ] ‘worker’ ← iš ‘work’, sioź-čiu [sʲœzʲ'tʃʉ] ‘speaker’ ← sioź ‘word’, saban-čy [sɑbɑn'tʃɯ] ‘farmer’ ← saban ‘plough’, jumuš-ču [jumuʃ'tʃu] ‘worker’ ← jumuš ‘work’. With the addition of the suffixes -ču or -čiu, agent nouns are formed from action nouns: ajt-uv-ču [ajtuʋ'tʃu] ‘speaker’ ← ajt-uv [ajtuʋ] ‘speech’, üriat-iuv-čiu [ʏrʲætʲʉʋ'tʃʉ] ‘teacher’ ← üriatiuv ‘teaching’. Compound verbs take the same derivational suffixes, e.g., saban siur-iuv-čiu [sɑ'bɑnsʲʏrʲʏʋ'tʃʉ] ‘ploughman; lit. plough driveACTION.NOUN-AGENT’. The suffixes -lik/-liuk/-lych/-luch derive nouns from nouns, often but not always a b s t r a c t n o u n s , e.g., tiuš-liuk [tʲʏʃ'lʲʉk] ‘south’ ← tiuš ‘noon’, dost-luch [dost'luχ] ‘friendship’ ← dost ‘friend’, baz-lych [bɑz'lɯχ] ‘peace, peacefulness’ ← baz ‘peace’, alma-lych [ɑlmɑ'lɯχ] ‘apple tree’ ← alma ‘apple’.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffixes -lik/-liuk/-lych/-luch derive q u a l i t y n o u n s also from adjectives, e.g., tirlik [tʲɪrʲ'lʲɪk] ‘life’ ← tiri ‘living’ (with contraction), juviuš-liuk [jʏʋʉʃ'lʲʉk] ‘humidity’ ← juviuš ‘humid’, suvuch-luch [suʋuχ'luχ] ‘coldness’ ← suvuch ‘cold’.

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns A c t i o n n o u n s are formed with the suffixes -mach/-miak, e.g., ochu-mach [oχu'mɑχ] ‘reading’ ← ochu- ‘to read’, utrulaš-mach [utrulɑʃ'mɑχ] ‘meeting’ ← utrulaš- ‘to meet’,

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kieliaš-miak [kʲelʲæʃʲ'mʲæk] ‘betrothal’ ← kieliaš- ‘to betroth’, kieť-miak [kʲetʲ'mʲæk] ‘departure’ ← kieť- ‘to depart’. (The suffixes -ma/-mia, on the other hand, derive infinitives from verb stems, e.g., ochu-ma [oχu'mɑ] ‘to read’, utrulaš-ma [utrulɑʃ'mɑ] ‘to meet’, kieliaš-mia [kʲelʲæʃʲ'mʲæ] ‘to betroth’, kieť-mia [kʲetʲ'mʲæ] ‘to depart’.) The frequently used deverbal nominal suffixes -v/-uv/-iuv build action nouns as, e.g., tiolia-v [tʲø'lʲæʋ] ‘paying, payment’ from the verb tiolia- ‘to pay’, ajt-uv [ajtuʋ] ‘speaking, speech’ ← ajt- ‘to speak, say’, bil-iuv [bi'lʲʉʋ] ‘knowing, knowledge’ ← biľ- ‘to know’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation There is no clear morphological demarcation between adjectives and nouns in Turkic languages. Thus, adjectives can also function as nouns or even as adverbs without any morphological marking and this may also influence the meanings of the derivatives discussed below. The range of possible interpretations will not be discussed here in each case.

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Two very productive devices for deriving adjectives are -li and -siz. The suffixes -li/-liu/ -ly/-lu derive p o s s e s s i v e adjectives from primary and extended nominal stems, e.g., bijańč-li [bʲɪjænʲtʃ'lʲɪ] ‘joyful’ ← bijańč ‘joy’, kiork-liu [kʲœrʲkʲ'lʲʉ] ‘beautiful’ ← kiork ‘beauty’, biliuv-liu [bi'lʲʉʋ'lʲʉ] ‘known, well-known’ ← bil-iuv ‘knowledge’, tatuv-lu [tɑtuʋ'lu] ‘tasty’ ← tatuv ‘taste’, učmach-ly [utʃmɑχ'lɯ] ‘deceased, the late’ ← učmach ‘paradise’, Troch-lu [troχ'lu] ‘somebody or something from Trakai’ ← Troch ‘Trakai’. The suffixes can also attach to complex bases, e.g., bir kioź-liu [bɪrʲkʲœzʲ'lʲʉ] ‘one-eyed’ ← bir ‘one’ + kioź ‘eye’, ačy džan-ly [ɑtʃɯ dʒɑn'lɯ] ‘heartbroken’ ← ačy ‘bitter’ + džan ‘heart’. The p r i v a t i v e suffixes -siź/-siuź/-syz/-suz express the opposite, ‘lacking, without’, e.g., bijańč-siź [bʲɪjænʲtʃ'sʲɪzʲ] ‘joyless’ ← bijańč ‘joy’, tatuv-suz [tɑtuʋ'suz] ‘tasteless’ ← tatuv ‘taste’. The semantic properties of the Russian word nemec ‘German’ originally ‘mute, who does not speak’, are copied into Karaim in the form tiľ-siź [tʲɪlʲ’sʲɪzʲ] from tiľ ‘language, tongue’, meaning literally ‘without language’. In the Halich Karaim variety the word means ‘German’, but in the Lithuanian variety tiľ-siź denotes ‘Lithuanian’. The privative can follow a plural suffix in expressions like kol-lar-syz [koŋlɑr'sɯz] ‘without (using) hands’ ← kol-lar ‘hand-PL’, which is inacceptable in Turkish. The derivational suffixes -ki/-gi/-kiu/-giu/-hy/-hu are attached to adverbs or adverbial expressions and nominals. Examples: kiuńdia-gi [kʲʏnʲdʲæ'gʲɪ] ‘daily’ from kiuń-dia ‘day-LOC’, kiuź-giu [kʲʏzʲ'gʲʉ] ‘autumnal’ ← kiuź ‘autumn’, burun-hu [burun'γu] ‘first’ ← burun ‘nose’. This suffix can also follow -ba/-bia (see section 4.4), e.g., ėrtiań-biagi [erʲtʲænʲbʲə'gʲɪ] ‘early in the morning’s (something)’. The Slavic suffix -sk-ij is used in spontaneous copies and in some expressions such as chyjar karaj-skij [χɯ'jɑr ka'rajskij] ‘Karaim cucumber’.

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4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives The suffix -muš adds an a p p r o x i m a t i v e meaning, e.g., kyzyl-muš [kɯzɯl'muʃ] ‘reddish’ ← kyzyl ‘red’, tatly-muš [tatlɯ'muš] ‘sweetish’ ← tatly ‘sweet’. For intensive forms with partial reduplication see section 6. See also section 3.2 on the formation of antonyms by composition.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Many participles formed with different participial suffixes are lexicalized as adjectives, e.g., ač-ych [ɑ'tʃɯχ] ‘open’ ← ač- ‘to open’, siuv-iar [sʲʏ'ʋʲær] ‘dear’ ← siuv- ‘to love’, tuv-muš [tuʋ'muʃ] ‘native’ ← tuv- ‘to be born’, tuv-han [tuʋ'γɑn] ‘birth-’ as in tuv-han kiuń ‘birthday’ ← tuv- ‘to be born’, kiel-iasi [kʲelʲæ'sʲɪ] ‘coming, future’ from kieľ- ‘to come’.

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs The most productive denominal verbal suffixes are -li/-la and -liań/-lan, e.g., baš-la[bɑʃ'lɑ-] ‘to start’ ← baš ‘head’, šatyr-lan- [ʃɑtɯr'lɑn-] ‘to rejoice’ ← šatyr ‘joyful’. The suffix -lia/-la can also attach to adjectives, e.g., kip-lia- [kʲɪpʲ'lʲæ] ‘to strengthen’ from kip ‘strong’.

4.3.2. Deverbal verbs The class of deverbal derivative suffixes form reflexive-passive, passive, causative, and reciprocal forms. R e f l e x i v e - p a s s i v e forms are formed with the suffixes -ń/-n/-iń/-iuń/-yn/-un, e.g., kiplia-ń- [kʲɪpʲlʲænʲ] ‘to strengthen oneself, be strengthened’ ← kiplia- ‘to strengthen’, juvun- [ju'ʋun-] ‘to wash oneself’ or ‘to be washed’ ← juv- ‘to wash’. P a s s i v e s are formed with the suffixes -ľ/-l/-iľ/-iuľ/-yl/-ul, e.g., bier-iľ- [bʲerʲilʲ-] ‘to be given’ ← bier- ‘to give’, tiog-iuľ- [tʲœ'gʲʉlʲ-] ‘to be poured out’ ← tiok- ‘to pour out’, machta-l- [mɑχ'tɑl-] ‘to be praised’ ← machta- ‘to praise’. The c a u s a t i v e is derived irregularly by a number of different suffixes which will not be mentioned here. Some examples of causative formation: biš-ir- [bɪ'ʃɪr-] ‘to cook (tr.)’ ← biš- ‘to cook (itr.)’, oltur-huz- [oltur'γuz] ‘to plant’ ← oltur- ‘to sit’, ič-ir- [i'tʃir-] ‘to give sb. to drink’ ← ič- ‘to drink’, kajt-ar- [kɑj'tɑr-] ‘to return (tr.)’ ← kajt- ‘to return (itr.)’. The r e c i p r o c a l forms are formed by the suffixes -š/-iš/-iuš/-yš/-uš, e.g., ur-uš[u'ruʃ-] ‘to fight (with each other)’ ← ur- ‘to hit’. Derivations from the derived verb form iš-lia- [iʃ'lʲæ-] ‘to do, work’ ← iš ‘work’ are: iš-lia-ń- [iʃ'lʲænʲ] ‘to be done, arise, occur’ formed with the reflexive-passive suffix,

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iš-lia-t’- [iʃ'lʲætʲ-] ‘to get sb. to do’ (causative). See also bir-lia-š- [bʲɪrʲ'lʲæʃ-] ‘to unite’ (reciprocal) ← birlia- ‘to unite (tr.)’. These suffixes are combinable though the possible combinations underlie the restrictions that are usual in Turkic languages.

4.4. Adverbial derivation The unaccentable equative suffixes -ča/-čia/-če derive adverbs from nouns and adjectives, e.g., karaj-če [kɑ'rɑjtʃə] ‘in Karaim’ but also ‘the Karaim language’, tiejź-čia ['tʲejzʲtʃʲæ] ‘quickly’ from tiejź ‘quick’. The postposition byla ‘with’ is used in the spoken language exclusively as an unaccentable enclitic particle -bia/-ba. This particle forms adverbial expressions after the model of Slavic adverbial expressions containing the instrumental case, e.g., ėrtiań-bia [erʲ'tʲænʲbʲə] ‘at daybreak, early in the morning; lit. early-INSTR’, bary-ba [bɑ'rɯbɑ] ‘entirely; lit. all-POSS3-INSTR’ (a selective copy of the Russian sovsem with the same meaning). In some rare cases, this suffix is used to build a noun: čyrach-ba [tʃɯ'rɑχbə] ‘candlestick, candelabrum’ ← čyrach ‘candle’.

5. Conversion Conversion, i.e. “the presumed derivational process which takes place when a word which normally occurs in one word-class takes on the characteristics of a different wordclass without any change of form” (Bauer 2004: 36), is not known in Karaim. The fact that nouns and adjectives are not distinguished from each other morphologically (see section 4.2) cannot be seen as a result of a presumed derivational process.

6. Reduplication Intensive forms of adjectives are formed with partial reduplication, e.g., bom-boš ['bomboʃ], intensive form of boš ‘empty’, top-tolu ['toptolu], intensive form of tolu ‘full’. Full reduplication of nominals convey adverbial meanings, e.g., jyrach-jyrach [jɯ'rɑχ jɯ'rɑχ] ‘far away’ ← jyrach ‘far’. Reduplications of nouns also serve as adverbs, e.g., kiuń kieč [kjʏnj kjetʃ] ‘day and night; lit. day night’, vacht-tan vacht-a [vɑχtɑn vɑχtɑ] ‘from time to time; lit. time-ABL time-DAT’, kiuń kiuńdiań [kjʏnj [kjʏnjdjænj] ‘day after day; lit. day day-ABL’.

7. References Baskakov, Nikolaj Aleksandrovič, Ananjaš Zajončkovskij [Ananiasz Zajączkowski], Sergej Markovič [Seraja Mordechaevič] Šapšal 1974 Karaimsko-russko-poľskij slovar’. Moskva: Russkij jazyk. Bauer, Laurie 2004 A Glossary of Morphology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

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Csató, Éva Á. 2001 Karaim. In: Thomas Stolz (ed.), Minor Languages of Europe, 1−24. Bochum: Brockmeyer. Dryer, Matthew 2007 Noun phrase structure. In: Timothy Shopen (ed.), Language Typology and Syntactic Description. Vol. 2: Complex Constructions, 190. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Firkovičius, Mykolas 1996 Mień karajče ürianiam. Vilnius: Danilieus. Johanson, Lars 2002 Structural Factors in Turkic Language Contacts. With an introduction by Bernard Comrie. London: Curzon. Johanson, Lars and Éva Á. Csató 1998 The Turkic Languages. New York/London: Routledge. Kowalski, Tadeusz 1929 Karaimische Texte im Dialekt von Troki. Kraków: Nakładem Polskiej Akademji Umiejętności. Lavrinovič, Mark 2007 Russko-karaimskij slovar’. Trakai. Musaev, Kenesbaev 1964 Grammatika karaimskogo jazyka. Fonetika i morfologija. Moskva: Nauka. Polliack, Meira (ed.) 2003 Karaite Judaism. A Guide to Its History and Literary Sources. Leiden/Boston: Brill. Pritsak, Omeljan 1959 Das Karaimische. In: Jean Deny, Kaare Grønbech and Helmuth Scheel (eds.), Philologiae turcicae fundamenta. Vol. 1, 318−340. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Zajączkowski, Ananjasz 1932 Sufiksy imienne i czasownikowe w języku zachodniokaraimskim. / Les suffixes nominaux et verbaux dans la langue des karaïms occidentaux. Kraków: Nakładem Polskiej Akademji Umiejętności.

Éva Á. Csató, Uppsala (Sweden)

190. Chuvash 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication Clipping References

Abstract The article describes the main word-formation procedures of Chuvash. Composition based on izafet-constructions of determinative compounds, and coordinative compounds,

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including co-compounds, as well as reduplication belong to the most ancient and still productive models. Active processes can be seen in the field of compounding combined with affixation, and in derivation. Numerous formations are characterized by morphophonemic alternations. Prefixation is not typical of Chuvash. The status of conversion is regarded controversially. Backformation, blending, and word-creation are not attested.

1. Introduction In early studies of Chuvash, questions of word-formation have been comparatively poorly studied. Investigations into derivational affixes and compounding can be found in Ašmarin’s works (Ašmarin 1898) in which the author describes word-formation models and the most common formants of nouns, adjectives, and verbs. A more detailed analysis of the word-formation of different parts of speech is provided by Materialy po grammatike sovremennogo čuvašskogo âzyka [Materials for a Grammar of Modern Chuvash] (1957) and Morfologiâ sovremennogo čuvašskogo âzyka [Morphology of Modern Chuvash] (Pavlov 1965). It is worth mentioning that the appendix to the academic Chuvash-Russian Dictionary contains an article on word-formаtion affixes in Chuvash comprising an indexation of 93 Chuvash derivative affixes − some archaic which are no longer productive as well as the highly productive affixes (Skvorcov 1982). This index can be regarded as the basis for an affix dictionary. The word-formational and the derivational system of Chuvash is examined in detail by Andreeva (1995) and Andreev (2008, 2009). The system of compound nouns, their formation and functioning, is described in Semenova’s monograph (2005). As an example of one of the more recent studies Čuvašskaâ affiksologiâ [Chuvash Affixology] by Sergeev (2009) is to be mentioned. In agreement with the authors, the examples in this article are rendered using the transliteration ISO 9 1995.

2. General overview Chuvash is a Turkic language − the only surviving member of the Oghur branch − spoken west of the Urals in central Russia. It is the native language of the Chuvash people (that number approximately two million) and one of the official languages of Chuvashia. Chuvash has been greatly influenced by the Finnic languages and Russian. In the modern lexicon of Chuvash one finds also Tatar, Mari, and Mongolic loanwords, besides ancient Arab, Mongol and Persian loans. The Chuvash word has a typically agglutinative structure: the rооt morpheme is followed on the right by the derivative affix(es) and − after them − by the inflectional affixes. According to the rules of synharmony most morphemes have two variants, e.g., űkermerĕ ‘didn’t paint’ ← űk ‘to fall’ (root) + -er- (verb forming affix) + -me- (negation affix) + -r- (past tense affix) + -ĕ (3rd person affix); tašlamarĕ ‘didn’t dancе’ ← tašă ‘dance’ (root) + -la- (verbal derivational affix) + -ma- (negation affix) + -r- (past tense

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affix) + -ĕ (3rd person affix). In Chuvash linguistics all derivational and grammatical suffixes are subsumed under the term affix. The main (and also the most productive) word-formation models in Chuvash are composition and affixation. In composition numerous phonetic changes at the boundary of the respective components can be observed, e.g., a) Omission of one or more sounds at the end of one of the components (apocope): asanne ‘grandmother on the father’s side’ (← aslă ‘main, head’ + anne ‘mother’); ankarti ‘threshing-floor’ (← avăn ‘drying-house’ + karta ‘fence’); b) Elision of the initial vowel of the second component caused by the final sound of the preceding component: pahčalăk ‘wicket-gate’ (← pahča ‘garden’ + alăk ‘door’), hulaš ‘big city’ (← hula ‘city’ + ăš ‘inward, inside’), uraj ‘floor’ (← ura ‘foot’ + aj ‘underside’); c) Omission of one or more sounds within one of the components (syncope): alšălli ‘towel’ (← ală ‘hand’ + šăl ‘to towel off’), čaršav ‘curtain’ (← čatăr ‘tent’ + šav ‘noise’); d) Metathesis: hušamat ‘surname’ (← hušma ‘additional’ + ât ‘name’), tĕkĕltura ‘bumble-bee’ (← tĕklĕ ‘plumy’ + tura ‘comb’); e) Articulatory accommodation (assimilation): kĕşĕr ‘this night’ (← ku ‘this’ + şĕr ‘night’), kăşal ‘this year’ (← ku ‘this’ + çul ‘year’), şăvarni ‘shrovetide’ (← şu ‘summer’ + èrne ‘week’). A complex system of affixation as well as reduplication and abbreviation are also actively used. Prefixation is not typical of Chuvash; it can be observed, e.g., in some pronouns and numerals formed with the prefixes ta-/te-, ni-. The status of conversion is discussed controversially.

3. Composition Like other Turkic languages, Chuvash is rich in different types of compounds with several characteristic subtypes, such as izafet-compounds in the categories of determinative compounds, and co-compounds of two or more components within the category of coordinative compounds.

3.1. Determinative compounds Nominal compounds with a subordinative relation between the components have a nominal − noun or adjective − modifier and a nominal head or, rarely, a verbal head (nonfinite forms). A specific feature of Chuvash as a Turkic language is the occurrence of izafet in combination with compounding. Izafet denotes a determinative combination of two nouns. Traditionally, three types of izafet are distinguished:

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Izafet I is characterized by the lack of morphological markers signalling the connection between the components, i.e. the designation is based on juxtaposition, e.g., timĕr kĕreşe ‘iron shovel’ (← timĕr ‘iron’ + kĕreşe ‘shovel’), see section 3.1.1. Izafet II is characterized by a possessive affix of the 3rd person (-ĕ or -i) attached to the determined word (head), e.g., šyv tumlamĕ ‘water drop’ (← šyv ‘water’ + tumlam ‘drop’ + -ĕ (possessive affix)), ûltaš parni ‘friend’s present’ (← ûltaš ‘friend’ + parne ‘present’ + -i (possessive affix), see section 3.1.2. Izafet III is a combination of two nouns the first of which is followed by the affix of the possessive case (genitive) -ăn/-ĕn/-n, the second by the possessive affix: annen tutărĕ ‘mother’s scarf’ (← anne ‘mother’ + -n (affix of the possessive case) + tutăr ‘scarf’ + -ĕ (possessive affix)), see section 3.1.2. Other categories are constituted by compounds with a qualitative adjective as the first component (see section 3.1.3), and compounds with a nominal modifier and a verbal (infinitive, gerund or participial) head, see section 3.1.4.

3.1.1. Compounds formed on the pattern of izafet I Words of this pattern are deeply rooted in the Chuvash lexicon. Many complex nouns belong to different semantic groups: − Animals: šĕkĕ pulă ‘sterlet’ (← šĕkĕ ‘bug’ + pulă ‘fish’), jĕke hűre ‘rat’ (← jĕke ‘spindle’ + hűre ‘tail’); − Plants: šyv suhan ‘water plant’ (← šyv ‘water’ + suhan ‘onion’), asav hăâr ‘cucumber for seeds’ (← asav ‘canine’ + hăâr ‘cucumber’); − Months and days of the week: aka ujăh ‘April’ (← aka ‘sowing’ + ujăh ‘month’), şu ujăh ‘May’ (← şu ‘summer’ + ujăh ‘month’); − Household devices and appliances: jĕs ala ‘sieve made of copper wire’ (← jĕs ‘copper’ + ala ‘sieve’), şavra kurka ‘round bowl, scoop (for refreshing)’ (← şavra ‘circle’ + kurka ‘bowl, scoop’); − Meals: kĕl pašalu ‘cake made of unleavened dough’ (← kĕl ‘cinder’ + pašalu ‘cake’), kašăk şămah ‘dumplings’ (← kašăk ‘spoon’ + şămah ‘dumplings’), şatma şimĕş ‘cake of leavened dough’ (← şatma ‘pan’ + şimĕş ‘meal’); − Different notions of Chuvash ethnography and history: vutăš hĕr ‘mermaid’ (← vutăš ‘water sprite’ + hĕr ‘girl’), vupăr karčăk ‘witch’ (← vupăr ‘eclipse, darkness’ + karčăk ‘grandma’), ûr pike ‘Snow White’ (← ûr ‘snow’ + pike ‘lady’). Numerous compounds consist of first or second s e r i a l e l e m e n t s , cf. compounds with the f i r s t element ama ‘female’, or aşa ‘male’: ama vyľăh ‘female animal’, ama jytă ‘female dog’, ama jyvăş ‘female tree, plant (of dioecious plants)’; aşa kušak ‘male cat’, and compounds with the following s e c o n d elements: puş ‘head’: vĕlle puş ‘main hive’ (← vĕlle ‘hive’ + puş), âl puş ‘head of the village, rural chief’ (← âl ‘village’ + puş), čălha puş ‘socks’ (← čălha ‘stocking’ + puş); kuş ‘eye’: şălkuş ‘water spring’ (← şăl ‘spring’ + kuş), čĕpkuş ‘splinter’ (← čĕp ‘chicken’ + kuş), jĕpkuş ‘eye of a needle’ (← jĕp ‘needle’ + kuş); aj ‘under, bottom’: haphaj ‘space between the gate and the ground’ (← hapha ‘gate’ + aj), armanaj ‘bran’ (← arman ‘mill’ + aj);

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um ‘in front of, front side’: alkum ‘porch’ (← alăk ‘door’ + um), kămakum ‘space in front of the stove’ (← kămaka ‘stove’ + um), kăkărum ‘front of а woman’s robe embroidered with coloured stripes’ (← kăkăr ‘breast’ + um); şi ‘up, upper side’: utşi ‘hay time’ (← ut ‘hay’ + şi), âlşi ‘village community’ (← âl ‘village’ + şi).

3.1.2. Compounds formed on the pattern of izafet II This type comprises nouns whose second components contain possessive affixes of the 3rd person singular (-e and -i). On the second izafet pattern, Common Turk nominal units are formed. The most ancient nouns in the group of izafet II compounds with the affix -ĕ are names of gods, feasts and rites. In order to understand the structure of the following examples it should be pointed out that the words atte ‘father’ and anne ‘mother’ undergo phonetic changes in the expression of possessive meaning, e.g., atte ‘father’ − aşu ‘your father’ − aššĕ ‘his/her father’; anne ‘mother’ − annű ‘your mother’ − amăšĕ ‘his/her mother’, e.g., hĕvel aššĕ ‘Sun’s father’, hĕvel amăšĕ ‘Sun’s mother’, şĕr aššĕ ‘Soil’s father’. Moreover, this type of compounds is largely represented by the following lexicosemantic groups: − Plants: pileš kurăkĕ ‘tansy’ (← pileš ‘ashberry’ + kurăk ‘grass’), kĕşĕ kurăkĕ ‘celandine’ (← kĕşĕ ‘itch’ + kurăk), vir kurăkĕ ‘timothy grass’ (← vir ‘millet’ + kurăk); − Animals: pyl hurčĕ ‘bee’ (← pyl ‘honey’ + hurt ‘bee’), kupăsta lĕpĕšĕ ‘cabbage white butterfly’ (← kupăsta ‘cabbage’ + lĕpĕš ‘butterfly’); − Parts of the human body, diseases: šămă săsălĕ ‘marrow’ (← šămă ‘bone’ + săsăl ‘marrow’), ura hyrămĕ ‘calf’ (anat.) (← ura ‘leg’ + hyrăm ‘abdomen’); − Miscellaneous: tu hušăkĕ ‘gorge in the mountains’ (← tu ‘mount’ + hušăk ‘slit’), čeček tusanĕ ‘pollen’ (← čeček ‘flower’ + tusan ‘dust’), tűšek pičĕ ‘pillowcase’ (← tűšek ‘feather-bed’ + pit ‘tick’). (In many complex words the second component is spelled with the cyrillic “soft sign” (ь, transliterated as ’) instead of the possessive affix (-ĕ ): vutčulĕ (← vut ‘fire’ + čul ‘stone’) > vutčuľ ‘flint’, ĕşkunĕ (← ĕş ‘work’ + kun ‘day’) > ĕşkun’ ‘workday’.) The izafet II compounds with the affix -i will be again presented in lexico-semantic groups: − Names of ancient gods, rites: karta syhči ‘court or yard guard’ (← karta ‘yard’ + syhčă ‘guard’), uj turri ‘god of the livestock, field god’ (← uj ‘field’ + tură ‘god’); − Parts of the human body: aâk pĕrči ‘rib’ (← aâk ‘flank’ + pĕrčĕ ‘small part’), pit şămarti ‘cheek’ (← pit ‘face’ + şămarta ‘egg’), kuş harši ‘eyebrow’ (← kuş ‘eye’ + harša ‘frame’); − Plants: upa sarri ‘fern’ (← upa ‘bear’ + sară ‘yellow colour’), văkăr hűri ‘plantain’ (← văkăr ‘ox’ + hűrе ‘tail’); − Animals: jyt pulli ‘tadpole’ (← jyt ‘dog’ + pulă ‘fish’), ĕne nărri ‘shard beetle’ (← ĕne ‘cow’ + nără ‘beetle’); − Material culture: şăraşşi ‘lock’ (← şăra ‘key’ + uşă ‘lock’), čĕrşitti ‘apron’ (← čĕr ‘knees’ + şitti ‘cover’);

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− Meals: űt šűrpi ‘meat soup’ (← űt ‘body’ + šűrpе ‘pottage’), şatma ikerči ‘pancakes’ (← şatma ‘pan’ + ikerčĕ ‘cake’).

3.1.3. The pattern “Qualitative adjective + noun” Colour adjectives as first component (modifier) are the most numerous in this group, especially: sară ‘yellow’, šură ‘white’, hĕrlĕ ‘red’. The respective compounds denote animals and plants, diseases, natural phenomena, etc., cf. šură tulă ‘rice; lit. white wheat’, šură kăšman ‘sugar beet; lit. white beetroot’, hura părşa ‘beans; lit. black peas’, hura şil ‘tornado; lit. black wind’, sară kăšman ‘fodder beet; lit. yellow beetroot’, hĕrlĕ šatra ‘measles; lit. red rush’, hĕrlĕ kukamaj ‘ladybird; lit. red grandma’.

3.1.4. The pattern “Non-finite verb form + noun” Words, formed on the following patterns are most abundant: a) Infinitive in -ma/-me + N: larma hĕr ‘girl staying at/visiting her relatives and doing some (needle)work’ (← lar (dictionary entry form of the verb) ‘to sit’ + hĕr ‘girl’), şĕrme puân ‘very rich man’ (← şĕr ‘to rot’ + puân ‘rich man’); b) Gerund ending in -a/-e + N: kara şăvar ‘loudmouth’ (← kar ‘to open’ + şăvar ‘mouth’, jĕre ača ‘crybaby’ (← jĕr ‘to cry’ + ača ‘kid’); c) Past participle with the affix -nă/-nĕ + N: ăšalană şămarta ‘fried eggs’ (← ăšala ‘to fry’ + şămarta ‘egg’), kasnă salma ‘home-made noodles’ (← kas ‘to cut’ + salma ‘dumplings’). The most productive pattern is “N + Past participle with the affix -i” denoting: − Rites and feasts: hĕve hupni ‘wedding rite’ (← hĕv ‘bosom’ + hup ‘to close’), salam ăsatni ‘commemoration rite’ (← salam ‘greeting, bow’ + ăsat ‘to see off’); − Objects, meals, persons: al tytti ‘smart women garment worn on the shoulders’ (← al ‘hand’ + tyt ‘to take’), şămarta hăpartni ‘omelet’ (← şămarta ‘egg’ + hăpart ‘to lift’), âl păhi ‘inspector’ (← âl ‘village’ + păh ‘to look’), tur şyrni ‘one’s promised husband or wife’ (← tură ‘God’ + şyr ‘to write’), čun savni ‘(the) beloved’ (← čun ‘soul, heart’ + sav ‘to love’); − Diseases: šănăr turtni ‘spasms’ (← šănăr ‘tendon’ + turt ‘to pull’), ûn kajni ‘bleeding’ (← ûn ‘blood’ + kaj ‘to go away’), yjhă vĕşni ‘insomnia’ (← yjhă ‘sleep’ + vĕş ‘to flee’), šatra kasni ‘smallpox vaccination’ (← šatra ‘pox’ + kas ‘to cut’); − Expressive and emotional designations: čun illi ‘monster, brute’ (← čun ‘soul’ + il ‘to take’), sehre hăppi ‘something awful’ (← sehre ‘horror’ + hăp ‘to detach’); − State of mind and nature: kămăl vĕşni ‘excitement’ (← kămăl ‘cheer’ + vĕş ‘to flee’); pilĕk kasni ‘labour pains’ (← pilĕk ‘loins’ + kas ‘to cut’), kaş pulni ‘dusk’ (← kaş ‘night’ + pul ‘to be’), ujăh tĕttĕmlenni ‘lunar eclipse’ (← ujăh ‘moon’ + tĕttĕmlen ‘to get dark’).

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3.2. Coordinative compounds 3.2.1. Nominal coordinative compounds Compounds with coordinative relations between the components (in Chuvash word-formation also called “pair nouns” or “couple nouns”) are ancient forms of this wordformation model. They consist of two (or more) simple words belonging to the same part of speech. Each of them (in general, the second component) can have the corresponding grammatical forms (number, case, etc.), and the compound as a whole can function as any phrase in the sentence. They can be parts of word combinations as well as become the basis for the derivation of new words. Besides lexico-grammatical and phonetic features, these words also show semantic regularities: not any word can be united with another to form a copulative compound, but only those which are connected paradigmatically, by closeness in meaning, as, e.g., synonymic, antonymic, and associative correlations. Coordinative compounds with s y n o n y m o u s components are formed by combining two full synonyms or words similar in meaning. The characteristic feature of these nouns is their integrative collective meaning that is based on the connection of names of objects or abstract nouns: aš-kakaj ‘meat; lit. meat-meat’, ĕmĕt-šuhăš ‘dreams; lit. dreamthought’, văj-hal ‘power; lit. power-energy’, ûmah-halap ‘fairy tales; lit. fairy tale-tale’. A n t o n y m i c coordinative compounds denote states and abstract qualities. The components of these nouns have contrasting meanings of time, space, age, sex, etc.: larutăru ‘situation; lit. sitting-staying’, vată-vĕtĕ ‘old and young; lit. old-small’, nuša-yrlăh ‘sadness and joy; lit. misfortune-bliss’, ir-kaş ‘day and night; lit. morning-night’. The group of coordinative compounds with a s s o c i a t i v e relations between the components is the most abundant in comparison to the two preceding groups. The components of these words are related conceptually, e.g., tuta-şăvar ‘mouth area; lit. lipmouth’, şĕtĕk-şurăk ‘rags; lit. rag-scrap’, sĕt-turăh ‘dairy products; lit. milk-sour milk’. The meaning of associative compounds is often more complex than the sum of the meanings of their components, i.e. the compound has the meaning of a general concept, or a hyperonym of the hyponymous components. Many of them can be regarded as cocompounds, e.g., kurka-şăpala ‘kitchen utensils’, whereas the meaning of the components are ‘round scoop’ and ‘ladle’. The word şĕr-šyv lit. ‘soil-water’ has the meaning ‘one’s own people, motherland, where the ancestors remain’. In some cases, such words have a triple or quadruple structure: laši-ĕni-surăh ‘cattle, livestock; lit. horse-cow-sheep’, èreh-săra-kărčama ‘alcoholic beverages; lit. vodka-beer-home brew’, vărămtuna-šănaűpre ‘mosquitos; lit. mosquito-fly-midge’, şippi-jĕppi-čĕntĕrĕ ‘sewing things; lit. needless-threads-laces’. (See also article 40 on co-compounds.) There are numerous lexicalized formations, but also compounds whose first or mostly second component has lost its meaning in contemporary Chuvash. These words bear traces of Turkic-wide lexical interaction that had place in the past. It is also possible that the “dead components” of these words are primordial Chuvash words which are no longer used nowadays. In the following examples the meaning of the whole word is equal to the first component, cf. kűršĕ-aršă ‘neighbours’, namăs-simĕs ‘shame’, hyparhănar ‘rumours’, čun-čĕm ‘soul’, âš-kĕrĕm ‘adults’, ûmăş-tĕrĕš ‘fortuneteller’, hănavĕrle ‘guests’.

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3.2.2. Coordinative compounds in other parts of speech Other parts of speech − adjectives, pronouns, adverbs, numerals and verbs − can also serve as productive base for the formation of compounds. Compared to nominal coordinative compounds, a d j e c t i v e s are less numerous, e.g., hura-šură ‘black and white’, usal-haâr ‘wicked and angry’. There are also some coordinative compounds with n o n - f i n i t e v e r b f o r m s : kĕreken-tuhakan ‘visitor, visiting (person)’ (← kĕreken present participle of kĕr ‘to come in’ + tuhakan present participle of tuh ‘to exit’), kilen-kaân ‘visitor, visiting (person)’ (← kilen iterative participle of kil ‘to come’ + kaân iterative participle of kaj ‘to go away’), pulnă-irtnĕ ‘it was and went off’ (← pulnă past participle of pul ‘to be’ + irtnĕ past participle of irt ‘to go off’); iltes-tăvas (pulsan) ‘(if) you happen to hear about’ (← iltes future participle of ilt ‘to hear’ + tăvas future participle of tu ‘to do’). The following may serve as examples of a d v e r b s : ĕlĕk-aval ‘long ago; lit. before now-anciently’, paân-yran ‘one of these days; lit. today-tomorrow’, unta-kunta ‘somewhere; lit. there-here’. P r o n o m i n a l compounds are, e.g., văl-ku ‘something or other; lit. he/she/it-this’, hăšĕ-pĕri ‘some; lit. which-one among many’. N u m e r a l compounds express approximation, e.g., şiččĕ-sakkăr ‘seven or eight; lit. seven-eight’, pĕr-ik ‘one or two; lit. one-two’.

3.2.3. Conclusion The characteristic feature of Chuvash coordinative compounds is their closed structure and their ability to function morphologically and syntactically exclusively as one lexical unit like a simple word. The components of the majority of these compounds consist of elements also known from other Turkic languages (cf. ûltaš-tantăš ‘peer; lit. friendcoeval’, hĕr-tantăš ‘girlfriends; lit. girl-coeval’, ĕş-puş ‘affairs; lit. work-head’, sim-pyl ‘honey beverage; lit. syrup-honey’. As co-compound can be regarded hĕr-yvăl ‘heirs; lit. girl-son’). Moreover, primordial Chuvash words and borrowings from Russian, Arab and Persian play an important role in the formation of coordinative compounds with one or two components borrowed from − Arab (A., underlined) or Persian (P., underlined): šăpa-ăraskal (A.) ‘fate; lit. fatehappiness’, hĕn-asap (A.) ‘continuous illness; lit. pain-suffering’, kĕmĕl-merčen (P.) ‘jewellery; lit. silver-coral, pearl’, etc. In the following nouns only the origin of the first component can be attested, whereas the second element is no longer semantically transparent in Chuvash, e.g., hypar-hănar (A.) ‘news’, muhmăr-suhmăr (A.) ‘drunkenness, hangover’, asar-piser (P.) ‘evil spirit(s)’; − Russian (R., underlined): jĕrke-norma ‘order; lit. order-norm’, pulăštuh-èreh ‘drinking session; lit. bottle-alcohol’ (R. poluštof), pustav-kavir (R. kovёr) ‘broadcloths and carpets’, katka-pičke (R. bočka) ‘cooper’s products; lit. vat-barrels’, hĕş-păšal (R. piščaľ) ‘arms, weapons; lit. sword, sabre-gun, arcebus’; − the neighbouring Uralic languages Mari (M., underlined) or Udmurt (U., underlined): şyrma-şatra (M.) ‘ravines; lit. ravine-small ravine’, părşa-âsmăk (M.) ‘pulses, legumes; lit. pea-lentil’, kĕvĕ-şemĕ (U.) ‘music, melody’; both lit. ‘tune, melody, song’, sĕtel-pukan (U.) ‘furniture; lit. desk-chair’.

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The above-mentioned examples attest to the mixture of different people and tribes. The elements of Persian, Arab, Russian, Mari, Tatar, Bashkir and other languages are interlaced in Chuvash as Chuvash people have always been close to these nations in the course of their history.

3.3. Combination of composition and affixation Complex words of this structural type consist of two stems and one affix, where neither the combination of the first two nor of the last two elements exists as free word. In Chuvash this model is used to form words of different parts of speech.

3.3.1. Nouns The following models serve as an active source of neologisms (and terms) in different fields of science. N+N+AFF: alăstalăh ‘domestic craft’ (← ală ‘hand’ + ăsta ‘master craftsman’ + -lăh), kămăl-sipetlĕh ‘morality, morals’ (← kămăl ‘soul, mood’ + sipet ‘decency, honesty’ + -lĕh); A+N+AFF: tűrkămăllăh ‘frankness’ (← tűrĕ ‘straight’ + kămăl ‘soul, mood’ + -lăh), tűrkĕteslĕh ‘rectangle’ (← tűrĕ ‘straight’ + kĕtes ‘angle’ + -lĕh); Num+N+AFF: pĕršuhăšlăh ‘unanimity’ (← pĕr ‘one’ + šuhăš ‘idea’ + -lăh), ikĕpitlĕh ‘duplicity’ (← ikĕ ‘two’ + pit ‘face’ + -lĕh), ikčĕlhelĕh ‘bilingualism’ (← ikĕ ‘two’ + čĕlhe ‘language’ + -lĕh); N+V+AFF: alşyru ‘manuscript’ (← ală ‘hand’ + şyr ‘to write’ + -u), âtparu ‘denomination’ (← ât ‘name’ + par ‘to give’ + -u), şulşűrev ‘journey’ (← şul ‘way’ + şűre ‘to go’ + -v), tĕnčekurăm ‘world-view’ (← tĕnče ‘world’ + kur ‘to see’ + -ăm), hĕveltuhăş ‘east’ (← hĕvel ‘sun’ + tuh ‘to go out’ + -ăş), in contrast to tuhăş ‘sunrise’.

3.3.2. Adjectives Two models should be mentioned here: А+N+AFF: mănkămăllă ‘arrogant’ (← măn ‘big’ + kămăl ‘soul, mood’ + -lă); as an independent adjective kămăllăh has the meanings ‘tender, gentle, cordial; pleasant, nice; satisfied, content’; Num+N+AFF: pĕrenlĕ ‘unambiguous, unequivocal’ (← pĕr ‘one’ + en ‘side’ + -lĕ).

3.3.3. Verbs A+N+AFF: mănkămăllan ‘to pride oneself on sth.’ (← măn ‘big’ + kămăl ‘soul, mood’ + -lan); А+Particle mar+AFF: tasamarlan ‘to become unscrupulous, dishonarable’ (← tasa ‘clean’ + mar ‘not’ + -lan), tikĕsmarlan ‘to become uneven’ (← tikĕs ‘even, flat’ + mar ‘not’ + -lan).

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4. Derivation Prefixation is not productive in Chuvash word-formation. There are only two elements: ta-/te- and ni-. They can form: a) Indefinite and negative pronouns: takam ‘somebody’ (← kam ‘who’), tahăš ‘someone’ (← hăš ‘which’), temĕn ‘something’ (← mĕn ‘what’); nikam ‘nobody’ (← kam ‘who’), nihăš ‘no one’ (← hăš ‘which’), nimĕn ‘nothing’ (← mĕn ’what’); b) Adverbs of place and time: tahşan ‘sometime’ (← hăşan ‘when’), taşta ‘somewhere’ (← ăşta ‘where’); nihşan ‘never’ (← hăşan ‘when’), nişta ‘nowhere’ (← ăşta ‘where’).

4.1. Nominal derivation There are numerous affixes in Chuvash to form nouns. The most productive are -şă/-şĕ, -lăh/-lĕh, -čăk/-čĕk and some others.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns Denominal nouns belong to the following categories: A b s t r a c t n o u n s : -lăh/-lĕh, e.g., ačalăh ‘childhood’ (← ača ‘child’), ètemlĕh ‘mankind’ (← ètem ‘man’); -tăk: măškăltăk ‘rubbish’ (← măškăl ‘mockery’); P e r s o n a l n o u n s : -şă/-şĕ, e.g., asamşă ‘magician’ (← asam ‘magic’), kĕvĕşĕ ‘musician’ (← kĕvĕ ‘music’); -čah: ăcčah ‘scientist’ (← ăs ‘intellect’); -kĕč: tĕpkĕč ‘heir’ (← tĕp ‘ground’); -taš/-teš: enteš ‘fellow-countryman’ (← en ‘side, place’); -tah: puştah ‘madcap’ (← puş ‘head’); N o n - p e r s o n a l n o u n s : -lăh/-lĕh, e.g., kuşlăh ‘eyeglasses’ (← kuş ‘eye’); -kăč/ -kĕč: măjkăč ‘collar’ (← măj ‘neck’); P l a c e n o u n s : -el/-al, e.g., tĕpel ‘living-room’ (← tĕp ‘basis, fundament’), hyşal ‘backside’ (← hyş ‘back’); -sar: ûmansar ‘oak forest’ (← ûman ‘oak’), şăkasar ‘limetree forest’ (← şăka ‘lime-tree’); C o l l e c t i v e n o u n s (some semantically overlapping with place nouns): -lăh/-lĕh, e.g., hurănlăh ‘birch grove’ (← hurăn ‘birch’), šurlăh ‘swamps’ (← šur ‘swamp’); -lak: părlak ‘black ice’ (← păr ‘ice’); D i m i n u t i v e s : -ška/-ške, e.g., şunaška ‘little sledge’ (← şuna ‘sledge’), tynaška ‘little calf’ (← tyna ‘calf’), hűreške ‘little tail’ (← hűre ‘tail’); -kka/-kke: čămărkka ‘little fist’ (← čămăr ‘fist’), Petĕrkke ‘little Peter’ (← Petĕr); -ske: tĕmeske ‘little hill’ (← tĕme ‘hill’).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns A b s t r a c t n o u n s are derived with the affix -lăh/-lĕh, e.g., tasalăh ‘cleanness’ (← tasa ‘clean’), şepĕşlĕh ‘tenderness’ (← şepĕş ‘tender’). (For more abstract nouns and concrete nouns as possible result of conversion see section 5.)

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4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Deverbal nouns belong to the following categories: A c t i o n n o u n s : -u/-ű, e.g., vĕtelenű ‘haste’ (← vĕtelen ‘to hаste, hurry’), ănlantaru ‘explanation’ (← ănlantar ‘to explain’); -ăm/-ĕm: űsĕm ‘height’ (← űs ‘to grow’), kuşăm ‘movement’ (← kuş ‘to move’); -ma/-mè: vyrma ‘reaping’ (← vyr ‘to harvest’), larma ‘get-together’ (← lar ‘to sit’); A b s t r a c t n o u n s : -u/-ű, e.g., ûratu ‘love’ (← ûrat ‘to love’), vĕrenű ‘study’ (← vĕren ‘to study’); -ăm/-ĕm: ûhăm ‘current’ (← ûh ‘to flow’), vilĕm ‘death’ (← vil ‘to die’); -ă/-ĕ: sută ‘sale’ (← sut ‘to sell’); -av/-èv: čuhlav ‘guess’ (← čuhla ‘to guess’), šellev ‘pity, compassion’ (← šelle ‘to take pity on sb.’); R e s u l t n o u n s : -čăk/-čĕk, e.g., űkerčĕk ‘picture’ (←űker ‘to draw’), surčăk ‘saliva’ (← sur ‘to spit’); -ă/-ĕ: kasă ‘furrow’ (← kas ‘to cut’), čĕlĕ ‘piece’ (← čĕl ‘to chip’); -ăk/-ĕk: tatăk ‘piece, part’ (← tat ‘to cut’), şĕrĕk ‘rottenness’ (← şĕr ‘to rot’); -ăm/-ĕm: pűlĕm ‘room’ (← pűl ‘to enclose’), kălarăm ‘edition’ (← kălar ‘to edit’); -măš/-mĕš: hăratmăš ‘scarecrow’ (← hărat ‘to scare’), ilĕrtmĕš ‘seduction’ (← ilĕrt ‘to seduce’); A g e n t n o u n s : -čăk/-čĕk, e.g., askănčăk ‘depraved man’ (← askăn ‘to deprave’), ĕšelenčĕk ‘bustler’ (← ĕšelen ‘to haste, hurry’); I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s : -kăč/-kĕč, e.g., larkăč ‘seat, saddle’ (← lar ‘to sit’), hĕskĕč ‘pincers’ (← hĕs ‘to press’); -kă: čyškă ‘fist’ (← čyš ‘to beat’); -mak/-mek: čikmek ‘stairs, ladder’ (← čik ‘to stick into’); -lăh/-lĕh: vitlĕh ‘cover’ (← vit ‘to cover’); -ăš/ -ĕš: syrăš ‘feeding-rack’ (← syr ‘to circle’); -a/-e: păra ‘gimlet’ (← păr ‘to turn round’), vişe ‘measure’ (← viş ‘to measure’), -ă/-ĕ: uşă ‘key’ (← uş ‘to open’); P l a c e n o u n s : -ăm/-ĕm, e.g., lakăm ‘pit’ (← lak ‘to get stuck’); -ăş/-ĕş: tuhăş ‘east, sunrise’ (← tuh ‘to come out’), anăş ‘west, sunset’ (← an ‘to descend’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives The most productive affixes are -lă/-lĕ (p o s s e s s i v e meaning), e.g., văjlă ‘strong’ (← văj ‘strength’), sisĕmlĕ ‘sensitive’ (← sisĕm ‘sense’), and the p r i v a t i v e affix -săr/ -sĕr: ilemsĕr ‘ugly’ (← ilem ‘beauty’), kămălsăr ‘unkind’ (← kămăl ‘(good) mood’).

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Deadjectival adjectives express modification, sometimes specialization of the semantics of the base adjective, partly as a result of comparison, e.g., -mаs/-mеs: şămlamas ‘shaggy-haired’ (← şămlă ‘wool-covered’), hĕrlemes ‘crimson’ (← hĕrlĕ ‘red’); -ška/-ške: kătraška ‘curly-headed’ (← kătra ‘curly’), şinşeške ‘slender’ (← şinşe ‘thin’); -ttaj/-ttej: şămălttaj ‘light-minded’ (← şămăl ‘light’), mănttaj ‘awkward’ (← măn ‘big’); -anka/ -еnkе: šuranka ‘pale’ (← šură ‘white’). Another very productive way to modify adjectives is the combination with intensifying particles as, e.g., vĕr (vĕr şĕnĕ ‘completely new’), šar (šar pylak ‘very sweet’), jam

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and tĕm (jam hura, tĕm hura ‘absolutely, completely black’), and others. (Such particles may also be combined with nouns, e.g., hăr tălăh ‘complete orphan’.) This kind of modifying is, however, not regarded as a word-formation procedure.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives denote a quality according to the result of an action or to the process, e.g., -ăk/-ĕk: şĕmrĕk: ‘broken’ (← şĕmĕr ‘to break’), sűnĕk ‘extinct’ (← sűn ‘to extinct’), -čăk/-čĕk: vĕčĕrhenčĕk ‘angry’ (← vĕčĕrhen ‘to get angry’), jătănčăk ‘collapsing’ (← jătăn ‘to tumble down’).

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs Productive affixes are -la/-le, -lan/-len, -lat/-let, -laš/-leš, less productive are -at/-et/-t, -ăn/-ĕn, -ar/-er and others, for instance, verbs with the meaning ‘to perform the action denoted by the base word’: puşla and puşăn ‘to begin’ (← puş ‘beginning’), ĕmĕtlen ‘to dream’ (← ĕmĕt ‘dream’), sienlet ‘to damage’ (← sien ‘damage’); i n c h o a t i v e verbs: ăslan ‘to become clever’ (← ăs ‘intellect’); f a c t i t i v e / c a u s a t i v e verbs: tăvanlat ‘to make related’ (← tăvan ‘relatives’); tuslaš ‘to make friends’ (← tus ‘friend’), şurat ‘to give birth’ (← şura ‘baby animal’), and i n s t r u m e n t a l verbs: kĕşĕt ‘to itch’ (← kĕşĕ ‘scab’), šăvar ‘to irrigate, water’ (← šyv ‘water’).

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs Productive affixes are -lan/-len, -lat/-let, -laš/-leš, -ar/-er), cf. i n c h o a t i v e verbs such as ajvanlan ‘to grow stupid’ (← ajvan ‘stupid’), lűpperlen ‘to become sluggish’ (← lűpper ‘slow’), kăvakar ‘to turn blue’ (← kăvak ‘blue’), and f a c t i t i v e verbs, e.g., şivĕčlet ‘to sharpen’ (← şivĕč ‘sharp’), ăšăhlat ‘to make shallow’ (← ăšăh ‘shallow’), and others like tanlaš ‘to compete with’ (← tan ‘equal’).

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs Deverbal verbs are derived with the following productive affixes: -tar/-ter, -ăl/-ĕl, -ar/ -er, -at/-et, -ăş/-ĕş, -aš/-eš, -ăn/-ĕn, -ăš/-ĕš, and others. The corresponding verbs constitute the following categories: a) Reflexive verbs: parăn ‘to surrender’ (← par ‘to give’), saltăn ‘to take off one’s clothes, undress’ (← salt ‘to untie’), puştarăn ‘to gather (together)’ (← puştar ‘to gather, put together’);

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b) Passive verbs: sujlan ‘to be elected, chosen’ (← sujla ‘to elect, choose’), tytăn ‘to be caught, kept’ (← tyt ‘to hold, keep’); c) Reciprocal verbs: kalaş ‘to talk’ (← kala ‘to speak, say’), savăš ‘to love each other’ (← sav ‘to love’); d) Causative verbs: şiter ‘to feed’ (← şi ‘to eat’), şyvărttar ‘to make sleep’ (← şyvăr ‘to sleep’), űker ‘to drop, let fall’ (← űk ‘to fall’), ĕrčet ‘to grow sth.’ (← ĕrče ‘to breed’).

4.3.4. Verbs derived from other parts of speech There are some smaller groups of denumeral verbs, e.g., ikkĕlen ‘to doubt’ (← ikkĕ ‘two’), depronominal verbs, e.g., urăhlan ‘to change’ (← urăh ‘another’), pĕtĕmlet ‘to summarize’ (← pĕtĕm ‘whole’). Verbs derived from onomatopoeic interjections, or from interjections referring to gestures, are an active model of Chuvash word-formation. The affixes are the same as in the formation of denominal verbs, e.g., măšlat ‘to breathe through the nose’ (← măš ‘sound of puffing’), kĕrle ‘to make noise’ (← kĕr ‘sound of noise’), lăplan ‘to calm’ (← lăp ‘sound of a slight slap’), čaškăr ‘to rustle’ (← čaš ‘imitation of the noise’), vĕlkĕš ‘to unfasten’ (← vĕl ‘sound of slight vibration’).

5. Conversion In Chuvash linguistics conversion has not yet been studied in detail. Some Turkologists do not acknowledge conversion as a word-formation procedure because numerous stems/ words cannot be clearly determined according to their part of speech, e.g., as nominal or adjectival stem (see also the articles on other Turkic languages, e.g., 188 on Gagauz, 189 on Karaim). Other linguists, for instance, Pavlov (1964), consider conversion rather as a productive means of Chuvash word-formation. Most numerous are examples of nominal conversion (N ← A): a) Designations of persons according to a specific feature: şamrăk ‘young man’ (← şamrăk ‘young’), sukkăr ‘blind person’ (← sukkăr ‘blind’), ût ‘stranger’ (← ût ‘strange, foreign’), vĕşkĕn ‘boaster’ (← vĕşkĕn ‘boastful’), ĕşčen ‘workaholic, workman’ (← ĕşčen ‘industrious, hard working’); b) Designations of objects according to specific features: pĕrkelenşĕk ‘small wrinkle’ (← pĕrkelenşĕk ‘wrinkled’), jănăš ‘error, mistake’ (← jănăš ‘uncorrect’), şĕrĕk ‘mould’ (← şĕrĕk ‘rotten’); c) Abstract qualities: ăšă ‘heat, warmth’ (← ăšă ‘hot, warm’), sivĕ ‘cold, coldness’ (← sivĕ ‘cold’), tűlek ‘silence’ (← tűlek ‘silent’); d) Designations of places, areas: ajlăm ‘low place’ (← ajlăm ‘low’), tűrem ‘plain (n.)’ (← tűrem ‘plain’); e) The base of nominal conversions in the meaning of collective nouns can also be coordinative adjectival compounds, e.g., vĕtĕr-šakăr ‘a clutch of children, kids’ (← vĕtĕr-šakăr ‘small’), şĕtĕk-şurăk ‘rags, old clothes, things’, in non-collective meaning ‘ragamuffin, ragged fellow’ (← şĕtĕk-şurăk ‘torn, lacerated’).

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There are also some cases of nominal conversion from verbs, e.g., kĕvĕş ‘jealousy, envy’ (kĕvĕş ‘to be jealous, envy’), or verb forms (participles), e.g., vĕreneken ‘pupil’ (← vĕreneken ‘learning’), vulakan ‘reader’ (← vulakan ‘reading’), pulăšakan ‘helper, assistant’ (← pulăšakan ‘helping’). Other nominal conversions go back to onomatopoeic words (e.g., nărik-nărik ‘pig, piglet’, šăj-šaj ‘noise’, kikkirik ‘crown of the cock’), or to numerals (e.g., pillĕk ‘number five, school grade’ ← pillĕk ‘five’).

6. Reduplication In Chuvash the following models of reduplication of words or parts of words can be observed: a) reduplication of words of an identical sound structure (absolute repeating); b) reduplication of words of a different sound structure (partial or divergent repeating); c) reduplication in combination with affixation.

6.1. Nouns Reduplicated nouns, based on sound imitation (onomatopoeia), deserve to be mentioned first: kukkuk ‘cuckoo’, tűntűn ‘blind man’s buff’, čučču ‘swing’, tűttűt ‘pipe’, mărmăr ‘cat’. These examples are very old. The repetition of syllables was first used in Chuvash for naming birds or denoting children’s games. Later the onomatopoeic word became lexicalized. Words originating in children’s speech are very close to the examples cited above: tette ‘toy’, tutu ‘car’, tűttű ‘milk’, pipi ‘boo-boo, hurt (place)’, memme ‘bread’, hamham ‘dog’, mumu ‘cow’. Some nouns are formed as a result of phonetically divergent reduplication. The first component in these words is the bearer of the lexical meaning, the second serves reduplication purposes, e.g., kăltăk-kaltăk ‘defaults, lacks’, parne-sarne ‘gifts’, karčăk-kĕrčĕk ‘old women’. Sometimes reduplication is accompanied by case affixes: mihhi-mihhipe ‘with whole sacks; lit. sack-sack.COM’, şultan şul ‘year after year, year in, year out; lit. year.ABLyear’, alran al (tytsa) ‘(to go) hand in hand; lit. hand.ABL-hand’, sămahran sămah ‘word by word; lit. word.ABL-word’.

6.2. Adjectives The components of the reduplicated adjectives can be identical, e.g., şăt-şăt ‘well matching (about clothes)’ (← şăt ‘tight, close-fitting’), vĕtĕ-vĕtĕ ‘small-small’, or show modifications in spelling/pronunciation, e.g., akăš-makăš ‘extraordinary, splendid’ (the meaning of the reduplication is lexicalized), kăjttă-kajttă ‘torn, ragged’ (← kăjttă ‘bad, unfit’). Reduplicated adjectives can also be based on sound imitations, e.g., vărt-vart ‘hardworking’ (← vărt onomatopoeic about a fast movement).

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There are also examples of incomplete reduplication, as a rule, in the first component, e.g., puš-pušă ‘completely empty’ (← pušă ‘empty’), čip-čiper ‘very beautiful’ (← čiper ‘beautiful’). Reduplication accompanied by affixation can be observed in the following examples: tűrĕren tűrĕ ‘very straight’, hĕrlĕren hĕrlĕ ‘very red’, matturtan mattur ‘very good guy’ (originally, -ren and -tan are ablative inflections, here they express additional intensification).

6.3. Other parts of speech Reduplication is also attested in other parts of speech, e.g., Adverbs: haľ-haľ ‘just about’, ăşta-ăşta ‘wherever; lit. where-where’, kăšt-kašt ‘just a bit; lit. little-little’, ilĕm-tilĕm ‘at the crack of dawn’ (the meaning of the reduplication is lexicalized); Numerals: şĕr-şĕr ‘hundreds’ (← şĕr ‘hundred’), pin-pin ‘thousands’ (← pin ‘thousand’), pinĕn-pinĕn ‘by the thousands’, pĕr-pĕrinpe ‘together; lit. one with one’ (← per ‘one’); Verbs: čupať-čupať ‘runs and runs’, sisĕni-sisĕnmi ‘barely noticeable’ (← sisĕni obsolete participle of sis ‘to notice, feel’ + negated participle; the negation is expressed by the affix -mi); Onomatopoeic words: čănkăr-čănkăr ‘ringing’; onomat. ‘ding dong’, păšăl-păšăl ‘whisper’, păt-pat ‘rarely, somewhere’; onomat. ‘drip-drop’ (sound of water (rain) drops), kăšăr-kašăr ‘quickly’; onomat. ‘rustle-rustle’ (sound of a rustle), kăn-kan ‘imitation/designation of a dull, stupid look’.

7. Clipping The appearance of clipped words and abbreviations in the modern languages is caused by the need for information encoding and compression. Chuvash multi-word expressions are the base of numerous abbreviations and mixed forms. Clipping of single words is not common unless they are constituents of underlying multi-word expressions (see below). Abbreviations and (partial) clippings are regarded as a special word-formation procedure showing features of motivation and morphonological characteristics. In the literature on Chuvash word-formation two basic types of abbreviations are distinguished: a) Abbreviations that are exclusively used in written form: initial abbreviations consisting of the first letters of complex words and word combinations, e.g., h.-t. ‘sunrise’ (← hĕveltuhăş), č. h. s. ‘Chuvash folk-art’ (← čăvaš halăh sămahlăhĕ), u. k. ‘in other words’ (← urăhla kalasan); abbreviations consisting of the first and the final letter or a part of a word: r-n ‘region’ (← rajon), min-vo ‘ministry’ (← ministerstvo); syllabic abbreviations: ûlt. ‘comrade’ (← ûltaš), tĕsl. ‘for example’ (← tĕslĕhren), ĕm. ‘century’ (← ĕmĕr); b) Abbreviations that are also used in oral speech, i.e. results of аbbreviation and clipping (of parts) of complex denominations and recurrent word combinations:

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Turkic Due to language economy, some recurrent word combinations are subject to abbreviation and clipping. The results (letters, syllables, parts of a word) function as lexical units. In modern Chuvash they are basically nouns. According to their structure, several types can be distinguished: combination of the initial letters (phonemes) of the underlying words, e.g., ČNK ‘Chuvash National Congress’ (← Čăvaš naci kongresĕ), ČR ‘Тhe Chuvash Republic’ (← Čăvaš respubliki), ČPU ‘Chuvash State University’ (← Čăvaš patšalăh universitečĕ); combination of the initial parts of the underlying words, e.g., ham. kor. ‘own correspondent’ (← hamăr korrespondent), čăv. kal. ‘Chuvash calendar’ (← čăvaš kalendarĕ), rajĕştăvkom ‘district executive board’ (← rajonti ĕş tăvakan komitet); combination of the initial part (syllable) of the first word and the entire second word: This variety of abbreviation is also represented by borrowings from Russian. In the calque of the underlying designation (word combination) the head word is adapted to the Chuvash form of izafet II − in the following examples, -ĕ is the 3rd person possessive affix, cf. section 3.1.2): medpunkt ‘first-aid post’ (← medicina punkčĕ; with alternation t > č before -ĕ), teleсentr ‘television centre’ (← televideni centrĕ). There are also loan translations with domestic Chuvash words: informkălarăm ‘information broadcast’ (← informaci kălarămĕ), telehupah ‘TV club’ (← televideni hupahĕ), avtoşul ‘highway’ (← avtomobiľ şulĕ).

8. References Ašmarin, Nikolaj I. 1898 Materialy dlâ issledovaniâ čuvašskogo âzyka. Kazan’: Tipo-litografiâ Imperatorskogo universiteta. Ašmarin, Nikolaj I. 1976 Zametki po grammatike čuvašskogo âzyka. In: Nikolaj I. Ašmarin, Čuvašskij âzyk, 3− 86. Čeboksary: Čuvašskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Andreev, Valerij V. 2007 Teoretičeskie i prikladnye aspekty čuvašskogo slovoobrazovaniâ. Čeboksary: Čuvašskij universitet. Andreev, Valerij V. 2008 Sposoby i modeli slovoobrazovaniâ v čuvašskom âzyke. Čeboksary: Čuvašskij universitet. Andreev, Valerij V. 2009 Teoriâ i praktika čuvašskogo slovoobrazovaniâ. Čeboksary: Čuvašskij universitet. Andreeva, Evdokiâ A. 1995 Affiksaľnoe glagoľnoe slovoobrazovanie v čuvašskom âzyke. Čeboksary: Čuvašskij pedagogičeskij universitet. Materialy po grammatike sovremennogo čuvašskogo âzyka. Part 1: Morfologiâ. 1957 Čeboksary: Čuvašskoe gosudarstvennoe izdateľstvo. Pavlov, Ivan P. 1965 Morfologiâ sovremennogo čuvašskogo âzyka. Čeboksary: Čuvašskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Semenova, Galina N. 2005 Kompozitoobrazovanie v čuvašskom âzyke i ego nacionaľnaâ specifika. Moskva: Prometej.

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Sergeev, Leonid P. 2009 Čuvašskaâ affiksologiâ. Čeboksary: Čuvašskij pedagogičeskij universitet. Skvorcov, Mihail I. 1982 Slovoobrazovateľnye affiksy čuvašskogo âzyka. In: Mihail I. Skvorcov, Čuvašsko-russkij slovar’, 661−664. Moskva: Russkij âzyk.

Galina N. Semenova and Alena M. Ivanova, Cheboksary (Russian Federation)

Mongolic 191. Kalmyk 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition and adjacent processes (juxtaposition) Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract Kalmyk is an agglutinative language with the following word-formation procedures: composition (and, close to composition, active/productive juxtaposition based on lexicalized word combinations), derivation, conversion, and reduplication. Other procedures, such as backformation and clipping, have not been registered so far. Under the influence of Russian, calquing − especially in composition and derivation − plays a significant role in the enlargement of the vocabulary.

1. Introduction By its origin, Kalmyk belongs to the Western (Oirat) branch of the Mongolic language family, its grammatical structure is agglutinating. Going back to a combination of the related Torgut, Derbet and Khoshut dialects, the language of the Kalmyks in Russia is the result of its development during the recent centuries. Avoiding the hostilities of feudal strife, the speakers of these dialects left their homeland in Central Asia (Dzungaria) to finally join the Russian empire of their own free will. The long standing peaceful coexistence of Russians and Kalmyks had a beneficial influence on their languages. Thus the impact of the Russian language can be felt not only in the Kalmyk vocabulary but also in its word-formation. Kalmyk is spoken by about 174,000 native speakers in the Autonomous Republic of Kalmykia where it is the official language. Kalmykia, a federal subject of the Russian Federation, is situated in the south of the European part of Russia. The earliest records of Kalmyk can be found in glossaries of the 17th and 18th centuries. Thus after his visit to Russia, N. Witsen (1641−1717) published a treatise where he described his experiences and encounters with people, and among other things he included a glossary of 335 Kalmyk words into his work. Witsen’s list contained a number of derivatives, such as Zargyczy ‘Richter’ [judge], Chulchaiczy ‘Schelm’ [prankster], Gegetiay ‘Helder’ [clear, bright], Bajartay ‘Zy zijn vrolyk’ [they are cheerful, merry], etc. (Witsen 1705 [1692]: 297−304). Another work by P. J. von Stralenberg (1730) dealt with different nationalities of Russia, their languages and histories. It also contained a

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Kalmyk dictionary which included over a thousand lexical items and dozens of derivatives among them, for instance, Burchatzchi ‘ein Mahler’ [painter], Bitziatzchi ‘der Schreiber’ [scribe], Beletzchi ‘ein Handschuhmacher’ [glovemaker], etc. (Stralenberg 1730: 137−156; Krueger 1975: 32−42). In the 19 th century some issues of Kalmyk word-formation were discussed in the grammars by Bobrovnikov (1849) and Popov (1847). Bobrovnikov paid special attention to such nominal suffixes as -či (dalabči ‘cloak, coat’ ← dala ‘shoulder blade’), -l (mèdèl ‘knowledge’ ← mèdè- ‘to know’), and -ur/-ùr (ôlgùr ‘hanger’ ← ôlgô- ‘to hang’) (Bobrovnikov 1848: 52−60). Other types of Kalmyk word-formation had not been discussed by these scholars. Kotvič (1929) focused in his grammar on the suffixation processes found in natural Kalmyk speech in the first quarter of the 20 th century. In his comparative study of the Kalmyk language and related Oirat dialects of Mongolia and China, Ramstedt (1935) showed that despite the time and distance separating them, they still had preserved a certain number of common word-formation resources by the turn of the 19 th and 20 th centuries. While studying identical affixes in related Mongolian languages, Vladimircov paid special attention to the phenomena accompanying affixation (sound change patterns, clipping, infixing, etc.) (Vladimircov 1929: 331−344). The second half of the 20 th century saw an active discussion of Kalmyk word-formation issues in the works by Badmaev (1959), Pûrbeev (1971), Nominhanov (1976), Todaeva (1976), Suseeva (1978, 1995, 1997), Pavlov (2000), and others. In agreement with the author, the examples in this article are rendered using the transliteration ISO 9 1995.

2. General overview The most productive procedures of Kalmyk word-formation are composition (and different types of juxtaposition), suffixation, conversion and reduplication. Kalmyk may differ in morphotactics and morphonology from other languages of the Mongolic family. Furthermore, identical root words and derivational suffixes may be exploited in the various related languages in different ways. Whereas the Kalmyk root diil(h) ‘to overcome, defeat’, for instance, serves as the base for derivatives such as diil-n̦ḥù ‘superior’, diil-lt and diil-vr ‘victory’, diil-a˝č ‘victor, winner’, corresponding derivatives of the Mongolian verb dijlè(h) are not attested inspite of the same inventory of suffixes; the Mongolian equivalents are not connected by derivation. Other differences may be explained by different naming needs of the speech communities (due to the natural environment, the Mongolian word modon ‘wood, timber, forest, log’, for instance, has more derivatives than Kalymk modn ‘id.’) or the influence of different language contacts (the Mongolian derivative dèlg-ùùr ‘shop’ ← dèlgèh ‘to display, spread, lay’ + -ùùr has no formal equivalent in Kalmyk (← *delgh + ul/-ùl) because in the 17 th −18 th century Russian lavka ‘(small) shop’ was borrowed and in the 19 th century was followed − as also in Russian − by the loanword magazin ‘shop’. Composition is always based on two words with coordinative or determinative relations, e.g., a) ôdr ‘day’ + sô ‘night’ → ôdr-sô ‘24 hours, day (and night)’. Several coordinative compounds can be regarded as co-compounds (èk ‘mother’ + èck ‘father’ → èk-èck ‘parents’); b) ḥar ‘hand’ + kôra˝ ‘saw’ → ḥar kôra˝ ‘handsaw’, nùr ‘face’ + ùzdg ‘seeing’ → nùrzdg ‘mirror’, dara ‘goddess’ + èk ‘mother’ → da˝rk! (interjection) ‘O God!’, etc. (see section 3).

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Affixation is almost completely represented by suffixation, cf. some derivatives from the verb med-h ‘to know’: med-mž̦ ‘reputation, publicity’, med-rgh ‘arrogant, presumptuous’, med-ma˝r ‘intelligibly, clearly’, etc. (see section 4). Nouns and adjectives can also go back to conversion (see section 5), e.g., nomt ‘scholar’ (← nom-t comitative case ‘with knowledge’), tatdg ‘box, case’ (← tat-dg participle of the verb tat-h ‘to pull, draw’). Reduplication comprises the iteration of identical or phonetically slightly varying words or stems, e.g., a˝ra˝-a˝ra˝ ‘barely, faintly’, cevr-cer ‘very clean’, šulun-dulun ‘very quick’ (see section 6). Another means of designation is calquing, i.e. literal translation of foreign lexical items, e.g., Russ. černozem ‘black soil’ > Kalm. har ḥazr (← har ‘black’ + ḥazr ‘land, soil’), Russ. zeml-e-trâs-enie ‘earth quake’ > Kalm. ḥazr čičrlḥn (← ḥazr ‘earth’ + čičrverbal stem ‘tremble’ + suffix -lḥn). There are also cases of phraseological calquing, cf. Russ. smena vremeni goda ‘change of seasons’ > Kalm. ž̦ ilin cag soľlḥn lit. ‘year-timechange’. Complete calquing takes place when all parts of a lexical item (stems and morphemes) are translated into Kalmyk, e.g., linguistic terms such as Russ. pad-ež ‘case’ > Kalm. kiisk-vr, Russ. sklon-enie ‘declension’ > Kalm. kiisk-lḥn (the Russian terms are, in turn, loan translations from Latin). Examples of incomplete calquing are semi-calques like tеlеza˝n̦g ‘TV news’ < Russ. telenovosti, tehdôn̦ ‘technological assistance’ < Russ. tehpomošč’. Both complete and partial calquing are quite productive in the field of Kalmyk terminology. Calquing should be kept apart from semantic loans as in the case of Russ. tovarišč ‘comrade’ > Kalm. ùr, one of whose original meanings ‘peer’ was extended. Cases of so-called lexical-semantic word-formation (metaphorization and metonymic transfers) such as tolḥa ‘head’ > tolḥa ‘(burial) mound’, haalḥa ‘gate’ > haalḥa ‘road, way’, or bagš ‘prior, superior (of a monastery)’ > bagš ‘teacher’ are not included into our survey. The present article aims at describing the synchronic level of the Kalmyk wordformation system, in the field of derivation proceeding from the methodology and terminology of Russian linguistics (cf. Švedova 1970; Ârceva 1990). Its basic unit is the word-formation type, i.e. “a derivation model which is a generalization based on particular lexical items characterized by i) a common formal element serving to differentiate motivated words from their bases, ii) a common word class of their bases, and iii) a common semantic relationship of motivated words and their bases” (Švedova 1970: 39). For instance, some Kalmyk verbs, such as ilrh ‘to become clear’, kôkrh ‘to become blue’, sa˝a˝hrh ‘to become better, improve’, etc. belong to the same word-formation type since i) they possess a common derivational formant (suffix) -r-; ii) they are motivated by items of one and the same word class − adjectives (il ‘clear, obvious’, kôk ‘blue’, sa˝a˝hn ‘pretty’); iii) they have a similar meaning: ‘to obtain a quality (characteristic of the motivating adjectives)’. The structure of a derived stem resulting from affixation is always binary as it consists of a base and a derivational formant. The base may be a) a root (gemša˝(h) ‘to blame’ ← gem ‘blame’); b) a derived stem (gemn-lḥn ‘accusation, blaming’ ← gemnh ‘to accuse’, blame’ ← gem); c) a compound (kùč-kôlsč ‘worker’ ← kùč-kôlsn ‘work, labor’), or d) a multi-word expression/phrase (balḥs toshlḥn ‘urban construction’ ← balḥs tosh(h) ‘to build towns and cities’).

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The derivational semantics of a derivative may or may not coincide with its lexical meaning. Thus, for example, the word ùldl has three lexical meanings: 1. ‘remaining part, remnant’ (Vasilij tatčasn ta˝mkin’ ùldl ḥulmt tal hajv ‘Vassily threw the remnants of his tobacco into the fire’); 2. ‘vestige’ (davsn cagin ùldl ‘the vestige of the old days’); 3. ‘descendant’ (Ta˝k Zula haan’ ùldl, Tan̦sg Bumb haan’ ač ‘Tyak Zula Khan’s descendant he was, Tanggsak Bumba Khan’s grandson he was’). Here the second and third lexical meanings cannot be understood on the basis of the constituent parts of the given word (ùld- + -l). These are extended, figurative meanings while the first meaning is derived from the meaning of the base and can in fact be presented in a formulaic way: that which is the result of an action named by the base verb ùldh ‘to remain, stay’. To illustrate the relationship between the derivational and lexical meanings in terms of a particular derivative, let us give another example: thus in the case of biča˝č ‘writer, someone who (professionally) writes books, stories, etc.’ the derivational and lexical meanings do not coincide while in the case of umšač ‘reader’ they do. Derivational meanings may be accompanied by various specifications depending on the meaning of the base, e.g., ‘to yield sth.’ > ‘to yield offspring’: kičglh ‘to produce puppies’ (← kičg ‘puppy’), hurḥlh ‘to lamb’ (← hurḥn ‘lamb’), or ‘object related to another object’ > ‘object serving as cover for another object’: dal-vč ‘adornment on the shoulders of clothes’ (kiilgin dal-vč ‘adornment on the shoulders of a shirt’) and ‘cover for shoulders, cape, cloak, tippet’ (← dala ‘shoulder’), èlk-vč ‘apron’ (← èlkn ‘liver’), etc. The derivational meaning is characteristic of a group of derivatives united by the common word class of their bases, as well as by the structural and semantic similarities of their suffixes, e.g., tùšg ‘support’ (← tùšg(h) ‘to hold something up, support’), zurg ‘picture’ (← zur(h) ‘to draw’), bičg ‘letter’ (← bič(h) ‘to write’), hurg ‘meeting’ (← hur(h) ‘to gather, meet’). These derivatives have the common derivational meaning ‘result of an action named by the base’ and are formed from verbs with the help of one and the same suffix -g. Word-formation processes may be accompanied by m o r p h o n o l o g i c a l phenomena, i.e. sandhi (Marouzeau 1960: 259). Thus the following processes often take place at the boundary of base and suffix: a) Truncation of the base (arsč ‘tanner’ ← ars(n) ‘leather, skin’, hurḥlh ‘to lamb’ ← hurḥ(n) ‘lamb’); b) Superposition of morphemes/phonemes (a˝a˝dgo ‘fearless’ ← a˝a˝dg ‘fearful’ + -go (uga) ‘less, without’, meddgo ‘ignorant’ ← meddg ‘having knowledge, learned’ + -go); c) Interfixаtion (keḥa˝č ‘doer’ ← ke(h) ‘to do’ + ḥ + -a˝č, zùùḥa˝č ‘wearer’ ← zùù(h) ‘to wear’+ ḥ + a˝č); here the interfix ḥ helps to avoid the irregular combinations of sounds [е-a˝] and [ùù-a˝]; d) Regular sound changes (acan ‘load, weight’ ← ačh ‘to load’; mordh ‘to mount a horse’ ← môrn ‘horse’).

3. Composition and adjacent processes (juxtaposition) Composition, as well as affixation, is a productive procedure of Kalmyk word-formation. Compounds consist of two components (e.g., kùč-kôlsn ‘work, labour’ ← kùčn ‘power’

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+ kôlsn ‘sweat, fig. pursuit’) which distinguishes them from derivatives formed from compounds with the help of a suffix (kùč-kôlsč ‘worker, labourer’ ← kùč-kôlsn ‘work, labour’). Besides, compounds (e.g., har modn ‘oak tree’) have a more specialized meaning as compared with their occurence in phrases (degd har modn ‘too dark tree’). Compounding can be accompanied by phonetic modifications and changes in stress patterns. The compound naḥc ah ‘uncle on the maternal side’ (← naḥc ‘uncle’ + ah ‘elder, senior’) may serve as an illustration of a morphonological process taking place at the boundary between the two stems: the initial vowel of the second component ah is shortened as a result of the transformation into the intonation pattern of the compound. Instead of the two stresses on its components it preserves only the stress of its first component, which leads to the reduction of the vowel of the second component and, in accordance with current norms, naḥc ah is pronounced as [naḥch]. The order of the components of a compound is as a rule fixed while it is free in a phrase (cf. môrn âlmn ‘jerboa of a big size; lit. horse jerboa’ and Teegt môrn boln âlmn ùzgdna˝ ‘You can see horses and jerboas in the steppe’). However, there are exceptions to the rule, cf. ger-mal/mal-ger ‘household, farmstead’ (see below). The components of compounds may be combined by coordinating or subordinating types of connection. Components with a coordinating connection form binary compounds, such as germal ‘household, farmstead’ (← ger ‘house’ + mal ‘cattle’, which can be regarded as cocompound, see article 40), and dvandvas (cf. Bauer 2004: 41) as, e.g., a˝a˝h-ičh ‘to be scared and shy’ (← a˝a˝h ‘to be scared’ + ičh ‘to be shy’), adḥn-šidḥn ‘in a great hurry’ (← adḥn ‘in a hurry’ + šidḥn ‘very fast’). They are usually written with a hyphen, e.g., ôrk-bùl ‘family’ (← ôrk ‘family’ + bùl ‘group’). Compounds formed from components with a subordinating type of connection can be grouped into endocentric and exocentric (cf. Bloomfield 1968: 255−257). The semantics of endocentric compounds is motivated by the meanings of their components, e.g., ulan šavr ‘red soil; lit. red clay’, caḥan ḥujr ‘flour, semolina; lit. white flour’. Unlike endocentric compounds, the semantics of exocentric compounds is not motivated by the meanings of their components, e.g., ùkr har ‘sedge; lit. cow tongue’, ùkr nùdn ‘currant; lit. cow eye’.

3.1. Nominal compounds The components of d v a n d v a s can be non-derived or derived (marked by an underline), e.g., ùg-kùr ‘dialogue; lit. word-conversation’, ôdr-sô ‘day and night; lit. daynight’, ô-ḥundl ‘sadness, sorrow; lit. grievance-rueful feelings’, surḥuľ-èrdm ‘education; lit. study/teaching-specialization/qualification’. In Kalmyk word-formation, combinations of the negative particle ès as first component and a verbal noun as second are also considered as a type of copulative compound, e.g., ès medlḥn ‘ignorance; lit. NEG knowledge’, ès a˝dlclḥn ‘inequality, disparity; lit. NEG equality’. Productive d e t e r m i n a t i v e (endocentric) N+N compounds consist of a noun in the nominative or in an oblique case as first component and a deverbal noun as second component, e.g.: N.NOM+N: ḥazr kôdllḥn ‘earthquake’ (← ḥazr ‘earth’ + kôdllḥn ‘movement’);

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N.ACC+N: ḥazr usllḥn ‘irrigation’ (← ḥazr ‘earth, soil’ + usllḥn ‘watering’); N.INSTR+N: usar tetklḥn ‘water supply’ (← usar (nom. usn) ‘water’ + tetklḥn ‘supply’). Besides, there are compounds of the type N.GEN+N, where the head can also be a non-derived noun, e.g., ùkra˝ maḥn ‘beef; lit. cow’s meat’. The head of compounds is grammatically dominant as it carries case and number inflections, for example, nominative: ba˝a˝dl-ž̦ irḥl ‘life, lifestyle; lit. state/condition-life’, genitive: ba˝a˝dl-ž̦ irḥl-in, instrumental case: ba˝a˝dl-ž̦ irḥl-a˝r, etc. In ah-dùùnr ‘siblings’, èkècknr ‘parents’, the plural suffix -nr is attached to the second component. Case endings always follow the plural suffix, e.g., pl. nom. ah-dùùnr ‘siblings’, pl. dat. ah-dùùnr-t, pl. instr. ah-dùùnr-a˝r. Determinative compounds may be characterized by a morphonological phenomenon called condensation, i.e. the formation of a long vowel when the final vowel of the first stem coincides with the initial one of the second stem. For example: sanaldlḥn ‘rueful feelings, worry’ (← sana + aldlḥn ← sana(n) ‘thought’ + aldh ‘to lack, lose’). This case illustrates internal sandhi at the boundary of stems. The number of such examples in Kalmyk is limited, though they appear from time to time. Nominal compounds of the structure N+N denote: F e m a l e s : èm ḥalun ‘she-goose; lit. woman/female goose’, èm taka ‘hen; lit. woman/female chicken’; M a l e s : èr kùn ‘man, male; lit. male human’, èr taka ‘cock; lit. man/male chicken’; D i m i n u t i v e s of nouns denoting objects, animals and plants: ôôkn čolun ‘pebbles; lit. fat stone’ (the first component can be explained by the similarity of the stones’ form and size with the body fat of sheep), hôn âlmn ‘jerboa; lit. sheep jerboa’; A u g m e n t a t i v e s : ùkr čolun ‘boulder; lit. cow stone’, ùkr bôôlž̦ rḥn ‘blackberry, gooseberry; lit. cow raspberry’ (the first component ùkr ‘cow’ is used in the metaphorical meaning ‘big’); C o l l e c t i v e n o u n s (here: co-compounds): aaḥ-šan̦ḥ ‘tableware; lit. bowl-ladle’, èd tavr ‘goods; lit. cloth good’; A b s t r a c t n o u n s (some of them can be regarded as hyperonyms of the hyponymic components; see also article 40 on co-compounds), e.g., hur-čig ‘moisture; lit. rainwetness’, učr-uth ‘sense, essence; lit. reason-content’; cf. also the above-mentioned compounds with a deverbal head; C o n c r e t e n o u n s (expressing relations of origin or instrumental relations), e.g., ùkra˝ maḥn ‘beef; lit. cow’s meat’, môrna˝ maḥn ‘horse meat’, kermn devl ‘fur coat; lit. squirrel coat’, ḥal kerm ‘steam boat; lit. fire boat’, etc. Nominal compounds of the type A+N are less characteristic of Kalmyk: har ḥujr ‘rye flour; lit. black flour’, caḥan ḥujr ‘wheat flour; lit. white flour’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Adjectival compounds can have the following structures: N+A: cusn ulan ‘purple, crimson; lit. blood red’;

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A+A: kôk buurl ‘blue-gray, dove-coloured’. One or both constituents can also be derived adjectives, e.g., a˝mta˝-kiita˝ ‘alive, animate; lit. alive-breathing’, ke-sa˝a˝hn ‘beautiful; lit. smart-pretty’. Depending on the semantics of the components adjectival compounds denote: Q u a l i t i e s resulting from the combination of two characteristics, mostly colors (when simple adjectives are combined), e.g., har ulan ‘brown, dark; lit. black red’, šar ulan ‘orange; lit. yellow red’, al ulan ‘red; lit. pink red’; I n t e n s i f i c a t i o n can be motivated by a comparison (when nouns and adjectives are combined), e.g., oošk ulan ‘pink, rosy; lit. lungs red, i.e. red (pink) as the color of lungs’, or based on the combination of synonymous adjectives, e.g., bajrta-bahta ‘vivacious, exuberant’ (← bajrta ‘happy, merry’ + bahta ‘high-spirited’), sag sergg ‘vigilant, watchful; lit. careful alert’, digta˝-tagta ‘neat, fit; lit. exact-accurate’; amr-taavr ‘calm; lit. relaxed-complacent’; G e n e r a l i z a t i o n of qualities (the components of the corresponding compounds can be regarded as synonyms): èèmta˝-dalta ‘strong’ (← èèmta˝ ‘with strong shoulders’ + dalta ‘broad-shouldered’), aḥu ik ‘colossal; lit. spacious big’, amtta-šimtta˝ ‘tasty, delicious; lit. tasty-juicy’, atata-marḥata ‘controversial, disputable; lit. envious-contentious’.

3.3. Verbal compounds Verbal compounds usually denote the i n t e n s i t y of an action, e.g., èlvž̦ h-dèlvž̦ h ‘to be in abundance, rich in; lit. abound-overflow’. Both components can be synonymous or at least closely related verbs, e.g., a˝a˝h-ičh ‘to be scared, shy; lit. be scared-be ashamed’, môškh-môlž̦ h ‘to investigate; lit. inquire-interrogate’ (fig.), or the second element, lacking a clear meaning of its own, merely adds a shade of intensity to the meaning of the first one, e.g., èvlh-dovlh ‘to persuade’.

3.4. Adverbial compounds Adverbial compounds can consist of non-derived or derived adverbs, e.g., dav-zuur ‘temporarily (← dav ‘at once’ + zuur ‘on the way’); bajrtaḥаr-bahtaḥаr ‘gladly; lit. gladlygladly’. They may denote: a) b) c) d)

Manner: digta˝ga˝r-tagtaḥar ‘neatly; lit. correctly-accurately’; Time: nevčkn-zuur ‘for a short time; lit. a bit-on the way’; Place: iiga˝n-tiiga˝n ‘back and forth; lit. here-there’; Degree: neg-kiiḥa˝r ‘at a gulp, at one draught; lit. one-with air’.

3.5. Adjacent processes (juxtaposition) Juxtaposition shows several similarities with composition. In numerous cases, it is difficult to draw a clear-cut borderline between the two types of designation. For this reason,

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regular juxtaposition of words (word-forms) with a subordinating relationship between their components are traditionally included into studies on Kalmyk word-formation and summarized under a term coined in analogy to Russ. sraščenie ‘fusion, adhesion (of words)’.

3.5.1. Adjectives based on juxtaposition The formations may have the following structures: A+N.COMIT in -ta/-ta˝: baḥ nasta ‘young’ (← baḥ ‘young’ + nasta comit. of nasn ‘age’), ut kùzùta˝ ‘long-necked’ (← ut ‘long’ + kùzùta˝ comit. of kùzùn ‘neck’); N+A: kôl nùckn ‘barefoot’ (← kôl ‘foot’ + nùckn ‘bare’), sanamr ‘calm, relaxed’ (← sana(n) [n subtracted] ‘thought’ + amr ‘calm’); A+nominalized present participle in -dg: amr ha˝a˝ldg ‘low-melting, fusible’ (← amr ‘calm, easy’ + ha˝a˝ldg ‘melting’); Adv+nominalized past particple in -sn: deer kelgdsn ‘above mentioned’; Adv+A: ôrgn delgrn̦gù ‘widespread; lit. widely spread’. The general meaning of the corresponding adjectives is ‘having X, characterized by X’, e.g., inherent characteristics of persons, such as caḥan sedklta˝ ‘kind-hearted’ (← caḥan ‘white’ + sedklta˝ comit. ‘thought, heart’), sa˝n uhata ‘decent, good’ (← sa˝n ‘good’ + uhata ‘thought’), hurc keldg ‘eloquent’ (← hurc ‘sharp’ + keldg ‘speaking’), sanan zùùsn ‘haughty’ (← sanan ‘thought’ + zùùsn ‘wearing’); physical characteristics of persons or animals, e.g., ik nùdta˝ ‘large-eyed’ (← ik ‘large, big’ + nùdta˝ comit. ‘eyes’), ik hamrta ‘with a big nose’; or physical properties of objects, e.g., a˝dl bôôrta˝ ‘isosceles’ (← a˝dl ‘equal’ + bôôrta˝ comit. ‘side, thigh’), sa˝n činrta˝ ‘solid, of good quality’ (← sa˝n ‘good’ + činrta˝ comit. ‘quality’).

3.5.2. Verbs based on juxtaposition Verbal mergers are lexical items consisting of two words with a lexically dominant first component and a verb as second component. They are a productive means in the formation of verbs: Adverbial participle (gerund) in -ž/-č + V: olž̦ avh ‘to find out’ (← olž̦ ‘(when) finding’ + avh ‘to take’), avč ḥarh ‘to take out’ (← avč ‘taking’ + ḥarh ‘to leave’); Adverbial participle (gerund) in -ad/-a˝d + V: dahulad avh ‘to accompany’ (← dahulad ‘accompanying’ + avh ‘to take’), hagsaḥad avh ‘to dry out’ (← hagsaḥad ‘after drying’ + avh ‘to take’); N.ACC+V: ta˝mk tath ‘to smoke’ (← ta˝mk ‘tobacco’ + tath ‘to pull, inhale’), ta˝ra˝ ta˝rh ‘to sow’ (← ta˝ra˝ ‘corn’ + ta˝rh ‘to sow’); Adv+V: až̦ g avh ‘to become aware, feel’ (← až̦ g ‘carefully, closely’ + avh ‘to take’), hooran cuhrh ‘to back, retreat’ (← hooran ‘back, backwards’ + cuhrh ‘to back, retreat’); Onomatopoeic word + gih ‘to speak’: hab-hab gih ‘to grumble’, havčg-havčg gih ‘to feel ill at ease’. The above-mentioned types denote, for instance,

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a) Verbs of motion: nisž̦ jovh ‘to fly’ (← nisž̦ ‘flying’ + jovh ‘to go’), gùùž̦ irh ‘to run into’ (← gùùž̦ ‘running’ + irh ‘to come’); b) Action verbs: kež̦ avh ‘to carry out, perform’ (← kež̦ ‘doing’ + avh ‘to take’), maltž̦ avh ‘to dig out’ (← maltž̦ ‘digging’ + avh ‘to take’); c) Speech verbs: kelž̦ ôgh ‘to say, answer’ (← kelž̦ ‘having said’ + ôgh ‘to give’), ca˝a˝lḥž̦ ôgh ‘to explain’ (← ca˝a˝lḥž̦ ‘having explained’ + ôgh ‘to give’); d) Verbs of perception: son̦ž̦ avh ‘to hear’ (← son̦ž̦ ‘hearing’ + avh ‘to take’), ùzž̦ avh ‘to see’ (← ùzž̦ ‘seeing’ + avh ‘to take’); e) Verbs of thought: sana sanh ‘to think, reflect’ (← sana ‘thought’ + sanh ‘to think’), sedkl zovh ‘to worry’ (← sedkl ‘thought’ + zovh ‘to suffer’); f) Onomatopoeic verbs: bur-bur gih ‘to bobble’, ḥoš-ḥoš gih ‘to make loud noise’, etc.

4. Derivation Derivation is one of the most productive procedures of Kalmyk word-formation. Each word class has its own set of suffixes. Nouns, adjectives, verbs and adverbs can be derived by suffixation from simple stems, e.g., zuruľ ‘drawing, sketch’ (← zur-(h) ‘to draw’ + -uľ), from derived stems, e.g., аn̦ḥučllḥn ‘hunting’ (← аn̦ḥučl-(h) ‘to hunt’ + -lḥn (← аn̦ḥuč- ‘hunter’ + -l ← аn̦ḥ- ‘animal’ + -uč)), or from p h r a s e s , e.g., ta˝ra˝ ta˝ra˝č ‘sowman; lit. seed sow-AGENT’ (← ta˝ra˝ ta˝r(h) ‘to sow seeds’). Derivation can be accompanied by morphonological phenomena at the boundary of the base and the derivational suffix. In particular, these are: a) Clipping of the final consonants of the base word, e.g., ars-č ‘tanner, skinner’ (← arsn ‘skin’), altlh ‘to gild’ (← altn- ‘gold’), giiglh ‘to lighten, relieve’ (← giign ‘light’), giigrh ‘to lighten, relieve’ (← giign ‘light’); b) Infixation, e.g., zùùḥa˝č ‘wearer’ (← zùù(h) ‘to wear’); in this case ḥ is inserted between the base and the suffix in order to avoid a combination of three vowels ùùa˝, which is not typical of Kalmyk; c) Superposition of phonemes, e.g., a˝a˝dgo ‘fearless, courageous’ (← a˝a˝dg ‘fearful, cowardly’ + -go (← particle uga ‘no, without’); d) Alternation of phonemes which can be explained diachronically or by synchronic phonetic phenomena such as vowel harmony, cf., for instance, the use of the suffix variants -ta/-ta˝ in amtta ‘tasty, delicious’ (← amt-n ‘taste, flavor’ + -ta) and a˝vrta˝ ‘angry, bad’ (← a˝vr ‘behavior, nature’ + -ta˝). One and the same suffix can derive words of different categorial meanings. For example, the verb-forming suffix -l is used to form both transitive and intransitive verbs from nominal stems, cf. zarlh ‘to announce’ (← zar ‘announcement’), davslh ‘to salt’ (← davsn ‘salt’), uhalh ‘to think, ponder, reflect’ (← uhan ‘thought’) and uurlh ‘to be, get angry’ ← ur ‘anger’), zôrglh ‘to dare, venture’ (← zôrg ‘courage’), šarlh ‘to become yellow’ (← šar ‘yellow’).

4.1. Nominal derivation Nouns are mostly derived from nouns, adjectives and verbs by numerous suffixes, for instance, -lḥn, -lt, -an/a˝n-, -vr, -ač/-a˝č, -c, -mž̦ , -g, -m, -dl, -lḥ, -l, -uľ/-ùl’, -r, -ha/-ha˝,

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-ul/-ùl, -š, etc. A small group of denumeral nouns denote female and male animals according to their age, e.g., ḥunž̦ n ‘a three-year-old cow’ and ḥunn ‘a three-year-old bull’ (both derived from ḥun ‘three’), dônž̦ n ‘a four-year-old cow’ and dônn ‘a fouryear-old bull’ (both ← dôn ‘four’).

4.1.1. Denominal nouns Denominal nouns are formed with the help of productive suffixes, such as -č, -da/-da˝, -la/-la˝, -vč and non-productive suffixes, such as -t, -tn, -g, etc. They belong to the following categories: P e r s o n a l n o u n s , designating professions and occupations, e.g., malč ‘shepherd’ (← mal ‘cattle’), selvgč ‘adviser’ (← selvg ‘advice’), nomt ‘scholar, scientist’ (← nom ‘scholarship, science’), and persons according to specific traits or characteristics, e.g., sahlt ‘bearded man’ (← sahl ‘beard’); N o n - p e r s o n a l n o u n s , e.g., hancvč ‘armlet, muff’ (← hanc(n) ‘sleeve’), čeež̦ vč ‘breastplate’ (← čeež̦ ‘breast’), and names of animals, motivated by designations which are connected to time or place, e.g., noḥala ‘leveret born in spring’ (← noḥan ‘spring green grass’), deva˝la˝ ‘leveret born in summer’ (← deva˝ ‘alpine meadow’); C o l l e c t i v e n o u n s : ž̦ ivrtn ‘birds, bird life’ (← ž̦ ivr ‘wing’), aratn ‘carnivore’ (← ara(n) ‘fang’); S i n g u l a t i v e s : tôlg ‘lamb’ (← tôl ‘offspring’), humg ‘speck of dust’ (← hum ‘dust’).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns Nouns are derived from adjectives with the help of suffixes such as -č, -da/-da˝, -la/-la˝, -ž̦ n̦, -gčn, -c, etc. Some of them are productive and are used in the formation of both nouns and adjectives: -č, -da/-da˝, -la/-la˝. Non-productive are, e.g., -ž̦ n̦ and -c. Attributive nouns comprise the categories of p e r s o n a l n o u n s , e.g., sa˝a˝hla˝ ‘a beauty’ (← sa˝a˝h(n) ‘pretty’), baruč ‘right-hander’ (← baru(n) ‘right’), solḥač ‘left-hander’ (← solḥa ‘left’), hatuč ‘miser’ (← hatu ‘hard, callous’), and n o n - p e r s o n a l n o u n s. The latter are mostly derived from color adjectives, e.g., harada ‘swallow’ (← hara ‘black’), borž̦ n̦ ‘wild duck’ (← bor ‘grey’), šarc ‘sienna’ (← šar ‘yellow’).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns The formation of nouns from verbs is one of the most productive word-formation procedures. Thus the Kalmyk verb is a dominant word class not only in grammar but also in word-formation. Deverbal nouns are formed with the help of the productive suffixes -ač/-a˝č, -lḥn, -lt, -an/-a˝n, -ul/-ùl/-ur/-ùl, -mž̦ , -c, etc. Non-productive are, for instance, -ln̦, -a/-a˝, -dl, -l, -r. Deverbal nouns constitute the following word-formation categories:

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A b s t r a c t n o u n s : gùùlḥn ‘run, race’ (← gùù(h) ‘to run’), umšlḥn ‘reading’ (← umš(h) ‘to read’), aglḥllḥn ‘isolation’ (← aglḥl(h) ‘to seclude’), adḥm ‘haste’ (← adḥ(h) ‘to be in a hurry’); R e s u l t n o u n s : kôkra˝n ‘blueness’ (← kôkr(h) ‘to become blue’), cuglran ‘meeting’ (← cuglr(h) ‘to gather, meet’), toolvr ‘reflection’ (← tool(h) ‘to reflect, consider’), son̦shvr ‘message, information’ (← son̦sh(h) ‘to inform’); A g e n t n o u n s : asrač ‘guardian’ (← asr(h) ‘to look after, take care’), ahlač ‘head’ (← ahl(h) ‘to run, head’); I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s : dusaḥul ‘pipette’ (← dusa(h) ‘to drop’), èèrùl ‘spindle’ (← èèr(h) ‘to spin’), tata ‘harness’ (← tat(h) ‘to pull, drag’), bôgla˝ ‘cork’ (← bôgl(h) ‘to shut, close’); P l a c e n o u n s : cuthln̦ ‘estuary’ (← cuth(h) ‘to flow’), ùvlzn̦ ‘wintering ground’ (← uvlz(h) ‘to spend winter, stay in winter’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation The results of adjectival derivation are actively completed by adjectival juxtapositions (cf. section 3.5.1) and converted adjectives, e.g., adjectives with relational meaning converted from nouns in the genitive case and with qualitative-possessive meaning converted from nouns in the comitative case (cf. section 5.2).

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Adjectives are derived from nouns with the help of the productive suffixes -rhg, -ta/-ta˝, -vr/-vtr/-vcr and the non-productive suffixes -č, -t, -ľg, -vn̦, -ul. Relational adjectives are mainly formed with -a/-a˝, -ta/-ta˝, -č, -ľg, and -vn̦. The suffixes -rhg, -vr/-vtr/-vcr and others are used to derive qualitative adjectives. Each of the suffixes has a general meaning which may obtain a specific meaning when combining with certain bases. Some adjectives may have both a relational and a qualitative meaning, cf., e.g., surḥmž̦ ta ‘referring to education, educational’ and ‘well-bred’ (← surḥmž̦ ‘education’). Some examples: Relational denominal adjectives: čikna˝ ‘related to the ear’ (← čikn ‘ear’), ùkra˝ ‘related to the cow’ (← ùkr ‘cow’), zùrkni ‘cardiac, heart (adj.)’ (← zùrkn ‘heart’), nùdni ‘ocular’ (← nùdn ‘eye’), cf. also section 5.2; Qualitative adjectives mostly convey p o s s e s s i v e meaning, e.g., uhata ‘clever, wise’ and uharľg ‘clever’ (← uhan ‘mind, intellect’), čiigta˝ ‘moist, wet’ (← čig ‘moisture’), ùùlta˝ ‘cloudy’ (← ùùl ‘cloud’), čidlta˝ ‘strong’ (← čidl ‘strength’), cecgľg ‘blooming, flowering’ (← cecg ‘flower’). The meaning of some possessive adjectives is connected to a quantitative modification (‘characterized by the abundance of that which is denoted by the base word’), e.g., mahľg ‘stout, corpulent’ (← mahn ‘flesh, meat’), uulrhg ‘mountainous’ (← uul ‘mountain’), usrhg ‘water-rich, abunding in water’ (← usn ‘water’). A p r e d i l e c t i o n / i n c l i n a t i o n towards the object denoted by the base is expressed by adjectives like mahsg ‘loving meat’ (← mahn ‘meat’), s i m i l a r i t y by adjectives such as usvku ‘watery’ (← usn ‘water’), čolunšn̦ ‘stonelike’ (← čolun ‘stone’).

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4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Deadjectival adjectives are formed with the productive suffixes -vr/-vtr/-vcr/-cr, -hn/-kn and the non-productive suffix -gčn. They express different kinds of modification, for instance, a p p r o x i m a t i o n or d i m i n u t i v e meaning: borvtr ‘greyish’ (← bor ‘grey’), haluvtr ‘rather hot’ (← halun ‘hot’), or e n d e a r m e n t , a positive attitude towards the bearer of the property, e.g., sa˝a˝hn ‘pretty’ (← sa˝(n) ‘good’), bička˝n ‘tiny’ (← bičk(n) ‘little’). A special group of modificational adjectives is used to denote the color of a female animal, e.g., hoogčn ‘cream’ (← ho ‘light-yellow’), borgčn ‘grey’ (← bor ‘grey’).

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives are formed with the productive suffixes -ḥr/-gr/-hr, -vr, -n̦ḥu/-n̦ḥù, -ha/-ha˝, -mḥa/mḥa˝, -mtha/-mtha˝, -mg, -u/-ù, -g; non-productive suffixes are -n̦, -ml/-mr. They belong to the following categories: А c t i v e adjectives (sometimes including the meaning of inclination), e.g., ina˝mtha˝ ‘laughsome’ (← ina˝(h) ‘to laugh’), až̦ glmtha ‘observant’ (← až̦ gl(h) ‘to observe’), čadmg ‘dexterous, clever, nimble’ (← čad(h) ‘to be able’), doḥln̦ ‘lame, limping’ (← doḥl(h) ‘to limp’), sergg ‘brisk, lively’ (← serg(h) ‘to brighten, get lively’), omgrhg ‘haughty’ (← omgr(h) ‘to be proud (of), haughty’); R e s u l t a t i v e adjectives: budml ‘painted’ (← bud(h) ‘to paint’), hatml ‘dried’ (← hat(h) ‘to dry’), hagsu ‘dry’ (← hags(h) ‘to dry’), ôlgmr ‘knitted’ (← ôlg(h) ‘to knit’), etc. (In Kalmyk, these adjectives are not identical with participles as might be suggested from the English equivalents.)

4.2.4. Deadverbial adjectives Deadverbial adjectives are derived by means of the productive suffix -k and refer to qualities associated with the meaning of the bases, such as t e m p o r a l characteristics, e.g., nôka˝dùrk ‘tomorrow’s’ (adj.) (← nôka˝dùr ‘the day after tomorrow’ (adv.)), ôckôldùrk ‘yesterday’s’ (← ôckôldùr ‘yesterday’), and l o c a l characteristics as, e.g., ôôrk ‘near, close-by’ (adj.) (← ôôr ‘near, close-by’), ardk ‘back, backward’ (← ard ‘behind, in the back’).

4.3. Verbal derivation Verbs can be derived from nominal, adjectival, adverbial and verbal stems, and from onomatopoeic words. A few verbs are derived from numerals, e.g., hojrdh ‘to do sth. twice’ and hojrlh ‘to double’ (both from hojr ‘two’). Some suffixes (e.g., -l and -d) are highly productive, deriving verbs from stems of different word classes; some are of low productivity such as -ž̦ n̦n deriving verbs only

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from onomatopoeic words, e.g., šarž̦ n̦nh ‘to thunder, clatter, bellow’ (← šar-šar gih ‘to make loud, noisy sounds’). Depending on the meaning of the bases, the general processual meaning of the suffixes -l and -d becomes specified in the derivatives. Verbal suffixes may indicate lexical-grammatical categories, such as transitivity/intransitivity. Intransitive verbs are often derived with the suffix -d, while transitive verbs are formed by means of the suffix -l.

4.3.1. Denominal verbs Denominal verbs are derived with the productive suffixes -l, -d, -n, -rh, ž̦ , -š, -čl, -ld. Unproductive suffixes are -n’, -z, -tr, -ms, -č. Denominal verb formation can be accompanied by morphonological phenomena, occurring at the boundary of the base and the suffix, e.g., a) Clipping of the base, in particular, its final consonant n, e.g., èlgsh ‘to show family feelings’ (← èlgn ‘relative, member of family’); b) Alternation of short and long vowels in the root (stem), e.g., uurlh ‘to be angry’ (← ur ‘anger, wrath’); c) Insertion of a sound between the base and the suffix, e.g., an̦ḥah ‘to open’ (← an̦ ‘crack, hole’ + ḥ + suffix -а). Denominal verbs denote an action or a state related to the base, with the following meanings: a) ‘to be (like) N’: bermsh ‘to behave like a daughter-in-law, in a modest way’ (← ber ‘daughter-in-law’), soln̦trh ‘to be iridescent’ (← soln̦ḥ ‘rainbow’), saľkdh ‘to be windy’ (← saľkn ‘wind’); b) ‘to become N’: ônčrh ‘to become an orphan’ (← ônčn ‘orphan’), hatučrh ‘to become a miser, avaricious, stingy’ (← hatuč ‘miser’); c) ‘to make N’: zuralh ‘to plan’ (← zura ‘plan’), kôôsth ‘to foam’ (← kôôsn ‘foam’), duudh ‘to call’ (← dun ‘voice’), tosdh ‘to butter’ (← tosn ‘butter’), šatrch ‘to play chess’ (← šatr ‘chess’ + -c); d) ‘to provide with N’: altlh ‘to cover with gold’ (← alt(n) ‘gold’), davslh ‘to salt’ (← davsn ‘salt’ + -l); e) ‘to act with the help of N’: tovčlh ‘to button’ (← tovč ‘button’), arḥmž̦ lh ‘to rope’ (← arḥmž̦ ‘lasso’); f) ‘to act where/when N’: kôva˝lh ‘to go along the bank of a river, lake, etc.’ (← kôva˝ ‘bank’), usčh ‘to swim’ (← usn ‘water’), ùvlzh ‘to spend winter somewhere’ (← ùvl ‘winter’). Cf. also other examples of denominal verbs like nasrhh ‘to be proud of one’s age’ (← nasn ‘age’).

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs Deadjectival verbs are formed with the productive suffixes -d, -t, -l, -rh, -r, and nonproductive suffixes, such as -c, -š, etc. Kalmyk deadjectival verbs can be inchoative or factitive:

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a) ‘to become A’: hatudh ‘to become too hard, firm’ (← hatu ‘hard, firm’), harlh ‘to blacken’ (← har ‘black’), kùrn̦th ‘to brown’ (← kùrn̦ ‘grеyish brown’), tenglh ‘to become stupid’ (← teng ‘stupid’), dogšrhh ‘to become furious’ (← dogšn ‘fierce, furious’), kôkrh ‘to turn blue’ (← kôk ‘blue’), a˝dlch ‘to become identical’ (← a˝dl ‘identical’), zerlgšh ‘to become wild’ (← zerlg ‘wild’); b) ‘to make A’: zuzalh ‘to thicken’ (← zuzan ‘thick’), batlh ‘to strengthen, fasten’ (← bat ‘strong, reliable’), giigrh ‘to lighten’ (← giign ‘light’); c) verbs with both meanings: haludh ‘to heat’ and ‘to become hot’ (← halun ‘hot’), batrh ‘to strengthen’ and ‘to become stronger’ (← bat ‘strong, reliable’).

4.3.3. Deadverbial verbs They are formed by means of the productive suffixes -l and -d, e.g., ḥazalh ‘to regard sb. as a stranger’ and ḥazadh ‘to stay outside’ (both derived from ḥaza ‘outside, outdoors’), and non-productive suffixes such as -r, -š, e.g., dimirh ‘tо worsen’ (← dimi ‘in vain’), deeršh ‘to climb up, be superior’ (← deer ‘above’). Deadverbial verbs can also denote actions in respect to their temporal modifications, e.g., èrtlh ‘to be ready very early (at dawn)’ and èrtdh ‘to be too early’ (both derived from èrt ‘early’), and local or directional modifications, e.g., ôma˝rlh ‘to go on, forward’ (← ôma˝ra˝(n) ‘forward’), ôôrdh ‘to approach’ (← ôôr ‘near, close by’).

4.3.4. Deverbal verbs Deverbal verbs are formed with the help of the productive suffixes -a/-a˝, -r, -rh, -ž̦ , -ḥ. They express s e m e l f a c t i v i t y, e.g., honž̦ h ‘to spend a night’ (← hon(h) ‘to spend nights’), or express c a u s a t i o n / t r a n s i t i v i t y when derived from an intransivite verb, e.g., bajsah ‘to make sb. happy’ (← bajs(h) ‘to be happy’), zovah ‘to torture, torment’ (← zov(h) ‘to suffer, worry, be anxious’), bajž̦ rhh ‘to show off one’s richness’ (← bajž̦ (h) ‘to get rich’), cf. also surḥh ‘to teach’ (← sur(h) ‘to ask’), or i n t r a n s i t i v i t y, e.g., cuglrh ‘to get together’ (← cugl(h) ‘to collect’). Non-productive suffixes such as -č- are also found in deverbal verb formation, e.g., akč-h ‘to dry up, wither sth.’ (← ak-h (itr.) ‘to get dry, dry up, wither’).

4.3.5. Verbs derived from onomatopoeics These verbs are mostly formed with the suffix -ž̦ n̦- and denote actions associated with the reproduction of sounds of animate or inanimate objects, e.g., ž̦ irž̦ n̦h ‘to murmur, babble’ (← ž̦ ir-ž̦ ir), torlh ‘to chirp, twitter’ (← tor-tor). In the following groups of verbs, gih signalizes the meaning of action (‘to do’, ‘to make’, ‘to utter’, etc.) in accordance with the meaning of the onomatopoeic bases: reproduction/imitation of visual perceptions, e.g., ders-ders gih ‘to slip by, glimpse’, giln̦-giln̦ gih ‘to glisten, shimmer’, or of tactile perceptions, e.g., dag-dig gih ‘to tremble, shake’.

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4.4. Adverbial derivation Adverbs are formed from nominal, adjectival and adverbial stems with the help of the productive suffixes -aḥa/-a˝ḥa˝, -a/-a˝, -d, -dan/-da˝n, -gšan/-gša˝n, -aran/-a˝ra˝n, -ar/-a˝r, -asn’/-a˝sn’. Most suffixes are represented by allomorphs induced by sound harmony. Non-productive suffixes such as -kan/-ka˝n and -hn are also used, e.g., šinka˝n ‘just’ (← šin ‘new’), odahn ‘recently’ (← oda ‘now, at the moment’). D e n o m i n a l adverbs are derived by means of the productive suffixes -d, -a/-a˝, -as/ -a˝s, -ar/-a˝r and denote a) Time: ùvld ‘in winter’ (← ùvl ‘winter’), namra ‘in autumn’ (← namr ‘autumn’); b) Place (and direction): èrgnd ‘around’ (← èrgn ‘outskirts’), èkna˝s ‘from the starting point’ (← èkn ‘the very beginning’); c) Manner: tavarn ‘in comfort, comfortably’ (← tav ‘convenience, comfort’), èndùḥa˝r ‘by mistake’ (← èndù ‘mistake’). D e a d j e c t i v a l adverbs with the productive suffixes -d, -dan/-da˝n, -ar/-a˝r also express time: môn̦kind ‘for ever, perennially’ (← môn̦kin ‘perennial’); place: delgùda˝n ‘everywhere’ (← delgù ‘continuous’); manner: cevra˝r ‘cleanly’ (← cevr ‘clean’), ôtka˝r ‘thickly, densely’ (← ôtkn ‘dense, thick’). D e a d v e r b i a l adverbs with the productive suffixes -gšan/gša˝n, -aḥa/-a˝ḥa˝, -as/-a˝s, -asn’/-a˝sn’, -d denote time: keza˝d ‘always’ (← keza˝ ‘always’), èrta˝r ‘early’ (← èrt ‘early’), èrtina˝ḥa˝ ‘earlier’ (← èrtina˝ ‘earlier’), and place: doras ‘from below’ (← dor ‘below’), ḥazaḥac ‘outside’ (← ḥaza ‘outside’), ḥazagšan ‘outside’ (← ḥaza ‘outside, outdoors’), tenda˝ḥa˝ ‘there, over there’ (← tend ‘there’), etc.

5. Conversion Conversion is an affixless type of word-formation which involves the transformation of the word class, e.g., tatdg (noun) ‘drawer’ (← tatdg (participle) ‘drawing’ ← tat(h) ‘to draw’). Another example: the participle ahlgč ‘being in charge’ is converted into the noun ahlgč ‘elder’ with a new meaning, nominal grammatical categories (case and number), the syntactic functions of a noun and thus another combinability, etc. There are two types of conversion: a) incomplete (occasional), and b) complete (morphological) conversion. In the proverb Èdga˝snd − èmč kergo, ḥatlsnd − on̦ḥc kergo ‘The one who has recovered needs no doctor, the one who has crossed the river needs no boat’ the two conversions èdga˝snd and ḥatlsnd are incomplete, i.e. non-lexicalized past participles of the verbs èdga˝h ‘to cure’ and ḥatlh ‘to cross a river, sea, etc’. Occasional conversions are often used in formulaic expressions (proverbs and sayings), in fiction and oral speech. Unlike complete conversions, which are regularly recorded in dictionaries as full-fledged lexical items of a certain word class with its inherent characteristics, incomplete conversions are seldom registered by dictionaries. This section focusses on complete conversions. Depending on the word class, it is usual to distinguish nominal, adjectival and adverbial conversion. Cases of verbalization and pronominalization have not been registered in modern Kalmyk so far.

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5.1. Nominal conversion Most converted nouns go back to present participles with the suffixes -gč and -dg, e.g., hajgč ‘addresser, sender’ (← hajgč ‘addressing, throwing (a letter, etc.)’ ← haj(h)). Others go back to past participles of the -sn-type, e.g., šùùsn ‘juice’ (← šùùsn ‘sifted, filtered’ ← šùù(h)). The semantics of nouns converted from participles can be described in the framework of deverbal nominal categories such as: A g e n t n o u n s , e.g., surḥgč ‘somebody who teaches, instructor’ (← surḥgč ‘teaching, instructing’ ← surḥ(h)), tatgč ‘defender’ (← tatgč ‘defending’ ← tat(h)); I n s t r u m e n t n o u n s , e.g., kôrga˝gč ‘freezer’ (← kôrga˝gč ‘freezing, cooling’ ← kôrga˝(h)), teegč ‘device for carrying, transporting load’ (← teegč ‘carrying, transporting’ ← tee(h)); R e s u l t n o u n s , e.g., aldg ‘something left out, overlooked’ (← aldg ‘left out, overlooked’ ← ald(h)), kelgč ‘predicate’ (← kelgč ‘speaking’ ← kel(h)), boodg ‘sheaf, bundle’ (← boodg ‘tying’ ← boo(h)). (As can be seen by the last example, the specific temporal meaning of the participle may be lost in the converted noun.)

5.2. Adjectival conversion 5.2.1. Adjectives converted from participles The corresponding adjectives can have active or passive (resultative) meaning, e.g., bičdg ‘(for) writing’ (← bičdg ‘writing’), bùrdg ‘loose, dry’ (← bùrdg ‘free-running, free-flowing’), bùlùdsn ‘sharp’ (← bùlùdsn ‘sharpened’). The following participles can serve as base of conversion: present participles of the -dg-type, e.g., tevčdg ‘patient, tolerant’ (← tevčdg ‘bearing, tolerating’ ← tevč(h)), tasldg ‘detachable’ (← tasldg ‘being torn off, detached’ ← tasl(h)); present participles of the -gč-type, e.g., devšgč ‘progressive, advanced’ (← devšgč ‘advancing’ ← devš(h)); past participles of the -sn-type, e.g., tasrsn ‘torn off, detached’ (← tasrsn ‘torn off, detached’ ← tasr(h)); salsn ‘separated’ (← salsn ‘separated’ ← sal(h)).

5.2.2. Adjectives converted from nouns (comitative or genitive case forms) It should be noted that abstract and concrete nouns in the c o m i t a t i v e (‘with, together’) with the ending -ta/-ta˝ are most readily adjectivized (they usually correspond to qualitative adjectives with a p o s s e s s i v e meaning, cf. section 4.2.1), e.g., arḥta ‘able, capable’ (← arḥta ‘abilities-COM’), ḥaruta ‘unprofitable, unsuccessfull’ (← ḥaruta ‘losses-COM’), gerlta˝ ‘alight, lit’ (← gerlta˝ ‘light, illumination-COM’), ḥašuta ‘bitter’ (← ḥašuta ‘bitterness-COM’); amtta ‘tasteful, delicious’, bôkta˝ ‘humpbacked’, buuta ‘armed’ (← buuta ‘rifle-COM’). Occasionally, adjectives with a qualitative-possessive meaning can be converted from nouns in the genitive (-in): baľčgin ‘muddy, dirty’ or -i, e.g., zùrkni ‘heartful’. Adjectives converted from the g e n i t i v e usually express p o s s e s s i v e - r e l a t i o n a l meaning (genitive ending: -in), e.g., arsln̦gin ‘lion’s’, an̦ḥučin ‘hunter’s, hunt-

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ing’. The r e l a t i o n a l meaning of converted adjectives goes also back to genitives in -i, e.g., nasni ‘related to age’ or -in, e.g., buuḥin ‘related to a rifle’, bulgin in bulgin usn ‘spring water’, aratin in aratin-sùl ‘fox tail’. Conversion of the genitive is also found in adjectives, denoting a temporal relation according to the meaning of their base, e.g., agčmin ‘minute-long’ (← agčmin ‘moment, minute-GEN’), ashni ‘related to the evening’. Some adjectives are converted from nominal genitive forms in -a/-a˝, e.g., cerga˝ ‘related to army, military’. When comparing the results of conversion and derivation, we can observe a parallelism of two processes: a) conversion (transition of participles and oblique case forms into other parts of speech), and b) suffixal formation of new words in analogy to the “products” of conversion. The noun uhan ‘mind, intellect’ in the instrumental case uhata ‘with intellect’, for instance, has become adjectivized in the meaning ‘clever’. In analogy to this form, new adjectives are derived with the suffix -ta/-ta˝. Despite the possibility of adjectivization, the comitative form with the inflectional ending -ta/-ta˝ and the denominal word-formation type with the suffix -ta/-ta˝ are sometimes regarded as homonyms, cf. also meda˝ta˝ (N.COMIT) ‘with knowledge’ and meda˝ta˝ (A) ‘knowledgable, experienced’. Their difference is obvious in semantics, morphology, word-formation, syntax, and syntagmatics: The noun denotes an object and is characterized by the grammatical categories of number and case, e.g., meda˝t-nr (nom. pl.) ‘people with knowledge; experienced, senior people’, while the adjective meda˝ta˝ refers to a quality and is grammatically characterized by its non-declensional character. The former can be the subject of a sentence while the latter is an attribute; the noun cannot be combined with the suffix -vr whereas the adjective combines with it to form the qualitative adjective meda˝ta˝-vr ‘very advanced in years’.

5.3. Adverbial conversion Adverbialization is a way of forming adverbs by converting nouns, nominalized adjectives in oblique cases, and adverbial participles (gerunds). Adverbs can be converted, for instance, from nouns in the instrumental case: durarn ‘voluntarily, freely’ (← durarn (instr.) ‘of one’s own free will’ ← durn (nom.) ‘will, wish’), zôrga˝r ‘of one’s own will’ (← zôrga˝r ‘with will, wish’ ← zôrg (nom.) ‘will, wish’), or elative case: dundas ‘from inside’ (← dundas ‘from middle position’ ← dund (nom.) ‘middle position’), dotras ‘from within’ (← dotras ‘from the inside’ ← dotr (nom.) ‘the inside’). According to their semantics, converted adverbs are grouped into a) Qualitative adverbs: tùrùḥa˝r ‘from hand to mouth’ (← tùrùḥa˝r ‘poverty’ (instr.)), ùlùḥa˝r ‘in abundance’ (← ùlùḥa˝r (instr.) ‘abundance’); b) Adverbs of manner: hulhaḥa˝r ‘secretly’ (← hulhaḥa˝r ‘theft’ (instr.)), аn̦gina˝r ‘in a beastly way’ (← аn̦gina˝r ‘beast’ (instr.)); c) Adverbs of degree: zôva˝r ‘rightfully’ (← zôva˝r ‘right’ (instr.)); d) Adverbs of time: zunar ‘in summer’ (← èn zunar ‘this summer’), ôdra˝r ‘at daytime’ (← èn ôdra˝r ‘this day’); e) Adverbs of place: zahas ‘from the end, at the end’ (← èn zahas ‘from this end’ (elat.)), dotras ‘from inside’ (← èn dotras ‘from this internal part’ (elat.)), etc.

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Adverbs can also be converted from adverbial participles (gerunds) ending in -ad/-a˝d: šamdad ‘quickly’ (← šamdad ‘hurrying’ ← šamd(h)), ḥa˝rgla˝d ‘in a silly, stupid way’ (← ḥa˝rgla˝d ‘being silly, becoming stupid’ ← ḥa˝rgl(h)), ḥurniḥa˝d ‘sadly’ (← ḥurniḥa˝d ‘being sad, in grief’ ← ḥurni(h) ‘to grieve, lament, sorrow’); or -ž̦ /-č: da˝kž̦ ‘again, again and again’ (← da˝kž̦ ‘repeating’ ← da˝k(h)).

6. Reduplication Kalmyk nouns, adjectives and adverbs can be formed by reduplication. In some cases there is a correlation between the formation type of reduplicatives and their semantics. Reduplicatives are based on the core vocabulary of Kalmyk, including a special group of descriptive and onomatopoeic units which refer to natural phenomena. A phonosemantic analysis of reduplicatives has shown that some of the phonetic changes in this lexis are associated with conveying sound images, e.g., ivr-šivr ‘rustle’ (← ivr-ivr ‘swarm, e.g., of worms’ + šivr, i.e. ivr is repeated with an additional sibilant [š]). However, most reduplicatives convey the meaning of collectives, singulatives, and intensity of a quality. Reduplication involves sound interchanges, clipping and addition of sounds, e.g., a) Interchanges of the initial sound of the base with [m]: ŝikr-mikr ‘sweets’ (← ŝikr ‘sugar’), zaḥsn-maḥsn ‘all fish products’ (← zaḥsn ‘fish’); with [s]: mahn-sahn ‘meats’ (← mahn ‘meat’), baḥ-saḥ ‘odds and ends’ (← baḥ ‘bit’); with [t]: nakutaku ‘effort’ (← naku ‘effort’); with [d]: šulun-dulun ‘fast and quick’ (← šulun ‘fast’); b) Vowel interchanges in the roots, e.g., a-ù: barn̦-bùrn̦ ‘darkness, dusk’ (← bùrn̦ ‘darkness’); a-u: taltn̦-tultn̦ ‘wide’ (← taltn̦ ‘wide’); a˝-ù: za˝rm-zùrm ‘some, few’ (← za˝rm ‘some’); c) Clipping of sounds and sound combinations, e.g., ildr-bildr ‘dishonest’ (← bildr ‘false’), ilmn-ž̦ ilmn ‘deserted, empty’ (← ž̦ ilmn ‘open’), cevr-cer ‘clean’ (← cevr ‘clean’), za˝n̦g-za˝ ‘news, rumors’ (← za˝n̦g ‘news, message’); d) Addition of sounds, e.g., orm-morm ‘place, room’ (← orm ‘place’), en̦-ḥon ‘whim’ (← en̦ ‘folly’), ilv-ž̦ ilv ‘trick, treachery’ (← ilv ‘magic’). Units such as morm, ḥon, ž̦ ilv do not exist as free forms.

6.1. Nominal reduplication Reduplicated nouns may be of the following types: a) The first component is a non-derived noun, and the second repeats it with the initial sound changed, e.g., mahn-sahn ‘meat and other meat products’, ŝikr-mikr ‘sugar and other sweet products’; b) The first component is a noun, and the second repeats it with an additional initial sound, e.g., orm-morm ‘place’, ôn̦-ḥоn̦ ‘complaint, whim’; c) The first component repeats the second one with a change of its root vowel, e.g., barn̦-bùrn̦ ‘darkness, dusk’;

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d) The second component is a clipped form of the first one, e.g., za˝n̦g-za˝ ‘news’ (← za˝n̦g ‘piece of news’). The reduplicated nouns express u n i t y, c o l l e c t i v i t y, p l u r a l i t y, e.g., baḥ-saḥ ‘trifles’, mahn-sahn ‘meats’, ivr-šivr ‘rumors’, tasrha-tasarha ‘odds and ends’, and others, e.g., ilv-ž̦ ilv ‘deception’.

6.2. Adjectival reduplication According to their structure, reduplicated adjectives fall into the following types: a) The second component repeats the first one with a change of its root vowel, e.g., za˝rm-zùrm ‘some, few’ (← za˝rm ‘some’), taltn̦-tultn̦ ‘wide’ (← taltn̦ ‘wide’); b) The second component repeats the first one with a change of its initial consonant, e.g., šulun-dulun ‘fast, quick’ (← šulun ‘fast’); c) The first component repeats the second one with its initial consonant subtracted, e.g., ildr-bildr ‘dishonest’ (← bildr ‘false’), ilmn-ž̦ ilmn ‘desolate’ (← ž̦ ilmn ‘open’); d) The second component is derived from the first one, e.g., sa˝n-sa˝a˝hn ‘wonderful’ (← sa˝n ‘good’ + sa˝a˝hn ‘pretty’); e) The first component is a clipped form of the second one, e.g., ca-caḥan ‘whitest’ (← ca- + caḥan ‘white’); f) The second component is a clipped form of the first one, e.g., cevr-cer ‘very clean’ (← cevr ‘clean’ + cer). Reduplicative adjectives denote a high degree of a quality (similar to the meaning of the superlative). The intensity of a quality is expressed if the base is repeated without phonetic changes or if it is partly shortened, e.g., ut-ut ‘longest’ (← ut ‘long’), hatu-hatu ‘hardest’ (← hatu ‘hard’), cevr-cer ‘very clean’ (← cevr ‘clean’), etc. The meaning of intensification can be accompanied by a certain generalization of features which sums up semantically related qualities, cf. šulun-dulun ‘(very) lively, agile’ (← šulun ‘fast, quick’ + dulun), ildr-bildr ‘dishonest’ (← ildr + bildr ‘false’), ilmn-ž̦ ilmn ‘desolate’ (← ilmn ‘open’ + ž̦ ilmn), where dulun, ildr, ž̦ ilmn and other similar repetitions are formal indicators of the above mentioned generalization.

6.3. Adverbial reduplication In terms of their structure reduplicated adverbs may be of the following types: a) The first component is a non-derived adverb, the second one repeats it, e.g., salusalu ‘separately’ (← salu ‘individually, separaely’), onc-onc ‘separately, one by one’ (← onc ‘single, specific’); b) Тhe second component repeats the first one with its initial sound subtracted and the root vowel changed, e.g., buzr-azr ‘dirty’ (← buzr ‘dirty’); c) Тhe first component is a clipped form of the second, e.g., gev-gentkn ‘suddenly’ (← gentkn ‘suddenly’);

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d) The second component is derived from the first one, e.g., daru-darun’ ‘after, one after another’ (← daru ‘after’ + darun’ ‘then, after’), dara-daraḥar ‘in order, steadily’ (← dara ‘order’ + daraḥar ‘steadily’). The meaning of reduplicative adverbs can differ from their bases insofar as it tends to be of a more particular character, e.g., salu-salu ‘separately from each other’ (← salu ‘separately (in a general sense)’, onc-onc ‘each in its (separate) place’ (← onc ‘separately’ (without specification)). Reduplicative adverbs denote a high degree of the quality (manner) in which an action is performed: cevr-cer ‘very neatly, tidily, cleanly’ (← cevr ‘cleanly, tidily’); indefinite expressions of time, e.g., keza˝-âza ‘once’ (← keza˝ ‘when’); unspecified expressions of place + intensification, e.g., ca-caaran ‘farther and farther’ (← caaran ‘farther’), and frequency, intensification: haâ-haâ ‘seldom-seldom’, da˝kn-da˝kn ‘many times’ (← da˝kn ‘another time, again’), baahn-baahn ‘just a bit, very little’ (← baahn ‘a little’), etc.

7. References Ârceva, Viktoriâ N. (ed.) 1990 Lingvističeskij ènciklopedičeskij slovar’. Moskva: Sovetskaâ Ènciklopediâ. Badmin Bata 1959 Xaľmg kelna˝ učebnik. Part 1: Xùv. Fonetik boln morfolog. Èlst: Chaľmg degtr ḥar ḥač. Bauer, Laurie 2004 A Glossary of Morphology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Bloomfield, Leonard 1968 Language. Moscow: Progress. Bobrovnikov, Aleksej A. 1849 Grammatika mongoľsko-kalmyckogo âzyka. Kazan’: Universitetskaâ tipografiâ. Kotvič, Vladislav L. 1929 Opyt grammatiki kalmyckogo razgovornogo âzyka. Rževnice u Pragi: Izdanie Komissii Kuľturnyh rabotnikov v Čehoslovenskoj Respublike. Krueger, John R. 1975 The Kalmyk-Mongolian Vocabulary in Stralenberg’s Geography of 1730. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. Marouzeau, Jules [Maruzo, Ž.] 1960 Slovar’ lingvističeskih terminov. Perevod s francuzskogo N. D. Andreeva pod red. A. A Reformatskogo. Moskva: Izdateľstvo inostrannoj literatury. Nominhanov, Ceren-Dordži 1976 Očerk istorii kalmyckoj pis’mennosti. Moskva: Nauka. Pavlov, Dorij A. 2000 Voprosy istorii i strojâ kalmyckogo literaturnogo âzyka. Èlista: Kalmyckij gosudarstvennyj universitet. Popov, Aleksandr V. 1847 Grammatika kalmyckogo âzyka. Kazan’: Universitetskaâ tipografiâ. Pûrbeev, Georgij C. 1971 Funkcionaľnoe čeredovanie zvukov v mongoľskih âzykah. Voprosy âzykoznaniâ 3: 89− 93. Ramstaedt, Gustav J. 1935 Kalmückisches Wörterbuch. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura.

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Sanžeev, Garma D. (ed.) 1983 Grammatika kalmyckogo âzyka. Fonetika i morfologiâ. Èlista: Kalmyckoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Stralenberg, Philipp J. von 1730 Das Nord- Und Ostliche Theil Von Europa Und Asia: In So Weit Solches Das Ganze Rußische Reich Mit Siberien Und Der Grossen Tatarey in Sich Begreiffet, in Einer Historisch-Geographischen Beschreibung. Stockholm: In Verlegung des Autoris. Suseeva, Danara A. 1978 Zakonomernosti razvitiâ kalmyckogo âzyka v sovetskuû èpochu. Razvitie slovoobrazovaniâ. Èlista: Kalmizdat. Suseeva, Danara A. 1994 Slovoobrazovanie častej reči v russkom i kalmyckom âzykah. Èlista: Kalmyckij gosudarstvennyj universitet. Suseeva, Danara A. 1995 Škoľnyj slovar’ morfem kalmyckogo âzyka. Èlista: Kalmyckij gosudarstvennyj universitet. Suseeva, Danara A. 1997 Slovoobrazovateľnyj slovar’ kalmyckogo âzyka. Èlista: Kalmyckoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Suseeva, Danara A. 1998 Kontrastivnaâ grammatika kalmyckogo i mongoľskogo âzykov. Morfologiâ. Morfonologiâ. Èlista: Kalmyckij gosudarstvennyj universitet. Švedova, Nataľâ Û. (ed.) 1970 Grammatika sovremennogo russkogo literaturnogo âzyka. Moskva: Nauka. Todaeva, Bulâš H. 1976 Opyt lingvističeskogo izučeniâ èposa “Džangar”. Èlista: Kalmyckoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Vladimircov, Boris Â. 1929 Sravniteľnaâ grammatika mongoľskogo pis’mennogo âzyka i chal-chasskogo narečiâ. Leningrad: Izdateľstvo Leningradskogo Vostočnogo Instituta. Witsen, Nicolaes 1705 [1692] Noord en Oost Tartarye. Amsterdam: Halma.

Danara Suseeva, Èlista (Russian Federation)

Northwest Caucasian 192. Abkhaz 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication Neoclassical word-formation Other types of word-formation References

Abstract To create new words, Abkhaz uses practically limitless resources of both compounding and affixation, as well as of their combination. Compounding is a dominant means of word-formation across the parts of speech. In verb formation prefixation is prevalent, while suffixation plays a modest role. In the derivation of other word classes suffixation is more prominent. Reduplication is a common mechanism in verb and adverb formation, but it is only modestly represented in noun formation. Another usual means to form new words is conversion. Neoclassical word-formation in Abkhaz is prefixal.

1. Introduction Abkhaz, together with its sister languages Abaza, Circassian (i.e. Adyghe and Kabardian, regarded as separate languages, see articles 193 and 194) and extinct Ubykh form the Western branch of the North-Caucasian language family, its Eastern branch being represented by such languages as Chechen, Ingush, Avar, Lezgi, Tabasaran, Lak, Dargwa, Udi, etc. Abkhaz is spoken mainly in Abkhazia and in Turkey. Smaller Abkhaz communities are scattered over some Middle East countries and Western Europe. Abkhaz has three dialects: Abzhywa, Bzyp and Sadz; Ahchypsy and Tsabal represent two additional (sub)dialects; of all these, only Abzhywa and Bzyp are preserved in Abkhazia, the rest are spoken now only in Turkey. Sadz is the most divergent from all the dialects. The number of Abkhaz speakers in Abkhazia is 122,069, according to the 2011 population census. The number of speakers in the diaspora (mainly in Turkey) is estimated as being between 200,000 and 500,000. Abkhaz acquired its written form around the middle of the 19th century, and has since managed to create a rich literature, having developed various genres and styles. The creation of a literary language and the need to invent masses of new terms catering to the ever increasing cultural needs of the Abkhaz society has given rise to extensive

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coining of new words and the exploitation of the available means of word-formation. The main chronological stages of this new tendency can be subdivided in three periods: 1. the second part of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century saw the publication of the first ABC textbooks (starting from 1865), containing both original and translated texts, numerous translations of Christian texts from Russian (starting from 1866), the publication of first literary works (starting from 1912 with pieces by Dyrmit Gulia), the working out of orthographic norms, as well as the choice of a dialectal base; 2. from 1921 until approximately 1940, the modernization of the early Soviet period resulted in a wealth of newly-coined words expressing new notions and realities; 3. the post-Soviet period (from 1992 on), which has been marked by the need to create new terminology and stylistic norms necessary for the official language of the Republic of Abkhazia in various domains such as education, science, government and politics.

2. General overview Word-formation in Abkhaz has been the subject of studies by Kvarčelija (1953), Šinkuba (1956, 2008 [written in 1945]), Šakryl (1961), Gabunija (1971, 1985), Kaslandzia (1976, 1998), Xecija (1988), Čkadua (2005), Klyčeva (2009), Amičba (2010); it is also discussed in the relevant chapters of grammatical descriptions of Abkhaz, such as in Grammatika abxazskogo jazyka (1968: 45–48, 51–52, 160, 185–188), Hewitt (1979: 242– 255), Chirikba (2003: 26–29, 31–32, 54–55, 56), among others. As other languages of the North-Western branch of the North-Caucasian language family, Abkhaz is an agglutinative polysynthetic language characterized by extensive prefixation and moderate suffixation. The verbal system is extremely complex, occupying the central part of the grammar, in sharp contrast with the modestly developed nominal morphology. The verb can contain a dozen or so prefixes (expressing agreement, aspect, location and directionality), each occupying a rigidly fixed slot in the verbal template. Verbs formally distinguish between finite and non-finite forms. Being an ergative language and lacking overt nominal cases, Abkhaz, unlike its sister languages, realizes its ergative vs. absolutive strategy solely by means of the order of prefixed agreement markers. Another idiosyncratic feature of Abkhaz that sets it apart from Circassian and Ubykh is the presence of gender and/or class distinctions on verbal agreement markers, possessive prefixes, numerals and some pronouns. The process of word-coinage is still active in connection with the expanding functions of Standard Abkhaz as a state language. To produce new words, Abkhaz uses practically limitless resources of both compounding and affixation, also in combination. Neoclassical word-formation in Abkhaz is based exclusively on prefixation. Another derivational means is conversion. A specific feature of Abkhaz is the weak categorial distinction between verbs and nouns, nouns and adjectives, adjectives and adverbs, which allows for their easy incorporation into a paradigm belonging to another word class. Abkhaz has many monosyllabic roots, so that the compounds are relatively short. On the other hand, the language abounds in words produced by long strings of morphemes, e.g., the noun a-gʷ.a.bzəja.ra.cˇ ʲapá.r.ta ‘sanatorium’ (7 morphemes) and the deverbal adjective j.áj.c.rə.də.r.k’ə.la.xʲa.w ‘(one which is) generally accepted’ (10 morphemes).

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New morphemes are added at the edge of the base: a-t’ʷə́ ‘possession’ → a-t’ʷə́.la ‘country’ → a-t’ʷə́.la.wajʷ ‘citizen’ → a-t’ʷə́.la.wajʷ.ra ‘citizenship’ → a-t’ʷə́.la.wajʷ.ra.da (jə́.q’a.w) ‘(being) stateless’ → a-t’ʷə́.la.wajʷ.ra.da.ra ‘statelessness’ → a-t’ʷə́.la.wajʷ.ra.da.ra.t’ʷ ‘pertaining to statelessness’ → a-t’ʷə́.la.wajʷ.ra.da.ra.t’ʷkʷa ‘those pertaining to statelessness’ → a-t’ʷə́.la.wajʷ.ra.da.ra.t’ʷ-kʷa-gʲə ‘and those pertaining to statelessness’. In compounds the stress can fall either on one of the constituent parts (e.g., a-lak’= jʷák’-ra ‘to hesitate; lit. taking down-taking up’), or on both, especially when the compound represents a somewhat looser unit (e.g., ájšʷa=cˇ ʲára ‘feast; lit. table-eating’). A common phonological process involved in compounding is the elision of the final unstressed vowel before the onset of the second constituent, e.g., a-x=a-cˇ ’ə́ ‘face’ (← a-xə́ ‘head’, a-cˇ ’ə́ ‘mouth’), a-gʷar=bzˇ ʲára ‘side street’ (← a-gʷára ‘yard’, a-bzˇ ʲára ‘between’), etc. For the sake of economy I shall not gloss in this article the definite-generic article a-. Furthermore, in cases when the root contains the initial vowel (a-), I do not mark the presence of the definite-generic article (i.e. [a-]a…). I use the hyphen (-) to mark the article (a-), the masdar suffix (-ra), or the plural marker, the equal sign (=) to divide the constituents of a compound, and a period (.) to mark a morpheme boundary. Non-selfexplanatory abbreviations are explained at the end of the article.

3. Composition Compounding is a productive means of word-formation across the parts of speech. Stems which create a compound can be simplex or complex. Complex stems can be compound, derived, or a combination of both compounding and derivation. Binary compounds are formed by the combination of two stems, e.g., á-wrəs=šʷa ‘the Russian language; lit. Russian-speech’. Multi-stem compounds are formed by three or more stems, e.g., abəz.šʷa=də́r.ra ‘linguistics; lit. language [tongue-speech]-know-ABSTR’. In writing the compounds can appear as a single word (e.g., a-sáxʲa=təxjʷə ‘artist’, from a-sáxʲa ‘picture’ and təxjʷə ‘one who takes off’), as a hyphenated binary unit (e.g., áwra=á-tbaara ‘body-build, figure’, from áwra ‘height’ and á-tbaara ‘breadth’), or as a combination of two or more words (e.g., lat’ʷarádat’ʷəj a-rc’ará ‘distance learning’, a-t’ʷə́lawajʷrat’ʷ tagə́lazaašʲa a-nc’árta ‘registry office’). Compounds can be endocentric, i.e. contain the head within the compound itself, or exocentric. Examples of endocentric compounds are: a-mšə́n=ӡ(ə) ‘sea-water’, a-msə́r= kʲaad ‘parchment; lit. Egypt-paper’, á-ga=pša ‘sea wind; lit. shore-wind’. Examples of exocentric compounds: a-dərgan=c’ə́xʷa ‘wagtail (a kind of bird); lit. griddle-tail’, acgʷə́=xš ‘spurge, euphorbia (a kind of plant); lit. cat-milk’, a-dʷə́=ɣba ‘train; lit. fieldship’, á-zˇʷ=ləmha ‘hound’s-tongue, Cynoglossum (a kind of plant); lit. cow-ear’, etc.

3.1. Nominal compounds There are various ways of describing nominal compounds. I take here as the point of departure the classification proposed by Bisetto and Scalise (2009), who classify com-

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pounds according to the nature of the semantic relation obtaining between their components as subordinate, attributive or coordinate.

3.1.1. Subordinate compounds The relationship within subordinate compounds can be formulated as ‘the X of the Y’, e.g., a-zˇʷ=xš ‘cow-milk = the milk of the cow’, a-kəta=nxámjʷa ‘agriculture = the economy of the village’, etc. Subordinate N+N compounds are right-headed. Structurally they are of the following sub-types: a) simplex noun + simplex noun: a-wasá=xʲčʲa ‘shepherd; lit. sheep-shepherd’, á-mca= bz ‘flame; lit. fire-tongue’, a-ǯʲa=psá ‘salary; lit. labour-price’, a-sə́s=cʷa ‘lamb skin’, ajxá=mjʷa ‘railway; lit. iron-road’, á-zˇʷ=k’ambašʲ ‘cow-buffalo’. Incidentally, in the latter case a variant exists with the reverse order of constituents: a-k’ambášʲ= a-zˇʷ, lit. ‘buffalo-cow’. The presence of the definite-generic article in the second part of this compound suggests that the latter, unlike á-zˇʷ=k’ambašʲ, should be analyzed as a coordinate/dvandva compound, rather than a subordinate one. b) simplex noun + compound noun: a-kəta=nxámjʷa ‘agriculture; lit. village=household’, a-bzá=lapš ‘evil eye of a live person; lit. alive-evil eye’, a-x=apə́c ‘tooth; lit. head-front tooth’; c) simplex noun + derived noun: a-q’arma=c’ə́.s ‘nightingale; lit. hop-bird [birdDIM.SUF]’, a-k’aléj=t.šʲ.jʷə ‘tinsmith; lit. tin-who tins’, a-mšə́n=kʷə.la.jʷ ‘pirate; lit. sea-attacker’, á-xaa=cˇ ʲə.s ‘pastry; lit. sweet-food’; for the last example, cf. a-cˇ ʲə́.s= xaa ‘sweet food’, where xaa is adjective; d) compound noun + simplex noun: a-čə́.bɣa=q’aza ‘master of horse-riding; lit. horse back=master’, a-x.a.cˇ’=sáxʲa ‘face, image; lit. face-picture’, á-la.pš=tʷhʷa ‘spell/ charm against the evil eye; lit. evil eye=spell’; e) compound noun + compound noun: a-fə́.mca=dʷə.ɣba ‘electric train; lit. electricity [lightning-fire]=train [field-ship]); f) compound noun + derived noun: a-təӡ.šʷá=q’a.c’a.jʷ ‘quarrel-maker; lit. homespeech= PREV+do-AGENT.SUF’, áb.aɣʲ=ӡə.s ‘male goatling; lit. goat-semen=goatling-DIM’; g) derived noun + simplex noun: á-hasab.ra=šʷq’ʷə ‘maths textbook; lit. countABSTR=book’, a-k’ʲə́pxʲ.ga=mašʲəna ‘type-writer; lit. instrument of typing=machine’; h) derived noun + compound noun: á-zˇ.ra=xə.kʷ ‘ditchbank; lit. ditch=edge above sth.’; i) derived noun + derived noun: a-gʷə́.m.bəl=ǯʲbara.ra ‘cruelty; lit. heart-NEG-burn= hard-ABSTR’, a-bəz.šʷa=də́r.ra ‘linguistics; lit. language [tongue-speech]=knowledge [know-ABSTR]’, a-wə́.s=wə.ra ‘work, labour; lit. work=do-ABSTR’. [N+V]N compounds are exocentric and represent the combination of a noun with the pure stem of the verb. They have the following structures: a) simplex noun + simplex verb: á-la=pš ‘view; lit. eye-look’, a-cˇ’=k’ə́ ‘catching disease; lit. mouth-catch’;

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b) simplex noun + derived verb: a-c’la=r.k’ʷə́k’ʷ ‘woodpecker; lit. tree=CAUS-split’, ázˇʷa=p.q’a ‘proverb; lit. word-cut’, a-šʷq’ʷə=n.c’á ‘certificate; lit. document=write down’; c) compound noun + simplex verb: a-fə́.mca=nəq’ʷa ‘electric locomotive; lit. electricity [lightning-fire]=walk’; d) derived noun + simplex verb: a-gʷ.ta=k’ə́ ‘wish, venture; lit. heart-inside=catch’; e) derived noun + derived verb: a-cʷ.kʷə=r.pá ‘wave; lit. top [skin-top]=CAUS-jump’, a-wə.t.ra=tə́.x ‘vegetables; lit. kitchen-garden=take off’. [V+N]N compounds are not numerous: a-psšʲá=xa ‘time for rest; lit. to rest=time for’, á-mdər=págʲara ‘haughty ignoramus; lit. not know=haughtiness’, etc. Though asyndetic N+N subordinate compounding is more usual, there are also p o s s e s s i v e c o m p o u n d s , i.e. compounds containing possessive person and (if in the singular) gender prefixes which function as infixes. Such compounds are left-headed, e.g., a-pa=j-pá ‘grandson; lit. son=his-son’, a-pha=l-pá ‘grandson; lit. daughter=herson’, áb=j-ašʲa ‘paternal uncle; lit. father=his-brother’, án=l-ahʷšʲa ‘maternal aunt; lit. mother=her-sister’, án=l-ašʲa-j-pha ‘maternal niece; lit. mother=her-brother-his-daughter’, a-nap’=á-xʷda ‘wrist; lit. hand=its-neck’, šʲəbzˇ ʲ=a-gʷə ‘noon; lit. noon=its-heart’, a-šʲxa=r-án ‘queen bee; lit. bee=their-mother’, á-šʲxa=rə-wa ‘mountaineer; lit. mountain=their-people’, a-ləmha=rə́-jʷ ‘ear-ring; lit. ear=their-*metal’, a-t’ʷə=jə-t’ʷə́.x ‘slave of the slave; lit. slave=his-slave’. In the case of án=šʲa ‘maternal uncle’, the nature of the compound can still be regarded as being in a possessive relation (‘mother-[*her]brother’), even though possession is not explicitely expressed.

