Women's Employment in Japan : The Experience of Part-Time Workers [1 ed.] 9781136133381, 9780700717439

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Women's Employment in Japan The low status accorded to part-time workers in Japan has resulted in huge inequalities in the workplace. This book examines the problem in-depth using case-study investigations in Japanese workplaces, and reveals the extent of the inequality. It shows how many part-time workers, most of whom are women, are concentrated in low paid, low skilled, poorly unionised service sector jobs. Part-time workers in Japan work hours equivalent to, or greater than, full-time workers, but receive lower financial and welfare benefits than their full-time colleagues. Overall, the book demonstrates that the way part-time work is constructed in Japan reinforces and institutionalises the sexual division of labour. Kaye Broadbent lectures in the School of Industrial Relations, Griffith University. She co-edited Employment Relations in the Asia Pacific: Changing Approaches (2000). She has been a visiting researcher at the Institute of Social Science, University of Tokyo. Her areas of interest include gender, work and unions in a comparative context.

ASIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION OF AUSTRALIA Women in Asia Series Editor: Louise Edwards (Australian National University) Editorial Board: Susan Blackburn (Monash University) John Butcher (Griffith University) Vera Mackie (Curtin University) Anne McLaren (Melbourne University) Mina Roces (University of New South Wales) Andrea Whittaker (Melbourne University) Mukkuvar Women: Gender, Hegemony and Capitalist Transformation in a South Indian Fishing Community by Kalpana Ram 1991 A World of Difference: Islam and Gender Hierarchy in Turkey by Julie Marcus 1992 Purity and Communal Boundaries: Women and Social Change in a Bangladeshi Village by Santi Rozario l992 Madonnas and Martyrs: Militarism and Violence in the Philippines by Anne-Marie Hilsdon 1995 Masters and Managers: A Study of Gender Relations in Urban Java by Norma Sullivan 1995 Matriliny and Modernity: Sexual Politics and Social Change in Rural Malaysia by Maila Stivens 1995 Intimate Knowledge: Women and their Health in North-east Thailand by Andrea Whittaker 2000 Women in Asia: Tradition, Modernity and Globalisation by Louise Edwards and Mina Roces (eds) 2000 Violence against Women in Asian Societies: Gender Inequality and Technologies of Violence by Lenore Manderson and Linda Rae Bennett (eds) 2003 Women's Employment in Japan: The Experience of Part-time Workers by Kaye Broadbent 2003

Women's Employment in Japan The experience of part-time workers Kaye Broadbent

Routledge Taylor & Francis Group LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 2003 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Ave, New York NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor 6c Francis Group Transferred to Digital Printing 2008 © 2003 Kaye Broadbent All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. The publisher makes no representation, express or implied, with regard to the accuracy of the information contained in this book and cannot accept any legal responsibility or liability for any errors or omissions that may be made. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Broad bent, Kaye, 1961– Women's employment in Japan : the experience of part-time workers / Kaye Broadbent. p. cm. – (ASAA women in Asia) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7007-1743-9 1. Women—Employment—Japan. 2. Part-time employment—Japan. I. Title. II. ASAA women in Asia series HD6197 .B76 2003 331.4'2572–dc21 2002036710 ISBN 0-7007-1743-9 Publisher's Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original may be apparent.

Contents Series Editor's Foreword Acknowledgements

vii viii

1. Gendered employment tracks: 'part-time' versus 'life-time' Overview of part-time work in Japan Historical overview of women and work Labour market patterns for women Occupational segregation 'Lifetime' employment 'Lifetime' employment for women When is a part-time worker not a part-time worker? Methodology

1 3 4 8 9 10 14 17 19

2. Conceptualising the feminisation of part-time work in Japan Labour market theories Incorporating gender Early English language studies of work in Japan Japanese language works on part-time work and part-time workers The overrepresentation of women in part-time work Western feminists on women and work Views of Japanese feminists

26 28 31 35 36 41 43 46

3. Daiichi: introducing the supermarket giant Daiichi Employees: working for Daiichi Age limits Hachiban Part-time workers and their families Employment experience before taking on part-time work

49 50 51 54 55 57 58

4. 'With what I know, I should be a manager...' Profile of part-time workers Survey definitions of part-time workers Background to the Part-time Workers' Law The impact of gender on wages Reasons for employing part-time workers

61 62 63 65 68 70

5. 'When I get home, I have to be a mother...' 90 Nihon gata Fukushi Shakai—Japanese-style welfare society 92 The impact of legislation on the division of labour in the household 94 Wives and mothers in contemporary Japan 101 Family structure 104 Co-operation from family 106 The roles of wife and mother 108 Reasons for working part-time 115 Job satisfaction and recreation time 116 6. Power in the union? The move to enterprise-based unions Women workers and the union movement The structure of Japan's union movement Daiichi's enterprise union Low and declining unionisation among women Rengō's advocacy on the tax-free threshold

119 122 123 126 131 136 139

7. What can be said about part-time work in Japan?

141

Notes Bibliography Index

147 155 166

Series Editor's Foreword The contributions of women to the social, political and economic transformations occurring in the Asian region are legion. Women have served as leaders of nations, communities, workplaces, activist groups and families. Asian women have joined with others to participate in fomenting change at the micro and macro levels. They have been both agents and targets of national and international interventions in social policy at the level of the household and family. In the performance of these myriad roles women have forged new and modern gendered identities that are recognisably global and local. Their life experiences are rich, diverse and instructive. The books in this series testify to the central role women play in creating the new Asia and re-creating Asian womanhood. Moreover, these books attest to the resilience and inventiveness of women around the Asian region in the face of entrenched and evolving patriarchal social norms. Scholars publishing in this series demonstrate a commitment to promoting the productive conversation between Women's Studies and Asian Studies. The need to understand the diversity of experiences of femininity and womanhood around the world increases inexorably as globalisation proceeds apace. Lessons from the experiences of Asian women present us with fresh opportunities for building new possibilities for women's progress the world over. The Asian Studies Association of Australia (ASAA) sponsors this publication series as part of its on-going commitment to promoting knowledge about women in Asia. In particular, the ASAA women's caucus provides the intellectual vigour and enthusiasm that maintains the Women in Asia Series (WIAS). The aim of the series, since its inception in 1992, is to promote knowledge about women in Asia to both the academic and general audiences. To this end, WIAS books draw on a wide range of disciplines including anthropology, sociology, political science, cultural studies and history. Louise Edwards (Australian National University) Series Editor

Acknowledgements In 1985 through an arrangement with the (then) School of Modern Asian Studies, Griffith University and a junior college in Japan I had the opportunity to visit Japan for the first time. I was fortunate on so many levels. I lived with a wonderful Japanese born Korean family for a year. Life with them broadened my understanding of Japan, but also exposed me to the difficulties mature age women faced in finding paid work and then balancing this with domestic responsibilities. My inspiring and generous women colleagues afforded me the opportunity to explore these issues further. In particular I owe gratitude and thanks to Yamaoka Tamiko and Nishikawa Hiroko, who continue to provide inspiration and encouragement. As a beginning PhD candidate, I was discouraged from conducting research on women and work because I might be pigeon-holed as a women's studies person! Thankfully this view was not widespread. My research and this book have benefited from a range of conversations with friends, seminar and conference participants and fellow May Day marchers. Specifically Professors Kawanishi Hirosuke and Yamamoto Kiyoshi were supportive and encouraging in discussions, generous with introductions and advice on conducting fieldwork in Japan. Professor Ōsawa Mari was unstinting with her time, contacts, and advice on locating data and for discussions on gender in Japan. Hashimoto Kazuhide and Obata Yoshitake assisted with introductions to union officials and expanding my understanding of Japan's union movement. My experience at Daiichi's Hachiban store was made richer through the friendship and assistance I received. Without this co-operation I would not have had the freedom to conduct or complete the study. A heartfelt and sincere thanks goes to the women part-time workers who shared their time and their stories so generously. I received more than I can repay. Professor Rosemary Pringle generously read and discussed aspects of the work and Professor Joe Moore's comments assisted in the path to completion. Professors Nick Knight and Tessa Morris-Suzuki deserve special thanks and gratitude for not only taking over my supervision at the eleventh hour but for cheerfully agreeing to the extra work. Over the years Maureen Todhunter, Uchida Hiroshi, Thelma Jackson, Marga Clegg, Yamada Kazuyo, Mitsuyama Masako, Hayashi Chifuyu, Catherine Burns, Sue Trevaskes and Anne Cullen have provided (and sometimes all at once) intellectual stimulation, encouragement, support, friendship and babysitting. The assistance of Japan's Ministry of Education, the Australian Vice-Chancellors Committee Research in Asia Awards, the Australian-Japan Society, Queensland Incorporated and the School of International Business and Asian Studies and the School of Industrial Relations both of Griffith University is gratefully acknowledged. Kaye Broadbent Brisbane, June 2002

1

Gendered employment tracks: 'part-time' versus 'life-time'

In 1985 during a one-year exchange as a teacher of English to Japanese primary school children, I was surprised to discover that the company classified a female friend and colleague as a part-time employee. I was surprised my friend was classified as part-time because she team-taught the same classes, used the same curriculum and worked the same number of hours—at times, even longer—as other teachers; both Japanese and 'foreign'. Despite her qualifications and ability to speak English fluently, her 'part-time' status meant there was a considerable disparity between her employment conditions and those of both Japanese and 'foreign' full-time employees. As a student my experiences of part-time work in Australia had been positive. I sought part-time work because the flexibility of shifts and varied hours allowed me to combine work with a range of other activities. My friend did not choose to be employed as a part-time worker. For her, amongst other benefits, full-time employment would have enabled her to live independently and move into an apartment closer to work, reducing the three-hour commute from her parent's house each day. My casual discussions with this friend introduced me to the disparity in employment conditions between female and male workers and full-time and 'peripheral' workers in Japan.1 As one-fifth of Japan's non-agricultural workforce is employed part-time and women comprise 72 per cent of the parttime workforce it is a significant form of paid work for women. To understand my friend's experience further I decided to explore the definition and construction of part-time work in Japan and why women comprise the majority of the part-time workforce. Do they choose part-time work? Or does their situation resemble that of my friend, who in effect works the same hours in the same job as a full-time worker but is apparently arbitrarily classified as a parttime worker? Historically part-time work in Japan represented a 'paid work option' to utilise women's labour. This remains the case, but the workplace redundancies in the wake of the 1990s recession has contributed to growth in the number of 1

2

GENDERED EMPLOYMENT TRACKS

male short-time workers.2 Similarities exist between part-time work in Japan and part-time work in other industrialising countries but my research at Daiichi—one of Japan's national supermarket chains—indicates that part-time work, as it is constructed in Japan, has several unique features.3 As in other industrialising countries women comprise the greater proportion of part-time workers and part-time jobs are often concentrated in the low skilled, low paying jobs in service sector industries (see Blossfeld and Hakim 1997; Fagan, O'Reilly and Rubery 2000). Levels of union membership for part-time workers are also low. However, statistics and empirical data indicate that the hours, job content and responsibilities of part-time workers in Japan approximate those of full-time workers. Parity in wages, annual payments, the amount and availability of non-financial benefits, paid holidays, career paths, and training, if they exist at all, discriminate against part-time workers. Consequently, part-time workers are considered a secondary or marginal workforce. The impact of part-time work in Japan is significant because it reinforces gender divisions. Research indicates male short-time workers receive higher wages and superior employment conditions compared to part-time workers (Ōsawa 1995). This suggests the development of a gender hierarchy within the non full-time workforce replicating the gendered hierarchy existing in 'lifetime' employment. Specifically the use of the term 'part-time' to refer only to women and the treatment of women in the part-time workforce resembles the segmentation of women into the clerical track within Japan's lifetime' employment practices. However, in analysing part-time work in Japan the connection to 'lifetime' employment is rarely made. Part-time work is usually treated as distinctly separate from the wider employment context. This has discouraged a questioning of the impact on part-time workers of both 'lifetime' employment policies and practices and the gendered nature of 'lifetime' employment policies and practices. The existence of age limits restricting women's entry into full-time work contributes to the marginalisation of part-time workers. It effectively locks women into jobs in the insecure and poorly remunerated secondary labour market.4 The Part-time Workers' Law (1993) was introduced to protect parttime workers but does not cover the growing number of part-time workers working longer than 35 hours a week. Union membership rates of part-time workers are low and the predominantly enterprise-based mainstream union movement is unwilling and unable to address their specific discriminatory employment conditions. Through intensive analysis conducted in five Daiichi stores, I was able to explore my interest in the overrepresentation of women in part-time work. In this process I examined the impact of a gendered employment strategy—created by employers and later legitimised and institutionalised by the State and the mainstream enterprise union movement.5 The representation and construction of part-time workers in Japan as housewives 'filling in spare time' is reflected in the way employers value their work contribution. It is assumed married women have domestic and family responsibilities, even if they do not, and this is presumed to make them unable to dedicate themselves totally to the company. Governments and business have

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

3

viewed 'womanhood' and 'full-time paid work' as being in opposition to each other. They portray women as being capable of only performing successfully one role to the exclusion of others.6 At the same time, employers have little hesitation in encouraging women to work part-time. Employers, governments, union officials and male unionists assume part-time workers work shorter hours than full-time workers thus enabling women to combine paid work with domestic responsibilities. Intensive analysis of Daiichi's part-time workforce indicates this assumption is inaccurate. Part-time workers at Daiichi work a similar number of hours to those of full-time workers. This suggests that the structure of part-time work in Japan is an employer strategy to create a segregated employment path co-existing with and maintaining the continuation of Japan's 'lifetime' employment practices. Dressed up in the guise of 'choice' (after all it allows women the opportunity to combine domestic work and paid work!), part-time work is a compromise between governments and employers to utilise women's labour without disrupting the gendered division of labour. Moreover, Japan's dominant enterprise-based union movement supports this system. Part-time work in Japan, as it is presently constructed, does not challenge or disrupt the existing gendered division of labour and, as we will see below, this situation has significant implications for all workers. Overview of part-time work in Japan Non-full-time workers comprise 20 per cent of Japan's non-agricultural paid workforce working less than 35 hours a week (Rōdōshō 2001:35). Seventy-two per cent are concentrated in tertiary sector industries such as retail and wholesale, finance and health (Rōdōshō 2001:37). The retail, wholesale and restaurants industry category employs 39 per cent of part-time workers (Rōdōshō 2001:37) with supermarkets employing the largest percentage of this with almost 28 per cent (Rōdōshō 1997:55).7 The largest proportion of part-time workers are employed in sales (25.5 per cent) compared to 19 per cent in production and 18 per cent in service and 13 per cent in clerical (Rōdōshō 1997:15). As mentioned above 72 per cent of part-time workers are female, a figure which has remained relatively stable over the past decade. Of the female part-time workforce slightly more than half are married (Rōdōshō 2001:35) and in 1990 55 per cent had school age children (Rōdōshō 1991:94).8 There have been slight increases since 1999 in the number of part-time workers in the upper age groups, 45–54 years and 55–64 years, to 33 per cent and 16 per cent and a decrease of one per cent to 22 per cent in the 35–44 year age group (Rōdōshō 2001:37). Figures for 2001 indicate that 28 per cent of all non full-time workers, or approximately 3 million, are male (Rōdōshō 2001:36). It is unclear from this data how these workers are labelled at their workplace but this figure represents a slight increase over previous years and possibly reflects the 'restructuring' of the full-time male workforce as a consequence of the continuing recession.

4

GENDERED EMPLOYMENT TRACKS

Table 1.1:

Percentage of part-time workers by job category Total Pātotaimā Workforce

Clerical Technical Sales Service Production Transport Other

13 9 26 18 19 8 8

Female Pātotaimā 29 6 15 19 19 4 8

Male Pātotaimā 14 11 9 13 22 13 18

Female Sono ta 34 12 7 13 23 4 8

Male Sono ta 12 11 6 6 39 7 20

Source: Rōdōshō (1997), Pātotaimā no Jittai, Tokyo: 179–80. In the past thirty years the growth in part-time work reflects employer resistance to hiring women full-time workers, instead preferring to replace them with parttime workers. In the ten years since 1985 the numbers of women who work part-time increased by 90 per cent (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1996:38). In 1994 the increase in the number of part-time jobs was 9 per cent on the previous year, and in 1995 the number increased again by 14 per cent from 1994 (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1996:14). The number of part-time workers working under 35 hours per week declined by 7.3 per cent (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1996:38), indicating possibly a shift to increasing hours for part-time workers. The problem for parttime workers working more than 35 hours per week is that they fall outside the definition of 'part-time' encompassed in the Part-time Workers' Law and so are not covered by the legislation. As these figures show the numbers of part-time jobs are increasing and women are employed in the majority of these jobs. Historical overview of women and work In the last decade the terms rōdōryōku no joseika (feminisation of the workforce) and koyō no joseika (feminisation of employment) have emerged to describe trends in Japan's paid workforce.9 Both of these terms refer to an increase in the number of women, but they differ subtly in emphasis. Rōdōryoku no joseika refers to the increase in the number of women in the paid workforce. Koyō no joseika describes the changes in the employment categories for women, with more women (78.3 per cent in 1995) categorised as 'employees' rather than 'self-employed' or 'family employees'. It is certainly the case that women comprise a significant proportion of the contemporary paid workforce (40.7 per cent) (Rōdōshō 2001:1); but this is not a recent phenomenon. Women have always been a presence in Japan's paid workforce; what has changed is that more women are employed in part-time work.10 To understand employment for women in Japan it is necessary to acknowledge the strength of the ideology of ryōsai kenbo or 'good wife, wise

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

5

mother'. Recent manifestations of ryōsai kenbo embodied in the expression otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei (men have a job, women have the household) have had a significant impact on the construction of paid work for women in Japan. The modified expression otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei to shigoto (men have a job, women have the household and a job) reflects not only changes in women's work lives, but also that there has been no change for men.11 Despite recent legislation to address access to employment opportunities and equity issues, the existing gender division of labour in both the labour market and the family remains unchanged. In the early postwar period women were ousted from jobs they had often been forcibly recruited into in order to create employment opportunities for the millions of demobilised soldiers (Matsumoto 1978:56). There were no longterm facilities, conditions or policies created to encourage women to remain permanently in the interwar or postwar workforce because women were considered an auxiliary workforce (Hori 1984:28). The dominant ideology of ryōsai kenbo has been important in influencing the definition and construction of women's work, paid and unpaid, in relation to the family. According to Hori Sachiko (1984) the job category shufu pāto (housewife part-time workers) was first introduced under the Joshi Kinrō Yōin Seido (The System for Employing Women as Necessary Personnel) in March 1939 at the Fujikura Densen Company. By 1944, factories in other prefectures were introducing a similar system. A factory in Akita (northern Japan) introduced a half-day work system and another introduced a system of two shifts per day. Those employed under these systems were farmwomen working away from the farm in the agricultural off-season, or women who formerly worked in retail. The work shifts were generally from 7.00 p.m. to 12.00 p.m. and 1.00 p.m. to 6.30 p.m. depending on the employee's preference (Hori 1984:27–8). In retail Daimaru first employed part-time workers in October 1954 when it opened its Tokyo (railway) station department store. The initial group of parttime workers were women, working two shifts—the morning shift from 9.45 a.m. to 12.45 p.m. and the afternoon shift from 12.45 p.m. to 8.15 p.m. Married women generally comprised the morning staff. This initial trial by Daimaru lasted only eighteen months, but was revitalised in the mid-1970s. Daimaru's stated motivations for introducing a part-time work system were: to establish a workforce able to cope with the store's trading hours (from 10.00 a.m. to 8.00 p.m.); and, to provide employees who had married or who had dependents with the opportunity to continue working (Yamaoka 1989:37–11). The high economic growth-rates of the 1960s saw employers—particularly those from the manufacturing sector—actively recruiting married women. They were needed as an alternative labour supply to sustain industrial growth as the previous sources of labour—young people—were choosing to remain at school. Women were employed as part-time workers because of their household responsibilities. A major employer federation, Nikkeiren (The Federation of Japanese Employers' Associations), supported this employment strategy and referred to part-time workers as the 'housewife workforce' (Takenaka and Kuba 1994:72). Until 1965 the proportion of female and male non-full-time workers

6

GENDERED EMPLOYMENT TRACKS

was relatively even, but the percentage of women workers employed in the nonfull-time workforce (including casuals and temporary workers) as a percentage of the female workforce as a whole, increased four-fold from 8.9 per cent in 1960 to 32.5 per cent in 1994. The number of men employed in the non-fulltime workforce as a percentage of the male workforce, doubled from 5.2 per cent to 10.5 per cent (Gottfried and Hayashi-Kato 1998:32). According to 2000 figures, part-time workers only number 33 per cent of the female workforce and male part-time workers represent only two per cent of the total male workforce (Rōdōshō 2001:appendix 73).12 Governments and industry welcomed the increasing numbers of women in the paid (part-time) workforce, as a means of alleviating labour shortages. However, it was not long before a major demographic shift became apparent. Postwar Japan experienced a decline in the natural birth rate as women chose to have fewer children. Links were made between this choice and the increasing presence of women in the paid workforce. Public policymakers' concern at this new trend peaked in 1964 when Prime Minister Satō Eisaku, soon after his re-election, publicly appealed to women to bear more children (Buckley 1993:351). In the 1970s women's employment opportunities increased by 29 per cent compared with 21 per cent for men and, of the number of jobs created for women, 78 per cent were part-time jobs (Dore 1986:87). Hunter noted that the increase in women's employment marked a return to the prewar level, though with formal part-time employment more prevalent than previously (1990:106). Government attempts to improve the level of funding and infrastructure support for families only continued to reproduce the dominant assumption that women were primarily responsible for unpaid work in the household. The nature and degree of support given to women was calculated only as a complement to parttime employment. As Buckley argues: Government policies from the 1970s to the present in the areas of welfare, taxation, pensions and child care have continued to foreclose any realistic option for ongoing full-time employment for Japanese women (1994:155). The proportion of women production workers decreased rapidly in the 1970s with the decline of the Japanese textile and clothing industries. As Dore comments: When the textile industry hit by recession had to cut its workforce, it was made easier by the fact that a large proportion of their workers were women for whom 'lifetime' employment means until marriage and child birth (1986:94). In 1975 unemployment rose to 790,000—out of a total workforce of 52 million—presenting the nation with a 2.2 per cent unemployment rate. This figure is very low compared with the September 2001 unemployment figure of 5.3 per cent (Daily Yomiuri on-line 2001) but it was the highest Japan had experienced in fifteen years. However, these figures do not reveal the full effect of the recession on women workers. Nishikawa and Shimada indicated that in 1975 nearly one million women disappeared into the household without

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

7

registering as unemployed (1980:125–7). In discussing female unemployment, they commented: It may be possible to regard their [women's] unemployment as not a really serious social problem since many women workers participate in the labour market simply to earn additional pocket money for school tuition and fees, electric household appliances or clothing and other personal accessories (1980:130). These observations are indicative of the widespread view of paid employment for married women, that it was secondary to their roles as wife and mother and their part-time income was simply a supplement to the household budget. Representing the paid work of married women as secondary was, and still is, used to justify dismissing women workers during recession or for not offering women training or creating career paths. These attitudes are reflected in discriminatory employment practices that limit women's career options— including compulsory retirement on marriage or childbirth.13 The expansion of the service sector that occurred in the 1970s, reflected in the growth in numbers of supermarkets, was part of the general restructuring of the Japanese economy. Some of the part-time workers at Daiichi had lost their previous jobs during the restructuring of the manufacturing sector. It was the supermarket industry's expansion into the suburbs and the utilisation of the labour of married women for part-time work that brought them back into the paid workforce. Between 1975 and 1989, women filled 94 per cent of the parttime jobs created (Takenaka 1991:86). Two alternative sources were tapped— workers in the agricultural sector, of whom there was an oversupply when compared with the number of jobs, and married women. Married women were encouraged into the workforce with the government providing the childcare services and support necessary to allow them to work. It was at this time that employers developed strategies for keeping married women in the workforce, to maintain a supply of labour, without alienating their 'core' male workforce or jeopardising their 'lifetime' employment conditions. Although jobs for nonregular seasonal and day labour had existed, and women had been employed as non-full-time workers in the past, part-time work as a separate 'track' within 'lifetime' employment was created for jobs designated as 'women's work'. The implications for social welfare policies are significant. Uno argues that from 1963 to 1986 the national labour policy encouraged women to enter the paid workforce without a concomitant increase in the facilities or services, such as childcare, that would reduce their domestic responsibilities. The Working Women's Welfare Law according to Uno, emphasised the need to help women 'harmonise' domestic and paid work responsibilities. Her point is that the law was drafted with the assumption that men did not have this problem nor need their home lives to be brought into 'harmony' with their paid work (1993a: 305). The construction of part-time work has not remained static over the past decades. In the mid 1960s, married women as part-time workers were viewed and treated as an auxiliary workforce, a 'safety valve' for adjusting the workforce during the peaks and troughs in economic cycles. Or, as Kawaguchi

8

GENDERED EMPLOYMENT TRACKS

and Suzuki argue, they were seen as 'cheap and easily disposable' (1992:26). Up to the mid-1970s, employer rationale for recruiting more married women as part-time workers was a response to a labour shortfall. However, from the mid1970s the rationale shifted to cost-saving (Takenaka and Kuba 1994:97). Women part-time workers could be employed for half the price of a male fulltime worker (Shinotsuka 1982:107). The treatment of part-time workers as an auxiliary workforce continued until the late 1980s. As we will see below, these shifts in the perception and use of part-time workers are reflected in the paid work history of some of the Daiichi part-time workers. In comparing the construction of part-time employment in the 1970s with that of the late 1990s, one important difference is the increase in the number of hours worked by part-timers. From the mid-1980s the number of part-time employees working hours comparable to full-time workers has increased. But, these part-time workers do not receive the equivalent wages, benefits, and conditions that full-time workers receive. This difference has far-reaching implications for employment relations in Japan, and particularly for the increasing number of women who work part-time. Tension between elements of the bureaucracy and employers is demonstrated by governments' concerns over the declining birth-rate and the increasingly elderly population. Competing with this are the demands by employers to restructure their workforce more flexibly. Governments have been hesitant to commit to the provision of extensive public funding for welfare programmes, preferring to rely on women as providers of child and aged care. However, employers are demanding a workforce that is cheap and available. Migrant labour, a cheap source of labour in many industrialised countries, was available to Japanese employers when Japan annexed Korea as a Japanese colony in 1910—but foreign labour was not available in the postwar period. Since the late 1980s there has been an inflow of foreign labour, but much of it is 'illegal', because immigration restrictions have not been substantially relaxed.14 The use of overseas workers in supermarkets is not widespread, so married women and women with dependents remain the sole source of cheap, 'unskilled' labour. Labour market patterns for women The connection between age and the gendered division of labour has largely been responsible for the development of employment patterns for women in Japan that resemble an 'M' shaped curve. In recent decades the shape of the 'M' has changed, reflecting shifts in female lifecycles (see Figure 1.1). The Mshaped employment pattern is characterised by fewer women in paid employment between the ages 24 to 34 years. In recent years the decrease at ages 24 to 34 years is neither as sharp nor as steep as it had been in previous years. For example, in 1991 51.7 per cent of women in the 30 to 34 age group were employed but in 2001 this figure was 57.1 per cent (see Table 1.2). This reflects the greater variety in lifestyle choices for women—to remain single, to marry later or have fewer children.

9

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

Figure 1.1:

Percentage of women's labour force participation by age (1991 and 2001)

80 70 60 50

40 30 20 10

(%) 20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65–

(age in years) 2001

1991 Source: Adapted from Rōdōshō, Hataraku Josei no Jitsujō (2001:3). A further recent change is that the final peak of the M is not as sharp. This indicates women are returning or re-entering the workforce earlier and that they also desire to remain in the workforce longer (Rōdōshō 2001:3). Occupational segregation Japanese women's concentration in the low paid, low status jobs is exemplified in the microelectronics industry where 95.2 per cent of women work in key punching with only 1.2 per cent in systems engineering (Takenaka 1992:7). Ōsawa has observed that: Even though the incidence of women in professional/technical jobs peaked around 1980, this occupational category was subsequently masculinized, with the rate of masculinization significantly accelerated in the latter half of the 1980s (Ōsawa 1993a: 16). Using the OECD index for analysing job segregation, Ōsawa concludes that job segregation is low in Japan when compared with other OECD countries. However, she qualifies this by arguing that, rather than analysing segregation in Japan on the basis of broad occupational categories, more attention needs to be

10 Table 1.2:

GENDERED EMPLOYMENT TRACKS

Percentage of women's labour force participation by age (1991 and 2001) Age range 15–19 years 20–24 years 25–29 years 30–34 years 35–39 years 40–44 years 45–49 years 50–54 years 55–59 years 60–64 years 65–

1991 17.8 75.1 61.4 51.7 61.4 69.3 71.7 65.5 53.9 39.5 16.2

2001 16.6 72.7 69.9 57.1 62.6 69.6 71.8 68.2 58.7 39.5 144

Source: Adapted from Rōdōshō, Hataraku Josei no Jitsujō (2001:3). paid to company size as 44 per cent of women work in companies with less than 99 employees (Ōsawa 1992a: 16; Rōdōshō 1997:58). In his study of personnel and positions at Toshiba, Kumazawa confirmed that women were forced into low-level jobs with blocked opportunities for advancement, leaving them at the bottom of a pyramidal job structure (Kumazawa 1986). In 1988 the daily newspaper, the Nikkei Shinbun conducted a survey of 1,942 Japanese companies and found that women comprised just 1.2 per cent of all managers, with most at lower levels and concentrated in only two sectors, finance/insurance and communication/media. These sectors involve the type of 'people' skills which women are generally thought to be 'good' at. Half the firms surveyed claimed they had women managers, but it seems these were merely token positions (Molony 1995:293). The numbers of women in management have increased slightly since 1992, but overall women are still concentrated in lower levels of management. In 1995 women comprised 7.3 per cent (6.4 in 1992) of kakarichō (lower level managers), 2 (2.3) per cent of kachō (section head) and 1.5 (1.2) per cent of buchō (department head) (Rōdōshō 1996:30–1). 'Lifetime' employment Definitions and constructions of gender in Japan have had a significant impact on both the creation of employment and the division of labour in the household. One area of continuity is the use of gender as the basis for differentiating and devaluing the paid work of women as unskilled. Based on representations of work in early English language studies, researchers relying on English language materials would be forgiven for thinking all workers were continuously employed with one employer until retirement, thus receiving the benefits of

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

11

'lifetime' employment including seniority wages and membership in the company's enterprise union.15 The nenkō system, also known as the 'three treasures' of Japanese industrial relations is characterised by employment for life, seniority based wages and promotion and enterprise unionism. The nenkō system is comprised of two elements, nen referring to the seniority system and kō referring to assessments conducted by superiors of a worker's 'co-operativeness', trainability and work motivation (Kumazawa and Yamada 1989:115). Workers benefiting from 'lifetime' employment receive intra-company on-the-job training, regular promotions and wage increases based on seniority, twice yearly annual payments, paid holidays and numerous other benefits such as housing and family allowances, social security, health insurance, pensions and a retirement payment. All full-time workers' employment conditions are guaranteed by a collective agreement between management and the enterprise union, membership of which is compulsory for all full-time workers upon employment. 'Lifetime' employment refers to the full-time paid work patterns of men, and these have become the 'standard' and conflated to represent all paid work patterns. Understandings of 'lifetime' employment shifted in the 1980s to represent employment until retirement. Post 1991 with the collapse of the 'bubble' economy, the continuing recession has meant 'lifetime' employment exists for a shrinking number of male workers (Nitta 1998:279; Kyotani 1999:183). Early English language studies of work in Japan focused on industries such as the car or iron and steel industries where the workforce was then and is still almost solely male. There was no explicit acknowledgment of the bias or explanation for concentrating on industries where male workers predominate, and no indication that the work experiences of women have been ignored or may differ from those of men.16 Paid work in the retail, hospitality and health service industries has been seriously neglected, as has unpaid work. A preoccupation with the industries and elements seen to underpin Japan's economic 'miracle' has hindered our understanding of work practices in the service or feminised industries such as retail because they have been seen as marginal to the economic 'miracle'. The work experiences and employment conditions of workers in these industries, and the growing number of workers in the 'peripheral' workforce such as part-time workers, casuals, temporaries, dispatch, piece, seasonal, sub-contract and day workers, have still not been examined extensively. The paucity of research on this topic has led to the misleading conclusion that the conditions and benefits of the 'peripheral' workforce are equivalent to those of male full-time workers. The imbalance is slowly being redressed but further research into industries in the rapidly expanding service sector, the extent of unpaid work, as well as the work experiences of aged, differently-abled, women, and overseas workers is necessary to build a more representative picture of work in Japan.17 More research on workers in the so-called 'periphery' such as part-time, casual and outworkers is still necessary. Not only do women comprise the bulk of the workforce in these areas, but also employment of this kind contributes

12

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significantly to the functioning and existence of contemporary Japanese capitalism. 'Lifetime' employment in Japan is predicated on a valorisation of male work patterns—paid jobs performed by men are seen as essential and male full-time workers are regarded as the 'core' workforce. Full-time jobs and the skills they require, identified as 'male', are seen as central to an organisation. Jobs performed by women, whether full-time or part-time, are defined as peripheral and unskilled. Kumazawa argues that the sex-segregated structure of 'lifetime' employment enables male full-time workers to benefit from seniority-based conditions and lifetime employment. Female full-time workers will quit on childbirth and return after child rearing as part-time workers (1986:82). The linking of financial and non-financial benefits with an emphasis on continuity of employment clearly disadvantages women and establishes the basis for discrimination towards women workers.18 Articulating with the construction of women as a category, particularly in relation to paid work, is the definition of 'worker' in Japan. Within Japan's 'lifetime' employment practices, the construction of 'worker' resembles Pateman's analysis of a 'worker' in western society. For Pateman 'the construction of 'worker' presupposes that he is a man who has a woman, a (house)wife, to take care of his daily needs' (1988:131). Part of the gendering of the term 'worker' is the construction of women as dependent wives, supported by their husbands in return for the provision of domestic services. Women are consistently defined as unable to become workers in the same way as men because they are responsible for providing domestic services. The quasi-naturalistic conflation of women with responsibility for domestic services, and caring and nurturing is used as a means to prevent women interacting with the labour market in the same way as men. It is not the existence, per se, of domestic tasks that prevent women interacting with the labour market because these can be performed by either female or male. It is the value given to domestic responsibilities by others that has defined and constructed women. In turn, the construction of women in relation to the performance of domestic responsibilities has implications for the framing of employment policies affecting women and determining how they enter the paid workforce. What is not explicitly stated in Pateman's analysis is that women are also constructed as mothers, and it is this difference that impacts upon the construction of employment policies, especially part-time, for women in Japan. A typical pattern of employment for 'life' in a large company is to join the company after graduation, undertake on-the-job and company-specific training and be promoted regularly on the basis of age and length of service and remain until retirement (Takenaka and Kuba 1994:147–8). Male full-time workers enjoy job security and benefits by pursuing a career in one firm, a means by which employers encourage employment commitment to that firm. Retrenchment is rare, and employment is until retirement, and not for the term of the employee's life as the term 'lifetime' suggests. Promotion and wages reflect seniority, rank and evaluation in the company and not the explicit relationship to job content and skill level. Overall male employees' wages peak

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13

at age 55 years and remain at this level or decrease slightly until the employee retires. Wage increases and promotions occur regularly for each year of service. Security exists for workers who stay with the company through these practices thus reinforcing long-term employment (Gordon 1988:2–3). Takenaka and Kuba describe the post-graduation job search as being more a search for a company (shūsha) than a search for a job (shūshoku) (1994:148). Let us consider the 'lifetime' career paths of some of my co-workers at Daiichi during the period of my field work from 1991 to 1993. Ishii san was promoted to assistant section manager of the toy section just after I began my fieldwork. He had worked with the company for five years and told me his new position involved very little job change or increase in income but was just a change in title. Yokota san, a woman, had also worked with Daiichi for five years and was a 'shop master' in the novelty section. There is a policy reason for this disparity. Two to three years after joining the company some women are recommended to become shop master where they are in charge of a small specialty section and responsible for sales plans, stock control, displays, staff rosters. There is no opportunity for promotion of women beyond the shop master level. For these women there is no opportunity for advancement. Kano san was a full-time worker in the women's wear section of Daiichi's Hachiban store, and at 20 years of age had two years experience with the company. In late 1992 she passed the exam for promotion to assistant department manager. This meant that when a position at that level became available in either a Daiichi store or one of its subsidiary companies she would be promoted and transferred. Kano san's career path ended at the level of department manager, one promotion away from assistant department manager. She was placed in this career path within Daiichi when interviewed during the recruitment process. She discovered to her dismay, after some months at Daiichi, that there were several career options leading to section or store manager. At the job interview prior to her appointment, Kano san was neither informed of career structures within Daiichi nor given a choice. Kano san has secondary school qualifications and so was placed into the career path for women high-school graduates. Kano san's story is echoed in the experience of Saito san who works in the young casual section. Saito san started with Daiichi in 1990 at eighteen years old, straight after high school. At her interview she was not notified of career options but was placed by the personnel office in the department manager career path. The same educational criteria differentiate male career paths though here the scope is wider. Males enter the store manager career path on recruitment, and within a few years can choose from a range of managerial career options. Choices include paths with transfers nationally or internationally, or paths that remain within a specific geographic area. The choice is available to men throughout their career and is a choice they make for themselves. In large companies the 'core' male workforce receives financial benefits such as family allowances and retirement payments, and non-financial benefits such as housing, medical and recreation facilities. In small companies in contrast, white-collar workers receive some wage increases with age, but blue-collar