3.1.2. Attributive compounds Attributive compounds contain a modifier and an explicit (in endocentric compounds) or implicit (in exocentric compounds) head. The [N+A]N, [Adv+V]N and [N+Quant]N compounds are left-headed, the other structural types – [A+N]N, [Pro+N]N and [Quant+N]N – are right-headed. In [N+A]N compounds A is usually represented by a primary, i.e. non-derived adjective, though derived ones also occur. Structurally these compounds can be of the following types: a) simplex noun + simplex adjective: á-mza=cˇ’a ‘young moon; lit. moon-young’, ámat=apšʲ ‘red snake; lit. snake-red’, a-mjʷa=də́w ‘main road; lit. road-big’, a-tʷ= áӡa ‘forage; lit. hay-raw’, a-nə́šʷ=apšʲ ‘clay; lit. earth-red’, án=xʷa ‘mother-in-law; lit. mother-crooked’; b) simplex noun + derived adjective (negated deverbal adjective): a-wál=m.šʷa ‘defaulter; debt=NEG-pay’, a-ps=tá.m ‘nitrogen; lit. soul=inside-NEG’; c) compound noun + simplex adjective: á-la.pš=xaa ‘tender look; lit. look [eye-look]= sweet’, a-gʷǝ́.c’=ápšʲ ‘surmullet (a kind of fish); lit. heart-under=red’; d) derived noun + compound adjective: a-cˇ ʲə́maza.ra=cˇ’.k’ə ‘catching desease; lit. desease=mouth catching’; e) derived noun + derived adjective: a-ra.šə́=m.c’aa ‘unsalted walnut butter; lit. walnut butter=NEG-salty’, a-sə́.s=m.q’aa ‘silent lamb; lit. lamb=NEG-cry’.

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In [A+N]N compounds the attribute is represented by a primary or derived adjective. Those containing a non-derived adjective are not numerous: a-baa=psə́ ‘bad; lit. rottensoul’, a-baa=fjʷə́ ‘bad smell; lit. rotten-smell’, a-bzá=k’ap’an ‘live weight’, á-xaa=cˇ ʲə.s ‘pastry; lit. sweet-food’, etc. Compounds containing a derived adjective are much more common and can be written either a) as one word, or b) as two words. Examples of a): a-t’ʷə́.m=wajʷə ‘foreigner; lit. not belonging=man’, a-t’ʷə́.m=dgʲəl ‘foreign country’, axa.t’ʷ=psá ‘net cost; lit. own-price’, a-xa.t’ʷ=k’rít’ik’a ‘self-criticism’. Examples of b): ajxa.t’ʷə́ cha ‘iron bridge’, a-xʲ.tʷ’ə́ macʷáz ‘golden ring’, a-ok’eánnərcʷ.t’ʷəj a-t’ʷə́la ‘oversea(s)’, lat’ʷaráda.t’ʷəj a-st’udént’ ‘correspondence student’, etc. [Adv+V]N compounds: (a-)mala=k’rə́fa ‘parasite, sponger; lit. gratis-eat’, a-mala= nə́q’ʷa ‘bicycle; lit. by itself-walk’, znə́k’=xʲara ‘one milk yield; lit. once-milking’, ášʲtaxʲ=azˇʷa ‘afterword’, apxʲa=gə́la ‘leader; lit. at front=stand’. [Pro+N]N compounds: a-xála=rc’aga ‘teach-yourself book; lit. self=teaching instrument’, a-xata=psá ‘cost price; lit. own=cost’. [Quant+N]N compounds: a-jʷə́=maa ‘a kind of harp; lit. two-handle’, a-pšʲá=ša ‘Thursday; lit. the fourth-day’, a-x=šʲap’ə́ ‘tripod; lit. three-leg’, á-jʷ=bəzšʷara ‘bilingualism; lit. two=language-ness’. [N+Quant]N compounds: a-mš=jʷə́njʷazˇʷa ‘funeral repast on the fortieth day; lit. day=forty’, á-rmӡaa=zejzˇʷ ‘innumerable number of soldiers; lit. army-not disappearing= nineteen’, a- gʷə́=jʷbara ‘suspicion, doubt, duplicity; lit. heart=doubleness’.

3.2. Coordinate (dvandva) compounds In this type of compound both members are hierarchically equal and represent two semantic heads. Coordinate compounds can be formed asyndetically by simple juxtaposition of roots, or be linked by one or more coordinating particles.

3.2.1. Coordinate N+N compounds Asyndetic examples: a-šʷága=zága ‘measure, criterion; lit. size measurer=measurer’, a-xaára=bzaára ‘benefit, good; lit. sweetness=aliveness’, ájmak’=ájcˇ’ak’ ‘dispute; lit. quarrel=kindling’, á-jʷada=mratašʷára ‘north-west; lit. upwards=sunset’. Coordinate N+N compounds can also be formed with the help of coordinating conjunctions -j(ə), -j(ə) -j(ə), -gʲə -gʲə: Examples: a-cˇ ʲé-j=ǯək’a ‘hospitality feast; lit. breadand=salt’, a-cʷá-j=zˇ ʲ ‘body; lit. skin-and=flesh’, gá-j=šʲxá-j ‘everywhere; lit. coast-and= mountain-and’, ánə-j=abə-j ‘parents; lit. mother-and=father-and’, wax-gʲə́=cˇən-gʲə ‘twenty-four hours; lit. night-time-and=day-time-and’. Less closely-knit coordinate compounds have both parts stressed and marked for definiteness: a-gʷə́la=á-zla ‘close neighbour; lit. neighbour-close’, a-x[ə]=a-cˇ ’ə́ ‘face; lit. head-mouth’, á-fat’ʷ=á-zˇʷt’ʷ ‘food, supply; lit. food-drink’, á-wa=a-tənxá ‘close relative; lit. relative-relative’. In cases like á-ӡra=a-psrá ‘death, destruction; lit. disapperance-death’, á-fara=á-zˇʷra ‘feast; lit. eat-drink’, a-jʷrá=á-pxʲara ‘literacy; lit. writingreading’ there is a typical lack of clear differentiation between the verbal noun (suffix -ra) and abstract noun (also suffix -ra), which means that the compound can be equally

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interpreted as V+V. In the dictionaries the entries with masdars are often followed by their homonymic nominal counterparts (e.g., a-də́r-ra ‘to know; lit. knowing’; a-də́r.ra ‘knowledge’). Some such compounds can fluctuate between a looser (when both parts are marked for definiteness) or a tighter form, cf. a-šʷq’ʷə=a-bəɣʲšʷə́ //a-šʷq’ʷə́=bəɣʲšʷə́ ‘documents and papers’, á-hatər=á-p’at’əẃ //á-hatər=p’at’əw ‘honour, respect’, a-cʷá=a-zˇ ʲə́//a-cʷáj=zˇ ʲ ‘body’, á-fara=á-zˇʷrá //á-fara=zˇʷra ‘feast; lit. eating-drinking’, etc. A subset of these less closely-bound copulative compounds represent alliterative words with the replacement of the initial consonant in the second constituent (see section 6 on echoreduplication): á-raxʷ=a-šʷaxʷ ‘various cattle’ (← á-raxʷ ‘cattle’), a-mál=a-šʲál ‘wealth, possessions’ (← a-mál ‘wealth’), etc.

3.2.2. Coordinate [V+V]N compounds Examples: a-náj=aaj ‘visitors; lit. go-come’, wə-najšʲ=w-aajšʲ (zərhʷawá) ‘respected person; lit. (about whom they say) you.MASC-please go=you.MASC-please come’, wəhʷan=s-hʷán ‘rumour; lit. you.MASC-say-PIDF=I-say-PIDF’, á-q’am=jənə́m ‘tall tale; lit. be-NEG=it-be on-NEG’, a-naga=jʷága ‘transportation; lit. thither-carry=upwardscarry’. Here the underlying verbal forms represent imperatives (wə-najšʲ=w-aajšʲ), past indefinite forms (wə-hʷan=s-hʷán), negative present tense forms (jə́q’am=jənə́m), or a combination of pure stems (a-naga=jʷága).

3.2.3. Appositive nominal coordinate compounds The constituent parts of these compounds contain different descriptions of the same referent or event. They are of various structural types: a) [N+N]N: á-bɣamq’ʷ=xacˇ’sakʷ ‘lazy fop; lit. not bending back=face with powder on’, á-mca=šawra ‘fever; lit. fire-heat’, á-ӡra=a-psrá ‘death, destruction; lit. disappearance-death’; b) [A+A]N: má.m.gʷ.dəw=cˇə.r.bá.q’ʲant’az ‘one who tries to look rich, but is in fact very poor; lit. have-NEG-heart-big=REFL-CAUS-see-naked’; c) [V+A]N: á-c’a.šʲəc=c’a.baa ‘envious person; lit. below-envy=below-rotten’; d) [V+V]N: a-zə́mha=zə́mc’a ‘tubby person; lit. not growing=who is not learning’.

3.3. Adjectival compounds The following types of adjectival compounds occur: [N+A]A, [N+V]A, [A+A]A, [V+V]A. a) [N+A]A compounds: zˇʷa=zˇʷálat’ʷəj (ájtaga) ‘literal (translation)’, ájlərk’aaga= də́rratarat’ʷ (wə́sšʷq’ʷəjʷəra) ‘reference-information (document)’, a-lada=mragə́larat’ʷəj (a-pšá) ‘south-eastern (wind)’;

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b) [N+V]A compounds: a-gʷə́=mbəl ‘heartless, cruel; lit. heart=NEG.burn’, á-ma=rja ‘easy; lit. hand=CAUS.lie’, a-gʷ=k’ə́ ‘nice; lit. heart-catch’, a-cˇ’=k’ə́ ‘nice; lit. mouth-catch’; c) [A+A]A compounds: (a-bɣʲə́ ) q’ʲáq’ʲa=xʷxʷa-kʷá ‘prolonged (leaves); lit. (leaf) flat= prolonged-PL’, a-psə́.m=bza.m ‘more dead than alive; lit. dead-NEG=alive-NEG’, ápswa=á-wrəs (zˇʷar) ‘Abkhaz-Russian (dictionary)’; unlike the former examples, the last one represents a less tightly-knit unit with both parts independently marked for definiteness and stress. There are also appositive adjectival echo compounds, with a meaningless second part, e.g., a-bzˇa.m=cˇá.m ‘unfinished, half-made’ (← bzˇa ‘half’, cˇa?, -m NEG); d) [V+V]A compounds: á-na.ӡa=[a]a.ӡa ‘tall, full-grown; lit. grown up=brought up’.

3.4. Verbal compounds Verbal stem structure is represented by the following models: simplex root (ca ‘to go’), compound root (bzəja.ba ‘to love; lit. well-see’), derived root (z.wə ‘for-do’), complex root (q’a.c’a ‘to do, make’, with preverb q’a- and root c’a), simplex root + extension (pš.aa ‘to search’, root pš ‘to look’ and extension -aa), complex root + extension (tə.zˇ.aa ‘to undig’, with preverb tə-, the root zˇa and extension -aa). The root/stem is usually represented by one phoneme or by a biphonemic combination (a ‘to be’, k’(ə) ‘to catch’, šʲ(ə) ‘to kill’, ba ‘to see’, ga ‘to carry’), though more complex structures also occur. Sometimes a directional infix can be inserted into a complex stem structure, cf. gʷ.a.ta ‘to notice; lit. PREV(heart)-DIRECT-give’. Compounding in verb formation is somewhat less common than in noun formation. The following structures obtain: [N+V]V (nominal root + verbal root), [Adv+V]V (adverbial root + verbal root), [V+V]V (verbal root + verbal root). Besides, there are analytical verbal compounds containing a lexical verb and an auxiliary or light verb.

3.4.1. [N+V]V compounds Examples: a-tʷa=r.x-rá ‘to mow; lit. hay-mowing’, a-k’onflík’t’=q’a.c’a-ra ‘to make conflict; lit. conflict-making’, á-q’ac’ašʲa=q’a.c’a-ra ‘to copy, mimic; lit. manner of doing=do’, acˇ ʲá=šʷa-ra ‘to hunt quails; lit. quail-hunting’. This model can be regarded as representing i n c o r p o r a t i o n. Analytical [N+V]V compounds usually make use of such auxiliaries as a-w-rá ‘to do, prepare’, a-z.wə-rá ‘to make for sb.’, a-ga-rá ‘to produce sound’, á-ta-ra ‘to give’; e.g., a-bə́sta a-w-rá ‘to prepare maize pap; lit. maize pap-preparing’, a-cənxʷrá a-z.wə-rá ‘to compensate; lit. compensation doing-for’, a-zzəbzˇ ʲə́ a-ga-rá ‘to buzz; lit. buzz-voice sounding’, a-hámta á-ta-ra ‘to give a present’. Examples of other auxiliary verbs: abibliot’ék’a áj.kʷə.r.šʷa-ra ‘to make up a library; lit. library-compiling’, a-xbajʷlašá ác’əs-ra ‘to contuse; lit. brain shaking’, á-ljʷak’ a-xə́.l.c’-ra ‘to smoke; lit. sooth getting off’, etc.

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3.4.2. V+V compounds Examples: a-na.j=áa.j-ra ‘to walk; lit. thither-go=hither-coming’, a-na.ga=áa.ga-ra ‘to carry thither and hither’.

3.4.3. Appositive [V+V]V compounds Examples: áj.kʷ.pa-ra=áj.s-ra ‘to make a violent uproar’ (both parts meaning ‘to fight’), a-šʷa-rá=a-za-rá ‘to measure carefully’ (both meaning ‘to measure’).

3.4.4. Analytical [Adv+V]V compounds Examples: jəbaapsnə́ a-x.cʷá.zˇʷa-ra ‘to compromise; lit. badly talk over’), a-k’ooperácijala a-cˇ.áj.d.k’ə.la-ra ‘to co-operate; lit. by cooperation assembling’, etc.

3.5. Adverbial compounds Most adverbs consisting of two lexical units are cases of reduplication (see section 6.3). Examples of true compounding are less numerous, cf. jaxʲa=n.t’ʷá.ra.k’ ‘the whole day; lit. today=LOC-sit-ABSTR-IDF’, wac’ʷ[ə]=á-šʲtaxʲ ‘day after tomorrow; lit. tomorrow= its-after’, arma=ɣʲə́rma ‘topsy-turvy, otherwise, contrariwise; lit. left-rightish’, nada= aadá ‘crosswise’, baša=malá ‘uselessly; lit. in vain=for nothing’, xara=bɣʲára ‘dispersedly’ (← xara ‘far’), waxá=wac’ʷə́ ‘these days, soon; lit. tonight-tomorrow’, etc. Examples of appositive compounding: gʷə́.k’=psə.k’.a.la ‘cordially; lit. heart-IDF=soul-IDFits-by’, xə.la=gʷə́.la ‘in disorder, higgledy-piggledy; lit. by head, by heart’. The next pair of examples are based on the juxtaposition of words belonging to semantically opposite lexical units: waxə́n.la=cˇə́n.la ‘twenty-four hours; lit. by night, by day’, xácʷa.la=hʷsa.la ‘all; lit. by men-by women’.

4.

Derivation

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Prefixation Prefixation is rarely used in nominal derivation; among the few examples, cf. á-z(ə).bzˇa ‘half, one of the halves’ (← zə ‘one’, ábzˇa ‘half’), a-z.q’áza ‘master’ (← z- BENF, q’áza ‘master’), a-cʷ.mácˇ ʲ’.ra ‘deficiency; lit. DETR-small-ABSTR’, etc.

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4.1.2. Suffixation Suffixation is quite a common means for deriving nouns from other nouns, verbs and adjectives. The most productive derivational suffixes are: a) -ar, forming abstract nouns: a-matʷ[a].ár ‘subject’ (← á-matʷa ‘clothes, things’), azˇʷ[a].ár ‘dictionary’ (← ázˇʷa ‘word’), a-mz[a].ár ‘calendar’ (← á-mza ‘month’); b) -ga, forming deverbal nouns with instrumental meaning: a-zˇə́.ga ‘shovel’ (← a-zˇ-rá ‘to dig’), a-jʷə́.ga ‘pen’ (← a-jʷ-rá ‘to write’); c) -jʷə, mostly deverbal agent nouns: a-ӡərjʷ.jʷə́ ‘listener’ (← á-ӡə.r.jʷ-ra ‘to listen’), a-bzə́jaba.jʷ ‘amateur’ (← a-bzə́ja.ba-ra ‘to love’), a-ɣʲə́cˇ ʲ.jʷə ‘thief’ (← a-ɣʲə́cˇ ʲ-ra ‘to steal’); d) -lə.x, meaning ‘(product) made of’: a-lasa.lə́x ‘made of wool’, a-nap’.lə́x ‘needlework; lit. made by hand’; e) -m.ta, forming result nouns: á-laga.mta ‘beginning’ (← á-la.ga-ra ‘to begin’), anc’á.mta ‘note’ (← a-n.c’a-rá ‘to write down’); f) -ra, forming abstract nouns: á-pšӡa.ra ‘beauty’ (← á-pšӡa ‘beautiful’), a-nc’ə́.ra ‘lifetime’ (← a-n.c’-rá ‘to live a life’); the suffix is etymologically the same as the masdar suffix; g) -ra.x, with the meaning ‘result of’: a-maӡa.ráx ‘something stolen’ (← á-maӡara ‘secrecy’), a-pšaa.ráx ‘something excellent, perfect’ (← á-pšaa.ra ‘to find’); h) -r.ta, forming place nouns: a-tə́zˇ ʲə.rta ‘publishing house’ (← a-tə́.zˇ ʲ-ra ‘to publish’), a-psšʲá.rta ‘place of rest’ (← a-ps.šʲá-ra ‘to have rest’); i) -šʲa, indicating ‘manner of’: a-wajʷə́.šʲa ‘human quality’ (← a-wajʷə́ ‘man, human’), a-pstázaa.šʲa ‘way of life’ (← a-pstázaa.ra ‘life’); j) -ta, expressing ‘location’: a-gʷ.tá ‘centre’ (← a-gʷə́ ‘heart’), á-šʲ.ta ‘trace’ (← šʲ‘foot’); k) -t’ʷ(ə), an attributive suffix: a-zc’aa.t’ʷə́ ‘question, problem’ (← a-z.c’.aa-rá ‘to ask about’), a-psaá.t’ʷ ‘bird’ (cf. Abaza pss.ɦa-ra ‘to fly’); l) -wa, an ethnic suffix: áps.wa ‘Abkhazian’, ágər.wa ‘Megrelian’; m) -xʷ, denoting an object somehow related to the base (probably from a-xʷə́ ‘share, part’): ázˇʷa.xʷ ‘speech’ (← ázˇʷa ‘word’). The following derivational suffixes are less productive: a) -c ‘single’: a-bɣʲə́.c ‘(single) leaf’ (← a-bɣʲə́ ‘leaf’), a-dá.c ‘root’ (← a-dá ‘root’); b) -nə.za ‘attached to’: a-mjʷa.nə́za ‘provisions’ (← á-mjʷa ‘road’), a-ma.nə́za ‘shield’ (< *ma ‘hand’); c) -s ‘young N’: a-sə́.s ‘lamb’, a-hʷə́.s ‘calf’, árpə.s ‘young man’; d) -s.pá //-z.ba ‘young, small N’: a-phʷə́.spá //a-phʷə́.zba ‘young woman’ (cf. a-phá ‘daughter’), áhʷə.spá //áhʷə.zba ‘knife’ (cf. áhʷa ‘sword’); e) -za: apə́.za ‘leader’ (← apə- ‘in front of’), a-jʷə́.za ‘friend’ (cf. jʷ(ə)- ‘two’?), axə́.za ‘blanket’ (← a-xə́ ‘head’).

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4.1.3. Infixation A rare example of infixation is the insertion of the negative particle m(ə), according to the following models: a) N-NEG-N, b) N-NEG-V, e.g., a) a-xac’a.m.phʷə́s ‘heroic woman; lit. man-NEG-woman’, a-šʲá.m.ašʷə.ga ‘garget, Phytolacca americana; lit. bloodNEG-paint-AGENT’; b) cˇ ʲá.n.m.cˇ ʲa ‘late for dinner because of laziness; lit. time of eating-NEG-eat’, etc.

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Prefixation The few adjectival prefixes are the detrimental (malefactive) prefix cʷə- and the benefactive prefix zə- ‘for’, both expressing approximation of a quality: a-cʷə́.š ‘grey, pale; lit. DETR-white’, a-cʷə́.q’apšʲ ‘reddish; lit. DETR-red’, a-zə́.q’apšʲ ‘reddish; lit. BENF-red’, etc.

4.2.2. Suffixation Suffixation is a usual means of deriving adjectives: a) -ӡa: á-pš.ӡa ‘beautiful’ (← a-pš-rá ‘to look’), aajgʷa.ӡá ‘the nearest’ (← aajgʷá ‘close, nearby’); b) -ӡӡa: a-də́w.ӡӡa ‘great’ (← a-də́w ‘big’); c) -da, a privative suffix: a-ncʷá.da ‘godless’, a-zjʷə́.da ‘healthy’ (← a-zjʷá ‘plague, contagion’); d) -t’ʷ(ə), a very productive adjectivizing suffix (from a-t’ʷə́ ‘possession’): a-psabára.t’ʷ ‘natural’ (← a-psabára ‘nature’), a-bjʷá.t’ʷ ‘(of) copper’ (← a-bjʷá ‘copper’), a-xʲ.t’ʷə́ ‘golden’; e) -t’ʷə.j, another productive adjectivizing suffix, derived from the former: a-tə́pan.t’ʷəj ‘local’ (← a-tə́p ‘place’), jaxʲa.t’ʷə́j ‘contemporary’ (← jaxʲá ‘today’), c’aq’a.t’ʷə́j ‘which is below’ (← á-c’aq’a ‘below’); f) -xʷ(ə), expressing ‘possession of a feature or quality’ (probably from a-xʷə́ ‘share, part’), e.g., a-rə́cha.xʷ ‘miserable’ (← a-rə́cha ‘poor’), a-cʷəršʷá.xʷ ‘wretched’ (← a-cʷə.r.šʷá-ra ‘to frighten sb.’).

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Prefixation Verbal derivation by means of p r e v e r b s which express directional or orientational parameters (‘up’, ‘down’, ‘thither’, ‘hither’, ‘on top’, ‘inside’, ‘outside’, and many

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others) is very common. So from the verb gəla ‘to stand, stand up’ we have á-d.gəla-ra ‘to stand close to X’, á-va.gəla-ra ‘to stand beside, next to X’, á-c’a.gəla-ra ‘to stand under’, á-kʷ.gəla-ra ‘to stand on top’, a-xa.gəla-ra ‘to stand above’, etc. Some verbs cannot function without preverbs, for instance the verb la ‘to enter’: á-la.la-ra ‘to enter into the mass’, a-tá.la-ra ‘to enter inside’, á-c’a.la-ra ‘to enter underneath’, a-jʷn.á.lara ‘to enter inside the house’, etc. The combination of two or more preverbs to form new verbs is not uncommon: a-n.aá.la-ra ‘to pass, fit’ (←na ‘thither’, aa ‘hither’, la ‘to go’), áj.d.cˇ’a.hʷa.la-ra ‘to tie up to each other’ (← aj- ‘reciprocal’, d(ə)- ‘close to’, cˇ’a ‘mouth, face’, hʷa ‘to tie’, plus the extension -la). A very large group of verbs is formed by means of preverbs based on terms for such body-parts as a-gʷə́ ‘heart’ and a-xə́ ‘head’; the first preverb a) forms verbs expressing mental or spiritual activities, the other one b) is responsible for actions occurring above the object, cf. a) a-gʷ.bəl-rá ‘to worry about’ (← a-bəl-rá ‘to burn’), a-gʷə.r.jʷa-rá ‘to worry’ (← a-r.jʷa-rá ‘to make dry’), a-gʷ.á.la.šʷa-ra ‘to remember’ (← á-la.šʷa-ra ‘to fall in the mass (of small objects)’), b) a-xə́.r.pa-ra ‘to make jump over sth.’ (← á-r.para ‘to make jump’), a-xə́.s-ra ‘to cross over sth.’ (← s- ‘to pass’), etc. Some other verbal p r e f i x e s are: a) cʷ(ə)-, detrimental (malefactive): a-cʷ.ca-rá ‘to escape, flee sb.’, a-cʷ.ga-rá ‘to take from sb. against his/her will’; b) z(ə)-, benefactive: a-z.gʷ.á.ta-ra ‘to remark, reproach’, a-z.q’áza-ra ‘to be a master in something’; c) z(ə)-, potential (etymologically connected with the former prefix): a-zə́.m.cˇ ʲha-ra ‘to have no patience’; d) r(ə)-, causative: a-r.ba-rá ‘to show’ (cf. a-ba-rá ‘to see’), a-r.jáša-ra ‘to correct’ (cf. a-jáša ‘straight’); e) aj-, reciprocal (with intransitive verbs): áj.pš-ra ‘to look like, be similar’ (a-pš-rá ‘to look’), áj.sa-ra ‘to argue, compete with each other’; f) aj.ba-, reciprocal (with transitive verbs): áj.ba.šʲ-ra ‘to fight, be at war’ (← a-šʲ-rá ‘to kill’), áj.ba.ga-ra ‘to marry each other’ (cf. a-ga-rá ‘to take, carry’); g) aj.c(ə)-, comitative: áj.c.dər-ra ‘to be well-known’ (← a-də́r-ra ‘to know’), áj.c.wəra ‘to collaborate, work together’ (cf. a-w-rá ‘to do, work’); h) aj.z(ə)- ‘together for’: áj.z.ga-ra ‘to collect, bring together’, áj.z.hʷa-ra ‘propose sb. to sb. as a wife or husband’ (cf. á-hʷa-ra ‘to ask’); i) aj.ma- ‘together, mutually’: áj.ma.k’-ra ‘to argue, quarrel with each other’ (cf. a-k’rá ‘to catch’), áj.ma.da-ra ‘to connect’ (← da- ‘to lead’); j) amxa- ‘involuntarily’: ámxa.ps-ra ‘to kill accidentally’ (← a-ps-rá ‘to die’), ámxa.bara ‘to see involuntarily’.

4.3.2. Suffixation The derivational verbal suffixes are as follows: a) -šʲa ‘to regard as’: á-xʷəmga.šʲa-ra ‘to regard as loathsome’ (← á-xʷəmga ‘loathsome’), á-pxa.šʲa-ra ‘to feel shy’ (← a-pxá ‘loss, deprivation’); b) -r.k’ ‘to turn to’ (from the causative verb a-r.k’-rá ‘to make hold’): a-pstám.r.k’-ra ‘nitriding’ (← a-pstám ‘nitrogen’), a-rə́cxʷ.r.k-ra ‘to date’ (← a-rə́cxʷ ‘numeral’);

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c) -t’ʷ ‘to turn to’ (from the verb a-t’ʷ-rá ‘to possess, relate to, pertain to’): abӡˇ ʲár.da.t’ʷ-ra ‘to demilitarize’ (← abӡˇ ʲar.da ‘weapon-without’), á-kʷəjt.t’ʷ-ra ‘to allow’ (← kʷəjt ‘free’); d) -xa ‘to become’: ájpš.xa-ra ‘to assimilate, become alike’ (← ájpš ‘alike’), ámgʷadəw.xa-ra ‘to become pregnant; lit. big belly-become’. Of the two verbal root-extension suffixes, -aa- and -la-, the first expresses centrifugal movement (a-t.pr.aa-rá ‘to fly (hither) from inside’), while the second one is centripetal (á-la.ga.la-ra ‘to bring into the mass’). These suffixes are quite productive in the derivation of new verbs.

4.4. Adverbial derivation There is a repertory of affixes which are used to form adverbs from nouns, adjectives, quantifiers or verbal forms. Some of these are given below: a) -ӡa, superlative: ak’ə́r.ӡa ‘very’ (← ak’ə́r ‘many’), naӡá.ӡa ‘forever’ (cf. a-naӡá.ra ‘edge, end of X’, á-na.ӡa-ra ‘to reach, get to’); b) -hʷa, a “quotative” suffix (etymologically related to a-hʷa-rá ‘to tell’), often used to produce adverbs out of sound-descriptive words: á-fər.hʷa ‘instantaneously’, ašʲšʲə́.hʷa ‘noicelessly’, xʲarcˇ ʲ=xʲárcˇ ʲ.hʷa ‘producing noice, splash’; some words with this suffix, however, are probably not sound-descriptive, e.g., aárla.hʷa ‘hardly, scarcely’; c) -k’ʷa, expressing ‘manner’ (in negative formations): cˇ ’ə́.m.t.k’ʷa ‘silently’ (← a-cˇ’.trá ‘to shout’), -xʷartá.m.k’ʷa ‘badly, improperly’ (← a-xʷartá ‘benefit, good’); d) instrumental -la: bzə́ja.la ‘well’ (← a-bzə́ja ‘good’), maӡa.lá ‘secretly’ (← á-maӡa ‘secret’); e) privative -da: xʷə́.da=psá.da ‘gratis’ (← a-xʷ, a-psá ‘price’), xə́.m.pa.da ‘undoubtedly’ (← a-xə́.pa-ra ‘to jump over’); f) -nə: z.nə ‘once’ (← z < *za ‘one’), tə́ncˇ ʲ.nə ‘quietly’ (← a-tə́ncˇ ʲ ‘quiet’); g) -šakʷ: xʷmár.šakʷ ‘jokingly’ (← á-xʷmar-ra ‘to play’), cʷgʲá.šakʷ ‘to spite of sb.’ (← á-cʷgʲa ‘bad’); h) -šʷa ‘as if, like’: wama.šʷá ‘surprisingly’ (← á-wama ‘sth. terrible’), záa.šʷa ‘somewhat earlier’ (← záa ‘early, beforehand’); i) -xa ‘becoming’: -aapsa.xá ‘tired’ (← áa.psa-ra ‘to be tired’), -rǝ́chaxʷ.xa ‘miserably’ (←a-rǝ́chaxʷ ‘miserable’).

5. Conversion Conversion, a word-formation device creating words out of other classes of words without a formal change, is common in Abkhaz. I shall give here examples of the following types of conversion: verb to noun, verb to adjective, adjective to noun, noun to adjective, adjective to adverb, and postposition to adverb.

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5.1. Verb to noun 5.1.1. Masdar form → noun The masdar form of the verb can be converted into a noun. Cf. such examples as áj.ba.šʲra ‘to fight, be at war’ → ájbašʲra ‘war’, áj.ma.da-ra ‘to connect’ → ájmadara ‘link, communication’, áj.lə.m.ga-ra ‘not to understand’ → ájləmgara ‘absurdity’, áj.n.aa.lara ‘to reconcile’ → ájnaalara ‘reconciliation’. A deverbal noun derived through conversion often has a stress position different from the base verb, e.g., a-jʷ-rá ‘to write’ vs. a-jʷə́ra ‘writing’, a-pxa-rá ‘to warm’ vs. a-pxára ‘warmth’, a-z.ha-rá ‘to grow’ vs. a-zhára ‘success, flourishing’.

5.1.2. Pure stem form → noun The pure stem form of the verb (i.e. without the masdar suffix) can also be used to form a deverbal noun, cf. a-pə́.šʷa-ra ‘to try’ → a-pə́šʷa ‘experience’, á-l.x-ra ‘to choose’ → a-lə́x ‘ingredient’, á-d.c’a-ra ‘to give order’ → a-dc’á ‘task’, á-c’ʷax-ra ‘to hide’ → a-c’ʷaxə́ ‘store’, a-zə́.m.ha-ra ‘not to grow’, a-zə́.m.c’a-ra ‘not to be able to learn’ → (a-)zə́mha=zə́mc’a ‘tubby person’. It seems that the difference between the derivation with or without masdar suffix lies not in the semantic output, but rather in a somewhat lower productivity of conversion by using a pure stem form, though, admittedly, there are cases when both masdar and pure stem forms can be used to form a noun without any change in the meaning, cf. apə́šʷará //a-pə́šʷa ‘experiment’ (← a-pə́.šʷa-ra ‘to try’); note that the same word in the meaning ‘experience’ (see above) is used only without the suffix -ra.

5.2. Verb to adjective From verbal stems: a-gʷ.ra.ga-rá ‘to trust’ → a-gʷragá ‘reliable’ , a-cˇ ’ə́.xa-ra ‘to wake up’ → a-cˇ ’ə́xa ‘vivid, energetic’. From verbal adjectives (participles): ak’rə.z.c’á.z.k’.wa ‘important; lit. much-REL-PREV-REL-hold-PRES.PART’, z.cʷa.z.t’ʷə́.m ‘pregnant; lit. REL-skin-REL-belong-NEG’. Analytical participial constructions are also quite common, for example according to such models such as name + participle jə.z.má.w ‘having’ (e.g., á-int’eres 0̸.z.má.w ‘interesting’), name + jə.z.lá.w ‘containing’ (e.g., á-mcˇ ʲ 0̸.z.lá.w ‘powerful’), adverb + jə́.q’a.w ‘being’ (e.g., aaj.gʷá jə́.q’a.w ‘nearby’). Cf. also ak’ə́r j.a.psá.w ‘dear, respected; lit. who has much value’, zə́.la.xʲ ajkʷə́.w ‘sad; lit. whose forehead is dark’, hʷaá z.má.m ‘endless; lit. border which-not-having’, a-cént’r 0̸-axʲ jə.ca.wá ‘centripetal; lit. the one who is going to the centre’.

5.3. Adjective to noun Examples: á-q’apšʲ ‘red’ → ‘a red one’, a-bzə́ja ‘good’ → ‘a good one’, áp.xʲa.t’ʷə.j ‘first’ → ‘the first one’, etc.

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5.4. Noun to adjective Examples: áps.wa ‘Abkhaz’ → áps.wa zˇʷlar ‘the Abkhaz people’, a-mšə́n ‘sea’ → amšə́n ӡə ‘sea water’.

5.5. Adjective to adverb Adverbs formed from adjectives by conversion usually differ from the former by the absence of the definite-generic article, e.g., a-tə́ncˇ ʲ ‘calm’ → təncˇ ʲ ‘calmly’, á-ckʲa ‘clean’ → ckʲa ‘clearly’; sometimes this is accompanied by the shift in stress position: áajgʷa ‘near’ → aajgʷá ‘nearby, recently’, á-las ‘quick’ → lassə́ ‘quickly’.

5.6. Postposition to adverb Example: á-c’aq’a ‘under’ → c’aq’á ‘below, downwards’.

6. Reduplication 6.1. Nominal reduplication In noun formation, reduplication does not play such a prominent role as it does in verb and adverb formation. The following types of reduplication can be mentioned: a) deverbal nouns based on reduplicated verbal stems; b) nouns formed by reduplication of sounddescriptive or movement-descriptive elements; c) full reduplication of the nominal root: a) a-hʷa.n=hʷá.x ‘rumour; lit. tell-PIDF=tell-again’, a-naj=áaj.ra ‘walk; lit. go= come.ABSTR’; b) a-q’ap=q’áp ‘wooden shoes’, a-k’ʷə́=k’ʷəw ‘cuckoo’, á-də=d(ə) ‘thunder’, á-k’ʲat’= k’ʲat’ra ‘top of the tree’; c) a-š=šá ‘fat’ (< *šə=šá < *ša=šá), a-kʲa=kʲá ‘hoop made of thread or vine’, á-gʲa= gʲa ‘circle’. A specific type of reduplication, very common in Abkhaz, is e c h o - r e d u p l i c a t i o n , whereby the onset of the second part of the compound is replaced by another consonant. The most popular initial increment in the second part of the reduplications is the resonant m-, which represents a very wide areal feature (cf. Chirikba 2008: 55–56). The resonant m- can either replace the initial sound on the second constituent, as in azˇʷ=mə́zˇʷ ‘rags’ (← ázˇʷ ‘old’), a-xʷacˇ’ʲa=mácˇ’ʲa ‘worms, caterpillars, etc.’ (← a-xʷácˇ’ʲa ‘larva, caterpillar’), or be placed before the initial sound of the second member of the reduplicated complex: aӡa=máӡa ‘raw things’ (← áӡa ‘raw’), a-baá=mbaá ‘rot, decay’ (← a-baá ‘rot’), a-xʷ=mə́xʷ ‘leftovers’ (← a-xʷə́ ‘food’), etc. If a word with an initial m- is to be “echoed”, another consonant is used to replace it, cf. a-matʷa=jʷə́tʷa ‘all kinds of clothes’ (← á-matʷa ‘clothes’), á-makar=cˇ ʲakárra ‘all kinds of threats’ (← á-makarra

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‘threat’), a-mál=a-šʲál ‘wealth, possessions’ (← a-mál ‘wealth’). Besides m, other consonants can also be used, cf. a-gʷam=sám ‘all rubbish/rubbish and such’ (← a-gʷám ‘rubbish’), á-raxʷ=á-šʷaxʷ ‘all kinds of cattle/cattle and such’ (← á-raxʷ ‘cattle’). In most cases such formations function as collective nouns, though in cases like a-xaga= ӡága ‘oaf, softhead’ (← a-xága ‘idiot’) the semantics of collectiveness is not present.

6.2. Adjectival reduplication There are quite a number of reduplicated adjectives, e.g., á-gʲa=gʲa ‘round’, a-k’ʲá=k’ʲa ‘hard, rough’, a-k’az=k’áz ‘transparent and shining’, á-cər=cər ‘shining’, a-šam=šám ‘clear (of a sight or glance)’. Examples of e c h o - r e d u p l i c a t i o n with the typical mreplacement: a-gaӡa=maӡá ‘foolish’ (← a-gaӡá ‘foolish’), a-p’ášʷ=mašʷ ‘well caredfor’ (← a-p’ášʷ ‘clean, tender’), etc.

6.3. Adverbial reduplication Adverbial reduplication comes in two varieties, one without an affix and one in which it is combined with a suffix: a) wazˇʷə́=wazˇʷə ‘often’, xaz=xazə́ ‘separately’, ak’=ák’a ‘one by one’, xʷəcˇ’ʲ(ə)= xʷəcˇ’ʲə́ ‘little by little’, macˇ’ʲ=mácˇ’ʲ ‘little by little’, xrə́zˇ ʲ=xrə́zˇ ʲ ‘occasionally’, lassə́= lassə ‘often’, xama-xáma ‘in all directions’; b) znə́=zən.la ‘from time to time’, aár.la=aár.la ‘with difficulty’. Examples of e c h o - r e d u p l i c a t i o n : á-k’ʷša=mək’ʷša ‘all around’ (← á-k’ʷ.ša-ra ‘to go around’), aajgʷá=səjgʷa ‘nearby’ (← áajgʷa ‘near’).

6.4. Verbal reduplication Reduplication is quite common in verb formation, cf. á-bar=bar-ra ‘to clack, blab’, ák’ʲər=k’ʲər-ra ‘to neigh’, á-cər=cər-ra ‘to shine’, a-paӡˇ ʲ=páӡˇʲ-ra ‘to prance’, etc. E c h o - r e d u p l i c a t i o n is also popular, especially with the m-replacement, cf. ak’alə́šʲ=maləšʲ-ra ‘to walk carelessly’, a-ɣəzə́=məz-ra ‘to moan’, a-xʲat’əj=mat’ə́j-ra ‘to bend (of resilient objects)’, a-kʷac=maca-rá ‘to move’. Other kinds of replacement: amakar=cˇ ʲakár-ra ‘to threaten’, á-šʷəj=pšʲəj-ra ‘to curse’, a-hʷələ́=səl-ra (beside ahʷələ́=hʷəl-ra) ‘to splash (of big quantity of fish)’, etc. Some verbs can be regarded as derived according to the s o u n d s y m b o l i c connotations attributed to certain consonants. As examples of such formations, a number of verbal roots with the general meaning ‘to hang swinging or dangling from side to side’ can be cited, their semantic nuances, depending on the form and mass of the object, being expressed by different consonants, cf. á-k’al=k’ala-ra (of small and thin objects), á-k’ʷal=k’ʷala-ra (of somewhat heavier objects)’, á-q’al=q’ala-ra (of bigger objects). Another verb with a similar semantics and phonetic shape (á-gʲal=gʲala-ra) could be a

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part of this set, but it refers to objects of any mass and shape, though tending to denote somewhat heavier ones.

7. Neoclassical word-formation In case of the borrowed Russian words with classical affixes, the latter can stay within the borrowed item, or be replaced by native elements: R. avantjurizm ‘adventurism’ > Abkhaz avant’iurízḿ //avant’iúra.ra (with the abstract suffix -ra), R. alogizm ‘alogism’ > alogízḿ //a-lógik’a.da.ra (with the suffix -da.ra ‘without’), R. antidemokratičeskij ‘antidemocratic’ > ant’i.demok’rát’ia.t’ʷ//a-demok’rát’ia=cˇ’a.gəla.ra.t’ʷ (with a-cˇ’a.gə́la. ra.t’ʷ ‘oppositional’). Cf. also R. akademizm ‘academicism’ > ak’ademízm, beside pleonastic ak’ademízm.ra. There are many neoclassical formations construed on the model of borrowed Russian compounds where the borrowed classical element remains intact, while the Russian part of the borrowed item is translated. Neoclassical word-formation in Abkhaz is prefixal, i.e. the classical (Greek or Latin) elements exclusively occupy the first part of the word. Examples: agro- ‘agricultural’: agropq’ára ‘agricultural rule’, agroaaglə́xrat’ʷ ‘agroindustrial’; ant’i- ‘against’: ant’imatʷašʲár ‘antimatter’, ant’idəwnéj ‘antiworld’; avia‘aviatic’: avianə́q’ʷgaga ‘aircraft carrier’, aviapšə́xʷra ‘air reconnaissance’; avt’o- ‘auto-’: avt’omjʷá ‘highway’, avt’omjʷakʷc’ajʷə́ ‘traffic controller’; bio- ‘biological’: a-biofə́mca ‘biocurrent’, a-bioxacˇ ʲhara ‘biostability’; evro- ‘European’: a-evroxʷapšrá ‘Eurovision’; fot’o- ‘photographic’: a-fot’otə́xra ‘photographing’, a-fot’osáxʲa ‘photo, picture’; k’ino‘cinematographic’: a-k’inoq’ázara ‘film art’, a-k’inosáxʲa ‘motion picture’; k’ont’r‘against’: a-k’ont’rzˇʷə́lara ‘counterattack’, a-k’ónt’rdgalara ‘counter-offer’; mega‘mega-’: a-megadəwnéj ‘mega-world’; met’a- ‘meta-’: a-met’abəzšʷá ‘metalanguage’; mik’ro- ‘micro-’: a-mik’rodəwnéj ‘microcosm’, a-mik’roxʷtácˇ’ʲ ‘microparticle’; p’ara‘para-’: a-p’aramxəldə́zt’ʷ ‘paramagnetic’; t’ele- ‘tele-’: a-t’elexʷapšrá ‘television’, a-t’elešʷága ‘telemetering’; t’ermo- ‘thermo-’: a-t’ermogʷə́cʷt’ʷ ‘thermonuclear’, a-t’ermomxəldə́zt’ʷ ‘thermomagnetic’; video- ‘video-’: a-vídeonc’amta ‘video recording’.

8. Other types of word-formation 8.1. Clipping Clipping is occasionally observed in word-formation: a-mazán.k’ʷadər ‘a type of female saddle’, from amazánk’ʷa k’ʷadər ‘Amazonian saddle’; wə.s.t! ‘you.MASC take it!’, an interjection-like clipped verbal form, derived from jə.wə́.s.t.wa.jt’ ‘it-to you.MASC-I-givePRES-FIN’; wə.hʷa.n=s.hʷá.n ‘rumour’, from jə.wə.hʷá.n=jə.s.hʷá.n ‘it-you.MASC-sayPIDF=it-I-say-PIDF’; a-hʷa.n=hʷá.x ‘rumour’, from jə.PERSON.hʷá.n=jə.PERSON.hʷá.xt’ ‘it-X-say-PIDF=it-X-say-again-PAST’. Unlike the form wə.s.t! ‘you.MASC take it!’, where the verbal agreement partially remains, despite the dropping of the object marker (cf. bə.s.t! ‘you.FEM take it!’, šʷə.s.t! ‘you.PL take it!’, etc.), the form (a-)wə.hʷa.n=s.hʷá.n ‘rumour, gossip’ is fully lexical-

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ized, since, apart from dropping the object marker, it can take the definite-generic article, and keeps the personal markers (wə- ‘you.MASC’, s- ‘I’) in fossilized form.

8.2. Acronyms During the Soviet era, Abkhaz borrowed from Russian quite a number of acronyms: R. part.kom > a-p’art’k’óm ‘party committee’, rab.kor > a-rabk’ór ‘worker-correspondent’, rab.fak > a-rabfák’ ‘workers’ courses’, etc. Many of these are now out of use. In other cases only one part of the Russian acronymic compounds was borrowed, while the other part was translated, to produce hybrid Russian-Abkhaz compounds. Despite the fact that some of the Russian originals were combinations of two or more clipped words (like polit.ruk, kom.so.mol), while other complex acronyms preserved one part of the compound intact (like polit.učeba), the general practice was to render both types by borrowing the first clipped part, while translating the second part (either clipped or intact). Examples of both parts of the complex acronym clipped in the source language: R. kol.xoz > Abkhaz a-k’ol=n.xá.ra ‘collective farm’ (a-n.xa.rá ‘farming’), R. sov.xoz > asov=n.xá.ra ‘Soviet farm’, R. kom.so.mol > a-k’om=č’ár ‘Young Communist League’ (a-č’ár ‘youth’), R. polit.ruk > a-p’olit’=nap’xgajʷə ‘political superviser’. Cases when the second part of the Russian original represents the whole word: R. polit.otdel > a-p’olit’=q’ʷšá ‘political department’, R. polit.učeba > a-p’olít’=c’ara ‘political education’, R. agit.punkt > agit’=tə́p ‘propaganda centre’, R. tex.nadzor > a-t’éx= xəlapšra ‘engineering supervision’, R. tex.osmotr > a-t’éx=gʷátara ‘equipment checkup’. Acronyms in the form of individual letters are rare in Abkhaz, cf. such examples as ATA, which stands for At’ʷə́lawajʷrat’ʷ tagə́lazaašʲa atájʷərta ‘registry office’, EME for Éjdgəlo Amilátkʷa r-Éjcˇ’k’aara ‘United Nations Organization’, MHc for megaherc ‘megahertz’, etc.

8.3. Blending Among the instances of blending one can mention such examples as án=šʲa ‘maternal uncle’, from a fuller but unattested form *án=l.jašʲa lit. ‘mother-her-brother’, with an attested variant form án=l.ašʲa; séjdrəw ‘I wouldn’t know’ (in the Abzhywa dialect), from sa jə.z.dər.wa.j ? lit. ‘I it-I-know-QU’, colloquial xʷəmcˇxán ‘in the evening’, from *xʷə.l[a].apə.cˇ.xá.n (from an older form *qʷə.l[a].apə.mš.qá.n), with an intermediate form xʷəlbəcˇxán, etc.

8.4. Gemination Gemination of the root consonant, apart from its spontaneous usage for emphatic purposes, is also employed in word-formation to create verbs with an intensifying semantics,

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cf. a-hʷa-rá ‘to speak’ vs. á-hʷhʷa-ra ‘to shout, cry’, a-p.zˇʷa-rá ‘to tear’ vs. a-pə.zˇʷzˇʷará ‘to tear in small pieces’, a-p.cˇ-rá ‘to break’ vs. a-p.cˇcˇ-rá ‘to break in many pieces’.

Abbreviations ABSTR BENF CAUS DETR DIM DIRECT IDF FIN

abstract suffix benefactive causative detrimental diminutive directional affix indefinite article finite

NEG NFIN PIDF POT PRES QU SUF

negative non-finite past indefinite potential present question suffix

9. References Amicˇba, Valentina 2010 Acəngəla apsua bəzšʷacˇ ’ə (apsua-abaza dialek’t’kʷa zegʲə reicˇ ’ərpšrala). Aq’ʷa [Suxum]: Apsnət’ʷəi ahʷəntkarrat’ʷ universitet’. Aristava, Šota K., Xuxut S. Bgažba, M. M. Cikolia, Lidija P. Čkadua, Konstantin S. Šakryl (eds.) 1968 Grammatika abxazskogo jazyka. Fonetika i morfologija. Suxumi: Alašara. Bisetto, Antonietta and Sergio Scalise 2009 Classification of compounds. In: Rochelle Lieber and Pavol Štekauer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Compounding, 49–82. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chirikba, Viacheslav 2003 Abkhaz. München: LINCOM Europa. Chirikba, Viacheslav 2008 The problem of the Caucasian Sprachbund. In: Pieter Muysken (ed.), From Linguistic Areas to Areal Linguistics, 25–93. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Čkadua, Lidija 2005 Glagoľnoe slovoobrazovanie v abxazskom jazyke. Suxum: Abxazskij institut gumanitarnyx issledovanij im D. I. Gulia. Gabunija, Zinaida 1971 Slovoobrazovanie imen suščestviteľnyx v abxazskom jazyke. Ph.D. dissertation, Kabardino-Balkarskij gosudarstvennyj universitet, Naľčik. Gabunija, Zinaida 1985 K voprosu o kompozitnom slovoobrazovanii v abxazskom i russkom jazykax. In: Roľ russkogo jazyka v žizni narodov Severnogo Kavkaza i razvitie ix literaturnyx jazykov, 75–81. Groznyj: s.n. Hewitt, Bernard George (in collaboration with Z. K. Khiba) 1979 Abkhaz. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company. Kaslandzija, Vladimir 1976 Tipy i sposoby obrazovanija složnyx slov v abxazskom jazyke. Ph.D. dissertation, Institut jazykoznanija Akademii nauk SSSR, Moskva. Kaslandzija, Vladimir 1998 Složnye slova v abxazskom jazyke. Suxum: Alašara.

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Klyčeva, Larisa 2009 Imennoe slovosočetanie v abxazskom i abazinskom jazykax. Ph.D. dissertation, Abxazskij institut gumanitarnyx issledovanij im. D. I. Gulia, Suxum. Kvarčelija, Aleksej 1953 Gagoľnoe slovoobrazovanie v abxazskom jazyke. Ph.D. dissertation, Institut jazykoznanija Akademii nauk SSSR, Moskva. Šakryl, Konstantin 1961 Affiksacija v abxazskom jazyke. Suxumi: Abgosizdat. Šinkuba, Bagrat 1956 Udvoenie v abxazskom jazyke. Trudy abxazskogo instituta jazyka, literatury i istorii 27: 193–212. Šinkuba, Bagrat 2008 Imennoe slovosloženie v abxazskom jazyke. In: Bagrat Šinkuba, Sobranie sočinenij. Vol. 6: Staťi, issledovanija, vystuplenija, 221–247. Suxum: s.n. Xecija, Anatolij 1988 Neologizmy v abxazskom jazyke. Tbilisi: Mecniereba.

Viacheslav A. Chirikba, Sukhum (Republic of Abkhazia)

193. Adyghe 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Backformation Reduplication Blending and clipping References

Abstract Adyghe is a highly polysynthetic language with a very weak distinction between nouns and verbs. Compounding and affixation (including both suffixation and prefixation) are widespread. Morphological means often allow recursion and the order of morphemes depends to a large extent on semantics. Inflection and derivation are not distinguished clearly. While deverbal nominal derivation is highly developed, most “verbal” formation actually applies to all kinds of bases. Minor parts-of-speech like adjectives and adverbs show dedicated markers. Conversion proper is occasional.

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1. Introduction Adyghe (West Circassian) is a member of the Circassian branch of the Northwest Caucasian family. The language is primarily spoken (i) in two Russian districts − Republic Adyghea and Krasnodar Krai, and (ii) in the Middle East, mainly Turkey, where many Adyghe migrated during the second half of the 19th century, when their lands were occupied by the Russian Empire. According to Koryakov (2006), the number of Adyghe speakers is about 425,000. This number is debatable, since no precise information on the number of the speakers outside of Russia is available. Adyghe has four dialects: Temirgoi (Chemgui), Abzakh (Abadzekh), Bzhedukh and Shapsug. In Russia, Temirgoi serves as the basis for the standard language, and it is this dialect that I focus on. The standard language uses a Cyrillic-based script. Adyghe is basically agglutinative, ergative and left-branching, with preposed attributes (unless incorporated), postpositions and SOV neutral order. Arguments are crossreferenced on their heads and optionally expressed by nominal phrases, which can be marked for case. Valency change almost always increases the number of arguments. The cross-reference system is ergative: it distinguishes between the absolutive argument (intransitive subject and transitive patient), the ergative argument (transitive agent) and indirect objects. Interestingly, the absolutive argument in this system is almost never affected by valency-changing rules (Letuchiy 2012). Transitivity of the stem can be defined according to the presence of the ergative cross-reference prefix. The core cases are absolutive and oblique (primarily but not exclusively marking non-absolutive crossreferenced nominals). With some exceptions, pronouns, many proper names and possessed nominals normally lack overt core case marking, as do non-specific nominals. The standard reference works for Adyghe are the grammars Yakovlev and Askhamaf (1941) and Rogava and Kerasheva (1966) in Russian and the grammatical description of Abzakh by Paris (1989) in French. The recent volume Testelets (2009) collects a number of studies on Adyghe from a typological perspective. The word-formation of Adyghe is addressed in manifold works including Kumakhov (1964), Smeets (1984), Abregov (2000), Bersirov (2001), Atazhakhova (2006), inter alia. The data used here largely rely upon the sources mentioned above, the dictionaries Shaov (1975), Tkharkakho (1991) and Paris and Batouka (1987–2005) as well as field notes made by Peter Arkadiev, Ivan Kapitonov, Vadim Kimmelman, Natalia Korotkova, Anna Kursakova, Alexander Letuchiy, Dmitry Perevozchikov, Liudmila Petrakova, Yakov Testelets, Arseniy Vydrin and the author.

2. General overview Adyghe is a highly polysynthetic language, which can encode a large bulk of information by morphological means. A speaker of Adyghe often may choose between syntactic and morphological strategies of expressing the same content. For example, the benefactive meaning is expressed either with the verbal prefix fa-, or with the postposition paːja, or even with both: (1)

sa wa-ʃ ʲ paːja ptʃ͡ ʲəħaŝħaːʃxa p-fa-s-ŝ’ə-ʁ I you(SG)-OBL for supper 2SG.IO-BEN-1SG.ERG-make-PST ‘I prepared supper for you.’

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The canonical word is defined for Adyghe on the basis of morphophonological rules and the strict morphological structure. The most important morphophonological rule is the alternation /a/ > /aː/. Leaving aside certain well-defined exceptions, it applies once in a word and its place depends on the word structure; see Smeets (1984) for details. This alternation is found in many examples given below, but where I give a stem without its morphological environment (indicated by hyphen at the end), it is not reflected. The simplified make-up of both nouns and verbs includes five morphological zones (Figure 193.1). (2) presents a verb manifesting morphemes from all of these zones, and (3) shows a nominal complex, a peculiar formation displaying properties of a single word, which involves three of the zones: (2)

[z-aː-]A[mə-]B[ʁa-]C[ŝʷə-n]D[-aw]E [RFL.ABS-3PL.ERG-]A[NEG-]B[CAUS-]C[get.wet-MOD]D[-ADV]E ‘in order not to let himself get wet’

(3)

͡ ana-daːxa]D[-r]E [0̸-jə-]A[zə-ʃolk-dʒʲ [3SG.PR-POSS-]A[one-silk-dress-beautiful]D[-ABS]E ‘one beautiful silk dress of hers’ Argument structure zone (A)

Pre-stem elements (B)

Causative marker(s) (C)

Stem

Endings

(D)

(E)

Fig. 193.1 The general make-up of the Adyghe content word

The s t e m consists of the root(s) and (optionally) various suffixes. In nominal complexes, adjectives, non-referential possessors and certain other modifiers are “incorporated” into the stem. Neoclassical morphology never participates in the formation of the word, albeit it appears as part of borrowed roots. The stem can be modified by c a u s a t i v e prefixes. The a r g u m e n t s t r u c t u r e z o n e contains directive prefixes, cross-reference markers (including reflexive, reciprocal and relative markers) and applicative prefixes, which mark the semantic roles of indirect objects and alienable possessors. E n d i n g s and the p r e - s t e m z o n e cover the markers that are closest to inflection, including, in particular, various markers of the syntactic function (cases, markers of subordination and coordination), negators, the suffix -xa marking the plurality of the referent (with nouns) or of the absolutive argument (with verbs), and the markers of dynamicity. The noun/verb distinction is weak, since both nouns and verbs can appear in the positions of the predicate and its arguments (see section 5). Nonetheless, the two classes are contrasted within the nominal phrase, where normally only nouns can be modified with relative clauses and serve as a basis for nominal complexes containing preposed modifiers (such as ‘one’ and ‘silk’ in (3)). Adjectives in most respects behave like nouns. Of grammatical importance comparable to that of the noun/verb distinction is the contrast between stative and dynamic predicates, which differ in their inventories of grammatical forms. Nouns, adjectives and verbs like ‘to sit’, ‘to stand’, ‘to lie’, ‘to correspond’, ‘to hold’, etc. have the grammatical properties of stative predicates but sometimes have counterparts marked with a dynamic affix; cf. pχaːŝ’a ‘carpenter / is a carpenter’ and its

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correlate with the dynamic prefix ma-pχaːŝ’a ‘works as a carpenter’. It is not clear whether the dynamic marker derives a new lexeme in such examples. The description of word-formation in Adyghe raises several problems: a) As in many other polysynthetic languages, Adyghe morphology does not fit well into the standard distinction between inflection and derivation. First, morphology that could be considered inflectional for semantic reasons (e.g., tense suffixes) belongs to the same formal class as certain clearly non-inflectional markers. Second, unlike typical derivation, non-inflectional morphology does not always form lexical units. This is due to its high productivity: words involving such morphological units are regularly constructed in the course of speech. This kind of morphology displays similarities to syntax: it allows recursion and compositional variation of the affix order based on the scope of morphemes (Korotkova and Lander 2010; Lander and Letuchiy 2010). Moreover, morphological combinations need not be conventionalized, and as a result, the function of an affix sometimes varies among different speakers. Nonetheless, the combinations of morphemes are much more prone to lexicalization than the combinations of words. b) Syntax and morphology are not always clearly demarcated. This problem is striking primarily in nominal complexes. Elements of such complexes even have their own morphological structure. Naturally, for nominal complexes it is tremendously difficult to draw the line between lexical compounds and combinations produced online. The criteria referring to compounding include semantic non-compositionality, the parts’ incapability of branching and inseparability, yet, these criteria are neither necessary nor sufficient. For verbs, the issue manifests itself in non-compositional combinations of apparently distinct words. If these words cannot be separated, their combinations are close to compounding (cf. ŝ’ʷə (*jən-dad-aw) ə-ɬaʁʷə-ʁa ‘he/she loved (her/him)’, literally: well (*big-very-ADV) 3SG.ERG-see-PST) and take common nominalizing morphology (ŝ’ʷə-ɬaʁʷə-nə-ʁa well-see-MSD-ABSTR ‘love’). Similar to such constructs are productive combinations of Russian infinitives with the verb ŝ’ə- ‘to make’ ͡ irəvətsʲ ͡ ŝ’ə- ‘to agitate for’ based on the synonymous Russian infinitive, yet like ɐɣitsʲ these are separable: (4)

͡ səmɐlʲotə-m ɐbrɐbotətsʲ ŝʷafə-r ə-ŝ’ə-za … airplane-OBL cultivate(Russian) field-ABS 3SG.ERG-make-CONV ‘while working the field from the plane …’

c) Compounding and derivation are not always clearly distinguished. There are morphemes that appear both as roots and as semantically bleached derivational affixes. Thus pχa ‘wood’ also appears as a productive means of forming nouns denoting the ͡ anaː-pχa ‘the material for the dress’ (cf. dʒʲ ͡ aːna ‘dress’), wənaː-pχa ‘the material: dʒʲ material for the house’ (cf. wəna ‘house’), ʃaːʃɮəkə-pχa ‘the meat for shashlik (a kind of kebab)’. d) Numerous segments that could be singled out as separate morphemes no longer participate in productive word-formation. For example, -fə, apparently with the meaning ‘white’ (cf. also with fəʒʲə ‘white’), is found in pχa-fə ‘birch’ (← pχa ‘wood’) and in jat’a-fə ‘chalk’ (← jaːt’a ‘clay’) but is not used outside of compounds. Further, sometimes roots in compounds have a form that is unpredictable given the current morphemic rules; cf. ɮa- in ɮapsə ‘broth’ (cf. ɮə ‘meat’ and psə ‘water’).

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Below I restrict myself to only a part of the phenomena potentially related to wordformation. First, I focus on processes in the word, disregarding fixed word combinations, and even here I do not consider endings and pre-stem elements. Second, this article concentrates primarily on synchronically productive word-formation. Third, I discuss only major word classes here, mostly leaving aside the word-formation processes observed in such classes as, for example, pronouns and numerals.

3.

Composition

3.1. Nominal compounds 3.1.1. Determinative compounds Determinative compounds constitute a subclass of nominal complexes. Endocentric determinative compounds include combinations of two nouns (ɬ’aqʷaː-t͡s’a tribe-name ‘tribal name’) and combinations of nouns with adjectives (bʁaː-ʃχʷa eagle-grey ‘hawk’). The former are based on the patterns with non-referential possessors (cf. the compound zˆʷaʁʷa-bənə star-family ‘constellation’ with the complex zˆʷaʁʷa-nafə star-light) and among other relations are used for the expression of complex kinship relations; cf. jaːna-ʃə (POSS+mother-brother) ‘his/her mother’s brother’. The endocentric compounds with adjectives typically follow the order noun + adjective, which is usual for nominal complexes, but occasionally violate it; cf. ʁʷaʒʲə-wəzə yellow-disease ‘jaundice’. There are several compounds consisting of three parts like bʁa-ɮə-ba breast-meat-much ‘brisket’. Many endocentric compounds are non-compositional; cf. na-pŝaːŝa eye-girl ‘eye pupil’, psə-χʷəraːja water-round ‘lake’. Typical exocentric determinative compounds are based on the combination of nouns and adjectives, which, however, characterize the semantic possessor of the noun rather than the noun itself; cf. naːsəpə-ŝ’ʷə fortune-good ‘fortunate’, gʷə-pt͡s’aːna heart-bare ‘kind-hearted’, tħaːk’ʷəm-t͡ʃ ’əħa ear-long ‘hare’. Abregov (2000: 163) also mentions compounds based on relative and finite clauses like zjəwəsħaːna ‘master’ (← z-jə-wəz s-ħaː-n REL.PR-POSS-illness 1SG.ERG-carry-MOD ‘the one whose illness I will carry’) and ħaːjnaːpa ‘shame’ (← ħaː jə-naːpa dog POSS-face ‘his face is a dog’). In addition, exocentric compounds include nominals based on verbs with incorporated arguments and adjuncts such as maz-pa-sə forest-FRONT-sit ‘forest-guard’, t͡ʃ ʲ’aɮa-ja-ʁaː͡ a boy-DAT-CAUS-learn ‘teacher’, gʷagʷə-rə-k’ʷa road-TRANS-go ‘traveller’, dʒʲ psənt͡ʃ ʲ’a-rə-k’ʷa quick-TRANS-go ‘fast runner’. The last example, where the adjectival root comes first, shows that such compounds are not constructed according to the usual pattern whereby adjectives follow their heads. Yet this kind of incorporation is only observed in nominal compounds but not in verbs. Determinative compounds occasionally use bound roots. For instance, there is a regular derivation with the morpheme ʃa ‘to hunt’, which otherwise only occurs with other derivational suffixes (cf. ʃaːk’ʷa (← ʃa-k’ʷa) ‘hunter’ derived by agent nominalization): pt͡sazˆəjaː-ʃa fish-hunt ‘fisherman’, bɮaː-ʃa snake-hunt ‘snake catcher’, pt͡ʃ ʲanaː-ʃa goathunt ‘goat catcher’.

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3.1.2. Copulative compounds Copulative nominal compounds are also numerous and include combinations of nouns (jənə.ʁa-t͡s’ək’ʷə.ʁa bigness-smallness ‘size’), adjectives (dagʷə-bzaːkʷa deaf-dumb ‘deaf-and-dumb’) and verbs (ja-ʃxa-ja-ŝʷa- DAT-eat-DAT-drink- ‘to feast’). Some copulative compounds allow rearrangement of the components: these usually involve two near-synonymous elements such as gʷə-pt͡ʃ ʲa heart-waist = pt͡ʃ ʲa-gʷə ‘center’, bənwənaːʁʷa family-family = wənaʁʷa-bənə ‘family’. A few copulative compounds contain more than two elements: p’t͡s’a-ʁʷa-pɬə black-ginger-red ‘bay (horse)’, pqə-ŝʷa-ɮə boneskin-meat ‘body’. Unlike determinative compounds, copulative compounds display parts consisting of several morphological zones albeit sharing endings and occasionally even suffixes. Cf. s-jaːna-s-jaːta-xa-r 1SG.PR-POSS+mother-1SG.PR-POSS+father-PL-ABS ‘my parents’, za-ɬ’-za-ŝʷəz-xa-r REC.PR-man-REC.PR-woman-PL-ABS ‘husband and wife’, qa-k’ʷa-naː-k’ʷa HITHER-go-THITHER-go ‘visitor’, which all show two argument structure zones, as well as mə-ʔʷa-mə-ŝ’a NEG-say-NEG-do ‘disobedient’ containing two overt pre-stem negators. As the examples show, both appositive and dvandva compounds occur (see also article 40 on co-compounds). None of them need to be compositional; cf. naː-pa eye-nose ‘face’, pɬə.r-stə.rə red.hot-hot ‘high temperature’, djaɮa.ʔʷa-djaɮaː.ŝʷa quite.fool-less.fool ‘dull’.

3.2. Verbal compounds Adyghe lacks productive incorporation of nouns into verbs. There are, however, apparent verbal compounds that consist of a verbal root and an incorporated nominal root such as daxa-ŝ’a- beautiful-make ‘to caress’ and ʃa-sə- horse-sit ‘to sit on a horse’. Verbs of this kind are numerous but this model is not productive and it is even doubtful that such combinations should be treated as complex formations synchronically. Productive compounding involving several verbal roots may be divided into two classes according to whether the relation between the constituent roots is symmetric or asymmetric. Asymmetric verbal compounds all show traces of grammaticalization of the last component. There are two types of asymmetric verbal compounds, which are differentiated according to whether the last component affects transitivity or not. The first type is represented primarily with compounds formed with the root ħaː ‘to carry’, which appears as the second part of the combination, adds the “introvert” semantics of circular motion and always makes the verb transitive (cf. qa-s-pɬə-ħaː-ʁ DIR-1SG.ERGlook.at-carry-PST ‘I looked around it’). The second type of asymmetric compounds employs as the second element the verbal roots t͡ʃ ʲ’ə ‘to go out’, ħaː ‘to go in’, xə ‘to go down’, ʒʲa ‘to depart’ (the last two always in combination with the dative applicative), which cannot change the verb’s transitivity; cf. jə-pʃə-ħaː-ʃ ʲt IN-crawl-go.in-FUT ‘s/he will crawl into it’, r-jə-fə-ʒʲa-ʃ ʲtə-x DAT-3SG.ERG-drive-depart-FUT-PL ‘s/he will begin to drive them’, r-jə-ʃ ʲa-xə-ʃ ʲt DAT-3SG.ERG-lead-go.down-FUT ‘s/he will lead (him/ her) down’. The semantic contribution of such roots is often related to motion but is not always transparent: for example, t͡ʃ ʲ’ə and ħaː may add the attenuative semantics (cf. qətja-s-ʔata-t͡ʃ ʲ’ə-ʁ DIR-ON-1SG.ERG-raise-go.out-PST ‘I raised (it) a little’). The appearance of roots of this kind is often accompanied by the use of certain applicatives (see,

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for example, Arkadiev and Letuchiy 2011); that is why combinations like those discussed here are regarded by many authors (including Rogava and Kerasheva 1966) as incorporation of verbal roots into the applicative-root combinations: ja-[ča]-xə-ʃ ʲt DAT-[run]go.down-FUT ‘s/he will run down’ ← ja-xə-ʃ ʲt DAT-go.down-FUT ‘s/he will go down’. The problem with this is that the transitivity of the resulting compound is determined by the “incorporated” root, while “incorporating” roots belong to the same distributional and functional class as directional suffixes (which cannot function as verbal roots themselves). Hence, this type of asymmetric compounds is probably closer to verbal derivation than to compounding proper. Symmetric verbal compounds such as pt͡ʃ ʲ’a-ta-ɬa-ta- jump-ta-jump-ta- ‘to flit’, χʷəpa-ʃəpa- graze-pa-gather- ‘to gather up small things’ are typically rhyming. Not infrequently such compounds involve synchronically opaque elements (like -ta and -pa above). In other cases, a part of a compound occurs only within it, even though it has clear meaningful segments; cf. ʔaba-ɬaba- ‘to fumble’ formed out of ʔaba- ‘to stretch one’s hand’, which itself originally included the root ʔa ‘hand’, and ɬaba, the rhymed part which is not used by itself and includes the root ɬa ‘foot’. Furthermore, sometimes such compounds include several occurrences of a single stem, but, unlike in reduplication, in compounding these occurrences are associated with different ranges of affixes. The most regular formations of this kind consist of two parts, the second of which negates the first. Such constructs are often accompanied by the suffix -ŝʷa ‘to seem’ (having scope over both components) and express doubt or fast changes of stages; cf. j-a-ʁa-zˆa-j-a-mə-ʁa-zˆaː-ŝʷ 3SG.ERG-DYN-CAUS-roast-3SG.ERG-DYN-NEG-CAUSroast-SEEM ‘now s/he roasts, now does not’. Symmetric verbal compounds may differ from each other in the degree of contingence (e.g., in whether they allow a single argument structure zone).

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation The only p r e f i x e s that could be seen as deriving nouns include various a p p l i c a t i v e m a r k e r s (see section 4.3.1), which extend the valency of the base. Most applicatives are used primarily with verbs but occasionally also with nominal complexes; cf. the following example where the noun ‘teacher’ takes the applicative introducing the (null) cross-reference prefix corresponding to location: (5)

͡ a-m zat͡ʃ ʲ’a-r-jə ħaːtəwəzˆəqʷaːja 0̸-ʃ ʲə-t͡ʃ ʲ’aɮa.ja.ʁaː.dʒʲ Hatazhukay 3SG.IO-LOC-teacher-OBL all-ABS-ADD j-a-ŝ’a 3SG.ERG-DYN-know ‘The teacher in Hatazhukay knows everybody.’

The class of applicatives formally includes the alienable possessive prefix jə-, which extends the valency by introducing the possessor cross-reference prefix and hence is not inflectional, strictly speaking; cf. t-jə-zamaːnə 1PL.PR-POSS-time ‘our time’. However,

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Adyghe also has inalienable nouns (certain kin terms, body part terms and some other relational nouns), which take the possessor prefix without applicative morphology (cf. p-ʃəpχʷə 2SG.PR-sister ‘your sister’). The appearance of the reciprocal prefix in this position (i.e. without the applicative) derives reciprocal collective nouns for inalienable nouns (za-ʃəpχʷə-xa-r REC.PR-sister-PL-ABS ‘the sisters’). Noun derivation proper is realized by s u f f i x e s. The most common suffix deriving a b s t r a c t n o u n s is -ʁa, which is attached to nominal and adjectival bases (cf. t͡s’əfəʁa human-ABSTR ‘humaneness’, daxaː-ʁa beautiful-ABSTR ‘beauty’, ɬaγaː-ʁa highABSTR ‘height’) but also to action nouns, called “masdars” (bana-nə-ʁa wrestle-MSDABSTR ‘wrestling’). Since masdars can be formed not only from verbal stems but also from non-verbal bases (see section 5), it is not a rarity that two synonymous abstract nouns can be derived: one with a masdar suffix and another without it (cf. ŝħaːfjətə-ʁa free-ABSTR and ŝħaːfjətə-nə-ʁa free-MSD-ABSTR ‘being free, freedom’). It is interesting also that -ʁa can even take as its base copulative nominal compounds, cf. gʷəʁap’a.nča-aːmaːɮə.nčaː-ʁa hopeless-helpless-ABSTR ‘hopelessness and helplessness’. Other prominent nominal derivational morphemes include -aʃ ʲə and -ɬa, both meaning ‘ r e c e p t a c l e (for)’ (ʃ-aʃ ʲə horse-aʃ ʲ ‘stable’, maqʷ-aʃ ʲə, maqʷə-ɬa ‘hayloft’ ← maqʷə ‘hay’). The second of these suffixes also refers to p l a c e s characterized by large amounts of the referent of the base: məzˆʷaː-ɬa stone-ɬa ‘stony place’, wət͡sə-ɬa grass-ɬa ‘grassy place’. Nouns derived with the suffix -ʁʷə refer to p e r s o n s sharing the proper͡ a-ʁʷə, nəbʒʲa-ʁʷə ‘friend, person of the same age’ ← ty denoted by the base; cf. nəbdʒʲ ͡ ͡ a ‘village’. The suffixes -qə/-qa, nəbʒʲ ‘age’, qʷadʒʲa-ʁʷə ‘fellow-villager’ ← qʷaːdʒʲ -χʷə/-χʷa and -t’a (all non-productive) derive nouns that characterize their referent for marked body parts; cf. nəba-q(ə) belly-qə ‘big-bellied’, ʒaː-χʷa tongue-χʷa ‘sharptongued’, bʁaː-t’a chest-t’a ‘broad-chested’. There are other non-productive suffixes de͡ , all referring riving nouns from nouns and adjectives such as -ʃ ʲa, -qʷa, -ʔʷa, -za, -ndʒʲ to curviness of body-parts (e.g., naː-ʃ ʲa, naː-za ‘squint-eyed’ ← na ‘eye’), -ja deriving, for example, the names of trees (zaː-ja ‘cornel’ ← za ‘cornel’) and toponyms (wərəsəja ‘Russia’ ← wərəs ‘Russian’). Kumakhov (1964) also lists a number of other suffixes that are identified mainly on etymological grounds. D i m i n u t i v e (‘little’) and a u g m e n t a t i v e (‘big’) are conveyed with the suffixes -zˆəja and -ʃxʷa respectively; cf. da-zˆəja little nut ‘hazelnut’ vs. da-ʃxʷa big nut ‘walnut’ (← da ‘nut’), txəɬə-zˆəja ‘small book’ vs. txəɬə-ʃxʷa ‘big book’ (← txəɬ ‘book’). Deverbal derivation is also diverse. The suffix that marks the modal future with verbs also derives forms closest to action nouns, so-called “masdar” forms. These are less derivational, yet they may take possessive morphology instead of standard argument morphology (jə-qa-k’ʷa-ʒʲə-n POSS-DIR-go-RE-MSD ‘his return’ ← qa-k’ʷa-ʒʲə- DIRgo-RE- ‘to return’) and serve as bases for denominal abstract nouns (see above). In addition, there are a few highly productive suffixes deriving deverbal nouns such as the following ones, all illustrated with nouns derived from ʃxa- ‘to eat’: a) b) c) d)

-k’ʷa, expressing the habitual a g e n t ; e.g., ʃxaː-k’ʷa ‘eater’; -t͡ʃ ʲ’a, expressing the typical m a n n e r : ʃxaː-t͡ʃ ʲ’a ‘the way of eating’; -p’a, expressing the p l a c e : ʃxaː-p’a ‘café, the place for eating’ (cf. p’a ‘bed, place’); -ʁʷə, expressing the t i m e : ʃxa-ʁʷə ‘the time of eating’ (cf. ʁʷə ‘time’).

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Although some of these morphemes appear as lexical nouns as well (especially in compounds; cf. qʷəŝħa-ɬa.pa-t͡ʃ ʲəʒʲaː-p’a mountain-foot-far-place ‘the place at the foot of the mountain far-away’, ħaːda-ʁʷə deadman-time ‘death hour’), their appearance immediately after bare verbal stems, abnormal for nouns in compounds, suggests their grammaticalization. Similar meanings can easily be conveyed by means of the relativization of the subject (ʃxa-ra- eat-DYN- ‘the one who eats’), manner (za-ra-ʃxa-ra- REL.IO-MNReat-DYN- ‘the way (s)he eats’), place (zə-ʃ ʲə-ʃxa-ra- REL.IO-LOC-eat-DYN- ‘where (s)he eats’), and time respectively (cf. dialectal zə-ʃxa-ra- REL.TMP-eat-DYN- ‘when he eats’), but deverbal nouns are presumably more prone to be associated with habitual events rather than with concrete events. Kumakhov (1964: 131–132) also mentions the marker -t͡ʃ ʲ’aːj(a) that derives deverbal nouns with the semantics of bad manner (e.g., ʃ ʲə-ʔa-t͡ʃ ʲ’aːja ‘the bad manner of life’ ← ʃ ʲə-ʔa- LOC-be-), but it can be considered a combination of the manner nominalization with the adjective ja ‘bad’. An important feature of such deverbal derivation is that it takes as a base the whole combination of the stem with the argument structure zone. As a result, the nominalization may contain both cross-reference prefixes associated with the verbal stem and possessive morphology peculiar to deverbal nouns, which appears before all other prefixes. Cf. the following example, where the verbal morphology serving as the base for the derivation is bracketed: w-jə-[qə-s-a-pɬə]-t͡ʃ ʲ’a 2SG.PR-POSS-[DIR-1SG.IO-DAT-look.at]-MANNER ‘your manner of looking at me’. However, the prefixes cross-referencing the absolutive and the ergative arguments are not retained in the bases for the nominalizations: when needed, the relevant arguments are introduced as possessors, for some speakers even simultaneously; cf. jaː-w-jə-[ʁa-ʔasaː]-t͡ʃ ʲ’a 3PL.PR+POSS-2SG.PR-POSS-[CAUScalm]-MANNER ‘their manner of making you calm’. Another typologically remarkable suffix deriving nouns from verbs is -(aː)fa, which derives nouns referring to l e f t o v e r s such as pəwəpt͡ʃ ʲ’aːfa ‘scrap’ ← pə.wəpt͡ʃ ʲ’ə- ‘to cut off’, ɮəbʒʲaːfa ‘crackle’ ← ɮəbʒʲa- ‘to be fried’, wəpsaːfa ‘shaving’ ← wəpsa- ‘to shave’, twətən-ŝʷaːfa ‘cigarette-butt’ ← twətən ja.ŝʷa- drink tobacco ‘to smoke’. This suffix can presumably be related to the lexical root fa ‘to fall’. Besides the above-mentioned suffixes deriving nouns from verbs, there are also others which are either of limited productivity or not productive at all.

4.2. Adjectival derivation R e l a t i o n a l adjectives proper comprise items borrowed from Russian without any Adyghe morphology and a class of adjectives formed with the suffix -ra. The latter includes the adjectives derived from time words (e.g., njapa-ra today-ADJ ‘today’s’, ͡ ə-ra now-ADJ ‘modern’), interrogative pronouns (sədə-ra what-ADJ, xat-ra whodʒʲ ADJ ‘any’), locational terms, mostly originating from body-part terms (aː-pa-ra 3PL.PRnose-ADJ ‘first, front’, aː-wəʒə-ra 3PL.PR-trace-ADJ ‘last’). In addition, the suffix -ra together with the suffix -na takes part in the formation of o r d i n a l n u m e r a l s (cf. jaː-t’ʷa-na-ra 3PL.PR+POSS-two-na-ADJ ‘second’). The suffix has an allomorph -raj, which occurs when an adjective appears in the predicate position (the final -j could be considered a separate copula suffix, but in the Kabardian cognates it is found in nonpredicate syntactic contexts); cf.:

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aː γaːzjatə-r təʁʷasa-raj that newspaper-ABS yesterday-ADJ ‘That newspaper is yesterday’s.’

P r i v a t i v e (caritive) semantics (‘without’) is conveyed by the suffixes -nča and -t͡səz (the last is clearly of Turkic origin); cf. qʷəɮaːjə-nča, qʷəɮaːj-t͡səz ‘impotent’ ← qʷəɮaːj ‘potentiality’. Here also belong denominal adjectives marking the insufficiency of a ͡ a (k’ʷat͡ʃ ’aː-dʒʲ ͡ a property or its non-positive manifestation, which are marked with -dʒʲ ͡ a ‘feeble’) or -kʷa (bzaː-kʷa speech-kʷa ‘dumb’). power-dʒʲ I n t e n s i t y and e x c e s s i v e i n t e n s i t y are expressed by reduplication (see section 7), but also with certain suffixes: -dada, -ja, -bza ‘very’ (ɬaγa-dada, ɬaγaː-ja ‘very high’, pɬəʒʲə-bza ‘very red, bright red’), -psə, -ʔʷa, -t͡ʃ ʲ’aːja ‘quite’ (ɬaːγa-psə, ɬaγaː-ʔʷa ‘quite high’, ba-t͡ʃ ʲ’aːja ‘quite many’), -ʃ ʲa ‘too’ (ɬaγaː-ʃ ʲa ‘too high’). The problem with these suffixes is that they normally occur in the final part of the nominal complex, after all possible roots (i.e. usually they are not followed by other adjectival roots); as a result, it is not apparent whether they only modify the final adjective or the whole nominal complex. Adjectival a t t e n u a t i o n is expressed with the suffix -ʃa (pɬəʒʲə-ʃa red-ʃa ‘reddish’) and the suffix -ŝʷa (ʁʷaʒʲə-ŝʷa yellow-ŝʷa ‘yellowish’). The latter also conveys the meaning ‘to seem’ and allows recursion (cf. ʁʷaʒʲə-ŝʷa-ŝʷa- yellow-SEEM-SEEM‘looking yellowish; even paler than yellowish’). Some of these suffixes are found with verbal bases as well. There are several affixes deriving deverbal adjectives with the meaning of i n c l i n a t i o n : -rəj, -pxa, -ɮa, -ɮə (of Turkic origin), -rəɮa, -rəna; cf. gʷəpʃəsa-rəj, gʷəpʃəsaː -pxa, gʷəpʃəsaː-ɮa ‘thoughtful, pensive’ (← gʷəpʃəsa- ‘think’), gʷəzazˆʷaː-ɮa = gʷəzazˆʷaː-pxa ‘hurried’ ← gʷəzazˆʷa- ‘hurry’, gʷəsaː-ɮa = gʷəsaː-pxa ‘capricious’ ← gʷəsa- ‘be capricious, play up’, ʁaʃ ʲtaː-pxa ‘timid’ ← ʁaʃ ʲta- ‘frighten’, qʷətaː-ɮa ‘inclined to be broken’ ← qʷəta- ‘break’. With minor exceptions such as ɬfa-rəj ‘fecund’ (← ɬfan ‘give birth’), they characterize the absolutive argument of the verbal stem.

4.3. Verbal derivation All kinds of derivation forming verbs follow the same set of principles. Hence the discussion below follows the morphological zones rather than the classes of bases.

4.3.1. The argument structure zone The argument structure zone has the structure as given in Figure 193.2. The prefixes cross-referencing the absolutive and ergative arguments as well as the temporal prefix, which appears in temporal relativization (‘when’), and some other morphemes, which in practice serve as subordinators, are disregarded below. All other prefixes are given in their basic forms, but in some contexts they undergo the meaningless alternation /a/ > /ə/.

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Northwest Caucasian Absolutive crossreference prefix

Directive

Temporal

Applicative complexes

Ergative crossreference prefix

Fig. 193.2: The argument structure zone of the Adyghe verb form The main d i r e c t i v e preverb is qa- ‘hither’. There are quite a few lexicalized combinations involving this prefix: e.g., qa.sə- (the root sə- is not used without preverbs), qak’ʷa- (← k’ʷa- ‘to go’) both roughly meaning ‘to come’. The same preverb qa- is used as a marker of inversion, i.e. marked or unexpected alignment of arguments (cf. 0̸-ja-ptə-ʁ 3SG.IO-DAT-2SG.ERG-give-PST ‘you gave (it) to him/her’ vs. qə-w-jə-tə-ʁ DIR2SG.IO-3SG.ERG-give-PST ‘s/he gave (it) to you’). Kabardian also possesses another directive preverb na- ‘thither’. In Adyghe it is obsolete and only found in few lexemes like na.sə- ‘to reach’. Along with the prefixes that cross-reference the absolutive and ergative arguments, the argument structure zone of the Adyghe word may contain a p p l i c a t i v e complexes which introduce indirect objects. The canonical applicative complex consists of a crossreference prefix (null for 3rd singular indirect objects) and a prefix that specifies its role; cf. the bracketed benefactive complex ‘for you’ in qə-[p-fa]-s-ʃat͡ʃ ʲə-ʃ ʲt DIR-[2SG.IOBEN]-1SG.ERG-weigh-FUT ‘I will weigh (this) for you’. Two kinds of applicative complexes can be distinguished, namely the dative complexes and the specialized applicatives. The d a t i v e c o m p l e x includes the dative marker (j)e- (which under certain conditions appears as r-) and involves an indirect object whose semantic role can be determined on the basis of the semantics of the stem and need not be specified, such as the recipient of the verb ‘to give’ (qə-[s-a]-p-tə-ʁ DIR-[1SG.IO-DAT]-2SG.ERG-give-PST ‘you gave me (that)’), the addressee of the verb ‘to say’ (qə-[w-a]-s-ʔʷa-ʃ ʲt DIR[2SG.IO-DAT]-1SG.ERG-say-FUT ‘I will tell you (that)’), the undergoer of formally intransitive verbs that normally presuppose the presence of (at least) two arguments but show low semantic transitivity (e.g., wə-qə-[s-a]-pɬə-ʁ 2SG.ABS-DIR-[1SG.IO-DAT]look-PST ‘you looked at me’, tə-[ŝʷ-a]-wa-ʃ ʲt 1PL.ABS-[2PL.IO-DAT]-beat-FUT ‘we will beat you’), the causee of causative verbs formed from transitive stems ([jaː]-s-aʁaː-ŝ’a [3PL.IO+DAT]-1SG.ERG-DYN-CAUS-know ‘I teach (lit. cause to know) you (that)’), etc. With many verbs dative complexes are optional (like other applicatives, see below): for instance, the verb stem ‘to give’ easily appears without any marking of the recipient, as in p-tə-ʁa 2SG.ERG-give-PST ‘you gave (that)’. The dative marker is also the only applicative morpheme that in some morphophonological contexts disappears, thus retaining a “bare” indirect object cross-reference prefix (cf. qə-s-jə-ʔʷa-ʒʲə-ʁ DIR1SG.IO-3SG.ERG-say-RE-PST ‘s/he answered (that) to me’, where the dative prefix has a null allomorph). The place of the dative complexes is fixed: such complexes appear after all other applicative complexes, except for the inadvertitive (see below). S p e c i a l i z e d a p p l i c a t i v e c o m p l e x e s include those formed with markers of various peripheral roles such as benefactive fa- ([aː-fa]-s-ŝ’ə-ʃ ʲt [3PL.IO-BEN]1SG.ERG-do-FUT ‘I will do it for them’) and malefactive ŝ’ʷə- (wə-[s-ŝ’ʷ]-j-a-wət͡ʃ ʲ’ 2SG.ABS-[1SG.IO-MAL]-3SG.ERG-DYN-kill ‘it kills you against my will’), both expressing in fact a great variety of semantic relations, comitative (q-[aː-d]-aː-čə-ħa DIR[3PL.IO-COM]-3PL.ERG-run-carry ‘they together with them run all over [the garden]’) and a number of locative prefixes. The latter introduce indirect objects referring to loca-

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tions and express dozens of locative relations: jə-, da-, xa- ‘in, inside’, k’ʷat͡s’ə- ‘inside’, tja- (← təja-) ‘on’, pa- ‘in front of’, t͡ʃ ’a-, t͡ʃ ʲ’a- ‘under’, bʁʷə-, gʷa- ‘at the side of’, ʔʷə- ‘at’, qʷa- ‘in the corner’, ŝ’ʷa- ‘on the tip of’, ɬə- ‘following’, bɮa- ‘passing by’ and others; cf. verbal stems derived from the root s- ‘sit’: da-s- ‘sit in’, k’ʷat͡s’ə-s- ‘sit inside’, tja-s- ‘sit on’, gʷa-s- ‘sit at the side of’, qʷa-s- ‘sit in the corner of, behind’, etc. In addition, there is a general locative marker ʃ ʲə-, which does not specify the locative relation. The applicative prefixes occasionally combine with each other (cf. qə-[0̸-pat͡ʃ ʲ’a]-faː-ʁ DIR-[3SG.IO-FRONT-UNDER]-fall-PST lit. ‘it fell under front of him/her’) and with various body part terms (cf. [0̸-ʒa-d]-jə-ɬ-ħaː-ʁ [3SG.IO-mouth-IN]-3SG.ERGlie-carry-PST ‘s/he put it into his/her mouth’), the meaning of such combinations being by no means always compositional (cf. qə-[0̸-ʒa-xa]-k’ʷataː-ʁ DIR-[3SG.IO-mouth-IN]move-PST ‘s/he moved up to him/her’). Most non-locative applicatives originate from locative ones; cf. an example with two prefixes da-: [za-də]-[0̸-da]-t͡ʃ ʲ’ə-ma [REC.IOCOM]-[3SG.IO-IN]-go.out-COND ‘if they go out together (lit. with each other)’. Another similar applicative marker is -rə, which introduces an instrument ([0̸-rə]-t-a-ŝ’a [3SG.IO-rə]-1SG.ERG-DYN-do] ‘we are doing (that) with it’), but also refers to the path (e.g., [0̸-rə]-čaː-ʁ [3SG.IO-TRANS]-run-PST ‘s/he ran through it’) and as such combines with other locative prefixes (cf. [0̸-k’ʷat͡s’ə-rə]-bəbə-t͡ʃ ʲ’ə-ʒʲə-ʁ [3SG.IOINSIDE-TRANS]-fly-go.out-RE-PST ‘(the bird) flew through it’). The possessive applicative prefix jə- (morphophonologically different from the homonymous locative prefix), which is typical for nouns (see section 4.1), in the verbal domain is only found with the root ʔa- ‘be’; cf. s-jə-ʔ 1SG.PR-POSS-be ‘I have (this)’. A single verb may contain several applicatives; their maximal number depends on the speaker but only rarely exceeds two and the verbs with three and four applicatives (e.g., [0̸-ŝ’ʷə]-[0̸-də]-[p-fə]-[0̸-fa]-s-a-txə [3SG.IO-MAL]-[3SG.IO-COM]-[2SG.IOBEN]-[3SG.IO-BEN]-1SG.ERG-DYN-write ‘I write (this) to him/her instead of you together with him/her against his/her will’) are not at all common, though easily analyzed by speakers. The same applicative may occur at least twice if it refers to different relations (cf. s-[aː-fə]-[0̸-fa]-txa 1SG.ABS-[3PL.IO-BEN]-[3SG.IO-BEN]-write ‘I write to him for them’), although sometimes this difference is tricky and is possibly related to a lexicalized combination of an applicative with the stem ([aː-də]-[zə-da]-s-a-ħə [3PL.IOCOM]-[RFL.IO-COM]-1SG.ERG-DYN-carry ‘I carry (it) with me together with them’). The order of applicatives depends on their scope, as becomes clear in causative forms; cf. the contrast between [aː-də]-[0̸-f]-[0̸-ja]-z-ʁa-txə-ʁ [3PL.IO-COM]-[3SG.IO-BEN][3SG.IO-DAT]-1SG.ERG-CAUS-write-PST ‘I together with them asked (caused) him/ her [to write for her]’ and [0̸-f]-[aː-d]-[0̸-ja]-z-ʁa-txə-ʁ [3SG.IO-BEN]-[3PL.IO-COM][3SG.IO-DAT]-1SG.ERG-CAUS-write-PST ‘I asked him/her [to write together with them for her]’ (with wide and narrow scopes of the comitative applicative complex respectively). In causatives derived from verbs with dative applicative complexes, the dative complex introducing the causee is placed closer to the ergative prefix, as in 0̸-jaŝʷ-a-z-ʁa-tə-ʃ ʲt [3SG.IO-DAT]-[2PL.IO-DAT]-1SG.ERG-CAUS-give-FUT ‘I will make you give (it) to him/her’ (but not *‘I will make him/her give it to you’) where the first dative complex (which introduces the causee prefix) clearly has scope over the second. For different combinations of applicatives with stems, their degree of lexicalization is different. On the one hand, there are combinations that clearly do not involve lexicalization, where applicative complexes fulfill a strictly grammatical function. Thus, for example, some applicatives are found only in relativized forms, an example being the

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applicatives formed with the prefix introducing the reason: cf. sə-[z-t͡ʃ ʲ’a]-mə-k’ʷaː-ʁa-r 1SG.ABS-[REL.IO-REAS]-NEG-go-PST-ABS ‘the reason why I did not go’ vs. the infelicitous *sə-[0̸-t͡ʃ ʲ’a]-k’ʷaː-ʁ-ap 1SG.ABS-[3SG.IO-REAS]-go-PST-NEG (expected ‘I did not go because of this’). Further, with transitive stems certain applicative markers are regularly used for the non-canonical marking of agents; the cases in point include the “potential” construction, where the prefix corresponding to the potential (transitive) agent appears within a benefactive complex (cf. [p-f ]-jə-wətə-n-ap [2SG.IO-BEN]-INpull.down-MOD-NEG ‘you will not be able to bring (him) down’) and the inadvertitive construction, where the agent prefix is introduced with a dedicated inadvertitive prefix ʔat͡ʃ ʲ’a- ‘unexpectedly for’ ([s-ʔat͡ʃ ʲ’a]-wət͡ʃ ʲ’aː-ʁ [1SG.IO-INADV]-kill-PST ‘I accidentally killed her/him’; with intransitive stems the same marker adds a participant with agent-like properties [0̸-ʔat͡ʃ ʲ’a]-k’ʷada-n [3SG.IO-INADV]-perish-MOD ‘s/he will perish because of him/her’. On the other hand, many combinations of applicatives with stems are non-compositional; cf. fa-gʷəŝ’ʷa- BEN-happy- ‘to congratulate’, ʃ ʲə-ʃ ʲəna- LOC-be.afraid- ‘to be afraid of’. Tradition also insists on the inclusion of many forms with applicatives into the dictionaries (even where such combinations are compositional), occasionally in combination with reflexive and reciprocal markers (cf. za-ʔʷə-ʃ ʲajə- REC.IO-AT-stretch- ‘to move apart’; cf. ʔʷə-ʃ ʲajə- AT-stretch- ‘to move aside’). Apparently when a meaning can be conveyed both syntactically and morphologically, choosing the morphological means instead of a syntactic construction is more likely where a fixed concept is to be expressed. It is worth mentioning finally that posture roots -s ‘to sit’, -t ‘to stand’ and -ɬ‘to lie’ cannot be used without locative prefixes at all; cf. tja-s- ‘to sit on’, t͡ʃ ʲ’a-t- ‘to stand under’, xa-ɬ- ‘to lie in’. There are also other bound roots such as -ʔa ‘to be’ and probably related -ja as well as -ʃ ʲ ‘to be a part’, which are not used without prefixes either, but take only a limited range of highly grammaticalized applicatives; cf. ʃ ʲə-ʔaLOC-be- ‘to be in, exist’, jə-ʔa- POSS-be ‘to be at’ (the verb of predicate possession), fa-ja- BEN-ja- ‘to want, must’, jə-ja- POSS-ja- ‘to belong’, ʃ ʲə-ʃ ʲ- LOC-be.part- ‘to be a part of’.

4.3.2. Causative derivation The causative marker ʁa- is the only prefix that follows the pre-stem markers. It is very productive, albeit more research is needed to establish whether the real use of causatives depends on the lexicon. The absolutive argument is not affected by causativization rules irrespectively of the transitivity of the causativized stem. The causer is normally crossreferenced with the ergative prefix (unless it is “demoted” in a potential or an inadvertitive construction or removed in certain other forms like resultative and masdar), and the agent of a causativized transitive stem is expressed as a dative object; cf. tə-b-ʁagʷəŝ’ʷaː-ʁ 1PL.ABS-2SG.ERG-CAUS-happy-PST ‘you made us happy’ derived from an intransitive stem and jaː-b-ʁa-ŝ’aː-ʁ 3PL.IO+DAT-2SG.ERG-CAUS-know-PST ‘you made them know (this)’ derived from a transitive stem. Note that causatives may also be derived from nouns and even nominal complexes; cf. wə-z-ʁa-t͡ʃ ʲ’aɮa-t͡s’ək’ʷə-ʔʷəʃəʃ ʲt 2SG.ABS-1SG.ERG-CAUS-boy-small-clever-FUT ‘I will make you a clever boy’.

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As has been observed by Kumakhov (1964: 151), Smeets (1984: 273) and Paris (1989: 182), among others, Circassian languages allow d o u b l e c a u s a t i v e s ; cf. r-aː-r-jə-ʁa-ʁa-wətŝ͡ ʷaː-ʁ IN-3PL.IO-DAT-3SG.ERG-CAUS-CAUS-stand.up-PST ‘he made him put it; lit. cause it to stand there’. Interestingly, where the appearance of an “unexpected” indirect object makes it possible to identify double causation, one of the causative markers can often be omitted; cf. qə-s-jə-ʁa-(ʁa-)t͡ʃ ʲaːnə-ʁ DIR-1SG.IO3SG.ERG-CAUS-(CAUS-)sharp-PST ‘s/he made me sharpen (it)’ (see Lander and Letuchiy 2010 for discussion).

4.3.3. Stem The stem contains a root, or several roots, and optionally a range of suffixes. A few roots display a meaningful vowel alternation /ə/ ~ /a/, which occurs in the last syllable and has one of two functions: (i) either the roots with /ə/ are transitive, while the corresponding roots with /a/ are intransitive, as in txə- (transitive) vs. txa- (intransitive) ‘to write’, ɬaʁʷə- ‘see’ vs. ɬaʁʷa- ‘to be seen’, or (ii) the roots with /ə/ have elative semantics (‘from’), while the corresponding roots with /a/ have illative semantics (‘to’), as in da-ʃ ʲə- ‘to take out’ vs. da-ʃ ʲa- ‘to take into’. The range of the roots allowing this alternation appears to be determined by the lexicon. This alternation can also be described as a kind of suffixation by a single vowel, which is not typical for Adyghe, however. Some roots are etymologically complex; cf. t’ə.s- ‘to sit down’ and s- ‘to sit’. Many synchronically simple roots contain the former “verbalizing” prefix wə- (cf. wəzˆʁajə- ‘to make small’ and zˆʁaj ‘small’, wəɮabə- ‘to become damp’ and ɮabə ‘damp’), which is not productive, though. In rare cases one can observe reanalysis leading to the formation of roots in progress. For example, Gishev (1983: 109) cites two possible causative verbs derived from the verb ‘to walk about’ (originally z-ja-k’ʷa- RFL.IO-DAT-go-) − z-ja-ʁaː-k’ʷa and ʁa-z.ja.k’ʷa ‘make him/her walk about’ (imperative); clearly, in the last verb, the combination of the former root ‘go’ with the historically applicative complex no longer behaves as a complex formation, as the former applicative appears after the causative, within the stem. The suffixes closest to the root include the d i r e c t i o n a l m a r k e r s -ja ‘up’ (which obligatorily combines with the locative applicative da-; cf. da-ʔaba-jaː-ʁ IN-stretch. hand-UP-PST ‘s/he raised the hand’) and -ɬ’a ‘towards’ (r-jə-wəbətə-ɬ’aː-ʁ DAT-3SG. ERG-catch-TOWARDS-PST ‘s/he caught (this) near it, pressed (this) to it’). Formally, these suffixes belong to the same class as the roots participating in asymmetrical verbal compounds (see section 3.2). There are also numerous suffixes that convey meanings mostly related to t e n s e , a s p e c t and m o d a l i t y. By far the most frequent of them, albeit the most prone to lexicalization, is the suffix -ʒʲə, whose basic semantics is reversive (‘back’; cf. q-jə-ħaːʒʲə-ʁ DIR-IN-go.out-RE-PST ‘s/he went out back home’) and refactive (‘again’; cf. j-at’ə-ʒʲə 3SG.ERG-DYN-dig-RE ‘s/he digs it again’), but which also serves various other functions including “medial” ones, for example it is regularly (yet not obligatorily) used in reflexive and reciprocal forms (z-aː-wəŝafə-ʒʲə-ʁ RFL.ABS-3PL.ERG-hide-RE-PST ‘they hid themselves’). Other important suffixes include -ŝʷə ‘to be able to’ (jə-s-ɬ-ħa-

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ʒʲə-ŝʷə-ʃ ʲt IN-1SG.ERG-lie-carry-RE-ABLE-FUT ‘I will be able to put it back’), debitive -pχa ‘ought to’ (aː-ŝ’ə-pχa-ʒʲə-ʁ 3PL.ERG-do-DEB-RE-PST ‘they again should have done that’), -pa ‘definitely’ (k’ʷa-ʁaː-pa go-PST-DEFINITELY ‘s/he definitely went away’), immediate past -t͡ʃ ʲ’a ‘a while ago’ (sə-jə-ʁaː-t͡ʃ ʲ’ 1SG.ERG-oil-PSTIMMEDIATE.PST ‘I have just oiled (that)’, the suffix is related to t͡ʃ ʲ’a ‘new’), and -xa ‘already’ (wə-qa-k’ʷa-ʁaː-x 2SG.ABS-DIR-go-PST-ALREADY ‘you have already come’; ja-s-ʔʷa-xa-ʃ ʲt DAT-1SG.ERG-say-ALREADY-FUT ‘I will first (lit. already) tell him (that)’), which also fulfills a number of other discourse-related functions. The degree markers -psə and -ʔʷa ‘quite’, -ʃ ʲa ‘too’ discussed in section 4.2 for adjectives regularly appear in the verbal stems as well; cf. w-a-gʷəŝ’ʷa-psə 2SG.ABS-DYN-be.glad-QUITE ‘you are quite happy’, ŝʷ-a-ʃ ʲənaː-ʔʷa 2PL.ABS-DYN-be.afraid-QUITE ‘you are quite frightened’, w-a-gʷəŝ’ʷaː-ʃ ʲa 2SG.ABS-DYN-be.glad-EXC ‘you are too happy’. The suffix -ŝʷa ‘to seem’ can also be used with verbs, even after tense marking; cf. ʃ ʲəʃ ʲəna-ʁaː-ŝʷa-ʃ ʲtə-ʁa LOC-be.afraid-PST-SEEM-AUX-PST ‘it seemed that s/he had been frightened by it’. There are a few markers whose appearance is normally accompanied by the absence of the prefixes cross-referencing the ergative argument (with transitive verbs) and the absolutive (with intransitive verbs, but note that the 3rd person absolutive is not crossreferenced in other forms either). These include, first of all, the markers -ʁʷaŝ’ʷə ‘easy’ and -ʁʷaja ‘difficult’ (both are diachronically bimorphemic and include the common part -ʁʷa on the one hand and ŝ’ʷə ‘good’ and ja ‘evil, bad’ on the other); cf. ʁa-ʃ ʲənaʁʷəŝ’ʷa CAUS-frighten-EASY ‘it is easy to frighten him/her’, qa-wəbətə-ʁʷaːja DIRcatch-DIFFICULT ‘it is difficult to catch (it)’. Nonetheless the relevant cross-reference markers can still appear either directly (s-ɬaʁʷə-ʁʷaːj 1SG.ERG-see-DIFFICULT ‘it is difficult for me to see (it)’) or as indirect objects (s-ŝ’ʷa-zˆʷa-ʁʷaŝ’ʷə 1SG.IO-MALplough-EASY ‘it is easy for me to plough’). Most suffixes denoting tense proper (-ʁa PST, -ʃ ʲt FUT, -n MOD) belong to the same formal class as the above-mentioned suffixes, and the past suffix -ʁa, in fact, even regularly derives “resultative” forms (referring to a state resulting from an action denoted by the base), which can be lexicalized. Tense suffixes can combine with each other (tjas-ɬ-ħaː-nə-ʁa ON-1SG.ERG-lie-carry-MOD-PST ‘I would put (this) on (this)’, tər-aː-ɬħaː-ʁa-ʃ ʲt ON-3PL.ERG-lie-carry-PST-FUT ‘it is likely that they put (this) on (that)’), sometimes allow recursion (ʃ ʲxa-ʁa-xaː-ʁa eat-PST-ALREADY-PST ‘s/he had already dined’) and precede suffixes that are usually considered derivational (sə-ʃ ʲə-ʁwəpʃa-ʁaːŝwa 1SG.ABS-LOC-forget-PST-SEEM ‘s/he seemingly has forgotten me’, ja-ŝʷaː-ʁaː-j DAT-drink-PST-VERY ‘s/he is very drunk’). Further, the appearance of tense markers on nouns makes it possible for the latter to obtain verbal properties, e.g., to combine with adverbs. Yet such formations continue to combine also with adjectives and relative clauses and hence retain nominal properties as well: (7)

qa-t-a-t͡s’at͡s’a-zapətə-ʃ ʲtə-ʁa jəɬasə-ba-ra DIR-1PL.IO-DAT-scold-constantly-AUX-PST year-many-ADVERBIAL nat͡ʃ ʲaːlʲnjəkə-ʁa-r boss-PST-ABS ‘my former long-time boss who constantly scolded us’

The o r d e r o f s u f f i x e s is generally compositional: the suffixes with wider semantic scope follow the suffixes with narrower scope. This implies the possibility of meaningful

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variation in their order (cf. gʷəŝ’ʷa-ŝ’ʷa-ʒʲə-ʁ be.glad-SEEM-RE-PST ‘s/he pretended again that s/he was happy’ vs. gʷəŝ’ʷa-ʒʲə-ŝ’ʷaː-ʁ be.glad-RE-SEEM-PST ‘s/he pretended that s/he was happy again’), see Korotkova and Lander 2010 for details. Importantly, however, speakers may vary in their judgments as to whether they consider some apparently meaningful suffixal combinations felicitous.

4.4. Adverbial derivation Adverbial expressions are usually derived with the ending -aw, which appears on stems that are considered verbal (ə-ʃ ʲ-aw 3SG.ERG-lead-ADV ‘while leading (him/her)’), nominal and adjectival (wənaʔʷət-aw servant-ADV ‘as a servant’, t͡ʃ ʲəʒʲ-aw close-ADV ‘closely’), and occasionally even on postpositions (paːj-aw for-ADV ‘being for’). This model is extremely productive and is not likely to derive words that permanently enter the lexicon, although a few combinations of verbs and adjectives with -aw are lexicalized (cf. bɮat͡ʃ ʲ’-aw ‘superfluously’ ← bɮa-t͡ʃ ʲ’ə- BY-go.out- ‘to pass’). In addition, there are a small number of suffixes that derive adverbs from nominals. The suffix -ra derives adverbs with time reference: zaːwəɮa-ra several-ra ‘several times’, maːfa-ra day-ra ‘in the day-time’, t͡ʃ ʲ’ə-ra winter-ra ‘in winter’, ba-ra many-ra ‘for a long time, frequently’. The following example demonstrates that the adverbial -ra can even attach to nominal complexes rather than simple words: (8)

͡ aːŝ’a-xa-m aː-da-gʷəʃ ʲəʔaː-ʁa-x səħaːt-zaːwəɮa-ra bzadʒʲ hour-several-ra offender-PL-OBL 3PL.IO-COM-talk-PST-PL ‘They talked with the offenders for several hours.’

Another relevant morpheme is -ħa, which is related to the verb ‘to carry’ and forms denominal adverbs characterizing the motion predicate with respect to its purpose: (9)

mazə-m pχaː-ħa tə-k’ʷa-n faːj-aw forest-OBL wood-ħa 1PL.ABS-go-MSD must-ADV qə-t-jə-ʔʷaː-ʁ DIR-1PL.IO-3SG.ERG-say-PST ‘She told us we should go to the forest for wood.’

5. Conversion As noted above, the distinction between nouns and verbs in Adyghe is weak: verbs easily head nominal phrases, thus representing a kind of free relative, and nouns may function as predicates (Lander and Testelets 2006). Cf. the contrast between (10) and (11). Adjectives do not differ from nouns (and verbs) in this respect (12). (10) ħaːt͡ʃ ʲ’a-r qa-k’ʷaː-ʁ guest-ABS DIR-go-PST ‘The guest came.’

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(11)

qa-k’ʷaː-ʁa-r ħaːt͡ʃ ʲ’a DIR-go-PST-ABS guest ‘The one who came is a guest.’

(12) daːxa-m naːħjə daʁʷə-r naːħə-ŝ’ʷ beautiful-OBL than good-ABS more-good ‘The good one is more useful than the beautiful one.’ Nouns and adjectives, further, can take morphology that is usually considered verbal (e.g., tense markers; see section 4.3.3) and even serve as bases for masdars: (13) naːsəpə.ŝ’ʷa-nə-m paːja t͡s’əfə-m səd-aː aː-naːħ-aw fortunate-MSD-OBL for person-OBL what-Q 3PL-more-ADV jə-ʃ ʲət͡ʃ ʲ’aːʁa-r? POSS-need-ABS ‘What does the human need above all in order to be happy?’ The semantic regularity, the predictability of the form and the omnitude of this polyfunctionality prevents it from being considered conversion understood as a means of creating new lexemes. However, we also find occasional examples of verb-noun conversion proper where the derived nominal refers to the process or the result of the situation denoted by the stem; cf. psaɬa- ‘to speak; speech, word’, gʷəpʃəsa- ‘to think; thought’, gʷəbʒ‘to be angry; anger’. Certain verbs which do not include overt person markers (mostly resultative verbs, but also, for some speakers, stative verbs unmarked for tense) may appear in the nominal complex in the position reserved for adjectives; cf. pŝaŝa-[ʃ ʲə-mə-sə]-r girl-[LOC-NEGsit]-ABS ‘the girl who cannot keep still’. Theoretically this can be represented as an instance of verb-adjective conversion.

6. Backformation Backformation is attested in the Adyghe word sjəmpaːraːtə ‘creamer’ (with the absolutive form sjəmpaːraːtə-r and the oblique form sjəmpaːraːtə-m), which is clearly the result of borrowing of the Russian sʲəpɐratər. Presumably the final -r was reanalyzed as a case marker and, hence, was dropped in making other forms.

7. Reduplication Reduplication is found in different word classes, but in many cases it is hard to delimit it from compounding, since simple reduplication is not widespread. Typically, reduplication patterns in Adyghe are not regular: it is important to know whether the base has a reduplicated correlate or not. Unmotivated reduplication (such as ideophones) is not considered here.

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With nominals and adverbials, simple full reduplication is rare and non-productive (ʁʷərə ‘a kind of wooden ball’ → ʁʷər-ʁʷərə ‘the game using ʁʷərə’), although there are multiple examples of unmotivated simple full reduplication (cf. psəpsə ‘gauze’). More widespread is echo reduplication, whereby in polysyllabic bases the first syllables are changed in the reduplicants and in monosyllabic bases a similar segment is added. Among the echo reduplication models, the one operating with the syllable zˆʷə-/zˆʷa- and conveying the sense ‘and the like’ is the most productive; cf. ʔaːftwabwəs-zˆʷaːftwabwəs ‘bus and the like’ ← ʔaːftwabwəs ‘bus’, ʃ ʲamsat-zˆʷaːmsat ‘Shamset and people like her’ ← ʃ ʲamsatə (proper name), t͡sə-zˆʷat͡sə ‘wool and the like’ ← t͡sə ‘wool’. Other models of echo reduplication are also found; cf. ʔaŝ’ʷə-ʔʷəŝ’ʷə ‘sweets’ ← ʔaŝ’ʷa- ‘sweet’, ħaːqʷə-ʃəqʷə ‘tableware’ ← ʃəqʷə ‘id.’, qabza-ɬabza- ‘very clean’ ← qabza- ‘clean’. Discontinuous reduplication is observed both with nouns and with adjectives: ɮə-zˆʷa-ɮə ‘meat and the like’ ← ɮə ‘meat’, t͡ʃ ʲ’a-rə-t͡ʃ ʲ’a ‘very new’ ← t͡ʃ ʲ’a ‘new’. With nouns such reduplication usually denotes the plurality of kinds and with adjectives it conveys the semantics of intensity. More frequently, the reduplication of nominal and adjectival stems is found in expressions marked with the adverbial suffix -aw; cf. the distributive t͡ʃ ’əp’a-t͡ʃ ’əp’-aw ‘here and there; in some places’ ← t͡ʃ ’əp’a- ‘place’ and the intensive ŝaf-ŝaf-aw ‘in secret’ ← ŝaf ‘secret’, ŝaf-aw ‘in secret’. Motivated verbal reduplication is not easily differentiated from compounding (see section 3.2). It is mostly discontinuous (including additional interfixes, -ra-, -na- and possibly others) and occasionally leads to vowel changes; cf. zˆa-ra-zˆa- ‘to be irritated’ ← zˆa- ‘to fry, roast’, ʁə-na-ʁa ‘to whimper’ ← ʁə- ‘to weep’. Verbal echo reduplication involves the segment ħaː-; cf. wə-qə-s-a-ħaːʁʷə~ŝʷəʁʷə-ʁ 2SG.ABS-DIR-1SG.IO-DATenvy-PST ‘you envied me’ (this example also demonstrates that in such verbs the reduplicator immediately precedes the verbal stem and follows other prefixal morphological zones).

8. Blending and clipping Neither blending nor clipping are actively used, although the blending of Russian stems is observed in compounds such as the reported curse bolʲʃe-bət’ (← Russian bolʲʃevik ‘Bolshevik’ and bət’ ‘seat, bottom’ belonging to the child language). Non-borrowed acronyms can be met in written texts, especially official ones.

Acknowledgments The author is grateful to Peter Arkadiev and Yakov Testelets for their comments on an earlier draft, as well as to manifold colleagues for discussions of the particular issues touched upon in the article. Special thanks to Acherdan Abregov and Zarema Meretukova for useful consultations. This material is based upon work in different years supported by the FFLI grant No. A23, the RGNF grants No. 06-04-00194a and 11-04-00282 and the RFFI grant No. 15-06-07434a.

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Abbreviations ABS ABSTR ADD ADJ ADV AUX BEN CAUS COM CONV DAT DEB DYN ERG EXC FUT INADV IO LOC MAL

absolutive cross-reference abstract noun additive adjectivization adverbial auxiliary stem benefactive causative comitative converb dative prefix debitive dynamic marker ergative cross-reference excessive future inadvertitive indirect object cross-reference locative malefactive

MNR MOD MSD NEG OBL POSS PL PP PR PST Q RE REAS REC REL RFL SG TMP TRANS

manner prefix modal future masdar negation oblique case possessive derivation plural postpositional object cross-reference possessive cross-reference past question reversive/refactive reason prefix reciprocal relative reflexive singular temporal ‘when’ translative

9. References Abregov, Acherdan N. 2000 Issledovanija po leksike i slovoobrazovaniju adygejskogo jazyka. Maykop: Izdateľstvo AGU. Arkadiev, Peter and Alexander Letuchiy 2011 Prefixes and suffixes in the Adyghe polysynthetic wordform: Types of interaction. In: Vittorio S. Tomelleri, Manana Topadze and Anna Lukianowicz (eds), Languages and Cultures in the Caucasus, 495–514. München/Berlin: Sagner. Atazhakhova, Saykhat T. 2006 Slovoobrazovanie adygejskogo jazyka i ego stilističeskie resursy. Maykop: Adygeja. Bersirov, Batyrbiy M. 2001 Struktura i istorija glagoľnyx osnov v adygskix jazykax. Maykop: Adygeja. Gishev, Nukh T. 1983 Nekotorye voprosy glagoľnoj prefiksacii v adygejskom jazyke. In: Nurya T. Tabulova and Raisa Kh. Temirova (eds.), Sistema preverbov i poslelogov v iberijsko-kavkazskix jazykax, 106–111. Cherkessk: Karačaevo-čerkesskij Naučno-issledovateľskij Institut istorii, filologii i ėkonomiki. Korotkova, Natalia and Yury Lander 2010 Deriving affix ordering in polysynthesis: Evidence from Adyghe. Morphology 20(2): 299–319. Koryakov, Yury B. 2006 Atlas kavkazskix jazykov. Moscow: Piligrim. Kumakhov, Mukhadin A. 1964 Morfologija adygskix jazykov. Nalchik: Kabardino-balkarskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo.

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Lander, Yury and Alexander Letuchiy 2010 Kinds of recursion in Adyghe morphology. In: Harry van der Hulst (ed.), Recursion and Human Language, 263–284. Berlin/NewYork: Mouton de Gruyter. Lander, Yury and Yakov Testelets 2006 Nouniness and specificity: Circassian and Wakashan. Paper presented at the conference “Universals and Particulars in Parts-of-Speech Systems”, University of Amsterdam. Letuchiy, Alexander 2012 Ergativity in the Adyghe system of valency-changing derivations. In: Gilles Authier and Katharina Haude (eds.), Ergativity, Valency, and Voice, 323–354. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Paris, Catherine 1989 Esquisse grammaticale du dialecte abzakh (tcherkesse occidental). In: Brian George Hewitt (ed.), The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus. Vol. 2: The North West Caucasian Languages, 154–260. New York: Caravan. Paris, Catherine and Niaz Batouka 1987–2005 Dictionnaire abzakh (tcherkesse occidental). Paris: Peeters. Rogava, Georgi V. and Zaynab I. Kerasheva 1966 Grammatika adygejskogo jazyka. Krasnodar/Maykop: Krasnodarskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Shaov, Zh. A. (ed.) 1975 Adygejsko-russkij slovarʼ. Maykop: Adygejskij naučno-issledovateľskij institut. Smeets, Rieks 1984 Studies in West Circassian Phonology and Morphology. Leiden: The Hakuchi Press. Testelets, Yakov G. (ed.) 2009 Aspekty polisintetizma. Očerki po grammatike adygejskogo jazyka. Moscow: RGGU. Tkharkakho, Yury A. 1991 Adygejsko-russkij slovar’. Maykop: Adygejskoe knižnoe izdateľstvo. Yakovlev, Nikolay and Daud Ashkhamaf 1941 Grammatika adygejskogo literaturnogo jazyka. Moscow/Leningrad: Izdateľstvo AN SSSR.

Yury Lander, Moscow (Russia)

194. Kabardian 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Compounding Derivation Conversion Marginal processes References

Abstract Kabardian is a polysynthetic language with extremely rich verbal inflection and rather poor nominal inflection. Nominal derivation is suffixal, and verbal derivation is both prefixal and suffixal. Ablaut is also used in verbal derivation. Compounding is very

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common and productive. Distinctions between main lexical classes are minimal, and conversion is mainly handled by syntax and morphology, rather than by word-formation.

1. Introduction Kabardian is a Northwest Caucasian language spoken in the Kabardino-Balkar Republic of the Russian Federation, as well as in other parts of the Northern Caucasus and in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, the United States, and elsewhere. There are nearly 500,000 speakers in Russia, while the number of speakers in the diaspora is unknown. Kabardian has been written in a modified Cyrillic script since 1936. The Cyrillic alphabet is rather poorly adapted to this phonologically complex language, so all of the examples in this article will be transcribed according to the IPA tables. Kabardian has a number of dialects, the most divergent of which is Besleney (or Besney), spoken in Adyghea, Karachaevo-Cherkessia and among the Kabardian diaspora. The other dialects are divided into those of Great Kabarda (in the west) and Smaller Kabarda (in the east). The standard language is based on the Great Kabarda dialect of Baksan. This article will describe the word-formation of standard Kabardian. There are no linguistic monographs dealing specifically with Kabardian word-formation, except for the book by Dzuganova (2005), which focuses on morphonological processes in word-formation, such as ablaut. A great deal of information on word-formation can be found in standard reference works on Kabardian, which are mostly in Russian, e.g., the grammars of Jakovlev (1948) and Abitov (1957), as well as the large monograph on Kabardian edited by Kumaxov (2006). Works on Kabardian written in English, such as Colarusso’s grammar (1992), and his short description of the language (2002), as well as Kuipers’ monograph on Kabardian morphology and phonology (1960), cover some aspects of word-formation as well, but they are chiefly based on the language of the Kabardian diaspora, not the standard language spoken in Russia. Some aspects of word-formation are covered in works on Kabardian lexicology, such as the monograph by Apažev (2000).

2. General overview Kabardian is an agglutinative language with grammatical morphemes expressing, as a rule, only one grammatical function. The few exceptions to this rule include the fusion of case and definiteness in the nominal suffixes -r (absolutive) and -m (ergative and oblique). Nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and numerals have suffixes and very few prefixes, while verbal inflection is predominantly prefixal: a verbal form can have as many as a dozen prefix positions, and the verbal inflection is extremely complex. Besides prefixes, verbs also have suffixes for such categories as tense and illocutionary force. Infixes are exceptional, occurring in only a few verb forms. There are a few fixed combinations of prefixes and suffixes, which may be treated as circumfixes. Finally, vowel alternations are used in verbal derivation (e.g., to distinguish between transitive and intransitive bases from the same root). Postpositions, particles, conjunctions, and exclamations do not carry any affixes.

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The dominant method of word-formation in Kabardian is compounding. Suffixes, and, to a smaller extent, prefixes, also occur, but many of them are of transparently nominal, adjectival, or verbal origin. Compounding is extremely productive in Kabardian, as in the other North-Western Caucasian languages. A Kabardian compound can contain several lexemes, and the process of compounding is recursive (Kuipers 1960: 82–103): ł'ǝ ł'ǝ-ʑ ł'ǝ-f' ł'ǝ-ʑǝ-f' ł'ǝ -k' wa ł'ǝ -k' wa-f' ł'ǝ-k' wa-ʑǝ-f'

‘man’ ‘old man’ ‘good man, good-natured man’ ‘good old man’ ‘messenger’ ‘good messenger’ ‘good old messenger’

Often such compounds are calques, or partial calques of Russian expressions, e.g., txǝbza ‘written language’ (Russ. pis'mennyj jazyk), tjaljavjǝzawr-japłxar ‘TV viewers’ (Russian telezriteli), etc. In many cases, formerly lexical elements have become grammaticalized as affixes, but the distinction is not always clear. For example, the element -ʃxwa in ł'ǝ-xwa ‘big man’ is certainly an original adjective, but it cannot be used independently − it occurs only in compounds. As an independent word, it was replaced by the adjective jǝn ‘big, great’, which does not occur in compounds. The difference between inflection and word-formation is difficult to determine in Kabardian, especially in the realm of the verbal system. In this article, it is assumed that all affixes clearly forming verbal paradigms belong to the domain of inflection, while those that can be added only to certain verbal bases belong to the system of wordformation. Thus, for example, it is assumed that the “involuntative” verbal prefix ˀaf'abelongs to verbal inflection, since it is possible, in principle, to add it to any verbal root expressing an action (i.e. having an actor argument in its argument structure). Verb forms to which this prefix is added mean that the action performed by the subject is unintentional: (1)

ʆ 'a:la-m dəʁ wə-r ˀaʆ'a-wəʧ'a:ʆ boy-ERG thief-ABS involuntative-kill-PRET-AF ‘The young man (unintentionally) killed the thief.’

Likewise, it is assumed here that affixes changing the lexical category belong to wordformation, while those that preserve the lexical category of a root belong to inflection. For example, the causative prefix ʁa- can be added to any verbal root to increase its number of arguments by one (Matasović 2010), and thus it is inflectional, while the factitive prefix wǝ- is used to derive verbs from adjectival roots, and therefore belongs to word-formation. Finally, the boundaries between derivation and compounding are not always clear in Kabardian. Many derivational affixes have a clear origin in lexical morphemes, although this need not be as obvious to native speakers as it is to linguists. For example, the afore-mentioned “involuntative” prefix ˀaʆ'a- is composed of ˀa- ‘hand’ and ʆ'a- ‘do’, so

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originally we are dealing with incorporation rather than derivation: to do something unintentionally is to do it by hand (rather than by involving one’s mind). However, native speakers do not recognize these etymological elements, so from the synchronic point of view it is better to treat ˀaʆ'a- as a single, unanalyzable prefix. Neoclassical word-formation does not exist in Kabardian. There are, however, many Russian loanwords that have been formed according to rules of neoclassical word-formation, e.g., mjǝlǝtsa ‘police’ (Russ. milicija), mjaxa:njǝza:tsa ‘mechanization’ (Russ. mexanizacija), etc.

3. Compounding The most common compounds involve two nouns, or a noun and an adjective (the grammatical differences between nominal and adjectival roots is minimal in Kabardian, see below). Some compounds include a linking vowel, usually -ǝ-, while others do not. A clear rule for the use of the linking vowel cannot be established synchronically, but there is a historical explanation for its occurrence: generally, the final -ǝ- of the first stem occurs when it was stressed in Proto-Circassian. The most common type of nominal compound consists of two nouns (noun + noun). Endocentric compounds predominate, e.g., vǝ-gw ‘ox-cart’, na-ps eye-water ‘tear’, wǝnabʒa house-door ‘door of the house, gate’, ʃǝ-ʆha ‘horse-head’, ʃə-dəʁ wə ‘horse-thief’, laps meat-water ‘broth’, wǝna:-ʆha house-head ‘roof’. The exocentric type is less common, e.g., ˀa-pa hand-nose ‘finger’, xǝ-qa sea-pig ‘dolphin’, warad-bzwǝ song-bird ‘nightingale’, faw-ʃǝʁ w honey-salt ‘sugar’ and ʃa-ps milk-water ‘sap (of plants)’. The second type contains a nominal and an adjectival base (noun + adjective); such compounds are usually endocentric, e.g., ʃ-xwǝʑ horse-white ‘white horse’, but the meaning is often no longer transparent, e.g., dǝʁ wǝ-ʑ thief-old ‘wolf’. Some compounds formed with a nominal and an adjectival base are exocentric, e.g., thak' wǝma-ʧ'ǝh earlong ‘rabbit’. The third type consists of a nominal and a verbal root (noun + verb). Generally, such compounds are less common than those containing nominal and adjectival bases. Examples are, e.g., dʒ jaʃǝ-dz bean-throw ‘fortune-teller’ and ł'ǝ-wǝʧ' man-kill ‘murderer’, łǝf'aʒ blood-remember ‘vengeance’, lǝ-ʆa meat-sell ‘butcher’. Often we can identify the etymological source of a verbal base in a noun, but it is no longer felt as a compound, e.g., ł'ǝ-χw ‘hero’ is built from ł'ǝ ‘man’ and the verbal root χwǝ- ‘to become’, but the native speakers would not analyze it in this manner. Adjectival compounding also occurs, e.g., wǝdzǝ-fa grass-skin ‘green’, na-f eye-rot ‘blind’. Some compounds retain two accents. They are often built with rhyming morphemes (German Reimbildungen). Such compounds usually have copulative meaning (the Sanskrit dvandva-type), e.g., a:da-a:na mother-father ‘parents’, ł'ǝʑ-fǝzǝʑ old man-old woman ‘the elderly people’. Others are additive, e.g., jaʃxa-jafa eating-drinking ‘feast’, ˀa-pq'-ła-pq' hand-bone-leg-bone ‘body’. There are also a few intensive adjectival and adverbial compounds formed in this manner, e.g., natx-patx ‘beautiful’ (of a girl), q'aʁaʃnaʁaʃ ‘here and there, in a zigzag manner’, ława-pʧ'awa ‘jumping, bouncing’. Verbal compounding is less common than nominal compounding. Incorporation is no longer productive, but there are several verbs that contain what is historically their

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incorporated object, or an adverb. The incorporated element is usually a body-part term, e.g., ˀa ‘hand’, ʆha ‘head’, ʑa ‘mouth’, etc. Examples include ʑa-da-pła-n mouth-DIRlook-INF ‘to look into one’s mouth’, ʆha-ʆǝ-dzǝ-n head-DIR-throw-INF ‘to throw off the top part of something’, ˀa-pǝ-wǝdǝ-n hand-DIR-beat-INF ‘to get something out of someone’s hands’, etc. (For the abbreviations, see the list at the end of the article.)

4. Derivation Kabardian uses three different processes in derivation: ablaut, prefixation and suffixation.

4.1. Nominal derivation The only (non-productive) prefix used in nominal derivation is the prefix za-, with which some collective nouns are derived, e.g., zaʃ ‘brothers, brethren’ from ʃǝ ‘brother’. Historically, it is the same prefix as the verbal prefix za- which forms reflexive and reciprocal verbs, and stems to which this prefix is added are originally verbal (cf. ʃǝn ‘to nurse’ from which the noun ʃǝ ‘brother’ is derived). Nominal suffixes include the following: a) -ʁa, used for deriving abstract nouns: ł'ǝʁa ‘manhood, manliness’ (← ł'ǝ ‘man’), txǝʁa ‘literacy, literary work’ (← thǝ-n ‘to write (tr.)’); b) -k' wa, for names of professions: txa:k' wa ‘writer’ (← txan ‘to write (itr.)’); c) -ʁ wǝ, for nouns denoting participants of a jointly performed action or members of a group: q' wa:ʒaʁ wǝ ‘fellow-villager’ (← q' wa:ʒa ‘village’); d) -fa, ‘a kind of’: wǝzfa ‘a kind of disease’ (← wǝz ‘disease’); e) -ʆ, denoting place/dwelling: haʆ ‘dog house’ (← ha ‘dog’), haʆ'aʆ ‘guest-house’ (← haʆ 'a ‘guest’); f) -ʑjaj, diminutive suffix: dʒ jadʑjaj ‘chicken’ (← dʒ jad ‘hen’); g) -ʃxwa, augmentative suffix: ł'ǝʃxwa ‘big man’ (← ł'ǝ ‘man’). These suffixes are extremely productive. As a rule, they can be added to any root if the result makes sense. Thus, the abstract noun-forming suffix -ʁa can be added to any nominal base denoting a concrete object, and the resultant noun will denote the abstract essence of that object. One can even add it to certain proper names, such as the ethnonym a:dǝγa ‘Circassian’, thus obtaining the abstract noun a:dǝγaʁa ‘the essence of being Circassian, Circassian traditions and customs’. It can also be added to adjectival roots, e.g., da:xa:-ʁa ‘beauty’ from da:xa ‘beautiful’. However, one obviously cannot add the suffix -k' wa to the numeral base t'wǝ ‘two’, since the resulting *t'wǝ-k' wa would be uninterpretable (*‘the profession of being two’). There is generally only one nominal suffix for each derivational function, unlike, for example, in English, where there are several suffixes for deriving abstract nouns (-tion, -ity, -ness, etc.) and for deriving names of professions (-er, -ist, etc.). In Kabardian, every derived abstract noun is formed with the suffix -ʁa, and every derived noun denoting a profession with the suffix -k' wa. The derived nouns can be freely used as inputs for compounding, e.g., maza:k' wał' ‘lumber-

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jack, wood-merchant’ consists of the noun maz ‘wood’ and the suffix -k' wa for names of professions, forming a compound with the noun ł'ǝ ‘man’. The lexical origin of most nominal suffixes can still be detected. For example, the suffix -k' wa is derived from the verb k' wan ‘to go’, the suffix -fa from the noun fa ‘skin’, and the diminutive suffix -ʑjaj from the adjective ʑǝ ‘old’. Thus, they represent the result of grammaticalization of nominal, adjectival, and verbal roots occurring in compounds. Other nominal suffixes presumably have the same origin as certain verbal prefixes, e.g., -ʆ (suffix denoting place/dwelling) is presumably identical with the verbal prefix ʆǝdenoting location inside a container, and the abstract noun-forming suffix -ʁa might be identical with the causative prefix ʁa-.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Adjectives are rarely formed by derivation. One of the most productive suffixes is the privative suffix -nʃa, e.g., a:da-nʃa ‘fatherless’ (from a:da ‘father’). There are a few suffixes used to express degrees of the property denoted by the adjective, e.g., ˀaf'-ʆa ‘the sweetest’ (ˀaf' ‘sweet’), płǝʑǝ-bza ‘very red’ (płǝʑ ‘red’), etc. The comparative/superlative is expressed by the particle naχ, which merges with monosyllabic adjectives into a single word, e.g., naχǝ-ʆ'a ‘the youngest’ (ʆ'a ‘young’). Adding the suffix -ˀwa to the comparative form gives the adjective a diminutive meaning, e.g., naχ xwa:ba-ˀwa ‘a little warmer’ (from xwa:ba ‘warm’). The evaluative meaning is expressed by the circumfix xwa-…-fa, cf. xwa-dajla:-fa ‘somewhat foolish’ (from dajla ‘foolish’). Numerals behave like adjectives syntactically. Like adjectives, numerals may form compounds with nouns they modify, e.g., zǝʃ ‘one horse’ (from zǝ ‘one’ and ʃǝ ‘horse’). Ordinals are formed from the cardinal numerals by the prefix ja- and the suffix -ana, e.g., jat'wa:nа ‘second’ (t'wǝ ‘two’), jaʆa:na ‘third’ (ʆǝ ‘three’).

4.3. Verbal derivation Transitive verbs are derived from intransitives by ablaut. The verbal root contains the vowel [a] in intransitive verbs, and the vowel [ǝ] in transitives, e.g., dan ‘to sew (itr.)’ vs. dǝn ‘to sew (tr.)’, txan ‘to write (itr.)’ vs. txǝn ‘to write (tr.)’, xan ‘to mow (itr.)’ vs. xǝn ‘to mow (tr.)’. It can be shown that the large majority of transitives are derived from basic intransitives (Matasović 2008), but there are some primary transitives without intransitive counterparts, e.g., hǝn ‘to carry’. Ablaut is also used to distinguish “illative” and “elative” verbs. The illatives denote actions directed towards the subject and contain the vowel [a], while the elatives denote actions directed away from the subject and contain the vowel [ǝ] , e.g., bʁadałatan ‘to fly towards’ vs. bʁadałatǝn ‘to fly away from’. Verbal derivation in Kabardian includes both suffixation and prefixation. Prefixes mostly express directional and locational meanings, while suffixes are used for valencychanging operations such as transitivizing and detransitivizing.

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The most common directional prefixes are na- ‘away’, q'a- ‘hither’, bla- ‘by, passing by’, ʆ 'a- ‘towards the inferior part of something’, e.g., na-k' wan ‘to go away’ (k' wan ‘to go’), q'a-k' wan ‘to come’, bla-łatən ‘to fly by’ (łatan ‘to fly’), ʆ'a-dzǝn ‘to throw something under something’, ʆ'a-ʒǝn ‘to run under something’, etc. The prefix f'a- denotes the falling movement from the surface of something, or the “hanging” position of some object, e.g., f'a-ʒən ‘to jump, fall off’. Locational prefixes include xa- ‘in a filled container’, da- ‘in an empty container’, taj- ‘on’, etc. The prefix pə- denotes action which takes place at the end, or edge of something, e.g., pə-sən ‘to sit at the edge’, pə-ʒən ‘run off from the edge of something’, etc. Besides the locational and directional prefixes, there is the factitive prefix used to derive verbs from adjectives, e.g., wəf'ajən ‘to pollute, make dirty’ from f'aj ‘dirty’, or wəq'abzən ‘to clean’, from q'a:bza ‘clean’. Verbal suffixes may be divided into three types: a) valency-changing suffixes, b) suffixes expressing the degree of accomplishment of the action denoted by the verb, and c) suffixes relating the time when the action of the verb is performed to some temporal reference point. The valency-changing suffixes include -ʧ'ə-, -x-, and -ł-, cf. ł'an ‘to die’ vs. jǝ-ł'ǝ-ʧ'ǝ-n 3SG.SUBJ-die-of-INF ‘to die of something’, jaʒa-n ‘to run’ vs. jaʒa-łan ‘to run towards (someone or something)’, hən ‘to carry’ vs. ja-ha-xə-n ‘to carry down towards (someone or something)’. As can be gathered from the examples, the use of these suffixes is sometimes connected with vowel alternations (ablaut) in the verbal root. Generally, the valency-affecting suffixes do not change the verb’s transitivity, which is indicated by the type and order of person-marking prefixes that the verb takes (Matasović 2008). The second type of suffix includes the suffix -pa-, which is used to express that the action has been performed completely, to the end, e.g., laʑa-pa-n ‘to accomplish’ vs. laʑa-n ‘to work’. The suffix -xxa- reinforces negation and may be translated as ‘at all’, e.g., sə-k' wa-n-q'əm 1SG-go-FUT-NEG ‘I will not go’ vs. sə-k' wa-xxa-n-q'əm ‘I will absolutely not go, I will not go at all’. The suffixes -ʆ(a)- and -q' wa indicate that the action has been performed excessively, e.g., ʃxa-n ‘to eat’ vs. ʃxa-ʆa-n ‘to eat too much’, psała-n ‘to talk’ vs. psała-q'wa-n ‘to talk too much’. The third type includes suffixes that are probably derived from incorporated temporal adverbs (which no longer exist as independent words), e.g., -xw- ‘while’ and -ʧ'a ‘already’. These suffixes occur only on verbs in dependent clauses, which in Kabardian means on participles, infinitives, or gerunds: (2)

q' wad-a:-ʆ sə-ʆhawəq' wa-xw, sjə ʃə-r 1SG-sleep-while my horse-ABS disappear-PRET-AF ‘While I was sleeping, my horse disappeared.’

(3)

djə wəʧjətajl-əm jənstjətwət-ər q'ə-wəx-a:-ʧ'a-ʆ our teacher-ERG university-ABS DIR-finish-PRET-already-AF ‘Our teacher has already finished university.’

4.4. Adverbial derivation Adverbs are usually basic words, such as nawba ‘today’, pʆadjaj ‘yesterday’, or wajblama ‘even’. There is a suffix, -wa, used to derive adverbs from nominal and adjectival

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roots, but the standard grammars of Kabardian interpret this suffix as an adverbial case marker, e.g., f'ǝ ‘good’ → f'ǝ-wa ‘well’, like dʒ ja:ta-wa ‘like a sword, sword-like’. Adverbial numerals are formed from cardinals by ablaut, e.g., ʆǝ ‘three’ → -ʆa ‘thrice’, xǝ ‘eight’ → -xa ‘eight times’.

5. Conversion The grammatical differences between the major word classes in Kabardian are rather slight (Balkarov 1961). Most nominal roots can be used as adjectives, and vice versa, roots denoting properties can be freely nominalized. Adjectives and nouns can both be modified by case/definiteness and number suffixes and used attributively as well as predicatively. Nominal and adjectival roots can be converted into stative verbs by adding tense and illocutionary-force suffixes, cf. the following examples formed from the nominal root pʆa:ʆa ‘girl’ and the adjectival root da:xa ‘beautiful’: pʆa:ʆa da:xa-r pʆa:ʆa da:xa-xa-r pʆa:ʆa-r da:xa-ʆ da:xa-r pʆa:ʆa-ʆ

girl beautiful-ABS ‘the beautiful girl’ girl beautiful-PL-ABS ‘the beautiful girls’ girl-ABS beautiful-AF ‘the girl is beautiful’ beautiful-ABS girl-AF ‘the beauty is a girl’

Thus, words primarily denoting substances, objects, and persons may be used as both adjectives and nouns, e.g., dǝʆa ‘gold’ and ‘golden’, mǝva ‘stone’ and ‘stony’, pʃa:ʁ wa ‘cloud’ and ‘cloudy’. In the same vein, ts'ǝxw means both ‘person, human being’ and ‘human’, q'a:rwǝ is ‘power’ and ‘powerful, strong’, pʃar ‘fat’ and ‘fatty’, etc. Likewise, all words primarily denoting qualities and properties can be used as nouns as well as adjectives, e.g., f'ǝˀa ‘cold’ and ‘coldness’, hała ‘heavy’ and ‘weight’, q'a:ra ‘black (of horses)’ and ‘the black one’. Conversion is also possible with Russian loans, which are generally borrowed as nouns, but may freely be used as adjectives, e.g., ʃkawl ‘school’ (for both Russian škola (noun) and škol'nyj (adjective)).

6. Marginal processes Backformation is not common, and reduplication is not a productive process in Kabardian. There are a handful of reduplicated formations such as the adverbs pq'ǝna-pq'ǝnawǝ ‘in little pieces’ (cf. pq'ǝ ‘kernel’) and da:xa-da:xawǝ ‘properly, as prescribed by custom’ (cf. da:xa ‘beautiful’), as well as the noun ła:ʁ wǝn-ła:ʁ w ‘a visit’ (cf. ła:ʁ wǝn ‘to see’). Historically, it can be detected in a few forms, such as dǝ-da ‘very, very much so’. Blending and clipping do not seem to occur in the inherited vocabulary. Some Russian words derived by clipping were borrowed as such, e.g., vǝwz ‘college’ (Russ. vuz ← vysšee učebnoe zavedenie). In contemporary speech, especially among the Kabardian inteligentsia, some abbreviations of names of organizations are used as independent words, e.g., DAX (← Dwǝnjajpsaw a:dǝγa xa:sa ‘International Circassian Association’).

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Abbreviations ABS AF DIR ERG FUT INF

absolutive affirmative directional ergative future infinitive

NEG PL PRET SG SUBJ

negative plural preterite singular subject

7. References Abitov, Muxab Luxmanovič 1957 Grammatika kabardino-čerkesskogo literaturnogo jazyka. Moskva: AN SSSR. Apažev, Muxamed Lokmanovič 2000 Sovremennyj kabardino-čerkesskij jazyk. Leksikologija. Leksikografija. Naľčik: Ėľbrus. Balkarov, Bоris Xazeševič 1961 O častjax reči v kabardinskom jazyke. In: Voprosy sostavlenija opisateľnyx grammatik, 113–122. Moskva: Izdateľstvo AN SSSR. Colarusso, John 1992 A Grammar of the Kabardian Language. Calgary: University of Calgary Press. Colarusso, John 2006 Kabardian (East Circassian). München: LINCOM Europa. Dzuganova, Rita Xabalovna 2005 Morfonologičeskie processy v kabardino-čerkesskom slovoobrazovanii. Naľčik: Ėľbrus. Gjaurgiev, Xatika Zakiraevič and Xamid X. Sukunov 1991 Škoľnyj russko-kabardinskij slovar’. Naľčik: Nart. Jakovlev, Nikolaj Feofanovič 1948 Grammatika literaturnogo kabardino-čerkesskogo jazyka. Moskva: AN SSSR. Kardanov, Buba Macikovič 1957 Grammatičeskij očerk kabardinskogo jazyka. In: Muxamed L. Apažev et al., Kabardinsko-russkij slovar’, 489–576. Moskva: Gosudarstvennoe izdateľstvo inostrannyx i nacionaľnyx slovarej. Kuipers, Aert H. 1960 Phoneme and Morpheme in Kabardian. The Hague: Mouton. Kumaxov, Muxadin A. 1971 Slovoizmenenie adygskix jazykov. Moskva: Nauka. Kumaxov, Muxadin A. 1989 Sravniteľno-istoričeskaja grammatika adygskix (čerkesskix) jazykov. Moskva: Nauka. Kumaxov, Muxadin A. (ed.) 2006 Kabardino-čerkesskij jazyk. 2 Vol. Naľčik: Izdateľskij centr Ėľ-Fa. Matasović, Ranko 2008 Transitivity in Kabardian. In: Robert D. Van Valin Jr. (ed.), Investigations of the SyntaxSemantics-Pragmatics Interface, 59–74. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Matasović, Ranko 2010 Kabardian causatives, reflexives, and case marking domains. Suvremena lingvistika 96: 45–63.

Ranko Matasović, Zagreb (Croatia)

Northeast Caucasian 195. Rutul 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract This article deals with Rutul word-formation. It is shown that Rutul has a specific inventory of word-formation devices, including compounding, affixation, and conversion. The formal and semantic characteristics of these devices are illustrated with examples.

1. Introduction Rutul is part of the Lezgian Branch of East Caucasian. According to the 2002 census, it has 29,929 speakers mostly living in the Rutul region of the Republic of Daghestan. There are some Rutul villages in neighbouring regions of Daghestan and Azerbaijan. Rutul is divided into the Mukhad, Mukhrek-Ikhrek and Borch dialects with Mukhad being the main variety − the basis for literary norm (since 1992). Almost all Rutuls have a command of Russian (27,083, according to the 2002 census); some also speak Azeri. The history of research on Rutul begins with the work by Dirr (1911). Publications by Džejranišvili (cf. Džejranišvili 1984) represent the Georgian caucasological tradition. The next step is Ibragimov’s monograph (1978; see also Ibragimov 2002) with passages devoted to word-formation. Rutul word-formation has also been described in works on morphology (cf. Maxmudova 2001, among others) and lexicology (cf. Gusejnova 1988, among others). Special attention should be paid to the works specifically dedicated to word-formation in Rutul (Sultanaeva 2004; Ibragimov, Alisultanov and Sultanaeva 2007; Magomedova 2009 − a contrastive Rutul-English analysis). The Rutul-Russian dictionary by Džamalov and Semedov (2006) is also a helpful source for the study of Rutul word-formation. A short sketch of the language in English with phonological transcriptions, which is also followed in the present article, and including notes on word-formation, is Alekseev (1994).

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2. General overview According to Ibragimov, Alisultanov and Sultanaeva (2007: 12), Rutul basically has two types of word-formation, namely affixation (derivation) and compounding (including reduplication). Noun derivation employs suffixation, while verbal derivation prefers prefixation. There are problems concerning the demarcation of compounding and noun phrases. Ibragimov, Alisultanov and Sultanaeva (2007: 9) cite the following multi-word units: ğuned-ğa ‘collarbone; lit. shoulder’s bridge’, ˇxɨlid-q’°an ‘palm (of hand); lit. hand’s palm’, lɨxˇdɨ-laq’ ‘liver; lit. black liver’, ux̑ni-t’al ‘navel’ (abdomen’s ?), begi-t’ul/begidt’ul ‘rib; lit. side’s rod’, q’ux̑dɨ-nin ‘grandmother; lit. big mother’, gä-nin ‘mother-in-law; lit. ? + mother’, etc. Most of these examples can be treated as phraseological units. The productivity of the Rutul derivational system has been weakened due to the large number of borrowings from languages including Arabic, Persian, Turkic (Azeri), and Russian. These loanwords introduced new suffixes into the Rutul system of word-formation, e.g., the Persian suffix -kar in taxˇsir-kar ‘guilty person’ ← taxˇsir ‘guilt’, zulum-kar ‘oppressor’ ← zulum ‘oppression’, peše-kar ‘craftsman’ ← peše ‘craft’, etc.; Persian -dar in ˇxazna-dar ‘treasurer’ ← ˇxazna ‘treasury’, hamal-dar ‘slyboots’ ← hamal ‘trick’, dindar ‘believer’ ← din ‘religion, faith’, ˇxabar-dar ‘messenger’ ← ˇxabar ‘news’, ǯin-dar ‘magician’ ← ǯin ‘(evil) spirit’, hɨlim-dar ‘scholar’ ← hɨlim ‘science’.

3. Composition 3.1. Nominal compounds Rutul has both determinative and copulative nominal compounds. Determinative compounds mostly follow the model noun + noun, where the first noun is an oblique stem (as a result of deleting the genitive suffix -dɨ?): ux̑ni-t’al ‘navel’ (‘abdomen’s’ ?), begi-t’ul ‘rib; lit. side’s rod’, suva-yac ‘Caucasian goat; lit. mountain’s ox’, gɨbli-bɨč’ ‘a kind of flower; lit. rheumatics flower’. The second model, noun (locative) + verb (participle) is found in the following units: ˇxɨväʔad ‘yoke; lit. on neck being’, ĝalä-axˇad ‘bit, a part of harness; lit. in mouth been put’. We can describe it as a result of the simultaneous conversion of original word combinations (cf. the literal glosses). Among copulative compounds (dvandvas) we find did-nin ‘parents; lit. father-mother’, ˇxal-laxˇ ‘property; lit. house-hearth’, x̑ɨv-x̑ed ‘food; lit. bread-water’. We can also treat as a special type of copulative compounds compound proper names: haǯi-q:urban/q:urban-haǯi with haǯi and q:urban being independent proper names, ˇxanmahamed/mahamed-xˇan, ˇxan-murad/murad-xˇan, etc.

3.2. Numeral compounds Composition is a regular way of forming numerals. Numbers from 11 to 19 are formed by adding yic’- (> c’ɨ-, c’u-) ‘ten’ to corresponding numbers from 1 to 9: sa ‘one’ → c’ɨ-sa ‘11’, q’°a- ‘two’ → c’u q’°a- ‘12’, x̑ib- ‘three’

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→ c’ɨ-x̑ib- ‘13’, and so on. Tens are made adding -c’ɨ- (> c’u after labial vowels in the first stem) to numbers from 3 to 9: x̑ib-c’ɨ- ‘30’, yuq’-c’u ‘40’, x̑u-c’u- ‘50’, rɨx̑-c’ɨ- ‘60’, yiy (< yiĝ-)-c’ɨ- ‘70’, mɨy-c’ɨ- ‘80’, huč’č’u- (< -č’c’-) ‘90’. All these numerals take a class suffix: I, II sing.: -Vr; III sing.: -Vb; IV sing.: -Vd, V being equal to the root vowel and V > 0̸ after vowels. Note that *x̑ibɨb > x̑ib, three (III sing.). Ordinal numbers are derived from the absolutive form of the cardinals by adding the suffix x̑ùsdɨ (lit. ‘said’): huč’ur-x̑usdɨ (I, II sing.), huč’ub-x̑usdɨ (III sing.) ‘ninth’, and so on. Distributive pronouns include the compound haà:rsa ‘each; lit. every-one’.

3.3. Verbal compounds As do several other Lezgian languages, Rutul shows a distinct class of compound verbs which are formed from a combination of a nominal part with an auxiliary or light verb, haʔas ‘to do’ for transitive verbs and hɨkɨs ‘to be, become’ for intransitives. Thus: ilà:miš hɨkɨs ‘to believe’, il hɨkɨs ‘to smell; lit. smell be’, un hɨkɨs ‘to hear; lit. sound be’, pašmàl hɨkɨs ‘to grieve; lit. sad be’, hurmat hàʔas ‘to respect; lit. respect do’, ˇxar vàʔas ‘to learn’, etc. The auxiliary verbs show agreement in class category with the nominal part of the compound. Usually, however, the transitive verb is derived from the intransitive by combining the terminative stem with the auxiliary verb hàʔas ‘to do’: (1)

banà c’ay lìk’ur a ‘On the mountain a fire has been lit.’ zad c’ay lìk’u hɨʔɨr ‘I lit (lit. did lit) a fire.’

(2)

had lùkur ‘He fell.’ zad had lùku hɨʔɨr ‘I felled (lit. did fallen) him.’

3.4. Adverbial compounds Composition of the copulative type occurs in the following adverbs: a:-u: ‘around’ ← a: ‘under’ + u: ‘on’, yɨğ-vɨš/yɨğ-na-vɨš ‘always; lit. day-night’, yɨxˇana-pisene ‘so-so; lit. well-badly’. The determinative type is represented in yuq’-sura ‘in all directions; lit. in four sides’.

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation Some suffixes are used to derive nouns both from nominal and verbal stems, e.g., -en tiy: gič’-entiy ‘coward’ ← gič’ ‘fear’. The expressive character of the suffix produces

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its irregular variant -(e)nt’iy as in veš-rnt’iy ‘sniveller’ ← veše-s ‘to cry, weep’, širin-t’iy ‘sweets’ (with loss of -en- after -n-) ← širin ‘sweet’.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns The suffix -(V)y has h y p o c o r i s t i c meaning and is usually added to kinship terms: duxˇ-uy ‘sonny’ ← duxˇ ‘son’, did-ay ‘daddy’ ← did ‘father’, nin-ay ‘mummy’ ← nin ‘mother’, gɨg-ɨy ‘dear uncle’ ← gag ‘uncle’. Regarding their use, these forms can be treated as vocatives. See also baby-words with the ending -y: bači-y ‘sheep’, bisi-y ‘pussy-cat’, bebi-y ‘bread’, bapɨ-y ‘cooked cereal (porridge, etc.)’. The same suffix forms proper names like the following ones: davud-ay/davud, hasanɨy/hasan, derived from proper names, and bɨč’-ey (← bɨč’ ‘flower’), viriğ-ay (← viriğ ‘sun’), derived from common nouns, etc.; am-ay, baz-ay, maz-ay, kar-ay, mes-iy, fal-ɨy, bak’-ɨy, ˇxalak-ɨy are derived from unclear stems. The suffix -(V)y is used also in nicknames and names of animals denoting their specific physical characteristics (e.g., colour): lɨxˇɨy ‘blacky’ ← lɨxˇ-dɨ ‘black’, ir-iy ‘ruddy’ ← ir-dy ‘red’, q’ɨrč’eliy ‘motley (one)’ ← q’ɨrč’id ‘motley’, uk’-uy ‘spotty’ ← uk’ ‘spot’, gar-ɨy ‘itchy’ ← gar ‘itch’, ubur-ɨy ‘without ear(s)’ ← ubur ‘ear’, q’at’-ɨy ‘docktailed’ ← q’at’ ‘snip’, q’araq-ɨy ‘cow giving milk the next year’ (← q’araq, a word no longer in use), gadɨq-ɨy ‘left-hander’ ← gadɨq-dɨ ‘left’, x̑ex̑-iy ‘big-nosed’ ← x̑ex̑ ‘nose’, č’uq’-uy ‘dirty person’ ← č’uq’ ‘dirt’, süpel-iy ‘a man with big moustache’ ← süpel ‘moustache’. Some common nouns can also be described in this group: č’ɨrč’ɨm-ɨy ‘sorrel’ ← č’ɨrč’ɨm-dɨ ‘sour’, ˇxindad-ɨy ‘widow(er)’ ← ˇxindad (of unclear origin) and so on. The suffix -qan forms a g e n t n o u n s derived from names of the objects of the corresponding activity: ˇxabà-qan ‘shepherd’ ← ˇxɨb ‘flock of sheep’, ruxˇù-qan ‘miller’ ← ruxˇ ‘mill’, ǯada-qan ‘smith’ ← ǯad ‘smithy’, sɨva-qan ‘mountain dweller’ ← sɨv ‘mountain’, yɨğla-qan ‘guard (of the field)’ ← yɨğɨl ‘field’. The affix is added to the oblique stem of the source noun. We found the direct stem of the source noun only in the following cases: nexˇìr-qan ‘cowherd’ ← nexˇìr ‘herd’, gagɨl-qan ‘left-hander’ ← gadɨq-dɨ ‘left’. The reason for this anomaly may be the unstressed affix of the oblique stem (nexˇìr-di-). There are some suffixes which derive nouns with irregular changes of the source stem, e.g., -(u)gen: züregen ‘urinary bladder’ ← zur ‘urine’, see also ğudi-gen ‘pillow’ ← ğud ‘head of the bed’. There is not enough evidence to consider it a variant of -(u)gan deriving deverbal agent nouns (as in Ibragimov, Alisultanov and Sultanaeva 2007: 81), present in kirx̑a-gan ‘beggar’ ← kirx̑a-s ‘to be a tramp’ and (with an unclear source stem) q°erg-gen ‘baker (woman)’. The suffix -či is borrowed from Azeri. It forms nouns denoting people by their occupation, activities, etc.: sɨrɨxˇ-či ‘thief’ ← sɨrɨxˇ-dɨ ‘theft’, dagul-či ‘thief’ ← dagul-na ‘secretly’, q:alɨy-či ‘tinman’ ← q:alɨy ‘tin’, x̑°al-či ‘fortune-teller’ ← x̑°al ‘fortune-telling’, q:ulluxˇ-či ‘office worker’ ← q:ulluxˇ ‘office’, čakma-či ‘shoemaker’ ← čakma ‘(high) boot’, baluğ-či ‘fisherman’ ← baluğ ‘fish’, naq’ra-či ‘drummer’ ← naq’ra ‘drum’, čey-či ‘teahouse worker’ ← čey ‘tea’ (another word with the same meaning but a different source stem is čayxˇan-či ← čayxˇana ‘teahouse’). In one case the suffix has

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no derivational meaning, being just a marker of the lexical group (agent nouns): bağmanči ‘gardener’/bağban ‘gardener’ ← Persian bağ ‘garden’. The suffix -ʔen is found in the following words: ˇxɨle-ʔen ‘glove’ ← ˇxɨl ‘hand’, gɨvaʔan ‘sock’ ← gɨl ‘foreleg’ (cf. in the Tsaxur dialect: gɨvɨ), isle-ʔen ‘orpine’ (of unclear origin). Presumably the suffix is a shortened verbal stem, see Ixrek (one of the Rutul dialects) ˇxɨliy laʔad ‘glove; lit. putting on hand’. The suffix -šura forms nouns of i n h a b i t a n t s from the names of villages (in the oblique stem): bɨǯe-šura ‘dweller of Bortch’, c’axˇɨra-šura ‘dweller of Tsaxur’ (Bortch and Tsaxur are villages in the Rutul region). The suffix -val (the variant -valdɨ also occurs) forms a b s t r a c t n o u n s denoting quality, activity, etc. The bases are mostly adjectives, for instance: ğɨdɨl-val ‘softness’ ← ğɨdɨl-dɨ ‘soft’, bik’èr-val ‘heat’ ← bik’èr-dɨ ‘hot’, hazɨr-valdɨ ‘readiness’ ← hazɨr ‘ready’, havàm-valdɨ ‘ignorance’; but sometimes also nouns: äskär-val ‘army, army service’ ← äskär ‘army’, šu-valdɨ ‘brotherhood’ ← šu ‘brother’, nin-valdɨ ‘motherhood’, and so on. Deverbal nouns with the masdar form as a source base can also be formed with this suffix: giyq’ɨn-valdɨ ‘quick-wittedness’ ← giyq’ɨn ‘to guess, calculate’, giyx̑invaldɨ ‘silence’ ← giyx̑in ‘to keep silence’, güzäthäq’ɨn-valdɨ ‘supervision’ ← güzäthäq’ɨn ‘to observe, supervise’, and so on. Deverbal nouns with -valdɨ are regularly derived from borrowed Azeri deverbal stems, gerunds (with the suffix -miš): ağmiš -valdɨ ‘recollection’, gelmiš-valdɨ ‘visit’.

4.1.2. Deverbal nouns There is a rare suffix -l which generates deverbal a c t i o n n o u n s from intransitive verbs and of r e s u l t n o u n s from transitive verbs: yäddä-l ‘pain, desease’ ← yäddä-s ‘to pain, be ill’, yäšä-l ‘weeping’ ← yäšä-s ‘to weep’, huğ°à-l ‘rain’ ← huğ°à-s ‘to rain’, yit'à-l ‘knot’ ← yìt’a-s ‘to tie sth.’, yäzä-l ‘crops’ ← yäzä-s ‘to sow’, and a few others. As the examples demonstrate, the source stem is that of potentialis. Some caucasologists consider m a s d a r s as deverbal nouns. The masdar is formed from the terminative stem by adding to it the suffix -n: sàtɨ-n ‘(the process of) leaving’ (I, IV sing.), kùč’i-n ‘(the state of) beginning’ (IV sing.), and so on. I think it is better viewed as a form of the verbal paradigm used as a kind of nominalization, since it preserves a set of verbal properties. Independent use of the masdar is found very seldom, for instance: (3)

zad vàda ˇxayìš hàʔar qirq’ɨn zɨ aqàrgun ‘I ask you to come to see me.’

(4)

kitàb q’alä hɨʔɨn hɨxˇdɨ kar i ‘To read books is a good thing.’

Although the masdar, like other non-finite verbal forms, keeps the case government of the finite verb, there are rare examples of a subject absolutive being transformed to a genitive, for instance: (5)

zas bat’ràna hàbgur mi hiyvànäd vàxˇˇxɨn ‘I liked (beautyfully saw) the running of that horse.’

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The use of the absolutive and genitive in such situations is semantically distinct: (6)

had yìrq’ɨn hàguynɨ zɨ šad hišìr ‘I was glad of his arrival (= the fact that he had arrived).’

It is possible to say that the genitive entails the conversion of the masdar (a verbal form) to deverbal noun.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Used attributively, and sometimes predicatively, the adjective takes the attributivizing suffix, which coincides with the genitive affix, -d after vowels and -dɨ after consonants. Thus: -d -dɨ

bat’rà-d ‘beautiful’, äkkä-d ‘big’, harčà-d ‘right’, guǯlù-d ‘strong’; ǯìk-dɨ ‘short’, mɨq’-dɨ ‘cold’, mɨč’àq-dɨ ‘dark’, and so on.

The stems in the examples above are primary adjective stems also used as bases for adverbial formation. Since the adjectival and genitive suffixes are the same, it might be asked why they should be differentiated. As the material shows, when an adjective is derived from a noun, it does not coincide with the genitive form: gaš ‘hunger’ → genitive gašà-d vs. gàš-dɨ ‘hungry’; čäpäl ‘dirt’ → genitive čäpläd vs. čäpäl-dɨ ‘dirty’. When functioning predicatively, an adjective usually occurs in the short form, formed by adding -ɨ (-i after dorsals) to the stem: dɨq’ɨl-dɨ → diq’ɨlɨ ‘bitter’: gàš-dɨ → gàš-i ‘hungry’, x̑ulìx̑-dɨ → x̑ulìx̑-i ‘thick’, äkkä-d → äkkä ‘big’, and so on. Certain loan adjectives do not add -ɨ/-i to the short form: ačɨxˇ ‘open’, pašmàl ‘sad’, načàğ ‘sick’. Used attributively, the Rutul adjective does not inflect. If substantivized, in the oblique cases we find the oblique stem suffixes -nov- (classes I, II) and -di- (classes III, IV): k’ɨʔ-nov- ‘small’. For instance: (7)

q’òx̑dɨ ˇxɨnxˇɨr k’ɨnovda äč ˇxäğävšur ‘The big boy took an apple from the little one.’

In the plural a substantivized adjective takes the suffix -bɨr, differentiating the oblique stems with the suffixes -ši (class I, II) and -ymɨ (class III, IV). The ergative case of substantivized adjectives has the suffix -ɨ.

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives There are two antonymous adjectival suffixes borrowed from Azeri with a lot of nouns and derived adjectives: o r n a t i v e , or p o s s e s s i v e -lɨ (‘having X, with X’) and p r i v a t i v e -sɨz (‘not having X, without X’): baxˇt-lɨ ‘happy’ vs. baxˇt-sɨz ‘unhappy’ (← baxˇt ‘happiness’), haq’al-lɨ ‘clever’ vs. haq’al-sɨz ‘unclever’ (← haq’al ‘cleverness’),

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guǯ-lɨ ‘strong’ ← guǯ ‘power’, var-lɨ ‘rich’ ← var ‘possession’, ǯan-lɨ ‘healthy, strong’ ← ǯan ‘body’, haya-lɨ ‘decent’ ← haya ‘decency’. In few cases this suffix is found in the assimilated form -li after an -e- in the root: ev-li ‘married’ ← ev ‘house’. This shows the two ways of borrowing: a) with suffixes in assimilated form as in the source language, i.e. borrowing the word in an unanalyzable morphologically form, as one morphological unit; b) with suffixes in unassimilated form (e.g., guǯ-lɨ ‘strong’ vs. Azeri güǯlü ‘strong’ ← güǯ ‘power’), i.e. the suffix is borrowed as morphologically independent unit. Words with radical -a- and -ɨ- do not show this differentiation. The same characteristics also concern the other suffixes borrowed from Azeri, e.g., edeb-sɨz ‘indecent’ ← edeb ‘decency’ ~ Azeri edeb-siz, etc. Some words with a suffix -sɨz seem to have no -lɨ correlates: yah-sɨz ‘timid’ ← yah ‘boldness’, rɨq-sɨz ‘shameless’ ← rɨq ‘shame’, vax̑°a-sɨz ‘untrustworthy’ ← vax̑°a ‘devotion’, čara-sɨz ‘hopeless’ ← čara ‘way out’, din-sɨz ‘atheistic, godless’ ← din ‘faith, religion’.

4.2.2. Deverbal adjectives Formally deverbal adjectives are participles. They are formed from the durative and terminative stems and from the infinitive by adding to them the adjectival suffix: sàrta-d ‘leaving, being left’, sàtɨ-d ‘having left, having been left’, sàtas-dɨ ‘that will leave/be left’. The process of turning participles into adjectives should be described as conversion (see section 5.2).

4.3. Pronominal derivation There are some regular devices that form certain groups of pronouns. Negative pronouns are formed from the interrogatives by adding the suffix -ni: vɨšni ‘no-one’ (← vɨš ‘who’), ergative case hal-ni (> hanni) and so on. The absolutive of the negative pronoun ‘nothing’ is formed suppletivily: šešun. Indefinite pronouns are formed by means of the particle -gadi: vɨš-gadi ‘someone’ (← vɨš ‘who’), hilɨ-gadi ‘somewhere’ (← hilɨ ‘where’), and so on.

4.4. Verbal derivation The Rutul verb has no derivational suffixes. Apart from the root, however, the verb stem, as a rule, contains a “spatial” prefix, giving spatial orientation to the denoted action as in the following examples: s-äč’°as ‘to dismount’, l-äč’°as ‘to climb up’, k-äč’°as ‘to get into (water, etc.)’, g-äč’°as ‘to crawl under’, ʔ-äč’°as ‘to enter’. These verbs are derived from the same bound stem -äč’°a-. The following list is presumably a full list of spatial prefixes. Since source stems are mostly bound, i.e. do not occur without prefixes, it is to a certain extent a result of etymological analysis:

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a) s- ‘down, beneath’: sèbʔеs ‘to take off’ (← -èbʔе-), sàyčes ‘to scatter’ (← -àyče-, cf. làyčes), sèygas ‘to pour down (rain)’ (← -èyga-), sìx̑°as ‘to fall’ (← -ìx̑°a-), sàğ°as ‘to set down’. Most verbs with s- have lost the original meaning of the prefix, see sičès ‘to rot’, säx̑as ‘to get wet’, säbxˇas ‘to cut’ and others, where the cluster prefix + root is semantically unmotivated and the root is found only within the cluster; b) l- ‘on, above’: làytas ‘to throw (upwards)’ (← -àyta-), läč’°as ‘to climb up’ (← -äč’°a-, cf. käč’°as), lìx̑es ‘to put (on)’ (← -ix̑e-, cf. kìx̑es), làyčes ‘lo leap, fly’ (← -àyče-, cf. sàyčes), lèyges ‘to grow’ (← -èyge-), làğ°as, ‘to set (up)’ (← -ağ°a-, cf. kàğ°as). The function of l- is sometimes obscure, in verbs such as: lùk°as ‘to fall’, làyxˇas ‘to plough’, lèyq’as ‘to reach’, and others; c) k- ‘in a solid mass, in contact’: kèyes ‘to throw at’, kèyxˇas ‘to hang (itr.), kɨyxˇas ‘to intervene’, käč’°as ‘to enter (e.g., water)’, kìčibxˇas ‘to fight’, kìx̑es ‘to bury’, kɨxˇas ‘to take a dip’, kìbt’as ‘to tether’, kìbxˇas ‘to mingle’, kìq’as/kèytas ‘to touch’, etc. Unmotivated use of this prefix is fairly uncommon: kìkas ‘to be similar’, kùbt’°as ‘to bow down’, kàğ°as ‘to lose’; d) g- ‘under’: gàyčes, guč’ès ‘to crawl under’, gìx̑es ‘to put under’, gäš°as ‘to crush down’, gìx̑°as ‘to fall under’, gɨxˇas ‘to hide under’, gèyes ‘to spread (bedding, etc.)’, gèytas ‘to strike from below’. The prefix appears to be unmotivated in: gìygas ‘to dance’, gùk°as ‘to endure’, gàq:as ‘to look’, gäygas ‘to lose (game)’, gìyq’as ‘to understand’; e) ʔ- ‘inside’: ʔèbʔes ‘to lead in’, ʔàğ°as ‘to let in’, ʔèygas ‘to round up (cattle)’, ʔìx̑es ‘to place in’, ʔäš°as ‘to thrust in’. The prefix is unmotivated in: ʔàlk’as ‘to limp’, ʔàrxˇas ‘to be hoarse’ and a few others; f) q- ‘behind, back(wards)’: qurğ°às ‘to return’, qèygas ‘to catch up’, qìrx̑°as ‘to pursue’. Unmotivated use: qɨgàs ‘to please’; g) ğ- ‘outside’: ğàq:as ‘to look out’, ğèygas ‘to drive out (cattle)’, ğàğ°as ‘to hatch out’, ğèbʔes ‘to take out’. The prefix appears to be unmotivated in ğèyxˇas ‘to fray’, ğìx̑es ‘to beat’, ğìbx̑°as ‘to unwind (wool)’; h) ˇx- ‘by, around, in the hands of (?)’: ˇxàq’as ‘to chase after’, ˇxäš°as ‘to squeeze’, ˇxìx̑es ‘to apply, put next to’. The prefix is unmotivated in: ˇxat’°as ‘to rot, go off (from heat)’, ˇxùbk°as ‘to ask’, ˇxìbgas ‘to move’. All these prefixes take the initial position in the word form: the next position is taken by the prefixes of retroactive motion -ql-, -ğ-/-h, which attach to verbs of motion forming verbs of reverse motion (with respect to that of the source verb), cf. äč’°as ‘to enter’ → geğäč’°as ‘to exit’, gàyčes ‘to leap into’ → gağàyčes/gaqlàyčes ‘to leap out’, and so on. The second position is also taken by “expressive” prefixes, whose function can be formulated as the attribution of a pejorative connotation to the verb. For instance: -č’- qɨč’ɨbxˇas ‘to crawl’, ˇxač’ibxˇas ‘to throw’, lač’ibxˇas ‘to slide’; -č- kičibqas ‘to brawl’; -ǯ- ğaǯibxˇas ‘to fidget’. When there is no spatial prefix, the expressive prefixes occupy the initial position: č’ibxˇes ‘to tear’, č’avark’°as ‘to scratch’, č’uvuk°as ‘to grimace’, ǯɨbğas ‘to fade’. The expressive prefixes t’-, c’- occur only in initial position: t’ùbǯes ‘to suck’, t’ùbq’°as ‘to burst’, t’àxˇas ‘to swell up’, t’uvuk°as ‘to spin’, c’urxˇ°as ‘to slide’, c’irq’as ‘to be frightened’.

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4.5. Adverbial derivation Qualitative adverbs are derived from the adjective stems by adding the suffixes -anɨ/ -änɨ: x̑ulìx̑(i) ‘thick’ → x̑ulìx̑-änɨ ‘thickly’, hɨxˇɨ ‘good’ → hɨxˇ-anɨ ‘well’. Spatial adverbs usually distinguish two cases, locative and ablative, for instance: u: ‘up above’ vs. u:-lɨ ‘from above’, a: ‘down below’ vs. a:-lɨ ‘from below’. Since according to tradition adverbs have no declension, ablative markers in adverbs are considered as derivational suffixes. Adverbs of place may also be derived from nouns (in the absolutive form) by adding the suffix -nɨ: läc’-nɨ ‘along the river’, šährä-nɨ ‘along the street’, ràq-nɨ ‘along the road’. Such adverbs have no inflected categories. Adverbs of time may take the suffix -madan: ulìk-madan ‘at first’ ← ulìk ‘before’, k’ɨmmadan ‘in the morning’ ← k’ɨb ‘early’, hàya-madan ‘at that time’ ← hà ‘this (near you)’ (-ya- is not clear). Two adverbs show the suffix -dir: x̑elekan-dir ‘later, next’, haràkat-dir ‘faster’. According to Ibragimov, Alisultanov and Sultanaeva (2007: 39) the complete list of adverbial suffixes includes the following units: 1. -na, -nä, -ana, -anä, -ena, -enä; 2. -da, -dä, -di (> -ye), -dɨ, -ɨdɨ; 3. -ay; 4. -ga, -ka, -k°a, -ki; 5. -la; 6. -a, -ä, -i (in locative adverbs); 7. -sadana; 8. -x̑°an, -ux̑°an (comitative case); 9. auxiliary words of -kal type; 10. -na, -nä (in deverbal adverbs).

5. Conversion 5.1. Nominal conversion There are some examples of sustantivization of attributive forms derived from case forms of nouns: t’iliy-dɨ ‘thimble; lit. that on finger’. Some nouns with the suffix -dɨ can be characterized as etymological adjectives: x̑ɨdɨldɨ ‘woman’, vɨĝɨl-dɨ ‘man’ < ‘(a person) being a husband (vɨĝɨl)’.

5.2. Adjectival conversion Some nouns borrowed from Azeri which usually refer to persons can also function as adjectives without the suffix -dɨ: kasib ‘poor’, katxˇuda ‘rich’, axˇmaq’ ‘stupid’, misq’in ‘greedy’. Quite a number of adjectives can formally be treated as participles, which, in contradistinction to adjectives, display some verbal properties, e.g., class: aǯi-r-gad ‘rare; lit. not found’ (I−II class), aǯi-b-gad (III class), aǯi-d-gad (IV class), č’uvukud ‘dry’, sičid ‘rotten’, yädäd ‘sick’, etc.

5.3. Adverbial conversion Virtually all Rutul locative adverbs may function as postpositions: u: ‘up, above ~ on (sth.)’, a: ‘down, below ~ under (sth.)’:

195. Rutul (8)

eč a: gi ‘An apple is below.’

(9)

eč ˇxukax̑de a: gi ‘An apple is under the tree.’

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Only the locative adverbs (or particles?) ğaʔ ‘outwards’, saʔ ‘downwards’, laʔ ‘upwards’, x̑uʔ ‘ahead’ have no postpositional function.

6. Reduplication Reduplication of nouns (more rarely adverbs) forms adverbs with distributive meaning: c’amna-c’amna ‘by little amounts’, uk’-uk’-na ‘by drops’, gah-gah, ara-ara ‘from time to time’, k’ɨbk’ɨb ‘often’ ← k’ɨb ‘early’.

7. References Alekseev, Mikhail 1994 Rutul. In: Rieks Smeets (ed.), The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus. Vol. 4: North East Caucasian Languages. Part 2, 213−258. Delmar, NY: Caravan Books. Dirr, Adol’f 1911 Rutuľskij jazyk. Tiflis: Tipografija Glavnogo Upravlenija Namestnika Kavkazskogo. Džamalov, Kamal and Semed Semedov 2006 Rutuľsko-russkij slovar’ (Ixrekskij dialekt). Moskva: Ėkon-Inform. Džejranišvili, Evgenij 1984 Tsaxuri da muxaduri (rutuluri) enebi. Vol. 2: Morfologija. Tbilisi: Izdateľstvo Tbilisskogo universiteta. Gusejnova, Farida 1988 Leksika rutuľskogo jazyka. Ph.D. dissertation, Tbilisi. Ibragimov, Garun 1978 Rutuľskij jazyk. Moscow: Nauka. Ibragimov, Garun 2004 Rutuľskij jazyk. Sinxronija i diaxronija. Maxačkala: Narody Dagestana. Ibragimov, Garun, Alisultan Alisultanov and Kizilgül Sultanaeva 2007 Slovoobrazovanie v rutuľskom jazyke. Maxačkala: Daghestanian State Pedagogical University. Magomedova, Naida 2009 Slovoobrazovanie v rutuľskom i anglijskom jazykax. Ph.D. dissertation, Maxačkala. Maxmudova, Svetlana 2001 Morfologija rutuľskogo jazyka. Moskva: IJa RAN. Sultanaeva, Kizilgül 2004 Slovoobrazovanie v rutuľskom jazyke. Ph.D. dissertation, Maxačkala.

Mikhail Alekseyev (†), Moscow (Russia)

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196. Budugh 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Reduplication References

Abstract Word-formation in Budugh is characterized by extensive use of quasi-syntactic formations in composition, and conservative, typically East Caucasian derivational devices: alienable or inalienable possessive NPs stand for nominal compounds, while a variety of complex predicates act as verbal compounds; verbal derivates show two slots for spatial preverbs, and valence-changing introflection. Derived adjectives make use of suffixes, most of them borrowed. Verb stems can be used not only as predicates, but also as nouns and attributes without additional morphology, a type of derivation which comes very close to conversion. Reduplication is less developed, occurring mainly with adverbs.

1. Introduction The Budugh people originate from the village of Budugh, located close to the BabaDagh mountain in northern Azerbaijan. Their language belongs to the East Caucasian family, and it is most closely related to Kryz, with which it forms the southern branch of the “core Lezgic” languages. The closest relatives of Budugh treated in this volume are Aghul (see article 198) and Rutul (see article 195). Budugh is also a moribund language: certainly less than one hundred fluent speakers remain, almost all of them adults. Due to the absence of a road, the village has lost most of its population in the recent decades, and most families dwell in various places in the low-lands of the Quba and Khachmaz regions. All speakers, including elders, are bilingual, using Azeri as a native language. These parameters crucially determine the processes that have shaped the language as we observe it today: it retains remarkable archaic features typical of this linguistic family, and also bears traces of heavy influence from Azeri (Turkic) as well as from Tat (Iranian). Budugh is an unwritten language, and recent efforts by educated speakers to introduce teaching classes using an Azeri-based orthography have been thwarted by rampant corruption and the general hostility of the authorities towards all linguistic minorities. There are no published (authentic) texts; the dictionary by Mejlanova (1982) is rich in data but not based on texts, and contains many typos. A grammar by Talibov, published posthumously in 2007, is less reliable, and should be used with the utmost caution. Alekseev’s (1994) excellent grammar sketch does not deal with word-formation apart from verbal derivation. In this article, we mostly use our own field data as well as unpublished

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original texts collected by Adigözel Haciyev, and his translations of Azeri folktales (after duly checking that the lexemes he uses, when not native in origin, are not taken over from the Azeri version). For a brief account of Budugh phonology, see Authier (2008b). We use a transcription as close as possible to the Azeri script. c is a voiced palatal affricate, xh represents a velar fricative, and q is the allophone of ğ in initial position. Special glosses are given in a note at the end of the article.

2. General overview Word-formation processes found in Budugh include compounding, derivation and, to a lesser extent, reduplication. Nominal compounds are mostly created via syntactic case marking. Verbal compounding is represented by complex predicates, is very productive, and is the primary means of enriching the verbal lexicon in the modern language, since it can make use of borrowed Azeri verb forms. Derivation is mainly suffixal with the exception of verbal locative prefixes. Conversion of verbs into nouns and adjectives is treated here as derivation, although in the nominative there is no formal marking of the change in word class.

3. Composition Composition in Budugh is not canonical: there are few adjectival compounds, in nominal compounds the modifier is case-marked, and complex predicates are what stands for verbal compounds in the language. But the two latter constructions are very productive and represent typical strategies for a small language under external pressure to expand its vocabulary using as much native material as possible.

3.1.

Nominal compounds

3.1.1. Coordinate nominal compounds Coordinate nominal compounds include ada-dide ‘father and mother, parents’, boʕlusmik’es big-little ‘adults and children’, ʕari-xarap’ ‘the good and the bad’, q’il-qaş ‘head and eyebrows’, xab-ğil ‘hands and feet’, xab-icin (sonzu) ‘(to wash) face and hands’, çağar-quşxar go-come ‘visitor’, çay-fu tea-bread ‘meal’, q’um-zav ground-sky ‘universe’, doldom-t’ürt’eħ ‘drum and flute’. The type involving synonyms is rare: kıda-pişe ‘occupation’, ħille-ħavala ‘tricks’, yurt-yava ‘inhabited place’ (cf. yıva ‘nest’). aq’-naxhad sweat-and-water ‘lots of sweat’ is isolated. Some coordinate expressions are only found in an inflected form, for instance, the “inlocative” case in: cehennem-ce-gur-ca har siʔi hell-IN-tomb(?)-IN sending do ‘to send to all hell’.

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3.1.2. Endocentric determinative compounds Most Budugh determinative compounds are endocentric. Examples of the A + N t y p e are apparently restricted to the subtype illustrated by mik’e şidir ‘little (> younger) sister’, boʕlu riž ‘big (> elder) daughter’. The N + N t y p e is much more prominent. Except in rare examples with an unmarked determiner like yu-yarı night-half ‘midnight’, qil-ʕad leg-cover ‘skirt’, pulat sunduq’ ‘steel trunk’, the first noun is marked in the adlocative case -(OBL)-u/o, glossed AD, which is also used as a locative case, for some adjuncts, and as a genitive-like case in alienable possessive NPs (for a discussion of the alienability contrast in Budugh, see Authier 2013). These pseudo-possessive NPs are semantic equivalents of adjectival phrases in other languages: seħir ‘magic’ → seħir-co azar ‘magical sickness’. The new lexemes express subclasses including kinship terms ʕam-u riž/dıx uncle daughter/son ‘cousin’, şiyu riž brother.AD daughter ‘niece’, şiyu dix ‘nephew’; species of animal: xhiyu yer water.AD snake ‘water snake’, Alla-cu ħani God-AD cow ‘lady beetle’ (cf. Russian bož’ja korovka), eb-ildo kurç’ ‘wolf cub’, dağ-co ts’eʕ ‘(wild) mountain goat’; species of tree: vişne-co dar ‘cherry tree’, palud-cu dar ‘oak tree’, yeç-u dar ‘apple tree’, gılınu dar ‘blooming tree’; other plants (this domain needs further investigation): sordobut’ bear.AD-? ‘raspberry’; many toponyms like Cag-ano guney ‘the sunny slope (in the direction) of Jek’ on the model of ilçi-co q’ol go-between-AD stone ‘stone where the gobetween waits to be introduced’; utensils and tools: ça’y-ıno tur ‘tea spoon’, ħuv-u qaye mill-AD stone ‘millstone’, xiri-co xabanac ‘skein of thread’, ceng-inu doldom ‘battle drum’; materials: merx-ino t’ul ‘oak (?) wood’, ipeg-cu yoyluğ ‘silk scarf’, ç’er-iyo mık’at’ hair-AD rope ‘horsehair rope’, qızıl-co qefes ‘golden cage’, demir-cu ʕasa ‘iron stick’; origin: dar-o xhad tree-AD water ‘resin’, yux-u neʕ ‘smell of milk’, vis-u xhad ‘spring water’; destination: nik-o cıga’ field place ‘ploughed field’, sağ ınkan-cu xhad safe remain-AD water ‘healing water’; products: xəmir-cu xurak-ar dough-AD meal-PL ‘dough products’, kusxuyo soza egg.AD yellow ‘yolk’, simişke-co ħarac sunflower seedAD butter ‘sunflower oil’, mux-o fu ‘bran bread’. Bodyparts are normally inalienable heads, with a possessor marked in the inlocative, and indeed one can regularly combine ç’uval-ca yak sheep-IN meat ‘mutton’, kıs-ılda’ yak hen-IN meat ‘white meat’, or qur-ulda’ yak rabbit-IN meat ‘rabbit meat’, ts’eʕ-ilda’ ʕiç ‘goatskin’, yux-ona’ xhixhi milk-AD gruel ‘cereals with milk’. Even if the bodypart term is metaphorical, the inalienable inlocative strategy has to be employed: çalam-ca meʔel boot-IN nose ‘boot tip’, qapu-ca q’il door-IN head ‘lintel’, k’ant-ına’ mez knife-IN tongue ‘knife’s edge’, pana-ca siv cave-IN mouth ‘cave entrance’. With types of clothes, the two constructions are in contrast: occasions at which special outfit is worn take alienable (adlocative) marking like mitker-u halavar ‘wedding clothes’, daʕva-co halavar battle-AD clothes ‘warrior’s outfit, battledress’, while the type of person or animal wearing the clothes bears inalienable (inlocative) marking: hec-a halavar woman-IN clothes ‘women’s clothes’, xilğıld-a’ naʕıl ‘horseshoe’. (Note that many of the examples above do not look like canonical compounds, and their meaning seems to be more or less compositional, but I treat them as lexemes and not as syntactically complex constructions with a non-referential dependant, because one cannot use the dependent part as a predicate.) Ethnic and temporal determination also makes use of the adlocative-marked type: Buda’-no mez ‘Budugh language’, ʕarab-cu mez ‘Arabic language’, ħayva’n-bo mez ‘the

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language of animals’, xhacrec-iyu yiğ ‘spring day’, yiycu yığ-ıno axur ‘a seven days’ sleep’, yiycu san-o rix ‘a seven-year journey’, quqhadco yığ-ıno axur ‘a forty-day sleep’. Note also Semed-o mağ ‘the tale about Samad’, and the set phrase: xor-u xhad dog-AD water ‘bad trick, revenge’. A small subclass of body-related terms add a class marker (glosses: A for ‘animate’ and N for neuter, that is ‘inanimate’) to the adlocative ending: si-vo-c xhad mouth.AD-N water(N) ‘saliva’, ʕül-ö-c ağri eye-AD-N pain(N) ‘sore eye’, ħur-o-c neʕ shit-AD-N smell(N) ‘smell of shit’, aq’-o-c neʕ ‘smell of sweat’, aq’-o-d par sweat-AD-A shine(A) ‘shiny (beads of) sweat’, qil-ö-d mek’ leg-AD-A kick(A) ‘kick’. A much rarer, but probably archaic strategy yielding relational adjectives in compounds is to attach the agreement marker to the nominative case: q’il-ic ağri ‘headache’, or to the inlocative case ʕül-e-c xhad eye-IN-N water(N) ‘tears’, q’ala’-d ç’er head.OBLIN-A hair(A) ‘hair (of the head)’, k’ul-ca-d idmi ‘house master’, yux-ar-ad zar milk-PLIN-A cow(A) ‘milking cow’. In Budugh, all animals belong to the third “animate” gender, which is also the gender of non-adult human females, and there are usually different nouns for male and female domestic animals. But if it is important to specify the sex of an animal designed by a generic term, a dedicated adjective is used: xhıdli ç’uval female sheep ‘ewe’, or a generic male noun k’ap’al kakıl cockerel grouse ‘male grouse’. On the basis of an Azeri model, short relative clauses serve to characterize different sorts of machines: halavar servi maşın clothes-to sew-machine ‘sewing machine’ (cf. Az. paltar-tik-ən maşın); halavar sonzu maşın clothes wash machine ‘washing machine’ (cf. Az. paltar-yu-yan maşın); yux qurot’u maşın milk pick up machine ‘milk-filtering machine’ (cf. Az. süd-çəkən maşın); q’il qurot’u maşın head pick up machine ‘clipping machine’ (cf. Az. baş-qırx-an maşın); icin oroxu maşın face shave machine ‘electric razor’ (cf. Az. üz-qırx-an maşın).

3.1.3. Exocentric compounds The calques from Azeri seen just above are headed variants of short relative clauses used as exocentric compounds denoting utensils like ʕacgan-ber qonu cauldron-PL take ‘cauldron-holder’, biçħantu < bicaħ + ʕantu porridge + (to) filter ‘colander’ (cf. Az. aşsüzən), or garments like yuq’-a volt’u loins-IN tie ‘belt’, bel-a volt’u forehead-IN tie ‘turban’. Note also the universal ibra’ ʢöç’ü ear.IN enter.A ‘centipede’, another insect: ts’a cünħü fire steal ‘moth’ and, rather isolated, gile-qoħulu ass-scratch ‘rose hip’, xhad alakal water (to) flow ‘waterfall’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Adjectives are not an open class in Budugh and adjectival compounds are also very rare. Examples of the N+N type like yık’-yux-a’ heart-milk-IN ‘tender-hearted’, and in the reverse order bel-a’ k’up’ (ʕabt’u) forehead-IN knot(A) (bind.A.PF) ‘worried’, are exceptional, the latter obviously an elliptical relative clause.

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The N+V type is represented by ad hoc translations like xhın soʢulu grass eat ‘herbivorous’ and yak soʢulu meat eat ‘carnivorous’, or ʕül veyi eye+COP.PTCP ‘bad-eye-d’ (cf. Az. göz olan), xhad-kan water-want ‘thirsty’, and the rather opaque yık’-arxar heartsleep ‘irregular (surface)’.

3.3. Verbal compounds Verbal compounds, or rather complex predicates, are the only productive means of expanding the verbal lexicon in Budugh, as is probably the case in all the Lezgic languages nowadays. Renewal of the verbal lexicon is achieved by means of a very large and diverse class of verbal compounds, incorporating heterogeneous “coverbs” (also called “lexical parts”, i.e. elements of light-verb constructions which do not bear verbal inflection), many of which are loans from Azeri or other languages. From a typological point of view, at least some influence of Tat can be assumed. All light verbs are also found independently, whereas coverbs vary considerably as to their degree of syntactic attachment to the light verb. In fact, as will be seen in the section on derivation, some Budugh preverbs are certainly former coverbs. In the case of some particular set phrases, or collocations, it is sometimes difficult to dissociate the result from syntax. For instance, in the expression raʕbottuca xhiye ʕaç’i carefully water.IN enter, it is the position of the adverb that shows its scope, the meaning being ‘to wash carefully’, whereas ‘to enter the water cautiously’ would be xhiye raʕbottuca ʕaç’i. The light verbs used most often are yıxhar N.be.IPF ‘to be(come)’ (yuxhor A.be.IPF) for intransitive verbs, and siʔi ‘to do’ for both intransitive and transitive verbs. The vast majority of verb compounds have ‘to do’ or ‘to be’ as a light verb, but some light verbs are found in just one compound expression or “collocation”.

3.3.1. Compound intransitive verbs with yıxhar ‘to be’ The combination of an adjective and the verb ‘to be’ are inseparable prosodic units and can have the value of a compound: q’us yıxhar ‘to be, grow old’, ʕatxa yıxhar ‘to have, catch a cold’, gutrum yıxhar ‘to be lame’, buylu yırxhar ‘to be pregnant’. Adverbs and some inflected nouns are also found as coverbs: dıx yıxhar ‘to hurry’ (from dıx ‘quickly’) is a calque of Azeri tez ol- as are dide-kir yıxhar mother-ABL be.INF ‘to be born’ (cf. Az. ana-dan ol-), hiçna-puç yıxhar ‘to be in vain’ and ra’st yıxhar ‘to meet’; qhel-e yıxhar ‘to be angry’ uses a locative case of the obsolete noun qhel ‘anger’.

3.3.2. Compound verbs with siʔ i ‘to do’ In the majority of complex verbs containing the transitive light verb siʔi ‘to do’ the coverb occupies the position of a patientive noun phrase in the nominative case and retains its gender, controlling agreement on the light verb: yık’ ‘heart’ → yık’ siʔi ‘to dare’, ufun siʔi ‘to feel pity’, q’in-kala’m siʔi ‘to swear’, guz süʔü ‘to pray’, alaħ süʔü

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‘to curse’, ç’el sad word one siʔi ‘to decide, plot’, masxara ‘joke’ → masxara siʔi ‘to play’. Occasionally, a coverb is extracted from a foreign verb: prob siʔi ‘to taste’, from Russian prob-ovat’. Azeri nouns employed as coverbs normally acquire a gender (often the animate gender, which typically characterizes nouns denoting activities): q’abul siʔi acceptance do.N ‘to accept’, əngəl ‘obstacle’ → engel siʔi ‘to hinder’, zənn ‘opinion’ → zand siʔi ‘to suppose’, subut siʔi ‘to prove’, sas siʔi ‘to make noise’, soʔda süʔü ‘to make a deal’, davʕa süʔü fight.do.N ‘to fight’, fikir süʔü ‘to think’, ta’ma’şa süʔü ‘to admire’, qarğış süʔü ‘to curse’, cəhd ‘effort’ → caht süʔü ‘to make an effort’, əmr ‘order’ → emr süʔü ‘to order’, əhd ‘promise’ → eħt süʔü ‘to promise’, alqış ‘praise’ → arxiş süʔü ‘to praise’, av ‘game, hunting’ → ov süʔü ‘to hunt’, Russian spor ‘quarrel’ → ispor süʔü ‘to quarrel’. The Azeri equivalent of these verbs is usually synthetic, using the suffix -lA-: alqış-la-, av-la-, etc. Abstract nouns in -val derived from nouns or adjectives (cf. sections 4.1.1 and 4.1.2 below) also denote activities but do not belong to the animate gender; they productively combine in the same pattern: dide ‘mother’ → dide-tuval siʔi ‘to act as a mother’; contrast tanbal yıxhar ‘to be lazy’ → tanbal-uval siʔi ‘to laze around’ and kömək ‘help’ → kumok süʔü or kumokuval siʔi ‘to help’.

3.3.3. Transitive (incorporating) verb-noun compounds In another group of verbs the coverb may be a noun, as in naʕra siʔi call do ‘to invite’, memen siʔi/ınkan guest do/remain ‘to cater for/be invited’, hes siʔi ‘to estimate, taste’, kaşıl siʔi coal do ‘to reduce to ashes’, but the whole expression allows a patientive noun phrase. The coverb is thus “incorporated”, as proven by the fact that it does not inflect for plural: memen-0̸ si-b-ʔi/ı-ba-nkan ‘to have/be (as) guest-s’. In some of these expressions, the coverb cannot be positively identified as a noun as opposed to an adjective: aşq’al siʔi ‘to disgrace’, har siʔi ‘to send’, dülk siʔi ‘to exile’.

3.3.4. Pairs of compounds with yıxhar ‘to be’ and siʔ i ‘to do’ Many compound verbs exist in pairs, switching from transitive to intransitive by using yıxhar ‘to be’ instead of siʔi ‘to do’. The coverb can be an adjective, for instance k’ev siʔi/yıxhar strong do/be ‘to close/be closed’, feyi ‘warm’ → fey siʔi/yıxhar ‘to warm up’, cüre siʔi/yıxhar ‘to sever, separate’, kur siʔi/yıxhar ‘to blind sb./become blind’, boʕlus yıxhar/siʔi ‘to grow up/raise, educate’, qadağan siʔi/yıxhar ‘to forbid/be forbidden’, or not recognizable as such: cidir siʔi/yıxhar ‘to hide (tr./itr.)’, pasar siʔi/yıxhar ‘to finish (tr./itr.)’, ħar siʔi/süʔü ‘to teach/tame’ / ħar yıxhar/yuxhor ‘to learn/be tamed’ (ħar is found in related languages with the meaning ‘big, grown-up’), varavur siʔi/yıxhar ‘to disturb/be disturbed’ (probably an ideophone denoting a whirlpool), vesilke siʔi/yıxhar ‘to exile/be exiled’ (cf. Russian vysylka ‘deportation’). One may include in this type pairs denoting a transformation and involving a noun, like yeç süʔü/yuxhor ‘to change (tr./itr.) into an apple’, q’ad parça siʔi/yıxhar ‘to break (tr./itr.) in two’, k’ark’ar siʔi/ yıxhar ‘to cut/be cut to pieces’.

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Adverbs or adverbial expressions may also be used as coverbs in pairs of compounds; xan ‘after, behind’ → xan siʔi/yıxhar ‘to move (tr./itr.) aside’, laxan ‘up, above’ → laxan siʔi/yıxhar ‘to lift/rise’, k’ot’a siʔi/yıxhar ‘to gather (tr./itr.)’ = yığ-ca’m siʔi/yıxhar, whose coverb combines the Azeri stem yığ- ‘to gather’ with the synonymous Arab root camʕ, ird-oxuna siʔi/yıxhar ‘to cover/be covered in blood’. In some of these equipollent pairs, the coverb is the imperfective stem of a formerly independent intransitive verb (cf. the class of “stative” verbs in Aghul): çıxar siʔi/yıxhar ‘to mix (tr./itr.)’, ʕutar siʔi/yıxhar ‘to shake (tr./itr.)’, yugor siʔi/yıxhar ‘to kindle/light up’, hats’ar siʔi/yıxhar ‘to make sb. know/know’, sifet ç’uğor siʔi face(N) wrinkle.N do ‘to frown’.

3.3.5. Integration of Azeri verbs The majority of pairs of verbal compounds use as a coverb a form derived from an Azeri verb. The vast majority of compounds using ‘to be’ as a light verb have as a coverb an element borrowed from the Azeri verbal lexicon. This element has the form stem+mi, and certainly originates from the perfect participle in -mIş, dropping the final ş and avoiding vowel harmony. In principle, any intransitive Azeri verb can be incorporated into the lexicon. We cite here only the most frequent. These include verbs of state, attitude and transformation: Az. oxşa- → oxşemi yıxhar ‘to look like’, azalmi yıxhar ‘to disappear’, aza’rmi yıxhar ‘to be sick’, yaşa- → yeşemi yıxhar ‘to live’, iştemi yıxhar ‘to work’, elleşmi yıxhar ‘to endeavour’, nazdemi yıxhar ‘to simper’, dünmi yıxhar ‘to turn into’, çatla- → çatdemi yıxhar ‘to burst’; verbs of movement: Az. başla- → baştemi yıxhar ‘to begin’, üz- → üzmi yıxhar ‘to swim’, uzan- → uzami yıxhar ‘to lie down’, qon- → qunmi yuxhor ‘to perch (bird)’, ko¨ç- → kuçmi yıxhar ‘to change places’, sürün→ sürünmi yıxhar ‘to crawl’; verbs of utterance: yalvar- → yervemi yıxhar ‘to entreat’, qışqır- → qışqırmi yıxhar ‘to scream’, especially animal noises banla- → bannami yuxhor ‘to crow’, civildemi yuxhor ‘to chirp’, kişnemi yuxhor ‘to neigh’, anqır- → angırmi yuxhor ‘to bray’, melemi yuxhor ‘to bleat’, qaqilda- → q’aq’ildemi yuxhor ‘to cackle’. The verb for ‘to yap’ (the sound of foxes) is vanç’ildemi yuxhor and has no Azeri equivalent. Many Azeri transitive verbs enter the Budugh lexicon in combination with the light verb ‘to do’: qaldirmi siʔi ‘to lift’, gemirmi siʔi ‘to gnaw’, udmi siʔi ‘to swallow’, qıza’rtmi siʔi ‘to fry’, soymi siʔi ‘to peel’, yala- → yelemi siʔi ‘to lick’, qına- → qinemi siʔi ‘to blame’, sınami siʔi ‘to put to the test’, terpetmi siʔi ‘to move (tr.)’, qızışdirmi siʔi ‘to make angry’, qurxutmi siʔi ‘to frighten’, gözlə- → gözdemi siʔi ‘to wait for’, bağışla- → baxıştemi siʔi ‘to offer’. The coverbs retain the derivation markers, either causative: uç- → uçmi yıxhar ‘to fly’ → uç-ur-mi süʔü (Az. uç-ur- fly-CAUS) ‘to make (a bird) fly (in order to have him choose a new king by perching on his head)’, armi yıxhar ‘to melt (itr.)’ → ar-it-mi siʔi ‘to melt (tr.)’, yağalmi yıxhar ‘to go astray’ → yağal-t-mi siʔi ‘to lose (voluntarily)’ or anticausative (there is no clear instance of passive): egmi siʔi ‘to bend (tr.)’ → eg-il-mi yıxhar ‘to bend (itr.)’, duzalmi yıxhar ‘to be fixed’ → duzal-t-mi siʔi ‘to fix’, buğmi siʔi ‘to strangle’ → buğ-ul-mi yıxhar ‘to be stifled’.

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The Azeri derivational suffix -lA- is partly productive in Budugh (just as in Kryz, cf. Authier 2010): Russian peçat’ ‘seal’ → puçatdemi siʔi ‘to seal’, Az. kafan ‘shroud’ → kafannami siʔi ‘to put in a shroud’. There are many doublets, and native synthetic or compound verbs tend to give way to compounds involving borrowed material: sarğar ‘to freeze, be surprised’ has, in the latter meaning, the synonyms teʔeccüb süʔü, and çeşmi yıxhar. müʕö-müʕö siʔi ‘to mew’ and sad kıda siʔi a work do ‘to succeed’ are less commonly used than the loan-based synonyms miyoldemi yuxhor and başar siʔi, (cf. Az. miyolda-, bacar-). Often a native idiom is not flexible in valence, like xab-a’ erʕi hand-IN push down ‘to cheat, pull one’s leg’; this justifies the borrowing of alda-n-mi yıxhar ‘to be cheated’, which in turn has led to the adoption of alde-t-mi siʔi ‘to cheat’, creating a doublet.

3.3.6. Other light verbs and micro-classes Apart from ‘to be’ and ‘to do’, many other verbs take part in the composition of new lexical entries, and many concepts usually conveyed by simplex verbs are expressed by compounds in Budugh, like qhur ‘laughter’ + qoxuts’u ‘to pour out’ → qhur qoxuts’u ‘to laugh’. I give here just a short selection of examples illustrating this phenomenon. Compounds with yuts’u ‘to give’: fu yuts’u bread give ‘to feed’, tesellüg yuts’u ‘to comfort’, kiç’xhın yuts’u ‘to frighten’, naʕlat yuts’u ‘to curse’, ç’el yuts’u ‘to promise’, ders yuts’u ‘to teach’, faʕam yuts’u ‘to pay attention to, examine’, neʕ ‘smell’ → neʕ yuts’u ‘to smell (itr.)’, kulak-cu yuts’u ‘to winnow’, langar yuts’u ‘to stagger’, ħak’ana yuts’u salary-ADV give ‘to sell’. Compounds with qonu ‘to take’: neʕ ‘smell’ → neʕ qonu ‘to smell (tr.)’, nafas qonu ‘to breathe, rest’, hec qorunu ‘to take as wife’, qabağ qonu front take ‘to prevent, avoid’, xab ‘hand’ + qonu ‘to take’ → xab qonu ‘to give up’ (cf. Az. əl çək-, xabar qonu newstake ‘to enquire’ (tr., incorporated)). Compounds with surqhu ‘to catch’: mez-a’ tongue-IN surqhu ‘to make sb. talk, persuade’, divan courtroom surqhu ‘to punish’, atag skirt surqhu ‘to take refuge’, laxan up, above surqhu ‘to prefer’, peqh surqhu ‘to rust’. Compounds with ʕaqhu ‘to keep’: yığ ʕaqhu day keep ‘to fast’, k’en ʕaqhu heart.ADV keep ‘to remember’. Compounds with verbs meaning ‘to pull’: çendek qeçħi pinch pull ‘to pinch’ (cf. Az. çimdiklə-), ħayif qeçħi ‘to take revenge’, ç’inq’i qöçħü ?(A) pull.A ‘to utter a word’, q’il qöçħü head(A) pull.A ‘to understand’, xab qiçħi hand(N) pull(N) ‘to grope around’, tapan qüçħü belly(A) pull.A ‘to crawl’. Compounds with verbs meaning ‘to push’: cıga’ qerʕi place push up ‘to plough a field’, q’ala’ erʕi head.IN push down ‘to explain’, gam serʕi ‘to make a step’, car qerʕi ‘to stand watch’, kıda’ xab serʕi work-IN hand throw ‘to undertake a task’, q’ala’ erʕi ‘to explain, make sb. understand’. Compounds with verbs meaning ‘to put’: ʕül ʕosu eye put ‘to wait’, ibir qu-su ear put on ‘to listen’ (cf. Az. qulaq as-), ibir vo-su ear put at ‘to overhear’, q’um-a’ osu ground-IN let ‘to despise, neglect’. Budugh is very rich in idiomatic expressions, sometimes but not always shared with Azeri or Tat: q’in soʢulu oath eat ‘to swear’, gala maq’am vodoʔu neck.IN until gather

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‘to be fed up’, mez ʕots’u tongue(A) pour.A ‘to plead’, ʕül ʕölsü eye(A) wander.CAUS.A ‘to look (around)’, mitker atu marriage beat ‘to celebrate a wedding’, xiri-ce çunk’u thread-IN string ‘to narrate’, t’il-a’ quroku finger-IN put on (a ring). Physical states and mental activity often make use of a verb of state or movement as the light verb: guc čuroq’or strength(A) reach.A ‘to be able’, nabud alsal ‘to return frustrated’, xan qalt’al ‘to stay away’, cuş-una’ qoşxhor boiling-IN arrive ‘to seethe’, ħal-cekir araxhar health-SUBEL go down ‘to be exhausted’, leq’-tuxul qaşxar liver-lungs come out ‘to feel nauseous’, gala’ ʕalq’al neck.IN lay down ‘to embrace’, yık’ qaraxhar heart go out ‘to be worried’, ħaz ʕaraxhar ‘to please’, yık’-ıla’r yeç’i heart-INEL pass ‘to hope’, k’en senxi heart.ADV drop ‘to forget’, yık’-ıla’ yoroğu heart-IN carry through ‘to think of’, k’en quşxar heart.ADV arrive ‘to remember’, q’ala’ ʕaraq’ar heart.INgo down ‘to understand’ (cf. Az. ba-şa düş-). In verb+verb compounds, the second element bears verb inflection, whereas the first is in the perfective bare stem used as a sequential converb: qaç’u çağar ‘to (go out and) leave’, esil ʕuşxar return.PF come ‘to come back’, ʕağa osu carry inside put down ‘to arrest’, xab-a’r qarxhu ʕaraxhar hand-INEL come out.PF flee ‘to escape’, ant’un ʕaşxar filter.PF come ‘to flow drop by drop’, ħarq’u pasar yıxhar ‘to finish talking’, çot’u suxuts’u ‘to play and sing’. In çeşki ‘to stutter’, perfective çaka + qalt’al ‘to stand’ → çakka qalt’al ‘to keep quiet’ note the expressive gemination. Examples also exist with the imperfective (locative) converb as a coverb: ʕacargar-a’ qeç’i embrace-IN go out ‘to climb’.

3.4. Adjectival and adverbial compounds There are no native adjectival compounds apart from stems of verbal compounds used as adjectives, like k’ul ʕoxu house fall down ‘ruined’, icin-a’ ʕaxu face-IN fall down ‘with his head covered’, qhur qoxuts’u ‘to laugh; laughable’ (but qhur qoxuts’u yığ ‘day of mirth’), xab surqhu hand hold ‘to help; generous’, t’il-ezin ʕük’ü finger-INSTR show ‘famous’, q’ala’n qaşxar head.ADV come out ‘imaginable’, and veyi-do-r-u sa-r COP.PTCP NEG.COP-M/F-PTCP one-M/F ‘unique’. bad ħisa’b bad count ‘unjust’ must be a loan from Persian. Likewise there are no adverbial compounds, with the exception of qe-paga’ todaytomorrow ‘soon’ and xa-ʕuran behind+in front ‘around’ (adverb or postposition), a remarquable calque of Tat peso-puşo.

4. Derivation Budugh, like other Lezgic languages, retains some lexemes obviously related to others by some sort of affixal or internal derivation, like ħuv ‘mill’ → so-ħuru ‘to grind’, axur ‘sleep’ from arxar ‘to sleep’, q’ö ‘second spouse’ if related to q’a- ‘two’, serqhi ‘fiancée’, probably related to surqhu ‘to hold’, or i-qh-i ‘to see’ related to ʕa-qh-u ‘to keep’ and to sa-qh-u ‘to count’. However, all these examples have become isolated, opaque formations.

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4.1. Nominal derivation Nominal derivation devices are not very numerous in Budugh, except for the quasiinflectional (that is, perfectly regular and totally productive) formations of the masdar (alias verbal noun), and the substantivized participles. Indefinite generalization (‘and the like’) is achieved by the apposition of the demonstrative la ‘that’, with an agreement marker determined by the class of number and gender of the first element: ird la-c ‘blood and gore’, saqhu la-c ‘money and other presents’, hec la-d ‘some woman’ (derogative), xurak la-c meal-that-A ‘sorts of food’, guz la-d ‘the namaz and such rites’. Note the oblique base li-: kıda’ li-ye çadağar ‘not to go to work or do anything’, sad k’ibe fu-ye-kir li-yekir ‘a little bit of bread and other foods’.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns The Azeri suffix -çi forming p e r s o n a l n o u n s is not frequent in Budugh, but occurs both on borrowed nouns and on native verbal stems: t’ürt’eħ-çi ‘flut-ist’, qulluq’ ‘service’ → qulluq’-çi ‘servant’, cüneħ or cüneħ-çi ‘robber’ (cf. cünħü ‘to steal’, probably related to gına’ ‘sin’ < Persian gunāh). There is one adjective: ħayif ‘regret’ → ħayif-çi ‘regretful’. The type xilğer-u-xan horse.PL-AD-? ‘stable boy’ is inherited (it has cognates in related languages), but not productive in Budugh. S t a t u s n o u n s and denominal q u a l i t y n o u n s use the suffix -(-t)uval, borrowed from Lezgian and found also in neighbouring Kryz and Khinalug, which replaces the Azeri suffix -lIQ: igid ‘brave’ → igid-uval ‘bravery’, demirçi ‘blacksmith’ → demirçituval ‘the occupation of a blacksmith’ (cf. Az. dəmirçi-lik), ħamba’l-uval ‘the occupation of a coolie’, middeʕi ‘enemy’ → middeʕi-tuval ‘hostility’, furi ‘man’ → furutuval ‘courage’, ʕayel ‘child’ → ʕayel-uval ‘childhood’, esker ‘soldier’ → esker-uval ‘military service’. Based on a verb related to the substantive cüneħ-(çi) seen just above, cünħü ‘to steal’ → cünħü-tuval ‘robbery’ is exceptional. A substantivized adjective can also form such a status noun: boʕlu ‘big’ → ‘boss’, as in k’ul-ca boʕlu-tuval siʔi ‘to govern at home’ (cf. Az. bo¨yük-lük). The “nativizing” function of this suffix accounts for such doublets as ħille ‘ruse’ → ħille-tuval ‘wile’, or ħücet(-uval) ‘quarrel’. The same suffix may give p l a c e n o u n s like qunşu ‘neighbour’ → qunşu-tuval ‘vicinity’, q’abastanuval ‘graveyard’ (cf. Az. qəbiristan-lıq). The avoidance of the Azeri suffix has not applied in the case of neq’ ‘mud’ → neq’-lug˘ mud-lIQ ‘marshland’ (cf. Az. bataq-lıq).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The old suffix -xhın is related to the verb yıxhar ‘to be’, and forms q u a l i t y n o u n s from concrete adjectives: feyi ‘hot’ → feyi-xhın ‘heat’, ʕapxu ‘long’ → ʕapxu-xhın ‘length’, mız ‘hungry’ → mız-xhın ‘hunger’, miç’ ‘dark’ → miç’-xhın ‘darkness’, hekki

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‘heavy’ → hekki-xhın ‘weight’, kiç’ ‘afraid’ → kiç’-xhın ‘fear’. Some bases are borrowed and not commonly used as adjectives in Budugh: Az. dərin ‘deep’ → derin-xhın ‘depth’, Az. hündür ‘high’ → hundur-xhın ‘height’, nam-xhın ‘moist-ure’. Moral qualities are expressed via the same suffix -(cı)(t)uval found in combination with nouns: ʕari ‘good’ → ʕari-tuval ‘kindness’, na’merd ‘coward’ → na’merd-uval ‘cowardice’, peşma’n ‘regretful’ → peşma’n-cıtuval ‘regret’, kuçog-uval ‘pretti-ness’, ħalal ‘allowed’ → ħalal-uval ‘permission’, ra’zı ‘agreeing’ → ra’zı-tuval ‘agreement’, cavan ‘young’ → cavan-uval ‘youth’, pis-uval ‘bad-ness’, yozuğ-uval ‘pity’, aksug-uval ‘needi-ness’ (cf. Az. əksik-lik), q’it ‘few’ → q’it-uval ‘famine’, çetin-uval ‘difficult-y’, ħaq’sız-uval ‘inequity’. Note the semantic extension of the locative noun dar ‘narrow’ → dar-uval ‘dire strait’.

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Both verbal nouns and participles used as nouns come close to instances of conversion: this phenomenon, analysed by Haspelmath (1995) as “word-class-changing inflection” with illustration from Lezgian, is a salient feature of East Caucasian languages, also well attested in Kryz (cf. Authier 2008a). In Budugh, this property is stretched to the extreme, with minimal morphology: imperfective verb stems can be used both as action nouns and as participles, including substantivized participles with a value of agent or object noun. In the nominative form, all these functions are indistinguishable: soʢulu ‘to eat; food; the one who is eating’, sorğuru ‘to drink; drinks; one who drinks’, vodoʔu ‘to collect; things being collected; beggar’, sarq’ar ‘to die; death; dying person’, sadarq’ar ‘not to die; immortality’, çuraq’ar ‘to reach; destiny’ (translating Az. nəsib), yığ yorğu day pass ‘way of life’; These masdars can be used as coverbs: qonu-ħak’a’na’ yuts’u siʔi take-price.IN give do ‘to occupy oneself with business’. Most a g e n t n o u n s in Budugh are substantivized forms of regularly formed imperfective participles: çorut’u ‘to play (an instrument); player’, suxut’su ‘to sing; singer’, voroxhu ‘to sweep; sweeper’, çolğu ‘to bury; undertaker’, duru ħaraq’ar ‘to lie; liar’, seħir süʔü ‘to do magic; magician’, xila’ ʕovoqhu horse keep.A ‘stable boy’, naʕıl qurot’u horseshoe nail ‘blacksmith’, rix yorot’u road(A) cut.A ‘robber’, çalam servi boot sew ‘cobbler’, halavar servi clothes sew ‘tailor’, k’ul qirvi house(A) build.A ‘mason’, nik qerʕi field plough ‘ploughman’, ʕayel irħar/ʕaqhu child look/keep ‘baby sitter’, aza’n yuts’u call-to-pray give ‘muezzin’, kıda hats’ar work know ‘specialist’. Note that if the verb is intransitive, the nominalized form keeps its transfixing inflection for gender/ number: ʕüxhü-çağar come.PF go, or rix-a’r yeç’i road-INEL pass ‘passer-by’ / ʕü-b-küça-b-ğar or rix-a’r ye-be-ç’i-cber ‘passers-by’. From transitive verbs, there are also many examples of verbal nouns with the value o f o b j e c t , i n s t r u m e n t or p l a c e n o u n s : saqhu ‘to count’ → ‘money’, soğuru ‘to drink’ → ‘drinking glass’, q’ala’ qerʕi head.IN push on or q’ala’ quşulu head.IN put on ‘headgear’, qil-a’ quşulu foot-IN put on ‘shoes’, xab-a çerʕi hand-IN push down ‘glove’, fu osu bread put ‘breadbasket’, qalq’al k’ul lie room ‘bedroom’, rıx cure yuxhor (-ca) road(A) separate be.A ‘(at) a crossroads’, yık’-ıla’ yeç’i-car ‘hopes’, ada-kir idkinicer father-SUBEL remain.PF-HPL ‘inheritance’. For examples of adjectival value, see section 4.2.2 on deverbal adjectives.

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Similar lexicalizations can be observed with the perfective stem, but this is much rarer: saʔa dry.PF ‘dry; dry land’, qap-ar-a’ arxhu door-PL-IN go down.PF ‘beggar’, yıpa say.PF ‘words’, saq’a die.PF ‘dead’, q’axu find.PF ‘found item’, yit’e-c cut.PF ‘dry (fruit)’ from yorot’u ‘to cut’, seʔiri ‘dried (grass)’ from seʔi ‘to dry (CAUS)’. Note sağa freeze.PF ‘surprised’. The internal syntax (cf. Haspelmath 1995) is preserved: zın saq’a I.NOMdie.PF ‘my death’, riž soq’o girl(A)NOM die.PF.A ‘the girl’s death’, yin dide-kir sabka we.NOM mother-SUBEL be.PF.HPL ‘our birth’. Budugh has no dedicated device for the formation of instrument nouns: traditional utensils have unanalyzable indigenous names or are borrowed from Tat, while modern technology is expressed by Azeri loans. No dedicated derivational device provides place names either, but some typical places are expressed by short relative clauses, for example, virağ qöç’ü sun(A) go out.A ‘sun rise’ + taraf ‘direction’ or ciga’ ‘place’ → ‘east’, virağ oq’ulu sun(A) sit.A ‘sunset’, ʕabeç’i-ye enter.HPL-IN ‘in the entrance’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Apart from relational attributes already seen above in compounds based on the adlocative case of nouns and on the gender-agreeing strategy, “adjectival” derivation is limited in Budugh to a couple of suffixes borrowed from Azeri and to the quasi-inflectional (that is, perfectly regular and totally productive) formations of the participles.

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives P r i v a t i v e adjectives use the Azeri suffix -sIz: xhad ‘water’ → xhad-sız ‘deprived of water’ (cf. Az. su-suz). This suffix is not very often found in Budugh, because there is a native strategy involving the negative participle of the copula used with the same meaning: halavar do-d-u clothes NEG.COP-N-PTCP ‘without clothes’, k’ul do-b-u house(A) NEG.COP-A-PTCP ‘home-less’, Az. ata-sız ‘father-less’ → Budugh ada do-r-u father(M) NEG.COP-M/F-PTCP. Budugh forms p o s s e s s i v e adjectives by means of various suffixes. The Azeri clitic -lI has also been borrowed in calque expressions: qızıl yeħer-rü xila’ ‘golden saddle-d horse’, nexiş-dü ‘ornate’ (cf. Az. naxışlı), buylu ‘pregnant’, gıl-lu duz flower-lI valley ‘valley in bloom’, virağ-lu yığ ‘sun-ny day’ (cf. Az. günəş-li), dağdağa-lu ?-lI ‘vigilant’, dolat-du wealth-lI ‘rich’, ird-du ‘blood-y’ (cf. Az. qan-lı); it assimilates to a previous dental consonant: guc ‘strength’ → guc-du ‘strong’ (cf. Az. güc-lü), can ‘soul’ → can-nu ‘creature’ (cf. Az. can-lı), tiken ‘thorn’ → tiken-nü ‘pricky’, xacalat ‘shame’ → xacalot-tu ‘shameful’, ħikmet ‘wisdom’ → ħikmet-dü ‘wise’, abud-du mişir nut-lI sweet paste (cf. Az. qoz-lu halva), yiyi-d-mertebe-lü sab ʕumarat ‘a seven-storey building’. An old genitive form is retained in q’el-i ħarac ‘salt-y butter’, q’el-i nusu ‘salt-y cheese’, and is synchronically associated with the Iranian-type derivates ħisa’b-i ‘righteous, just’, ʕadat-i ‘custom-ary’. L o c a t i v e attributes are of three types. The first is based on either the unmarked nominative or on the oblique stem, followed by a gender marker. Nominative stem: xab-

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id girz hand-A club ‘the club (he had) in hand’, xab-ic razı hand-N stick ‘the stick (he had) in hand’, bel-ic ʕül ‘the eye on his forehead’, Zixhiye ‘in Zeyidj’ → zixhiye-d İsmeʕil ‘Ismail from Zeyidj’, ʕad ‘surface’ → ʕad-id k’ul ‘upper room’; oblique base: q’ali-c ʕiç head.OBL-N skin(N) ‘the skin on his head’, kum-a’ ʕura qabağ-ci-d kur villageIN front foreside-OBL-A river(A), şeher-ce ʕura’ gal-ci-d q’ol town-IN in_front side-OBLA stone(A) ‘the stone at the front-side of the town’, ħuv-a’ laxa gal-ci-c tapa mill-IN up side-OBL-N top(N) ‘a hill at the back of the mill’, uga’ q’alic tac ‘the crown on his head’, qırağ-cı-d maħlarber side-OBL-A area.PL ‘outskirts’, xel ‘charge’ → xel-a-d ħayvan ‘pack animal’. Note the compound: xab-a’-d-qil-a’-d hand-IN-A-leg-IN-A ‘followers’, and the lexicalizations bel-ic forehead-(LOC)N ‘slope, hill’, xab-icer hand-(LOC)NPL ‘belongings’. The second type of locative attribute is formed with the same gender agreement suffixes attached to the sublocative case (marker -k) of a noun: q’an ‘base, bottom’ → q’an-k-ic ‘lower, underlying’, ʕadic/q’ankic pak’ ‘superior/inferior lip’, kal-k-ic arm-SUBA ‘armpit’. The gender agreement marker can also turn a noun in the partitive case into an attribute denoting a m a t e r i a l : q’um-kir-id k’ul ground-SUBEL-A house(A) ‘earthen house’, q’um-kir-ic cıga’ ground-SUBEL-N place(N) ‘earthen couch’. Q u a n t i f y i n g denominal attributes are marked by a terminative (‘up to, until’) case ending -ke which is related to a locative adverb keran meaning ‘downwards’ (cf. the adverbial construction lem-ildo ç’er-inizke ‘as many as a donkey’s hairs’). It attaches to the dative case in -z and it is followed by an agreement marker: cf. zo dağ-cız-ker ‘up to the mountain’ and dağ-cız-ke-d sab q’ol ‘a stone as big as a mountain’, xilğildiz-ke-d/ gomuşciz-ke-d ç’uval ‘a sheep as big as a horse/a buffalo’, ç’uval-cizke-d loş ‘a turkey as big as a sheep’, sunci miçeg-cizke-d idmi ‘a man as small as a gnat’, hanim-ke-d quş ‘such a big bird’, but sad rub-uluzke-c k’ats’ ‘a hole as small as a needle’. The s i m i l a t i v e suffix -c(ı)ma-d ‘like’ has many uses in Budugh. It serves to form similative adjectives from nouns: yopoğu-cma-dır hec autumn_wool-like-F woman ‘a woman as soft as autumn wool’, gıl-cıma-d icin flower-like-A face(A) ‘a face like a flower’, qazma-cma-d k’ul ‘a house like a hut’, or from adverbs qe-ki-cma yığ-ca todayki-like day-IN ‘on a day like today’. Note that the base of the derivate is not always the nominative form but the oblique stem: şid ‘brother’ → şiyi-cma (yıxhar) ‘(to be) like brothers’, mıkat’ ‘rope’ → mık’ayi-cma ʕabxu ‘as long as a rope’.

4.2.2. Deverbal adjectives The negative form of the imperfective participle often translates as a n e g a t i v e - m o d a l adjective in English: hats’ar ‘to know’ → hadats’ar ‘unknown’, sorğor ‘to break (itr.)’ → sodorğor ‘fragile’, soʢulu ‘to eat’ → sodoʢulu ‘inedible’, sog˘uru ‘to drink’ → sodog˘uru ‘undrinkable’, iderħar noq’-ri NEG.look earth-PL ‘fallow lands’, k’en sadarxar forget.NEG ‘unforgettable’, kıda surqhu ‘to undertake a task’ → sıdırqhar kıda ‘impossible task’, irqhi ‘to see’ → iderqhi ‘unseen, hidden’. A special case is the inherited periphrastic formation of o r d i n a l s , which makes use of the positive imperfective stem of the verb yuʔu ‘to say’: qha-na-viç’ç’i-b yuʔu k’ul twenty-and-nine-A say room(A) ‘twenty-ninth room’.

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4.2.3. Deadjectival adjectives When added to an adjectival base, the similative suffix -c(ı)ma-d has an a p p r o x i m a t i v e function. It adds a special nuance of attenuation: soza-cma-d ‘yellow-ish’, ts’orucma-d ‘green-ish’, temis ‘clean’ → temis-cuma-d hava ‘somewhat clearer weather’. The suffix -ta, borrowed from Tat, in which it emphasizes the number of single units, has a more restricted meaning in Budugh, where it translates as ‘only’, after a numeral: sa-b-ta ‘only one (A)’, q’a-d-ta ‘only two (N)’, etc.

4.2.4. Deadverbial adjectives Temporal adverbs are changed into adjectives by the addition of the suffix -ki, borrowed from Azeri: kıla ‘then’ → kıla’-ki ‘next, subsequent’ (cf. Az. sonra-kı); nene ‘the day before’ → nene-ki yu ‘last night’, ʕurda-ki ‘previous’ (cf. ʕuran ‘before’), naq’a-ki ‘yesterday-’s’, çi-ki ‘this year-’s’, sufta-ki ‘first’, kila’-ki ‘second’, ak’a’na ‘previously’ → ak’a’na-ki ‘previous’, qe ‘today’ → qe-ki yığcer ‘from today’, pa’ga’ ‘tomorrow’ → pa’ga’-ki yığ-ca tomorrow-ki day-IN ‘on the day after’, raʕamqara-ki soʢulu evening-ki eat ‘dinner’, yiza’nğara-ki fu midday-ki bread ‘lunch meal’, yığına’ ‘every day’ → yığına’-ki ‘usual’. They can be substantivized by adding a gender marker: akana ‘previously’ → akanaki-c ‘the previous’. This suffix can be considered inflectional, as it also attaches to pronouns and postpositional NPs: müharibe-cer k’ik’a’n-ki/xan-ki-c san-iber ‘the years before/after the war’. As a substantized form, it takes an agreement marker: iye-xan-ki-d this.IN-after-ki-A ‘the next after this one’, i-ye-xan-ki-yo-xun iraħ! this-NH.IN-after-kiNH.IN-DIR look.IMP ‘Look at the one after this one!’. In Azeri, the formant is also used for the adjectivation of locatives and the substantivation of genitives. In Budugh, genitives and locatives are substantivized using native (agreement) morphology, and the -ki suffix applies only to temporal expressions. The only non-temporal bases that I found for this suffix are in the symetrically opposed ba’naca-ki ‘pseudo-’ and duğurda’n-ki ‘real’; both are derivates of Azeri words which do not take this suffix: Az. doğrudan‘really’, and for ba’na-ca pretence-IN (cf. Az. bəhanə ‘pretext, excuse’).

4.3. Verbal derivation As is usual for the Lezgic subfamily, there are no synthetic denominal or deadjectival verbs in Budugh. The only way to derive a verb from a noun or adjective is by forming a compound verb (see section 3.3). But although Budugh has many verbal compounds, it also retains a closed class of some 400 non-compound verbs, a much higher figure than in Kryz or Khinalug. However, many of these verbs are not in common use or even known by the majority of speakers. The value of these relics for the study of Lezgic is incalculable. All Budugh non-compound verbs are derived by locative prefixation of the Aghul type, still synchronically analyzable on many verbs and yielding a large number of

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opaque bi- and tri-partite verbs. There is also valence-changing derivation, both anticausative (inchoative) and causative, using apophony.

4.3.1. Preverbs There is no simplex Budugh verb: inflectional markers are inserted between one or two preverbs and a monoconsonantal root. Only a few very common verbs like ‘to be’ or ‘to give’ retain negative prefixed forms without a preverb: yı-xhar ‘to be’ vs. de-xher ‘not to be’, yu-ts’u ‘to give’ vs. do-ts’u ‘not to give’, yuʔu ‘to say’ vs. do’u ‘not to say’. As a very strict rule, absolutely no Budugh verb form begins with the root. Note that there are no spatial copulas of the type found in most other Lezgic languages. Many Budugh verbs bearing the preverb yI- or sa-/sI- do not show this preverb on both aspectual stems, for instance yı-xhar be.IPF / sa-xha be.PF. yI- is a frozen gender marker. sa- and sI- are probably of locative origin, but have undergone semantic bleaching and became the default preverbs when bi-partite stems became the rule in Budugh: sa-rts’ar ‘to be fed’, sa-rʔar ‘to dry’, sa-rçar ‘to rot’, so-xu ‘to weave’, si-ʔi ‘to do’, sugor ‘to burn (itr.)’, su-xhu ‘to mow’, su-zu ‘to plough’. Locative prefixation is much less productive than in languages like Agul or Rutul: the ability of prefixes to combine with verbal roots is restricted, and many derived prefixed verbs have idiomatic, non-compositional meaning. Nevertheless, such alternations as ʕa-ç’i ‘to go in’ vs. qe-ç’i ‘to go out’ vs. ye-ç’i ‘to cross’, or çu-su ‘to put under’ vs. o-su ‘to put down’ vs. qu-su ‘to put on’ show that locative preverbation is very much alive. Unlike its close relative Kryz, which has only one slot for preverbs (see Authier 2009), Budugh preserves the two reconstructible sets of locative prefixes and two slots for these. The first set includes some ten transparent localization markers: − (ʔ)A- ‘inside a container’: ı-nkan ‘to remain’, o-su ‘to put, pour (solid) in’, o-lt’u ‘to pour (liquid) down’, e-şi ‘to dismount’, e-t’i ‘to cut … in (vegetables)’, a-rxar ‘to sleep’, a-raxhar ‘to go down’; − ʕa- ‘down’: ʕa-raxhar ‘to flee’, ʕa-lgu ‘to swallow’, ʕa-ts’u ‘to fill in’, ʕa-ç’i ‘to go down’, ç’af-a’ ʕa-lt’u ‘to tie in a cradle’, ʕarşu ‘to thrust’; − ʕI- ‘against, in front’: ʕu-rot’u ‘to push’, ʕu-şxar ‘to arrive’; − qA- ‘out, up’: qe-ç’i ‘to go out’, qe-di ‘to shear’, qe-cerği ‘to tuck up’, qe-rʕi ‘to grow, utter’, qo-ħulu ‘to dig out’, qa-roğu ‘to carry out’, qörödħü ‘to choose’, qo-nu ‘to take’, qa-qhu ‘to reveal, narrate’, qa-raxhar ‘to appear’; − qI- ‘on’: qu-şulu ‘to put on (clothes)’, qu-tu ‘to beat’, qu-ts’u ‘to load’, qi-rvi ‘to build, sew’, qu-rot’u ‘to nail’, qu-su ‘to put … on’, qu-rzar ‘to stand up’, qi-şi ‘to mount’, qu-roğu ‘to entrust’, qı-naxhan ‘to suit’; − vA- ‘near’: ve-rʕi ‘to press against; sharpen’, ve-şki ‘to lean’, vo-şulu ‘to borrow’; − çI- ‘under, up to’: çu-su ‘to prop’, çi-xuts’u ‘to knit’, çu-nt’u ‘to hitch up’; − çA- ‘away’: ça-ğar ‘to go’, ça-lq’al ‘to sprain’, çe-rʕi ‘to push away’, ça-raxhar ‘to slip away’; − yA- ‘through’: ye-ç’i ‘to cross’, yo-roğu ‘to pass (time)’, yo-rçu ‘to tear off’, yo-rot’u ‘to cut (trough)’, ya-lakal ‘to slide, roll’, ç’er yörʕü hair(A) push through.A ‘to moult’. Other first position preverbs, probably related to locative preverbs in other Lezgic languages, have become opaque in Budugh, like ha- and ç’a- in ha-tar ‘to shake’ and ç’aqhu ‘to gnaw’, ç’u-ʔu ‘to suck’.

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The second set of locative preverbs has no clear semantic values. The markers are: -ç’a, -cA, -zA, -tA, -t’a, -t’t’a, in ʕu-t’o-nşu ‘to squeeze’, qu-ç’o-nxu ‘to press’, qu-co-rgu ‘to throw’, qu-co-rğu ‘to tuck up’, ha-zo-rtu ‘to let go’, u-za-q’al ‘to cry’, vo-t’o-nku ‘to knead’, so-t’o-rʕu ‘to throw’, çe-t’e-rʕi ‘to scatter’, sa-t’t’a-rħar ‘to run’. Obviously these verbs imply an energetic type of action. The root meaning ‘to pull’ takes a preverb -çin the imperfective only: qi-ç-ħi ‘to smear, stroke’, ye-ç-ħi ‘to peel, flay’, e-ç-ħi ‘to take off (coat)’, qe-ç-ħi ‘to extract, spin (wool)’. In many verbs, one may suspect that a process of incorporation has taken place: xosu ‘to lay (eggs)’ (cf. kıs ‘chicken’ → kus-xud ‘egg’), k’u-su ‘to bite’, q’a-xuts’u ‘to find’, etc., or reanalysis: cüneħ ‘thief’ → cü-nħü ‘to steal’.

4.3.2. Valence-changing derivation Some concepts involving valence change of the (anti)causative type make use of suppletive pairs, like alq’al ‘to sit’ vs. osu ‘to seat’. But Budugh has a limited class of derived anticausative verbs, and a fairly large proportion of causative verbs, all derived from intransitive verbs. A n t i c a u s a t i v e verbs are often inherited and derived from intransitives by adding a suffix -aR in the imperfective: ʕanx-u ‘to hang (tr.)’ → ʕanx-an ‘to hang (itr.)’, çuroħ-u ‘to drag (tr.)’ → çuraħ-ar ‘to drag (itr.)’, sorğ-u ‘to break (tr.)’ → sorğ-or ‘to break (itr.)’. Some detransitivized verbs have unpredictable semantics: ʕuç’onx-u ‘to press’ vs. ʕuç’onx-on ‘to rush’ (cf. French se presser). This derivation, unlike its parallel in Kryz (cf. Authier 2012), is not productive in Budugh, and is never used to express a passive meaning. C a u s a t i v e verbs are a young and productive class in Budugh, and are derived from intransitives in a root-and-pattern manner, by dropping the intransitive suffix -aR and switching the low back vowels of the stem to high front vowels: çağar ‘to go’ → çiği ‘to lead’, qurzar ‘to stand up’ → qürzü ‘to make sb. stand up’, sonk’on ‘to wake up (itr.)’ → sönk’ü ‘to wake up (tr.)’, valq’al ‘to be twisted’ → velq’i ‘to twist’, arxar ‘to sleep’ → erxi ‘to put to sleep’, etc. This formation is the result of the incorporation of an imperfective auxiliary *ʔi ‘to do’ (cf. Kryz and Lezgian yi-). The meaning of causative derivates is usually predictable, but some have drifted semantically to some extent, like alsal ‘to return’ → elsi ‘to give back’, ʕunk’on ‘to shine’ → ʕük’ü ‘to show’, ħaraq’ar ‘to talk’ → k’ul ħarebq’ir ‘to negotiate (the price of) a house’, or çağar ‘to go’ → çiği ‘to lead’ in qevin çüğü A.take.PF F.go.CAUS ‘to take as a wife’. Some of these causative forms are in widespread use, and form compounds and collocations like ceng çüğü battle go.CAUS ‘to wage war’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation Budugh possesses a number of adverbs which are probably cognate with nouns, verbs or adjectives (for instance qe ‘today’ is related to yı-ğ ‘day’), but there is no native derivation pattern, apart from the use of the instrumental case: faʕım ‘attention’ → faʕımcızın ‘attentively’, raʕbat-cızın ‘carefully’, guc-unızın ‘forcibly’, and frozen remnants of the adlative case: k’ek’ ‘point’ → k’ik’-en ‘first’, yu ‘night’ → yü-cen ‘at night’.

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The Azeri suffix -cA is found on very few adverbs formed on the basis of adjectives: cidir ‘hidden’ → cidrice ‘stealthily’, ʕari-ce ‘kind-ly’, k’ev-ce ‘firm-ly’, laħki(-ce) ‘much’, mız ‘hungry’ → mız-ci or mız-mız-a’na (with reduplication) ‘out of hunger’.

5. Reduplication Some names of small animals have a reduplicating structure: cibcib ‘baby bird’, paqhranqha ‘centipede’, as well as dada ‘grandmother’ and baba ‘grandfather’, or dide ‘mother’. A couple of familiar utensils or meals also show reduplication of a syllable: nünü ‘cradle’ (alongside ç’af ‘cradle box’ with less strongly affective connotation), cicim ‘large rug’, ç’iç’ ‘pocket knife’, k’ak’al ‘round pebble’, xhixhi ‘porridge’, xutxut ‘cartilage’. Budugh almost never uses the common Turkic model of noun reduplication with the substitution of the first consonant C → m, but note the wordplay ʕagul-mogul çarğar get lost-broom go ‘to go and get lost’ and kıda-mıda work ‘any trouble’ (slang). There is no verbal reduplication as such, but some ideophonic coverbs in verbal compounds show reduplicated patterns: gıldır-gıldır ʕaleki ‘to pour abundantly, with a gushing noise’, xiške-xiške yıxhar ‘to be crushed’, deli-debriş yıxhar mad-dervish(?)-be ‘become totally crazy’, t’ik’-ha-t’ik’ exçi drop-ha-drop-(to) flow ‘to drip’, t’öllö-t’öllö ʕalsal ?-? wander ‘to roam about’. Reduplication is most productively employed in a d v e r b i a l expressions repeating an adjective: k’ibe-k’ibe small-small ‘slowly’, tanbal tanbal ‘lazily’, q’at’sın-bats’in ‘stark naked’, ʕari-ʕari yuʔu ‘to say gently’, sar-sar ‘one-by-one’, q’ad q’ad ‘two each’, q’iç’-q’iç’ irħar ‘to look angrily’, sad gam sad gam ‘step by step’, mik’e-şibe little-? ‘more or less, sufficiently’, kiç’i-kiç’i-ce afraid-afraid-ADV ‘cautiously’, or an inflected noun: san-a’-san-a’ ‘every year’, galan galan yıxhar ‘to hold sb. tight’ (cf. golu ‘neck’). The adverb dıxda-dıxda early-early ‘often’ is a calque of Azeri tez-tez. Doubled imperfective converbs − a Turkic pattern borrowed by many languages of the region − are sometimes entirely lexicalized: harat’ara-harat’ara uzalq’al shaking-shaking cry ‘to sob loudly’.

Abbreviations A

AD IN INEL

“animate” (third) gender (this is a convenient label for a class which nevertheless includes a fair number of non-animates) adlocative inlocative inelative

HPL N OBL SUB SUBEL

human plural neutral (fourth) gender (only inanimates) oblique stem sublocative subelative

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Acknowledgements Adigözel Haciyev provided and checked all the Budugh material used in this study, while I (G. A.) am sole responsible for its interpretation; I am also very thankful to Steven Kaye for mending my English, to Agnes Korn and Yura Lander for valuable remarks, and to Murad Suleymanov for checking the Azeri data.

7. References Alekseev, Mikhail 1994 Budugh. In: Rieks Smeets (ed.), The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus. Vol. 4, part 2: North East Caucasian Languages, 259–296. New York: Delmar. Authier, Gilles 2008a Participes et masdars en kryz: Une syntaxe mixte. Faits de Langues 31: 153–165. Authier, Gilles 2008b Aperçu de l’histoire des phonèmes du budugh. In: Aleksandr V. Arkhipov, Leonid M. Zakharov, Andrej A. Kibrik, Aleksandr A. Kibrik, Irina M. Kobozeva, Olga F. Krivnova, Ekaterina A. Lyutikova and Olga V. Fedorova (eds.), Phonetics and Non-phonetics. For the 70 th birthday of Sandro V. Kodzasov, 169–175. Moscow: Jazyki slavjanskix kul’tur. Authier, Gilles 2009 Grammaire kryz, langue caucasique d’Azerbaïdjan, dialecte d’Alik. Paris: Peeters. Authier, Gilles 2010 Finite and non-finite: Prosodic distinctions on Budugh verb stems. In: Isabelle Bril (ed.), Clause-hierarchy and Clause-linking. The syntax and pragmatics interface, 143–164. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Authier, Gilles 2010 Azeri morphology in Kryz (East-Caucasian). Turkic Languages 14: 14–42. Authier, Gilles 2012 The detransitive voice in Kryz. In: Gilles Authier and Katharina Haude (eds.), Voice, Valency, and Ergativity, 133–163. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Authier, Gilles 2013 The origin of two genitive cases and inalienability split in Budugh (East Caucasian). Faits de Langues 41: 177–192. Haspelmath, Martin 1995 Word-class-changing inflection and morphological theory. In: Geert Booij and Jaap van Marle (eds.), Yearbook of Morphology 1995, 43–66. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Mejlanova, Uzejnat 1984 Buduxsko-russkij slovar’. Moskva: Nauka. Talibov, Bukar 2007 Buduxskij jazyk. Moskva: Academia.

Gilles Authier, Paris (France) Adigözel Haciyev, Nerimanabad (Azerbaijan)

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197. Udi 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract In Udi (East Caucasian, Lezgian branch), word-formation is based mainly on compounding strategies. Derivational processes are rare. Most of the few productive derivational morphemes are borrowed from Azeri that today is the major contact language of Udi. Udi makes limited use of reduplication strategies. The pronounced Udi-Azeri bilingualism predisposes Udi speakers to prefer borrowing terms from Azeri instead of using native word-formation patterns to create new terms.

1. Introduction Udi belongs to the Eastern Samur branch of the Lezgian group (East Caucasian). It is spoken by some 5,000 people in Northern Azerbaijan (esp. in the village of Nij), in a village in Eastern Georgia (Oktomberi/Zinobiani) as well as in diaspora communities scattered in the Russian Federation, Northern Armenia, and Kazakhstan. Udi shows up in two dialectal variants, Nij and Vartashen (now Oguz). The dialect of Vartashen is also present in the village of Zinobiani; however, this variety is now slowly developing into a dialect of its own due to the impact from Georgian. Udi is the descendant of Caucasian Albanian documented in sources from the 6th and 7th century (see Gippert et al. 2009). Since 1989, several proposals have been put forward to introduce an orthographic norm for Udi. Today, some Udis apply a writing system based on the standards of Latinized Azerbaijani, which, however, has not yet received official recognition. The Caucasian Albanian writing system was based on an idiosyncratic script distantly related to that of Armenian and Georgian. Udi word-formation patterns have been considered in most of the relevant grammatical descriptions (Schiefner 1863; Dirr 1904; Ǯejranišvili 1971; Pančviʒe 1974; Schulze 1982). Relevant lexical material is given in Schiefner (1863), Gukasjan (1974), Fähnrich (1999), Schulze (2001), and Mobili (2010). Schulze (2004) discusses aspects of Udi noun composition in more details.

2. General overview Due to a pronounced bilingualism (Udi-Azerbaijani in Azerbaijan, Udi-Russian in the Russia and Kazakhstan diaspora, Udi-Armenian in Armenia, Udi-Georgian in Zinobiani),

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the creation of new terms with the help of both native and borrowed word-formation processes has only modestly been conventionalized. Terms to express new or variant concepts are often taken from the second language that is acquired prior to schooling. The following sentence taken from a folktale (Dirr 1928: 60) illustrates the significant role of borrowings (loans are underlined): (1)

fikir-re-b-i te ek’e sa vaxt’-a one time-DAT thought-3SG-do-PAST SUB how sinamiʃ-b-a-z mano-a me ɣar-muɣ-oxo haq’ullu examine-do-MOD-1SG which-3SG.Q PROX son-PL-ABL clever ‘One day he thought: How can I find out which son is the cleverest one?’

In fact, word-formation based on derivation is not very elaborated in Udi. There are only a handful of affixes, mainly suffixes, that serve this purpose. From a historical point of view, derivation seems to have been massively reduced, as shown by many terms that obviously include derivational elements that are no longer productive and that have fused with the lexical stem. The Caucasian Albanian data also illustrate that derivational processes must have been more pronounced in earlier times. On the other hand, Udi makes frequent use of compounding. This technique, already given in Caucasian Albanian, has developed especially under the influence of early varieties of Northwest Iranian and of Old Armenian. Compounding covers a wide array of individual techniques. They mainly concern the nominal and the verbal domain. Many verbal complexes include features of incorporation. The resulting structures sometimes compete with non-incorporating variants, as in: (2)

nana-n baba aʃ-n-ux b-i-ne mother-ERG father.GEN work-SA-DAT2 do-PAST-3SG ‘Mother did father’s work.’

(3)

nana-n aʃ-ne-b-i mother-ERG work-3SG-do-PAST ‘Mother worked.’

Incorporation usually implies weak referentiality of the incorporated noun and hence goes together with one of the typical aspects of determinative compounds. In addition, incorporated structures can be referentialized just as standard verb forms (using the socalled “masdar” or verbal noun). As a result, compositional structures show up that come close to what is often termed “role nominals” (e.g., English truck driver, state employee, etc.). Examples from Udi are bukun-tajsun ‘diarrhea; lit. going=away (from) the stomach’, elmuɣ-tast’un ‘death; lit. spirit giving’, beˁɣ-bujbaksun ‘sunset; lit. (the time when) the sun becomes full’. Normally, Udi speakers do not make use of multi-word expressions that go beyond two- or tree-word structures, such as jaq’a-besun ‘to send; lit. on way-do’, jaq-beˁɣsun ‘to wait for; lit. way-look’, tifæng-doˁpst’un ‘to shoot; lit. rifle-hit’, galax-girbesun ‘to make the bed; lit. place-gather’, Three-word expressions are, e.g., turin-jaq’alle-baft’e ‘diarrhea; lit. of leg-on way-it-fell’, kul-kex-biq’sun ‘to take by hands; lit. hand-handtake’, k’oӡ-meʦ-baksun ‘to marry; lit. house-nest-become’, uk’-lægær-esun ‘to become

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bad/evil; lit. heart-dull-go’, bul-q’aʧ’-desun ‘to think of sb.; lit. head-narrow-do’, aˁmk’ori-duɣsun ‘to yawn; lit. arm-bent-hit’. The Udi data do not give evidence of processes related to backformation, blending, and clipping. In addition, the available data do not give evidence for word-creation processes. In this article, an asterisk (*) is used to indicate reconstructed units or segments. The question mark refers to segments of a lexical form the semantics of which is unknown.

3.

Composition

3.1. Nominal compounds 3.1.1. Determinative compounds The overwhelming majority of Udi determinative compounds belongs to the endocentric class marked by two nominals the first of which is followed by a (relational) genitive marker (N.GEN+N). Frequently, the second nominal is a generic (or more general) term than the first element. A large class is formed by tree names using the following pattern (here, I use the equal sign to indicate morpheme boundaries): name of fruit=GEN-tree (xod). Examples are ɣoloʃ=na-xod ‘alder tree’, eˁʃ=na-xod ‘apple tree’, zid=da-xod ‘ash tree’, bay=na-xod ‘cherry tree’, ʦ’abul=la-xod ‘chestnut tree’, sel=la-xod ‘elm tree’, toˁqaˁn=in-xod ‘fig tree’, aˁlaˁm=un-xod ‘pomegranate tree’, naˁyn=aˁ-xod ‘Pterocarya caucasica’. Other botanic objects are less frequently referred to this way. Examples include uruz=un-t’ul ‘gooseberry; lit. Russian grape’, uruz=un-k’arov ‘porridge’, xe=neʦ’iʦ’ik’ ‘waterplant’, and the etymologically obscure term balan-q’o ‘blackberry’. Terms for animals, too, are incidentally marked for this compositional type, cf. bar=un-neʦ’ ‘bug; lit. of wall fly’, burɣ=o-us ‘beetle; lit. mountain-GEN bull’, ʨajl=in-meq ‘earthworm; lit. of feather worm’, ʧol=la-boˁq ‘boar; lit. of bush pig’, keʧ=in-bala ‘young goat; lit. of goat youth’, oxla=n-quʃ ‘hoopoe; lit. of comb bird’, uˁʨ=e- t’at’ ‘bee; lit. of honey fly’, xe=ne-dællæk ‘dragonfly; lit. of water butterfly’. Furthermore, this compositional type is documented especially for body parts, (non-affinal) kinship terms, landmarks and food: a) kinship terms such as æmik’=un-ɣar ‘cousin; lit. of uncle son’, æmik’=un-xinær ‘cousin; lit. of uncle daughter’, æmik’=un-ʧuhux ‘aunt; lit. of uncle wife’, æma-ɣar ‘cousin; lit. of aunt son’, æma-xinær ‘cousin; lit. of aunt daughter’, dædæ-ɣar ‘cousin; lit. of uncle son’, dædæ-xinär ‘cousin; lit. of uncle daughter’, viʧ=eʧuhux ‘sister-in-law; lit. of brother woman’, viʧ=e-ɣar ‘nephew; lit. of brother son’, viʧ= e-xinær ‘niece; lit. of brother daughter’, xala-bin ‘of cousin bride’, xala-ɣar ‘of cousin son’; b) body part terms: aˁm=na-bul ‘shoulder; lit. of arm head’, biˁɣ=un-k’aʃa ‘middle finger; lit. of middle finger’, bukun=un-ʨ’an ‘navel; lit. of stomach kernel’, ʨ’iʨ’ik’= un-bul ‘nipple; lit. of breast head’, k’aˁk’aˁp’=un-bul ‘kneecap; lit. of knee head’, kil=in k’aʃa ‘finger; lit. of hand finger’, pin-xaʃ ‘pupil; lit. of eye light’, tur=in-gurdak’ ‘lower leg; lit. of leg stomach’, tur=in-k’aʃa ‘toe; lit. of foot finger’, ulɣ=o-tum ‘gums; lit. of tooth root’, xorag=un-lek’er ‘stomach; lit. of food pot’. An older layer is represented by the two religious terms beˁinɣ ‘Sunday’ and beˁinʆ ‘priest’. Both terms are based on the genitive of beˁɣ ‘sun’ to which ɣi ‘day’ and iʆu ‘man’ have been added. The resulting

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forms *beˁɣ=in-ɣi ‘day of sun’ and *beˁɣ=in-iʆu ‘man of sun’ were then reduced to beˁinɣ and beˁinʆ. Most likely, the same pattern is present in a number of other nouns, too, that today show the unusual syllabic structure CVVNC(V), e.g., beiˁnq’ ‘darkness’ or neiˁʆ ‘sacrifice’. A likewise reduced form is k’onʥux ‘(house)lord’ < k’oʤin-ʥux lit. ‘of house lord’. Determinative compounds involving a noun and an adjective show up in two types: adjective-noun compounds and noun-adjective compounds. A d j e c t i v e c o m p o u n d s usually are endocentric. Given the fact that Udi nouns marked for a genitive have strong adjectival properties, this type comes close to the above-mentioned [N.GEN+N] compounding strategy. Examples include: bixaʥux (< *bixa-ʥux ‘creating lord’) ‘God’, aɣu-bajn ‘sour cherry’, ala-arʦio ‘God; lit. high-sitter’, amʦ’i-ga ‘place between ribs and stomach; lit. empty-place’, arʦi-adamar ‘lazy person; lit. sitting-person’, bala-q’ap ‘small door; lit. small-*door’, ʨ’oʨ’a-k’ul ‘loam; lit. red-earth’, ʨ’oʨ’a-muʃ ‘wound inflamation; lit. red-wind’, ʧ’emen-t’ul ‘small white grape; lit. dirty-grape’, dæj-ʑoɣul ‘spring; lit. dry-summer’, gozi-naq’ ‘kind of sweet dish; lit. ?-milk’, hino-ʦiʦik’ ‘garden balsam; lit. ?-flower’, k’iʦ’k’e-axʦ’ima ‘Christmas; lit. little-Easter’, kala-axʦ’ima ‘Easter; lit. great-Easter’, kala-baba ~ kalba(ba) ‘grandfather; lit. old-father’, kala-buq’un ‘fat-bellied; lit. great-stomach’, kala-ɣirux ‘fast day; lit. great-days’, kala-gergeʦ’ ‘cathedral; lit. great-church’, kala-nana ~ kalna(na) ‘grandmother; lit. old-mother’, kalo-ʑomo(x) ‘gasbag, gossip; lit. big-mouth’, maˁin-ɣaˁjna ‘raven; lit. black crow’, maˁin-go ‘cheek; lit. black-*spot’, maʦ’i-puʃpuʃ ‘lung; lit. whiteinner=organ’, maʦ’i-q’uvanɣ ‘white poplar’, muʨa-naq’ ‘milk; lit. sweet-milk’, naq’laxup’ ‘ayran pilav; lit. milky-pilav’, oq’un-partal ‘underware; lit. under-coat’, q’ari-t’ul ‘raisin; lit. dry-grape’, xe-baki-ʨajn ‘lard; lit. water-become (> melted) butter’, zəɣ-ʑomo ‘gasbag, gossip; lit. torn-mouth’. Q u a n t i f y i n g c o m p o u n d s generally place a cardinal number before the nominal component. This type is especially frequent with the numeral p’aˁ ‘two’ (indicating two (in parts opposite) properties). In addition, the days of the week use this pattern based on the corresponding “Oriental” model: p’aˁ-ʃamat’ ‘Monday; lit. two-sabbath’, xib-ʃamat’ ‘Tuesday; lit. three-sabbath’, bip’-ʃamat’ ‘Wednesday; lit. four-sabbath’, qo-ʃamat’ ‘Thursday; lit. five-sabbath’, p’aˁ-ʨolao ‘hypocrite; lit. two-faced-one’, p’aˁ-elmux ‘pregnancy; lit. two-soul’, sa-hor ‘moment; lit. one-moment’, sa-bur ‘load; lit. one-?’. Exocentric compounds are, e.g., sa-bol ‘unjust person; lit. one-?’, sa-bul ‘single; lit. onehead’. The compound samæˁ-ɣenæ ‘day after tomorrow’ corresponds to the same model. However, the cardinal is not genuine Udi, but borrowed from Georgian sami ‘three’. The reverse type of determinative compounds, that is n o u n - a d j e c t i v e c o m p o u n d s , is generally exocentric. In Udi, exocentric compounds are usually represented by the inverse bahuvrīhi type (“armstrong” compounds). Examples are: aˁq-maʦ’i/dɶʃmaʦ’i ‘squirrel; lit. breast-white’, aɣbat-xejr ‘peace; lit. fate-good’, baʨan-k’oʦ’ ‘curve; lit. back-bent’, bul-ala ‘arrogant person; lit. head-high’, bul-dyryst ‘pity; lit. head-true’, ʨo-maˁin ‘bad person; lit. face-black’, ʨo-maʦ’i ‘good person; lit. face-white’, ʨomoʦ’ak’ ‘bad person; lit. face-dirty’, fi-gombal ‘blackberry; lit. grape-?’, kul-bak’ ‘bag; lit. hand-?’, ozan-k’ori ‘servant; lit. neck-bent’, pop-bari ‘bald man; lit. hair-lacking’, pop-maʦ’i ‘wise person; lit. hair-white’, pul-deʃi, ‘greedy person; lit. eye-?’, pul-k’aʨi ‘blind person; lit. eye-closed’, pul-qinʦ’ ‘skeptical person; lit. eye-narrow’. Many of these compounds can also function as adjectives, e.g., tur-k’ala ‘with lame leg; lit. leglame’, tur-k’ori ‘with bent leg; lit. leg-bent’, tur-qaj ‘barefooted; lit. leg-open’. In this

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case, the nominal interpretation can be reinforced with the help of the referential marker -o (see section 4.1): tur-k’ala-o ‘the one who has a lame leg’, tur-qaj ‘the one who is barefooted’. The data illustrate that the Udi “armstrong” technique is mainly related to body part terms. In fact, structures like *k’oʥ-kala ‘one having a big house’ are extremely rare. Udi aɣbat-xejr ‘peace, greetings’ is exceptional and obviously based on Azeri agibətin xeyir (meaning the same). The restriction of “amstrong” compounds to bodypart terms suggests that we are dealing with a rather old layer that has not been extended to other domains.

3.1.2. Copulative compounds Most copulative compounds are d v a n d v a s. Normally, dvandvas refer to group concepts; however, in some cases, these compounds establish singular reference, as in uksunuˁɣsun ‘feast; lit. eating-drinking’, and lavaʃ-ʆum ‘bread; lit. loaf-bread’. Dvandvas are normally based on nouns, cf. ata-baba ‘ancestor; lit. elder-father’, baba-nana ‘parents; lit. father-mother’, bul-tur ‘totality; lit. head-foot’, kul-tur ‘totality; lit. hand-foot’, iʆuʧubux ‘couple; lit. man-woman’, xunʧi-viʧi ‘siblings; lit. sister-brother’. Sometimes, adjective-based dvandas occur, as in kala-xuri ~ kakala-xuri ‘totality; lit. great-small’, and maˁin-maʦ’i ‘inners of killed animals; lit. black-white’. Udi dvandva compounds are highly descriptive and generally lack metaphorization. In fact, dvandvas are rather productive in Udi. As long as the conceptual domains are compatible, any two nouns can merge in this sense. A p p o s i t i v e c o m p o u n d s are rare. A productive type is given by the compound structure xuni+N[+animal] used to form terms for female animals. xuni is a noun and literally means ‘female’. Historically, it referred to woman (*ɬənd-), but is used exclusively for animals today. Examples are xuni-eɣel ‘ewe’, xuni-boˁq’ ‘sow’, and xuni-xaˁ ‘bitch’. The older use of xuni with nouns denoting human beings is preserved in the term xunʧi ‘sister’ < *xuni-ʧi lit. ‘female-sibling’ and perhaps in xinær ‘girl, daughter’, if this term goes back to *xuni-ɣar ‘female-youngster’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Composition plays an important role in the formation of Udi adjectives. Basically, there are two types: compounds involving two adjectives (A+A) and compounds involving a noun and an adjective (N+A). A d j e c t i v e - a d j e c t i v e c o m p o u n d s are rare. Examples are kam-gɶlɶ ‘some; lit. few-many’, kar-lal ‘deaf-mute; lit. deaf-dumb’, and kala-mic’ik’ ‘of any size; lit. bigsmall’. Compounds based on derived adjectives are, e.g., kakala-muˁqælæ ‘long-horned; lit. very big-horned’, and gele-æjtk’al ‘babbling; lit. much-speaking’. Adjectives can be specified with the help of nouns (satisfying the adjectival valence), numerals or adverbs/preverbs (in case the adjective stems from a verbal form). The adjective itself can be both basic and derived. N o u n - a d j e c t i v e c o m p o u n d s often also function as exocentric nominal complexes, see section 3.1.1. Compound adjectives form an open and hence productive class. Spontaneous and idiosyncratic composition is

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frequent in normal speech, as long as the compounds are lexically transparent. Some compound adjectives are related to older layers of the Udi lexicon. In this case, the individual segments cannot always be identified. Adjectival compounds with a noun are of two types: a) Compounds including a denominal adjective, e.g., qaj-gon ‘pale, light’ (qaj ‘light, bright’ + gon ‘with color’), ʆel-uk’la ‘mercyful’ (ʆel ‘good’ + uk’-la ‘hearty’), qajuk’la ‘generous’ (qaj ‘open’ + uk’la ‘hearty’), p’aˁ-ʨola ‘hypocrite’ (p’aˁ ‘two’ + ʨola ‘related to face’), p’aˁ-elmuɣon ‘pregnant’ (p’aˁ ‘two’ + elmuɣon ‘with soul’), sa-turra ‘one-legged’ (sa ‘one’ + turra ‘legged’), sa-kulla ‘one-handed’ (sa ‘one’ + kulla ‘handed’), sa-pulla ‘one-eyed’ (sa ‘one’ + pulla ‘eyed’), p’aˁ-kin ‘two-handed’ (p’aˁ ‘two’ + kin ‘with hand’); b) Exocentric compounds of the “armstrong” type, that function as adjectives only: q’iˁbaʥan ‘anxious, nervous’ (q’iˁ ‘fear’ + baʥan ?), pop-bari ‘without hair’ (pop ‘hair’ + bari ‘separated’), tur-k’ala ‘lame’ (tur ‘leg’ + k’ala ‘lame’), pul-k’aʧ’i ‘blind’ (pul ‘eye’ + k’aʧ’i ‘blind’), tur-k’ori ‘bow-legged’ (tur ‘leg’ + k’ori ‘crooked’), baʨ’ank’oʦ’ ‘bent’ (baʧ’an ‘back’ + k’oʦ’ ‘bent’), bul-k’oʦ’ ‘servile’ (bul ‘head’ + k’oʦ’ ‘bent’), pop-maʦ’i ‘white-haired’ (pop ‘hair’ + maʦ’i ‘white’), kul-oɣand ‘skillful, deft’ (kul ‘hand’ + oɣand ‘light’), kul-qaj ‘generous’ (kul ‘hand’ + qaj ‘open’), gontaʦi ‘pale’ (gon ‘color’ + taʦi ‘gone’). In addition, some adjectives show an initial locative element that is added to a morphologically unmarked participle. Historically, these elements had been locative adverbs. Examples are: ba-ʨuk’ ‘hot’ (ba- ‘in’ + ʨuk’ ‘flamed’), ba-ʧ’ur ‘wrapped up’ (ba- ‘in’ + ʧ ’ur ‘wrapped’), lä-ʧäq’ ‘glued’ (la- ‘on’ + ʧaq’ ‘sticky’), la-ʧ’ur ‘wound up’ (la‘on’ + ʧ’ur ‘wrapped’).

3.3. Verbal compounds Udi has two types of verbal compounds: compounds based on light verbs or auxiliaries and idiomatic compound verbs. C o m p o u n d s b a s e d o n l i g h t v e r b s include incorporated structures, many of which are petrified today. In Modern Udi, there are four productive light verbs: bak-sun ‘to be(come)’, esun < *eɣsun ‘to become’ < *‘to come’, p-esun ‘to do, make’ < *‘to say’, b-esun < *beʔesun ‘to do, make’. In addition, seven former light verbs having grammaticalized into bound auxiliaries show up with compound verbs: -k’-esun ‘to let’ < *‘to say’, -d-esun ‘to cause, do’ < *‘to give’, -t’-esun ‘to cause, do’ < *‘to go to’ (?), -q-esun *‘to move to’ (?), -q’-esun *‘to cut’ (?), *-xesun *‘to be(come)’, -p’-esun *‘to move’ (?), and -t-esun (unknown meaning). As the complex “lexical base + light verb” behaves like a single “word”, it can again be marked by another light verb. A lexical base is not necessarily linked to a specific light verb. Especially -pesun, -besun and -esun can occur with one and the same lexical base. There is no constraint on a specific word class. Table 197.1 gives an example for each of the major (traditional) word classes. The lexical base is never referential. This property is related to the general strategies of incorporation in Udi. Nevertheless, certain nouns still reflect original referential features when used as a lexical base. For instance, jaq’-a-besun ‘to send (away)’ contains

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Tab. 197.1: Types of lexical parts in light-verb compounds Noun

ʑeˁ-

‘stone’

-baksun

‘to petrify’

Adjective

muʨa-

‘sweet’

-bsun

‘to sweeten’

Adverb

abuz-

‘more’

-besun

‘to augment’

Postposition

boʃ-

‘in’

-t’esun

‘to put into’

Pronoun

ek’a-

‘what’

-bsun

‘to do what’

Verb (infinitive)

ukes-

‘to eat’

-t’esun

‘to feed’

Verb (stem)

k’al-

‘call-’

-pesun

‘to call, read’

Verb-miʃ (Azeri)

sinamiʃ-

‘found out’

-besun

‘to find out’

Interjection

vai-

‘woe!’

-pesun

‘to warn’

Numerals

p’aˁ-

‘two’

-bsun

‘to divide’

a noun marked for the dative-locative; neɣ-en-baksun ‘to break out into tears’ is marked for the ergative-instrumental (neɣ-en ‘with tear(s)’) just as kin-besun ‘to be industrious’ (kin ‘with hands’); the following compounds include nouns that are marked for the dative-allative (dative2) -Vx: nep’-ax-besun ‘to put to sleep’ (nep’ ‘sleep’), nep’-ax-esun ‘to sleep; lit. to come to sleep’, pex-q’inʧ’-pesun ‘to close the eyes; lit. to make the eyes narrow’, ap’ax-besun (ap’ ‘sweat’, dative2) ~ ap’in-besun (instr.) ‘to make sweat’. A considerable number of lexical bases are no longer used as independent lexical words. Most often, we are dealing with old adjectives/adverbs or with verb stems that have now become obsolete. Such verb stems include a number of borrowed stems, e.g., k’al-pesun ‘to call, read’ < Greek καλέω (kaléō) ‘to call’, port-besun ‘to suffer, bear’ < Late Latin port-āre ‘to bear, carry’, man-desun ‘to stay’ < Persian māndan ‘to stay’, reanalyzed, ʧ(i)xar-k’esun ‘to save, end’ < Azeri çıxar(t)maq ‘to bring out’, pur-pesun ‘to fly’ < Georgian prna ‘to fly’ or Persian par ‘feather, wing’, andax-besun ‘to consider’ < Persian andīšīdan ‘to think, consider’, afre-pesun ‘to pray’ < Old Udi afrepesun < Middle Iranian āfrī˘- ‘to praise’. A productive way of incorporating (younger) Azeri loans into the paradigm of Udi verbs is to add light verbs to the Azeri verb marked by the -mIşperfect > Udi -miʃ-. This technique that is very common among most of the Lezgian languages can be illustrated with the help of the following examples: baɣiʃlamiʃ-besun ‘to forgive’ < Azeri bağışlamaq ‘to forgive’, ɶgmiʃbesun ‘to praise’ < Azeri öymək ‘to praise’, t’ik’miʃ-besun ‘to fix, mend’ < Azeri tikmək ‘to mend, put together’, tapʃirmiʃbesun ‘to order, instruct’ < Azeri tapşırmaq ‘to announce’, ʃæklæmiʃ-baksun ‘to doubt’ < Azeri şəklənmək ‘to doubt, hesitate’, inʤimiʃ-baksun ‘to be punished’ < Azeri incimək ‘to be punished’, ʤinlamiʃ-baksun ‘to become possessed’ < Azeri cinlamaq ‘to become possessed’. Today, more than 75 % of all Udi verbs are compounds based on a light verb. Udi has a great number of i d i o m a t i c v e r b s that are characterized by the semantic fusion of a lexical verb with one of its constituents. The pattern is obviously borrowed from Azeri and Persian. The process of idiomatization is coupled with a “condensing process” on the conceptual level: The segments involved in this process serve as building blocks to symbolize in parts rather specific verbal concepts. Many of the Udi idiomatic

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verbs represent calques from either Azeri or Persian. Examples are: ʧ’ap’-ak’sun ‘to hide; lit. hiding-see’, apʧi-duɣsun ‘to tell sb. a lie; lit. lie-hit’, ax-saksun ‘to sigh; lit. sigh-throw’, bul-aq’i-t’ist’un ‘to hasten away; lit. head-taken-run’, bul-bula-duɣsun ‘to agree; lit. head-head.DAT-hit’, bul-zapsun ‘to lead; lit. head-pull’, eʧ’-t’ap’-pesun ‘to thresh; lit. threshing=board-hit-do’, elmuɣ-tast’un ‘to die; lit. soul-give’, fikir-zapsun ‘to think; lit. thought-pull’, jaq’-ʧ’e-baksun ‘to pass by; lit. way-out-become’, jaq’-qaj-pesun ‘to help; lit. way-open-do’, kul-biq’sun ‘to help with material; lit. hand-seize’, maladuɣsun ‘to harrow; lit. harrow-hit’, moɣore-duɣsun ‘to betray; lit. magic/spell-hit’, pullaxsun ‘to observe; lit. eye-put on’, ʆum-ʧiʧesun ‘to plough; lit. bread/corn-pull out’. Just as in Azeri and Persian, such idiomatic verbs are often based on verbal concepts like ‘hit’, ‘throw’, ‘take’, and ‘go’. Many of the verbs are descriptive. As a consequence, it is not always possible to decide whether they express a literal meaning or a blended metaphor.

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation The few derivational morphemes used to form referential terms are suffixes. From a synchronic perspective, only three such morphemes are productive, two of which are loans from Azeri: -luɣ and -ʧi. The suffix -luɣ forms a b s t r a c t n o u n s and status nouns. With abstract nouns, a qualitative aspect present in the given noun is rendered as a referential unit. The suffix -luɣ is highly productive and can in fact be added to any kind of word excluding inflected verb forms. Examples are: aʧ’amluɣ ‘feast of unleavened bread’ ← aʧ’am ‘unleavened bread’, aɣaluɣ ‘lordship’ ← aɣa ‘lord’, biliʤiluɣ ‘wisdom’ ← biliʤi ‘wise person’, binluɣ ‘bridehood’ ← bin ‘bride’, ʦaʦluɣ ‘thorny quality’ ← ʦaʦ ‘thorn’, ʧ’ap’luɣ ‘vineyard’ ← ʧ’ap’ ‘grape’, elmuxdyrysluɣ ‘sincerity’ ← elmux+dyrys ‘soul+sincere’, q’əˁluɣ ‘fear’ ← q’eˁ ‘fear’, uk’luɣ ‘sincerity’ ← uk’ ‘heart’, xainluɣ ‘evil’ ← xain ‘evil’, ʑeluɣ ‘quality of stones’ ← ʑe ‘stone’. The suffix -ʧi derives a g e n t n o u n s from nouns. It is widespread with loans from Azeri; however, it is rare with native words (in the textual sources). In speech, certain calques can sometimes be heard, for instance, zidoʧi ← zido ‘iron’ = demirʧi (Azeri dəmirçi) ‘smith’, ʤok’ʧi ‘someone who causes feud’ ← ʤok’ ‘separated’ = tæfriq’aʧi (Azeri təfrikəçi), uluxʧi ‘dentist’ ← ulux ‘tooth’ = diʃʧi (Azeri dişçi), ʧærʧæræzʧi ‘tormentor’ ← ʧærʧæræz ‘torment’ = sæfaʧi (Azeri səfaçı), jaq’ʧi ‘beggar, highwayman’ ← jaq’ ‘way’ = jolʧu (Azeri yolçu), etc. Azeri loans are, for instance, ipekʧi ‘silk trader’ (Azeri ipekçi), dejirmanʧi ‘miller’ (Azeri dəyirmançı), sabunʧi ‘someone who produces soap’ (Azeri sabunçu), arabaʧi ‘coachman’ (Azeri arabaçı). In Nizh, the suffix is occasionally replaced by the form -xor that is a variant of Persian -kār (deriving agent nouns in Persian), cf. zijanxor ‘wicked person; lit. smell-doer’ (zijan ‘smell’), tapaninxor ‘glutton; lit. worker of the stomach’. In xozamandxor ‘marriage broker’, -xor just reinforces the semantics of the underlying noun that also means ‘marriage broker’. In addition to these two suffixes, Udi speakers make extensive use of the g e n e r a l n o m i n a l i z e r -o (← Old Udi o ‘that one’ m.) that can be added to primary or derived adjectives, demonstratives and numerals, e.g., kala-o (> kalo:) ‘a big one’, bi-o ‘some-

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thing that has been done’, zafbal-o ‘ruler; lit. who rules’, bezi-o ‘the mine one’, t’e-o ‘the one over there’, p’aˁ-o ‘the two’. The standard way to derive c o l l e c t i v e n o u n s is by adding plural morphology. Some words have lexicalized this plural marker resulting in a plurale tantum. In many cases, it is no longer possible to determine the semantics of the underlying singular. Examples include: aʤux ‘wrath’ (< *aʤ ‘wrath’ ?), arux ‘fire’ (< *ar ‘fire’), bixox ‘creator’ ← *bix(a)o ‘creator’, boˁxmoˁx ‘nose’ ← *boˁx ‘nostril’, burux ‘mountain’ ← bu (Old Udi) ‘mountain-head’, ʧubux ‘woman’ ← *ʧub- ‘woman’, ʨomox ‘door’ ← ʨo ‘side’, elmux ‘soul’ ← *el ‘breath’ ?, imux ‘ear’ ← *i(b) ‘ear’, k’aʤux ‘beard’ ← *k’aʤ ?, k’odox ‘forehead’ ← *k’od ‘temple’, qoˁloˁx ‘trousers’ ← qoˁl ‘bark’, ulux ‘tooth’ ← *ul- ‘tooth’, ʑomox ‘lip’ ← *ʑo ‘lip’. Another type of plurale tantum is present in some nouns denoting human beings. The morpheme is -ar that is perhaps related to the (old) plural -ur. Examples are adamar ‘man, person’ ← Oriental adam ‘man, person’, maq’ar ‘man who brings the bride’ ← *maq’- ?, mit’ar ‘publican’ ← *mit’- ? (or loan?). The final segment -k’ is widespread with Udi nouns (and adjectives). Ultimately, it reflects the Old Iranian nominal suffix -(i)ka-. It is borrowed with many words from Iranian (especially Pehlevi) that are often mediated by Armenian and/or Azeri. Incidentally, this element is reanalyzed as a (partly) productive suffix in Udi (often with a diminutive connotation). Examples are: badak’ ‘wine gelee’ (cf. Persian bāde ‘wine’), bibik’ ‘earlobe’ (< ?), binik’ ‘puppy’ (cf. bin ‘bride’), dendak’ ‘tripod’, dizik’ ‘snake’ (cf. Armenian iž ‘snake, viper’), ʤurdak’ ‘small wine mug’, gurdak’ ‘stomach, kidneys’, k’arak’ ‘cream’ (cf. Azeri kərə ‘sweet cream, butter’), k’erek’ ‘wild grape’ (cf. Georgian k’enk’ra ‘berry’), k’orʦ’ik’ ‘fruit’ (cf. Armenian koriz ‘fruit’), kepek’ ‘cone, medlar’ (cf. Azeri qapaq ‘cone’), p’iӡik’ ‘belt (spinning wheel)’ (cf. Armenian pcog ‘belt to drive spinning wheel’ (?)), ʆumak’ ‘female’, ʃaft’aluk’ ‘peach’ (cf. Az. şaftalə ‘id.’), tuʃik’ ‘plait’, xalik’ ‘uncle (brother of mother)’ (cf. Persian xāl(u) ‘uncle’), xirik’ ‘last sleep of the silk worm’, xorik’ ‘lime tree’ (cf. Armenian lori ‘id.’). Apart from the above-mentioned suffix -luɣ that forms abstract nouns, very few nouns are derived from adjectives. Most of these adjectives are again derived from nouns with the help of the ergative morpheme -en. Most probably, these adjectives have lost their (generalized) head in attributive function. Examples are iˁʑen ‘winter’ ← *iˁʑ-en (vædæ) ‘snowy (< *’with snow’ ← iˁʑ ‘snow’) time’, usen ‘year’ ← *us-en ‘(period) of a measure’, cf. also esen ‘last year’, epsen ‘this year’. The morpheme -al encodes the non-past participle. Normally, it is followed by the referentializer -o in order to produce a referential noun. However, the more the verbal character of the underlying lexeme has become obscured, the less often the referential form is used. Instead, the suffix -al is often reinterpreted as a marker for a g e n t n o u n s. Quite frequently, both forms can be used, cf. aʃbalo ‘someone who works’ ~ aʃbal ‘worker’ (< ‘working’ ← aʃ ‘work’ + besun ‘to do’). With lexicalized -al-nouns, the original verb cannot always be restored. The basic meaning of the suffix -al is ‘who/ what does something’. Some examples are: beˁɣal ‘steward’ ← beˁɣsun ‘to see, watch’, biq’al ‘fisherman’ ← biq’sun ‘to take’, bulek’al ‘vat for butter’ (no base form), ʦaʦbeˁɣal ‘hedgehog’ ← ʦaʦ beˁɣsun ‘to (let) see squills’, ʧ’ap’al ‘mulberry’ (no base form), ʦap’k’al ‘scythe’ ← ʦap’k’esun ‘to harvest’, ʧartk’al ‘bird trap’ ← *ʧartk’esun ?, ʦ’iʦ’ik’-ʦ’umk’al ‘newborn’ ← ʦ’iʦ’ik’ ʦ’umk’esun ‘to suck (breast)’, kaɣzabal ‘advocate’ ← kaɣəz aba(baksun) ‘know(ing) letters’, k’erʦ’al ‘ester’ (no base form), kiʧk’al ‘plane’ ← kiʧk’esun ‘to plane’, k’ok’al ‘piece of dough’ (no base form), k’omotal ‘sca-

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bies’ (no base form), lip’lip’k’al ‘temples’ ← *lip’lip’k’esun ?, maʧ’ank’al ‘procurer, pimp’ ← *maʧ’ank’esun ?, maʃk’at’ek’al ‘spider’ ← *maʃk’at’ek’esun ?, muqʧ’urk’al ‘nail bed sepsis’ ← muq ʧ’urk’esun ‘to twist fingernails’, muʃadal ‘winner’ ← muʃadesun ‘to give into the wind’ ?, oˁxaˁl ‘hunt’ ← *oˁxesun ?, p’iʦ’umk’al ‘leech’ ← p’i ʦ’umk’esun ‘to suck blood’, posposk’al ‘feather’ ← *posposk’esun ?, ʆumbadal ‘baker’ ← ʆum bast’un ‘to put bread (into)’, ʃamk’al ‘mushroom’ ← *ʃamk’esun ?, t’ek’al ‘grasshopper’ (no base form), t’ut’uk’al ‘earthquake’ ← t’ut’uk’esun ‘to shake’, uk’dal ‘lover’ ← uk’desun ‘to give (one’s) heart’, xodt’uk’tuk’dal ‘woodpecker’ ← xod t’uk’tuk’desun ‘to pick into a tree’. The last term illustrates that the underlying verb can be part of an exocentric compound the nominal part of which satisfies the valence of the given verb (normally intransitive subject or transitive object). The same holds for the two terms beˁɣbujbakal ‘west’ ← beˁɣ bujbaksa(-ne) ‘the sun becomes full’ and beˁɣʧ’eɣal ‘east’ ← beˁɣ ʧ’esa(-ne) ‘the sun comes out’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Udi lacks a complex paradigm of derivational affixes to produce adjectives. Today, c a s e - m a r k e d n o u n s may be converted to adjectives. Basically, the following case morphemes are involved in this technique: ERG -en, -in > modal, instrumental, GEN -un, -V(i) > qualitative, DAT-LOC -ax > instrumental, and ABL -Vxo > qualitative (rare). The adjectival use of e r g a t i v e marked nouns is restricted. Examples include: p’inen ‘bloody’ ← p’i ‘blood’, ʧ’emen ‘dirty’ ← ʧ’em ‘dirt’, tutminen ‘epileptic’ ← tutma ‘sudden illness’ (Azeri tutma ‘attack, sudden illness’), insafen ‘honest’ ← insaf ‘conscience’ (Arabic insāf ‘id.’), namusen ‘honest’ ← namus ‘conscience’ (Azeri namus ‘id.’), kaˁmen ‘mucky’ ← kaˁm ‘excrements’, p’aˁelmuɣon ‘pregnant; lit. with two souls’ ← p’aˁ elmux ‘two souls’, eˁken ‘riding’ ← eˁk ‘horse’, elen ‘salty’ ← el ‘salt’ (Old Armenian ał ‘salt’ ?), nep’en ‘sleeping’ ← nep’ ‘sleep, dream’, iˁʑen ‘snowy’ ← iˁʑ ‘snow’, zoren ‘strong’ ← zor ‘strength’ (Persian zor ‘strength’), t’amen ‘tasty’ ← t’am ‘taste’ (Arabic ṭacm ‘id.’), kurkuren ‘tender’ ← kurkur ‘tenderness’ (expressive reduplication), ʦaʦen ‘thorny’ ← ʦaʦ ‘thorn’. The most frequent and most productive type of deriving adjectives from nouns is based on the g e n i t i v e case. We have to differentiate two types: a) an older layer of relational structures that is based on the suffix -un (in Nij often -in); b) a productive layer. Primary (older) -un-adjectives are, for example, ʧ’oʃun ‘outer’ ← ʧ’oʃ ‘outside’, ʃäin ‘wet’, aʨun ‘blunt’, alun ‘high’ ← *al ‘hight’, beˁq’yn ‘dark; darkness’ ← beˁınq’ ‘dark’, bulun ‘being at the head of, northern’ ← bul ‘head’, ʦinun ‘being below the head, southern’ ← *ʦi ‘below the head’, qoʃun ‘being behind’ ← *qo(-ʆ) ‘back’, oq’un ‘being below’ ← *oq’ ‘ground’. The productive layer is represented by standard genitives turning a noun into a relational adjective. Examples are: beˁxun ‘tumesent’ ← beˁx ‘tumor’, oʆun ‘next’ ← oʆ ‘end’, bar-un ‘recent’ ← bar ‘part’, biˁɣun ‘middle’ ← biˁɣ ‘middle’, xaʃ-un ‘bright’ ← xaʃ ‘light’, gɶg-un ‘blue, green’ ← gɶg ‘sky’, dærd-un ‘painful’ ← dærd ‘pain’, gymyʃyn ‘silvery’ ← gymyʃ ‘silver’, qəzəlun ‘golden’ ← qəzəl ‘gold’, damdamun (~ damnun) ‘morning-’ ← damdam ‘morning’, damp’ulun ‘plum-’ ← damp’ul ‘plum’, ozanun ‘neck-’ ← ozan ‘neck’, esenun ‘related to the last year’ ← esen ‘last year’. Some adjectives favor the suffixal variant -in instead of -un. This is true for

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both some native words and loans from Azeri that copy the Azeri genitive morpheme -In. Sometimes, it is difficult to decide whether a relational adjective is borrowed as such from Azeri, or whether Udi has borrowed the nominal base only. The younger layer of relational adjectives (always marked by the -un/-in-genitive) is represented by a large and in fact open class of lexemes. Any noun can be turned into an adjective, as long as the relational semantics is observed. The general meaning is ‘related to X’, covering a vast array of semantic domains including materials (qəzəl-un ‘golden’, xod-in ‘wooden’, oʑal-un ‘made of earth’, zido-n-un ‘made of iron’), location/origin (niˁʑ-un ‘from/in Nij’, ajz-un ‘from/in the village’, comparison (ɣar-un ‘boyish’, xinær-un ‘girlish’, gɶg-un ‘heaven-like’), and feeling/state of health (dærd-un ‘painful’, azar-un ‘ill’). Frequently, a given forms serves to encode both a relational adjective and a possessive relation (e.g., xinær-un axʆum ‘girlish laughing’ ~ ‘the girl’s laughing’, ʧoban-un maˁɣ ‘shepherd song’ ~ ‘the song of a/the shepherd’). The two case forms -ax ( d a t i v e - l o c a t i v e ) and -axo ( a b l a t i v e ) are sometimes used to derive relational adjectives. The underlying concept is that of ‘being or having been embedded in something’. This class of adjectives is rather small and no longer productive. Examples are ap’ax ‘sweaty; lit. being in sweat’ ← ap’ ‘sweat’, ʧ’äinax ‘fat, greasy; lit. being in fat/butter’ ← ʧ’äin ‘fat, butter’, ɣennax ‘daily’ ← ɣi ‘day’, nep’ax ‘sleeping; lit. being in sleep’ ← nep’ ‘sleep, dream’, oq’oijx ~ oq’ona (GEN) ‘marinated; lit. being in vinegar’ ← oq’o ‘vinegar’, elax ~ ele (GEN) ‘salted; lit. being in salt’ ← el ‘salt’, elaxo ~ ele (GEN) ‘salted’ ← el ‘salt’. There are three true d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x e s that form adjectives: -lu, -la, and -ba. The two morphemes -lu and -la form a paradigm that is opposed to the suffix -ba. From a historical point of view, the two paradigms had different semantic functions: Whereas the -ba-paradigm once was restricted to mass nouns, the -lu/-la-paradigm encoded a possessive relationship between two discrete referents. Today, many doubles such as eq’la ~ eq’ba ‘meat-’, ʨola ~ ʨoba ‘face-’ occur. The fact that only -lu is actually productive hinders further tests related to the semantics of the three suffixes. The suffix -ba is probably related to the existential auxiliary bu ‘being’. The variant -ba probably reflects the present tense of the Early Udi copula (*-’a-) preceded by the (petrified) class marker *b-. The following adjectives illustrate the -ba-class: aba ‘knowing’ ← *aʦ’a- ‘knowledge’, adba ‘smelling’ ← ad ‘smell’, eq’ba ‘meat-’ ← eq’ ‘meat’, uˁq’enba ‘bony, made of bone’ ← uˁq’en ‘bone’, p’iba ~ p’ila ‘bloody’ ← p’i ‘blood’, misba ‘made of copper, entailing copper’ ← mis ‘copper’, ʧaxba ‘icy’ ← ʧax ‘ice’, iq’ba ‘ash-’ ← iq’ ‘ashes’, meqba ‘effected by worms; envious’ ← meq ‘worm’, neʦ’ba ‘effected by lice’ ← neʦ’ ‘louse’, xeba ‘liquid’ ← xe ‘water’, zorba ~ zorlu ‘mighty’ ← Persian zor ‘might, power’. The suffix pair -lu/-la is of Turkic origin. It originates from the Azeri derivational suffix -lI and can be added to both native words and Oriental terms. When new adjectives are derived from nouns, -lu is generally preferred. The variant -la is no longer productive. Most likely, the Azeri suffix -lI had been aligned to the vocalization of the -ba-suffix described above (> -la). Later, the suffix -lI was again borrowed from Azeri. Now, its vocalization (> -lu) is conditioned by the general trend to represent Azeri /-I-/ as /u/ in Udi. The suffix suffix -lu/-la has a very general meaning. It comes close to that of the genitive used to form relational adjectives. For instance, kul-la simply means that an X is somehow related to the concept of ‘hand’ ← kul. The concrete semantics depends

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heavily on the meaning of the nominal with which the derived adjective is used. The following example show the use of -la: xujla ‘angry’ ← Azeri xuy ‘wrath’, p’ila ‘bloody’ ← p’i ‘blood’ (cf. Azeri qanlı), q’avarla ‘callous, horny’ ← Azeri qabarlı ‘id.’, xojla ‘famous; lit. who has ancestor’ ← xoj ‘ancestors, roots’, k’ormot’la ‘full of holes’ ← k’ormot’ ‘hole’, kulla ‘hand-’ ← kul ‘hand’, bulla ‘head-’ ← bul ‘head’, muzla ‘headstrong’ ← muz ‘tongue, language’, uk’la ‘heart-’ ← uk’ ‘heart (cf. Az. ürəkli), turra ~ turla ‘leg-’ ← tur ‘leg’, kukla ‘like straw’ ← kuk ‘straw’, qella ‘loaden, burdened, pregnant’ ← qel ~ xel ‘load’, eq’la ‘meat-’ ← eq’ ‘meat’, ʦ’ila ‘named’ ← ʦ’i ‘name’, elasla ‘with an oath’ ← elas ‘oath’, arabala ‘related to chariots’ ← araba ‘chariot’, eˁkla ‘riding’ ← eˁk ‘horse’, ap’la ‘smelling’ ← ad ‘smell’, k’ujnla ‘smoky’ ← k’ujn ‘smoke’, marra < *marla ‘suppurating’ ← mar ‘pus’, uluxla ‘tooth-’ ← ulux ‘tooth’ = Azeri dişli, xela ‘weak’ ← xe ‘water’ (?), qoˁlla ‘with barks’ ← qoˁl ‘bark’, popla ‘with hairs’ ← pop ‘hair’ (cf. Azeri tüklü). The variant -lu is highly productive. It can be used both with native words and loans. Note that in Nij, the suffix often shows up as -loj. Most probably, -loj is marked for the segment -i encoding one of the Udi genitives. Examples are aʤuxlu ‘angry’ ← aʤux ‘wrath’, boˁɣaˁlu ~ N. -loj ‘deep’ ← ?, alalu ~ N. alaloj (~ alloj) ‘high < above’ ← ala ‘high’, oq’alu ‘low’ ← oq’a ‘below’, niˁʑlu ‘Nij-’ ← niˁʑ ‘Nij’, aɣalalu ‘rainy’ ← aɣala ‘rain’, ajzlu ‘related to a village’ ← ajz ‘village’, beˁɣlu ‘sunny’ ← beˁɣ ‘sun’, urbatlu ‘with authority’ ← Azeri hörmetli ‘id.’, togixlu ‘worthy’ ← togix ‘worth, price’. The derivational morpheme -nut’ ~ -nut normally appears as a suffix when added to a noun. It translates the Azeri p r i v a t i v e suffix -sIz, which again is often used instead of -nut’. With nouns, nut’ usually appears as a suffix thus copying Azeri -sIz: adamarnut’ ‘not related to mankind’ ← adamar ‘man’, aɣalanut’ ‘without rain’ ← aɣala ‘rain’, aˁilnut’ ‘without a child’ ← aˁil ‘child’, ap’nut’ ‘not smelling’ ← ad ‘smell’, babanut’ ‘without father, fatherless’ ← baba ‘father’, byhærnut’ ‘without fruits’ ← byhær ‘fruit’, bulnut’ ‘headless’ ← kul ‘head’, elmuxnut’ ‘bad, weak’ ← elmux ‘soul’, elnut’ ‘without salt’ ← el ‘salt’, nep’nut ‘sleepless’ ← nep’ ‘sleep’, ot’nut’ ‘not bashful’ ← ot’ ‘shame’, turnut’ ‘legless’ ← tur ‘leg’, uk’nut’ ‘heartless’ ← uk’ ‘heart’, xalxnut’ ‘unpopulated’ ← xalx ‘people’, xenut’ ‘waterless’ ← xe ‘water’, xodnut’ ‘treeless’ ← xod ‘tree’. With deverbal adjectives, nut’ is sometimes used as a prefix. nut’- is restricted to pseudoadjectival forms, such as verbal participles. In this case, nut’- has a n e g a t i v e rather than a privative meaning. Most often, nut’- is used with the non-past participle -al: nut’eɣ-al adamar ‘the person who does not/will not come; lit. not-coming man’. Lexicalized forms are, e.g., nut’-ak’eʦi ‘unexpected; lit. being unseen’, nut’-ʧap’bakal ‘indelible, inextinguishable; lit. not becoming extinguished’. Else, adjectives prefer the suffixal variant, as in kala-nut’ ‘not big’, tæmiz-nut’ ‘unclean’, dyrys-nut’ ‘unsound’. Some negative adjectives are marked for a prefix-like element a- the very nature of which, however, is difficult to ascertain. Most of the relevant terms have a hitherto obscure etymology. Examples are: amʦ’i ‘empty’ < *a-mbəʦ’-i ‘not filled’, cf. bui < *mbəʦ’-i ‘filled’, ap’uʃ ‘dry’ < *a-puʃ ‘not X’ (?), aʨi ‘lost’ < *a-ʨ-i ‘not (X)-ed’ (?), apʧi ‘wrong, false’ < *abəʧ-i ‘not ?’, amɣar ‘silly (talk)’ < *a-maˁɣ-ar ‘not-song/tale-PL’.

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4.3. Verbal derivation Udi has only few affixes to mark verbal derivation. As has been said, most verbs are compounds based on light verbs that encode different aspects of valence and diathesis. One of these light verbs, namely e(j)-sun < *eɣ-sun ‘to move, go’, has in parts grammaticalized as a marker for medio-passives, e.g., aq’- ‘to take’ → aq’-e- ‘be taken’, bok’‘to boil (tr.)’ → bok’-e- ‘to boil (itr.)’, ak’- ‘to see’ → ak’-e- ‘to be seen, show up’. A nowadays no longer productive way of forming causatives is the use of the morpheme -ev- (probably borrowed from Georgian). It generally follows the lexical head of a verbal complex, often in combination with the auxiliary -k’esun: batev-k’esun ‘to save’ ← bat‘destroyed’ (Azeri bat-) + -ev- (Azeri bat-ır-maq) ‘to destroy’, ʧ’ev-k’esun ‘to drive out’ ← ʧ’e- ‘out’ + -ev-, ʦ’irik’-ʧ’ev-k’esun ‘to brood, sit (of a hen)’ ← ʦ’irik’ ‘chicken’ + ʧ’e- ‘out’- + ev-, ʧaxev-k’esun ‘to freeze sth.’ ← ʧax- ‘ice’ + -ev-, ʦiv-k’esun ‘to bring, set down’ ← ʦi- ‘down’ + -ev-, eʦ’ev-k’esun ‘to dry (tr.)’ ← eʦ’ ‘dry’ + -ev-, lav-k’esun ‘to put on, dress’ ← la ‘on, up’ + -ev-, lajʧ’ev-k’esun ‘to raise up’ ← laj-ʧ’e- ‘up-out’ + -ev-, marʦev-k’esun ‘to use up’ ← marʦ- ‘edge, border’ + -ev-, zerev-k’esun ‘to adorn’ ← zer- ‘adornment’ + -ev-. Udi has lost the inherited system of preverbs for deriving “locative” verbs. Nevertheless, some preverbs have preserved the original pattern that is no longer productive today. This pattern can be summarized as in Table 197.2. Examples are: e-ʧesun ~ eʧsun ~ e-ʃʧun ‘to bring’, e-fsun ‘to keep, maintain’, eɣ-esun ~ e(j)-sun ‘to come’, taʃsun ~ taʃ-ʃun ‘to carry (thither)’, ta-ɣesun ~ ta-jsun ‘to go (thither)’, ba-saksun ‘to throw (down) into’, ba-st’un ‘to put into, bake’, ʧ’e-ɣesun ~ ʧ’e-sun ‘to go out, away’, ʧ’e-vk’esun ‘to chase, throw away’, ʧ’i-gsun ‘to drive (out)’, la-st’un ‘to put one’, la-ft’esun ‘to touch’, la-xsun ‘to put, place’, ʦi-fst’un ‘to cover (of wounds)’, ʦi-ɣesun ~ ʦi-sun ‘to go down’, ʦi-gsun ‘to cut off’, ʦi-psun ‘to throw, pour out’, qaj-baksun ‘to come back, return’, qaj-desun ‘to give back’, aj-zap’pesun ‘to weigh’, aj-zesun ‘to rise’. Tab. 197.2: Locative preverbs in Udi Old Udi hetahalaoq’ahajaʦibahaʧ ’eeʆa ~ oʆa horok’or-

Modern Udi eta(y)la(y)− *aiʦiba(j)ʧ ’e− *xuruqay-

Semantics ‘hither’ ‘thither’ ‘on(to)’ ‘below’ ‘up’ ‘down’ ‘in(to)’ ‘out’ ‘behind’ ‘around’ ‘back’

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5. Conversion Udi makes limited use of conversion processes based on underived lexical elements. These processes basically concern the relationship between adjectives and adverbs. In fact, there is no difference between underived adjectives and adverbs, cf. (4)

gɶlɶ xalx ar-i-ne many people come.PAST-PAST-3SG ‘Many people came …’

(5)

aˁil gɶlɶ oˁneˁ-ne-p-e child much weep-3SG-LV-PERF ‘The child wept a lot.’