14

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workers' wages increase very little after a worker reaches 35 years of age (Koike 1983:90). Non-financial benefits are restricted largely to male full-time workers in large companies, with women workers in large and small companies, and all other categories of workers, receiving substantially fewer, if any of those benefits. 'Lifetime' employment for women The emphasis on continuity in 'lifetime' employment disadvantages women as employment for many Japanese women involves, in some combination, interruptions for marriage, childbirth and child or dependant care. Pateman argues that women in the west deal with this construction of their lives by working part-time 'often because no other jobs are available, but also because they can then devote the major part of their energies to domestic service, and so avoid conflict with their husbands' (1988:140). The implication of Pateman's analysis is that women have a choice and work part-time in order to combine paid work and domestic responsibilities. In western countries women may have a choice. Women part-time workers have always been defined in terms of their domestic and family responsibilities and it is this responsibility for children or other dependants which is suggested as an explanation for women working part-time (Beechey and Perkins 1987:112). Age limits restricting entry into full-time work in Japan inhibit women reentering the workforce as anything other than part-time. To understand and highlight clearly what 'lifetime' employment means for women and how this differs from the experience of men, the part-time and fulltime paid work experiences of women needs to be examined. By analyzing fulltime and part-time paid work for women as an integrated experience, the attitudes of governments and business become clearer. As Upham argues: Despite the centrality of women's rights in postwar reforms, government and business policies toward working women have stressed not equality or freedom of choice for women but their supporting role in the household and at the workplace (1993:332). There are striking similarities between current employment practices and women's work historically, since how women are able to enter the paid workforce has long been affected by gendered employment practices.19 In periods of recession, women have borne the brunt of unemployment—being used to adjust the workforce. Despite their continuous presence in Japan's paid workforce, women in paid work have been perceived by employers as temporary or auxiliary assistants to male colleagues. Women workers and the work performed by women has been constructed based on gender ideologies incorporating the gendered division of labour, which defines women in relation to the roles of wife or mother— potential or real. Defining women as wives and mothers who are responsible for domestic chores and dependants, both reinforces and entrenches women in these

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

15

roles. It has an impact on perceptions of the type of work appropriate for women with dependants and has restricted women's employment opportunities and left unchallenged the existing patterns of the gender division of labour in the household (see Tipton 2000). 'Lifetime' employment carries a very different connotation for women employees, namely, employment as a full-time worker until marriage or the birth of their first child and then as a part-time worker until retirement or dismissal. The linking of promotion, wages, annual payments and non-financial benefits to continuity of employment in the company restricts women's access to high paying jobs and works in tandem with discriminatory employment policies which forced women to retire on marriage. Kumazawa argues that until the late 1950s and early 1960s there was no need for companies to institute a formal 'retirement on marriage' policy as the practice and acceptance of thinking associated with it were so deeply entrenched (1986:85). In 1995, 72.8 per cent of Japanese women were employed in companies with less than 500 employees (Rōdōshō 1997:58). Almost three-quarters of women in paid work do not benefit from 'lifetime' employment practices. Full-time women workers, when recruited, face a 'choice' between pursuing a career track (sōgōshoku), an employment path similar to their male co-workers or a clerical track (ippanshoku) that has fewer prospects for promotion. They are thereafter streamed accordingly. For women committed to pursuing a career, advancement is not based on seniority as it is for their same-age male colleagues. After the first two years of employment it is not uncommon for women to find a gap has already opened up between them and their same-age male counterparts on the corporate ladder. Women's wages show a seniority curve until about age 30 when even as their length of service increases there is no clear ascent of the curve (Shinotsuka 1994:109–10). As Brinton argues: 'Men's and women's paths increasingly diverge as they move through the early and middle years of their working lives, and the processes producing these experiences for the two sexes are different as well' (1993:187). For women who marry or have children, social and work pressures make it difficult to continue employment as a full-time worker, with many women 'choosing' to quit (see also Ogasawara 1998; Roberts 1994; Lo 1990). For these women age limits restrict them to part-time work. This disadvantage is institutionalised by company employment policies that fail to support women with domestic responsibilities. Department stores and retail outlets, which depend heavily on women's labour, have responded positively to instituting promotion opportunities for women, but banks and the manufacturing sector have opted for gender segregated course-based employment policies (Takenaka and Kuba 1994:149). Kumazawa identifies the years between 1955 and 1965 as the period when the seniority (nenkō) system was undergoing reorganisation to introduce technological innovations. It was at this time also that Kumazawa argues a 'gender-specific escape route' was incorporated. To maintain the corporate loyalty of male full-time workers, employers set up a career path allowing males easier movement into supervisory or management positions. He argues: 'What securely opened this

16

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route for male workers was the removal of women workers from this competitive upward track and their permanent restriction to work at the bottom level' (1996:167). Kumazawa argues women were subject to a self-sustaining system where they were relegated to routine jobs designated as 'auxiliary' or as assistants to male full-time workers where they were assigned photocopying or required to make tea. They were paid lower wages with lower pay increases compared with male workers. This arrangement did nothing to foster women's determination to remain in paid employment and resulted in short work place tenure (1996:167). Women were assigned these jobs based on assumptions about gender. It was argued that full-time women workers are likely to leave after marriage or the birth of their first child so their commitment to the company is uncertain. The issue of how management could create policies or facilities to encourage women to continue with their careers is rarely addressed. The impact of the Equal Employment Opportunity Law (EEOL) and Parental Leave Law in relation to employment opportunities for women will be discussed in chapter 5 but the overall impact has been negative as neither challenges the existing gender division of labour in the household. Women full-time workers have in the past been defined separately from the male 'lifetime' employment relationship through practices such as forced retirement after marriage or childbirth. Iwao argues that for women 'lifetime' employment or eikyū shūshoku has referred to marriage, whilst paid work has been referred to as a temporary period or koshikake (place/seat warming).20 The primary value of paid work for women was thought to be as a chance to observe and learn about the 'outside world' (Iwao 1993:156). Despite the passing of, and in some ways as a result of, the EEOL in 1986 the relationship for women to 'lifetime' employment practices differ from that of men. Full-time women workers face 'choices' within a dual track employment system. The existence of the dual track system severely proscribes a woman's paid work experiences, career opportunities, and family options. The dual track employment system—a version of which existed in the past (Shibayama 1995:182)—was updated by employers to overcome the guidelines of the 1986 EEOL. Dual track employment offers women who are full-time workers a 'choice' between a career track similar to that of male full-time workers or a non-career track that relegates them to low level dead-end jobs such as assistants to male workers, photocopying or tea-making. As Lebra points out: Although the 1947 LSL (Labour Standards Law) stipulates that wages are to be equal for women, in practice jobs are defined as different, whether or not they are in fact, so that discrimination in wages is possible and common (Lebra 1978:110). A 1991 survey (Society for the Study of Working Women, 1992) found that 43 per cent of women surveyed worked under a dual track system compared with 13 per cent in 1988. Sixty per cent of women in the career track faced discrimination in wage and promotion opportunities compared with men. These women also reported feeling isolated at work, dissatisfied with their managers

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17

who did not support them adequately, and unhappy towards the company because it neglected their needs in refusing to shorten working hours (Society for the Study of Working Women 1992:8–10).21 Kumazawa summarised the situation thus: 'If women choose the managerial track, according to male managers, they must be independent...enduring heavy workloads, long hours of overtime, and sudden job transfers to distant sites' (Kumazawa 1996:197). The demands of the career track ensures that women with household responsibilities have no choice but to opt for the clerical track which essentially allows them to leave the office at 5.00 p.m., to take breaks and leaves of absence and be exempt from domestic or overseas transfers. A survey of female managers commissioned by the Ministry of Labour showed '59 per cent of female managers were single and of the remainder who were married only 36 per cent had children' (cited in Kumazawa 1996:197–8). Roberts' study of full-time women workers in a lingerie factory in Japan illustrates this point: The company saw young married women, especially those with children, as reducing productivity, and complained that they lose interest in work, lack ambition, and are frequently late or absent. It attributed these negative traits to their inability to reconcile their roles as wives and mothers with their roles as workers (Roberts 1994:39). As demonstrated, the expectations and demands of career track employment such as long hours at work and transfers within Japan and overseas indicate that the extent to which women could be said to have a choice is debatable. In choosing the career track a woman is expected to work 'like a man'. On the other hand, in choosing the non-career track, women receive low remuneration, fewer training and promotion opportunities and fewer benefits such as health insurance and pensions. Indications are that 3.9 per cent of working women occupy managerial positions and even if there are no structural obstacles in the workplace to women becoming managers, the demands on those in management career tracks make it very difficult for women to fulfil them.22 The difference in employment experiences for women, and also because the jobs done by women are not seen as important to employers, mean that single women rarely have access to training and education, career paths or prospects for promotion. In 1994 full-time women workers earned 60 per cent of a full-time male wage and when the wages of part-time workers are included the figure declines to 49 per cent (Hayashi 1997:83). When is a part-time worker not a part-time worker? It is necessary to explore the context of part-time work in Japan, and the contradiction between definitions of part-time work and the employment conditions of those employed part-time workers. At Daiichi (and two other national chain stores where earlier research had been conducted) part-time work only refers to an employment strategy for women. The issue of defining 'part-

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time' in Japan is problematic as company definitions do not necessarily correlate with definitions used for example by the Part-time Workers' Law.23 The Part-time Workers' Law (1993) focuses on the regulation and control of part-time work, rather than addressing the disparity in employment conditions between full-time workers and part-time workers. The passing of the Part-time Workers' Law in June 1993 effectively ended the legal limbo in which parttime workers had existed. Theoretically covered by laws governing full-time workers, part-time workers, unlike their counterparts employed as full-time workers, do not benefit from employment security of lifetime employment practices.24 Strategies such as relocation to subsidiary and related companies or early retirement have been, and still are, commonplace for adjusting the fulltime male workforce, but for part-time workers the options are generally limited to dismissal.25 Part-time workers have been treated as temporary and disposable and are therefore vulnerable to employer strategies for adjusting the workforce. Moreover, the terms used to describe these workers differ depending on the company. Daiichi used the term part-time worker (equivalent to permanent parttime in Australia) and quasi part-time worker to refer to part-time workers, and a range of terms for casual workers when I started in late 1991. By mid-1992 it had only two classifications—part-time worker and arubaito (casual). Male short-term workers were referred to as arubaito. Because of the different treatment, employment conditions and financial benefits, depending on the gender of the worker, I refer to male non-full-time workers as short-time workers. Part-time worker is a gendered term referring to women and brings with it particular employment conditions and benefits. In 1993 5.65 million workers were defined as pāto (abbreviation of pātotaimā) by their companies, but half of these worked over 35 hours per week. The Part-time Workers' Law incorporates a slightly different definition of part-time workers to that used by sections of the bureaucracy. Resembling recent legislation such as the EEOL, the Part-time Workers' Law has no powers to enforce compliance with its recommendations. A further criticism of the law is that part-time workers who work more than 35 hours per week have been excluded. Figures suggest that 54 per cent of part-time workers work more than 35 hours per week (Rōdōshō 1997:17), yet are still classified as part-time workers, which questions the motivation of the law. Mizumachi approaches the analysis of part-time work from a legal perspective and highlights as important the need to clarify the definitions used and the distinctions between for example short-time workers and non full-time workers. In particular he highlights this as a critical issue for tax and insurance purposes which currently results in discrimination for some groups of workers (1997:24). Complicating the picture further is the inconsistency of definitions between sections of the Japanese bureaucracy. Definitions of part-time work based on number of hours worked are problematic as they exclude those working beyond 35 hours per week. By defining part-time workers in relation to full-time workers the question of specifying a definition of 'full-time' becomes significant. Defining a 'full-time' worker is sufficiently problematic and, with

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19

the continuing restructuring of employment in Japan, it is becoming even more so. The definitions outlined appear to conform to the meaning of the English term 'part-time', which encompasses the notion of working hours shorter than those of a full-time worker. In Australia the definition of part-time refers to the maximum number of hours of paid work performed weekly.26 Superficially, definitions used in Japan appear to be similar. However, empirical evidence suggests that part-time describes a worker's employment status. Moreover, classification as part-time, irrespective of number of work hours, job content, qualifications or skill, determines employment conditions, wages and other financial benefits. Being classified as a part-time worker relegates workers, and in this case women, to a second class position in the company hierarchy. Takenaka and Kuba argue that Japanese employers expect women to fulfil the roles of 'company wife' or 'cute daughter', which confirm women's subordinate position and define them primarily in family terms (1994:148). The jobs that employers assign to women differ from those assigned to men and these differences are based on assumptions about appropriate gender roles. Women's jobs are poorly paid, without job security, poor conditions, and there is little opportunity for promotion. Many jobs assigned to women resemble domestic chores (Takenaka 1991:16). The employment of women in low status positions defined as 'unskilled' becomes the justification for lesser remuneration (Obane and Ujihara 1969:354). Once married, women are considered unable to provide the necessary level of commitment to a company such as working after hours and on weekends. As Roberts claims: The concept of full-time, career-oriented employee carries with it the expectation that this employee will be, first and foremost, a company man. Needless to say, it is a rare married woman employee who can rise to this standard and still have a family left to go home to (1994:25). Women part-time workers have been portrayed in the popular media as housewives taking a step out of home whilst retaining the primacy of the family. Male peripheral workers are not characterised in terms of domestic commitments. The 'breadwinner' norm within Japan's gender contract means working part-time does not allow a woman to support herself and/or dependents independently. Part-time work as a paid work pattern is presented as an ideal option for women to combine domestic responsibilities and paid work. Methodology ... feminism which takes theory as its object of investigation, using the perspective of women's experiences...transforming women from the position of object to that of subject of knowledge (Grosz 1988:97). To understand the gendered nature of part-time work in Japan and why the great proportion of part-time workers are women, I chose the supermarket sector as a

20

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case study. As discussed earlier, they employ the largest proportion of part-time workers (28 per cent) (Rōdōshō 1997:55). As little is known about either parttime work or the supermarket sector, I selected Daiichi, one of Japan's largest national supermarket chains. Given that 72 per cent of part-time workers are women it is important to know whether the growth in part-time jobs indicates positive employment opportunities and whether this trend meets the needs of those wanting shorter paid working hours. I wanted to examine these issues further, focusing on Japan as the point of analysis. Why do so many women work as part-time workers? Do they voluntarily choose to do so? Does the increase in the number of women in paid work necessarily translate into better employment conditions for women? My empirical work revealed a complex picture of part-time workers in Japan. They were far more than 'housewives filling in spare hours' between their domestic responsibilities. Daiichi refers to part-time workers as teiji shain and junshain (reclassified as arubaito in 1992). For visual ease I have substituted the italicised part-time worker for teiji shain, quasi part-time worker for junshain to distinguish the Daiichi terms from the generic part-time that is not italicised. Casual refers to Daiichi's terms pātonā and arubaito. Combining the methodologies outlined below has enabled me to generate empirical data on supermarkets and part-time workers. I was also able to incorporate discussion of how part-time workers understand their work experiences, conditions and lives as expressed in their own words. Qualitative information was the focus of my research methodology because I was interested in exploring working conditions of part-time workers, gender relations within their households, and the attitudes of part-time workers to the enterprise union in their company. The workplace issues I was interested in exploring required discussion with co-workers in order to uncover the diversity of their experiences as part-time workers. I wanted to convey the personal experiences of a group of women who work part-time in a particular context, and to move beyond the portrayal of parttime workers as statistics. In doing so I believe I gained insights into what it means to them to be part-time workers and into the influence of their paid work on other elements of their lives. In the following chapters I explore these issues in more depth, focusing on employment conditions, the role of the State in entrenching the gendered division of labour in the household and the impact of enterprise unions. To analyse the construction and definition of part-time work in Daiichi and to generate sufficient data to allow exploration of part-time workers in supermarkets, I combined a number of methodologies including participant observation, a questionnaire survey and interviews. In 1992 I worked as a casual (pātonā) for ten months in the Hachiban store, in Tokyo. When I began my employment, I was aware that Daiichi was Japan's largest supermarket chain. I believe that by working in a supermarket I gained a 'behind the scenes' shop floor perspective of a Japanese supermarket and some understanding of the range of daily work routines and relationships between workers. Gaining familiarity with my co-workers enabled me to gain both insights into their

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21

attitudes to the job and some understanding of their personal lives. Working at the Hachiban store gave me the opportunity to interact with part-time workers on a regular basis in a 'work' context. It also enabled me to view their work place experiences at first hand, and to have a deeper appreciation of both the work in a supermarket and the personal lives of part-time workers. My work experience is clearly not the same as that of Japanese women working as part-time workers in supermarkets but it does offer insights that are impossible to gain by other means. With very little published in English on Japanese supermarkets, my experience at Daiichi, together with other data I collected then and subsequently to inform this study, contribute to our understanding of the work lives of the many women who work in Japanese supermarkets. By talking to a variety of workers at Daiichi I gained insights into what it means to be a full-time female, a full-time male, a part-time worker and a casual in a Japanese supermarket. These insights include the impact of Japanese management practices on these various types of workers whose labour well serves Daiichi and the Japanese economy generally. In examining parttime work, my intensive analysis of supermarkets, and the workers employed in this industry, allowed me to explore a range of employment issues in detail as well as examining changes in the division of labour in the household as a result of working part-time. Participant observation With very little written in English on Japanese supermarkets, and only a small amount of recent empirical data in Japanese, even my brief experience achieves my purpose of generating data. By talking to a variety of workers, I gained an insight into how Japanese management practices impact on the various types of workers concerned. Participant observation enabled me to gain a 'behind the scenes' look at how a supermarket operates and the types of jobs involved. Moreover, while working at Daiichi I experienced, albeit in a limited way, the work-life typical of part-time workers in a supermarket. Through this process I gained some insight and background knowledge into issues important for parttime workers and this provided me with a foundation from which to develop a questionnaire and interview schedule. After deciding to conduct fieldwork in a supermarket, my data from earlier research gave me a choice from three large chain stores. The previous research involved an analysis of the unionisation of part-time workers in three national supermarket chains. The enterprise unions of these supermarkets were affiliated with Zensen Dōmei, which had a history of unionising women workers. I interviewed part-time workers, managers and union officials as a way of ascertaining the benefits of union organisation (Broadbent 1990a). Daiichi was my first choice for this current extended study because it was close to where I lived—I discovered the Hachiban store while walking around my neighbourhood. Rather than approach the store manager directly and risk rejection, I approached an official of the enterprise union who had assisted me previously. He contacted the store manager and arranged an interview at the

22

GENDERED EMPLOYMENT TRACKS

Hachiban store. The Hachiban store has a history of employing overseas workers but our periods of employment did not overlap. I was 'interviewed' in late October 1991. Prior to being 'hired' the Personnel section head arranged my 'file' and her assistant administered the aptitude and personality tests required of all job applicants. I received a uniform, was shown my locker and briefly introduced to my co-workers in the toy section at the conclusion of the 'interview'. I started working on a Sunday in November. Sundays are particularly busy days at Daiichi and all spare hands, even inexperienced ones, are necessary for tidying or wrapping purchases. The first day passed in a blur of tidying computer games so my chance of becoming acquainted with my co-workers started the following day. Before arriving at the toy section, I accompanied the section manager to my only 'managers' chōrei' (morning ceremony/meeting). This meeting is held for managers and assistant managers to announce 'news' within the store or company plans. Someone talks about new or innovative plans or goals in their section, and then chōrei ends with all attendees singing the company song. From the following day I attended all toy section chōrei. Each department holds at least one chōrei daily as one means of communication between management and staff. The toy section chōrei was held prior to the store opening at 10.00 a.m. I introduced myself and briefly outlined my research project and I ended by asking my co-workers for their co-operation/assistance— using a standard expression in Japanese when asking for assistance. Not everyone employed in the section was present at the early chōrei because shifts were staggered throughout the store's ten-hour opening period. Regular participants included casuals and myself who were on set shifts, and then anyone else on an early shift. The chōrei was led either by the manager, assistant manager or senior staff member depending on who was on the early shift that day. A second chōrei was often held later in the morning when other rostered workers started. Initially I requested a six week period of 'work' but as the traditionally busy end of year and New Year season approached, Yoshizumi san, an outspoken quasi part-time worker in haberdashery who spoke English, mentioned the personnel manager wanted more staff. I realised that Daiichi's need for casual labour (and occasional interpreter) matched my need for research time. I worked at the Hachiban store for ten months. To facilitate diversity in my research, I worked five days a week for three months and rotated through five different sections. After this I worked a further seven months, one day a week. Most of my time was spent tidying stock, stocking shelves, cleaning and wrapping customer purchases. Despite the best efforts of my wonderfully skilled co-workers I only ever grasped the fundamentals of Japan's ornamental style of wrapping. My co-workers were curious as to why a native speaker of English would work in a supermarket for 650 yen an hour (approximately A$6.50 in 1993) when English teaching paid 15 times this amount. This was always a good conversation opener and gave me the opportunity to inform them of my

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

23

research interest in employment and part-time work in Japan. In this way I gained their permission to use the information I collected for preparing and writing my dissertation and word of mouth ensured I had more willing informants. I regularly talked with a group of fourteen part-time workers. As my co-workers became more familiar with me, they were interested in me as a foreigner, a single woman away from her family, and a woman with a Japanese partner, allowing me to share personal information including information about their families, lifestyles, marriages, and their attitudes to work and the company. Working with them afforded me opportunities for discussion that were not available in previous 'one off' interviews. During working hours our discussions were limited by the scarcity of staff on the shop floor and public visibility but breaks, day trips and social gatherings provided other valuable opportunities. A number of large group gatherings were initiated for my benefit. These occasions also provided a forum for discussion and an opportunity for those present to air their grievances. These opportunities declined with the reorganisation of the workforce in 1993 as people in this group no longer shared similar days off. I also spoke to people individually. Questionnaires Employment practices for part-time workers at the Hachiban store are the same as in other Daiichi stores. This reflects Daiichi's move to standardise business procedure across its stores. Differences between employment conditions in Daiichi and in smaller supermarket chains mirror the differences in working conditions in Japanese companies that are based on differences in company size. In general, the part-time workers who informed my study reflect the characteristics of part-time workers at Daiichi and nationally. The percentage of married part-time workers was higher than national figures—part-time workers 88 per cent, former quasi part-time workers 84 per cent and casuals 92 per cent. In 1993 I conducted a questionnaire in five Daiichi stores including the Hachiban store. The surveys were distributed randomly but I specified the proportion of female and male workers, and part-time workers to full-time workers and casuals. I asked for equal numbers of females and males and a range of ages and marital statuses where possible, to provide a broader database, and to enable comparison with existing surveys. Four hundred and twenty questionnaires were distributed. The response rate was 48 per cent. Interviews The interview process was on-going for the ten months of my employment at the Hachiban store, but focused interviews were conducted with fourteen parttime workers I worked with on a regular basis (see Table 1.3). The group of part-time workers participating in the semi-structured interviews is not a random sample. The part-time workers I conducted semi-structured interviews with were all in their fifties, all but one was married with their partner still alive, all but two had adult children, all had been educated to high school level, all but one had been employed at Daiichi for a minimum of ten years. Finally all had

24

Table 1.3:

GENDERED EMPLOYMENT TRACKS

Details of the fourteen women interviewed (1992)

Interviewee

Age

Employment (years)

Status

Marital status

No. of children

Aoyama S.

58

13

quasi

M

2

Kawashima M.

54

12

p-t

M

2

Kurashiki S.

55

17

quasi

M

2

Mikawa K.

55

15

quasi

M

0

Minamoto H.

60

17

quasi

M

1

Miyake E.

51

11

quasi

M

1

Nezu R.

61

16

causal

S

0

Nitani A.

54

13

p-t

M

2

Okabe M.

54

17

2

61

15

p-t casual

M

Otsu S.

M

2

Otsumi Y.

59

12

quasi

M

2

Takashima F.

52

11

p-t

M

2

TodaS.

53

9

quasi

M

1

Yoshizumi S.

59

17

quasi

M

3

M—Married; S—Single; p-t—part-time previous paid work experience either before marriage or after marriage as a part-time worker or pieceworker. The 'profile' of the group of women from Daiichi who informed my study as a whole is reflective of part-time workers portrayed in national surveys. In my interviews with management I discussed both existing and future policies relating to part-time workers and how they viewed the part-time workforce. This is of particular significance because the Japanese economy has been in recession since 1991 and the 'restructuring' of workforces continues. The management and union data provided a context for understanding how parttime workers view and express in their own words their paid work experiences and the impact this has had on their lives.27 The first two chapters of the book establish the setting from which to analyse the overrepresentation of women in part-time paid work in Japan. Chapter 2 explores the increasing number of women working part-time in Japan, and considers how applicable western feminist and sociological approaches are for analysing part-time work in Japan. The remaining chapters focus on an in-depth analysis of Daiichi. Chapter 3 sets the scene and introduces the study of Daiichi, through an examination of the supermarket sector and Daiichi as a company. Chapter 4 considers the construction of part-time work in Japan through an examination of employment conditions, wage structures and financial benefits and training opportunities for part-time workers. This chapter questions the

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

25

applicability of the terms 'core' and 'periphery' as explanatory tools for discussing part-time work in Japan particularly as these terms do not include an analysis of gender. I am arguing that part-time work is an employer strategy specifically aimed at utilising the labour of women. Part-time workers, specifically women part-time workers, by being constituted as wives and mothers, are forced into a paid work option which in terms of job content/responsibility and number of working hours approximates that of regular women workers but without equivalent financial remuneration. Added to this is their role as primary domestic worker. Chapter 5 examines the impact of the State and legislation in defining parttime work and the gendered division of labour in the household. Through an analysis of social welfare legislation and the policies and practices of governments that emphasise the role of women as the provider of welfare services, there is no disruption to the existing gendered division of labour in the household. This chapter examines the ways in which the policies and practices of governments legitimise and institutionalise the division of labour by gender. Work hours for part-time workers in Japan are long and responsibility for domestic work still rests with women even when their partners are retired or unemployed. In examining who performs housework and care for children or dependants in households where women work part-time, it is useful to make comparisons with households with a full-time housewife and households where both adults are in full-time paid work. In doing so I refer to both statistical data from previously published sources and data from my own fieldwork. The existence of a gendered division of labour is exacerbated by employment and welfare policies—union practices and legislation act to systematise and institutionalise the division. Chapter 6 explores the attitudes of part-time workers to the enterprise union and whether they consider it to be responsive to their needs. The androcentrism of enterprise unions combined with their lack of bargaining scope renders enterprise unions unresponsive to the needs of women and part-time workers. Few part-time workers in Japan are unionised or eligible for union membership, and of those unions that do unionise part-time workers they do not always provide a forum for part-time workers. By not having an avenue at their workplace, part-time workers are restricted in the ways their suggestions and grievances can be heard. For example, they have no access to avenues for input into the decision-making processes of the company. The structure of enterprise unions also inhibits them from acting as representatives for part-time workers as the scope of their bargaining with management focuses on gaining wage increases. Even if part-time workers wanted the union to represent them in their negotiations with management on improving employment conditions, for example, this issue is beyond the bargaining scope that enterprise unions have with management. I contend that the policies and practices of enterprise unions render them incapable of fairly representing women and this is the reason unions are pushing policies which do not focus on rectifying discriminatory wage and employment conditions for women. Chapter 7 offers some brief conclusions.

2

Conceptualising the feminisation of part-time work in Japan

In five decades Japan's economy has shifted from a reliance on agriculture to becoming a major service provider. Significant changes in the composition of the workforce accompany these structural changes. As was demonstrated in the previous chapter women have been and remain crucial to Japan's economy. In exploring historical trends in paid employment for women, it emerges that women have always had a presence in paid work but have not been encouraged by either government or business to remain permanently in the paid workforce. Women have had very little choice about their role and position in the labour market having been moved into and out of the labour market to suit the needs of governments and business. In Japan continuity in the social constructions of women exists between the pre- and postwar periods in that ideologically and materially women have consistently borne much of the burden and responsibility for the restructuring of employment in Japan. Focusing on parttime paid work broadens the discussion of the relationship between women and paid work. Part-time work for women represents an extension of the paid work 'career' path women experience within Japan's 'lifetime' employment practices. It illustrates the integrated nature of full-time and part-time work for women in Japan. Part-time work as it is presently constructed in Japan is a strategy created by employers to meet their demand for a cheap source of labour. Part-time work also articulates with the contemporary government focus of decreasing public welfare spending, by shifting the responsibility for welfare provision onto households, particularly women. Japanese women and men do not enter the labour market from positions of equality because the labour market is not gender neutral. Assumptions about gender are maintained by the practices of employers, unions and male workers. The operations of demand and supply in the labour market cannot alone explain 26

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

27

the overrepresentation of women in Japan's part-time paid workforce. Such an explanation implies women have choices in the type of paid work and thus voluntarily choose to work part-time. For women in Japan, paid work options are limited to work in low paying, low status jobs whether they are employed as full-time workers, part-time workers, outworkers, temporary or dispatch workers. Employment practices combined with welfare policies privilege those women remaining as full-time housewives or those returning to the paid workforce as part-timers. As mentioned above, age limits imposed by Japanese companies to circumscribe eligibility for full-time work for both women and men, tend to reduce employment opportunities for women more than for men.1 Age-based retirement policies have been successfully challenged legally, but age-based employment criteria, which contravene EEOL guidelines, have not received the same attention.2 For women with dependent children and general skills, returning to paid work after their last child begins primary school, the choice is restricted to paid work opportunities such as part-time, piecework, temporary or dispatch work. By restricting women's employment opportunities to low-paid jobs, employers are able to offer substantially higher wages and other financial and non-financial benefits to their 'core' workforce of male workers. With the increasing lifespan of women as well as fewer years spent in child rearing, women have many more years to devote to other activities. Given the high cost of living and the need for self-funded education and retirement, for a growing number of women paid work is one of these activities. With employment options restricted employers are guaranteed a well-educated, stable workforce constituted as 'cheap'. Women in Japan are not simply Victims' of male oppression, there are those demanding a paid work option that allows them to work hours that suit them, and to work fewer hours than full-time workers. However, this is not to suggest that part-time paid work as it is presently constructed, and as it is constructed at Daiichi, is a paid work option that women choose. Nor does it imply that parttime paid work allows for compatibility with domestic responsibilities. It is assumed for part-time workers that domestic responsibilities are the main priority, but my observations suggest that the organisation of domestic work very quickly becomes structured around paid work. Given the all-consuming and never-ending nature of housework, how can compatibility with paid work be measured? What I have measured is when, how and by whom housework is performed, and it appears part-time work is not disrupting existing patterns of the gender division of labour in the household but is further entrenching women in the role of primary domestic worker. In addressing the question of why women are over represented in part-time work in Japan, I initially approached the study of part-time workers from the perspective of labour flexibility. Such studies offer useful insights for examining part-time work in Japan but the gender blindness of their models limits applicability for analysing the characteristics of a feminised workforce. Flexibility of labour for women workers in Japan describes methods of

28

CONCEPTUALISING THE FEMINISATION OF PART-TIME WORK

employment that employers have long practised. Theories and.approaches that are sensitive to gender in their analysis, such as aspects of labour market segmentation, or 'women as a reserve army of labour', give primacy to the labour market to explain the overrepresentation of women in part-time work. In analysing paid work for women in Japan it is important to look at 'lifetime' employment practices and also to examine the way in which women workers have been constituted through notions of ryōsai kenbo (good wife, wise mother). Labour market theories Theories about labour market flexibility, and the debate surrounding their application, have attempted to explain the global trend of casualising the workforce. In response to the internationalisation of capital and competition from the industrialising economies, discussions about flexibility focus on two main areas. The first, labour market reform, looks at the ways in which industrialising countries can restructure and rationalise existing work practices in order to improve their productivity and competitiveness. The second, encompassed in Atkinson's 'flexible firm' model, examines labour utilisation practices as ways of reducing rigidities in the labour market and, through the creative use of workforce adaptability, as methods for initiating changes in market conditions. Dual labour market theory In reaction to neoclassical economics, dual labour market theory developed from studies of poverty, unemployment and the oppressive job conditions of disadvantaged groups, especially black urban workers in the United States. Dual labour market theorists argued the labour market is divided into two sectors. The primary sector is characterised by an internal labour market, or a system of labour exchange regulated within companies that generally employed white males with career paths. The secondary sector is the province of blacks and other urban poor whose skills are more general, and who receive fewer benefits than those in the primary labour market. Dual labour market theorists argued there was little mobility between the two markets as they were distinguished from each other by a separate system of rules, different skills and job behaviour requirements. The contribution of dual labour market theory was to broaden our understanding of the labour market to include a conception that the labour market was not one hegemonic entity but rather was composed of a primary and secondary market. The segments of the labour market differ essentially in terms of the stability of jobs, with primary sector jobs offering more stability and better employment conditions than jobs in the secondary sector. Piore (1973) advanced this theory by arguing that the primary market is itself composed of two tiers, which he labelled upper and lower. Piore argued that earlier descriptions of primary sector jobs refer to lower tier jobs and that jobs in the upper tier—professional and managerial positions are distinguished from

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

29

lower tier jobs by higher pay and status and greater advancement opportunities (1973:126). Piore's contribution helped to deepen understanding of the category of 'primary' indicating further research is needed into the composition of the labour market. However, it does not enlighten us on the gendered nature of these labour markets or why many more women than men are located in the secondary sector. Although the dual labour market theory does not incorporate an analysis of gender into its framework, it is useful in rethinking the complexity of the labour market in Japan. It encouraged me to examine subtleties in the part-time labour market and to understand that in Japan, as in the United States of America, the part-time job sector is composed of multiple tiers. Labour market segmentation theory Whereas dual labour market theory identified the existence of two sectors, labour market segmentation theorists identified a multiplicity of markets based on race, class, age and sex. Edwards, Gordon and Reich (1975) argued that as a result of class struggle in the 1940s, employers introduced different labour market structures and new systems of control in the labour process that led to the development of a segmented labour market. This analysis is more dynamic in that it identifies gender as an element in the structuring of labour markets but its weakness lies in framing the discussion only in terms of the struggle between labour and capital. In this way, ideas about feminine and masculine nature and behaviour involved in the gendering of jobs are overlooked. Flexibility As a concept, flexibility has gained currency in recent years in an attempt to explain changes to work place organisation. Whether emphasising management strategies or production processes, flexibility theorists argue that flexibility will enhance industrial productivity and has the potential to change the nature of work. 'Flexibility' explains employer motivations for the current restructuring of workforces and provides the terminology for describing these practices. It describes the trend for increasing casualisation of work and forecasts continuity in the composition of the 'peripheral' workforce; that is, women will continue to be marginalized in low paying, low status positions. An early theory of flexibility developed by Piore and Sabel (1984) relies extensively on data gathered from the manufacturing sectors in the United States, (the then) West Germany, Italy, Japan and France. This theory examines changes in production processes with only a brief discussion of the impact these changes have on the workforce. Piore and Sabel argue that the 'old' Fordist system characterised by mass production, is giving way to methods of production based on new technologies necessitating the adoption of more flexible work practices. Companies become more responsive to innovations in technology, changes in market conditions and product demand, through the cooperation of a workforce that is free of rigid job specification and excessive regulation and control.