One might thus question the statement that Udi has two separate word classes distinguishing adjectives from adverbs. Nevertheless, syntactic arguments and features related to stress patterns support this assumption. Another (rare) example is the use of postpositions (by themselves derived from nouns with the help of locative case markers) as nouns, cf. oʨ’alunoq’a ‘interior of the earth; lit. under the earth’. Moreover, conversion is mainly present with case marked nouns, e.g., ʧem-en ‘dirty; lit. with dirt (ERG)’, sa-ganu ‘together; lit. in one place (DAT)’, adamar-un ‘human; lit. of the person (GEN)’, elax ‘salty; lit. in/to the salt (DAT-LOC)’. Another type of conversion is present with verbs marked for the active participle -al that may function as agent nouns in the broadest sense, e.g., aʃ-b-al ‘working; lit. doing work’ > ‘worker’, see section 4.1.

6. Reduplication With nouns, reduplication is used to modify the basic meaning of a term (yielding a dual, plural, or intensifying meaning) or to form onomatopoetic terms (especially bird names). Frequently, the non-reduplicated form is no longer attested. Also, borrowings have importantly contributed to the paradigmatization of Udi reduplication. Two basic types can be distinguished: Full (syllable) reduplication and partial reduplication (CV-). The following list illustrates full reduplication: ʤirʤir(k’al) ‘cricket’ (onomatopoetic), biˁbiˁ ‘bridge’ (dual ?), biabia ‘whitethorn’ ← ?, bilbil ‘nightingale’ (onomatopoetic, loan ← Azeri bülbül ‘nightingale’), bizæbizæliɣ ‘swamp’ (expressive), guӡguӡ ‘smile’ (expressive), k’upk’up ‘cuckoo’ (onomatopoetic), k’urk’ur ‘caress’ (expressive), laˁnglaˁng ‘stork’ (← laˁng ‘step’; expressive, contaminated with Persian laɣlaɣ ‘stork’), miӡmiӡ ‘jellied meat’ ← ?, puˁʃpuˁʃ ‘insides’ (expressive), q’umq’um ‘snail’ ← q’um ‘sand’ (?), ɣæˁst’æɣæˁst’ ‘barking of a group of dogs’ ← ɣæˁst’ ‘barking of a dog’, t’rat’ra ‘lark’ (onomatopoetic), xaʃxaʃ ‘poppy, hashish’ ← Azeri xaşxaş ‘poppy’. Two terms do not echo the stem vowel in the reduplication syllable: ʨ’aʨ’i ‘blackbird’ and q’aʧ’q’ruʧ’ ‘narrowness’. The second term shows post-reduplication and varies the vowel according to the Turkic mışmaş-type. Note the expressive insertion of -r- in the second syllable. In partial reduplication, the vowel of the reduplicating segment normally echoes

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the vowel of the stem. However, many forms deviate from this pattern. Additionally, Udi displays (through influence from Azeri) instances of “echo reduplication”. Partial reduplication with vowel copying is for example present in the following nouns: ʧ’uʧ’up’ ‘curl’ (expressive), bibik’ ‘earlobe’ (dual), boboʨal ‘ring’ ← ?, ʧ’yʧ’yk’æn ‘titmouse’ (onomatopoetic), ʤeʤer ‘lips’ (dual), gugum ‘horsefly’ (expressive), k’aˁk’aˁp’ ‘knee’ (dual), k’ak’ala ‘excrement, droppings’ (expressive (?)), k’ok’oʦ’ ‘hen’ (onomatopoetic), meˁmeˁl ‘horsefly’ (expressive), momoʦ’ ‘snot’ (expressive), t’iˁt’iˁp’ ‘wild pomegranate’ ← ?, kakala ‘very great’ (augmentative), k’ik’iʦ’k’e ‘very small’ (augmentative). The following three terms illustrate reduplication without vocalic echo: ʧæ’ʧ’ik’ ‘paw’, gegær ‘pigeon’, and guˁgeˁl ‘owl’ (onomatopoetic).

7. References Dirr, Adolf 1904 Grammatika udinskogo jazyka. Sbornik materialov dlja opisanija plemen i mestnostej Kavkaza 23: 1−101. Dirr, Adolf 1928 Udische Texte. Caucasica 5: 60−72. Ǯeiranišvili, Evgeni 1971 Udiuri ena. Gramat’ik’a, krestomat’ia, leksik’oni. Tbilisi: Tbilisis universit’et’is gamomcemloba. Fähnrich, Heinz 1999 Kleines Udisch-Deutsches Wörterverzeichnis. Jena: Friedrich-Schiller-Universität. Gippert, Jost, Wolfgang Schulze, Zaza Aleksidze and Jean-Pierre Mahé (eds.) 2009 The Caucasian Albanian Palimpsests of Mt. Sinai. 2 Vol. Turnhout: Brépols. Gukasjan, Vorošil 1974 Udincə-azərbajcanca-rusca lüğət. Bakı: Elm. Mobili, Robert 2010 Udi-azerbaycanin-urusin əyitluğ. Bakı: Qrifli nəşr. Pančviʒe, Vladimir 1974 Udiuri enis gramat’ik’uli analizi. Tbilisi: Mecniereba. Schiefner, Anton A. 1863 Versuch über die Sprache der Uden. St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften. Schulze, Wolfgang 1982 Die Sprache der Uden in Nord-Azerbajdžan. Studien zur Synchronie und Diachronie einer süd-ostkaukasischen Sprache. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Schulze, Wolfgang 2001 The Udi Gospels − Annotated text, etymological index, lemmatized concordance. München/Newcastle: LINCOM Europa. Schulze, Wolfgang 2004 Udi. In: Pierre J. L. Arnaud (ed.), Le nom composé. Données sur 16 langues, 287−302. Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon.

Wolfgang Schulze, Munich (Germany)

198. Aghul

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198. Aghul 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Reduplication References

Abstract Word-formation processes in Aghul (a Northeast Caucasian language spoken in Daghestan, Russia) include both compounding and derivation. Verbal compounding is very productive and is the primary way of enriching the verbal lexicon in the modern language, using borrowed Russian verbs. In contrast, although there are quite a large number of nominal compounds, they seem to be fixed expressions and no new compounds are created. Derivation is mainly suffixal with the exception of verbal locative and repetitive derivation achieved by prefixes. Various types of full reduplication, as well as echoreduplication and partial reduplication are fairly productive.

1. Introduction Aghul (also spelled Agul) is a language from the Lezgic branch of the Northeast Caucasian (Nakh-Daghestanian) family. Within the branch, the closest relatives of the language are Tabassaran and Lezgian, which share many of its word-formation strategies. There are more than 30,000 first-language speakers of Aghul in Russia, mainly in mountainous areas of South Daghestan (the Aghul district and the Kurah district). The language divides into seven dialects which display more or less significant differences with respect to all aspects of grammar. This work is based on the Huppuq’ dialect spoken in the village of Huppuq’. Data for this article come from field work of both authors and from consultations with the native speaker linguist Solmaz Merdanova (Moscow). Aghul is an ergative language with predominantly agglutinative morphology, having a rich case system (about thirty case forms, including numerous locatives) and a huge verbal paradigm (several dozens forms, both synthetic and periphrastic). The basic clause-level word order is SOV, dependents typically precede heads in other phrase types as well. In contrast to most languages of the family, Aghul does not have either gender or person agreement. Previous work on Aghul includes a number of grammatical sketches (Dirr 1907; Šaumjan 1941; Magometov 1970; Sulejmanov 1993; Tarlanov 1994; Merdanova 2004) covering most of phonology and inflectional morphology and to a lesser degree syntax. However, the previous work on the language gives very few details about word-formation and, generally, derivational morphology of the language has not been dealt with specifically in any other source.

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2. General overview Word-formation in Aghul includes compounding, derivational prefixation and suffixation, and reduplication. No examples of conversion, backformation, blending, or clipping have been identified in Aghul.

3. Composition 3.1. Nominal compounds There are no productive types of nominal compound formation. However, a number of fixed compound expressions (dvandvas) are attested, cf. dadar-bawar ‘parents’ (← dadar ‘father-PL’ + baw-ar ‘mother-PL’), kunar-lakar ‘garments’ (← kun-ar ‘clothes-PL’ + lak-ar ‘shoe-PL’), aχun-jurʁan ‘bed’ (← aχun ‘sleeping place’ + jurʁan ‘blanket’). Morphologically such expressions often consist of two plural marked nouns which either form a complex stem with respect to case markers or take inflectional morphology independently of one another: dadar-bawaris ‘to parents’ (← dad-ar ‘father-PL’ + baw-ar-is ‘mother-PL-DAT’) or dadaris-bawaris ‘to parents’ (dad-ar-is ‘father-PL-DAT’ + baw-ar-is ‘mother-PL-DAT’). Semantically, such expressions typically include two conceptually close words that together denote a cover term for both. Some of them have become conventionalized with a completely non-compositional meaning, though, as in jaʁarʡüšer ‘misfortunes’ (← jaʁ-ar ‘day-PL’ + ʡüš-er ‘night-PL’).

3.2. Verbal compounds Like in other Lezgic languages, simplex (synchronically unanalyzable) verb stems constitute the minor part of the verbal lexicon. There are many derived prefixal verbs (see section 4.3.1), but most verbs are complex and consist of two parts − a coverb (or “nominal part”) and a light verb, cf. ʡüsse xas ‘to get old’ (← ʡüsse ‘old’ + xas ‘to become’), un aq’as ‘to call’ (← un ‘sound’ + aq’as ‘to do’), masa ic’as ‘to sell’ (← masa ‘for pay’ + ic’as ‘to give’). Light verbs, that host all tense and aspect marking, include such high-frequency verbal lexemes with generalized meaning as xas ‘to become’, (a)q’as ‘to do, make’, ic’as ‘to give’, jarʜas ‘to beat’, ʕ˳as ‘to go, come’ and some others, аs well as the stative verb a ‘to be (inside)’. Coverbs include nouns, adjectives, adverbs, and also bound stems which are not used outside complex verbs. The most common types of coverbs are: a) Nouns in the absolutive case, cf. haraj aq’as ‘to shout’ (← ‘shout’ + ‘to do’), kar aq’as ‘work’ (← ‘job’ + ‘to do’), paj aq’as ‘to divide’ (← ‘part’ + ‘to do’), pːadarkːa aq’as ‘to give as a present’ (← ‘gift’ + ‘to do’), mez ic’as ‘to lick’ (← ‘tongue’ + ‘to give’), ubur ic’as ‘to obey, listen to’ (← ‘ear’ + ‘to give’), niʔ duas ‘to smell’ (← ‘smell’ + ‘to pull’), gulla jarʜas ‘to shoot, fire’ (← ‘bullet’ + ‘to beat’), murs jarʜas ‘to get mouldy’ (← ‘mould’ + ‘to beat’), p’ac ik’as ‘to kiss’ (← ‘kiss’ + ‘to put into’), t’ink’~t’ink’ ʕ˳as ‘to drip’ (← ‘drop-drop’ + ‘to go, come’). The nominal

198. Aghul

b)

c)

d)

e)

f)

g)

3581

part of such compounds can take plural marking when expressing iterative or multiplicative meaning; Ideophones, which mainly co-occur with the verb ‘to do’, cf. č’aq’raq’ aq’as ‘to creak’, č’emp’ aq’as ‘to champ’, ʕamf aq’as ‘to bark’, mew aq’as ‘to meow’. Ideophones as coverbs are close to nouns in that they can take plural marking, cf. č’emp’er aq’as ‘to champ constantly’. A further characteristic of ideophones is that they occur in reduplicated form (see section 5.1.2); Adjectives, that form regular inchoative/causative pairs of complex verbs with light verbs xas ‘to become’ vs. aq’as ‘to do’ respectively, cf. buš xas ‘to weaken (itr.)’ / buš q’as ‘to weaken (tr.)’ (← buš ‘weak’), ʜütːe xas ‘to get sharp (itr.)’ / ʜütːe q’as ‘to sharpen (tr.)’ (← ʜütːe ‘sharp’), ʜazur xas ‘to get ready, prepare (itr.)’ / ʜazur q’as ‘to get ready, prepare (tr.)’ (← ʜazur ‘ready’); Adverbs, cf. wartː xas ‘to win’ (← wartː ‘up’ + xas ‘to become’), č’uq’ xas ‘to diminish, get smaller (itr.)’ (← č’uq’ ‘a bit, a little’ + xas ‘to become’). A productive group of complex statives is based on deadjectival adverbs in -di and a stative verb a ‘to be (inside)’, cf. širindi a ‘to be tasty, feel taste’ (← širin ‘tasty’), pašmandi a ‘to feel sad’ (← pašman ‘sad’), šatːtːi a ‘to be glad, feel joyful’ (< šad-di a ← šad ‘glad’); Deverbal components, borrowed from Azeri (one of the main contact languages of South Daghestan in the past) and Russian. Azeri verbs were borrowed in the form of participles in -miš, cf. aldatmiš aq’as ‘to divert, distract; to befool’ (← Az. aldat‘to deceive, befool’ + ‘to do’), bašlamiš aq’as ‘to begin’ (← Az. bašla- ‘to begin’ + ‘to do’), begemiš xas ‘to like’ (← Az. bəjən- < bəgən- ‘to like’ + ‘to become’), išlemiš aq’as ‘to use’ (← Az. išlən- ‘to use’ + ‘to do’), jašamiš xas ‘to live’ (← Az. jaša- ‘to live’ + ‘to become’). Russian verbs are borrowed in the infinitive form, cf. arganizawatː aq’as ‘to organize’ (← Rus. organizovať ‘to organize’ + ‘to do’), služitː aq’as ‘to serve’ (← Rus. služiť ‘to serve’ + ‘to do’), sazdawatː xas ‘to be created’ (← Rus. sozdavať ‘to create’ + ‘to become’), staracːa xas ‘to try hard, do one’s best’ (← Rus. staraťsja ‘to try, seek’ + ‘to become’). In modern language, the formation of complex verbs based on Russian infinitives is the most productive way of introducing new verbal lexemes. Many such combinations are occasional and occur in situations of code-mixing; Verbal stems in -r, derived from the imperfective stem of dynamic verbs or the only stem of statives. This group is lexically restricted, as an r-stem is attested in less than twenty verbs. Dynamic r-stems only form causative compounds with (a)q’as ‘to do’, cf. ag˳ar-q’as ‘to show’ (← ag˳as ‘to see’), ruqːar-q’as ‘to dry (tr.)’ (← ruqːas ‘to get dry (itr.)’), ruʁar-q’as ‘to cool’ (← ruʁas ‘to get cold’), ʁuzar-q’as ‘to stop (tr.)’ (← ʁuzas ‘to stop (itr.)’), uq’ar-q’as ‘to seat’ (← uq’as ‘to sit down’). Two statives form inchoative/causative pairs similar to those that are formed from adjectives, cf. ʜar-xas ‘to learn, get to know’ / ʜar-aq’as ‘to teach, make known’ (← ʜaa ‘knows’), itːar-xas ‘to fall ill, begin to ache’ / itːar-q’as ‘to feel pain, make feel pain’ (← itːaa ‘is ill, aches’). On the place of this class of verbs among other means of expressing causative contrasts, cf. Daniel, Maisak and Merdanova (2012); Apart from r-stems and borrowed deverbal components, many other coverbs represent bound stems that are not used outside complex verbs. Some of such stems go back to nouns, e.g., gunt’ (→ gunt’ xas ‘to collect, gather (itr.)’ and gunt’ aq’as ‘to collect, gather (tr.)’) is probably related to k’unť ‘heap’, and masa (→ masa ic’as ‘to

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Northeast Caucasian sell’) seems to be an ergative form of an obsolete noun mas ‘payment’. Some components are etymologically related to adjectives and probably represent obsolete nouns (see section 4.2), e.g., ʡatː (→ ʡatː aq’as ‘to limp’, cf. ʡatːe ‘lame’), mertː (→ mertː xas ‘to clear (itr.)’ and mertː aq’as ‘to clear (tr.)’, cf. mertːe ‘clear’), č’ir (→ č’ir xas ‘to go bad’ and č’ir aq’as ‘to spoil’, cf. č’ire ‘barren’). The component hukː occurring in hukː ic’as ‘to run’ might be of verbal origin, as it resembles the root found in q-ukːas ‘to run down, pursue’, a verb with a locative POST prefix (see section 4.3.1).

Morphosyntactically, complex verbs do not represent a uniform class: some of them are close to free syntactic combinations of verbs and object noun phrases, while others are lexicalized to a considerable degree and approach simplex verb stems. In a standard case, the two parts of complex verbs are always adjacent (the coverb precedes the light verb). They can be separated when the lexical meaning of the verb is topicalized, and the coverb − which mainly expresses the lexical meaning − occurs on the left periphery, while the light verb occupies its usual position; cf. (1) with ʜar-aq’as ‘to teach, make known’ containing a bound component (enclosed in angle brackets in the glossing line). On the other hand, a finite verb can be put on the left periphery in the context of enumeration of successive events, cf. (2) with gunť aq’as ‘to collect, gather (tr.)’ − in this case the two parts of a complex verb are also not adjacent. (1)

ʜar zun gi-s aq’-a-s-e … I(ERG) that-DAT do-IPF-INF-COP ‘As for teaching, I will teach him ...’ (but I do not know when this will happen)

(2)

aq’-u-ne aʜa-tː-i wuri gunt’ ... do-PF-PFT big-SUBST-ERG all(ABS) ‘(And so,) the chief gathered everyone together …’ (then he spoke and asked everyone to make a decision)

In the majority of complex verbs containing a transitive light verb (aq’as ‘to do’, ic’as ‘to give’) the coverb occupies the position of patientive noun phrase in the absolutive case; cf. such verbs as hukː ic’as ‘to run’, č’emp’ aq’as ‘to champ’, ʕamf aq’as ‘to bark’, ʡatː aq’as ‘to limp’, un aq’as ‘to call’ which only subcategorize for an ergative agent (3). In another group of verbs like pːadarkːa aq’as ‘to give as a present’, paj aq’as ‘to divide’, q’at’ aq’as ‘to cut, detach’ (← ‘piece’ + ‘to do’), the coverb is rather an “incorporated” component which is different from the patientive noun phrase (4): (3)

dad-a gada-jis un aq’-a-a. father-ERG son-DAT sound(ABS) do-IPF-PRS ‘The father calls his son.’

(4)

ruš-a uč-in jerχe č’ar-ar q’at’ q’-u-ne. girl-ERG self-GEN long hair-PL(ABS) piece(ABS) do-PF-PFT ‘The girl cut off her long hair.’

Though still retaining the ability to occur separately, the components of some complex verbs tend to morphologize (this is especially true of combinations with bound parts). This can be seen from the position of regular prefixal markers − negative da- and repeti-

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tive qa- (on the latter, see section 4.3.2). As a rule, only the light verb can bear these prefixes, as it is the locus of all verbal marking (cf. ʜazur da-xas ‘not to get ready’ or ʜazur qa-xas ‘to get ready again’ ← ʜazur xas ‘to get ready’). However, some verbs prefer the position of prefixes before the whole complex, cf. qa-gunt’-aq’as ‘to gather again’ (← gunt’ aq’as), qa-un-aq’as ‘to call again’ (← un aq’as), which shows that gunt’aq’- and unaq’- have been almost reanalysed as non-segmentable verb stems. Another manifestation of univerbation is the change of the inflection type of a complex verb vis-à-vis the corresponding light verb. Thus, while the verb aq’as ‘to do’ has the imperative form with a vocalic affix, cf. aq’-e ‘do!’, many complex verbs display a variation of the imperative form which can have either vocalic suffix or zero marking (cf. gunt’-aq’e || gunt’-aq’ ‘gather!’, ʜar-aq’-e || ʜar-aq’ ‘teach!’, mertː-aq’-e || mertː-aq’ ‘clean!’). Some lexemes even have the zero marked imperative as the only possible variant, cf. ag˳ar-aq’ ‘show!’, č’ir-aq’ ‘spoil!’, ǯin-aq’ ‘hide!’. As an example of a completely morphologized complex verb, cf. ǯinuxas ‘to hide (itr.)’, that is historically based on a combination of the light verb xas ‘to become’ and the bound component ǯin-. Apart from the correlation with the transitive counterpart ǯinaq’as ‘to hide (tr.)’, nothing in the synchronic behaviour of this verb points to its compound nature.

4.

Derivation

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns The suffix -ʕ˳el is the only productive means for creating denominal derivations of nouns. Used with nouns denoting status or occupation, it produces a b s t r a c t n o u n s denoting activities performed by people of the profession: pːačːahʕ˳el (← pːačːah ‘king’), pirsidatːelʕ˳el (← pirsidatːel ‘head of local administration’), dijarkːaʕ˳el (← dijarkːa ‘milkmaid’), uʁriʕ˳el (← uʁri ‘thief’), ʜulašuwʕ˳el (← ʜulašuw ‘guest’), etc. Complex verbs consisting of such nouns and the verb aq’as ‘to do’ yield the meaning ‘to serve, work as X’, cf. dijarkːaʕ˳el aq’as ‘to work as a milkmaid’. Another widespread derivational suffix is -či, which is of Turkic origin and derives a g e n t n o u n s : deweči ‘cameleer’ (← dewe ‘camel’), zürneči ‘zurna player’ (← zürne ‘zurna, a musical wind-instrument’), ʜaramči ‘sinner’ (← ʜaram ‘sin’). Although this suffix is restricted to Turkic and Arabic loanwords and is not added to native nouns, Aghul speakers recognize it as a derivational suffix and generally understand the internal structure of such derivations. Besides these, there are a number of unproductive suffixes used to form a noun from another noun. All of them are of very restricted use and are identified only in a handful of nouns each. The suffix -kar is found in Persian loanwords, and also forms agent nouns: zijankar ‘saboteur’ (← zijan ‘harm, damage’), fitnakar ‘person who spreads discord’ (← fitna ‘discord, contention’). The suffixes -aqan and -qban are found in several nouns denoting agents engaged in traditional activities: ʜupːaqan ‘shepherd’ (← ʜub ‘sheep’), ʕurčaqan ‘hunter’ (← ʕurč ‘game, animal hunted’), ʜünirqban ‘herdsman’ (←

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Northeast Caucasian

ʜüni ‘cow’), raʜuqban ‘miller’ (← raʜ ‘mill’). The suffixes -ač and -ač’ form pejorative personal nouns: funač ‘fat person’ (← fun ‘belly’), χukač ‘glutton’ (← χuk ‘animal’s stomach’), q’at’ač’ ‘person who picks up and smokes cigarette butts’ (← q’at’ ‘piece, incl. cigarette butt’).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The abstract suffix -ʕ˳el discussed in the previous section is also used as a productive means of forming q u a l i t y n o u n s from adjectives: reʜetʕ˳el ‘easiness’ (← reʜet ‘easy’), ǯag˳arʕ˳el ‘whiteness’ (← ǯag˳ar ‘white’), saʁʕ˳el ‘health’ (← saʁ ‘healthy’). In rare cases, this suffix occurs with participles, cf. ajeʕ˳el ‘being in a place’ (← a-je + ʕ˳el ‘{IN}be-PART’ + ‘ABSTR’).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns The regular way to turn verbs into nouns is to derive an a c t i o n n o m i n a l (traditionally called “masdar”), by adding the suffix -b to the perfective stem of the verb: aq’ub ‘doing’ (← aq’-u ‘do-PF’ + -b ‘NMLZ’), ruχub ‘reading’ (← ruχ-u ‘read-PF’ + -b ‘NMLZ’), k’ib ‘dying, killing’ (← k’-i ‘die, kill-PF’ + -b ‘NMLZ’). An action nominal can be derived from all verbs except for the statives, which do not have a perfective stem. Morphologically, the action nominal is a regular noun taking all nominal inflection including plural and case markers, cf. Table 198.1. Syntactically, however, the action nominal typically behaves as a verbal head, since a) it preserves the verbal argument structure and does not allow genitive marking of either the subject or the object, and b) it allows adverbial modification, as in (5). Tab. 198.1: Partial paradigm of the action nominal ruχub ‘reading’ (← ruχas ‘to read’) SG

PL

ABS

ruχ-u-b read-PF-NMLZ(ABS)

ruχ-u-b-ar read-PF-NMLZ-PL(ABS)

ERG

ruχ-u-b-a read-PF-NMLZ-ERG

ruχ-u-b-ar-i read-PF-NMLZ-PL-ERG

DAT

ruχ-u-b-as read-PF-NMLZ-DAT

ruχ-u-b-ar-is read-PF-NMLZ-PL-DAT

(5)

gi (naq’ gada-ji peʡ qatːk’-i-b-ak-as) that(ERG) yesterday boy-ERG chicken(ABS) steal-PF-NMLZ-SUB/CONT-ELAT qatːq’-u-ne. tell-PF-PFT ‘He told (us) about the boy’s stealing of the chicken yesterday.’

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There are also a handful of historical deverbal nouns in -al, though this suffix is not used productively in the modern language: uʁal ‘rain’ (← uʁas ‘to rain’), itːal ‘disease’ (← itːaa ‘is ill, aches’), ugal ‘rash, itch’ (← ugas ‘to itch’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation There is no productive and regular way to derive adjectives in Aghul. Diachronically, many adjectives are derived from either nouns or verbs. Noun-based adjectives have a final vowel of an unknown origin: mič’e ‘dark’ (← mič’ ‘darkness’), k’are ‘black’ (← k’ar ‘blackness, black yarn’), mize ‘small, fine’ (← miz ‘small amount’). Most verbbased adjectives formally represent participles, which are the only way to express certain notions: for example, ruʁu ‘cold’ (← ruʁas ‘to get cold’), qːuqːu ‘firm’ (← qːuqːas ‘to get firm’), c’üre ‘old, not new’ (← c’uras ‘to fray (of clothes)’), but some others are generally no longer perceived as participles. Aghul possesses a large number of adjectives with the suffixes -lu and -suz, borrowed from Azeri. Like with the suffix -či, Aghul speakers clearly recognize the two adjectival markers as derivational. Derived adjectives with the suffix -lu denote presence of a quality, while adjectives with the suffix -suz express absence of a quality, сf. baχtːlu ‘happy’ vs. baχtːsuz ‘unhappy’ (← baχtː ‘happiness’).

4.3. Verbal derivation The only way to derive a verb from a noun or adjective is by forming a complex verb (see section 3.2). Deverbal derivation of verbs, apart from forming inchoative/causative pairs from certain -r-stems, involves purely morphological means and is represented by locative and repetitive prefixation.

4.3.1. Locative prefixation Locative prefixation is not fully productive: the combinability of prefixes with verbal roots is restricted, and many derived prefixed verbs have idiomatic meaning. About a half of the 120 dynamic verbal roots has prefixed derivatives, but only about 30 roots have more than one prefixed derivative. On the whole, about 350 dynamic prefixed verbs have been found. There are also 14 stative prefixed verbs derived from two roots, ‘to be, be located’ and ‘to still be, remain’. There are two sets of locative prefixes and two slots for them. The first set includes seven prefixes that mark l o c a l i z a t i o n and specify a particular spatial domain of a ground where a figure is located (below we give an abbreviation for the localization and then specify its basic meaning): ʔ- IN ‘inside a container’, ʕ- INTER ‘inside liquid or substance’, h- ANTE ‘in front of a ground’, q- POST ‘behind a ground’, f- APUD ‘near a ground’, al- SUPER ‘on the horizontal surface’ and k- SUB/CONT ‘below’/‘attached to a ground’. The realization of the IN marker is always zero, according to a general rule that glottal stop is not pronounced before vowels. The first vowel of the SUPER prefix can be

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dropped when it is not the nucleus of a closed syllable. The SUB/CONT marker is palatalized and triggers fronting of the next vowel (/a/ > /e/, /u/ > /ü/). All prefixes have allomorphs with a subsequent vowel when they occur before a consonant (cf. a- IN, ʕaINTER, ha- || hi- ANTE, qa- || qi- || qu- POST, fa- APUD, ala- SUPER, ke- || ki- || kü- SUB/ CONT); the distribution of allomorphs partly depends on the phonological context, and partly is morphologically or lexically conditioned. The second set includes prefixes that mark o r i e n t a t i o n and indicate whether a figure moves in a particular direction, or rests at a spatial domain defined by the localization marker. The markers are: -č- || -ča- LAT (lative) ‘motion towards’, -atː- ELAT (elative) ‘motion from’, -ʁ- || ʁa- UP ‘motion up’ and -a- || -da- DOWN ‘motion down’. The orientation slot is optional, so there may be verbs with a localization prefix only, but no verbs with an orientation prefix only (on a few exceptions with the UP marker, see below). The absence of the orientation slot usually triggers lative reading in dynamic verbs. In statives, which never have the orientation slot filled, the meaning is always essive (‘no motion’). There are no verb roots for which all of the 35 logically possible combinations with locative prefixes exist. The root -ix- ‘to put’ has as many as 32 derivatives; other roots having more than ten include: -at- ‘to let, leave’, -arx- ‘to get into, find oneself in’, -uč’‘to get into (with effort), climb’, du- || d˳- ‘to pull, drag’, -aq- ‘to pour, scatter’, ʕ˳- ‘to go/come’, -ik’- ‘to put (with effort), thrust’, -ik- ‘to drive, turn out’, -iš- ‘to jump, twitch’, -dark- ‘to turn, spin’; note that the roots starting with a hyphen are bound, i.e. they do not occur outside prefixal derivatives. Examples of verbs with locative prefixes are given in Tables 198.2 and 198.3. Tab. 198.2: Verbs with localization prefixes Localization prefix

Stative verb, root ‘to be’

IN

áa

INTER

ʕáa

SUPER

áldea kéa

SUB/CONT ANTE POST APUD

háa qáa fáa

‘is inside (a container)’ ‘is inside (a substance)’ ‘is on’ ‘is under’/‘is in contact’ ‘is in front’ ‘is behind’ ‘is near’

Dynamic verbs, root ‘to put’ (no orientation prefix) íxas

‘to put inside (a container)’

ʕ-íxas

‘to put inside (a substance)’

al-íxas ‘to put on; to build; to appoint’ k-íxas ‘to put under; to hang; to light (fire)’ h-íxas q-íxas f-íxas

‘to put in front’ ‘to put close to; to turn on (the light)’ ‘to put near’

In dynamic verbs, the localization slot precedes the orientation slot: [LOCALIZATION [ORI[VROOT]]]. The structure of locative prefixation in verbs is parallel to the structure of locative case forms, which also consist of two (suffixal) slots, one for localization and one for orientation: [[[NSTEM] LOCALIZATION] ORIENTATION]. Localization markers in the nominal paradigm are historically identical to localization prefixes in verbs; nominal orientation markers, on the contrary, have a different form and a different set of values (only LAT and ELAT, the absence of orientation marker has an essive or

ENTATION

198. Aghul

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Tab. 198.3: Verbs with localization and orientation prefixes (root ‘to put’) Localization prefix IN

INTER

SUPER

SUB/CONT

Dynamic verbs

Dynamic verbs

Dynamic verbs

Dynamic verbs

(LAT orientation)

(ELAT orientation)

(UP orientation)

(DOWN orientation)

a-č-íxas ‘to bring inside; to hit, slap’ ʕa-č-íxas ‘to put in (a substance); to hit, slap’ al-č-íxas ‘to put on (the upper surface)’ ki-č-íxas ‘to put under’

ANTE

hi-č-íxas ‘to put in front’

POST

qi-č-íxas ‘to put behind’

APUD

fa-č-íxas ‘to slap (in face)’

átː-ixas ‘to take from inside’ ʕ-átː-ixas ‘to take from (a substance)’

a-ʁ-íxas ‘to put up and inside’ ʕa-ʁ-íxas ‘to rise in the throat, choke’

a-dá-jxas ‘to throw down from inside’ ʕ-á-jxas ‘to pull down (the pants)’

al-átː-ixas ‘to take from (the upper surface)’ k-étː-ixas ‘to take from under/from a surface’

al-ʁ-íxas ‘to put above oneself’

al-á-jxas ‘to throw down from (the upper surface)’ k-é-jxas ‘to throw down from under/from a surface’

h-átː-ixas ‘to take from the front’ q-átː-ixas ‘to take from behind; to betroth’ f-átː-ixas ‘to throw away; to lie down flat’

ke-ʁ-íxas ‘to raise (along a surface)’, ‘to raise (a person)’ −

−

−

h-á-jxas ‘to throw down from the front’ q-á-jxas ‘to throw down from behind’ f-á-jxas ‘to put down; to humiliate’

lative interpretation). It is typical for a verb with a localization prefix to subcategorize for a noun phrase in a corresponding locative form, cf.: (6)

q-ix-i-ne. ruš-a gardan-iq šarf girl-ERG neck-POST scarf(ABS) POST-put-PF-PFT ‘The girl put a scarf on her neck.’

(7)

al-č-aq! šünükː˳-il jurʁan child-SUPER shawl(ABS) SUPER-LAT-pour(IMP) ‘Cover the child with a shawl!’

(8)

jurʁan-ik-as. gada-ji lak ke-tː-ik’-i-naa boy-ERG leg(ABS) SUB/CONT-ELAT-thrust-PF-RES.PRS blanket-SUB/CONT-ELAT ‘The boy stuck his leg out from under the blanket.’

Many prefixal verbs have idiomatic meanings, although in most cases the underlying locative metaphor is more or less clear, cf. uqːas ‘to fight’ (← IN-‘to stick to’), ačaqas ‘to button’ (← IN-LAT-‘to pour’) / atːaqas ‘to unbutton’ (← IN-ELAT-‘to pour’), aʁatas

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‘to curse, swear’ (← IN-UP-‘to let’), ʕačixas ‘to slap, hit’ (← INTER-LAT-‘to put’), qik’as ‘to lock’ (← POST-‘to put with effort’), quč’as ‘to copulate’ (← POST-‘to get into’), qučuč’as ‘to start’ (← POST-LAT-‘to get into’), qatːik’as ‘to steal’ (← POST-ELAT-‘to put with effort’), ališas ‘to entreat, beg’ (← SUPER-‘to jump’), alaʕ˳as ‘to boil over’ (← SUPER-DOWN-‘to go’), alajkas ‘to clear up (of weather)’ (← SUPER-DOWN-‘to drive’), küč’as ‘to confess’ (← SUB/CONT-‘to get into’). Such verbs often retain the locative subcategorization of one of the arguments, cf. ʕačixas ‘to smash in’ (who: ergative; in what: inter-essive) or küč’as ‘to confess’ (who: absolutive; to what: sub/cont-essive). Though in most cases the identification of locative prefixes in a verb stem is straightforward, there are about three dozen verbs for which it is not immediately clear whether they contain a prefix or not. Such verbs can have isolated roots (which do not occur elsewhere) and lack locative semantic components. What allows one to suspect a historical prefix in these lexemes is their stress pattern (simplex verbs have a stress on the ultimate syllable of a stem, while in prefixal verbs the stress moves to the penultimate syllable) and often their subcategorization frame. Thus, it is probable that there is the ANTE prefix in híšas ‘to run away’ and húrχas ‘to ask’, the INTER prefix in ʕarákːas ‘to beg, tramp’, the SUB/CONT prefix in kiχítːas ‘to give a start’, the POST prefix in qúχas ‘to trust, believe’ and the IN-ELAT prefix combination in átːuzas ‘to pour out’. Though, for example, the root in qúχas ‘to trust, believe’ seems to be isolated, the fact that the object of trust is encoded by the post-essive case points to the non-arbitrary link between the first stem consonant of this verb and the POST marker. A completely lexicalized prefixal verb is χutːúrfas ‘to look’ (who: absolutive; at what: dative), for which only comparative dialectal data can reveal an etymological POST prefix, cf. Central Aghul qutːurfanas or Burkikhan qa-durfas ‘to look’ (who: absolutive; at what: post-essive). There are also several verbs denoting vertical body posture, which may contain the orientation UP marker without any localization marker, cf. ʁájšas ‘to get up, rise’, ʁút’as ‘to stand upright’, ʁúzas ‘to stand still’, ʁahád˳as ‘to lift, raise (from ground)’. For further details on locative prefixation in the Huppuq’ dialect, see Maisak and Merdanova (2002). In other dialects, there is some variation in the number of affixes and their form, as well as in the number of slots. First, most Aghul dialects distinguish between kː- SUB vs. k- CONT localizations (both in verbal prefixes and in the nominal paradigm); the merger of these two localizations is characteristic only of southern varieties of Aghul. Second, the number of oppositions in the orientation slot and the form of corresponding affixes may vary. Finally, in some dialects three locative prefixal slots can be filled, as the LAT/ELAT and UP/DOWN markers are not mutually exclusive, cf. fatːa-ʁ-uč’as APUD-ELAT-UP-climb.INF ‘to rise (of sun, moon)’ (Magometov 1970: 166).

4.3.2. Repetitive prefixation Unlike locative prefixation, repetitive prefixation is unrestrictedly productive with nonstative verbs: the repetitive marker can co-occur with any verb stem, including those that already have locative prefixes (cf. examples in Table 198.4). Most stative verbs do not co-occur with the repetitive prefix, although there are a couple of exceptions, cf. qakːandea ‘wants again’ (← kːandea ‘wants’), qa-itːaa ‘is ill again’ (← itːaa ‘is ill’). Variants of the repetitive are partly phonetically, partly lexically conditioned: q- appears before stems in /a/ (sometimes in other vowels as well); qa- appears before stems

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Tab. 198.4: Verbs with repetitive prefixes q-aʁás ‘to say again, tell more’ q-ag˳ás ‘to see again’ qa-uχás ‘to drink again’ qa-facás ‘to seize again’ qa-ʕuťás ‘to eat again’ qu-hátas ‘to send back’ qa-áqas ‘to pour inside again’ qa-íxas ‘to put inside again’ qa-ʕíxas ‘to put into a mass again’ q-alíxas ‘to put above again’ q-alčárxas ‘to meet again’

← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ←

aʁás ‘to say’ ag˳ás ‘to see’ uχás ‘to drink’ facás ‘to seize’ ʕuťás ‘to eat’ hátas ‘to send’ áqas ‘to pour inside’ (IN-‘to pour’) íxas ‘to put inside a container’ (IN-‘to put’) ʕ-íxas ‘to put into a mass, liquid’ (INTER-‘to put’) al-íxas ‘to put on an upper surface’ (SUPER-‘to put’) al-č-árxas ‘to meet’ (SUPER-LAT-‘to get.to’)

in /i/, /u/, /e/ and in consonants (including the unpronounced glottal stop of the localization prefix); qu- is used with the imperfective stems of motion verbs ʕ˳as ‘to go, come’ and χas ‘to bring, take’, the suppletive imperative qujaχ ‘go away again!’ (← quʕ˳as ‘to go, come’) and with the verb hatas ‘to send’; and qi- is used with the suppletive imperative qišaw ‘come again!’ (← quʕ˳as ‘to go/come’). As a rule, repetitive prefixes are atonic and do not cause stress shift; the exceptions are q-áq’as ‘to do again; to repair’ (← aq’ás ‘to do, make’) and qá-jc’as ‘to give back’ (← ic’ás ‘to give’). The repetitive prefix precedes locative prefixes: [REPETITION [LOCALIZATION [ORIENTATION [VROOT]]]. In the Keren dialect, the repetitive marker normally follows the locative prefixes, cf. kːetːa-q-arxas ‘to be destroyed again’ (← kːetːarxas ‘to be destroyed, fall apart’) which corresponds to qa-kːetːarxas in the Huppuq’ dialect. This probably means that the position of the repetitive before the locative prefixes in Huppuq’ should be regarded as a comparatively recent “externalization” of this prefix. Though being close in form, the repetitive and the POST localization prefix clearly represent two distinct morphemes. First, the POST prefix attaches to roots, including bound roots while the repetitive prefix attaches to stems already containing locative prefixes, but not to bound roots. Second, POST and repetitive derivatives differ in stress position, cf. qá-ʁut’as ‘to stand leaning one’s back on sth.’ vs. qa-ʁút’as ‘to stand up again’ (← ʁút’as ‘to stand upright’). Finally, POST and repetitive markers can co-occur in one and the same derivative verb, cf. qa-q-árxas ‘to fall behind again’ (← q-árxas ‘to fall behind’). On the whole, the distinction between locative and repetitive prefixes is similar to the distinction between lexical vs. superlexical (or internal vs. external) prefixes which is often made for the Slavic languages: internal/lexical prefixes are tightly connected to the lexical semantics of the root, can induce argument structure changes and many combinations with them are idiomatic, while external/superlexical prefixes contribute more predictable aspect-like meanings, repetition being one of them. The default meaning of the repetitive prefix, available to all derivatives, is r e p e t i t i v e proper ‘again’ (one-time repetition of an event involving same participants). With ‘to give’ and motion verbs, which are among the most frequent lexemes occurring with the repetitive, it usually conveys the r e d i t i v e meaning ‘backwards’. Among other meanings associated with the repetitive prefix are: a d d i t i v e ‘an event of the same type is repeated with different participants’ (9); c o n s e c u t i v e ‘an event is added to the series of events’ (10); r e s p o n s i v e ‘an action is produced in response to some

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previous action’ (11); r e s t i t u t i v e ‘an earlier state is restituted as the result of a reversion of an earlier event’ (12). The repetitive derivatives of the two frequent verbs xas ‘to become’ and aq’as ‘to do’, apart from the default meaning ‘again’, also display idiomatic meanings, cf. qa-xas ‘to get better, recover’, q-aq’as ‘to heal, cure, repair’. (9)

itːar-x-u-na. aχpːa če dad=ra qa-k’-i-ne, then our:EXCL father(ABS)=ADD RE-die-PF-PFT be.ill-become-PF-CONV (Soon after telling about her mother’s death.) ‘Then our father fell ill and also died.’

(10) χab x-u-či šuw=ra q-alčarx-u-ne back become-PF-COND husband(ABS)=ADD RE-(SUPER-LAT)get.to-PF-PFT itːa-jde. be.ill-PART (Telling about troubles in her life.) ‘Besides, I got a husband who was ill.’ (11)

ti qa-ix-a-a za-s pul reqː-üʔ. that(ERG) RE-(IN)put-IPF-PRS я-DAT money(ABS) road-IN (I sent that woman some sheep wool.) ‘She sends me (back) the money.’

(12) waʔ, suwar, me qːenfet-ar qa-gunt’-q’-a-s … no Suwar(ABS) this candy-PL(ABS) RE--do-IPF-INF (After the candies fell and scattered all over the ground.) ‘No, Suwar, let us gather all these candies again …’ Repetitive prefixation is attested only in two southern dialects of Aghul − the Huppuq’ dialect and the Keren dialect. A prefix with similar form (q-/χ-) and function exists in Lezgian, where repetitive is “so regular that it could even be considered an inflectional category of the verb” (Haspelmath 1993: 174). Given that southern Aghul dialects have for ages been in tight contact with neighboring Lezgian-speaking villages (Lezgian being the dominant language of the Kurah district of Daghestan), it is most plausible to assume that the repetitive marker was borrowed in these dialects from Lezgian.

4.4. Adverbial derivation Adverbs are regularly formed from adjectives by means of the suffix -di/-tːi and denote a state: četindi ‘being in difficulty’ (← četin ‘difficult’), ǯag˳ardi ‘being white’ (← ǯag˳ar ‘white’), suqːurdi ‘being blind’ (← suqːur ‘blind’); on complex verbs based on such derivatives see section 3.2. When used with nouns denoting time spans, the same affix yields adverbs with the meaning ‘the whole time span’: jaʁdi ‘the whole day’ (← jaʁ ‘day’), istːi ‘the whole year’ (← is ‘year’). Most nouns denoting time spans have a temporal form which in many, though not all, cases coincides with the ergative case of the noun: isa ‘in (such a) year’ (← is ‘year’), wazala ‘in (such a) month’ (← waz ‘month’). A few other unproductive suffixes that form temporal adverbs from nouns are also attested: cul-ana ‘in fall’ (← cul ‘fall’), ʡurd-ana ‘in winter’ (← ʡurd ‘winter’), ʕul-ana ‘in summer’ (← ʕul ‘summer’), xidana ‘in spring’ (← xid ‘spring’), jaʁ-uji ‘in daytime’ (← jaʁ ‘day’).

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Tab. 198.5: Manner and locative adverbs from simplex demonstrative stems stem

manner adverb

allative adverb

locative adverb

‘near the speaker’

me

mi-štːi

mi-č

mi-sa

‘near the hearer’ / ‘above the speaker’

le

li-štːi

li-č

li-sa

‘below the speaker’

ge

gi-štːi

gi-č

gi-sa

‘away from both speaker and hearer’

te

ti-štːi

ti-č

ti-sa

Demonstrative pronouns form three series of adverbs: manner adverbs (‘in this/that way’) are formed by means of the suffix -štːi, the allative adverbs (‘in this/that direction’) include the suffix -č, and the locative adverbs (‘here/there’) are formed with the help of the suffix -sa, cf. Table 198.5. The origin of the latter marker is the noun us || is˳ attested in most other dialects but obsolete in Huppuq’, e.g., mi-sa ‘here’ < *mi us.a-ʔ ‘in this place’ (‘this’ + ‘place-IN’).

5.

Reduplication

5.1. Reduplication of nouns 5.1.1. Echo-reduplication Echo-reduplication is used to introduce a generalized set of objects or situations. It involves the repetition of a word or phrase with phonological modification of its second occurrence. The most productive and frequent type is m-reduplication, which represents an areal phenomenon. In words starting with a consonant this consonant is replaced by /m/, cf. šeʔ~meʔ ‘all sorts of things’ (← šeʔ ‘thing’), kar~mar ‘all sorts of jobs’ (← kar ‘job’), peʡ~meʡ ‘hen and/or something else like that’ (← peʡ ‘hen’), guni~muni ‘bread and/or something else like that’ (← guni ‘bread’). In words starting with a vowel, /m/ is prefixed, cf. aš~maš ‘pilaw and/or something else like that’ (← aš ‘pilaw’). As an example of m-reduplication of the nominal part of a complex verb, cf. (13): here, žarit’ in žarit’ aq’as ‘to fry, roast’ is a borrowed Russian infinitive. aq’-u-na ... faqaj-na (13) sa bic’i žarit’-ar − marit’-ar one little -PL RDP:-PL do-PF-CONV RE:bring:PF-CONV i-naa ǯahut’-il-di. give:PF-RES.PRS Jew-SUPER-LAT ‘Having a bit roasted it and all that … he brought and gave it to the Jew.’ Aghul also possesses a few irregular nominal compounds with echo-reduplication, requiring the change of vowels to /ü/: šeʔ-šüʔ (← šeʔ ‘thing’), kasib-küsüb (← kasib

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‘poor’), gada-güdü (← gada ‘boy’). In one case, the first consonant changes to /qː/, cf. ʡazab-ar-qːazab-ar (← ʡazab-ar ‘torture-PL’). Such compounds are borrowed from Azeri or Persian and are not productive in Aghul.

5.1.2. Reduplication of the nominal part in complex verbs The nominal parts of certain complex verbs normally occur in reduplicated form. This is true of some verbs denoting decomposition and destruction (cf. rug~rug xas ‘to get torn to tatters’, tika~tika aq’as ‘to divide, break into pieces’, miz~miz aq’as ‘to cut small, crumble’) and verbs based on ideophones (cf. ʜar~ʜar aq’as ‘to laugh loudly’, lurp~lurp aq’as ‘to flap’, t’ink’~t’ink’ ʕ˳as ‘to drip’). In the latter verb class, ideophones can be duplicated more than once, especially when persistent reproduction of sound is implied, cf. ʡü~ʡü~ʡü aq’as ‘to crow’, ʜa~ʜa~ʜa aq’as ‘to laugh loudly’.

5.2. Reduplication in adjectives and adverbs Full reduplication of adjective stems is used for intensification, cf. bic’i~bic’i ‘very small’ (← bic’i ‘small’), baha~baha ‘very expensive’ (← baha ‘expensive’). The same is true of adverbs derived from adjectives (see section 4.4), cf. deχi~deχi-di ‘very quickly’ (← deχi ‘quick’), jawaš~jawaš-tːi ‘very slowly, quietly’ (← jawaš ‘slow, quiet’), the latter adverb is also attested in contracted forms jawajawaštːi, jawawaštːi. Full reduplication of adjective stems is also used to express universal quantification, often with distributive interpretation (‘one by one’), cf. baba~baba ʁ˳anar ‘all the big stones’ (← baba ‘big’), ire~ire jemišar ‘all the red fruits’ (← ire ‘red’).

5.3. Reduplication in verbs Like adjective stems, participle stems can be reduplicated to express universal quantification. This is mostly characteristic of the perfective participle, cf. uǯu~uǯu q’ut’ur ‘every baken cake one by one’ (← uǯas ‘to bake’), lik’i~lik’i gaf ‘every word s/he wrote’ (← lik’as ‘to write’), agu~agu-f ‘everything that has been seen’ (← ag˳as ‘to see’, substantivized participle). For details on the types of reduplication in the verbal domain, cf. Maisak and Merdanova (2014).

5.4. Distributive reduplication of numerals Partial or full reduplication is used to derive distributive numerals: (14) awala ča-s i~ic’u manat-ar c’-a-f-ij ... before we:EXCL-DAT RDP:ten rouble-PL(ABS) give-IPF-SUBST-COP:PST ‘In older times, we were given ten roubles each …’

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Tab. 198.6: Distributive numerals from underived stems Distributive sása ʡúʡu xíxibu jéjeq’u ʕáʕafu jéjerxi jéjeri múmuja jéjerč’˳a íic’u qːáqːa

Stem ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ←

‘1’ ‘2’ ‘3’ ‘4’ ‘5’ ‘6’ ‘7’ ‘8’ ‘9’ ‘10’ ‘20’

sa ʡu xibú jaq’ú ʕafú jerxí jerí mujá jarč’˳á ic’ú qːa

Tab. 198.7: Distributive numerals from derived stems Distributive c’ác’asa c’ác’aʡu c’éc’exibu c’éc’ejaq’u c’ác’aʕfu c’éc’ejerxi c’éc’ejeri c’ác’amuja c’éc’ejarč’˳a jéjaχc’ur || jéjeχc’ur xíxibuqːa jéjeq’uqːa

Stem ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ← ←

c’ása c’áʡu c’éxibu c’éjaq’u || c’éjeq’u c’áʕafu c’éjerxi c’éjeri c’ámuja c’éjarč’˳a || c’éjerč’˳a jaχc’úr xibuqːá jaq’uqːá

‘11’ ‘12’ ‘13’ ‘14’ ‘15’ ‘16’ ‘17’ ‘18’ ‘19’ ‘40’ ‘60’ ‘80’

In underived numeral stems (‘one’ to ‘ten’ and ‘twenty’), the first syllable is reduplicated, and attracts the stress position: cf. xí~xibu ‘by three; three each’ (← xibú ‘three’); see Table 198.6. As the stems of ‘one’, ‘two’ and ‘twenty’ all have monosyllabic CV structure, partial reduplication of these numerals is identical to the full one, cf. sá~sa ‘by one; one each’ (← sa ‘one’). Reduplication of the syllable /ja/ in numerals ‘four’ and ‘nine’ is accompanied by vowel change /a/ > /e/, cf. jéjeq’u ‘by four; four each’ (← jaq’ú ‘four’). Underived numerals ‘hundred’ and ‘thousand’ which morphologically fall into the class of nouns, are fully reduplicated to derive distributive counterparts, cf. ʕ˳erš~ʕ˳erš ‘by hundred; hundred each’ (← ʕ˳erš ‘hundred’), aʁzúr~aʁzúr ‘by thousand; thousand each’ (← aʁzúr ‘thousand’). Derived numeral stems (‘eleven’ to ‘nineteen’ and ‘forty’ which are all based on ‘ten’, and ‘sixty’ and ‘eighty’ based on ‘twenty’) use either partial reduplication of the first syllable or full reduplication, cf. c’ác’asa or c’ása~c’ása ‘by eleven; eleven each’ (← c’ása ‘eleven’), jéjaχc’ur || jéjeχc’ur or jaχc’ur~jaχc’ur ‘by forty; forty each’ (← jaχc’úr ‘forty’); see Table 198.7.

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In complex numerals, only the head (which occupies the final position) is reduplicated, cf. jaχc’úr=na íic’u kitab forty-and by ten books ‘fifty books each’.

6. References Daniel, Mikhail A., Timur A. Maisak and Solmaz R. Merdanova 2012 Causatives in Agul. In: Pirkko Suihkonen, Bernard Comrie and Valery Solovyev (eds.), Argument Structure and Grammatical Relations. A Crosslinguistic Typology, 76−136. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Dirr, Adoľf 1907 Aguľskij jazyk. Sbornik materialov dlja opisanija mestnostej i plemёn Kavkaza 37: I− XV, 1−188. Haspelmath, Martin 1993 A Grammar of Lezgian. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Magometov, Aleksandr A. 1970 Aguľskij jazyk. Issledovanija i teksty. Tbilisi: Mecniereba. Maisak, Timur A. and Solmaz R. Merdanova 2002 Sistema prostranstvennyx preverbov v aguľskom jazyke. In: Vladimir A. Plungjan (ed.), Issledovanija po teorii grammatiki. Vol. 2: Grammatikalizacija prostranstvennyx značenij v jazykax mira, 251−294. Moskva: Russkie slovari. Maisak, Timur A. and Solmaz R. Merdanova 2014 Konstrukcii s povtorom glagola v aguľskom jazyke. In: Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. Vol. 10, Part 3: Studia typologica octogenario Victori Khrakovskij Samuelis filio dedicata, 396–422. Sankt-Peterburg: Nauka. Merdanova, Solmaz R. 2004 Morfologija i grammatičeskaja semantika aguľskogo jazyka (Na materiale xpjukskogo govora). Moskva: Sovetskij pisateľ. Sulejmanov, Nadir D. 1993 Sravniteľno-istoričeskoe issledovanie dialektov aguľskogo jazyka. Maxačkala: DNC RAN. Šaumjan, Rafaėľ M. 1941 Grammatičeskij očerk aguľskogo jazyka s tekstami i slovarёm. Moskva/Leningrad: Izdateľstvo AN SSSR. Tarlanov, Zamir K. 1994 Aguly. Ix jazyk i istorija. Petrozavodsk: Izdateľstvo Petrozavodskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta.

Timur Maisak and Dmitry Ganenkov, Moscow (Russia)

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199. Archi 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion References

Abstract Word-formation processes in Archi (a Northeast Caucasian language spoken in Daghestan, Russia) include compounding, derivation and conversion. Verbal compounding can be considered fully productive: it is a primary way of expanding the lexicon. Nominal compounds are less varied morphologically, and seem to represent a closed class. Derivation is only suffixal. The formation of verbal nouns (masdars), common to all Daghestanian languages, presents an unusual multitude of suffixes, some of which are also used to form adnominal abstract nouns.

1. Introduction Archi is a Northeast Caucasian (Nakh-Daghestanian) language of the Lezgic group. It is spoken by about 1,200 people who live in seven settlements situated within walking distance of each other in the highlands of Daghestan. The name “Archib” is used by the Archi people and their neighbours to refer either to the whole group of settlements or just to the central village. Archi has no dialects although the speakers note slight differences in pronunciation of certain words in different settlements. In the village, Archi is used in everyday family communication for all age groups. Marriages between Archi and non-Archi people are very rare, and all children (up to about 7 years old) in the village are monolingual in Archi, the majority of the adults are bilingual in Russian and Archi, and many speak Avar (see article 206) as well, Avar being one of the large languages of Daghestan and the “official” language of the district. The language is unwritten. It is sometimes claimed that in old times Archi scholars used Arabic letters to write Archi. There are some official documents written by the Archi people at the very beginning of the 20th century using Arabic letters, and what we have been able to decipher so far shows that the language is a mixture of Archi and Avar. In the 1930s, there may have been attempts at writing Archi using the Latin alphabet, as it was done for the larger languages of Daghestan but any such attempts were soon abandoned. In 2004 there was a request from the speakers for a Cyrillic-based Archi alphabet, and it was created by a group of linguists from Moscow State University and the Surrey Morphology Group (Aleksandr Kibrik, Alexandre Arkhipov, Marina Chumakina and Mikhail Daniel), but it is unclear whether this orthography will be used in the future.

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The first study of Archi was undertaken by the Russian general, engineer and linguist Peter von Uslar who spent one morning in 1863 working with an Archi speaker. During this work he established the gender system and identified gender-number agreement markers, wrote down the paradigms of several nouns, verbs, numerals and pronouns, and several sentences based on which he suggested that Archi syntax resembles that of Avar and Chechen. All his data are surprisingly accurate. The next work on Archi was a grammar by Adolf Dirr published in Russian in 1908. This book covers Archi morphology (inflection only), contains Archi texts and an Archi-Russian dictionary, but, unfortunately, there are a number of inconsistencies in phonological transcription, especially regarding fortis consonants and pharyngealization. The next grammar of Archi, by Kazbek Mikailov, was published in Makhachkala in 1967. It contains a description of Archi phonetics and morphology, two texts in Archi with Russian translations and an Archi-Russian dictionary. The chapter on noun morphology contains a short section on the formation of nouns by suffixes. A detailed three-volume grammatical description supplemented with 40 texts (about 2,000 sentences) and a 3,000-item dictionary were published in 1977 (Kibrik 1977a, b; Kibrik et al. 1977a, b). In 2007, within the project “Five Languages of Eurasia”, these texts were digitised and supplied with interlinear glosses. The first volume of the grammatical description, referred to here as Kibrik et al. (1977a) contains a 26-page section “Elements of word-formation” covering “the most important models of word-formation of nouns, verbs and adverbs” (Kibrik et al. 1977a: 89). A. E. Kibrik also published two descriptions of Archi in English: one in The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, vol. 4 (ed. by Smeets 1994), another (shorter one) in the Textbook of Morphology (ed. by Spencer and Zwicky 1998). In 2004–2007 an electronic dictionary of Archi was compiled by the Surrey Morphology Group. The dictionary contains 4,446 lexical entries. Each entry provides morphological information sufficient to produce the full paradigm of the word and sound files for each form in the entry. Entries of nouns denoting culturally salient objects contain pictures of these.

2. General overview Archi is an ergative language: the only argument of the intransitive verb and the patientlike argument of the transitive take the absolutive case; the agent-like argument of the transitive verb takes the ergative case; the absolutive controls the agreement in the clause; all parts of speech (except nouns) can serve as agreement targets. Basic word order is SOV. There are the following parts of speech: nouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, pronouns, numerals, particles and postpositions. Nouns and verbs have very rich inflectional morphology, other parts of speech inflect mainly for gender and number, distinguishing two numbers (singular and plural) and four genders (traditionally called classes). The first and second genders include nouns denoting human males and females respectively, the distribution of the rest of the lexicon into the third and fourth genders is lexical, though there are some tendencies, e.g., domestic animals and plants tend to be gender III, while abstracts and artefacts tend to be gender IV (see Corbett 1991: 27–29 for discussion).

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Archi nouns inflect for case and number and have complex spatial forms. Four stems are distinguished for each noun: direct (singular and plural), and oblique (singular and plural). The absolutive case has the same form as the direct stem, the ergative case has the same form as the oblique stem (for the majority of lexemes). The rest of the case forms are produced from the oblique stem. Example (1) shows a partial paradigm of the Archi noun (not all cases are shown here), the stems are in boldface. (1)

partial paradigm of baˁk ‘ram’ singular

plural

ABSOLUTIVE

baˤk'

baˤk'-ur

ERGATIVE

beˤk'iri

baˤk'-ur-čaj

GENITIVE

beˤk'iri-n

baˤk'-ur-če-n

DATIVE

beˤk'iri-s

baˤk'-ur-če-s

COMITATIVE

beˤk'iri-ɬːu

baˤk'-ur-če-ɬːu

The spatial forms are produced by adding one of five localisation affixes (IN, INTER, SUPER, SUB and CONT ) to the oblique stem. The directional case affix (lative, allative, elative, translative or a zero marked essive) is then attached to the localisation affix: (2)

t'eˤ-li-tːi-k flower-OBL.SG-SUPER-LAT ‘onto the flower’

iskalat'-l-a-š warehouse-OBL.SG-IN-ELAT ‘from the warehouse’

šahru-l-a-ši town-OBL.SG-IN-ALL ‘to the town’

liq'ˤi-li-ra-š eagle-OBL.SG-CONT-ELAT ‘from the eagle’

The verbal paradigm is vast. Most relevant for the description of word-formation is the division of verbs into simple vs. complex and stative vs. dynamic. Simple verbs are monolexemic and constitute a closed class, complex verbs consist of two parts (one of which is a simple verb) and constitute an open class (more on complex verbs in section 3.2). Simple dynamic verbs have five morphological stems: perfective, imperfective, potential, finalis and imperative. These stems can be used either as independent predicates (except the finalis which has roughly the same usage as the European infinitive) or serve as morphological bases for non-finite forms such as converbs and participles. Simple stative verbs, such as kɬ’an ‘to love’, sini ‘to know’, hiba ‘to be good’, doˁz ‘to be big’ have only one stem, the imperfective. The participles from stative verbs are formed by the suffix -tːu (which has the allomorphs -du and -nnu). They are used as attributives to nouns, and can be considered a separate part of speech, the adjectives. I will be referring to them as participles/adjectives for now and will return to this problem in section 4.3. First, we need to establish the status of the stative verbs. Archi people who are bilingual in Russian sometimes call the stative verbs “short adjectives”, by analogy with Russian. The use of Russian short adjectives in the predicative position makes this analo-

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gy quite strong (cf. also the division of adjectives into long and short in Dargwa, article 202). I consider the stative verbs to be a separate part of speech since they have distinctive syntactic behaviour: they always follow the noun and function as independent predicates (3), whereas the adjective/participle can precede the noun and function as its attribute (4). When the adjective/participle functions as a part of a nominal predicate, it requires the copula (5): (3)

lo t’i child(IV)[SG.ABS] be.small ‘The child is small.’

(4)

t’i-tːu-t lo be.small-ATTR-IV.SG child(IV)[SG.ABS] ‘small child’

(5)

lo t’i-tːu-t i child(IV)[SG.ABS] be.small-ATTR-IV.SG [IV.SG]be.PRS ‘The child is small.’

The class of adjectives consists of derived and non-derived adjectives. The derived ones are produced by the suffix -tːu and inflect for gender and number agreeing with their head. A large proportion of the derived adjectives consists of participles derived from stative verbs (see section 4.3 for more details). Non-derived adjectives make up a small class, they are monomorphemic and do not inflect for gender and number: bišin ‘foreign’, č'ere ‘barren’, dalu ‘mad’, mekɬe ‘male’. Syntactically, they function exactly like the derived adjectives (and not like the stative verbs). Word-formation in Archi includes compounding, suffixation and conversion. No examples of backformation, blending, or clipping have been identified in Archi.

3. Composition Composition, especially for verbs can be considered a productive way of forming new lexemes in Archi. Nominal compounds are less frequent and less regular.

3.1. Nominal compounds The most common morphological types of nominal compounds are the compounds consisting of a noun in the genitive modifying the head noun and dvandvas. The former type mostly includes exocentric compounds: χːʷakːen imc’ forest.SG.GEN honey ‘blackcurrant’, χːˤelmin dogi rain.SG.GEN donkey ‘snail’, šːaˤben k’ač’i wound.SG.GEN leaf ‘ribwort’, qˤubin kuku potato.SG.GEN + kuku ‘mashed potatoes’ (kuku is a Persian loan which, when used independently, means ‘scrambled eggs, omelette’). There is only one (endocentric) compound that I know of which consists of two absolutives: šijt’an hawa devil wind ‘whirlwind’.

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Dvandvas represent a slightly more frequent type of nominal compounds: aq-kul leg-arm ‘limbs’, aˤrum-baˤk’on scythe-rope ‘instruments for cutting hay’, bošor-ɬːonnol husband-wife ‘spouses’, etc. The inflection for number and case is realized by the second element only. Dvandvas denoting humans control semantic agreement (i.e. the plural), as in mac'atː-ib bošor-ɬːonnol new-PL husband(I)-wife(II) ‘newlyweds’. Dvandvas which denote non-humans and consist of words of different genders, seem to assign the gender independently of the genders of the elements, cf. the word for ceiling: χːat-mokɬ’or. This word consists of two elements: χːat ‘tie-beam’ (gender IV) and mokɬ’or ‘birch’ (gender III), as the traditional ceiling in Archi is made in the following way: there is a tie-beam in the middle holding the ceiling. The ceiling itself is made of whole thin trunks of birch tree on which thin flat stones are laid and covered with earth. The word ‘ceiling’ belongs to gender IV, as most artefacts do.

3.2. Verbal compounds Like in other Nakh-Daghestanian languages, there are a limited number of simple (monolexemic) verbs. There are about 170 such verbs in Archi, and there are no derivational processes for forming new simple verbs. The rest of the lexicon consists of complex verbs, and the vocabulary is expanded by new complex verbs. A complex verb consists of a light verb from the list of the simple verbs (mostly as ‘to do’, bos ‘to say’ and kes ‘to become’, but other verbs are also possible), and a lexical part. Inflection for verbal categories (tense, aspect, mood, polarity, evidentiality, etc.) and agreement in gender and number are realised by the light verb, though the lexical part, if it is verbal, can realise the agreement too. A complex verb can agree with its own lexical part (6) or with the absolutive of the clause (7): (6)

zon akːon caχu-tːa jatːa d-oχːo-li 1SG.ABS light(IV)[ABS.SG] IV.SG.hit.PFV-CVB up II.SG-get.PFV-CVB e‹r›di ‹II.SG›be.PST ‘I got up at the dawn; lit. when the light struck.’

Akːon caχas is a complex verb consisting of the noun akːon ‘light’ and the verb caχas ‘to hit, throw’, where akːon controls the agreement of caχas. (7)

iqna gid-ib bokɬ b-akːu b-oko-r-ši b-i daily this-PL people(HPL )[ABS] HPL-see.PFV HPL-hear-IPFV-CVB HPL-be.PRS ‘This people are always fighting.’ (HPL = human plural)

The complex verb akːu kos ‘to have rows, fight’ consists of two verbal forms: the perfective of the verb akːus ‘to see’, and a light verb kos ‘to hear’. Both of these parts agree with the absolutive of the clause (bokɬ ‘people’ in (7)). The lexical part can be a noun, an adverb, another verb (stative or, less often, dynamic), or a word otherwise not used in Archi: a) the lexical part is a noun in the absolutive singular: cac kes ‘to frown’: cac ‘prickle’ + kes ‘to become’

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dagawur as ‘to sign an agreement’: dagawur ‘agreement’ (Russian borrowing, not used as an independent Archi noun) + as ‘to do’ jabalgu as ‘to return a favour’: unanalysable first part + as ‘to do’; b) the lexical part is an inflected noun form: k’asːan as ‘to slaughter’: the ergative singular of k’os ‘knife’ + as ‘to do’ baˤʁišla as ‘to bathe’: the locative of baˤʁi ‘lake, pond’ + as ‘to do’ ik’maš qˤes ‘to forget’: the elative of ik’ʷ ‘heart’ + qˤes ‘to leave’ ik’mi šːubus ‘to catch the fancy of somebody, become attractive to somebody’: the locative of ik’ʷ ‘heart’ + šːubus ‘to take’. Words for internal organs like heart and spleen are often used in the formation of verbs of emotion or cognition. In the Archi electronic dictionary there are 26 complex verbs with the word ‘heart’ as a lexical part. c) the lexical part is an adverb: jat et’mus ‘to commission’: jat ‘above’ + et’mus ‘to tie’ χir eq’is ‘to catch up’: χir ‘behind’ + eq’is ‘to reach’; d) the lexical part is a stative verb: doˤz as ‘to grow’: doˤz ‘be big’ + as ‘to do’ k’olma atis ‘to set up on one’s own, separate (from parents)’: k’olma ‘be separated’ + atis ‘to let go’; e) the lexical part is a dynamic verb (the resulting verbs are mostly causative): ekas as ‘to drop, bring down’: ekas ‘fall’ + as ‘to do’ χʷis as ‘to kill’: χʷis ‘die’ + as ‘to do’. Verbs where the inflected part is derived from the verb bos ‘to say’ represent a different case: first, the lexical part of these is in the majority of instances unanalysable, second, the parts are phonetically more merged than in other types of complex verbs. It is possible to distinguish two semantic classes among -bos verbs: a) verbs of speech and “mouth activities”: č’ak’bos ‘to chatter’, ɬːalsbos ‘to stutter’, hakɬ’bos ‘to yawn’, c’abus ‘to drink cold liquids’, χːubus ‘to drink hot liquids including soup’, kummus ‘to eat’, aˤngaˤbos ‘to cry (of a baby)’; b) ideophones: bubos ‘to moo’, c’ec’bos ‘to drizzle’, č’irqˤirbos ‘to chirp’, c’irbos ‘to screech’. However, not all -bos verbs belong to these semantic classes, the rest of them do not constitute a homogenous class, for example: q’ebus ‘to butt’, kammus ‘to throw’, k’eršbos ‘to nod’ and many others. For more details on the complex verb morphology, see Chumakina (2011). Syntactically, all types of complex verbs demonstrate the characteristics of a single word: the order of the parts is fixed (the lexical part is followed by the light verb) and the insertion of other lexical material between these parts is not, as a rule, allowed. For a contrastive comparison of the complex verbs and periphrastic forms in Archi, see Chumakina (2011).

4. Derivation In Archi, there are no derivational prefixes or infixes (though these are widely used in the inflectional morphology for marking gender-number agreement). For some verbs, it

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is possible to talk about historical prefixes (preverbs), but on the synchronic level there is no productive derivational morphology for verbs. Nouns use several derivational suffixes, only some of which can be thought of as productive. The borrowing of nouns happens without any additional morphology; there are some phonological adjustments like vowel change and the deletion of the last vowel of the borrowed word, as in mišin ‘car’ from Russian mašina. Nominal derivation is discussed in the sections 4.1−4.2. There is only one derivational suffix for adjectives, the suffix -tːu (see section 4.3).

4.1. Denominal nouns This is the rarest type of nominal derivation. As other Nakh-Daghestanian languages (see article 198 on Aghul and article 202 on Dargwa), Archi uses a borrowed Turkic derivational suffix -či to derive agent nouns: ħažiči ‘hajji’ (← ħaž ‘a pilgrimage to Mecca’), ilqiči ‘person responsible for a herd of horses’ (← ilqi ‘herd of horses’), qilijči ‘welder’ (← qilij ‘tin’), qulduʁči ‘employee, office worker’ (← qulduʁ ‘position’), etc. Often the source word is a borrowing too. However, there is one word which is clearly Archi: ojomči ‘hare’ from a plural form of the noun oj ‘ear’. There are also a number of Archi nouns which end in -či but do not have a clear derivational source nor the meaning of agent nouns: kɬ'uˤraˤmči ‘embers’, kɬ'ʷaˤmərči ‘smallpox’, kuči ‘urine drain for a cot’, lači ‘garlic’, etc. Another relatively productive suffix is the suffix -kul (see also section 4.2). It derives abstract nouns: adamkul ‘humanity’ (← adam ‘person’), c’ukakul ‘cowardice’ (← c’uka ‘coward’), doskul ‘friendship’ (← dos ‘friend’), etc. (Kibrik et al. 1977a: 95). The denominal suffix -an (-an is the stressed form; the unstressed forms are -on and -en) is not productive. It derives nouns from the oblique case form of a source noun: aqəltːək-an ‘footwear’ (← aq-li-tːi-k foot-SG.OBL-SUP-LAT), lagilak-an ‘starter’ (← lagil-a-k stomach-SG.OBL-IN-LAT). There are nouns which contain this suffix, but where the derivation source is unclear: dac’on ‘flour made of roasted grain’, darcː’an ‘eyebrow’ and other (Kibrik et al. 1977a: 90–91). There is no specific meaning associated with this suffix. There are no deadjectival nouns in Archi except for those derived by conversion, see section 5.

4.2. Deverbal nouns These are formed by a variety of suffixes. The most productive ones are: -mul, -kul and -t’i. They produce a c t i o n n o u n s (traditionally called “masdars”). Regular production of masdars is a common property of a verb in Nakh-Daghestanian languages, and the question of whether it should be considered inflection or derivation has attracted the attention of linguists more than once. For detailed discussion see Haspelmath (1996). Archi is interesting because it has three masdar suffixes with distinct behaviour. The suffix -mul derives masdars from the basic stem of simple dynamic verbs: q'ˤas ‘to divide’ → q'ˤumul ‘division’, baq'ˤas ‘to return’ → buq'ˤmul ‘return’, qes ‘to get

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cold’ → qeqmul ‘getting cold’, k’is ‘to die’ → k’imk’mul ‘death’, etc. These masdars are not very regular morphologically and are included in the lexical entry of simple dynamic verbs. The suffix -t’i derives masdars from complex verbs formed by the verb bos ‘to say’: tubus ‘to spit’ → tut’i ‘spitting, saliva’, c’abus ‘to drink’ → cat’i ‘drinking’, šušbos ‘to whisper’ → šušt’i ‘whisper’, haˤmpbos ‘to bark’ → haˤmpt’i ‘barking’. The suffix -kul derives the masdars from stative verbs: χˁe ‘to be cold’ → χˁekul ‘coldness’ (as in ‘cold weather’), sini ‘to know’ → sinikul ‘knowledge’, kɬ’an ‘to love’ → kɬ’ankul ‘love’, mu ‘to be beautiful’ → mukul ‘beauty’ (Kibrik et al. 1997a: 110– 112). The masdars in Archi represent an instance of a mixed category: on the one hand, they function as nouns and can head an attributive: (8)

wit d-iq’ʷˤ-kul hani! 2SG.GEN II.SG-be.heavy.IPFV-MSD what ‘How heavy you are (= your heaviness what)!’

On the other hand, they exhibit the behaviour of a verbal head as they preserve the argument structure: (9)

malla nasurtːin-ni χːˁološqˁam-mul q’ˁʷemq’ˁ-mul Molla Nasreddin(I)-SG.ERG star(III)-PL.ABS [III.PL]count-MSD(IV)[SG.ABS] ‘How Molla Nasreddin counted stars; lit. Molla Nasreddin’s star counting.’ (Kibrik et al. 1977b: 67)

In (9) the word q’ˁʷemq’ˁ-mul ‘counting’ governs the ergative case of the actor (Molla Nasreddin) and also agrees in gender and number with the object (‘stars’). The expression of the subject in the genitive, as it occurs in English with deverbal nouns, is not grammatical. Kibrik et al. (1977a: 90–93) list the following deverbal suffixes: 1. -an: ákːon ‘light’ (← akːus ‘to see’), bat’an ‘brushwood’ (← at’as ‘to cut’); 2. -i: ari ‘work’ (← as ‘to do’); 3. -əla: barč’əla ‘hide-and-seek’ (← ač’as ‘to hide’). (There are two more sets of suffixes in Kibrik et al. 1977a: 92–93, but it is noted that they can only be distinguished diachronically; that’s why I omit them here.) Of these, only the suffix -i can be considered productive. It is also the most interesting. It produces deverbal nouns which normally denote an i n s t r u m e n t or p l a c e. The derivational source here is not just the verb but a verb-object pair, cf.: a) arčar ‘to put’ (IPFV): órχˤarči ‘salt-cellar’ (← orχˤ ‘salt’), č'áq'ʷmularči ‘locally made wooden box for spoons’ (← č'aq'ʷ ‘spoon’), sːébekarči ‘snaffle-bit’ (← sːob ‘mouth’), čakár bárči ‘sugar-bowl’ (← čakar ‘sugar’), k’álum bárči ‘pencil box’ (← k’alum ‘pencil’); b) orcir ‘to stand’ (IPFV): dáli bórci ‘rotator at the mill’ (← dali ‘post’), móɬːolorci ‘stirrup’ (← moɬːol ‘foot’); c) artur ‘to chop’ (IPFV): ákɬ’arti ‘axe for chopping meat’ (← ákɬ’ ‘meat’), láči bárti ‘pestle for crushing garlic’ (← lači ‘garlic’). As far as the verb is concerned, the derivation is morphologically uniform: the suffix -i attaches to the imperfective stem after the last syllable has been removed. The nominal

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part is more problematic: on the one hand, we have absolutive singulars, as in orχˤarči, k’alum barči, akɬ’arti, dali borci, etc. On the other, there are inflected forms of nouns such as the plural of ‘spoon’ in č’aq’ʷmularči, or the in-lative of ‘mouth’ in sːebekarči, so here we have inflectional bits (the plural suffix -mul and the directional case ending -k respectively) inside the derivational stems. Another problem is that some of the nouns above look like one word, and some look like two. If the source object noun is of gender IV, the verbal part agrees with it (in gender IV the singular agreement is zero). Since it normally begins with a vowel, this results in one unproblematic phonological word with one stress. If, however, the derivation source is the noun of gender III (as in k’álum bárči, dáli bórci, etc.), then the verbal part has a gender III singular prefix b-, there are two stresses and a pause between the elements. However, the speakers perceive such expressions as one word, the order of the elements cannot be changed and nothing can be inserted. Finally, there is a suffix -u which is not used very often but has a regular semantics: it forms p e r s o n a l n o u n s from stative verbs which mean ‘a person with physical defects’: becu ‘a blind person’ (← bec ‘to be blind’), deqː’u ‘a lame person’ (← deq’ ‘to be lame’), eˁnkːu ‘a deaf person’ (← eˁnk ‘to be deaf’), etc. (Kibrik et al. 1977a: 93).

4.3. Deverbal adjectives The adjectives are produced by the suffix -tːu. Most of these derive from stative verbs, such as aqatːut ‘long’ (← aqa ‘to be long’), č’uˤhdut ‘proud’ (← č’uˤh ‘to be proud’), č’emannut ‘slim’ (← č’eman ‘to be slim’), etc. This suffix is also used to produce participles from dynamic verbs, as in d-arχar-tːu-r: II.SG-sleep.IPFV-IPFV-ATTR-II.SG ‘(a female) who is often asleep’. There is, therefore, a possibility to consider the adjectives above as participles of stative verbs (see Haspelmath 1996 for the discussion of whether participle production is inflectional or derivational). The suffix tːu produces adjectives from other parts of speech: as šutːatːut ‘tomorrow’s’ from an adverb šutːa ‘tomorrow’, χirtːut ‘next’ from a postposition χir ‘behind’. There are also adjectives which have no recognisable derivation source, such as terstːut ‘stubborn’.

5. Conversion All adjectives can be used as nouns. They then inflect for case (which normal adjectives do not do), cf. (10) a. kɬ’annu-mul-če-n χabar beloved-PL-OBL.PL-GEN story(III)[SG.ABS] ‘story about beloved ones’ b. kɬ’ann-ib lo-bur-če-n χabar beloved-PL child-PL-OBL.PL.-GEN story(III)[SG.ABS] ‘story about beloved kids’ (lo can mean ‘child’, ‘lass’, ‘lad’, or ‘young person’)

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Acknowledgements I would like to gratefully acknowledge the support of the AHRC (Grant AH/I027193/1 From competing theories to fieldwork: the challenge of an extreme agreement system).

6. References Chumakina, Marina 2011 Morphological complexity of Archi verbs. In: Gilles Authier and Timur Maisak (eds.), Tense, Aspect, Modality and Finiteness in East Caucasian Languages, 1–24. Bochum: Brockmeyer. Chumakina, Marina, Dunstan Brown, Harley Quilliam and Greville G. Corbett 2007 Archi. A Dictionary of the Archi Villages, Southern Daghestan, Caucasus. http:// www.smg.surrey.ac.uk/archi/linguists/ Corbett, Greville G. 1991 Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Haspelmath, Martin 1996 Word-class-changing inflection and morphological theory. In: Geert Booij and Jaap van Marle (eds.), Yearbook of Morphology 1995, 43–66. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Kibrik, Aleksandr E. 1977a Opyt strukturnogo opisanija arčinskogo jazyka. Vol. 2: Taksonomičeskaja grammatika. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Moskovskogo universiteta. Kibrik, Aleksandr E. 1977b Opyt strukturnogo opisanija arčinskogo jazyka. Vol. 3: Dinamičeskaja grammatika. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Moskovskogo universiteta. Kibrik, Aleksandr E., Alexandre Arkhipov, Mikhail Daniel and Sandro Kodzasov 2007 Archi text corpus. http://www.philol.msu.ru/~languedoc/eng/archi/corpus.php. Kibrik, Aleksandr E., Sandro Kodzasov, Irina Olovjannikova and Džalil Samedov 1977a Opyt strukturnogo opisanija arčinskogo jazyka. Vol. 1: Leksika, fonetika. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Moskovskogo universiteta. Kibrik, Aleksandr E., Sandro Kodzasov, Irina Olovjannikova and Džalil Samedov 1977b Arčinskij jazyk. Teksty i slovari. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Moskovskogo universiteta. Mikailov, Kazbek Š. 1967 Arčinskij jazyk. Grammatičeskij očerk s tekstami i slovarjami. Maxačkala: Dagestanskij filial AN SSSR.

Marina Chumakina, Guilford (UK)

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200. Khinalug 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract Word-formation patterns in Khinalug (East Caucasian) mainly build upon a small set of derivational elements, most of them borrowed from one of the major donor languages (Azeri Turkic and Persian, supplemented by Arabic). Some of these derivational elements are highly productive, whereas others occur in fossilized form only. In addition, certain compounding strategies apply, some of which are again borrowings from these donor languages. The prevalent technique used in forming new verbs is related to incorporation based on an elaborated set of light verbs and auxiliaries. Reduplication plays an important role in the everyday lexicon. Due to the pronounced bilingualism of Khinalug speakers (Khinalug/Azeri) new terms are taken rather from Azeri than formed by languageinternal word-formation processes.

1. Introduction Khinalug belongs to the East Caucasian language family. Even though it shares a crucial number of isoglosses with languages of the Lezgian subgroup of East Caucasian, it seems to have originated from a distinct dialect of Proto-East Caucasian (see Schulze 2008 for details). Khinalug is a highly endangered language spoken by perhaps 1,000 people in the village of Khinalug (kʰæʧ ), located in the Shah-Dagh mountains of Northern Azerbaijan. In addition, some Khinalug-speaking families dwell away from the village, for instance, in Vandam near Oguz, founded by emigrants (5 to 10 families) in 1940. Further locations are (all of them in the Quba District of Azerbaijan): Gülüstan (Vladimirovka), Atuc, Qaračay, Alekseyevka, Dağlı, Pirsaat, and Gəncə (see Clifton et al. 2005). Most if not all Khinalug speakers are at least bilingual, using Azeri as their second language. Additionally, some elder speakers still have a competence of Russian. The language still lacks a full descriptive coverage. Erckert (1895) provided the first data (seven pages), followed by Dirr’s brief mentioning of the language in his Einführung in das Studium der kaukasischen Sprachen [Introduction to the Study of the Caucasian Languages] (1928). Šaumjan (1940) adds further grammatical information. Dešeriev (1959) is the first attempt to present a full coverage of Khinalug grammar, followed by Kibrik, Kodzasov and Olovjannikova (1972). Kibrik published a condensed version of this volume in 1994. Faida A. Ganieva extensively published on lexical and phonetic

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issues as well as a brief grammatical description (Ganieva 2000). She also compiled the first (and only) dictionary of the language (Ganieva 2002; Schulze 2003). Hitherto, Khinalug is an unwritten language. In 2007, a commission formed by members of the Khinalug community and by linguists from Moscow State University raised a proposal to implement an orthographic system based on the Latinized standard of the Azeri writing system. Nevertheless, this proposal has not yet been adopted officially. Therefore, a phonological transcription will be used here in order to represent Khinalug terms. Note that there still is some uncertainty concerning the phonological value of aspirated stops and affricates. Aspiration will be indicated in case the relevant sources mark this feature, too. Khinalug word-formation has not yet been discussed in detail. Relevant sections on word-formation can be found in Kibrik, Kodzasov and Olovjannikova (1972) and in the grammatical appendix to Ganieva (2002).

2. General overview The Khinalug lexicon includes a great number of borrowings representing different, diachronically stratified loan layers. The oldest layers still await comprehensive analyses (see Schulze 2008 for preliminary observations). However, we can safely assume that these layers are related to earlier stages of Nakh, Lak, and Avaro-Andian (all of them groups within the East Caucasian language family). Most importantly, Khinalug differs from most other southern East Caucasian languages with respect to the integration of Iranian and Arabic loans, many of which are not transmitted via a variant of Turkish (especially Azeri), but stem from immediate language contact or through the medium of a Kipchak language (5th to 9th century AD), cf. ˁilim < Arabic ˁilm ‘knowledge, science’ (cf. Azeri elm), næsiˁæt < Arabic nasīḥat ‘sincere advice’ (cf. Azeri nəsihət), kaˁba < Arabic kaˁbat ‘Kaaba’. In isolated cases, loans from Azeri even are “Arabicized”, cf. ħædmi < Azeri adam ‘person’ (marked for the relational genitive, see section 4.2). Even the so-called Swadesh Basic Word List is marked for a considerable degree of loans (up to 30 %, if we include synonyms such as mik’ir ~ kalla (Persian kalle) ~ baʃ (Azeri baş ‘head’). The following table gives the figures for 1,310 lexical concepts based on the taxonomy as proposed by Buck (1949). Comrie and Khalilov (2010) have used this taxonomy for their Dictionary of Languages and Dialects of the Peoples of the Northern Caucasus. For the purpose of the present article, the Khinalug data have been checked against both earlier lexicographical sources (Dešeriev 1959; Kibrik, Kodzasov and Olovjannikova 1972; Ganieva 2002) and correspondences in the major donor languages of Khinalug (Arabic, Azeri, and Persian). Accordingly, the portion of loans related to these three languages amounts to up to 42 %, cf. Table 200.1. The number of loans is even higher, if we consider the roughly 8,000 terms collected by Ganieva (2002). Autochthonous Khinalug terms are preserved especially in the socalled basic vocabulary and in the lexical parts of light-verb constructions (see section 3.3). Quite often, these segments cannot be used independently. Examples are ʦaʦəχ-kʰə ‘to show’, t:iri-q’i ‘to pull out’, t:iri-pʰi ‘to comb’, q:altəχ-ʁi ‘to rise (sun)’, q:altəχ-kʰə ‘to go away’, q:altəχ-q’i ‘to take off’, q:atləχ-ʃi ‘to dissolve away’, ak’iʃ-kʰʷi ‘to let someone look up’, æk’-pʰi ‘to hack into something’, ly-q’i ‘to send’.

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Tab. 200.1: Borrowings in Khinalug Probably native or not borrowed after 700 AD

760

Borrowings

550

Major donor languages since 700 AD

Directly borrowed from Arabic (plus minor sources)

120

Borrowed from Azeri

289

Borrowed from Azeri with parallels in Persian

103

Directly borrowed from Persian Sum

38 1,310

The fact that practically all Khinalug speakers are bilingual (Khinalug-Azeri) renders it difficult to delimit the Khinalug lexicon from that of Azeri. In actual speech, many Khinalug speakers tend towards code-mixing, as illustrated in (1) (Kibrik, Kodzasov and Olovjannikova 1972: 253): (1)

ħædmi-r-z-u hælbætʰ-kʰi uzaʁ-əlli kʰa-b-əʁi sure-SUB far-ELAT PV-PL.HUM-come.PART person-PL-OBL-DAT borʤ-mæ duty-COP.PRES ‘For sure, it is compulsory (for us to greet) people coming from far away.’

The corresponding Azeri version reads: əlbəttə ki uzaqdan gələn adamlar (salamlamaq bizim) borc(umuz)dur. Utterances that are built upon just the autochthonous lexicon are much rarer. An example is given in (2) that stems from the same dialog sequence as (1) (Kibrik, Kodzasov and Olovjannikova 1972: 249): (2)

hinel bəni kʷi-du qo-ʃæ-q’i pʰʃi there pasture go.PART-REF.HUM.MALE.SG up-IMPERF-go horse æl-pʰ-χ-ri bəniy-illi up-nHUM1-bring-IMPERF pasture-ELAT ‘When he would go there up to the pasture, he should bring the horse.’

The prevalent tendency of bilingual code-mixing heavily affects the domain of wordformation. The fact that nearly all Khinalug speakers have access to the elaborate lexicon of Azeri makes it unnecessary for them to construe new terms that would be based on the lexical material of Khinalug only. This is especially true for word composition. As a matter of fact, the Khinalug lexicon is marked for a great number of compound terms. However, most of them are loans stemming from either Iranian (Persian) or Azeri. Incidentally, the individual compounding techniques showing up in these borrowings have been copied onto the autochthonous lexicon. Thus, we can observe a gradual “nativization” of foreign compounding strategies. Nevertheless, these techniques can hardly be described in terms of full-fledged native strategies used to express new concepts. From a historical point of view, Khinalug seems to have known autochthonous compounding procedures, too. However, most of them did not survive the times when borrowings from

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Iranian, Arabic, and Azeri began to replace much of the Khinalug lexicon. Examples are χinimk’ir ‘(a single) woman’ (< *ɬənd- ‘woman’ + *-(m)k’ir ‘head’ (cf. mik’ir ‘head’)), ləgəld ‘man’ (< *ləg- ‘man’ + -(ə)ld), pʰʃild ‘pigtail, plait’ (~ pʰʃi ‘horse’ + -ld), ʧ’ək’əld ‘bowel’ (probably a loan from a Kipchak language, as shown by Kumuq iček, Nogai šek-ler ‘intestines’). For the time being, it is difficult to separate loan strategies of compounding from possible native ones. In section 3, I will concentrate especially on those compounds that include segments of the native lexicon. Nevertheless, I will also list some borrowed compounds in order to illustrate the relevance of this dimension for the Khinalug patterns of word-formation. Khinalug participates in the areal feature of light-verb-based incorporation. The overwhelming majority of verbal concepts is expressed with the help of often borrowed lexical parts followed by heavily desemanticized verbs (light verbs or auxiliaries). Much of what has been said about Khinalug compounding techniques also holds for the dimension of derivation. In this respect, Khinalug behaves like other East Caucasian languages in northern Azerbaijan that are marked for a heavy Azeri superstrate: The number of derivational affixes is rather small, and most of these affixes are borrowed from Azeri. In addition, Khinalug has a set of derivational elements that stem from the generalization of Persian compound segments (e.g., -kar ~ -gar < -kār/-gar ‘someone/ something doing X’, -ga < gāh ‘place’, -χana < xāne ‘house’, etc.). True native derivational elements are present mainly in the context of conversion. The structure of some nouns and adjectives as well as comparative evidence suggest the assumption of older derivational elements, for instance -z (semantically obscure; examples are embiz ‘haycock’, if not related to Azeri ambar ‘corncrib, granary, repository’), jæhiz ‘ten’, joz ‘nine’, merez ‘one year whelp’, q’ilez ‘salty’ (cf. q’æ ‘salt’), luʦ:oz ‘cow’, baʦəz ‘young goat (up to one year)’, ʦuloz ‘tooth’, buʁaz ‘pregnant’, buhaz ‘throat’, məʦ:az ‘bootleg’, ʧaraz ‘food’ (if not taken from Azeri çörek ‘bread, food’), k’inaz ‘vineyard’, pijaz ‘green leek’, əngaz ‘crooked plough’, ʦ’in-k’az ‘lizard; lit. sweet snake’, k’az ‘snake’ or -χer (perhaps related to Persian -gar) forming agent nouns, as in inʤes-χer ‘earwig’, hælæmχer ‘shepherd’ ← hælæm ‘sheep’, dab-χer ‘liar’ ← dab ‘lie’, nimʦ’-χer ‘verminous person’ ← nimʦ’ ‘louse’, χənt’-χer ‘goof-off’ ← χənt’ ‘weakness’, ʦ’əzaʃ-χer ‘hedgehog’ ← ʦ’əza ‘shivering’ (?), k’iʧir-χer ‘shepherd’ ← k’u (Plural k’iʧir) ‘sheep’, ʦ’iliχer ‘plower’ ← ʦ’ili ‘to plow’, ʦuχam-χer ‘miller’ ← zoχ, oblique ʦuχam- ‘mill’). However, the function of these elements has not been fully discerned yet. Reduplication is a very common word-formation technique in Khinalug. It shows up in nearly all word classes except for basic verbs. Reduplication is especially present with interjections and animal calling. Khinalug speakers have at their disposal a wide array of calling terms that are used for various types of especially domestic animals. Multi-word expressions mainly show up in the highly elaborated domain of microtoponymy, e.g., ant q’ʷaʒali q’arəʃ ‘name of a swampy meadow; lit. swamp in the hay meadow’, pʰʃor k’i dehne ‘name of a gorge; lit. gorge (where) the horses died’, ʧ’æ juvur ʤigæ ‘name of a holy place; lit. place (where) the fire burns’, bærk ʃahni arχ ‘name of a rivulet’ (arχ ‘gutter’), apsas χi arχ ‘name of a rivulet’ (χi ‘going’, arχ ‘gutter’), læmi gune dæræ ‘name of a gorge’ (læm ‘relaxing’, gune ‘sunny’, dæræ ‘gorge’). The Khinalug data do not give evidence of processes related to backformation, blending, and clipping. In addition, the available data do not give evidence for word-creation processes.

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In this article, an asterisk (*) is used to indicate reconstructed units or segments. The question mark refers to segments of a lexical form the semantics of which is unknown.

3.

Composition

3.1. Nominal compounds 3.1.1. Determinative compounds Most of the Khinalug determinative compounds that are not borrowed from one of the major donor languages (Azeri, Persian, Arabic, and a hitherto unidentified variety of Kipchak Turkic) belong to the endocentric class. They are marked by two nominals (N+N), the first of which is followed by a (relational) genitive marker. In many cases, the resulting compounds have not yet become fully lexicalized: Khinalug has two genitives, one ending in -i (basically inalienable) and one in -e (basically alienable). They allow both a relational (adjectival) and a referential reading of the relevant noun, cf. xəreʦ’ luʦ:ozi al lit. ‘white cow.GEN milk’, which means both ‘(the) white cow milk’ (relational) and ‘(the) white milk of the cow’ (referential). As a matter of fact, the degree of cohesion between the two segments is rather low. Nevertheless, the following examples can be quoted in order to illustrate the compound value of such constructions: pt:e xu ‘tear; lit. eye.GEN water’, χinimk’ir-i mizær ‘woman’s scarf’, miχæz-i maʦ ‘needle eye; lit. needle.GEN hole’, ʦ’uvi ʦʰsə ‘namesake; lit. brother.GEN name’, ink:e yst:y ‘upper part of foot; lit. foot.GEN post’, ink:e k’uʧ:ə ‘heel; lit. foot.GEN back part’, luʦ:ozi al ‘cow milk; lit. cow.GEN milk’, ʧ’uvali al ‘sheep milk; lit. sheep.GEN milk’, bəji bəj ‘grandfather; lit. father.GEN father’, dæde: bəj ‘grandfather; lit. mother.GEN father’ (as opposed to the dvandva compound dædæ-bəj ‘parents; lit. mother father’), kalle: qʷ’a ‘skull; lit. head.GEN roof’, kalle: mizær ‘kerchief; lit. head.GEN scarf’, kalle: q:ænd ‘sugar loaf; lit. head.GEN sugar’, kuk:ʷaʦi ʤyʤæ ‘chicken; lit. hen.GEN young bird’, ʤige: q’at ‘layer of earth’, mæʃe-begi ‘ranger; lit. the wood.GEN lord’, p:aʧe: k’iʧ ‘foot; lit. leg.GEN lower part’, k:enti xuda ‘one of the village elders; lit. the village.GEN lord’ (Persian), gəʦ:əzi viʃæ ‘nut tree; lit. nut.GEN tree’, toze: viʃæ ‘birch tree; lit. fire.GEN tree’, k’əʧ’e gulaʒ ‘egg yolk; lit. egg.GEN yolk’, niki ink’ ‘knee joint bone; lit. knee joint.GEN bone’, nini læpir ‘sledge covered with cat skin; lit. cat.GEN sledge’, p’imi t’əng ‘drop of blood’, p’imi aram ‘bloody wound; lit. blood.GEN wound’, xəni k’az ‘water snake; lit. water.GEN snake’, k’əʦ’e xərəʦ’ʒi ‘egg white; lit. the egg.GEN the white one’, mək:ari q’am ‘wooden spoon; lit. wood.GEN spoon’, næk’idi ink’ ‘backbone; lit. midriff.GEN bone’, q’ile bez ‘small sack for salt; lit. nettle cloth of/for salt’. Most likely, the same pattern is present in a number of lexical forms the second component of which is no longer used independently. This class includes, for instance, terms marked for the segment -ga ~ -gæ < Persian gāh ‘place’, as in æst:i-ga ‘morning’, mik’ilga ‘evening’ and q’æt:i-ga ‘noon’ (probably related to q’æ ‘day’), ʧ'æ yuvrəӡi-gæ ‘fire place; lit. fire burning place’, dalıgı ʤi-gæ ‘working place; lit. work.GEN place’, hava tʰalqiʤi-gæ ‘window; lit. air taking place’, vuk’urӡi-gæ ‘slaughter house’. Note that -ga ~ -gæ is also used to form certain spatial-temporal adverbs. The fact that -ga is mainly

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used with temporal concepts, whereas -gæ has a pronounced spatial semantics, suggests that the two variants have been borrowed at different stages in the history of Khinalug. Determinative compounds that are based on the N+N pattern without case marking are documented, too. However, most of them are loans. Hence, it is difficult to decide whether this pattern is a native strategy. Examples are: ʧe-q’ænd ‘sweet tea; lit. tea sugar’, k’iʧ-dib ‘secrete knowledge; lit. hollow ground’, lylæ-mik‘ ‘icicle; lit. tube (Persian) ice’, aʁ-gyl ‘kind of carpet; lit. nettle cloth + flower’, gada-bazar ‘crowd; lit. beggar (Persian) market’ (Persian), daləg-bujroʁ ‘work, enterprise; lit. work order’ (Azeri), dærd-bæla ‘care; lit. pain poverty’ (Azeri), ʤæħ-ʤalal ‘properties’ (unclear segments), jeri-bina ‘homestead; lit. quality home’ (or ‘place.GEN home’, cf. Azeri yer ‘place’), k’iʧ-k’an ‘waste, youngest child of family; lit. lower level + cut’, q’uʃa-begi ‘shepherd’s purse; lit. pair lord’ (or Azeri quşəppəyi ‘purse’?), ħar-ħæjib ‘shame; lit. shame blemish’ (Arabic), mək:ar-məsəl ‘bobbin; lit. wood thread’, χini-mk’ir ‘woman; lit. woman head’, dərda-gyl ‘kind of carpet; lit. goods flower’ (Azeri), ʦʷ’a-t:ʷa ‘earthquake; lit. house earth’, ʦʷ’a-q’unur ‘bat; lit. house mouse’, ʧala-ʧχur ‘wheel rut; lit. valley hollow’, zulu:-aba ‘ancestor’ (components are unclear), əst’ar-mejram ‘sorceress; lit. curtain (Persian) + meyram (Kumyk) festival (?)’, toz-t’æħ ‘dirt, waste; lit. dust (Azeri toz) + ?’, tovuz-q’uʃ ‘peacock; lit. peacock bird’ (Azeri). Some of the terms denoting days of the week probably belong to this class, too. With three terms, the base is q’æ ‘day’. However, the first component of these terms remains obscure: kæx-q’æ ‘Monday’, inad q’æ ‘Friday’ (perhaps ‘resistance day’ ← Arabic ˁinād ‘resistance’). Also note k’uš-kæx-q’æ ‘Tuesday’, which is derived from kæx-q’æ by adding the numeral k’u in its locative form. Khinalug thus agrees with, e.g., Slavic by taking Monday as the first day of the week. Most likely, Khinalug has taken this expression from a northern variety of Azeri, as reflected by Terkeme (Derbent) Azeri bazarun ikinci güni ‘Tuesday; lit. second day after Sunday (bazar)’. However, the names of the other days do not follow this model any further. ‘Thursday’ is ˁarba (Arabic yaumu l-’arbaˁā’ ‘the fourth (!) day’. ‘Thursday’ is expressed by the compound inæl-kʰsan the second segment of which may be related to kʰsan ‘good’ (< Arabic ḥasan ‘good’). ʧ ’indi ‘Saturday’ may be a distorted version of *ʃam(a)t (> *ʃant, etc.), one of the Oriental variants of Aramaic šabbāth. ‘Sunday’ is expressed by either the standard term bazar or by zuli, the origin of which remains obscure. Determinative compounds that include a primary adjective (A+N) and that are not borrowed from either Azeri or Persian are rare. Examples for A+N compounds include misi rəʦʰə ‘younger sister; lit. little sister’, misi ʦʰsə ‘younger brother; lit. little brother’, ʦ:əma-ʧ’əkəld ‘gullet; lit. red bowel’, iq’el-doʁma ‘near relatives; lit. near kin’, aʁʤaq:ovaq: ‘aspen; lit. white poplar’ (Azeri), q:aran-q:uʃ ‘swallow; lit. dark bird’ (Azeri), maχa-gula ‘orange color; lit. boiled yolk’, miʧ’æ-qaʦ ‘origanum; lit. black stipe’, boʃbuʁaz ‘idle talk, rant; lit. empty throat’ (Azeri), ujun-baz ‘trickser; lit. faking (cf. Azeri uydurmaq ‘to fake’) + ?’, ayaʁ yst:y ‘organizer of a marriage; lit. lower post’, xərəʦ’ura ‘tin; lit. white iron’ (a calque from Azeri ağ dəmir). Such compounds are typical for microtoponyms, such as q:əzəl q:aja ‘name of a hollow; lit. golden rock’, miʧ’æ dahar ‘name of a hollow; lit. black rock’, xərəʦ’ dahar ‘name of a hollow; lit. white rock’, q:ara sleman ‘name of a depression; lit. black Suleiman’ (Azeri), q:ible məda ‘name of a depression; lit. cold mountain’. Contrary to some other East Caucasian languages, numerals rarely function as the first segment of nominal compounds. Some few examples are pʰʃo-qiʧ:æʒ ‘tringle’ (pʰʃo

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‘three’), the above-mentioned term k’uʃ-kæx-q’æ ‘Tuesday’ (k’u ‘two’), and yik’ tik:æ ‘name of holidays (in march); lit. seven pieces’. As far as the data seem to indicate, the native lexicon of Khinalug does not entail lexical forms marked for the N+A pattern to form nouns. This pattern is mainly present with loans from Persian, such as luk’-bænd ‘belt to fix a baby in the cradle’ (Persian lûk ‘crawling’ + -band ‘bound’) and ʃyʃæ-bænd ‘sun lounge’ (Persian šîše ‘glass’). The term boz-bænd ‘foot-and-mouth disease’ that corresponds to the same pattern is not fully transparent (Khinalug boz ‘grey’ or bojaz ‘throat’).

3.1.2. Copulative compounds Dvandva compounds are, for instance, ʦʷ’a-ʤigah ‘home, household; lit. house bed’, ata-baba ‘ancestor; lit. father father’, xu-pʰʃæ ‘food; lit. water bread’, χinimk’ir-ləgəld ‘couple; lit. woman man’, dædæ-əj ‘parents; lit. mother father’, χinimk’ir-ħæjæl ‘family; lit. woman child’, kalla-p:aʧa ‘the whole body; lit. head foot’, q:urd-q:uʃ ‘wild animals; lit. game bird’ (azeri qurt ‘wolf’), mires-varəs ‘member of kin (father’s side); lit. member of kin + member of kin (father)’, ʃi-pʰsə ‘relatives; lit. son brother’, iʒi-kul ‘totality of a human being; lit. face hand’, ʧek’irval-t:uvərval ‘trading; lit. buying selling’. True appositive compounds are rare. Most typically, they occur with terms denoting animals in order to subcategorize such concepts for sex. Here, ləʦ:əj is used for ‘females’ and ki or erkeg (Azeri) for ‘males’. Examples are ləʦ:əj liqæz ‘female calf’, ləʦ:əj pʰsə ‘female bear’, ləʦ:əj pʰʃi ‘mare’, ləʦ:əj pʰʃlæ ‘female fox’, ki ʤyʤæ (~ erkeg ʤyʤæ) ‘cock’, ki pʰʃi (~ erkeg pʰʃi) ‘stallion’. Another appositive compound is, e.g., gada-riʃi ‘frivolous girl; lit. boy girl’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Native adjectival compounds are extremely rare. Examples are χənt’-χob ‘snotty; lit. snot, farcy + ?’, hiӡæ-biʧ’i ‘squatty, cloddy; lit. short + fat/full’, tam-t’az ‘bald’ (Azeri daz ‘bald’, first segment unclear), ʦ:əp-ʦ’arʦ’ar ‘colored; lit. red blue’.

3.3. Verbal compounds The Khinalug data available so far do not give evidence for verbal compounding techniques related to the V+V pattern. However, the incorporation of other parts of speech is an extremely common pattern that Khinalug shares with many other especially southern languages of the area. The resulting patterns can be classified according to the question whether the individual elements can still be used as independent lexical forms or not, cf. Table 200.2. Verb stems that only occur as free lexical forms are light verbs, whereas others only function as auxiliaries (see Kibrik, Kodzasov and Olovjannikova 1972: 215−225). The first group includes the verbs -q’i/-k:ʷi ‘to be, become’, -ʁi ~ -χi/-k:ʷi ‘to go’, -kʰʷi/-kʰiri

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Tab. 200.2: Types of verbal compounds Incorporated element a) b) c) d)

Verb

Free/bound Free/bound Only bound Only bound

Free/bound Only bound Free/bound Only bound

‘to do, make’ (the forms indicate the perfective and the imperfective stems respectively). As for the auxiliaries, the base -qʷ’i/-q’iri can be tentatively related to a corresponding verb meaning ‘to break, force’, whereas -kʰə ~ -kʰi/-kʰəri may have had the meaning of ‘doing a sudden/quick movement’. The remaining bases are semantically not transparent. Table 200.3 lists the individual bases: Tab. 200.3: Light verbs and auxiliaries in Khinalug verbal compounds Perfective

Imperfective

BE

-q’i

-k:ʷi

Intransitive

MOVE

-ʁi ~ -χi

-k:ʷi

Transitive

MAKE

-kʷʰi

-kʰi-ri

Transitive

*QUICK/SUDDEN MOVEMENT

-kʰə ~ -kʰi

-kʰə-ri

Intransitive

STRONG CAUSATIVE

-qʷ’i

-q’i-ri

Transitive

CAUSATIVE

-χʷi

-χi-ri

Transitive

CAUSATIVE

-və ~ -vi

-və-ri

Transitive

?

-ʃi

-ʃi-ri

(In)transitive

Others

-kʷ’i -qχʷi -ʦ’i -pʰi -t(ʷ)’i -ɣi -xʷi -ʒi -fi

-k’i-ri -qχi-ri -ʦ’i-ri -pʰi-ri -t’i-ri -ɣə-ri -xi-ri -ʒi-ri -fi-ri

The following examples illustrate type (a) mentioned in Table 200.2: dab kʰiri ‘to lie, tell lies’ ← dab ‘lie’, dæˁæ kʰiri ‘to pray’ ← dæˁæ ‘prayer’ (Arabic), ʤima kʰiri ‘to dance’ ← ʤima ‘dance’, ħæjif k:ʷi ‘to regret, be sorry’ ← ħæjif ‘regret, sorrow’ (Arabic), ikram kʰiri ‘to worship’ ← ikram ‘bow’ (Arabic), inʧ:il q:andæ ‘to swear’ ← inʧ:il ‘oath’ (Azeri < Arabic), larʃ kʰiri ‘to splash’ ← larʃ ‘drop of water’, p’a kʰiri ‘to kiss’ ← p’a ‘kiss’, paʧ:a it:irkʰiri ‘to kick’ ← paʧ:a ‘foot’, pʰe kʰiri ‘to distribute’ ← pʰe ‘part’, q’ulla t:aχkʰəri ‘to break’ ← q’uli ‘broken’, ʧʃæ kʰiri ‘to shine’ ← ʧʃæ ‘light’,

200. Khinalug

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ʦ’uvilli væqiri ‘to call, name’ ← ʦ’u ‘name’ (elative III), ula kʰiri ‘to smell (itr.)’ ← ula ‘smell’, væˁiz kʰiri ‘to preach’ ← væˁiz ‘sermon, homily’ (Arabic), ymyd kʰiri ‘to hope’ ← ymyd ‘hope’ (Arabic), χæsaret kʰiri ‘to harm, injure, damage’ ← χæsaret ‘damage’ (Arabic), χejri duva kʰiri ‘to bless’ ← χejri duva ‘bless’ (Arabic), χili kʰiri ‘to limp’ ← χili ‘lame’, ko:na q’i ‘to become used’ ← ko:na ‘old’, k’ævvi q’i ‘to cover oneself’ ← Arabic qawīy ‘strong’, ʦəma q’i ‘to become red’ ← ʦəma ‘red’, miʃ za ʁi ‘to dream’ ← miʃ ‘bed place’, borʤlə k:ʷi ‘to owe’ ← borʤlə ‘owing’, ovi k:ʷi ‘to hunt’ ← ov ‘hunt’, xənər la k:ʷi ‘to bathe’ ← xu ‘water’, borʤ læ k’iri ‘to lend’ ← borʤ ‘debt’, mæˁlumat læ k’iri ‘to announce’ ← Arabic maˁlūm ‘known’, fikir kʰiri ‘to think’ ← Arabic fikr ‘thought’, fit kʰiri ‘to whistle’ ← fit ‘whistle’, hiss kʰiri ‘to feel’ ← Azeri hiss ətmək, ʃæk kʰiri ‘to suspect’ ← Arabic šakk ‘doubt’, saʁ kʰiri ‘to cure, heal’ ← Azeri sağ ‘sound’, næfæs q:altər kʰiri ‘to breathe’ ← Arabic nafs ‘soul, breath’, æχil-kʰiri ‘to send’ ← æχil ‘far’, ˁaza kʰiri ‘to groan’ ← ˁaza ‘sigh’, bəla-kʰiri ‘to steal’ ← bəla ‘thief’, lilkʰəri ‘to spread out’ ← lil ‘muddy’, q’oqʷ’al-kʰiri ‘to boast’ ← q’oqʷ’al ‘flippancy’, tæˁrif-kʰiri ‘to praise’ ← Arabic taˁrīf ‘being known’. Type (b) is best represented by lexical heads borrowed from Azeri. Such verbs are usually marked for the Azeri inferential past participle (-mIş). This technique, which is an extremely common pattern in adjacent languages, too, can be illustrated with the help of the following examples: ajəlməʃ-q’i ‘to wake up’ ← Azeri ayılmaq, basməʃ-kʰiri ‘to press’ ← Azeri basmaq, baʃt:aməʃ-kʰiri ‘to begin’ ← Azeri başlamaq, batməʃ-k:ʷi ‘to sink’ ← Azeri batmaq, baχəʃt:aməʃ-kʰiri ‘to forgive’ ← Azeri bağışlamaq, bujurmuʃkʰiri ‘to command, order’ ← Azeri buyurmaq, buʁmuʃ-kʰiri ‘to choke’ ← Azeri boqmaq, dartməʃ-kʰiri ‘to stretch’ ← Azeri dartmaq, didmiʃ-kʰiri ‘to bite’ ← Azeri dişləmək, eʧmiʃ-kʰiri ‘to untie’ ← Azeri açmaq, gæʤækmiʃ-kʰiri ‘to retard, delay’ ← Azeri gedcikmək, goruʃmuʃ-k:ʷi ‘to meet’ ← Azeri görüşmək, heveslendirmiʃ-kʰiri ‘to call, summon’ ← Azeri həvəsləndirməq ‘to make sb. attentive’, inaməʃ-k:ʷi ‘to be sure, certain’ ← Azeri inandırılmaq, ist:emiʃ-kʰiri ‘to ask, request’ ← Azeri istəmək, pəzməʃ-kʰiri ‘to scrape, rub, wipe’ ← Azeri pozmaq, pʧ:əldaməʃ-k:ʷi ‘to whisper’ ← Azeri pıçıldamaq, q:æjirmiʃ-kʰiri ‘to weave’ ← Azeri (base is unclear), q:æjnætmiʃ-kʰiri ‘to boil’ ← Azeri qaynatmaq, q:ovurməʃ-kʰiri ‘to roast, fry’ ← Azeri qovurmaq, q:uʤaʁlaməʃ-kʰiri ‘to embrace’ ← Azeri gucaglamaq, q:urmuʃ-kʰiri ‘to build’ ← Azeri qurmaq, q:utarmiʃkʰiri ‘to save, rescue’ ← Azeri qutarmaq, ranglaməʃ-kʰiri ‘to paint’ ← Azeri rəngləmək, sɶg(m)yʃ-kʰiri ‘to rebuke, scold’ ← Azeri söymək, syrymmyʃ-k:ʷi ‘to creep, crawl’ ← Azeri sürünmək, syznyʃ-kʰiri ‘to sieve, strain’ ← Azeri süzmək, tælæsmiʃ-k:ʷi ‘to hasten, hurry’ ← Azeri tələsmək, ʧaləʃməʃ-k:ʷi ‘to try, attempt’ ← Azeri çalışmaq, tyrætmiʃ-k:ʷi ‘to be born’ ← Azeri (base is unclear), tyrætmiʃ-kʰiri ‘to beget’ ← Azeri (base is unclear), uʧməʃ-kʰiri ‘to fly’ ← Azeri uçmaq, uvuldamiʃ-q‘i ‘to howl’ ← Azeri ulamaq, vurmuʃ-q‘i ‘to fight’ ← Azeri vuruşmaq, yzmyʃ-kʰiri ‘to float, swim’ ← Azeri üzmək, χuruldaməʃ-k:ʷi ‘to snore’ ← Azeri xoruldamaq. This type is indirectly present in causatives that have a non-causative variant, such as qaltəʃ-kʰʷi ‘to lift’ (-ʁi ‘to go up’), it-ir-kʰʷi ‘to hit’ (-ʁi ‘to break into pieces’), aʃəlkʰʷi ‘to burden, load’ (z-aʃəl-ʁi ‘to take up a burden’), lat-ər-kʰʷi ‘to make fall’ (-ʁi ‘to fall’). Causatives with other light verbs are, for instance, læk’i-ʃi-kʰʷi ‘to let sb. look at’, tʃæ-pʰi-l-kʰʷi ‘to let sb. run’, er-pʰi-l-kʰʷi ‘to stab into’. It can be assumed that the corresponding lexical heads are still processed semantically. Type (b) also includes many verbs the lexical head of which is not fully transparent: sasaχ-q’i ‘to be quiet’ (*sasaχ ‘without voice’; the form entails a petrified negative

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suffix, cf. sas ‘voice’), toʧ-ʁi ‘to rise’, k’at-ʁi ‘to walk around’, gæχ-ʁi ‘to turn around’, bojunba-ʁi ‘to ornament, adorn’, kæχbi-ʁi ‘to ripe’, kaʧ:ə-ʁi ‘to rise’, kil-ʁi ‘to blink’, za-ʁi ‘to see’, k’ullə-kʰəri ‘to remember’, q:alʃəl-kʰəri ‘to walk’, ʃelki-ʁiri ‘to dip into’, t:aχ-kʰəri ‘to split’, talʧəχ-kʰəri ‘to approach’, dugun-kʰiri ‘to lose’, fat-kʰiri ‘to throw’, gæ-kʰiri ‘to peel’, gæχir-kʰiri ‘to roll’, gеʃ-kʰiri ‘to fold’, haq-kʰiri ‘to acquit’, it:ir-kʰiri ‘to strike, pound with fist’, jab-kʰiri ‘to end (temporal)’, ok:ul-kʰiri ‘to shake’, k’æ-kʰiri ‘to urinate’, k’əʧ-kʰiri ‘to defecate’, næˁnæ fat-kʰiri ‘to dribble’, næχ-kʰiri ‘to sniff’, næχkʰiri ‘to smell at’, ʁamor-kʰiri ‘to yawn, gape’, sasaχ-kʰiri ‘to be silent’, t:aχər-kʰiri ‘to jump, leap’, t:aχ-kʰiri ‘to cease, stop’, ʧ:iməʦ’-kʰiri ‘to join, unite’, ʦ’ar-kʰiri ‘to shout, cry out’, ʦ’əza-kʰiri ‘to shiver’, ʦaʦəχ-kʰiri ‘to show’, xəba-kʰiri ‘to cough’, zæχ-kʰiri ‘to play’, zar-kʰiri ‘to send’, χæ-kʰiri ‘to push, shove’, or-kʰʷi ‘to send’, jæq’-kʰʷi ‘to hear’, jam-kʰʷi ‘to feed’, zæ-kʰʷi ‘to spin’, fat-kʰʷi ‘to throw’. The following verbs are usually quoted in their imperfective form: k:ʷi ‘to go, walk’, æk’il-k:ʷi ‘to enter’, a-k:ʷi ‘to climb’, al-k:ʷi ‘to flow’, alt:əra-k:ʷi ‘to go out’, araʁ-k:ʷi ‘to perspire’, aʦ’-k:ʷi ‘to enter’, baʃt:a-k:ʷi ‘to understand’, baʃt:a-k:ʷi ‘to know’, evʃ-k:ʷi ‘to marry’, gæχil-k:ʷi ‘to dwell, live’, gæχ-k:ʷi ‘to come back; to dwell, live’, ji-k:ʷi ‘to love’, k:a-k:ʷi ‘to come’, k’at-k:ʷi ‘to walk’, lеnʤ-k:ʷi ‘to go away, depart’, riʒi-k:ʷi ‘to love’, ʧ’i-k:ʷi ‘to carry (bear)’, talʦ’-k:ʷi ‘to enter’, ʧk:a-k:ʷi ‘to bring’. Type (c) is represented by verbs the lexical head of which may occur as a free form, whereas the verbal stem has grammaticalized into one of the auxiliaries mentioned in Table 200.3. For the time being, no secure examples can be quoted, however. This is due to the fact that the auxiliary is no longer productive. Hence most of these forms represent an older layer of the Khinalug verbal lexicon that is now included in type (d). Type (d) is present with a larger number of verbs. Examples are q:alt:ər-pʰəri ‘to pinch’, t’æsi q:alt:ər-pʰəri ‘to flay, skin’, kaʃ-pʰiri ‘to sew’, q:il-pʰiri ‘to pinch’, q:il-pʰiri ‘to hollow out’, ʧæ-pʰiri ‘to run, flee’, alt:ə-q’iri ‘to give back’, at’-q’iri ‘to bend’, daləg t:æ-q’iri ‘to condemn’, kæχ-q’iri ‘to plant’, laʦ~ə-q’iri ‘to pile up’, lə-q’iri ‘to stretch’, t:æ-q’iri ‘to cut’, t:iri-q’iri ‘to carve’, til-q’iri ‘to milk’, væ-q’iri ‘to knead’, zatəʃ-q’iri ‘to separate’, zin-q’iri ‘to swallow’, χæl-q’iri ‘to blow’, χæl-q’iri ‘to touch’, χæʧ:il-q’iri ‘to hang up’, gi-qiri ‘to open’, jæ-qiri ‘to play’, jæ-qiri ‘to knead’, jɶ-qiri ‘to weave, plait’, mæˁæʃ tеnʧ-qiri ‘to earn’, ʃi-qiri ‘to choose’, ʧ:еn-qiri ‘to pull’, zæ-qiri ‘to tear’, gæʧ-ʃiri ‘to build’, læk’i-ʃiri ‘to look, look at’, ni-ʃiri ‘to put on (clothes)’, q:ælk’i-ʃiri ‘to grow’, ʧ:aχ-ʃiri ‘to begin’, zatəχ-ʃiri ‘to divide’, naʃ-xiri ‘to squeeze, wring’, ʃil-xiri ‘to stir, mix’, ʧ’i-xiri ‘to catch (ball)’, ʧ’i-xiri ‘to seize, grasp’, ʧ’i-xiri ‘to hold’, ʧ’i-xiri ‘to cover’, ʧ’i-xiri ‘to trap’, ʧɶl-xiri ‘to sew’, aʃ-k’əri ‘to forget’, hе-k’əri ‘to mumble’, kant:ər-k’əri ‘to destroy’, kaʒ-k’əri ‘to collect, gather’, er-pʰi ‘to penetrate’, ʧə-k’əri ‘to speak, tell a story’, zal-k’əri ‘to crush, grind’, zaʒ-k’əri ‘to light, kindle, ignite’, iʃ-k’iri ‘to tie, bind’, ʃi-k’iri ‘to wind, wrap’, tæ-k’iri ‘to give’, ʧе-k’iri ‘to sell’. Khinalug possesses a complex set of former adverbial, directional elements that have been incorporated as p r e v e r b a l elements. Many of the resulting forms have undergone heavy semantic shifts. For the purpose of the present article, it suffices to mention the underlying system which is still preserved with many motion verbs (Table 200.4).

200. Khinalug

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Tab. 200.4: Directional/orientational preverbs (-ʁi ‘to move’) MOTION GENERAL

MOVE - SEPARATION FROM

MOVE - INTEGRATION INTO

CAUSATIVE (CARRY/ BRING)

-0̸-

-tər-

-χil-

ʧ’(i)-

From above down to sb./ sth.

al-

al-ʁi ‘to go’

al-tər-ʁi ‘to go away from …’

æl-χıl-ʁi ‘to go (in)to …’

ʧ’-al-ʁi ‘to carry …’

From below up to sb./sth.

qal-

qal-ʁi ‘to go’

qal-tər-ʁi ‘to go away from …’

qæl-χıl-ʁi ‘to go (in)to …’

ʧ’-qal-ʁi (> ʧʰqalʁi) ‘to carry …’

Toward sb./ sth. on the same level

tʰal-

tʰal-ʁi ‘to go’

tʰal-tər-ʁi ‘to go away from …’

tʰæl-χil-ʁi ‘to go in(to) …’

ʧ’-tʰal-ʁi (> (i)ʃtʰalʁi) ‘to carry …’

Toward (general) sb./sth.

kʰal-

kʰal-ʁi ‘to go’

kʰal-tər-ʁi ‘to go away from …’

kʰæl-χil-ʁi ‘to go (in)to …’

ʧ’-kʰal-ʁi (> ʧʰkʰalʁi) ‘to carry …’

From somewhere above sb./sth.

a-

a-χi ‘to come’

a-tər-ʁi ‘to come away from …’

æ-χil-ʁi ‘to come (in)to …’

ʧ’-a-χi ‘to bring …’

From somewhere below sb./sth.

za-

za-χi ‘to come’

za-tər-ʁi ‘to come away from …’

zæ-χil-ʁi ‘to come (in)to …’

ʧ’(i)-za-χi ‘to bring …’

From somewhere on the same level as sb./sth.

la-

la-χi ‘to come’

la-tər-ʁi ‘to come away from …’

læ-χil-ʁi ‘to come (in)to …’

ʧ’[i]-la-χi ‘to bring …’

4. Derivation Khinalug does not make use of many derivational elements. The bulk of the corresponding morphemes has been borrowed from Azeri. One form, namely the extremely frequent morpheme -val used to derive abstract nouns has been borrowed from Lezgi, another adjacent East Caucasian language.

4.1. Nominal derivation Except for nouns derived from adjectives, all devices used to derive nouns are borrowings. The corresponding morphemes show up as suffixes. The most productive derivational element is the Turkic morpheme -ʧi usually added to nouns to form a g e n t

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n o u n s. Quite frequently, the morpheme is borrowed together with its lexical base from Azeri. The base itself may stem among others from Azeri, Arabic, or Persian. Occasionally, it also shows up with native terms. Examples are χæbær-ʧi ‘announcer’ ← Arabic ḫabar ‘news’, bɶht:an-ʧi ‘asperser’ ← Azeri böhtan-çı, ħamam-ʧi ‘barber-surgeon’ ← Arabic ḥamām ‘bath’, arə-ʧi ‘beekeeper’ ← Azeri arı-çı, tælæb-ʧi ‘believer’ ← Arabic ṭalab ‘search, quest’, kit:abχana-ʧi ‘bookkeeper’ ← Persian ketābxāne ‘bookstore’, falʧi ‘fortune teller’ ← Azeri fal-çı ʃelæ-ʧi ‘gatherer of wood’ ← ʃelæ ‘wood’, fatfa-ʧi ‘inflamer’ ← fatfa læq’iri ‘to inflame’, edæbijæt-ʧi ‘literate’ ← Azeri ədəbiyyət-çi, lytkæʧi ‘mate, boat owner’ ← lytkæ ‘boat’ (Russian lodka ‘boat’), ʧeʃni-ʧi ‘merchant of spices’ ← Persian čāšnī ‘spices’, aləʃvarʃ-ʧi ‘merchant’ ← Azeri alışveriş-çi, alver-ʧi ‘merchant’ ← Azeri alver-çi, bazar-ʧi ‘merchant’ ← Azeri bazar ‘market’, iʃt:irak-ʧi ‘participant, compliant’ ← Azeri (Arabic) iştirakçı, girob-ʧi ‘pawnbroker’ ← Azeri/Persian girov ‘pawn’, q:uʃ-ʧə ‘poultry breeder’ ← Azeri quş ‘bird’, basarabasar-ʧi ‘quarreler’ ← basarbasar ‘quarrel’, inʁilæb-ʧi ‘revolutionary’ ← Arabic inqilāb ‘revolution’, baʃmaʁ-ʧi ‘shoemaker’ ← Azeri baʃmaq ‘shoe’, səmza-ʧi ‘shoemaker’ ← səmza ‘kind of shoe’, tuk:an-ʧi ‘shopkeeper’ ← Arabic dukkān ‘shop’, idman-ʧi ‘sportsman’ ← Azeri (Arabic) idmançı, bajdaʁ-ʧi ‘standard bearer’ ← bajdaʁ ‘flag’ (Turkmen baydaq ‘flag’ as opposed to Azeri bayraq), ʃaʃu-ʧə ‘storyteller’ ← ʃaʃu ‘story, fairy tale’, seʧki-ʧi ‘supervisor of elections’ ← Azeri seçki ‘election, selection’, avara-ʧi ‘tramp’ ← Persian āvāre ‘tramp’, karga-ʧi ‘weaver’ ← karga ‘loom’. Another derivational morpheme borrowed from Azeri is the element -luʁ ~ -ləʁ (Azeri -lIK) forming a b s t r a c t n o u n s in the widest sense. They may also serve as rather general toponyms and occasionally show up as nouns indicating instruments. As far as data go, the suffix is only used with loans. Examples are bazar-ləʁ ‘purchase’ ← Azeri bazalıq, baʃ-ləʁ ‘kerchief, bride gift’ ← Azeri (dialectal) başlıq, hæmiʃæ-luʁ ‘eternity’ ← Azeri həmişəlik ‘eternally, forever’ (adverb), hyndyr-luʁ ‘hight’ ← Azeri hündürlük, q:aran-luʁ ‘darkness’ ← Azeri qaranlıq, q:um-luʁ ‘sandy place’ ← Azeri qum ‘sand’, patiʃaʁ-luʁ ‘kingdom’ ← Persian pādišāh ‘king’, sara-luʁ ‘yellowness’ ← Azeri sarı ‘yellow’, un-luʁ ‘rolling pin’ (Azeri un ‘flour’), tarazləʁ ‘equilibration’ ← Persian tarāz ‘spirit level’, ʃor-luʁ ‘salty ground’ ← Persian šōr ‘salty’, oruӡ-luʁ ‘month of fasting’ ← Azeri orucluq, araləʁ ‘space between two fields’ ← Azeri aralıq. The suffix -val that has been borrowed from Lezgi is an extremely frequent device for the derivation of referential concepts denoting a c t i o n s and s t a t e s. It can be added to nouns, adjectives, and verbal nouns (masdars). Sometimes, it is directly added to a verbal stem. Examples include æst:u q’andæ-val ‘breakfast’ ← æst:u q’andæ ‘morning eating’, əmza-val ‘hunger, famine’ ← əmza ‘hungry’, evlik:u-val ‘marriage, wedding’ ← elik:ʷi ‘to marry’, gæʤækmiʃk:u-val ‘poisoning’ ← gæʤækmiʃk:ʷi ‘to poison by sth. liquid’ ħæjifk:u-val ‘pity’ ← ħæjifk:ʷi ‘to have pity’, juχsun-val ‘poverty’ ← juχsun ‘poor’ (perhaps < Azeri yoxsul ‘having nothing’), juk-val ‘desire, want’ ← juk(:)- ‘loving’, lazəm-val ‘need, necessity’ ← Arabic lāzim ‘necessary’, mæʁlub-val ‘defeat’ ← mæʁlub (Arabic maqlūb) ‘defeated’, miʧ’æ-val ‘darkness’ ← miʧ’æ ‘dark’, pæχil-val ‘envy, jealousy’ ← pæχil ‘envious’, q:anəʁlə-val ‘thirst’ ← q:anəʁlə ‘thirsty’, q’andæval ‘meal’ ← q’andæ ‘to eat’, ʁalib-val ‘victory’ ← ʁalib (Arabic qālib) ‘victorious’, saʁlam-val ‘well, health’ ← Azeri sağ(sa)lam ‘sound’, syħyrkar-val ‘magic, witchcraft, sorcery’ ← Arabic suḥūr ‘bewitchment (plural)’ + Persian -kar ‘doing’, ʧ’ilak:u-val ‘good fortune, luck’ ← ʧ’ilak:ʷi ‘to carry’, ʧaləʃməʃk:u-val ‘try, attempt’ ← Azeri çalışmaq ‘to strive for’, ʦʷ’a-t:ʷa joʁur-val ‘earthquake’ ← ʦʷ’a ‘house’ (reduplicated) +

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joʁu- ‘to move, shake’. The suffix -val is also used to express verbal nouns or m a s d a r s , cf. muxʷi ‘to know’ → muxʷival ‘knowing, knowledge’, t:ompə-χəri ‘to learn, study’ → t:ompəχəri-val ‘research’, k:ʷi ‘to go’ → k:ʷi-val ‘going’. The suffix is frequently added to the derivational element -siz/~səz (Azeri -sIz) denoting ‘ n e g a t i o n , p r i v a t i o n ’ (see section 4.2). Examples are baχtsəz-val ‘misfortune’ ← baχt ‘fortune’, kallasəz-val ‘stupidity’ ← kalla ‘head’ (Persian), lazəmsiz-val ‘needlessness’ ← lazəm ‘necessary’ (Arabic), razəsəz-val ‘unhappiness, disagreement’ ← razə ‘agreeing, happy’ (Arabic), tamamsəz-val ‘incompleteness’ ← tamam ‘complete’ (Arabic), ħædmisəz-val ‘uninhabited place’ ← ħædmi ‘person’, q:ajʁusəz-val ‘unconcern’ ← q:ajʁu ‘concern’ (probably a Kipchak term, as opposed to Azeri qajjı ‘concern’). Khinalug has a paradigm of article-like r e f e r e n t i a l i z e r s that can be added (among others) to adjectives and verbal participles to form corresponding referential nouns (‘the X one’). This nominalization process is coupled with a categorization strategy that is in part opposed to the standard model used with the corresponding morphemes: When showing up as agreement morphemes, the class of women is integrated into a class denoting certain non-human beings and objects of the world (the so-called class III), whereas the so-called class IV is used with the remaining non-human beings, objects, and abstract concepts. When used as nominalization morphemes, however, the system is turned into a mere gender system opposing human males (-du, often shortened to -d) to human females (-dæ) and ‘others’ (-ӡi). In the plural, there is only the distinction between human beings (-dur) and non-human beings (-ӡitʰ). Hence we have inqær-du ‘old one (male), (elder) husband, old man’ vs. inqær-dæ ‘old one (female), (elder) wife, old woman’ vs. inqær-ӡi ‘old one (non-human)’ vs. inqær-dur ‘old ones (human)’ vs. inqær-ӡitʰ ‘old ones (non-human)’. Other examples are vuk’ur-du ‘butcher’ ← vuk’uri ‘to kill’, baləʁʧəpkʰir-du ‘fisherman’ ← baləʁʧəpkʰiri ‘to fish’, ӡadukər-du ‘sorcerer’ ← Azeri cadugar, dav ӡik’ir-du ‘liar’ ← dab ӡik:ʷi ‘to lie’, ənqiχk:u-du ‘milquetoast’ ← ənq ‘fear’ (noun). The morphemes -d(u) and -dæ are frequently used to derive ethnonyms such as kʰæt:i-d(u) ~ kʰæt:idæ ‘someone from Khinalug (kʰæʧ)’ and mududæ-d(u) ~ mududy-dæ ‘a Lezgi person’. Other examples are leɣ-du/-dæ ‘someone from Alyk’, iʧ:du/-dæ ‘someone from Dzhek’, k’alʧi-d(u)/-dæ ‘someone from Kala Khudat’, xʷot-du/dæ ‘someone from Kryz’, ʦoʦ-du/ -dæ ‘someone from Susay’, impæ-d(u)/-dæ ‘someone from Khaput’. Semantic shifts frequently occur with the nominalizer -ӡi: In this case, the resulting nominal expression usually has metonymic properties. Examples are jaraməʃk:ʷi-ӡi ‘good things, goods’ ← jaraməʃk:ʷi ‘to suit’, q’andæ-ӡi ‘food’ ← q’andæ ‘to eat’, joxurӡi ‘soup’ ← zoz- ‘liquid’, jeʦ:in-ӡi ‘remainder, rest’ ← jeʦ:ini ‘to remain’, kant:ər-ӡi ‘tear’ ← kant:ərkʰiri ‘to fall down, break down’, ʦuli-ӡi ‘drink’ ← ʦuli ‘to drink’, ʧ’atӡi ‘small goods’ ← ʧ’at ‘small’, ʧ:aχӡər-ӡi ‘vinegar’ ← ʧ:aχӡəri ‘to douse’, ʧ:aχk’ər-ӡi ‘large door bolt’ ← ʧ:aχk’iri ‘to close, cover’, ʧ:ænk’ir-ӡi ‘patch’ ← ʧ:ænk’iri ‘to botch up’, vuk’ur-ӡi ‘slaughtering’ ← vuk’uri ‘to cut, kill’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation The most prevalent means of deriving adjectives is the conversion of nominal genitives (-i/-e). This strategy, by itself extremely common among southern East Caucasian lan-

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XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Northeast Caucasian

guages, compensates for the relatively restricted number of basic native adjectives. In principle every noun can thus be turned into an adjective denoting a major feature included in the semantics of the relevant noun (“relational adjective”). The pattern can be illustrated, for instance, with the help of ʦʷ’a-e ‘related to the house’ ← ʦʷ’a ‘house’. Other examples are pʰtʰ-e ‘related to eye’ ← pʰil ‘eye’, vəz-e ‘sharp’ ← vaz ‘knife’, t’əng-i ‘drizzling’ ← t’əng ‘drop’, q’ul-e: ‘rainy’ ← q’ula ‘rain’, ʦʰuloz-i ‘related to teeth’ ← ʦʰuloz ‘tooth’, mək’ə-i ‘related to head’ ← mik’ir ‘head’, k’əʦ’-e ‘snake-like’ ← k’az ‘snake’, kulak-i ‘windy’ ← kulak ‘wind’, kʰut:-e ‘related to hand’ ← kʰul ‘hand’, fil-i ‘ivory’ ← fil ‘elephant’ (Arabic), zoχ-i ‘related to mill’ ← zoχ ‘mill’, gəl-i: ‘guttural’ ← gələ ‘throat’, baʁ-i ‘related to garden’ ← baʁ ‘garden’ (Persian), etc. Basically, the suffix -li ~ -lə (a loan from Azeri) has the same function as the genitivebased strategy to form relational adjectives. However, it is less productive. Adjectives marked for this morpheme are frequently borrowed from Azeri. Examples are: baʤaraʁlə ‘ably, apt’ ← Azeri bacarıqlı, aʤəʁ-lə ‘angry’ ← Azeri acıqlı, ʃoʁ-lə ‘bright, clear’ ← ʃoʁ ‘beam of light’, haq‘əl-lə ‘clever’ ← Arabic ˁaql ‘mind, intelligence’, haq-lə ‘correct’ ← Arabic ḥaqq ‘right’, ˁæjib-li ‘damnable’ ← Arabic ˁaib ‘blemish, fault’, ʧirk-li ‘dirty’ ← Azeri çırk ‘dirt’, ʃak-lə ‘doubtful’ ← Arabic šakk ‘doubt’, lajəʁ-lə ‘suiting’ ← Arabic lāyiq ‘id.’, kef-li ‘pleasure’ ← Azeri kefli, bina-lə ‘fringed’ ← Arabic binā’ ‘basis, ground’, gɶrkæm-li ‘glorious, important’ ← Azeri görkəmli, ittiˁæt-li ‘united’ ← Arabic ’ittiḥād ‘union’, insaf-li ‘just’ ← Azeri insafli, baxt-lə ‘lucky’ ← Persian bāxt ‘luck, fate’, aʁu-lə ‘poisoned’ ← Azeri ağılı, guʤ-lə ‘powerful’ ← Azeri güc ‘power’, aʁa-li ‘ruling’ ← Azeri ağalu, baft:a-lə ‘silken’ ← Azeri/Persian bafta ‘kind of cloth’, artəm-lə ‘soft-boiled’ ← Azeri artım ‘augmentation’, davam-lə ‘stable, strong’ ← Azeri davamlı ‘strong’, fikir-li ‘thoughtful’ ← Arabic fikir ‘thought’, ʧara-lə ‘young (of person)’ (perhaps related to Azeri çara ‘prenatal selection (of animals)’), jaʁ-lə ‘fat’ ← Azeri yağlı, gongaz-lə ‘round’ (unclear). The extremely frequent p r i v a t i v e suffix -siz ~ -səz is again borrowed from Azeri. It denotes ‘negation’ or ‘absence of someone, something’ or ‘absence of a quality’. Just as it is true for the other derivational loan suffixes, it is frequently borrowed together with the underlying lexical base. Contrary to the above-mentioned element -li ~ -lə, the suffix is occasionally added to native terms, too. Examples are ħæl-siz ‘powerless’ ← Arabic ḥāl ‘state’, bælæd-siz ‘homeless, vagranting’ ← Arabic balad ‘home, one own’s country’, taχsir-səz ‘innocent’ ← Arabic taqṣīr ‘fault, defect’ (→ Azeri təqsir ‘guilt’), ˁilim-siz ‘ignorant’ ← Arabic ˁilm ‘knowledge’, dærd-siz ‘without pain’ ← Persian dard ‘pain’, kymæk-siz ‘helpless’ ← Azeri kümək-siz, din-siz ‘not believing, agnostic’ ← Arabic dīn ‘faith’, jes-siz ‘not being the head of a household’, cf. jesi ‘host, landlord’, kallasəz ‘silly’ ← kalla ‘head’, mymkyn-siz ‘impossible’ ← Azeri mümkün ‘possible’ (Arabic mumkin), loʁa-səz ‘without pride’ ← loʁa ‘pride’, gunah-səz ‘without sins’ ← Azeri günəh ‘sin’, ləgəld-səz ‘unmarried (of a woman)’ ← ləgəld ‘man, husband’, nuba-səz ‘unordered’ ← nuba ‘row’, pul-sız ‘without money’ ← Azeri pulsuz, rang-səz ‘colorless’ ← Azeri rangsız, sas-səz ‘voiceless’ ← Azeri səs ‘voice’, uyun-səz ‘without form or shape’ ← uyun ‘form, shape’, uχʃar-səz ‘unlike, dissimilar’ ← uχʃar ‘similarity’ (also uχʃaʃ-səz ← uχʃaʃ ‘similar’), ʃak-səz ‘without any doubt’ ← Arabic šakk ‘doubt’. The suffix -siz ~ -səz competes with its Persian correspondence bī- ‘without’ that shows up as bej ~ bij- in Khinalug, cf. bej-kæmal ‘irrational’ ← Persian bi-kamāl ‘ignorant’, bej-kef ‘uneasy’ ← Azeri kef ‘rest, ease’, bij-namus (~ namuz-səz) ‘damnable’ ← namus ‘shame’, bij-χæbær (~ χæbær-siz) ‘without news’ ← Arabic ḫabar ‘news’, bij-

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ħæl (~ ħæl-siz) ‘weak’ ← Arabic ḥāl ‘state’, bij-ʧara ‘not helpful’ (Azeri çarə ‘solution’). Contrary to -siz ~ -səz, however, the prefix bej- ~ bij- does not seem to be productive any longer.

4.3. Verbal derivation If we neglect preverbs and the grammaticalized version of light verbs used to form causatives (-kʷʰi/kʰiri), anti-causatives (-q’i/-k:ʷi), and factitives (-ʁi ~ -χi -k:ʷi) (see section 3.3), Khinalug does not apply explicit derivational strategies with respect to the formation of verbs.

4.4. Adverbial derivation Most basic adjectives can serve as adverbs, too, cf. kʰsan riʃi ‘nice girl’ vs. kʰsan ʧək’a ‘speak well!’, ʧ’ir daləg ‘bad thing’ vs. ʧ’ir kʰiri ‘to do wrong, badly’. On the other hand, certain adverbs cannot be used as adjectives (il ‘here’, paga ‘tomorrow’ < Persian pagāh ‘morning red’, uq’ ‘there below’). This class is augmented by a great number of derived adverbs based on nominal case marking. Three case forms are used: a) the extremely productive elative (-illi ~ -əlli, more rarely the second elative -ʃ-illi), b) the unproductive locative (-χ), c) the likewise unproductive locative -ir ~ -ər. As all three forms are nominal case markers, adjectives have to be converted into nouns before corresponding adverbs can be derived therefrom. In this case, the general nominalizer -val applies (see section 4.1). The general pattern can be illustrated as follows: ʦ:əma ‘red’ → ʦ:əma-val ‘redness’ → ʦ:əma-val-əlli ‘reddishly’. As far as data go, this process seems to be restricted to the formation of adverbs based on the elative. Adverbs ending in -χ and -ir are strongly lexicalized and sometimes lack a discernible nominal base. Examples are daləχ ‘backwards’ ← dalə ‘back’, k’iχ ‘backwards’ ← k’i ‘end’, miχir ‘in summer’ ← miχ ‘summer’, ʦʰuvaӡir ‘in autumn’ ← ʦʰuvaӡ ‘autumn’, ʧ:ozər ‘in spring’ ← ʧ:oz ‘springtime’. The following examples illustrate the formation of adverbs based on the elative -illi ~ -əlli: a) immediately derived from nouns: ant-əlli ‘sideward’ ← ant ‘field’, buɣr-əlli ‘aside’ ← buɣrə ‘side, rip’, vaχt-əlli ‘timely’ ← Arabic waqṭ ‘time’, guӡ-əlli ‘with pain, difficulties’ ← guӡ ‘force’, gus-əlli ‘from above’ ← gus ‘upper (region/part)’, q:anun-əlli ‘correctly, lawfully’ ← Arabic qanūn ‘law’, q’æk-əlli ‘since last year’ ← *q’æk ‘last year’, mək’əχ-əlli ‘by escaping’ ← *mək’əχ ‘escape’, nub-əlli ‘in order, orderly’ ← nuba ‘row’, sidq’-illi ‘sincerely’ ← sidq’i ‘cordiality’, ħædæt-iʃilli ‘commonly, usually’ ← ħædæt ‘custom’ (Arabic ˁādat), zæhim-iʃilli ‘eagerly’ ← zæhim ‘eagerness’, əmza-ʃ-illi ‘out of hunger’ ← əmza ‘hunger’, læzæt-illi ‘happily’ ← læzæt ‘pleasure’, baʤarəʁ-əlli ‘exactly’ ← baʤarəʁ ‘exactness’. Occasionally, -illi ~ -əlli is added to other adverbs or even adjectives, such as uk-əlli ‘from there’ ← uk ‘there’, dalə-χ-əlli ‘behind someone, following someone’ ← daləχ ‘backwards’ ← dalə ‘back’, uzaχ-əlli ‘from far away’ ← uzaχ (Azeri uzaq) ‘far’;

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b) Adverbs derived from secondary nouns that are marked for the suffix -val: azad-valəlli ‘freely’ ← Persian āzād ‘free’, azʁun-val-əlli ‘avariciously’ ← azʁun ‘avaricious’, aχmaʁ-val-əlli ‘asininely’ ← aχmaʁ ‘silly’ (Azeri axmaq), baxt-lə-val-əlli ‘luckily’ ← baxt ‘luck’, kasəb-val-əlli ‘poorly, with respect to poverty’ ← kasə ‘poor’, ləgəld-val-əlli ‘manly’ ← ləgəld-val ‘manhood’, mires-val-əlli ‘with respect to parentage’ ← mires ‘member of family/clan’, igid-val-əlli ‘heroically’ ← igid ‘hero’ (Azeri igid ‘heroic’), razə-val-əlli ‘in accordance, agreement’ ← razə ‘happy’ (Arabic rāḍī), tamam-val-əlli ‘completely’ ← tamam ‘complete’, ʃak-səz-val-əlli ‘undoubtedly’ ← ʃak ‘doubt’.

5. Conversion Conversion concerns especially the derivation of adjectives and adverbs from nouns. In section 4.1, numerous examples are given for the formation of relational adjectives with the help of one of the genitives (-i/-e). Occasionally, the resulting adjective can be converted into a noun without further derivational processes, cf. ʤar-i ‘woman with child’ ← ʤar-i ‘related to aunt (sister of mother)’ ← ʤarc ‘aunt (sister of mother)’. However, this strategy is rather rare. The conversion of nouns into adverbs has been described in section 4.4.

6. Reduplication Reduplication is an extremely widespread phenomenon in Khinalug. Many of the corresponding techniques have been borrowed from Azeri. These techniques encompass: a) full reduplication without any sound change, b) full reduplication with vowel shifts, c) full reduplication with changes of the initial consonant, d) CV-reduplication (rare and no longer productive), and e) CV-reduplication with the addition of a syllable-final consonant. A special type of reduplication is given with calling terms used especially for diverse types of domestic animals. In general, reduplication does not result in a semantic shift. Rather, it has the function of intensification. Reduplication can apply to nearly all types of word classes such as nouns, (deictic) pronouns, adverbs, adjectives, adverbs, numerals, and lexical heads of incorporating verbs. For the purpose of the present article, it suffices to give some illustrative examples for the individual types: a) Full reduplication without any sound change: maʦ-maʦ ‘holey’, nəq-nəq ‘nasal’, bæbiʃ-bæbiʃ ‘calling term for cats’, gulʧ-gulʧ ‘term used to stop a colt’, ʧil-ʧil ‘freckles’, jao-jao(in) ‘introductory question when meeting an acquainted person’, ɣəӡ-ɣəӡ ‘something rotating’, hud-hud ‘hoopoe’, ʧχur-ʧχur ‘kind of children’s play’, pʰʃi-pʰʃi ‘in a threesome’ (pʰʃo ‘three’), jik’-jik’ ‘per eight’ (jik’ ‘eight’), pil-pil ‘brindled’, ala-ala ‘dappled’, at:i-at:i ‘exist(ing)’, biʧ’i-biʧ’i ‘full, fat’, juk:ondæ-juk:ondæ ‘not willing’ (juk:iri ‘to want, wish’ + negation), k’an-k’an ‘in two parts’ (k’an ‘something cut off’), ast:a-ast:a ‘slow’, lungot-lungot ‘round thing’, miq’el-miq’el ‘one after the other’ (miq’el ‘near’), ʧ’aχ-ʧ’aχ(a) ‘gristle’, bat-bat ‘in small parts’ (bat ‘piece’), goʧ-goʧ ‘calling term for dogs’, bist:i-bist:i ‘loose money’ (bist:i ‘small coin’). Occa-

200. Khinalug

b)

c)

d)

e)

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sionally, the first segment is augmented by a vowel, as in guʤa-guʤ ‘with pain, effort’ (guʤ ‘force, labor’); Full reduplication with vowel shift: gada-gudə ‘teenagers’ (gada ‘youngster’), hajhuj ‘noise, cheering’, q’ur-q’or ‘frog’, esk:i-ysk:y ‘old stuff’ (Azeri esgi ‘tatters’, Turkish eski ‘old’); Full reduplication with change of initial consonant: zoz-moz ‘kind of hot liquid food’ (Azeri zoz ‘liquid’), kaӡ-k’əri-laӡ-k’əri ‘to prepare oneself’ (k’aӡk’əri ‘to gather’), kol-kos ‘bushes’ (Azeri kol ‘bush’), ħælæg-fælæg ‘labor’, jer-jemiʃ ‘fruit’ (Azeri yemiş ‘food’), las-pas ‘inactive person’, ʃiʦ’i-liʦ’i ‘laughter’; Syllabic CV(C)-reduplication: pi-pig ‘cockscomb’, dug-dugu ‘blunt side of ax’, k’uk’ul ‘clumped ends of wool’, la-lak ‘stutterer’, pʰʃi-pʰʃint’ir ‘kind of inflammation (sheep) caused by flies’; CV-reduplication with the addition of a syllable-final consonant: q’am-q’aʦəl ~ q’arq’aʦəl) ‘naked’ (q’aʦəl ‘naked’), tim-tik ‘vertical’ (tik ‘high’), ʦ:əp-ʦəma ‘very red‘ (ʦəma ‘red’).

A special type of reduplication is given with terms that use the segment -ba- ~ -bæ- as a linker, cf. ʦʷ’a-ba-ʦʷ’a ‘from house to house’, q’æ-bæ-q’æ ‘from day to day’, ʦ’u-baʦ’u ‘namely, by name’.

7. References Buck, Carl Darling 1959 A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Clifton, John M., Laura Lucht, Gabriela Deckinga, Janfer Mak and Calvin Tiessen 2005 The Sociolinguistic Situation of the Khinalug in Azerbaijan. SIL International. http:// www.sil.org/silesr/2005/silesr2005-007.pdf [last access 11 July 2015]. Comrie, Bernard and Madzhid Khalilov 2010 The Dictionary of Languages and Dialects of the Peoples of the Northern Caucasus. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. Dirr, Adolf 1928 Einführung in das Studium der kaukasischen Sprachen. Leipzig: Asia Major. Erckert, Roderich von 1895 Die Sprachen des kaukasischen Stammes. 1. Teil: Wörterverzeichniss. 2. Teil: Sprachproben und grammatische Skizzen. Wien: Hölder. Dešeriev, Junus D. 1959 Grammatika xinalugskogo jazyka. Moskva: Nauka. Ganieva, Faida A. 2000 Xinalugskij jazyk. In: Gadži G. Gamzatov (ed.), Jazyki Dagestana, 523−540. Maxačkala/Moskva: Institut jazyka, literatury i iskusstva im. Gamzata Cadasy Dagestanskogo naučnogo centra RAN. Ganieva, Faida A. 2002 Xinalugsko-russkij slovar’. Maxačkala: RAN DNC. Kibrik, Aleksandr E. 1994 Khinalug. In: Rieks Smeets (ed.), The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus. Vol. 4.2, 367−406. Delmar, NY: Caravan Books.

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Kibrik, Aleksandr E., Sandro V. Kodzasov and Irina P. Olovjannikova 1972 Fragmenty grammatiki xinalugskogo jayzka. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Moskovskogo universiteta. Schulze, Wolfgang 2003 Review of Ganieva 2002, Xinalugsko-russkij slovar’. Anthropological Linguistics 45(4): 450–458. Schulze, Wolfgang 2008 Towards a history of Khinalug. In: Brigitte Huber, Marianne Volkart and Paul Widmer (eds.), Chomolangma, Demavend und Kasbek. Festschrift für Roland Bielmeier zu seinem 65. Geburtstag. Vol. 2, 703−744. Halle: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies. Šaumjan, Rafaeľ M. 1940 Jafetičeskie jazyki ‘šah-dagskoj podgruppy’. Jazyk i myšlenie 10: 163−194.

Wolfgang Schulze, Munich (Germany)

201. Lak 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract: Word-formation in Lak (most likely the sole member of an independent branch of East Caucasian) is dominated by both compounding and derivation. Verbal compounding is strongly related to incorporation strategies. Lak is marked for a highly elaborated system of nominal derivation, whereas adjectival and adverbial derivation is rather restricted. Derivation is in principle absent in the formation of verbs. Reduplication techniques are relevant to all open word classes. Contrary to other East Caucasian languages, the import of foreign lexical units (mainly from Kumyk Turkic, Persian, and Arabic) has not restricted the productivity of native word-formation patterns.

1. Introduction Lak is an East Caucasian language spoken by some 90,000 to 100,000 people in the central regions of the Republic of Daghestan (Russia). Lak speakers live quite compactly

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along the Lak Koysu river from Arakul and Katrul in the south up to Kuba and Chukna in the north (see Schulze 2011 for details). The municipal center is the administrative center of the Lak District, Kumux, inhabited by some 3,000 people. Lak has been a written language since the early 20th century. Its first writing system was based on Arabic that had been used in an informal way since 1750. In 1928, a Latinized version became the official standard. This system, however, was again replaced by a Cyrillic-based orthography in 1938. The Kumux dialect served as the basis for the establishment of a normative version of Lak. Today, Lak is present not only in local discourse, but also in printed media and radio. Most Lak speakers are bilingual, having acquired Russian as a second language during schooling. In the rural parts of Lakistan (the informal name for the Lak region), bilingualism mainly concerns varieties of Dargi (a distant relative of Lak), Avar (an East Caucasian language of the Avar-Andian branch), and (toward the east) Kumyk (Kipchak Turkic). The position of Lak within the East Caucasian language family is still a matter of discussion. The language shows important structural and lexical isoglosses with both the northern Nakh languages (such as Chechen) and the southern (Lezgian) branch of the language family. Nevertheless, it is marked for a high degree of innovative features that set it apart from these languages. Certain aspects of both grammar and lexicon seem to relate it more directly to the neighboring Dargi varieties. However, it still is unclear whether we are dealing with an immediate genetic relationship or with secondary convergence. The documentation of the Lak lexicon started with Uslar (1890) and culminated in the excellent dictionary by Xajdakov (1962), supplemented by Murkelinskij (1971) and Džidalaev (1987). Unfortunately, these younger dictionaries rarely include dialectal material. Lak word-formation patterns were first addressed by Uslar (1890). The Lak grammar by Žirkov (1955) includes valuable hints, although it lacks a specialized section on this topic. The same is true for the brief treatment in Bouda (1971). Word-formation as such is discussed in more detail by Xajdakov (1961) and by Abdullaev and Ėľdarova (2003). Šaxmanova (2003) summarizes the patterns of noun formation, whereas Šamsudinova (2009) discusses verb formation in more details.

2. General overview Although historical language contact (especially with Kumyk, Persian, and Arabic) has played a crucial role in the formation of the Lak lexicon, borrowing strategies have not weakened the native means of word-formation to the extent found especially in some of the southern East Caucasian languages. This holds for both compounding and derivation. Compounding is not only present in lexical forms whose components are still transparent today, but also in many nouns and adjectives that are marked for a pronounced polysyllabic structure. However, it still is an unachieved task in historical comparative research to analyze the underlying complex structure of these forms (e.g., baˁwaq’ulu ‘low wall used as a bench’, ganӡaʧalaʁaj ‘woman’s headscarf’, or meχ:it’ulliw ‘dances’). Compounding is present especially in the formation of nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Quite in accordance with the typology of other East Caucasian languages, verbal compounding is dominated by incorporation strategies that serve to produce a wide array of verbal

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lexical concepts. Disregarding idiomatic expressions, we can describe at least seven light verbs that are involved in the formation of such compounds. Exempting certain verbal categories that are located at the borderline between grammar and lexicon (such as aspect-stem formation), derivation is confined to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs. The nominal domain is marked for a large set of derivational morphemes, whereas adjectives are derived with the help of a single strategy that turns both nouns and verbs into adjectives. Adverbs are derived in just the same way as adjectives, taking, however, a different morpheme. Technically speaking, all derivational means are suffixes in present-day Lak. From a historical point of view, Lak verbs could be marked for locative preverbs as is still true for neighboring Dargi. However, in most cases, these preverbs have fused with the lexical stem and no longer form a separate pattern. Reduplication is a very common word-formation technique in Lak. It shows up in nearly all word classes except for basic verbs. The Lak data do not give evidence of processes related to backformation, blending, and clipping. In addition, the available data do not give evidence for word-creation processes. The Lak data given in this article include a number of derived forms components of which are no longer used independently in present-day Lak. Due to the lack of historical sources it is sometimes difficult to ascertain the meaning of these elements without a lengthy discussion of possible cognates in related languages. These components are indicated by a question mark throughout this article. The corresponding terms are referred to in order to illustrate that word-formation processes must have been typical for earlier stages of Lak, too.

3.

Composition

3.1. Nominal compounds 3.1.1. Determinative compounds Lak has at least eight types of determinative compounds, all of which are endocentric: Simple N+N compounds These compounds are difficult to distinguish from copulative compounds. Examples are varani-ʧ’elmu ‘ostrich; lit. camel sparrow’, χ:aˁʧara-ʧ’elmu ‘bat; lit. skin sparrow’, ʁal-barʦ’ ‘lion; lit. pelt wolf’, ini-q’ali ‘flour; lit. oat flour + gallon’, buˁrχ-t:uk:u ‘squirrel; lit. hare donkey’, q:ulʧ:а-k’ulu ‘mouse, rat; lit. ? + mouse’, murʦ’u-q:аt:а ‘cookhouse; lit. corner house’, ʃ:аχ:а-nаj ‘wasp; lit. ? + bee’, ʁаt:аrа-urt:u ‘pasture; lit. sheep meadow’, q:up:а-χ:аlаχ: ‘pin; lit. cupola needle’, ӡеʁil-χ:ullu ‘path; lit. ? + way’, pаʧ:аħ-ʃ:аr ‘queen; lit. king woman’, q:аħwа-ʃ:аrs:а ‘prostitute; lit. prostitute woman’, ʃ:аrʃ:u-yannа ‘cloth; lit. ? + cloth’, maq’ara-ɶrwat’i ‘turtle; lit. hard shell (of a nut) + frog’, ʧart-tarak’i ‘barrier; lit. ‘chimney + ?’. This type frequently occurs with toponyms such as t:arʦ’-murlu ‘name of a group of rocks; lit. post rock’ or p:a-bak’u ‘name of a hill; lit. awl hill’. Very rarely, the two terms ʧu ‘man’ and ʃ:ar ‘woman’ are used as a

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second part of compounds for sex differentiation, cf. qamali-ʧu ‘male guest’ vs. qamaliʃ:ar ‘female guest’. To this group we can add the names of the days. They all have q’ini ‘day’ as their second segment preceded by noun-like elements frequently used for their own distinction: itni-q’ini ‘Monday’, cf. Kumyk itni-gün (Arabic ‘iṯnayn ‘two’), t:аlаt-q’ini ‘Tuesday’, cf. Kumyk talat-gün (Arabic ṯalāṯ ‘three’), аrwаħ-q’ini ‘Wednesday’, cf. Kumyk arbah-gün (Arabic ‘arbaˁ ‘four’), χаmis-q’ini ‘Thursday’, cf. Kumyk xamis-gün (Arabic ḫams ‘five’), nuˁӡmаr-q’ini ‘Friday, week’, perhaps a distorted version of Kumyk cumagün (Arabic jumˁa), χ:ullun-q’ini ‘Saturday’, cf. χ:ullu ‘way’(?), alħat-q’ini ‘Sunday’ (Arabic al-aḥad ‘first’). N.OBL+N compounds In such compounds, the first noun is marked for an oblique stem that, however, lacks a case suffix. The oblique stem forms cannot be used independently. Obviously, these compounds reflect an older use of the oblique stem to encode a relational junction between the two nouns. Examples include nit:i-us:u ‘uncle; lit. mother.OBL brother’, but:a-us:u ‘uncle; lit. father.OBL brother’, ʃ:ina-χ:ullu ‘canal; lit. water.OBL way’, neχ:a-maʧ’ ‘river bed; lit. river.OBL meadow’, jat:i-k:aʧ:i ‘sheepdog; lit. sheep.OBL dog’, χ:alla-bak’u ‘hey meadow; lit. hey.OBL meadow’, ɶrʧ’а-q:аt:а ‘womb; lit. child.OBL house’, qаrаlu-k:urt:а ‘collarbone; lit. below arm + wheel’, bаӡаnа-t:uk:u ‘snail; lit. brother-in-law.OBL donkey’ (?). N.GEN+N compounds This compositional type is extremely frequent and productive. Often, it is difficult to decide whether we are dealing with a standard genitive construction, such as but:al huqa ‘father’s shirt’, t:uk:ul burʧu ‘skin of donkey; lit. donkey.GEN skin’, or whether the resulting structures represent single concepts. N.GEN+N compounds are typical with kinship terms, such as us:il-ʃ:аr ‘daughter-in-law (of a woman); lit. brother.GEN woman’, duʃnil-аrs ‘grandson; lit. daughter.GEN son’, аrsnаl-аrs ‘grandson; lit. son.GEN son’, duʃnil-duʃ ‘granddaughter; lit. daughter.GEN daughter’, (u)s:il-duʃ ‘niece; lit. brother.GEN daughter’, аrsnаl-duʃ ‘granddaughter; lit. son.GEN daughter’, lаsnаl-ninu ‘mother-in-law (of a man); lit. husband.GEN mother’, ʃ:аrnil-ninu ‘mother-in-law (of a woman); lit. wife.GEN mother’, but:аl-ninu ‘grandmother; lit. father.GEN mother’, nit:ul ninu ‘grandmother; lit. mother-GEN mother’, (u)s:il-ɶrʧ’ ‘nephew; lit. brother.GEN child’, lаsnаl-p:u ‘father-in-law (of a man); lit. husband.GEN father’, but:аl-p:u ‘grandfather; lit. father.GEN father, nit:ul p:u ‘grandfather; lit. mother-GEN father’, but:аl-s:u ‘father’s sister’, nit:ul-s:u ‘mother’s sister’, аrsnаl-ʃ:аr ‘daughter-in-law (of a man); lit. son.GEN wife’. The following examples also suggest the presence of compounds: t:uk:ul ʦʷ‘u ‘thymus; lit. donkey.GEN salt’, t:uk:ul nis ‘mushroom; lit. donkey.GEN cheese’, t:uk:ul nak’ ‘spurge; lit. donkey.GEN milk’, wiʧ’il us ‘earring; lit. ear.GEN shoe’, naˁk’un-naˁ < naˁk’ul naˁ ‘bird cherry; lit. dragonfly.GEN brain’, laˁlulul-ʧаru ‘jewel; lit. belt.GEN stone’, paˁlutrаl-hiwx ‘acorn; lit. soothsayer.GEN nut’, pirmаlul-zаllu ‘farmer; lit. farm.GEN lord’, ʃina/ul-zаmаnа ‘season; lit. year.GEN time’, ʃаhnаl-lаʧ’а ‘maize, corn; lit. Shah.GEN wheat‘, inӡirаl-murx ‘banyan; lit. fig.GEN tree’, t:аrlil-murx; ‘conifer; lit. needle.GEN tree’, ænаk’ul-ɶrʧ’ ‘chicken; lit. hen.GEN child’, burħаl-t:аrk’ ‘spine; lit. ? + bone’, murxirаl-t:аrʦ’ ‘tree trunk; lit. tree.GEN post’, t’аnnul-ust:аr ‘carpenter; lit. wood.GEN master’, ʧаril-ust:аr ‘mason; lit. stone.GEN master’, muχ:аl-ust:аr ‘smith,

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blacksmith; lit. iron.GEN master’, k:unukrаl-qаqimur ‘egg yolk; lit. egg.GEN yellow.DEF’, mаjlul-ʧirаq ‘candle; lit. tallow.GEN light’, χ:aˁlʦul-ʧuqа ‘spider web; lit. spider.GEN cloth’, duniaˁl suk:uʃаwu ‘earthquake; lit. earth.GEN shaking’, kirаӡrаl-ʃ:in ‘mortar; lit. chalk.GEN water’, χ:aˁχ:aˁl-ʃ:in ‘sap; lit. plant.GEN water’, zunzul-ʧаni ‘dawn; lit. ?.GEN light’. The two terms qurs:ul-ӡа ‘furrow’ and qurs:ul-dak’i ‘titmouse’ (both without a sure analysis) illustrate that the segments of some of these compounds are no longer used as independent terms. N.LOC+N Some N+N compounds link the two segments with the help of a locative case, for instance nisiraj-ʧ:at’ ‘pierogi with cheese; lit. cheese.SUPERESSIVE1 bread’, buruws:annujχ-k:urʧ ‘grout with dried apricots; lit. apricot.SUPERESSIVE2 grout’, wiʧ’iluwun-duχ:u ‘centipede; lit. ear.ILLATIVE going into’, ӡipluwu-kаrʃ:i ‘handkerchief, rag; lit. pocket.INESSIVE cloth’. A+N compounds These compounds belong to one of two subtypes: a) unmarked adjectives, that is adjectives that lack the attributive marker -s:a or one of its definite variants (-ma (human males, singular), -mur (other singulars), -mi (plural)).This type is especially frequent with concepts related to the categories of inner body parts, plants, and animals, e.g., k’uˁla-χ:uˁt:u ‘small intestine; lit. narrow intestine’, ganz-χ:uˁt:u ‘colon; lit. thick intestine’, muʧ’i-χ:uˁt:u ‘blind gut; lit. blind intestine’, ganz-liʧ:a ‘large cnemis; lit. thick bone’, buχ-liʧ:a ‘pelvic bone; lit. used bone’, duχ-laˁq’a ‘iliac region; lit. used stomach’, q’a-bak’ ‘vertex; lit. even head’, k’aˁla-maʃaku ‘clary sage; lit. white clary’, k’aˁla-t:ullan ‘white henbane’, luħi-t’ut’i ‘vine grape; lit. black fruit’, muˁrʃ-quˁru ‘garden pea; lit. small pea’, luħi-quˁru ‘field bean; lit. black pea’, naʦ’u-meʧ’ ‘sorrel (rumex confertus); lit. sweet nettle’, naʦ’umarχ:a ‘liquorice; lit. sweet root’ (cf. Greek glukurrhiza ‘liquorice’ ← γλυκύς (glukus ‘sweet’) + ῥίζα (rhiza) ‘root’), murʧ’i-k’ulu ‘mole; lit. blind mouse’, luħi-qaʦ’ ‘whim; lit. black grasshopper’, luħi-ʧ’elmu ‘starling; lit. black sparrow’. Other examples are duq’ra-ħan ‘alcoholic beverage; lit. thick drink’, quˁmu-musi ‘quicksilver; lit. wild gold’, ʁаrʁ-аrʦu ‘silver; lit. broken silver’, sinа-ærʃ:i ‘clay; lit. clammy earth’, gаnz-ӡirа ‘buttocks; lit. thick rib’, k’aˁlа-mаχ ‘tin, tinplate; lit. white iron’, ʧ’iri-nеχ ‘rivulet; brook, lit. little river’, daˁrq:un-ninu ‘stepmother; lit. false (class II) mother’, æwq:un-p:u ‘stepfather; lit. false (class I) father’. b) The compounds of this group include adjectives that add one of the attributive markers mentioned above. With most of these compounds, the degree of cohesion is not very high. Examples are: k’aˁχs:а-ʧul ‘left (side)’, urʧ’аχs:а-ʧul ‘right (side)’, dirzs:а-æʃ ‘intention, purpose; lit. rising line’, dirzs:а-dаrs ‘ghost, phantom; lit. rising lesson’, q’uˁlt’s:а-zа ‘secret; lit. secret thing’, t’aæns:а-q’аnq’ ‘fragrant, good smelling; lit. nice smell’, qunmur-s:u ‘older sister; lit. old sister’, ʧ’iwimur-s:u ‘younger sister; lit. young sister’, qunаmа-us:u ‘older brother; lit. old brother’, ʧ’iwimа-us:u ‘younger brother; lit. young brother’, ʁаjkus:а-qu ‘furrow; lit. plowing field’, lаqs:аʧ’u ‘sound, noise; lit. high sound’. Adv+N This type is rather restricted because of the underlying incompatibility of nouns and adverbs, as long as the nouns are not deverbal units (masdars). Nevertheless, Lak occa-

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sionally uses mainly locational adverbs to specify nominal concepts. Examples include jalt:u-huqa ‘shirt; lit. up shirt’, jalt:u-ħaӡak ‘trousers; lit. up trouser’, jalt:u-janna ‘outer garment; lit. up cloth’, lurt:u-huqa ‘singlet; lit. low shirt’, lurt:u-janna ‘lingerie; lit. low cloth’, ʧ’araw-duʃ ‘relatives of bride; lit. near girl’, arħal-ʃ:ar ‘best woman; lit. together woman’, luw-аrs ‘stepson; lit. below son’, luw-duʃ ‘stepdaughter; lit. below daughter’. With deverbal nouns (-u, see the next paragraph), we get, for instance, jalt:u-uk:u ‘supervisor; lit. from up coming’, jalt:u-turu ‘cover; lit. up throwing’, x:iʧ’uχ-daħu ‘apron; lit. to the front binding’. The reverse type (N+Adv) is documented in at least one compound, namely аχt:aj-mаq ‘afternoon; lit. noon after’ (cf. the N+N form аχt:аjn-ʧ’un ‘noon, midday; lit. noon time’). N+N (agent noun) The second segment of these compounds is a verb nominalized with the help of the suffix -u (see section 4.1). This suffix produces a g e n t n o u n s in the broadest sense, identical in form to participles. This compounding technique is based on an underlying incorporation strategy. Usually, the first nominal functions as the agent of the verb, if intransitive, or as the patient of the verb, if transitive. In Lak, the general alignment pattern is ergative-driven, using class markers as agreement elements on the verb. Accordingly, class markers that “ergatively” agree with the intransitive agent or with the transitive patient show up in the corresponding compounds, too, as long as there are no phonetic constraints. Examples are (Roman numbers refer to class markers): ʦʷ’u-biʧu ‘bin for salt; lit. salt III.sprinkling’, kaʁar-biʧu ‘bin for sugar; lit. sugar III.sprinkling’, ʃ:a-buk:u ‘pressing iron; lit. line III.accompanying’, maq-laqu ‘orator; lit. word expressing’, surat-riʃ:i ‘photographer; lit. image producing’, laʧ:i-butu ‘instrument used to crush garlic; lit. garlic III.crushing’, ʧ’enpi-ruˁq’u ‘cigarette paper; lit. spittle absorbing’, guӡbаwu ‘rape; lit. strength III.doing’, t’аħunt:iw-dаwu ‘potter; lit. creamware.PL IV.doing’, dаχ:аnа-dаwu ‘trade, barter; lit. exchange IV.doing’, daˁrq:u-ʃ:аwu ‘cold (catarrh); lit. cold becoming’. NUM+N Numerals may constitute the first segment of nominal compounds, too. Examples are: ʃan-ʧ’ap’i ‘clover; lit. three leaf’, ʃan-baʧ’u ‘road junction; lit. three divisor’, k’inni-ʧu ‘twins; lit. two.OBL man’.

3.1.2. Copulative compounds True copulative compounds usually are dvandvas. Examples are buˁq’u-æj ‘blame, rebuke; lit. blame rebuke’, t’aħni-k’iʧ’u ‘dishes; lit. mug bowl’, ʃanu-k’aralu ‘bed; lit. mattress pillow’, bak’-ʃ:ik’ ‘intestines of animals; lit. head hoof’, puˁrun-ʧ’il ‘dishes; lit. glass shard’, k:ulla-jansaw ‘ammunition; lit. bullet + (gun) powder’, maχ:a-χ:atin ‘condiment; lit. ‘root + ?’, urt:u-ʃ:in ‘vegetation; lit. grass water’, аӡаri-ænаk’i ‘fowl; lit. cock chicken’, ninu-p:u ‘parents; lit. mother father’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Lak has two types of adjectival compounding, A+A and N+A. The A+A type is rare. Normally, these compounds are copulative in nature. In some instances, they are difficult to distinguish from reduplicated structures that show a heavy

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distortion of the second element. Note that the adjectival/attributive marker -s:a (see section 3.1.1, A+N compunds) is added only to the second element. Examples are ut:ak’uˁla-s:a ‘narrow; lit. broad narrow’, s:uma-laqu-s:a ‘long and narrow’, luħi-ʦ’an-s:a ‘very dark; lit. dark dark’, naˁk’-talati-s:a ‘blue-like; lit. blue + ?’, ɶrʧ’i-k’uri-s:a ‘colored; lit. colored + ?’, luħi-purʃ:i-s:a ‘dark-skinned; lit. dark skinny’, qaqi-maʧ’a-s:a ‘pale; lit. yellow + ?’. Reduplication-like structures are for instance ʧ’iwi-q’iwi-s:a ‘small + ?’ and buʧ-q’uʧ-s:a ‘corpulent; lit. fat + ?’. In some cases, the cohesion between the two adjectives is not as strong as in the examples given so far. This type of “adjectival aggregation” is illustrated, for instance, by qunmаs:а-ħаllаjs:а ‘having existed since long, long-time; lit. old living’. In N+A compounds, the second segment usually is a verb-like element, turned into a verbal adjective (participle). This type includes negated forms based on the negative copula -aq:a- ‘not being’, cf. taχsir-baq:a-s:a ‘innoncent; lit. guilt III.not-being’, æq’lubaq:asa ‘insane, crazy; lit. mind III.not-being’, k:ak:an χ:uj-baq:a-s:a ‘ugly; lit. looking good III.not-being’. Frequently, the nominal element of adjectival compounds based on verbal adjectives represents the incorporated element of underlying complex verbs, as in mаz-q:аk’ul-s:а ‘mute; lit. language not knowing’, ɶrmu-laqi-s:a ‘durable; lit. life extending’, ʃ:аr-durʦu-s:а ‘married man; lit. woman filled’, kutаk-du-s:а ‘strong, mighty, powerful; lit. power being’, ʃ:ar-xus:a ‘married woman; lit. woman becoming’. In many cases, the incorporated element cannot be safely characterized as “nominal”, due to the fact that the corresponding element is no longer used independently. Examples are mаħаt:аl-xu-s:а ‘surprised, astonished; lit. astonishment being’ and laˁq’luwu-xu-s:а ‘pregnant; lit. in birth being’. The fact that Lak allows the unmarked conversion especially of verbal adjectives into nouns conditions that such N+A compounds are semantically difficult to distinguish from nominal compounds. For instance, the above-mentioned term ʃ:ar-xu-s:a can be used both as an attribute, e.g., t:ul ʃ:ar-xu-mur s:u ‘my married sister’, or as a noun, e.g., ta: ʃ:ar-xu-s:a dur ‘she is a married woman’. Only few compounds have a simple adjective as their second element, e.g., ɶrmuk’ul-s:а ‘wise; lit. life knowing’, dаk’-t’аjlа-s:а ‘faithful; lit. heart direct’. Some of these compounds may be liable to a nominal, exocentric interpretation. Nevertheless, the data available do not allow a conclusive picture yet.

3.3. Verbal compounds Lak verb formation is dominated by incorporating techniques based on a greater number of light verbs, some of which form productive paradigms. The incorporated element can be again a verb (in its masdar form), a noun, an adjective/adverb, or a deictic element. A nominal that is incorporated into the verbal structure may trigger a corresponding class marker on the verb (class I (human males) 0̸-, class II (elder women) d-, class III (other women, some animates, other objects) b-, class IV (other animates, objects, etc.) d-; note that this list refers only to the singular). In some complex verbs, the incorporated element cannot be safely identified from a synchronic point of view. The light verbs used to derive complex verbs usually classify the underlying concept with respect to the dimension of transitivity (intransitive, transitive, causative, anticausative), although secondary semantic processes may obscure this overall strategy. Note

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that, in addition, the light verbs may show up in different (some suppletive) stem forms that reflect aspectual features (perfective/imperfective/iterative). The semantics of the incorporated element as well as the resulting verbal concept may favor one of these stem variants, cf. haz-xun (perfective) ‘to rise; lit. high become’ vs. quna-qanan ‘to grow; lit. big become’ (imperfective). The following light verbs represent productive classes (CM = class marker): The light verb CM-an ‘to make, do’ (factitives, causatives): N+V: taχsirlu an ‘to convict’ ← taχsir (Arabic taqṣīr) ‘guilt’, amru b-an ‘to command, order’ ← amru (Arabic ’amr) ‘order’, baʁiʃla b-an ‘to forgive’ ← Kumyk bağišlamaq ‘id.’, bajan b-an ‘to announce’ ← bayan ‘declaration’, huӡum b-an ‘to attack’ ← Kumyk hužum ‘attack’, zaral b-an ‘to harm, injure, damage’ ← Kumyk zaral ‘wound’, ikram b-an ‘to worship’ ← Arabic ’ikrām ‘worshipping’, k’uʃ:in b-an ‘to urinate’ ← k’uʃ:in ‘urine’, lurk’an d-an ‘to ambush’ ← lurk’an ‘ambush’, naæna d-an ‘to curse’ ← naæna ‘spell’, qu ɶrʁa d-an ‘to cultivate, till; lit. make a field clean’ (← ‘field’ + ‘cultivated’), ʦ’a d-an ‘to praise’ ← ʦ’a ‘name’, ʃ:urʃ:u b-an ‘to whisper’ ← ʃ:urʃ:u ‘susurration’. V+V: baʦ’an b-an ‘to cease, stop’ ← b-aʦ’an ‘to stop (itr.)’, buwʧ’in b-an ‘to explain’ ← -uwʧ’in ‘to understand’, bujur b-an ‘to command, order’ ← Kumyk bujurmaq ‘to order’, han b-an ‘to send’ ← han ‘to go’, daq:a d-an ‘to lose’ ← -aq:a ‘to be not’, duʦin d-an ‘to measure’ ← -uʦin ‘to weigh’, k:ak:an b-an ‘to show’ ← k:ak:an ‘to see’, laħan b-an ‘to bend’ ← laħan ‘to bend (itr.)’, leq’an d-an ‘to destroy’ ← leq’an ‘to get broken’, tapʃir b-an ‘to betray’ ← Turkic tapšur- ‘to hand over’. A+V: harta d-an ‘to spread out’ ← harta ‘broad’, duzal d-an ‘to build’ ← duzal ‘prosperous’, haz d-an ‘to pick up’ ← haz ‘high’, kut’a b-an ‘to cut down’ ← kut’a ‘short’, q:urtal d-an ‘to end (temporal)’ ← q:urtal ‘finished’, liʧ’i b-an ‘to divide, separate, share’ ← liʧ’i ‘separate’, marʦ’ b-an ‘to peel’ ← marʦ’ ‘pure’, ħurħa b-an ‘to retard, delay’ ← ħurħa ‘slow’, χ:as:al b-an ‘to save, rescue’ ← χ:as:al ‘saved’, qun ban ‘to raise, plant’ ← qun ‘big, old’, ʦaʧ’un b-an ‘to collect, gather’ ← ʦaʧ’u ‘together’ (cf. ʦaʧ’un d-an ‘to have sexual intercourse’). First element being unclear: qaˁwrin an ‘to deceit’ ← ?, k’unk’u b-an ‘to pull’ ← ?, k’ura d-an ‘to twist’ ← ?, k:uʧ:u d-an ‘to squeeze, wring’ ← ?, q:ala b-an ‘to pile up’ ← ?. The light verb CM-ulun/CM-ull-an ‘to give’: This light verb usually produces factitives and causatives (some exceptions apply). Many verbs include a nominal segment, but V+V and A+N also occur. N+V: baχʧu b-ulla ‘to hinder, prevent’ ← aχʧu ‘obstacle’, daru b-ullan ‘to cure, heal’ ← Persian dārū ‘medicine’, iχtilat b-ullan ‘to speak, talk’ ← Arabic iḥtilāt ‘talk’, zurzu b-ullan ‘to fever’ ← ‘shiver’, lax:in b-ullan ‘to teach’ ← lax:in ‘to learn’, arʦu d-ullan ‘to pay’ ← arʦu ‘silver’, burӡiraj b-ulun ‘to lend’ ← Arabic burj ‘debt’, daħawu dullan ‘to tie, bind’ ← daħawu ‘connection’, duæ d-ullan ‘to pray, bless’ ← Arabic duˁā ‘prayer, bless’, kajaluwʃiwu ‘to rule, govern’ ← kajaluwʃiwu ‘rulership’, minnat b-ullan ‘to ask, request’ ← Arabic minna ‘favor’, paχru b-ullan ‘to boast’ ← paχru ‘pride’, pikri b-ullan ‘to think’ ← Arabic fikr ‘tought’, ruχsat b-ulun ‘to let, permit’ ← Arabic ruḫṣa ‘allowance’, s:ugru d-ullan ‘to rebuke, scold’ ← s:ugru ‘scolding (plural)’, sual b-ulun ‘to ask (question, inquire)’ ← Arabic su’āl ‘question’, χijallu b-ullan ‘to dream’ ← Arabic ḫayāl ‘vision, chimera’ (plural in Lak), χ:allu d-ullan ‘to spin’ ← χ:al-lu

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‘thread, yarn (plural)’, qʷardu ‘to swear’ ← qʷar-du ‘oath (plural)’, quˁlʧu b-ullan ‘to shake’ ← quˁlʧu ‘shaking’, ʦ’a d-ullan ‘to bless’ ← ʦ’a ‘name’, ʦurk b-ullan ‘to steal’ ← ʦurk ‘theft’, ʧak b-ullan ‘to pray’ ← ʧak ‘prayer’, ʧani b-ullan ‘to shine’ ← ʧani ‘light’, ʧ:ar d-ullan ‘to thresh’ ← ʧ:ar ‘threshing’. A+V: baχ:ana b-ullan ‘to change’ ← baχ:ana ‘different’, hanaʁi b-ullan ‘to roll’ ← hanaʁi ‘rotating’, maʃhur b-ullan ‘to preach’ ← Arabic mašhūr ‘important’, maq b-ulun ‘to promise’ ← maq ‘related to hand’, muˁrʃ b-ullan ‘to crush, grind’ ← muˁrʃ ‘small, little’, sakin b-ullan ‘to mold (clay)’ ← sakin ‘gathered’, ħala b-ullan ‘to stir, mix’ ← ħala ‘mixed’, qin b-ullan ‘to cure, heal’ ← qin ‘good’. V+V: bas b-ullan ‘to crush, grind’ ← Kumyk basmaq, lajan d-ullan ‘to pinch’ ← ‘to be aslant’, χ:aˁχ:an b-ullan ‘to ride’ ← χ:aˁχan ‘to throw oneself onto (a horse)’. First element being unclear: buʁ b-ullan ‘to choke’ ← ?, s:uku b-ullan ‘to scrape’ ← ?, ʦ’arajχ d-ullan ‘to roast, fry’ ← ?. The light verb t’un/uʧin (< *uki-) ‘to say’: This light verb is normally used with concepts related to the production of sounds, especially by humans. The verb has not been grammaticalized to the extent present in other, especially southern East Caucasian languages. Nevertheless, it is also used with some verbal concepts that do not belong to the group just mentioned. Sound-related terms are, for instance, aw-aw- t’un ‘to howl’ (onomatopoetic), balaj t’un ‘to sing’ ← balaj ‘song’, baʕ-baʕ t‘un ‘to stutter, stammer’ (onomatopoetic), ʁalʁa t‘un ‘to say, speak’ ← ʁalʁa ‘talking’, k’arʧ’a t’un ‘to vomit’ ← k’arʧ’a ‘emesis’, k’unt’a t’un ‘to drop’ ← k’unt’a ‘drop’, q’aʦ’a t’un ‘to bite’ ← q’aʦ’(a) ‘mouth’, mur-mur t’un ‘to mumble’ (onomatopoetic), piʃ t’un ‘to smile’ ← piʃ ‘smile’, p:aj t’un ‘to kiss’ ← p:aj ‘kiss’, puw t’un ‘to spit’ ← puw ‘spittle’, uh-q:ak t’un ‘to groan’ (onomatopoetic), χ:uˁmχ:u t’un ‘to snore’ ← χ:uˁnχ:u ‘snoring’, ʦ’ir-ʦ’ir t’un ‘to shriek, screech’ (onomatopoetic), ʧawx t’un ‘to splash’ ← ?, ʃuˁt’ t’un ‘to whistle’ ← ʃuˁt’ ‘whistle’, ænʧ uʧin ‘to sneeze’ ← ænʧ ‘sneeze’, wew uʧin ‘to shout, cry out’ ← wew (interjection), pus uʧin ‘to break wind’ (onomatopoetic), ħunq uʧin ‘to hiccough’ (onomatopoetic), ʦ’up’ uʧin ‘to suck’ (onomatopoetic), ʧ’eq’ uʧin ‘to break wind’ ← ?. The following compounds suggest a stronger grammaticalization of the light verb: ærʧ:a t’un ‘to lame’ ← ærʧ:a ‘lame’, s:unt’a t’un ‘to smell at’ ← s:unt’(a) ‘sniffing’, t’urk’u t’un ‘to play’ ← t’urk’u ‘play’, qapa t’un ‘to seize, grasp’ ← qap(a) ‘snap, bite’, lanʦ’ uʧin ‘to lick’ ← *lanʦ’ ‘licking’, χ:aˁrk uʧin ‘to creep, crawl’ ← χ:aˁrk ‘creeping’, ʧant’a uʧin ‘to wake up’ (cf. ʧani ‘light’, old adessive?). The light verb xun/qanan ‘to become’: This light verb serves to form intransitive expressions or anticausatives. Some of these lexical forms are calques from Kumyk. Examples are: aˁlapar qanan ‘to dwell, live’ ← ?, harta xun ‘to spread out’ ← harta ‘broad, plane’, xylʧu-k’ut’u xun ‘to cringe, flinch’ ← ?, cf. k’ut’u xun ‘to agitate’, ʁan xun ‘to approach’ ← ʁan ‘close, near’, suk:u xun ‘to move’ ← ?, quna qanan ‘to grow’ ← quna ‘big, old’, haz xun ‘to climb, rise’ ← haz ‘high’, laway xun ‘to climb, go up’ ← ‘up’, χ:as:al xun ‘to flee’ ← χ:as:al ‘saving from danger’, zana xun ‘to come back’ ← ?, k’ul xun ‘to learn’ ← k’ul ‘knowing’, maqunmaj xun ‘to retreat’ ← maqunmaj ‘down, back (class III)’, ʃ:ar xun ‘to marry’ ← ʃ:ar- ‘wife’, a calque from Kumyk egre barmaq, muˁt’i(y) xun ‘to obey’ ← muˁt’iy ‘obedient’, a calque from Kumyk tabi bolmaq, muk’ru xun ‘to admit, confess’ ← Kumyk mükür ‘confession’, cf. Kumyk mükür bolmaq ‘to be confessing’, dindir xun

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‘to surrender’ ← din- ‘quiet’ (?), a calque from Kumyk qolğa barmaq, bat xun ‘to disappear’ ← ?, a calque from Kumyk yoq bolmaq, ɶrʧ’an xun ‘to conceive’ ← ɶrʧ’ ‘child, son (dative)’, a calque from Kumyk aylı bolmaq. The light verb -ik’an ‘to be’: This light verb is frequently added to adverbial forms marked for the suffix -nu, cf. anawarnu -ik’an ‘to hasten, hurry’ ← anawar ‘quick’ , wiχnu -ik’an ‘to believe’ ← wix ‘believing’, -unu -ik’an ‘to own, possess’ ← -u ‘to be’, ħajpnu -ik’an ‘to regret, be sorry’ ← ħajp ‘pity’ (Arabic), k’ulnu -ik’an ‘to know’ ← k’ul ‘knowing’, χ:iranu b-ik’an ‘to love’ ← χ:ira ‘beloved’, bursawnu -ik’an ‘to be respectful’ ← bursaw ‘respect’. The following terms illustrate non-adverbial lexical bases. The meaning of these lexical stems is etymologically unclear: ʃ:ajwk’un -ik’an ‘to sit’ ← ?, q:is b-ik’an ‘to crouch’ ←?, park -ik’an ‘to fly off, flush’ ← park ?, la b-ik’an ‘to hide’ ← ?. The light verb -uk:an ‘to get out’: Apart from its function to indicate ‘motion’, this light verb often denotes a change of state. Examples are: tajla -uk:an ‘to direct towards’ ← tajla ‘direct’, æʧuχ -uk:an ‘to correct oneself’ ← æʧuχ ‘correct, right, open’, badal -uk:an ‘to take revenge’ ← ?, baralun -uk:an ‘to become a witness, testify’ ← bar(a) ‘witness’, bat’i b-uk:an ‘to prepare oneself’ ← bat’i ?, weχs:a d-uk:an ‘to disembowel’ ← weχs:a ‘intestines’, ӡuʃ d-uk:an ‘to hasten’ ← ?, ʧ’uq:a d-uk:an ‘to be exhausted’ ← ʧ’uq:a ‘exhausted’, imam d-uk:an ‘to be put out, in a spiritual state’ ← imam ‘belief’, q:yʃ b-uk:an ‘to dress up’ ← ?, k’yla b-uk:an ‘to impoverish’ ← k’yla ‘slim’, læqi -uk:an ‘to grow’ ← læqi ‘long, tall’ (often shortened to læ -uk:an), manʁal d-uk:an ‘to brace, flatten’ ← manʁal ‘pressing iron’, marʦ’ b-uk:an ‘to end’ ← marʦ’ ‘perfect, clean, absolute’, taza -uk:an ‘to be hale, lusty, spry’ ← taza ‘hale, lusty, spry’, t’ar b-uk:an ‘to show up, become apparent’ ← t’ar ‘hearing’. The light verb k:ak:an ‘to see’: This is the least grammaticalized light verb. When used with the causative light verb b-an, it denotes concepts of ‘showing’. Examples are: lajq’nu k:ak:an ‘to esteem’ ← lajq’nu ‘worthy’, maʁ k:ak:an ban ‘to run away; lit. make see the tail (maʁ)’, norma k:ak:an ban ‘to set up a norm; lit. make see the norm’, qin k:ak:an ‘to regard with favor’ ← qin ‘good’, mak’ k:ak:an ‘to dream’ ← mak’ ‘sleep’.

4. Derivation Quite in accordance with the typology of many other East Caucasian languages, derivational morphology is especially relevant in the formation of nominal and adjectival concepts, whereas verb formation mainly relies on compounding.

4.1. Nominal derivation Although some derivational suffixes have become specialized with respect to the word class to which they are added, it is difficult to delimit the corresponding derivational

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morphemes with respect to this criterion. Some of the suffixes may occur with more than one major word class (nouns, adjectives, verbs). In addition some lexical stems cannot be assigned to a distinct word class because they show up in their independent form only as parts of an incorporated structure (compound). Quite in accordance with other East Caucasian languages, the semantic domains covered by the individual derivational morphemes are rather general, matching standard classification to a certain extent only. Accordingly, reference to this classification is tentative rather than biunique.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns The suffix -ʧi borrowed from Turkic is the most productive element for forming denominal nouns. Usually it denotes a profession or a person typically related to a given issue (a g e n t n o u n s in the widest sense). It is present not only with borrowed nouns, but also with native nouns. Examples include ħilla-ʧi (~ ħilla-kar) ‘sly, artful person’ ← ħilla ‘sly, artful’ (cf. Kumyk hillaçı ‘sly person’), ʦ’uʃinna-ʧi ‘innovator’ ← ʦ’u ‘new’ (second part unclear), ʧakmak-ʧi ‘bootmaker’ ← ʧakmak ‘boot’, ʧarχi-ʧi ‘fellow believer’ ← ?, zijarat-ʧi ‘pilgrim’ ← zijarat ‘grave of a holy person’ (Arabic ziyārat ‘visit’), zijan-ʧi ‘vermin’ ← zijan ‘damage’, kumag-ʧi ‘helper’ ← kumag ‘help’ (Kumyk kömek), q:alaj-ʧi ‘tin coater’, q:aral-ʧi ‘guardian’ ← Kumyk qaravul ‘guard’, iʃbaӡaran-ʧi ‘businessman’, bak’-ʧi ‘guide’ ← bak’ ‘head’. The suffix -ʧi competes with the element -kar that has been borrowed from an Iranian language, most likely Persian. Contrary to -ʧi, the suffix -kar is no longer productive. Examples are: piʃa-kar ‘craftsman’ ← piʃa ‘craft’, s:aˁt-kar ‘clockmaker’ ← s:aˁt ‘time, hour’ (Arabic saˁat ‘hour’), tamaħ-kar ‘pretenting person’ ← tamaħ ‘appetite, pretension’ (Arabic ṭamaˁ ‘greed, desire’), zulmu-kar ‘oppressor’ ← zulmu ‘pressure’ (Arabic ẓulm ‘oppression’), sænat-kar ‘craftsman’ ← sænat ‘profession’, æq’lu-kar ‘wise person’ ← æq’lu ‘wise’ (Arabic ˁaqil ‘wise’), dæʔwi-kar ‘claiman’ ← dæʔwi ‘complaint, charge’ (Arabic daˁwa ‘call, appeal’). The denominal suffix -un mainly derives pejorative terms to denote the human character, cf. ʃ:yrt’un ‘liar’ ← ʃ:yrt’ ‘lying’, warxun ‘coward’ ← ?, xyrtun ‘litter lout’ ← xyrt ‘pear’ (?), karʃ:un ‘effeminate man’ ← karʃ: ‘cloth’, ʧ’urtun ‘effeminate man’ ← ?. The denominal suffix -χana (< Persian ‘house’) produces nouns denoting the p l a c e where something typically happens or is typically present: basma-χana ‘printing house’ ← Kumyk basma ‘printed’, ilʧi-χana ‘embassy’ (Kumyk ilçi ‘ambassador’), q’as:abχana ‘slaughterhouse’ ← q’as:ab ‘slaughtering’ (Arabic qassāb ‘butcher’), puʧ-χana ‘post office’ ← puʧ (Russian počta) ‘post’, t:upt:up-χana ‘artillery position’ ← t:up ‘bullet’ (reduplicated), diwan-χana ‘courthouse’ ← diwan ‘court’ (Persian diwān ‘court’). -alu derives place nouns from nouns and adjectives that are sometimes marked for a locative case. Examples are ej-alu ‘ruins’ ← ej ?, q:at’-alu ‘place inside the house’ ← q:ata ‘house’, wiw-alu ‘interior’ ← wiw ‘inside’, k’i-ʧ’iraw-alu ‘street; lit. region between two walls’. Another way of deriving such nouns is the use of the suffix -zannu (perhaps ← zanan ‘to go (durative)) that refers to places where something is typically stored, such as χ:ala-zannu ‘(hey) meadow’ ← *χ:ala ‘hey’ (cf. χ:ala-bak’u ‘hey stack; lit. hey-hill’), para-zannu ‘dung pile’ ← para ‘dung’, ʁat:ara-zannu ‘gathering place for livestock’ ← ʁat:ara ‘livestock’. Contrary to other, especially southern East Caucasian languages, the Turkic suffix -luğ has not been adopted as a productive suffix in Lak. It only shows up with some

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loans, such as q:aʧaʁ-luʁ ‘robbery’ ← q:aʧaʁ ‘bandit’ (Kumyk qaçaq ‘bandit’), paʧ:aħluʁ ‘kingdom’ ← paʧ:aħ ‘king’ (Persian pādišāh ‘king’), saw-luʁ ‘greeting toast’, salluʁ ‘salute’ ← sal(am) ‘hallo’ (Arabic salām), χan-luʁ ‘regime of a Khan’ (Kumyk xan ‘khan’), χarӡ-luʁ ‘expenses’ ← χarӡ ‘expense’ (Arabic ḫarj ‘expense’), and q:ul-luʁ ‘service’ (Kumyk qulluğ ‘service’ ← qul ‘slave, servant’).

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffix -u turns adjectives into p e r s o n a l n o u n s denoting ‘someone who is X’. The resulting concepts are typically related to body feature. Adjectives ending in a vowel substitute this vowel by -u, cf. murʧ’u ‘a blind one’ ← marʧ’i ‘blind’, ɶk:u ‘beautiful person’ ← ɶk:i ‘beautiful’, ærk:u ‘lame person’ ← ærʧ:a ‘lame’, q:yk’u ‘deaf person’ ← q:yk’u ‘deaf’. The extremely productive suffix -ʃiwu (often reduced to -ʃiw) forms mainly q u a l i t y n o u n s derived from adjectives and sometimes nouns. Secondarily, some nouns may have developed a more concrete meaning. Historically, -ʃiwu is derived from the light verb xun ‘to become’ in its iterative stem form ʃawan, just as it is true for ʃawu, see below. In this sense, it is rather deverbal in nature than deadjectival or denominal. From a synchronic point of view, however, it should be regarded mainly as a deadjectival and denominal morpheme, because some of the nouns marked for -ʃiwu no longer possess the corresponding verb form. Examples are: qin-śiwu ‘goodness’ ← qin ‘good’, zirakʃiwu ‘quickness’ ← zirak ‘quick’, zija-ʃiwu ‘uselessness’ ← ziya ‘useless, used’, zunχ:iʃiwu ‘steep slope’ ← zunχ:i ‘steep’, insap-ʃiwu ‘action in according with clear conscience’ ← insap ‘clear conscience, justice’, it:i-ʃiwu ‘wetness’ ← it:i ‘wet’, iʃla-ʃiwu ‘activity, energy’ ← iʃla ‘active, alive’, ħalliχ-ʃiwu ‘slowness’ ← ħalliχ ‘slow’, x:iʧ’unajʃiwu ‘success’ ← x:iʧ’unaj ‘towards, onword, ahead’, ʦ’aq’-ʃiwu ‘strength, power’ ← ʦ’aq’ ‘power’, murdal-ʃiwu ‘perfidy’ ← murdal ‘unclean person’, naӡas-ʃiwu ‘nefariousness’ ← naӡas ‘heinous person’, s:inχral-ʃiwu ‘exitation’ ← s:inχral ‘stirred up, exited’, tunt-ʃiwu ‘strength of drink, especially tea’ ← tunt ‘strong (of tea)’, ħaran-ʃiwu ‘ungodliness’ ← ħaran ‘ungodly’. Another suffix derived from ʃawan ‘to become’ (iterative) is -ʃin occurring in some abstract concepts such as ut:ara-ʃin ‘life, animate world’ ← ut:a- ‘alive’ (class marked), qamalu-ʃin ‘hospitableness’ ← qamali ‘guest’, jalur-ʃin ‘length’ ← jalur ‘up’, t’alaw-ʃin ‘claim, demand’ ← t’alaw-dan ‘to make a claim (borrowed from Arabic ṭalab ‘claim’)’, ħadur-ʃin ‘readiness’ ← ħadur ‘ready’ (Arabic ḥāḍir ‘ready’). The suffix -ʃaw(u) (again derived from ʃawan ‘to become’ (iterative)) forms abstract nouns just as -ʃiw(u). However, it focuses on processual rather than on resultative aspects, cf. the pair miskin-ʃawu ‘pauperization’, but miskin-ʃiwu ‘poverty’ (both derived from miskin ‘poor’, itself borrowed from Arabic miskīn ‘poor’). Other examples are muraχas-ʃawu ‘liberation’ ← muraχas ‘free’, iʧ’allil-ʃawu ‘taming’ ← iʧ’allil ‘tame’, χ:ælt’a-ʃawu ‘thinning’ ← χ:ælt’a ‘thin, clear’, kajp-ʃawu ‘drunkenness’ ← kaip ‘drunk’, kuklu-ʃawu ‘release’ ← ‘light (weigh)’, kuʧ-ʃawu ‘relocation’ ← ? (cf. kuʧ ban ‘to move, relocate’), q:aʃ:i-ʃawu ‘anger’ ← q:aʃ:i ‘angry’, lagal-ʃawu ‘change’ ← *lagal ‘changing’, ħala-ʃawu ‘mixture, mixing’ ← ħala ‘intermingled’.

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4.1.3. Deverbal nouns The deverbal morpheme -ála (accentuated on the first syllable) denotes a g e n t n o u n s in the broadest sense: quzala ‘farmer’ ← qu ‘field’ (the element -z- reflects an older verbal stem, perhaps zanan ‘to go’), balajt’ala ‘singer’ ← balaj ‘song’ + t’-un ‘to say’, ʃanaʃala ‘someone who is dozy’ ← ʃanan ‘to sleep’ + ʃawan ‘to become’, zumat’ala ‘mourner‘ ← zuma t’un ‘to mourn’, q:awt’ala ‘dancer’ ← q:aw t’un ‘to dance’, q’urq’ut’ala ‘rodent’ ← q’urq’u t’un ‘to gnaw’, q’yq’ala ‘blemish’ ← ?, læwzala ‘bawd’ ← ?, χ:ynχ:ut’ala ‘snorer’ ← χ:ynχu t’un ‘to snore’. More rarely, it derives nouns different from this basic concept, cf. qinbala ‘profit, benefit’ ← qin ‘good’, uʧala ‘saying’ ← uʧin ‘to say’. There is a variant of -ala accentuated on the second syllable (-alá). This suffix is present especially in nouns denoting agricultural terms, derived both from nouns and verbs. Examples are: χ:ilaχ:ala ‘carter (of grain, bread)’ ← χ:ilan (reduplicated) ‘to conduct a cart’, ʧ’uʧ’ala ‘somone who weeds professionally’ ← ʧ’un (reduplicated) ‘the weed’, ʦulʦala ‘mower’ ← ʦulan (reduplicated) ‘to mow’, ʁazala ‘thresher’ ← ?, quzala ‘farmer’ ← qu ‘field’ + zun ‘to work’, zuzala ‘(agricultural) worker’ ← zun (reduplicated) ‘to work’. Deverbal nouns denoting ‘someone (regularly) doing something’ are marked with the suffix -u that is normally added to the verbal stem, cf. ħaʧ’u ‘drunkard’ ← ħaʧ’an ‘to drink’, duruχ:u ‘tailoress’ ← duruχlan ‘to sew’, ʃyʃu ‘laundress’ ← ʃyʃin ‘to wash’, lasu ‘buyer’ ← lasun ‘to take in hands’, busu ‘story teller’ ← busan ‘to tell’, laʧ’in uk:u ‘fighter’ ← laʧ’in uk:an ‘to fight’, leχ:u ‘pilot’ ← leχ:an ‘to fly’, din daq:u ‘unbeliever’ ← din ‘belief’ + negative copula daq:a-. Secondarily, deverbal nouns marked with -u may refer to various semantic domains, cf. lis:u ‘narrow strip’ ← lis:an ‘to cut into strips’, bazu ‘fissure’ ← bazin ‘to tie’, baχʧu ‘baffle, bar, hurdle’ ← baχʧin ‘to hinder’, biχ:u ‘sheep going to be slaughtered’ ← biχ:an ‘to slaughter, cut’. The suffix -awu derives deverbal a b s t r a c t n o u n s. It represents a masdar form of the verb -an ‘to make, do’. Examples are dawu ‘work’ ← -an ‘to do, make’ (petrified class marker -d), ʧ:awu ‘love’ ← *ʧ:an ‘to love’ (reconstructed), baʧ’awu ‘distribution’ ← baʧ’in ‘to divide’, baʧ:awu ‘deviation’ ← baʧ:in ‘to be awry’, q:awt’awu ‘dance’ ← q:aw t’un ‘to dance’. Another deverbal suffix is -ija used mainly to derive concepts denoting the object or result of an action. Examples include dukija ‘food’ ← dukan ‘to eat’, ħaʧ’ija ‘drink’ ← ħaʧ’an ‘to drink’, laχ:ija ‘clothing’ ← laχ:an ‘to dress’, ʧ:uʧija ‘combustible’ ← ʧ:uʧ:in ‘to burn’, χ:aˁχija ‘plant’ ← χ:aˁχaˁn ‘to grow’. The derivational paradigm of Lak makes use of other suffixes that are, however, less productive than those mentioned so far. For instance, the suffix -in shows up with certain nouns denoting the manner of an action or instruments used in this action, such as zananzin ‘way of walking’ ← zanan (reduplicated) ‘to go’, kanakin ‘means to eat’ ← kanan (reduplicated) ‘to eat’. The suffix -i may show up with terms denoting instruments, for instance, χ:arti ‘grater’ ← χ:art dan ‘to grate’, ʦ’arʦ’i ‘scale of wood’ ← ʦ’arʦ’an ‘to scratch’; but note q’usi ‘hump, knob’ ← q’us ik’an ‘to be bent’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Contrary to many other East Caucasian languages, Lak does not use the genitive (marked by -l) systematically to derive relational adjectives. Nevertheless, the corresponding deri-

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vational strategy is documented for some adjectives, such as k:arʧ:ul ~ k:arʧ:al ‘related to teeth’ ← k:arʧ:i ‘tooth’, musil ‘golden’ ← musi ‘gold’, minanul ‘original’ ← mina ‘home town’, maχmurdanul ‘velvet (adjective)’ ← maχmur ‘velvet’, æralunnal ‘related to war’ ← æral ‘army’, χ:ylt’ukural ‘related to pancake’ ← χ:ylt’uku ‘pancake’, ʧ ’irt:ataʃ:al ‘bearded’ ← ʧ’iri ‘beard’ (the segment -taʃ: is unclear), lampalul ‘related to lamp’ ← lampa ‘lamp’, ʃatlul ‘snake-like’ ← ʃat ‘snake’, ħalt’uqannal ~ ħalt’ilul ‘related to cottage industry’ ← ħalt’i ‘home work’, konstituʦijalul ‘constitutional’ ← konstituʦija ‘constitution’, q:atul ‘related to house/room’ ← q:at:a ‘house/room’, niʦ’ajquwaral ‘related to hemp’ ← niʦ’ajquwa ‘hemp’. In some instances, the genitive form is also used with negated adjectives, such as insantal baq:a-s:a ‘uninhabited; lit. related to human(s) not being’ (see below). Unless used in incorporated form, all other adjectives take the marker -s:a. When used with definite/specific referents, this marker is substituted by -ma (reference to a human male in the singular), -mur (reference to other referents in the singular), or -mi (plural referents). In addition, these morphemes can be added to any noun or verbal participle turning it into an a t t r i b u t i v e adjective. Most importantly, -s:a may follow case marked nouns, too, cf. q:at-l-uwu-s:a ‘being inside the house’ ← q:ata (inessive) ‘house’, zuma-n-uj ‘being on the bench’ ← zuma (superessive) ‘bench’, q:aʃaw-aj-s:a ‘ill; lit. being in illness’ ← *q:aʃaw (essive) ‘illness’, iʃ-ir-aj-s:a ‘occupied, busy; lit. being at work’ ← iʃ (essive) ‘work’, mazq’az-r-aj-s:a ‘caressing; lit. being at caress’ ← mazq’az (essive) ‘caress’, ʃ:ælmaq-r-aj-s:a ‘wrong, false; lit. being at lie’ ← ʃ:ælmaq ‘lie’ (ʃ:ælmaq is again derived from the adjective ʃæ:lu ‘false’), nervnaj-s:a ‘nervous; lit. being on nerve’ ← nerv (essive) ‘nerve’, iʧ‘al-l-il-s:a ‘related to home’ ← iʧ’alu (genitive) ‘fireplace at home, home’, k:aʃi-l-s:a ‘hungry’ ← k:aʃi (genitive) ‘hunger’, manʁaw-s:a ‘twanging’ ← manʁaw (absolutive) ‘a person that twangs’. Examples for the use of -s:a with adverbs are paʧ’u-s:a ‘general’ ← paʧ’u ‘together’ and lawaj-s:a ‘high, important’ ← lawaj ‘up, above’. Note that an underlying noun can again be derived from an adverb by adding the corresponding referential class marker (‘the X one’), cf. maqun-m-aj-s:a ‘being behind, rear; lit. being on the rear one’, lax:u-wa-s:a ‘of yesterday’ ← lax:u ‘yesterday’. Depending on their concrete semantics, all adjectives can form secondary generic variants that denote the permanent presence of the quality expressed by the adjective. These adjectives are derived from the corresponding generic adverb (see section 4.3) by adding the adjectival marker -s:a: guӡ-s:a ‘strong’ → guӡ-nu ‘strongly’ → guӡ-n-0̸-a ‘strongly’ (‘by nature/permanent’, here class I) → guӡ-n-0̸-a-s:a ‘strong’ (by nature/ permanent), ʃ:yllin ‘green’ → ʃ:yllin(-n)u ‘verdantly’ → ʃ:yllin-(n)-m-a ‘always verdantly’ → ʃ:yllin-(n)-m-a-s:a ‘always green, evergreen’ (here class III). Accordingly, ʃ:yllins:a murx denotes a ‘green tree’ (being green at the moment of reference), whereas ʃ:yllin(n)mas:a murx refers to an ‘evergreen tree’.

4.3. Adverbial derivation Contrary to other especially southern East Caucasian languages, Lak clearly distinguishes between adjectives and adverbs. Lak adverbs are frequently derived with the help of the suffix -nu. This element replaces the suffix -s:a present with corresponding adjec-

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tives, cf. marʦ’-nu ‘purely’ vs. marʦ’-s:a ‘clean, pure’, qan-nu ‘nearly’ vs. qan-s:a ‘near’, ʧan-nu ‘rarely’ vs. ʧan-s:a ‘few’, ʧ’æwu-nu ‘often’ vs. ʧ’æwu-s:a ‘many’ (-w- is a class marker). Parallel to adjectives that are derived from nouns with the help of -s:a, -nu can be added to nouns, too. Examples are guӡ-nu ‘strongly’ ← guӡ ‘strength’, zaħmat-nu ‘difficultly’ ← zaħmat ‘work, labor’, naʧ-nu ‘scrupulously’ ← naʧ ‘shame’. All adverbs can be marked for the feature ‘permanent/generic’. In this case, the adverb adds a class marker plus the element -a. The vowel -u of the adverbial suffix is deleted. A phrasal example (cf. Žirkov 1955: 125) is: (1)

ga-y murx-ru daiman k’int:ul-gu ʁint:ul-gu DOWN.THERE-PL tree-PL always winter.GEN-and summer.GEN-and b-ik’-ay-s:a-r ʃ:yllin(-n)-m-a green-ADV-III.PL-DUR III-be-PRES-ASS-3 ‘Those trees down there are always green in winter time as well as in summer time.’

For instance, the above-mentioned adverb marʦ’-nu ‘purely’ forms its generic version as follows: marʦ’-n-0̸-a (class I), marʦ’-n-n-a < *marʦ’-n-r-a (class II), marʦ’-n-ma < marʦ’-n-b-a (class III), marʦ’-n-na < *marʦ’-n-d-a (class IV) ‘purely (by nature/ always)’. A special set of modal adverbs is formed with the help of the suffix -kun (< kunu, past gerund of uʧin ‘to say’) that is added to corresponding deictic stems: ukun < *wukun ‘in this way’ (proximal wa:), mukun ‘in that way, thus’ (medial ma:), tukun ‘in that way, thus’ (distal ta:), k’ukun ‘in that way, thus’ (distal (above) k’a:), gukun ‘in that way, thus’ (distal (below) ga:). The same suffix occurs in cukun ‘how’ ← ci ‘what’. Most other adverbs are derived from nouns with the help of corresponding case forms, cf. k’int:ul ‘in winter’ (genitive), ʁint:ul ‘in summer’ (genitive), k’yrχ:il ‘in the morning’ (genitive), wa-s:aˁtraj ‘now; lit. in this hour’ (inessive), x:uway ‘at night’ (inessive).

5. Conversion In Lak, conversion mainly concerns the following domains: a) conversion of verbal masdars into referential nouns. Examples are lurk’аn-dаn ‘ambush’ ← ‘to prepare an ambush’, dukrа-dukаn ‘meal’ ← ‘to eat a meal’, mаk’-k:аk:аn ‘dream’ ← ‘to dream, see a phantom’, burʧu-lik:аn ‘flaying, skinning; lit. skin take off’; b) conversion of adjectives into nouns. Examples include k’yrχ:il-s:a ‘breakfast’ ← ‘morning-’, aχt:ajns:a ‘dinner’ ← ‘noon-’, hant:ajns:a ‘supper’ ← ‘evening-’, ʃ:ars:a ‘woman’ ← ‘female’, ʃ:irtans:a ‘a remedy for roundworms’ (no adjectival form attested), ʦ’ukuls:a ‘goat skin’ ← ‘related to goat’ (← ʦ’uk(u) ← ‘goat’); c) conversion of locative-marked nouns into adverbs. Examples for this type are given in section 4.3.

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6. Reduplication Reduplication is a rather common technique in Lak to mark specific connotations or semantic nuances of a given lexeme. According to Lak informants, reduplication is productive especially in spontaneous speech. Nevertheless, quite a number of such forms have been conventionalized and are thus included in the Lak lexicon. In some cases, reduplication has an intensifying function. With many lexical forms, however, the function underlying reduplication remains unclear. This is also due to the fact that the simplex variant frequently remains unattested. From a technical point of view, reduplication usually applies to the full lexical stem. Syllable reduplication is not attested except for certain verbal stems that use this technique to derive an aspectual (progressive) stem (morpheme -la-), cf. (CL is short for “class morpheme”) CL-it- ‘to let’ → CL-it-la-t(progressive), las- ‘to take’ → las-la-s- (progressive), bus- ‘to say’ → bus-la-s- (progressive). Basically, Lak distinguishes four types of reduplication: a) Full reduplication. Examples are biza-biza ban ‘to gather speed for a jump’, warzwarz t’un ‘to pull oneself out’, wat-wat t’un ‘to shiver out of pain’, wez-wez t’un ‘to dripple’, ӡiri-ӡiri bahan ‘to burst’, zew-zew ‘whistle’, zig-zig t’un ‘to cling’, q’aj-q’aj ‘stuff’, lah-lah-s:a ‘low, below’, maqa-maqs:a ‘rear, backmost’, par-par ‘brightness’, p’aˁr-p’aˁr t’un ‘to chat, gabble continuously’, p’ur-p’ur t’un ‘to buzz, growl’. An instance of doubled reduplication is present with lawlawʃawʃaw dan ‘to take into possession’; b) Many reduplicated forms follow the model of Turkic (here: Kumyk) reduplication that is characterized by stem initial consonantal variation, cf. ælaw-ʧælaw ‘panic’, baʁri-saʁri ‘mesentery’, æpur-ʧapur ‘rummage’, hawur-zawur ‘threat’, hawu-tawus:a ‘soft boiled’, daxa-maxa ‘a little bit’ ← daxa ‘id.’, diri-q’iris:a ‘quick’ ← diri ‘id.’, kajp-ʃajp ‘joy, happiness’, q:uk’-muk’s:a ‘stuttering’, naʦ‘u-q’aʦ‘u ‘sweet taste‘, parχ-ʃarχ ‘disturbance, breach of the peace’, p’aˁq’-ʃaˁq’ ‘explosion’, bitu-χ:itu ‘uncontrolled shooting’; c) More rarely, the consonant alternation concerns the second syllable of a stem, as in harza-hartas:a ‘wide, broad’ ← harza ‘sufficient’, liχ:a liʧ:a ban ‘to dismember’ ← liχ:an ‘to fade’; d) Vowel alternation shows up in some entries, such as buza-bazar ‘staff (at home)’ ← buza ‘thing’ and hajt-hujt ‘cry of joy during feasts and marriage ceremonies’ (expressive base).

7. References Abdullaev, Isa X. and Roza G. Ėľdarova 2003 Voprosy leksiki i slovoobrazovanija lakskogo jazyka. Maxačkala: Institut jazyka, literatury i iskusstva im. Gamzata Cadasy, Dagestanskij naučnyj centr RAN. Bouda, Karl 1971 Lakkische Studien. Heidelberg: Winter. Džidalaev, Nursilan S. 1987 Russko-lakskij slovar’. Maxačkala: Dagučpedgiz. Murkelinskij, Gadži B. 1971 Grammatika lakskogo jazyka. Maxačkala: Institut jazyka, literatury i iskusstva im. Gamzata Cadasy, Dagestanskij naučnyj centr RAN.

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Schulze, Wolfgang 2011 The Lak Language. Nová filologická revue 1: 11−36. Šamsudinova, Seľminaz Ė. 2009 Slovoobrazonavie glagolov v lakskom jazyke. Ph.D. dissertation, Dagestanskij Gosudarstvennyj Universitet, Maxačkala. Šaxmanova, Zagidat Ė. 2005 Slovoobrazovanie suščestviteľnyx v lakskom jazyke. Ph.D. dissertation, Dagestanskij Gosudarstvennyj Universitet, Maxačkala. Uslar, Petr K. 1890 Lakskij jazyk. Tiflis: Izdanie Upravlenija Kavkazskago Učebnago Okruga. Xajdakov, Said M. 1961 Očerki po leksike lakskogo jazyka. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Akademii nauk SSSR. Xajdakov, Said M. 1962 Laksko-russkij slovar’. Moskva: Gosudarstvennoe izdateľstvo inostrannyx i nacionaľnyx slovarej. Žirkov, Lev I. 1955 Lakskij jazyk. Fonetika i morfologija. Moskva: Izdateľstvo Akademii nauk SSSR.

Wolfgang Schulze, Munich (Germany)

202. Dargwa 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication Clipping References

Abstract This article describes word-formation in Dargwa. Dargwa is an ergative language with rich, mostly agglutinative morphology and complex paradigms of both nominal and verbal forms. Since the morphological and syntactic properties of their subparadigms are in many cases very different, it is often unclear where the boundaries of a paradigm lie and, hence, where to draw the line between inflection and derivation. The most common word-formation type in Dargwa is suffixation. Prefixation and compounding are almost exclusively used within the verb system. A very remarkable feature of word-formation in Dargwa are the class-to-class transitions marked by highly productive morphemes with a purely syntactic function. Dargwa has productive affixes deriving nouns, adjectives and converbs from words of different parts of speech.

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1. Introduction 1.1. Genetic affiliation, areal variants Dargwa constitutes a separate subgroup within the Nakh-Daghestanian language family. It is spoken by approximately 500,000 speakers (estimate, 2002) in the central part of the Republic of Daghestan (Russian Federation). Dargwa is well-known for its dialectal divergences; different descriptions count from 11 up to approximately 40 dialects (17 in the recent Atlas, Koryakov 2006). The standard variant of Dargwa (based on the dialect of Aqusha) and the Dargwa literacy were created in the 1920s. The first alphabet, based on Latin graphics, was used from 1928 until 1938, when it was replaced by the Cyrillic script. The present work is based on the dialect of Itsari. The data are taken to a large extent from Sumbatova and Mutalov (2003), and were partly collected in 2011. Itsari is a village situated in the mountains in the south-western part of the Dargwa-speaking area. About 10−15 years ago it was inhabited by approximately 270 people, now most of its inhabitants have moved to the plain; as a rule they still retain their language. The general number of speakers can be estimated at about 2,000. The dialect of Itsari belongs to the Southern (Tsudakhar-type) group of dialects, according to the traditional classification (Byxovskaja 1940; Abdullaev 1954; Xajdakov 1985 and others), and to the South-Western group of dialects according to Korjakov (2006).

1.2. Short research history The first description of Dargwa was conducted by Petr Uslar, who studied the Uraxi dialect in the 1860s and published his work in 1892 (Uslar 1892). The next description (Žirkov 1926) was based on Uslar’s data. The official view on Dargwa as one language influenced the studies of its dialects. Most descriptive work has been focused on the standard language (see especially Abdullaev 1954; Musaev 1999, 2002; van den Berg 2001). The most prominent works on the dialects of Dargwa belong to Magometov, who was a native speaker of the Kubachi dialect and left full and careful descriptions of Kubachi and Mehweb (Magometov 1963; 1982) as well as many papers containing rich data from many dialects (see, for example, Magometov 1962, 1976, 1978a, b). Later descriptions of the Dargwa dialects are Sumbatova and Mutalov 2003 (the dialect of Itsari), Temirbulatova 2004 (the dialect of Kaitag) and Sumbatova and Lander 2014 (the dialect of Tanty).

1.3. Basic information on the grammar Dargwa is in many respects typical of the Nakh-Daghestanian language group. Like other Nakh-Daghestanian languages, Dargwa is a morphologically ergative language, though many syntactic processes operate according to the accusative pattern. It has a rich, mostly agglutinative morphology with complex paradigms of both nominal and

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verbal forms. The most remarkable property of the nominal system are numerous locative forms resulting from combinations of at least two grammatical features − the localization and the locative case. The verbal system includes many finite forms, both synthetic and periphrastic, and a number of verbal derivatives − infinitives, converbs, participles and deverbal nouns. The system of parts of speech is overviewed briefly in section 1.4. An important category of the grammar is the nominal class. The system of nominal classes in Dargwa is relatively simple: there are three classes in the singular (feminine, masculine, non-human) and three in the plural (first and second person plural pronouns, (other) human, non-human). The nominal class is expressed by class markers within the agreeing words. The markers are as follows: w − masculine (singular), r − feminine (singular), b − nonhuman singular and human plural, d − 1st and 2nd person plural and non-human plural (on the presentation of the class markers in the examples see the list of the more uncommon abbreviations at the end of this article). Class markers can be prefixed, suffixed and even infixed. In most cases, the presence of a class marker is triggered by another morpheme: there are morphemes that are invariably accompanied by a class marker, for example most verbal roots, some pronominal roots like ca--b ‘self’; some derivational markers, cf. the marker -b--u-zi--b (section 4.2.1), etc. The only case when the presence of a class marker has its own grammatical function is the essive forms of nouns and locative adverbs: the essive meaning is expressed by adding a class marker to the form of the lative: burušːna ‘into the bed’ ~ burušːna--b ‘in the bed’. In most cases, class agreement is controlled by the absolutive argument.

1.4. Word classes The verbs in Dargwa have a rigid root structure: -VC, -VLC, VC, VLC, LVC, very rarely C (C stands for any consonant, V for any vowel, L (in Itsari) for any consonant of the following set: l, r, m, b, š; ‘--’ marks the position of the class marker). In most cases, verbal roots exist in two grammatically opposed variants, i.e. perfective and imperfective, cf. ag-/arg- ‘to go away’, b--aˁlg-/lug- ‘to get warm’, b--uc-/b--urc- ‘to catch’ (examples are from Itsari). All verbal forms are therefore marked for aspect; most verbal forms are also marked for polarity, person, TAM-categories, in some cases also for transitivity. The rigid root structure results in the fact that Dargwa has a limited number of simple (non-derived) verbs (200−250). New verbs are formed by compounding and/ or prefixation (see sections 3.1 and 4.4). Other word classes have no similar restrictions on the root structure. Nouns trigger agreement in class and attach markers of plural, localization and case. The nominal paradigm (both in the singular and plural) consists of several parts. First, there is a group of forms that are inflected for case only and consist of the lexical stem, the oblique stem marker (its presence is conditioned by the case and morphological class of the noun) and a case marker. In Itsari, this group contains the unmarked absolutive case, the ergative case (-l/-il/-ul/-li/-lli), the genitive (-la), the comitative (-cːilli or -licːilli where -li is the oblique stem marker), the contentive ((-li)-j-čilla), and the instrumental case ((-li)-jibli), cf.: kːalkː ‘tree’ (absolutive singular) − kːalkː-il (ergative), kːalkː-la (genitive), etc.

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Second, there is a large group of locative forms, which inflect for two categories: localization and (locative) case and, correspondingly, include three markers: the oblique stem marker, the marker of the localization and the case marker. Itsari has five localizations (locative series): ‘on’ (SUPER; marked with the suffix -j); ‘under’ (SUB; -gu); ‘in front of’ (ANTE; -sa); ‘behind’ (POST; -ha); ‘inside’ (IN; -cːi or irregular forms), − and four locative cases: lative (indicating movement to the object, zero marking); essive (indicating static position, marked by the class marker at the end of the word form); directive (indicating movement in the direction of the object without reaching it, marked by the class marker + the suffix -al or -alli); elative (indicating movement from the object, suffix -r). Cf. examples of locative forms: (1)

a. derbent-li-j Derbent-OBL-SUPER(LAT ) ‘to Derbent’ b. šːi-li-j--b--al village-OBL-SUPER-N-DIR ‘in the direction to the place above the village’ (about a cloud approaching the village) c. tukan-ni-sa--d shop-OBL-ANTE-NPL(ESS) ‘in front of the shop’

The words used in attributive function fall into two types that differ both for morphology and syntax. The so-called short adjectives have no inflectional categories of their own and can only be used as nominal attributes. The only linear position accessible to short adjectives is in front of the head noun without any other elements between them: it’in ag˳a ‘red dress’ (short adjective + noun), but *ag˳a it’in; duχːu duˁrħuˁ ‘a clever boy’, but *duχːu=ra c’aq’=ra duˁrħuˁ ‘a clever and strong boy’ (two conjoined short adjectives modified by the additive particle ra plus the head noun). Short adjectives are opposed to full adjectives, which combine syntactic and morphological properties of adjectives and nouns. First, full adjectives can be used as attributes of nouns: unlike short adjectives, they can be placed on the right of the head noun or separated from it: duχːu-ci=ra c’aq’-ci=ra duˁrħuˁ ‘a clever and strong boy’ (two full adjectives modified by the additive particle plus the head noun). Full adjectives normally agree with the nominal head in number (but not in case): (2)

čakː˳a-ti rirs-bi beautiful-PL.ATR girl-PL ‘beautiful girls’

Unlike short adjectives, full adjectives can be used as heads of noun phrases and as nominal predicates; in the first case they inflect both for number and case: (3)

χːula-ci-l-sa-r sa-r-b--axax-ar big-ATR-OBL-ANTE-EL IN.FRONT.OF-EL-N-go:NEG-ITR.TH ‘One must not go ahead of older people.’

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Full adjectives should be treated as a subclass of nouns: the only difference between the words traditionally classified as full adjectives and nouns is that the latter are not frequently used as attributes without a special (genitive) marking. However, in this article we adhere to the tradition and use the terms short adjectives and full adjectives. Dargwa has several series of numerals; syntactically, cardinal numerals belong to the class of full adjectives. Other series should be classified as adjectives or adverbs (see also section 4.5). Locative adverbials are inflected for the locative case: ištːu ‘here, close to the speaker’ (motion towards) − ištːu--b ‘here, near the speaker’ (position) − ištːu--b--al ‘in the direction of the speaker’ − ištːu-r ‘from here, from the speaker’. In this respect, they are similar to the locative forms of nouns. Besides, Dargwa has a small class of postpositions most of which also inflect for the locative case, cf. sala ‘to the front of something’ ~ sala--b ‘in front of something’ ~ sala-r ‘from the front of something’. Postpositions govern a nominal phrase, usually in the genitive case, but most of them can also be used without a dependent NP, like locative adverbs. Non-locative adverbs fall into several groups: first, there are adverbs productively derived from adjectives (section 4.5.2); second, there are a few non-derived adverbs, cf. sːa ‘yesterday’, ʁurš ‘tomorrow’; finally, there is a number of adverbs derived from nouns and locative adverbs in an irregular, non-productive way (see section 4.5.1). In addition, Dargwa has some closed word classes: particles, auxiliaries, conjunctions. An important problem common for many languages with well-developed derivational morphology is the classification of syntactically opposed forms which belong to one paradigm. For example, verbs have a whole list of different types of derivatives − converbs, participles, deverbal nouns; syntactically, these forms behave like adverbs, adjectives and nouns, respectively. In this article, I shall treat elements of different syntactic classes as different words.

2. General overview 2.1. Main characteristics of word-formation The most common word-formation type in Dargwa is suffixation. This is the major word-formation type for nouns and other parts of speech except verbs. Verbs are mainly formed by compounding and prefixation. No cases of backformation, blending or wordcreation have been found. Since compounding is rather limited, distinguishing between compounding and syntax is relatively simple. Some criteria are mentioned in section 3.1 (see also section 4.2.1). There are two relatively difficult cases of distinguishing between compounding and derivation − causativization and the formation of short adjectives with the marker -b-uːzi--b. Relevant comments can be found in sections 4.2.1 and 4.4. Dargwa has no neoclassical word-formation. A very remarkable feature of word-formation in Dargwa are class-to-class transitions marked by highly productive morphemes with a purely syntactic function. The functioning of such morphemes is discussed in section 2.2. The most important problem with word-formation in Dargwa is distinguishing between inflection and derivation. We mentioned that both verbs and nouns in Dargwa

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have very rich and branched paradigms. The morphological and syntactic properties of their subparadigms are in many cases very different. As a result, it can be unclear where the boundaries of a paradigm lie and, hence, where to draw the line between inflection and derivation. This question is touched upon in section 2.3.

2.2. Class-to-class transitions and universal derivation markers Dargwa has a class of derivational markers whose only function is to place the resulting unit into a certain word class (part of speech). We call these markers transcategorial. Some of the transcategorial markers can modify units of almost any syntactic class. In Itsari, these are the “attributive” suffix, -ci in the singular and -ti in the plural, and the suffix -dexː. The suffix -dexː derives abstract nouns from the following word classes: a) nouns in the absolutive: ʁubza ‘hero’ → ʁubza-dexː ‘heroism’; b) short adjectives: čːakː˳a ‘beautiful’ → čːakː˳a-dexː ‘beauty’; c’i ‘fresh’ → c’i-dexː ‘fruit’; buχ˳ar ‘cold’ → buχ˳ar-dexː ‘cold (noun)’; kam- ‘few’ → kam-dexː ‘small quantity, shortage’; c) full adjectives: čːakː˳a-ci ‘beautiful’ → čːakː˳a-ci-dexː ‘beauty’; ca ‘one’ → ca-dexː ‘unity’; k’˳iiːb-ci ‘second’ → k’˳iiːb-ci-dexː ‘being second’; d) verbs (different stems): w--isː-an ‘to cry’ (potential stem) → w--isː-an-dexː ‘crying (noun)’; w--arcː-ur ‘tired’ (preterite/preterite stem) → w--arcː-ur-dexː ‘tiredness’; e) locative adverbs: sala--b ‘in front, ahead’ → sala--b-dexː ‘being ahead’; f) occasionally also nouns in the genitive case (the nouns derived from the genitive are normally used in oblique cases, cf. dila-dexː-li ‘because (it is) mine’). The pair -ci/-ti also attaches to words of almost all classes (see section 4.3.4). Other transcategorial morpheme are not as universal as -ci/-ti and -dexː. However, they are all productively used to change the part of speech of base words.

2.3. Inflection vs. derivation: “derivational” cases and other problems Though all case forms are absolutely productive and highly regular, their syntactic and derivational properties are remarkably different. First, there are syntactic cases, i.e. the absolutive, the ergative and, in most dialects, the dative case (Itsari has no separate dative, the functions typical for the dative are covered by the superlative). These case forms do not show any derivational properties. Their basic syntactic position is that of a verbal argument. Unlike syntactic cases, the genitives are normally used as attributes of nouns, whereas all locative forms and the marginal cases like comitative, contentive and instrumental take the positions of verb adjuncts. All forms of non-syntactic cases attach the derivational marker -ci/-ti to form full adjectives, cf.: di-la ‘my’ (I-GEN) → dila-ci ‘my, mine’; šːilcːi--b ‘in the village’ (inessive) → šilcːi--b-ci ‘something or someone situated/located in the village’. In this respect,

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case forms behave like separate lexical units. Occasionally, attaching the suffix -dexː to the genitive is possible as well. At the same time, the markers of some non-syntactic cases (first of all, the genitive marker -la/-lla) attach to words of different parts of speech; the resulting items are full adjectives (as mentioned in section 1.4, full adjectives are a subclass of nouns), cf.: sːa ‘yesterday’ → sːa-lla ‘yesterday’s’; ižal ‘today’ → ižal-la ‘today’s’; ištːu ‘here’ (lative) → ištːu-la ‘located here (near the speaker)’. The markers of locative cases are also freely attached to the stems of locative adverbs forming adverbials with lative/essive/elative meanings.

3. Composition 3.1. Complex verbs As mentioned before, Dargwa has very few verbal roots and, hence, very few simple (non-derived) verbs. Most verbs are derived from simple verbs by prefixation (see section 4.4) or by compounding with a non-verbal stem placed on the left of the simple (auxiliary/light) verb. The non-verbal stem can be that of a noun, an adjective, a numeral, an ideophone or, very frequently, a stem that is never used outside the complex verb: čːal-b--ik’˳- (IPF) ‘to argue’ ← čːal (noun) ‘dispute, argument’ + b--ik’˳- ‘to speak’, it’in-b--ih- (PF) ‘to become red’ ← it’in (adjective) ‘red’ + b--ih- ‘to become’, ca-b--arq’- (PF) ‘to unite’ ← ca (numeral) ‘one’ + b--arq’- ‘to do’, šiwk’iw-b--ikʼ˳- (IPF) ‘to whisper’ ← šiwk’iw (ideophone) + b--ikʼ˳- ‘to say’, han-b--ik- (PF) ‘to remember’ ← han- (the stem is not used outside the verb) + b-ik- ‘to get, receive’. There are about 15 verbs used as auxiliaries within verbal compounds (the most common are b--arq’-/b--irq’- ‘to do’; b--ih-/b--ir- ‘to become, can’; b--ik’˳- (IPF) ‘to speak’). Most of them function both as auxiliaries and independent verbs, but there are also a few auxiliaries that are never used independently, for example, ak-/ik- or b--ig-/b--irg-. Compounding is also possible for auxiliary verbs modified by preverbs (see section 4.4): (4)

lusː-či--b-ha-b--arq’NS-ON-N(ESS)-UP-N-do:PF ‘to wrap up’

sːur-tːi-ka-b--arq’NS-AFTER-DOWN-N-do:PF ‘to throw after’

The combinations of verbs with a non-verbal stem are in many cases compositional, but distinguishing them from combinations of (absolutive) nouns plus simple verbs is relatively simple: since the word order in Dargwa is free, in combinations of the type “absolutive noun + simple verb” the noun can take any position in the clause (or be omitted) whereas the first component of a compound verb takes its constant place within the verb. Besides this, complex verbs govern an absolutive NP different from their first component as in (5). This NP controls the class agreement of the verb:

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čʼih-i-r žug--b--al bec’ duc’-b--uq-un above-OBL-EL down-N-DIR wolf NS-N-LV:PF-PRET ‘The wolf ran hither down (from the north).’

In the modern language, compounding is the basic pattern of arranging verbs borrowed from Russian: the Russian infinitive takes the place of the first part of the complex verb: rešitj-b--arqʼ-/rešitʼ-b--irqʼ- ‘to solve’ (Russian) + ‘to do’ → ‘to solve, decide’; zavoditj-b--ih-/zavoditʼ-b--irh- ‘to wind (up)’ (Russian) + ‘to become’ → ‘to be wound up, start up’; gudetj-b--ikʼ˳- ‘to buzz, honk’ (Russian) + ‘to say’ → ‘to honk (about a car)’.

3.2. Complex nouns, adverbs, and numerals Compounding is occasionally used to derive new nouns, cf. qan-nejg ‘cream’ ← qar ‘top’ + nejg ‘milk’; k’ata-q’ursːa ‘shoulder-blade’ ← k’at’a ‘spade’ + q’ursːa ‘spoon’; qːaˁc’a-q’uˁq’ ‘instruments’ ← qːaˁc’a ‘tongs’ + q’uˁq’ ‘hammer’; qːačːa-qʼ˳aˁl ‘household’ ← qːačːa ‘calf’ + qʼ˳aˁl ‘cow’; tːatːi-waba ‘parents’ ← tːatːi ‘father’ + waba ‘mother’; ucːi-rucːi ‘siblings’ ← ucːi ‘brother’ + rucːi ‘sister’. The latter two (dvandva) compounds trigger human plural agreement markers when controlling class agreement and have plural forms where each part of the compound gets its own plural marker: tːatː-bi-wab-ni ‘parents of several people’; ucː-bi-rucː-bi ‘siblings of several people’. Compounding was also the way to form some (non-locative) adverbs: idusː ‘this year’ (← iž ‘this’ + dusː ‘year’); harzamina ‘always’ (← har ‘each’ + zamana ‘time’, with a vowel reduction). The cardinal numerals denoting hundreds and thousands are formed by adding the root daršː ‘hundred’ or azir ‘thousand’ to a simple numeral: (6)

k’˳i-daršː two-hundred ‘200’

4.

Derivation

weːr-daršː seven-hundred ‘700’

ʡaːˁb-azir three-thousand ‘3,000’

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns Denominal nouns are formed only by suffixation. Some suffixes are common for all or most dialects, some are specific. The list below is for Itsari. The suffix -či (borrowed from Turkic) productively forms a g e n t n o u n s (usually denoting profession) from other nouns: dalaj ‘song’ → dalaj-či ‘singer’; tukan ‘shop’ → tukan-či ‘shop-assistant’. The suffix -q’aˁ has the same function: ʡaˁjar ‘hunting’ → ʡaˁjar-q’aˁ ‘hunter’; arši ‘ears’ → arši-q’aˁ ‘reaper’. The same suffix is found within the word irc’mu-q’aˁ ‘assistant of a shepherd’, but the noun *irc’mu does not exist in the modern language.

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One more suffix with a similar meaning is -luq’: it derives, from both nouns and verbs, p e r s o n a l n o u n s after a feature characterizing the persons designated, cf.: čːal ‘argument’ → čːal-luqʼ ‘squabbler, wrangler’; mecː ‘tongue’ → mecː-luqʼ ‘gossip, talebearer’, icː- ‘hurt’ → icː-luqʼ ‘a sickly person’ (cf. also icːala ‘disease’). Other suffixes are rare or even unique. The suffix -q’ar is found in two words meaning ‘cousin’: ucːi ‘brother’ → ucːi-qʼar ‘cousin (male)’; rucːi ‘sister’ → rucːi-qʼar ‘cousin (female)’. The suffix -atʼala/-utʼala is pejorative, cf.: ʁaj ‘speech, talk’ → ʁaj-atʼala ‘scandal, unpleasant talk’; šiqʼ ‘manner, motion, actions’ → šiqʼ-utʼala ‘motion, movement (with a negative assessment)’. The unique suffix -tː is attested in the noun urku-tː ‘main road, road designed for carts’ derived from urkura ‘bullock cart’. Itsari furthermore has several personal names (ašurmaj, partʼikʼ˳aj, χunuχaj − women’s names; quntʼukʼaj − men’s names) which seem to have the suffix -aj at the end, but the derivational history of these names is not clear (they are not interpretable for modern speakers). The words pinc’-uk’aj and pinc’-uqː, both derived from the noun pinc’a ‘dirt’, are scornful nominations of a boy or young man and mean approximately the same − ‘greenhorn, snotnose’. The first of them, pinc’uk’aj, possibly had the same suffix or, rather, its combination with another morpheme (it is obviously parallel to quntʼukʼaj). In the word ʁudurmaj ‘mixture’ (← ʁudur, the non-verbal stem of the verb ʁudur-b= arq’-/ʁudur-b=irq’- ‘to mix’) we should probably postulate the suffix -maj.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The only productive way to derive nouns from adjectives is the suffix -dexː, see section 4.1.3. There are some more nouns that seem to be derived from adjectives, but they all show irregular derivation patterns, cf. imc’a ‘excess (adj.), additional’ → imc’a-q’ ‘excess’ (noun).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Itsari has several models of creating deverbal nouns. At least four models are extremely productive. The suffix -ni derives the so-called m a s d a r s − abstract nouns retaining certain properties of a verb. Masdars are derived from both the perfective and imperfective stem (and, hence, express the aspect); they can also express negation (by reduplication, cf. example 7). In Itsari, masdars have all case forms, but no plural forms. They are primarily used as arguments of several matrix verbs and usually refer to a presupposed or known situation. (7)

uže nišːa-la urk’-d--uq-ni, d--uqaq-ni already we-GEN NS-1/2PL-LV:PF-MSD 1/2PL-LV:NEG:PF-MSD či-r-ka-b--erχː-ur ON-EL-DOWN-N-disappear:PF-PRET ‘Our fear or what it could have been was already over …’ (lit. ‘fear not-fear’)

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The suffixes -dexː and -il produce nouns from different parts of speech including verbs, see section 4.1.4. Nouns derived from the verb stem with the suffix -ala refer to trivial results of the action: b--urs- ‘to tell’ → b-urs-ala ‘thing that has been told’, d--ulq-ala ‘dance’, haʡ-ala ‘request’: (8)

χːula-t-a-lla b--urs-ala ħaˁsibli ... big-ATR.PL-OBL-GEN N-tell:PF-RES.N according ‘according to what old people say …’

The suffix -ala is not as productive as -ni, -dexː, -il. In addition, there are some unproductive suffixes that also create abstract nouns: -a, -i, -utːi and -ri (the latter is a masdar marker attested in several dialects of Dargwa and in several irregular verbs of Itsari), cf.: b--isː- ‘to cry’ → bisː-a ‘weeping, crying’; b--ulkː- ‘to pray’ → balkː-a ‘prayer’; b-ikː- ‘to love’ → dikː-a ‘love’ (with the fossilized non-human plural class marker); b--arq’- ‘to do’ → barq’-utːi ‘business’; b--elč’- ‘to read’ → belč’-utːi ‘studies’; b--erc‘to save’ → bercutːi ‘rescue, salvation’; lug- ‘to count’ → lug-i ‘counting’; b--aˁq- ‘to hit’ (PF) (IPF b=uˁrq-) → daˁq-i ‘wound’ (with the fossilized non-human plural class marker); b--ah ‘to know’ → dah-ri ‘consciousness’; b--aš- ‘to go, walk’ → bašri ‘motion, step’; dub-b--uc- lit. ‘edge-keep’ → dummutri ‘fast’ (with consonant alternations). The following two nouns are formed from the non-verbal root within a complex verb: uruχː-b--ik’˳- ‘to fear’ or uruχː-b--arqʼ-/uruχː-b--irqʼ- ‘to scare, frighten’ → ireχː-i ‘fear’; urucː-ih- ‘to be ashamed’ → irecːi ‘shame’. Many derived nouns appeared as a result of lexicalization of productive deverbal derivatives − participles, masdars, -dex-nouns, etc., cf. pirχː-ik’˳- ‘to strike a match’ (pirχː- is an ideophone imitating the sound of striking a match) → pirχː-ik’-an (potential participle) → pirχːik’an ‘match’; b--aq’- ‘to hit; beat up, whip (cream)’ → baq’-ni (masdar) → baq’ni ‘butter’.

4.1.4. Universal models of noun formation The suffix -dexː derives a b s t r a c t n o u n s from words of different parts of speech. The nouns with -dexː take all syntactic case markers. Plural is not frequently formed, but possible: (9)

amirow-il χalq’-li-j d--eqel ʡaˁħ-dexː-i d--aˁrq’-ib Amirov-ERG folk-OBL-SUPER NPL-much good-AN-PL NPL-do:PF-PRET ‘Amirov has done a lot of good for the people.’

Most frequent and numerous are the deverbal -dex-derivatives. They are formed from the preterite and the potential stem of the verb. -dex-nouns derived from verbs denote actions, states or properties expressed by the verbal stem or − when derived from the preterite stem − resulting from the action: w--isː-an-dexː ‘crying’; taˁħ-haːx-an-dexː ‘abil-

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ity to jump’; urc-an-dexː ‘getting tired’; w--arcː-ur-dexː ‘being tired’. Like other deverbal derivatives, they can express negation by stem reduplication (example 10). (10) b--irq’eːrq’-an-dexː-la icː-ala=ca--b N-do:IPF:NEG-POT-AN-GEN hurt-RES.NCOP-N ‘He is ill because he has not worked.’ (lit. ‘The illness is because (he) has not worked.’) In addition, the suffix -dexː derives nouns from other nouns, short and full adjectives, numerals, pronouns and locative adverbs, see examples in section 2.2. In most cases, -dex-nouns can be used as usual nouns in an argument position. (11)

hel-i-zi--b ʁubza-dexː b--aˁrq’-ib r--ik’˳-il N-do:PF-PRET F-say:IPF-CONV that-OBL-LIKE-N hero-AN ‘“(He) did such a heroic thing”, she said.’

A very special function of the -dex-nouns is heading exclamative sentences: in this case, they do not require a copula: (12) ah! iž duˁrhuˁ-la w--isː-an-dexː ah! this boy-GEN M-cry:IPF-POT-AN ‘Ah! This boy’s crying!’ A g e n t n o u n s are derived from the preterite and potential stem of the verb as well as from locative case forms and locative adverbs by adding the marker -il: b--ucib-il-li ‘the person/animal who has been catching something’ (ERG); b--urcib-il-li ‘the person/animal who has caught something’ (ERG); b--urcan-il-li ‘the person/animal who is catching/ catches something’ (ERG). Agent nouns have no absolutive case (the function of the agent noun in the absolutive is fulfilled by the forms of full participles). (13) b--irq’-an-il-li b--uχː-u N-do:IPF-POT-AG.N-ERG N-know-TH ‘A master knows.’ (lit. ‘One who makes, knows.’)

4.2. Adjectival derivation: short adjectives The short (bound) adjectives are normally non-derived. There are three word groups that can be viewed as derived short adjectives: short participles formed by conversion (see section 5), ordinal numerals and the adjectives with the marker b--uː-zi--b ‘like’ (the latter combine properties of adjective phrases, compound adjectives and derived adjectives with a complex derivation marker, see section 4.2.1). As opposed to this, all full adjectives (except several cardinal numerals) are derived, see section 4.3.

4.2.1. Denominal short adjectives The only productive way of forming short adjectives from nouns and full adjectives including the genitive forms is by adding the s i m i l a t i v e marker -b--uːzi--b ‘like’:

202. Dargwa (14) du-r--uːzi--r rirsːi χ˳e-b--uːzi--b bec’ irʁbigan-uːzi--w admi nišːa-la-b--uːzi--b daraža šaharricːi--b-b--uːzi--b sːa-b--uːzi--b

3649 ‘a girl looking like me’ ‘a wolf that looks like a dog’ ‘a person looking as if he were from Kubači’ ‘a state/condition similar to ours’ ‘similar to one situated in the town’ ‘similar to yesterday’s’

At least historically, this marker contains the root -uː of the verb ‘to be’ and the marker -zi--b which in Kubachi forms all adjectives. In Itsari, the marker -zi--b is attested in derived pronouns: hel-i-zi--b that-OBL-LIKE-N ‘like that’ and, hence, can be analyzed as a sequence of a verb root and a suffix or two suffixes, each triggering a class marker. Like a full-fledged lexical unit, -b--uːzi--b can dominate phrases, not separate nouns: (15) [di-la ucːi]-r--uːzi--r(-ci) rirsːi [I-GEN brother]-F-LIKE-F(-ATR) girl ‘a girl looking like my brother’ However, unlike standard cases of government, -b--uːzi--b does not fix the case of the “dominated” node: the dominated nouns can be almost any case. The “dependent” noun cannot be separated from the marker -b--uː-zi--b, which is not characteristic of governed constituents in Dargwa. In addition to the combinations with -b--uː-zi--b, Itsari has a small group of derived short adjectives formed with the p o s s e s s i v e suffix -či--w: dawla ‘wealth’ → dawlači--w ‘rich’, jaħ ‘conscience, patience’ → jaħ-či--w ‘conscientious’, ʡaqʼlu ‘mind’ → ʡaqʼlu-či--w ‘clever, smart’; dahri ‘knowledge’ → dahri-či--w ‘conscious’.

4.2.2. Deadjectival short adjectives The only word group to be mentioned here are the ordinal numerals formed by adding the suffix -iːb to the cardinal numerals: ca ‘one’ → ca-iːb ‘first’; daršː ‘hundred’ → daršː-iːb ‘hundredth’, etc. The forms ending in -iːb are short adjectives (they can be further converted to full adjectives, see section 4.3.4).

4.3. Adjectival derivation: full adjectives 4.3.1. Denominal full adjectives Full adjectives referring to the i n h a b i t a n t s of a place or things originating from a place are derived from place names (toponyms and common nouns) by adding the suffix -an or -lan: čʼišːul-an ‘(a person or thing) from the village of Chishili’; irʁbig-an ‘coming from Kubachi’; šː-an ‘rural, coming from the countryside’ (irregular derivation from the word šːi ‘village’); dubur-lan ‘mountaineer, highlander’. The adjectives derived from plural nouns by adding the suffix -ar (the final i of the plural suffix undergoes syncope) indicate that the referent of the head noun p o s s e s s e s

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something (or possesses it in an excessive quantity): qi-mi ‘horn-PL’ → qi-m-ar (k˳aˁʕ) ‘horned ram’ (a ram with horns); ʁiz-bi ‘hair-PL’ → ʁiz-b-ar naˁqː ‘hairy arm’; laˁpː-i ‘ear-PL’ → laˁpː-ar χ˳e ‘big-eared dog’; sːupen-ti ‘moustache-PL’ → suːpen-t-ar mazi ‘whiskered cat’.

4.3.2. Deverbal adjectives By adding the suffix -an to the imperfective stem of the verb we get the potential participles with future or modal (obligative/potential) meaning: (16) nišːa-la b--učʼ-an b--elčʼ-un-ni=di we-GEN N-read:IPF-POT N-read:PF-PRET-CONVPAST ‘The Koran would have been already read in our honour.’ (b--učʼ-an = ‘(book) to be read’, i.e. the Koran) Syntactically, they belong to the class of full adjectives. On the derivation of other full participles see the next section.

4.3.3. The universal type of full adjective formation The pair of suffixes -ci (SG)/-ti (PL) are probably the most productive derivational device of Itsari. They derive full adjectives from words of most word classes: a) short adjectives (including short forms of ordinal numerals and short participles): it’in ‘red’ (short adjective) → it’in-ci ‘red’ (full adjective), wec’-iːb ‘tenth’ (short adjective) → wec’-iːb-ci ‘tenth’ (full adjective); baxun ‘sowed’ (short participle) → baxun-ci ‘sowed’ (full participle); b) nouns and pronouns in the genitive case: di-la ‘my’ (I-GEN) → di-la-ci ‘my, mine’; c) nouns in locative cases: šːilcːi--b ‘in the village’ (inessive) → šilcːi--b-ci ‘something or someone situated/located in the village’, d) locative adverbs: čʼugu--b ‘down to the north’ → čʼugu--b-ci ‘something/someone situated/located down to the north’; e) temporal adverbs: sala--b ‘earlier’ → sala--b-ci ‘front’. Derived full adjectives are extremely frequent in different syntactic positions characteristic of adjectives and nouns − attributes (17), arguments (18 and 19), nominal predicates (20). (17) u χːibra-cːi-r kejʡ-un-ci insan w--ih-u-tː-i, you grave-IN-EL (M)go.out:PF-PRET-ATR person M-become:PF-TH-2-COND w--aš-i di-la qil M-go:IPF-IMP I-GEN home ‘As you have come out of the grave, let us go to my house …’ (Magometov 1978b: 276−277).

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(18) nišːa-la b--erk-un-ci, b--erčː-ib-ci ħaˁlalli=ca--b we-GEN N-eat:PF-PRET-ATR N-drink:PF-PRET-ATR deserved-COP-N ‘We deserved what we ate and drank.’ (lit. ‘What we have eaten and drunk up is deserved.’) (19) di-la-ci-l ila k˳aˁʡ gupː--aˁrq’-ib I-GEN-ATR-ERG you:GEN ram UNDER+N-do:PF-PRET ‘Mine (my ram) won his fight against yours.’ (20) murti d--uχːu when HPL-sensible ‘When will we/you

d--ir-an-ti=da=n nušːa ? 1/2PL-become:IPF-OBL-ATR.PL-1SG&PL/2PL-Q we/you(PL) become sensible?’

4.4. Verbal derivation Novel verbs are formed by compounding (section 3.1) and by adding verbal prefixes (preverbs) or causative suffixes to another verb. So there are no verbs derived from nouns, adjectives and adverbs. Adding p r e v e r b s is an extremely productive and popular way of forming verbs. Itsari has two groups of preverbs, i.e. orientation preverbs and direction preverbs. Orientation preverbs: či- ‘onto’, či--b ‘on’, či-r- ‘off’; gu- ‘under’ (LAT), gu--b- ‘under’ (ESS), gu-r- ‘from under’; sa- ‘to the front of’, sa--b- ‘in front of’, sa-r- ‘from before’; tːi- ‘after’ (LAT), tːi--b- ‘after, behind’ (ESS), tːi-r- ‘from behind’; kː˳i- ‘into’, kː˳i--b‘inside’; kː˳i--r- ‘out of’; k˳i- ‘to the hands’, k˳i--b- ‘in the hands’, k˳i-r- ‘out of the hands’; biː- ‘close to’ (LAT), biː--b- ‘close to’ (ESS), biː-r- ‘from near/close to’; tːura- ‘outside’. Direction preverbs: ka- ‘downwards’; ha- ‘upwards’; sa- ‘to the speaker (horizontally)’; beː-/biː-/buː- ‘from the speaker (horizontally)’. The direction preverbs attach mainly to motion verbs and show the direction of the movement (upwards, downwards, or horizontally): ha-b--ircː-/ha-b--icː- ‘to stand up’ (preverb ha- ‘upwards’). The orientation preverbs express the orientation of the action with regard to a reference point. Like locative adverbs and postpositions, they express the lative ~ essive ~ elative meanings: zero for the lative, class marker for the essive, -r for the elative): biː-ka-b--ig- ‘to sit down close to somebody’ ~ biː-r-ha-b--icː- ‘to stand up away from somewhere/somebody’ ~ biː--b-ka-b--asː- ‘to hang on (close) to something’. A verb form contains no more than two preverbs, an orientation preverb on the left and a direction preverb following it: či-ka-b--ig- ‘to sit down on something’ (preverbs: či- ‘onto’ + ka- ‘downwards’); k˳ir-ka-b--ik- ‘to fall out’ (k˳ir- ‘out of the hands’ + ka‘downwards’); tːi--b-sa-b--aˁq- ‘to remind’ (tːi--b- ‘after’ + sa- ‘to the speaker’). Though prototypically preverbs are intended to express spatial orientation, in many verbs the combination of a preverb (or two preverbs) has been lexicalized so that spatial orientation can hardly be traced in the meaning, cf.: či-b--ag-/či-b--ig- ‘to see’ (preverb či- ‘onto’); ha-b--iq’-/ha-b--ilq’- ‘to set (fire)’ (preverb ha- ‘upwards’); ka-b--ixː-/ka-b-irxː- ‘to kill’ (preverb ka- ‘downwards’). Preverbal verbs can further take part in compounding (see section 3.1). The only suffixal derivation producing new verbs in Itsari is c a u s a t i v i z a t i o n. Causatives are formed with the suffix -aq/-aˁq from practically all verbs. Some verbs

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also allow second causative formation, cf. b--uk- ‘to eat’ (PF) → b--uk-aq- ‘to feed’ (PF) → b--uk-aq-aq- ‘to make feed’ (PF). The causative marker originates from the verbal root aq-/iq- ‘to drive’, which still exists in Dargwa. In Standard Dargwa and in most dialects (including Itsari) the marker -aq can now be viewed as a suffix. The reasons are very simple: unlike verbal roots, the causative marker does not express aspect. Though historically aq- was a perfective variant of the root, the causative marker in modern Dargwa has no aspectual counterpart, and, which is more important, the causative marker does not express perfectivity: the causative form inherits the aspect of the initial verb. (21) a. tːatːi-l duˁrħuˁ-cːi macːa b--arčː-aˁq-ib father-ERG boy-IN sheep N-find:PF-CAUS-PRET ‘The father made the boy find the sheep.’ (once, perfective) b. tːatːi-l duˁrħuˁ-cːi macːa b--určː-aˁq-ib father-ERG boy-IN sheep N-find:IPF-CAUS-PRET ‘The father made the boy find the sheep.’ (several times, imperfective) When a transitive verb is causativized, the causee gets the illative case (21b). The semantics of the causative derivatives in Itsari is broad and covers manipulative (22), distant (21b), and permissive (23) causation. (22) duˁrħuˁ kejč-ib → rirsːi-l duˁrħuˁ kejč-aˁq-ib boy DOWN+M+get:PF-PRET girl-ERG boy DOWN+M+get:PF-CAUS-PRET ‘The boy fell down.’ → ‘The girl (purposely) pushed the boy (so that he fell down).’ (23) allah-il qːatːa-r žeː--d--al blagapalučna Allah-ERG canyon-EL here-1/2-DIR safely tːura-ka-tː--erχː-aq-ur--da OUTSIDE-DOWN-1/2PL-direct:PF-CAUS-PRET-1 ‘Allah enabled us to get out of the canyon safely.’ (the word blagapalučna ‘safely’ is Russian (blagopolučno))

4.5. Adverbial derivation 4.5.1. Denominal adverbs If we agree to treat the markers of different localizations as derivative morphemes (see section 2.3), we shall have to admit that the locatives (a subclass of adverbials) are derived from all types of nouns including full adjectives and the genitives: (24) a. di-la-l-cːi--w w--aš-i I-GEN-OBL-IN-M(ESS) M-go:IPF-IMP ‘Go by my (car).’

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b. di-la-ci-cːi--w w--aš-i I-GEN-ATR-IN-M(ESS) M-go:IPF-IMP ‘Go by my (car).’ In (24a), the genitive form of the pronoun ‘I’ (di-la) functions as a noun: its oblique stem (the oblique stem marker is -l) attaches the marker of the localization ‘in’ (-cːi); the resulting element inflects for the locative case (the class marker signals the essive). In (24b) the same genitive form (dila) first turns into a full adjective (dila-ci), which further functions as a usual noun (attaches the localization marker -cːi and inflects for the locative case).

4.5.2. Deadjectival adverbs The suffix -l/-li/-il productively produces adverbs from short adjectives expressing qualities: bahla ‘slow’ − bahla-l ‘slowly’; b--uχːal ‘cold’ − b--uχːal-li ‘coldly’; diʕaˁn ‘secret (ADJ)’ − diʕaˁn-ni ‘secretly’; ixaˁr ‘dear, expensive’ − ixaˁr-ri ‘dearly’. Demonstrative pronouns are used to create adverbs with the suffix -itːi: iž ‘this one (near the speaker)’ → iž-itːi ‘like me, my way’; il ‘this one (near the addressee)’ → ilitːi ‘like you, your way’; it ‘that one, away from the speaker and the addressee’ → ititːi ‘like that one’. Besides, the adverbs meaning ‘X times’ (repetitive numerals) are derived from cardinal numerals with the suffix -na: caj-na ‘once’, weːr-na ‘seven times’.

4.5.3. Deverbal adverbs Forms with adverbial functions are productively derived from verbs, but these forms are usually treated like verb forms, not as separate lexemes. This class includes the so-called simple converbs with the suffixes -li (from the preterite and subjunctive stem) or -tːi (from the present stem) and a number of special converbs with the suffixes -qːilla ‘when, because of’, -kat(la) ‘as soon as’, -la ‘since’, -lehetːi ‘after, because of’, -(h)eːr ‘when, like’, -satːi ‘as long as’. Sentence (25) is a very typical example of using simple converbs. It describes a chain of successive events: mother Xadiža and Xan returned home, (then) penned the cattle, and (then) sat down. The verb referring to the last action in this chain is finite: kabižib-cab ‘(they) sat down’, the two previous actions are encoded by the perfective simple converbs: čarsabihubli (derived from the preterite stem of the verb ča-r-sa-b--ih- (PF) ‘to return’) and kː˳ideːʁibli (derived from the preterite stem of the verb kː˳i-d--eːʁ- (PF) ‘to pen’. One more converb, i.e. bukatːi ‘eating’ is derived from the imperfective stem of the verb b--uk- ‘to eat’. It refers to an action simultaneous to that encoded by the finite verb form (mother Xadiža and Xan were sitting and simultaneously eating).

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(25) naː cinna nisna qil now self:GEN(HES) in.the.evening home ča-r-sa-b--ih-ub-li, kː˳i-d--eːʁ-ib-li ON+UP-EL-IN.FRONT.OF-HPL-become:PF-PRET-CONV IN-NPL-reach:PF-PRET-CONV ħaˁjwanti, ka-b--iž-ib=ca--b b--uk-a-tːi DOWN-HPL-sit:PRETCOP-HPL HPL-eat:IPF-PRS-CONV cattle ‘(Mother Xadiža and the boy called Xan) returned home in the evening, penned the cattle, and then sat and ate.’ Example (26) illustrates the functioning of special converbs. Here, the converb marked by the suffix -eːr ‘as, like, when’ heads the manner clause χalq’ baxaneːr ‘the way the people go’. (26) χalq’ b--ax-an-eːr w--ax-an=di people HPL-go:IPF-POT-as M-go:IPF-POT-2SG ‘Walk the way the people do.’ One more deverbal derivative with adverbial functions is the deverbal locative with the marker -na: (27) du u w--irx-n-a w--aˁr-un=da I you M-sleep:IPF-POT-IN(LOC) M-go:PF-PRET1 ‘I went to the place where you sleep.’ In fact, however, the form in -na is the irregular illative form of the potential participle with the marker -an (a in the suffix -an undergoes syncope, -a is the irregular marker of the localization ‘in’, the lative case is zero-marked). Like other locative adverbs, deverbal locatives inflect for the locative case, cf. the locative adverb forms of the verb b--urc- ‘to catch’ (PF): b--urcna (LAT) − b--urcna--b (ESS) − b--urcna--b--al (DIR) − b--urcnar/b--urcna-r.tːal (EL).

4.6. Derivation of numerals Syntactically, numerals do not constitute a separate word class. However, since their derivation patterns are very special, we describe part of them in this section. The basic cardinal numerals of Itsari (1−10, 20, 100, 1000) are non-derived. The tens after ‘twenty’ are formed by adding -c’al to the numerals from three to nine: ʡaːˁb-c’al ‘thirty’, awʁ-c’al ‘forty’, etc. The hundreds and thousands are formed by compounding (see section 3.2). Other cardinal numerals are built according to the following scheme: … + [thousands + -lim] + [hundreds + -lim] + [tens + -nu] + [singles + =ra], cf.: (28) darš-lim weːr-c’a-nu k’˳ira hundred-IF seven-TEN-IF twoADD ‘172’ When adding -nu, l at the end of the suffix -c’al is dropped.

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Group numerals (meaning ‘a set of X objects’) are derived from cardinal numerals with the suffix -liq, e.g., weːr ‘seven’ → weːrliqː ‘a set of seven objects’. A special group of cardinal numerals denotes the number of groups; they are derived from cardinal numerals with the marker -b--aʔ: ca-b--aʔ ‘one group’, xuˁ-d--aʔ ‘five groups’. What one might call “exhaustive” numerals are formed by adding the suffix -al and the additive particle =ra ‘and’ to cardinal or group numerals; these forms refer to the whole group: wec’ ‘ten’ → wec’-al=ra ‘all ten’; ʡaˁb ‘three’ → ʡaˁb-d--aʔ ‘three groups’ → ʡaˁb-d-aʔalra ‘all three groups’.

5. Conversion Having a rich morphology, Dargwa does not frequently use conversion. In Itsari, the only two classes of forms that can be treated as a result of conversion are the short participles and the subjunctives in the attributive function. The finite form of the third person preterite and the subjunctive forms are used both as finite verbs and as nominal attributes (short participles): in the second line of (30), the preterite bertur ‘got hard’ functions as a finite form, in (29), the preterite čeːtːibqun ‘hung’ functions as an attribute; similarly, the subjunctive form bursij ‘to tell’ in (31) heads the sentential complement of the verb bikːulda ‘I want’, whereas in the first and third line of (30), the subjunctive kabicːij ‘to step, trail’ is used as an attribute. (29) qarči-li-j čeː-tː-ibq-un kilijunk’a scarecrow-OBL-SUPER ON+UP-T-hang:PF-PRET oilcloth ‘oilcloth hanging on the scarecrow’ (30) naː heltːu--b cara qːil ka-b--icː-ij taˁħaˁr b--aːkːu, now there-N other tracks DOWN-N-set:PF-SUBJ:TH:1 possibility N-not.exist uže b--ert-ur duˁħi=q’al, cara ka-b--icː-ij already N-get.hard:PF-PRET snow=but other DOWN-N-set:PF-SUBJ:TH:1 xːun=ra b--aːkːu kati ... way-and N-not.exist so ‘Now there is no possibility to trail another path − the snow has already got hard, and there is no other way to step on …’ (31) ca ka-b--ič-ib χabar b--urs-i-j b--ikː-ul=da one DOWN-N-happen:PF-PRET story N-tell:PF-TH-SUBJ N-want:IPF-CONV1 ‘I want to tell a true (lit. ‘happened’) story.’ It is not obvious whether the two usages of the preterite and subjunctive should be analyzed as two functions of one form or as two homonymous forms. If we prefer to treat them as two different forms, we have to postulate two cases of conversion in Itsari: preterite → preterite participle; subjunctive → subjunctive participle. Occasionally, conversion lexicalizes full adjectives and genitive forms of nouns as new nouns: či--b-la ‘debt’ ← či--b ‘on’ + -la (GEN); tːi-ti ‘cartridges’ ← tːi- ‘behind’ + -ti (ATR.PL); bah˳ri-la (microtoponym referring to terraces under crop) ← bah˳ri (masdar of the verb ‘to sow’) + -la (GEN). On the other hand, some adverbs are in fact fossilized case forms, cf. čirkalli ‘in the morning’ (ergative); nisna ‘in the evening’ (illative); sːaˁħaˁlla ‘at sunset’ (genitive).

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6. Reduplication Itsari uses root reduplication to express n e g a t i o n in a part of verb forms: b--aˁlg- PF ‘to get warm’ → b--aˁlgaːlg- ‘not to get warm’, b--urχː- PF ‘to push’ → b--urχːaːrχː- ‘not to push’, b--ertː- PF ‘to mow’ → b--ertːeːrt- ‘not to mow’, irχː- IPF ‘to tear’ → irχːeːrχː‘not to tear’. This case of reduplication obviously belongs to the domain of inflection. Reduplication is used to form d i s t r i b u t i v e n u m e r a l s from cardinal numerals: k’˳i-k’˳i ‘two each’, daršː-daršː ‘hundred each’. In addition, Itsari occasionally uses the common Caucasian model of noun reduplication with the substitution of the first consonant C → m: čaˁj-maˁj ‘tea and the like’; čakar-makar ‘sugar and the like’; kaʁar-maʁar ‘(a) letter and the like’.

7. Clipping There are some hypocoristic forms of personal names formed by clipping; in some cases clipping is accompanied by irregular phonemic changes, e.g., maˁħaˁmmad → maga, patʼimat → patʼi, sarijat → sari, sultanat → sulti, zagir → zaga, šaˁban → šaˁtːu. No other instances of clipping are attested.

Acknowledgements I am greatly indebted to Rasul Mutalov, my colleague and a native speaker of Itsari who was very patient in helping me to collect the data for this article.

Abbreviations and citation forms Elements containing class markers are cited with the non-human singular class marker b. For the verbs, the citation forms are the two basic stems separated by the sign ‘/’: the first stem is perfective, the second is imperfective (cf. ag-/arg-, where ag- is perfective and arg- imperfective). In the glosses, class markers are separated by the sign ‘--’, clitics by the sign ‘=’. And here is a list of non-trivial abbreviations: ATR CONV EL ESS HES HPL LAT LV MSD NPL

full adjective (“attributive noun”) converb elative essive hesitation marker human plural lative “light verb”, the root of the auxiliary within a compound verb masdar non-human plural

202. Dargwa NS POT Q RES.N T TH

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“nominal stem”, the first stem of a compound verb potential question “resultative noun” interfix inserted between a preverb and the root thematic element

8. References Abdullaev, Sajgid N. 1954 Grammatika darginskogo jazyka (fonetika i morfologija). Maxačkala: Daggiz. Byxovskaja, S. L. 1940 Perežitki inclusiv’a i exclusiv’a v darginskix dialektax. In: Jazyk i myšlenie, 85−90. Moskva/Leningrad: Izdateľstvo Akademii nauk SSSR. Korjakov, Jurij B. 2006 Atlas kavkazskix jazykov. Moskva: Piligrim. Magometov, Aleksandr A. 1962 Ličnoe sprjaženie v darginskom jazyke sravniteľno so sprjaženiem v tabasaranskom i lakskom jazykax. Ibero-Caucasica 13: 313−342. Magometov, Aleksandr A. 1963 Kubačinskij jazyk. Tbilisi: AN Gruzinskoj SSR. Magometov, Aleksandr A. 1976 Sub”ektno-ob’’ektnoe soglasovanie glagola v lakskom i darginskom jazykax. Annual of Ibero-Caucasian linguistics 3: 203−218. Magometov, Aleksandr A. 1978a Vspomogateľnye glagoly SABI ‘esť’ i LEB ‘imeetsja’, ‘naxoditsja’, ‘esť’ v darginskom jazyke. Annual of Ibero-Caucasian Linguistics 5: 224−283. Magometov, Aleksandr A. 1978b Ličnye formy infinitiva v darginskom jazyke. Iberijsko-kavkazskoe jazykoznanie 20: 264−279. Magometov, Aleksandr A. 1982 Megebskij dialekt darginskogo jazyka. Tbilisi: Mecniereba. Musaev, Magomed-Said M. 1999 Darginskij jazyk. In: Jazyki mira. Kavkazskie jazyki, 357−369. Moskva: Academia. Musaev, Magomed-Said M. 2002 Darginskij jazyk. Moskva: Academia. Sumbatova, Nina R. and Rasul O. Mutalov 2003 A Grammar of Icari Dargwa. München: LINCOM Europa. Sumbatova, Nina R. and Yury A. Lander 2014 Darginskij govor selenija Tanty. Grammaticˇeskij ocˇerk. Voprosy sintaksisa. Moscow: Jazyki slavjanskix kuľtur. Temirbulatova, Sapijaxanum M. 2004 Xajdakskij dialekt darginskogo jazyka. Maxačkala: Izdateľstvo tipografii Dagestanskogo naučnogo centra RAN. Uslar, Petr K. 1892 Ėtnografija Kavkaza. Jazykoznanie. Vol. 5: Xjurkilinskij jazyk. Tiflis: Upravlenie Kavkazskogo učebnogo okruga. Van den Berg, Helma 2001 Dargi Folktales. Oral Stories from the Caucasus and an Introduction to Dargi Grammar. Leiden: CNWS.

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Xajdakov, Said M. 1985 Darginskij i megebskij jazyki. Moskva: Nauka. Žirkov, Lev I. 1926 Grammatika darginskogo jazyka. Moskva: Centraľnoe izdateľstvo narodov S.S.S.R.

Nina Sumbatova, Moscow (Russia)

203. Bezhta 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract This article explores Bezhta word-formation processes. Bezhta is very rich in wordformation devices; among them are compounding, derivation, conversion, and reduplication as well as complex processes which include both compounding and derivation. Compound words in Bezhta are formed by combining two bases. Derivation in Bezhta is very productive and sometimes quite complex, including the stacking of two or more derivational suffixes in a row.

1. Introduction Bezhta, formerly known as Kapuchi, belongs to the Tsezic subgroup of the Avar-AndicTsezic branch of the Nakh-Daghestanian language family. Bezhta has three main dialects: Bezhta Proper, Khasharkhota, and Tladal. This article is based on Bezhta Proper. Bezhta (bež-ƛ’a lit. ‘enclosure-SUP’), which is an unwritten language, is spoken by about 12,000 people, mostly in the mountainous south-western part of the Daghestan Republic in Russia. Due to language contact with Avar (see article 206 on Avar), Bezhta has many borrowings not only in the lexicon but also in derivational morphology. Bezhta is a dependent-marking ergative language. It is a verb-final language, though with no rigid order of the major clause constituents. Bezhta has an elaborate spatial case system, with the possibility of combining eight orientation suffixes (corresponding to English ‘on’, ‘under’, ‘in’, ‘inside’, ‘at’, ‘near’, ‘around’, ‘with’) and six direction (localization) suffixes − essive, lative, ablative 1, ablative 2, directive, and translative. It also

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has gender agreement (4 genders in the Bezhta Proper dialect), gender being employed to indicate cross-referencing of arguments on the verb. Agreement is always with the absolutive argument. As for word-formation, Bezhta is very rich in derivational affixes and compounding. This topic has not been well studied in earlier work.

2. General overview The most important Bezhta word-formation techniques are compounding, derivation, conversion, and reduplication. One of the interesting points in Bezhta word-formation is borrowed derivation. Following Matras and Sakel (2007), the borrowing of Avar derivational suffixes by Bezhta can be described in terms of “matter borrowing” (MAT-borrowing), i.e. direct borrowing of morphemes. This borrowing process not only includes the adoption of a suffix within an Avar loan, but also its extension to non-Avar bases (i.e. Bezhta words): Avar suffix -qan

Avar word biɬo-qan ‘hunter’

-law/-lay

gadži-law ‘son of Gadzhi’

Bezhta word yoⁿso-qan ‘mason’ (← yoⁿso ‘wall’), ɬiso-qan ‘dancer’ (← ɬiso ‘dance’) istʼi-lay ‘brother’s wife’ (← is ‘brother’)

The most interesting word-formation processes found in Bezhta are combinations of compounding (of the type N+V, V+N, V+V, and Num+V) and derivation. Such compounds, unknown to many other Daghestanian languages, are called “synthetic compounds” in studies on Bezhta: hiⁿguc’o ‘dandelion’ (← hiⁿ ‘milk’ + guc’-o ‘bloomNMZ’). One of the key distinguishing features of compounds is normally the absence of inflectional morphology between their constituents. In Bezhta, however, the first constituent of a compound may retain inflectional suffixes and the resultant compound may then be inflected further as a whole word: hakʼiʔtukʼo ‘triple-core wool thread’ (← hakʼa-ʔ ‘knitted.shoes-IN.ESSIVE’ + tukʼ-o ‘use-NMZ’).

3. Composition Bezhta word compounding is one of the productive ways of forming new words. A Bezhta compound usually consists of two elements, occasionally of three elements, though the latter is less common. Compounds in Bezhta have the following characteristics: compounds express only one meaning by shading and neutralizing the lexical meaning of the components; compounds are single lexical units; in a clause, compounds can occupy only one syntactic slot; the order of the components of compounds is mostly fixed; in most instances the components of compounds are of the same semantic field (group). There are two groups of compounds differentiated by their component structure: compounds which consist of components of different semantic fields, and compounds which consist of components of similar semantic fields. Compounds can be divided into coordi-

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nate and determinative compounds. Word compounding is particularly productive in nouns, verbs, and adverbs, and less productive in adjectives and numerals.

3.1. Nominal compounds Nominal compounds form the majority of compounds. Nominal compounds can be of two types: coordinate and determinative compounds. Bezhta d e t e r m i n a t i v e c o m p o u n d s have a head noun and a modifying element, e.g., aqo-qʼowa ‘young wife; lit. wife-child’, bazay-wodo ‘Sunday; lit. market-day’, buxari-ƛʼaqʼalo ‘karakul hat; lit. flue-hat’, yakʼo-cʼaha ‘best friend; lit. heart-girlfriend’. Determinative compounds are always right-headed. Determinative nominal compounds can be formed as follows: (i) two words are juxtaposed to each other, e.g., abo-isi ‘aunt; lit. father-sister’, abo-iyo ‘grandmother; lit. father-mother’, abo-yaccal ‘father’s cousin; lit. father-female cousin’. Such compounds are developed from the genitive noun phrase as dependent to the following head noun, as in abos abo ‘father.GEN1 father’; note that the word order of juxtaposed nouns cannot be changed; (ii) the first element can be expressed with an adjective as in the following examples: uqʼo abo ‘father-in-law; lit. big father’, yuqʼo iyo ‘mother-in-law; lit. big mother’; (iii) the first component of a compound can be a noun in the oblique form combined with an absolutive noun, e.g., aⁿxacʼo ‘fireplace’ (← aⁿxa- ‘place.to.make.fire.OBL’ + cʼo ‘fire’). Compounds can also be based on the oblique nominal stem combined with a noun in the genitive case, e.g., ɣeya-qʼämis ‘rhinitis’ (← ɣeya- ‘breast.OBL’ + qʼämi-s ‘headGEN’), ciⁿya-micos ‘cystitis’ (← ciⁿya- ‘salt.OBL’ + mico-s ‘cystitis-GEN’). Occasionally nominal compounds can consist of truncated adjectives, e.g., yekʼebox ‘sort of grass’ (← yekʼe- ‘hot, burning’ + box ‘grass; lit. burning grass’). In some compounds the second component can be expressed by a participle, e.g., qʼowa-ižeyo ‘young and old people; lit. children-win.PTCP’, xiƛogäččö ‘name of a national dish; lit. trousersbe.NEG.PTCP’, bäbäčʼäƛeyo ‘nettle rash; lit. bread-throw.PST.PTCP’. Occasionally nominal compounds can combine an oblique nominal stem with a participle, as in ɣädičʼäƛeyo ‘windmill’ (← ɣädi ‘raven.OBL’ + čʼäƛeyo ‘throw.PST.PTCP’). Compound nouns can consist of color terms designating different shades of color, combining a color adjective with a color noun, as in käččö-nic ‘light blue; lit. lightblueness’, koƛƛo-nic ‘dark green; lit. dark-greenness’. C o o r d i n a t e c o m p o u n d s can be grouped as follows: (i) compounds having components that belong to different semantic groups, e.g., haboy-müš ‘stone bramble; lit. mill-broom, mixer’, sikʼo-bil ‘language, speech; lit. mouth-beginning’, simo-šaytʼan ‘anger, malice; lit. evil-devil’; (ii) compounds having components that belong to the same semantic groups, such compounds forming the majority, e.g., äkö-boza ‘work implement; lit. spade-pick’, müqʼö-box ‘harvest, yield; lit. grain-grass’; (iii) compounds whose components are synonyms, e.g., azab-aqʼuba ‘difficulties; lit. torture-torture’, hältʼi-piša ‘occupation, work; lit. work, occupation-occupation, handicraft’; (iv) compounds whose components can be antonyms, e.g., gap-cʼas ‘joke; lit. joke-serious intention’. In some cases one of the components is a generic noun designating, for instance, names of plants. The generic nominal component within a compound can be box ‘grass’ and diʔi ‘flower’, as in the following examples, betʼela-box ‘setaria; lit. worm-grass’,

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böƛöqʼä-diʔi ‘aconite; lit. snail-flower’, xaɣu-diʔi ‘snowdrop; lit. onion-flower’, which are determinative compounds. The most common and frequent pattern for nominal compounding is to have components in the absolutive case, e.g., aqo-betʼerhan ‘spouses; lit. wife-husband’, äkö-boza ‘tools; lit. spade-pick’, biƛo-aⁿx ‘house, hearth; lit. house-hearth, fireplace’.

3.2. Adjective compounds 3.2.1. Noun-adjective/adjective-noun compounds Compound adjectives can be coordinate or determinative. Determinative compound adjectives can be of the following patterns: (i) one of the components is a noun in the absolutive case combined with an adjective, e.g., qʼäm häldiyo ‘grey-haired; lit. headwhite’, cʼo bäʔäräb ‘hot, tense; lit. fire-hot’; (ii) one of the components is a color noun in a spatial case combined with an adjective, e.g., käččö-uk ‘light yellowness’ → käččöukliʔis ‘light yellow; lit. light-yellowness.IN.ABL’, koƛƛo-nic ‘dark greenness’ → koƛƛonicaʔas ‘dark green; lit. dark-greenness.IN.ABL’; (iii) the compound adjective can have a substantivized adjective in some spatial case combined with an adjective, e.g., cʼuddaʔhäldiyo ‘red-white; lit. red.IN-white’, cʼuddaʔ-koƛƛo ‘dark red; lit. red.IN-dark’; (iv) the compound adjective can consist of a truncated or non-truncated form of a numeral and a noun in the genitive, e.g., qʼonbicos ‘two-month old’ (← qʼona ‘two’ + bico-s ‘monthGEN’), ɬinƛis ‘five year old’ (← ɬina ‘five’ + ƛi-s ‘year-GEN’), ɬanabuƛʼos ‘three-cornered’ (← ɬana ‘three’ + buƛʼo-s ‘corner-GEN’). Most often compound adjectives consist of color terms designating different shades of color, e.g., käččö-ničdiyo ‘light-blue’, koƛƛoničdiyo ‘dark-green’, koƛƛo-cʼuddo ‘dark red’.

3.2.2. Noun-participle compounds Some determinative compound adjectives can also be based on a noun with a modifying participle, as in oⁿx gähiyo ‘pregnant; lit. stomach-be.PRS.PTCP’, hoⁿs gähiyo ‘only; lit. one-be.PRS.PTCP’, yäže gäččö ‘dumb; lit. word-be.NEG.PRS.PTCP’.

3.2.3. Adjective-adjective compounds Coordinate compound adjectives can include components which can have a similar meaning, as in hälä-bacʼadab ‘earned honestly; lit. ‘honest-clean’, or the components can be antonyms, as in häldiyo-cʼodolo ‘black and white; lit. white-black’, kʼetʼo-cacco ‘good and bad; lit. good-bad’, niyā-niqʼā ‘tasty, sweet; lit. sweet-bitter’. Some compound adjectives based on adjectives with a similar meaning can have alternative truncated forms, as in yäⁿššö-kʼatʼtʼo ‘shortish, undersized; lit. short-short’ and yäⁿš-kʼatʼtʼo ‘shortish, undersized’.

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3.2.4. Numeral-adverb compounds A compound adjective can consist of a numeral and an adverb, e.g., hoⁿsƛiyos ‘onestoried’ (← hoⁿs ‘one’ + ƛiyo-s ‘under-ABL’), qʼonaƛiyos ‘two-storied’ (← q’ona ‘two’ + ƛiyo-s ‘under-ABL’).

3.2.5. Adjective/participle-universal quantifier compounds Some compound adjectives can be based on the universal quantifier šinab/sinab ‘each, all’, as in yuqʼosinab ‘very big; lit. big-all’, ƛʼuqiyosinab ‘very beautiful; lit. beautifulall’, iƛeyošinab ‘all invited (people); lit. call.PST.PTCP-all’, meƛ’eyāsinab ‘all gone (people); lit. go.PST.PTCP-all’. Such compounding with šinab/sinab ‘each, all’ expresses superlative degree.

3.3. Verbal compounds 3.3.1. Denominal compounds Bezhta has a distinct class of compound verbs which are known as light-verb constructions. These consist of two parts, the lexical word and the auxiliary verbs y-aqal ‘to happen’ and y-owal ‘to do’, both of which have a gender/number agreement slot. When the auxiliary verb in the light-verb construction is y-aqal ‘to happen’, the construction is intransitive, and when the auxiliary verb is y-owal ‘to do’, it is transitive. Most often the lexical word in the light-verb constructions is a borrowed word (noun, adverb, or verb) from Avar, Georgian, or Russian. (Here and below, verbs are cited in the infinitive in -al, before which a short stem-final vowel drops. Verbs with a prefixal agreement slot are marked with initial y-. Infixal agreement is marked with angle brackets.) Compound verbs can be based on borrowed nouns as in (1) and (2), or nouns of Bezhta origin (3). In such compounds the auxiliary verb agrees with its lexical part. (Here and below Roman numbers in brackets following a noun indicate gender class of a given noun.) (1)

Avar loans xasar b-ow-al rescue(III) III-do-INF ‘to rescue’ o¨mro¨ b-ow-al life(III) III-do-INF ‘to live’

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(2)

Russian loan zakaz y-ow-al order(IV) IV-do-INF ‘to make an order’

(3)

Native nouns ɬiso y-ow-al dance(IV) IV-do-INF ‘to dance’ qʼowa 0̸-ow-al child(I/II) I-do-INF ‘to give birth’

Verbal compounds can also be based on other verbs that can act as auxiliaries. Such verbs are y-eⁿƛʼal ‘to go’ deriving intransitive compound verbs and y-eⁿyal ‘to send’ deriving transitive compound verbs. They combine with onomatopoetic words, e.g., ɣäž y-eⁿƛʼal ‘to laugh’ vs. ɣäž y-eⁿyal ‘to mock’, ɣiɣ y-eⁿƛʼal ‘to bend (itr.)’ vs. ɣiɣ y-eⁿyal ‘to bend (tr.)’, t’iz y-eⁿƛʼal ‘to aim (itr.)’ vs. t’iz y-eⁿyal ‘to aim, screw up ones eyes (tr.)’, xuc y-eⁿƛʼal ‘to collapse (itr.)’ vs. xuc y-eⁿyal ‘to collapse (tr.)’. A verbal compound can also be based on the verb y-aγal ‘to take, remove’, e.g., č’an y-aγal ‘to run; lit. remove a run’, up baɣal ‘to say a word in someone’s defense; lit. remove a word’.

3.3.2. Adjective-verb compounds The light-verb constructions can also be based on an adjective plus auxiliary verbs y-aqal ‘to happen’ deriving intransitive compound verbs and y-owal ‘to do’ deriving transitive compound verbs, e.g., yuqʼo y-aqal ‘to become big’ vs. yuqʼo y-owal ‘to make big’ (← yuqʼo ‘big’), itʼino y-aqal ‘to become small’ vs. itʼino y-owal ‘to make small’ (← itʼino ‘small’).

3.3.3. Verbal compounds based on verbs The process of deriving compound verbs based on Russian verbs is very productive. Almost every Russian infinitive can be combined with a Bezhta intransitive and transitive auxiliary to form light-verb constructions. Sometimes a Russian verb, irrespective of transitivity, can be combined with both intransitive and transitive auxiliaries to form intransitive and transitive verbs in Bezhta. (4)

pastupat’ y-aqal pastupat’ y-owal aslabet’ y-aqal zakazat’ y-owal zvanit’ y-owal platit’ y-owal

‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to

join (itr.)’ join (tr.)’ become weak’ give an order’ call’ pay’

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The majority of verbal compounds are based on an Avar lexical verb combined with yaqal and/or y-owal. In compound verbs with Avar lexical verbs and adverbs, both transitive and intransitive compound counterparts are possible. The Avar verb can be either in the form of an infinitive (in -zi) or an adverb: (5)

enekziaqal t’ubaziaqal kusilaqal ruhunaqal

‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to

listen’ finish’ study’ train’

(6)

wahalɬo q’ot’i-la-ƛ’a ha¨duraq-ca hollol this.OBL agreement-OBL-SUP prepare-PRS 3PL.ABS ‘They get ready according to the deal.’

(7)

holɬobza holco dil therefore 3SG.ERG 1SG.LAT ‘ therefore he prepared

enekziowal t’ubaziowal kusilowal ruhunowal

‘to ‘to ‘to ‘to

make listen’ finish’ teach’ train’

ha¨duroh-na zuq’o-na muk’ol prepare-CVB be-CVB bed(III) the bed for me.’

A few Avar verbs combine only with y-aqal ‘to happen’ or only with y-owal ‘to do’, e.g., maɬciowal ‘to teach’ from transitive Avar maɬize ‘to teach’. Some Avar loans, when used in light-verb constructions, receive an idiosyncratic meaning. For example, the Avar verb x˜waʔize ‘to wave’, when borrowed into Bezhta, acquired two meanings (this verb also underwent phonological assimilation), ka¨ʔziaqal ‘to go fast’ and ka¨ʔziowal ‘to wave with a hand’. Compound verbs formed with Georgian loans are very few. Examples are daγup’aaqal and daγup’aowal ‘to spoil, break’ (intransitive and transitive respectively), which are formed from the Georgian perfective infinitive (Comrie and Khalilov 2009: 423). Bezhta has a very productive way of deriving serial-verb constructions; these are formed by juxtaposing two verbs which act as a single predicate. The first verb appears as a stem without any further suffixes, but it has gender/number agreement prefixes. To the second verb derivational and inflectional suffixes are attached. The most common serial-verb construction is based on the verb yuγal ‘to die’ combined with intransitive and transitive verbs. The general meaning of such constructions is ‘to finish doing sth.’ or ‘to have already done sth.’. Intransitive serial verbs are y-iqʼläšeuɣal ‘to finish talking’ ← y-iqʼläšäl ‘to talk’, y-ohdauɣal ‘to finish working’ ← y-ohdāl ‘to work’. Transitive serial verbs are niƛuγal ‘to finish giving’ ← niƛal ‘to give’, y-iⁿlauɣal ‘to finish pulling’ ← y-iⁿlāl ‘to drag’, čaxuγal ‘to finish writing’ ← čaxal ‘to write’. Occasionally serial verbs can also be formed from the ambitransitive verb helal ‘to cook’ as in heleuγal ‘to finish cooking’, which is intransitive. Another kind of serial-verb construction is based on the juxtaposition of two lexical verbs. Most of such verbal compounds can have two alternative forms, full and short forms, as in y-üⁿqäl-xuƛäl/y-üⁿqxuƛäl ‘to dine’ (← y-üⁿqäl ‘to eat’ + xuƛäl ‘to drink’), y-oɣal-tuxal/y-oɣotuxal ‘to feed’ (← y-oɣal ‘to feed’ + tuxal ‘to give a drink/water’). Serial-verb constructions can also form analytical causative constructions. Analytical causatives are formed with two verbs which can function as auxiliaries, golal (gilal, gulal, guwalal) ‘to put’ and tok’al (tik’al, tuk’al, tuwak’al) ‘to let go, force’. Analytical causatives can only be derived from a small group of intransitives and from all antipassive forms of intransitive, transitive, and unergative verbs; analytical causatives cannot

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be formed from affective and labile verbs. The auxiliary verb golal ‘to put’ is more frequent in forming analytical causatives, whereas the auxiliary verb tok’al ‘to force’ is restricted in distribution. Note that when these verbs are used not as auxiliaries but as lexical verbs, they can also undergo causative derivation using the causative suffixes. There is a small group of intransitive verbs that do not derive synthetic causatives; only analytical causatives are possible: hic’al ‘to be afraid’ vs. hič’egolal ‘to scare’, yiyal ‘to cry’ vs. yiyagolal ‘to make cry’, nukal ‘to be hungry’ vs. nukogolal ‘to make hungry’, k’isal ‘to play’ − k’isagolal ‘to make play’, ƛiyaxal ‘to run’ vs. ƛiyaxogolal ‘to make run’. (Note that this list of verbs may not be exhaustive; so far only these verbs have been identified as having no synthetic causatives.) The causative construction is derived by adding the causative suffix to the analytical causative. (8)

a. o¨žo¨ aboqa hič’e-š boy.ABS father.POSS be.afraid-PRS ‘The boy is afraid of the father.’ b. kibba o¨žo¨ hič’e-gol-iyo girl.ERG boy(I) be.afraid-put(I)-PST ‘The girl scared the boy.’ c. kibba abod o¨žo¨ hič’e-gol-ill-iyo girl.ERG father.INSTR boy(I) be.afraid-put(I)-CAUS-PST ‘The girl caused the father to scare the boy.’

But the most productive way to derive analytical causatives is from antipassive forms of unergative (9a), intransitive (9b), and transitive (9c) verbs (see more on antipassive in section 4.3.4). (9)

a. o¨ždi ɣa¨de γa¨ʔ-da¨-gul-ca boy.ERG raven(IV) caw-ANTIP-put(IV)-PRS ‘The boy makes the raven caw.’ b. o¨ždi ha¨y-da¨ ba¨q’-da¨-ba¨-guwal-ca boy.ERG eye-PL blink-ANTIP-PL-put.PL-PRS ‘The boy is blinking (with) his eyes.’ (lit. ‘The boy is causing his eyes to blink.’) c. o¨ždi kid hiiⁿ-d y-aⁿsa-la-gil-ca boy.ERG girl(II).ABS milk-INSTR II-weigh-ANTIP-put(II)-PRS ‘The boy makes the girl weigh the milk.’

3.3.4. Adverb-verb compounds The light-verb constructions can be based on an adverb combined with y-aqal ‘to happen’, forming an intransitive compound verb and y-owal ‘to do’, forming a transitive compound verb, e.g., änt y-aqal ‘to become crazy’ vs. änt y-owal ‘to drive crazy’, hädür y-aqal ‘to prepare (itr.)’ vs. hädür y-owal ‘to prepare (tr.)’, qʼabul y-aqal ‘to agree with sth.’ vs. qʼabul y-owal ‘to persuade sb.’.

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3.4. Adverbial compounds Compounding in adverbs is very productive in Bezhta. Compound adverbs can be based on combinations of different parts of speech. A noun, for example, can be combined with an adverb, as in qʼäm-ƛīdā (also qʼäm-ƛiyodā) ‘with one’s head down’ (← qʼäm ‘head’ + ƛīdā/ƛīyodā ‘downwards’) and hala-qʼoƛ ‘(sleep in) top-and-tail’ (← halo ‘foot’ + qʼoƛ ‘at bedside’). Occasionally compound adverbs can have a component which has no actual meaning in Bezhta and is combined with a noun in a spatial case, e.g., hällä-čöčöʔ ‘on shoulders’ (← hällä- (meaningless) + čöčöʔ ‘horse.IN’), ƛari-ƛʼapʼilaƛʼa ‘quickly, fast’ (← ƛari (meaningless) + ƛʼapʼi-la-ƛʼa ‘quickness-OBL-SUP’). Compound adverbs can also be based on a noun and the adjective šätʼtʼö ‘naked’, e.g., halošätʼtʼö ‘barefoot’ (← halo ‘foot’ + šätʼtʼö ‘naked’), qʼämšätʼtʼö ‘with uncovered head’ (← qʼäm ‘head’ + šätʼtʼö ‘naked’). In the following examples, compound adverbs contain pronouns, e.g., a demonstrative pronoun combined with the universal quantifier sinab/šinab ‘all, every’, yielding wahlisinab, hulisinab/wahlišinab or hulišinab ‘so much, so many’ (← wahli/huli ‘this (close to the hearer)’ + sinab/šinab ‘all, every’). In other compound adverbs one of the components is a numeral, combined with a noun in some grammatical or spatial case, e.g., qʼonabutʼas ‘double’ (← qʼona ‘two’ + butʼa-s ‘share-GEN’), ɬanabutʼas ‘three-fold’ (← ɬana ‘three’ + butʼa-s ‘share-GEN’), sidhälɬilaƛʼa ‘at the same condition’ (← sid ‘one.OBL’ + hälɬilaƛʼa ‘power.OBL.SUP’). Compound adverbs can also be a combination of two adverbs, e.g., time adverbs: huⁿɬ-žeysa ‘nowadays, these days; lit. yesterday-today’, žeysa-xisa ‘within the next few days; lit. today-tomorrow’; or place adverbs: äⁿydǟ-müɣättǟ lit. ‘ahead-behind’, hicatiɣa ‘close, near; lit. near-face to face’; or manner adverbs: īna-haⁿqʼa ‘gradually; lit. few-once’. Finally, compound adverbs can also occasionally be based on an oblique pronominal stem combined with a noun in some spatial case, e.g., hini-halaʔ ‘down to the limit’ (← hini ‘self.OBL’ + hala-ʔ ‘foot-IN’).