30

CONCEPTUALISING THE FEMINISATION OF PART-TIME WORK

The flexible firm model developed by Atkinson (1984) is a management strategy focusing on ways in which the implementation and utilisation of new technology, less rigid work practices and greater use of an adjustable 'periphery' will contribute to a firm's profitability and competitiveness. Atkinson's flexible firm will become more competitive by restructuring the workforce and reducing rigidities in job structure and design. The achievement of a flexible firm rests on labour restoring the firm to profitability and competitiveness and admits that women will bear the burden of restructuring. Atkinson notes the trend by firms to create a small multi-skilled 'core' that is supplemented by a large 'periphery'. The multi-skilled 'core' provides the firm with functional flexibility, as workers are to undergo retraining and redeployment in return for job security depending on production demands. With the larger 'periphery', management has numerical flexibility in adjusting the size of the workforce, depending on the economic environment. Labour is 'adjusted' in response to production demand and market conditions whereby 'the terms and conditions of employment are designed to promote functional flexibility' (1984:29). Financial flexibility is achieved through the utilisation of a 'periphery'. Labour costs are reduced through decreasing the number of thenworking hours and the benefits they receive while also not offering them job security. The 'core' contributes through the reorganisation of pay structures and the introduction of productivity-linked payments. Atkinson observes that the 'periphery' is divided into two categories of workers. One comprises full-time employees who, because they hold less responsible clerical or supervisory positions, also have less job security and no career opportunities compared with 'core' workers. As the jobs of these workers are defined as less skilled than the jobs of 'core' workers, these full-time but 'peripheral' workers receive little training. The second category of 'peripheral' workers comprises part-time, casual and other temporary workers who provide the company with additional numerical and financial flexibility. The employment of these workers matches the company's business needs. Atkinson describes the role of these 'peripheral' workers as 'maximising flexibility while minimising the organisation's commitment to the worker's job security and career development' (1984:29). Deriving concepts of analysis from the segmentation of the labour market, the 'flexible firm' model pays little attention to the impact of either casualisation or work place changes on individual workers. Focusing on the drive to increase productivity obscures details of employment conditions and work lives. The assumption that the 'core' of full-time workers is central to the enterprise does not hold true for many service sector industries in Japan, particularly supermarkets. To focus solely on the full-time 'core' is to ignore the majority of the workforce whose presence is as necessary to the functioning of the company but whose position is marginalized through different employment conditions and benefits. As Lever-Tracy argues, most part-time workers serve functions other than providing flexibility because they fulfil regular needs in continuing jobs irrespective of their formal, company-defined status (1988:235).

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

31

Both work forces are governed by production demands but the 'peripheral' workers are the more vulnerable. The 'flexibilities' outlined above means a 'core' worker's pay, job security and career opportunities are secured at the expense of the 'periphery' workers. Without providing evidence or discussion, Atkinson comments that women will comprise the 'periphery', 'more of whom will find themselves relegated to dead-end, insecure and low paid jobs' (1984:31). The basis of his conclusion is interesting given his failure to include an analysis of gender in his framework or a discussion of women workers in any of the firms surveyed. Kumazawa (1992) employs a flexibility approach for analysing Japan's labour market. Kumazawa presents a wealth of statistical evidence to support his claim, and while acknowledging that women part-time workers predominate in the part-time workforce, he does not examine the issue of the overrepresentation of women in the 'periphery'. Kumazawa's flexibility argument suffers from the same analytical problem as Atkinson's; that is, the inability of the framework to explore gender issues. The limitations of his framework prevent him from adequately examining further the issue of why women are predominant in the part-time workforce. Kumazawa also subscribes to the assumption underpinning Atkinson's study, which is also held by numerous commentators on part-time work in Japan, and that is it is 'natural' women work part-time.3 The increasing peripheralisation of the Japanese workforce has serious implications for workers, particularly women workers. Workers' employment conditions are eroded to revive the profitability of the firm. However, not all segments of the workforce will suffer. Those workers who are defined or represented as unskilled are most vulnerable to the erosion of their work prospects and conditions and women are at greater risk than men. However, employers have always demanded flexibility from workers and women have long been concentrated in low paying, low status jobs. In this analysis I concentrate on a critical examination of flexibility as a management strategy, and its applicability for examining the continued feminisation of Japan's parttime workforce. Incorporating gender To redress the gender blindness of these labour market theories feminist scholars of the 1970s incorporated discussions of patriarchy into existing theories. The difficulty with the early feminist theories is that they remain essentially androcentric in conception—the existing theories have simply been overlain with a 'gender perspective'. This has been commonly known as the 'add gender and stir' approach. Dual labour segmentation and sex Barron and Norris (1976) applied the concept of a dual labour market to explain gender divisions in the labour market. The primary labour markets consist of

32

CONCEPTUALISING THE FEMINISATION OF PART-TIME WORK

skilled male workers because women are considered to possess characteristics that render them as ideal secondary workers. These characteristics include: 'dispensability, clearly visible social differences, little interest in receiving training, low economism and lack of solidarity' (Barron and Norris 1976:53). While the framework does not explicitly address gender, it does offer some account of women's marginalisation in the labour market. The analysis is problematic when applied to Japan for two fundamental reasons. First, women are now not dispensable in the Japanese workforce—women part-time workers are increasingly replacing female full-time workers. Second, to argue that women workers lack solidarity without explanation is to ignore the androcentric nature of trade unions and the active exclusion of women by male officials and union members. 'Women as a reserve army of labour' Feminists reworked Marx's industrial reserve army thesis in an attempt to incorporate an understanding of patriarchy and gender into a materialist analysis. Marx's industrial reserve army thesis was the starting point in an attempt to explain the overrepresentation of women in the 'periphery'. Marx argued: It is capitalist accumulation itself that constantly produces...a relatively redundant working population...which is superfluous to capital's average requirements for its own valorization, and is therefore a surplus population (Marx trans, by Fowkes 1977:782). The 'women as a reserve army of labour' thesis attempted to analyse why women were readily hired and fired by employers. Breugel (1979) argues that women function as a form of industrial reserve army of labour because they are cheap and, not being 'breadwinners', they are easily disposable. Part-time workers bear the brunt of economic downturns, and make it possible to adjust to economic cycles. Breugel's economic framework is limited to explaining why it is primarily women workers who are disposable. But, if the only advantage to employers for hiring women is economic, then why do employers dispose of their cheapest workforce? Breugel's theory fails to explain this paradox. Breugel's analysis was applied by Shiozawa and Hiroki (1988) to a study of Japan. They argued that in Japan, women's labour functions as a 'safety valve' allowing employers to adjust their female workforce in response to business cycles. Like Breugel, they shed little light on why it is women who are more often dismissed. Their description of employer attitudes to women workers and part-time workers accounts for the 1970s and early 1980s, but is less indicative of the late 1980s—the period when women part-time workers increasingly replaced female full-time workers. Since the late 1980s part-time workers are no longer employed as an auxiliary workforce but have become a skilled, professional workforce central to the enterprise (Takenaka 1991:230). Evidence from my own fieldwork indicates that Daiichi, by restructuring its part-time workforce, is giving greater prominence to the role of part-time workers.

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

33

Gender and flexibility Takenaka and Kuba (1994) use flexibility concepts to describe Japanese management practices within the context of a patriarchal system of production and reproduction. They argue that large Japanese companies have internal flexibility through their 'core' workforce by being able to transfer 'core' workers internally or to subsidiaries and to demand (often unpaid) overtime work from them. External flexibility is gained through the extensive subcontracting system, sometimes extending through four levels of vertical subcontracting. Women's labour is used to adjust the workforce and they are located in the 'peripheral' workforce because of the separation of roles inherent in the gendered division of labour. Assumptions about women's roles as wives and mothers thereby present women as a stable and continuous supply of labour. When this perception is combined with the Japanese employment culture—one that emphasises continuity—women's labour is accordingly marginalised (Takenaka and Kuba 1994:21–3). Human capital theory In discussing the segregation of women, Hakim uses evidence from Britain to argue that the gendered division of labour in paid work persists because of the behaviour of women workers. She argues that part-time work has been created by employers to deal with the high turnover and lack of commitment of women workers. By citing figures for labour mobility and length of service, she claims that women are an unstable source of labour, even when their need to attend to childcare is excluded as a reason. She argues that employers have organised part-time work around the unreliability of women by 'creating a substantially separate, segregated, part-time workforce accommodated to married women's qualitatively different work orientations and behaviour' (Hakim 1995:444). Hakim recognizes the role of employers in creating jobs that are part-time, and argues that employers do so based on assumptions about the way women work—that fundamentally women are not committed to long-term employment. However, if we use length of service to determine the rate of turnover of parttime workers in Japan Hakim's claims cannot be sustained. In 1995, 28 per cent of part-time workers had worked between five and ten years and 22 per cent between ten and twenty years (Rōdōshō 1997:31). These figures are supported by data from part-time workers in my sample. In 1993, five of the part-time workers surveyed had worked for 17 years. For women in Japan there are restricted opportunities for full-time work, despite figures suggesting that 42.2 per cent of companies offer part-time workers the opportunity to become regular workers (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1996:95). This figure needs further clarification with particular attention to the use of age-based criteria to determine part-time workers eligibility to qualify for full-time work. At Daiichi and two other national chains that I surveyed, this opportunity to switch job status is not available. Hakim argues that women voluntarily choose part-time work in order to give priority to non-market activities. She argues that a 'feminist myth' has

34

CONCEPTUALISING THE FEMINISATION OF PART-TIME WORK

developed which insists that part-time work is an unwilling 'choice' forced on women with childcare responsibilities (1995:435–6). As she points out, childcare explains employment patterns only for women in a limited age group and does not explain the popularity of part-time work among older women. Clearly the issues Hakim addresses need to be examined in a broader context in the Japanese case. In Japan, rates of part-time work correspond to those Hakim has cited for Europe, but the reasons for increased rates of part-time employment among older women has little to do with their personal choices. Restrictive employment and welfare policies that privilege women who remain financially dependent on spouses, both have had a significant impact on the level of women's participation in paid work. Although age limits that determine employment eligibility are a violation of Japan's EEOL, this law is not empowered to impose penalties, so challenges to it are rarely made. Hakim's analysis is valuable for focusing attention on the existence of 'myths' that have arisen around the study of women and work. But, by locating responsibility for the unequal treatment that women receive in both employment and the labour market as a result of women's behaviour she fails to adequately acknowledge the roles that governments and unions play in constituting paid work for women on the basis of assumptions about gender. It is problematic to discuss Japanese women's participation in the paid workforce, and the overrepresentation of women in part-time paid work in Japan, in terms of 'choice' for two reasons. First, choice assumes that 'woman' is a unitary category and as such the employment needs of women are similar. Second, employment practices such as age restrictions that discriminate against women are disguised or overlooked. As a result, the complexity of the relationship between women and paid work in Japan is not fully explored and the picture remains one-dimensional. It is my contention that the choice of employment available to Japanese women is one made within the context of inequality. For all but a few 'elite' professional women age restrictions limit a woman's 'choice' of returning to the workforce to accept part-time work. Age limits are a structural means by which employers enforce the ideological construction of women. When chairing a discussion panel on part-time workers Suwa claimed that more than half of part-time workers live within fifteen minutes of their work place to enable them to 'bring in the futon (Japanese bedding) when it rained,...go home when the children were sick, attend the school PTA and go shopping' (Suwa cited in Suwa et al 1993:27).4 In other words proximity to work place was an important consideration for women to help them balance the demands of paid work with household responsibilities. Suwa has implied that part-time workers choose to work part-time so that they can balance paid work with domestic responsibilities. Suwa locates part-time work within the realms of domesticity, and in doing so homogenises the experiences of part-time workers. Suwa's comments are echoed by Funabashi who suggested married women desired part-time work in order to balance paid work with domestic work (Funabashi cited in Funabashi et al. 1982:25).

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

35

Comments such as those by Suwa and Funabashi diminish the contributions of part-time workers to both their company and to their household incomes, by linking their employment with domestic responsibilities. Part-time workers are portrayed as more concerned with 'their' domestic duties than paid employment. The financial contribution that part-time workers' income makes to the household is reduced to 'pocket money'; their 'natural' role is as wife and mother. The implication here is that part-time workers work part-time and are not seriously committed to their paid work. The comments of Suwa and Funabashi indicate their acceptance of the gendered division of labour based on sex as 'objective' rather than discursively constituted. Their comments also indicate acceptance that women 'choose' part-time work voluntarily, rather than inverting this assertion to consider part-time work as a strategy created by employers to keep women in jobs designated as 'women's work'. Part-time workers I spoke with about their domestic lives illustrated how widespread and in what forms the 'double burden' exists. It is not just full-time women workers who work a 'double shift' in Japan. Part-time workers also return home to continue their shift of domestic work. None of the part-time workers I worked with, many of whom lived within bike riding distance to the store, benefited from living in proximity to the workplace in the ways Suwa describes. In fact, even living next door would not have enabled them to save their futon from getting wet, as Daiichi employees were not permitted to leave the store during their work hours. Early English language studies of work in Japan In 1983 Shimada described Cole's book Japanese Blue Collar (1971) and Rohlen's book For Harmony and Strength (1974) as follows: 'Together they provide readers with a complete picture of the two major categories of Japanese workers' (Shimada in Shirai 1983:21). The two categories of Japanese workers Shimada refers to are blue and whitecollar workers. Cole's book is a study of blue-collar manufacturing workers and Rohlen's book describes the life and work of employees in a bank. As was usual for studies of the time, neither book considers the experiences of women workers. That these books could be described as 'complete' also indicates the lack of attention given to the work experiences of women in Japan in the 1980s. The understanding in these studies is that work is paid and continuous. This defines work as it is constructed within the nenkō system. The existence of other forms of paid work, such as temporary or casual work, is referred to cursorily, if acknowledged at all. The contribution of studies documenting the nenkō system and labourmanagement relations in large companies is valuable, and has been instrumental for our understanding of one aspect of employment relations in Japan. However, it is important to remember that little more than one-fifth of the total Japanese workforce has access to the conditions of 'lifetime' employment, the overwhelming majority of whom are male. Recent English language studies of

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women and work are challenging and qualifying this picture of 'work' in Japan. It is now accepted that 'lifetime' employment conditions and benefits are exclusive to a small proportion of the total Japanese workforce, and discriminate against workers who are unable to build up continuous length of service, in particular women workers. Moreover, the majority of enterprise unions tacitly support these exclusionary and discriminatory practices by restricting their membership to full-time workers. Japanese language works on part-time work and part-time workers Analyses by Japanese authors of part-time work and part-time workers fall into three main categories: journalistic accounts, academic studies and surveys commissioned by unions or government bodies. The empirical literature is valuable for the comprehensive nature of the data presented, but there are significant gaps in the questions asked of women and men. Discussions of data suggest an assumed knowledge by male researchers of the existence of discriminatory employment conditions that affected the career paths of women, but these were never explicitly stated or explored. Takazawa's book Onna ga Pāto ni Deru toki {When Women Go Out to Work Part-time) (1991) describes the employment conditions of women working part-time in a number of occupations and industries. Takazawa obtained her knowledge by working as an employee of each company, so she shared both the paid work experience and personal lives of her co-workers in one ski resort where workers were accommodated in dormitories. Through close contact as well as focused interviews, Takazawa gained insights into their private lives. Her inclusion of her co-workers' private lives indicates her perspective that for women, work—paid and unpaid—are inseparable. Furugōri argues that the reason for the feminisation of non full-time work is because of discrimination in the labour market. She argues that women choose to work part-time because there are no full-time jobs available. But she also acknowledges that the number of women working involuntarily as part-time workers is increasing (1997:7). She states that there are more women in paid work because there is more leisure time available to them, they have higher education qualifications that they want to utilise, and if they have children, they want a paid-work which 'fits' with school hours (1997:7). This analysis fails to recognise the long hours demanded of part-time workers and the limited flexibility in choice of working-hours. Furugōri appears to base her conclusions on a limited range on non full-time workers whose hours are shorter than those of part-time workers. A number of surveys in the early 1990s supply valuable quantitative data on the employment conditions of part-time workers. All were carried out at a time when the government was under pressure from sections of the union movement and employer groups to introduce a law addressing part-time workers. The result was the publication of the following: Pātotaimā no Jittai (The Actual Conditions of Part-time workers) (1991, 1997) carried out by the Ministry of

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Labour; Ryūtsū Sābisu Sangyō ni Hataraku Hitobito no Ishiki (The Consciousness of People Working in the Distribution and Service Industries) (1991) conducted by the industrial federation Zensen Dōmei; and Chēn Sutoā Gyōkai ni okeru Koyō no Tayōka to Rōshi Kankei (Employment Relations and the Diversity of Employment in the Chain Store Industry) (1992) written by the Japan Institute of Labour researcher, Honda Kazunari. These reports provide empirical data on the employment conditions, wages and other financial and non-financial benefits received by part-time workers. The Ministry of Labour's survey is wide ranging and examines part-time workers in a variety of industries. Zensen Dōmei's survey focuses on workers, including full-time, parttime workers and casuals, in both national and regional supermarket chains, restaurants, discount and speciality stores, and Honda's survey investigates conditions of part-time workers in chain stores. Despite differences in orientation, these surveys exhibit one overall similarity—a focus on the paid working lives of part-time workers. This is important for examining employment conditions but provides little scope for the exploration of the division of labour in the household. These surveys document the differences in pay, welfare benefits, working hours and general employment conditions of part-time workers in a number of industries and occupations. The surveys sought to gauge conditions of part-time workers prior to the introduction of the Part-time Workers' Law. The Zensen Dōmei and Honda surveys provide valuable information on part-time workers and unions. Zensen Dōmei focuses on part-time workers in the service and retail industries where its membership is concentrated. Honda focuses on part-time workers and unions in chain stores. These surveys are valuable for their discussion of worker attitudes to unions and the issues unions are addressing in relation to all workers, but specifically for part-time workers. The Pātotaimā no Jittai survey carried out in 1990 by the Ministry of Labour's Policy Research Section is a comprehensive survey of part-time workers. Apart from providing a wealth of statistical information on part-time workers in all industries throughout Japan, it established detailed definitions of part-time work based on the number of hours worked. The categories of parttime workers provide information about part-time workers and the differences in working conditions between groups of workers labelled part-time work. The sole criterion for defining part-time workers used in this survey is employees that work under 35 hours per week. This definition fails to account for those part-time employees who work more than 35 hours per week. My study explores part-time workers in the paid workforce and indicates that the composition of Daiichi's workforce and my own survey sample accurately reflect national trends in part-time workers' paid work. No data is available for an analysis of the unpaid work of part-time workers; even though the Pātotaimā no Jittai survey shows 80 per cent of all part-time workers have spouses (82 per cent for women part-time workers) and 48 per cent of all part-time workers have children (55 per cent for women part-time workers) (Rōdōshō 1991:82— 94). Thus it is difficult to gain an understanding of how paid working hours fit with unpaid working hours, and the impact of part-time work on the gender

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division of labour in the household. The survey described 'so-called part-time workers' as 'someone who is treated as a part-time worker' (Rōdōshō 1991:5), but the significance of this definition remains unclear. This suggests there is systematic 'treatment' for simply being employed as a part-time worker. Zensen Dōmei's survey of workers in the retail, distribution and service industries Ryūtsū Sābisu Sangyō ni Hataraku Hitobito no Ishiki, (1991) is a 'follow-up' of a 1980 study commissioned by Zensen Dōmei which focused only on employees in chain stores. Being a union commissioned survey, all levels of management were excluded. The 1991 survey is broader, with an analysis of conditions of male full-time workers, female full-time workers, female part-time workers, and casuals in various industries including general merchandising supermarkets (GMS), supermarkets (SM), specialty stores, restaurants, and the leisure industry.5 Female full-time workers were surveyed only in the GMS, SM and specialty stores, and female part-time workers in GMS, SM and restaurants were surveyed. The survey examines several broad areas concerning female and male fulltime workers including their general background, their future in the company and their own work and personal life goals, their work environment and working hours, and how they evaluate their life at work and their relationship to the union. Employment conditions and attitudes to work, career paths and unions are examined for both female and male full-time workers, but different questions are asked of each sex. Male full-time workers were asked about their career paths and specifically about being promoted to store manager. Yet women were not asked about this even though it would have been a useful question to ask women in order to determine their own views of the career options available to them and the construction of the management career track. By the same token, men were not asked for their views on the EEOL and the encouragement of retirement for women on marriage or childbirth, issues which would be worth further consideration by male workers and those evaluating their responses. It would be valuable to know how men as co-workers, partners and fathers view employment practices that essentially disadvantage both women and men. Nevertheless, this survey is valuable for the results it provides as well as for what it fails to ask. There appears to be an a priori assumption that inequality exists between female and male workers. This is evident by the different questions asked of female and male workers and in this regard the survey is significant in what it reveals about differences in the construction of the female and male workforce. In addressing issues relating to part-time workers, only full-time women workers were asked about their workplace and working with part-time workers. Does this mean male workers do not work with part-time workers? Male workers were asked about part-time workers only in relation to how they use them on the shop floor. This indicates full-time male workers' experience with part-time workers is as superiors while full-time women workers have a different relationship with part-time workers. Full-time women workers were asked how they felt about the way women were utilised in relation to the jobs women were asked to perform. The same question was not asked of men,

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indicating the work performed by women full-time workers approximates that performed by part-time workers, rather than that of male full-time workers. The implication is that although women and men have the same formal status as full-time workers, they are allocated work in ways that are not related to employment status. The closest these surveys come to examining a worker's domestic circumstances is in asking the usual demographic questions regarding the number of children a worker has, and the number residing in the household. The domestic division of labour in the household of a part-time worker, or full-time female or male worker's household for that matter is not considered, so who performs the unpaid domestic responsibilities such as housework, shopping, meal preparation, and caring for children or dependent relatives is not known. Despite their own data indicating that most part-time workers are married women with families there is little exploration of the ways paid and unpaid work are combined and the impact of paid work on the household. The final remarks in the section on part-time workers include a comparison with results of the 1980 survey. Three main points highlighted from the 1990 survey indicate that the age for part-time workers in the 1990s has increased, that part-time workers are staying on the job longer, and the number of days worked by part-time workers is decreasing. The authors recognise that the introduction of the five-day working week for part-time workers has contributed to the decrease in days worked per week, but it must be remembered that this is only the case in large supermarket chains such as Daiichi. It is not clear if there has been a resulting increase in the number of hours worked per day. Summarising the findings of the Zensen Dōmei survey, Hayashi Hiroki (1991) isolated three issues for further discussion: the role that part-time workers fulfil for the company; how part-time workers are used; and the problem of unionisation. Hayashi acknowledged that part-time workers are doing the same jobs as full-time workers, in the same workplace and often at the same level with lower status, less pay, and no employment security or social service benefits. Hayashi noted the trend towards replacing female full-time workers with part-time workers, because their wages are lower. Part-time workers are viewed as a cheap alternative to full-time female workers and coupled with similar job content, part-time workers could continue to replace women full-time workers. Table 2.1:

Age 30s 40s 50s

Age of part-time workers working in supermarkets

1980 40% 40% 5.1%

1990 20% 50% 20%

Source: Zensen Dōmei, Ryūtsū Sābisu Sangyō ni Hataraku Hitobito no Ishiki (1991:350).

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This situation has dire implications for future generations of women as their employment opportunities are blocked at entry points. Despite the rhetoric, unions are not progressing with the organisation of part-time workers. Unions are unable to decide whether their role is to adopt the issues of part-time workers, or whether they are agents to bring about changes in part-time workers attitudes. Honda Kazunari (1992) draws on six case studies: four General Merchandising Stores (GMS), one supermarket and one co-operative, which sells mainly grocery items. Honda examines the utilisation of part-time workers, and the wages, employment conditions and promotion systems in each company. He examines whether the union is considering unionising part-time workers, and for those that unionise part-time workers, how they have done so. He also examines the rights of part-time workers in their union, their status within the union such as direct affiliation as opposed to observer status and the union relationship to the industrial federation (not just Zensen Dōmei). Honda found that in the retail industry part-time workers are used as a core workforce or in positions of responsibility more than they are in the manufacturing or service industries.6 He also describes the problems for enterprise unions as a result of the increasing numbers of part-time workers. A union's existence as the representative of labour is threatened if it remains committed to unionising full-time workers only and ignores the disparity in the employment conditions of part-time workers. The dilemma for enterprise unions is that management restricts the union's ability to unionise workers; management nominates who is eligible for membership. This throws into sharp focus the role and function of enterprise unions. Subsequently, though there is pressure on the enterprise union to unionise part-time workers, the union is simultaneously confronted with a dilemma—the fewer benefits, lower pay and status of part-time workers subsidise the higher pay, conditions and employment security of full-time workers. In exploring the relationship between enterprise unions and industrial federations, Honda indicates that a disparity exists in definition and unionisation criteria for part-time workers between the two types of union organisations. For example, Zensen Dōmei (an industrial federation) prefers the strategy of incorporating part-time workers into the existing enterprise union with unionisation of part-time workers restricted to those working 30 hours per week or more. Shōgyō Rōren (Nihon Shōgyō Rōdō Kumiai Rengōkai—Japan Federation of Commercial Workers' Unions), which unionises workers primarily in department stores, also prefers to organise all part-time workers into the existing union, but according to Honda this does not happen in reality. Chēn Rōkyo {Chēn Rōdō Kumiai Kyōgikai—Council of Chain Store Workers' Unions) bases its definition of part-time workers for union membership eligibility on the situation of each affiliated enterprise union (Honda 1992:34– 5). As with Zensen Dōmei affiliates, the enterprise union determines its own definition of 'eligibility' for part-time workers.

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The surveys I have discussed in this chapter are important for their comprehensive data on employment conditions, benefits and attitudes towards the unionisation of part-time workers and full-time workers. What has emerged is an understanding that defining part-time workers by the number of hours worked is problematic, that women do not have a choice of paid work and that work is constructed on the basis of gender. Assumptions about female and male roles form the basis for the construction of paid work for women and men and the differences between them. These are issues developed in the next chapter. The overrepresentation of women in part-time work Central to understanding the relationship between women and paid work in Japan is an understanding of the gendered division of labour. Distinctions between jobs that are designated as 'women's' and 'men's' work remain, but the gendered division of labour which defines the content of women's and men's work is subject to change. Shifts in the discourse on the gendered division of labour have had an impact on the ways in which women participate in the paid workforce in Japan. In exploring the overrepresentation of women in part-time work in Japan, I incorporate elements of western feminism with the writings of Japanese feminists. Shifts in the way the gendered division of labour has been constituted in Japan are identifiable and historically dependent. With Japan's emergence as an industrialising nation, the Meiji government focused on developing Japan's industrial base. In focusing single-mindedly on this goal, the government was concerned with controlling and regulating Japanese society. Ryōsai kenbo clearly identified government expectations of the roles of women. What is also evident is the tension resulting from its focus on industrialisation, the need for labour to satisfy the expanding industrial sector and the need for the production and reproduction of labour. Tension has existed between governments and employers over the 'use' of women's bodies. In constituting women as wives and mothers, government policies aimed at women workers have stressed protecting women in their maternal role {bosei hogo). Yet bosei hogo has meant employers have not been able to utilise the labour of women as flexibly as they would like. The introduction of the EEOL involved a reduction in bosei hogo, but has done little to resolve the tension and contradiction for women in fulfilling a variety of roles. Part-time work as an employment strategy created by employers operates within the 'lifetime' employment practices as a separate employment category segregating women workers. Women working part-time are employed in ways that articulate with their roles as envisioned by governments—that is, as wives and mothers and providers of labour. Unions, as representatives of workers, do not have the bargaining power to negotiate on issues beyond increases in wages. Despite the work of feminists in highlighting the inequity and undesirability of using the unitary category 'woman' to define all women, the Japanese government has made little attempt to recognize or acknowledge the needs of

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different groups of women. Part-time paid work as it is currently constructed articulates with the needs of governments, business groups and the mainstream union movement rather than with demands by women for equal access to a wider range of paid work opportunities or the needs of women already in paid work. However, the construction of part-time work has not remained static, nor does it necessarily meet the needs of the women who work part-time. By segregating women workers into the part-time workforce, full-time male workers are protected from competing with women re-entering the workforce and thus continue to receive high wages, annual payments and other fringe benefits. As husbands, male workers benefit from the receipt of domestic services from their wives; and employers reap the rewards of longer working hours from male workers who do not share in the division of labour in the household. Part-time workers have lives that differ from those of full-time housewives or women full-time workers. It is just this situation that prompts and encourages governments, business groups and unions to proclaim part-time to be the ideal paid work option for women with dependants. Redclift and Sinclair make the following argument for western societies but it also is applicable to Japan: The threat which women's labour market participation has posed to the maintenance of relatively high wages for male workers has been limited by the social and sexual norms and power relations which can restrict women's entry into many male-dominated occupations (1991:10). The construction of paid and unpaid work in Japan is based on assumptions about the roles of each sex. Part-time work has been constructed as a 'female' work pattern. Men who are employed less than full-time in Japan are not labelled part-time, a term that has come to be strongly identified with women. Part-time workers have been constructed not as independent 'workers' but in relationship to their family, and so their status in the labour market is viewed as marginal. Irrespective of the centrality of their contribution to the labour process or their company, the work of part-time workers is regarded as marginal and with the exception of technical and professional workers is defined as 'unskilled' and is poorly paid with few non-financial benefits. Part-time work exists and needs to be seen within a broader context which is the discourse describing the gendered division of labour because it has been constructed based on assumptions that women are 'carers' and domestic workers. Locating part-time work within this context allows it to be seen as an employment strategy created by employers to utilise the labour of married women. Constructing part-time work in jobs designated as 'women's work' segregates women into jobs that do not compete directly with male full-time workers, allowing male employers to maintain a male dominated workforce.

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Western feminists on women and work To understand the position of women in the paid work force Scott (1993) begins by retelling the history of women's work in nineteenth-century Britain. Scott argues that the ideology of domesticity, which she labels the 'dominant discourse' 'conceptualised a standard woman and defined work as a violation of her nature' (1993:423). For Scott the gendered division of labour is not a 'natural' occurrence but 'such divisions have come into being through practices that naturalize them' (1993:417). The segregation of the labour market by sex, the sex-typing of jobs, and the policies and practices of governments and unions have contributed to this process of naturalisation. Scott's observations can be applied to Japan where ryōsai kenbo constituted women based on their innate nurturing and caring abilities, confining them to work that could be carried out within the home. Of paid work, Scott argues 'the work women were hired for was defined as 'woman's work', somehow suited to their physical capabilities and their innate levels of productivity' (Scott 1993:403). Women have been defined as less productive in paid work than male workers and so became constituted as a cheap source of labour. This became the justification for paying women lower wages. Scott draws together the ways in which governments, unions, employers and male workers have used the gendered division of labour as 'an objective social fact originating in nature' (1993:402) as a means for classifying women as secondary workers. This discourse problematises the 'woman worker' in order to deal with the increase in the number of women workers. Legislation and union policies did not deal with women's continuing presence in the workforce or inequalities in employment conditions but concentrated on 'the effects of physical exertion on their bodies' reproductive capacities and of the impact of their presumed absence from home on the discipline and cleanliness of their households' (Scott 1993:423). In responding to pressure from various groups, in England legislation was passed which sought to improve working hours and employment conditions, but focused generally on women and child workers. Concerns about the increase in the numbers of women working did not centre on inequitable working conditions and long working hours but the difficulties of combining paid work and childcare, or surviving on low wages. Those who did raise these concerns had to overcome 'facts' such as the nature of the gendered division of labour. Instead, legislation focused on protecting female bodies from the moral and physical effects of paid work, and hindered those it was designed to assist (Scott 1993). Walby (1990) developed dual systems analysis as a way of addressing the issues of gender and capitalism and their interaction in constructing and defining work. Walby extends Hartmann's (1976) idea that job segregation by sex is central to men's control over women in all spheres of society. Walby points out that it is also necessary to take account of the tensions between patriarchy and capitalism, an example of which is when the utilisation of women's labour by capital means that women have less time to work for their

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husbands. In assuming that the labour market works smoothly and perfectly competitively, thus allowing every individual equal access to a range of choices, patriarchal structures are ignored. Walby argues 'inequalities in power within the family...has important effects on the decisions as to the distribution of paid work, unpaid work and leisure between household members' (1986:73). Walby points to two distinct patriarchal strategies operating in paid work. Exclusion is aimed at totally denying women access to an occupation or paid work; and segregation involves the separation of women's work from men's work and grading it differently in terms of remuneration and status (1990:53). Part-time work, for Walby, represents a new form of labour market segregation in Britain: Women's labour was made available to capital, but on terms which did not threaten to disrupt the patriarchal status quo in the household, since a married woman working part-time could still perform the full range of domestic tasks (1986:253). Walby's analysis of the relationship between patriarchy and capitalism contributes significantly to considerations of the gendered construction of parttime work in Japan. The segregation of women into part-time work cannot be regarded as an isolated construction, separate from the context of the employment relations within which it exists. Part-time work needs to be analysed as an element of women's paid work as it is constituted within Japan's lifetime employment practices. The career paths for full-time women workers are constructed differently from those for males in order to protect male workers' wages, benefits, training and promotions, from competition by the growing number of well-educated women entering the paid workforce. Walby believes that the labour market is more important than the gendered division of labour in the household for determining how women participate in the workforce. For Walby: The structuring of the labour market, in particular, occupational segregation by sex, emerges as critical.... It is because women are concentrated in low paying industries and occupations that they get paid less than men (1990:57). Walby also points to the legislative role played by the state in Britain, in response to unionised male workers' demands for protection of their jobs from women workers (1990:51). Her conclusion is that legislation and women's activity in, and access to, the political arena have made the gender bias of the State less of an issue. In Japan the issue of legislation and the gender bias of governments need to be examined more closely. Legislation designed to address equity issues has been in place since the mid-1980s, but despite the efforts of feminists, the legislation passed is more consistent with business goals than equity goals. The worsening employment conditions for women workers have been attributed to the introduction of the EEOL ratified in 1985 (Ōwaki 1992), which has led to employers creating different strategies to reinforce existing

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discriminatory employment practices (Lam 1992; Shibayama 1995; Creighton 1996). The Part-time Workers' Law, introduced in 1993 focuses on controlling employment rather than addressing the issues of inequality and discrimination in wages and employment conditions between part-time workers and full-time workers (Ōwaki 1993:19). Failure to achieve legislative success is not to deny the energy and commitment of feminists in Japan and their gains on behalf of women, but as Pringle and Watson argue for western societies: 'In response to conflict and resistance...the state is flexible in its responses to feminist demands and is able to reformulate them and shift the locus of meaning' (1990:231). From their study of part-time workers in Britain, Beechey and Perkins conclude that informing the construction and definition of women's jobs, is a 'powerful form of gender ideology...the ideology of domesticity' (1987:147– 8). Their work locates and defines a woman's identity in terms of the family and an ideology of domesticity. The discourse defining the role of 'women' as wives and mothers is important in the construction of part-time because of its impact on employers' perceptions of the type of work that is appropriate for married women or women with dependants. Employment strategies are constructed by employers with the support of male unionists and governments, based on assumptions about the gender characteristics of a worker. As Beechey and Perkins argue 'there is nothing inherent in the nature of particular jobs which makes them full-time or part-time. They have been constructed as such, and such constructions are closely related to gender' (1987:146). Certain jobs have been constructed as part-time because they are seen as women's jobs and because: The association of married women with part-time working has attained a quasi-naturalistic status... It is all too easy to ignore the processes whereby both men and women have been constructed as particular kinds of workers (Beechey and Perkins 1987:149). Ideological constructions in this context are important because the demand for particular kinds of labour depends considerably upon employers' perceptions of the kind of labour that is available and particularly the kind of work deemed appropriate for married women or women with dependants. Assumptions about gender held by unionists are also influential in defining the kinds of work considered appropriate for married women (Beechey and Perkins 1987:165). The domestic division of labour and the role governments play in determining the form of the division of labour in the household is important in explaining why women are over represented in part-time work 'because it imposes constraints upon women's participation' (Beechey and Perkins 1987:146). Beechey and Perkins' comments and insights are valuable for suggesting links between governments, employers and unions in the construction of gender, and their conclusions shed light on how governments and unions reinforce the roles of women as wives and mothers. Hartmann (1976) argued that male domination of trade unions was important for analysing constructions of gender. She examined the segregation of women