3.5. Synthetic compounds Bezhta is very rich in word-formation processes. It not only has compounding and derivation but also complex means of word-formation such as compounding together with derivation, which are exclusively used to form nouns. Such complex nominals are usually formed by combining various parts of speech with mostly verbs and adding a suffix. They can be described as “synthetic compounds”, of the type churchgoer, where neither churchgo nor goer are independent words. Word compounding with derivation is common in nouns with verbs plus a derivative suffix. The majority of nouns are used in the absolutive or in a spatial case combined with verbal stems plus the suffix -o, e.g., hiⁿgucʼo ‘dandelion’ ← hiⁿ ‘milk’ + gucʼ- ‘to bloom’ + -o, häkʼiʔtukʼo ‘triple-core wool thread’ ← häkʼä-ʔ ‘knitted.shoes-IN’ + tukʼ‘to use’ + -o. Derivation with the suffix -o is very productive. Occasionally nouns in the absolutive can be combined with verbal stems adding the derivativonal suffix -ago, e.g., ƛüščʼaƛago ‘shovel’ ← ƛüš ‘garbage’ + čʼaƛ- ‘to throw’ + -ago.

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Complex nominals can be based on numerals combined with verbs plus the suffix -o, e.g., qʼonatʼutʼo ‘double-barreled gun’ ← qʼona ‘two’ + tʼutʼ- ‘to throw, shoot’ + -o, ɬinatʼutʼo ‘five-barreled gun’ ← ɬina ‘five’ + tʼutʼ- ‘to throw, shoot’ + -o, occasionally on adverbs combined with verbs plus the suffix -o, e.g., ƛʼodogoto ‘cover’ ← ƛʼodo ‘above’ + got- ‘to cover’ + -o, or on a truncated form of an adverb plus the suffix -o combined with a noun, as in ɬeqo-äⁿčʼö ‘low heel’ from ɬeqiʔ ‘with down-at-heel shoes’ → ɬeq- + -o + äⁿčʼö ‘heel’. Most often, however, complex nominals are based on verbs. For example, a verb plus the suffix -o combined with nouns, as in beso-tʼiga ‘four year old he-goat’ ← bes- ‘to eat’ + -o + tʼiga ‘he-goat’; a verb combined with another verb plus the suffix -o, as in bes-xuƛo ‘party’ ← bes- ‘to eat’ + xuƛ- ‘to drink’ + -o; a verb plus the suffix -o combined with another verb plus the suffix -o, as in hoʔo-ziʔo ‘lever-regulator’ ← hoʔ- ‘to raise’ + -о + ziʔ- ‘lower’ + -о. Complex nominals can also be based on more than two elements, e.g., combining two adverbs with verb plus the suffix -o, as in ƛiyotiɣagulo ‘wool thin yarn’ ← ƛiyo ‘below’ + tiɣa ‘close’ + gul- ‘to put’ + -o, sōⁿtiɣagulo ‘three-core wool thin yarn’ ← sōⁿ ‘around’ + tiɣa ‘close’ + gul- ‘to put’ + -o.

4. Derivation Bezhta has various derivational suffixes. Nominal, verbal, and adjectival derivational suffixes are the most common. Derivational suffixes can be of Bezhta or of Avar origin.

4.1. Nominal derivation Bezhta nominal derivation is very productive.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns The suffix -ɬi is the most productive means of derivation of nouns. It is found in loanwords which are ultimately borrowed from Avar. The derivative forms denote a b s t r a c t n o u n s , e.g., ustar-ɬi ‘mastery’ ← ustar ‘master’, adam-ɬi ‘humanity’ ← adam ‘people’. The suffix is also used with loanwords from Russian, e.g., sekretar-ɬi ‘duty of a secretary’ ← sekretar’ ‘secretary’, uštel-ɬi ‘duty of a teacher’ ← uštel ‘teacher’. Bezhta nouns are also used with the suffix -ɬi, e.g., abo-ɬi ‘fatherhood’ ← abo ‘father’, is-ɬi ‘relationship, kinship’ ← is ‘brother’. The suffix -ko is productive. It can attach either to the base nominal stem as in kʼalko ‘fasting month’ ← kʼal ‘fast’ or to nouns in spatial cases, as in aⁿkʼoƛʼa-ko ‘cover for cradle’ ← aⁿkʼoƛʼa ‘cradle.SUP’, wayaɣa-ko ‘shepherd’ ← wayaɣa ‘cow.AT’, kaʔ-ko ‘transporting’ ← kaʔ ‘hand.IN’, qʼoƛ-ko ‘bolster for head’ ← qʼoƛ ‘head.SUB’. The suffix -ko can also be used with anthroponyms to denote female kinship relationship, namely ‘daughter of’, as in Ramazal-la-ko ‘Ramazan’s daughter; lit. Ramazan-OBL-ko’ ← Ramazan.

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The suffix -lay (for female)/-law (for male), borrowed from Avar, is very productive. This suffix is used with proper names and kinship terms to designate f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s , more specifically ‘wife/son of ’, e.g., Ražab-lay ‘wife of Razhab’ ← Ražab ‘Razhab’, Ražab-law ‘son of Razhad’ ← Ražab ‘Razhab’, Xalil-lay ‘wife of Khalil’ ← Xalil ‘Khalil’, Xalil-law ‘son of Khalil’ ← Xalil ‘Khalil’, abo-lay ‘stepmother’ ← abo ‘father’, abo-law ‘stepson’ ← abo ‘father’, istʼi-lay ‘brother’s wife’ ← is ‘brother’, istʼilaw ‘brother’s son’ ← is ‘brother’. The suffix -q is one of the most productive nominal derivative suffixes. The base for derivation is the oblique nominal stem or plural absolutive stem of a noun. The suffix -q derives p e r s o n a l n o u n s denoting professions and good or bad traits of character, e.g., suratbā-q ‘photographer’ ← surat-ba ‘picture.photo-PL’, cima-q ‘person who urinates a lot’ ← cima ‘urine’, naci-q ‘person with lice’ ← naci ‘louse.OBL’, gapli-q ‘joker’ ← gap-li ‘joke-OBL’. The suffix -qan is mainly used to derive agentive nouns denoting professions. It is mostly found in loanwords which are ultimately borrowed from Avar, e.g., biɬo-qan ‘hunter’ ← biɬo ‘Caucasian goat’. The suffix is productively used to derive nouns denoting professions from Bezhta words, e.g., yoⁿso-qan ‘mason’ ← yoⁿso ‘wall’, ɬiso-qan ‘dancer’ ← ɬiso ‘dance’, čʼalli-qan ‘runner’ ← čʼalli ‘run.OBL’, palli-qan ‘fortune-teller’ ← pal ‘fortune-telling’. Additionally it can refer to some traits of character, e.g., micaqan ‘gossip’ ← mica ‘gossip.OBL’. The suffix -či is a loan suffix (originally from Turkic via Avar). The base of the derivation is a noun. The derived noun with the suffix -či denotes professions and also some personal peculiarities. The suffix is more productive in loan and foreign nouns, e.g., iskalad-či ‘storehouse manager’ ← iskalat ‘storehouse’, koparat-či ‘seller’ ← koparat ‘shop’, magazin-či ‘seller’ ← magazin ‘shop, store’. It is never used with native Bezhta words. The base of the derivation can be a word that was originally Arabic, e.g., ixtʼilat-či ‘joker’ ← ixtʼilat ‘fun’, zaral-či ‘saboteur’ ← zaral ‘harm’, kapur-či ‘adherent of a different faith, atheist’ ← kapur ‘atheist, infidel’. All these words are borrowings from Avar. The suffix -ni is productive. The base of the derivation is an onomatopoetic word, e.g., wičʼ-ni ‘chirp, twittering’ ← wičʼ-wičʼ (sound of chirp), qʼapʼ-ni ‘quarrel’ ← qʼipʼqʼapʼ (sound of some quarrel). Occasionally the suffix -o/-o¨ derives nouns from onomatopoetic words, e.g., wičʼwičʼ-o ‘quail’ ← wičʼ-wičʼ (sound that quails make). The suffix -u/-u¨ is a variant of the suffix -o/-o¨ but it is less productive, e.g., hoh-u ‘crank, oddity’ ← hoh (some sound). The suffix -t’e derives nouns from nouns. This suffix denotes negative traits of character of a person. There are only a few instances: abo-tʼe ‘woman with a man’s character’ ← abo ‘mate, father’, kidi-tʼe ‘boy with a girlish character’ ← kid ‘girl, daughter’, öžö-tʼe ‘girl with a boyish character’ ← öžö ‘boy, son’, sikʼo-tʼe ‘gossip’ ← sikʼo ‘mouth’. Occasionally the suffix -xo/-xo¨ derives nouns from nouns, e.g., sikʼa-xo ‘dustpan’ ← sikʼa ‘mouth.OBL’, kʼöy-xö ‘present’ ← kʼöy ‘ring.OBL’. The suffix -k’i is non-productive and it is found only in a few words, such as kʼadakʼi ‘steps’ ← kʼada- ‘stairs.OBL’, bilo-kʼi ‘ice floe’ ← bilo- ‘ice.OBL’. Occasionally the suffix -k’i can derive nouns from onomatopoetic words, e.g., püšü-kʼi ‘soup with milk’ ← püš-/püšü- ‘refers to some sound’.

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4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffix -ɬi derives a b s t r a c t n o u n s from adjectives, e.g., yixalo-ɬi ‘height, length’ ← yixalo ‘tall, long’, kello-ɬi ‘decrepitude’ ← kello ‘decrepit’, kʼetʼos-ɬi ‘kindness’ ← kʼetʼo ‘good’.

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns The suffix -ɬi, which is very productive, derives a b s t r a c t n o u n s from verbs. This suffix is added to the participial stem of the verb, e.g., čaxiyo-ɬi ‘writing’ ← čaxiyo ‘write.PST.PTCP’, xuƛoyo-ɬi ‘drinking’ ← xuƛoyo ‘drink.PST.PTCP’. Such deverbal nouns are also called masdars. Occasionally the suffix -k’i derives abstract nouns from verbs, as in mucola-kʼi ‘hide-and-seek’ ← mucola- ‘hide’. The suffix -o/-ö is also found in abstract nouns, e.g., boƛ-o ‘ploughing, tillage, sowing’ ← boƛ- ‘to plough, sow’. The suffix -o/-ö, which is very productive, also derives i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s. Most often the base for derivation is a verb with a stem-final consonant or a verbal infinitive, e.g., yiⁿcal-o ‘bark, a straw rope to tie sheaf’ ← y-iⁿcal ‘to tie’. The remaining patterns are all a g e n t n o u n s. The suffix -u/-ü is a variant of the suffix -o/-ö, but it is less productive, e.g., cix-u ‘drunkard’ ← cix- ‘to get drunk’. The suffix -gi is one of the productive suffixes which is used to derive nouns from durative verbal stems. Nouns derived with the suffix -gi denote profession, traits of character, and personal peculiarities, e.g., aɣelda-gi ‘woodcutter’ ← aɣelda- ‘cut.woods.DUR-’, xoⁿwa-gi ‘person who snores’ ← xoⁿwa- ‘snore.DUR-’, xäyä-gi ‘tussler, butting bull’ ← xäyä- ‘to butt, fight’. The suffix -xo/-xö is not very productive. The base for derivation is a bare verbal stem. It forms agent nouns with a negative tinge, e.g., yeɣa-xo ‘pugnacious girl’ ← yeɣa-al ‘II-fight-INF-’, ɬicʼa-xo ‘savage dog’ ← ɬicʼ-al ‘bark/attack-INF-’, esa-xo ‘glutton’ ← y-esal ‘eat-INF-’.

4.1.4. Deadverbial nouns Occasionally the suffix -ɬi derives abstract nouns from adverbial phrases, e.g., hoʔoƛʼasɬi ‘height’ ← hoʔoƛʼa ‘high up’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Derivation is one of the productive means for forming new adjectives in Bezhta. The most common base for the derivation of adjectives is a noun. The suffix -ab/-yab/-rab is a borrowing from Avar. It is used to derive adjectives from Bezhta words, e.g., borƛʼa-rab ‘hot’ ← borƛʼi ‘heat’, gemo-yab ‘tasty’ ← gemo ‘taste’, čʼaha-yab ‘with a thick stem’ ← čʼah ‘a plant with a thick stem’.

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The suffix -γas is very productive, and it usually derives color adjectives with the meaning ‘similar, alike’, e.g., aguriya-ɣas ‘terra-cotta, brick red’ ← aguri-ya ‘brickOBL’, hasa-ɣas ‘light blue’ ← has-a ‘sky-OBL’, čaqʼila-ɣas ‘violet’ ← čaqʼi-la ‘ink-OBL’. The bases of the adjectival suffix -das are nouns which already stand in grammatical and spatial cases. The adjectives formed with -das indicate the sex of people and animals, ‘X is like male/female’, e.g., iyod-dās ‘of female sex/character’ ← iyod ‘mother/woman.INSTR’. New adjectives with -dās often refer to the sex of young animals, e.g., xoydās ‘ram-like’ ← xoy ‘ram’, cannaɣa-dās ‘she-goat-like’ ← can ‘she-goat’. Adjectives can be derived from nouns with the suffix -diyo, e.g., gih-diyo ‘thievish’ ← gih ‘theft’, lol-diyo ‘roguish’ ← loli ‘theft’, nič-diyo ‘green’ ← nic/nič ‘greenness’. The suffix -q’ayo/-q’ā is unproductive, deriving only a few adjectives from nouns, e.g., ɬi-qʼayo/ɬi-qʼā ‘watery’ ← ɬi ‘water’, miso-qʼayo/miso-qʼā ‘sandy’ ← miso ‘sand’.

4.2.2. Deadverbial adjectives The suffix -s/-š/-so derives adjectives from place and time adverbs. The suffix -s/-š is added to vowel-final adjectives, while the suffix -so takes consonant-final adjectives. This suffix is productive. Examples are badōɬo-s ‘old, age-old’ ← badōɬo ‘in old times’, mäʔärüq-so ‘mountainous’ ← mäʔärüq ‘in the mountains’, huⁿɬ-so ‘from yesterday’ ← huⁿɬ ‘yesterday’, äⁿyd-so ‘old’ ← äⁿyd ‘in old times’.

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs The suffix -la/-la¨ derives iterative verbs from nouns and onomatopoetic words. Examples are gihlāl (← gih-la-al) ‘to steal, be busy stealing’ ← gih ‘theft’, cʼohlāl ‘to steal, be busy stealing’ ← cʼoh ‘theft, stealing’, ʔäⁿʔäⁿlǟl ‘to defecate, be busy defecating’ ← ʔäⁿʔäⁿ ‘excrement’, böblǟl ‘to rise (of dough)’ ← böb (onomatopoetic word), mezlāl ‘to be capricious’ ← mez (onomatopoetic word). Another suffix which derives verbs from nouns is -x, e.g., žöž-x-äl ‘to suppurate’ ← žöž ‘pus’, xüčü-x-äl ‘to singe oneself’ ← xüč/xüčü ‘cracklings’, xutʼu-x-al ‘to tickle’ ← xutʼu (word for imitating tickle). The suffix -k’ derives transitive verbs from nouns, e.g., mila-kʼ-da-al ‘to kick’ ← mila ‘sting’, müšä-kʼ-dä-äl ‘to sniff’ ← müšö ‘air’, sima-kʼ-da-al ‘to get angry’ ← simo ‘anger’. There are several unproductive suffixes which derive verbs from nouns, e.g., the suffix -q- in sima-q-al ‘to get angry’ ← simo ‘anger’; the suffix -k- in iⁿzo-k-al ‘to accumulate (tr.)’ ← iⁿzo ‘seed, stack’; the suffix -γ in miza-ɣ-al ‘to put ground on flat roof ’ ← miza ‘ground.OBL’.

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs Bezhta has a distinct class of inchoative verbs which are derived with the suffix -ɬ from native adjectives. The inchoative verbs express a change of state, e.g., y-äčʼ-ɬ-äl ‘to

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become cold’ ← yäčʼčʼö ‘cold’, y-ix-ɬ-al ‘to become warm’ ← yixxo ‘warm’, y-uqʼ-ɬ-al ‘to become big’ ← yuqʼo ‘big’, kele-ɬ-al ‘to become old’ ← kello ‘old, decrepit’. All these inchoative verbs can have transitive counterparts derived with the suffix -k’, as in kele-k’-al ‘to make old’ ← kello ‘old, decrepit’, y-ix-k’-al ‘to make warm’ ← yixxo ‘warm’, y-uqʼ-k’-al ‘to make big’ ← yuqʼo ‘big’, etc.

4.3.3. Onomatopoetic verbs Bezhta has a small group of onomatopoetic verbs which all have stem final -ƛ, e.g., γäʔƛäl ‘to caw’, öhƛäl ‘to cough’, hik’ƛal ‘to hiccup’, hahƛal ‘to yawn’, lalaƛal ‘to shout’, ba¨ʔƛa¨l ‘to bleat’, wayƛal ‘to moan’, baʔƛal ‘to kiss’, hoⁿhoⁿƛal ‘to neigh’, haⁿwƛal ‘to bark’, miyawƛal ‘to meow’. Diachronically these onomatopoetic verbs seem to have arisen through the incorporation of an onomatopoetic element like hah ‘yawning’ into the verb iƛal, which in Bezhta means ‘to call’ but has the more general meaning ‘to say’ in some other Tsezic languages. Occasionally the suffix -ƛ derives verbs from nouns, e.g., pax-ƛ-al ‘to snow slightly, become dusty’ ← pax ‘dust’.

4.3.4. Deverbal verbs Verbal derivation based on verbs is very productive forming accidental/potential, potential, antipassive, and causative verbs. A c c i d e n t a l / p o t e n t i a l verbs are formed with the suffix -yc’ deriving the meaning ‘to be able to V’ and ‘to do V accidentally’. The suffix -yc’ is mostly used with transitive verbs, e.g., y-aγoyc’al ‘to be able to remove, remove accidentally’ ← y-aγal ‘to remove’, with the labile verb heleyc’al ‘to be able to cook, cook accidentally’ ← helal ‘to cook’, and occasionally with intransitive verbs, e.g., γayƛoyc’al ‘to be able to boil, boil accidentally’ ← γayƛal ‘to boil’, and with one affective verb y-egayc’al ‘to be able to see, see accidentally’ ← y-egal ‘to see’, but never with unergative verbs. P o t e n t i a l verbs are based on the suffix -yɬ. Potential verbs express the ability of the subject of the verb to perform the action denoted by the base. The subject of the potential verbs almost always stands in the possessive case. Potential verbs can be derived from intransitive, transitive, and onomatopoetic verbs, but almost never from affective verbs, e.g., guliyɬal ‘to be able to put’ ← gulal ‘to put’, y-iƛ’eyɬal ‘to be able to throw’ ← y-iƛ’al ‘to throw’, öhƛo¨yɬal ‘to be able to cough’ ← öhƛäl ‘to cough’, y-a¨xeyɬal ‘to be able to tear’ ← y-äxäl ‘to tear’, y-aⁿcoyɬal ‘to be able to clean’ ← y-aⁿcal ‘to become clean’. Intransitive verbs denoting a change of state become semantically transitive with this suffix. A n t i p a s s i v e / i t e r a t i v e verbs are formed with he suffixes -la/ā, -da/ā , -ya. In Bezhta this derivation is traditionally called the antipassive derivation, though the general meaning of a derived verb is iterative. Antipassives can be formed from intransitive, unergative, and transitive verbs, but never from affective verbs. The antipassive derivation is a valency-changing derivation only when used with transitive and unergative verbs, whereas with intransitive verbs this derivation never changes the verbal valency. Note that the antipassive always indicates iterative action.

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(10) beyaγal baʔƛal y-uⁿqal

‘to fight’ ‘to kiss’ ‘to eat’

beγdabāl ‘to fight (iteratively)’ baʔdāl ‘to kiss (iteratively)’ y-uⁿqdāl ‘to eat (iteratively)’

The c a u s a t i v e suffix -l/-ll derives transitive verbs from intransitive or affective verbs, and ditransitive verbs from transitive verbs; in the latter, the causee appears in the instrumental case. The basis of the choice between -l and -ll (which has a variant -ill after consonants) requires further research. A geminate is sometimes the causative of a causative (see below), but often clearly a simple causative. A few verbs allow alternatives, e.g., y-owal ‘to do’ has both y-oy-l-al and y-oy-ill-al. Causatives from intransitives are k’ok’al ‘to ache (itr.)’ → k’ok’o-l-al ‘to ache (tr.)’ → k’ok’o-ll-al ‘to cause to ache’, y-ogic’al ‘to jump (itr.)’ → y-ogic’-l-al ‘to jump (tr.)’ → y-ogic’-ill-al ‘to cause to jump’. Causatives from transitives are y-u¨ⁿqal ‘to eat (tr.)’ → y-u¨ⁿq-ill-al ‘to cause to eat’ → yu¨ⁿq-ill-al ‘to cause N1 cause N2 to eat’. Causatives from affective verbs are y-egāl ‘to see’ → y-ega-l-al ‘to show’ → y-ega-ll-al ‘to cause to show’, y-at’al ‘to like’ → y-at’l-al ‘to like (tr.)’ → y-at’-ill-al ‘to cause to like’.

4.3.5. Deadverbial verbs The suffix -k derives inchoative verbs from place and time adverbs, e.g., from time adverbs: azodo-k-al ‘to start (of summer)’ ← azodo ‘in summer’, ƛilma-k-al ‘to start (of winter)’ ← ƛilma ‘in winter’, xisƛʼa-k-al ‘to start (of morning)’ ← xisƛʼa ‘in the morning’ (note that these time adverbs are based on nouns which do not occur in isolation); and from place adverbs: gisa-k-al ‘go.out-VZ-INF’ ← gisa ‘outside’, ƛiyo-k-al ‘get.off-VZINF’ ← ƛiyo ‘under, below’. The suffix -ɬ derives inchoative verbs from adverbs, as in biha-ɬ-al ‘to become cheap’ ← biha ‘cheap’, hako-ɬ-al ‘to be late’ ← hako ‘late’, yöƛ’ƛ’ä-ɬ-al ‘to become less’ ← yöƛ’ƛ’ä ‘few, little’, teli-ɬ-al ‘to become more’ ← teli ‘much, many’. These inchoative verbs based on adverbs can also have corresponding transitive counterparts derived with the suffix -k’, as in biha-k’-al ‘to make cheap’ ← biha ‘cheap’, hako-k’-al ‘to make late’ ← hako ‘late’, etc. Thus, the suffixes -k’ and -ɬ are used to derive verbs from the same parts of speech. Such derivation is very productive.

4.4. Adverbial derivation The suffix -ɣad/-ɣäd, which is formally a combination of the orientation suffix -ɣa and the instrumental -d, derives adverbs from nouns, adjectives, and other adverbs. The derived form expresses comparison. Examples are iyo.abo-ɣad ‘parents-like’ ← iyo.abo ‘parents’, icilā-ɣad ‘old people-like’ ← icilo ‘old’, äⁿyd-lǟ-ɣäd ‘like in old times’ ← äⁿyd ‘in old times’. Occasionally adverbs can be derived by using the concessive converbial suffix -dana, e.g., haⁿqʼqʼadana ‘at least once’ ← haⁿqʼqʼa ‘once’.

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4.4.1. Deadjectival adverbs Occasionally adverbs can be formed from adjectives with some spatial suffix, e.g., icʼcʼaƛʼa ‘again, anew’ (← icʼcʼa ‘new.OBL’ + -ƛʼa ‘SUP’), yixala-ɣa ‘for a long time; along’ (← yixalo ‘long’ + γa ‘AT’). The suffix -o is not productive and it occasionally derives new adverbs from adjectives, e.g., čʼekʼdo ‘crookedly, slantwise’ ← čʼekʼd-iyo ‘crooked’. The suffix -sa/-ša¨/-ca is not productive. It derives adverbs from Avar adjectives, e.g., hädür-šä ‘ready, in readiness’ ← hädüräb ‘ready’, zaʔip-sa ‘weakly, depleted’ ← zaʔipab ‘weak, ill’, qʼoqʼ-sa ‘in a short way’ ← qʼoqʼab ‘short’. Occasionally the suffix -dā derives adverbs from adjectives, e.g., aⁿcʼ-dā ‘seldom’ ← aⁿcʼcʼo ‘sharp’. The suffix -da/-da¨, which is less productive, derives adverbs from Avar adjectives, e.g., ädätäl-dä ‘well, strong’ ← ädätäl ‘good (PL.)’, äžäʔibal-da ‘surprisingly’ ← äžäʔibal ‘surprising (PL.)’, lebalal-da ‘skillfully’ ← lebalal ‘good, pleasant (PL.)’.

4.4.2. Deadverbial adverbs Adverbs can be derived from other adverbs plus a spatial suffix, e.g., betala-ɬ ‘next year’ (← beta-la ‘then-OBL’ + -ɬ ‘INTER’), huⁿɬla-ɬ ‘the day before yesterday’ (← huⁿɬla ‘yesterday-OBL’ + -ɬ ‘INTER’), iƛʼela-ɬ ‘the year before last year’ (← iƛʼe-la ‘last yearOBL’ + -ɬ ‘INTER’), beta-ɣa ‘aside’ (← beta ‘then, afterwards’ + -γa ‘AT’). Very often adverbs can be based on a sequence of several spatial cases expressing different meanings, e.g., gizilalāɬillaʔ ‘in several years’ ← gizilalāɬil ‘by three-four years’ ← gizilalāɬ ‘in three-four years’ ← gizilalaɬ ‘in two years’ ← gizilala ‘in a year’; huⁿɬlāɬillaʔ ‘on the fourth day’ ← huⁿɬlāɬil ‘by the fourth day’ ← huⁿɬlāɬ ‘on the fourth day’ ← huⁿɬlaɬ ‘on the third day’ ← huⁿɬ ‘yesterday’. The suffix -yc’o is productive deriving adverbs from other adverbs and has an emphatic meaning, e.g., giƛʼaycʼo ‘on the very edge’ ← giƛʼa ‘on the edge’, tiɣaycʼo ‘very close’ ← tiɣa ‘close’, qʼeycʼo ‘on the very earth’ ← qʼey ‘on the earth’.

4.4.3. Depronominal adverbs The suffix -zu/-žü derives adverbs from negative pronouns and also from other adverbs, e.g., nānazu ‘everywhere’ ← nāna ‘nowhere’, nitonazu ‘always’ ← nitona ‘never’, heⁿxzu ‘long ago’ ← heⁿx ‘quick’. The suffix -ā derives adverbs from demonstrative pronouns with the meaning ‘like X’, e.g., wahdi ‘this (close to the speaker)’ → wahdā ‘like this’, wahli ‘this (close to the hearer)’ → wahlā ‘like this’, wahgi ‘that (far from speaker and the hearer)’ → wahgā ‘like that’.

5. Conversion Conversion is another type of word-formation in Bezhta, where the existing word forms a new word without any change in its form. Bezhta has nominal, adjective, and adverbial conversion.

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5.1. Nominal conversion Nominal conversion from adjectives and participles is very productive, e.g., icilo ‘old’ → icilo ‘old man’, yäčʼčʼö ‘cold’ → yäčʼčʼö ‘(the) cold’, yixxo ‘warm’ → yixxo ‘heat’, atʼiyo ‘like-PST.PTCP’ → atʼiyo ‘beloved person, lover’. Nominal conversion from converbs is common in Bezhta, e.g., yüčʼ-dänä ‘cut-SIMUL.CVB’ → yüčʼdänä ‘scissors’, ƛʼäyqʼe-na ‘sit.astride-CVB’ → ƛʼäyqʼena ‘saddle’.

5.2. Adjectival conversion Adjectival conversion from participles is very common, e.g., ƛʼuqiyo ‘fit.PST.PTCP’ → ƛʼuqiyo ‘beautiful’, kʼokʼoyo/kʼokʼō ‘get.ill.PST.PTCP’ → kʼokʼoyo/kʼokʼō ‘sick’.

5.3. Adverbial conversion In Bezhta nouns in spatial cases are often used as time and place adverbs, e.g., halo ‘foot’ → hala-ƛʼa ‘foot-SUP’ → haƛʼa (where -la- is dropped) ‘on foot’, biɬo ‘deer’ → biɬo-ƛʼa ‘deer-SUP’ → biɬoƛʼa ‘on a hunt’, cʼo-ɣa ‘fire-AT’ → cʼoɣa ‘on a visit’, qad-aʔ ‘pit-OBL-IN’ → qadaʔ ‘in a dungeon, prison, jail’, šebl-a-ʔ ‘side-OBL-IN’ → šeblaʔ ‘close’.

6. Reduplication 6.1. Nominal reduplication Bezhta has very productive nominal reduplication. One of the most frequent reduplications in Bezhta, which is also found in other Daghestanian languages, is a partial reduplication where the onset consonant in the root word is changed to /m/ in the reduplicant. In such reduplication, the general meaning is diversity (plurality) and resemblance among the entities, i.e. ‘different things like this’. Such reduplication occurs in loanwords, e.g., šašlik-mašlik ‘shashlik and things like this’ ← šašlik ‘shashlik’, wada-mada ‘water and things like this’ ← wada ‘water’, and in native words, e.g., halaɬco-malaɬco ‘shoes and things like this’ ← halaɬco ‘shoe’, xiƛo-miƛo ‘trousers and things like this’ ← xiƛo ‘trousers’. Nouns having /m/ in the onset do not undergo such reduplication. Nouns having a vowel in the onset just add /m/ to the reduplicant, e.g., ähi-mähi ‘shouting, calling and things like it’ ← a¨hi ‘shouting, cry, scream’, äkö-mäkö ‘spade and things like it’ ← a¨ko¨ ‘spade’, äɣö-mäɣö ‘oat flour and things like it’ ← a¨γo¨ ‘oat flour’. In this reduplication the root word always occurs before the reduplicant. Another kind of reduplication is reduplication with a vowel alternation where the vowel in the root word is changed to /i/ in the reduplicant. This kind of reduplication with /i/ has the same meaning as the reduplication with /m/ denoting diversity and resemblance among the entities. In this reduplication the root words always comes after the

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reduplicant, e.g., čixi-čaxi ‘scribble and things like it’ ← čaxi ‘scribble’, qʼiri-qʼori ‘quarrel, abuse and things like it’ ← qʼori ‘quarrel’. A further kind of reduplication occurs in onomatopoetic words referring to different sounds. In this reduplication there is no root word on which the reduplication is based. The reduplicated words denote sounds, e.g., ƛipi-ƛapi (fuss, bustle), ƛiri-ƛari (noise), qirqar (noise of steps), q’is-q’as (noise when eating and chewing), piš-puš (noise of quiet talk). In Bezhta onomatopoetic words can be of two types: onomatopoetic words denoting imitation of sounds and onomatopoetic words referring to images rather than sounds. In Bezhta the majority of onomatopoetic words denoting sounds and images are formed with reduplication, e.g., qʼis-qʼas (noise of crunching, of crackling), ƛʼiqʼ-ƛʼaqʼ (noise of crack), qʼipʼ-qʼapʼ (sound of steps), gim-gom (image of uneven surface), xir-xökʼ (image of uneven surface). Such reduplication is based on vowel alternation. Another type of onomatopoetic words which are based on reduplication are words denoting animal sounds, e.g., bǟʔ-bǟʔ (sound of bleating), wič-wičʼ (sound of twittering). Such kind of reduplication is a full reduplication.

6.2. Adjectival reduplication Reduplication in adjectives can be full and partial. Partial reduplication is the most productive. Adjectives can undergo full reduplication to derive plural forms, as in kʼetʼo-kʼetʼo ‘good (PL.)’ ← k’et’o ‘good (SG.)’, yuqʼo-yuqʼo ‘big (PL.)’ ← yuq’o ‘big (SG.)’. Bezhta has partial reduplication with /m/ in adjectives just as in nouns, i.e. the onset consonant in the root word is changed to /m/ in the reduplicant word. In such reduplication the general meaning is diversity (plurality) and resemblance among the qualities, i.e. ‘different things like this’, e.g., kʼetʼo-metʼo ‘good and suchlike’ ← k’et’o ‘good’, šešeyo-mešeyo 'thick and suchlike’ ← šešeyo ‘thick, dense’. A kind of partial reduplication in adjectives is formed by reduplicating the initial syllable of the root word followed by the reduplicant with the onset consonant in /m/, yix-mixxo ‘half warm (not very warm)’ ← yixxo ‘warm’, ƛʼix-mixxo ‘half flexible (not very flexible)’ ← ƛʼixxo ‘flexible, wet’. This reduplication expresses insufficient degree of a quality. Adjectives with an initial vowel reduplicate the initial syllable and add the reduplicant with /m/, e.g., itʼ-mitʼino ‘not very small’ ← itʼino ‘small’, ic-micilo ‘not very old’ ← icilo ‘old’. Another kind of partial reduplication in adjectives is formed by reduplicating the initial syllable of the root word followed by the reduplicant with a vowel alternation, e.g., gucʼ-gācʼiyo ‘not very patched’ ← gucʼal ‘to patch up’, häl-kändiyo ‘grey, pale’ ← häldiyo ‘white’. Reduplicated adjectives already occur in the Avar sources of loan adjectives, where in the reduplicated form the copy precedes the base. Such reduplication in adjectives implies emphasis, e.g., ber-bercinab ‘really beautiful’ ← bercinab ‘beautiful’, čäh-čähayab ‘really stalky’ ← čaħayab ‘stalky’. Just like reduplicated Avar adjectives, native adjectives in the reduplicated form can have the copy preceding the base, e.g., ī-itʼino ‘the smallest’ ← it’ino ‘small’, kʼē-kʼetʼo

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‘the best’ ← k’et’o ‘good’, yū-yuq’o ‘the biggest’ ← yuq’o ‘big’, nüü-nüššö ‘very tiny’ ← nüššö ‘tiny’. In such reduplicated adjectives, the copy always has a long vowel. Such reduplication expresses superlative degree (both absolute and relative). This reduplication is very productive. Onomatopoetic adjectives are mostly based on partial reduplication, e.g., čʼiy-čʼekʼdiyo ‘crooked, sinuous’ ← čʼiy-čʼekʼ (image of skew, crooked surface), xir-xökʼilā ‘uneven’ ← xir-xökʼ (image of uneven surface).

6.3. Verbal reduplication Reduplication in verbs is mostly partial. Most often the base precedes the reduplicant word. In partial reduplication, the initial consonant in the base is changed to some other consonant in the reduplicant word, as in yeⁿɬe-qʼoɬal ‘to fit into’ ← yeⁿɬal ‘to place, fit in’, gocʼo-yowacʼal ‘to watch, look through’ ← gowacʼal ‘to watch for a long time’. Another kind of partial reduplication is internal vowel change, as in gucʼ-gācʼal ‘to be busy sewing’ ← gucʼal ‘to sew’, žütʼö-žätʼäl ‘to make room’ ← žätʼäl ‘id.’, yiƛ’e-yäƛ’äl ‘to act, prepare’ ← y-iƛ’al ‘to throw, kill, shoot’. Reduplication with internal vowel change is common in verbs, when the base follows the reduplicant, as in yikʼi-yokʼolal ‘to gather, stack’ ← y-okʼolal ‘to gather’, lix-laxdāl ‘to move, swing’ ← laxdāl ‘to move’. Some onomatopoetic verbs are based on reduplication, e.g., mim-momƛal ‘to let out muffled sounds (also of bear)’, lig-logƛal ‘to be lazy’.

6.4. Adverbial reduplication Reduplication in adverbs is very productive. It can be full or partial. Full reduplication is very common and it is used to intensify the meaning of the adverb, e.g., beta-beta ‘then, next time’ ← beta ‘then’, hica-hica ‘really near’ ← hica ‘near’. Full reduplication is also used to form adverbs from nouns, e.g., ƛʼey-ƛʼey ‘layer by layer’ ← ƛʼey ‘layer’, tʼey-tʼey ‘layer by layer’ ← tʼey ‘layer’. In partial reduplication in adverbs, the copy can precede the base, as in mex-mexlaʔ ‘sometimes, from time to time’ ← mexlaʔ ‘sometimes’, mic-micaʔ ‘here and there, in some areas’ ← micaʔ ‘in the ground’. Another kind of partial reduplication is when the copy which precedes the base has a long vowel, e.g., bē-betana ‘again and again’ ← beta ‘again’, atā-atā /ā-atā ‘further far away’ ← atā ‘far away’, dī-dīs ‘many-many’ ← dīs ‘many’, yöö-yöƛʼƛʼä ‘little by little’ ← yöƛʼƛʼä ‘a little, some’. Such reduplication expresses distributive meaning. Reduplication with /m/ is also common in adverbs, i.e. the onset consonant in the root word is changed to /m/ in the reduplicant word, e.g., heⁿx-mex ‘in the near future’ ← heⁿx ‘soon, quickly’. Unlike common nasal reduplication, this reduplication in adverbs has a different function, i.e. it intensifies the meaning of an adverb. Another kind of partial reduplication in adverbs is formed by reduplicating the initial syllable of the root word followed by the reduplicant with the onset consonant as /m/, e.g., koƛ- moƛƛaʔ ‘in the darkness and the like’ ← koƛƛaʔ ‘in the darkness’, qʼay-mayƛʼa

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‘at dawn and the like’ ← qʼayƛʼa ‘early’. Reduplication with /m/ in adverbs expresses diversity. Another kind of nasal reduplication is with /n/. Such reduplication is not productive and is found only occasionally, e.g., tiɣa-niɣa ‘everywhere’ ← tiɣa ‘close, face to face’, where the onset consonant in the root word is changed to /n/ in the reduplicant word. Reduplication with vowel alternation is common in adverbs. The base (or the root form) can either precede or follow the reduplicant, e.g., huⁿƛʼo-haⁿƛʼa ‘spacious, roomy’ ← huⁿƛʼo ‘spacious, roomy’ or qʼicʼi-qʼacʼc’o ‘together, jointly’ ← qʼac’cʼo ‘together’. This reduplication is used to intensify the meaning of the adverb.

Abbreviations ABL ABS ANTIP CAUS CVB DUR GEN HPL IN INF INSTR NEG NHPL NZ

ablative absolutive antipassive causative converb durative genitive human plural localization ‘in’ infinitive instrumental negation non-human plural nominalizer

OBL POSS POT PRS PST.W PTCP PTS RED SIMUL SUP TEMP VERS VZ

oblique possessive potential present tense past witnessed participle past reduplication simultaneous superessive temporal versative verbalizer

7. References Bokarev, Evgenij A. 1959 Cezskie (didojskie) jazyki Dagestana. Moscow: Izd. AN SSSR. Comrie, Bernard and Madzhid Khalilov 2009 Loanwords in Bezhta, a Nakh-Daghestanian of the North Caucasus. In: Martin Haspelmath and Uri Tadmor (eds.), Loanwords in the World’s Languages. A Comparative Handbook, 414−429. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Kibrik, Aleksandr E. and Jakov G. Testelec 2004 Bezhta. In: Michael Job (ed.), The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, 215−295. Ann Arbor: Caravan Books. Lieber, Rochelle and Pavol Štekauer (eds.) 2009 The Oxford Handbook of Compounding. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Madieva, Gulžaxat I. 1965 Grammatičeskij očerk bežtinskogo jazyka. Maxačkala: Izd. Dagestanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Matras, Yaron and Jeanette Sakel 2007 Grammatical Borrowing in Cross-linguistic Perspective. Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter.

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Xalilov, Madžid Š. 1980 Glagoľnoe slovoobrazovanie v bežtinskom jazyke. In: Gadži B. Murkelinskij (ed.), Glagol v jazykax Dagestana, 48−57. Maxačkala: Tipografija Dagestanskogo naučnogo centra Rossijskoj akademii nauk. Xalilov, Madžid Š. 1986 Suffiksaľnoe slovoobrazovanie v substantivax bežtinskogo jazyka. In: Zapir Abdullaev (ed.), Voprosy slovoobrazovanija dagestanskix jazykov, 18−29. Maxačkala: Tipografija Dagestanskogo naučnogo centra Rossijskoj akademii nauk. Xalilov, Madžid Š. 1995 Bežtinsko-russkij slovar’. Maxačkala: Tipografija Dagestanskogo naučnogo centra Rossijskoj akademii nauk.

Madzhid Khalilov and Zaira Khalilova, Leipzig (Germany)

204. Botlikh 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract This article deals with Botlikh word-formation. It is shown that Botlikh has a specific inventory of word-formation devices, including compounding, affixation, and conversion. The formal and semantic characteristics of these devices are illustrated with selected examples.

1. Introduction According to the 2002 census, Botlikh was spoken only by 90 speakers, but this low number is due to a 70-year-old tradition of including the Botlikh people into the Avar ethnic community. In reality, we can estimate the total number of Botlikh speakers at around 4,000 (1,383 according to the 1926 census) mostly living in two villages of the Botlikh region of the Republic of Daghestan − Botlikh and Miarsu. All Botlikhs have a command of Russian and Avar. The history of research concerning Botlikh is not very rich. Leaving aside the first sketches of Andian languages by Dirr (1909), we can say that the first more or less full

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description of Botlikh was provided by Gudava (1962, 1967). Special attention should be paid to the pioneering work on word-formation in Botlikh by Azaev (1975). To this we can add the publications of the last three decades, including Gasanova (1986, 1989) or Saidova (2012).

2. General overview According to Azaev (1975: 6), Botlikh basically has two types of word-formation, namely affixation (derivation) and compounding (including reduplication). Noun derivation employs suffixation, while verbal derivation prefers prefixation. Gender, which divides nouns in three classes − masculine and feminine, referring to people only, as well as neuter (non-personal) −, sometimes takes part in derivation, e.g., j-ác:i ‘sister’, w-ác:i ‘brother’. Verbal derivation shows synonymy of analytical and synthetic forms, e.g., qáda bahí vs. qadałí ‘to weep’, formed from a verbal stem with the auxiliary verb bahí and affix − łí respectively.

3. Composition 3.1. Nominal compounds Nominal compounds can be divided into determinative and copulative ones. Determinative compounds mostly follow the model noun + noun: yéši ‘girl’ + hék’°a ‘person, man’ → yešík’°a ‘woman’. The model verb + noun uses the infinitive form of the verb: mağáłi ‘to mourn’ + hánq’u ‘house’ → mağałánq’u ‘house of mourning’. Copulative compounds (dvandvas) are derived according to the scheme N+N: adábqatír ‘respect; lit. respect-respect’, adáb-qulúlq ‘demonstration of respect; lit. respectservice’, ʕádlu-mizan ‘morality; lit. order-morality’, húdi-c’úli ‘fuel; lit. wood-stick’, béxˇ:i-ğ°áni ‘meaning, sense; lit. back-head’, ilíma ‘parents’ (← ila ‘mother’ + íma ‘father’). As the examples show, compounding is often accompanied by morphonological processes, mostly elision of a vowel or h- in the second stem and moving of the stress to the second syllable of the first stem. Gender and number assignment to compounds follows mainly semantic principles, e.g., yešík’°a ‘woman’ belongs to the 2nd, feminine class, whereas hék’°a ‘person, man’ belongs to the 1st, masculine class. ilíma ‘parents’ is plural, as agreement shows: dil ilíma r-ác’a ‘my parents came’, where r- is a plural prefix.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Adjectives of the type adjective + adjective may be copulative or determinative: írxˇ:a ‘red’ + č:ák:u ‘yellow’ → irxˇ:ač:ák:u ‘red-yellow’, k°ana ‘light’ + č:ák:u ‘yellow’ → k°anač:ák:u ‘light-yellow’, bóc:u ‘dark’ + hác’axˇa ‘white’ → boc:°ác’axˇa ‘greyish’.

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Determinative compounds of the type noun + adjective are bahuvrīhi compounds with the meaning ‘having A N’: basa ‘hair’ + beč’ér ‘black’ → basa-beč’ér ‘blackhaired’, rak’°a ‘heart’ + x̑oʔó ‘good’ → rak’°a-x̑oʔó ‘good-hearted’, rús:i ‘ass’ + bíši ‘fat’ → rús:i-bíši ‘with a fat ass’. P r i v a t i v e adjectives are formed with the negative-auxiliary participle guč’a-b ‘not been/being, absent’ added to a noun: míq’i ‘road’ → míq’i guč’a-b ‘roadless’.

3.3. Numerative compounds Composition is a regular way of forming numerals. Numerals from 11 to 19 are formed by preposing ac'áli (< hac'á-da) ‘ten’ to the corresponding numbers from 1 to 9. Names of tens are formed by postposed ac'áli (> -c’áy-): k’e-c'áli-da or k’e-c'áy-da ‘twenty’, biq’i-c'áli-da or biq’i-c'áy-da ‘eighty’. The other numerals up to 99 are derived from tens with the suffix -łi (optionally deleted after -c’ay-) by adding numerals from 1 to 9: habu-c’áli-łi k’éda ‘32’, ištu-c’áli-łi k’éda or ištu-c’áy-łi k’éda or ištu-c’áyk’éda ‘52’, ištu-c’áli-łi buğúda ‘54’. Hundreds follow the model “numeral from 1 to 9 + bešunúda ‘hundred’”: k’ebešunúda ‘200’, buğu-bešunúda ‘400’. The other numerals add to bešunú- ‘hundred’ and azarú- ‘thousand’ with the particle č’úk’u (< č’ú locative + ék’u ‘odd’) numbers from 1 to 99: azarú-č’uk’u habubešunú-č’uk’u haq’u- c'áy -k’éda ‘1,972’.

3.4. Verbal compounds As do many other Daghestanian languages, Botlikh shows a distinct class of compound verbs which are formed by a combination of a nominal part with an auxiliary verb (light verb), ihi/hi ‘to do’ for transitive verbs and b-ahí, ‘to be, become’ for intransitives. The verb ihi is used in two models: a) with abstract nouns it denotes mainly an action or event: c’:oh ‘theft’ → c’:oh ihi ‘to steal, be a thief’; avári ‘an accident’ → avári ihí ‘to have an accident’; b) with adjectives it denotes causation: halák-a-b ‘unruly’ → halák ihi ‘to infuriate’. The causative meaning can also be expressed by suffixation (see section 4.4). Intransitive forms with b-ahí also have parallel affixal forms.

4.

Derivation

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns S t a t u s n o u n s are derived from nouns with the suffix -łi: hudúl ‘friend’ → hudúl-łi ‘friendship’, hálmağ ‘comrade’ → hálmağ-łi ‘comradeship’ (all these words are probably borrowed from Avar). It can form with the suffix -r the complex suffix -łi-r having the same meaning: kunt’ék’wa ‘man’ → kunt’ék’wa-łi-r ‘manhood, courage’, ješík’wa ‘woman’ → ješík’wa-łi-r ‘womanhood’.

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The suffix -qan deriving a g e n t n o u n s is attested mainly in Avar borrowings (c’:aldú-qan ‘pupil’, qwadáru-qan ‘writer’, ħált’u-qan ‘worker’, q’adí-qan or q’adáruqan ‘mason’, čaná-qan ‘hunter’, rağú-qan ‘soldier’). There are also some examples with non-borrowed stems: ánži ‘mark’ → anžá-qan ‘sniper’, č’ára ‘heifer’ → č’ará-qan ‘obstetrician’, dáni ‘drum’ → dani-qan ‘drummer’, rús:i ‘ass’ → rus:ú-qan ‘seat (support)’, č’óli ‘little rope’ (?) → č’olór-qan ‘bridle’. In the last two examples, the suffix has an i n s t r u m e n t a l function. For deverbal formations with this suffix see section 4.1.4. The h y p o c o r i s t i c suffixes -ku and -ču are attested in the following words: jác:i ‘sister’ → jac:á-ku ‘(dear) sister’, wác:i ‘brother’ → wac:á-ku ‘(dear) brother’ (for the same suffix in deverbal nouns, see section 4.1.4); íla ‘mother’ → ilá-ču ‘mommy’, íma ‘father’ → imá-ču ‘daddy’. Though we do not have conclusive evidence, there are some reasons to consider these as originally vocative particles. The suffix -xˇan added to proper names and followed by the plural ending -dul is used to denote families: Mírza → Mírza-xˇan-dul ‘the Mirzaevs (family of Mirza)’, ʕusmán → ʕusmán-xˇan-dul ‘the Osmanovs (family of Osman)’.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffix -ğa- serves to express the meaning ‘one that is A’: boč’úxˇa ‘big’ → boč’uxˇağá- ‘one that is big (among the other persons or objects)’; írxˇ:a ‘red’ → irxˇ:a-ğá- ‘one that is red (among the other persons or objects)’.

4.1.3. Denumeral nouns Nouns can be derived from numerals with the suffix -ł:i, yielding the meaning ‘a group composed of n entities’. This process causes vowel alternation in the stem (-u-/-o-, -i-/-e-): habúda ‘three’ → habó-ł:i. ‘(a group of) three’, buğúda ‘four’ → buğó-ł:i. ‘(a group of) four’.

4.1.4. Deverbal nouns The suffix -áruqan (cf. with -qan in denominal nouns) derives not only denominal (see section 4.1.1), but also deverbal a g e n t n o u n s : x:údi ‘to drink’ → ˇx:ud-áruqan ‘drunkard’, gúči ‘to move (to another settlement)’ → guč-áruqan ‘nomad’, mał:í ‘to teach’ → mał:-áru-qan ‘consultant’, pudí ‘to blow’ → pud-áru-qan ‘liar’, mak’:új ‘to sew’ → mak’:w-áru-qan ‘dressmaker’. In hers:áru-qan or hérs:u-qan ‘liar’ the base form is missing, though hebés:i ‘a lie’ can be considered a possible source (or Avar hers:í-qan ← herés:i ‘a lie’). The element -ár(u) can be compared to the Avar frequentative verbal suffix -ár which is normally presented in source bases of agent nouns in Avar. The suffix -ku in deverbal personal nouns has a pejorative meaning: č’arč’ałí ‘to be naughty’ → č’arčá-ku ‘naughty person’; the suffixes -ok and -uk derive words of the

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same type: boc:í ‘to become blind’ → boc:-ok ‘blind man’; c:udí ‘?’ → c:ud-uk ‘person having bad habits’. Onomatopoeic verbs marked with the suffix -d- yield deverbal a c t i o n n o u n s with the suffix -j. The suffix -d- in this case is deleted: ğaru-d-í ‘to bray (donkey)’ → ğaru-j ‘bray’; k’:uma-d-í ‘to howl (wolf)’ → k’:umá-j ‘howl(ing)’.

4.1.5. Deadverbial nouns The suffix -qan is also attested in the following deadverbial formations: c:ewé ‘ahead’ → c:ewé-qan ‘leader’, c:ejé ‘ahead’ (fem.) → c:ejé-qan ‘leader (woman)’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives There are some suffixes which form adjectives from noun stems: a) -a-b (mostly in Avar borrowings): ħadur-í ‘to get ready’ → ħadur-a-b ‘ready’, bečéd ‘God’ → bečéd-a-b ‘rich’, q’arúm ‘greedy person’ → q’arúm-a-v ‘greedy’; b) -łi usually forms adjectives of material: kóbi ‘iron’ → kobá-łi ‘(of) iron’, húdi ‘wood’ → húda łi ‘wooden’. It is not clear whether these adjectives are adjectivized genitive forms of nouns; c) -ł:i forms adjectives with the meaning ‘having N’: t’aʕán ‘taste’ → t’aʕán-łi ‘tasteful’, λírλi ‘butter, grease’ → λírλi-łi ‘greasy’; d) -c:u- expresses resemblance: rúša ‘tree’ → rúša-c:u- ‘tree-like’, hánq’u ‘house’ → hánq’u-c:u- ‘like a house’ (see also section 4.2.2 for adjectival stems); e) -s:u- derives adjectives from locative forms: íma-č’u ‘at father’ → íma-č’u-s:u- ‘father’s’, be’eba-xˇi ‘in mountains’ → be’eba-xˇi-s:u- ‘(which is in) mountain’ (see section 4.2.4 for deadverbial formations).

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives The only suffix that can be mentioned here is -c:u-, which expresses the meaning ‘(a little bit) more X, somehow X’: č’ik°ar ‘beautiful’ → č’ik°ar-c:u- ‘more beautiful, somehow beautiful’, qáyłi ‘blue’ → qáyłi-c:u- ‘more blue, somehow blue’.

4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives are derived from infinitives with the suffix -xˇá-: buk’í ‘to be’ → buk’i-xˇá- ‘usual’, q’°arí ‘to want’ → q’°ari-xˇá- ‘necessary’. The suffix -xˇo- forms adjectives denoting resultant states from past forms: maqó ‘broke’ → maqó-xˇo- ‘broken’.

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4.2.4. Deadverbial adjectives The suffix -s:u- derives adjectives from temporal and spatial adverbs as well as from place names: eğél ‘today’ → eğelí-s:u- ‘today’s’; hiλ’í ‘under’ → hiλ’í-s:u- ‘lower’; ğídu- ‘Godoberi’ (village name) → ğídu-s:u- ‘(of) Godoberi’. The suffix -xˇo-, which we have already encountered in section 4.2.3, forms adjectives denoting a condition or state: g°anzó ‘well’ → g°anzó-xˇo- ‘being in good condition’.

4.3. Verbal derivation Botlikh verbs are derived from nouns and adjectives with the following suffixes: a) -x:ú-: támc’:a ‘ant’ → támc’:a-x:ú-j ‘to become numb’, gigína ‘flower’ → giginax:ú-j ‘to be covered with flowers’; b) -sa- (with the infinitive ending -łi): mákwa ‘food’ → makwa-sa-łí ‘to get hungry’, k’ák’u ‘ball’ → k’ak’u-sa-łí ‘to play ball’; c) -k’wa- (with the infinitive ending -łi): míc’:i ‘tongue’ → mic’:i-k’wa-łí ‘to gossip’, žímži ‘grimace’ → žimži-k’wa-łí ‘to grimace’; d) -ku-: šãj ‘smell’ → šanala-kú-j ‘to decay’; áns:a ‘warm’ → ans:a-kú-j ‘to sweat’, bíč:i ‘wet’ → bič:i-kú-j ‘to get wet’. Among deverbal verbs, we may distinguish causative suffixes from those expressing pluractionality. C a u s a t i v e s are formed with the suffix -á-: ans:í ‘to get warm’ → ans:-á-j ‘to make warm’, bičí ‘to sell’ → bič-á-j ‘to cause to sell’. Verbs with the infinitive ending -łi form causatives with the auxiliary verb viğáj ‘to cause’: ˇx:adałí ‘to cry, weep’ → ˇx:áda viğáj ‘to cause to cry, weep’. An irregular meaning is expressed by the causative buk’í ‘to be’ → buk’áj ‘to place’. Verbs derived from verbs with the suffix -ela- express p l u r a c t i o n a l i t y : λ’wáhi ‘to shoot’ → λ’wah-ela-łí ‘to shoot many times’. Some verbs (mostly verbs of motion) have an additional suffix -xwa-: k’anc’í ‘to jump’ → k’anc’-ela-xwa-łí ‘to jump many times’. The same meaning is also expressed by the suffix -kwa-: c’:ímc’:i ‘to pinch’ → c’:imc’:i-kwa-łí ‘to pinch many times’. Verbs can also be formed from adverbs with the suffix -d-: úra ‘thither’ → ura-d-í ‘to move aside’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation Manner adverbs are formed with the suffix -o from adjectives without class marker: gwánzi ‘good’ → gwanz-ó ‘well’. Adverbs of space form a kind of relative degree with the suffix -dú: išqa ‘homeward’ → išqa-dú ‘nearer to home’, ara ‘(to) here’ → ara-dú ‘nearer to here’.

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5. Conversion The substantivation of adjectives is a rather regular process with names of inhabitants derived from the names of villages with the suffix -a-: q’wanadÍr-a-w ‘inhabitant of Andi’, ğağadÍr-a-w ‘inhabitant of Gagatl’ (Andi and Gagatl are villages in the Botlikh region). Some adverbs of time are ergative forms of nouns: ziu ‘day’ → ziu-di ‘in a day’, reši ‘year’ → reši-di ‘in a year’, zamana ‘time’ → zamana-di ‘in time’. Adjective stems function as verbal ones with verbal inflectional endings: boč’úxa ‘big’ → boč’uxí ‘to grow’, írx:a ‘red’ → irx:í ‘to get red’, áns:a ‘warm’ → ans:í ‘to get warm’.

6. Reduplication Imprecise reduplication of nouns, involving a change of the first consonant of the stem in the second part of the reduplicated complex to m-, and in some cases to s- or q-, is used to form what has been called a “representative plural”: qúča ‘book’ → qúča-múča ‘all kinds of books’, mák’°a ‘chair’ → mák’°a-sák’°a ‘all kinds of chairs’. Reduplication of adjectives is used to denote a plurality of objects with the quality in question: č:ák:u ‘yellow’ → č:ak:u-č:ák:u ‘yellow (ones)’, boč’úxˇa ‘big’ → boč’uboč’úxˇa ‘big (ones)’. The last example shows that the third syllable of the stem is not reduplicated and that reduplication precedes the stem. This rule is true also with: a) the class suffix: bat’í-ab ‘different’ → bat’í-bat’-éb ‘different (ones)’, k’ič’-áb ‘crooked’ → k’ič’a-k’ič’ab ‘crooked (ones)’; b) final -r before consonant: beč’ér ‘black’ → beč’ebeč’ér ‘black (ones)’ , č’ik’°ár ‘beautiful’ → č’ik’°a-č’ik’°ár ‘beautiful (ones)’. The final consonant of the stem is deleted before a stressed vowel: írxˇ:a ‘red’ → irxˇírxˇ:a ‘red (ones)’. Some adjectives of the group are derived by imprecise reduplication: máč’u ‘medley’ → hač’u-máč’u ‘medley (about many)’, ğúdi ‘deep’ → ğudi-múdi ‘deep (about many)’. Unique examples of imprecise reduplication are present in hírc’i ‘high’ → hirc’i-hírq’i ‘more or less high’, čára ‘fat’ → čara-xˇára ‘more or less fat’. Reduplication of a cardinal numeral with optional deletion of the numerative particle -da (or class affix in ce-b ‘one’) in the first component forms distributive numerals, e.g., k’e-k’éda or k’éda-k’éda ‘in pairs of two’, habuhabúda or habúda-habúda ‘in pairs of three’, azazarúda or azarúda-azarúda ‘by the thousands’, cecéb or ceb-céb ‘one by one’. Verbal reduplication has different models with iterative meaning: a) full reduplication of a verbal form (adverbial past participle): k’ánc’u ‘when … jumped’ → k’ánc’u-k’ánc’u ‘when … jumped many times’; b) reduplication of the last consonant of the stem (C → CaC): qars:í ‘to scratch’ → qars:as:í ‘to scratch many times’, baʔí ‘to read’ → baʔaʔí ‘to read many times’; c) reduplication of the initial syllable in verbs with -d-: ˇx:udí ‘to drink’ → ˇx:uxˇ:udí ‘to drink many times’, pudí ‘to blow’ → pupudí ‘to blow many times’. Two-syllable stems usually do not undergo reduplication. There are also some examples of adverbial reduplication: hínu ‘inside’ → hínu-hínu ‘from time to time’.

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7. References Azaev, Xalil G. 1975 Leksika i slovoobrazovanie botlixskogo jazyka. Ph.D. dissertation, Tbilisi. Dirr Adoľf M. 1909 Materialy dlja izučenija jazykov i narečij ando-didojskoj gruppy. In: Sbornik materialov dlja opisanija mestnostej i plemen Kavkaza. Vol. 40. Tiflis: Tipografija Glavnogo upravlenija Namestnika Kavkazskogo. Gasanova, Abidat M. 1986 Somatičeskaja terminologija botlixskogo jazyka. In: Zapir Abdullaev (ed.), Problemy otraslevoj leksiki dagestanskix jazykov. Somatičeskie terminy, 45−48. Maxačkala: IIJaL. Gasanova, Abidat M. 1989 Nazvanija derev’ev, kustarnikov i trav v botlixskom jazyke. In: Unejzat Mejlanova (ed.), Problemy otraslevoj leksiki dagestanskix jazykov. Nazvanija derev’ev, trav, kustarnikov, 158−163. Maxačkala: IIJaL. Gudava, Togo E. 1962 Botlikhuri ena (gramaťik’uli analizi, ťeksťebi, leksik’oni). Tbilisi: Mecniereba. Gudava, Togo E. 1967 Botlixskij jazyk. In: Evgenij A. Bokarev and Ketevan Lomtatidze (eds.), Jazyki narodov SSSR. Vol. 4: Iberijsko-kavkazskie jazyki, 293−306. Moskva: Nauka. Saidova, Patimat A. 2012 Botlixsko-russkij slovar’. Maxačkala: Dagestanskij Naučnyj Centr Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk.

Mikhail Alekseyev (†), Moscow (Russia)

205. Akhvakh 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract This article presents the productive patterns of word-formation in Akhvakh, a Northeast Caucasian language spoken in the western part of Daghestan. Section 2 provides a general overview, and gives the relevant details about the quotation forms of Akhvakh lexemes. In the subsequent sections, composition, derivation, conversion, and reduplication, are described in more detail.

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1. Introduction Akhvakh (ašʷaʟ̄i mic̄’i, Russian axvaxskij jazyk) is one of the Andic languages, spoken in the western part of Daghestan and included in the Avar-Andic-Tsezic branch of the Northeast Caucasian (or Nakh-Daghestanian) family. Akhvakh does not seem to have a particularly close relationship with any of the other Andic languages. According to Magomedova and Abdulaeva (2007), Akhvakh has approximately 20,000 speakers. Four dialects are traditionally recognized. One of them is designated as Northern Akhvakh, whereas the other three are grouped under the label of Southern Akhvakh. The variety of Akhvakh described in this article is Northern Akhvakh, spoken in four villages of the Axvaxskij Rajon in the western part of Daghestan (Tadmagitl’, Lologonitl’, Kudijab-Roso, and Izani), in recent settlements in the lowlands of Daghestan (Sovetskoe, Kamyškutan), and in Axaxdərə near Zaqatala (Azerbaijan). Like the other Andic languages, Akhvakh has no written tradition, but is now written by means of an adaptation of the Avar version of the Cyrillic alphabet. The transcription used in this article departs from the IPA conventions on the following points: alveolar voiceless affricate c; palato-alveolar fricatives š (voiceless) and ž (voiced); palato-alveolar affricates č (voiceless) and ǯ (voiced); lateral voiceless affricate ʟ; the macron is used for long vowel and strong consonants. Knowledge of Avar is traditionally widespread among the speakers of Akhvakh, and the Akhvakh-Avar bilingualism has been reinforced by the Soviet policy. The importance of Avar as a lingua franca is however rapidly declining, although Avar is still used as the medium of instruction during the first years in rural schools. The available literature on Akhvakh is very limited, and includes no work dealing specifically with word-formation. The only relevant references are Magomedbekova’s monograph (Magomedbekova 1967) and the Akhvakh-Russian dictionary (Magomedova and Abdulaeva 2007). Magomedbekova (1967) is an overall presentation of Akhvakh which however focuses on phonology and inflectional morphology, and gives very few details on word-formation. The Akhvakh-Russian dictionary (Magomedova and Abdulaeva 2007) provides a rich corpus for the study of word-formation, and has constituted the main source for this study. The grammatical sketch appended to the dictionary also includes relatively detailed sections about word-formation, but the recognition and classification of the word-formation types are not very consistent, and many details of the analysis are questionable.

2. General overview Word-formation in Akhvakh may involve composition, derivational suffixes, and reduplication. In Akhvakh, the demarcation between composition and syntax is problematic in the sense that lexicalized combinations of words are most of the time not different from phrases constructed according to the productive rules of syntax. For example, in ĩč’e-ʟ̄i koq̄’o ‘tortoise; lit. stone.GEN frog’, or c̄’ada-ʟ̄i imiχi ‘snail; lit. rain.GEN donkey’, -ʟ̄i is the genitive suffix, and nothing distinguishes such compounds from regular constructions involving a head noun and a genitival modifier. Sometimes, the semantic drift is such

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that an analysis in terms of compounding is clearly the only possibility, but this is not always the case. Akhvakh has sandhi phenomena at word boundaries. As can be expected, sandhi is particularly frequent at the junction between words forming lexicalized combinations, but there is no strict rule, just tendencies. Moreover, sandhi is bound to phonological conditions. Consequently, word sandhi may provide evidence of compounding, but the absence of sandhi is not conclusive. For more details on word sandhi in Akhvakh, see Creissels (2011). Several of the derivational suffixes of Akhvakh can be suspected of being cognate with a lexeme still attested in the language, or of being the reflex of a lexeme reconstructible on the basis of comparative data. Before presenting the patterns of word-formation, some clarifications are in order about the citation forms of Akhvakh lexemes and the inflectional morphemes they include. Nouns are quoted in the nominative (alias absolutive) singular form, which includes no overt inflectional morpheme. Adjectives are quoted in a form devoid of the gender-number agreement suffixes they may take in syntactic contexts. The stem of most Akhvakh adjectives and numerals has an ending -da. No particular function can be attributed to this ending, which disappears when derivational suffixes are added to adjectival or numeral stems. In addition, some adjectives have an obligatory gender-number agreement prefix. Such adjectives are conventionally quoted in the neuter singular form, characterized by a prefix b- (m- in nasal contexts). The infinitive is used as the citation form of verbs. The infinitive suffix is -uruʟa (-unuʟa in nasal contexts). Infinitive endings -ōruʟa, -ōnuʟa, -ūruʟa, and -ūnuʟa, result from the interaction between the infinitive suffix and the verb stem. They are characteristic of verb stems whose final consonant is deleted before some suffixes. For example, the underlying form of the infinitive χ̄ōruʟa quoted in section 3.3 is |χ̄ʷa(b)-uruʟa|, and the underlying form of the infinitive bačarōruʟa quoted in section 4.3.2 is |b-ača-r-a(j)uruʟa| (b- is a gender-number agreement prefix, -r- and -a(j)- are derivative suffixes whose nature will be explained in the relevant sections). The stem of such verbs is realized without any modification in the imperative form, as in bača-r-aj-a! ‘shorten (it)!’, but in the infinitive, the consonant noted between brackets is deleted, and the preceding vowel fuses with the first u of the infinitive suffix. For more details on the morphophonological processes involved, see Creissels (2009). As just illustrated by bačarōruʟa, some verbs have an obligatory gender-number agreement prefix identical to that found in some adjectives, and are conventionally quoted in the neuter singular form, characterized by a prefix b- (m- in nasal context, o- before consonants).

3. Composition 3.1. Nominal compounds As already mentioned, most combinations of words that can be considered as nominal compounds on the basis of their non-compositional meaning have an internal structure identical to that of regular noun phrases.

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The only pattern dedicated to the formation of nominal compounds is the juxtaposition of nouns forming copulative compounds (dvandvas) such as ĩk̄’u-reʟ’a ‘limbs’ (← ĩk̄’u ‘leg’ + reʟ’a ‘arm’). This pattern is very productive. Interestingly, Akhvakh has many nouns that at first sight look like copulative compounds of this type, but in which the second element is attested only in combination with a particular noun with which it forms a pseudo-compound whose meaning is somehow an extension of the meaning of the noun in question. For example, the second element χaχu of the pseudo-copulative compound ĩk̄’ot’i-χaχu ‘rodents’ (← ĩk̄’ot’i ‘mouse’) exists only in combination with ĩk̄’ot’i, and similarly, the second element k’ači of miʕa-k’ači ‘face’ (← miʕa ‘nose’), is attested only in combination with miʕa. No correlation can be found between the phonological shape of such elements and that of the nouns with which they form pseudo-compounds of this type.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Adjectives can combine into compounds such as hiri-bašida ‘red and white’ (← hirida ‘red’ + bašida ‘white’), or ĩk̄’ʷēk’a ‘not very important’ (← ĩk̄’ʷa ‘small’ + ĩk’a ‘large’). Comparative compounds such as ãžiku-bašida ‘snow-white’ (← ãži ‘snow’ + bašida ‘white’) are typically formed from color adjectives. The pattern numeral + noun → adjective (bahuvrīhi), illustrated by boq’ʷẽ̄k’uda ‘square’ (← boq’oda ‘four’ + mek’u ‘corner’), is not very productive.

3.3. Verbal compounds Akhvakh has many lexicalized combinations noun + verb or adverb + verb which are difficult to distinguish from the combination of a verb with a noun in object function or with an adverbial modifier. By contrast, verbs formed according to the compounding pattern verb + verb → verb are easy to identify. This pattern produces copulative compounds such as ox̄-e-beχ-uruʟa ‘to trade’ (← ox̄-uruʟa ‘to sell’ + beχ-uruʟa ‘to buy’). In such compounds, the second element bears verb inflection, whereas the first one is invariably in a form characterized by a suffix -e. This suffix is identified by Magomedova and Abdulaeva (2007) as the masdar suffix, but this analysis relies on no evidence other than the mere formal coincidence, and it is contradicted by comparative evidence. The point is that this type of compounds is attested in other Andic languages and in Avar, and the coincidence between the suffix marking the first element and the masdar suffix is observed only in Akhvakh. Interestingly, in Avar, the first element of such compounds occurs in a form different from all the other forms of the verb, which suggests a very ancient formation involving a marker whose original nature has ceased to be apparent. It is also interesting to observe that, exactly as in the case of nominal compounds of the copulative type, Akhvakh has many verbs which look like verbal compounds of this type, but in which the second element (i.e. the element bearing verb inflection) has no independent existence. For example, the second element of s̄or-e-χ̄ōruʟa ‘to stroll’ exists only in combination with s̄or-uruʟa ‘to turn’.

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Derivation

4.1. Nominal derivation 4.1.1. Denominal nouns Two suffixes are used with a relative productivity to form nouns from nouns: -ɬe and -q̄a. The suffix -ɬe is used to form abstract nouns such as ax̄i-ɬe ‘testimony’ (← ax̄i ‘witness’). This suffix is etymologically the masdar of a verb *ɬ- ‘to become’ reconstructible at the Proto-Avar-Andic-Tsezic level, whose direct reflex is the suffix -ɬ- used to derive verbs from adjectives (see section 4.3.2). The suffix -q̄a (probably borrowed from Avar) is found in nouns of persons characterized by their occupation, such as gʷami-q̄a ‘drummer’ (← gʷama ‘drum’). The productivity of -q̄a is however limited, and professions are more usually designated by means of constructions in which a participial clause modifies a noun, for example ĩgʷara bižida ek’ʷa ‘baker; lit. bread-baking man’. Magomedova and Abdulaeva (2007) give a much longer list of “suffixes” used to derive nouns from nouns, but with the only exception of -ɬe and -q̄a, they cannot be found in more than two or three nouns each. Akhvakh also has a relatively important inventory of genitive forms that have lexicalized and are now used as nouns with a meaning clearly related to that of the noun from which they originate, although not entirely predictable, for example χ̄ẽt’e-ʟ̄i ‘cold in the head’ (χ̄ẽt’e ‘nasal mucus’). The recognition of a derivational suffix homonymous (and cognate) with the genitive suffix is however problematic, since there is no regularity in the meaning expressed by lexicalized genitive forms. In this connection it is interesting to observe that for several nouns ending in -ʟ̄i which seem to originate from the lexicalization of genitive forms, the original stem is not attested in Akhvakh, but can be traced back to cognates in related languages. For example, the stem from which miχ̄iʟ̄i ‘hoe’ has been derived is not attested in Akhvakh, but this noun is probably cognate with Avar maχ̄ ‘iron’.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The abstraction suffix mentioned in section 4.1.1 as a suffix used to form nouns from nouns is also used to derive abstract nouns from adjectives, for example, baχ̄a-ɬe ‘length’ (← baχ̄ada ‘long’). In this use, it can be decomposed into -ɬ- deriving intransitive verbs from adjectives (see section 4.3.2) and -e (masdar suffix, see section 4.1.3).

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns The only productive suffix used to form deverbal nouns is the masdar suffix -e, as in baqaroɬ-e ‘being old’ (← baqaroɬ-uruʟa ‘to grow old’).

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A suffix -aro ~ -ero can be isolated in deverbal nouns denoting either persons characterized by some activity, or instruments, for example, beč’-aro ‘glutton’ (← beč’-uruʟa ‘to become full’), q̄ʷãt’-ero ‘scraper’ (← q̄ʷãt’-uruʟa ‘to scrape’). However, this suffix is not very productive, and the meanings it expresses are more commonly expressed analytically.

4.1.4. Denumeral nouns Akhvakh has a productive suffix -ča used to derive nouns from numerals. Depending on the context, the nouns formed by means of this suffix can denote any entity that can be characterized by the number in question: number, size, mark, playing-card, busline, etc., for example, k’e-ča ‘number two, size two, etc.’ (← k’eda ‘two’).

4.2. Adjectival derivation 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives The privative suffix -q̄’eda is used to form denominal adjectives such as t’ãʕa-q̄’eda ‘uncomfortable’ (← t’ãʕa ‘comfort’). The ornative suffix -χ̄ada ~ -χ̄ʷada is used to form denominal adjectives such as ʁiziχ̄ada ‘dirty’ (← ʁizi ‘dirt’). This suffix, which probably results from the grammaticalization of the participle b-iχ̄ʷ-ada (from b-iχ̄-uruʟa ‘to remain’), is not very productive. Adjectives with the meaning ‘similar to N’ can be derived from nouns by means of the suffix -gula, for example, ĩč’a-gula ‘as hard as stone’ (← ĩč’a ‘stone’). Akhvakh makes productive use of the genitive form of nouns in the function fulfilled in other languages by relational adjectives. For example, the Akhvakh equivalent of ‘medicinal’ is daru-ʟ̄i, genitive of the noun daru ‘medicine’. Some of the genitive forms used as adjectives have lexicalized, for example, žomo-ʟ̄i ‘green’ (žomi ‘grass’).

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Three suffixes are used to modify the meaning of color adjectives without changing their grammatical properties: − -x̄oda ~ -x̄ʷada, as in baši-x̄oda ‘whitish’ (← bašida ‘white’); − -k’onada, as in baši-k’onada ‘multicolored with white spots’ (← bašida ‘white’); − -k’irada, as in baši-k’irada, ‘multicolored with a predominance of white’ (← bašida ‘white’). -x̄oda ~ -x̄ʷada may originate from the grammaticalization of the perfective participle of the verb bix̄uruʟa ‘to seize, hold’. I have no etymological hypothesis to put forward for the other two.

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4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Akhvakh has four participles: perfective positive, perfective negative, imperfective positive, imperfective negative. Some of them, also used with a purely stative meaning, are described as adjectives derived from verbs in the Akhvakh-Russian dictionary. For example, baqaroɬ-ada (baqaroɬ-uruʟa ‘to grow old’) as a participle expresses the resultative meaning ‘grown old’, but this form is also the only possible equivalent of English ‘old’.

4.2.4. Denumeral adjectives Akhvakh has a suffix -biliʟ̄’ida used to derive ordinals, for example, k’e-biliʟ̄’ida ‘second’ (← k’eda ‘two’). The suffix -liʟ̄i is used to derive adjectives such as ištu-liʟ̄i (← ištuda ‘five’), with meanings such as ‘x years old’, ‘of size x’, etc.

4.2.5. Deadverbial adjectives One of the striking characteristics of Akhvakh syntax is a very strict distinction between words or phrases used to modify verbs and words or phrases used to modify nouns. This constraint is compensated by the existence of a very productive suffix -s̄e converting adverbs into adjectives. This suffix operates not only at word level, but also at phrase level, converting phrases headed by nouns in the dative case, in the comitative case or in spatial cases into phrases having the ability to modify nouns. For example, q̄ala ‘early’ is used exclusively as an adverb, and the corresponding adjective is q̄ala-s̄e. Similarly, du-ʟa ‘to/for you’, dative of mene ‘you’, cannot be used as a noun modifier, but du-ʟas̄e ‘designed for you’ has this ability.

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs The only suffix available to derive verbs from nouns is -χ̄-, as in tati-χ̄-uruʟa ‘to get dusty’ (← tata ‘dust’). This suffix probably results from the grammaticalization of the verb b-iχ̄-uruʟa, already mentioned above as the probable source of the ornative suffix -χ̄ada ~ -χ̄ʷada.

4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs The suffix -ɬ- derives intransitive verbs from adjectives, for example, šo-ɬ-uruʟa ‘to become good’ (← šoda ‘good’). This suffix, historically the reflex of an Avar-Andic-

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Tsezic verb not attested in the modern languages but reconstructible as *ɬ- ‘to become’, is fully productive. The complex suffix -r-a(j)- derives transitive verbs from adjectives, for example bača-r-ōruʟa ‘to shorten’ (← bačada ‘short’). The second formative of this complex suffix is the causative suffix -a(j)- (see section 4.3.3), and therefore the first formative can be analyzed as an allomorph of the suffix -ɬ- just mentioned as used in the derivation of intransitive verbs from adjectives.

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs Akhvakh has two causative suffixes productively used to derive transitive verbs from intransitive ones. They are very rarely used with transitive verbs. The causative suffix -a(j)-, as in beč’-ōruʟa ‘to fill’, underlyingly |beč’-a(j)-uruʟa| (beč’-uruʟa ‘to become full’), is the reflex of an Andic suffix whose reflexes can be found in all the other languages of the family. It can be used with all intransitive verbs whose stem does not end with -a(j). The causative suffix -ut’- is used with intransitive verbs whose stem ends with -a(j), as for example, x̄ʷadel-ōt’-uruʟa ‘to make walk’, underlyingly |x̄ʷadela(j)-ut’-uruʟa| (x̄ʷadel-ōruʟa ‘to walk’, underlyingly |x̄ʷadela(j)-uruʟa|). Contrary to -a(j)-, the causative suffix -ut’- is a young suffix, since the analytic causative construction whose univerbation has resulted in the emergence of this causative suffix is still attested, with the verb b-it’-uruʟa ‘to straighten, direct’ in causative auxiliary function.

4.3.4. The “naturalizing” suffix -la(j)Akhvakh has a very productive suffix -la(j)- exclusively found in verbs borrowed from Avar. The stem to which this suffix is added is the Avar masdar. For example, in ħerẽɬilōruʟa ‘to become tender’, underlyingly |ħerẽɬi-la(j)-uruʟa|, this suffix is added to ħerenɬi ‘tenderness’, masdar of the Avar verb ħerenɬize ‘to become tender’. Etymologically, this suffix probably includes a reflex of an ancient verb ‘to do’ (possibly cognate with Avar habize ‘to do’) as its second element, since there is evidence that the Akhvakh verbs whose stem ends with -a(j)- (including the causative verbs mentioned in section 4.3.3) might result from the univerbation of do-compounds. Unfortunately, I am not aware of any possible etymology for the l that constitutes the initial element of this suffix.

4.4. Adverbial derivation Akhvakh has a number of adverbs probably cognate with nouns, verbs or adjectives, or with other adverbs, but no productive derivation pattern can be recognized. In particular, the derivation of manner adverbs from adjectives does not exist in Akhvakh. The converbs of deadjectival verbs provide a functional equivalent. For exam-

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ple, koša-ɬ-ēhe, converb of koša-ɬ-uruʟa ‘to become bad’ (koša ‘bad’) is the usual equivalent of English badly, as in košaɬēhe gūruʟa ‘to do (something) badly’ (← gūruʟa ‘to do’). Akhvakh has three suffixes deriving adverbs from numerals: − -biliʟ̄’u, as in k’e-biliʟ̄’u ‘for the second time’ (← k’eda ‘two’); − -ɬi, as in k’e-ɬi ‘in two parts’ (← k’eda ‘two’); − -če, as in k’e-če ‘two times’ (← k’eda ‘two’).

4.5. Numeral derivation Akhvakh has a suffix with the allomorphs -midala ~ -midila ~ -dala ~ -midi ~ -di that can be used to derive collective numerals, as in k’e-midala ‘both’ (← k’eda ‘two’).

5. Conversion In Akhvakh, the conversion of nouns or adjectives into verbs, or of verbs into nouns or adjectives, is excluded for phonological and morphological reasons. Akhvakh words obligatorily end with a vowel. This is also the case for nominal and adjectival stems, which can be used as words without any overt inflectional ending. By contrast, all verb stems end with a consonant. Consequently, they cannot be used by themselves as words, and they exist only in combination with overt inflectional endings. The conversion of adjectives into nouns, of nouns into adverbs, and of adjectives into adverbs, is not productive. It can however be illustrated by bačida ‘mourning’ (← bačida ‘black’), raʟa ‘at night’ (← raʟa ‘night’), and baɬigoda ‘secretly’ (← baɬigoda ‘secret (adj.)’).

6. Reduplication Akhvakh has a productive pattern of noun reduplication which generally conveys a meaning of intensification, as in χ̄aba-č’aba ‘long conversation’ (← χ̄aba ‘conversation’). As can be seen from this example, the reduplicant follows the reduplicated stem and differs from it by its initial consonant. This consonant change is not predictable. The same pattern, with a meaning of approximation, is also found with adjectives, as illustrated by ɬ̄ema-χ̄emada ‘more or less liquid’ (← ɬ̄emada ‘liquid’). The pattern of reduplication with initial consonant change is also found with verbs, with a meaning of intensification and/or iteration. It is however almost exclusively found with verbs borrowed from Avar. The reduplicant copies only the first two syllables of the stem, and it is inserted immediately after the syllables it copies, as in c’eχ̄elōruʟa ‘to ask with insistence’ (← c’eχ̄elōruʟa ‘to ask’). Full reduplication of VC verb stems and partial reduplication of CVC verb stems is productive with a meaning of intensification and/or iteration, as illustrated by b-oʟ̄-oʟ̄uruʟa (← b-oʟ̄-uruʟa ‘to walk’) and da-dan-uruʟa (← dan-uruʟa ‘to pull’).

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Numeral reduplication expresses distributivity, as in k’e-k’eda ‘two each’ (← k’eda ‘two’).

7. References Creissels, Denis 2009 Unstable consonants in Northern Akhvakh verb morphology, a case of emerging fusional morphology. Paper offered to A. E. Kibrik for his 70th birthday. http://www.deniscreissels.fr/public/Creissels-unst.cons.Akhv.pdf [last access 11 Sept 2015]. Creissels, Denis 2011 Univerbation via liaison and the evolution of lexicon and grammar in Northern Akhvakh. Leipzig: Workshop on Caucasian languages, May 13–15, 2011. http://www.deniscreissels.fr/public/Creissels-liaison_in_Akhvakh.pdf [last access 11 Sept 2015]. Magomedbekova, Zagidat 1967 Axvaxskij jazyk (grammatičeskij analiz, teksty, slovar’). Tbilisi: Mecniereba. Magomedova, Patimat and Indira Abdulaeva 2007 Axvaxsko-russkij slovar’. Maxačkala: Dagestanskij Naučnyj Centr Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk.

Denis Creissels, Lyon (France)

206. Avar 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

Abstract This article describes various means of word-formation in Avar. Among them are compounding, derivation, conversion, reduplication, and the formation of complex nominals based on two processes, compounding and derivation. Avar, as a language with a rich history of language contacts, has borrowed derivational suffixes from Turkic and Persian languages.

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1. Introduction Avar belongs to the Avar-Andic-Tsezic branch of the Nakh-Daghestanian language family. It is a written language and is one of the most widely spoken languages of Daghestan. Avar, spoken by about 900,000 speakers, plays a crucial role in Daghestan, as it is a lingua franca for the speakers of many minor languages of the Andic and Tsezic branches. Being a lingua franca, Avar still has a great influence on its neighboring languages. Avar is an absolutive/ergative language. It is a verb-final language with a basic SOV word order, though with no rigid order of the major clause constituents. Agreement is always triggered by the absolutive argument. Avar has a rich nominal morphology with three genders in singular and two genders in plural. It also has an extensive system of grammatical and locative cases. All cases other than absolutive are based on an oblique stem.

2. General overview Avar is rich in derivational morphology; in particular nominal derivation shows many derivational suffixes. Derivation in Avar is very productive and sometimes quite complex, including the stacking of two or more derivational suffixes: w-eke-ru-qan-ɬi I-runMASDAR-AGENTIVE-ABSTRACT ‘runner’. In most languages, one of the key distinguishing features of compounds is the absence of inflectional morphology between the constituents of a compound. In Avar, by contrast, the first constituent of a compound may retain inflectional suffixes and the resultant compound may then be inflected further as a whole word: (1)

ħarc’iƛ’ɬel ← ħarc’i-ƛ’ ‘saucer’ dish.OBLIQUE-SUB.ESSIVE

ɬe -l put.MASDAR NMZ

3. Composition Compound words in Avar are numerous and are found as different parts of speech, particularly as nouns. Compounding is the most productive process of forming new words in Avar. Compounds are defined as words that consist of two or more compounding elements or bases. Compound words can be determinative or copulative. Determinative compounds are compounds that have a head noun and a modifying element. Copulative compounds are compounds, also known as dvandva, that have two separate semantic heads.

3.1. Nominal compounds Noun-noun compounds are the most common and the most productive type among other nominal compounds in Avar. The majority of nominal compounds are endocentric, though exocentric ones are also found.

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Determinative n o u n - n o u n c o m p o u n d s are very numerous and can have different patterns of formation. Most often, determinative compounds are based on mere juxtaposition of a head noun and a modifying element, as in c’araʕ ‘dish’ (← c’a ‘fire’ + raʕ ‘vessel’), ččuʕiʕin ‘seashell’ (← ččuʕi ‘fish.OBL’ + ʕin ‘ear’), ħamirač’ ‘horse ephedra’ (← ħami ‘donkey.OBL’ + rač’ ‘tail’). Often the meaning of a compound is not predictable from its constituents, as in boƛʼonac’ ‘furuncle’ (← boƛʼo ‘cowhouse.OBL’ + nac’ ‘louse’) and ʕodokaru ‘blackberry’ (← ʕodo ‘ground.OBL’ + karu ‘mulberry’). Determinative compounds are always right-headed. Avar co-compounds can be divided into the following groups: (i) synonymic compounds, e.g., raɣ-ƛʼal ‘war; lit. war-quarrel’, nič-namus ‘conscience; lit. shame-conscience’; (ii) co-hyponymic compounds, e.g., šaq’i-q’alam ‘pen and ink, writing materials; lit. ink-pen’, gulla-xer ‘ammunition; lit. bullet-gunpowder’; (iii) antonymic co-compounds, e.g., awal-axir ‘beginning and end; lit. beginning-end’, roƛʼi-ƛʼal ‘love and hate; lit. love-hate’. A d j e c t i v e - n o u n c o m p o u n d s are right-headed with a modifier preceding a head. Such compounds usually contain a stem-form adjective, i.e. adjectives are presented with a truncated gender/number suffix, as in beccabaƛʼ ‘caecum’ (← beccab ‘blind’ + baƛʼ ‘gut’) and t’ok’c’ar ‘nickname’ (← t’ok’ab ‘spare’ + c’ar ‘name’). Avar has possessive n o u n - a d j e c t i v e compounds (bahuvrīhi), which are exocentric. In such compounds, the first constituent is a noun combined with truncated forms of adjectives (i.e. with no gender/number suffix), e.g., anisˆxalat ‘dreamer’ (← anisˆ ‘dream’ + xalataw ‘long’), bok’onbit’ ‘rectangle’ (← bok’on ‘corner’ + bit’arab ‘straight’), maħkʷeš ‘camomile’ (← maħ ‘smell’ + kʷešab ‘bad’). Note that such nounadjective compounds are left-headed, whereas the determinative compounds are always right-headed. A d v e r b - n o u n c o m p o u n d s are based on adverbs and nouns in the absolutive form, as in t’adhobo ‘upper grindstone’ (← t’ad ‘above’ + hobo ‘mill’) and q’asikʷen ‘dinner’ (← q’asi ‘in the evening’ + kʷen ‘food’). Nominal compounds can also be based on adverbs combined with verbal nouns (masdars), e.g., k’ibiƛʼi ‘bifurcation’ (← k’iyide ‘by two’ + biƛʼi ‘division’), k’iborɬi ‘drilling (so that the object breaks in two pieces)’ (← k’iyide ‘by two’ + borɬi ‘drilling’). Nominal compounds can be based on adverbs and truncated past participles. Such a d v e r b - p a r t i c i p l e c o m p o u n d s are exocentric as they lack a head. They are used to name animals and objects, cf. cebebuxˇ ‘apron’ (← cebe ‘in front’ + buxˇuneb ‘tie.PTCP’) and reɬedakunč’ ‘firefly’ (← reɬeda ‘at night’ + kunč’uleb ‘shine.PTCP’). C o n v e r b - n o u n c o m p o u n d s are not very numerous in Avar. Here converb is defined as a non-finite verbal form used to form adverbial clauses. In such compounds the modifying converb precedes the head, as in quqančed ‘pancake’ (← quqan ‘saw.CVB’ + čed ‘bread’) and swerunzˇo ‘wooden stick’ (← swerun ‘roll.CVB’ + zˇo ‘thing’). N o u n - p a r t i c i p l e c o m p o u n d s are based on nouns combined with a truncated participle, as in ʕuč’alt’am ‘supplier’ (← ʕuč’al ‘fork.PL’ + t’amuleb ‘putting’) and kʷerbac̄’ ‘handkerchief’ (← kʷer ‘hand’ + bac̄’uneb ‘cleaning’). All c o n v e r b - p a r t i c i p l e c o m p o u n d s are exocentric as they lack both a grammatical and a semantic head. Such nominal compounds are formed by combining the converbal verbal form with the truncated form of the participle. Converb-participle compounds are used to name animals or objects, as in buħunxut’ ‘cigarette butt’ (← buħun ‘burn.CVB’ + xut’arab ‘leave.PTCP’), buħuncˇ’ik’ ‘pottage, soup’ (← buħun ‘burn.CVB’ +

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cˇ’ik’uleb ‘lick.PTCP’), ɬutunbaɣ ‘a fearful dog that fights while running away’ (← ɬutun ‘run.CVB’ + baɣuleb ‘fight.PTCP’).

3.2. Adjectival compounds Compound adjectives can be determinative or copulative. Copulative a d j e c t i v e - a d j e c t i v e c o m p o u n d s are based on adjectives which have different sets of meaning, as in č’eʕeral-qaħal ‘black and white; lit. black-white’, and baħaral-xeral ‘old and young; lit. old-young’. Most n o u n - a d j e c t i v e c o m p o u n d s have a second element taken from a limited set of adjectives. Some noun-adjective compounds are based on the adjective ƛʼerab ‘colorful’ designating different shades of color. Such compounding is very productive, e.g., hac’uƛʼerab ‘having the color of honey’ ← hac’u ‘honey.OBL’, raqdaƛʼerab ‘having the color of ashes’ ← raqda ‘ashes.OBL’. Other noun-adjective compounds are based on the adjective maħaw, which is derived from the noun maħ ‘smell’. However, when the adjective maħaw ‘smelly’ is combined with nouns it does not have its direct meaning but rather a comparative connotation, as in cimaħaw ‘bear-like, awkward’ ← ci ‘bear’, and cermaħaw ‘fox-like, sly’ ← cer ‘fox’. Still other noun-adjective compounds are based on the adjective ħalab ‘abundant’. Such compound adjectives have the meaning ‘abundant of, full of’, as in с’amħalab ‘salty’ ← с’am ‘salt’, and ɬimħalab ‘watery, liquid’ ← ɬim ‘water’. Avar has a very productive way of forming n u m e r a l - a d j e c t i v e c o m p o u n d s by combining truncated numerals with denominal adjectives, e.g., k’it’alayab ‘two-storied’ (← k’igo ‘two’ + t’alayab ‘storied’), ɬaboxilab ‘three-legged’ (← ɬabgo ‘three’ + boxilab ‘legged’), anƛʼɣatab ‘with seven layers’ (← anƛʼgo ‘seven’ + ɣatab ‘layered’). A d v e r b - p a r t i c i p l e c o m p o u n d s are based on adverbs combined with the participle kkarab ‘happen.PTCP’, as in c’aħilkkarab ‘greyish’ ← c’aħil ‘dimly’, t’erenkkarab ‘thinnish’ ← t’eren ‘thinly’, qaħkkarab ‘whitish’ ← qaħ ‘whitely’, which designate color terms. A d v e r b - a d j e c t i v e c o m p o u n d s are based on adverbs plus adjectives. Such adjectives often denote different shades of color, e.g., kanč’baʕarab ‘bright red’ (← kanč’ ‘brightly’ + baʕarab ‘red’) and bec’ʕurččinab ‘dark green’ (← bec’ ‘dark’ + ʕurččinab ‘green’).

3.3. Verbal compounds Compounding in verbs is very productive. N o u n - v e r b c o m p o u n d s are based on nouns combined with specific verbs, e.g., the verb ɣine ‘to crumble’, as in mac’aɣine ‘to gossip’ ← mac’a ‘gossip.OBL’, ʕarzaɣine ‘to complain’ ← ʕarza ‘complain.OBL.PL’, or the verb ine ‘to go’, as in sasine ‘to calm down’ ← sas ‘noise’, bodine ‘to be dishonored’ ← bod ‘people.army.LOC’, ɬadaqine ‘to go somewhere without purpose’ ← ɬadaq ‘water.LOC’. (Note that Avar verbs are cited in the infinitival form in -ne and -ze.) The examples above seem to be cases of grammaticalization, where the meaning of one of the verbs is thoroughly bleached.

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Causative verbs in Avar are v e r b - v e r b c o m p o u n d s based on combining a lexical verb with the truncated form of the verb habize ‘to do’. Such causative formation is productive, and it can be found in all verbal classes. Examples are xʷezabize ‘to make die’ (← xʷeze ‘to die’ + habize ‘to do’) and ƛ’urizabize ‘to make roll’ (← ƛ’urize ‘to roll’ + habize ‘to do’). N u m e r a l - v e r b c o m p o u n d s are very productive. They are based on truncated numerals plus verbs, e.g., k’ič’ʷaze ‘to combine, stack by two’ (← k’igo ‘two’ + č’ʷaze ‘to kill’), k’ibekize ‘to break in two (pieces)’ (← k’igo ‘two’ + bekize ‘to break’), k’iborɬize ‘to break through’ (← k’igo ‘two’ + borɬize ‘to make a hole, drill’).

3.4. Adverbial compounds Compounding in adverbs is very productive. N o u n - a d v e r b c o m p o u n d s are based on nouns in the oblique form combined with adverbs, as in čexˇat’ade ‘flat on one’s back’ (← čexˇa ‘stomach.OBL’ + t’ade ‘upwards’) and k’alaɣorƛʼe ‘prone, face downwards’ (← k’ala ‘mouth.OBL’ + ɣorƛʼe ‘down’). A d v e r b - a d v e r b c o m p o u n d s are based on two adverbs, as in cere-q’ad ‘the day before yesterday’ (← cere ‘earlier, before’ + q’ad ‘in the day time’) and son-q’asi ‘yesterday evening’ (← son ‘yesterday’ + q’asi ‘in the evening’). Coordinate compound adverbs combine adverbs with different meanings, e.g., kisa-kibego ‘everywhere’ (← kisa ‘from where’ + kibego ‘everywhere’). Some compound adverbs are based on adverbs which are antonyms, e.g., q’asi-q’ad ‘all day long’ (← q’asi ‘in the evening’ + q’ad ‘in the day time’) and roq’o-q’ʷat’iw ‘everywhere’ (← roq’o-w ‘at home’ + q’ʷat’iw ‘outside’). In some adverbs one of the parts of the compound adverb means the same as the whole word, as in baɬgo-ʕat’go ‘secretly’ (← baɬgo ‘secretly’ + ʕat’go ‘damply’) and č’ago-ʕat’go ‘vividly’ (← č’ago ‘vividly’ + ʕat’go ‘damply’).

3.5. Synthetic compounds Avar not only has compounding and derivation but also complex means of word-formation such as compounding together with derivation. Such compounds can be described as “synthetic compounds”, of the type churchgoer where neither church go nor goer are independent words. We call such word-formation “complex word-formation”. Such word-formation processes are used to derive nouns and not other parts of speech. Very often such complex compounds are based on a noun/adverb plus a verb (usually the truncated form of an infinitive ɬeze ‘to put’) plus the suffix -l. Complex nominals based on full or truncated adverbs combined with a truncated form of an infinitive plus the suffix -l are t’aɬel ‘lid’ (← t’ad ‘above’ + ɬeze ‘to put’ + -l), ɣorƛʼč’el ‘ambush’ (← ɣorƛʼ ‘under’ + č’eze ‘to stand’ + -l) and cadaqɬel ‘supplement’ (← cadaq ‘together’ + ɬeze ‘to put’ + -l). Complex nominals can be based on nouns in the full or truncated forms, in absolutive and oblique forms combined with the truncated form of an infinitive plus the suffix -l, e.g., cˇiraqɬel ‘stick for a lamp’ (← cˇiraq ‘lamp’ + ɬeze ‘to put’ + -l), kʷeɬel ‘glove’ (←

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kʷer ‘hand’ + ɬeze ‘to put’ + -l), ħarcˇiƛ’ɬel ‘saucer’ (← ħarcˇiƛ’ ‘under the plate’ + ɬeze ‘to put’ + -l), mergiƛ’ɬel ‘support for spindle’ (← mergiƛ’ ‘under the spindle’ + ɬeze ‘to put’ + -l).

4. Derivation Another process of forming new words in Avar is derivation, which includes native and non-native derivation.

4.1. Nominal derivation Nominal derivation is the most productive. Derivational suffixes are usually attached to absolutive or oblique forms of nouns.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns The suffix -ɬi, which is one of the most productive suffixes, derives a b s t r a c t n o u n s and concrete nouns from nouns in the absolutive and oblique cases, e.g., baq’-ɬi ‘sunny side’ ← baq’ ‘sun’, emen-ɬi ‘fatherhood’ ← emen ‘father’, insuq-ɬi ‘fatherland’ ← insuq ‘father.LOC’. -ɬi derives abstract nouns from verbal nouns (masdars), as in boži-ɬi ‘trust’ ← boži ‘believing’ and berhen-ɬi ‘victory’ ← berhin ‘winning’. The suffix -ɬi derives abstract nouns from nouns that already have a derivative suffix, as in axiqan-ɬi ‘gardening’ ← axi-qan (axi ‘garden’ + -qan) ‘gardener’. Another derivational suffix -ro, which is productive, derives a g e n t , p l a c e and i n s t r u m e n t n o u n s from verbal nouns, as in borxa-ro ‘hoist’ ← borxi ‘lifting’ and ččuk’a-ro ‘tool for excoriation (of animal skin)’ ← ččuk’i ‘stripping the skin off’. The suffix -ro can be used to derive nouns that denote negative traits of character, e.g., ħanč’e-ro ‘person who bites’ ← ħanč’ey ‘biting’ and sent’ero ‘person who puts his nose into other people’s business’ ← sent’ey ‘sniffing.DUR’. The suffix -ro forms nouns that denote natural phenomena, as in sʷerdi-ro ‘whirlpool’ ← sʷerdi ‘rotating’ and čʷaxde-ro ‘waterfall’ ← čʷaxdey ‘current.DUR’. The suffix -han, which is presumably a borrowed suffix from Persian, is not very productive. It is attached to nouns in the absolutive and to oblique forms to derive agent nouns, e.g., habi-han ‘miller’ ← habi ‘mill.OBL’, bogo-han ‘cook’ ← bogo ‘breakfast.OBL’, koro-han ‘stoker, boiler man’ ← koro ‘oven’. The suffix -qan is very productive. This suffix can attach to the absolutive and to the oblique forms of nouns. Very often it derives nouns denoting professions, e.g., ħalt’uqan ‘worker’ ← ħalt’i ‘work’, ħanč’i-qan ‘fowler, poultry breeder’ ← ħanči ‘bird.PL’, raɬda-qan ‘sailor’ ← raɬda ‘sea.OBL’. It can also derive agent nouns with negative traits of character, e.g., mac’i-qan ‘squealer’ ← mac’i ‘tongue.OBL’ and čuħu-qan ‘arrogant man’ ← čuħu ‘pride.OBL’. The suffix -qan can derive agent nouns from nouns not only in their base or oblique stem but also from nouns in the locative cases, as in čot’a-qan

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‘horseman, rider’ ← čot’a ‘horse.LOC’ and ɬet’a-qan ‘raftsman’ ← ɬet’a ‘water.LOC’. The suffix -qan can also derive agent nouns from truncated forms of verbal nouns (masdars) with some modification of the stem, as in wekeru-qan ‘male racer’ ← wekeri ‘running (of male gender)’, yekeru-qan ‘female racer’ ← yekeri ‘running (of female gender)’ and bekeru-qan ‘fast horse’ ← bekeri ‘running (of non-human gender)’. Note that the meaning of the last three examples is conditioned by the prefixal gender/number markers w(for male), y- (for female), and b- (for animal). The suffix -cˇ, which is productive, derives nouns from other nouns and adverbs. It forms nouns that express evaluative/descriptive names of people. It derives agent nouns from nouns either in the absolutive or in the oblique form, as in k’ala-č ‘talker, chatterer’ ← k’ala ‘mouth.OBL’, ħoxˇo-č ‘dimwit’ ← ħoxˇo ‘stub.OBL’ and miqi-č ‘man with a big moustache’ ← miqi ‘moustache.OBL’. The suffix -cˇi is very productive. It is presumably a borrowed suffix from a Turkic language. Cf. examples with borrowed Turkic nouns plus the suffix -cˇi: tuken-či ‘seller’ ← tuken ‘shop’ and quluq-či ‘employee’ ← quluq ‘work’. Borrowed nouns from Arabic (e.g., zaħmat-či ‘toiler’ ← zaħmat ‘difficulty’) and Russian can also be used with the suffix -cˇi, e.g., traktor-či ‘tractor driver’ ← traktor ‘tractor’, kolxoz-či ‘collective farmer’ ← kolxoz ‘farm’, pulemet-či ‘machine gunner’ ← pulemet ‘machine gun’. They mostly denote professions. However, the status of the suffix -cˇi is debatable, mainly because Avar already has a lexeme cˇi with the meaning ‘man, person’ which can also be used for derivation, as in hoko-či ‘driver of a bullock cart’ ← hoko ‘bullock cart’, heresi-či ‘liar’ ← heresi ‘lie’ or ɣalmaɣir-či ‘brawler’ ← ɣalmaɣir ‘scandal’. The suffix -cˇi derives nouns from nouns either from the absolutive or genitive cases, as in q’ali-či ‘drummer’ ← q’ali ‘drum’, kopol-či ‘merry person’ ← kopol ‘joy.GEN’ and q’ʷat’ul-či ‘idler, reveller’ ← q’ʷat’ul ‘street.GEN’. Another suffix used in nominal derivation is -k, which is productive. It derives agent nouns from nouns in the absolutive and oblique forms. It expresses descriptive names of people and animals, e.g., heresi-k ‘liar’ ← heresi ‘lie’, t’oħo-k ‘lousy person’ ← t’oħo ‘tetter.OBL’, nodo-k ‘animal with a spot on its forehead’ ← nodo ‘forehead’. This suffix also derives nouns from verbal nouns (masdars), as in beč’a-k ‘weakling’ ← beč’ay ‘fading.DUR’ or barsˆu-k ‘touchy person’ ← barsˆi ‘offending’. The suffix -lo is productive. It derives nouns from nouns which stand in the oblique form, as in maxxa-lo ‘hip’ ← maxx ‘iron.OBL’ and t’eha-lo ‘lentil’ ← t’eha ‘flower.OBL’. The suffix -lo also derives agent and instrument nouns from verbal nouns and the truncated forms of verbal nouns in the durative forms, as in qama-lo ‘robber’ ← qama- ‘stealing.OBL’, k’ʷere-lo ‘winnower’ ← k’ʷerey ‘winnowing.DUR’ and gere-lo ‘roller, rolling pin’ ← gerey ‘rolling.DUR’.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffix -cˇi derives p e r s o n a l n o u n s from the truncated forms of adjectives, as in bixˇin-či ‘good man’ ← bixˇin ‘masculine’, baħar-či ‘brave man’ ← baħar ‘young’ and kapur-či ‘atheist, infidel’ ← kapur ‘unbelieving’. The derived forms are evaluative personal nouns.

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4.1.3. Deverbal nouns The suffix -cˇi derives evaluative p e r s o n a l n o u n s from non-finite verbal forms (converbs), as in waq’un-či ‘hungry person’ ← waq’un ‘get.up.CVB’ and ʕorc’un-či ‘full person’ ← ʕorc’un ‘get.full.CVB’. The suffix -ɬi can derive a b s t r a c t n o u n s from the affirmative copula bugo ‘be.PRS’ and the negative copula heč’o ‘be.PRS.NEG’, e.g., bugo-ɬi ‘richness, property’ ← bugo ‘be.PRS’ and heč’o-ɬi ‘poverty’ ← heč’o ‘be.PRS.NEG’.

4.1.4. Deadverbial nouns The suffix -cˇ derives evaluative p e r s o n a l n o u n s from manner adverbs, as in k’odoč ‘giant’ ← k’odo ‘greatly’, ƛʼara-č ‘fat, obese person’ ← ƛʼara ‘fatly’ and ɬama-č ‘gentle, soft person’ ← ɬama ‘fluidly’. Some adverbs, when used with the suffix -cˇ, require the epenthetic vowel -u-, as in ʕinq’u-č ‘deaf person’ ← ʕinq’ ‘deafly’ + -u and gʷanzuč ‘rude person’ ← gʷanz ‘rudely’ + -u. Presumably the suffix -cˇ originated from the noun cˇi ‘man, person’. In Avar cˇi ‘man, person’ as a normal noun can be used with modifiers, as in ħinq’ulew či ‘fearful person’ and q’oq’aw či ‘short person’. Additionally such noun phrases with cˇi can have short forms, as in ħinq’ulew či ‘fearful person’ − ħinq’uč ‘coward’ and hit’inaw či ‘small person’ − hit’ič ‘baby’. The suffix -qan derives agent nouns from place adverbs, as in cebe-qan ‘leader (in herd) (e.g., he-goat)’ ← cebe ‘ahead’ and cewe-qan ‘leader, guide’ ← cewe ‘ahead’. Note that the interpretation of these examples is based on the adverb cewe/cebe ‘ahead’, which has a gender/number infix -w- designating human male and -b- referring to animal. The suffix -ɬi derives abstract and concrete nouns from adverbs, e.g., sʷeruq-ɬi ‘surroundings’ ← sʷeruq ‘around’ and ʕodob-ɬi ‘low place’ ← ʕodob ‘down’. The suffix -k/-uk forms personal nouns from manner adverbs, e.g., becc-uk ‘blind man’ ← becc ‘blindly’, pasa-k ‘libertine’ ← pasat ‘depravedly’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation Adjective derivation is very productive.

4.2.1. Denominal adjectives The suffix -(y)a combined with a gender number marker -b, -w, -y, or -l, is used to derive adjectives from nouns. As a rule, the -yab (-yaw, -yay, -yal) is attached to vowel-final nouns, e.g., daru-yab ‘medical’ ← daru ‘medicine’ and zahru-yab ‘poisonous’ ← zahru ‘poison’. The suffix -ab (-aw, -ay, -al) is attached to consonant-final nouns, e.g., bet’erab ‘main’ ← bet’er ‘head’ and kep-ab ‘merry, joyful’ ← kep ‘joy’. This kind of derivation is quite productive, especially in modern written forms of the language (e.g., in poems and proverbs). Borrowed nouns can also be used for derivation with the suffix

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-yab (-yaw, -yay, -yal), e.g., nouns borrowed from Russian, as in ekonomiki-yab ‘economical’ ← ekonomika ‘economics’ and literaturi-yab ‘literary’ ← literatura ‘literature’. The suffix -se combined with a gender number suffix -b, -w, -y, or -l derives adjectives from nouns with the meaning ‘suitable for’. The base for derivation is often a noun in the dative case. This suffix is very productive with proper nouns, as in Aħmadiye-seb ‘suitable for Ahmed’ ← Aħmadiye ‘Ahmed.DAT’, but also with common nouns, as in rat’liye-seb ‘suitable for clothes’ ← rat’liye ‘clothes.DAT’.

4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives The suffix -siya(b) is mostly used to derive approximative adjectives from truncated forms of color adjectives, as in baʕar-siyab ‘reddish’ ← baʕarab ‘red’, č’eʕer-siyab ‘blackish’ ← č’eʕerab ‘black’ and t’ohil-siyab ‘yellowish’ ← t’ohilab ‘yellow’. Another suffix which derives adjectives from other adjectives is the suffix -ab, which is productive. The derived adjectives express comparative degree as well as intensification, as in k’udiyab-ab ‘bigger, really big’ ← k’udiyab ‘big’ and č’eʕerab-ab ‘more black, really black’ ← č’eʕerab ‘black’.

4.2.3. Deadverbial adjectives The suffix -(y)a combined with a gender number suffix -b, -w, -y, or -l derives adjectives from adverbs, as in kʷeš-ab ‘bad’ ← kʷeš ‘badly’, ɬik’-ab ‘good’ ← ɬik’ ‘well’, sˆuli-yab ‘strong’ ← sˆula ‘strongly, firmly’. The suffix -se plus a gender number marker -b, -w, -y, or -l, is used to derive adjectives from adverbs. Such derivation is very productive, e.g., kidago-seb ‘constant, regular’ ← kidago ‘constantly’, t’ocebe-seb ‘first’ ← t’ocebe ‘in the first place’.

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs The suffix -xxin is very productive. It derives verbs from nouns that stand in the absolutive or in the oblique singular or oblique plural forms. The suffix -xxin derives verbs with the meaning ‘to be in the state of’, as in bečexxine ‘to be attached to a calf’ ← beče ‘calf’, maƛʼixxine ‘to be sleepy’ ← maƛʼi ‘sleep.OBL’ and kart’axxine ‘to wear through, be well-worn’ ← kart’a ‘hole.OBL.PL’. The suffix -xxin also derives verbs from verbal nouns (masdars). Here the derived verbs have the meaning ‘to become’, as in betaxxine ‘to curl, become curly’ ← beta ‘curling.OBL’ and bosaxxine ‘to become unstable, be tense’ ← bosa ‘taking.OBL’. The suffix -cˇin is productive. It derives verbs from nouns that stand in the oblique or locative forms. The derived verbs express change of state as well as the meaning ‘to be in the state of’, e.g., roxˇdočine ‘to be in heat (of animal)’ ← roxˇdo ‘herd.OBL’, qalačine

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‘to be covered with crust, ice’ ← qala ‘crust.OBL.PL’, ħurt’ačine ‘to become dusty’ ← ħur-t’a ‘dust.LOC’. The suffixes -d- and -and-, which are productive, are used to derive durative verbs from nouns, as in zigardize ‘to groan’ ← zigar ‘complaint’, c’ohodize ‘to be busy stealing’ ← c’oho ‘theft.OBL’ and basandize ‘to play (of animal)’ ← bas ‘calf’. The suffixes -i and -in are the most productive verbal suffixes in Avar. These suffixes are verbal noun (masdar) suffixes, and they are used to derive verbs from nouns that stand in the absolutive form, as in ʕet’ize ‘to sweat’ ← ʕet’ ‘sweat’ and ɣizine ‘to become dirty’ ← ɣiz ‘dirt’. Avar has a number of less productive suffixes present in a few verbs. The suffix -ʕay derives verbs from nouns and expresses a change of state, e.g., t’ilʕaze ‘to become numb’ ← t’il ‘stick’, c’ulʕaze ‘to grow stiff’ ← c’ul ‘wood’. The suffix -kkin derives verbs from nouns, e.g., ħekkine ‘to become soft’ ← ħe ‘wax’ and c’akkine ‘to smoulder’ ← c’a ‘fire’. The suffix -hi/-hin is used to derive verbs from nouns and verbal nouns, e.g., talahize ‘to rob’ ← tala ‘grabbing’ and balahize ‘to watch’ ← bala ‘watching.DUR.OBL’.

4.3.2. Deverbal verbs The suffixes -old- and -dar- are used to derive durative-frequentative verbs from other verbs, as in heq’oldize ‘to drink hard’ ← heq’eze ‘to drink’, qʷadarize ‘to write often (also of a writer)’ ← qʷaze ‘to write’, ƛʼurdize ‘to dance’ ← ƛʼurize ‘to roll’.

4.3.3. Deadverbial verbs Avar has a distinct class of inchoative verbs which are derived with the productive suffix -ɬi from adverbs, as in kʷešɬize ‘to become bad’ ← kʷeš ‘badly’, and ƛʼeruq’ɬize ‘to become pale’ ← ƛʼeruq’ ‘wanly’. In the inchoative/causative pairs, the causative is productively formed with the verb habize ‘to do’, e.g., kʷešɬizabize ‘to make bad’ ← kʷešɬize ‘to become bad’, bercinɬizabize ‘to make beautiful’ ← bercinɬize ‘to become beautiful’ (cf. section 3.3). The suffixes -d-, -dar- and -qaqd- are used to derive durative verbs from adverbs, as in cebeqaqdize ‘to hover about’ ← cebe ‘in front’, xaduqaqdize ‘to start searching’ ← xadub ‘after’, req’dize ‘to limp’ ← req’ ‘limpingly’. The suffix -i is used to derive verbs from adverbs, as in ħadurize ‘to get ready, prepare’ ← ħadur ‘ready’ and beʕerize ‘to sharpen’ ← beʕer ‘sharply’.

4.3.4. Denumeral verbs Verbal derivation from numerals is not very productive. This suffix -ɬi is used to form inchoative verbs with the meaning ‘to become’, as in coɬize ‘to join, become one’ ← co ‘one’ and k’iɬize ‘to divide (in two), become two’ ← k’igo ‘two’.

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4.3.5. Onomatopoetic verbs Avar has a small class of onomatopoetic verbs that all have stem-final -d and refer to the sounds that animals make, e.g., ħiħidize ‘to neigh’, mimidize ‘to meow’, c’ic’idize ‘to chirp’, ʕeʕedize ‘to crow’, baʕdize ‘to bleat’, čik’dize ‘to squeak’, zuzudize ‘to hum’.

4.4. Adverbial derivation 4.4.1. Denominal adverbs The suffix -gi, which is quite productive, is used to derive manner adverbs from nouns, e.g., ras-gi ‘not a bit; lit. not even a hair’ ← ras ‘hair’ and axir-gi ‘at last’ ← axir ‘end’. The suffix -go is productive. It derives adverbs from nouns in the absolutive and oblique cases and from personal pronouns. The derived adverbs with -go have the meaning ‘in the manner of’, as in ħamiqe-go ‘donkey-like’ ← ħamiqe ‘donkey.LOC’ and ccidal-go ‘angrily’ ← ccidal ‘anger.GEN’. Another derivative suffix is -sa. It derives manner adverbs from nouns, e.g., deʕensa ‘with one head down’ ← deʕen ‘he-goat’ and ˇxibil-sa ‘on one side’ ← ˇxibil ‘side’. The suffix -dal derives time adverbs from nouns that denote different seasons, e.g., ix-dal ‘in spring’ ← ix ‘spring’, ƛʼin-dal ‘in winter’ ← ƛʼin ‘winter’, riʔi-dal ‘in summer’ ← riʔi ‘summer’. The suffix -q’, which is productive, derives manner adverbs from nouns in the oblique stem. The suffix -q’ denotes absence or shortage of some quality of a noun, e.g., koco-q’ ‘ugly, without face’ ← koco ‘face.OBL’, resu-q’ ‘poorly’ ← resu ‘possibility.OBL’.

4.4.2. Deverbal adverbs The suffix -go is productive. It derives adverbs from non-finite verbal forms (converbs), as in urɣun-go ‘intentionally’ ← urɣun ‘think.CVB’ and tuban-go ‘finally, fully’ ← t’uban ‘fulfil.CVB’, but also from verbs that stand in the optative form, as in baq’ʷad-go ‘dryly’ ← baq’ʷad ‘be.dry.OPT’ and biččad-go ‘wetly’ ← biččad ‘become.wet.OPT’. The suffix -ʕan, which is productive, derives adverbs from verbs, as in ʕeze-ʕan ‘many, much’ ← ʕeze ‘to suffice’ and xʷeze-ʕan ‘till death’ ← xʷeze ‘to die’. The suffix -isa derives manner adverbs from non-finite verbal forms (participles), e.g., begun-isa ‘inside out’ ← begun ‘turn.PTCP’ and bit’un-isa ‘correctly, right’ ← bit’un ‘straighten.PTCP’.

4.4.3. Deadverbial adverbs The suffix -sa derives manner adverbs from other adverbs, e.g., ʕeb-sa ‘across’ ← ʕeb ‘widely’, beʕer-sa ‘with blade end in front’ ← beʕer ‘sharply’, xala-sa ‘along’ ← xalat ‘long’.

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5. Conversion Another type of word-formation in Avar is conversion. Nominal conversion from adjectives is very productive. When adjectives are substantivized, they denote people and objects rather than abstract nouns. There are some nouns that, diachronically, have undergone conversion from adjectives. But synchronically such nouns are real substantives and not modifiers, though formally they have adjective features, i.e. the gender/number suffixes -w and -y, which differentiate male and female persons. Such nouns are ʕolilaw ‘young man’, ƛʼerilaw ‘peer’, maʕarulaw ‘highlander, Avar man’, maʕarulay ‘highlander, Avar woman’. In partial conversion adjectives can be used both as substantives and modifiers. Nominal conversion from adjectives and participles is very productive, e.g., from adjectives: baħaraw ‘young’ → baħaraw ‘fiancé’ and ccidalaw ‘angry’ → ccidalaw ‘angry man’, or from participles: untaraw ‘sick’ → untaraw ‘patient’. Avar has nominal conversion from adverbs, e.g., beʕuq’ ‘uglily’ → beʕuq’ ‘ugly person’, c’odor ‘carefully’ → c’odor ‘clever man’.

6. Reduplication Reduplication is very productive in Avar.

6.1. Nominal reduplication Reduplication in Avar can be full and partial. Full reduplication is found in onomatopoetic words, as in q’irsˆ-q’irsˆi ‘squeak, crunch’. Nouns can be presented as fully reduplicated forms with no base for reduplication, as in kʷalkʷal ‘hindrance, obstacle’ (← kʷal + kʷal), laq’laq’ ‘stork’ (← laq’ + laq’) and ɣarɣar ‘fever’ (← ɣar + ɣar). The most common reduplication in Avar is a kind of partial reduplication: reduplicated nouns can be formed by copying the whole stem and changing the initial consonant to /m/. This reduplication indicates either diversity (plurality) or resemblance among the entities, i.e. ‘different things like this’, e.g., rak’-mak’ ‘heart and things like it’ ← rak’ ‘heart’, ʕašt’i-mašt’i ‘axe and things like it’ ← ʕašt’i ‘axe’, oc-moc ‘bull and things like it’ ← oc ‘bull’. Nouns having a vowel in the onset just add /m/ to the reduplicant, as in asar-masar ‘impression and things like it’ ← asar ‘impression’ and axir-maxir ‘end and things like it’ ← axir ‘end’. Nouns with initial /m/ do not undergo this kind of reduplication.

6.2. Adjectival reduplication Reduplication in adjectives is productive. In the reduplicated forms, the CVCV copy precedes the base. Such reduplication in adjectives implies emphasis, e.g., ɬik’a-ɬik’ab ‘really good’ ← ɬik’ab ‘good’ and qaħa-qaħal ‘really white’ ← qaħab ‘white’.

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Avar has partial reduplication with /m/ in adjectives, i.e. the onset consonant in the root word is changed to /m/ in the reduplicant. In such reduplication the copy precedes the base. In such reduplication the general meaning is diversity (plurality) and resemblance among the qualities, i.e. ‘different things like this’, e.g., č’eʕe-mеʕeral ‘black and suchlike’ ← č’eʕeral ‘black’ and č’aħi-maħiyal ‘big and suchlike’ ← č’aħiyal ‘big’.

6.3. Verbal reduplication Verbal reduplication is quite productive. The most common reduplication is partial reduplication, when the copy precedes the base. The reduplicated verbal forms have intensifying meaning, as in bah-bahize ‘to wear till holes’ ← bahize ‘to wear out’, bek-bekize ‘to break in pieces’ ← bekize ‘to break’, and c’a-c’aze ‘to stretch’ ← c’aze ‘to pull’. Some reduplicated verbs are formed by changing the original consonant into -d- in the reduplicated word, e.g., šur-šudize ‘to rustle’ ← šurize ‘to move’ and qʷa-qʷadize ‘to touch upon’ ← qʷaze ‘to touch’.

6.4. Adverbial reduplication Full reduplication of adverbs, which is very productive, serves to tone down the meaning of an adverb, as in cebe-cebe ‘a bit ahead’ ← cebe ‘ahead’, naqa-naqa ‘a bit from behind’ ← naqa ‘from behind’, or it can have distributive meaning, as in bat’a-bat’a ‘individually’ ← bat’a ‘separately’, dah-dah ‘a little each time’ ← dah ‘few’, q’asi-q’asi ‘each evening’ ← q’asi ‘in the evening’. In partial reduplication of adverbs, which is productive and serves a variety of functions, the copy precedes the base. Partial reduplication can express distributive meaning, e.g., rada-radal ‘each morning’ ← radal ‘in the morning’, riʔi-riʔidal ‘every summer’ riʔidal ‘in summer’, basˆa-basˆad ‘in two, half-and-half’ ← basˆad ‘equally’. It can also intensify the meaning of an adverb, e.g., ask’o-ask’ob ‘a bit closer’ ← ask’ob ‘close’, žani-žanib ‘further inside’ ← žanib ‘inside’, xadu-xadub ‘a bit later’ ← xadub ‘afterwards, later’. Additionally, the reduplicated adverb can require the adverbial suffix -go, as in razi-rakigo ‘in good mood/spirits’ ← razi ‘contentedly’ and ʕaga-šagargo ‘approximately’ ← ʕaga(r) ‘near’. Partial reduplication is also found in adverbs presented as locative noun phrases, e.g., zama-zamanaɬ ‘usually’ ← zamanaɬ ‘for a short time’, raqraqalde ‘from side to side’ ← raqalde ‘to one’s side’, bak’-bak’alda ‘in different places’ ← bak’alda ‘on one’s place’. Finally, partial reduplication is used to derive manner adverbs from converbs, as in q’aɬ-q’aɬun ‘brightly’ ← q’aɬun ‘become.light.CVB’ and t’ir-t’irun ‘stubbornly’ ← t’irun ‘be.stubborn.CVB’.

Abbreviations ABS CVB DUR

absolutive converb durative

GEN INF INSTR

genitive infinitive instrumental

207. Khwarshi LOC NEG NZ OBL POT

locative negation nominalizer oblique potential

3707 PST PTCP RED TEMP VZ

present tense, past participle reduplication temporal verbalizer

7. References Abdullaev, Magomed and Jakub Sulejmanov 1965 Avarskij jazyk. Maxačkalaː Dagucˇpedgiz. Alekseev, Mixail E. and Boris M. Ataev 1998 Avarskij jazyk. Moskvaː Academia. Alixanov, Said Z. 1986 Suffiksaľnoe obrazovanie glagolov v avarskom jazyke. In: Zapir Abdullaev (ed.), Voprosy slovoobrazovanija dagestanskix jazykov, 47−56. Maxačkalaː Tipografija Dagestanskogo naučnogo centra Rossijskoj akademii nauk. Džidalaev, Nurislam S. and Said Z. Alixanov 1985 Genezis avarskogo slovoobrazovateľnogo ėlementa -či. Maxačkala: Tipografija Dagestanskogo naučnogo centra Rossijskoj akademii nauk. Madieva, Gulzˇanat I. 1980 Morfologija avarskogo literaturnogo jazyka. Maxačkala: Izd. Dagestanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Magomedov, Magomed I. and Said Z. Alixanov 2008 Slovoobrazovanie v avarskom jazyke. Maxačkalaː Tipografija Dagestanskogo naučnogo centra Rossijskoj Akademii nauk. Osmanov, Jusup U. 2000 Struktura složnyx slov v avarskom literaturnom jazyke. Maxačkala: Izd. Dagestanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Žirkov, Lev I. 1948 Slovoobrazovanie v avarskom jazyke. Maxačkalaː Izd. Akademii nauk SSSR, Dagestan.

Madzhid Khalilov and Zaira Khalilova, Leipzig (Germany)

207. Khwarshi 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Reduplication References

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Abstract This article gives an overview of Khwarshi word-formation. Being a language with rich morphology, Khwarshi has various devices for word-formation, including compounding, derivation with affixes, conversion, and reduplication. Khwarshi is a minority language which is strongly influenced by neighboring languages, especially by Avar. Thus, we discuss word-formation processes native to Khwarshi as well as borrowed word-formation devices, e.g., some derivational suffixes.

1. Introduction Khwarshi belongs to the Tsezic subbranch of the Avar-Andic-Tsezic branch within the Nakh-Dagestanian language family, and is spoken by about 8,000 speakers in the Daghestan Republic in Russia. Khwarshi has five dialects: Khwarshi Proper, Inkhokwari, Kwantlada, Santlada, and Xwayni. This article is based on the Kwantlada dialect. Almost all speakers are bilingual or even trilingual (Russian and Avar are the lingua francas). Due to language contact with Avar, some Andic languages, and Russian, Khwarshi has many borrowings not only in the lexicon but also in the morphology. Khwarshi is an absolutive/ergative language. It is a verb final language with a basic word order SOV, which is an unmarked order, though five other word orders are possible. Agreement is always triggered by the absolutive argument and is shown on verbs and adjectives with the help of gender/number markers. Khwarshi has rich nominal morphology with five genders in singular and two genders in plural; it has an extensive case system − grammatical cases: absolutive, ergative, genitive1, genitive2, lative, instrumental, equative, vocative, and durative; and spatial cases: seven orientational markers (corresponding to English ‘on’, ‘under’, ‘in’, ‘inside’, ‘at’, ‘near’, and ‘around’) can combine with six localizations − essive, lative, versative, ablative, translative, and terminative. Nouns distinguish absolutive and oblique stems; however, in some nouns absolutive and oblique stems may coincide. All cases other than the absolutive are based on an oblique stem.

2. General overview The most important Khwarshi word-formation techniques are compounding, derivation, conversion, and reduplication. One of the interesting points in Khwarshi word derivation is borrowed derivation. Following Matras and Sakel (2007), borrowing of Avar derivational suffixes to Khwarshi can be described in terms of “matter borrowing” (MATborrowing), i.e. direct borrowing of morphemes. Matter borrowing of derivational suffixes from Avar into Khwarshi includes not only the adoption of a suffix within an Avar loan, but also the extension of the borrowed suffix to non-Avar bases (i.e. Khwarshi words), cf. example (1): (1)

Avar suffix -ɬi

Avar word emen-ɬi ‘fatherhood’ (← emen ‘father’)

Khwarshi word q’ˤem-ɬi ‘relatives’ (← q’ˤem ‘head’)

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3. Composition Khwarshi compounding is one of the main means by which new words are formed. Compounds can be divided into copulative (coordinate) and determinative compounds.

3.1. Nominal compounds In Khwarshi the majority of nominal compounds have noun-noun structure. Khwarshi has very few determinative compounds, with a head noun, e.g., ɣine-hadam ‘woman; lit. woman-human’, baxˇarči-žik’o ‘hero, brave man; lit. brave.man-man’. The majority of Khwarshi compounds are copulative compounds, also known as dvandva, with two separate semantic heads. The copulative compounds can be formally divided into several types: (i) one of the parts in the compound noun means the same as the whole word, e.g., yoⁿqʼu-ɬo ‘broth; lit. broth-water’, lac’a-c’o ‘food; lit. food-fire’, haqʼu-qʼala ‘family; lit. family-children’, lamus-yaħ ‘conscience; lit. conscience-dignity’; (ii) both parts in the compound noun have similar meaning, e.g., c’od-koknu ‘meal; lit. to drink-to eat’; (iii) two parts of the compound with an independent meaning form the whole meaning of the compound, e.g., uže-kad ‘children; lit. boy-girl’, išu-obu ‘parents; lit. mother-father’, ɣudul-ɣay ‘farm, small holding; lit. garden-house’, γur-γon ‘garden; lit. stone-tree’. Gender assignment of a compound depends on whether both parts of a compound are nouns of the same gender or nouns of different genders. The first possibility is when the compound has the same gender as both its parts, e.g., haqʼu-qʼala ‘family’ is of gender 3, including haq’u ‘family’ of gender 3 and q’ala ‘children’ of gender 3. The second possibility is when the compound noun randomly takes the gender of one of its compounding parts, e.g., ɣudul-ɣay (4) ‘household, plot’ (← ɣudul ‘garden’ of gender 4 + ɣay ‘house’ of gender 3), ɣur-ɣon (4) ‘garden’ (← ɣur ‘stone’ of gender 5 + ɣon ‘tree’ of gender 4). The third possibility is when the compound takes the human plural, as in išu-obu ‘parents; lit. mother-father’, where the first component refers to male gender and the second to female gender. (Here and below Roman numbers in brackets following a noun indicate gender class of a given noun.) In Khwarshi nominal compounds based on verbs are not very frequent. The basic structure for such compounds is the combination of a verbal stem followed by a masdar (deverbal noun). All deverbal nominal compounds are copulative compounds, e.g., c’odkoknu ‘meal; lit. drink-eating’, loq-lɨsnu ‘purchase; lit. take-finding’, meƛ’-beznu ‘wedding, marriage, travel; lit. go-buying’.

3.2. Adjectival compounds Compounding in adjectives is not very productive. Khwarshi has only few adjectiveadjective compounds, e.g., logu-luq’ˤq’ˤu ‘plaintive, sorrowful’ ← logu ‘good’ + luq’ˤq’ˤu ‘big’, žukan-logun ‘bad + good’ ← žuka ‘bad’ + logu ‘good’.

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3.3. Verbal compounds Compound verbs are formed by using a lexical part (also called “coverb”) and a light verb, either l-iya ‘to do’ or l-eqa ‘to happen, begin’. (Here and below, verbs with prefixal agreement are marked with l-/n- or b-. Infixal agreement is marked with angle brackets. Verbs are cited in the infinitive in -a after a consonant-final stem and -ya after a vowelfinal stem.) Compounding with the verb l-iya ‘to do’ forms transitive verbs, and the verb l-eqa ‘to happen’ forms intransitive verbs. The lexical word can be expressed by a noun or an infinitive, both of which are most often borrowed words, e.g., from Russian or Avar. The light verb l-iya ‘to do’ combines with nouns, as in (2a) with an Avar loan noun, and verbs, as in (2b) with a Russian loan verb, while the light verb l-eqa ‘to happen’ combines only with nouns (2c). In Khwarshi differentiation between compound verbs and phrases is not very clearcut. Compound verbs, which are basically noun-verb (lexical noun + light verb) and verb-verb (lexical verb + light verb) complexes, have both phrasal and lexical properties. As a phrase, for instance, the noun in the noun-verb complex occupies the absolutive slot and prevents other absolutive arguments from occurring with the light verb; this noun in the noun-verb complex triggers verbal agreement. Nouns in noun-verb complexes are flexible and can be moved away from the light verb, whereas the verb in verbverb complexes will always require adjacency to its light verb. As a word, the meaning of the verbal compounds is non-compositional. Very frequently, the noun and the verb in the verbal compound prefer to be adjacent to their light verb. As a test for being a single lexical unit, one can use the fact that nouns in the verbal complexes cannot be questioned with the wh-questions. (2)

a. xʷasar b-i-ya rescue(III) III-do-INF ‘to rescue’ inkar b-i-ya refusal(III) III-do-INF ‘to refuse’ b. razoblačit’ l-i-ya disclose.INF IV-do-INF ‘to disclose’ c. nuše l-eq-a shame(IV) IV-happen-INF ‘to be ashamed’

The compound verb can be a combination of an adverb and a verb, e.g., ƛ’oloq’ayda ‘to charge, entrust’ ← ƛ’olo ‘above’ + q’ayda ‘close’. Interestingly, in Avar the verb ‘to charge, entrust’ has the same pattern of formation. A few verbs are formed by compounding two verbal stems which can be either of similar or different meaning, e.g., l-ič.t’ot’a ‘to chop’ ← l-iča ‘to cut’ + t’ot’a ‘to divide’, n-aq.ɬuq’a ‘to finish’ ← n-aqa ‘to sew’ + ɬuq’a ‘to finish’. Some verbs can take the meaningless stem rek’- attached to the verbal stem, which usually does not apply any additional meaning to the verb, e.g., ɬuqa ‘to finish’ →

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ɬuq.rek’a ‘to finish’, šuk’a ‘to hit’ → šuk’.rek’a ‘to hit’. When the stem rek’- is used, a new verb can narrow its meaning, e.g., tuƛa ‘to give, sell’ → tuƛ.rek’a ‘to sell’, or sometimes it can obtain an additional meaning, e.g., ɬik’a ‘to stir’ → ɬik’.rek’a ‘to stir, socialize’.

3.4. Adverbial compounds Khwarshi does not have many compound adverbs. The only compound adverb is žohoq’ˤemul ‘backwards’, which can be further analyzed as a combination of the adverb žoho ‘behind’ and the noun q’ˤem ‘head’ with the lative suffix -l; this adverb can literally be translated as ‘behind the head’.

4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation Khwarshi has several derivational suffixes which form nouns from different parts of speech.

4.1.1. Denominal nouns The suffix -ɬi is a loan suffix from Avar used to derive a b s t r a c t n o u n s or status nouns from nouns and adjectives, which are then borrowed into Khwarshi, e.g., hadamɬi ‘humanity’ ← hadam ‘people’, q’adar-ɬi ‘meanness’ ← q’adar ‘fault’. This suffix is never used to form abstract nouns from words of Khwarshi origin, except for one word q’ˤem-ɬi ‘relatives’, which consists of the noun q’ˤem ‘head’ plus the suffix -ɬi, the meaning of this noun being lexicalized. The suffix -ɬi is also used to derive nouns from Russian (human) nouns which refer to professional duties, e.g., učitel-ɬi ‘teaching’ ← učitel ‘teacher’, director-ɬi ‘duty of a director’ ← direktor ‘director’, sekretar-ɬi ‘duty of a secretary’ ← sekretar ‘secretary’. The suffix -ɬar is mostly used with words of native origin to derive abstract nouns from nouns, e.g., žik’o-ɬar ‘courage’ ← žik’o ‘man’, gobinu-ɬar ‘absence, lack’ ← gobinu ‘be.PRS.NEG-MASD’. All nouns derived with the suffix -ɬi and the suffix -ɬar are assigned to gender 4, which is a gender to which all abstract nouns are assigned in Khwarshi. A suffix which is used to derive p e r s o n a l n o u n s denoting professions and the like is the suffix -qan. Like the suffix -ɬi it is an Avar suffix and mostly used with Avar words, e.g., cˇana-qan ‘hunter’ ← cˇana ‘hunt’ (Avar), hersi-qan ‘liar’ ← heresi ‘lie’ (Avar). Derivative nouns with -qan can also be based on Khwarshi native nouns, e.g., keč’i-qan ‘singer’ ← keč’i ‘song’, k’iše-qan ‘dancer’ ← k’iše ‘dance’, dayi-qan ‘drummer’ ← dayi ‘drum’.

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Several productive suffixes -qale/-xale/-mare/-xe/-qe are used to form personal nouns, some of which have a negative connotation. These derivational suffixes are usually added to the absolutive singular form of the noun, but they can also be added to the oblique singular form of nouns, e.g., xeƛ’-mare ‘sniveller’ ← xeƛ’ ‘snivel’, bulʲa-xˤe ‘bald person’ ← bulʲa ‘bald patch’, aⁿxˤa-qale ‘glutton’ ← aⁿxˤ ‘stomach’, yoⁿca-xale ‘slobbery person’ ← yoⁿcu ‘saliva’, muša-xale ‘stinky person’ ← muše ‘smell’. Occasionally the suffix -dale/-ale derives nouns from a noun to give personal nouns, e.g., hik’-dale ‘hiccup person’ ← hik’ ‘hiccup’. The suffix -č’e is used to derive kinship nouns from the indigenous adjective -uq’ˤu ‘big’, which has a slot for a gender/number agreement prefix: 0̸-uq’ˤuč’e ‘grandfather, old man’ and y-uq’ˤuc’e ‘grandmother, old woman’. This kinship suffix is only found in these two nouns.

4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns The suffix -ɬar is productive. It is mostly used with words of native origin to derive a b s t r a c t n o u n s from adjectives and participles, e.g., žuka-ɬar ‘maliciousness’ ← žuka ‘bad’, q’očču-ɬar ‘wanting’ ← q’očč-u ‘want-PST.PTCP’, ot’uq’dow-ɬar ‘coming’ ← ot’uq’-dow ‘come-GNT.PTCP’.

4.1.3. Deverbal nouns The suffix -nu is used to form a b s t r a c t n o u n s from verbs, i.e. deverbal nouns, which are also known as masdars. The masdar suffix -nu is very productive. Derived nouns with the masdar suffix -nu are assigned to gender 4, e.g., azala-nu ‘freezing’ ← azalaya ‘to become frozen’, buƛ’-nu ‘fear’ ← buƛ’a ‘to fear’, buwox-nu ‘murder’ ← buwoxa ‘to kill’. The suffix -nak’u derives nouns from verbs to yield evaluative/descriptive p e r s o n a l n o u n s , e.g., uƛ’a-nak’u ‘coward’ ← uƛ’a ‘to be afraid’. This suffix is not productive. The suffix -dale/-ale is productive. It derives agentive nouns from verbs, e.g., hoddale ‘beggar’ ← hoda ‘to ask’, iⁿya-dale ‘cry-baby’ ← iⁿya ‘to cry’, ƛ’aƛ’aq-ale ‘thief’ ← ƛ’aƛ’aqa ‘to rob’.

4.1.4. Deadverbial nouns The suffix -ɬi derives abstract nouns or status nouns from adverbs, e.g., ħadur-ɬi ‘preparation’ ← ħadur ‘readily’.

4.2. Adjectival derivation In Khwarshi adjective derivation is a very productive process. Formally, the word class of adjectives can be divided into non-derived and derived adjectives, the latter being the

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majority. Derived adjectives are formed with the help of derivative suffixes. Derived adjectives, just like non-derived adjectives, can be used in predicative, attributive, and substantive functions; the latter function is achieved by the simple conversion of adjectives (see section 4.1). The most productive derivative suffix -xu, used with polysyllabic stems, and -xxu, used with few CV stems, has p o s s e s s i v e meaning. The suffix is added to the absolutive and oblique forms of nouns, e.g., ciyoⁿ-xu ‘salty’ ← ciyoⁿ ‘salt’, q’ala-xu ‘pregnant’ ← q’ala ‘child’, loɬo-xu ‘oily’ ← loɬ ‘oil’, ɬe-xxu ‘watery’ ← ɬo ‘water’, puču-xu ‘with pepper’ ← puč ‘pepper’. The p r i v a t i v e suffix -t’u is less productive; there are only a few instances of this suffix. The suffix -t’u is added to the absolutive and oblique forms of nouns. Examples are ciyoⁿ-t’u ‘not salty’ ← ciyoⁿ ‘salt’, puču-t’u ‘without pepper’ ← puč ‘pepper’, loɬot’u ‘not oily’ ← loɬ ‘oil’, lok’o-t’u ‘heartless’ ← lok’o ‘heart’. The suffix -gu is quite restricted in its application. It occurs only in two adjectives with the derivation base being a noun and an adjective, e.g., nuca-gu ‘sweet’ ← nucu ‘honey’, muq’a-gu ‘bitter’ ← muq’a-r ‘bitter-IV’.

4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1. Denominal verbs There is no productive way to derive verbs from nouns in Khwarshi, but some idiosyncratic processes can be found. Occasionally, verbs can be formed by root extension, e.g., γˤelʲaya ‘to sift’ ← γˤelʲ ‘sieve’ (probably also šuša ‘to bury’ from šud ‘grave’). The suffix -ƛ is also used occasionally to derive verbs from nouns, e.g., ihoƛa ‘to pasture’ ← iho ‘herdsman’. The suffix -al forms intransitive verbs from nouns. This suffix is added either directly to the noun with no change, as in γurala ‘to crumple up’ ← γur ‘stone’, or the suffix -al is added to the noun undergoing truncation of a final vowel, as in nucala ‘to become sweet’ ← nuco ‘honey’. Note that this suffix occurs only with these two nouns.

4.3.2. Deadjectival and deadverbial verbs Khwarshi has several productive ways to derive verbs from adjectives and adverbs. The suffix -x is used for the derivation of i n c h o a t i v e verbs from adverbs, e.g., ogexa ‘to come near’ ← oge ‘near’, giɬxa ‘to deepen (itr.)’ ← giɬ ‘down’, ƛ’ihoⁿxa ‘to move aside’ ← ƛ’ihoⁿ ‘away’. The suffix -x derives inchoative verbs from adjectives, e.g., ičlaxa ‘to become old’ ← ičla ‘old’, k’ottuxa ‘to become low’ ← k’ottu ‘low’. The suffix -dax is used for the derivation of inchoative verbs from adjectives when added to the adjectival stem with an omitted final vowel. The derived verbs essentially mean ‘to become something partly, here and there’. More precisely this suffix refers to the spatial distribution of color, e.g., where an object is only partly covered by the color − the equivalent English translation is ‘here and there’. This suffix only attaches to color and texture adjectives, e.g., aluk’daxa ‘to become white partly’ ← aluk’a ‘white’,

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ečuk’daxa ‘to become yellow partly’ ← ečuk’a ‘yellow’, kˤabdaxa ‘to become black partly’ ← kˤaba ‘black’. The meaning of the suffix -x can be opposed to the meaning of the suffix -dax, where the suffix -x means ‘to become A to a full degree’ and the suffix -dax means ‘to become A to a partial degree’. For example, ut’anaxa means ‘to become red to a full degree’ and ut’andaxa means ‘to become red here and there, not to a full degree’. There are a few adjectives that can take the suffix -dax but not the suffix -x: sasdaxa ‘to become cloudy (here and there)’ ← sassu ‘cloudy’, boč’daxa ‘to become light (here and there)’ ← boč’č’u ‘light’. The suffix -ɬ is one of the productive derivational suffixes in Khwarshi. It is used for the derivation of inchoative verbs from adjectives and adverbs which are loanwords from Avar. It is never used to derive new verbs from native words. When the adjective ends in a sonorant or the consonant -γ, the suffix -ɬ is added to the stem, which undergoes a truncation of the ending, including the corresponding gender/number suffix and the vowel -a, e.g., ħayranɬa ‘to be surprised’ ← ħayrana-w ‘surprised-I’, ruhunɬa ‘to become trained’ ← ruhuna-w ‘trained-I’. When the adjectival stem ends in other consonants, the suffix -ɬ is added to the stem, and only the final gender/number suffix is truncated, e.g., bac’adaɬa ‘to become clean’ ← bac’ada-w ‘clean-I’, mičahaɬa ‘to become rich’ ← mičaha-w ‘rich-I’. The suffix -ɬ is always added directly to the stem when used with adverbs, e.g., bat’aɬa ‘to become separate’ ← bat’a ‘separately’, dandiɬa ‘to meet (itr.)’ ← dandi ‘in front’, dahɬa ‘to become few’ ← dah ‘few’.

4.3.3. Deverbal verbs The most productive kind of verbal derivation is the derivation of verbs from other verbs. In all cases, the valency of the verb is changed. In some cases, the valency of a verb is increased by one (e.g., causative derivation), while in other cases the number of arguments is preserved, but the case frame is changed (e.g., potential derivation). Note that no decrease in valency accompanies the formation of complex Khwarshi verbs. Khwarshi has a group of loan words formed with the suffix -d which is productively used to adapt verbs from Avar. This suffix can derive intransitive and transitive verbs and one affective verb. Examples of intransitive verbs are ɣanq’ida ‘to stifle’ ← ɣanq’ize (Avar), gurħida ‘to feel sorry’ ← gurħize (Avar), tʼaʕida ‘to demolish’ ← tʼaʕize (Avar), cʼʷakida ‘to shine’ ← cʼʷakize (Avar). Examples of transitive verbs are ħalbixˇida ‘to check’ ← ħalbixˇize (Avar), ƛʼurida ‘to twist’ ← ƛʼurize (Avar), reʕida ‘to accompany’ ← reʕize (Avar). There is one affective verb, bicˇʼcˇʼida ‘to understand’ ← bicˇ’cˇ’ize (Avar). New verbs can be derived with the suffix -l- added to the bare verbal stem. The base verbs can be intransitive (3) and transitive (4). Such verbs are traditionally called p o t e n t i a l / i n v o l u n t a r y agent constructions, i.e. the same suffix is used to express two meanings, e.g., puƛ-l-a ‘to be able to blow, blow accidentally’ ← puƛa ‘to blow’, l-ez-l-a ‘to be able to take, take accidentally’ ← l-eza ‘to take’, etc. The potential construction refers to the situation where an agent-like argument has an ability to perform some action. Verbs derived with the suffix -l- express potential meaning, as in ‘A is able to V’, where V refers to the verb that is the base for potential derivation. The involuntary-

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agent construction expresses involuntary actions carried out by an agent-like argument, as in ‘A Ved accidentally’, where V refers to the verb that is the base for derivation of involuntary action. The most agent-like argument in the potential/involuntary-agent constructions appears in the contessive case. (3)

diqo γˤʷe kok-l-i 1SG.CONT dog eat-POT-PST.W ‘I could feed the dog.’ / ‘I fed the dog accidentally.’

(4)

užaqa zihe b-uxad-l-i boy.CONT cow(III) III-slaughter-POT-PST.W ‘The boy could slaughter the cow.’ / ‘The boy killed the cow accidentally.’

Khwarshi has simple and complex c a u s a t i v e s. The simple causative suffixes derive simple causative verbs with the meaning ‘A causes B to V’. Khwarshi has a very productive way of forming simple causative verbs with the help of two suffixes -k’ and -x, which can have other allomorphs. The use of these suffixes depends on the syllabic structure as well as the intransitivity and transitivity of the verbs. The suffix -k’- is consistently used with polysyllabic verbal stems ending in vowels and with monosyllabic verbal stems with a (C)VC structure having final fricative consonants such as γ, x, h, e.g., q’eburdak’- ‘to lame-CAUS1’ ← q’eburdaya ‘to lame’, žʷarƛ’ada-k’- ‘to move-CAUS1’ ← žʷarƛ’adaya ‘to move’, ɬuγ-k’- ‘to stick-CAUS1’ ← ɬuγa ‘to stick’, ox-k’- ‘to get.offended-CAUS1’ ← oxa ‘to get offended’. In the glosses the causative 1 suffix means ‘to cause somebody/something to V’. The suffix -x occurs with monosyllabic verbal stems of (C)VC structure ending in d, t, t’, c, c’, č, č’, ƛ, ƛ’, q, q’, s, š, ɬ, r, l, or n. Note that there are no monosyllabic verbs ending in m or b. Thus, the causative suffix -x occurs with all consonants except for the fricatives γ, x, and h, as in ɬik’-x- ‘stir-CAUS1’ ← ɬik’a ‘to stir’, tuq-x- ‘hear-CAUS1’ ← tuqa ‘to hear’, puƛ-x- ‘blow-CAUS1’ ← puƛa ‘to blow’, c’ɨc’-x- ‘sharpen-CAUS1’ ← c’ɨc’a ‘to sharpen’, l-ek’-xʷ- ‘hit-CAUS1’ ← l-ek’ʷa ‘to hit’. Note that the labialization of the final verbal consonant in l-ek’ʷa ‘to hit’ shifts to the causative suffix l-ek’-xʷ-. However, there are also instances where both causative suffixes, -k’- and -x-, are used, i.e. after the fricatives s and š, after the dental plosive d, and after the nasal n, e.g., hod-k’-/ hod-x- ‘ask-CAUS1’, šʷan-k’-/šʷan-x- ‘roll-CAUS1’, -os-k’-/-os-x- ‘take-CAUS1’, šuš-k’-/ šuš-x- ‘bury-CAUS1’. Another suffix is -ok’/-ak’. Here the choice of suffix depends on vowel harmony, i.e. the causative suffix -ak’ is added when the verbal stem ends with the vowel -a, and the causative suffix -ok’ is used when the verbal stem ends with any other vowel. These suffixes are used with the following verbs: a) polysyllabic verbal stems ending in -d, which are intransitive verbs (verbs ending in -d are borrowed verbs from Avar); b) inchoative verbs being formed with the suffix -ɬ; c) polysyllabic verbs having the final consonant -ƛ, which are all onomatopoetic verbs and therefore by nature intransitive (note that monosyllabic verbs with final -ƛ are formed with the causative suffix -x-, e.g., leƛ-x- ‘be.ill-CAUS1’ ← leƛa ‘to be ill’). Examples are urγid-ok’- ‘think-CAUS1’ ← urγida ‘to think’, ruhunɬ-ok’- ‘train-CAUS1’ ← ruhunɬa ‘to train’, baʕaƛ-ak’- ‘bleat-CAUS1’ ← baʕaƛa ‘to bleat’.

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The suffix -xk’ is attached to mono- and bisyllabic verbal stems with final vowels, irrespective of (in)transitivity, e.g., zo-xk’ ‘skate-CAUS1’ ← zoya ‘to skate’, l-i-xk’- ‘doCAUS1’ ← l-iya ‘to do’, iⁿya-xk’- ‘cry-CAUS1’ ← iⁿyaya ‘to cry’, qʷa-xk’- ‘write-CAUS1’ ← qʷaya ‘to write’, b-odo-xk’- ‘work-CAUS1’ ← b-odoya ‘to work’. There are also possible complex causative suffixes which have the meaning ‘A causes B to cause C to V’. The suffix -oxk’/-axk’ is a suffix for the formation of the second causative, and it is used with verbal stems whose initial causative forms are formed with the suffix -k’, i.e. the causative suffix -k’- is replaced by the second causative suffix -oxk’/-axk’. The second causative suffix -xk’- is used with verbal stems having final vowels, where the initial causative form has the suffix -k’-. The simple causative suffix -k’- is replaced by the suffix -xk’. In the glosses, the causative 2 suffix means ‘to cause to cause’. Examples are xexiɬ-oxk’- ‘hurry-CAUS2’ ← xexiɬ-ok’- ‘hurry-CAUS1’, b-uxˤadaxk’- ‘slaughter-CAUS2’ ← b-uxˤad-ak’- ‘slaughter-CAUS1’, žʷarƛ’ada-xk’- ‘move-CAUS2’ ← žʷarƛ’ada-k’- ‘move-CAUS1’. The suffix -xoxk’, a suffix for second causative formation, is used with the verbal stems that take the first causative suffix -x or -xk’, i.e. the causative suffix -x or -xk’ is replaced by the suffix -xoxk’. Examples are l-uc-xoxk’- ‘break-CAUS2’ ← l-uc-x- ‘breakCAUS1’, b-eⁿhe-xoxk’- ‘fight-CAUS2’ ← b-eⁿhe-xk’- ‘fight-CAUS1’. Other complex causative suffixes are used to derive a meaning such as ‘A causes B to cause C to cause D to V’. Though derivation by means of third causative suffixes is productive, i.e. almost every verb can have a third causative suffix, the construction with a third causative is hardly used in speech production. The suffix -oxoxk’- is a suffix for forming the third causative, and it is used with verbal stems initially formed with the causative suffix -k’- or -ok’-/-ak’-. The third causative suffix -xoxoxk’- is used with verbal stems that take the initial causative suffix -x- or xk’-. Examples are ƛux-oxoxk’- ‘stayCAUS3’ ← ƛux-oxk’- ‘stay-CAUS2’ ← ƛux-k’- ‘stay-CAUS1’, l-ok’-xoxoxk’- ‘burn-CAUS3’ ← l-ok’-xoxk’- ‘burn-CAUS2’ ← l-ok’-x- ‘burn-CAUS1’, nɨzda-xoxoxk’- ‘mourn-CAUS3’ ← nɨzda-xoxk’- ‘mourn-CAUS2’ ← nɨzda-xk’- ‘mourn-CAUS1’. In the glosses, the causative 3 suffix literally means ‘to cause to cause to cause’. For syntactic consequences of causativization, see Khalilova (2009: 340).

4.3.4. Onomatopoetic verbs Khwarshi has a small class of onomatopoetic verbs that all have stem final -ƛ and refer to the sounds that animals make, e.g., baʕaƛa ‘to bleat’, mōōƛa ‘to moo’, p’ˤawƛa ‘to meow, quack (of ducks)’, q’ut’aƛa ‘to cackle’, ˤōⁿˤōⁿƛa ‘to bray, crow (of roosters)’, miniƛa ‘to bleat (of calves)’. Diachronically, the stem final -ƛ could have originated from the speech verb iƛ ‘to say’ combined with an onomatopoetic sound. Similar derivation of onomatopoetic verbs is also found in other closely related Tsezic languages, as in Bezhta. Nowadays, derivation of onomatopoetic verbs in Khwarshi is not productive. The cognate sounds of onomatopoetic verbs are used on their own to refer to animal sounds and are counted as a class of interjections and not nouns.

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4.4. Adverbial derivation 4.4.1. Deadjectival adverbs There are no productive ways to form adverbs. They have been formed in different ways, e.g., using derivational suffixes, using nouns in the locative forms, and other ways. The derivational suffix which is used in forming adverbs is the suffix -o, i.e. the adjective ending in -u is changed to -o, e.g., l-uƛƛ-o ‘strongly, loudly’ ← l-uƛƛ-u ‘strong, loud’, l-oɬ-o ‘alike’ ← l-oɬ-u ‘id.’, docco ‘much’ ← doccu ‘id.’. The adjective l-ogu ‘IV-good’ shows an idiosyncratic process when the adverb is formed, i.e. by vowel deletion, l-og ‘IV-well’. Occasionally Khwarshi adverbs can also be based on truncated adjectives, e.g., the adverb bit’t’e ‘exactly’ is derived from the adjective bit’t’ural ‘correct’, which is a borrowing from Avar.

4.4.2. Denominal adverbs The majority of adverbs are based on nouns in the corresponding locative case. Some adverbs are based on a noun plus an orientation marker, where the noun does not occur in isolation, e.g., nišo-ho ‘at night; lit. night-AD’, γol-ƛ’o ‘in the morning; lit. morningSUP’. Other time/place adverbs are also based on a noun plus an orientation suffix, but the notional part of such adverbs can be used separately, e.g., ƛ’obo-ƛ’o ‘in the afternoon’ (← ƛ’obo ‘afternoon’ + ƛ’o ‘SUP’), q’ar-ƛ’a ‘in due time’ (← q’ar ‘time.OBL’ + ƛ’o ‘SUP’), subo-ho ‘in autumn’ (← subo ‘autumn’ + ho ‘APUD’), mada-ha ‘outside’ (← mada ‘threshold’ + ho ‘APUD’), etc. There are a small number of place adverbs indicating body parts which are formed with the idiosyncratic suffix -e added to the truncated stem, e.g., liƛ’a ‘hand’ and liƛ’e ‘in the hand’, ezol ‘eye’ and eze ‘in the eye’.

5. Conversion In Khwarshi conversion is not very productive. It is found only in few word classes, adjectives and adverbs. Conversion from adjectives is very productive. Adjectives can be substantivized without use of any additional derivation. When adjectives are substantivized, they denote people and objects rather than abstract nouns. Nominalized adjectives, just like genuine nouns, can have one-stem and two-stem inflection patterns. One-stem inflection adjectives use the base stem for the absolutive and oblique case formation, e.g., bercinay ‘beautiful person’ and bercinay-is ‘beautiful.person-GEN1’, whereas two-stem inflection adjectives use the base stem for absolutive, while the oblique stem is formed with special oblique markers, e.g., ogu ‘good’ and ogo-lo-l ‘good.OBL-OBL-LAT’. There are several adverbs/adjectives where the direction of conversion is not clear, e.g., ʕezeʕan ‘many, much’, c’aq’ ‘much, very’, c’oxxu ‘few, a little’, dah ‘few, little’; these forms can be used both as adverbs and adjectives.

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Khwarshi has a small group of words that can function both as adverbs and postpositions, e.g., giɬ ‘below’, oge ‘near’, žoquža ‘behind’, atγuža ‘ahead’, ƛ’iho ‘sideward’, liƛ’o ‘up the mountains’, ƛilʲo ‘on the plains’. But unlike postpositions, these adverbs can take on spatial directional suffixes, e.g., giɬ-γul ‘below-VERS’.

6. Reduplication Reduplication is a productive process in Khwarshi. Khwarshi has complete and partial reduplication.

6.1. Nominal reduplication Reduplicated nouns are formed by copying the whole stem and changing the initial consonant to /m/. This kind of reduplication is very common and very productive in Khwarshi, just as in other Daghestanian languages. The primary use of this reduplication is to indicate either diversity (plurality) or resemblance among the entities, i.e. ‘different things like this’, e.g., k’oro-moro ‘cheese and things like it’ ← k’oro ‘cheese’, sˇisˇa-misˇa ‘a bottle and things like it’ ← sˇisˇa ‘bottle’, čay-may ‘tea and drinks like it’ ← čay ‘tea’, q’arp’uz-marp’uz ‘a watermelon and things like it’ ← q’arp’uz ‘watermelon’. However, this process is restricted in that nouns with initial /m/ cannot undergo this kind of reduplication. Some onomatopoetic words are usually formed by reduplication, e.g., dʷar-dʷali (the sound produced by steps or knocking), γʷar-γʷali (the sound produced by thunder or dishes), bur-bur (the sound produced by animals or steps). The following onomatopoetic reduplicated words are used to get the animals to come along, e.g., isis isis (for cats), mah mah (for dogs), c’ip c’ip (for chicks), maʕis maʕis (for sheep).

6.2. Adjectival reduplication Reduplication in adjectives is not very productive. Reduplicated adjectives already occur in adjectives of Avar origin. In the reduplicated form, the copy precedes the base. Such reduplication in adjectives implies emphasis, e.g., ungo-ungoyab ‘really real’ ← ungoyab ‘real’, bat’-bat’iyar ‘really different’ ← bat’iyar ‘different’. Native adjectives can also be reduplicated to express distributive meaning, e.g., ik’ik’ili ‘small (said of each one of a plurality of entities)’ ← ik’ili ‘small’. Reduplication in native adjectives can express plural meaning by adding the plural suffix -t’a, e.g., luƛluƛƛu-t’a ‘strong, loud (PL.)’ ← luƛƛu ‘strong, loud (SG.)’, mic’-mic’ik’i-t’a ‘tiny (PL.)’ ← mic’ik’i ‘tiny (SG.)’, etc.

6.3. Verbal reduplication Reduplication is very productive within the verbal morphology of Khwarshi. Reduplication can form durative and iterative verbs. Durativity refers to a durative action which

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lasts for a certain period of time. Iterativity refers to an iterative action which happens periodically and repeatedly with regular stops during a longer time period. Iterativity is typical for Avar-Andic languages but not for Tsezic languages. Iterativity is present in Khwarshi due to the influence of the neighboring Andic languages. The main candidates for verbal reduplication are usually monosyllabic or bisyllabic stems. Trisyllabic verbs do not have reduplicated durative forms. Almost all verbs can undergo reduplication and can have a durative form or an iterative form, or both forms. Verbs that denote a state of being, such as ‘to be thirsty’, ‘to be tired’, etc., do not have durative forms, but they have base and iterative forms, e.g., ač-ačqaya ‘to be constantly thirsty’ ← ačqaya ‘to be thirsty’. Durative verbs are formed by the reduplication of the final VC of the verb stem added to the end of the verb stem, e.g., k’oƛ-oƛ-a ‘jump-RED-INF’ ← k’oƛ-a ‘jump-INF’, ƛos-osa ‘drag-RED-INF’ ← ƛos-a ‘drag-INF’, l-akʷ-akʷ-a ‘IV-see-RED-INF’ ← l-akʷ-a ‘IV-seeINF’, l-uc-uc-x-a ‘IV-break-RED-CAUS-INF’ ← l-uc-x-a ‘IV-break-CAUS-INF’, l-it’-it’-x-a ‘IV-divide-RED-CAUS-INF’ ← l-it’-x-a ‘IV-divide-CAUS-INF’. Some verbs, however, allow reduplication of the initial CV added to the front of the verb stem, e.g., gugul-a/gulul-a ← gul-a ‘put-INF’, kukul-a/kulul-a ← kul-a ‘throw-INF’. Iterative verbs add the initial (C)VC of the verb stem to the durative form, e.g., k’oƛk’oƛoƛ-a ← k’oƛ-a ‘jump-INF’, ƛos-ƛosos-a ← ƛos-a ‘drag-INF’. When a verb with an agreement slot is reduplicated, the agreement prefixes are retained in the reduplication, i.e. both components of the reduplication can show agreement, e.g., l-uc-l-ucucx-a ← l-ucx-a ‘IV-break-INF’, l-ak-l-akak-a ← l-ak-a ‘IV-see-INF’, l-it’-l-ititx-a ← l-it’-x-a ‘IV-divide-CAUS-INF’. Polysyllabic verbs usually do not have durative forms, but they have iterative forms, e.g., l-ux-l-uxalak’-a ← l-uxala-k’-a ‘IV-long-CAUS-INF’, k’er-k’erek’-a ← k’erek’-a ‘drive.away-INF’, šak-šakiɬ-a ← šakiɬ-a ‘suspect-INF’. Some polysyllabic verbs have neither durative forms nor iterative forms, e.g., qeburdaya ‘to limp’.

6.4. Adverbial reduplication Reduplication in adverbs is not very productive and is only found with a few adverbs. For example, buč’e-buč’e ‘really free of charge’ ← buč’e ‘free of charge’ (such reduplication implies emphasis), where the full base is copied or zam-zamanaɬ ‘from time to time’ ← zamanaɬ ‘for a short time’, with a copy of the first CVC of the base preceding the base.

Abbreviations ABS AD APUD CAUS CONT CVB DUR

absolutive adessive apudessive causative contessive converb durative

GEN1 GEN2 GNT HPL INF NEG NHPL

first genitive second genitive general tense human plural infinitive negation non-human plural

3720

XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Northeast Caucasian

NZ OBL POT PRS PST PST.W PST.UW

nominalizer oblique potential present tense past tense past witnessed past unwitnessed

PTCP RED SUP TEMP VERS

I−V

participle reduplication superessive temporal versative genders

7. References Bokarev, Evgenij A. 1959 Cezskie (didojskie) jazyki Dagestana. Moskva: Izd. AN SSSR. Erckert, Roderich von 1895 Die Sprachen des Kaukasischen Stammes. Wien: Hölder. Imnajšvili, David S. 1963 Didojskij jazyk v sravnenii s ginuxskim i xvaršijskim jazykami. Tbilisi: Izd. AN Gruzinskoj SSR. Khalilova, Zaira 2009 A Grammar of Khwarshi. Utrecht: LOT. Matras, Yaron and Jeanette Sakel 2007 Gramatical Borrowing in Cross-linguistic Perspective. Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter.

Zaira Khalilova, Leipzig (Germany)

Subject index I. Terminological index The terminological index represents a compilation of key terms supplied by the authors which they considered to be of central importance to the subject matter of their contributions. The original list was then further extended by the editors with additional terms which, in working with the individual articles of the handbook, seemed to them to also be a crucial part of the terminology of the field. The index does not claim to be comprehensive; our hope is, however, that it will be a helpful instrument to those who are engaged in an earnest study of word-formation, and especially to those who are interested in applying the basic categories of word-formation to the typologically diverse languages of Europe. The entries of the register appear as a rule in strict alphabetical order. However, in order to preserve their relatedness to simplex terms, phrasal terms (such as “verbal affix”) are listed in inverse order alphabetically under their head term (e.g., “affix”), whose absence is indicated by a hyphen (i.e. “−, verbal”). Compounds as well as prefixations belonging to a superordinate term are listed under the superordinate term in an alphabetically organized subgrouping preceded by a bullet. In such cases a reference entry in the register directs the reader from the whole compound or prefixation to the superordinate head term under which the complex term can be found (for instance: language acquisition → acquisition; re-motivation → motivation). Non-English terms occur in italics.

A abbreviation 237, 353 f., 356, 407, 504, 512 f., 541 f., 734, 744 ff., 750 f., 773, 1029 ff., 1546 f., 1598, 1687, 1711, 1715, 1753, 1765, 1992, 2095, 2255, 2257 ff., 2274, 2290, 2294, 2334, 2336, 2408, 2429, 2484, 2522, 2688 f., 2806, 2814, 2816, 2827, 2837, 2870, 2876, 2889, 2910, 2928, 2936, 2975, 2983, 3015, 3041, 3047, 3072, 3121, 3255, 3453, 3465 f. ablaut 26, 59, 60, 62, 275, 305, 329, 489, 506, 1407, 1797, 2017, 2051, 2099, 2114, 2230, 2272, 2407, 2428, 2434, 2462, 2467, 2513, 2548, 2552, 3139, 3146, 3401, 3528, 3532 ff. absorption 810 f., 1672, 1765, 1773, 1849 abstraction marker → marker Abtrennung, falsche 1769, 1860 accent 124, 247, 305, 366, 469, 472, 506, 510, 558, 669, 832, 835, 1827, 1837, 1918, 1936, 1949, 2043, 2050 f., 2054, 2139, 2200, 2291, 2343, 2394, 2556, 2563, 2684, 2857, 2925, 2981, 3020, 3023, 3125, 3331 f., 3445, 3530

acquisition language acquisition 57, 66, 125, 156, 381, 451, 487, 545, 1010, 1015, 1538, 2117–2136, 2137–2154, 2555, 2783 second language acquisition 451, 1010, 2117, 2137–2154, vocabulary acquisition 2139 f., 2144, 2149 acronymy 7, 87, 90, 219, 317, 355 f., 358 f., 405, 543, 751 f., 853, 895, 902, 1546, 2200, 2202, 2449, 2464, 2503, 2551, 2576, 2617, 2658 f., 2728, 2746, 2749 f., 2807, 2814, 2827, 2839, 2910, 2936, 3025, 3072 ff. act nominal → nominal action nominal → nominal action nominalization → nominalization action noun → noun actionality 1217 ff., 1468, 1476, 3371, 3379 adaptation (adaption) 83, 129, 160, 789, 798, 955, 1032, 1106, 1109, 1112, 1570, 1617, 1640 f., 1645, 1672 f., 1681 ff., 1692 f., 1711, 1724, 1856, 1942, 2012, 2070 f., 2092, 2205, 2255, 2299, 2506, 2636, 2662, 2746, 2893, 2903, 2965, 2996, 3044, 3235, 3359 f., 3390, 3686

· · ·

3722 adfix 262 adjacency condition 100, 101, 851 adjective −, analytical 766, 771 f., 3055 −, articulated 3130 ff. −, deadjectival 1594, 1689, 2398, 2459, 2475, 2518, 2611, 2631, 2669, 2724, 2743, 2777, 2801, 2823, 2843, 2866, 2884 f., 2904, 2921, 2944, 2964, 2989, 3010, 3029, 3062, 3080, 3098, 3116, 3131, 3189, 3202, 3268, 3281, 3299, 3341, 3377, 3407, 3424, 3439, 3449, 3461, 3479, 3539, 3682, 3690, 3702 −, deadverbial 2476, 2745, 2885, 2990, 3031, 3189, 3479, 3559, 3670, 3683, 3691, 3702 −, denominal 12, 224, 312, 315, 476, 870, 1354, 1593 f., 1873, 1920, 1922, 1925, 1967, 2398, 2458, 2473, 2517, 2566, 2611, 2630, 2669, 2723, 2742, 2777, 2801, 2822, 28442, 2864, 2884, 2904, 2920, 2942, 2963, 2988, 3009 f., 3029, 3061, 3079 f., 3097, 3116, 3131, 3187, 3201, 3267, 3280, 3298, 3340, 3377, 3406, 3426, 3438, 3448, 3461, 3478, 3541, 3557, 3669, 3682, 3690, 3701 −, deprepositional 2630 −, deverbal 12, 74, 192, 1075, 1320, 1344 f., 1595, 1899 f., 1925, 1967, 2075, 2084, 2113, 2399, 2460, 2476, 2517 f., 2566, 2609, 2612, 2633, 2668, 2725, 2744 f., 2801, 2823, 2844, 2866, 2885, 2905, 2922, 2938, 2945, 2965, 2989, 3010, 3030, 3062, 3081, 3098, 3117, 3132, 3189, 3203, 3268, 3281, 3299, 3342, 3378, 3407, 3424, 3439, 3449, 3462, 3479, 3542, 3558, 3603, 3650, 3682, 3691 −, dispositional 3081 −, paired 3389 −, possessive 311 f., 315, 533, 540, 766, 1278, 1369, 1594, 2023, 2085, 2261, 2828, 2837, 2864, 2869, 2884, 2920, 3009, 3080, 3219, 3478 −, relational 195, 198, 315, 532, 673, 694, 746, 752, 757–779, 950, 952, 975, 981, 988, 1028, 1176, 1178, 1225, 1277, 1313, 1399, 1587, 1591, 1594, 1596, 1602, 1626, 1689, 1728, 1773, 1777, 1858, 1893, 1940 f., 1978, 1989, 1991, 2023, 2107, 2150, 2261, 2339, 2341 f., 2346 ff., 2360, 2419, 2442 f., 2604, 2623 f., 2630 ff., 2669, 2685, 2703, 2717, 2724 f., 2748, 2822,

Subject index 2842, 2864, 2870, 2884, 2904 f., 2920, 2925, 2938, 2956, 2964, 2988, 3009, 3057, 3074, 3080, 3131, 3187, 3201, 3356, 3423, 3549, 3573 f., 3634, 3690 −, resultative 3425 −, unarticulated 3130 ff. Adjektivabstraktum 1269 adjustment rule → rule adverb 1390–1405, 1811–1824 −, deadjectival 328, 1345, 1370, 1391, 1394 ff., 1876, 1901, 2348, 2420, 2572, 2692, 2825, 2887, 2949, 2970, 3065, 3085, 3343, 3411, 3581, 3653, 3673, 3717 −, denominal 1021, 1398 f., 1903, 2887, 2907 f., 2970, 3523, 3652, 3704, 3717 −, denumeral 1400 −, deverbal 787, 2887, 2907, 2970 f., 3066, 3544, 3653, 3704 adverb marker → marker sentence adverb 1394, 1396 ff., 2994 advertisement 387, 865, 1557 f., 2107, 2186, 2300, 2302, 2306, 2321, 2328 f., 2603 affix −, adverbial 1833 ff. −, conative 3158, 3160, 3170 f. −, evaluative 1468, 1480 f. −, intercalated 267 −, lexical 104, 1973 −, nominal 1467, 1481, 2980, 3290, 3293 −, phrasal 312, 446, 1826 ff., 2614 −, primary 545, 805 f. −, syntactic 104 −, verbal 605, 1434, 1467, 2824 affix chain 1770, 2656 affix class → class affix coalescence 555, 814, 1768, 1770, 1859 affix combination 975, 1565 f. affix competition 513 affix-driven 815, 925, 960 f. Affixkette 1770 affix order 301, 307 ff., 957, 959 ff., 1459 affix ordering 813, 924, 926 f., 957 ff., 969, 1459 affix origin 1855 affix placement 166, 268 affix pleonasm 537–550, 1765, 2027 affix replacement 539, 546, 833 affix rivalry 868, 1278 affix substitution → substitution affix telescoping 1770, 1855

·

Terminological index affix typology 863 class I affix 309, 813 ff., 924 class II affix 309, 813 ff., 924 coaffix 1486, 1488 f. polyaffix 263 semi-affix 258, 375, 1190, 1598, 1802 stem-affix 177, 816 word-affix 816 zero affix 256, 271 ff., 606, 608, 1087 f., 1254, 1336, 1412, 1419 affixation −, iterative 275 −, multiple 505, 920 ff., 1924 −, suspended 3166 affixization 1812, 1822 affixoid 5, 60, 136, 191, 247, 258, 286, 375, 462, 679, 722 f., 1563, 1649, 1801 f., 1821, 1872, 1932, 2217 f., 2220, 2360, 2388, 2436, 2493, 2527, 2556, 2562, 2580, 2585, 2984, 3052, 3058, 3141, 3145 Affixverschmelzung 1770 agent nominalization → nominalization agent noun → noun agglutination 530, 783, 1855, 2216, 2955, 3133 f., 3296 agrammatism 2156 ff., 2161 ff., 2168 agreement 100, 197, 230, 253, 266, 280, 304, 314, 381, 472, 477, 522, 540 f., 825, 843, 1067, 1069, 1071, 1091, 1160, 1166, 1173, 1180 f., 1186, 1204, 1356, 1394, 1436, 1447, 1504, 1525, 1828, 2073, 2156, 2162, 2170, 2181, 2227, 2233, 2238 f., 2247, 2263, 2357, 2560, 2573, 2624, 2716, 2734 ff., 3159, 3490, 3505, 3538, 3549 f., 3558 f., 3579, 3596, 3599 f., 3617, 3627, 3640, 3645, 3659, 3662, 3687, 3695, 3708, 3710, 3712, 3719 agreement marker → marker aktionsart 219, 264, 305, 307, 309, 313 f., 438, 663 ff., 668, 1025 ff., 1217, 1263, 1310, 1345, 1468, 1483 ff., 1488, 1490, 1492, 1806 f., 2023, 2072 ff., 2112, 2571, 2614, 2723, 2726, 2824 f., 2846, 2886, 2906, 2923 f., 2956, 2992, 3033, 3063, 3083, 3270, 3390 aktionsart marker → marker alienation 485 f., 490 ff., 2194, 2199, 2201 ff. allocutivity 522 allomorph 14, 100, 179 f., 239 ff., 253 f., 271, 275, 278, 310, 314, 441, 500–516, 543, 561, 809, 816, 836, 861, 870, 1073, 1260, 1330, 1354 f., 1394, 1398, 1449, 1489,

· · · · · · · ·

3723 1602, 1626, 1631, 1763, 1800, 1860, 1869, 1873 f., 1878, 1900 ff., 1937, 1969, 2008, 2011 ff., 2044 ff., 2292, 2340, 2342 f., 2417 ff., 2440, 2519, 2604, 2646, 2683, 2686, 2722 f., 2732, 2899, 3096, 3102 f., 3146, 3216, 3295, 3330, 3338 ff., 3369, 3482, 3516, 3586, 3692 f., 3715 zero-allomorph 271, 511, 513 allomorphy 10, 100, 159, 166, 177 ff., 182 ff., 242–245, 261, 280, 303, 309, 316, 500– 516, 545, 556, 562, 595 f., 707–726, 808 f., 835 ff., 861 f., 904 ff., 1071, 1242 f., 1279, 1400, 1601, 1630, 1633, 1878, 1931 f., 2003, 2008, 2010, 2419, 2650, 2662, 2740 f., 2792, 2797, 2899, 3331 −, paradigmatically determined 780–802, 2715 stem allomorphy 10, 100, 280, 500–516, 556, 561, 596, 799, 904 f., 909, 912, 1521, 2417, 2916, 3368 allophony 163, 244, 247, 501, 503, 511, 573, 913 allostem 259 f. alteration, morphological 87, 332, 2404 alternant 244, 259 ff., 269, 303, 1224, 2539, 2754, 2795, 2800 alternation 1574, 1683, 1694, 1863, 1921, 2051, 2067, 2237, 2416, 2429, 2467, 2471 f., 2489, 2483, 2497, 2539, 2552, 2685, 2732, 2753 f., 2792, 2819, 2851, 2869, 2872 f., 2875, 2881, 2894, 2909, 2916, 2939 f., 3000, 3019, 3060 f., 3091, 3166, 3204, 3231 ff., 3254, 3260 f., 3338 f., 3345 f., 3370, 3466, 3476, 3480, 3510, 3521, 3528, 3560, 3637, 3647, 3674 f., 3681 −, locative 882, 888, 1329, 1427, 1459 f. −, morphological 507 −, morphonological 1683, 2833, 3231 −, morphophonological 3329 argument structure alternation 301, 316 stem alternation 260, 503, 701, 1077, 1429, 1434, 1522, 1683, 2067, 3204, 3231 transitivity alternation 1427 ff., 1455 wipe-alternation 1459 f. ambifix 264, 268 ameliorative 1529 f., 1536, 1540 amredita compound → compound analogy 11, 31, 33, 42, 121, 195, 204, 213, 241, 311, 343 f., 348, 458, 490, 510 ff., 544, 562, 676, 698, 794, 805, 822–841, 915, 1010, 1022, 1041, 1048 ff., 1100,

·

·

· · · ·

3724 1191, 1295 f., 1380, 1473, 1580, 1700 ff., 1767, 1795, 1870, 11877, 1908, 1971, 2010, 2052, 2068, 2087, 2107, 2123 f., 2132 f., 2231, 2263, 2312, 2315 ff., 2391, 2428, 2437, 2478, 2607, 2677, 2744, 2806, 2889, 2903, 3222, 3240, 3249, 3359 ff., 3373, 3399, 3597 −, local 828, 837 f., 2422 −, proportional 344, 822 f., 826 f., 834, 915 −, cross-linguistic 426, 1259 analysis word-formation analysis 1629, 1685, 1691, 2335, 2337 f., 2340 f., 2355, 2357 f., 2362, 2366 f., 2954, 2980, 3050, 3108 analyzability 453, 2954 f. anbehetelse-word → word anomia 2163, 2166, 2169 antefix 263 anticausative 90, 861, 1428, 1455 ff., 2072, 3184, 3191, 3409, 3552, 3560 f., 3628, 3630 antipassive 314 f., 1428 f., 1432, 1435 f., 1455 ff., 1460, 3664 f., 3671 aorist marker → marker aphasia 331, 381, 508, 1150, 1152, 2154– 2177 apheresis 1992, 2521, 2779 apophony 134, 275, 305, 317, 506, 1164, 1407, 1856, 1862, 2981, 3091, 3098 ff., 3369, 3401, 3560 a posteriori language → language applicative 104 f., 315, 425, 543, 1424–1466, 1797, 2346, 3510, 3513 ff. apposition 26, 47, 460, 736, 1159, 1164, 1356, 1585, 1666, 1883, 1978, 2109, 2301, 2605, 2623, 2716, 3236, 3444 f., 3555 approach, cognitive 82, 204, 816 f., 1137, 1546, 2874, 2955 approximation 474, 694, 715, 1529 f., 1582, 1774, 1856, 1859, 1990, 2362, 2475 f., 2633, 2744, 2945, 2989, 3030 a priori language → language arbitrariness 130, 148, 788, 985 ff., 1031, 1038, 1060, 1096, 2197 archaization 1875, 1877 argument 876–893, 1056–1099 argument hierarchy 1430 ff., 1446 argument inheritance 371, 588, 1077 f., 1080 f., 1095 argument structure 74, 104, 309, 311, 315 f., 371, 377, 588, 629 f., 666, 765, 809 ff., 870 f., 876, 938, 1027, 1047, 1056–1099,

·

Subject index 1102, 1107, 1114, 1196, 1199, 1206, 1214 f., 1220, 1222, 1242 ff., 1247 ff., 1255 f., 1262 f., 1317, 1322, 1374, 1393, 1412, 1425, 1447, 1457, 1474 f., 1493 f., 1499, 1504, 1675, 2071 f., 2246, 2612, 3051, 3311 f., 3513 ff., 3584, 3602 argument structure alternation → alternation art, univerbal 1752 aspect (aspectual) 103, 105, 194, 219, 251, 264, 266, 270, 274, 309, 438, 471, 611, 627 f., 636 ff., 642, 648, 661 ff., 730, 736, 876, 886 ff., 1023, 1025 f., 1029, 1116 f., 1163, 1196, 1202 ff., 1217, 1234 ff., 1260 f., 1310, 1374, 1429, 1431 f., 1453, 1467– 1482, 1482–1491, 1492 ff., 1505 ff., 1690, 1775, 1784, 1789, 1815, 1829 ff., 1845, 1894, 1948, 1983, 2065 f., 2072 ff., 2085, 2093, 2112, 2124, 2139 ff., 2166, 2196, 2227, 2240 ff., 2300, 2308, 2388, 2478 f., 2480, 2629, 2653, 2670 f., 2824 f., 2832, 2846, 2872, 2906, 2923 f., 2947 f., 2956, 2968, 2992, 3032, 3063, 3082 f., 3119, 3139, 3158, 3276 ff., 3293, 3371, 3410, 3490, 3560, 3580, 3589, 3599, 3624, 3637, 3640, 3652 −, lexical 1196 f., 1467–1481, 1495, 1507, 1894, 2571, 2614 aspect marker → marker assistive 1447 association 5, 28, 86 f., 89, 119, 145 ff., 151, 163 f., 167 ff., 171, 174 ff., 204, 206, 388, 393, 470, 488 f., 495, 915, 1011, 1152, 1381, 1432, 1460, 1546, 1581 f., 1697, 1704 f., 1858, 1909, 2007, 2012, 2034, 2145, 2193, 2205, 2234, 2297, 2807, 2832 atomicity 100 f., 420, 1179 attenuation 469, 471 ff., 1138, 1347, 1468, 1479, 1990, 2612, 2726, 2898, 3066, 3084, 3559 attribute 884, 1028, 1106 f., 1114, 1122, 1125, 1251 f., 1300, 1394, 1440, 1769, 1827, 1870, 2005, 2100, 2110 ff., 2397, 2516, 2560, 2573, 2581, 2623, 2697, 2839, 2858, 2918, 2923, 2963 ff., 3059 f., 3076, 3111, 3189, 3192, 3202 f., 3234, 3284 f., 3320, 3411, 3417, 3420, 3439, 3445, 3494, 3509, 3557 f., 3598, 3641 ff., 3650, 3655 attributivizer 1247 attrition 1763, 1776, 1795, 1812, 1918, 2007 augmentative (augmentation) 132, 219, 222, 306, 312, 314, 318, 342, 504, 519 f., 540, 543 f., 563, 669, 701, 704, 961 ff., 1023,

Terminological index 1028, 1039 f., 1132 f., 1137 f., 1340 f., 1468, 1499, 1529 f., 1533, 1536 ff., 1550, 1552 ff., 1567, 1619, 1625, 1632, 1798, 1802, 1804, 1855, 1885 f., 1940, 1967, 2046, 2050, 2070, 2158, 2244, 2347 f., 2396, 2606, 2608 f., 2628, 2721, 2740, 2758, 2812, 2833, 2850, 2869, 2875, 2905, 2917 ff., 2945, 2949, 2989, 3007, 3023, 3026, 3030, 3078, 3131, 3151, 3165, 3199, 3202, 3206, 3350, 3362, 3373, 3378, 3404, 3531, 3578 autosemantic 4, 257, 1569, 1691, 1843, 2217, 2908, 2934 auxiliary 418, 614, 616, 620, 629, 640 f., 1102, 1234 f., 1352 f., 1368, 1428 f., 1434, 1439 f., 1474 f., 1784 f., 1843, 1972, 2064, 2111, 2156, 2417, 2469, 2480, 2544, 2821, 2934, 2950 f., 3184, 3204 ff., 3371, 3386, 3390, 3418, 3422, 3446, 3496, 3538, 3561, 3574 ff., 3614, 3644, 3662 ff., 3679, 3680, 3683, 3692 availability 76, 147, 330, 438, 459, 769, 775, 847, 879, 886, 897, 1144 ff., 1149 ff., 1257, 1265, 1344, 1397, 1480, 1593, 1782 f., 1785 ff., 2115, 2144, 2376, 2654, 2669, 2744 avyayibhava 46, 372

B backderivation 87, 340–342, 347, 349, 2914, 2994 backformation 7, 62 f., 277, 340–351, 353, 436, 512, 595, 597 ff., 609, 746, 750, 830 f., 1472, 1567, 1629, 1670, 1772, 1874, 1883, 1915 f., 1926, 1991 f., 2051 f., 2068, 2075, 2090 ff., 2126 f., 2129, 2226, 2406, 2414 f., 2433, 2454 f., 2481, 2521, 2550, 2616, 2636, 2675, 2706, 2727, 2749, 2805, 2849, 2909, 2927, 2973, 3059, 3105, 3136, 3224, 3253, 3272, 3309, 3345, 3358, 3416, 3434, 3444, 3524, 3534, 3566, 3580, 3598, 3608, 3624 bahuvrīhi 27, 46 f., 367, 372 f., 1089, 1106, 1125, 1586, 1652, 1875 f., 1881, 1891, 1901, 1906, 1918, 1925, 2005 −, reversed 2005, 2770 f. base −, non-existing 230 f., 512 −, phrasal 198, 280, 2538, 2543, 2551, 2792 base-derivative relation → relation

3725 base-driven 815 f., 851, 865, 868, 925, 960 f., 964 benefactive 543, 817, 1043, 1045, 1410, 1448 f., 1452 ff. binary 5, 11, 24 ff., 99, 119, 124, 173, 253, 262, 311, 365, 527, 586, 675, 683, 865, 901, 911, 936, 1014 ff., 1044, 1059 f., 1236 f., 1295, 1509, 1783, 2062, 2145, 2335, 2341, 2346, 2413, 2528, 2735, 2832, 3310, 3470, 3491 biuniqueness 129 f., 136, 138, 502 f., 545 blend 5, 62, 89, 90, 135, 151 f., 154, 356, 386–412, 485, 487, 491, 494 f., 502, 512, 532, 538, 743, 831, 895, 1040, 1134, 1247, 1550, 1573 f., 1596, 1629, 1711, 1717 f., 1754, 1856, 1992, 2129, 2201 ff., 2241, 2267, 2276, 2307, 2309 f., 2315 f., 2326, 2424, 2889, 2995, 3014, 3035, 3255 blending 7, 87, 89, 134, 152, 155, 353–356, 386–412, 485, 487 f., 492, 495, 512, 537 f., 668, 681, 896, 1012, 1015, 1039, 1224, 1558, 1596, 1629, 1750, 1753, 1856, 1909, 1915 f., 1926, 1951, 1991 f., 2091, 2093, 2126 ff., 2193 f., 2201 f., 2275, 2307, 2310 f., 2407, 2422 f., 2448, 2483, 2503, 2522, 2575, 2596, 2616, 2637, 2658, 2676, 2727, 2749, 2779, 2806, 2826, 2850, 2910, 2927, 2975, 3066, 3122, 3136, 3153 f., 3224, 3254 f., 3273, 3305, 3346, 3358, 3369, 3411, 3430, 3444, 3506, 3525, 3534, 3566, 3580, 3598, 3608, 3624, 3642 cross-blending 2766 block 1 ff., 16, 194 f., 251, 458 f., 808, 816, 852, 866 ff., 919, 945, 960, 991, 1048, 1225, 1258, 1264 f., 1276, 1420, 1582, 1690, 2132 f., 2226, 2432, 2786 body 61, 589, 693, 698, 730, 764 f., 811 ff., 938, 1116, 1179, 1216, 1300, 1551, 1607, 1738, 1830, 2007, 2229, 2234 ff., 2300, 2608, 2623, 2628, 2654, 2739, 2753, 2840, 2994, 3182, 3193, 3223, 3298, 3337, 3373, 3391, 3455, 3500, 3515, 3519, 3531, 3548 f., 3566, 3588, 3626, 3633, 3717 borrowing 32, 80, 83, 89, 128 f., 220, 344, 520 f., 758, 760, 765 ff., 787, 789, 792, 794 f., 799, 850, 854, 870, 939, 949, 966 f., 1032, 1276, 1299, 1308, 1313, 1320, 1333, 1420, 1548, 1561 ff., 1583, 1600, 1617 ff., 1639, 1641, 1644 ff., 1661 f., 1672 ff., 1680 ff., 1692, 1711, 1726 ff., 1733 f., 1737 ff., 1745 f., 1777, 1849 f., 1856, 1863 f., 1921 f., 1932, 1934 ff., 1942 f.,

·

3726 1949, 1960 f., 1966, 1971, 1973, 1985 ff., 2002, 2032, 2037, 2044, 2047, 2050, 2056 f., 2070, 2074 f., 2087 f., 2104 ff., 2146, 2215, 2232, 2243, 2247, 2255, 2290, 2336, 2412, 2484 f., 2494 f., 2536, 2563, 2662, 2683, 2688 ff., 2770, 2783 ff., 2793 ff., 2827, 2833, 2914, 2934, 2944, 2956 f., 3019, 3046, 3052, 3085, 3157, 3262, 3276, 3402, 3458, 3466, 3506, 3524, 3537, 3542, 3565, 3577, 3600 f., 3606 f., 3623, 3658 f., 3668 f., 3681 f., 3708 borrowing, learned 789, 794 f., 799, 1190, 1863, 1945 suffix borrowing 2044 bound 4, 60, 82, 101, 119, 122, 191, 194, 206, 214, 256 f., 374 ff., 417, 455, 700, 770, 809, 814, 927, 1029, 1058, 1073, 1100, 1113 f., 1178, 1180, 1220 f., 1261, 1276, 1333, 1345 f., 1421 f., 1434, 1455, 1493, 1497 f., 1502, 1505 ff., 1563 ff., 1618, 1622 f., 1628, 1662, 1668 f., 1691, 1767, 1777, 1796, 1807 f., 1811 ff., 1872, 1876, 1894, 1948, 2007, 2013, 2156, 2166, 2236, 2292, 2338, 2343, 2413, 2417, 2548 f., 2616, 2645, 2722, 2736, 2917, 2957, 3000, 3021, 3073, 3145, 3148, 3233, 3236, 3246, 3371, 3438, 3512, 3520, 3569, 3582 f., 3586, 3589, 3612, 3648 boundary, fuzzy 1096 boundary marker → marker bracket erasure convention 814, 865 brand name → name

·

C calque 83, 340, 544, 645, 650, 652, 682, 692, 760 f., 763, 767 f., 770, 775 f., 1270, 1281, 1337, 1362, 1661, 1672 f., 1675, 1691 f., 1733, 1739, 1741, 1745 ff., 1778, 1979, 2016, 2037 f., 2048, 2056, 2066, 2068 f., 2087, 2254, 2260, 2263, 2469, 2515, 2522, 2546, 2604, 2732, 2734 ff., 2774 f., 2835, 2877, 3019, 3041, 3105, 3141, 3162, 3181, 3212, 3239, 3254, 3331, 3354, 3395, 3466, 3529, 3549, 3550, 3557, 3571, 3630 f. caritive 312, 994, 1354, 1768, 2046 f., 2071, 3207, 3219, 3517 case compound → compound case marker → marker category −, derivational 133, 302 f., 1268, 1271,

Subject index 1278, 1287, 1290 ff., 1328 f., 1334, 1395, 1484, 1516, 2627, 2739, 2872 −, mixed 1243 −, onomasiological 80, 1024, 1028, 1546, 2897, 2907 −, syntactic 98, 107, 114, 117, 222, 347, 661, 813, 870, 880, 1068, 1086, 1206, 1242, 1248, 1297, 1569, 2301, 2414, 2421, 2431, 2501, 2622, 2740 category-changing 100, 133, 166, 1356, 2437, 2443, 2601, 2611 category-neutral 1250, 1410, 1412 ff., 2437 f., 2442 word-formation category 758, 775, 1020– 1034, 1187, 1776, 1846 f., 1851, 1884, 2031 f., 2035, 2338 f., 2832, 2874, 2992, 3107, 3113 f. causative 90, 99, 222, 276, 302, 305 f., 308 f., 313, 425, 506, 543, 622, 647, 861, 883, 912, 1021, 1044, 1065, 1074, 1085, 1088, 1102, 1262, 1307, 1409, 1416, 1428 ff., 1436, 1444 ff., 1455 ff., 1508, 1771, 1879, 1892 f., 1899, 1907 f., 1925, 2017, 2065, 2071 f., 2105 f., 2400 ff., 2634, 2654 f., 2668, 2690, 2746, 2845, 2867, 2922, 2974, 3011, 3032, 3063, 3100, 3120, 3161 f., 3184, 3191, 3204, 3220 f., 3248 ff., 3300, 3322 f., 3328, 3333, 3338, 3347, 3369, 3376, 3379 ff., 3401, 3409 f., 3427, 3440, 3449 f., 3463, 3500, 3510, 3519 ff., 3529, 3552, 3561, 3576, 3581, 3600, 3612 ff., 3628 ff., 3651 f., 3664 f., 3671 f., 3683, 3692, 3698, 3703, 3714 ff. −, double 543 chameleon morph[eme] → morph change −, diachronic 15, 125, 127, 131, 459, 490, 492, 494, 1812, 1839, 1883, 2043, 2675 −, morphological 138, 505, 822, 1877, 2003 −, phonetic 945, 1005, 1014 f., 1661, 1844, 1872, 1877, 1967, 2703, 3453, 3455, 3485 f. −, semantic 80, 83, 85 f., 89, 135, 223, 325, 505, 525, 663, 939, 1008, 1010 f., 1014 f., 1022, 1162, 1185 f., 1189 ff., 1242, 1277, 1280, 1290, 1298, 1357, 1363, 1397, 1765 ff., 1773 ff., 1796, 1831, 1855 ff., 1864, 1878, 1890, 1987, 2026, 2028, 2053, 2084, 2255, 2389, 3416 language change 85, 923, 1008, 1010, 1015, 1582, 1712, 1717, 1767, 1785, 1795, 1806, 1847, 2300

·

·

Terminological index

·

word-formation change 1002, 1010, 1030, 1761–1780, 1781–1793, 1877 characterization 2423, 2665, 2857, 3050 hypercharacterization 537 f., 545 re-characterization 59 f., 86 child etymology → etymology child language → language circumfix 262 ff., 268, 441, 531, 869, 870, 974, 1421, 1599, 1873 ff., 1885, 1900 f., 2149 f., 2343, 2395, 2404, 2438, 2474, 2700, 2704, 2820, 2822 ff., 2838, 3159, 3198, 3368, 3401, 3528 circumfixation 136, 527, 530, 1525, 2601, 2695, 2822 ff., 2841, 2843 ff., 2867, 2899, 2942 ff., 2962 ff., 3000, 3023, 3026 ff., 3058 ff., 3091 ff., 3098, 3102, 3132 f. citation form 221, 251, 255, 262, 265, 272, 277, 285, 327, 329, 529, 790, 1231, 1431, 1582, 1667, 2045, 2148, 2156, 2338, 2453, 2609, 3054 class marker → marker class, inflectional 227, 286, 302, 318, 374, 530, 539, 541, 702 f., 852 ff., 1166, 1224 f., 1392, 1917, 1949, 1960, 2013, 2046, 2148, 2738, 2748, 2923, 3120 f. class I affix → affix class II affix → affix affix class 813 f. morpheme class 2216 ff. position class 228, 261, 304 word class 6 ff., 12 f., 81, 131, 270, 287, 322 ff., 326 ff., 473, 476, 921, 968, 1196, 1199, 1205, 1287, 1356, 1625, 1807, 2347, 2366 f., 2388 ff., 2401, 2490, 2507, 2527 f., 2556 ff., 2587 ff., 2596, 2648, 2706, 2755, 2764, 2778, 2838, 2909, 2956, 2974, 3005, 3020, 3102, 3158, 3180, 3192, 3201, 3216, 3240 f., 3357, 3370, 3399, 3416, 3419, 3423, 3428, 3437, 3440, 3450, 3470 f., 3476 ff., 3482, 3534, 3547, 3577, 3608, 3620, 3631 f., 3640 ff., 3650, 3712, 3717 classification 2, 4, 6, 11, 26 ff., 30 ff., 46, 73 f., 76, 81, 134, 196, 239, 252, 262, 284, 316, 328, 367, 269 f., 379, 394 ff., 419, 451, 502, 569, 584 f., 627 f., 652, 674 f., 690, 709, 728, 732, 772, 799, 837, 876, 910, 923 f., 957, 1015, 1026, 1040, 1042, 1045, 1059, 1062, 1068, 1082, 1100, 1110, 1152, 1160, 1162, 1168, 1187, 1199, 1254, 1269, 1285 ff., 1294–1297, 1323, 1346, 1355, 1374, 1382 f., 1385 f., 1388, 1407 f., 1474, 1479, 1532, 1547, 1564 ff., 1591,

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3727 1595, 1602, 1624, 1629, 1632, 1684, 1690, 1711, 1756, 1761, 1881, 1883 f., 1904 f., 1917, 2141, 2149, 2180 ff., 2188, 2192, 2211, 2217, 2220, 2226, 2233, 2253, 2275, 2308, 2333 f., 2337, 2357, 2366 f., 2389, 2406, 2519, 2580, 2705, 2770, 2832, 2864, 2877, 2954, 3050, 3057, 3071, 3073, 3107, 3118, 3290, 3388, 3405, 3491, 3632, 3639, 3642, 3686 reclassification 71, 74 subclassification 60, 758 classifier 196, 369, 1173, 1180 f., 1184, 1382, 2110, 2227, 2231, 2233, 2237 f., 2240, 2242 f. clipping 7, 87, 89, 131 f., 213, 219, 277, 342, 346 f., 350, 353–361, 390, 399, 405, 485 f., 494, 770, 775, 853, 896, 1553, 1571 ff., 1684, 1740 f., 1765, 1909, 1926, 1951, 1991 f., 2091, 2095, 2200 ff., 2257, 2290, 2297, 2303, 2407, 2422 f., 2448, 2484, 2503, 2522, 2550 f., 2575, 2596, 2617, 2637, 2658, 2676, 2728, 2749, 2806, 2827, 2851, 2910, 2928, 2975, 3047, 3105, 3121, 3136, 3177, 3198, 3224, 3254, 3273, 3309, 3346, 3359, 3362, 3395, 3416, 3444, 3465, 3476, 3480, 3485, 3505, 3525, 3534, 3566, 3580, 3598, 3608, 3624, 3656 −, back 357 f., 360, 405, 2617 −, middle 357 f. fore-clipping 357 f., 405, 1926, 2827 clitics 154, 178, 247, 251, 306, 312, 629, 1769, 2156, 3159 f., 3171 coaffix → affix co-basis 83 co-compound → compound co-compound marker → marker code-mixing 3581, 3607 coding −, additive 132 −, modulatory 134 coercion 154, 303, 372, 382, 429, 1099– 1127, 1184, 1445, 2443 coherence 15, 70, 165 f., 170 f., 183 f., 380, 900 ff., 908, 1534, 2179 ff., 2185, 2319, 2716 cohesion 74, 248, 628 ff., 1825 f., 1828, 1838 f., 2179 ff., 2319, 2602, 2664 co-indexation 108, 812 f., 878, 883, 885, 936 ff. collective 45 f., 71, 368, 378 f., 469, 571, 709, 1023, 1030, 1043, 1045, 1172 ff., 1183–1194, 1262, 1277, 1286, 1296 f.,

· ·

·

3728 1299 ff., 1334 f., 1448, 1515 f., 1524 ff., 1548, 1642, 1686, 1732, 1757, 1773 f., 1798 ff., 1842, 1858 ff., 1864, 1872, 1886, 1888, 1938, 1944, 1965, 1987, 2007, 2010 f., 2068, 2070, 2100, 2239 f., 2281, 2396, 2418, 2438, 2456, 2627, 2701, 2720, 2739 f., 2758, 2762, 2840, 2872, 2972, 2988, 3043, 3217, 3266, 3417, 3457, 3485, 3693 combination, conceptual 1042, 1144, 1147 ff. recombination 1565 f. combineme 1616 f., 1620, 1623 f. comitative 229, 710, 712, 721, 1025 f., 1043, 1448 f., 1553, 1555, 2626, 2719, 2940, 2960, 3024, 3163, 3202, 3324, 3387, 3470, 3483 f., 3500, 3518, 3597, 3640, 3643, 3691 communication, specialized 2252 ff., 2261 ff., 2876 f. comparative 75, 104, 153, 219, 222, 231, 237, 240, 243, 249, 267, 283, 459 ff., 540, 836, 848, 1028, 1043, 1062, 1249, 1275, 1280, 1340, 1344, 1347, 1395 f., 1558, 1626, 1703, 1804, 1806, 1882, 1941, 1946, 1990, 2009, 2017, 2065 f., 2071, 2106, 2243, 2366, 2405 f., 2461, 2475 ff., 2685, 2764, 2799 f., 2823 f., 2887, 2923, 2973, 2983, 3014, 3203, 3238 f., 3251, 3254, 3532, 3608, 3688, 3697 competition 16, 69, 71, 75, 160, 194, 206, 208, 214, 310, 455, 458 f., 501 f., 513, 545, 586, 673, 682, 768, 770, 792, 794, 918, 928, 1131, 1144, 1153 f., 1221, 1392, 1739 f., 1742, 1785, 1868, 1876 f., 1889, 2380 f., 2472, 2814, 2835, 2872, 2935, 3030 complement 106, 113 f., 116 ff., 120 f., 146, 153, 307, 309, 414, 418 ff., 422, 424, 426, 428, 435 ff., 444 f., 600, 602 ff., 618 f., 660, 677, 737, 809, 878 f., 886 f., 938, 1030, 1056–1098, 1102, 1122, 1125, 1196, 1205, 1211 f., 1215, 1237 f., 1244, 1264, 1278, 1312, 1374, 1383, 1416 f., 1421, 1425 f., 1433 f., 1439, 1452, 1455, 1496, 1499 ff., 1504 ff., 1536, 1815, 1862, 2085, 2112, 2235, 2242, 2360, 2388, 2544, 2550, 2581, 2604, 2803, 2835, 3144 f., 3200, 3334, 3368, 3371, 3377, 3439, 3655 complex-event nominal → nominal complexity, morphological 574, 597, 825, 2001

·

Subject index component −, Hebrew 2468, 2471, 2483 −, morphological 97, 100, 104, 204, 470, 594, 788, 835, 1630 −, Slavic 2474 component consciousness 2466 f. composite 63, 87 ff., 370, 372, 1029, 1380, 1516, 2279 f., 2530, 2535, 2550 f., 3234, 3244 f., 3320, 3372 f., 3380 ff., 3404 f., 3408 ff., 3421, 3425 composition 6, 9, 22 ff., 30 ff., 39, 41 ff., 47 f., 83, 86, 88, 100, 113, 120, 130, 146, 154, 256, 356, 364–385, 424, 525, 583, 595, 702 f., 721, 728, 734, 743 ff., 750 ff., 759, 773 f., 776, 926, 984–1001, 1063, 1151 ff., 1163, 1380, 1418, 1431, 1442, 1459, 1584, 1588, 1603, 1609, 1623, 1662, 1880, 1932 f., 1977, 1980, 2006, 2036, 2038, 2049, 2053 ff., 2074, 2214 ff., 2225 f., 2241, 2257, 2259 f., 2268, 22273 f., 2283, 2290, 2298, 2336 f., 2355, 2390, 2412 ff., 2430, 2453, 2465, 2467 ff., 2489, 2509, 2528, 2557 ff., 2582, 2603 ff., 2621, 2642 ff., 2663, 2684, 2697, 2714, 2733, 2756, 2770, 2789, 2814, 2834, 2856, 2877 ff., 2895 f., 2915, 2935 ff., 2957 f., 2981 ff., 3000, 3019, 3053 ff., 3072 ff., 3091, 3109, 3125, 3142, 3162, 3180, 3198, 3213, 3235, 3263, 3276, 3290, 3309, 3331, 3351, 3370, 3388, 3403, 3417, 3435, 3444, 3459, 3471, 3491, 3512, 3537, 3547, 3566, 3580, 3598, 3609, 3624, 3644, 3659, 3679, 3687, 3695, 3709 −, functional 113, 120, 1079 ff., 1114, 1434 −, improper 26 f. −, proper 26 f., 2877 −, syntagmatic 1581, 2714 recomposition 1565 f. compositional stem form → stem form, compositional compositionality 3, 31 f., 72, 130, 136, 148, 152, 248, 282, 388 f., 451, 453, 526, 603 f., 666, 733, 863 f., 967, 984–1001, 1031, 1092, 1767, 2168, 2216, 2220, 2368, 2528, 3262, 3511 compound 582–593, 594–610, 673–687, 688–706, 707–726, 757–779 −, additive 2413 −, adjectival 191, 199, 1344, 1585 ff., 1632, 1654, 1668 f., 1672, 1724, 1804, 1882, 1946, 1979 f., 2085, 2257, 2291, 2298, 2392, 2415, 2432, 2454, 2490, 2511,

·

Terminological index

−, −,

−,

−,

−, −,

−,

−,

−, −, −,

2531 f., 2559, 2583, 2623, 2686, 2699, 2716, 2735, 2772, 2816, 2837, 2879 ff., 2897, 2915, 2938, 2957 f., 2983 f., 3004, 3022, 3056, 3074, 3110, 3182, 3214, 3238, 3264, 3277, 3333, 3389, 3418, 3435, 3446, 3473, 3495, 3549, 3568, 3611, 3627, 3679, 3688, 3697, 3709 appositional 368 f., 403, 708, 2413, 2511, 3445 appositive 368 f., 378, 542, 2453, 2685, 2734, 2772 f., 3055, 3162, 3237, 3497, 3611 coordinative 73, 368, 675 f., 678–681, 683 f., 708, 750, 865, 1881, 1883, 1978, 2056 f., 2122, 2393, 2413 ff., 2532, 2556 ff., 2685, 2909, 3055, 3125 f., 3144 f., 3277, 3404, 3435, 3457 f., 3469 copulative 26 f., 46 f., 367 f., 707, 724, 895, 1043, 1092, 1585 ff., 1921, 2005, 2294, 2430, 2435, 2455, 2603, 2697, 2791, 2816 f., 2836 f., 2857, 2878, 2897 f., 2916, 2937, 2983, 3003, 3022 f., 3092, 3109 ff., 3181, 3290 f., 3332, 3389, 3418, 3457, 3472, 3513, 3537, 3568, 3611, 3627, 3679, 3688, 3709 dative 2581 determinative 24 f., 27, 46 f., 60, 73, 358, 367, 369, 388, 759 ff, 865, 1007, 1015, 1089, 1092 f., 1631, 1880, 1882, 1918, 1920 f., 2005 f., 2122, 2124, 2127, 2195 f., 2391, 2453, 2527, 2558, 2605, 2663, 2697 f., 2771, 2815 f., 2835, 2856, 2877, 2896 f., 2915, 2936, 2982, 3001, 3020, 3054, 3109 f., 3180, 3213, 3263, 3331 f., 3388, 3415, 3453, 3512 f., 3548, 3566 f., 3609 f., 3624, 3679 f., 3696, 3709 endocentric 312, 460, 675, 677, 1143, 1187, 1827, 1881, 1918, 2056, 2068, 2084, 2643, 2685, 2772 f., 2982, 3001, 3020, 3143, 3472, 3491, 3512, 3530, 3598 exocentric 6, 48, 60, 442, 676, 688, 690, 716, 1106, 1125, 1127, 1918, 1921, 1925, 2005, 2056 f., 2068, 2083, 2086 f., 2605, 2643, 2698 f., 2736, 2773, 2836, 2856, 2878, 2897, 2972, 3000 f., 3020, 3054, 3072 ff., 3091, 3143, 3162, 3313, 3333, 3403, 3472, 3491, 3512, 3549, 3569, 3598 hybrid 1568, 1570 f., 1631, 1650 f., 1923, 2595, 2644, 2812 ff., 2876, 2984, 3361 invertive 1650 left-headed 100, 200, 373, 1666, 1669, 2170, 2715, 3370

3729 −, neoclassical 4, 83, 88, 374 f., 404 f., 1565, 1569 ff., 1655, 1661 f., 1668, 2042, 2624, 2644, 2696, 2878, 2984, 3057, 3141, 3198, 3214 f. −, phrasal 105, 195 f., 280 f., 441, 445, 586 f., 684, 1337, 1877, 2056, 2274, 2301, 2489, 2581 f., 3146 f. −, possessive 27, 46 f., 366 f., 1906, 2005, 2123, 2185, 2897, 3125 f., 3291, 3403, 3444 f. −, primary 370, 377 f., 3142 −, right-headed 200, 1661 f., 1666 f., 1682, 2170, 2394, 2437, 2557, 2734 −, sociative 1045, 1881, 3389, 3457 −, subordinate 708, 1668, 2083 f., 3290 f., 3492 f. −, subordinative 674 f., 1978, 2057 −, synonymous 380, 459, 504 −, syntagmatic 373, 1581, 1585, 1977 ff., 2056, 2624, 2643, 2697, 2717, 2857, 2895 −, synthetic 48, 104 f., 281, 370 f., 378, 442, 533, 582–593, 690, 758, 763 f., 811, 878, 880, 883 ff., 1585, 1670, 1771 f., 2037, 2112, 2124, 2128, 2433, 2685, 2715, 2856, 2877 f., 2895, 3000 ff., 3052, 3055 f., 3111, 3145, 3310 f., 3371, 3666, 3698 −, tautological 87, 1652, 1921 compound effect → effect compound marker → marker compound splitting 2363 ff. amredita compound 367 case compound 1869 f., 1877, 1880 f. co-compound 368 f., 372, 378 f., 402, 707–726, 1188 f., 2435, 3332, 3371, 3389, 3453, 3458, 3469, 3473, 3696 confix compound 1623, 1631 f., 1872, 1882 echo-compound 1189 genitive compound 282, 570, 575, 577, 1828, 1870, 2452 ff., 2580 ff., 2587, 3445 imperative compound 1650, 3020 izafet-compound 269, 2108, 3453, 3367– 3385, 3451–3467 Neo-Latin compound 1571 noun-noun compound 147, 673–687, 760, 817, 832, 835, 877, 881, 886, 1052, 1089 ff., 1122, 1143–1159, 1313, 1671, 1673, 1711, 1713, 1717 f., 1772, 1977, 2068, 2123, 2168 ff., 2214, 2301, 2413, 2562, 2663, 3198, 3695 participle compound 2186, 2361

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3730

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pseudo-compound, verbal 368, 578, 594– 610, 773, 1151, 1883, 2298 quasi-compound 1691, 2834, 2895 root compound 6, 9, 370 f., 588, 590, 763, 881, 1585, 2128, 2643 f., 3055, 3371 stem compound 1869 f., 1877, 1880, 2489, 2580, 2591, 2877, 3491 stump compound 405, 3276 verbal nexus compound 587 verb-noun compound 371, 688–706, 885, 1042 f., 1312, 1662 f., 1670, 1770, 1775, 2168 f., 2414, 2511, 2561, 2601 f., 2665, 3551 compounding −, adjectival 1587, 1632, 1882, 2733, 3627 −, adverbial 1884, 2394 −, concealed 407 −, neoclassical 1566, 1569 f., 1574, 1661 f., 1665, 2429, 2714 −, nominal 2, 6, 25, 27, 95, 121, 199, 221, 454 ff., 569, 575, 600 ff., 609, 721, 734, 760, 832, 1089, 1307, 1380, 1383, 1410, 1871, 1880, 1882, 2005, 2014, 2016, 2124, 2126, 2128, 2390, 2430, 2452, 3074, 3125, 3530, 3661 −, parasynthetic 532 f. −, verbal 190, 192, 349, 366, 371, 456, 460, 587 f., 591, 602, 721 f., 880, 1299, 1883 f., 2016, 2528, 3183, 3530, 3547, 3611, 3623 compounding stem → stem computational 127, 204, 210, 451, 827 f., 833 ff., 2359 concept 673, 805, 812, 823, 843 f., 861, 878, 884 ff., 919, 935, 938, 985 ff., 1002 f., 1023 ff., 1036 ff., 1041 f., 1046, 1048 ff., 1059, 1088 f., 1093, 1106 f., 1123 ff., 1144 ff., 1172, 1179, 1242, 1269 f., 1280, 1287 f., 1291 ff., 1299, 1305, 1322, 1329, 1333, 1340, 1351 ff., 1375, 1411, 1430, 1529, 1532, 1535 ff., 1552, 1562, 1565, 1570 f., 1606, 1616, 1622 ff., 1697, 1710, 1731, 1733, 1739, 1741 f., 1744–1760, 1766 f., 1784, 1789, 1883, 1918, 1923, 2004, 2011 f., 2017, 2022 f., 2029, 2032 f., 2037, 2063, 2107, 2118, 2133, 2138 f., 2142, 2144, 2146 ff., 2171, 2216 ff., 2253 ff., 2259, 2270 f., 2276, 2278, 2281, 2290, 2303, 2306 ff., 2315 ff., 2326, 2336, 2363 f., 2423, 2548, 2625 ff., 2671, 2714, 2733, 2765, 2874, 2880, 3112, 3211 ff., 3266, 3350, 3435, 3457, 3520, 3553, 3565,

Subject index 3568, 3571, 3606 ff., 3616 f., 3626 ff., 3633 f. conceptualization 9, 68 f., 127, 145, 147 f., 149 f., 209, 212 f., 474, 709 f., 1038, 1046, 1172, 1179, 1374, 1379, 2254, 2836 condensation 743 f., 746 f., 749 f., 776, 2183 f., 2318, 2893, 3018 confix 6, 258, 262, 264, 728, 770, 1563, 1598 f., 1602 f., 1607, 1610, 1615–1636, 1872, 2180, 2185, 2196, 2203, 2390, 2395, 2449, 2684 Konfix 5, 492, 1563, 1599, 1622, 1649, 1655 postconfix 1622 f., 1627 f., 1631 preconfix 1622, 1627 ff. confix compound → compound conglomerate 2663 conjugation 103, 114, 222, 304, 522, 552, 700 f., 783 ff., 854, 1494, 1505, 1937, 1939 f., 1969 f., 1991, 2043, 2066, 2074, 2480 f., 2569, 2604, 2645, 2651 ff., 2673, 2688 f., 2691 f., 2741, 2785, 2800, 2804 f., 2862, 3063, 3132 f., 3192, 3261, 3286 connectionism 13, 1038 f. constituent, immediate 5, 58, 116, 120, 281, 586, 590, 805, 1052, 2295, 2391, 2413 constituent activation 210 constituent family 835, 2413 constraint 30, 82, 100, 124 f., 159–188, 210, 225, 242, 266, 281, 301, 327, 330, 334, 381, 390 ff., 422, 428, 430, 435, 437, 443, 445, 470 f., 486, 493, 502, 505, 510, 556, 560, 562 f., 565, 601, 603, 623, 693, 696 ff., 731, 781, 788, 796, 799, 809, 813, 822, 832, 838, 851 f., 859–875, 882, 884, 888, 894–917, 919 f., 925 ff., 935 ff., 942, 945, 947 ff., 952, 954, 959, 973, 980 f., 1059, 1065, 1068, 1080, 1096, 1120, 1127, 1203 f., 1279 f., 1407, 1410 f., 1417 f., 1432, 1458 f., 1500, 1783, 1786, 2130, 2228, 2360, 2364 ff., 2380, 2431, 2669, 2676, 2774, 3140 f., 3315, 3569, 3627, 3691 −, prosodic 158–187, 390, 393, 471, 560, 563, 623, 2424, 2604 −, semantic 935, 942, 973, 980, 1279 faithfulness constraint 158–187, 493, 560 monosuffix constraint 391, 927, 959 no phrase constraint 100, 281, 861 universal markedness constraint 167, 185 construct state 3352

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Terminological index construction, potential 3520, 3714 agent construction 3714 f. converb construction 3205, 3276, 3278 f. verb construction 305, 429, 451, 1488, 2017, 2237, 2388, 2610, 2684, 3550, 3606, 3662 ff. construction grammar 188–202, 461, 475, 684, 720, 723, 878, 1096 construction morphology 189, 193, 201, 590, 721 ff., 725, 1041, 1581 constructionist theory 457 contact-induced 3445 contamination 404, 1012, 1254, 1369, 1558, 1598, 1696, 1765, 1856, 1859, 1984, 2606 contents (of containers etc.) 130, 2415, 2487, 2518 ff., 2607, 2628, 2669, 2675, 2684, 2740, 2842, 2875, 2960, 3040, 3077 context 209, 248, 255, 438, 521, 541, 577, 588, 709, 717, 719 f., 751, 765, 771, 814 f., 817, 834, 870, 902, 932, 939, 1011, 1013, 1021, 1025, 1038, 1064, 1092, 1104, 1120, 1125 ff., 1131 f., 1144, 1154, 1161, 1186 ff., 1202 f., 1221, 1236, 1242, 1247 f., 1258, 1296, 1310, 1325 f., 1333, 1348, 1365, 1377, 1382, 1393, 1401 f., 1412, 1434, 1439 f., 1446, 1456, 1461, 1476, 1502, 1531 f., 1537 ff., 1546 ff., 1572, 1606 f., 1620, 1638, 1645, 1672 ff., 1683, 1692, 1701, 1721 ff., 1767 f., 1786, 1814 f., 1832, 1838, 1872, 1958, 2006, 2016, 2048, 2108, 2140, 2142 f., 2145, 2150, 2156, 2166, 2171, 2178 f., 2182 ff., 2187 f., 2237 f., 2253, 2267 f., 2274 f., 2279 ff., 2290 f., 2300, 2307 ff., 2326 f., 2359, 2367, 2374 f., 2378, 2381 f., 2391 ff., 2405, 2413 ff., 2454, 2462, 2506, 2509, 2514 ff., 2527, 2539, 2555, 2607, 2628, 2632 f., 2669 f., 2703, 2740, 2789, 2800, 2842 f., 2875, 2960, 2996, 3040, 3077, 3111, 3148, 3174 f., 3243, 3313, 3329 f., 3370, 3382, 3516 ff., 3582, 3608, 3687 conventionality 1014, 2120, 2122, 2131 conventionalization 16, 195 f., 1773 converb → verb converb construction → construction convergence 74, 109, 1364, 1606, 1609, 1661, 1725, 1727, 1863, 1918, 1932, 2528, 3040 f. conversion 7, 32, 82 f., 86, 95, 108, 134 ff., 222, 225, 272, 276, 283, 286, 288 ff., 303, 305, 310, 316, 322–339, 340, 342, 345 f., 370, 442 f., 446, 487 f., 503, 511, 531, 582,

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3731 595, 602, 609, 674, 681, 690, 693, 703, 773, 853, 880, 913, 968 f., 976, 1023, 1058, 1066, 1070, 174 ff., 1079 f., 1986 ff., 1103, 1107 f., 1115, 1164, 1191, 1224 f., 1249 f., 1252, 1254, 1272 f., 1312, 1335, 1358, 1394 f., 1402, 1414, 1416, 1418 ff., 1472 f., 1481, 1584 f., 1593, 1596, 1629, 1645, 1762, 1770, 1868, 1873, 1883 f., 1887, 1895, 1899 ff., 1915, 1941, 1945 f., 1949 f., 1959, 1965, 1969, 1972, 1984 ff., 1991, 2007, 2010, 2066, 2120 ff., 2149, 2157, 2226, 2256, 2273 f., 2290 f., 2295, 2298, 2301, 2336, 2347 f., 2378, 2404 ff., 2421, 2445, 2462 ff., 2480, 2501, 2520, 2547, 2572, 2594, 2614, 2635 f., 2657, 2672 ff., 2690, 2706, 2726 f., 2747 f., 2764, 2778, 2802 ff., 2825 f., 2848 f., 2868 f., 2888, 2907 ff., 2925 f., 2950 f., 2971, 2993 f., 3013 f., 3034 f., 3066, 3084 f., 3102 ff., 3120, 3135, 3175, 3192, 3206, 3224, 3252, 3271 f., 3283 ff., 3344 f., 3357, 3382, 3393, 3410, 3434, 3450, 3463, 3482 ff., 3501, 3523, 3534, 3544, 3577, 3603, 3620, 3636, 3655, 3673 f., 3684, 3693, 3705, 3717 −, morphological 1907, 2672 −, partial 7, 325 f. −, supine 2740 f. −, syntactic 1905, 1907, 2404 f., 3072 gender conversion 1165 f., 2868 valency conversion 2675 verb-to-noun conversion 2501, 2821, 2835 corpus 15, 72, 109, 322, 393, 451, 454 f., 479, 559, 578 f., 619, 634, 643 ff., 650 ff., 665, 689, 691, 694, 696, 739, 768, 792, 798, 806, 844 ff., 854, 923, 926 f., 973 f., 982, 1006, 1016, 1040 f., 1044, 1321 f., 1325, 1470 ff., 1534, 1587, 1604 f., 1665, 1669, 1738 f., 1783 f., 1787, 1868, 1882 f., 1887 ff., 1904 ff., 2036, 2062, 2097, 2138, 2140 f., 2300, 2335 f., 2339, 2344, 2354– 2371, 2375 ff., 2466, 2714, 2914, 3042, 3289, 3686 corpus planning → planning correspondence relation → relation CoSMOS model → model couple noun → noun coverb → verb cranberry morph[eme] → morph crawler 2374 ff.

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3732 creativity 10, 12, 30, 32, 66 f., 69 f., 82, 209 f., 215, 361, 797, 827, 940, 1037, 1608, 1610, 1612, 2023, 2269, 2600, 2732 cromification 872 cross-blending → blending cross-reference marker → marker cumulative 152, 223 f., 241, 245, 309, 474, 867, 962, 1025, 1396, 1493 ff., 1497, 1506 f., 2024, 2089, 2284, 2340, 2886, 2924, 2967, 3012

D data, extensive 551, 565, 2380 dative shift → shift debitive 3522 decision task, lexical 205 f., 2160 decomposita 23, 25 ff. decompositionality 2168 definiteness marker → marker degrammaticalization 1008, 1402, 1623, 1666, 1768 f., 1872, 2051 degree 8, 15 f., 56, 60, 62, 72, 85, 90, 97, 130, 134, 137, 147 ff., 191, 219, 222 f., 244, 250, 258, 266, 274, 318, 324 ff., 328, 333 f., 376, 381, 436, 450 f., 453 f., 456, 459, 477, 493, 510, 512, 589, 627, 639, 674, 699, 704, 713, 730, 765, 776, 817, 826, 834, 844, 846, 859, 862, 884, 919, 928, 948, 959, 975, 992 ff., 1021 ff., 1152, 1167, 1219, 1242, 1274, 1280, 1286, 1317, 1324, 1339–1350, 1386, 1395 ff., 1472, 1480, 1530, 1552, 1593, 1604, 1625, 1668, 1686, 1698, 1782, 1783, 1796 f., 1804 ff., 1821 f., 1826, 1831 ff., 1855, 1880 f., 1888, 1939, 1976, 2014, 2033, 2145, 2151, 2193 ff., 2200, 2203 f., 2211, 2226, 2232 ff., 2262, 2274, 2293, 2299, 2317, 2361, 2394, 2431, 2456, 2471, 2602, 2633, 2642, 2663 f., 2705, 2733 f., 2744, 2784, 2789, 2834, 2885, 2887, 2921, 2936, 2955, 2964, 3033, 3098, 3147, 3202, 3334, 3378, 3439, 3474, 3487, 3514, 3519, 3522, 3532 f., 3609, 3623, 3662, 3675 f., 3702 degree marker → marker degree of fixedness 732, 734 f., 738 f. degree of intensity 1346, 2707, 2904, 2967, 2969, 3116 f., 3202 degree of productivity 60, 62, 258, 334, 409, 834, 846, 859, 975, 1219, 1225, 1409, 1472, 1625, 1783, 1885, 2361, 2634

Subject index de-idiomatization → idiomatization de-inflectionalization 1402 deixis 643, 653, 1286, 1379, 1539, 1807 de-lexicalization → lexicalization delegative 1454 delocutive 1838, 2746, 2907 demarcation 2, 4, 41, 454, 773, 1037, 1128 f., 1198, 1340, 1385, 1624, 1629 f., 1870, 1880, 1883, 1885, 1893 f., 2073, 2430, 2509, 2697, 2893 f., 3009, 3212, 3448, 3537, 3686 demotivation 32, 1031, 1805, 2277 denomination 46, 114, 493, 552, 732, 742 ff., 1032, 1179, 1516, 1776, 1934, 1942 f., 2029, 2032 ff., 2253 ff., 2059, 2261, 2264, 2277, 2813, 2874, 2913, 2918, 2928, 3003, 3039, 3465 denumeral 313, 1400, 1515–1527, 1988, 2476, 3102, 3373 f., 3463, 3477, 3681, 3690 ff. −, appellative 1527 −, approximative 1526 −, exhibitive 1526 deonymic 1786, 2261 derivation 218–234, 301–321, 957–971, 972– 983, 1020–1035 −, adjectival 1593, 1890, 1941, 2127, 2243, 2295, 2302, 2397, 2419, 2442, 2458, 2473, 2497, 2517, 2542, 2566, 2590, 2611, 2630, 2668, 2688, 2703, 2723, 2742, 2801, 2822, 2864, 2884, 2903, 2988, 3009, 3097, 3130, 3187, 3219, 3246, 3267, 3280, 3298, 3318, 3340, 3377, 3392, 3406, 3423, 3438, 3448, 3461, 3478, 3499, 3516, 3532, 3541, 3557, 3573, 3585, 3617, 3634, 3648 f., 3669, 3682, 3690, 3701, 3712 −, adverbial 1021, 1392, 1399 f., 1595, 1901, 1948, 1968, 2244, 2404, 2420, 2445, 2461, 2479, 2499, 2520, 2547, 2571, 2593, 2614, 2635, 2671, 2690, 2705, 2726, 2746, 2802, 2825, 2867, 2887, 2907, 2993, 3012, 3065, 3083, 3101, 3134, 3191, 3206, 3223, 3251, 3271, 3282, 3324, 3343, 3393, 3410, 3427, 3440, 3450, 3482, 3501, 3523, 3533, 3544, 3561, 3590, 3619, 3635, 3652, 3672, 3683, 3692, 3704, 3717 −, affixless 2875 −, collective 1801 −, correlative 906 −, denominal 1295, 1803, 1941, 1944, 2515, 2774, 2991, 3097, 3243, 3440, 3583 −, deverbal 15, 509, 545, 776, 782, 789,

Terminological index 791, 800, 1872, 1919, 2102, 2518, 2742, 2774, 2875, 3099, 3400, 3402, 3515 f., 3585 −, extragrammatical 131, 485, 489 f., 2201, 2203 −, implicit 275, 1905 −, nominal 1590, 1885, 1933, 205, 2125, 2243, 2395, 2417, 2438, 2456, 2470, 2493, 2513, 2536, 2563 f., 2588, 2606, 2625, 2665, 2686, 2700, 2719, 2737, 2793, 2818, 2858, 2882, 2899, 2985, 3005, 3075, 3094, 3126, 3163, 3185, 3198, 3216, 3243, 3265, 3279, 3293, 3314 f., 3318, 3335, 3356, 3372, 3390, 3404, 3419, 3437, 3447, 3460, 3476, 3497, 3514, 3531, 3538, 3555, 3571, 3583, 3615, 3631, 3645, 3667, 3680, 3689, 3699, 3711 −, paradigmatic 7, 330, 2833, 2845, 3058 ff. −, parasynthetic 119, 1567 −, verbal 1595, 1688, 1894, 1944, 1969, 2102, 2243, 2302, 2399, 2420, 2443, 2460, 2477, 2498, 2518, 2545, 2568, 2593, 2613, 2634, 2670, 2689, 2704, 2725, 2745, 2802, 2823, 2866, 2886, 2905, 2990, 3011, 3062, 3081, 3098, 3132, 3169, 3190, 3203, 3220, 3247, 3268, 3281, 3300, 3321, 3343, 3355, 3379, 3393, 3408, 3425, 3440, 3449, 3462, 3479, 3499, 3517, 3532, 3542, 3559, 3576, 3585, 3619, 3651, 3670, 3683, 3691, 3702, 3713 derivation from compounds 681 dérivation impropre 32 dérivation lexicale 1021 dérivation propre 32 dérivation syntaxique 1021 prefix derivation 6, 1503, 1873, 1885, 1890 f., 1894, 1901, 2296, 2302, 2395, 2400 ff. re-derivation 2081 suffix derivation 5, 342, 1885 f., 1891, 1893, 1899, 2301, 2395, 2400 ff., 2846 zero derivation 6 f., 62, 86, 271 f., 288, 327, 341 f., 345 f., 443, 446, 528, 605, 921, 1058, 1086, 1088, 1115, 1163, 1165, 1260, 1334 f., 1407, 1638, 1650, 1915 f., 1921 ff., 1969, 1972, 2066, 2091, 2124, 2143, 2657, 2672, 2778, 2909, 2971, 3285, 3393 derivative 780–803, 803–821, 932–944, 1020, 1025 ff., 1172, 1214 f., 1221 ff., 1269, 1280, 1285, 1289 ff., 1317, 1326, 1330, 1357, 1362 ff., 1472, 1516, 1545–1560, 1600, 1621, 1626, 1631 f., 1650, 1655,

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3733 1681 ff., 1736 ff., 1764, 1770 ff., 1785, 1798 ff., 1806 f., 1846 ff., 1855 f., 1871 ff., 1887 ff., 1898, 1901, 1905 ff., 1919, 1933 ff., 1944 ff., 1960 ff., 1984 ff., 2002 f., 2016, 2025 ff., 2063 f., 2067 ff., 2099 ff., 2184, 2256, 2260, 2280, 2334 f., 2338 ff., 2379 ff., 2389, 2399 f., 2416 ff., 2469, 2475 f., 2507 ff., 2518, 2602, 2614, 2625 f., 2653, 2685 ff., 2737 ff., 2760, 2774 ff., 2792, 2812 ff., 2838 ff., 2869 f., 2875 ff., 2900, 2917 ff., 2942, 2959 f., 2984 ff., 3010, 3024 ff., 3046, 3050, 3058 f., 3076 ff. −, phrasal 280 description 1–21, 128, 732, 805, 809, 829, 876, 879 ff., 887, 918, 923, 935, 961, 1006, 1021 ff., 1030, 1036 ff., 1047 f., 1128 f., 1137, 1161, 1172 ff., 1318, 1321, 1323, 1360, 1377, 1380, 1386, 1395, 1409, 1476, 1492, 1530, 1539, 1547, 1550 ff., 1588, 1621, 1628, 1751 f., 1876 ff., 1884, 1904, 2001 ff., 2022 f., 2098, 2147, 2193, 2258, 2274 ff., 2282, 2290 f., 2348, 2355, 2359, 2377, 2601, 2620, 2713, 2765, 2783, 2812, 2822, 2836, 2877, 2949, 2959, 2981, 3017, 3050 f., 3071, 3211, 3216, 3222, 3242, 3250, 3391, 3398 ff., 3511, 3596 f., 3639 desemantization 2919 determinant 5, 63, 83, 118, 121, 154, 156, 229, 307, 365, 684, 825, 835, 992 f., 1037, 1123, 1265, 1603, 1616, 1844, 2283, 2897 determinative 6, 87, 367, 372, 379 f., 390, 738, 1587, 1631, 1669, 1718, 1815, 1881 ff., 2246 f., 2603, 2876, 2981 determinatum 5, 63, 118, 229, 365, 921, 992 f., 1004, 1603, 2004, 2298, 2664, 2897 determinologization 2255 detransitivizer 1455 f., 1461 deviation 883, 898, 939, 953, 1218, 1457, 1565, 1574, 1696, 1888, 1898, 1960, 2271 f., 2275 f., 2297, 2299 f., 2309 f., 2322 diachronic 8, 46, 80, 136, 257, 273, 277, 288, 324, 327 f., 341 ff., 364, 416, 475, 501, 526, 538, 544 ff., 627 f., 651, 689 f., 700, 783, 790, 806, 830, 843, 854, 880, 919, 942, 968, 973 ff., 980, 982, 988, 1002, 1004, 1007 f., 1032, 1137 ff., 1186 f., 1221, 1224, 1279 f., 1298 f., 1307 f., 1324 f., 1332, 1342, 1348, 1401 f., 1419, 1484, 1500, 1530, 1616 f., 1620 f., 1762, 1784 ff., 1795, 1799, 1808, 1812, 1825 f., 1829, 1831, 1843, 1867 f., 1871, 1883, 1886, 1904, 1915 f., 2003 f., 2022, 2025, 2041 f.,

3734 2054, 2063, 2097, 2202 f., 2333 f., 2377, 2468, 2675, 2741, 2766, 2786, 2798, 2807, 2893, 3125, 3146, 3229 ff., 3296, 3368, 3398, 3585, 3606, 3705 diagrammaticity 132 ff., 276, 340, 474 dictionary 2333–2354 −, reverse 803, 925, 967, 2002, 2334, 2338, 2753, 2769, 2813 dictionary structure 2347 dictionary typology 2333 morpheme dictionary 976, 2333, 2341 f. word family dictionary 1868, 2342, 2345 word-formation dictionary 1748, 2345 f., 2933 diffix 267 diminutive 28, 45, 132, 219 f., 222, 224, 267 f., 279, 286 f., 308, 312, 314, 317 f., 342, 440, 474, 502 ff., 509, 511, 517 ff., 543 f., 554, 556 f., 560 ff., 574, 664, 704, 708, 712, 723, 836, 863, 952, 961 ff., 974 ff., 1021 ff., 1028, 1040, 1128–1142, 1177, 1180 f., 1273, 1286, 1313, 1319, 1341, 1347 f., 1468, 1529 ff., 1550 ff., 1592, 1594, 1626, 1653, 1762 f., 1770, 1796, 1802, 1846, 1858, 1860, 1864, 1997 ff., 1920, 1934, 1966, 1985, 1988, 1990, 1992 f., 2007, 2011 ff., 2029 ff., 2048, 2063 f., 2070, 2074 f., 2094, 2099 ff., 2125, 2216, 2259, 2292, 2347 f., 2360, 2403, 2419, 2439, 2456 ff., 2471 f., 2565, 2599, 2606 f., 2628, 2666, 2703, 2721, 2738, 2759, 2761 f., 2792, 2798, 2819 f., 2833, 2840, 2850, 2854, 2866, 2875, 2881 f., 2901, 2906 f., 2919, 2945, 2960 f., 2974, 2986, 2994, 3006 ff., 3023, 3059, 3065, 3081, 3100, 3113, 3129, 3151 f., 3165, 3192, 3199, 3206, 3243, 3254, 3294, 3309, 3314 f., 3342, 3356, 3372, 3404 f., 3420, 3446, 3531 f. −, sentence 1135 direction marker → marker directionality 138, 328, 334, 345, 662, 988, 1374, 1378, 1403, 1414, 2421, 2533, 2548 direction of derivation 276, 278, 288, 342, 1472 directive 1709, 1797, 1806, 2102, 2254 disambiguation 219, 378, 544, 1419, 2214, 2277, 2310, 2364 ff. discourse marker → marker disfix 278 disponibilité 847, 2144

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Subject index dissimilation 508, 560, 899, 945–956, 1764, 2672, 2755, 2981 distancing 634, 1605, 1694, 1722, 2453, 2840, 3045 distribution, complementary 178, 501 f., 1392, 1499, 1519, 1919, 2393, 2456, 2539 distributivity 309, 314, 469, 471 f., 474, 710, 718 f., 787, 2947, 3195, 3273, 3292, 3694 disverbation 2272, 2277 divergence 700, 982, 1296, 1619, 1632, 1725, 1727, 1932, 2139, 3040 f., 3639 domain(s) 22, 73, 114, 125, 138, 153, 164 ff., 188 ff., 207, 209, 212, 214, 242, 244, 260, 267, 274, 305, 354, 379, 397, 421, 425, 431, 456, 492 f., 511, 544, 594, 601, 603, 607 f., 683, 700, 703, 707, 709, 715, 728 ff., 734, 770, 775 f., 804 f., 816, 828, 842 f., 847 f., 859, 862 ff., 870 f., 883, 897 ff., 913, 925 f., 935 f., 1010, 1031, 1044 f., 1058, 1104 f., 1111 f., 1116, 1138, 1162, 1172, 1179 f., 1190, 1204, 1213, 1218, 1223 f., 1241, 1248, 1261, 1279 ff., 1291, 1301, 1320, 1341 ff., 1348, 1397 ff., 1475 f., 1498, 1507, 1525, 1529 f., 1541 f., 1573, 1586, 1605, 1607, 1620, 1623, 1629, 1932 f., 1714, 1741, 1776, 1783, 1785 ff., 1820 f., 1839, 1872, 1877 ff., 1901, 1908, 1924, 1943, 1989 f., 2004, 2042 f., 2056 f., 2155 f., 2235, 2263, 2290, 2293, 2297, 2322, 2355 f., 2361 f., 2365 ff., 2376, 2378, 2381, 2463, 2483, 2624, 2664, 2722, 2735, 2738 ff., 2813, 2877, 2951, 3018 f., 3141, 3212, 3305, 3363 f., 3369 f., 3401, 3490, 3529, 3565, 3574, 3607 f., 3624, 3632, 3636 −, functional 1867–1913 dot object 1099, 1110 ff., 1119 ff., 1258 doublet 346, 721, 797, 836, 851 f., 866 f., 966, 1254, 1293, 1296, 1299, 1392, 1548, 1574, 1593, 1722, 1937, 1939, 2046, 2218, 3315, 3321, 3364, 3553, 3555 doubling 275, 468, 475, 1699 f., 2027, 2035, 2292, 2301, 2407, 2664 drift 152, 993, 1233, 1238, 1410, 2457 dual-route model → model duality 133 duplifix 274 dvandva 27, 46 ff., 367 f., 402, 678, 707 f., 715 f., 1089, 1651, 1918, 2005 f., 2510, 2806, 2816, 3110, 3181, 3213, 3237, 3264, 3332, 3344, 3417, 3435, 3494, 3513, 3530,

Terminological index 3537, 3568, 3580, 3598 f., 3611, 3627, 3645, 3679, 3688, 3695, 3709 dvigu 46 f., 372 dyslexia 2049, 2157 ff., 2170

E echo-compound → compound echo-reduplication → reduplication echo-word → word economy principle → principle effect −, comic 1557, 2484 −, dissimilative 560 compound effect 2167 f. gang effect 949 morpheme effect 2216, 2218 ff. position effect 2169 f. elative 1135, 1137, 1340, 1529, 1537, 1827, 1990, 2014 element, linking 4, 269 f., 283 f., 505, 552, 568–582, 585, 702, 946 f., 975, 1187, 1486, 1488 f., 1568, 1570, 1616, 1624, 1629 ff., 1772, 1870, 1877, 1881 f., 1902 f., 2054, 2123, 2127, 2178, 2290, 2316, 2344, 2364, 2390 ff., 2436 f., 2489, 2493, 2498, 2508 ff., 2530 ff., 2556, 2559, 2586 f., 2697, 2732 ff., 2815, 2895, 2916, 2957, 3141 zero linking element 270, 835, 2343 ellipsis 33, 87, 96, 252, 325 f., 728, 743 ff., 750 f., 774 f., 786, 1281, 1308, 1313, 1333, 1364, 1367, 1546, 1765, 1773, 1855, 1857 f., 1942 f., 1985 f., 1991, 2091, 2239, 2630, 2657, 2723, 2747, 2826, 2833, 2848, 2870, 2876, 2902, 2908, 3018, 3024, 3047, 3060, 3084, 3235, 3240 elsewhere principle → principle empathy 1133 f., 1551, 1553, 1556, 2840 emphasis 97, 135, 159, 219, 328, 344, 473, 479, 719, 817, 1340, 1342 f., 1367, 1530, 1539, 1550, 1868, 1916, 2052, 2063, 2278, 2295, 2298, 2310, 2316, 2318, 2436, 2449, 2453, 2455, 2459 f., 2467, 2471, 2479, 2481 f., 3200, 3214, 3675, 3705, 3718 f. ending (noun) 263, 809, 847, 854, 868 ff., 896 f., 933, 947, 1021, 1160, 1163 ff., 1174 ff., 1180, 1223, 1231, 1238, 1279 f., 1301, 1356, 1392 ff., 1467, 1486, 1522, 1584 ff., 1596, 1645, 1655, 1664 f., 1667 f., 1682, 1700, 1703, 1750, 1764, 1769, 1799 ff., 1828, 1830, 1837, 1854 f., 1859 ff.,

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3735 1902 f., 1921, 1923, 1973, 1984, 1992, 2015 f., 2024 ff., 2057, 2066, 2073, 2090, 2093, 2159, 2162 f., 2168, 2181, 2214, 2216 ff., 2272, 2338, 2342 f., 2358, 3093, 3102, 3108, 3117, 3120, 3125 f., 3134, 3139 ff., 3143, 3149, 3242, 3252, 3273, 3286, 3473, 3510, 3684, 3687, 3693 −, latent 2218 endocentric 6, 48, 370, 380, 460, 675, 690, 1125, 1661, 1871 ff., 1880, 1906, 2004 f., 2087, 2242, 2414, 2430, 2510, 2605, 2643, 2685 f., 2698, 2733 f., 2771, 2836, 3309, 3403, 3435, 3491, 3566 f., 3609, 3695 enrichment, lexical 124, 128 f., 132 ff., 222, 864, 1561 f., 1734 entrenchment 16, 128, 147, 149, 152, 155 f., 634, 652, 698, 852, 866 f., 1192, 1831, 2788 epenthesis 161, 273, 556, 565, 783, 903, 948 f., 1877 eponym 2261, 2264, 2334, 2483, 2976 ergative 870, 1199 ff., 1211 f., 1287, 1425, 1429, 1431, 1435 f., 1446, 1506, 2612, 2741, 2748, 3327, 3334, 3338, 3421, 3490, 3509, 3516 ff., 3528, 3541 f., 3570, 3572, 3579, 3582, 3590, 3596 f., 3602, 3627, 3639 f., 3643, 3655, 3658, 3664 f., 3671, 3687, 3695, 3708 erosion 16, 1232, 1763, 1795, 1799, 1805, 1807, 2042, 2048, 2050 f., 2066 error, morphological 2157 ff., 2164 f. esocentric 48 establishment 16, 61, 511, 668, 1010, 1047, 1123, 1291, 1293, 1738, 1799, 1868, 1983, 2164, 2268, 2279, 2301, 2363, 2481, 2484, 3051 ff., 3433 f., 3623 etymologia 23, 41, 2873, 2892 etymology 920, 928, 946, 980, 1002–1019, 1473, 1541, 1573, 1623, 1748, 1754, 1977, 2022, 2050, 2063, 2107, 2261, 2301, 2343, 2609, 2767, 2787, 2812, 3291, 3575, 3692 −, popular 512, 2474 child etymology 2119, 2127, 2132 folk etymology 994, 1002–1019, 1557, 1855, 1859, 2087 f., 2832 pseudoetymology 1004 euromorphology → morphology evaluative 131, 287, 305, 318, 512, 554 ff., 560, 704, 719, 864, 961 f., 977, 1132 f., 1137, 1139, 1172, 1177, 1291, 1396, 1398, 1467–1481, 1528–1545, 1549 f., 1552, 1988, 1990, 2158, 2272, 2319, 2418, 2445,

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3736 2607, 2635, 2666, 2671, 2703, 2744, 2847, 2918, 3198, 3247, 3294, 3404, 3424, 3532, 3700 f., 3712 event, simple 1197, 1243 ff., 1252, 1255 event nominalization → nominalization event structure 667, 1196 f., 1243, 1258, 1262, 2236, 2245 evolution of language 381, 1735 evolutive 1025 exaptation 1771 exfix 263 exhaustive 4, 48, 128, 149, 258, 665, 736, 1025, 1189, 1295, 2122, 2303, 2335, 2359, 2574, 2672, 2843, 3655 exocentric 48, 193, 370, 372 f., 382, 397, 529, 544, 675, 679, 688 f., 690, 699, 733, 1125, 1568, 1818 ff., 1881, 1918, 1978, 2005, 2056, 2242, 2414, 2622, 2664, 2697 ff., 2715, 2733, 2791, 2836, 3055 f., 3091, 3144, 3149, 3154, 3403, 3435, 3491, 3530, 3568, 3628, 3695 f. expansion 32, 70, 74, 226, 365, 479, 628, 682, 758, 773, 847, 1032, 1307, 1547 f., 1680, 1692 f., 1701, 1705, 1745, 1753, 1855, 1882, 1886, 1902, 1982, 2103, 2184 f., 2269, 2312 ff., 2388, 2408, 2481, 2528, 2602, 3018, 3051 exponence 107, 184, 223 f., 241, 245, 253, 279, 537, 541, 898, 1174, 1180, 1419, 1516 ff., 1525 −, cumulative 223 f., 241, 245 −, extended 279, 541, 1522 −, multiple 107, 279, 537, 541, 1520 zero exponence 1419 exponent 132, 230, 253, 260, 273, 278 ff., 406, 440, 468, 725, 1173 f., 1181, 1334, 1336, 1360 f., 1368, 1409, 1517 ff., 1550, 1682 ff., 2842, 3139, 3162, 3416, 3426 expression, multi-word 450–468, 742–757, 757–779, 1030, 1370, 2255, 2334, 2336, 2412, 2814, 2870, 2876, 2879, 2896, 2983, 3060, 3072, 3395, 3465, 3470, 3565, 3608 expressivity 456, 461, 748, 1430, 1548 f., 2179, 2187 f., 2732, 2876 extension −, metonymic 1261, 1276 f., 1298 ff., 1313, 1774, 2297, 2627 ff., 2722 −, semantic 2, 86, 862 f., 1023 f., 1026 ff., 1213, 1254, 1261, 1272, 1276 f., 1291 ff., 1298, 1301, 1332 f., 1397, 1774, 1855, 1986, 2609, 2720, 2723

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Subject index

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stem extension 269, 788, 1768, 1846, 1948, 2028, 2067 suffix extension 1555, 2033 externalization 880, 883 externalization of inflection 541 extrafix 263 extragrammatical 131 f., 347, 390 ff., 487, 489, 490, 504, 511 f., 2199, 2201, 2203 ezafe, ezafet → izafet-compound

F factitive 308, 1355, 1626, 1879, 1892 f., 1896 ff., 1908, 1946, 2065, 2689 ff., 2824, 2867, 2886, 2922 f., 3032, 3063, 3099, 3220 f., 3248, 3269, 3300, 3304, 3322, 3426, 3480, 3529, 3533, 3619, 3629 faithfulness, prosodic 1764 faithfulness constraint → constraint familiarity marker → marker family, derivational 563 ff. family name → name family resemblance 708, 710, 720, 722, 724, 863, 1039, 1049 f., 1052, 1380 f. feature −, areal 3503, 3608 −, morphological 869, 1047, 1059, 1067 ff., 1564, 2163, 2888 −, morphosyntactic 100, 107, 242, 260, 279, 365 f., 429, 541, 545, 689, 1059 f., 1068, 1095, 1102, 1972, 3144 −, syntactic 788, 870, 1067 f., 1231, 2289, 2648 feature percolation 100, 230, 878 feminization 1162, 2470 f., 2720, 3019 figura 23 ff., 41, 612, 2088, 2268 fixedness 450 f., 453, 728 f., 731 f., 734 ff., 738 f. folk etymology → etymology fore-clipping → clipping fore-grounding 1106, 1111 form −, combining 5, 269, 283, 374 f., 492, 1009, 1040, 1564, 1566, 1569 f., 1599, 1622, 1649, 1655, 1662, 1664 f., 1668, 1671, 1777, 1992, 2196, 2301, 2416, 2575, 2621, 2624 f., 2732 f., 2736, 2784 f., 2834 f. −, diagnostic 255 −, intermediate 553, 2601 stem form 38 ff., 115, 118 f., 168, 198, 259, 303, 569 f., 572, 575, 585, 898, 905,

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Terminological index 951, 1392, 1630 f., 1933, 1990, 2390, 2429, 2531, 2756, 3233, 3502, 3625, 3629, 3633, 3696 stem form, compositional 569 f., 572 Formans 40, 44 formation −, elliptic 1052, 1942 −, hybrid 775, 1570, 1616, 1631 ff., 1639 ff., 1650 ff., 2275, 2818, 2877, 2896, 3019, 3350, 3361 −, prefixal-suffixal 526, 3075, 3081 −, replacive 833 f. −, substitutional 2407 loan formation 772, 1632, 2196, 2204, 2688, 2691 nonce formation 695, 843, 2290, 2301, 2732, 2739, 2746, 2893, 2910 particle-verb formation 434–449, 811, 1808, 1873, 1884 f., 1894, 1899, 1901, 2399 ff. stem formation 40, 473, 701, 1917 f., 1920 f., 2003, 2388, 3255, 3629 term formation 2185, 2254 f., 2258 ff., 2263 f. formative 5, 44 f., 81, 96, 98, 303, 314, 364 ff., 540 ff., 968, 1134, 1224, 1332, 1334, 1384, 1392, 1548 ff., 1556, 1661 ff., 1666 ff., 1682 ff., 1768, 1802, 1812, 1815 ff., 1843 f., 1848 f., 1856, 1861, 1945, 2072, 2103, 2419, 2601, 2606, 2814, 2832, 2837, 2842 f., 2847, 3107, 3111, 3192, 3331, 3347, 3404, 3426, 3692 form-meaning asymmetry 197 ff. form-meaning relation → relation fractomorpheme → morpheme Fremdwortbildung 1616, 1618, 1620 frequency 7, 14 f., 71, 89, 127 f., 130, 136, 146, 148, 155, 206 ff., 213, 228, 276, 323, 326, 342, 397, 451, 458, 493, 507, 522, 554, 569, 631, 689, 694, 697, 703, 708, 714 f., 722, 732, 753, 759, 762, 765, 769, 775 f., 811, 837, 845 f., 851 f., 866 ff., 926 ff., 940, 959, 975, 1005 f., 1014 ff., 1048, 1050, 1146, 1150, 1154, 1185, 1213, 1224, 1271, 1273, 1297, 1345, 1384, 1399, 1402, 1428, 1439, 1468, 1480, 1541, 1550, 1567, 1573 f., 1632 f., 1755, 1782 f., 1787, 1789 f., 1833, 1848, 1868, 1870, 1879, 1881 f., 1886 ff., 1907 f., 1926, 1940, 2007, 2038, 2120 f., 2127 ff., 2140 f., 2158 ff., 2163, 2165, 2169 f., 2181, 2185 ff., 2256, 2326, 2347, 2355, 2359, 2362, 2364 ff.,

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3737 2376, 2380 f., 2512 f., 2647, 2677, 2695, 2700 f., 2735, 2741, 2748, 2755, 2842, 2875, 2895, 2956, 3042, 3079, 3201, 3309, 3399, 3416, 3446, 3487, 3580 function −, naming 458, 864, 1047, 1049, 1685, 2024, 2254 −, pragmatic 173, 486, 542, 1129, 1198, 1203, 1531, 1539, 1553, 2192 functor 113–122, 1063 ff., 1079, 1085, 1095 Funktionsstand 70, 1037 fusion 16, 43, 137, 241, 504, 903, 908 f., 990, 1071, 1467, 1532, 1770, 1772, 1796, 1830, 1834, 1844, 1873, 2025 f., 2065, 2067, 2081 f., 2195, 2318, 2429, 2576, 2720, 3125, 3329, 3353, 3371, 3528, 3570 suffix fusion 1873 future 219, 304, 473, 753, 782, 799, 1102, 1484 f., 1487, 1604, 1702, 1745, 1755, 1768, 1784, 1897, 1948, 1977, 2004, 2236, 2283, 2327, 2355, 2367, 2376, 2443, 2511, 2541, 2925, 2976, 3042, 3148, 3158, 3172, 3175, 3284, 3305, 3394, 3515, 3650

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G gang effect → effect gap 119, 177 f., 239, 263, 311, 392, 503, 598, 622, 898, 904 f., 910, 912 f., 928, 978, 1127, 1175, 1310, 1399, 1409, 1515, 1563, 1567, 1749, 1827 f., 1835 ff., 1904, 1916, 1923, 2118 f., 2124, 2127, 2129 f., 2143, 2243, 2278 f., 2438, 2509, 2772, 3040, 3276, 3361, 3415 gender 22, 29, 47, 70, 72, 87, 180, 197 f., 223 f., 242, 253, 255 f., 268, 271 f., 286 ff., 302, 312, 318, 323, 331 f., 357, 369, 372 ff., 92, 396, 473, 541, 543, 679, 691, 703, 730, 771, 836 f., 869, 951, 974, 976, 1023, 1026, 1028, 1059, 1068 f., 1159– 1171, 1173 f., 1177, 1180 f., 1225, 1230, 1320, 1363, 1524, 1529, 1551, 1606, 1673, 1699, 1785, 1796, 1819 ff., 1827 f., 1833 f., 1857, 1938, 1967, 2012, 2014, 2053, 2109, 2126, 2162 f., 2170, 2263 f., 2396, 2431, 2458, 2468, 2490, 2494, 2514, 2539, 2572, 2584, 2604, 2608, 2624, 2635, 2673, 2690, 2699, 2719, 2733 f., 2740, 2760, 2802, 2868, 2925, 2971, 2986, 3019, 3039, 3077, 3080, 3091, 3115, 3139, 3147, 3151, 3243, 3362, 3387, 3490, 3493, 3549, 3550 f.,

3738 3555 ff., 3579, 3596 ff., 3617, 3659, 3662 ff., 3679, 3687, 3695 ff., 3700 ff., 3709 −, common 1166, 2014, 2456, 2462, 2535, 2557 f., 2560, 2573, 3091 f. −, differential 1165 −, grammatical 1160 ff., 1921 f., 2070, 2162 f., 2166, 2195, 2557, 2848, 3005, 3045, 3135, 3405, 3447 −, lexical 1159–1171 −, referential 1160 ff. −, social 1160, 1162 gender conversion → conversion gender inversion 1985 gender marker → marker gender marking → marking gender-transparent 2609 generic masculine 72, 1161, 1167 genitive compound → compound germanization 1696 ff., 1701 ff. gerund 883, 1028, 1115, 1204 f., 1213, 1312, 1319, 1723, 1846, 2106, 2112 f., 2705, 2737, 2747 f., 2826, 2908, 2951, 3014, 3084, 3271, 3278 f., 3286, 3305, 3390, 3454, 3456, 3475, 3484 f., 3533, 3540, 3636 −, nominal 1243 f. −, verbal 1243 f. Gestalt 24 f., 988, 994, 1026, 1038, 2131 f. Gliederungsverschiebung 1769 gradation 67, 275, 461, 1016, 1392, 1689, 1804, 1854, 1823, 2513, 2669, 2823, 2897, 2904, 3202, 3231 ff., 3250 f., 3378, 3434 grammaticalization 138, 305, 375, 379, 477, 540, 662 f., 666, 697, 980, 1008 f., 1137, 1186 ff., 1191, 1198, 1221, 1277, 1312 f., 1398, 1402 f., 1537, 1566, 1623, 1666 f., 1767 ff., 1794–1810, 1811–1823, 1824– 1841, 1842–1853, 1855 f., 1861, 1871 f., 1879, 1894, 1903 f., 1948 f., 2051, 2429, 2444, 2586, 2662, 2718, 2895, 3148, 3293 ff., 3513, 3516, 3532, 3630, 3690 f. grammar −, categorial 112–122, 1063, 1079 −, cognitive 145–157, 457, 487, 816, 1206, 1343 −, comparative 38–51, 2063 −, generative 10 f., 61, 94–111, 159 f., 162, 344, 457, 683, 851, 865, 1269, 1317, 1503, 2271, 2346, 2380, 2428, 2677, 3051 Grammatik, inhaltbezogene 66–78

Subject index grammeme 245, 253, 540, 974, 1031, 1819 graphemic 396 f., 399, 405, 1032, 2309, 2311 ff., 2342 grapho-lexeme 2309, 2326 group numeral → numeral

H habilitation 2657 haplology 126, 395, 397, 400, 511, 864, 868, 948, 951, 954 f., 979, 1667, 3247, 3346, 3369, 3374, 3382, 3418 harmony vowel harmony 179, 244, 247, 508, 1242 f., 1332, 1392, 2081, 2089, 2097, 3127, 3181, 3191, 3216, 3308, 3369, 3387, 3402, 3416, 3476, 3552, 3715 head 5, 63, 100, 115, 153, 212, 230, 365 f., 369, 392, 803, 813 f., 876 ff., 1024, 1056– 1099, 1106 ff., 1120 ff., 1143 ff., 1153, 1163, 1187 ff., 1201, 1206, 1244, 1259 f., 1289, 1312, 1352, 1356, 1393, 1402, 1412 ff., 1425, 1440, 1494 f., 1499 ff., 1524, 1529, 1569 ff., 1583, 1662, 1668 ff., 1711, 1770, 1802, 1817, 1826 ff., 1875, 1906, 1917 ff., 1977, 1985, 2004 ff., 2015, 2053 f., 2069, 2084 ff., 2110, 2112, 2127, 2170, 2179 ff., 2218, 2226, 2232, 2235, 2238, 2242, 2247, 2361 ff., 2413, 2430 ff., 2467, 2491, 2510 f., 2548, 2556 ff., 2584, 2602 ff., 2643, 2663 ff., 2685 f., 2715, 2734 ff., 2787, 2897, 2957 ff., 2970, 3020, 3147, 3181, 3236 f., 3265, 3371, 3411, 3494, 3509, 3512, 3548, 3579, 3613, 3641, 3695, 3709 −, complex 440 ff., 622, 1504 f., 1507, 2432 head-marking → marking head movement 105, 414, 419, 421, 424 ff., 428 ff., 445, 1415 ff., 1494, 1504 head operation → operation head prefix → prefix non-head 190, 306, 349, 445, 577, 587 f., 599 ff., 674, 677, 804, 813, 879 ff., 886, 937, 1095, 1409, 1421, 1568, 1571, 1670, 2359, 2364, 2366, 2415, 2432, 2454, 2490, 2580 ff., 2602, 2734, 3145, 3147, 3309, 3311 ff. headedness 230, 675, 678 f., 683, 1420, 2053, 2170 f., 2241 ff., 2643, 2734, 3138, 3143 f., 3153 f.

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Terminological index headless 312, 372, 532, 1312, 1364, 2112, 3144, 3346, 3410 heritage, Germanic 1915, 1917, 1920 heterogeneity 533, 939, 1190, 1272, 1317, 1321, 1323 ff., 1348, 1390 higher order schema → schema history word-formation history 204, 208 holistic 11 f., 16, 192 f., 493, 721, 723, 863 f., 995, 1008, 1039, 1215, 1767, 1773, 2067 f., 2272, 2317 homonymization 1308, 1333, 1762, 1986 homonymy 12, 221, 230, 285, 287, 327, 769, 862, 866, 974, 1010, 1290, 1492, 1557 f., 1877, 2066, 2771, 2875 homophony 101, 165, 180 f., 314, 318, 436, 445, 503, 508, 511, 617, 781, 784, 791, 797 f., 1419, 1557, 1762, 2013, 2302, 2407 hybrid 360, 440, 651, 678, 739, 768, 775, 1107, 1160, 1364, 1568, 1571 f., 1583, 1589, 1604, 1609, 1632, 1638, 1642, 1651 ff., 1681 f., 1693, 1711, 1788, 1850, 1872, 1922, 2196, 2204, 2262 f., 2357, 2363, 2645, 2784, 2818, 3074 hybridization 1166, 1168, 1572 hypercharacterization → characterization hyphenation (hyphen) 273, 708, 716, 773, 1348, 1363, 1741, 1769, 2277 f., 2291 ff., 2310, 2313, 2316, 2475, 2482, 2501, 2508, 2531, 2552, 2756, 2836 f., 2880, 2915, 2985, 2995, 3001 ff., 3234, 3239, 3292, 3310, 3368, 3389, 3472, 3491, 3510, 3586 hypocoristic 133, 277, 358, 391, 502, 504, 511 ff., 518 f., 522, 559, 953, 976, 1025, 1136, 1319, 1531 f., 1541 f., 1925, 1950 f., 1992, 2003 f., 2007, 2011 ff., 2270, 2423, 2565, 2596, 2614, 2628, 2659, 2676, 2819, 2854, 2860, 2866, 2889, 2960, 2974, 3014, 3026, 3077, 3165, 3167, 3177, 3199, 3315 f., 3656 hyponymy 130, 429, 1185, 2181 f. hysterocentric 2004

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I iconeme 85 iconicity 131 ff., 136, 138, 276, 340, 348, 474 f., 477, 487 f., 503, 712, 985, 989 ff., 1002, 1348, 2012, 2197, 2236, 2277, 2850, 3145

3739 −, constructional 132, 136, 276, 340, 348, 474 −, imaging 133 −, metaphoric 133 iconism 494, 990, 1008 ff., 1015 iconym 85 idea, accessory 31 idealism 1531 f. ideophone 478, 3524, 3551, 3581, 3592, 3600, 3647 idiom, constructional 191 f., 194 idiomatization 16, 131, 984–1001, 1061, 1807, 1888, 2312, 2315, 3570 de-idiomatization 2312, 2315 idiosyncrasy 349, 595, 804, 815, 1061, 1068, 1082, 1125, 1294, 1393, 1415, 1537 illative 3232, 3283, 3521, 3532, 3626, 3652, 3654 f. imperative compound → compound imperative word → word imperfectivization 1260, 3065, 3083 imposed 255, 282, 397, 603, 739, 864, 1061, 1076, 1103, 1270, 1500, 1936, 1959, 2002, 2312 f., 2881, 3042 incorporation 250, 349, 413–433, 602, 1086, 1375, 1380, 1411, 1415 ff., 1443 f., 1448 f., 1772, 1806, 1870, 1924, 2043, 2092, 2284, 2314, 2347, 2403, 2581, 3239, 3490, 3512 ff., 3530, 3561, 3565, 3569, 3608, 3611, 3623, 3627, 3671 noun incorporation 105, 250, 348 f., 414 f., 431, 452, 460, 1416, 1429, 1443 ff., 1457, 1460, 2452, 2455 preposition incorporation 425, 1501 indexicality 137 individuation 1177 f., 1736 infinitive 119, 221, 225, 251, 255 f., 262, 265, 272, 283, 286, 304, 330 f., 525, 527 ff., 538 f., 608, 611, 613 ff., 617, 621, 647, 790 f., 853, 1198, 1200, 1205, 1210, 1212 f., 1216, 1223, 1236, 1238, 1273, 1355 f., 1368, 1413, 1439, 1447, 1467, 1494, 1724, 1768 f., 1800 f., 1814 f., 1905 f., 1972, 1991, 2009, 2029, 2033 f., 2069, 2102, 2121, 2156 f., 2164, 2168, 2214, 2219 f., 2296, 2343, 2405, 2481 f., 2511, 2519, 2569, 2604, 2629, 2685, 2722, 2764, 2922 f., 3050, 3054, 3092, 3096 f., 3114, 3158, 3161, 3168, 3175 f., 3186 ff., 3200, 3206 f., 3232 ff., 3278, 3280, 3286, 3305, 3364, 3381 f., 3394, 3403, 3436, 3446, 3454, 3511, 3533, 3542, 3570, 3581,

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3740 3597, 3640, 3662 ff., 3669, 3679, 3682 f., 3687, 3698, 3710 −, long 1213, 1219 f., 1223, 1769, 1972, 2741 −, short 1972 infinitive marker → marker infix 166, 262 ff., 275, 278, 505, 511, 542, 552, 554, 704, 728, 955, 1031, 1555, 2121, 2238 ff., 2244, 2482, 2507, 2838, 2901, 2917, 2949, 3159, 3198, 3244, 3290, 3358, 3368, 3401, 3434, 3493, 3496, 3528, 3600, 3640, 3701 infixation 6, 167, 182 ff., 221, 273, 305, 511, 554, 562, 953, 2149, 2411, 2422 ff., 2463, 2527, 2844, 3476, 3499 inflection 27, 218–234, 282, 477, 528, 803 ff., 961 ff., 1021, 1137, 1185 f., 1204 ff., 1393 ff., 1420 f., 1439, 1460, 1521 f., 1566 f., 1736, 1845 ff., 1875, 1906, 1921, 1950, 2003, 2007, 2012, 2024 f., 2052 ff., 2066, 2073 f., 2081 ff., 2139, 2141, 2148, 2157, 2162 f., 2165, 2216, 2226, 2241, 2245, 2291, 2343, 2357, 2405, 2412, 2433 ff., 2475, 2582 f., 2644, 2699, 2716, 2721, 2734, 2765, 2790, 2813, 2832 f., 2848, 2872, 2894, 2936, 2993, 3055, 3066, 3103 ff., 3139 ff., 3101, 3233, 3235, 3255, 3265, 3301, 3328 f., 3332 ff., 3359, 3368, 3387, 3393, 3440, 3510 f., 3528 f., 3554 ff., 3583, 3599 ff., 3643, 3688, 3717 −, contextual 225, 540, 854, 1186 −, inherent 225, 282 f., 315, 701, 854, 1186, 1205, 1522 −, irregular 102, 228, 282, 814, 1413 f., 1420, 2120, 2161 −, regular 102, 228, 453, 1413, 2120, 2142, 2161 −, word-class-changing 226, 256 zero inflection 2157, 2993 inflection-derivation continuum 1395 inflection-derivation distinction 218, 220 in-group marker → marker inhabitant name → name inherent 68, 107, 119, 121, 131, 148, 159, 167, 255, 288, 328, 345, 366, 377, 396, 477, 501 f., 529, 539 ff., 577, 588 f., 635, 641 ff., 693, 695, 808, 905, 911 f., 1064, 1096, 1118, 1127, 1139, 1162, 1186, 1214, 1258, 1293, 1297, 1300, 1429 f., 1437, 1485 f., 1626, 1907, 2186, 2221, 1167, 2271, 2348, 2381, 2442, 2516, 2669, 2902, 2925, 2957, 2968, 3114, 3207, 3475, 3482

·

Subject index inheritance 190, 324, 371, 505, 524, 540, 542, 556, 561, 565, 588, 689, 789, 799, 810 f., 1073, 1077 ff., 1094 f., 1135, 1206, 1312, 1820 f., 1962, 2045, 2051, 3371 initialism 7, 356, 359, 895, 1674, 2095, 2290, 2294, 2297, 2302 f., 2551 innovation, conceptual 1030 ff. institutionalization 16, 378 instrumental 810, 851, 1044, 1121, 1201, 1243, 1249 f., 1305, 1308, 1310 ff., 1328, 1332 ff., 1402, 1444, 1449 f., 1584, 1593, 1670, 1762, 1776, 1829 f., 1860, 1919, 1966, 1985 f., 2053, 2106, 2128, 2233, 2361, 2400 f., 2630, 2634, 2723, 2776, 2849, 2950, 2973, 3013, 3035, 3063, 3099, 3104, 3118, 3121, 3151, 3189, 3203, 3237, 3335, 3342, 3381 f., 3392, 3428, 3450, 3473, 3484, 3498, 3501, 3561, 3570, 3640, 3643, 3672, 3708 instrument noun → noun instrument verb → verb intensification 219, 307, 309, 461 f., 468 ff., 476 f., 479, 543, 665, 668, 752, 773, 783, 1132, 1339–1350, 1367, 1371, 1397, 1530, 1537 ff., 1891, 1919, 1981, 1990, 2105, 2240, 2308, 2313, 2318, 2324, 2398, 2605 f., 2727, 2737, 2779, 2875, 2879, 2897, 2925, 2944 f., 2970, 2989, 3010, 3052, 3066, 3098, 3112, 3121, 3131, 3162, 3202, 3247, 3292, 3345, 3465, 3486 f., 3592, 3620, 3693, 3702 interdialectalism 2806 interfix 262, 267 ff., 404, 445, 503 ff., 542 f., 551–567, 1040, 1133 f., 1700 ff., 1764, 1986, 2290 f., 2294, 2296 f., 2316, 2644, 2703, 2721, 2792, 2800, 2834 ff., 2856, 2937 ff., 2955 ff., 2981 ff., 3000, 3020 ff., 3053 ff., 3072 f., 3091 ff., 3471, 3525 zero interfix 2957, 3000, 3020 interlanguage → language interlinguistics 2211 f., 2215, 2220 intermediality 2282, 2306 f. Intermorphem 1563 internationalism 90, 374, 768, 1364, 1570, 1601, 1617, 1662, 1681 f., 1687, 1693, 1850, 1910, 2196, 2214, 2262, 2349, 2366, 2446, 2467, 2471, 2624, 2737, 2749, 2814, 2855, 3042, 3146 internet 361, 585, 695, 698, 702 f., 767, 770, 795 f., 927, 940, 948, 966, 981, 1016, 1249, 1280, 1294, 1550, 1709, 1713, 1750,

·

Terminological index 1752 ff., 1838, 2356, 2372–2386, 2732, 2995, 3014, 3237, 3309 interpretation, semantic 193, 284, 472, 486, 526, 586, 590, 683, 761, 921, 1004, 1069, 1071, 1110, 1122, 1257, 1331, 1458, 1668 f., 1856, 2217 f., 2360, 2389, 2431 intertextuality 2281 f. intransitivization 1429, 1458 inversion marker → marker involuntative 3529 irradiation 564, 1272, 1773, 1854, 1861 island, anaphoric 251 isomorphism 130, 132, 212, 863, 989 f., 1307, 2272 isotopy 2181 item, lexical 23, 68, 99, 128, 130, 134, 193, 248, 397, 450, 453, 474, 540, 673 ff., 806 ff., 826, 850 ff., 865 f., 936, 986, 1057 ff., 1072, 1089, 1095, 1100 ff., 1110 ff., 1121, 1127, 1130, 1173, 1184, 1190, 1203, 1256, 1287, 1318, 1329, 1337, 1380, 1427, 1456 f., 1460, 1561 ff., 1812, 1926, 2004, 2044, 2046 f., 2087, 2092, 2158, 2226, 2229, 2233, 2235, 2241, 2347, 2360, 2378, 2430, 2557, 2562 f., 2684, 2772, 2909, 3052 f., 3253, 3369, 3371, 3402, 3444 f., 3469 f., 3475, 3482 item-and-arrangement 58, 63, 159, 1419 item-and-process 59, 126, 159, 1419 iterative 116, 221, 275, 304, 308, 314, 544, 664, 668, 783, 1025 f., 1488, 1818, 1899 f., 1920, 1950, 1970, 2073, 2083, 2089, 2124, 2218, 2244 ff., 2403, 2460, 2545, 2655, 2779, 2906, 3012, 3065, 3100 f., 3120, 3214, 3252, 3343, 3358, 3379, 3410, 3427, 3430, 3581, 3629, 3633, 3670 ff., 3684, 3718 f. izafet-compound → compound

J javanais 953 ff., 1993 juncture shift → shift Junktionsbildung, lexematische 2393 juxtaposition 33, 82, 281, 405, 424, 712, 721, 728, 744, 750, 760, 1232, 1977, 2602, 2685, 2764, 2834, 2856 f., 2875, 2895, 2914 f., 2959, 2983, 2995, 3004 f., 3013, 3018, 3021, 3073, 3181, 3183, 3369, 3389, 3390, 3403, 3435, 3446, 3454, 3469, 3471, 3474 ff., 3494, 3664, 3688, 3696

3741

K karmadharaya 46 f., 367 f., 2005 knowledge, encyclopaedic 1217, 2631, 2634, 2714 Kompositionssuffix → suffix Konfix → confix

L labeling 128, 137, 1292, 1419, 2203 language 1360–1373 −, agglutinative 226, 3197, 3386, 3393, 3468, 3528 −, analytic 773 −, endangered 95 −, mocking 2483 −, naturalistic 2212, 2214 f., 2218, 2220 −, planned 2210–2225 −, schematic 2214 ff. −, technical 1015, 1633, 1704, 1709 f., 1712, 2128, 2251–2265, 2294, 2488 language acquisition → acquisition language change → change language contact 545, 716, 939 f., 1617, 1637 ff., 1648, 1777, 1844, 2003, 2008, 2038, 2074, 2087, 2204, 2448, 2554, 2696, 3127, 3180, 3255, 3368, 3434, 3438, 3469, 3606, 3623, 3658, 3708 language cultivation 1605, 1611, 1709, 2092 language engineering 1605 f., 2374 language for special purposes 2252 f. language game 265, 393, 953, 1039, 2279, 2283 language planning → planning language play 1753, 2118, 2122, 2299 language reform → reform a posteriori language 2212, 2214 a priori language 2212, 2214 child language 138, 334, 381, 512, 541, 1551, 1555, 1950, 2131, 2407 f., 2499, 2767 interlanguage 2138 ff. minority language 2062, 2075, 2231, 2452, 2811, 3050, 3211, 3708 sign language 236, 381, 708, 2225–2250 standard language 54, 66, 358, 641, 651 f., 758, 976, 1031 f., 1277, 1696 f., 1713 ff., 1720 ff., 1732, 1734, 1737 f., 1753 f., 1877, 1888, 1976, 1986, 2002 ff., 2032 ff., 2063, 2075, 2107, 2139, 2271,

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3742 2326, 2336 f., 2405, 2452, 2625, 2630, 2694, 2713 f., 2719, 2813 f., 2910, 2980, 2999, 3019, 3039 f., 3051 ff., 3071, 3091, 3109, 3116, 3254, 3300, 3329, 3363, 3398, 3423, 3426, 3509, 3528, 3639 largonji 1993 latinization 1574, 1645, 1661, 1932, 2714 relatinization 1642, 2724 law, Wackernagel’s 2055 sound law 1762 f., 2630 leader word → word learner’s dictionary → dictionary Lehnwortbildung 1616, 1620 lemma 72, 734, 739, 974, 1295, 1705, 1713 ff., 1801, 1905, 2141, 2159, 2162, 2167 ff., 2333 f., 2338 ff., 2357 ff., 2364 ff., 2378 f., 3234, 3241, 3245 lemma theory 2167 level 814 f., 849 ff., 860, 865, 877, 911 ff., 924 ff., 935, 969, 1006, 1036, 1038 f., 1047 ff., 1085, 1131, 1137, 1144, 1148 f., 1168, 1184 ff., 1215 ff., 1242, 1262 f., 1273 ff., 1289 ff., 1306, 1310, 1322, 1352, 1361, 1374, 1387, 1395, 1398, 1409, 1414, 1476, 1534 f., 1548, 1568, 1581, 1602 ff., 1693, 1700 ff., 1720, 1725, 1727, 1762, 1767, 1805, 1828, 1844, 1856, 1875, 2005, 2070, 2082, 2099, 2131, 2138 ff., 2149 f., 2159 ff., 2166 f., 2188, 2194, 2199, 2204, 2211, 2226, 2229 f., 2241 f., 2271, 2278 f., 2283, 2289 ff., 2316 f., 2324, 2326, 2342, 2349, 2366 f., 2381, 2527 ff., 2614, 2696, 2727, 2755, 2774, 2786, 2811, 2875 f., 2923 f., 2933, 2999, 3042, 3050 f., 3232, 3332, 3349 f., 3365, 3433, 3470, 3570, 3601, 3615, 3689, 3691 level-ordering → ordering level of derivation 2820, 2920, 2924 lexeme 235–300, 825 ff., 853, 861, 866, 877, 922, 946, 951 ff., 960, 974, 985, 988, 1004, 1163, 1166, 1173, 1181, 1206, 1274, 1300, 1329 f., 1352, 1369, 1375, 1378, 1383, 1393, 1396, 1402, 1414, 1492, 1516, 1561, 1566 f., 1572, 1582, 1617 f., 1621, 1623, 1626 ff., 1638, 1642, 1650 f., 1661 ff., 1672 ff., 1681 ff., 1763, 1765, 1767 ff., 1772 f., 1795 ff., 1803 ff., 1811, 1815 ff., 1827 f., 1843, 1845, 1849, 1854 f., 1868 ff., 1883, 1889, 1906, 1909, 1920, 1934 ff., 1950, 2003, 2006, 2013, 2084, 2087 ff., 2118, 2139, 2141 f., 2148, 2167 f., 2178 ff., 2201 ff., 2260, 2274, 2306–2332, 2335 f.,

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Subject index 2340 ff., 2346 ff., 2380 f., 2388, 2404, 2422, 2492, 2508 ff., 2527 f., 2547, 2555 ff., 2563, 2572–2576, 2624, 2657, 2663, 2669, 2684, 2717, 2737 ff., 2795 ff., 2833, 2842, 2893 f., 2909, 2955, 2973 ff., 2995, 3036, 3054, 3127, 3141, 3162 f., 3187, 3213, 3232, 3296 f., 3349 f., 3360 f., 3438, 3444, 3518, 3524, 3529, 3547 f., 3554, 3572 ff., 3580 ff., 3588 f., 3598 f., 3598, 3653, 3687, 3700 lexeme-formation 310, 399, 406, 582, 780, 788, 790 ff., 799 f., 1391, 1394, 1401 lexeme morpheme base morphology 107 lexème 245 lexical integrity hypothesis 99, 420 lexicalism 2713, 2713 −, strong 99 f., 419 −, weak 100, 419 lexicalist 103, 416, 421, 590, 594 f., 608, 693, 703, 809 ff., 851, 877 f., 1058, 1255, 1257 f., 1419, 2713 lexicalist hypothesis 99 f., 104, 126, 595, 806 lexicalist theory 418 ff., 428, 2713 lexicalization 15 f., 115, 118, 131, 224, 325 f., 392, 416, 451, 457 f., 476, 575, 588, 627, 634, 645 f., 650, 662, 680, 694, 719, 805, 852, 966 f., 985, 1008 f., 1047, 1163, 1186, 1192, 1254, 1290, 1330, 1386, 1402, 1535, 1540 f., 1763, 1795 f., 1800, 1802, 1804 f., 1812, 1844, 1888, 1918, 1920, 2247, 2301, 2336, 2412 f., 2532, 2624, 2645, 2656 f., 2741, 3022, 3230, 3235, 3276 ff., 3312, 3334, 3402, 3437, 3511, 3519, 3521, 3557 f., 3647, 3689 de-lexicalization 1008 f., 1805 lexicography 24, 451, 1600, 1615, 1682, 1692, 1751, 1977, 2345, 2347 ff., 2356, 2468, 2509 lexicology 30 f., 303, 1916, 2306, 2641, 2873, 2954, 2999, 3050, 3070 f. lexicon 10, 30 ff., 60, 68, 70, 75, 96 f., 109, 114, 225 f., 128 ff., 179, 188 ff., 206, 236, 248, 255, 265, 277, 289, 347, 359, 378, 390, 392, 415, 419 ff., 455 ff., 489, 492 f., 521, 540, 560 ff., 575, 674, 676, 683, 721 ff., 730, 745, 804 ff., 813 f., 823, 830, 836 f., 850, 864 f., 877, 914, 919, 924, 937, 951, 969, 985, 988, 992, 994 f., 1005, 1023, 1030, 1032, 1060, 1096, 1165, 1173, 1181, 1191 f., 1258, 1277, 1329, 1334, 1374, 1380, 1402 f., 1418, 1421, 1427, 1546, 1566, 1571, 1616, 1661 ff., 1683 ff., 1691 f., 1696, 1698, 1705, 1710, 1734, 1734 ff.,

·

Terminological index 1744–1760, 1789, 1796, 2001, 2005, 2014 f., 2053, 2092, 2110, 2119 f., 2124 ff., 2130, 2139 ff., 2157, 2159 ff., 2165 f., 2195, 2212, 2226, 2228, 2247, 2272 f., 2376, 2380, 2489, 2602, 2641, 2665, 2684, 2695, 2755, 2777, 2783, 2833, 2893, 2914, 3042, 3051, 3083, 3127, 3183, 3231 ff., 3243, 3308, 3328, 3349, 3368, 3406, 3415, 3446, 3452, 3520 ff., 3547, 3550, 3569, 3580, 3596, 3599, 3606 ff., 3623 f., 3637, 3658, 3708 −, hierarchical 190 ff., 462, 721 −, mental 103–217, 205, 207, 209, 225, 812, 826, 831, 851 f., 860, 866 ff., 871, 913, 987, 1186, 2137, 2139, 2143, 2145, 2157, 2161, 2272, 2422 lexicon-syntax divide 2425 linking element → element, linking listeme 248 listing 16, 44, 677, 812, 847, 869, 923, 1062, 1600, 2063, 2147, 2159, 2168, 2270, 2343, 2812 relisting 323 loan, semantic 86, 1640, 1694, 1711 loan formation → formation loan suffix → suffix loan translation → translation loanverb marker → marker loanword 86, 160, 489, 541, 544, 715, 852 ff., 907, 939, 950, 1012, 1231, 1364, 1372, 1562, 1568, 1582 f., 1592, 1599 f., 1637–1659, 1666, 1672, 1703, 1705, 1721, 1724, 1727, 1733 f., 1741 f., 1747 f., 1849, 1915, 1921 ff., 1962, 1976, 1980, 1987, 2011, 2047, 2083, 2088, 2094, 2199 ff., 2205, 2215, 2290, 2293 ff., 2334, 2468, 2477, 2509, 2515 ff., 2526, 2565, 2624, 2685, 2700, 2714, 2743, 2746 f., 2774, 2813 f., 2843, 2956, 3039, 3109, 3173, 3198, 3221, 3225, 3229, 3262, 3321, 3387 f., 3415, 3421 ff., 3426 ff., 3452, 3530, 3537, 3583, 3667 f., 3714 loanword integration 539, 544, 546 location verb → verb locative 254, 259, 309, 438, 532, 611, 631, 641, 662, 667, 691 f., 881 f., 886, 921, 1040, 1088, 1091, 1145, 1185, 1190, 1197, 1235, 1243, 1245, 1250, 1259, 1286, 1298 f., 1308, 1328 ff., 1354 f., 1400 f., 1427, 1449, 1453, 1455, 1460, 1504, 1591, 1762, 1768, 1770, 1844, 1859, 1907, 1919, 1924, 1966, 1970 f., 1986 f., 2049, 2053,

·

3743 2100 f., 2104, 2110, 2236, 2246 f., 2401, 2403, 2453, 2625, 2652, 2668, 2686, 2719, 2737, 2739 ff., 2805, 2846, 2918, 2921, 2959, 3063, 3121, 3163, 3166, 3183, 3185, 3230, 3251, 3331, 3337, 3345 f., 3382, 3406, 3423, 3518 ff., 3537, 3544 ff., 3558 ff., 3569 f., 3576 f., 3585 ff., 3619, 3624, 3626, 3636, 3640 ff., 3650 ff., 3682, 3695, 3702, 3706, 3717 localization marker → marker locatum verb → verb loucherbem 1993

M malapropism 1013, 1015, 1021, 2483 malefactive 1454, 3499 f., 3518 malformation 1049 manner nominal → nominal markedness constraint, universal 167, 185 markedness reversal 520 marker 60, 253 f., 279, 282, 539, 737, 1108, 1235, 1292, 1297, 1409, 1419, 1566, 1768, 2235, 3270, 3510 f., 3522, 3540 −, adjectival 3182, 3372, 3585, 3635, 3642, 3648 −, adnominal 3345 −, applicative 1428, 1449, 3518 f., 3520 −, attributive 3182, 3626, 3628 −, causative 3510, 3520 f., 3651 f. −, colloquial 2186 −, comitative 712 −, comparative 249 −, derivational 542, 1297 f., 1301, 1317, 1326, 1399, 1401, 3102, 3552, 3643 −, diminutive 2074 −, feminine 539, 1562 −, generic 2771 −, genitive 574 f., 576, 1828, 1870, 2214, 3188, 3198, 3566, 3609, 3644 −, habitual 3516 −, individualizing 1172 −, inflectional 220, 229, 269, 283, 575 f., 578, 700 f., 1391, 1394, 1402, 1566 f., 1570, 1873 ff., 1877, 1885, 1888, 1904, 1907 f., 2734, 3102, 3150, 3560 −, locative 1329, 1335, 1453 −, masculine 1331 −, morphological 133, 137, 1172, 3206, 3368, 3379, 3454 −, nominal 1567

3744 −, −, −, −,

−, −, −, −, −, −, −, −, −, −, −, −,

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Subject index passive 314, 2072, 3576 phrasal 574 pleonastic 545 plural 229 f., 574, 577, 701 f., 720 f., 1180, 1676, 2090, 2778, 3165, 3169, 3272, 3491, 3572, 3640, 3645, 3647 possessive 2556, 3163, 3181, 3207 pragmatic 1533 proprietive 312 referential 3568, 3635 reflexive 268, 1456, 3510, 3520 repetitive 3588 f., 3590 semantic 81, 88 similative 3648 singulative 1181 stylistic 732, 1550 transpositional 1261, 2778, 3643 unitizing 1173 f. abstraction marker 2772 adverb marker 1394 ff., 1402, 1803, 1824–1851, 1901, 1904, 2479, 3534, 3591, 3648 agreement marker 264, 268, 304, 2239, 2716, 3490, 3549, 3555, 3559, 3596, 3645 aktionsart marker 314 aorist marker 1486 aspect marker 636, 1234 f., 1453, 1487, 3140 boundary marker 573, 576 case marker 39, 229, 269, 282, 312, 570, 773, 1198, 1399, 2214, 2815, 2970, 3159, 3164 f., 3172, 3207, 3406, 3410, 3518, 3524, 3544, 3558, 3577, 3580, 3584, 3586, 3619, 3640 f., 3644, 3647, 3653, 3717 class marker 547, 1453, 2636, 2716, 3419, 3549, 3574, 3627 ff., 3634, 3636, 3640, 3649, 3651, 3656, 3683 compound marker 708, 712, 773, 2055, 3141, 3147, 3154, 3212, 3370 f. co-compound marker 713 f. cross-reference marker 3510, 3522 degree marker 3522 definiteness marker 2734 direction marker 632 discourse marker 539 familiarity marker 173 f. gender marker 1159, 1161 f., 1166, 3559 f., 3700 ff., 3708 infinitive marker 539, 608, 614, 1238, 3153, 3200, 3381 in-group marker 2423 inversion marker 3518

marker 539, 546 · loanverb marker 3560 f., 3586, 3588, · localization 3640 f., 3652 f. marker 3647 · masdar marker 220, 2069 · mood marker 3161 · negation marker 1453, 3505 f. · object marker 3708, 3717 · orientation participle marker 1298, 1885, 1897, 2069, · 3272, 3654 marker 608, 1797 · perfect marker 2673, 3506, 3524 · person marker 1180 · quantity recategorization marker 1028 · tense marker 266, · 2069 f., 3522, 3524 306, 805, 1235, 1484, marker 1451, 1455 · transitivity marker 2235, 2239, 2348 · usage marker 304 · valence verbal-noun marker 1231 · marking −, double 537, 712, 722 −, stylistic 729, 731 f., 1548 gender marking 543, 1026, 1159–1171, 1626, 1887, 1889, 2300, 2396, 2740, 2743, 2749 head-marking 420 f., 1201 zero marking 2240, 3583, 3585, 3597, 3603, 3641, 3651, 3654 masdar 271, 1237 f., 1281, 3182, 3186, 3491, 3495, 3498, 3502, 3515, 3520, 3524, 3540, 3555 f., 3565, 3584, 3601 f., 3616, 3626, 3628, 3634, 3636, 3646 f., 3669, 3688 f., 3692, 3695 f., 3699 ff., 3709, 3712 masdar marker → marker mass noun → noun maximization of opportunity 207, 212 f., 1149, 2170 meaning −, categorial 1298, 2028, 2917, 2920, 2934, 2946, 3002, 3031, 3064 −, constructional 73, 75, 461, 668 −, derivational 264, 267, 270, 278, 313, 1286, 1290, 1292, 1297, 2939, 2945, 2968, 3099, 3471, 3540 −, grammatical 223, 237, 240, 245, 257, 272 f., 276, 278 f., 284, 781, 863, 2874 f., 2947, 3121, 3428 −, lexical 4, 103, 108, 130, 135, 245, 257 ff., 393, 492, 501, 668, 781, 1021, 1081, 1163, 1198, 1203 f., 1246, 1287, 1290, 1296, 1368, 1372, 1561, 1563, 1566,

· · ·

Terminological index 1571 f., 1766 f., 1843, 2027, 2030, 2034, 2042, 2205, 2253, 2340, 2348, 2389, 2408, 2449, 2454, 2787, 2886, 3082 f., 3110, 3148, 3239, 3379, 3390, 3464, 3471, 3582, 3659 −, literal 191, 460, 462, 733, 1100 f., 1103 ff., 1109 f., 1126, 1152, 1305, 1682, 2195, 2261, 3214, 3571 meaning construction 1143, 1148 ff., 1153 f. word-formation meaning 75, 501, 992, 1129, 1217, 1224, 1626, 1767, 1786, 1920, 2025, 2028 ff., 2338, 2346, 2348, 2391 ff., 2406, 2920, 2947, 2982, 3372, 3380 meaning-form mismatch 108 means of word-formation 58 f., 69, 74, 117, 468, 582, 747, 1027, 1616, 1698, 1875 f., 1905, 2022 f., 2080, 2099, 2281, 2340, 2388, 2893, 2933 f., 2954 f., 3018, 3051 ff., 3066 merger 424, 430, 744, 788, 1256, 1370, 1412, 1762, 1856, 1871, 1883, 1902, 1906, 2038, 2043, 2526, 2834, 2850, 2981, 3004, 3013, 3023, 3053 f., 3072, 3475, 3588 metanalysis 1769, 2025 f., 2033, 2805, 2807 metaphony 134 metaphor 31, 73, 83, 85 f., 129, 134, 149, 207 f., 301 f., 327, 403, 423, 451, 459, 634, 714, 720, 733, 818, 986, 1028 f., 1049, 1052, 1061, 1100, 1126, 1134, 1138, 1274, 1290, 1296, 1313, 1342 f., 1376 f., 1393, 1418, 1530 f., 1538, 1546, 1552, 1767, 1796, 2195, 2255, 2258 f., 2268, 2279, 2324, 2362, 2836 f., 2875, 2987, 3071, 3470, 3568, 3571, 3587 metathesis 267, 273, 275, 398, 954 f., 2230, 2981, 3159, 3165, 3453 metatony 3092, 3097 ff. metonymy 86, 129, 327, 818, 1027, 1099– 1128, 1191 f., 1290, 1299, 1527, 1538, 1767, 1858, 1879, 2268, 2271, 2836, 2875, 2982, 2987, 3071 minority language → language mirror principle → principle misanalysis, morphological 207 mitigation 1132, 1530 ff., 1539 modality 74, 219, 543, 643 ff., 683, 1457, 1755, 2066, 2073 f., 2167, 2226, 2234, 2311, 3357, 3371 model 1–21 −, exemplar-based 11, 13 f., 828 −, exemplar-cum-schema based 11, 14 −, schema-based 11 ff., 345, 828, 832, 1052

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3745 −, supralexical 208 CoSMOS model 85 dual-route model 208 modification 32, 70 f., 74, 134 ff., 159, 166, 180, 184, 263, 270, 275, 311, 377, 416 f., 436, 445, 450, 461, 475, 490 f., 544, 590, 604, 608, 616, 619 ff., 674, 677, 680, 882, 1022 ff., 1030, 1032, 1036, 1047 f., 1083, 1092, 1109, 1114, 1122, 1164, 1232, 1236, 1238, 1248, 1264 f., 1345, 1363, 1374, 1376 ff., 1384, 1390 f., 1396 ff., 1407, 1488 f., 1535 f., 1547, 1555, 1625, 1667, 1748, 1787, 1796, 1845, 1856, 1895, 1898, 1900, 2017, 2031, 2112, 2186, 2199 ff., 2231, 2245, 2263, 2272, 2312 f., 2316, 2389, 2395 f., 2419, 2466, 2470 f., 2612, 2715, 2801, 2823, 2881, 2896 ff., 2906, 2917 f., 2921, 2934, 2949, 2986, 2992, 3058, 3113, 3183, 3211, 3216, 3222 ff., 3233, 3239, 3243, 3249, 3262, 3268, 3291, 3363, 3378, 3461, 3472, 3478 ff., 3591, 3687, 3700 −, internal 263, 275, 328, 680 modifier 5, 156, 190 f., 197 f., 213 f., 251, 281, 311, 315 f., 365 f., 380, 416 ff., 422, 428 f., 436, 443 ff., 471, 476, 540, 603 f., 660 ff., 669, 681, 684, 693 f., 699, 730, 738, 743 f., 750 f., 757–779, 810, 878, 885 ff., 911, 1083, 1092 ff., 1104, 1106, 1109, 1122 ff., 1144 ff., 1163 ff., 1187, 1196, 1218, 1232, 1244, 1258, 1262, 1343, 1346, 1391, 1397 ff., 1417, 1495, 1662, 1667 ff., 1672 ff., 1711, 1798 f., 1802, 1917 ff., 1932, 2004, 2006, 2015, 2054, 2068 f., 2071, 2084 ff., 2128, 2170, 2182, 2218, 2242, 2263, 2413, 2435, 2510, 2527, 2556, 2601, 2684 ff., 2736, 2748 f., 2753 ff., 2833, 2957 ff., 2982 f., 3020, 3125, 3144, 3160, 3181, 3198, 3234, 3236 ff., 3262 ff., 3272, 3320, 3346, 3453 ff., 3510, 3547, 3686, 3691, 3696, 3701, 3705 −, clipped 770 f. momentative 2073, 3220, 3223 mondegreen 1012 ff. monème 245, 344 monosuffix constraint → constraint mood marker → marker morph 4, 239 ff., 279, 304, 316 f., 445, 558, 565, 1311, 2066, 2205, 2340, 2344, 2955 −, empty 528, 554, 558, 565, 2644 morph[eme] −, blocked 238