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in low paying, low status positions and argued that men are able to exclude women from better kinds of paid work, and thus keep them at a disadvantage because they are better organised in unions. Cockburn (1983) builds on Hartmann's analysis in examining the role of institutional procedures and trade union bargaining power in determining definitions of skill and wages. Men's greater participation in union-employer negotiations enables them to maintain their higher status. Men earn more than women because they participate more than women in union-employment negotiations and as a result male workers also maintain their position as 'more skilled' workers. Categorising women as 'unskilled' also benefits employers because it presents women as an alternative 'cheap workforce' (Cockburn 1983). The analyses of both Hartmann and Cockburn draw attention to the role that unions play in the construction of gender and the exclusionary tactics of trade unions in restricting the employment opportunities of women. Cockburn's analysis is valuable in examining part-time workers, because it is possible to examine the impact of union bargaining on both unionised and non-unionised part-time workers. In the case of Japan, any discussion of unions needs to consider that the scope of union-employer bargaining takes place in a context of enterprise unions (see chapter 6). The organisation of unions within an enterprise compounds the difficulty that workers face in establishing links with workers who share similar problems outside their enterprise. In Japan, negotiations between union and employer are limited to issues of redundancies, promotion, transfers and wage rates (Koike 1988:249). Definitions of skill, challenging managerial prerogative over definitions of job content and unionisation of part-time workers are not areas for employer-union negotiation. Historically, the actions of male workers indicate that they consider women lack a 'worker' consciousness (Sievers 1983). Worse, male workers and unionists assume that women are not interested in union activities and so they make little effort to increase union appeal to women or part-time workers. Thus, by excluding women, male workers maintain a privileged position and hence higher status as workers. Views of Japanese feminists Ōsawa Mari (1995) has dubbed Japanese society a 'corporate-centred society' as it is organised and structured around large private companies (kigyō chūshin shakai).7 Japan's corporate-centred society uses the lifecycles and work patterns of males as the standard (dansei honi shakai) and with society organised androcentrically, the working patterns of women are labelled as 'different'. This means that women's employment conditions, wages, benefits, promotion and career paths, and opportunities for re-employment differ from those of male workers (Ōsawa 1995:231). Ōsawa points out that the role of women in the corporate-centred society is to maintain the 'family'. Woman's role is indispensable as a complement to male full-time workers (kaisha ningen) who form the backbone of corporate Japan. The government's desire to strengthen the foundation of the family means that

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women bear the burden of welfare provision. While emphasising 'family', the unpaid work of raising children, as opposed to placing them in childcare, and the caring for elderly family members at home, falls to women. It was one of the major assumptions embodied in the Nihongata Fukushi Shakai (Japanese Style Welfare Society) that the kaisha ningen cannot live alone. There is a coercive heterosexuality, as a wife is indispensable to the life of a 'corporate warrior'. While men work heart and soul for the company, women must do the same to ensure men can continue to do so (Ōsawa 1995:249–50). In the past when the emphasis was on motherhood as a positive quality, it elevated a woman's position in society albeit in a limited way. The current discourse restricts and prevents women from participating fully in many aspects of contemporary Japanese society. Iwao (1993) and Ogasawara (1998) agree with Ōsawa's analysis but suggest different ways in which women benefit or can gain power. Iwao contends that being excluded from formal arenas such as policy-making and business has allowed women more freedom. Freed from working long hours women have been able to pursue cultural activities or paid work on their own terms such as part-time, without the worry of having to be the main income earner. From this Iwao argues that women have been empowered (1993:7). Ogasawara argues that women office workers enjoy informal power through the work relationships with the full-time male workers they assist. Ogasawara contends women office workers utilise the resistance available to powerless groups. Resistance spans the range from complete withdrawal of co-operation to the provision of minimal co-operation or assistance. Male workers are dependent on female office workers. This allows the women to derive some power (Ogasawara 1995). Discussions of the definition of part-time work have extended our understanding beyond the official survey definitions of part-time workers that take the number of work hours per week as the fundamental criterion. However, at workplaces other criteria including marital status and sex also define parttime workers. In exploring employment at Maruko Keihōki, Yamada writes, 'Women, irrespective of their age, whether they are in their teens or twenties, if they are married then they are employed as 'rinjisha' (temporary or part-time workers) (1997:77). At Maruko Keihōki men are not employed as temporary or part-time workers, but as full-time workers (Yamada 1997:77).8 The term 'part-time' at Maruko Keihōki refers only to women employees who work similar hours to full-time workers but with the job status, employment conditions and benefits that are inferior to those of full-time workers. At Azumi non-full-time male workers are labelled shokutaku not part-time workers. As Roberts points out, 'In many firms, employees (usually male) are kept on after retirement as shokutaku in unranked jobs at fractions of their former salaries' (1994:12). Takashima (1990) points out that 'part-time' in Japan does not mean the same as 'part-time' in English. Part-time worker does not refer to the hours worked but to mibun or status. Comparing Japan and England, Takashima argues in England the social definition of skill is based on recognised qualifications. In

48

CONCEPTUALISING THE FEMINISATION OF PART-TIME WORK

Japan, training is firm-specific so it is difficult for a worker to transfer the skills gained in one company to employment elsewhere (1990:242). Since part-time workers do not possess a recognised qualification, their employment status becomes their job classification.9 Training and skills are firm-specific and not transferable, so little is gained by changing jobs. Moreover, similar (or worse) employment conditions and restrictive age limits may exist in other companies, so, as a job-seeker ages, the types of jobs available is increasingly limited. Mitsuyama extends and supports Takashima's analysis by arguing that parttime work cannot simply be thought of as the opposite of full-time. As the majority of part-time workers are older married women she argues, it is necessary to think of part-time work in close relation to domestic responsibilities and child and aged care. Part-time work has a different meaning for women and men because in Japan the social and cultural expectations upon women and men are different (1992:16). Mitsuyama offers avenues for exploring the overrepresentation of women in part-time work by suggesting a basis for allocating mibun. She does not expand on what she understands 'social and cultural expectations' to be, nor does she offer suggestions as to the source of these expectations but Mitsuyama is almost certainly referring to assumptions about gender. Ōsawa Mali's observations on part-time employment are also important and include discussion of both toriatsukai (treatment) and koshō (label) of workers by companies. Ōsawa makes specific reference to Bpāto (Daiichi's equivalent is part-time workers) whose work hours resemble those of full-time workers but who are treated as part-time workers (1994:36). Ōsawa also questions whether women have a choice in working part-time. In a rebuttal to comments in a 1993 round-table discussion, Ōsawa rejects the arguments put by Seike and Takanashi (Ōwaki et al. 1993) that women choose to work part-time in order to balance their paid work with their household responsibilities. Ōsawa points out that given the hours and content of many full-time workers' jobs, the claim that parttime workers choose to work for lower wages and conditions is dubious. Ōsawa also cites evidence that few companies offer promotions from part-time to fulltime status, further restricting the opportunities of part-time workers (1994:48). Effectively, part-time workers are treated as part-time workers because they are labelled part-time. By being labelled part-time, and thus not full-time, they are not eligible to receive higher wages and other financial and non-financial benefits which full-time workers are guaranteed through 'lifetime' employment practices even if their hours of work, responsibility and job content are similar. Takashima also suggests, though not explicitly, that part-time not only refers to status but to gender, which hints at directions for exploring the overrepresentation of women in part-time work and also the basis for the allocation of status. By labelling the jobs allocated to women workers as parttime, employers are able to employ women in positions where they are disadvantaged vis a vis full-time workers. This illustrates Ōwaki's point that the Part-time Workers' Law focuses on controlling part-time employment rather than addressing the discriminatory employment conditions part-time workers are employed under.

3

Daiichi: introducing the supermarket giant

The appearance of supermarkets in the early 1950s changed Japan's retail scene irrevocably. Until this time retail was characterised by two sectors: department stores providing high quality goods and specialised service, and small family businesses providing a smaller range of goods for local customers.1 Supermarkets provided competition for both department stores and small shop owners. Unlike department stores, supermarkets were not subject to industry regulation because they were an 'emerging industry'. This absence of regulation contributed to their rapid expansion. Due in part to the agitation of department stores and small shop owners, the Large Scale Retail Store Law (Daikibo Kouri Tenpo Hō) was passed in 1973 (Kunitomo 1997:82). The law restricted both the size and number of stores for both supermarkets and department stores, but it had less impact on department stores because they were not expanding at the same rate as supermarkets. As part of the 1990 Japan–US Structural Impediments Initiative, in 1991 adjustments were made to the law. These allowed for greater variation in floor space and longer trading hours, and specified the number of days a store is required to close annually (Kunitomo 1997:85). After two decades of expansion, the 1980s was a period for chain stores to consolidate operations. As it was impossible to keep expanding and remain profitable, many chain stores turned inwards and concentrated on improving their management structure, and the operating systems of both the chain and individual stores. The growth in the number of convenience stores across Japan in the late 1980s, many of them owned by large supermarket chains or department stores, provided competition for the grocery-oriented supermarkets. Large supermarket chains expanded their range of services to include travel, leisure, finance, insurance and real estate development (Orihashi 1991:24–30). The adjustments to the Large Scale Retail Store Law in 1991 created an explosion of shops—large supermarkets opened new stores and large shopping centres were constructed in suburban and urbanising rural areas (Kunitomo 49

50

DAIICHI: INTRODUCING THE SUPERMARKET GIANT

1997:14). The continuing recession from the early 1990s means that supermarkets, big and small, are competing for limited consumer funds. Historically, retail has been a family undertaking—in some cases with little separation between the business and residence. Women could conduct business with a minimum of interference to household responsibilities and family status. Women contributed to the family income as unpaid labour while also fulfilling their role as wives and mothers.2 Retail also provided a major opportunity for women with dependants to earn a living either as an employee or through establishing a store.3 National statistics on employment in Japan are presented across industry, so obtaining data for employment in supermarkets alone is virtually impossible. The Ministry of Labour data that I have accessed do not provide specific sectoral detail but the trends reflected in these data are indicative of employment patterns in general. Of the 18 per cent of all part-time workers employed in the private sector, two-thirds are concentrated in the extremes of company size. Small companies employ approximately half of all part-time workers. In supermarkets, as in other industries in Japan, workers in large companies (with 1000 or more employees) are employed under conditions and with benefits that are more favourable than for workers in medium-sized (100–999) and small companies (10–99 employees). Although not the major employer of part-time workers, large companies do employ a significant proportion. In 1995, large companies employed 21 per cent of all part-time workers while small companies employed 45 per cent (Rōdōshō 1997:55). The breakdown in data on women part-time workers is also reflected by company size. Of the total number of women part-time workers, large companies employ 22 per cent, and small companies employ 44 per cent (Rōdōshō 1997:59). These figures are consistent with the general trend in employment for women full-time workers, with small companies offering greater employment opportunities to them than large companies, which tend to prefer men. Daiichi Opening its first store in 1957, Daiichi began as a pharmaceutical goods retailer in Kansai, the western region of Honshu. The first store employed thirteen people selling pharmaceutical products, cosmetics, canned food and household goods at 40 per cent of the retail price. Daiichi has expanded the products it sells to include home electrical goods, household goods, groceries, clothing, bedding and furniture. Daiichi began with two major goals. The first, reflected in the company motto, outlines the owner/founder's philosophy to keep prices low for customers. In order to achieve this Daiichi has fought major battles with manufacturers, wholesalers and distributors as well as putting competitors offside, all with the aim of gaining control over pricing.4 Daiichi has also introduced over 100 'private brands' through linkups with manufacturers who produce the goods, to specification, that Daiichi markets under its own labels. The second of Daiichi's

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

51

goals has been to become and remain number one in retail, especially in terms of sales. This goal was realised in 1972, when Daiichi overtook the Mitsukoshi department store to become the retail sector's sales leader. This achievement coming only fifteen years after Daiichi's first store opened reveals the pace at which supermarkets developed. Mitsukoshi took a century to achieve the same goal (Kunitomo 1997:74). In February 1996, Daiichi's sales totalled 25 trillion Australian dollars and, placed sixth among the ranks of international retailers, Daiichi is the highest-ranking Japanese retailer (Kunitomo 1997:91). With 365 stores, Daiichi has 150 stores more than its nearest competitor. As its beginnings were in the Kansai area, the greatest concentration of stores is found there. The Daiichi group has four divisions: (i) retail—General Merchandising Stores (GMS), discount stores, department stores, convenience stores and specialty stores, (ii) service—restaurant chains, travel agencies, health clubs, performance venues and a baseball club, (iii) finance and (iv) real estate development. Daiichi was the first supermarket chain to introduce computerised cash registers in 1962. The point of sale (POS) system, involving the scanning of barcodes, was introduced in supermarkets in 1985 and by 1988 all Daiichi stores used POS. In other sections, where checkout operations are intermittent, speed is not as high a priority and so the scanning device is attached to the register and needs to be picked up. The scanning device needs to be placed over the product's barcode, in order to register the information encoded. After scanning, various pieces of information need to be keyed in by an operator to complete the sale. This information might include whether a customer is using a credit or customer card, over what period of time they will make credit repayments, and the transaction can involve a significant amount of keying. Apart from the collection of product information, scanning is reputed to be faster than the earlier system of keying-in prices and has improved the accuracy of calculations. Daiichi's POS system collects data on the sale of individual items, the time and season of the sale, the type of customer and the identity of the operator, all of which is linked to Daiichi's central information centre. This information is used to analyse the movement of products and is used in the planning and layout of stores (Kunitomo 1997:154–66). Daiichi is working towards standardisation of business so that customers can buy the same product in any of its stores. Employees: working for Daiichi Basing an analysis of part-time workers at Daiichi on the Part-time Workers' Law's definition would be problematic—Daiichi defines part-time work as work of less than 38 hours per week. If the Law's definition were used, permanent part-time workers and many casuals employed at Daiichi would be excluded. My study of Daiichi revealed clearly that bureaucratic and legal definitions of part-time workers are not the same as those used by companies. Moreover, definitions used by companies differ from the actual working hours of part-time

52

DAIICHI: INTRODUCING THE SUPERMARKET GIANT

workers. The findings of my fieldwork highlight the problematic nature of defining part-time workers in terms of the number of hours they work per week. The gender of a worker is central to Daiichi's employment policies, particularly employment policies relating to part-time workers. Daiichi's policy of employing only women as part-time workers reflects the gendered nature of its employment policies, as Daiichi has consciously constructed part-time work for married women. As observed earlier, Daiichi is not exceptional in its implementation of gendered employment policies. Table 3.1:

Employment conditions of Daiichi employees by job (classification) status

Age limit (yrs)

Full-time Female 23

Full-time Male 25

Experience

none

none

Pātonā

45 (compulsory retirement at 60) 2 years min. as a junshain, pass written exam, assessment by manager

monthly

3 (pātonā 11 grades, shiniā 13 grades, masutā 15 grades)* hourly

>30per week 2 years min. as pātonā before teiji shain +3 * hourly

yes

yes

yes

no

yes

yes

yes

no

yes yes

yes yes

yes yes

no yes

yes yes

yes yes

yes yes

yes

yes

no

yes yes (less than teiji) no

retirement

retirement

1 year

6 months

Hours

25–38 per week

Skill grades (store-manager path)

9

9

Wage rates Benefits Annual payments Health insurance Pension Employment insurance Health check Meal allowance

monthly

Housing allowance Contract period

Teiji shain

* Promotion depends on age, length of employment, manager's assessment and rate of absenteeism (pātonā—partner; shiniā—senior; masutā—master)

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Daiichi's 1985 definition of a part-time worker, as written into the unionmanagement agreement is unclear, because part-time workers are referred to as 'women casuals who have passed the teiji shain [part-time worker's] exam' (Daiichi 1985:217). A 1991 company document outlining the proposed restructuring of the workforce [which took effect in 1992] defines part-time workers as working between 25 and 38 hours per week (1991:2) Quasi parttime workers are not referred to specifically but it is probable that the number of their work hours is similar to those of part-time workers. Full-time workers, on the other hand, are not defined by the number of hours worked, but by their status—that is by simply being defined as full-time workers at their work place. Broad differences between Daiichi's employee categories are highlighted in Table 3.1. Specific definitions of job categories are written into Daiichi's agreement between union and management. Definitions incorporated into this agreement do not state the number of hours that full-time workers and part-time workers are to work, but the agreement clearly highlights status as a core concept for defining workers. A full-time worker is defined as 'someone who signs an employment contract and has the status [my emphasis] of a company employee' (Daiichi 1985:125). A part-time worker is 'a woman [my emphasis] quasi part-time worker who has fulfilled the promotion criteria' (Daiichi 1985:217). In 1992 the reorganisation of the part-time workforce created a workforce of casuals who perform repetitive, auxiliary jobs and part-time workers who have some decision-making responsibilities. Part-time workers carry out jobs which approximate those of full-time workers, but irrespective of the tasks they perform, because they have the status of part-time workers, the perception is that they do not perform the same tasks as full-time workers. The restructuring of the part-time workforce at Daiichi was in response to the deepening recession and the difficulty of retail outlets, particularly supermarkets, in attracting male full-time workers, whilst decreasing the number of full-time female workers. Numerically Daiichi's workforce is dependent on part-time workers. Since the introduction of the part-time system, Daiichi has restructured its workforce, relying to a greater extent on part-time workers as a substitute workforce for women full-time workers. Restructuring has seen all workers, including parttime workers performing a wider range of tasks (Daiichi 1991:2). In January 1993 when I had formally finished working at Daiichi, I was invited to join the company trip. During this time the store closes completely for two days as a way of thanking employees for their hard work over the busy end of year and New Year period. Part-time workers and quasi part-time workers did not usually attend because in their words 'they were not made welcome'. This particular year Kitagawa san, manager of the toy and stationery section, was making an extra effort to include part-time workers as a way of bidding farewell to the quasi part-time system that would end in March 1993. Yoshizumi san was asked to lobby quasi part-time workers to join the trip. Accordingly, eleven others and myself joined 58 full-time workers on a ski trip to Kusatsu, a well-known thermal springs and ski resort north of Tokyo. The location was chosen to allow those who were not keen on skiing to sightsee.

54

DAIICHI: INTRODUCING THE SUPERMARKET GIANT

Full-time workers were required to ski much to the annoyance of a significant number. Sightseeing was considered a past-time for 'older' people. So a group of nine part-time and quasi part-time workers and myself saw the sights of Kusatsu. It was on this trip that three part-time and quasi part-time workers I had not met before agreed to be interviewed. After our day of sightseeing, 'our group' began an informal drinking session in one of the rooms that we occupied, while watching the engagement interview of the Crown Prince to Owada Masako. This session lasted six hours, (almost as long as the television coverage of the engagement interview!) and conversation ranged over numerous topics. Participation in the session was limited to part-time and quasi part-time workers (although not deliberately) but three section managers did join briefly. At this point the session became a forum for discussing issues and airing grievances, which provided me with a variety of data difficult to access through orthodox interview processes. Age limits At Daiichi age limits determine eligibility for employment as a full-time worker. For women the maximum entry age is 23 years and for men it is 25 years. Upper age limits are more elastic for male workers than female workers, as the practice of recruiting middle-aged workers is not unusual. Restricting full-time employment opportunities for women reduces the number of women employees who benefit from 'lifetime' employment practices and compete with male colleagues for the highly remunerated positions. It also protects promotion opportunities for male employees. A glance around a Daiichi supermarket suggests that women are wellrepresented in the company, yet only 34 per cent of Daiichi's 19,300 full-time employees are women. In 1992 Daiichi introduced a range of equity policies under its Family Support System, to encompass maternity and postnatal leave and child and aged care arrangements. The options range from leave of absence provisions, to reducing the number of hours worked per day, with eligible fulltime women workers allowed to take up to six years leave and be re-employed in their former positions as full-time workers (Daiichi 1993). These conditions are comparatively generous, but they reflect the conservatism of Daiichi's attitude towards role division by sex, as these leave provisions are available only to women. The majority of women workers on the shop floor at Daiichi are employed as part-time workers. As noted earlier, women comprise Daiichi's entire part-time workforce.5 Aside from full-time workers, Daiichi employs 27,000 part-time workers and casuals. The quasi part-time system that Daiichi introduced in October 1970 was reorganised in 1981 with the introduction of the part-time worker system. The two-track system for part-time workers creates a limited career structure. There is no path for part-time workers to become full-time workers. The grades for part-time workers include master (masutā), senior (shiniā), and partner (pātonā). Part-time workers exist in small numbers in each

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

55

store. To be promoted to the status of part-time worker, strict eligibility criteria must be met, the most prohibitive being the age limit of less than forty-five years. Next the part-time worker must have worked for a minimum of four years with the company and at least two years as a quasi part-time worker. Other selection criteria include a positive evaluation/recommendation from the section manager who considers the workers' qualities such as attitude, rate of absenteeism and punctuality. There is also a formal written exam and interview with the personnel manager. Daiichi responded to the 1992 national economic downturn by reorganising the employment structure of part-time work, with sections of the workforce reclassified as casuals. By introducing a new employment structure Daiichi reduced the number of part-time worker categories from three to two. The category of quasi part-time worker (junshain) was eliminated and all were absorbed into the new category of casuals. In effect Daiichi has managed to reduce staffing costs of employing part-time workers by reclassifying the quasi part-time workers as casuals. Casuals do not receive annual payments, nor increases in hourly wages after promotion because few are given the opportunity for promotion. Moreover, casuals do not receive a payment on retirement, nor are they eligible for paid holidays or pension schemes. As observed earlier Daiichi's union-management agreement specifies the number of working hours as part of the definition for part-time workers. This is not unusual in Japanese industrial relations as numbers of hours of work is not an item for bargaining between union and management. The company determines hours of work unilaterally and although this was evident in recent Daiichi documents, all five personnel managers I interviewed denied that number of hours was a criterion. At Daiichi, part-time workers, particularly but not exclusively, regularly work the same number or more hours than the definition of part-time workers contained in the Part-time Workers' Law. One reason is that Daiichi sets 38 hours per week as the number of hours to be worked by part-time workers. Differences in definition aside, there are other indications that the term part-time is based on much more than simply the number of hours worked per week. Again in the case of part-time workers, primarily but not exclusively, they perform similar jobs to full-time workers. Hachiban The Hachiban store where I conducted participant observation fieldwork opens from 10.00 a.m. until 7.30 p.m. daily, depending on the season. For New Years day, shattā renkyū (two days in late January when the store closes) and three Wednesdays a month the store closes to the public. The remaining Wednesday each month is dedicated to members of Daiichi's shoppers club and the store opens especially for this clientele. Members are offered discounted items as well as specialised products. Although the store is closed to the public three Wednesdays a month, a small staff of part-time workers, casuals and full-time

56

DAIICHI: INTRODUCING THE SUPERMARKET GIANT

workers stock shelves, change displays and other jobs that are too disruptive to customers to be performed during store trading hours. Shattā renkyū is the company's way of thanking staff for working hard over the busy end of year and New Year period. During this break, participation in the company-organised excursion is effectively compulsory. Employees recognise that it is important to be seen to be participating in company social activities by one's superiors—but it does not necessarily mean they want to go. In the trip that I joined, the store manager and assistant store manager participated—and so the excursion was also an opportunity for ambitious male full-time workers to become familiar with senior management outside work hours. The Hachiban store is an eight-storey building occupying one complete block. It is located in a relatively affluent residential section of Tokyo's western suburbs. The store opened in 1975 and is one of Daiichi's larger stores in the Kanto (eastern Honshu) area. It employs approximately 670 employees, excluding employees of manufacturers who are seconded to supermarkets to sell the manufacturer's specialised product.6 From its opening in 1975, Daiichi's Hachiban store began employing parttime workers. At Daiichi they were then called quasi part-time workers and they were all married women. In 1993 there were twelve part-time workers in the Hachiban store, although management has indicated it is trying to increase their numbers.7 Figure 3.1:

Daichi's Hachiban store structure Store Manager

Assistant Store Manager

Soft section Lingerie Cosmetics Women's clothing Men's clothing Accessories

Grocery Section Fish Meat Vegetables Fruit Dry goods

Hard section Stationery Toys Novelty Haberdashery Manchester Household goods

General Affairs Personnel

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

57

During my employment in 1991–1992, register duty involved having to stand for an hour or more, with no opportunity to sit or vary body movements beyond those necessary for operating the register. The restructuring of the part-time workforce in the toy section resulted in casuals spending longer periods on register duty. Coupled with the bright fluorescent lighting and the constant noise of computerised toys and advertising displays, the working environment of the toy section was becoming unpopular with older women who were the majority of workers.8 Checkout operators in the grocery section of the Hachiban store were all women. Until 1985, Daiichi employed specialist checkout operators. Other staff were responsible for a section and focused on selling and advising customers, ordering stock directly from manufacturers, and the presentation of their section. Part-time workers commented that this work involved product knowledge and sales skills. With the introduction of POS in 1988 on the assumption that scanning simplified checkout operations, Daiichi required that all staff be trained in operating the new registers.9 Everyone is now required to work in their own section as well as a rotation operating the register. Until 1992 all staff in the toy and stationery sections were rotated on checkout duty. Part-time workers and their families Of the part-time workers I interviewed, most had husbands who were either selfemployed or were/had been company employees. In fact the proportion was approximately equally divided between the two job categories. This breakdown was also reflected in the survey results for part-time workers and quasi parttime workers. Fifty-three per cent of part-time workers replied their spouse was a company employee, compared with 61 per cent of quasi part-time workers and 64 per cent of casuals. Part-time workers also reported a higher proportion of spouses in self-employment—22 per cent compared with 13 per cent of quasi part-time workers. Thirty-four per cent of part-time workers' spouses earned between 300,000 and 390,000 yen per month, compared to 30 per cent of spouses of quasi part-time workers. Forty-seven per cent of spouses of quasi part-time workers earned between 200,000 and 390,000 yen per month, situating them in the lower income brackets. On the other hand, 51 per cent of spouses of casuals earned over 400,000 yen per month. Despite a high proportion of part-time workers' spouses employed in companies, the differences in the amount of income could be a reflection of either the age of the part-time workers' spouses compared with the spouses of casuals as male wages decline after age 50 years. It may also be that the partners of casual employees work in large companies that generally offer higher wages. It is therefore not surprising that part-time and quasi part-time workers accepted Daiichi's offer to become part-time workers. This position gives them eligibility for annual payments and the opportunity to increase their earnings through more work hours.

58

DAIICHI: INTRODUCING THE SUPERMARKET GIANT

It is probable that the disparity in wages between spouses of part-time workers and casuals who are employed by companies is the difference in company size. It is also probable that the spouses of casuals are employed in larger companies when the difference in educational profile between part-time workers and quasi part-time workers compared to casuals is considered. For casuals, 23 per cent attained post-secondary educational qualifications either from a vocational college (10 per cent) or two-year college (13 per cent). This compares with 16 per cent of quasi part-time workers and 21 per cent of parttime workers who gained qualifications primarily from a vocational college. As Brinton argues 'a Japanese woman's level of education...is important for the marriage market' (1993:199). Buckley extends this further by arguing: 'Higher education for women is intimately bound in Japan to marriage eligibility... The better marriage she makes the more significant the public acting out of her professionalism as wife and mother' (1996:451). The higher proportion of casuals with post-secondary qualifications compared to part-time workers and quasi part-time workers also corresponds to my finding that more casuals replied that the amount of housework they perform has not decreased significantly since they began paid work. One further incentive to work as casuals is the tax-free threshold. My conversations with married casuals indicated that they wanted to work fewer hours because they wanted to remain under the tax-free threshold so their spouses would still be paid the dependent spouse allowance. None of the part-time workers I met at Daiichi during my fieldwork had school aged or younger children.10 Responses to my survey indicate many parttime workers had adult children. Sixty-six per cent of part-time workers and 69 per cent of quasi part-time workers had children over eighteen-years-old. This contrasts with casuals, only 39 per cent of whom had children over eighteenyears-old. Seventeen per cent of casuals replied they had children between the ages of six and eleven-years-old. My finding that the majority of part-time workers and quasi part-time workers have adult children is consistent with the national profile for part-time workers in which 70 per cent are between 40 and 59 years of age. Employment experience before taking on part-time work All the part-time workers I interviewed indicated they had some previous work experience prior to and/or after marriage. The range of work experiences included both working as unpaid family labour and paid work, with many having prior experience in retail. Kurashiki san, a quasi part-time worker who in 1992 worked in the toy section, started at Daiichi when the store opened in 1975 when she was aged 39 years. She worked continuously prior to and after her marriage. Before marriage she did household chores in her natal home. After marrying and while her children were young she did piecework and early morning deliveries. This was work which she could perform before her husband left for work to avoid the expense of paid childcare. After her children started

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59

school, and prior to her employment at Daiichi, Kurashiki san worked on an assembly line in a car factory. She was retrenched during the economic slowdown following the oil crisis of 1973. Kurashiki san became a casual at Daiichi in 1993 and in 1995 was transferred to the manchester (bed linen, towels) section with Miyake san. Miyake san, a quasi part-time worker and then casual, had worked in a store before marriage. Daiichi was her first paid job after marriage and she waited until her daughter began at kindergarten before seeking paid work. Okabe san is a part-time worker who also has retail experience. Prior to her employment at Daiichi she worked for a year as a receptionist at a wedding hall. When Daiichi opened nearby a year later, she left to work at Daiichi thinking her prospects might be better. As it turned out the wedding hall closed after two years in operation. Okabe san started at Daiichi when she was 35-years-old. Takashima san is a part-time worker who started working at Daiichi in 1978. She had worked in her uncle and aunt's store before marriage but became a fulltime housewife after marriage. She sought paid work after her youngest child began at kindergarten. Toda san worked in the manchester section of a department store for two and a half years prior to marriage, and is now employed as a casual in Daiichi's manchester section. She sought work at Daiichi after her son started high school. Prior to her marriage, Yoshizumi san worked for one year as an unpaid family worker in her aunt's pharmacy while living with the aunt's family in Tokyo.11 She quit work on marriage and started at Daiichi in 1975 at age 41 years. In 1992 she was relocated despite resistance, to haberdashery, and in 1993 left Daiichi—though not voluntarily. Kawashima san is a part-time worker employed in babywear. Daiichi was her first job in a large company as she previously sold insurance door-to-door. Nitani san, a part-time worker in household wares, worked in an office prior to her marriage and in her husband's fruit shop for three years after her marriage. For Nitani san too, Daiichi was her first job in a large company in the service industry. My survey data revealed that 63 per cent of part-time workers and 53 per cent of quasi part-time workers had worked at Daiichi for more than ten years. This compares with casuals, 29 per cent of whom had worked between three and five years and 23 per cent of whom had worked between one and three years. The following chapters focus on my fieldwork experiences and examine themes I have drawn from my intensive analysis of part-time workers at Daiichi. The common theme underlying and linking these chapters is the impact on Japanese women of being constituted within a discourse that allocates roles on the basis of gender. Within this discourse the gendered division of labour in Japan proscribes paid employment opportunities for women with all women subsumed into the single category of wives and mothers. This then becomes representative for all women. To deny that women perceive themselves as wives and mothers, or that these roles are not important is to inaccurately portray women in Japan. However, it is a separate issue when employers, governments and unions through their policies and practices institutionalise a gendered division of labour constituting all women as wives and mothers. To examine the

60

DAIICHI: INTRODUCING THE SUPERMARKET GIANT

implications for women of being defined in this way, I have restricted my focus to examining part-time employment conditions, the impact of working part-time on the division of labour in the household and the enterprise union's policies and practices in relation to part-time workers. In Japan the representation and construction of women as wives and mothers restricts the employment opportunities of all women irrespective of age, class or lifecycle stage. Women are constituted as a unitary and homogenous category— this is problematic because it does not recognise diversity in material conditions or life experiences. This situation is exemplified in employment, social and welfare policies where all women are economically disadvantaged. Government policies and national legislation are too narrow to encompass the multiplicity and complexity of the lives of contemporary Japanese women.12

4

'With what I know I should be a manager...'