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3746 −, replacive 278 −, subtractive 278 chameleon morph[eme] 274 cranberry morph[eme] 238, 1336 pseudomorph[eme] 238, 1875 quasi-morph[eme] 238, 1563 submorph[eme] 238, 2907 morphematization 4, 39, 98, 107, 209, 212 ff., 239, 244, 1618, 1869 morpheme −, bound 4 ff., 8, 59, 61, 113 ff., 117 ff., 132, 462, 595, 809, 815, 861, 1005, 1009, 1057, 1060, 1566, 1598, 1622, 1633, 1655, 1795, 1805, 1807, 2002, 2005, 2013 f., 2051, 2146, 2156 f., 2226, 2449, 2789, 3021, 3235, 3265, 3268, 3347, 3399 ff. −, closing 870, 919, 957 ff. −, discontinuous 61, 531, 1599 −, free 4, 108, 118, 213, 417, 455, 809, 815, 1005, 1620, 1622 f., 2156, 2180 f., 2527, 2541, 3328 −, linking 269, 329, 373 f., 585, 835, 978, 2343, 2452 ff., 2463, 2559, 2607, 3050, 3159, 3172 −, residual 558 morpheme alternant 244 morpheme class → class morpheme dictionary → dictionary morpheme effect → effect morpheme ordering → ordering morpheme unit → unit fractomorpheme 406, 1711 ff., 1717 f. intermorphem 1563 morphème 245, 1563 zero morpheme 6 f., 63, 271, 367, 528 f., 1419, 2343, 2604, 3001, 3084, 3261 morphologization 115, 120, 276, 662, 1812, 1842, 1872, 1948 morphology 94–111, 112–122, 123–144 −, autonomous 558 −, autosegmental 103, 267 −, derivational 11, 137, 159, 218, 222 ff., 240, 263 f., 276 f., 301 f., 305, 316, 340, 389 f., 502, 505 f., 712, 846, 900, 924, 958 f., 1069, 1073, 1085 f., 1089, 1172, 1241, 1258, 1285, 1288, 1301, 1313, 1371, 1467, 1480, 1607, 1917, 2003, 2043, 2065, 2067, 2164, 2404, 2769, 2881, 3102, 3308, 3314, 3368, 3579, 3601, 3631, 3642, 3658, 3695 −, distributed 107, 424, 429, 594, 878, 1062, 1257, 1503

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Subject index −, evaluative 303, 305, 308, 317 f., 704, 960, 1130, 1476, 1480 −, extragrammatical 355, 390, 487, 502 −, generative 94–112, 189, 487, 923, 964 −, inflectional 1, 75, 114, 128, 179 f., 219, 222 ff., 236, 240, 278 f., 318, 440, 488, 501 ff., 695, 809, 822, 861, 1061, 1095, 1180, 1374, 1733, 1833, 1969, 2001, 2003, 2014, 2045, 2166, 2387, 2547, 2635, 2872, 3230, 3308, 3328, 3511, 3579 f., 3596, 3600, 3659, 3686, 3695 −, lexical 28, 30, 532, 728, 925, 1375, 1610, 1649, 1915, 2641 f. −, natural 123–144, 228, 340, 348, 487, 552, 855, 928, 990 −, non-concatenative 305 −, prosodic 94–111, 355, 357, 405, 470, 2416, 2422 euromorphology 1564 morphome 260, 700 ff., 780, 787 f., 799, 861, 1224 f., 1392, 1522, 2715 morphonology 125, 928, 2894, 2955, 3231, 3233, 3469 morphophoneme 243 morphophonological 166, 301, 309, 314, 507 f., 551, 556, 561, 900, 904, 1206, 2005, 2067, 2081, 2226, 2296, 2419, 2604, 2732, 2792, 3158 f., 3165, 3170, 3172, 3216, 3315, 3322, 3338, 3400, 3402, 3411, 3434, 3510, 3518 ff., 3687 morphopragmatics 138, 1129 f., 1136 ff., 1537, 1545–1560 morphosemantics 30, 115, 118, 120, 122, 252 f., 311, 333, 475, 504 f., 965, 1129 f., 1137 morphosyntactic 28, 100 f., 107, 118 f., 122, 137, 240, 242, 245, 248 ff., 252 ff., 260 f., 279, 283 ff., 303, 311, 365 f., 425, 429, 457, 538, 541, 545, 629, 641, 689, 782, 804, 811, 818, 878 ff., 911, 913, 916, 940, 1059 f., 1066, 1095, 1102, 1105, 1109, 1114, 1145 f., 1148, 1184, 1187, 1198 f., 1203 ff., 1210, 1241, 1254 f., 1262, 1286, 1433, 1445, 1492, 1494, 1502 f., 1546, 1569, 1675, 1765, 1817 ff., 1972, 2162, 2167 f., 2170, 2290, 2357, 2368, 2388 ff., 2803, 3144, 3231 morphosyntax 114, 426, 1461, 2063 morphotactics 964 f., 3469 motio 272, 1164 ff., 1699 motion 272, 415, 509, 627–659, 666, 692, 697, 723, 974, 1026, 1048, 1109, 1376,

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Terminological index 1401, 1407 ff., 1416 f., 1451, 1982, 2232, 2234 f., 2241, 2283, 2564, 2690, 2948, 3018 f., 3128, 3478, 3513, 3543, 3586, 3589, 3614 f., 3646 f., 3651, 3683 motion, reverse 3543 motivation 62, 124, 130 f., 148, 173, 181, 192, 227, 283, 344, 424, 457, 474, 490, 512, 538, 546, 702, 745 f., 748 ff., 765, 774, 900, 984–1001, 1003 ff., 1007 f., 1011 ff., 1030 f., 1174, 1219, 1300, 1307, 1330, 1333 f., 1361, 1382, 1417, 1550 f., 1554, 1601, 1621, 1629 f., 1683, 1698, 1702, 1706, 1711, 1754, 1805, 1833, 1868, 1874, 1881, 1897, 2013, 2119, 2124, 2179, 2187 f., 2193 ff., 2254, 2261 f., 2273, 2277, 2289, 2295, 2302, 2312, 2315, 2347, 2363, 2394, 2583, 2832, 2838 f., 2869, 2877, 2903, 2955, 3046, 3222, 3465 −, double 1219, 1330, 1333 f., 1848, 1874, 1881, 1897, 2188 −, relative 985, 991, 1698, 1706 −, secondary 1005, 1015 neo-motivation 2312, 2315 re-motivation 1381, 2187, 2276, 2279, 2312, 2903 word-formation motivation 2347 multifixation 263 multifunctionality 138, 272, 323, 326 f., 333, 678, 1762, 2421 multimodality 2307 multiplicative 1400, 1516, 1522, 1525, 1892, 2110, 3427, 3581 multiverbation 745, 753, 1686, 1920, 2261 mulit-word unit → unit mutation 103, 275, 305, 329, 441, 1023 f., 1235, 1457, 1547, 1686, 1920, 2005, 2028, 2032, 2034 ff., 2230, 2390, 2513, 2753, 2756, 2770, 2786, 2896 ff., 2918, 2934, 3232, 3369, 3401 mutilation 41, 1763

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N name −, affectionate 1554 f. name-giving 81, 85, 89, 2114, 2873 brand name 2, 130, 491 f., 495, 773, 1573, 1629, 2192–2209, 2575, 2851, 2994, 3066 family name 522, 696, 953, 1011, 1776,

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3747 1876, 1906, 2083 f., 2091, 2115, 2202, 2297, 2457, 2470, 2558 f., 3026, 3337 inhabitant name 278, 510, 951, 1858 f., 2458, 2743, 3023 sentence name 1906, 1925, 2114 subject name 1305 f. naturalness 123–144, 279, 340, 379, 559, 909, 1008, 1276 nearest neighbor set 837 need, communicative 16, 123, 848, 2675 negation 9, 379, 473, 540, 545, 669, 720, 1028, 1071, 1084 f., 1203 f., 1311, 1343, 1351–1359, 1360–1373, 1396, 1457, 1550, 1567, 1625, 1676, 1687, 1689, 1724, 1845, 1876, 1885 f., 1891, 1981, 2013, 2065 f., 2234 ff., 2247, 2260, 2396, 2398, 2475, 2544, 2572, 2633, 2737, 2759, 2823, 2823, 2882, 2900, 2921, 2944, 2949, 2964 f., 2970, 2986, 3024, 3058, 3112, 3131, 3163, 3212, 3283, 3323, 3393, 3434, 3465, 3533, 3618, 3646 negation marker → marker Neo-Latin compound → compound neologism 76, 508, 559, 570, 665 f., 668, 760, 766 ff., 772 f., 794, 808, 865, 933, 939 f., 946, 978, 1031, 1035, 1040, 1049, 1277, 1297, 1325, 1334 f., 1547, 1550, 1553, 1583 ff., 1593, 1595, 1618, 1625, 1627 f., 1652, 1669, 1671, 1675, 1709 ff., 1733 f., 1738 ff., 1749 ff., 1756 f., 1772 ff., 1945, 1962, 1976, 2006, 2075, 2108 f., 2112, 2157, 2163, 2167 ff., 2268, 2281, 2334, 2336 f., 2362, 2381, 2417, 2452, 2488 f., 2498, 2522, 2580, 2714 f., 2720, 2755, 2760 ff., 2784 f., 2834, 2876, 2915, 2938, 2955 f., 3020, 3046, 3142, 3146, 3213, 3233, 3273, 3276, 3330 f., 3336, 3367 f., 3370 ff., 3416, 3444, 3459 neology 2269, 2466, 2955 neo-motivation → motivation neophobia 864 niche, semantic 72, 74, 693, 698, 1806 f., 1986, 2634, 2737 no phrase constraint → constraint nomen acti 1197, 1254, 1887 nomen actionis 71, 805, 1195, 1887, 3405 nomen actoris 1305, 3404 nomen agentis 1285, 1305, 1318 nomen essendi 1269 nomen instrumenti 1305 nomen loci 1286, 1328 nomen modi 1197

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3748 nomen qualitatis 1268 f. nomen unitatis 1173 nomen vicis 1178, 1221 nominal −, locative 1197, 1328, 1330 f., 1335, 2652, 3346 act nominal 1197 action nominal 1195 f., 1201, 1205, 1254 ff., 1332, 3584 complex-event nominal 1196 f. manner nominal 1197 simple-event nominal 1197 Nominalabstraktum 1288 nominalization 8, 59 f., 119, 182, 184, 199 f., 283, 305, 425, 430, 441 f., 445, 511, 598, 743 ff., 747, 750 ff., 774 f., 784, 876, 883 ff., 976 ff., 1073, 1078, 1086 f., 1115 ff., 1179 f., 1196 ff., 1203 f., 1241–1253, 1255 ff., 1274, 1306 f., 1317, 1321, 1323 f., 1332, 1412, 1460, 1880, 1942 f., 1949, 2126, 2146, 2217 f., 2290, 2295, 2361, 2367, 2417, 2650, 2740 f., 2888, 2972, 3034, 3072, 3084, 3168, 3230, 3245, 3284, 3314, 3410, 3482, 3516, 3540, 3617 −, deadjectival 1117, 1257, 1269 −, deverbal 8, 425, 511, 1113, 1178, 1258, 1328, 1330 −, locative 1328, 1331, 1335 action nominalization 1210 agent nominalization 279, 1073 ff., 1080, 1090, 1118 ff., 1332, 3512 event nominalization 200, 1073 f., 1077 ff., 1119, 1243, 1328, 2417 supine nominalization 2732 zero nominalization 63, 333, 976 ff., 2917 nominalizer 237, 240, 264 f., 272, 283, 441, 816, 1081, 1087, 1117, 1177 f., 1180, 1243, 1335, 1419, 1942, 1944, 2899, 3189, 3402, 3406, 3617, 3619 nonce formation → formation non-cohering 165, 168, 170, 183, 900 ff., 915 non-concatenative 103, 279, 305, 470, 595, 603, 780, 861, 3158 non-head → head non-linear 394, 470, 1060 norm 495, 546, 797 ff., 865, 1086, 1346, 1358, 1392, 1523, 1548 ff., 1606, 1609 f., 1688, 1708 f., 1736, 1741, 1751, 1753 f., 1818, 1836, 2010, 2032, 2036, 2254, 2271, 2276, 2289, 2296, 2298 ff., 2318, 2325, 2336, 2478, 2525 f., 2932, 3038 f., 3044, 3455, 3490

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Subject index noun −, abstract 45, 71, 271, 288, 486, 508, 544, 578, 758, 760, 764 f., 853, 869, 907, 938, 961, 965, 967 f., 974, 976 ff., 1021, 1027 f., 1178, 1184 f., 1188 ff., 1219, 1269 ff., 1278, 1286 ff., 1294, 1346, 1546, 1550, 1553, 1591 f., 1643, 1652, 1654 f., 1723, 1746, 1799, 1801, 1803, 1876, 1889 f., 1919 f., 1925, 1933, 1937, 1964 f., 1972, 1987, 1991, 2009, 2030 ff., 2048, 2063, 2070, 2074, 2158, 2255 f., 2339, 2341 f., 2347 f., 2556, 2563, 2573, 2627 f., 2650, 2683, 2747, 2755, 2761 ff., 2775 f., 2798 ff., 2841, 2861 f., 2880, 2888, 2901, 2918 ff., 2962, 2972, 2994, 3002 f., 3021, 3042, 3055 3060, 3128, 3135, 3165 f., 3185 ff., 3192, 3294, 3297, 3316, 3318, 3392, 3402, 3404, 3420 f., 3457, 3494, 3515, 3531 f., 3551, 3571 f., 3615, 3633, 3643, 3646, 3669, 3680, 3689, 3699, 3711 f., 3717 −, collective 72, 707, 1186, 1188 ff., 1296, 1299 f., 1548, 1626, 1723, 1799, 1801 f., 1849 f., 1868, 1885, 1887, 1938, 1965, 2029, 2033 ff., 2418, 2438, 2456, 2472, 2606, 2666, 2701, 2726, 2739, 2854, 2888, 2909, 2972, 3043, 3128, 3297, 3336, 3376, 3463, 3504, 3515, 3531 −, deverbal 2397, 2437, 2440, 2444, 2457, 2473, 2515, 2609, 2629, 2667, 2702, 2800, 2815, 2821, 2841, 2848, 2862, 2883, 2902, 2920, 2942, 2962, 2987, 3008, 3027, 3060, 3078, 3094 f., 3114, 3129, 3168, 3186, 3199, 3218, 3236 f., 3245 f., 3266, 3280, 3297, 3312, 3338, 3369, 3374, 3405, 3421, 3438, 3447, 3461, 3477, 3502 f., 3515 f., 3540, 3556, 3584, 3601, 3624, 3646, 3669, 3681, 3689, 3701, 3712 −, female personal 2441, 2819, 2822, 2927, 3032, 3080 −, participial 939, 1313, 2405 −, personal 45, 72, 199, 277, 310, 316, 750 f., 763 f., 775, 981, 1121, 1160 ff., 1269, 1288, 1295, 1298, 1306, 1309, 1346, 1358, 1548, 1626, 1686, 1766, 1773, 1785, 1846, 1849, 1885, 1887, 1906, 1925, 1933, 1940, 1948, 1984, 2011, 2028 ff., 2339, 2347, 2395 f., 2635, 2686, 2701, 2726, 2738 f., 2819 f., 2841 f., 2858 ff., 2879 f., 2886, 2896, 2902, 2994, 3003, 3021 f., 3046 f., 3058 f., 3077, 3110 ff., 3127, 3135, 3162, 3244, 3284, 3362, 3373, 3387 f., 3391, 3404, 3584, 3681, 3700 f., 3712

Terminological index −, proper 28, 318, 403, 695, 718, 770, 908, 1328, 1815, 2092, 2095, 2294 f., 2297 ff., 2334, 2418, 2423, 2537, 2630, 2663, 2673, 2738, 2743, 2746, 2840, 2975, 2994 f., 3167, 3255, 3337, 3702 −, verbal 24, 72, 192, 199 f., 226, 271, 302, 371, 501, 505, 509, 588, 600, 602, 604, 758, 764 f., 782, 785, 883, 888, 968, 992, 1022, 1058, 1197 f., 1210, 1213, 1230– 1241, 1243 ff., 1254 f., 1257 ff., 1309, 1320, 1333 ff., 1425, 1593, 1651, 1655, 1723, 1916 f., 1922 ff., 1937, 1940, 1992, 2009 ff., 2017, 2087, 2069, 2084 ff., 2100 ff., 2125, 2148, 2228, 2722, 2740, 2756 f., 2764, 2772, 2776, 2785, 2795 ff., 3096, 3114, 3129, 3168, 3186, 3199, 3218, 3245, 3266, 3280, 3297, 3338, 3357 f., 3364, 3374, 3400, 3405, 3421, 3447, 3421, 3447, 3461, 3477, 3502 f., 3515 f., 3540, 3556, 3584, 3601 f., 3634, 3646, 3669, 3681, 3689, 3700 ff., 3712 noun denoting persons 1163, 1168 noun incorporation → incorporation noun-noun compound → compound action noun 71 f., 133, 692, 761, 780 ff., 784, 791, 794, 797 ff., 844, 861 f., 967, 980 f., 1022 f., 1195–1209, 1209–1230, 1254, 1259 f., 1269 f., 1285 ff., 1305, 1309, 1311, 1313, 1333, 1584, 1591, 1626, 1630, 1675, 1682, 1684, 1686, 1768 ff., 1846, 1868, 1876 ff., 1885, 1887 ff., 1905, 1926, 1933, 1937 ff., 1944, 1978, 1983 f., 1986 f., 2009, 2030 f., 2048, 2070, 2090, 2255, 2345, 2397 f., 2439 f., 2457, 2473, 2481, 2580, 2589, 2610, 2629, 2673 f., 2691, 2702, 2722, 2740 f., 2815, 2841, 2862, 2868, 2897, 2982, 3021, 3078, 3092, 3114 f., 3129, 3199 f., 3297, 3311, 3315 ff., 3338 f., 3405 f., 3421, 3447 f., 3515, 3556 agent noun 71, 86, 106 f., 117, 135, 149, 224, 231, 350, 505 f., 509, 511, 543, 572, 758, 782 ff., 788 f., 791, 797, 803, 863, 870, 918, 936, 950 f., 984 ff., 1021, 1024, 1121, 1161, 1167, 1285, 1300 f., 1304– 1316, 1325 f., 1330, 1547, 1557, 1593, 1626, 1644, 1651, 1654, 1681 f., 1684, 1686, 1723, 1727, 1762, 1768, 1770 f., 1847, 1849 f., 1857, 1868, 1876, 1879, 1887 ff., 1919 f., 1922, 1926, 1933, 1939 f., 1966, 1983 f., 1987, 2007, 2009, 2011, 2030 f., 2034, 2037 f., 2045 ff., 2065, 2068 ff., 2100, 2125, 2338, 2345 f., 2397,

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3749

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2457, 2473, 2494 f., 2515 ff., 2563, 2580, 2589, 2610, 2668, 2702, 2758, 2776, 2882, 2897, 2920, 2942, 3021, 3042, 3059 ff., 3076, 3092, 3115, 3130, 3189, 3200, 3216, 3245 f., 3280, 3312, 3315, 3317, 3338, 3357, 3372 ff., 3391, 3406, 3421 f., 3446 f., 3478, 3539 f., 3583, 3601, 3627, 3648, 3681, 3699 ff. couple noun 3457 instrument noun 101, 108, 690, 692, 699, 794, 810 f., 861 ff., 883, 1197, 1254, 1273, 1304–1316, 1332 f., 1593, 1626, 1686, 1879, 1887 ff., 1940, 1978, 1985 f., 2046, 2069, 2103, 2107, 2125, 2397, 2440, 2457 f., 2473, 2588 f., 2629, 2701 ff., 2738 ff., 2813, 2882, 2897, 3021, 3079, 3092, 3115 f., 3129 f., 3244, 3298, 3317, 3376, 3404 f., 3420 ff., 3557, 3700 mass noun 224, 372, 701 f., 1029, 1172, 1184 f., 1275, 1498, 1586, 2010 f., 2622, 3236, 3319, 3325, 3363, 3574 object noun 1184 f., 1197, 1264 f., 1317, 1325, 1919, 2032, 2345, 2439, 3009, 3556, 3582, 3603 pair noun 3457 patient noun 108, 818, 934, 1316–1327, 1801, 1879, 1889 f., 1906, 2397, 2457 f., 3406 place noun 950, 1024, 1192, 1308, 1313, 1327–1339, 1548, 1558, 1626, 1682, 1762, 1849, 1889, 1905, 1985 f., 2130, 2345, 2395, 2397, 2457 f., 2606, 2629 f., 2701 f., 2739, 2897, 2982, 3003, 3018, 3021, 3103, 3113 ff., 3128, 3130, 3165, 3263, 3357, 3373, 3404, 3437, 3498, 3632 property noun 303, 1185, 1189, 1191, 1269, 2380, 2985 quality noun 71, 133, 510, 703 f., 852, 867 f., 1023, 1076, 1268–1284, 1293, 1297, 1621, 1626, 1858, 1860, 1864, 1878, 1887 ff., 1935, 2029 ff., 2396, 2418, 2456 f., 2609, 2629, 2650, 2667, 2673, 2702, 2722 f., 2739 f., 2854, 3114, 3129, 3186, 3204, 3218 result noun 501, 980, 1028, 1244, 1253– 1267, 1269 ff., 1317, 1626, 1880, 1889, 2125, 2458, 2473, 2722, 2740 ff., 2897, 2920, 3002, 3096, 3103, 3218, 3245, 3253, 3421, 3498 root noun 1805, 2042 f., 3187, 3193, 3234, 3242 status noun 1188, 1269 f., 1280, 1285–

3750 1304, 1626, 1774, 1858, 1887, 2395, 2441, 2629, 2700, 2834, 3077, 3128, 3404, 3555, 3571, 3711 f. number 4, 22, 39, 47, 87, 133, 197, 219, 223 f., 230, 241, 252 ff., 269, 271, 282, 284, 288, 312, 367, 396, 454, 469, 472, 477, 509, 541 f., 556, 575 f., 641, 701, 730, 759, 771, 809, 843 ff., 869, 954 f., 1030, 1059, 1061, 1068 f., 1078, 1160, 1166, 1173 ff., 1181, 1184, 1186, 1204, 1230, 1234 f., 1325, 1366, 1400, 1452, 1460, 1515 ff., 1522 ff., 1673, 1685, 1827, 1834, 1857, 1979 f., 1990, 2029, 2057, 2070, 2073, 2162, 2231, 2233, 2291, 2294, 2300, 2377, 2381, 2408, 2512, 2535, 2582, 2624, 2699, 2734, 2756, 2773, 2789 f., 2925, 3126, 3132, 3139 f., 3147, 3167, 3172 ff., 3182, 3183, 3195, 3270, 3457, 3473, 3482, 3534, 3573 f., 3555, 3567, 3596 ff., 3641, 3662, 3679 f., 3687, 3690, 3696, 3700 ff., 3708 f., 3712, 3714 numeral −, cardinal 1515–1527, 2973, 3172 f., 3393, 3532, 3642, 3645, 3648 f., 3653 ff., 3684 −, distributive 472, 3173 f., 3592 f., 3684 −, fractional 1515–1527 −, ordinal 1515–1527, 2803, 2915, 2925, 3109, 3173, 3189, 3648 ff. group numeral 3655

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O oath 1937, 1964, 2087, 3003, 3175 object, morphological 366, 378 f., 440 f., 444 ff., 552, 557 f., 598 ff., 608, 3147 object marker → marker object noun → noun obligatory contour principle → principle occasionalism 388, 1365, 1581, 1623, 1756 f., 1849, 2185, 2336 f., 2889, 2995, 3015, 3041, 3066 onomasiology 9, 16, 73, 80–93, 128, 347 f., 682, 2874 onomastics 1011, 1015, 1328, 2014, 3000, 3039 onomatological 80–93, 347 onomatopoeia 62, 133, 391, 478, 488, 494, 523, 986, 989, 1745, 1950, 2052, 2278, 2637, 2654, 2656, 2748, 2926, 3035, 3105, 3132 f., 3136, 3177, 3193, 3212, 3220, 3222, 3250 f., 3255, 3273, 3292 ff., 3300 ff.,

Subject index 3321 ff., 3346, 3370, 3381, 3395, 3408, 3418 f., 3463 ff., 3476, 3479 ff., 3485, 3577, 3663, 3668, 3671, 3675 f., 3704 f., 3716, 3718 onymization 2194 opacity 15, 131, 376, 453, 510, 698 f., 733, 988, 1393, 2088, 2412, 3147 −, semantic 375, 733, 1393 open-class base hypothesis 863 operation −, functional 1022 ff. −, morphological 134, 272, 420, 487, 597, 599, 601, 604, 609, 660, 827, 838, 1129 f., 1137, 1447, 2672 −, morphophonological 272, 302 −, valency-decreasing 1428, 1432, 1443, 1457 −, valency-increasing 1427 f., 1445 head operation 200, 366 operator 113, 118, 137, 200, 438, 667, 684, 888, 1065 f., 1069, 1074 f., 1081, 1085 f., 1102, 1107 f., 1203, 1217, 1221, 1260, 1367, 1507 ff., 2235, 3190 optimality theory 10, 125, 127, 158–187, 470 f., 475, 509 f., 623, 860, 898, 1203 ordering −, complexity-based 851, 866, 959, 964 level-ordering 815 f., 925, 969, 1414 morpheme ordering 1203, 1395, 1453 ordinal 313, 1400, 1516 ff., 1772, 1856, 1861, 1990, 2070, 2104, 2476, 2973, 3173, 3378, 3532, 3691 orientation marker → marker orthography 151, 246, 249, 491, 518, 611, 716, 791, 1015, 1583, 1709, 1762, 1980, 2086, 2195, 2289–2305, 2307, 2310 f., 2467, 2501, 2506, 2516, 2754, 2786, 2913, 2984 f., 3001, 3240, 3291, 3351, 3401, 3434, 3546, 3623 output optimization 1763 output-oriented 334, 693, 898, 1764, 1767, 2423 output-output correspondence 796 overgeneralized 60

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P packaging 1172 f., 1178 ff., 1221, 1260 pair noun → noun

Terminological index palatalization 152, 267, 276, 314, 517–523, 1555, 1663, 1683, 1991, 2025 f., 2099, 2418, 2980 f., 3007 −, affective 133, 267, 517–523 −, expressive 518 f., 3346 paradigm 227, 310, 780–803, 2406, 2428, 2471, 2587, 2603, 2657, 2673, 2833 f., 2844, 2848, 2868, 2874, 2886, 2909, 3054, 3059 −, inflectional 100, 137, 220 ff., 255, 271, 283, 285 f., 288, 302, 315, 326, 334, 529, 571, 585, 1165, 1213, 1393, 1402, 1902, 2053, 2148, 2587, 2849, 2872, 3089–3106, 3107–3123, 3215 paradigm function morphology 107 paradigm uniformity 898, 905, 907 f., 913, 915 word-formation paradigm 70, 75, 1037, 1568, 2345 paradigmaticity 1048, 1825 paradigmatization 3089, 3577 paradox, bracketing 104, 197 f., 252, 607, 831, 863, 877, 921 parafix 263, 274 paragrammatism 2156 parasitic 505, 609, 781, 1192, 1256, 1993, 2637 parasynthesis 33, 264, 524–536, 1945, 1991, 2601 f., 2611, 2656, 2670, 2700, 2704 f., 2748 parasyntheta 23, 525 paronomasia 1011 f., 1015 parsability (hypothesis) 310, 851, 866, 926 f., 959 f. parsing 207, 210 f., 375, 851, 866, 922, 926 ff., 959, 1151 f., 2159, 2168, 2357, 2368 parsing, morphological 207, 210 f., 959 part, principal 255 participle −, negative 1352, 3219, 3267, 3557 −, past 12, 98, 199 f., 241, 251, 264, 505, 780 ff., 788 ff., 861 f., 870, 884, 939 ff., 1213, 1221, 1223, 1225, 1254, 1270 f., 1319 f., 1323 f., 1654, 1762, 1777, 1917, 1926, 1934, 1939, 1987, 2027, 2029, 2070, 2156, 2406, 2419, 2429, 2448, 2459, 2475, 2490, 2511, 2517, 2531, 2540, 2544, 2581, 2633, 2657, 2686, 2691, 2706, 2723, 2747 f., 2990, 3013, 3034, 3101, 3152, 3168, 3171, 3189, 3244 f., 3266 f., 3294,

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3751 3375, 3456, 3482 f., 3572, 3613, 3684, 3696 −, present 199, 225, 316, 325, 1219, 1230, 1249, 1270, 1277, 1306, 1310 f., 1319, 1586, 1652, 1830, 1919, 1923, 1938, 1984, 1989, 2066, 2069, 2103, 2299, 2461, 2476, 2531, 2544, 2573, 2629, 2642 f., 2650, 2657, 2691, 2990, 3101, 3162, 3168, 3200, 3244, 3251, 3263, 3267, 3217, 3394, 3475, 3483 −, prospective 3189 participle compound → compound participle marker → marker particle 2, 5, 33, 74, 193, 199 f., 248, 257 f., 270, 305, 366, 369, 451, 598 ff., 882, 1005, 1058, 1094, 1204, 1238, 1342, 1352, 1371 ff., 1387, 1420 ff., 1428, 1434, 1499 ff., 1566 f., 1632, 1762, 1995 ff., 1806 ff., 1813, 1845, 1871, 1874, 1876, 1883 ff., 1916 ff., 2066, 2087, 2125, 2254, 2290, 2344, 2388, 2452, 2455, 2469, 2477 f., 2489 f., 2520, 2546, 2737, 2797, 2802, 2805, 2896, 2915, 2925, 2990, 3013, 3064 f., 3132, 3215, 3238, 3246, 3309, 3323 f., 3394, 3450, 3461 f., 3472, 3494, 3499, 3528, 3542, 3596, 3641 f., 3655, 3680 f. particle shift → shift particle verb → verb particle-verb formation → formation part of speech 115, 117, 486, 739, 974, 1028, 1274, 1394, 1551, 1686, 1775, 1944, 2007, 2028, 2041, 2045, 2091, 2126, 2357, 2365 f., 2378, 2635, 2646, 2718, 2726, 2848, 2869, 2888, 2917, 2925, 2934, 2993, 3054 f., 3063, 3072, 3109, 3120 f., 3380, 3457, 3463, 3597 f., 3643 part-whole relation → relation passive 811, 881, 932 ff., 940 ff., 981, 1075, 1200 f., 1211, 1214, 1230, 1250, 1264, 1301, 1320 f., 1323, 1325, 1368, 1424– 1466, 1496, 1536, 1547, 1595, 1626, 1768, 1797 f., 1800, 1803, 1832, 1874, 1879 f., 1890, 1893, 1989, 2027, 2029, 2033, 2071 f., 2112, 2144, 2214, 2219, 2333, 2379, 2399, 2458, 2544, 2612, 2633, 2668, 2689, 2725, 2791, 2823, 2842, 2905, 2908, 2917, 2925 f., 2943, 2957, 2965, 2990, 3009 f., 3034, 3062, 3081, 3104, 3184, 3242, 3284, 3297, 3301 f., 3305, 3322, 3355 ff., 3374, 3378 f., 3401, 3407, 3409, 3424 ff., 3439 f., 3449, 3463, 3483, 3552

3752 passivization 220, 453, 1061, 1201, 1427, 1432 f., 1435 patient noun → noun patronymics 2015 pattern 1–21, 235–300, 803–821, 876–893, 972–983 −, morphological 120, 201, 210 f., 331, 390, 458, 462, 831, 928, 1290, 1293, 1332, 2008, 2120, 2452, 2727, 3212, 3364 −, phonesthemic 2068 −, prosodic 494, 559, 563 f. word-formation pattern 3, 6 f., 11, 60 ff., 189, 192, 200, 227, 265, 288, 344, 348, 808, 829, 833 f., 876–894, 918 f., 928, 939, 1022, 1037, 1047, 1213 f., 1217 f., 1221, 1223 f., 1305, 1312, 1317, 1323, 1326, 1406, 1580, 1633, 1661 f., 1664, 1668, 1671, 1708, 1716 f., 1772, 1774 ff., 1908, 1951, 1964, 1978, 1981, 2120 f., 2127, 2130, 2133, 2276, 2290 f., 2298, 2376, 2453, 2526, 2550, 2563, 2600, 2683 f., 2689, 2732, 3057, 3124 ff., 3260, 3564 patternization 1772, 1815 f., 1819, 1822 pejorative 277, 318, 342, 472, 501, 519 f., 557, 975, 978 f., 1025, 1133, 1188, 1190, 1281, 1319, 1366, 1468, 1529 f., 1533, 1536, 1540, 1542, 1590 f., 1594, 1858 ff., 1919, 1922, 1940, 1967, 1984, 1987, 1989 f., 2013, 2046, 2086, 2457, 2473, 2516, 2546, 2562 f., 2607, 2612, 2627 f., 2635, 2649, 2687, 2703, 2721 ff., 2740, 2798, 2819 ff., 2860, 2869, 2901, 2960 f., 2986, 3007 f., 3023, 3047, 3054, 3065, 3077 ff., 3113 f., 3199, 3217, 3336, 3341, 3572, 3543, 3584, 3632, 3646, 3681 perception 68, 75 f., 82, 124, 147, 151, 161, 189, 494, 521, 579, 666, 926 ff., 985, 987, 994 f., 1003, 1064, 1104, 1109, 1534, 1642, 1720, 1878, 2012, 2121, 2197, 2238, 2307, 2324, 2327, 2329, 3222, 3476, 3481 percolation 99 f., 437, 878 perfect marker → marker perfectivity 103, 229, 256, 266, 268, 276, 473, 543, 640, 661, 664, 666 f., 669, 736, 1310, 1493 f., 1507, 1510, 1797, 1919, 2759, 3652 persistence 1818, 1835 f., 1838 f., 1960 person marker → marker phenomenon, areal 3278, 3591 phonesteme (phonaesteme) 2199, 2637 phonology 9, 56 ff., 94 ff., 101 ff., 123 ff., 136, 146, 149, 153, 156, 159 f., 246 f., 388,

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Subject index 390 ff., 405, 475, 487, 494, 503, 508 ff., 696, 781, 788 ff., 804, 807, 815, 849, 868, 899, 915, 946, 953, 959, 1061, 1078, 1289, 1633, 1733, 1737, 2045, 2063 f., 2080, 2132, 2139 f., 2145, 2164, 2166, 2171, 2226, 2237, 2380, 2391, 2417, 2645, 2783, 2786, 2893, 2999, 3231, 3298, 3547, 3579, 3686 −, generative 125, 243, 790, 924 −, lexical 101 f., 125, 228, 508, 813 ff., 914, 924, 2580 phrase 280, 831, 887, 1096, 1146 f., 1246, 1294, 1297, 1341, 1434 f., 1438, 1495, 1499 ff., 1523, 1568, 1642, 1666, 1737 ff., 1767, 1772, 1777, 1814, 1816, 1825, 1827, 1829, 1831, 1848, 1861, 1870, 1903 f., 1958 f., 1969, 1977, 1989, 2005 f., 2016, 2068 f., 2081, 2084, 2086, 2113, 2123, 2126, 2132, 2150, 2170, 2188, 2194 f., 2199, 2229, 2236, 2244, 2254, 2257, 2290 f., 2295, 2301, 2303, 2308, 2357, 2361, 2363, 2374, 2390, 2395, 2399, 2408, 2430 ff., 2442 f., 2456, 2508, 2521, 2529, 2533 f., 2550 f., 2556 f., 2560, 2573, 2581 ff., 2602, 2622, 2658, 2707, 2733 f., 2745, 2770, 2788 f., 2804 ff., 2833 ff., 2895, 2981 ff., 3005, 3010, 3026, 3054, 3060, 3075, 3111, 3146 f., 3158 ff., 3172, 3176, 3186 ff., 3200, 3212, 3214 f., 3225, 3231, 3235 ff., 3262 ff., 3320, 3331 ff., 3344 f., 3352 f., 3358, 3368, 3371, 3434, 3437, 3457, 3470, 3509 f., 3537, 3548 ff., 3579, 3582, 3587, 3641 f., 3648 f., 3660, 3669, 3686 f., 3691, 3701, 3706, 3710 −, lexical 198, 575, 2254, 2462 phrase-based 193, 586, 2363, 2389 phrase marking → marking phraseology 2, 451, 454, 457, 1607, 2289, 2717, 2834, 2992 picto-lexeme 2311 f., 2319, 2326 place noun → noun planning 1036 corpus planning 1604 f., 1738 f., 2784 language planning 1163, 1337, 1598– 1614, 1708, 1730–1743, 2070, 2075, 2108, 2253, 2683, 3370 prestige planning 1604 f. terminology planning 1606 pleonastic 437, 537–550, 1281, 1594, 1786, 1869, 1876, 1890 f., 1897 f., 2317, 2453, 2767, 3181, 3364, 3505 plereme 237

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Terminological index pluractional[ity] 219, 274, 1217, 1223, 1345 plural 148, 152 ff., 192, 219, 223 ff., 235– 300, 366, 369, 372 f., 378, 446, 468 f., 472, 477, 539, 541, 545, 570, 574 ff., 585 f., 679 f., 689, 701 ff., 712, 718 ff., 728 f., 766, 769, 814 f., 853, 958, 990, 1026, 1061, 1069, 1172 ff., 1184 ff., 1212 f., 1216 f., 1244 f., 1296 f., 1311, 1356, 1394, 1443, 1477 f., 1524 f., 1570, 1573, 1673, 1676, 1831, 1846, 1857, 1859, 1926, 1935, 1964, 1980, 1989, 2057, 2090, 2099, 2101, 2104, 2160 ff., 2195, 2239 ff., 2269, 2343, 2364, 2405, 2431 f., 2436 f., 2441, 2467, 2473, 2480, 2484, 2510, 2531, 2557, 2560, 2586, 2603, 2608, 2621, 2715, 2733, 2756, 2765 f., 2774, 2792, 2803 ff., 2894, 3043, 3065, 3121, 3128, 3135 f., 3165 ff., 3174, 3204, 3207, 3214, 3218, 3233, 3241, 3264, 3272, 3284, 3292, 3332, 3351 ff., 3362 f., 3370, 3382, 3393 f., 3411, 3443, 3473, 3491, 3541, 3551, 3572, 3577, 3580 f., 3584, 3596 ff., 3617, 3635, 3640, 3645 ff., 3668, 3675, 3681, 3684, 3695, 3702, 3708 f. plural formation 136, 181, 276, 310, 1177, 2717 plurality 133, 276, 310, 471 ff., 477 f., 577 f., 701, 1176, 1183 ff., 1191, 1248, 1275, 1296, 1300, 1341, 1345, 1347, 1570, 2073, 2715, 3510, 3525, 3674 f., 3684, 3705 f., 3718 −, verbal 472, 1341, 1345, 1347, 3169, 3171 plurative 1174 polyaffix → affix polycentristic 126, 2272 polyfunctionality 314, 688, 1024, 1394, 1396, 1398, 1409, 1540, 1686, 1888, 2028, 2045, 3404, 3524 polysemy 86, 108, 129 f., 221, 287, 303, 327, 503, 691 f., 748, 883, 987, 994, 1023, 1027, 1130, 1198, 1206, 1213 ff., 1254 f., 1258 ff., 1287, 1290 ff., 1300, 1307 f., 1324 f., 1333, 1419, 1717, 1737, 1797, 1894, 1898, 2141, 2315, 2359, 2419, 2675, 2875, 2917, 3276, 3368, 3372 −, derivational 1333 Ponem 1563 Präponem (Engl. preponeme) 1616 portmanteau 223 f., 241, 243, 260, 681, 981, 1134, 1311, 1711, 2275, 2281, 2826, 3041, 3139 f., 3328 position class → class

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3753 position effect → effect possession, inalienable 589, 1042, 1045, 1448 postconfix → confix postfixation 263, 2846, 2914, 2939, 2945 ff., 2956, 2966 ff., 3018, 3057, 3062 ff. potentiation 870 Präfixverkennung 1769 Präponem → Ponem pragmateme 731, 739 pragmatics 9, 126, 479, 539, 1011, 1128– 1142, 1203, 1406, 1528–1544, 1545–1560, 1756, 1761, 2721 precedence relation → relation preconfix → confix predicate 47, 63, 73, 81, 113 f., 313 ff., 326, 376 ff., 403, 417, 436 ff., 451, 540, 604, 622 f., 627, 641, 667, 684, 694, 730 f., 734 ff., 808, 876, 881, 884, 886, 935, 1021 f., 1065, 1163, 1166, 1196, 1198, 1205, 1210, 1215, 1217 ff., 1235, 1242 ff., 1249, 1251 ff., 1258, 1273, 1353 f., 1357, 1367 f., 1390 f., 1396 ff., 1431, 1434, 1443 ff., 1495, 1506, 1508, 1525, 1549, 2066, 2086, 2102 f., 2113, 2226, 2230, 2235 f., 2241 f., 2244, 2430, 2433, 2461, 2510, 2726, 2749, 2802, 2839, 2847, 2888, 2981, 3051, 3161, 3183, 3195, 3201 f., 3272, 3305, 3311, 3323, 3438, 3510, 3516, 3523, 3548, 3597 f., 3641, 3664 −, complex 439 f., 622 f., 627, 1278, 1362, 1431, 1441, 3547, 3550 prefab 194, 450 preference 86, 90, 126 ff., 132 f., 135 ff., 161 ff., 168 f., 276, 390, 395, 494 f., 502, 577, 643, 694, 712, 769 f., 776, 867 f., 896, 915, 921, 988, 1002, 1005, 1030, 1131, 1219, 1259, 1356, 1475 ff., 1530, 1625, 1631, 1645, 1675, 1727, 1764, 1800 f., 1949, 1951, 1960, 2016, 2203 f., 2215, 2226, 2260, 2296, 2300 f., 2380, 2526, 2540, 2601, 2610, 2630, 2651, 2740, 2750, 2777, 2823, 3042 −, universal 123, 138, 161 f., 390, 494 prefix −, closing 963 f. −, foreign 1366, 1619, 1624 f., 1632, 1642 f., 1681, 1689, 1694, 1700, 1886, 1891, 1924, 2819, 2839, 2980, 2989, 2991, 3018, 3029, 3032 f., 3083, 3212 −, lexical 309, 1493 ff., 1502, 1506, 1508, 3589

3754 −, locative 309, 1040, 1355, 2686, 2688, 3163, 3518 ff., 3547, 3560 −, modifying 166, 911 f., 1093, 1492, 2518, 2547 −, negative 101, 251, 287, 311, 504, 507 ff., 814, 836, 849, 912, 1038, 1347, 1352 ff., 1363 f., 1558, 1652 f., 1768, 1845, 1919, 1924, 1981, 2013, 2050, 2065, 2119, 2145, 2260, 2475, 2508, 2547, 2688 −, repetitive 3589 −, spatial 3162, 314, 3542 f. −, superlexical 309, 1493 ff., 1499 f., 1506 ff., 3589 zero prefix 272 prefix derivation → derivation prefix stripping 206 f., 210 prefix verb 444, 446, 596 f., 600 ff., 608, 612, 1796, 1805 ff., 1871, 1883, 1898, 1917, 2344, 2361, 2463, 2556, 2790 head prefix 911 ff., 1504, 1508 semi-prefix 375, 3239 prefixation 1–21, 23, 25, 33 f., 62 f., 83, 118 ff., 150, 183, 235–300, 306 ff., 325, 340, 364 f., 525 ff., 565, 598, 632, 645, 794, 834, 849 f., 881 f., 921 f., 1037, 1329, 1352, 1370, 1380, 1422, 1492–1514, 1529, 1567, 1571 f., 1594, 1641 ff., 1674 f., 1725, 1787, 1804, 1818, 1845, 1886, 1890, 1897, 1917 f., 1944 f., 1970, 1981, 1991, 2004 f., 2012 ff., 2023, 2044, 2049, 2051, 2057, 2099, 2129 f., 2149, 2163, 2240, 2244, 2256, 2259, 2301, 2358, 2403, 2420, 2437 f., 2443 f., 2463, 2494 ff., 2520, 2541, 2544 ff., 2566 ff., 2588 ff., 2606, 2645 ff., 2695, 2725, 2745, 2755, 2759, 2775, 2788, 2818 ff., 2823, 2843, 2846, 2882, 2886 ff., 2904, 2918, 2923, 2940, 2944 ff., 2959, 2964, 2967, 2970 ff., 2985, 3010 ff., 3024, 3029, 3032 ff., 3042, 3058, 3072, 3081 ff., 3097, 3111, 3116, 3127, 3148, 3198, 3247, 3283, 3331, 3387, 3411, 3453, 3460, 3497, 3499, 3531 f., 3642, 3679 −, locative 3559 f., 3585 f. −, repetitive 3588 f. −, verbal 921, 1492–1514, 1725, 2704 prefixoid 258, 376, 462, 543, 1134, 1361 f., 1366, 1625, 1796, 1806, 1817, 1822, 1872, 1883, 1886, 1891, 2050 f., 2066, 2216, 2358, 2436, 2527, 2542, 2545, 2547, 2556, 2579 f., 2585 ff., 2648, 2839, 2895, 2984, 3000, 3020, 3024, 3030, 3058

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Subject index preposition 24, 31, 33, 59, 89, 96, 114, 154, 247, 250, 254, 262 f., 280, 365 f., 372 f., 375 f., 425, 435 ff., 443 f., 459, 508, 525, 530, 540, 596, 611 f., 617 f., 627, 631 f., 641 f., 673, 682, 737 f., 758 ff., 769, 911, 922, 934, 1026, 1068, 1094, 1104, 1121 f., 1187, 1201, 1221, 1233, 1235 ff., 1312, 1357, 1364, 1370, 1375, 1377, 1387, 1407, 1421 f., 1428, 1448 f., 1498 ff., 1566, 1594, 1641, 1713, 1717 f., 1777, 1805 ff., 1811– 1824, 1834, 1843 ff., 1848, 1851, 1870 f., 1882, 1884, 1894 f., 1897, 1917 f., 1932, 1948 f., 1970 ff., 1977 f., 1983, 1989, 2005, 2009, 2013, 2023, 2049, 2052 f., 2123 f., 2156, 2164, 2219, 2254, 2295, 2394, 2414 f., 2429, 2444, 2469, 2477, 2487 ff., 2512, 2532 ff., 2546, 2560 f., 2572, 2582 ff., 2591, 2621, 2643, 2666, 2675, 2685 f., 2717, 2750, 2817, 2846, 2918 ff., 2926, 2950, 2984, 2991 ff., 3006, 3013, 3035, 3080, 3083 ff., 3092, 3148, 3163 f., 3188, 3352 f. preposition incorporation → incorporation pressure, paradigmatic 344, 934, 938 prestige planning → planning preverb → verb principle −, orthographic 2291 f., 2297 f. economy principle 1455, 2669 elsewhere principle 867 mirror principle 104 f., 1459 obligatory contour principle 391, 945 word-formation principle 1363, 1981, 2292, 2555, 3125 privative 120, 312, 532, 812, 921, 936, 1026, 1162, 1352 ff., 1408, 1411, 1589, 1654, 1768, 1848, 1890 ff., 1907, 1924, 1983, 2013, 2049, 2072, 2084, 2106, 2108, 2398, 2400 f., 2460, 2612, 2686, 2692, 2726, 2759, 2775, 2944, 2960, 3064, 3081, 3163, 3188, 3202, 3207, 3221, 3316, 3319, 3381, 3401, 3426, 3438, 3448, 3499, 3501, 3532, 3575, 3690 probabilistic 14, 827 process, morphological 11, 127, 134, 263, 272 ff., 311, 388, 390, 415 f., 420, 431, 435, 468, 474, 517, 597, 622, 814, 828, 1210, 1335, 1414, 1419, 1503, 1516, 1782 f., 2053, 2226, 2228 f., 2361 f., 2412, 2606, 2657 ff., 2765 processing −, lexical 203–217, 1149, 2159

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Terminological index −, morphological 206, 210 ff., 926, 1149, 2157, 2160, 2164, 2171 productivity 8, 15 f., 46, 60, 62, 82, 109, 126, 155, 168, 174, 184, 192, 224 f., 258, 325 ff., 333 f., 344 f., 349, 371, 374, 392 f., 475, 520 f., 570, 590, 603, 628, 632, 662 f., 681, 689, 697 f., 763, 775 f., 784, 815, 822, 826 ff., 837 f., 842–858, 859, 867 ff., 884, 908 f., 921, 927 f., 959, 867 ff., 884, 908 f., 921, 927 f., 959, 975, 1037, 1052, 1168, 1205, 1225, 1249, 1276 f., 1319, 1332, 1335 f., 1381, 1392, 1409, 1413, 1468, 1472, 1550 f., 1567, 1573, 1581, 1586 f., 1590, 1592 f., 1616, 1618, 1620, 1625, 1643 f., 1649 f., 1670 ff., 1685, 1693, 1702, 1711 f., 1716, 1765, 1776, 1781–1794, 1801, 1821, 1861, 1872, 1875 ff., 1897 ff., 1909, 1920, 1923 f., 1936 ff., 1965 ff., 1978 ff., 2010 ff., 2022 f., 2031 ff., 2041, 2046, 2083, 2094, 2118, 2141, 2144, 2256, 2264, 2294, 2337, 2343, 2355, 2361 f., 2377, 2379, 2412, 2429, 2445, 2480 f., 2587 ff., 2623, 2634, 2655, 2705 f., 2717 f., 2732 ff., 2743 f., 2777, 2833, 2877, 2914, 2935, 2944, 3032, 3052 ff., 3075 f., 3097, 3114 f., 3119 f., 3127 f., 3148, 3163 ff., 3260, 3279, 3289 f., 3293 f., 3299, 3303 f., 3318, 3334, 3360, 3399, 3408 f., 3479, 3511, 3537, 3689 profitability 846, 1783, 2144 f., 2148 progressive 105, 147, 237, 458, 638 f., 669, 946, 1029, 1234 f., 1479, 1487, 1825, 1831, 2219, 2240, 2797, 2805, 3293, 3637 pronoun 39, 251, 270, 307, 311 f., 317, 366, 436, 472, 522, 541, 631, 645, 665, 736, 739, 863, 1083, 1137, 1161 ff., 1210 f., 1232 ff., 1247, 1285, 1343, 1353, 1366 f., 1439, 1474, 1720, 1900 ff., 2014, 2055, 2064 f., 2087 f., 2099, 2101, 2104, 2108, 2111, 2113 f., 2126, 2235, 2294 f., 2439, 2487, 2489, 2501, 2557, 2571, 2582 ff., 2672, 2737, 2755, 2778, 2814, 2826, 2835, 2854, 3896, 2921, 2925 f., 2935, 2991, 3018, 3034, 3092 f., 3104, 3132, 3138 f., 3164, 3174 f., 3261 f., 3279, 3296, 3310, 3345 f., 3353 f., 3370, 3380 ff., 3390, 3393 f., 3428, 3430, 3453, 3458 ff., 3490, 3509, 3512, 3516, 3528, 3538, 3542, 3570, 3591, 3596, 3620, 3640, 3648 ff., 3653, 3666, 3673, 3704 pronunciation, orthoepic 356, 359 property noun → noun

3755 prosodic 87, 158–187, 246 f., 305, 387, 395 ff., 405 f., 469 ff., 486, 505 f., 510, 538, 546, 559, 571 ff., 578 f., 630 f., 836, 865, 868, 894–917, 919, 1665 f., 1764, 2099, 2168, 2235, 2244, 2278, 2388, 2416, 2420, 2637, 2658, 2787, 3154, 3230, 3315, 3550 protologism 1755 ff. proto-role → role prototype 83, 218, 258, 324, 357, 474, 662, 709, 938 ff., 1008, 1014, 1025, 1028, 1038 f., 1048, 1132, 1138, 1213, 1272, 1324, 1391, 1492, 1551, 1554, 1564, 1570, 2898, 3247 prototypicality 397, 1006, 1015 f., 1039, 1184, 1355, 1529 pseudo-compound, verbal → compound pseudoetymology → etymology pseudomorph[eme] → morph psycholexical 203–217 psycholinguistics 203–217, 451, 926, 1160 purification 1698, 1701, 1703 f., 2098, 2107 purism 446, 1598–1614, 1615, 1696–1707, 1708–1719, 1720–1730, 1748, 1751, 3040, 3044

Q quality noun → noun quantification 309, 1092, 1114, 1340 f., 1625, 2013, 2398, 2671, 2986, 3592 quantity marker → marker quasi-compound → compound quasi-morph[eme] → morph quasi-sign → sign

R radixoid 2341 readjustment 99, 107, 790 ff., 1800, 2735 realignment, paradigmatic 1770 realization 70, 73, 108, 163, 241, 458, 538 ff., 561, 704, 781, 861, 876, 887 f., 903, 1007, 1047, 1050, 1052, 1062, 1067 ff., 1094, 1102, 1114 f., 1118, 1176, 1217, 1242, 1251, 1278, 1391, 1412, 1418, 1431, 1568, 1720, 1755, 1762, 1839, 1848, 2037, 2160, 2204, 2211, 2214, 2304, 2339, 2435, 2484, 3149, 3585 reanalysis 119, 253, 265, 277, 282, 343, 445, 541, 555, 562, 570, 575, 599, 679,

3756 702, 786 f., 798, 829 ff., 897, 1186 f., 1190 f., 1221, 1279, 1281, 1309, 1313, 1333, 1472 f., 1481, 1564, 1572, 1575, 1591, 1618, 1764, 1767, 1769 ff., 1795, 1799 f., 1815 f., 1822, 1839, 1855 f., 1859 ff., 1873 f., 1881, 1885, 1897, 1901 f., 1946, 1949, 1984 ff., 1992, 2043, 2048, 2054, 2067, 2146, 2393, 2622, 2716, 2739, 2899, 3175, 3186, 3253, 3330, 3561 recategorization marker → marker receptive 2141, 2161, 2214 f., 2319, 2348 f., 3221 re-characterization → characterization reclassification → classification recombination → combination recomposition → composition reconstruction 350, 520, 1012, 1031, 1373, 1701, 1741, 1867, 1931, 1960, 1963, 2022, 2064, 2067, 2073, 2099, 2407 recursion 116, 146, 211, 226, 259, 308, 311, 365 f., 374, 444, 698 f., 763, 864, 922, 3511, 3517, 3522 re-derivation → derivation redundancy 97, 132, 148, 236, 289, 325, 429, 804, 807 f., 979, 1572 redundancy restriction → restriction redundancy rule, lexical 97, 236 reduplicand 273 reduplicant 273 f., 468 ff., 2749 reduplication 7, 87, 103, 126, 133 f., 136, 173, 192, 273 ff., 305, 420 f., 442, 467–484, 489, 492, 513, 665, 710, 953 f., 977 f., 981, 1021, 1189, 1344 f., 1347 f., 1352, 1395, 1526, 1555, 1558, 1909, 1950 f., 1991 f., 2052, 2088 f., 2099, 2113, 2130 f., 2239 ff., 2244 f., 2272, 2280, 2311 ff., 2407, 2463, 2482, 2522, 2552, 2616, 2636, 2659, 2675, 2707, 2727, 2749, 2764, 2779, 2806, 2826, 2850, 2909, 2927, 2974, 2995, 3005, 3066, 3105, 3121, 3136, 3176, 3193 ff., 3253, 3272, 3286, 3323, 3344 f., 3358, 3394 ff., 3411, 3428 ff., 3441, 3450, 3464 f., 3485 f., 3503 f., 3524 f., 3545, 3562, 3577 f., 3591 ff., 3608, 3620 f., 3637, 3656, 3674 ff., 3684, 3693, 3705 f., 3718 f. echo-reduplication 472 refactive 3521 reflexive 265, 268, 306 f., 316 f., 540, 628, 631, 1357, 1410, 1428, 1432, 1437 ff., 1443, 1455 f., 1460, 1474, 1675, 1898, 2071 f., 2105, 2479, 2634, 2692, 2719, 2805, 2886, 2906, 2948, 3012, 3057, 3065,

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Subject index 3078, 3174 f., 3206, 3320 f., 3233, 3248 ff., 3286, 3300, 3302, 3355, 3374, 3379, 3401, 3408 f., 3421, 3425 ff., 3440, 3462, 3510, 3520 f. reflexivization 1806, 2899, 2905 f., 3023, 3098 reform language reform 1332, 1731, 1733, 1736 f., 2092 ff., 2098, 2102 f., 2106 ff., 2114, 3025, 3310, 3370, 3373 spelling reform 246, 2293 f., 2298 f., 3291 Reihenbildung 1768 Reimbildung 3530 reinforcement 540 f., 546, 773, 1676 Rektionskompositum 377, 587, 1373, 1382 relatedness, lexical 301 f., 315 f., 1206, 2421 relatinization → latinization relation(s) 757–779, 1373–1390 −, hierarchical 12, 56, 601 −, iconic 133, 710 f. −, paradigmatic 8, 55 f., 61, 188, 200, 227, 307, 310, 344, 389, 864, 897, 915, 934, 941, 1590, 1661, 1663, 1770, 2273, 2337, 2339, 2428, 3395 −, semantic 61, 73, 81, 136, 150 f., 190, 193, 213, 248, 289, 302, 313, 345, 401, 575, 684, 709, 760 f., 767, 775, 942, 992, 1042, 1044, 1052, 1065, 1093, 1095, 1102, 1106, 1263, 1167, 1225, 1454, 1661, 1681 f., 1766 f., 1775, 1875, 1897, 1920, 1962, 2025, 2029 f., 2145, 2317, 2339, 2391, 2407, 2414, 2603, 2663, 2714, 2877, 2954, 3492, 3518 −, spatial 540, 1329, 1625, 1689, 1373– 1390, 3193, 3247, 3418 −, temporal 532, 1373–1390, 1484, 1489, 1625, 1651, 1689, 2666, 2719, 2901, 3371, 3418, 3484 base-derivative relation 172, 184 correspondence relation 470, 475, 595 form-meaning relation 147, 474, 1010 part-whole relation 146, 148, 721, 805, 897, 934, 938 precedence relation 166, 169 schema-instance relation 146 similarity relation 14, 147 f., 824 ff., 828, 833 relevance 133, 222 f., 341 ff., 700, 721, 816, 827, 830, 842, 846, 850 ff., 854, 866, 900, 938, 988, 1048, 1328 f., 1393, 1531, 1540, 1624, 1808, 2121 f., 2131, 2139, 2165, 2270, 2289, 2909, 3062

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Terminological index relisting → listing remnant 238, 342 f., 381, 444, 679, 1395, 1827, 1906, 1908, 1979, 2017, 2072, 2436 f., 2677, 3071 re-motivation → motivation rentabilité 846, 2144 replacement 81, 176 f., 275, 278, 331, 391, 459, 518 f., 742, 833, 906, 950, 1236, 1619, 1645, 1704, 1706, 1713, 1716, 1876, 1902, 1904, 1916, 2109, 2231, 2293, 2752, 2851, 2914, 3436, 3495, 3504 representation −, lexical 16, 96, 209, 211, 213, 561, 822 f., 828, 837 f., 882, 993, 1150, 1152 f., 1206, 2167 −, mental 94, 128, 151, 204 f., 208, 451, 816, 993, 2309 re-Romanization 1961, 2732 restriction 859–875, 876–894, 894–917, 917– 931, 932–944 −, lexical 871, 1258 −, morphological 505, 869, 918–931, 1169, 1259, 1878, 2390 −, morphophonological 104, 443 −, phonological 309, 868, 894–917, 1270, 2539 −, pragmatic 380, 872, 921, 1145 −, semantic 308, 696, 809, 813, 852, 871, 918, 927, 932–944, 1187, 1190, 1392 f., 1476, 1878, 2746, 2749, 2803, 3245, 3324 −, syntactic 173, 453, 603, 870, 2416, 2718 redundancy restriction 804 result noun → noun reversative 189, 871, 921, 1354, 1919, 1924, 2704, 2745 reversion 6, 89, 199, 309, 397, 601, 678, 1355, 1947, 3590 rhetoric 537, 729, 1347, 1556, 1558, 1594, 1697, 1726, 2268, 2270, 2275, 2280, 2284, 3172 righthand head rule 100, 230, 366, 879 f., 1289 rivalry 919, 1279, 1924, 2741 role, semantic 222, 361, 588, 698, 1035– 1055, 1257, 1317, 1448, 1454, 1797, 1806, 2009, 2317, 2692, 3145, 3220, 3510, 3518 proto-role 1324, 2381 theta-role 418, 810 f., 897, 932, 935 root 4, 6, 22–37, 38–51, 87, 96, 103, 173, 223, 228 f., 235–300, 303 ff., 316, 331, 364, 374, 415 ff., 424 f., 430 f., 441, 469, 488, 525, 554, 559, 596, 607, 627 f., 642, 651,

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3757 783 f., 787 f., 796, 805, 807, 809, 814 f., 861, 919, 958, 964, 978, 1185, 1189 ff., 1198, 1203 f., 1224, 1237 f. 1257 f., 1261, 1264 f., 1287, 1401, 1407, 1412 ff., 1426 f., 1430, 1449, 1455, 1460, 1494, 1499 f., 1540 f., 1508 f., 1563, 1567, 1572, 1599, 1601, 1655, 1699, 1709, 1734, 1746 ff., 1772, 1855, 1861, 1917, 1921, 1976, 1981, 2001, 2003 f., 2009 ff., 2015 ff., 2025, 2030, 2034, 2042 f., 2051, 2067 f., 2083, 2017 f., 2125, 2127 f., 2156, 2216 ff., 2226 f., 2230 ff., 2239 ff., 2334, 2340, 2342, 2375, 2429, 2480, 2502, 2508 f., 2514, 2532 f., 2545, 2555, 2604, 2645, 2651 f., 2802, 2815, 2973, 2894 ff., 2915 ff., 2927 f., 2954, 2981, 3010, 3024, 3050, 3053, 3055, 3102, 3121, 3159, 3163 ff., 3190, 3214, 3235, 3246, 3293, 3300, 3323, 3328 f., 3344, 3355, 3371, 3391, 3437, 3485, 3490, 3494, 3504, 3510 ff., 3530 ff., 3585 ff., 3640, 3644, 3652 root and pattern morphology 103, 305 root-based 3, 504, 1225, 1257, 1413, 3350 f. root compound → compound root noun → noun root word → word rule −, morphophonological 503, 3332, 3510 −, orthographic 2291 f., 2297, 2300 rule-based 11 ff., 175, 178, 347, 823, 826 ff., 830 ff., 1037, 1701, 2161 f., 2366 f., 2408 adjustment rule 107, 502, 790 ff., 807 ff., 2698 f. word-formation rule 2 f., 10, 97 f., 175, 181 f., 189, 236, 261, 265, 280 ff., 311, 344, 350, 393, 457, 595, 684, 694, 807, 842, 859 f., 897, 913, 987, 992, 1130 ff., 1162, 1168, 1401, 1472, 1476, 1601, 1661 f., 1767, 1880, 2137, 2143 ff., 2166, 2168, 2269, 2290, 2292, 2428, 2489, 2507, 2616

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S sandhi 329, 510, 678, 2754, 2756, 2786 satellite-framed 627, 636, 640 ff., 654, 1345 saturation 588, 603 f., 665, 847, 881, 3145 Satzdiminutiv 1533 Satzpejorativ 1533 scale 125, 131, 134 ff., 163, 372, 571, 611, 643, 679, 709, 724 f., 828, 852, 854, 993,

3758 1132, 1199, 1201, 1203 ff., 1273, 1286, 1294 f., 1306, 1309, 1343 ff., 1353, 1361, 1371, 1403, 1457, 1550, 1552, 1632, 1688, 1821, 1843, 2008, 2117, 2149, 2197, 2202 f., 2211, 2276, 2368, 2620, 2713, 3011, 3164, 3167, 3349 schema 9 f., 12 ff., 58, 68 f., 75, 146 ff., 164, 188–202, 236, 288, 377, 457, 461 f., 668, 721 ff., 803–822, 828 ff., 953, 1034–1056, 1092, 1122, 1333, 1343, 1375, 1387, 1473, 1479, 2068, 2132 f., 2212 ff., 2318 f., 3051 −, constructional 155, 189 ff., 193 f., 201, 236, 317, 461 f., 668, 721, 816, 829 schema consistency 2292 f. schema-instance relation → relation higher order schema 147, 149 script, logographic 2204 search engine 1471, 1478, 2338, 2349, 2373 ff., 2411 second language acquisition → acquisition secretion 406 f., 830 f., 1008 f., 1015, 1177, 1666 f., 1771, 1855, 1860, 2842 segment, fixed 274, 469, 471, 479 segmentation 2, 9, 38 f., 58 ff., 239, 245, 489, 744, 909, 1008, 1172, 1601, 1608, 1665, 1805, 1856, 2277, 2279, 2312 ff., 2324, 2366, 2545, 2559, 2832, 2954, 3170, 3317, 3328 sémantème 245 semantics 9, 27, 44, 58, 68 f., 74 f., 82, 85, 97, 107 ff., 133 ff., 149, 153, 159, 200, 286, 324, 342, 378, 381, 392, 403, 438 f., 446, 453 f., 471 ff., 519, 575, 577 f., 612, 633, 668, 684, 691 f., 699, 720, 732, 781, 799, 812 ff., 837, 865, 870 f., 886, 922, 933, 957, 960, 964 ff., 977, 991, 993, 1008, 1015, 1022, 1031, 1036 ff., 1049, 1093, 1121, 1129 ff., 1137 f., 1159, 1161, 1163, 1173, 1183, 1198, 1203, 1205 f., 1214, 1242 f. 1255 f., 1258, 1262 f., 1274 f., 1291, 1324 f., 1329 ff., 1336, 1396 ff., 1409, 1415, 1425, 1443, 1459, 1461, 1483, 1495, 1503, 1509, 1516, 1525, 1528–1545, 1546 ff., 1587, 1596, 1623, 1756, 1761, 1767, 1817, 1827, 1932, 1978, 2004 f., 2011 f., 2017, 2038, 2063, 2066, 2071 ff., 2130, 2148, 2171, 2183, 2187, 2236 f., 2245, 2276, 2324, 2339, 2343, 2407, 2490 ff., 2509 ff., 2568, 2623, 2644, 2649, 2657, 2715, 2774, 2812, 2865, 2886, 2893, 2917, 2956, 2981, 3033, 3055, 3064, 3158, 3164, 3168, 3211, 3267, 3269, 3294, 3316, 3332, 3379,

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Subject index 3391 f., 3436, 3439, 3461, 3471 ff., 3483 ff., 3504, 3513, 3517 f., 3561, 356, 3571 f., 3576, 3603, 3610, 3629, 3635, 3652 −, lexical 108, 812 f., 936, 1129 f., 1203, 2340, 2790, 3589 −, minimal 2634 semantics-pragmatics antinomy word-formation semantics 1041, 1187, 2027, 2035 semasiological 9, 16, 1024, 1291 f., 1722, 2333 ff., 3000, 3290, 3391 semelfactive 668, 974, 1221 ff., 2480 f., 2723, 2825, 2924, 3064, 3101, 3119, 3293, 3300 ff. sememe 805, 2302 semi-affix → affix semi-prefix → prefix semi-suffix → suffix sentence adverb → adverb sentence name → name separability 622, 887, 1807, 1883 f., 1983, 2291, 2455, 3511 separation hypothesis 107 f. sequence, fixed 728, 731 f., 734, 738 series, derivational 562 ff. shift −, conceptual 1100, 1110 ff., 1119 ff., 1126 f., 1257 f., 1307 f. −, metaphoric 1410 −, metonymic 367, 382, 692, 3074, 3096, 3245 dative shift 1459 f. juncture shift 1764 morpheme boundary shift 2026, 2033 particle shift 619, 621 stress shift 87, 270, 305, 328, 442, 491, 505 f., 816, 865, 905, 907, 914 f., 1395, 1414 f., 1631, 1924, 2414, 2417 ff., 2732, 2788, 2792, 2807, 2922, 3589 shortening 7, 87, 102, 305, 352–363, 392 f., 398, 405 ff., 485 f., 490 ff., 508, 780, 804, 814, 861, 896, 924, 951, 1617, 1665 f., 1676, 1703, 1909, 2129 ff., 2196, 2199 ff., 2273 f., 2297, 2303, 2407 f., 2484, 2575, 2617, 2774, 2870, 2881, 3072, 3230, 3254, 3411 −, elliptic 2200 f. sciences 28, 53, 360, 751 f., 796, 1581, 1738, 1909, 2092, 2095, 2260 ff., 2268, 2343, 2372, 2420, 2506, 2677, 2762 sign 1, 2, 54, 60, 62 f., 68, 117, 127, 134 ff., 236, 243, 253, 268 f., 278, 282, 387, 392,

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Terminological index 456, 570, 575, 675, 708, 805, 921, 985 f., 988 ff., 1010, 1037, 1048 f., 1360, 1531 f., 1535 ff., 1539, 1555, 1607, 1610, 1699 f., 1756 f., 1766, 1794, 1843, 1847, 1851, 2099, 2225–2251, 2277, 2300, 2333 f., 2357, 2408, 3368, 3401, 3416, 3455, 3491 −, minimal 237 ff., 244 f., 252, 256 ff., 266, 279 sign language → language quasi-sign 238 similarity relation → relation similative 1552, 1803, 1890, 1892 ff., 1988 f., 2393, 2420, 2631, 2724, 3207, 3372, 3379, 3410, 3558 f. simile, phrasal 459 ff. simple-event nominal → nominal simplicity 97, 105, 333, 573, 1063, 2120 ff., 2131, 2186, 3211 simulfix 263 f., 270, 276, 278 singulative 224, 968, 1171–1182, 1185, 1552, 2034, 2472, 2765, 2919, 3356, 3368, 3485 skeleton 267, 811 ff., 936 ff., 954, 1089, 1418, 2121 sociolect 355, 546, 1552, 1696, 1724, 2097, 2334, 2336 f., 2407 sound-iconic 488 ff., 495, 2195, 2199 f. sound law → law sound shape 125, 134, 488 ff., 899, 1012, 1059, 1104, 2193, 2195, 2199 ff., 2857 sound symbolism → symbolism species 22 ff., 41, 47, 67, 85, 124, 306, 676, 976, 1286, 2109, 2181 f., 2187, 2262, 2685, 3051 spectrum, semantic 688, 690 f., 1297, 1883, 2260 speech, child-directed 519, 521, 543, 1992 spelling 32, 150, 152, 396, 454 f., 491, 679 f., 734, 772 f., 897, 1085, 1481, 1618, 1731 ff., 1736, 1753, 1870, 1877 f., 1880 f., 1902, 2001 f., 2005, 2010 f., 2048, 2160, 2195, 2200 ff., 2230 ff., 2247, 2289–2306, 2313 f., 2342, 2436 f., 2506, 2508, 2516, 2617, 2754 f., 2818, 2857, 2876, 2939, 2983 ff., 3002, 3055, 3233, 3291, 3331, 3365, 3371, 3464 spelling reform → reform splinter 5, 402, 406, 1628, 2448 f., 2637 stage, intermediate 526 f., 530, 552, 1402, 2027, 2171, 2580 standard language → language standardization 354, 919, 1722, 1725 f., 1869, 1985, 2253, 2355, 2855, 2892, 2999

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3759 status, morphological 8, 263, 896, 968, 2158, 2167, 2366, 2388, 2416, 3140 status noun → noun stem 780–803 −, bound 118, 206, 861, 867, 897, 904, 906 ff., 914 f., 1060, 1574, 1624, 3000, 3002, 3004, 3142, 3146, 3167, 3231, 3234, 3253, 3266, 3542, 3580 f. −, derivational 285, 511, 575, 701, 792, 794 f., 797, 799, 1313, 1556, 1630, 1764, 2022, 2025, 2027, 2029, 2033 ff., 2338, 2340, 2756, 2888, 2994, 3241, 3603 −, morphomic 260 f., 284, 303, 505, 701, 787 f., 799 −, participial 861, 2405, 3669 −, third 261, 304, 780–803 stem-affix → affix stem allomorphy → allomorphy stem alternant 259 ff. stem alternation → alternation stem compound → compound stem extension → extension stem form → form stem formation → formation stem space 259 stem substitution → substitution compounding stem 258, 269, 285, 1180, 1631, 2340, 2360, 2364, 2367 word stem 3, 5, 72, 87, 116, 1542, 1703, 1737, 2026, 2064, 2075, 2814, 2877 word-formation stem 3, 5, 283 ff., 1572, 1582 f., 1623 storage 130, 161, 194, 200, 208, 214, 451, 695, 804, 852, 927, 1186, 1407, 2160, 2272 stratification 83, 663, 815, 850, 924, 928, 1641, 1649, 2732, 2741 stratum 815, 850, 865, 925, 1003, 1646, 1649, 1958 ff., 1973, 2938, 3350 f., 3359 stress 8, 10, 96, 102, 153 ff., 163 ff., 168, 170 f., 173 f., 188, 212, 230, 242, 247 ff., 264, 270 f., 280, 305, 309, 328, 355, 358, 388, 391, 398, 443, 454, 469, 472, 489, 507, 552, 558 f., 572 f., 575, 578, 612, 616 f., 661 f., 669, 675, 679, 701, 790, 832, 835, 867 ff., 894–917, 924, 980, 1096, 1124, 1277, 1411, 1414, 1502, 1572, 1617, 1630 f., 1646, 1663, 1665, 1667, 1702, 1800, 1805 ff., 1827, 1836 f., 1860, 1872, 1888, 1901, 1917 ff., 1950, 2003 ff., 2015, 2054, 2101, 2158, 2199, 2202, 2229, 2244, 2399, 2413 f., 2428 f., 2453 ff., 2471, 2491, 2556, 2563, 2602, 2614, 2646 f., 2674,

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3760 2732 f., 2756, 2770 f., 2787 ff., 2876, 2924 f., 3001, 3055, 3102 f., 3139 ff., 3212, 3231 f., 3438 f., 3472, 3491, 3496, 3502 f., 3577, 3588 f., 3603, 3679 stress shift → shift structuralism 10, 52–65, 240, 355, 805 f., 1031, 1531, 1534, 2428, 3051 stump compound → compound style 978 f., 1049, 1061, 1168, 1242, 1546, 1548, 153 ff., 1591 f., 1676, 1696, 1700, 1732, 1746 f., 1763, 1832, 2038, 2178, 2184 ff., 2235, 2252 ff., 2259, 2269 ff., 2276, 2281 ff., 2306, 22310, 2374, 2378, 2468 f., 2559, 2569, 2623, 2833, 2927, 2951, 3020, 3034, 3077, 3201, 3253, 3402, 3423, 3489 stylistics 487, 1532, 1548 f., 2181, 2269 f., 2306, 2765, 2893 subcategorization frame 808 f., 813 subclassification → classification subjectivity 1529 f. subject name → name submorph[eme] → morph submorphemic [element unit] 238 Substantivabstraktum 1269, 1288 f. substitution 58, 124, 134, 238, 275 ff., 361, 396 f., 402, 469, 517 f., 564 f., 735, 749, 784 f., 1025 f., 1028, 1075 f., 1150, 1325 f., 1698, 1713, 1728, 1733, 2128, 2156 ff., 2164 f., 2168 f., 2232, 2275, 2309, 2311 ff., 2326, 2695 f., 2746, 2846, 3562, 3656 affix substitution 863, 1325, 1567, 1984 stem substitution 564 suffix substitution 784, 831, 1570, 1594, 1630, 1984, 2720, 2901 substratum 2641 −, Thraco-Dacian 1958 f., 1961 subtraction 132, 134 f., 273, 276 ff., 330, 340, 503 f., 968 f., 1265, 2676, 2706, 2846 suffix 932–944, 957–971, 972–983, 1528– 1545, 1854–1866 −, attributive 870, 3182, 3189, 3192, 3498, 3643 −, borrowed 981, 1643, 1777, 1856, 1863 f., 2047, 2070, 2502, 2595, 2990, 3699 f., 3708 −, caritive 1334, 2071 −, closing 571 f., 927, 957–971, 972–983, 1225 −, complex 1552, 1920, 1936, 1959 f., 1964 f., 1969, 2008 f., 2027, 2033 f., 2038,

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Subject index 2065, 2070, 2072 f., 2082, 2100, 2869, 3199, 3202 f., 3219, 3249, 3680, 3692 −, composite 3234, 3244 f., 3320, 3372 f., 3380 ff., 3404 f., 3408 f., 3425 −, compositional 3018, 3073 ff. −, diathetical 2105 −, double 1893, 2008, 2471 −, evaluative 277, 286, 552, 864, 962, 1130, 1137, 1222, 1468, 1471 f., 1474 ff., 1528– 1554, 1990, 2158, 2607, 2628, 2648 f., 2656, 2687 ff., 2701, 2721, 2740, 3294, 3424 −, expressive 1554, 2869 −, feminine 171, 975 f., 1176, 1849, 1922, 1984, 1991, 2008, 2011 f., 2107, 2496, 2796 −, foreign 71, 918, 1557, 1618 f., 1621, 1625 ff., 1630 f., 1643, 1652, 1683 ff., 1693, 1737, 1798, 1849, 1863, 1872, 1880, 1888, 1892, 1899, 1924, 2579, 2882 f., 3044, 3318, 3372 −, inflectional 5, 27, 40, 60, 263, 276 f., 419, 468, 508, 527, 529, 569 f., 574, 577 ff., 605, 958, 961 f., 968, 973, 1352, 1846, 1877, 1948, 2042 f., 2053 f., 2073, 2112, 2165 f., 2635, 2894, 3083, 3150, 3206, 3252, 3369 f., 3382, 3406, 3659, 3664, 3695 −, integrational 1617, 1626 −, limitative 3199 −, selective 3199 −, tautological 2919 −, valency-changing 2105, 3379, 3533 −, verbal 908, 968, 1309, 1346 f., 1468, 1472, 1476, 1481, 1584, 1619, 1626, 1642, 1654, 1873, 1899 ff., 1907, 1923, 1926, 1949, 1970, 1973, 1990, 2045, 2047, 2069, 2103, 2106, 2126, 2381, 2417, 2518, 2568, 2655, 2763, 2778, 2793, 2886 f., 2924, 2956, 3042, 3136, 3148 f., 3276, 3297, 3300, 3321 f., 3340, 3370, 3393, 3440, 3444, 3449, 3480, 3500, 3533, 3602, 3634, 3681, 3703 suffix borrowing → borrowing suffix combination 264, 927, 960, 966 f., 1623, 2064, 2272, 2379, 3217, 3401 suffix derivation → derivation suffix extension → extension suffix fusion → fusion suffix order 2805, 3437 suffix origin 1855 ff., 1861, 2103 suffix substitution → substitution

Terminological index suffix syncretism 1872 suffix transference 1873 suffix typology 1854 suffix variants 555 f., 1903 Kompositionssuffix 1871 loan suffix 492, 572 f., 1325, 1590, 1630, 1876, 1888 f., 1985 ff., 2008, 2011 f., 2014, 3082, 3618, 3668, 3711 parasuffix 3328 semi-suffix 375, 590, 902, 1187 f., 1313, 1847, 2436, 3387 voice suffix 3369, 3379, 3427, 3440 zero suffix 272, 278, 605 f., 690, 763, 976, 1081, 1088, 1225, 1259 f., 1356, 1396, 2037, 2247, 2611, 2755, 2821, 2825, 2856, 2938, 2971 ff., 2980, 2983, 3000 ff., 3004, 3008, 3072, 3074, 3078, 3204, 3262 suffixation 6, 9, 23 f., 26, 62 f., 83, 115, 120, 136, 149, 177 ff., 226, 247, 279, 310, 333, 340 f., 347, 364 f., 375, 486, 502, 510 f., 520, 525 ff., 531 f., 540 ff., 558 ff., 565, 573, 585, 605 f., 664, 703, 743, 747, 752, 785, 794, 813, 849 f., 880 f., 897 ff., 914 f., 920, 922 f., 925 f., 937, 939, 946 f., 957 ff., 1005, 1015, 1164, 1176, 1197, 1224 f., 1254, 1259 f., 1274, 1318 f., 1324 f., 1328, 1334, 1364, 1391, 1429, 1457, 1467, 1517, 1530, 1546, 1595, 1630, 1632, 1639 ff., 1663, 1676, 1686, 1762, 1766, 1769, 1796, 1803, 1847, 1854, 1886, 1917, 1919 f., 1924, 1933, 1962, 1983, 1988, 2004, 2007 f., 2012, 2014 ff., 2025, 2037, 2042, 2044, 2099, 2105, 2120 f., 2129 f., 2146, 2180, 2243, 2301, 2358, 2362, 2379, 2381, 2419, 2437 f., 2444, 2456, 2476, 2494, 2497, 2499, 2536, 2542, 2545, 2563, 2566, 2569 ff., 2588 ff., 2648, 2657, 2700, 2755, 2760, 2775, 2785, 2833, 2839 ff., 2875, 2881 ff., 2900 ff., 2918 ff., 2937, 2940, 2943 f., 2958 ff., 2980 ff., 3000, 3006, 3018, 3024, 3029 ff., 3043, 3059 ff., 3075 f., 3112, 3117, 3120, 3149, 3247, 3283, 3338, 3371, 3393, 3469 f., 3476, 3498 ff., 3531, 3580 3598, 3642, 3680 −, evaluative 1988, 1990 −, parasitic 1993 −, shifted 560, 952 −, suspended 3164 zero suffixation 605 f., 969, 1250, 1254, 2010, 2421, 2611, 2815, 2823, 2870, 2933, 2935, 2940, 2944, 2971, 3001, 3027, 3060, 3393

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3761 suffixoid 258, 375, 1134, 1361 f., 1801, 1848, 1863, 1872, 1892, 2006, 2012, 2068, 2216 ff., 2338, 2360, 2527, 2541, 2544, 2562, 2580, 2585, 2590 ff., 2895, 2984, 3000, 3052 Suffixverkennung 1762, 1769 superfix 270 superlative 951, 1249, 1280, 1343 f., 1348, 1392, 1396, 1414, 1535, 1558, 1804, 1827, 1902, 1990, 2066, 2075, 2243, 2390, 2475, 2760, 2823, 2854, 2887, 3010, 3193 f., 3261, 3309, 3486, 3532, 3643, 3662, 3676 −, absolute 1340, 2014 superstate, morphological 213 superstratum, Slavic 1961, 1973 supine nominalization → nominalization suppletion 134 f., 243 f., 273, 310, 503, 507, 510 f., 862, 1068, 1167, 1519, 1521 f., 2009, 2662, 2667, 2766, 3158 suppletive 89, 137, 178, 243, 245, 510, 1079, 1231, 1518 ff., 2010, 2142, 2623, 2665, 2740, 2766, 3129, 3251, 3561, 3589, 3629 suprafix 270 syllable 103 f., 132, 145–157, 158–187, 246 f., 263 f., 274 f., 277, 280, 305, 354, 360, 391, 394, 397 f., 400 f., 406, 469 f., 489, 491, 494 f., 505 f., 509, 512, 556, 558 ff., 565, 572, 574, 578, 696, 770, 786, 804, 837, 868 f., 894–917, 946 ff., 1058 f., 1189, 1414, 1546, 1663, 1665, 1700 ff., 1737, 1763 f., 1800, 1837, 1872 f., 1876, 1888, 1899, 1901, 1917, 1924, 1936, 1950, 2003 f., 2006, 2024 ff., 2043, 2054, 2064, 2066, 2068, 2089, 2104, 2106, 2114, 2123, 2131, 2158, 2199 f., 2002, 2004 f., 2227 ff., 2278, 2295 f., 2301, 2417, 2423 f., 2449, 2483 ff., 2514, 2565, 2604, 2672, 2750, 2756, 2783, 2788 ff., 2812, 2870, 2889, 3015, 3036, 3102 f., 3142 f., 3154, 3177, 3183, 3194, 3223, 3225, 3231 f., 3241, 3254, 3261, 3291, 3316, 3324, 3351, 3369, 3395, 3401 f., 3409, 3429, 3439, 3443 f., 3466, 3521, 3562, 3577, 3586, 3588, 3593, 3602, 3620 f., 3634, 3675 f., 3684, 3693 syllable structure 148, 158–187, 242, 266, 399, 896, 1059, 1763, 2193, 2205, 2424 symbolism, phonetic 488 f., 2202 sound symbolism 151, 478, 488 ff., 518 ff., 1554, 2118, 2195, 2199 f., 2203, 3346 synaesthesia 488 synaffixation 136, 263

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3762 synchronic 4, 8, 27, 30, 61 ff., 80, 269, 277, 331, 342 ff., 367, 508 f., 526, 530, 538, 545 f., 700, 745, 749, 784, 806, 822 f., 826 f., 830, 869, 911, 939, 975 f., 978, 988, 1004 f., 1007, 1009, 1023, 1137 ff., 1186, 1213, 1221, 1235, 1278 f., 1290, 1307 f., 1329, 1333, 1357, 1361, 1410, 1419, 1473, 1501, 1530, 1571, 1573, 1620 f., 1623, 1667, 1681 ff., 1690 f., 1762, 1784, 1787, 1789, 1802, 1806 f., 1826 ff., 1843, 1867 ff., 1878, 1902, 1915 f., 1932, 1980, 1983, 1992, 2001, 2003 ff., 2016, 2043 f., 2051 ff., 2197, 2293, 2296, 2316, 2333 ff., 2340, 2343, 2346, 2466, 2612, 2713 ff., 2867, 2877, 2933, 2999 f., 3051, 3070, 3107 f., 3132, 3170, 3187, 3230, 3330, 3388, 3398, 3410, 3470, 3476, 3512 ff., 3521, 3530, 3559, 3580, 3601, 3705 synonymy 852, 866, 1206, 1293, 1492, 1549, 1621, 1722, 2031, 2035, 2181, 2256, 2340, 2343, 2650, 2853, 3679 −, derivational 1976 −, suffixal 1960, 3044 word-formation synonymy 2030, 2340, 2899, 2935 synsemantic 4, 118, 257, 1371, 1566, 1572, 2907 f. syntagm 55 f., 60 ff., 116, 121, 134, 229, 307 f., 341, 365, 495, 694, 722 f., 743, 773, 806, 831, 897, 987, 1039, 1187 ff., 1313, 1401, 1794 f., 1802, 1804, 1825 f., 1828, 1855, 1868, 1870 f., 1881, 1902 ff., 1908, 2086 ff., 2276 f., 2293, 2295, 2299, 2334, 2345, 2815, 2822, 2894, 2898, 2908, 3004, 3080, 3388, 3484 syntax 2, 9 f., 27, 38, 56 f., 70, 75, 94 f., 100 ff., 112 ff., 127 f., 146, 153, 155, 189, 195, 222, 245, 248 f., 251, 261, 281, 305, 308, 369 f., 373, 378, 381 f., 393, 415 ff., 439, 444 f., 458, 462, 513, 540, 588, 584 f., 599 ff., 604, 612 f., 622, 660, 675, 684, 690, 694 f., 728, 732 f., 753, 787, 804 ff., 864, 870 f., 877 ff., 932, 975, 1021, 1029, 1032, 1036 f., 1049, 1096, 1131, 1179, 1198 f., 1203 ff., 1233, 1237 f., 1242 f., 1311 f., 1352, 1363, 1375, 1390, 1394, 1406, 1416, 1418, 1425 ff., 1443, 1459, 1503, 1568, 1581, 1649, 1680, 1728, 1733, 1777, 1795, 1844, 1977, 1979, 2006 ff., 2016 f., 2054, 2091, 2139 f., 2278, 2299, 2412, 2432, 2487, 2512, 2556, 2581, 2624, 2677, 2696, 2722, 2832 f., 2893 f., 3051,

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Subject index 3147, 3159, 3180, 3262, 3311, 3334, 3352, 3370, 3396, 3399, 3433 f., 3438, 3484, 3511, 3550, 3554, 3579, 3596, 3641 f., 3686, 3691 −, autolexical 418 f., 421 f., 429 −, external 690, 1237, 1243 −, internal 1198, 1203, 1205, 1237, 1243 syntax-morphology interface 415, 609, 688, 877, 3308 synthesis 184, 370 f., 583, 897, 915, 1530, 1945, 1988, 1991, 2067, 2080, 2361, 2620, 2713 system, vigesimal 1979, 3172 f.

T tatpurusa 46 f., 367, 2005 taxonomy 678, 1196, 1255, 1829, 1831, 2062, 2972, 3242, 3606 technique, creative 485 ff., 494 f., 2194, 2197, 2201 ff. telicity 629, 637, 677, 1219, 1493 ff., 1498, 1507 f., 2246 template 97, 199, 228, 261 f., 267, 275, 281, 304, 355, 376 ff., 405 f., 435, 470 f., 475, 559, 689, 699 f., 861, 883, 961 f., 1084 ff., 1093, 1176, 1258, 1325 f., 1422, 2244, 2603, 2637, 2960, 3350, 3355 ff., 3490 tense −, neutral 1485, 1489 −, past 4, 155, 188, 253, 260, 276, 283, 306, 310, 472, 541, 545, 736, 1066, 1071, 1310, 1331, 1413, 1478 f., 1484 ff., 1509, 1842 f., 1847, 2050, 2070, 2159, 2161, 2166, 2233, 2433, 2783, 2925 f., 2968, 3096 f., 3114, 3140, 3452 tense marker → marker term −, multi-word 2254 f., 2257, 2260 ff., 2817 −, technical 83, 90, 129, 354, 456, 544, 583, 589, 761, 794, 796, 1106, 1285 f., 1604, 1608 f., 1623, 1671, 1694, 1702, 1732, 1926, 2194, 2253 f., 2301, 2507, 2513, 2521, 2570, 2657, 2743, 3402 term formation → formation termination 23, 39, 47, 941, 1335, 2972 terminologization 2254 f., 2261, 2264 terminology 3, 38 f., 239, 244 f., 353 ff., 450, 488, 502, 525, 595, 674, 742, 758, 824, 936, 941 f., 958, 1217, 1244, 1251, 1269,

Terminological index 1286 f., 1305, 1336, 1340, 1346, 1546, 1549, 1563, 1574, 1587, 1598, 1604 ff., 1649, 1655, 1663, 1669, 1680, 1709 ff., 1716 f., 1734 ff., 1741 f., 1854, 1906, 2066, 2091 f., 2101, 2220, 2227, 2252 ff., 2343, 2345, 2361, 2381, 2453, 2550, 2733, 2744, 2793, 2855, 2903, 2956, 2976, 3021, 3039 f., 3053, 3076, 3146, 3237, 3363, 3416, 3470, 3490 terminology planning → planning text 2178–2192, 2266–2288 text constitution 2178 f. text distinction 2179, 2319 text linking 2178, 2180 ff., 2188 text type 7, 10, 770, 919, 1224, 1625, 1881, 1888, 1893, 1908, 2179, 2184, 2188, 2299, 2321, 2355 f., 2362 theme 38 f., 211, 220, 259, 417, 421, 423 f., 437, 489, 776, 810 f., 879 ff., 888, 1044, 1057, 1059, 1064 f., 1076 f., 1080 ff., 1088 ff., 1254, 1256, 1262, 1265, 1306, 1324, 1407, 1416 f., 1426, 1433, 1444, 1452, 1454, 1509, 1587, 1684, 1755, 1916, 2024, 2183, 2185, 2203, 2622, 2715, 2741 f., 3145, 3311 f., 3342 theme development 2180, 2183 f., 2188 theme vowel 265, 286, 304, 527 ff., 784, 787 f., 799, 853, 861, 1224, 1586, 1588, 1764, 1937 ff., 2024, 2042 f., 2054, 2722 theory −, full-entry 807 f. −, full-listing 2159 −, full-parsing 2159 theory of terminology 2253 theory of word-formation 2955 −, content-based 70, 72 −, effect-based 75 theta-role → role tone 173, 242, 247, 270, 280, 305, 1131, 1604, 2043, 2130, 2484, 2530, 2627, 2720 f., 2761, 3231, 3246 tool, electronic 2147, 2149 topicalization 311, 453, 630, 1042 transcategorization 864, 2747 transfixation 262 f., 266 ff., 305, 2121 transflexion 222, 225, 330, 2892–2912 transformation 9, 11, 30, 61, 95 ff., 197, 418, 470, 531, 586, 683, 732, 735, 743 f., 750, 758, 806 f., 831, 877, 1036, 1070, 1255, 1298, 1365, 1854, 1859, 2006, 2008, 2115, 2162, 2194, 2269, 2732, 2835, 2939, 3043, 3285, 3296, 3329, 3472, 3551 f.

3763 transitivity alternation → alternation transitivity marker → marker transitivization 1429 f., 1455 f., 1458, 1498, 1796 f., 1806 translation 59, 76, 237, 451, 711, 714, 716, 766, 1238, 1268, 1305, 1363, 1387, 1527, 1587, 1608, 1641, 1661 f., 1698, 1701, 1713, 1739, 1741, 1753 f., 1958, 1983, 2022 ff., 2032, 2034, 2036, 2066, 2087, 2093 f., 2111, 2254, 2267, 2358, 2363 ff., 2469, 2485, 2672, 2765, 2855, 2873, 3049, 3052 f., 3229, 3300, 3470, 3490, 3547, 3550, 3596, 3713 loan translation 83, 86, 88, 461, 761, 768, 770, 773, 775, 1268, 1305, 1363, 1527, 1582, 1593, 1639 ff., 1661, 1706, 1711, 1715, 1751, 1870, 1881, 1906, 1971, 1982, 2036, 2255, 2262, 2275, 2290, 2452, 2623 f., 2686, 2715 f., 2762, 2814 ff., 3001, 3213, 3215, 3310, 3466, 3470 translative 59, 2065, 2072, 2074, 3204, 3221, 3597, 3658, 3708 transparency 130, 138, 212, 223 f., 374, 398, 486 f., 493, 495, 504, 510, 512, 541, 546, 985, 988, 993, 1012, 1014, 1151, 2017, 2120 ff., 2131, 2194 ff., 2201, 2203 f., 2273, 2277, 2995, 3352, 3399 −, morphosemantic 350, 493, 510, 512, 1922, 2194, 2201, 2206 −, semantic 200, 393, 733, 815, 959, 993, 1154, 1205, 1392, 2120, 2149, 2160 transposition 70 f., 124, 129 f., 272, 315 f., 325, 1021 ff., 1028, 1100, 1164 f., 1196, 1204, 1206, 1210, 1274, 1546 f., 1686, 2031, 2033, 2186, 2203 f., 2259, 2295, 2389, 2395 ff., 2668, 2672 ff., 2735, 2902, 2907 f., 2918 f., 2962 trope, rhetoric 1551, 2270 truncation 99, 180, 277 ff., 352, 390, 393 ff., 405, 493, 504, 561, 565, 598, 690, 808 f., 914, 948, 951, 955, 1225, 1332, 1412, 1684, 1690, 2004, 2014, 2067, 2075, 2274 f., 2461, 2648, 2658 f., 2676 f., 2888, 2895, 2909, 2981, 2994, 3153, 3363, 3369, 3377 f., 3382, 3471, 3713 f. type, morphological 414, 928, 961, 2203, 3598 type coercion 1184, 2443 word-formation type 3, 11, 27, 83, 747, 750, 1037, 1051, 1197, 1224, 1335, 1622, 1717, 1846, 1851, 1916, 2025, 2027, 2029, 2031 ff., 2143, 2254, 2307, 2309, 2311,

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3764 2313, 2326, 2338, 2340, 2690 f., 2814, 2817, 2874 f., 2881, 2934 f., 2943 f., 3094, 3107, 3114, 3116, 3470, 3484, 3642, 3686 typo-lexeme 2310 f., 2315, 2326

U Umgruppierung 1769 umlaut 261, 275, 279, 317, 503, 509, 569, 853, 1010, 1049, 1407, 1414, 2230 f., 2272, 2292, 2467, 2471 f., 2488 f., 2548, 2585, 2590 f., 2754 f. underspecification 287 f., 323, 327, 1415, 1419, 1573, 2421 unifix 238, 2341 unique 12, 146, 238, 366, 369, 378, 396 f., 399, 406, 453, 602 f., 680 f., 701 f., 781, 799, 848, 945, 955, 966, 1007, 1184, 1237, 1308, 1520, 1571, 1750, 2004 f., 2022, 2186, 2192, 2319, 2341, 2379, 2468, 2876, 3052, 3143, 3220, 3234, 3241, 3256, 3437, 3646, 3684 uniroot 238 unit −, naming 81 f., 128 f., 342 f., 750, 1035, 1038, 1050 f., 2665, 2903, 3051, 3067 −, relational 677, 680, 682 −, symbolic 12, 146, 148 ff., 153, 457, 816, 818, 1052 morpheme unit 244 multi-word unit 5, 450, 727–741, 743, 749, 753, 1717, 2642, 2717, 3188, 3537 unitary base hypothesis 11, 100 f., 286 f., 850, 862 unitary output hypothesis 11, 100 f., 286 f., 693, 862 unitizing 1172 ff., 1177 ff. univerbalism 1756 f. univerbation 44, 460, 462, 638, 662, 696, 742–756, 772, 977, 1030, 1364, 1401 f., 1546 f., 1772, 1814 ff., 1819, 1822, 1869 ff., 1881, 1894, 1902 ff., 1978, 2005, 2016, 2087, 2291, 2414, 2429, 2452, 2489, 2527, 2584, 2733, 2772, 2803 f., 2818, 2833, 2848, 2876, 3018, 3053, 3060, 3230, 3352, 3583, 3692 universal 11, 67, 86, 94, 124 ff., 135, 138, 159, 162, 218, 245 f., 251, 265, 282, 324, 346, 381, 391, 423, 488, 494 f., 562, 812, 850 f., 861, 864 f., 986, 1008, 1064, 1090, 1136 ff., 1269, 1274 f., 1278, 1340, 1361,

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Subject index 1367, 1390, 1435, 1555, 1601, 1611, 1992, 2193, 2373, 2467, 2704, 2721, 3297, 3592, 3643, 3647, 3650, 3662, 3666 universal markedness constraint → constraint usage-based 12, 128, 147, 156, 451, 823, 827, 838, 2131 usage marker → marker

V valence marker → marker valency 74, 120 f., 331 f., 629, 928, 1199, 1203 f., 1265, 1311 f., 1387, 1424–1467, 1775, 1796 f., 1806 f., 2105, 2334, 2403, 2675, 2893, 2920, 2991, 3183, 3255, 3426 f., 3509, 3514, 3532, 3671, 3714 valency conversion → conversion variation 28, 90, 124, 127, 131, 175, 179, 210, 242 f., 251, 270, 328 ff., 335, 392, 425, 435, 453, 459, 461, 491, 501 f., 504, 511 f., 538, 546, 569 f., 613, 619, 641, 680, 701 f., 722, 732, 734, 738 f., 826, 835, 854, 973, 1050, 1069, 1077, 1103 f., 1109, 1120, 1201, 1205, 1238, 1257 f., 1262, 1280, 1397, 1409, 1436, 1446, 1517, 1522 ff., 1529 f., 1536, 1540, 1552, 1710, 1767, 1838, 1878, 1880, 1918, 1924, 2001, 2003 f., 2007 f., 2013, 2139, 2181, 2197, 2268, 2315, 2376, 2380, 2382, 2434, 2519, 2545, 2604, 2628, 2658, 2671, 2777, 2794 ff., 2807, 3029, 3142, 3212, 3223, 3411, 3444 f., 3511, 3523, 3583, 3588, 3637 ventive 1451, 1710, 1717, 1739, 1907, 2187 verb −, complex 25, 105, 416 f., 420, 428, 435, 441, 596 ff., 611, 622, 627, 880, 993, 1246, 1375 f., 1378, 1410, 1420 f., 1441 f., 1458, 1467 f., 1472 f., 1772, 1883, 1992, 2236, 2238, 2394, 2429, 2444 f., 3158 ff., 3169 ff., 3309, 3313, 3550, 3580 ff., 3590 ff., 3599 f., 3628, 3644 ff. −, curative 3222 −, deadjectival 119, 428, 528, 1088, 1420, 1595, 1724, 1900, 1907, 1926, 1946, 1949, 2381, 2401, 2477, 2519, 2569 f., 2613, 2635, 2670, 2704, 2725, 2824, 2845, 2849, 2867, 2886, 2906, 2923, 2946, 2966, 2991, 3011, 3032, 3062, 3082, 3099, 3118, 3134,

Terminological index 3204, 3220, 3248, 3269, 3282, 3303, 3323, 3408, 3426, 3462, 3480, 3670, 3699 −, deinterjectional 3033, 3065 −, denominal 63, 189, 286, 289, 314, 331, 334, 417, 423, 425 ff., 530, 604, 606, 789, 866, 921, 1021, 1058, 1406–1424, 1901, 1909, 1923, 1944, 2017, 2071 f., 2105, 2111, 2128, 2130, 2291, 2400, 2477, 2519, 2613, 2634, 2670, 2704, 2823, 2844, 2849, 2866, 2905, 2922, 2945, 2965, 2990, 3011, 3031, 3063, 3081, 3099, 3117, 3133, 3169, 3203, 3220, 3248, 3269, 3281, 3303, 3380, 3408, 3425, 3440, 3449, 3462, 3480, 3670, 3702, 3713 −, depronominal 2907, 3248, 3463 −, descriptive 3218, 3222, 3250 f. −, deverbal 289, 783, 1025, 1467–1482, 1595, 1897, 1947, 2069, 2072 f., 2112, 2402, 2478, 2520, 2614, 2634, 2671, 2705, 2726, 2824, 2846, 2849, 2886, 2906, 2923, 2946, 2967, 2991, 3012, 3032, 3064, 3082, 3100, 3118, 3134, 3170, 3204, 3221, 3249, 3270, 3282, 3300, 3379, 3409, 3426, 3440, 3449, 3462, 3481, 3671, 3692, 3703, 3714 −, immobile 597 ff., 2433 −, inseparable 168, 170, 2479 −, light 426 f., 451, 730, 735, 1221 f., 1234, 1352, 1415 ff., 1422, 1428, 1448, 1460, 1481, 2017, 2111, 2610, 3158 ff., 3168 ff., 3183 f., 3390, 3403, 3418, 3430, 3436, 3446, 3496, 3538, 3550 ff., 3569 f., 3576, 3586 ff., 3599 f., 3611 ff., 3624, 3628 ff., 3662 ff., 3701 −, phrasal 5, 194, 311, 435, 451, 611, 1072, 1654, 1922, 1926, 2126, 2301, 2412, 2430, 2520, 2533 f., 2556, 2718, 3240, 3329, 3334 −, separable 1375, 1377, 1871, 1918, 2466 verb-framed 627 f., 638, 652 verb movement 436, 445, 594 ff. verb-noun compound → compound verb particle 435, 611 f., 1874, 1883, 1926, 2290, 2399 ff., 2684 verb-to-noun conversion → conversion converb 324, 710, 716, 787, 1198, 1399, 3161, 3163, 3168, 3176 f., 3186, 3195, 3205, 3276 ff., 3371, 3381, 3403, 3422, 3430, 3554, 3562, 3640, 3653 f., 3674, 3692 f., 3696, 3701, 3706 coverb 478, 2478 f., 3183 f., 3194, 3550 ff., 3562, 3580 ff., 3710 instrument verb 1408, 2128, 2130

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3765

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location verb 1407 f. locatum verb 428, 1407 f., 2128 particle verb 2, 5, 193 f., 198 ff., 248, 305, 454, 540, 595 ff., 607 f., 611–626, 627–659, 660–672, 882, 921, 1335, 1377, 1796, 1805 ff., 1871, 1883, 1895 ff., 1978, 1983, 2125, 2291, 2359 f., 2399 ff., 2429 f., 2455, 2556, 2718, 2814, 3309, 3312, 3316, 3323 f. preverb 263, 306, 540, 599 f., 613 f., 632, 660 ff., 1246, 1420 ff., 1806, 1982, 2004, 2016, 2049 ff., 2056, 2065, 2085, 2093, 2466, 2475, 2527 f., 2818, 3148 f., 3158 ff., 3168 ff., 3190, 3382, 3496, 3500, 3518, 3550, 3560, 3568, 3576, 3601, 3615, 3619, 3644, 3651 −, locative 3560 f., 3576, 3624 −, spatial 1982, 3190 Verbalabstraktum 1269 verbal nexus compound → compound verbal-noun marker → marker verber 2071 f. verlan 90, 391, 491, 1993 visio-lexeme 2306–2332 visuality 2276, 2306–2332 vocabulary 32, 42, 54, 61, 66, 68, 70, 72, 74, 115, 129, 203 ff., 210, 317, 364, 374 f., 378, 381, 475, 494, 544, 585 f., 745, 749, 753, 757, 768, 775, 843 ff., 850, 854, 863, 933, 939, 1178, 1297, 1362, 1541, 1547, 1554, 1599 ff., 1606, 1608, 1615, 1621, 1637, 1639, 1641, 1646 f., 1649, 1661, 1672, 1680 f., 1683, 1691, 1697 ff., 1705 f., 1709, 1714, 1733, 1735 f., 1738 f., 1741, 1755, 1799, 1868, 1875, 1888, 1895, 1924, 1926, 1960 f., 1976, 1984, 2008, 2036, 2044, 2046, 2049, 2053 ff., 2067, 2075, 2092 f., 2139 ff., 2148 f., 2186, 2196, 2215, 2252, 2254, 2256, 2259, 2261 ff., 2269, 2273, 2289 f., 2336, 2339, 2361 f., 2378, 2407, 2466, 2580 f., 2624, 2714, 2769, 2814, 2855, 2864, 2875, 2913, 2938, 2955 f., 2981, 3041, 3070 f., 3077, 3136, 3146, 3210 f., 3241 f., 3273, 3276, 3294, 3305, 3331, 3346, 3350, 3376, 3416, 3444, 3485, 3534, 3547, 3599, 3606 −, foreign 1615, 1683, 1685, 1703, 1705 f. vocabulary acquisition → acquisition voice suffix → suffix voicing 328, 511, 783, 902, 1407, 2016, 2699, 2761 ff., 3154, 3159, 3291, 3330, 3369

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3766 VO/OV parameter 613, 623 vowel harmony → harmony vowel, linking 39, 269, 533, 760 f., 767 f., 771 ff., 776, 1362, 1570, 1581, 1583 ff., 1664, 1870, 1918, 1920, 1979, 2049, 2053 ff., 2260, 2622, 2698, 2716, 2786, 2813 ff., 2834, 2857, 2915, 2936 f., 2982, 3000, 3004, 3052 ff., 3072, 3530

W Web as corpus 2356 Web search API 2374 wipe-alternation → alternation word −, actual 97, 262, 264, 344, 355, 527, 807, 860, 940, 1089, 1473, 1782, 2641, 2806 −, emphatic 2483 −, existing 86, 97 f., 184, 281, 344, 361, 485, 490, 585, 589, 807, 827, 897, 1004, 1008, 1010, 1012, 1325, 1602, 1711, 1740, 1755, 2036, 2145, 2194, 2199, 2202, 2422, 2483, 2538, 2917, 3046, 3193, 3299, 3673 −, grammatical 248, 253 ff., 259, 271, 285, 2429, 2527, 2994 −, possible 7, 16, 172, 281, 526, 585, 843, 849, 860, 867, 940, 2374, 2641 −, potential 807, 867, 928, 1089, 1749, 1756, 1782, 3231, 3355 −, primary 24, 26, 668, 805, 2289, 2874, 2917, 3201 −, secondary 331 f., 805, 2290, 2405, 3206 −, syntactic 256, 288, 311, 315, 1047, 1821, 2602, 2876, 2917, 3072, 3388 anbehetelse-word 2526 echo-word 469, 471, 479 imperative word 1923 leader word 563, 1774, 1776 root word 24 ff., 764, 1699 ff., 1736 ff., 2783, 2819, 3242, 3253, 3469, 3674 ff., 3706 word-affix → affix word-and-paradigm 107 word-based 3, 98 f., 107, 330 f., 526, 743, 807, 826, 861, 1628 ff., 2358, 2363, 3316 word class → class word-class transition 2214, 2217 f., 2220 word coinage 896, 2194, 2784, 3490 word-creation 2, 388, 511, 485–499, 1007, 1629, 1734, 1736 ff., 1750, 1756, 1991, 2118, 2126 ff., 2193 ff., 2197 ff., 2203,

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Subject index 2311, 2408, 2503, 2522, 2637, 2728, 2807, 2851, 2910, 2928, 2976, 3212, 3255, 3273, 3305, 3347, 3624 word family 510, 526, 994, 1004 ff., 1340, 1750, 1770, 1848, 1868, 1896, 2139 ff., 2179 ff., 2293, 2302, 2333 f., 2341 ff., 2874, 2893, 3234 word family dictionary → dictionary word form 1, 4, 44, 113, 115, 127, 131 ff., 179, 181, 208, 214, 228, 250, 254, 285, 302, 310 f., 352 ff., 381, 545, 609, 781, 788, 974, 1006, 1151, 1172, 1187, 1254, 1391, 1703, 1828, 2024, 2120, 2141, 2160, 2163, 2167, 2274, 2357, 2367, 2375, 2378, 2501, 2509, 3083, 3475, 3673 word-formation −, analogical 829, 836, 1041, 2909 −, conscious 2091 f. −, foreign 1561–1579, 1598–1614, 1615– 1636, 1637–1659, 1660–1678, 1679–1969, 1777, 1872, 1886, 2290, 2550, 2900, 2934 −, historical 1867–1913, 1914–1930, 2002, 2021–2041, 2096–2116 −, learned 1564, 2579 f. −, loan 1616, 1619 f., 2193, 2196 −, mimetic 3370 −, neoclassical 258, 492, 2048, 2262, 2446, 2501, 2548, 2573 f., 2595, 2834, 2875, 3000, 3074, 3124, 3159, 3505, 3530, 3642 −, paradigmatic 278, 344, 860, 2345, 2844, 2864 −, primary 1878 −, secondary 661, 1568 −, semiotic 2307 −, syntagmatic 2345 −, valency-changing 315, 1424–1466 −, visually marked 2307, 2324 word-formation analysis → analysis word-formation category → category word-formation change → change word-formation dictionary → dictionary word-formation error → error word-formation history → history word-formation meaning → meaning word-formation motivation → motivation word-formation paradigm → paradigm word-formation pattern → pattern word-formation principle → principle word-formation research 1–23, 22–37 word-formation research, modalityoriented 2327

Language index word-formation research, visio-linguistic 2307, 2326 word-formation rule → rule word-formation semantics → semantics word-formation stem → stem word-formation synonymy → synonymy word-formation type → type word-forming 40, 67, 70, 1305, 1402, 2163, 2343, 2873 word-group derivation → derivation word manufacturing 2408, 2448 f. word order 193, 197, 370, 429, 453, 619, 623, 670, 1021, 1201, 1352, 1507, 1609, 1716 f., 1746, 1921, 2006, 2054, 2081, 2262, 2434, 2624, 2664, 2808, 2835, 3054, 3159, 3233, 3579, 3596, 3644, 3666, 3695, 3708 word play 486, 491, 1011 f., 1015, 1753, 2131, 2889 word shortening 352–363 word splitting 2091 word stem → stem word structure, hierarchical 261 Wortstand 70

3767

Z zero 83, 271 f., 712, 854, 1795, 1799, 2233 zero affix → affix zero-allomorph → allomorph zero derivation → derivation zero exponence → exponence zero inflection → inflection zero interfix → interfix zero link 569, 575 zero linking element → element, linking zero marking → marking zero morpheme → morpheme zero nominalization → nominalization zero prefix → prefix zero polarity 1366 zero suffix → suffix zero suffixation → suffixation zero valence (zero-place verb) 958, 1426 f. zero vowel 267 Zusammenbildung 370, 533, 583 f., 1906 Zusammenrückung 1870, 2126 f.

II. Language index The language index is, firstly, a register of the names of the European languages treated in the individual portraits of volumes 4 and 5 of the handbook. In addition to the individual language names, names of the larger language families or language groups to which these individual languages belong have been added as well as names of the major dialects treated in connection with the individual European languages. Finally, we have also included the names of the non-European languages that, together with the European languages, have been used to exemplify crucial points of the theoretical discussion in the handbook.

A Abaza 1342, 3489 Abkhaz 271, 713 f., 871, 1021, 3489–3508 Abzakh 3509 Abzhywa 3498, 3506 Adyghe 251, 543, 1347, 3489, 3508–3527 Ahchypsy 3489 Afar 1175 Afrikaans 468, 476, 541, 576 f., 591, 611 ff., 1395, 1402 Aghul 273 f., 1270, 1352, 3190, 3546, 3552, 2559, 3579–3595 Akan 274 Akhvakh 479, 1281, 1517, 1525 f., 3685– 3694

Albanian 264, 287, 329, 478, 544, 716, 1200, 1392, 1397 f., 1517, 1519, 1523, 1527, 1959 ff., 2110, 3124–3137, 3564 f. Amele 472 American Sign Language (ASL) 708, 2225– 2251 Ancient Greek 22, 44, 477, 506, 538, 689, 1190, 1280 f., 1285, 1309, 1392, 1397, 1400 ff., 1583, 1662, 1664, 1981, 2041– 2061, 2644, 2657, 3138–3156 Andic 3686, 3688, 3692, 3695, 3708, 3719 Apsheron Tat 3179 Aqusha 3639 Arabic 178, 305, 1166, 1173, 1176, 1185, 2611, 3039, 3185 f., 3188, 3194, 3349–

3768 3366, 3367, 3370, 3377, 3381, 3386, 3388, 3401 f., 3405 f., 3418, 3423, 3427 f., 3537, 3548, 3573, 3583, 3595, 3605–3622, 3622– 3638, 3668, 3700 Arabo-Persian 3436 Aragonese 539, 645, 1864 Aramaic 3185, 3610 Archi 3595–3604 Armenian 1400, 3564 f., 3572 f. Aromanian 1957 Asmat 224 Athapaskan 304 Austrian Sign Language 2231, 2234 Avar 368, 715, 3489, 3595 f., 3623, 3658– 3678, 3678, 3680 ff., 3685–3694, 3694– 3707 Avar-Andic (Avar-Andian) 3623, 3719 Avar-Andic-Tsezic 3658, 3686, 3689, 3695, 3708 Azerbaijani 3564 Azeri 305, 542, 2097, 2106, 3179–3196, 3536–3546, 3546–3563, 3564–3578, 3581, 3585, 3592, 3605–3622 Azeri Turkic 3605

B Baale 1174 Bagirmi 472, 477 Balkar 3414 Baltic 715, 1189, 1519, 1611, 3089–3106, 3107–3123, 3442 Balto-Finnic (Baltic Finnic) 1280 f., 3211, 3213 Bashkir 243 f., 259, 3386–3397, 3398, 3414, 3459 Basic English 2211 ff. Basque 267, 326, 329, 374, 426 f., 468, 478, 508, 517–524, 716, 724 f., 1189, 1200, 11272, 1392, 1395, 1399 f., 1434, 1446, 1516 ff., 1523, 1525, 1611, 1864, 3327– 3348 Belarusian 265, 1727, 2035, 2932–2953 Bergamasque 638, 647 Besleney (Besney) 3528 Bezhta 326 f., 3658–3678, 3716 Bikol 133 Borch 3536 Bosco Gurin 260 Bosnian 1164, 1168, 1548, 1605, 1721 f., 1725 f., 1845, 1847, 2038, 3038–3049

Subject index Botlikh 3678–3685 Breton 100, 287, 318, 440, 1172 f., 1177 ff., 1185 f., 1230, 1232 ff., 1281, 1516 ff., 1611, 2276, 2752–2768 Budugh 1269, 1280, 3546–3563 Bulgarian 224, 263, 278, 308, 330, 743, 747 f., 773, 870, 958, 962 f., 965 ff., 973, 975 ff., 1150, 1347, 1493, 1498, 1506, 1525 f., 1721, 1726, 1844 f., 1847, 1850, 1864, 1973, 2022 f., 2032, 2034, 2038, 2087, 2338, 3049–3069 Burushaski 1173, 1309 Bzhedukh 3509 Bzyp 3489

C Catalan 279, 520, 528, 539, 551, 628, 631, 638, 641, 644, 692 f., 701 f., 717, 1200, 1221 ff., 1308, 1605, 1611, 1647, 1762, 1826, 1828, 1835 f., 1838, 1854, 1933, 1941, 1951, 1963, 2161, 2234, 2630, 2641– 2661, 2700 Catalan Sign Language 2234 Celtic 1200, 1230–1241, 1519, 1521, 1649, 2002, 2752–2768, 2769–2781, 2782–2810 Chamorro 469, 476 Chechen 3489, 3596, 3623 Cheremis 3275 Chichewa 1446, 1458 f. Chimwiini 1446 Chinese 251, 368, 407, 495, 532, 542, 850, 1184, 2130, 2197, 2203 ff., 2366, 2378 Choctwa 266 Chukchi 313 f., 316, 1435, 1465 Chuvash 273, 368 f., 379, 478, 710, 715, 1352 f., 3287, 3400, 3451–3467 Circassian 276, 3489, 3490, 3509, 3521, 3530 Comanche 416 Comox 1452 Cornish 1172 f., 1230, 1232, 1234 f., 2752 Corsican 1605, 1611, 2694 f. Crimean Karaim 3414, 3443 Crimean Tatar 368, 3398, 3414–3433 Crimean Turkish 3415 Croatian 330, 1164, 1168, 1277, 1313, 1331, 1493, 1500 f., 1548, 1551 ff., 1558, 1605, 1720–1730, 1845, 1847, 2038, 2083, 2234, 2237, 2240, 2243, 2998–3016, 3038–3048

Language index Croatian Sign Language 2234, 2237, 2240, 2243 f. Czech 227, 247, 306 f., 387, 689, 757–779, 1022, 1165, 1167 f., 1190, 1320, 1330 f., 1345, 1361 ff., 1371, 1400, 1493, 1495 ff., 1520 ff., 1546 f., 1550 ff., 1607, 1680, 1683, 1721, 1726 f., 2038, 2252, 2256 ff., 2341, 2345, 2356, 2854, 2872–2891

3769 Erzya Mordvin 707–727, 3288–3307 Esperanto 2210–2225 Estonian 340 f., 1200 f., 1310, 1354, 1394, 1520, 1730–1744, 2062, 2065 ff., 2074 f., 3228–3259, 3275 Evenki 312

F D Daco-Romanian 1957, 1959, 1972 Danish 55, 198 f., 231, 285, 329, 357, 452, 454, 478, 574, 576 ff., 613, 621, 1163, 1201, 1394, 1398, 1436, 1439 ff., 1568, 1640, 2098, 2366, 2489 ff., 2505–2524, 2535, 2539, 2595 Danubian Latin 1959 Dargi 3623 f. Dargwa 3489, 3598, 3638–3658 Datooga 220 Derbet 3468 Digor 1352, 3157–3179 Dobruja Tatar 3414 f., 3417, 3420, 3422, 3424 Dutch 89, 190 ff., 225, 247 f., 251 f., 263, 269, 272, 280 ff., 331, 334, 340, 344, 357, 359 f., 392, 425, 437 f., 440 f., 451 ff., 457 f., 502 f., 541, 574 ff., 582, 591, 597 f., 611 ff., 623, 645, 829, 835, 853, 868 ff., 882, 886, 910, 958, 1135, 1151, 1163, 1172, 1200, 1300, 1306 f., 1311, 1317 ff., 1333, 1394 f., 1398 ff., 1414, 1421, 1517, 1523, 1525, 1527, 1567 f., 1587, 1605, 1854, 2121, 2149 f., 2427–2451, 2453 ff., 2491, 2974

E East Caucasian 3180, 3489, 3536, 3546, 3556, 3564, 3605 f., 3608, 3610, 3615, 3617, 3623, 3630 ff., 3634 f. East Slavic 2913–2931, 2932–2952, 2953– 2978, 3057 Eastern Oromo 472 Eastern Samur 3564 Endo 224 Enets 1483 ff., 1488, 1490, 2062, 3202 English 894–917, 918–931, 932–944, 1637– 1660, 1914–1930, 2411–2427, 3349, 3363– 3365

Faroese 264, 287, 574 ff., 611 ff., 617 f., 2487–2505, 2579, 2581 Fijian 469 Finnic 715, 2062–2079, 3230, 3237, 3250, 3452, 3211, 3213 Finnish 89, 283, 285, 331, 340 f., 387, 1021 f., 1163 f., 1167, 1201, 1280, 1352, 1354, 1392 f., 1506, 1518, 1520 ff., 1526 f., 1731, 1734, 1736 f., 1740, 1742, 2062, 2064 ff., 2156, 2363, 2366, 2378, 3209– 3228, 3230, 3275 Finno-Permic 3293 Finno-Ugric 340, 715, 1198, 1200, 1205, 1248, 2062, 2067, 2069, 2079 ff., 2085, 3108, 3210, 3219, 3222, 3275 f., 3279, 3284, 3288 f., 3290 f., 3293, 3296, 3300 Finno-Volgaic 3288, 3293 Forest Nenets 3197, 3204 f. French 512, 543 ff., 560, 640 f., 673–687, 727–741, 786, 933, 945–956, 1014, 1213, 1287, 1298, 1609, 1641 f., 1644, 1646, 1652, 1708–1719, 1747, 1762, 1811–1824, 1834, 1836 ff., 1864, 1903, 1922, 1939 f., 1963, 1975–2000, 2381, 2446, 2483, 2514 ff., 2563, 2661–2682, 2707, 2714 ff., 2735, 2739, 2748, 2755, 2762 f., 2773, 2784 Frisian 264, 282, 287, 329, 425, 541, 574 ff., 1288, 2451–2465 Fula 224, 1456

G Gagauz 479, 544, 1200, 2097, 3433–3442 Galician 1611, 1943 ff. Gayo 472 Georgian 1433, 3167, 3536, 3564, 3567, 3663 f. German 582–593, 594–610, 1373–1389, 1615–1637, 1696–1708, 1794–1810, 1867– 1914, 2387–2410

3770 Germanic 8, 43, 190, 193, 199 f., 264, 269, 276, 326, 333, 340, 365 f., 369, 371, 373 f., 378, 388, 391, 440, 456, 533, 568–582, 586, 590 f., 594, 611–626, 627, 642, 645, 650, 652, 673, 683, 711, 882, 910, 918, 928, 934, 959, 968, 973, 1089, 1205, 1255, 1260, 1279, 1291 f., 1298, 1308, 1318 f., 1342, 1360–1373, 1398, 1409, 1436, 1449, 1500, 1519 f., 1525, 1531, 1563, 1567 f., 1607, 1639, 1668, 1670, 1916 f., 2120, 2122, 2131, 2260, 2387–2410, 2411–2427, 2427–2451, 2451–2465, 2465–2486, 2487– 2505, 2505–2524, 2525–2554, 2554–2578, 2578–2599 German Sign Language 483, 2240 Gheg 3124, 3127 ff. Godoberi 1200 Golin 1347 Gothic 910, 1188, 1191, 1288 Greek 22 f., 29, 32 f., 39, 42, 89, 90, 244, 258, 269, 306, 318, 328 f., 374, 491 f., 538, 540 f., 543, 591, 708, 715 f., 766, 805, 888, 919, 949, 958, 968, 981, 1176, 1200, 1238, 1257, 1270, 1280, 1285, 1300, 1392, 1394 ff., 1397, 1400, 1402, 1456, 1517 f., 1522 f., 1525, 1527, 1562 ff., 1567, 1570, 1573 f., 1582 ff., 1600 ff., 1617, 1623, 1629, 1631, 1638, 1643 ff., 1649, 1652, 1655, 1664, 1667, 1681, 1700 f., 1711, 1713, 1721, 1724, 1765, 1773, 1811, 1817, 1850, 1861, 1863, 1926, 1936, 1945, 1958, 1960 ff., 1976, 1979, 1981, 1984, 2022, 2032 ff., 2041–2061, 2066, 2110, 2180, 2185, 2196, 2215, 2261 f., 2296, 2341, 2429, 2563, 2568, 2603, 2629, 2644, 2647, 2722, 2767, 2775, 2956, 3000, 3004, 3020, 3058 ff., 3080, 3138–3156, 3215, 3362 Greenlandic 417, 1197, 1434

H Halich Karaim 3448 Halkomelem 1444, 1449, 1451 f. Hausa 219, 231 Hebrew 23, 103, 228, 256 f., 267 f., 275, 305, 341, 395, 398, 430, 472, 869, 1166, 1413, 2121, 2131, 2142, 2156, 2377, 3183, 3444 Hiaki 420 Hill Mari 3275 Hmong Daw 369, 713 Hmong Njua 472

Subject index Hungarian 226, 247, 257, 263, 283, 306, 308, 327, 425, 478, 502, 508, 510, 541, 652, 660–672, 709, 712, 715, 862, 1021 f., 1167, 1200, 1241–1253, 1269, 1280 f., 1298, 1332, 1352, 1354, 1392, 1395 ff., 1446, 1460, 1517 ff., 1523, 1525, 1527, 1680, 1721, 1727 f., 1864, 1961, 1964 ff., 1973, 2062, 2065 ff., 2079–2096, 2380, 3001, 3019, 3206, 3275, 3308–3326 Hupa 220 Huppuq’ 3579, 3588, 3590

I Icelandic 90, 263, 269, 282 f., 357 f., 425, 543, 574 f., 611 ff., 617 ff., 908, 910, 1164, 1201, 1432, 1436, 1438, 1456, 1524, 1611, 2121, 2489, 2578–2599 Ido 2213 Ilocano 229 Indo-European 38 f., 44, 47 f., 67, 223, 258, 263, 276, 305, 326, 331–334, 478, 505 f., 627, 689, 715 f., 945, 1020, 1160, 1183, 1189, 1270, 1274, 1288, 1310, 1402, 1428, 1449, 1501, 1602 f., 1768, 1830, 1875, 1881, 1906, 1917, 1950, 1958 f., 2001 ff., 2015 ff., 2022, 2026, 2097, 2099, 2108, 2110, 2204, 2387–2410, 2411–2427, 2427– 2451, 2451–2465, 2465–2486, 2487–2505, 2505–2524, 2525–2554, 2554–2578, 2578– 2599, 2600–2619, 2620–2640, 2641–2661, 2661–2682, 2682–2693, 2693–2712, 2712– 2731, 2731–2751, 2752–2768, 2769–2781, 2782–2810, 2811–2831, 2831–2852, 2852– 2771, 2872–2891, 2892–2912, 2913–2931, 2932–2953, 2953–2978, 2979–2998, 2998– 3016, 3017–3037, 3038–3049, 3049–3069, 3070–3086, 3196, 3205, 3327, 3369, 3125, 3140, 3205, 3327, 3369 Indo-Iranian 326, 542, 3157–3179, 3179– 3196 Indonesian 1162, 1189, 1410 Ingush 3489 Inkhokwari 3708 Interlingua 2211 ff. Iranian 3157, 3179 f., 3185, 3189, 3194, 3546, 3557, 3565, 3572, 3606–3608, 3632 Irish 90, 1179 ff., 1186, 1200 f., 1230 ff., 1281, 1328, 1336 f., 1343, 1639, 1655, 2000–2021, 2775, 2782–2810 Iron 3157–3179

Language index Israeli Sign Language 2247 Istro-Romanian 1958 Italian 780–802, 1467–1482, 1660–1679, 2712–2731, 3124, 3148, 3150 ff., 3349, 3359–3365 Italian Sign Language 2234 Itelmen 1173 Itsari 1352, 3638–3657 Ixrek 3540

J Jamaican Creole 474 Japanese 128, 219, 353, 850, 1137, 1343, 1446 f., 1455 ff., 1562, 2205, 2378 Jewish Tat 3179 ff., 3186, 3190, 3193 Juhuri 3180

K Kabardian 276, 333, 1278, 1298, 1354, 3489, 3516, 3518, 3527–3535 Kaitag 3639 Kalkatunga 1455 Kalmyk 282, 1200, 1270, 3468–3488 Kamas 1483 Kannada 872 Kapuchi 3658 Karachay 3414 Karachay-Balkar 3414 Karaim 274, 479, 715, 1353, 3414, 3442– 3451 Karakalpak 3414 Karao 219, 221 Karelian 2062, 3230 Kashubian 286, 1550, 1555, 1844 ff., 2852– 2871 Kazakh 3375, 3398, 3414, 3420, 3424 f., 3443 Kazan Tatar 711, 716, 3398, 3400 Keren 3589 f. Ket 228, 304 Khanty 2062 Khasharkhota 3658 Khinalug 282, 305, 3555, 3559, 3605–3622 Khmer 265 Khoshut 3468 Khwarshi 325, 3707–3720 Kinyarwanda 1449, 1451 ff.

3771 Kipchak 2097, 2103, 3386, 3398, 3400, 3443, 3446, 3606, 3608 f., 3617, 3623 Kipchak Turkic 3443, 3609, 3623 Kirghiz 3398, 3414 Kirmanji 1200 Koasati 477 Komi 479, 711 f., 715, 3260–3274 Komi-Permyak 3260 f. Komi-Zyryan 727, 1200, 3260–3274 Korean 400, 1448, 1455 Koyukou 220 Krymchak 3414 f. Kryz 3546, 3553, 3555 f., 3559 ff. Kubachi 3639 Kujamaat Jóola 229 Kumux 3623 Kumyk (Kumuk) 3414, 3622–3638 Kumyk Turkic 3622 Kusaie 872 Kusunda 1457 Kwantlada 3708

L Ladin 646 ff., 1604 f., 1948, 2110, 2682–2693 Lahic 3179 Lak 326, 1352, 3489, 3606, 3622–3638 Latin 23, 27 ff., 39, 59, 88, 99, 114, 205, 222, 255 f., 304, 316, 330 f., 344, 353 f., 374, 477, 492, 505, 508, 520, 525, 530 f., 538 ff., 556, 563 f., 591, 627 f., 638 ff., 650, 652, 688 f., 780–802, 852, 862, 868, 924, 949, 951, 1002, 1005, 1007, 1014, 1061, 1164 f., 1186, 1190 f., 1213, 1219, 1223, 1230, 1235, 1238, 1269 ff., 1277, 1281, 1287, 1299 f., 1305 f., 1308 ff., 1334 f., 1341, 1343, 1346 ff., 1354, 1364, 1392 f., 1396 f., 1400 ff., 1438, 1472, 1523, 1527, 1529, 1541, 1555, 1562 f., 1572 ff., 1599 ff., 1616 ff., 1627 f., 1631 ff., 1637 ff., 1660– 1679, 1680 f., 1685, 1700, 1711, 1721, 1731, 1735, 1747, 1762 ff., 1773 f., 1776 ff., 1805, 1817, 1825 ff., 1854, 1856 ff., 1872, 1879, 1915, 1921 ff., 1931–1957, 1957– 1975, 1976, 1979 ff., 2002, 2008 f., 2012, 2016, 2047 ff., 2083, 2086, 2088, 2090, 2092, 2185, 2196 f., 2202, 2205, 2212, 2215, 2253, 2262, 2296, 2301, 2338, 2447, 2530, 2563, 2568 ff., 2609 f., 2623, 2627, 2647, 2657, 2671, 2703, 2714 ff., 2724 f., 2774 ff., 2834, 2855, 3000, 3020, 3058,

3772 3095 f., 3141, 3150, 3215, 3249, 3335, 3339, 3349, 3359, 3434, 3359, 3434, 3595, 3606, 3623, 3639 Latino sine flexione 2211 ff. Latvian 271, 283, 326, 713, 715, 1201, 1396, 1611, 2065, 3090, 3107–3123 Lavukaleve 471 f., 477 Leti 182 ff. Lezgian (Lezgi) 472, 1189, 3190, 3489, 3536, 3538, 3546, 3550, 3554 ff., 3559 ff., 3564, 3570, 3579 f., 3590, 3595, 3605, 3615 f., 3623 Lithuanian 268, 276, 326, 328, 505, 540 f., 543, 545, 723, 1189, 1201, 1279, 1395, 1517, 1524, 3089–3106, 3107 f., 3120, 3442 f., 3448 Livonian 2062–2074, 3230 Lombard 645 f. Low German 1733, 1868, 2070, 2074 Lower Sorbian 254 f., 259, 271, 1844, 1846 Luo 181, 2130

M Maasai 1449 ff. Macedonian 255, 773, 1500 f., 1721, 1726, 1844, 1846, 1848, 2023, 2032, 2038, 3070– 3986 Macedo-Romanian 1957 Malagasy 472 Malayo-Polynesian 474 Maltese 267 f., 305, 541, 544, 1173, 1176, 1186, 1201, 1517 f., 1523, 1605, 3349– 3367 Mangaryi 474, 871 Mansi 2062 Marathi 341 Mari 369, 478, 708, 710, 712, 1200, 1205, 2062, 2074, 3275–3288, 3452, 3458 f. Marshallese 476 Meadow Mari 712, 3275 Medieval Latin 23, 1580, 1648 f., 1834, 1934, 1936, 1941, 1944, 1961 f., 2715 f. Megleno-Romanian 1957, 1959, 1663, 1972 Megrelian 1200 Mehweb 3639 Miraña 1181 Mishar 3398 Mohawk 417 ff., 422, 1445 Mokilese 476, 478

Subject index Moksha 2062, 3288–3307 Moldavian 1605 Mongolic 1200, 2100, 3452, 3468–3488 Mordvinic 369, 378 f., 707–727, 1189, 3288– 3307 Mukhad 3536 Mukhrek-Ikhrek 3536

N Nakh 3606, 3623 Nakh-Daghestanian 714, 1207, 3579, 3595, 3599, 3601, 3639, 3658, 3686, 3695, 3708 Nama 476 Nêlêmwa 220 Nenets 313, 1200, 1273, 1352, 1354 ff., 1483 ff., 2062, 2066, 3197–3209 Neo-Latin 90, 799, 862, 1305, 1328, 1562, 1571, 1580–1597, 1603, 1619, 1661, 1664, 1926, 1979 ff., 1984, 1988, 2625, 2716 Nganasan 1310, 1483 f., 1486 ff., 2062 f., 2070, 3200, 3202, 3204 Ngbaka 270 Ngiyambaa 469, 478 Nij 3564, 3573 ff. Niue 1445 Noghay 3414 North Caucasian 327, 3489, 3490 Northeast Caucasian 268, 326, 3536–3545, 3546–3563, 3564–3578, 3579–3594, 3595– 3604, 3605–3622, 3622–3638, 3638–3658, 3658–3678, 3678–3685, 3685–3694, 3694– 3707, 3707–3720 Northern Akhvakh 3686 Northern Paiute 415 Northwest Caucasian 276, 543, 711, 713, 3489–3508, 3508–3527, 3527–3535 North-Western Turkic 3414, 3422, 3446 Norwegian 198 ff., 357, 611 ff., 617 ff., 623, 1201, 1398, 1436, 1439 f., 1442, 1516, 1604, 1640, 2068, 2522, 2525–2554

O Occitan 520, 553 f., 559, 560, 563, 564, 1224, 1308, 1835 ff., 1933, 1937, 1939 ff., 1987, 2642 Occidental 2211 ff. Oghur 3452

Language index Oghuz 3179, 3367, 3433 Oirat 3468 f. Old Church Slavonic 766, 1768, 2022 ff., 2027, 2032 ff., 2976, 3049 Old French 1975–2000 Old Hungarian 2079–2096 Old Irish 2000–2021 Oneida 1445 Ossetic 478, 544, 1352, 1354, 3157–3179 Ottoman Turkish 2107, 2091, 3127, 3367 f., 3371

P Papiamentu 476 Pawnee 250 Pehlevi 3572 Permic 2062, 2069, 3260–3274 Persian 544, 2099, 2104 ff., 3179–3196, 3367, 3370, 3373, 3388, 3401 f., 3418 f., 3423, 3427, 3436 f., 3452, 3458 f., 3537, 3570–3577, 3583, 3592, 3605–3620, 3622 f., 3632 f., 3694, 3699 Plains Cree 472 Polish 7, 89, 195, 198, 240 f., 245, 249, 263, 275 f., 309, 315, 332, 342, 359, 374, 388, 478, 543 f., 742–756, 757–779, 853, 958, 963 ff., 1022 f., 1028, 1135 f., 1167 f., 1190 f., 1202, 1280, 1328 ff., 1336, 1344 f., 1347, 1361, 1367, 1493, 1497, 1502, 1506, 1520 ff., 1546 ff., 1571, 1602, 1616, 1679– 1696, 1726, 1747, 1842 f., 1845, 1847 ff., 2121, 2130, 2145, 2149 f., 2345 f., 2376, 2474, 2831–2852, 2855 ff., 2870 Ponto-Caspian Tatar 3414 Portuguese 248, 322, 357 ff., 372 f., 476 ff., 489, 539, 541, 551, 628, 641, 644, 697, 716, 1221 f., 1224 f., 1279, 1313, 1519, 1523 f., 1531 ff., 1537 f., 1638, 1644 ff., 1836, 1858, 1861, 1864, 1935, 1944, 1950, 1963, 2378, 2600–2619 Proto-Circassian 3530 Proto-Romanian 1957, 1959, 1966 Proto-Slavonic 1844, 1846 f., 1849, 2022 ff., 2031 ff.

Q Quechua

1443, 1447, 1458

3773

R Rhaeto-Romance 638 f., 645 ff. Romance 524–536, 551–568, 627–659, 688– 706, 1209–1229, 1528–1545, 1824–1842, 1854–1866, 1931–1957, 2600–2619, 2620– 2640, 2641–2661, 2661–2682, 2682–2693, 2693–2712, 2712–2731, 2731–2751 Romanian 220, 264, 269, 324, 331, 372, 551, 556, 628, 641 f., 652 ff., 688, 690 f., 1198, 1200, 1213, 1217, 1219 ff., 1517, 1519, 1523, 1534, 1769, 1825, 1862, 1864, 1938 ff., 1946 ff., 1957–1975, 2377, 2705, 2731–2751 Russian 86, 88 f., 244 f., 250, 253, 255 f., 263 ff., 268, 277 f., 288, 302, 314 ff., 330, 357, 359 f., 388, 405 ff., 452, 502, 510, 512, 544, 664, 707 ff., 712, 715, 722 f., 742–756, 757–779, 854, 870, 958, 963, 965 ff., 972–983, 1009 ff., 1020 ff., 1028, 1032, 1132, 1136, 1160, 1165 ff., 1175, 1178, 1180, 1185, 1190, 1202, 1204 f., 1254, 1260, 1277, 1279 f., 1288, 1294 f., 1320, 1328, 1354, 1364, 1369, 1371, 1392, 1456, 1493 ff., 1518, 1522 ff., 1546 ff., 1603, 1611, 1680 ff., 1720 ff., 1732 ff., 1744–1760, 1843, 1846 ff., 2033 ff., 2068, 2073 f., 2179 ff., 2255 ff., 2336 ff., 2377 f., 2470, 2485, 2935, 2953–2978, 3018, 3082, 3157, 3162, 3164–3167, 3173, 3184, 3188, 3198, 3260, 3262, 3265 f., 3273, 3276, 3293–3299, 3300–3305, 3386–3397, 3398 f., 3400, 3402 f., 3405, 3411, 3415– 3418, 3433, 3436, 3439 f., 3452, 3458 f., 3466, 3468, 3470, 3490 f., 3505 f., 3511, 3516, 3525, 3529 f., 3534, 3536 f., 3564, 3579, 3581, 3591, 3595, 3597, 3605, 3623, 3645, 3662 f., 3667, 3678, 3700, 3702, 3708, 3710 f. Rusyn 1551 Rutul 1353, 3190, 3536–3545, 3546, 3560

S Sadz 3489 Salish 1444, 1449, 1451, 1454 f. Sámi 2063 ff. Samoyedic 313 f., 1274, 2070, 1482–1491, 3197, 3199, 3204–3207 Sanskrit 46, 222, 306, 331, 366 ff., 708, 1190, 1287, 1703, 1768, 2053, 2770, 3530

3774 Santlada 3708 Sardinian 479, 701, 1605, 1945 f., 1948, 2693–2712 Scottish Gaelic 1201, 1235, 2201, 2782, 2789 Selkup 313, 1483 ff., 1488, 2062 Semitic 103, 267 f., 305, 313, 506, 509, 715, 1176, 1286 f., 2231, 3349–3366 Serbian 689, 773, 1164, 1202, 1522 ff., 1548, 1554, 1605, 1721 ff., 1845, 1847, 2038, 2083, 3017–3037, 3039 ff. Shapsug 3509 Sicilian 651, 2694, 2705, 3349–3351, 3359– 3362 Sidamo 1175 Slavey 220 Slavic 89 f., 222 ff., 264, 269, 276, 280, 286, 306 ff., 312, 315, 317, 326, 333, 340, 366, 371, 378, 388, 505, 508, 533, 540, 545, 591, 654, 664, 689, 715, 742–757, 757– 779, 962 f., 965, 968, 973, 977 f., 982, 1023, 1028, 1032, 1190 f., 1200, 1205, 1254, 1277, 1298, 1330 f., 1334, 1360– 1373, 1449, 1492–1515, 1522 ff., 1545– 1560, 1563, 1607, 1661, 1692, 1721, 1726 f., 1747, 1777, 1842–1853, 1961 f., 2021–2041, 2120, 2146, 2150, 2263, 2337 f., 2345, 2811–2831, 2831–2852, 2852–2871, 2872–2891, 2892–2912, 2913– 2931, 2932–2953, 2953–2978, 2979–2998, 2998–3016, 3017–3037, 3038–3049, 3049– 3069, 3070–3086, 3108, 3124, 3136, 3148, 3151, 3433, 3436, 3438, 3442, 3446 ff., 3450, 3589, 3610 Slovak 81, 219, 223, 225, 265, 478, 501, 505, 507, 742–756, 1269, 1361 ff., 1370 f., 1493, 1495, 1498, 1502, 1505, 1547 f., 1552 f., 1555 f., 1558, 1721, 1726, 1843, 2259, 2892–2912 Slovene 257, 328, 773, 1395, 1400, 1721, 2346, 2979–2998 Somali 472 South Baffin Inuit 1435 South Slavic 2979–2997, 2998–3016, 3017– 3037, 3038–3048, 3049–3069, 3070–3086 Southern Akhvakh 3686 Southern Tiwa 1444 f. Southwestern Turkish 3367 Spanish 551–567, 1209–1230, 1528–1545, 2620–2640, 3327, 3330, 3346 Surmiran 650

Subject index Swahili 222, 224, 265, 472, 476, 478, 1173 Swedish 89, 198 f., 280, 340, 355, 357, 452, 574, 576 f., 611, 613, 621 f., 910, 1163, 1201, 1259, 1394, 1398, 1436, 1439, 1445, 1518, 1523, 1568, 1570, 1769, 2075, 2119, 2366, 2377, 2515, 2554–2578

T Tabasaran (Tabassaran) 3579, 3489 Tagalog 166, 266, 469, 1021 Tamil 341, 472 Tariana 1173, 1178 Tat 327, 478 f., 542, 715, 3179–3196, 3546 Tatar 711 f., 716, 2103, 3265 f., 3287, 3386, 3388, 3394, 3398–3413, 3414, 3452, 3459 Telugu 229 Temiar 274 f. Temirgoi 3509 Tetelcingo Nahuatl 423 Tibetan 373, 853, 1273, 2097 Tladal 3658 Tohono O’odham 276, 427 Tokharian 373, 1273 Tok Pisin 707, 714 Torgut 3468 Tosk 3124 Trentino 638, 647 f. Tsabal 3489 Tsaxur 3540 Tsezic 305, 3658, 3671, 3695, 3708, 3716, 3719 Tsudakhar 3639 Tundra Nenets 1484, 3197–3209 Turkana 1181 Turkic 276, 305, 326, 542, 710, 715 f., 721, 1200, 1298, 1483, 2074, 2097 ff., 3179 f., 3193, 3287, 3367–3385, 3386–3397, 3398– 3413, 3414–3433, 3433–3442, 3442–3451, 3451–3467, 3517, 3537, 3546, 3562, 3574, 3577, 3583, 3601, 3615, 3632, 3637, 3645, 3668, 3694, 3700 Turkish 179, 226, 305, 324, 469, 478, 508, 542 ff., 711, 715 f., 1159 ff., 1167, 1197, 1200, 1205, 1298, 1344, 1354, 1392, 1395, 1397 f., 1518 ff., 1523 f., 1548, 1680, 1721, 1724, 1777, 1850, 1958, 1961, 1965, 1968, 1973, 2038, 2045, 2047, 2050, 2056, 2096– 2116, 2363, 2732, 3018, 3039, 3041, 3047,

Language index 3059, 3076 f., 3124, 3127, 3148, 3150, 3367–3385, 3386–3389, 3391, 3395, 3414– 3429, 3433 f., 3436, 3438 f., 3445, 3448, 3606, 3621

3775 Volga Tatar 3398 Votyak 3260

W U Ubykh 3489, 3490 Udi 1298, 3489, 3564–3578 Udihe 220 Udmurt 478, 3260–3274, 3458 Ukrainian 283, 325, 328, 743, 747, 963, 975, 1167, 1438, 1550, 1552, 1727, 1843, 1845, 1846, 2035, 2343, 2913–2931 Upper Necaxa Totonac 220 f., 230 Upper Sorbian 311, 1553, 1844, 1846, 2035, 2811–2831 Uralic 276, 326, 333, 478, 708, 1200, 1274, 1280 f., 1483 f., 1740, 1768, 2061–2079, 3197–3209, 3209–3228, 3228–3259, 3260– 3274, 3275–3288, 3288–3387, 3308–3326, 3458 Urarina 1346 f. Uraxi 3639 Urum 3414

Warao 1345 Welsh 264, 333, 477, 1172 f., 1177 f., 1180, 1185, 1201, 1230 ff., 1394, 1400, 1519, 1523, 1525, 2006, 2008 f., 2763, 2766, 2769–2781 West Circassian 3509 West Slavic 2811–2830, 2831–2850, 2851– 2871, 2872–2891, 2892–2912

X Xwayni

3708

Y Yakut 3399 Yaqui 1433 Yiddish 275, 282, 539, 543, 611, 613 ff., 1014, 1133, 1354, 2065, 2465–2486, 3186 Yucatec Maya 1429, 1457 f.

V Vartashen 3564 Venetian 648 ff. Veps 2062 f., 2073 Vietnamese 100, 200, 246, 251, 379, 714 Volapük 2211 ff.

Z Zoque 1436 Zulu 230 Zyryan 3260

Map of languages: The map plots the geographic location of the languages treated in articles 134−207 (for Yiddish this is only conditionally possible). The article number is placed in front of the language name. The articles 134−168 are found in volume 4, the articles 169−207 in volume 5.