The numerical increase in part-time jobs represents greater employment opportunities for women who seek or will accept part-time work, but empirical evidence examining employment conditions is necessary to determine what this increase represents. In Japan, employment opportunities for women seeking to return to full-time paid work are limited. Part-time work appears ideal for women wanting to combine paid work with child and aged care, domestic work or other activities in their lives. This chapter details the working hours, wages, benefits and conditions of part-time and quasi part-time workers and draws on both my fieldwork at the Hachiban store and responses to my questionnaire. The part-time workers I interviewed and talked with throughout my fieldwork were aware of the disparity in their employment conditions and wages when compared with fulltime workers; it was impossible for them not to be aware. When I asked them why they thought there was this disparity almost all responded it was because there were problems in Daiichi's employment policies. When encouraged to clarify further many responded: because women have families and domestic responsibilities. Some like Okabe san accepted this, but with a resignation borne from frustration at having her career opportunities blocked because of employment policies that discriminate against women for being women. Yet all were aware that there were few employment opportunities available should they leave Daiichi and possibly feared the threat of dismissal or non-renewal of their contract should they agitate. The part-time workers I interviewed who were performing the same jobs as full-time workers, were aware that despite being utilised in the same way as full-time workers they would never receive the same employment, training and promotion opportunities. Consequently they would be denied higher wages, annual payments and benefits. Their anger, frustration and bitterness, though rarely displayed, nevertheless existed. Yoshizumi san relates her experience of protesting to the store manager in the early to mid-1980s about the poor

61

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'WITH WHAT I KNOW I SHOULD BE A MANAGER...'

conditions for quasi part-time workers compared to full-time workers, with increasing years of service. She has taken no further action. None of the parttime workers I interviewed indicated they intended to protest their feelings of injustice. Part-time workers I interviewed revealed three important issues for women seeking paid work. First, the scarcity of employment options available for middle-aged women in Japan generally. Second, while the employment conditions and remuneration for part-time workers at Daiichi are lower compared with those of full-time workers, they are better than elsewhere. This was particularly the case for those employed as part-time workers who still received annual payments after the restructuring of the part-time workforce. Third, despite performing the same job as a full-time worker, part-time workers do not receive comparable conditions to full-time workers. The title for this chapter is a comment from one part-time worker with twenty years experience (2001)—'With what I know, I should be a manager'. As will become clear below factors other than experience or job knowledge impact upon a person's opportunity for promotion to manager. To understand more about part-time workers at Daiichi I examined the employment conditions of part-time workers and concluded that part-time work is an employer strategy to reduce labour costs while protecting the employment conditions and benefits of male full-time workers. Profile of part-time workers Ministry of Labour data indicates the average age of part-time workers is 47 years with 16.4 per cent aged between 45 and 49 years. The largest majority are women, 38 per cent of whom are aged between 40 and 49 years. Males fall into two distinct age groups that reflect the stages in their lifecycle when they seek work as a part-time worker: in the 20 to 24 year age group (32.8 per cent) and in the post-retirement years (60 to 64, 14.4 per cent) (Rōdōshō 1997:16). Length of service is increasing, with an average of 6.7 years. Women have longer years of service as part-time workers than men. Twenty-eight per cent of women had worked between five and ten years and 22 per cent between ten and twenty years compared with 53 per cent of men working between one and five years (Rōdōshō 1997:31). Fifty-four per cent of women part-time workers work more than five days per week, compared with 36 per cent of men. On average male short-time workers work fewer days (4.4 per week) than women (Rōdōshō 1997:34). Twenty-six per cent of women part-time workers work six to seven hours, with male shorttime workers (20 per cent) working seven to eight hours daily (Rōdōshō 1997:48). More than half (51 per cent) the sono ta or full-time part-time workers, the majority of whom are male, work overtime, compared with 32 per cent of all part-time workers. On average a full-time employee works 41.4 hours plus overtime (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1997:68), full-time part-time employees work 40.3 hours per week (women 39.3 hours per week, men 41.5

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hours per week) (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1997:78) and part-time employees work 30.8 hours per week (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1997:68). Part-timers work an average of 7.6 hours of overtime per month. The profile of Daiichi part-time workers resembled other surveys: women in their mid to late forties, married with adult children, with a high school education, previous work experience either as a full-time worker or part-time worker. The difference was their longer than average length of employment at Daiichi. Survey definitions of part-time workers The 1989 Labour Force Survey indicates that the number of women in the nonagricultural and forestry sectors who work less than 35 hours a week was 4.3 million, representing 21.3 per cent of the total number of employees in these sectors. The number of workers in these sectors classified as part-time at the workplace was 4.5 million, representing 26.3 per cent of the total (Takenaka 1992:5). The definition included in the Part-time Workers' Law is problematic for analysing part-time workers because those working more than 35 hours a week are excluded. Part-time workers were defined as working 'less than a full-time worker' (Rōdō Kijun Chōsa Kai 1994:24) but this description has been refined to include 'employees who in one week work fewer hours per week than those worked by full-time employees' (Rōdō Kijun Chōsa Kai 1994:24). While the number of working hours is not clearly identified, it is generally taken to mean less than 35 hours per week (Rōdō Kijun Chōsa Kai 1994:11). The open-endedness of the law's definition raises an important issue. The definition can be interpreted literally, such that a person who works only minutes less than a full-time worker is still classified as a part-time worker. The recent case of part-time workers at Maruko Keihōki illustrates this point. At Maruko there is only fifteen minutes difference in the number of hours worked each day by part-time workers and full-time women workers. Yet although parttime workers at Maruko technically finish their daily shift fifteen minutes earlier than full-time women workers, by company decree part-time workers must work the final fifteen minutes as overtime with their refusal unacceptable to management (Yamada 1997:76–7). A further example comes from a lingerie company, Azumi, where part-time workers are defined as 'non-regular employee(s) who work about one hour less per day than regular [full-time] employees' (Roberts 1994:12).1 In 1994 paid work hours of full-time workers averaged 46.4 hours per week including overtime. Contrast this with the hours for part-time workers, which averaged 40.3 hours per week, with women working 39.3 hours and men working 41.5 hours per week (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1997:68). The Ministry of Labour's Chingin Kōzō Kihon Tōkei Chōsa (Basic Survey of Wage Structure) and Shokugyō Keitai no Tayōka ni Kansuru Sōgō Jittai Chōsa (Comprehensive Survey of Variety in Job Patterns) defines part-time workers as those workers who work fewer hours per day or fewer days per week than full-

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'WITH WHAT I KNOW I SHOULD BE A MANAGER...'

time workers. The Management and Co-ordination Agency's Rōdōryoku Chōsa (Labour Force Survey) defines tanjikan rōdōsha as those employees in nonagricultural sectors who work less than 35 hours per week. Its Rōdōryoku Chōsa Tokubetsu Chōsa (Special Report on the Labour Force) adopts the definition of part-time workers used by particular workplaces (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1996:41). The 1991 Ministry of Labour's comprehensive survey of part-time workers Pātotaimā no Jittai provides a wealth of statistical information on part-time workers in all industries throughout Japan. This study sets out a detailed definition of part-time workers based on number of hours worked by comparison with full-time workers' hours. Until 1991 the Policy Research Section studies had included part-time workers in the category of casual or temporary workers.2 Early Ministry of Labour definitions of part-time workers focused on the number of hours worked per week—that is under thirty-five hours per week. Through the 1990s the Ministry of Labour has defined part-time workers as those 'treated as part-time workers at their workplace'. The Ministry identifies two types of part-time workers, those working fewer hours than full-time workers (which it calls Apāto) and those working approximately the same number of hours as full-time workers (which it calls Bpāto) (Rōdōshō 1991:5). Based on the Ministry's 1990 definition, there were an estimated 5.8 million part-time workers—4.6 million were Apāto (Rōdōshō 1991:5–6). Women comprise 81 per cent of Apāto. There were 1.2 million Bpāto.3 Only 19 per cent of the total number of women part-time workers were included in this category which is approximately half that of the men (19 and 35 per cent) (Rōdōshō 1991:48-52). In other words, women have less access to the higher paid (through longer hours and higher hourly rates of pay) jobs in the part-time workforce. In its 1997 Pātotaimā no Jittai survey the Ministry modified this classification—part-time (pāto) has replaced Apāto and sono ta (others) has replaced Bpāto (Rōdōshō 1997:14). An important issue arising from this redefinition is that sono ta linguistically disguises the relationship to part-time work, further indicating that the term 'part-time' is gendered. More women are employed in jobs classified as part-time and these have lower wages and fewer benefits compared to sono ta. From the data it can be seen that there is an increase in the number of workers who work similar hours to those of full-time workers but who are classified as part-time workers {sono ta). The survey data also indicates employment conditions and benefits for part-time workers are not equivalent, nor even similar, to those of full-time workers, despite their similar number of work hours. Failure to cite precisely the number of hours that part-time workers work reflects the reluctance of the Ministry of Labour to interfere with definitions used by individual enterprises. This results in contradictions between legal/official definitions of part-time workers and workplace definitions. Criticism of the Part-time Workers' Law is based on its exclusion of sono ta workers. This may have influenced the Ministry of Labour to adopt the

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terminology sono ta in its 1997 Patotaima no Jittai survey. The effect of this labelling, linguistically at least, is one of concealment. The government appears to be denying their existence as part-time workers, despite their employment conditions and status as part-time workers at their workplace. The term part-time worker in official surveys includes both women and men—different terms are used at the workplace. Survey data indicates that the majority of male part-time workers are classified as sono ta or part-time workers who work more than 35 hours per week. Sono ta are paid higher wages and annual payments and are employed under different and better conditions than women part-time workers. The average wage for women part-time workers in 1995 was 809 yen an hour or 116,000 yen a month. In contrast, male parttime workers earned 1,045 yen an hour or 159,000 yen a month (Rōdōshō 1997:35). Background to the Part-time Workers' Law Moves to address issues relating to the growing number of part-time workers in Japan culminated in the creation of the Joshi Pātotaimu Rōdō Taisaku ni Kansuru Kenkyūkai (The Study Group on Policies for Women's Part-time Work) by the Fujin Shōnen Kyōkai (Women's and Minors' Foundation). In July 1988 this group published a report and proposed a Pātotaimu Rōdōsha Fukushi Hō (Part-time Workers' Welfare Law) (Takanashi et al. 1993:18). The focus of the proposal was on the working conditions and welfare policies of part-time workers including a recommendation to introduce a retirement/severance payment. This would bring the conditions of part-time workers into line with those of full-time workers. The proposed law was supported by a coalition of opposition parties including the Japan Socialist Party (JSP), the Democratic Socialist Party (DSP), Clean Government Party (Komeitō), and Rengō (Japan Confederation of Trade Unions) Senators (Rengō Sangiin) (Kojima 1993:41), but was defeated in the parliament when the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) counter-proposed the present law. In response to the report proposing a Part-time Workers' Welfare Law, the Tokyo Chamber of Commerce argued that a new law was unnecessary because minimum standards governing employment conditions for part-time workers were included in the Labour Standards Law, the Minimum Wages Law and the Labour Safety Standards Law. Influenced by this protest, the 1989 Pāto Rōdō Shishin, the first guidelines governing employment for part-time workers, focused on administrative guidance (gyōsei shidō) or advice for administering the part-time employment system rather than an attempt to address inequalities in employment conditions (Kojima 1993:40). The Part-time Workers' Law focuses on the administration and control of the part-time employment system rather than reducing the discrimination against part-time workers. The Law's exclusion of part-time workers whose work hours approximate those of full-time workers is problematic. By excluding these workers, the law does not address differences between these part-time workers and full-time workers in employment conditions, wages and benefits, training,

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'WITH WHAT I KNOW I SHOULD BE A MANAGER...'

and promotion opportunities. These differences exist despite the fact that these part-time employees work the same number of hours in the same jobs as fulltime workers. Neither the EEOL nor the Part-time Workers' Law is empowered to impose penalties on employers for failing to comply with its guidelines. The Part-time Workers' Law is under revision and Rengō's proposals are discussed in chapter 6. In 1989 the Ministry of Labour created the Pātotaimu Rōdō Taisaku Senmonka Kaigi (Forum of Specialists on Part-time Work Policies), which included representatives from the bureaucracy, employer groups and the union movement.4 This group argued the necessity of examining further the legal aspects of employing part-time workers. Based on the recommendations of this report, the Ministry issued its Pātotaimu Rōdō Shishin (Guidelines on Part-time Work) (Kojima 1993:40). A third group was formed in 1992, the Pātotaimu Rōdō Kenkyūkai (Study Group on Part-time Work) whose report became the basis for the 1993 Part-time Workers' Law (Takanashi et al. 1993:18). One difference noted between the 1988 and 1992 reports is that of emphasis. The 1988 report focused on working conditions and welfare policies, whilst the 1992 report emphasised employment policies and administrative guidance and consultation. Ōwaki Masako, feminist, solicitor and Upper House parliamentarian, criticised the creation of a legal framework focusing on policies to control employment on the grounds that it fails to address differences in wages, financial benefits, insurance, welfare systems and training. 'Inequality in employment conditions between part-time workers and regular workers, should be the focus of the law because part-time workers often work similar hours to full-time workers' (Ōwaki et al. 1993:19). The law proposed by the opposition parties attempted to address the discriminatory treatment of parttime workers, but the governing LDP did not support this proposal because it did not consider the treatment of part-time workers to be discriminatory (Ōwaki et al. 1993:24). Thus, the present law does not refer to part-time workers who work more than 35 hours per week. Takanashi Akira, the chair of the 1992 group, points out that these part-time workers were excluded because employer federations opposed emphasising policies for 'full-time part-time workers'. Responding to this opposition Takanashi decided to exclude these part-time workers from consideration (Takanashi et al. 1993:21). In this instance, Takanashi is clearly indicating that in the framing of the law the group considered management's needs over those of workers. (See note 1, p. 150 for 2001–2002 update on the Part-time Workers' Law) International Labour Organisation (ILO) figures suggest that women represent two-thirds of the global part-time workforce (Yamaoka 1997:23). Influenced by the global trend towards casual labour, in particular the overrepresentation of women in part-time work, the ILO adopted the Part-time Work Convention (C175) in 1994. Article 1 of this convention defines part-time workers as 'an employed person whose normal hours of work are less than those of comparable part-time workers' (ILO 2001). As will be seen later, while the Part-time Workers' Law appears to support the ILO convention, the

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difference hinges on definitions of a full-time worker within Japan's 'lifetime' employment practices. The Japanese government's initial response to the creation of an international treaty was negative arguing that a treaty was unnecessary. Ōwaki argues that the Japanese government's negative response and its concomitant strategy of pushing for 'recommendations' only, was designed to maximise the ability to negotiate within the framework of domestic law (1993:24). Representatives from employer groups supported the government's position, arguing that 'employment conditions for part-time workers should be left to each individual country' (Yamaoka 1997:24). The Japanese government abstained on voting on both the treaty and the recommendations. Representatives from employer groups opposed the treaty and abstained on voting for the recommendations (Yamaoka 1997:24). Eventually the treaty and recommendations were ratified by Japan in June 1995, but only with the support of representatives from the union movement. After passing the Part-time Workers' Law, the Japanese government agreed to establish a review committee within three years. The Pātotaimu Rōdō Kenkyūkai began the process of revising the law in 1996, and proposals were expected to be submitted to the Japanese parliament by 1998. In 1997 the Study Group Concerning Part-time Workers, established by the Ministry of Labour, submitted a report proposing a number of amendments. Suggestions included clarification of part-time workers' working conditions, creating more balance between part-time and full-time workers and offering more choice in employment paths. Kezuka observes submissions from other groups criticised this report for its lack of specificity in addressing the issue of equity in treatment and conditions between part-time and full-time workers (Japan Institute of Labour 2000). The Rengō Pāto Rōdō Project (The Rengō Part-time Work Project) established by Rengō published a report that proposed two revisions to the law. The proposed revisions concentrate on (a) employers clarifying working conditions for part-time workers at the time of hiring through the completion of a yatoiiri tsūchisho (employment notice); and (b) strengthening the expectations upon employers to follow the recommendations embodied in the Part-time Workers' Law, specifically strengthening penalties for disobeying the law.5 As it stands, employers only have to endeavour to implement the law, but Rengō is arguing that implementation become compulsory. Rengō argued the introduction of these measures would further protect part-time workers by specifying their employment conditions (1997:19). However, it is clear that Rengō appears to be sidestepping the underlying issue of discriminatory employment conditions faced by part-time workers. Rengō has made no mention of the disparity in wages and conditions or that the framework of the law should be extended to include part-time workers working more than 35 hours a week. To facilitate flexibility through the further use of 'peripheral' workers, employers demanded the government loosen labour law regulations, including weakening the regulation of private employment agencies and temporary

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'WITH WHAT I KNOW I SHOULD BE A MANAGER...'

worker agencies. This included an expansion of the range of jobs for which agencies can recruit workers. Private agencies had been restricted to recruiting in only 29 types of jobs including nurses, cooks, hairdressers and administrative staff (Kyotani 1999:193). According to the Ministry of Labour survey in 1995, 24 per cent of women 'chose' to work part-time in order to work fewer hours per week than full-time workers. Fifty-one per cent of women claimed to have chosen part-time work to 'work hours and days which suited them' and 26.5 per cent did so to reduce the number of hours and days they worked (Rōdōshō 1997:198). Responses to these questions about why women work, or choose to work part-time work, are used by government and business to argue that women want to work part-time; and that there is a strong demand by women for part-time work. Certainly many people, both female and male, want or need to work part-time, but it is not clear whether those who work part-time are satisfied with the contemporary construction of part-time work. The demand to work limited hours and hours which suited their needs, does not necessarily match the supply of jobs which employers have constructed as part-time work. So are part-time workers happy with working part-time and do these jobs suit their needs? The issue of employee satisfaction with the construction of part-time work has not been followed up by Ministry of Labour surveys of part-time workers, suggesting that governments and business are not concerned about the issue. As discussed, the status of part-time workers is given as justification for their unequal treatment vis a vis full-time workers in terms of wages and employment conditions. Women's responsibility for family and household have been used to justify the creation of separate job tracks, with lower skill gradings for part-time workers and for not offering women workers the same job conditions as men workers (Kumazawa 1986:87; Hattori 1992:94). As the conditions of women part-time workers cannot be separated from the treatment of all women workers, the status of part-time workers is also defined and restricted by their roles as wives and mothers. While the conditions of full-time workers are guaranteed in an agreement between management and the enterprise union of which only full-time employees can be members, the conditions and treatment of the non-full-time work force are largely ignored.6 Daiichi's creation of a two-tier employment structure for part-time workers forces part-time workers to accept greater job responsibilities. By doing so, these non-full-time workers are fulfilling the role of full-time workers but without the status accorded and consequent financial remuneration paid to full-time workers. The impact of gender on wages Wages for part-time workers were well below those of their male counterparts, reflecting the gendered nature of wages for full-time workers. In 1976 the average hourly wage for a part-time worker represented 82 per cent of a fulltime worker's wage. In 1980 this decreased to 76 per cent. As part-time workers

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became an established part of the labour market, the gap between their wages and those of full-time workers gradually increased (Shioda 1994:178). In 1994 part-time workers earned 49 per cent of a full-time male worker's wage (Hayashi 1997:83). Of the companies surveyed in the 1995 Pātotaimā no Jittai, 30 per cent had a system of wage increases for part-time workers, which represents a decline since the 1991 survey. In 1984 the Ministry of Labour established guidelines for the employment of part-time workers, including guaranteeing those part-time workers employed over 22 hours per week are eligible for unemployment insurance. The guidelines recommend that part-time workers who are employed more than four days a week must be given some annual paid holidays; and part-time workers who meet certain conditions are paid wages equivalent to those of full-time workers (Shioda 1994:180). As these were guidelines rather than rules they have not been enforced and as the above figures indicate the guidelines are not applied to all part-time workers. Mitsuyama notes that in terms of wages, part-time workers who work the same number of hours per week as full-time workers receive wages that are lower than the starting wages of recent high school leavers (1995:54), and my field work data supports this claim. As Osawa Machiko writes: The wage differential between female part-time workers and female fulltime employees cannot be reasoned by their differences in age, length of service, business size, industry type and differences in productivity. The main reason for the wage gap is the simple fact that they are paid under different wages systems (cited in Mitsuyama 1995:54). In analysing the statistics of female and male A and Bpāto, Ōsawa Mari makes a number of valuable points. In relation to wages, her analysis indicates that female Apāto (those working less than 35 hours per week) actually earn more when calculated on an hourly, daily or monthly basis than female Bpāto (those working more than 35 hours per week). On average, female Bpāto work one and a half times more hours per week than female Apāto. Twice as many Bpāto (17.5 per cent) are dependent on their own income for survival compared with 8.5 per cent of female Apāto. The number of hours worked by female A and Bpāto are approximately the same as those worked by male A and Bpāto. Yet despite working similar hours, the earnings of both A and B male part-time workers are higher than those of their female counterparts as male Apāto earn a higher hourly rate (Ōsawa 1994:40). Between 1965 and 1982 employment conditions for part-time workers in large companies improved (Shioda 1994). Large companies in particular introduced social security benefits, health insurance schemes and annual payments for part-time workers. Companies providing retirement benefits remain the minority, indicating employer unwillingness to encourage part-time workers to remain 'permanently' employed (Shioda 1994:179). Other benefits offered included annual payments available in 60 per cent of companies and 70 per cent paid a travel allowance. Sixty-two per cent of retail outlets paid a travel allowance to part-time workers but few companies offered family and housing allowances to part-time workers (Rōdōshō 1997:110). Annual payments

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represented another area of disparity between female and male part-time workers' wages. Women part-time workers on average were paid 63,000 yen as annual bonus payment while male part-time workers were paid 90,000 yen (Rōdōshō 1997:36). Reasons for employing part-time workers According to an article in the Asahi Shimbun (1954) employers are quoted as saying they prefer part-time workers because they are an extra source of labour during peak and busy times of the week and busy seasons of the year. They are a substitute for full-time workers and also they are cheaper. In 1991 the most popular response that 'part-time workers are hired as an extra source of labour during busy periods' was consistent with the most popular response given in 1954. However, in 1995, after four years of economic downturn, the most important reason employers identified for hiring part-time workers was their comparatively low cost (Rōdōshō 1997:20). Based on the results of the surveys conducted by the Ministry of Labour (see Table 4.1), it is clear that in the five years through to 1995, while the Japanese economy was in recession, cost became a more important consideration in hiring staff for employers than in 1990. In particular, in 1995 part-time workers {Apāto in 1990) are considered a cheaper option than sono ta (Bpāto in 1990). This contrasts with the 1990 figures where more employers recognised Bpāto (23.9 per cent) than Apāto (21 per cent). This is interesting as Bpāto earn more per hour than Apāto and receive greater financial benefits from their employers. This indicates Bpāto, whose work responsibilities approximate those of fulltime workers, fulfil more of a role in an organisation than just being cheap to employ. Another interesting difference between 1990 and 1995 survey results is that employer demand for part-time workers with previous experience or specialised skills has increased within the five-year period. It is obvious that employers, by demanding higher skill levels of their part-time workforce, are looking to increase the work responsibilities and the jobs part-time workers perform. Job content In discussions about women and paid work, it is commonplace to read about the conflict between domestic duties and the demands of the workplace. The assumption is that women can only perform one of these functions successfully.7 It is assumed that the shorter work hours and the lower levels of responsibility in the workplace enable women part-timers to successfully maintain their prime domestic responsibilities. However, there is clear evidence that women part-time workers do provide the necessary commitment to their employing company. This is especially evident if the actual working hours and job content of part-time workers are examined more closely. Over the last four decades, there has been a change in the roles part-time workers perform in Japanese workplaces. In the 1960s and 1970s they were

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considered a supplementary work force that assisted full-time workers. From the mid-1980s, part-time workers in some occupations have become a more specialised work force—for example, they often handle specific tasks or the supervision of small departments. Kumazawa (1992) argues that, until the 1980s, full-time women workers had carried out the roles currently performed by part-time workers. The brevity of women's careers due to retirement on marriage and/or childbirth and the payment of low wages for necessary but simple jobs is, he argued, a strategy that Japanese companies have used since the 1960s to overcome severe labour shortages (1992:84). According to a 1985 Ministry of Labour study of part-time workers, 14.7 per cent of part-time workers in the wholesale and retail industries performed the same job as full-time workers and had the same level of responsibility. Thirtythree per cent of part-time workers in these industries performed the same job as full-time workers but their level of responsibility was lower (cited in Takashima 1990:244). A 1987 government survey found that 52 per cent of part-time workers performed the same job as their full-time counterparts.8 Furugōri points out that 35 per cent of full-time workers said they do same job as part-time workers. When part-time workers were asked the same question, 46 per cent responded that their jobs were the same as full-time workers (1997:90). Parttime workers in supermarkets are equal partners with full-time workers in terms of their job content because they not only fulfil sales roles, but are involved in product ordering, bookkeeping, training new employees and they participate in quality control groups (Mitsuyama 1995:54). At Maruko Keihōki, part-time workers work in the same jobs as full-time workers. In 1975 Maruko Keihōki changed its employment policies, hiring only part-time workers as production line workers. A production line work group is composed of three part-time workers and one full-time woman worker who moves to the seat beside them every two hours and 'from the movement of the line process it becomes clear that part-time workers are doing the same work as full-time women workers' (Yamada 1997:77). Table 4.1:

Reasons for employing part-time workers Apāto

Part-time workers

1990

1995

21

38.3

Busy periods

36.4

Simple job

33.9

Reason

Cost

Bpāto

Sono ta

1990

1995

Cost

23.9

29.3

37.3

Increase in business

39.7

26.8

35.7

Employing people with skills

15.9

21.1

Reason

Source: Rōdōshō, Pātotaimā no Jittai (1997: 20)

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At Daiichi the jobs of both full-time workers and part-time workers are defined as involving 'decision-making'. Moreover, prior to 1992 some quasi part-time jobs were also described in this way. Essentially, decision-making involves responsibility for sales plans, organising staff and reducing costs in their department. A Daiichi survey also indicates that part-time workers and full-time workers perform roughly similar tasks (Daiichi 1991:2). One interesting finding from my fieldwork is that male full-time workers and casuals do not use the cash registers on a regular basis whereas female full-time workers and part-time workers do, and casuals do not conduct customer sales. As one would expect in retail, customer sales is a major aspect of the job. Fortyfour per cent of part-time workers in customer sales compared to 53 per cent of quasi part-time workers, 60 per cent of female full-time workers and 71 per cent of male full-time workers. The next most frequently conducted task by part-time workers was operating the register (16 per cent), which compared to 24 per cent of female full-time workers. For quasi part-time it was stocking shelves which 60 per cent of casuals replied was the job they performed most often. No male full-time worker replied they used the register, but 10 per cent checked stock and a further 10 per cent worked on the accounts. Except for the task of organising staff, part-time workers such as Okabe san and Kawashima san and casuals, such as Otsumi san and Yoshizumi san, perform all the other tasks. A conversation on job content prompted Otsumi san to comment that she too could become a manager. At the informal gathering of part-time and quasi part-time workers on Daiichi's 1993 two-day company trip, a similar discussion ensued. Mikawa san, a casual in the household goods section, commented to her manager Koma san, that she had both the length of service and the job knowledge to become a manager. His response was that these were not the most important criterion; it was the content and probably the status of the job that were important. As many of the part-time and quasi parttime workers I spoke to know their job and how it compares to those of fulltime workers, few are persuaded by company arguments that their jobs differ from those of full-time workers. Yoshizumi san began at Daiichi when her youngest child turned ten-yearsold. Her desire to work stemmed from the need for extra money to finance her children's high school and university education. I joined the store when it opened in 1975 and worked as a casual for two months and then became a quasi part-time worker. I was ineligible to become a part-time worker. Daiichi strictly adheres to age limits, in this case to limit the number of part-time workers. No allowances were made for those slightly over the age limit. I was disappointed [at the outcome]. I was employed as a quasi part-time worker supervisor, a position acting as an intermediary between quasi part-time workers and full-time workers. This position didn't last long. Because I felt I had a special position I tolerated the situation of quasi part-time workers, who even after five years service, received so few benefits and poor conditions compared to full-time workers. Through a poster on the canteen notice board in 1980 I

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saw that full-time workers were entitled to receive a 10,000 yen bonus and an extra two days holidays after five years service. When I had been there five years I felt I had endured enough and so I led a deputation of quasi part-time workers to speak to the store manager [see discussion in chapter 5]. I was ineligible for promotion due to strict age limits so I gave up on my career, as there was nothing I could do about it. I then concentrated on getting along with people, and doing the best job I could. I gained qualifications as a specialist checkout operator and when multi-skilling was introduced in 1985 I was responsible for teaching others to use the registers, and again in 1988 when POS [Point of Sale] was introduced. I became a casual after reaching retirement age [1993] and while I miss the annual payments I feel I can work at a more relaxed pace.9 I now have more confidence to say what I think and to make demands, for example if I want time off I don't hesitate to ask for it and if I have a problem I bring it up without worrying about the manager's reaction. Although there is still responsibility attached to the job, I feel freer and can enjoy the job more without worrying about achieving sales targets, which can determine the level of wage increase, annual payment and promotion. [Yoshizumi san and Otsumi san had not been filling in nor handing in their sales plans for about two months.] As my section [on the third floor] is separate from the centre of the hard section [seventh floor], the manager and assistant manager only come to my sales area in the morning to check I've arrived and then again in the evening to pick up the register tape. I work until the store closes and I am responsible for closing and totalling the register. I am the only casual to do this and feel trusted. Sometimes the responsibility is too heavy. Due to the lack of interference from the manager it is easier to do my job but I don't earn the same wages or conditions as a full-time worker for virtually running a section. Kurashiki san: In the beginning I was a quasi part-time worker and I wanted to become a part-time worker. I was recommended by my manager to sit the exam and was eligible in terms of age. In fact as it was a new store there were no part-time workers so everyone was encouraged to sit the exam in the early days. Everyone was encouraged, but of course many failed the exam. Anyway my recommendation came at the same time as I got sick. I did however sit the exam, which included silly questions such as name the singer of a popular song. I passed the exam but it seems I failed the interview. I was very shy and found it difficult to speak in front of people and to talk in a loud voice and say irasshaimase [welcome], but through the job I have learnt to speak to people.10 Until the mid-1980s each employee, including part-time workers, was assigned to a specific department within a section and was jointly responsible for the

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ordering, checking of stock, stocking shelves and sales, with each section having a specialised cashier. Kurashiki san commented: These days few casuals have a section they are responsible for and so many of them are not trained except in using the register and unpacking stock.11 They are unable to help out in ordering, order through the POS system or return goods which puts more pressure on casuals who have been with the company longer. With the introduction of electronic scanning, all employees are expected to operate the cash register as well as oversee their own section. Cuts in the number of sales staff on the floor has meant longer periods on register duty and less time for their own section. Ordering at Daiichi is carried out automatically by each person in their respective sections, but the change has created a sense of loss as well as stress.12 Okabe san particularly lamented the demise of direct ordering because of the loss of challenge, contact and knowledge of the industry that it involved. Okabe san described her job as follows: I am pleased I became a part-time worker, especially now that the system has changed. Passing the part-time worker exam gave me a qualification different from many of the other part-time workers, so I feel I have some special skill. With the introduction of standardised work practices [throughout the company] I feel I have lost some of the special skills, and theoretically anyone in any store could take over my section. I work in my section alone, and have no contact with and don't rely on full-time workers. I had more responsibility before the reorganisation and would like even more. In the past, each person was responsible for contacting manufacturers and ordering the products needed. To do this task required extensive product knowledge and involved contacting manufacturers directly. Responsibility was taken for the amount and range of goods to be stocked, which was based on knowledge of consumers in the local area. Automatic ordering that replaced this system involves waving a pen-like instrument over a barcode and the information is transferred to a centralised area where a specialist buyer analyses the information, and decides the amount to be ordered. Combined with the information gathered from POS, it is possible to determine the movement of a product, and on this basis decisions are made, at head office, about that item's future. Okabe san pointed out that the process of automatic ordering requires little knowledge and analysis of the data is carried out elsewhere. As the procedure was in its infancy at Hachiban in 1992, experimentation was taking place. As part of the experimentation process, ordering codes and procedures changed a number of times. In response, Otsu san a casual, but formerly a quasi part-time worker in the stationery section, commented: You can't feel relaxed or secure in the job because of having to continually relearn. This is added to the other pressures of balancing the cash register, and dealing with customers' enquiries and complaints.

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Kawashima san from the baby wear section approached the change in ordering procedure differently. Kawashima san has redefined the ordering process and has taken on not only a level of responsibility, but also a degree of decisionmaking power. However, she recognises ultimately that it has meant less autonomy in the running of her section. Kawashima san adds there are other benefits to the job. I have a section of my own and responsibility for sales figures in that section. I have sales targets I have to meet, plus I had contact with manufacturers over which products to order. Automatic scanning decides on the basis of sales figures whether to discontinue an item, but if there is a product I know that won't be reordered because of low sales, I often order it myself so that I can keep up a variety of stock. The introduction of computerised ordering in 1992 was a move to decrease the number of staff as well as streamline the ordering system. Now, however, it seems anyone can do it. The new system is in operation in a number of companies, so whereas earlier I felt I had become a specialist, I now feel I have lost some of the special skills I had. The company is standardising its ordering practices and the products it stocks, which makes me feel that the skills I have are less special now. Until the introduction of computerised ordering we were responsible for ordering products in our own section from manufacturers, according to items that sold well. Now we scan the barcode, which is then transferred to computer. It is then analysed, and based on sales a decision is made as to whether to restock that product or discontinue it. Working in baby wear I am consulted by young mothers on various childcare issues which makes me feel my experience is being valued and helps me overcome all the unpleasant experiences. In highlighting further the extent to which the jobs of part-time workers and full-time workers overlap, Takashima san from manchester noted: The situation and the company are very different now. When I started working many customers came to my sales area because of me, and some even mentioned that they went home if they found out it was my day off. In those days customers followed a certain staff member. I have been a part-time worker for seven years and whilst I realise there are some jobs I can't do, and I understand this, I would like the opportunity to try different things and do more. I see a lot of full-time workers now who have no idea about dealing with customers and so I would like to work in some capacity such as training them in greeting customers, and advising and selling to customers. When I started this was an important part of the job, but now the company has changed and is more self-service oriented so customers come to us for advice only when they need it. A lot of the young full-time workers consult me on work-related issues. Many of them ask me about displays, sales techniques, how to organise

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seasonal sales which gives me a feeling of satisfaction. I've been told that the full-time workers who have been transferred from this section to other stores do not have a good reputation. The reason is they are not knowledgeable about all aspects of the section because we part-time workers are too competent. We have been told we have to let the full-time workers do more. Nitani san from the household wares section commented: When I started at Daiichi for about three years I only put stock away because there were more full-time workers then and they would do quite a lot of the work. Now there are so few of them that part-time workers are expected to do almost everything. I now make POP cards [small advertising displays], put stock away and write out and organize receipts for delivery, but I don't have to use the register. I worked for the first two years as a quasi part-time worker and sat the part-time worker exam three times, failing twice in the final interview stage. I'm not very good at talking in front of or to people. I became a part-time worker about five years ago and am glad I did, especially now as the quasi part-time system has been replaced by the casual system and casuals are not eligible for annual payments. The standardisation of the work process since 1988, with the introduction of POS, has seen jobs divided into (i) work that involves decision-making power and (ii) tasks that are more specific and involve an auxiliary role. Daiichi management has broadened the job content of part-time workers' tasks to involve greater decision-making tasks, leaving those tasks defined as auxiliary to casuals. Takashima san: Unlike Okabe san and Kawashima san, I don't have my own section that I control independently. I have a department but I do other work outside that also. In my section full-time workers are central. I have slightly more responsibility than casuals even though the job content is the same. However management, I think, looks upon part-time workers as different from casuals. Before the introduction of computerised ordering I had to order based on what I knew would sell, and so there was an element of decision-making based on experience. Now, however, theoretically anyone can do the ordering based on the data that the computer produces. But I think this data is limited because it is produced by a machine, which has no contact with the shop floor. It is still necessary for someone to interpret it, especially for seasonal events such as Christmas, which require some experience and knowledge of what sells. In 1998 Daiichi did not have part-time workers in managerial positions, but the personnel manager of the Takai store commented that the practice is under consideration. The system may not have been introduced formally, but this is only a matter of semantics, as many part-time workers fulfil managerial-type

.

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responsibilities involving a degree of decision-making on a regular basis. Iwao cites a 1990 survey which shows that '16% of corporations already have parttimers in managerial posts and another 28% are planning to do so' (1993:175). Kawashima san and Okabe san are responsible for the complete management of a small area. For part-time workers the delegation of responsibility depends on the manager's individual style. Until 1992 Okabe san had her own department, incorporating bags, suitcases and leather accessories, with responsibility for displaying the goods, setting and meeting her own sales goals, as well as the usual stock ordering, liaising with wholesalers, shelf stocking and customer service. With the reorganisation of the store in 1992, Okabe san's department was transferred from the hard section (toys, electrical goods, sportswear) to the soft section, which includes accessories, clothing, lingerie and cosmetics. The move has resulted in less responsibility for her than in the previous section. I have my own department (bags and suitcases) and feel good when I can achieve my sales figures. I feel really motivated and have a feeling of satisfaction when I can achieve my own personal goals. I am also really interested in all aspects of my job, and am willing to learn almost anything. When computers were introduced for ordering and managers suggested we learn, many of the others shied away, but having been exposed to computers through my children I was keen to learn how to use them. Now I am not afraid of them at all. I have more confidence in my own ability because I can achieve goals at work, which has carried over into my home life. Previously Kitagawa san, the manager gave me a budget I had to work within. The manager of my section now hasn't given me this responsibility and so I feel some of the challenge of the job has gone. Kawashima san: Part-time workers and full-time workers are used differently depending on the manager. If a full-time worker quits it looks bad for the section manager as it reflects on his personnel evaluation that he is not considerate, but if a part-time worker quits it is not as big a deal. Managers are often not as strict with full-time workers, allowing them to go home without for example having put all their stock away. Even though full-time workers should be supporting part-time workers and completing the jobs part-time workers don't finish, because we [part-time workers] are contracted to a particular time. What is happening is that part-time workers are supporting full-time workers because full-time workers go home at the time their shift ends. I try not to rely on full-time workers because I don't think they are serious about their job and they complain it is boring. I don't have any full-time workers in my section and try to work by myself. By further increasing the responsibilities of part-time workers Daiichi is looking at expanding the number and range of this workforce to continue replacing full-

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time workers. In the past, retrenching quasi part-time workers would have disrupted an employee's pension payments, health and employment insurance payments, and depending on the length of service it may also have involved a retirement payment. Retrenching a quasi part-time worker signified a cost to the company. By reducing the number of part-time workers and reclassifying quasi part-time workers as casuals, management no longer has to pay these benefits to employees when they are dismissed or retire. In its larger casual workforce, Daiichi has a workforce that is cheap to hire and fire. Thus, through the parttime system, Daiichi has a source of workers who perform a range of tasks similar to those performed by full-time workers but who are considerably cheaper for Daiichi to employ. The data gathered from Daiichi refute the construction of women part-time workers as marginal or as 'housewife' part-time workers and supports Takenaka's claim that part-time workers are no longer an auxiliary or 'safety valve' to adjust the workforce. Within this discourse women are constituted as 'auxiliary', but part-time workers are the 'core' workforce in a growing number of companies (1991:230). Hours of work One important difference in the employment experiences of full-time workers and part-time workers emerges in the shift times of their work hours. At Daiichi quasi part-time workers, casuals and part-time workers comprise the majority of the workforce during store trading hours between 10.00 a.m. to 7.30 p.m. and generally these women are required to work set shifts with little variation. Revision of the Labour Standards Law (LSL) in 1988 included the introduction of the Henkei Rōdō Jikan Sei (Flexible Working Hours System) where working hours can be varied. The new system was partially a response to demands from outside Japan to reduce the work hours of full-time workers from 48 to 40 hours per week. Under the new system working hours can be calculated on a weekly, monthly or three monthly basis. Employers can demand an employee work up to ten hours a day without overtime pay, as long as the weekly work hours do not exceed 40 hours. At Daiichi, the shifts for full-time workers are scheduled over a wider range of hours reflecting work demands in their respective sections, but part-time workers' shifts are scheduled through the 'core' store trading hours. For full-time workers, shifts vary from day to day and week to week with approximately 132 shift configurations. Despite being treated as 'peripheral', part-time workers at Daiichi are the 'core' workforce during peak store opening hours. As Walsh acknowledges 'this terminology [peripheral] obscures not only the productive contribution of such workers, but also the actual experiences and desires of workers' (Walsh 1990:256). At Daiichi more than half the part-time workers I spoke to had been on six-month contracts for more than ten years. These workers are a source of vital skills, which are not recognised or adequately recompensed. Junor et al. note a similar situation in their study of banking in Australia. Fourteen per cent of part-time workers in

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their study had been part-time in the same job for over six years (Junor et al. 1993:178). At first, Daiichi's construction of part-time work coincided with school hours. Takashima san, a part-time worker working in the manchester (linen and towels) section, assessed that her hours have shown a marked increase over the years of her employment: When I started working here in 1978, I worked from 10.00 a.m. to 5.00 p.m. My mother-in-law looked after my children until I got home. Seven years ago when I became a part-time worker I often worked overtime until 9.00 p.m. or 10.00 p.m... I now try to finish at 5.00 p.m., which is my official contract time. Miyake san has worked in the stationery section for eleven years as a quasi part-time worker until 1993 and subsequently as a casual. She pointed out that when she first started working at Daiichi's Hachiban store as a quasi part-time worker, her work hours were from 11.00 a.m. until 2.00 p.m. This allowed her to take her daughter to kindergarten and then be home when she returned. I now work from 10.00 a.m. to 6.00 p.m. When my daughter was in kindergarten and lower primary school, my hours were shorter. I worked from 11.00 a.m. to 2.00 p.m. I didn't want to increase my hours, but it was made clear the choice was to work longer hours or not have my contract renewed. Kurashiki san's experience is similar to that of her co-workers and illustrates the trend towards increasing working hours for part-time workers. Kurashiki san's children were in mid and late primary school when she started working at the Hachiban store. When she started this job the hours she worked coincided with her children's school hours. Her shift resembled that of other part-time workers, four hours a day, five days a week including Sunday. On Sundays her husband cared for their children. These hours suited her, but as her children got older she found there was greater pressure from management to increase her working hours. When her children started high school, more pressure came from management that she work longer hours, backed by the threat of dismissal. Kurashiki san remained as a quasi part-time worker until reclassified as a casual in 1993, and currently works more than double the hours she worked when hired in the mid-1970s. At the time of my fieldwork in 1992 Kurashiki san worked from 10.00 a.m. to 6.30 p.m. five days a week, with an hour break during her shift. These hours are the 'regular' shift for many part-time and casual workers at Hachiban, but overtime is also expected when asked. Kurashiki san's attitude is: I do overtime only when it is absolutely necessary, and state I will only do it for fifteen minutes. I have found if you don't do this, the company will abuse you and take it for granted you are always available. I want to have two days off consecutively, and have Sunday off twice a month. The company wants people to come late and stay late and do overtime. I have

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become used to my work hours, although I would like to start earlier in the day instead of at 10.00 a.m.13 In 1993, 62 per cent of part-time workers worked more than 35 hours a week compared to only 35 per cent of quasi part-time workers. Kawashima san is a part-time worker who works in baby wear and her hours are 10.00 a.m. to 6.30 p.m. five days a week with a one-hour break during her shift. I do a lot of unpaid overtime sometimes three hours a night, which means I leave here at 9.00 p.m. or 10.00 p.m. I work more overtime than the average full-time worker. Whereas I would have been paid for this when the economy was doing well, because of the recession, I now don't get paid for it. The reason I do this is because I am responsible for an entire section. The part-time workers' comments on their work hours are consistent with changes in the construction and perception of part-time workers in Japan. When part-time work was initially introduced, a part-time shift was three to four hours, functioning as an auxiliary workforce. The increase in working hours is consistent with employers utilising part-time workers as part of the 'core' workforce performing jobs similar to those of full-time workers. The misconception that one difference between full-time workers and part-time workers is that part-time workers do not work overtime is also dispelled by my interview data. In 1993 two-thirds of part-time workers who worked less than 35 hours a week worked overtime to bring their work hours in excess of 35 hours a week. Over their careers the hours of all part-time workers have increased, excluding overtime. Staff cuts mean part-time workers routinely work one to two hours overtime in an effort to complete the day's tasks and respond to ongoing demands from management to improve sales in their section. The experience of all part-time workers interviewed indicated that in 1975, in order to attract and keep part-time workers, management offered hours that suited women with primary school age children. As their children grew up, the pressure increased on these women to work more hours. The contemporary construction of work hours for part-time workers is illustrated by Aoyama san's situation. Aoyama san had worked part-time at Daiichi for fourteen years. She managed the mature women's wear section when I worked with her in women's clothing. Aoyama san was asked by management to increase the number of hours she worked per week. An increase in the number of her hours would raise her income beyond the tax-free threshold (discussed in more detail in chapter 5) and so the only alternative left to her was to leave work.14 The manager of the section, despite expressing regret at losing her, made no offer to reduce the number of hours or days per week that she worked so that she could choose not to terminate her employment. When Minamoto san retired in 1992 she re-negotiated her contract as a casual and in doing so requested her work hours be reduced to a total of between two and four hours a shift. Her request was refused and when I asked her if she

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knew why, it seems the manager gave no reason for the refusal. Finally a compromise in the number of working hours was reached. Out of curiosity I asked the manager Kitagawa san why he refused and he muttered something about company policy and implied that was to be the end of the questioning. What this means I can only surmise. My guess is that as Minamoto san has worked a longer shift in the past, and as her domestic circumstances are known, the manager knew he could insist on her working longer hours without placing new impositions on her domestic life. The manager needed staff, especially experienced staff, who could work during the store's 'core' opening hours. Considering that Daiichi, and Japanese retailers generally, cite labour shortages as a reason for not increasing the number of staff, the situations of Aoyama san and Minamoto san highlight two important issues. The first is that part-time work is not constructed to accommodate the needs of part-time workers; it is an employer-created strategy which ensures employers gain flexibility. Clearly there is little compromise between management and parttime workers and women part-time workers are presented with the 'choice' of accepting and continuing with the hours demanded or quitting.15 Second is the acceptance by employers that a woman's paid work must not conflict with her role as wife/mother. By continuing at Daiichi, Aoyama san would have had to monitor and adjust her work hours to ensure her income did not exceed the nontaxable income threshold. Not only is this a headache for workers, it is an inconvenience for management in the scheduling of staff rosters. In exploring the notion of choice in their work, I asked part-time workers at Daiichi whether they were satisfied with the shift times at their workplace.16 Survey responses indicated that over half the part-time workers, quasi part-time workers and casuals were happy with the hours they worked. This response is linked with part-time workers' reasons for working and the way in which parttime workers are paid. Part-time workers are paid on an hourly basis so that the number of hours they work determines how much they earn. While satisfied with the number of hours they work, their dissatisfaction with their wages compared with the content of their jobs is high. In interviews part-time workers responded that they wanted to work fewer hours per day and fewer days per week than they currently worked. This could reflect that my sample was concentrated in the higher age group. Repaying housing loans and financing children's education were less important than concerns over their health and demands from partners to spend more time together. The part-time workers I interviewed identified less work hours as a more important issue for them as they became older. Their reasons for wanting fewer work hours included concerns about their health, the necessity of combining paid work and domestic work with care of ageing parents and in-laws, and their own desire for leisure, hobbies and relaxation. Yet not all women were in this position. For example, Nitani san, whose husband owns a fruit shop and whose income is less stable than her own, wanted to maintain or even increase the number of hours she worked.

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Kurashiki san: We wanted to buy our own home, which would have been impossible on my husband's wage alone. When we took out our loan in the midseventies, money was expensive to borrow [but it gradually became cheaper]. When I started work my monthly salary was 45,000 yen and this did not cover the entire loan repayment per month. At the same time we had the children's education to pay as well, so it was necessary for me to work and I wanted to work as much as I could. Now I am older and there are fewer demands for an income so I am more concerned about my health and want to reduce the amount of hours I work. Okabe san commented: When my children were younger I wanted to have Sundays off so I could be with them. Now that they are grown up my husband wants to spend more time with me so I have asked for at least two Sundays off per month but because we are busy I don't get them. I need time off to maintain contact with my husband. I would like to have more time to allow my mind to relax, which, when work is busy, I don't have. I love reading and would like time to do more. I get to relax a little when I have washed the dishes and everyone is taking their bath. I am last in the bath and last in bed but this is the time I get my rest. I knitted and sewed when I was young and would like more time to do this. Takashima san felt the same: Whilst I'm happy with the hours I work now, I would like to have one more day off per week. With this extra day I'd like to travel with my husband as I feel we have missed out on so much time together through my working. As he is self-employed his hours are flexible. I work every Sunday and public holiday. Nitani san: I think my working times are all right. In fact they are being cut down slightly in my section. Everyone in the section has been asked by the manager to take an extra day off per month. I work every Sunday but not public holidays. I work 36.5 hours a week with no overtime now. In our section the manager has asked everyone to stop overtime to cut down labour costs. With full-time workers the manager is trying to get by with two shifts, that is those on early and those on late, with part-time workers working the hours in between which cover the hours when the store is open for business. Toda san commented: I am now a casual. I had an opportunity to become a part-time worker but refused because it's not easy to take time off and I considered my health

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and contact with my neighbours to be more important. As a casual it is easier to take time off. Yoshizumi san: In 1988–1989 the five-day work week was introduced for all workers without a reduction in pay so I earn more now as I work more hours than before. Originally a plan was touted to introduce a four-day work week with less pay but this idea was opposed by full-time workers because they felt they couldn't survive on less money. I would like to have two Sundays per month holiday and to finish at 7.00 p.m. so I can do some shopping as the store closes at 7.30 p.m. and which I now do at lunchtime. My health is good now but if it declines I want to decrease my hours. Wages It is difficult to discuss the specific details of wages of Daiichi staff as wages are calculated individually and people are shy about discussing details.17 The standard hourly rate depends on the geographical location of the store. The standard rate for the Hachiban store was slightly higher than that of the Takai store due to the higher cost of living in Tokyo. Hourly rates also vary depending on demand for labour in the surrounding area. A Daiichi union official mentioned that the store located near Tokyo Disneyland needed to offer much higher hourly rates than other stores nearby because of the stronger competition for labour elsewhere. All part-time workers at Daiichi are paid on an hourly rate, in contrast to fulltime workers who are employed on a monthly salary. The average monthly wage range for part-time workers and quasi part-time workers was similar in all five stores (and possibly nationally). In 1993 66 per cent of Daiichi's part-time workers and quasi part-time workers had eight to ten years experience with Daiichi and earned between 100,000 and 150,000 yen a month before tax. This compares with 1995 Ministry of Labour data indicating that female part-time workers earned on average 116,000 yen a month (Rōdōshō 1997:35). In comparison, 50 per cent of Daiichi's full-time women workers with three to five years experience at Daiichi also earned between 100,000 and 150,000 yen a month before tax. Annual payments for full-time women workers were between 300,000 and 400,000 yen and for men with ten years experience their annual payments averaged 600,000 yen. An employee's length of service, intra-company qualifications, and ranking are based on a manager's evaluation and contribute towards determining an individual's hourly rate. Complaints about wages expressed in the survey that I conducted centred on the incompatibility of the wage with job content and with employee's length of service. Twenty-five per cent of part-time workers responded that it did not matter how many years they had worked at Daiichi, the amount they earned never increased. Twenty-two per cent replied that they

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thought their wages were too low for what the job involved. For former quasi part-time workers the order was reversed: 40 per cent replied that they thought their earnings were too low for what the job involved. Twenty-six per cent responded that it didn't matter how many years they worked, the amount they earned never increased, with which 22 per cent of casuals agreed. This survey result counters Takanashi's assertion that part-time workers have a nakama ishiki (comrade consciousness), which militates against them demanding higher wages (cited in Takanashi et al. 1993:24). My field work indicates that the comrade consciousness that exists among part-time workers is a consciousness that they are all underpaid rather than that they should all accept similar low wages. No two part-time workers or quasi part-time workers receive the same wages and as a result discussions about wages among co-workers are not commonplace. Aware of the reluctance to discuss pay details, I discussed wages with staff members with whom I was more familiar. Kurashiki san earned 900 yen per hour as a quasi part-time worker but when she was re-employed as a casual in 1993, her hourly base rate of pay decreased to 750 yen, as it did for all casuals. With loadings for working Sundays and in recognition of her companybased qualifications, Kurashiki san's hourly rate remained at 900 yen per hour. The only difference in her wages after being made a casual was the way her hourly rate was calculated. Yoshizumi san earned 1038 yen per hour as a quasi part-time worker because of her qualifications as a specialist checkout operator.18 When computerised scanning registers were introduced in 1988, Yoshizumi san trained other parttime workers in her section. When Yoshizumi san was made a casual in 1993, like Kurashiki san, her hourly rate remained unchanged but was calculated differently. Only casuals who had previously been employed as quasi part-time workers received the hourly rates of pay previously paid to quasi part-time workers. Casuals employed after March 1993 were paid at the base hourly rate of 750 yen. Minamoto san was re-employed as a casual in 1992 on 850 yen an hour, the standard 750 yen paid to casuals plus the loading for working Sundays. Okabe san told me women working as checkout operators in the grocery section (first floor) were offered 1,000 yen an hour in 1992 to attract new recruits. Constant standing and fluctuations in temperature from both refrigeration and seasonal extremes, due to proximity to street-level doors, made working conditions in grocery less appealing. Kawashima san: I feel badly treated in terms of wages by comparison with full-time workers. To say money is not important would be a lie, because it is the reason I started working in the first place. I feel angry about working long hours and have even been asked by other section managers if I am a fulltime worker because I am there so much. As a part-time worker I receive more money per hour, and annual payments, which helps, but whilst interest in my job is important so is the amount of money I earn. Wages,

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and annual payments were important in my decision to keep working, especially because my husband's wage decreased or at least doesn't increase as before after he turned 55, so my wage is important. [In 1993 she was putting one son through private university, due to graduate in 1994 and her eldest was to marry in the same year.] I didn't start working until I was 41 so I will try to work until 65 because the pension payment will be higher. Also as I get older I realise I would not get the same conditions, wages and benefits elsewhere especially as the economy is in a slump. So I am staying on. Nitani san: The working hours of those in my section are being reduced and while this is fine for full-time workers who get paid a monthly salary, their wages won't change. But part-time workers only get paid for the hours they work, so all part-time workers will be earning less per month. I am not happy about fewer hours and less money, but at least I have not been asked to quit. As I mentioned, my husband is self-employed, and due to the economic downturn, business is not very good, so we are concerned that my hours are being cut down. My husband's income is not stable and as we are renting the shop we have to find money for that first. Part-time workers' wages are increased more slowly than those of full-time workers whose increases occur annually. For part-time workers, wage increases end after ten years of service. Once a casual passes the exams and becomes a part-time worker, there are three increments within the part-time worker system. Okabe san, Takashima san and Kawashima san are part-time seniors— the second of three ranks. Nitani san is a part-time partner—the lowest of Daiichi's part-time ranks (see Table 3.1). Okabe san has been a part-time worker for 26 years [2001], and despite the reorganisation of the part-time employment structure in 1992, her employment conditions and financial benefits have not changed. According to her co-worker Kurashiki san, Okabe san had to endure the jealousy of co-workers who were not selected to sit the exam. Kurashiki san felt she could not endure this stress so did not continue to pursue a higher level even though she wanted the extra money. Okabe san commented: To say financial considerations are not important would not be true, but the job is interesting and I get a feeling of satisfaction from my job. I will try to work until I am 65. I realise there are few companies that pay the benefits I receive now so I will stay on. The benefits of employee health insurance scheme are enormous. Because it subsidises health care I only have to pay 10 per cent of the total cost of my medical bill. There are also few work places for women aged over 50 except washing dishes or housework, so I stay at Daiichi.19

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Kawashima san commented: By sitting the exam to become a part-time worker I have gained a qualification different from other part-time workers, one that pays more. I love my job and find it interesting. My manager recommended me to sit the exam and I want to do my best. I feel by sitting the exam, not only do I continue to get an annual payment but also I have more motivation and get more satisfaction from my job. Takashima san has this to say on the benefits of becoming a part-time worker: I am glad I became a part-time worker because now with the economic downturn I get higher wages and an annual payment. I have slightly more responsibility than a casual even though the job content is the same. In the beginning I enjoyed my job and there was a lot of challenge, but for the last five to six years this has not been the case. The store is moving increasingly towards computerisation and standardisation, and I now feel as though I am being used. Annual payments and retirement pay did not concern me much in the early days because I enjoyed my job and the contact with people and being able to find out what I could do. Since my daughter married [1992] however, I have started to think of postretirement years. I want to work until retirement at age 60 [for part-time workers]. I didn't join the employee pension scheme straight away because I didn't think I'd be working for such a long time, but I am eligible to receive it before I retire. Kurashiki san's experience on the other hand demonstrates another facet of how the construction of part-time/quasi part-time creates an artificial hierarchy within the part-time workforce. Kurashiki san decided against becoming a parttime worker after sitting the exam, because of the animosity the selection process generated from people who were not nominated. Kurashiki san decided that because she had worked in the same section for a number of years, relations with her co-workers, who were also her friends, were more important. She remained a quasi part-time worker and when she renewed her contract in 1992 she was re-appointed as a casual. Kurashiki san and other quasi part-time workers who became casuals lost a number of financial benefits due to the employment restructuring, including paid holidays and annual payments. Kurashiki san also lost her health insurance once her policy matured in 1995. For Kurashiki san the loss of the annual payments is not only a financial loss but also an emotional one. After losing her position as a quasi part-time worker she feels less valuable as a member of the company. Even though the amount of money she lost was negligible (by her own admission), the effective demotion was significant to her sense of value as a worker, as a member of the 'company as family': I feel now as though the company no longer appreciates my efforts and the work I do. Even though the amount I received was quite low, it still meant

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something; now I feel there is nothing. I don't like working in the service industry, and I didn't like the job from the beginning, but in those days there wasn't much else around and so I have put up with it. In the beginning I did it for the money, and later because I had become used to it and there was nothing else around. Now I stay for the fifteen-year maturity to get the maximum amount on my health and pension insurance payments. With the restructuring of the part-time workforce in 1992, casuals have not received any of the benefits previously paid to quasi part-time and part-time workers. Quasi part-time workers were eligible to join health insurance and pension schemes, but as casuals they are ineligible. Those casuals who joined these schemes as quasi part-time workers remain eligible until the expiration of their policy. Casuals are ineligible for retirement payments or the twice-yearly annual payments. The annual payments and retirement payments paid to parttime workers do not equal those paid to full-time workers and are not paid in cash but in travel vouchers redeemable through a Daiichi group travel agent within one year of issue. Toda san commented: Annual payments and retirement payments are not that important to me but they were an encouragement. In 1990 I decided to become a casual to allow myself more leeway in being able to take time off to travel, for my own needs, and to fulfil neighbourhood obligations. Yoshizumi san: I will continue working as long as I am able. My pension matures when I am 60 and pays 25,000 yen a month until my death, and I am also eligible for the national pension scheme. Financial incentives at the start were important but were not the primary reason for me to work. When I started working my goal was to continue until I was 60 to prove I could do it. My husband's opposition and belief that I would soon quit strengthened my resolve. [Her husband works as a shokutaku—post-retirement male shorttime worker.] Although the wages of a recent high school graduate employed as a full-time worker are similar to the wages of a part-time worker with seventeen years experience, the disparity in non-wage benefits is startling. The ten months of my work experience at Daiichi encompassed two 'bonus' (ichijikin) seasons (one summer and one winter).20 The difference in manner between full-time workers and part-time workers that I observed in the days and weeks prior to bonus time was unmistakable. Younger full-time employees' conversations in the weeks leading up to 'bonus day' were dominated by plans for spending their bonus money. For part-time workers, discussion was notable by the absence of 'bonus' talk. Bonus payments serve as one further reminder to them of workplace

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inequality and their own inferiority in the 'company as family' hierarchy, irrespective of the hours they work or the job responsibilities they hold. Ichijikin amounts are calculated on the basis of the employee's length of service and the number of working hours as specified in the employment contract. Until their position was abolished in 1992, quasi part-time workers received annual payments but less than those paid to part-time workers. Saito san, a high school graduate with two years experience as a full-time employee at Daiichi, received 200,000 yen in the 1992 winter ichijikin. Takashima san as a part-time worker with eleven years experience received 100,000 yen. Takashima san sums up the thoughts of part-time workers succinctly and honestly: I am bitter about the great differences in wages and annual payments, and bonus season would be the most difficult time for me. It is hard when fulltime workers with considerably less work experience are talking about bonuses that are two to three times higher than mine. Additionally full-time workers receive a range of employment benefits including a 10,000-yen payment at New Year, and three extra days of paid holidays for every five years of service when compared to part-time workers. Male full-time workers are also paid a housing allowance with the amount depending on geographic location, a family allowance, and an allowance for being transferred domestically while their family remains behind (tanshin funin). However, everyone, receives ōiri, an amount paid separately to wages when the section's projected monthly sales figures are exceeded. The first time Yoshizumi san received it she said she felt so proud and excited and was encouraged to keep working. In December 1991 the toy section exceeded its monthly sales target and everyone, including the casuals, received one hundred yen (about A$1.00) enclosed in a small money envelope rather like those used for otoshidama.21 Many of my co-workers commented that in years past the amount had been higher. While some ridiculed the amount, many appreciated the gesture as a sign that the management/company valued their work. Daiichi has established a mutual aid society to which only part-time workers are eligible for membership. Employees and the company contribute equal amounts monthly. The society provides financial assistance in instances including the death of immediate family members in case of an accident, or damage to housing in the case of a natural disaster (Daiichi 1985:11–20). In 2002 Daiichi introduced further changes to its employment system, which represents a simplification of the existing system for full-time workers combined with the reorganised part-time system. Broadly, the categories Daiichi now offers include the following. (1) Type A: offered to those who can work full-time and are willing to be transferred to other workplaces (nationally and possibly internationally as well as to subsidiaries). (2) Type B: offered to those who can work full-time but who do not want to be transferred. (3) Type C: offered to those who work part-time and who do not want to be transferred (Japan institute of Labour 2002). On the surface this restructuring appears little

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different from the 'course-based' employment system existing within 'lifetime' employment practices that discriminate against women. In examining the employment conditions of part-time workers at Daiichi it is clear that part-time work has been created by employers to utilise the labour of women, specifically married women who have few employment alternatives. In basing the construction of part-time work on assumptions about the 'appropriate' and 'natural' roles of women, derived from a division of labour based on gender, women are forced into a paid work option that ranks them below full-time workers. The hours worked by part-time workers, and the content of the tasks they perform approximate those of full-time workers. By being assigned part-time worker status their wages, annual payments and other financial benefits as well as amount of paid leave and promotion opportunities do not equate to those of full-time workers, despite their increasing years of work experience. Moreover, opportunities for career development do not exist. Nevertheless, the role of paid worker is but one aspect of the lives of these women who work as part-time workers. It is important for us to consider the principle roles around which their role as paid worker must fit. Thus, in the following chapter I examine the demands of their domestic role and the impact of government in naturalising the division of labour that underpins and 'justifies' part-time work as a legitimate form of employment for women.

5

'When I get home, I have to be a mother...'

Since the 1970s Japanese governments have reduced spending on welfare services to encourage 'families' (read women) to care for children and aged relatives at home rather than at state expense. Due to the widespread unavailability of childcare facilities, many women living in nuclear families can re-enter the workforce only after their last child begins school, and then leave again to care for elderly family members when their carer responsibilities resume. Employers benefit from this workforce that has few employment options because it is locked into domestic responsibilities, and governments benefit by not having to provide these welfare services that it has privatised. Understood in this way, paid work for women must not be separated into fulltime and part-time, but instead should be viewed as an integrated employment pattern existing within lifetime employment practices to complement social, economic and political needs and demands. A short time after I began work at Daiichi, Okabe san and I were rostered on the same lunch break and met in the lift on the way to the staff canteen. I had been working in the store a few weeks and had become acquainted with people in my section and I had progressed to the stage of asking people about their paid work lives. During the course of our conversation I asked Okabe san about her shift times, meaning her paid work shift times. She responded to the intent of my question but then for my edification added 'kaettara okasan o yaranakucha' (when I get home, I have to be a mother). In a non-judgemental way, Okabe san was reminding me that for women—full-time workers and part-time workers— there is more than one 'shift'. Her reply succinctly describes the content of this chapter and I thank her for providing me with a title and a context within which to locate this discussion. As was discussed earlier, governments through welfare and social policies institutionalise the gendered division of labour by privileging spouses/families where women remain dependent on male incomes.1 These policies fail to 90

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challenge existing patterns of the division of labour in the household. Earlier I argued that part-time work was a strategy created and utilised by employers to differentiate female and male jobs and, in jobs designated as 'women's work', to devalue women's paid work. In this chapter, part-time work is examined in the context of the impact of state policies that have served to entrench a gendered division of labour. Part-time work has been constructed to complement Japan's version of the welfare state. Women in Japan, while encouraged to become a part of the paid workforce, are not encouraged to remain in the workforce during the childrearing years when family demands keep them in an exclusively domestic role. Part-time work has been created to regulate and limit women's engagement with the paid labour market. Their status as paid workers is used to justify low wages and poor conditions while working longer hours. In emphasizing industrial development, successive governments in Japan have created a welfare state with the 'family' as its foundation. Japan's ageing population coupled with a declining revenue base for public spending, has forced governments to examine policies for creating a welfare state, independent of government-provided public services. The family has been the provider of these services, and as corporate Japan demands commitment from males, the role of reproducing labour through care and services for husbands, children and dependants falls to women. Social welfare plans such as the Gold Plan and the Angel Plan (Go 2000:71,75) are part of government's public spending reduction strategy by locating welfare services in the private sphere. Existing gender roles are entrenched further through employment and social policies that do not address issues of long working hours, long hours of unpaid overtime and compulsory domestic or overseas transfer. All of these were identified earlier as crucial elements for promotion in the managerial track of 'lifetime' employment in Japan and represent major hurdles for women to pursue continuity in their careers. Legislation designed to address equity issues and social welfare policies, such as tax and pensions, institutionalise and systematize the gendered division of labour. Women have been constituted as wives and mothers, responsible for domestic work, care of children and aged relatives, as well as a range of other responsibilities expected of a Japanese housewife and mother. Part-time work does not challenge or disrupt the existing gendered division of labour in the household that binds women more tightly than men to the domestic sphere. It is the case that women, especially women with spouses, are the majority of parttime workers, but the linking of women, and women as 'housewives' in a quasinaturalistic way, has negative implications for all women in terms of employment conditions and social policies. Welfare policies such as insurance, health, pension and dependant allowances, as well as the income tax threshold, are premised on the notion that women are dependent on males. Legislation which was initially proposed to improve conditions for women workers such as the EEOL, the Parental Leave Law and the Part-time Workers' Law have not addressed fundamental issues such as discriminatory employment conditions and wages and parenting

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responsibility. Governments are by no means monolithic or hegemonic entities. Tensions can exist both between government departments and between governments and employer groups. In 1987, while the Ministry of Labour was consulting with feminists and scholars over a process for monitoring improvements to women's working conditions, the Minister for Education claimed that women should remain at home with their children until they completed their compulsory education (15 years) (Buckley 1994:165). The mainstream union movement has focused on increasing the level of the tax threshold. In this way, discriminatory employment conditions and definitions of women as dependent spouses/partners have not been challenged or addressed. Welfare policies benefit spouses/families where women remain economically dependent and so for some families, with childcare and associated costs considered, it is not economically viable for women to continue employment as a full-time worker. Okabe san's comments about her other 'shift' succinctly describe the impact of working part-time on both women in Japan, and on the division of labour in the household. Time-use studies highlight the role women play as primary domestic workers irrespective of their paid employment status. A woman's employment status affects the amount of time she spends on domestic work but not her role as primary domestic worker. Irrespective of whether they are a fulltime housewife or full-time worker, women perform more hours of domestic work than males (Sorifu 1993). Data from 1982 indicate that 92.5 per cent of part-time workers, or part-time housewives as they are referred to in the text, perform housework and childcare by themselves (Furugori 1982:19). This finding is consistent with my data. My fieldwork indicates that working parttime does not challenge the division of labour by gender in the household. Parttime workers are primarily responsible for performing the majority of household duties as well as child and aged care. Their role as primary domestic worker is not affected significantly by changes in the employment status of their partner. The male partners of part-time workers I spoke with and surveyed performed very little domestic work. For these women, their husbands' less critical attitude towards the extent and level to which household duties were performed counterbalanced their husbands' inactivity. Nihon gata Fukushi Shakai—Japanese-style welfare society In the early Meiji period, the family (ie) functioned as an administrative organ of the government. Under the Meiji Civil Code, an individual's life was totally ruled by the family system, and the family head had authority to govern the behaviour of all family members. State authority supported this patriarchal structure as the head of the family was obligated to notify authorities of changes in the status of all family members (Yoshizumi 1995:187–8). In theory and policy, the family functioned symbolically as the larger nation-family with the Emperor occupying the role of patriarchal head.2 The family was chosen as the means of social control and in order to achieve this goal, the government

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needed to control and regulate relationships within the family. To this end, 'Motherhood was emphasised within the context of a social hierarchy structured to support the state' (Ohinata 1995:200). Ohinata argues that the emphasis on motherly love and raising children properly focused on the mother's role as 'breastfeeder', and coincided with the development of capitalism and moves by working-class families into industrial jobs (1995:200). The 1970s was a period of slower economic growth and cutbacks in government welfare spending, and coincided with the policy of 'strengthening the family's foundation'. In 1979, with a growing concern about the ageing population and the future demand for services, the LDP government of Ohira Masayoshi announced the Japanese-style Welfare Society. In its policy paper Katei Kiban no Jujitsu to Kigyo no Antei to Seichō (Realising the Family Foundation and the Growth and Stability of Corporations), the government described its vision for Japanese society, which outlined the discourse on the gendered division of labour. The paper emphasised that the 'family' would be responsible for child rearing (katei hoiku) and home care for elderly or sick dependants (katei kaigo) (Shibayama 1995:168). Two policy reports on this new Japanese-style welfare system were released in 1979—the policy for Perfecting Family Foundations (Katei Kiban no Jujitsu ni Kansuru Taisaku Yōkō) and the Basic Law on Raising Young Children issued by the Survey Group on Issues of Young Children (Nyūji Mondai Chōsa Kai). The first stressed the necessity of encouraging independent and autonomous welfare efforts and the Nihongata Fukushi Shakai Ron (Philosophy for a Japanese-style welfare society) emphasised that the 'family' would be responsible for providing welfare. The second report emphasised katei hoiku and katei kaigo, care for children and the elderly at home (Shibayama 1995:168). For katei (home) read josei (woman), as these unpaid responsibilities fall to wife, mother, daughter and daughter-in-law to fulfil when the male income earner is busy with work. A white paper on women, authored by women, highlights the gap between government policy and the realities of family life. It concludes that current social welfare policies in Japan leave care for the elderly to younger women (Lock 1996:80). Social critic Higuchi Keiko states that 'hidden behind the superficial glamour (of the modern household) the prewar family system lives grimly on' (cited in Lock 1996:80). To acknowledge the tensions between government departments, the government and employers, and to a lesser extent the mainstream union movement (represented by Rengō affiliated unions), is not to diminish the extent to which complementarily exists between these groups. Women have been moved into and out of the paid workforce depending upon the needs and demands of one or more of these groups. The ways in which this has been achieved and the ideological underpinnings although historically dependent, nevertheless exhibit a consistency and continuity. Whereas greater numbers of married women or women with dependants in full-time paid work have contributed to pressure governments into providing more extensive welfare services and have jeopardised employers' ability to continue guaranteeing fulltime male workers' employment conditions, the increasing numbers of women

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working part-time complements both government and employer goals. Social mores and obstacles for women who continue with employment after marriage, including the short hours of childcare facilities, mean children are cared for at home. This reduces the incentive for governments to extend childcare hours. The scarcity of elderly care services and facilities means women are forced to quit their jobs to care for elderly dependants when the time arises; again there is no incentive for governments to address issues relating to services for elderly care. There are clear parallels with the construction of women in the west, as argued by Pringle and Watson: Women are constructed as dependent, as mothers and carers, while men are the bread winners... the state has no interest in women as non-family members, as women outside their domestic and mothering role (1990:236). This analysis of the construction of women within a welfare state is clearly applicable to contemporary Japan. Ohinata observes that governments have glorified mothers without glorifying women, providing an ideological instrument for subordinating all women. The underlying assumptions determining the construction of the role of women and the impact of this on the formulation of labour and welfare policies encouraging women to enter or exit the paid workforce have been modified depending on specific historical circumstances. As paid and unpaid workers—in both the workplace and the home—women are central to the restructuring of the domestic Japanese economy. Yet, the constitution of their role has remained focused on the function they fulfil as caregivers of husbands, children and aged dependants (Ohinata 1989:314). The impact of legislation on the division of labour in the household Superficially social attitudes towards the division of roles by gender appear to have changed. A 1997 survey indicates only 18 per cent of women and 24 per cent of men support the view that 'husbands should work outside and wives stay at home' (otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei—see chapter 1 for further discussion of this concept). This represents a shift in attitude since 1972 where 49 per cent of women and 52 per cent of men agreed with the statement (Yamada 1998:28). Despite these shifts in attitude, there appears to have been no substantial change in the division of labour. A combination of labour, equity and social welfare legislation works to reinforce women as primary caregivers dependent and supported by a male full-time income. The reason the Japanese government can ignore demands by women for equal treatment is that it does not recognize them as individual human beings, who are expected to work under certain conditions to support their lives. The government sees all women as 'housewives', or workers giving partial support to their families (Hayashi 1997:84).

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Prior to the introduction of the EEOL in 1986, bosei hogo (maternal protection measures) were part of the Labour Standards Law (LSL), the dominant legislation related to employment conditions for working women until the 1970s. These clauses focused on protecting women's reproductive functions. Although bosei hogo was originally intended to protect women from exploitation, it served to restrict women's capacity to participate in the workforce through limits on overtime and bans on night work. In effect, employers used these measures to exclude women from certain occupations. In 1978 the final recommendations of the Ministry of Labour's Research Group on the LSL were announced, calling for the removal of all protective measures, as they constituted discrimination and restricted women's employment opportunities (Buckley 1994:161–3). The removal of restrictions gave women access to jobs previously closed to them. The introduction of the EEOL resulted in the revision of the LSL, and women in management and other specified occupational categories were to be employed on a basis equal to men. Shinotsuka has calculated that this legislative shift applied to less than 5 per cent of women workers (1994:106). Provisions relating to menstruation and maternity leave remain and, as Shinotsuka points out, the provisions in the LSL, which constructed women as 'different' from men, are still in existence despite the introduction of the EEOL (1994:107). The EEOL did not implement an agenda of radical change, instead firms were asked to 'endeavour' to practise EEO. The law contained no sanctions for non-compliance. Japan's welfare system resembles that identified by Fagan et al. in Germany as it encompasses a 'breadwinner' presumption which: reinforces women's unequal social and economic position, and its effectiveness is contingent on female part-time workers being in stable marriages rather than directly accommodating part-time workers within the social protection system on an independent basis (2000:181). Moreover, the introduction of legislation to address equity issues to facilitate women's ability to enter paid work has institutionalised workplace inequality. Since 1985, and especially since 1990, three pieces of legislation have been passed which address equity issues. These are the EEOL, the Parental Leave Law and the Dependant Leave Law—both revised in late 2001 (Gender Equality Bureau 2002:6). None of these have direct relevance to part-time workers. The EEOL does not include part-time workers in its framework, but its impact has been to segregate female and male work and it has not led to greater equality in the workplace. Shortcomings of the EEOL include its requirement that employers only have to 'endeavour' to treat women equally to men in recruiting and hiring, transferring and promotion. There are no penalties for employers discriminating in training, benefits, retirement or sacking, and it is necessary for a worker to gain employer agreement to participate in mediation (Shibayama 1995:169). As a result of the EEOL, it is now more difficult to recognise discriminatory practices, which include demands from employers that young single women workers live with their parents, emphasis on a woman's appearance and a preference for hiring male workers. All of these practices are

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not public and are difficult to change through legislation that does not empower women nor punish offending employers (Shibayama 1995:182). In effect the EEOL has systematically modernised and reorganised existing employment practices and most characteristic of these is course-based (or dual-track) employment (Shibayama 1995:182). In the low economic growth of the 1970s, companies began moves to abolish measures 'protecting' women in the LSL such as limits to overtime, abolition of night work and menstrual leave. The efficiency of these measures was reduced with the introduction of the EEOL. As the law does not incorporate punitive measures for contravention, there are few avenues for action. The pre-EEOL philosophy of 'protecting' women workers has been replaced with 'equality'— meaning equality with men. This implies women must work 'like a man' if they are to receive equal treatment. To illustrate this point, legal regulations prohibiting night work by women except in a narrow range of occupations such as nursing, have been lifted so that women workers are now expected to work nights equally with men (Kyotani 1999:194). These regulatory changes indicate that rather than improving employment conditions for all workers, the use of a male 'standard' in the law has further narrowed employment and promotion opportunities for women. A survey conducted in 1988 by Josei Rodo Mondai Kenkyukai (Study Group on Women's Work Problems) two years after the EEOL was enacted, found that only 20 per cent of women worked in conditions similar to those of men. Employment conditions had worsened, with the amount of compulsory overtime increasing for 50 per cent of the women surveyed (cited in Owaki 1992:65). The EEOL guidelines stipulate that women must not be disadvantaged in relation to men in recruiting and employment, based on their age, marital status, commuting distance and the presence of children. But the law does not include provisions for men to receive equal treatment and conditions to women when employers advertise for part-time workers, temporary staff and casuals, or clerical, reception or sales positions that specify these positions are only for women. As Owaki comments, 'Japan's EEOL is an absurd law because it recognises workplace segregation' (1992:69). In fact it gives legal approval to this gendered division. For example, the EEOL is contravened when employers set lower age limits for women's full-time employment eligibility or when they show a preference for hiring women full-time workers who commute from their parent's home— the perception is that they will be more reliable as workers if they are still living with their parents. Lower age limits for women are of particular interest because it is these that systematically obstruct and restrict access and choice for all women in employment in Japan. The EEOL was revised in 1998 and one of the most significant elements under review was the so-called protective measures for women with their emphasis on the role women play as mothers (bosei hogo). This review resulted in the abolition of menstruation leave, limits on overtime and late night work. Rengo, which had originally opposed abolition of the measures in June 1996 at its central committee meeting, changed its stance to one of conditional support. Dissenting voices within Rengo, in particular that

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of Zensen Dōmei, indicated there was division among members on this issue (Hayashil997:19).3 In 1999 a Basic Law on Gender came into effect. The purpose of the law is to 'comprehensively and systematically promote the formation of a gender-equal society...clarifying the responsibilities of the State and local governments and citizens' (www.gender.go.jp/index2.html.). The law explores policies for the promotion of a balance between work and family and for promoting equal participation of women and men. The government must submit annual reports as to their progress in implementing the suggested policies to the Diet (Japan's parliament). As the Law is in its infancy, it is difficult to identify its impact. The Parental Leave Law that was introduced in 1991, and took effect in 1992, was initially introduced and is available to mothers and fathers to take leave until the child is one-year-old.4 It functioned as a form of unpaid leave. Amendments to the employment insurance system, which took effect in 1995, now guarantee the employees receive 25 per cent of their pre-leave wage. Twenty per cent of the wage is paid whilst the employee is on leave, with the remaining 5 per cent paid six months after the employee has returned to work. In January 2001 the amount was increased to 40 per cent (Go 2001:14). During the period of leave, the employee is exempt from paying his/her health insurance, pension scheme payments and local tax payments—this reduces their financial burden. A 1993 survey found that 51 per cent of companies had a childcare leave system, with 32 per cent of these guaranteeing some amount of pay to those on leave. Yet according to Furugōri's study, only 10 per cent of employees had taken leave and 99.8 per cent of leave-takers were women (Furugōri 1997:151). Furgōri suggests the law needs to broaden its eligibility criteria because people on fixed contracts are excluded (Furugōri 1997:151).5 Revisions to the law took effect in April 2002. These include the prohibition of disadvantaging employees who apply or take parental leave; establishing a system of allowing both parents to take short-term leave when children are under 6 years when the child is sick or injured. Moreover, both female and male workers with childcare responsibilities have the right to refuse any work exceeding 24 hours overtime a month; and employers must give workers the option of working shorter hours instead of taking blocks of childcare leave. The Parental Leave Law offered promise of a challenge to the existing gender division of labour in the household which would in turn enable women to continue paid work after childbirth. This would then address the problem of the declining birth rate.6 Part-time workers are not covered by any of this legislation designed to address issues of gender equity. A Ministry of Labour survey of 8,000 businesses (no date given) found that 50.8 per cent had written regulations for some kind of childcare leave system (Look Japan April 1995:21). This contrasts with figures quoted by Buckley and by Shinotsuka, which indicate in 1991, 20 per cent of companies had introduced some form of childcare leave (Buckley 1994:165, Shinotsuka 1994:114). This 30 per cent rise suggests that the Law has had a positive impact. Few men take advantage of the childcare leave system since companies give little positive encouragement and the absence of salary and position guarantees serve as

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disincentives for men who are reluctant to jeopardise their climb up the company career ladder. Developments in policy and legislation during the past decade suggest that governments and business are not interested in implementing policies that encourage or even enable women to remain in the workforce as full-time workers. Results of an unidentified survey indicate that less than 0.1 per cent of men who were eligible to take childcare leave actually did so in the surveyed year (Look Japan 1995:16). The article in Look Japan presents the story of a couple both employed by the same company and describes the way they arranged their childcare leave. With their first child the company had no childcare leave policy so the mother took six months off work. For their second child the mother took a month off on childcare leave and the father took two months childcare leave from his job. The article noted that in the four years since introduction of the company's childcare leave program, the couple interviewed were the only employees to have used it (Look Japan April 1995:20–1). Other examples cited by the article include a male high school teacher who took more than three months leave. Under 'lifetime' employment practices, which value uninterrupted continuity of employment, taking a considerable break represents a setback in promotion and wage increases. Another interviewee mentioned in the article, a public servant, spoke on the timing of his leave. 'I was lucky. At that time, I was working in a section where the workload was relatively light. If I had been working in a busier section, I probably wouldn't have been able to take leave like that' (Look Japan 1995:16). Women are therefore the major applicants for childcare leave as men are reluctant to jeopardise their progression along the career ladder. Moreover, there are as yet no laws that address the issues of long working hours and an employee's availability for domestic or overseas transfers—both of which are also important criteria for promotion on the managerial track, and represent major hurdles for women pursuing careers. The introduction of the Parental Leave Law was an opportunity to reconfigure the gendered division of labour allowing women and men to participate equally in family responsibilities. The major weakness of the law lies in the fact that employers are not obliged to continue paying the employee any form of wage during the period of leave. In 1992 the government announced the Dependant Leave Law enabling workers to take leave from work to care for sick children or ageing parents. Dependant leave can be taken only once and for a minimum of three months. Income is not guaranteed as the majority of women workers are in very small industries so they are not covered by this law (Shibayama 1995:175). This leave is also not available to part-time workers. Of the part-time workers I interviewed this form of leave would have been the most applicable to their circumstances. In 1994 the Ministries of Finance, Health and Welfare, and Home Affairs agreed to implement as policy the New Gold Plan, which provides some home help and short periods of stay at geriatric facilities (Ōsawa 1996:88–9).7 When women with dependent children relied on others to assist with care, it was generally a family member because the expense of childcare services, if available, would have consumed a large proportion of their income.

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In other words, these women were not working in order to pay for childcare but to realise a specific goal. Governments, through legislation and social and welfare policies, legitimise and naturalise the gendered division of labour that constitutes women as wives and mothers. The impact of being constituted as 'secondary workers' in low paying, low status jobs combined with labour legislation and social welfare policies that define women as 'housewives' or as 'dependants' has been to more firmly entrench women as primary domestic workers. Part-time work as an employer strategy for utilising the labour of women, especially married women, also complements government visions of a Japanese-style welfare society, as noted above. Tax policies, which constitute women as dependent on a male income earner rather than as independent workers, encourage women to 'choose' part-time work. A white collar professional male's salary includes a dependent spouse allowance whereby a dependent wife can earn up to 1.03 million yen annually (about $A11,000). This threshold is set too low for a woman to support herself independently, let alone to also support children. Further, by remaining within the non-taxable threshold, a dependent wife is included in the health cover and pension scheme of her husband. On earning beyond this limit, a woman must also make her own contributions to health insurance and pension schemes, further reducing her disposable income (Mitsuyama 1995:55). Male full-time workers' benefits are reduced as the household income exceeds the threshold. This encourages women to 'choose' to work part-time, supported by a full-time male 'breadwinner'. It becomes economically rational to base the division of labour in the household along gender lines. The 'choices' women make about paid work within a framework of inequality is determined by state and employment policies. Revision of the National Pension Law in 1986 and of the tax code in 1987 put employed wives in an inferior position to unemployed wives. The tax threshold functions such that if a woman works as a part-time worker and earns less than 1.03 million yen annually then she does not have to pay tax on her income. Added to this, if her husband meets certain qualifications, then he can claim and be paid by his company an annual spouse allowance of 350,000 yen—which 88 per cent of companies pay to married male employees as salary (Takenaka and Kuba 1994:164). If the income of the dependent partner—in the majority of instances a woman—exceeds the 1.03 million yen limit, then her partner loses the dependent spouse tax rebate and his companypaid family allowance. Thus, the Japanese tax system narrows the employment options of married women to part-time workers. By linking a woman's income to her husband's eligibility to receive company paid benefits then women are coerced into remaining dependent on their husbands. As Takahashi observes: The taxation system does not encourage housewives—married women—to earn as much as their husbands, but rather encourages housewives to

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remain such, bringing in only a small amount of subsidiary income through part-time work (1994:44). There are significant disadvantages for a household if a part-time worker earns in excess of the tax threshold. Furugōri compares the situation for a woman whose income from paid work is under the tax-free income threshold to the circumstances of a woman who is employed as a full-time worker. Working as a part-time worker and earning less than 1.03 million yen, the woman pays no tax, and family allowance and spouse deductions are paid to her husband. A woman, full-time worker with an average annual income of 2.7 million yen [1994], must pay tax, employment insurance, and child or after school care, as well as higher work related personal expenditure such as for clothing and entertaining, and her husband is ineligible for the spouse deduction. Furugōri estimates that a woman full-time worker would be left with only slightly more income than a part-time worker whose income was under the tax free threshold, but to gain this she would be sacrificing time with her family, and for housework and incurring the expense of childcare. Furugōri concludes that in this way, women (and their households) are 'forced' to 'choose' part-time if they choose paid work (Furugōri 1997:138–9). The tax threshold forces part-time workers to consciously adjust their work hours, a process which requires the co-operation and understanding of employers/managers. Needing to adjust work hours has a negative effect on the career of a part-time worker, as managers may in the process of adjustment limit the amount of responsibility or promotion opportunities for part-time workers. Having to keep her income under the tax threshold defines a woman as dependent, which combined with age limits restricts her employment opportunities. As was the case for Minamoto san and Aoyama san, managers were not willing to allow a reduction in their work hours. Minamoto san was eventually able to reduce her work hours, but Aoyama san was not given this option and left her part-time job at Daiichi. According to data from my survey, the average monthly wage of part-time workers at Daiichi is between 100,000 and 150,000 yen. Increasing the tax threshold to 1.5 million yen would obviate the need for many part-time workers, including those working over 35 hours a week, to adjust their work hours. This would create fewer problems for managers and employers in scheduling staff— one clear reason why employers are interested in supporting an increase in the threshold. However, governments would lose a substantial revenue base if the tax threshold were increased so this stands as a potential source of tension with employers. By keeping the threshold low, governments receive tax revenue from part-time workers, the majority of whom only slightly exceed the limit. The connection between income and social welfare policies through the 1.03 million yen annual income threshold restricts women to part-time work. Parttime workers I spoke with indicated that these benefits applied to workers in big companies only. The partners of Okabe san, Takashima san and Nitani san were self-employed and were not paid an allowance for dependants. Consequently, for the wives of self-employed husbands remaining within the tax threshold was

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not an issue. Of those part-time workers whose husbands were eligible for spouse rebates, all had 'chosen' to forgo the rebate payments. They cited 'choosing' to forgo inclusion in the dependent spouse system on the basis that their income exceeded the tax threshold because it was important to them to earn as much income as possible. Part-time workers covered by the dependent spouse rebate system are not eligible for an employees' pension scheme, where part-time workers can contribute through their company, and are only eligible to receive the government provided pension. Kawashima san was never entitled to the dependent spouse benefit because she would have needed to adjust her hours to come under the tax threshold. As she saw it, 'Apart from the adjustment of working hours being a constant nuisance, I felt I would lose some sense of responsibility towards my job.' Kurashiki san and Yoshizumi san have always earned over the tax threshold. Kurashiki san claimed: I have always paid my own tax, pension and health insurance. My husband's income didn't meet all our expenses so I wanted to earn as much as possible. I also work longer hours than before, and so earn more and exceed the limit. Aoyama san's situation illustrates the restrictive nature of the income limit. When her contract was due for renewal in 1992 management asked her to increase her work hours. After discussing the situation with her husband, she decided she would quit her job at Daiichi, despite enjoying her work, the company of her colleagues and her contact with the public. The slight increase in the number of her work hours would place her over the income threshold. The impact of no longer being covered by her husband's health insurance or pension scheme would have possibly reduced her (and the household's) disposable income. An added complication to Aoyama san's position was that her husband was unable to find a person to carry out clerical duties in his office for two days a week and so after quitting Daiichi, Aoyama san much to her unhappiness, became an unpaid family worker in her husband's business. Wives and mothers in contemporary Japan Contemporary Japanese women have more time for leisure than previous generations. This is a combination of the following factors: their increasing life expectancy; fewer offspring; fewer years spent in full-time child raising, and the fact that more Japanese are living in nuclear families and have ready access to labour-saving household appliances.8 To make good use of valuable time by earning an income to fund their children's education, their own retirement and their desire for consumer goods, many women have returned to paid work. However, since the period of low growth in the 1970s, employers have changed their strategies for utilising the labour of women. The equating of 'women's work' with part-time work and poor remuneration, means there is little

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incentive for women to seek permanent attachment to the labour market. This effectively minimises the threat their labour poses to the male market. The role set of the housewife, regardless of her other activities, encompasses being a wife to her husband, taking charge of her housekeeping tasks, and bearing the main responsibility for childcare (Imamura 1987:12). Added to these roles are maintaining 'good relations with neighbours and relatives, and with other people whose goodwill may be of benefit to their husbands and their careers' (Hendry 1993:226). These descriptions specifically apply to 'professional' housewives who devote themselves full-time to domestic work, which Lock (1996) argues is idealised as the standard against which all women are measured. In reality less than 30 per cent of Japanese women are full-time housewives (Lock 1996:84). Imamura highlights continuity and change in the role and status of housewives and describes the 'new' type of housewife who differs from the 'traditional' model, who 'subordinates all other activity to the wife and mother role and leaves working outside to her husband.' The 'new' type, believes she should be able to engage in activities unrelated to the homemaker. Women may now work outside and men may help around the house; but for the woman, home takes priority whereas for the men, work does (Imamura 1987:14). As with full-time housewives, there is the additional expectation that women in paid work will 'manage' their paid work commitments to ensure there is no interference with their household responsibilities. Uno comments that after the mid-1960s ryōsai kenbo—the ideology of 'good wife and wise mother'— evolved into 'the obligation to manage the household and if necessary engage in paid work that did not prevent fulfilment of domestic responsibilities' (1993b: 304). Iwao also observed that the performance of paid work must not interfere with household responsibilities. 'The parameters of their (women's) freedom to work outside the home may be defined by what they can do without altering the household status quo as far as their husbands are concerned' (1993:175–6). Clearly, when governments refer to women in paid work they are referring to part-time work. According to the Tokyo Metropolitan Government: 'New mothers...skilfully balance part-time work, hobbies, and family life. The 'new mother' is a versatile cook and an able parent; she also enjoys socialising with friends from various outside activities' (cited in Molony 1995:271). Women and their families do not necessarily fit neatly into the roles prescribed for them, nor subscribe to the ideology of women as wives and mothers.9 The discourse that constitutes women as primarily wives and mothers continues to restrict their employment opportunities. Women in contemporary Japan place a high priority on their role as a mother, but this is not the only identity that they aspire to build throughout their lives.10 They are subjectively constituted in a number

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of different sites of which the household and workplace are but two. As Pringle argues, 'Women's subjectivity is constructed and maintained in the practices and discourses which give meaning to these divisions' (1988:216). Women are discriminated against and constrained by the discourse that constitutes their roles exclusively as those of wife and mother, but are nevertheless active in reconstituting their own identities. Change in the type of household chores between the pre and postwar periods has come about partly because of the acquisition of labour-saving household appliances but also as a result of a change in attitude from one of 'frugality' compared to the present preference for disposable products and 'consumption as virtue' (Shioda 1994:183). Despite this alteration in the nature of household chores and their increasing automation, there are still difficulties in combining domestic and paid work. Roberts's study of women's employment in a lingeriemanufacturing factory revealed that the majority of women work a double shift in their efforts to juggle full-time paid work and domestic responsibilities. An unusual aspect of the company she examined was that where other companies were replacing full-time workers with part-time workers her lingerie manufacturer had retained older women as full-time workers. Her observations of the working lives of these women expand our understanding of 'lifetime' employment by identifying the strategies women employ in order to remain full-time within an employment system which privileges male workers (Roberts 1994). When women are assisted in balancing domestic and paid work, the assistance is usually from other women family members such as daughters, mothers or mothers-in-law. In this way, the existing gendered division of labour is neither challenged nor disrupted, as women still remain responsible for household chores. Takazawa cites the example of Murata san, a worker in a food processing plant. Murata san's mother-in-law agreed to do the housework, cook the rice and one side dish, so that when Murata san returned home at five o'clock she only had to prepare one or two extra side dishes.11 Murata san's mother-in-law co-operated conditionally and limited it to work-days only, in other words to productive, or economically valuable work. When Murata san, who was active in the part-time workers' union at her work place, participated in demonstrations, economically valueless—and possibly socially questionable from her mother-in-law's point of view—her mother-in-law withdrew co­ operation. She also chastised Murata san for expecting an 'old woman' (direct translation from the text) to do her work and questioned her ability as a wife (1991:197). Time-use studies have been used as one means of examining the gendered division of labour in the household and they not surprisingly confirm that women spend more hours per day in domestic work than men. In 1991 women spent three hours and 52 minutes on domestic activities including housework and childcare; a decrease by eight minutes since 1986 (Sōrifu 1993:19–20). In comparison, in 1995 men spent 26 minutes a day on housework related activities. This increases by one hour on Sundays (Yamada 1998:28). This represents an increase of six minutes since 1986 but is still only about one-

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seventh of the time women spend. A full-time housewife is reported to average four hours and 43 minutes per day on housework, shopping and childcare, while a woman engaged in some form of paid work spends three hours and ten minutes per day on the same tasks (Sōrifu 1993:20). For both groups of women, the greatest amount of time spent on domestic work is on housework—cleaning, cooking and washing—rather than childcare or shopping. In comparison, the male partners of both categories of women spent approximately 12 minutes on weekdays and 57 minutes on Sundays doing housework. There has been a slight change in the amount of time women and men spend on household tasks. In contrast to women, men spend most of this time on shopping (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1993:appendix 61–3). It may be tempting to argue that men spend little time on housework and related activities because their paid work hours are longer than for women, and they are presumed to commute further than women. However, average working hours for women with full-time employee status only differs from those of men by 90 minutes per week.12 Commuting time, generally longest in the larger cities such as Tokyo, differs between women and men by only ten minutes per day (Rodosho, Fujinkyoku 1993:appendix 61–3). Given the extra-work activities employers expect of Japanese men—from which part-time or full-time women workers are excluded—it is not surprising that women working part-time arrive home before their partners. The proliferation of convenience stores and general retail outlets with extended trading hours—some are open 24 hours per day—means that it is possible for part-time or full-time workers to shop after work in preparation for their evening meal. Women's engagement in part-time work has produced changes in the service sector, not only in their roles as workers, but also in their roles as consumers with limited hours for shopping. Family structure Of the part-time workers I interviewed, only Okabe san and Otsu san lived in extended households at the time of my fieldwork. In the past Yoshizumi san, Otsumi san and Takashima san had all lived with either one or both parents or parents-in-law. From my survey it is clear that the majority lived in nuclear households.13 Seventy-two per cent of part-time workers, 56 per cent of quasi part-time workers and 60 per cent of casuals lived in nuclear households. Twenty per cent of casuals lived in three-generation extended families and 13 per cent of quasi part-time workers lived in female-headed households. The majority of spouses were self-employed or company employees. None of the part-time workers I interviewed had young children. When I asked them about their childcare strategies many responded that they relied on husbands and in-laws, or waited until their children had begun school before seeking paid work. Kurashiki san: I often silently apologise to my children about the fact that I was never able to attend class observation opportunities or parent teacher meetings.

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The observation days were held on Saturdays [Japanese schools conduct half-day classes two Saturdays a month] at the end of the year, and this being a busy period in retail it was impossible to take a day off. To compensate I wrote lengthy letters or phoned the teacher to explain the situation. My sons went to extra curricula study schools and when they got older they worked as casuals during the school holidays. In this way they were not always home alone though for a while they were latch-key children. Okabe san: My in-laws have lived with us since we were married, but my mother-inlaw wouldn't look after my children which was difficult. I always made a point, and still do, of praising her and telling her I couldn't have raised my children if it wasn't for her, even though she actually did nothing. I got my children to write diaries to keep them occupied which was good practice for their handwriting, and as my in-laws had a book-binding business we had them bound and they now make good reading. Kawashima san: When the children were young I would take some of my paid holidays during their summer break [about eight weeks] and we would arrange it so that either my husband or myself was home with them. My youngest child was more of a latch-key child than my eldest because I started working when he was nine, whereas I worked from home or hours which suited when the eldest was small. My husband complained a lot when the children were smaller, but as they have got older he doesn't much. Sometimes I think I did the wrong thing by my children and I know I have tried to overcompensate, especially to my youngest child. I did however, make extra time to talk to my children so I knew what was important for them. Takashima san: My mother-in-law came to live with my husband and I ten years after we were married. She was extremely co-operative. She looked after the children when they got home from school, and was co-operative in her attitude to me going out to work. Dependant care Care of ageing parents and in-laws or partners was a more pressing consideration for the part-time workers I worked with than care of dependant children. A 1990 issue of Tokyo Shimbun claimed that one in three women gave up paid work to nurse relatives (Lock 1993:124). A survey by the General Institute of Employment and Occupation found over 40 per cent of working

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women aged in their forties and fifties stopped paid work or changed their work hours to take care of aged or sick family members in 1989 (Daily Yomiuri 1991). During my field work, Kurashiki san's sister became ill. Her sister had three young children and lived in a rural area that was a three-hour round trip from Kurashiki san's house. When her sister was hospitalised, Kurashiki san spent her evenings and days off caring for her and then travelled to her house when she was discharged. When eligible for holidays, Kurashiki san took these to continue caring for her sister. Otsu san, a quasi part-time worker in stationery, was caring for her husband who was hospitalised for nine months. Initially she asked to quit but as the section was short-staffed the manager asked her to stay and she agreed so that she would not in her words, 'let her co-workers down'. Otsu san's work hours were reduced by one hour per day and so she left work at 4.00 p.m. to spend three hours with her husband.14 Otsu san performed this role daily, morning and evening, as well as caring for aged parents who were living with them. Otsu san retired in 1992 commenting that the reorganisation of the work process combined with her age and the strain of her family circumstances made it too difficult for her to continue paid work any longer. Co-operation from family When talking about the level of co-operation from family members, many women shared similar experiences. Okabe san commented that whilst her husband did not perform any domestic work, neither did he object to her continuing to work or becoming a part-time worker as long as the extra hours and responsibility did not cause any inconvenience to the family or to the running of the household. In explaining her promotion to part-time worker, Okabe san started to say that her husband gave her permission to continue to work, but she corrected herself by saying he understood her desire to work as long as it did not inconvenience the family. Okabe san's comment that her husband allowed her to return to work on the condition it did not disrupt family life is interesting given her emphasis that the income she earned was necessary to the family budget. This indicates the conflict men face over the economic importance of their wives' paid work, compared to the importance of her roles as wife and mother. Okabe san's husband is self-employed and their need for extra income because of the size of their family combined with financial circumstances did not permit her husband the leisure of refusing her desire for paid work. It may be possible for upper middle-class families to support a full-time housewife, but paid work was initially not a choice for the part-time workers in my study. Many of the part-time workers I spoke with arrived home from work only a short time, about an hour, before their husbands, after they had shopped on the way home. These women had to prepare and cook meals before their husbands arrived home. The women who arrived home from work after their partners also prepared the meal when they arrived home because their partners waited for

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them to return. This was the arrangement in situations where children had grown up. With older school-aged children at home the meal was partially prepared, usually by daughters, and the part-time workers completed the meal preparation on their return home. Women had developed a variety of arrangements to cope with the demands of their paid work. Otsu san, whose husband was in poor health and who was also caring for ageing parents-in-law, prepared lunch for everyone each day before leaving for work. She did not participate in any of the overnight trips to thermal springs her friends regularly organised because it would have required her not only to prepare three meals for three people for every day she was away, but also to reorganise the household to cope with her absence. For Otsu san, the extra preparation often diminished the anticipated pleasure of the trip. In contrast a survey response from a part-time worker showed some husbands were willing to take on some domestic work: 'My husband has started to do some cooking, and as I get home later than him, we cook together or he starts to cook and we finish it together'.15 The women I spoke with, irrespective of the number of hours of their paid work per day and the employment status of their spouses, were responsible for cooking, shopping, cleaning, washing, care of children and grandchildren and aged and invalid care where necessary.16 The part-time workers I surveyed were all primarily responsible for household duties. In response to the survey question 'Who performs most of the housework?' 93.8 per cent of part-time workers, 100 per cent of quasi part-time workers and 90.9 per cent of casuals responded saying that as wives, they were solely responsible. When asked if the amount of time spent on housework had decreased since they began paid work, slightly more than half the casuals (51.9 per cent) responded that the amount of time spent on housework had not decreased. For both part-time workers (56.3 per cent) and quasi part-time workers (68.4 per cent), the majority reported that they had reduced the amount of time they spent on housework. Casuals appeared the most committed to continuing with levels of housework equal to that performed by full-time housewives. As I have separated quasi part-time workers (who are now casuals), those remaining in the category of casuals work less than four hours a day, which partly explains the greater length of time they spend on housework. Based on interviews with professional women, Atsumi observed that the working women she interviewed were similar to full-time housewives in that they were primarily responsible for domestic work and caring for children and other family members. The extent of these husbands' participation in domestic duties was far from equal sharing, but what mattered most to these working women was not the amount of actual practical help rendered by her husband, but the expression of his psychological and ideological support through appropriate gestures and words (1988:58). Atsumi's women interviewees were not entirely happy that they were solely responsible for domestic work, but acknowledged they did rely on parents, particularly mothers and other family members for support.

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For the majority of part-time workers the amount of housework they performed had decreased over time because children were older and looked after themselves or had moved out of home. There had been no change in the sex of the person responsible for performing the housework. For those part-time workers who reported that the time they spent on housework remained unchanged since they began paid work, their strategies for combining paid and domestic work involved sacrificing their own private time rather than increasing demands for help from other family members. Cooking meals for the week ahead or performing the week's housework on days off from paid work were the most popular strategies. In Japan it is common practice to shop daily for ingredients for part of the evening meal. This is partly because of limited storage space but also because of the emphasis on the freshness of foods. For this reason reducing the amount of time spent on shopping is difficult. Where the presence of children was not a consideration, the performance of housework including meal preparation was an important criterion for successfully combining paid work and domestic responsibilities. A number of women implied that failing to satisfactorily perform household tasks could be the basis for criticism from their partners and that it would affect their decision to continue with paid work.17 Iwao argues: 'Many women are concerned that their husbands not object to their working and that their jobs not infringe on the time needed to fulfil household duties' (1993:175). Some part-time workers reported that the amount of housework they performed had decreased because other members of the household such as children and partners were carrying out more housework. No one I worked with or surveyed indicated their reliance on outside domestic assistance such as paid housekeepers. Economic reasons prohibit employing outside housekeeping assistance. A further reason is the women take pride in being able to perform paid work without 'disrupting' their families—a further manifestation of the social pressure placed on women in paid work in Japan. As Buckley argues 'Japanese women are intensely aware of the public nature of women's domestic work and the importance of the performative dimension of domestic labour to the definition of women's status and identity' (1996:451). The roles of wife and mother In the 1986 Opinion Poll on the Family and Household (Kazoku-Katei ni Kansuru Yoron Chōsa) conducted by the Prime Minister's office, 90 per cent of respondents replied that a husband's role was as main income earner, and the roles of a wife were to clean, wash, prepare meals, clean up after meals, look after the household budget, and the daily shopping. In 1994 the Health and Welfare Ministry's National Household Trends Survey (Zenkoku Katei Doko Chōsa) found over 50 per cent of wives thought 'husbands should work outside the home, wives should be full-time housewives' (Furugōri 1997:179). The parttime workers I interviewed would not agree with these responses, but they were still primarily responsible for household chores.

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Kurashiki san: When I did early morning deliveries, just before breakfast my route took me past my house. I prepared the rice before I left and then as I passed by I'd run inside and turn the rice cooker on so the rice would be ready when my husband and children woke up. I have always done most of the housework before I left for work. I often got up at 5.00 a.m. to wash, cook breakfast and make lunches and clean. If I thought I would be home late, I partially prepared dinner too. I often did the ironing in the evenings. My children (two boys) are adult (32 and 28) so I have less to do. I never expected my sons to do much housework but they often took in the washing. On my days off I would do other chores. Once I decided to continue working I didn't want to cause my family any inconvenience so I decided not to slacken on housework, and as I finished at 4.00 p.m. in the early days I had a little more time. My husband and sons have never complained about my working. As my husband also wanted us to own our home and to educate our children he realised it was necessary for me to work. No-one ever complained about housework. Okabe san's day begins at 6.00 a.m. and her paid work shift begins at 10.00 a.m. As her daughter also works, she readies the eldest two of her three grandchildren for kindergarten and childcare. She has the twin tub washing machine running whilst cooking breakfast for the eleven members (four generations) of her family. Okabe san has been in paid work all but five years of her 35 years of married life, which represents the time she took to bear and spend time with her two children. Throughout her married life she has been responsible for the household tasks, with assistance from her children, mother and mother-in-law as they were able. Okabe san's domestic circumstances differ slightly from other part-time workers I spoke with (except for Otsu san) because she lives in an extended family. Aside from this difference, the parttime workers I spoke with shared many experiences. Like Okabe san, all continued their 'second shift' as (house)wife and/or mother after returning home from their paid job. Okabe san commented: My husband is self-employed and works from home. He does very little around the house, and as he is busy on weekends I do almost everything. I can ask my mother to do some things, but my mother-in-law is in poor health so I can't ask her for help regularly. I use prepared foods more often than I did in the past, but on my days off I make more of an effort to prepare meals, trying out new and different recipes. Because I am working in the retail industry I have direct contact with the effects of the consumption tax, politics, and economics and have developed an interest in them to the extent where I read about them in the newspapers, where I might not if I hadn't started working. My children also became more independent, and they learned to cook plus did many

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'WHEN I GET HOME I HAVE TO BE A MOTHER...'

other jobs such as bring in the washing. My parents and parents-in-law live with us, but my children never relied on their grandparents, and did a lot for themselves. When the children were younger they did a lot around the house. My mother-in-law didn't really look after the children so I had to arrange my schedule to fit in with the children's kindergarten schedule. Sometimes they came to work with me after school. I got them to write diaries so that would keep them occupied, but once they started private extra-curricular classes which was across the road from the store it was easier. My motherin-law now does a bit more around the house. I sometimes think I did the wrong thing by my children, but I needed to work or we couldn't have survived. My children have never complained to me about working, but I have tried to do the right thing for them to make up for working. I took on roles at school so I knew what was happening and what they were doing. My husband is self-employed and the business is part of the residence. He wasn't and isn't much support with work inside the house. He is also busy on weekends so I do almost everything. Kawashima san: My children did a lot of housework such as taking in the washing, cooking the rice and cleaning the bath. When the children were at school I got up early to make their lunch and then would go back to bed for a while. I am less fussy about housework which may also be related to my age. When my eldest moves out [1994] and the youngest starts work, I suspect my husband and I will be less fussy about what we eat. When my children were younger I took time off when necessary for PTA meetings and attended parent-teacher days. My husband has always done the washing up, ironing, house cleaning, taking the garbage out and the washing on a regular basis, but had always refused to cook. He is practiced at these jobs and I am happy to let him do them. Now when my husband comes home earlier than me he does the cooking. He started cooking because he and the children came home early and as my hours got longer we thought it unfair to let the children go hungry and wait until I got home. My husband has every Saturday and Sunday and public holidays off which I don't, so he does most of the housework.18 My husband can retire in 1994 at age 60 and he wants to return to his hometown [a rural area outside Tokyo]. If we do this, then I would not get a job with equivalent pay and conditions so I am hesitant to move. Also there would not be as many activities I can participate in. It is however possible my husband might work as a shokutaku [one of the terms used for a male short-time worker] until 65 but...

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Takashima san: Although I was a housewife until I started working, my mother-in-law realised after I started working that I was not really suited to the role of full-time housewife. In terms of housework I have always done the bulk of it which was always a struggle. My children did some, but were probably most supportive in their attitude that if I had to work late they were happy to eat instant food. My family has always been co-operative but the co-operation from my husband has never extended to actual co-operation in doing housework. Usually I ride to work on my bicycle [25 minutes] but on Sundays my husband drives me to and from work. He is from Kyoto [Western Japan] and Kyoto men are notorious for not doing any work around the house.19 When I started working, my daughter and husband teased me a lot saying I wouldn't continue because I had never done paid work before, and I really believed them as I felt the same. But I was reminded of my mother who supported her children by working several jobs. I didn't want to disappoint her and also part of me wanted to show my family they were wrong. Nitani san: I have two sons and they don't do much around the house. The eldest is working now and the youngest at 20 will graduate in 1994. I went to work at Daiichi when my youngest son started primary school. I think that the only reason I could manage everything was that my husband's fruit shop [sells only fruit] is among a number of small stores which sell food which I could prepare for dinner such as fish and vegetables. Although our store is not part of our home it is only a short commute by bicycle. As our shop is not a vegetable shop this made a difference—vegetables deteriorate more quickly than fruit, and if it wasn't for this I couldn't have gone to work at Daiichi. My husband didn't oppose my decision to work because I had to work. We made the decision that I work somewhere else so that we would have a regular income and an extra income to pay off our mortgage and the children's education. My husband opens the shop from 12.00 mid-day until 10.00 or 10.30 p.m. [he works another job for two hours each morning] and gets home about 11.00 p.m., seven days a week. Because of this he has never been around the house much. I work in the shop on my days off [Tuesday and Wednesday] so he can do deliveries. The shop is also open over New Year and as I have three days off I work in the shop then.

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'WHEN I GET HOME I HAVE TO BE A MOTHER...'

Toda san: I get Friday and Saturday off each week. I sometimes think to split my days off would make it easier to do my housework because I could break it up instead of doing one week's worth at once. Now that I get two days off a week [five-day work week introduced in 1988–1989] and as I have only one child [aged 24 years] who is working, there is really not much housework to do. My husband cooks every Sunday night, and does not really complain much about how I keep the house. As he doesn't earn much he is happy that I work so that I can buy the things I want, and travel where I want. He complained in the beginning, but he has realised if I didn't work I wouldn't be able to do what I want and would complain to him about this, so now he has no objections. I want to be able to do the things I enjoy so I will continue working for a while yet. Yoshizumi san: When I went out to work I decided not to sacrifice my children and my household so I waited until I had both of these on a stable footing before I went looking for work. When my mother-in-law was alive she did quite a lot of the housework and was home when the children came home from school. As my children got older they did the washing, the dishes and cleaned their own rooms. Only my husband and my youngest daughter are at home now so it is not necessary to do a lot of housework. I don't leave for work until 10.30 a.m. [ride bicycle to work] and so if I'm going to be late home I prepare dinner before I leave. I also do the washing before I leave. When I started working, my husband worked long hours and together with socialising with customers he didn't get home until midnight. He was not around to help with housework or raising and keeping in touch with the children, which was extremely difficult. The burden of responsibility was heavy. Initially my husband was opposed to me working because he didn't think I could do it [which for everyone interviewed implies not just paid work but combining paid and unpaid work]. He believed I would soon quit. After I had continued for a while he didn't say that any more. I needed to work to pay for the children's education. My mother-in-law was supportive and just told me not to overdo it. My children provided no opposition and their willingness to do housework made me grateful for their support. Many part-time workers responded that they saved time on domestic chores by relying on the use of prepared or frozen meals. As was noted in the time-use survey, cooking, washing and cleaning accounted for the majority of time spent on housework—areas of housework which require human input. The use of prepared and frozen foods was one means of reducing cooking time and was preferable to the less socially acceptable and more expensive take-away and

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home-delivered options. Okabe san and other part-time workers commented that using prepared meals during the week was common for them but that on their days off they spent more time cooking elaborate meals. Minamoto san, employed as a quasi part-time worker for seventeen years, lived with her husband, her son having moved away two years earlier. She commented that she relied on prepared and frozen meals on work days, but that her husband expected her to spend more time preparing meals especially on the second of her consecutive days off. Otsumi san, quasi part-time worker with twelve years experience, also lived alone with her husband, and remarked that because it was only the two of them at home they ate simply. Instead of being expected to prepare special meals on days off, Otsumi san and her husband continued to eat simply. Aoyama san is in her late fifties and lives with her husband and adult daughter. She has enjoyed her job and contact with the public, but commented that housewives have it hard (shufu wa tsurai) because of the demands of juggling paid work with a household. Aoyama san, in talking about cooperation from her husband, commented: He is so lazy that even if I prepare a meal and put it in the fridge/microwave oven for him, he would not get it out for himself. He would go all day without eating unless I prepared it and set it out on the table for him before I leave for work. She did add that the positive side of her husband's laziness was that he was not fussy or critical when it came to meals or the state of housekeeping, and that the two of them ate out regularly. Aoyama san felt this was some compensation for having responsibility for domestic work and employment as a paid worker. In response to a survey result that found men performed household tasks in only 1 per cent of homes, the Japanese government is offering middle-aged men a beginners program in household basics. The tasks include peeling an apple, preparing rice, turning on the washing machine and using a duster. The program will not teach men how to hang out washing or air a futon because being seen by the neighbours would be considered a loss of face' (Lunn 2001). The use of prepared and frozen food, whilst reducing the amount of time spent on food preparation, has not affected the amount of time necessary for shopping or washing dishes. Dishwashers are not widespread in Japan and the individual servings of food in separate bowls or plates that comprise a Japanese meal create a considerable amount of washing up. Washing dishes is also not a chore that male partners participate in regularly and survey respondents confirm this general trend. In extended households the women of the household (mother/daughter, mother-in-law/daughter-in-law) divided the domestic work between them and washing up often fell to the younger woman of the house, and not males. Washing still took a great deal of time. Despite the availability of fully automatic washing machines, twin tub washing machines were favoured by many of the women I interviewed. Twin tub washing machines require a constant human presence and as such are time consuming. Although returning

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'WHEN I GET HOME I HAVE TO BE A MOTHER...'

home to take in the washing on rainy days was not possible, the use of a dryer was not a popular alternative. Buckley cites the example of a woman who recently took up subcontracting work for a publishing company. The woman bought a number of new appliances which gave her additional time for her job, but she would not buy a clothes dryer because: 'If she could not be seen hanging out the wash each morning, the rest of the neighbourhood would condemn her for not performing her wifely duties. They might even guess that she was doing subcontract work at home' (1996:451). Although the technology is available to shorten the time spent on domestic work, this does not necessarily mean that time-saving devices are used, nor that they are used by members of the family other than the wife or mother. The impact of technology has been to entrench the gendered division of labour in the household, as the changes technology has brought about have not included changes to 'the sex, hours, efficiency and status of the household worker' (Wajcman 1991:82). Wajcman continues: Available evidence suggests that domestic technology has reinforced the traditional sexual division of labour between husbands and wives and locked women more firmly into their traditional roles. Because technologies have been used to privatise work, they have cumulatively hindered a reallocation of household labour (1991:87). The increased use of household appliances and the absence of small children or other dependants does not mean that the amount of time Japanese women spend on domestic work has decreased, as the 'public' elements of housework in Japan, are important. Keeping in touch with neighbours and what is happening in the neighbourhood or participating in the roster for cleaning garbage collection spots are but a few of the roles and duties expected of a housewife in Japan above and beyond those duties performed inside the household. To be seen to be performing one's wifely and neighbourhood duties is important. Toda san was the only part-time worker I interviewed who cited this as an important reason for continuing to work as a casual, even though she was recommended for promotion to a part-time worker. I have lived in the same house since I was married over 25 years ago, and all my friends are friends I made when my son was at kindergarten and school. I have no daughters so when I am sick I have to rely on my neighbours to run errands or take care of me, so in this respect I feel it is important to maintain contact with my neighbours. One of my neighbours works in the office of the Hachiban store and it was through her that I was introduced to the store. I live only a five-minute walk away from the store. My neighbours are very co-operative knowing that I am in paid work, but I still try to do my share of neighbourhood duties such as cleaning garbage collection areas and taking turns as a representative in neighbourhood groups.

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From conversations with Kurashiki san I knew that maintaining neighbourhood contacts was an important issue for her too, and for a variety of reasons. Kurashiki san did not live in the immediate vicinity of the store and had a round trip commute of an hour and a half. Of particular concern to her at the time of my fieldwork were the marriage prospects of her eldest son. Kurashiki san had made it known to friends in the neighbourhood that her son was interested in an omiai (arranged meeting for marriage). Introductions can be facilitated in a number of ways, one of which is to receive information on possible candidates through friends and acquaintances. For Kurashiki san remaining in contact with neighbours and the neighbourhood had special importance at that time. Reasons for working part-time A 1954 Asahi Shimbun article explained the then increase in hijōkin (translated in the article as 'part-time') as resulting from women's desire to earn money for children's education, to send to elderly parents, for family leisure and travel or to buy a car. The emphasis was on 'economic benefits' for hijōkin workers, with paid work for these women acting as an income supplement to that of the main income earner. This appraisal contrasts with the way that women working as hijōkin described their experience: 'more than income...it's fantastic to be able to keep in contact with the outside world'. Nurses and other specialists mentioned in this article commented on the benefits of using and furthering their skills. The contrast between the (unidentified) author's explanation of women's reasons for working part-time and those given by the part-time workers interviewed and quoted in the article is revealing. The author imputes an economic motive to women's paid work. Yet the part-time workers whose interviews informed the article indicated that paid work fulfilled a variety of roles in their lives, more than just the need for income. Certainly economic motivations are important for the majority of women who work part-time. A 1995 Ministry of Labour survey (multiple choice) of part-time workers showed that 53.5 per cent replied they were working part-time to add to the household budget, and 33.8 per cent were working part-time to maintain their standard of living (Rōdōshō 1997:37). The need for income is certainly a major motivation for women to pursue paid work, especially when their children are in school or university, or for those women in post-retirement employment. There is little consideration that working part-time is short-term and related to life cycle, that it is to pay for a child's education, a housing loan or retirement. For some parttime workers, the economic necessity for working lessens as time passes, but the social contact which work brings or the extra income to pursue leisure activities may become more important. The social pressure forcing women to define themselves solely as wives and mothers may inhibit them citing reasons other than income when explaining their motivations to continue working parttime. Women who pursue or who are seen to desire a job or career outside the narrowly defined domestic sphere, risk being considered selfish (wagamama).20

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'WHEN I GET HOME I HAVE TO BE A MOTHER...'

The low status and limited financial rewards of part-time work only serve to amplify the impression that the woman may be seeking personal satisfaction through her paid employment. Many women, when asked to give their primary motivation for working, may be reluctant to express their desire to use their skills and qualifications in the workplace, or to maintain a social network. Job satisfaction and recreation time As could be imagined, not all the women I spoke with had the time, energy or inclination to pursue activities beyond paid work and domestic work. Some felt that paid work had offered them no benefits beyond the financial. Yet all acknowledged that while paid work is tiring, they generally enjoyed their work at Daiichi. The part-time workers I spoke to are not simply 'victims' of employment conditions that disadvantage them compared with full-time workers. They have created meaning for themselves despite the limitations on their choice of paid work and governments' attempts to construct them as wives and mothers. For Yoshizumi san the non-financial benefits gained from her part-time job included contact with colleagues and interaction with customers. Through this contact she felt she had learned more about the world than she could have done by staying within the household. Takashima san also felt she had benefited from the experiences gained through paid work, which she would not have had if she had stayed a full-time housewife. For Nitani san, the benefits of going out to work included: specialist job knowledge; getting along with people; and knowledge of the 'outside world'. Okabe san stated that her interest in society at large has been partly fostered by paid work. She acknowledges that she tries to read the newspaper and be aware of the political and economic impacts on Daiichi and her job. Yoshizumi san's family life and education were disrupted by wartime evacuation. She was sent to a seaside resort south of Tokyo in 1944 for ten months with her school classmates and returned to Tokyo in May 1945. Yoshizumi san was the only member of her family to be evacuated. On her return to Tokyo the city was being fire bombed and her family's house was destroyed. As a family they moved to Hokkaido. Yoshizumi san and Kurashiki san commented on separate occasions that women of their age (mid 50s) feel their education is incomplete; they are seeking to learn as much as they can from many avenues, and paid work is one of these options. To compensate for what she feels is her lack of education, on her one weekday off Yoshizumi san attends regular English language classes at the local town hall, a subject she enjoyed at school. During the period of my field work, Yoshizumi san had enrolled in a politics class, also at the local town hall.21 By her own admission this was an attempt to understand the 'Fifteen Year War' period (1930–1945) and the conditions that led up to her enforced separation from her family.22 Not all Yoshizumi san's interests are academic as she travels regularly with coworkers and her family, and is proficient in a number of crafts.

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Takashima san felt she had found out a lot about herself through contact with people outside her family. In her section she has to work with superiors and her co-workers many of whom are younger. Working part-time has also enabled her to pursue hobbies including Japanese calligraphy and flower arranging. In 1993 she gained her licence to teach flower arranging which she plans to begin when she retires from Daiichi. Compared to women of earlier generations, contemporary Japanese women have more years between the completion of their child rearing responsibilities and their own deaths.23 Evidence of this can be seen in the rise and popularity of cultural centres, the fact that women are in the forefront of volunteer and grass roots organisations and the increasing numbers of married women working parttime. The roles of women have changed with changes in the structure of families in Japan. Fathers are often absent from families either through the practice of tanshin funin or long working hours.24 Care-giving responsibilities fall totally to women in the prolonged absence of fathers. The absence of husbands also means couples are unable to sustain emotional contact and the separation of roles becomes more defined. With more leisure time and the absence of partners, women pursue hobbies and other leisure activities with friends. Couples' lives diverge to the point where a popular television commercial of the late 1980s characterised husbands in the following way: 'lovable as long as they keep earning money, stay healthy and stay away from home' (Yoshizumi 1995:191). Japan's divorce rate is rising, but statistics do not provide the complete picture.25 Domestic divorce (kateinai rikori), where a couple remain legally married and often cohabiting despite the non-existence of a conjugal relationship, is reported to be widespread (Yamada 1998:46–7). Changes within the nuclear family combined with more women entering the paid workforce have added to the range of roles women undertake. The construction of women used by employers, governments and enterprise union officials is a one-dimensional representation of 'women'. On the basis of this representation, employers have 'appropriated' the working lives of women further by making assumptions about the type of paid work that is appropriate for women. In Japan, part-time work has been created within perceptions about the kinds of work considered appropriate for married women or women with dependants. But Japan's part-time work culture has also evolved based on oftenerroneous perceptions of what women demand. Put differently, employers are pre-empting women's choices. As McDowell argues 'It is too often assumed that women with children prefer to work on a part-time basis' (McDowell and Pringle 1992:186). In Japan it is assumed that all women exceeding company-imposed age limits discussed in the previous chapter are 'mothers' and so they are employed parttime irrespective of their actual family status. By utilising women in part-time jobs, employers are able to hire workers that have been constituted as 'cheap'. An additional benefit to employers is derived from the fact that they have constructed this type of employment in such a way that it differs little from fulltime employment in terms of the work performed. As we saw above, part-timers

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work a similar number of hours, and in similar and sometimes identical jobs, to full-time workers, but are not given the status of full-time employee. This means they are not paid equivalent wages or benefits. Employment conditions, employment benefits and social policies such as tax and health insurance also constitute women on the basis that they are dependent on a male income. It is clear that women, especially women with spouses, are the majority of part-time workers. But the linking of women as 'housewives' with part-time work, in a quasi-naturalistic way, has negative implications for employment conditions and social policies for all women. The impact of enterprise unions, as a form of employee representation, is explored in the next chapter.

6

Power in the union?

Unions in Japan have accepted the lower wages of women workers to concentrate on protecting the wages and conditions of their core male membership. The rapid increase in the number of part-time jobs over the past fifteen years has not led to growth in the rate of unionisation for part-time workers. Union officials explain low rates of unionisation for part-time workers in terms of lack of interest by women and part-time workers. This explanation is paralleled in the early history of unions when it was argued that women lacked 'worker' consciousness and so were not interested in unions. Unions and their policies and practices are pertinent to the discussion of the construction of part-time work in Japan—of particular relevance is their reluctance to unionise and their focus on the needs of full-time workers, especially male full-time workers. As in most other industrialised countries, union membership rates in Japan are continually declining (see Figure 6.1). In 2000 only 21.5 per cent of the paid workforce held union membership (Japan Institute of Labour 2001). Considering the reorganisation of the union movement, union responses to the low rate of membership are significant. Immediately after the legal recognition of unions in 1945, industrial unions, rather than enterprise unions dominated Japan's labour movement. A combination of union-busting and corporatist management strategies led to the concentration of unions within one enterprise. Since the late 1950s enterprise unions have restricted their concerns to the securing of wage increases. Discriminatory employment practices, should they be acknowledged, are beyond the bargaining and negotiating scope of Japan's contemporary enterprise unions. The reorganisation of Japan's union movement was initiated by a group of six private sector enterprise federations in an attempt to reorient the union movement ideologically. The reorganisation was assisted by the government's policy of privatising large public sector corporations that had militant unions,

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120 Figure 6.1: .

Estimated unionisation rates in Japan 1950–2000 (%)

50%

10% 1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

46.2%

32.2%

35.4%

30.8%

25.2%

21.5%

Source: Adapted from Ministry of Labour, 'Basic Survey of Labour Unions' (2001). for example the Japan National Railway (JNR). In 1989, the formation of Rengō was the outcome of the union movement's reorganisation (Broadbent 1990). Originally a loose coalition of a number of enterprise union federations from large companies, Rengō has developed into Japan's largest postwar national union organisation. Daiichi's enterprise union is affiliated to Rengō. Despite organising 7.1 million workers, Rengō represents only 12 per cent of the total Japanese workforce.1 With the declining influence of unions, the question needs to be asked as to whether unions are able to address the discriminatory employment conditions faced by a 'peripheral' workforce such as part-time workers? The marginal employment status of part-time workers is often seen as explaining or justifying their marginal status in the union movement. In Australia there has been the view that: Part-time workers are not as committed to workplace issues as full-time workers, are more likely to be intimidated by employers and are less likely to be committed to the goals of trade unionism as well as being difficult to organise (Lever-Tracy 1991:76). As will be revealed in this discussion below, this description could almost be written about the relationship of Japanese part-time workers and women to unions. The aptness of Lever-Tracey's picture comes despite the fact that Japanese women factory workers conducted the first strike in Japanese history in 1886, as we will see below (Sievers 1983:81–3). Full-time workers comprise the core membership of enterprise unions but Daiichi's enterprise union also organises part-time workers. This reflects a broader trend wherein a growing number of unions are including part-time workers in their memberships. However, unionisation rates for this section of the workforce is still low. In 1995 nationwide unionisation rates for part-time workers stood at an average of 4 per cent and for women at 4.3 per cent (Table 6.1) (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1996:81). The JIL estimation for 2000 puts the figure at 2.6 per cent (Japan Institute of Labour 2001d: online).

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

Table 6.1:

121

Changes in the estimated unionisation rate of part-time workers

Year

No. of labour union-affiliated part-time workers (1,000 persons)

Annual change (%)

% of total labour unionaffiliated workers

No. of short-time Unionisaemployees tionrate (10,000 persons) est. (%)

1995

184

9.6

1.5

864

2.1

1996

196

6.4

1.6

889

2.2

1997

218

11.2

1.8

923

2.4

1998

240

9.9

2.0

957

2.5

1999

244

1.7

2.1

993

2.5

2000

260

6.6

2.3

1,017

2.6

Source: Adapted from Ministry of Labour, 'Basic Survey of Labour Unions' (2001). Moreover, casuals are excluded from Daiichi's enterprise union. In this major respect, the union is unrepresentative of the company's employees. Even more significantly, the exclusion of approximately 96 per cent of the part-time workforce, the majority of whom are women, denies this large section of the workforce access to and a voice in the decision-making processes: not only in the union, but also in the company and, through the union's upper level industrial affiliates and the union giant Rengō, to government committees. Data from my fieldwork support the claim that part-time workers lack interest in the enterprise union and the union's activities—but not because part-time workers lack a 'worker' consciousness. Rather part-time workers regard enterprise unions as primarily pursuing issues to the benefit of full-time workers. Part-time workers cited as sources of their disaffection the union's scheduling of meetings at times they could not attend and its lack of interest in their concerns as part-time workers.2 The union's habit of ignoring part-time workers' concerns is an outcome of both the broader problem of organisation and the restricted bargaining scope of enterprise unions. By limiting union membership to workers within one enterprise, there is little opportunity for the union and its members to establish connections with workers either in the same industry or geographic area—a situation with implications for union independence and autonomy. The context of a decline in unionisation in Japan's general working population makes low rates of unionisation for part-time workers more than simply an issue of 'lacking interest'. Part-time workers' lack of interest is the outcome of the structure and organisation of the majority of unions in Japan, the scope of bargaining power that enterprise unions possess, and disinterest by male union officials and unionists in unionising part-time workers. The 80 per cent of workers who are not unionised in enterprise unions constitute a sizeable proportion of the workforce without any representation at their workplace. Since women comprise the greatest proportion of non-unionised workers, the implications for women workers' access to decision-making and

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negotiations affecting their wages and employment conditions are both negative and far-reaching. The Daiichi enterprise union is among only a small number of enterprise unions that have attempted to unionise part-time workers. Examining the union's policies and attitudes towards part-time workers is important to deepening our understanding of the union's role in perpetuating the construction and definition of part-time workers. This chapter examines the issues that unions, both enterprise and national, are pursuing on behalf of part-time workers, and the responsiveness of these unions to the needs of part-time workers. Though this study does not focus specifically on union development, it is important to examine both Daiichi's enterprise union and its relation with the broader union movement. The policies of the largest national union federation Rengō and its policies towards part-time workers are also examined but the focus of this discussion draws on data from Daiichi's enterprise union, in particular that of the Hachiban store branch (shibu) and its particular relationship to part-time workers. At its broadest level the chapter aims to unravel the policies and practices of enterprise unions that systematise and institutionalise the gendered division of labour. The move to enterprise-based unions The Japanese union movement is generally described as 'one enterprise, one union'. However, according to Kawanishi this is a misconception and he documents instances in which two or more unions exist within an enterprise as evidence (1986:138). Enterprise unions are the dominant union structure but other types of unions exist. Kaiin (All Japan Seaman's Union) resembles a western-style industrial union and has been one of Japan's most powerful unions. However, in general, craft and occupational unions are not widespread. Kawanishi also documents 'new style' unions including women-only unions, senior citizens' unions and unions for the unemployed, all of which extend beyond company parameters (Kawanishi 1986:142). From April 1985 the government implemented a privatisation plan, which included the privatisation and dissection of the Japan National Railway (JNR). The plan fanned a bitter and long-running dispute by the members of Kokurō (National Railway Workers' Union) who refused to accept re-employment with the companies established after privatisation (Broadbent 1987:31). Enterprise unionism emerged in postwar Japan following a period of intense union and labour militancy and the development and supremacy of industrial unions. The ratification of the Trade Union Law in December 1945 gave legal recognition to Japan's trade unions for the first time and guaranteed workers the right to organise, strike and bargain collectively. Coupled with SCAP's (Supreme Command of the Allied Forces) direction of encouraging union development, rapid unionisation of the workforce by leftwing industrial federations followed.3 Big business and government leaders on the other hand were opposed to this development and were keen to make the enterprise the

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fundamental unit for bargaining with an organised workforce. Union busting of leftwing unions at the state level added weight to management strategies such as encouraging the formation of 'democratisation leagues' within the existing union. This frequently resulted in the establishment of a rival 'second' union of which management then granted sole recognition. Over the decades since the 1950s, the focus of worker representation and unionisation had moved away from industrial unions back to one of isolation within an enterprise framework (Moore 1983:xix, 66). Women workers and the union movement The following is by no means intended to be an in-depth overview of the involvement of women in industrial activity and the union movement in Japan—an area that has received little attention in English language literature—but it does aim to illustrate that it is inaccurate to characterise women as not interested in industrial issues and thus unorganisable. Over the course of years since the mid and late nineteenth-century, the methods deployed by women textile workers to protest their appalling working conditions changed as the experience of women working in an industrial setting, as opposed to an agrarian one, developed. In the period of early industrialisation, escape from factory dormitories and suicide were common methods of protest to avoid unhealthy and exploitative working conditions in the textile mills (Tsurumi 1990:90,154). These drastic tactics continued to be used as options to escape workplace exploitation, but by the end of the nineteenth-century, Sievers points out, there was a shift in focus to strategies that recognised the strength of the collective conscious. Moreover, she notes that the women clearly recognised that employers and their desires for profits were responsible for the exploitative working and living conditions experienced by workers. As early as 1885 women textile workers organised boycotts and walkouts in an attempt to force company owners to take responsibility for improving workers' living and working conditions. The women refused to return to work until their demands had been met (1983:79). Textile workers at the Amamiya silk mill in Kofu organised Japan's first strike on 12 June 1886, when 100 women walked out over attempts by the owner to increase their work hours and lower their wages. The success of the strike established a precedent for strike action and industrial disputes spread beyond the textile industry because some actions received the support of male co­ workers. All of these early disputes took place without the benefit of or assistance from an organised union movement (Sievers 1983:81–3). The Yūaikai (Friendship Association), an early trade union organisation, allowed women to become associate members when it formed in 1913. In 1916 it established the first women's bureau and in 1917 women were upgraded to full member status. Yamakawa Kikue outlined the function of the women's bureau in Article 3 of the Fujinbu Tēze (Women's Bureau Thesis) as working for all workers' interests and addressing issues common to the working class

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(Takenaka 1991:58). Opposition by sections of the union leadership to the creation of women's bureaux developed into a struggle over their very existence. The debate was indirectly concerned with the larger issue of the function of trade unions, but the women's bureaux became the battleground on which this dispute was conducted. Those arguing that unions were primarily organs of economic struggle opposed the existence of a women's bureau within the union. Those wanting to broaden the focus of unions to include political issues supported the existence of a women's bureau and argued that an organ was needed within the trade union movement to facilitate the participation of women within the union movement (Takenaka 1991:58). Ultimately, those opposed to the creation of a women's bureau were in the majority and women's bureaux were not created. After a decade of debate, in 1927, the national organisation Fujin Dōmei (Women's League) was established outside the trade union movement to address 'women's issues'. Some of the issues Fujin Domei focused on included demands for better employment conditions for working women and concentrated specifically on the creation of bosei hogo. Historically, Japanese union organisers tended to ignore women industrial workers—in fact all women workers—except those in predominantly male industries such as coal mining or printing. Women workers were believed to be '"unorganisable"; they were too attached to the family, too young, too filial and too impermanent a part of the workforce to undertake the historic mission of workers in a labor movement' (Sievers 1983:79). Sievers adds that this attitude towards women workers persisted with male unionists objecting as late as 1920 to being represented at International Labour Organisation (ILO) meetings in Geneva by women 'with no consciousness' (Sievers 1983:211 fn 47). The 'unorganisability' of women textile workers was also one explanation for the slow start of the union movement in Japan (Sievers 1983:212 fn 48), prompting Sievers to comment that the main problem male unionists had with women workers was not related to unorganisability but that they were women. An important postwar dispute, which quickly became a human rights struggle developed at the Omi Silk Spinning factory in 1954 over poor working conditions and management opposition to the formation of a union among the predominantly female workers. Soon after the formation of the union a strike was called and, in the face of harassment by company-hired thugs, lasted 106 days. As the demands of the striking women workers centred not just on economic benefits but on improving human rights for workers, this action attracted widespread support from other workers and unions (Takita 1985:275–319). The activism of women continued throughout the postwar period. Similarly, the three-year Unikon camera company (pseudonym) dispute that commenced in 1977 presented women workers with a further platform for demonstrating their industrial strength. During the dispute workers took control of the company and managed its operations in the face of a management threat to close the company with bankruptcy provisions. Turner quotes a male union leader who acknowledged the role women workers played: The women are our strength. It is they who have been totally committed and involved, and it is their support and persistence which has both

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inspired the rest of us and led to our victory' (Turner 1995:3–4).4 Similarly, as mentioned in the previous chapter, Takizawa has discussed Murata san, a parttime worker in a food-processing plant, who played an active role in a parttime workers' union. She balanced competing demands from home and union work with only fluctuating support for this activism from her mother-in-law. Characterising women as inactive or lacking interest inaccurately portrays the contributions women have made to the union movement. The above examples represent a brief sketch but nevertheless demonstrate that far from lacking interest in industrial issues, women have been involved in historically important campaigns and continue to be involved in actively campaigning for improvement in employment conditions. In the postwar period, male union officials and male unionists continue to have problems with women workers because these workers are women. The number of women taking cases of discriminatory employment practices to court is possibly an indication of the inability of enterprise unions to deal with these issues.5 As women are the majority of part-time workers, even more women are affected by the policies and practices of unions. In the prewar period, unions and union officials actively excluded women from membership in unions. The exclusion of women has not been deployed as an overt strategy in the postwar period. Women full-time workers are included as members but few women are elected to official positions or achieve positions of power. In 1999 women comprised 7.7 per cent of Rengō's Central Executive Committee. This is an improvement on 1996 when women comprised 3.5 per cent of the total number of union officials. However, given that women comprise 27 per cent of union membership in 1999 the number of women in executive positions is till low (Takashima 1997:4; Japan NGO Report Preparatory Committee 1999). It is my contention that union policies and practices institutionalise the gendered division of labour. Enterprise union officials and unionists accept the role of women as nurturers and carers and women as 'cheap' workers with their role in paid work defined as secondary. By accepting these assumptions there is no recognition of gender discrimination in employment practices, and so these issues have not been included in unionmanagement negotiations. In the period 1955–1965, a time of high economic growth and technological innovation in Japan, management reorganised the nenkō system to concentrate corporate decision-making and planning in the hands of a few managers and increase the amount of simple and repetitive work at the bottom. Unions, dominated by men, did not recognise gender discrimination and did not protest the routine relegation of women to jobs at the bottom. Union acceptance of practices discriminating against women became a strategy to 'soften the impact of ability-based assessment and promotion policies upon career male employees' (Kumazawa 1996:191). Women recognised that enterprise unions were ineffective in their struggles over discriminatory employment conditions, which in part explains women worker's reliance on the legal system as a means of redress.

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Enterprise unions have figured largely in many studies of industrial relations in Japan, but the relationship between the unions and their women members has received little attention. Women comprise 17 per cent of trade unionists, with this figure declining annually. Women's representation as union committee members is a low 3.5 per cent of the total number of union committee members (Takashima 1997:4). Rengō is endeavouring to increase the participation of women in its committee structure, and one of its member federations, Zensen Dōmei has taken up this issue in particular. Zensen Dōmei was formed in the textile industry in 1946 and has consistently unionised a substantial number of women. To address the issue of low numbers of women committee members, Zensen Dōmei has created a special committee, the Tokubetsu Chūō Shikko Iinkai or the Special Central Executive committee creating positions for four women. These four women have increased the representation of women on Zensen Dōmei's Executive Committee to five out of 93 members. While these women have the right to express an opinion on the Special Committee, they do not have the influential right to vote. In this respect their presence is little more than cosmetic as their voices are 'heard' literally, but are not reflected in national and industrial committees. Women committee members, like women unionists, are still beholden to their male counterparts in order to have their views represented and recorded. A number of international studies investigating women's 'disinterest' in unions suggest a number of possible explanations. Chaison and Andiappan (1989) cite the most important barrier to women's activism as being that they hold two jobs—one paid and the other unpaid—and the demands from their two jobs leaves little time for union activities. This recognises an important obstacle but it negates the impact of the union's culture, structure and what Franzway identifies as the sexual politics of unions—'specifically the relations between the sexes, remain invisible' (Franzway 1997:131). Forrest examines a successful organising campaign conducted in Canada and concludes that unions focus exclusively on 'worker' issues. The union officials segregate 'worker' issues from 'women's' issues and relegate the latter to secondary importance. Forrest argues, 'what motivated them [women] to support the union were reasons related to their experiences as women workers' (2000:59). She provides some timely advice for union officials and members with respect to organising women workers: For unions to insist that women's experiences in the workplace are defined entirely by their status as workers is to risk becoming irrelevant to the vast majority of unorganised women, particularly those in the secondary labour market (2000:59).

The structure of Japan's union movement Japan's early wave of union activists, buffeted by decades of repressive measures continued to be harassed, arrested and even murdered as the power

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of rightwing elements increased (Reischauer and Craig 1979:252). In 1937, with the initial prohibition of unions by the Army and Navy Ministry, the pressure from police to dissolve the Japanese union movement intensified. Those unions that survived the repressive measures of the previous decades were encouraged to join Sanpō (Industrial Patriotic Society), a governmentsponsored organization formally established in 1940, which took over labour activities (Halliday 1974:209). Sanpō was not a union but a corporate labour front controlled by business and the state and strengthened state control over labour-capital relations. Similar organisations had existed earlier but eventually they evolved into Sanpō (Takemae 1987:6). The defeat of Japanese militarism in 1945 and SCAP's occupation until 1952 saw the rebirth of Japan's labour movement. As noted above, as early as December 1945 SCAP led the introduction of the Trade Union Law actively encouraging union development and guaranteeing union freedoms. By March 1947 an attempt to ideologically reorient the union movement commenced with the formation of Zenrōren (National Labour Union Liaison Council) (Broadbent 1987:41). Zenrōren became the largest national centre and was the creature of Sanbetsu (Congress of Industrial Unions), a communist dominated labour organisation, but it did attract significant support from non-Sanbetsu affiliated unions especially at the lower level rank and file. The ideological reorientation of the Japanese union movement occurred again in July 1950 with the creation of Sōhyō (General Council of Trade Unions of Japan) actively assisted by the Japanese government and SCAP. The need for these "reorientations" resulted from continuous struggle between the Left and the Right within the union movement. Soon after its creation, Sōhyō took a leading role with the Japanese Communist Party and the leftwing of the Japanese Socialist Party, in the 1959–1960 struggles against the US-Japan Security treaty (Halliday 1974:220). In 1964 a second national centre was created, Dōmei (Japan Confederation of Labour) from industry-wide federations in the private sector dissatisfied with the radicalisation of Sōhyō. The formation of Dōmei contributed to Sōhyō's weakened influence. National centres Currently, national federations similar to the Australian Confederation of Trade Unions (ACTU) are at the apex of Japan's union movement structure. They have power in inverse proportion to their positions in the structure. Although the national federations are the peak bodies and they conduct consultation with government as the representatives of "labour", they are financially dependent on the lower rungs of the structure—the enterprise unions. There are three national federations: in 2001 Rengō had 7.1 million members (61.2 per cent of the unionised total); Zenrōren (Zenkoku Rōdō Kumiai Sorengo) National Confederation of Trade Unions with 1,012,000 members and Zenrokyo {Zenkoku Rōdō Kumiai Renraku Kyōgikai) the National Trade Union Council with 250,000 members (Japan Institute of Labour 2001b). A further 2.5 million workers are members of independent enterprise unions belonging to other national federations and 1.04 million

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POWER IN THE UNION?

workers remain unaffiliated (Rōmu Gyōsei Kenkyōjo 2000:292). (Figure 6.2 outlines the connection between the national federations and enterprise unions.) The function of the federations is limited to facilitating policy formation among member unions and carrying out national political activities (Miller and Amano 1995:37). In one form or another, these three national federations have existed for decades, but they have evolved in their present form since the seventies. In 1972 the reorganisation of the union movement began, instigated by private sector unions from large companies. Zensen Dōmei was one of the six private sector unions that formed the core of the reorganisation process. In 1989, Rengō was formed with the dissolution of the mainly public sector union organisation Sōhyō (General Council of Trade Unions of Japan). Comprised of business-oriented, politically centrist enterprise unions, Rengō currently dominates Japan's union movement. Socialist oriented unions support Zenrōkyō and Japan's Communist Party union supports Zenrōren (Miller and Amano 1995:37). Although Rengō is Japan's largest postwar national peak labour organisation with almost 7.3 million members its membership is declining annually. Moreover, Rengō's membership represents only 12 per cent of Japan's total workforce. Figure 6.2:

National Federations

Industrial Federations

The relationship of Daiichi's enterprise union to the Japanese union movement (2000) Rengō

Zenrōren

Zenrōkyō

7.3 million members

1 million members

0.3 million members

Zensen Dōmei

Daiichi Enterprise Unions

Shōgyō Rōren

WOMEN' S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

Table 6.2:

129

Union membership in principal union organisations in Japan

Union

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

Rengō

7,819,065

7,752,317

7,573,391

7,334,044

7,120,000

Zenrōren

855,882

859,925

843,971

1,061,250

1,012,000

Zenrōkyō

299,920

273,888

274,752

268,943

250,000

Other

2,818,398

2,805,422

2,714,569

2,578,816

Unaffiliated

1,125,762

1,167,050

1,112,214

1,044,283

Source: Rōmu Gyōsei Kenkyujō (2000), Rōdō Tokei Nenpyō (Tokyo:292), Japan Institute of Labour (2001b).

Of the 80 per cent of Japanese workers who are not unionised, workers in the 'periphery' constitute a sizeable proportion because they are excluded from their firm's enterprise union or in workplaces where there is no union presence. This has implications particularly for women workers, full-time and part-time, as it restricts their access to decision-making processes and negotiations affecting wages and conditions. Under the slogan of 'unionise the non-unionised' Rengō's inaugural policy platform (1989) stated it will work towards the unionisation of those workers who are not in unions. Rengō's response to organising non-unionised workers is important. After a decade of existence there had been little movement beyond rhetoric until a convention was held to consider issues for part-time workers in February 2001. The convention proposed an hourly wage increase of 10 yen. A second convention was held in February 2002 which recommended that the 10 yen rise be incorporated into the regular annual wage demands (April—Shuntō). To highlight the difficulty of estimating rates of unionisation for part-time workers, it was estimated that in 1996 only 4 per cent of the total number of part-time workers were unionised (Rōdōshō 1996:81). Yet, the 2000 'Basic Survey on Trade Unions' estimated a rate of unionisation for part-time workers at 2.6 per cent (Japan Institute of Labour 2001a: online). In 1981 Zensen Dōmei conducted a survey of the attitudes of part-time workers to unions. Given the relative indifference of enterprise unions to the circumstances of part-time workers it is significant that Zensen Dōmei showed this concern. Industrial federations The next level of trade union structure is the industry-wide coalition or federation to which the majority of enterprise unions belong. These are loosely-knit organisations created voluntarily by autonomous enterprise unions to co-ordinate the exchange of information and bargaining strategies. Kuwahara argues that bargaining between union confederations and employer associations is becoming increasingly important in industrial relations in Japan (cited in Miller and Amano 1995:36).

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The leadership of a union confederation is drawn from its enterprise unions, and enterprise union officials retain important career ties with the companies, union confederations are often dominated by the corporate interests of a few large enterprise unions (Miller and Amano 1995:37). To imply that all union federations were and are of this nature is misleading. As noted above, Zensen Dōmei originally organised workers in the textile industries and so its organisation historically has included large numbers of women workers. Zensen Dōmei also has a history of continuing to unionise women workers despite the masculinisation of the textile industry with the growth in the synthetic textile industry. One of the original member union federations instrumental in the formation of Rengō, Zensen Dōmei is the industrial federation to which the Daiichi enterprise union belongs as an affiliated member. In the past Zensen Dōmei was active in the textile industry, but due to the textile industry's decline, Zensen Dōmei has expanded its organisation into tertiary sector industries such as retail. Given the decline in union membership, it is not surprising that Zensen Dōmei moved to organise part-time workers. Zensen Dōmei and Shōgyō Rōren are two of a small number of industrial federations unionising part-time workers and concentrating on the expanding supermarket sector. Enterprise unions Unions in Japan are organised within enterprises and full-time workers are unionised automatically when recruited. Enterprise unions are: organised into autonomous units by companies or enterprises rather than in plant or craft locals. Most union functions, but particularly the economic ones of bargaining, striking and grievance handling are performed in the enterprise union. It is especially self-supporting, elects its own officers, is the membership unit and keeps all records, determines the range of union activities, and sets up functional departments which its officers head, for servicing its members (Cook 1966:28). The unionisation of part-time workers is a more recent phenomenon. At Daiichi part-time workers have been unionised since the introduction of the part-time worker system in 1981. This gives rise to questions that are important to this study. Does tension exist for enterprise unions that unionise part-time workers, given the membership has been restricted to full-time workers? If tension does exist how do enterprise unions overcome it and over what issues is the tension most obvious? As part-time workers at Daiichi are unionised, it is appropriate to ask: do they go to the union to express their work grievances and what impact do unions have on the employment conditions of part-time workers? What are the attitudes of part-time workers to unionisation in the company's enterprise union? Do they see the enterprise union as representative of their needs?

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In 1991, 94 per cent of Japan's 71,685 unions were categorised as enterprise unions, that is unions that exist and organise workers exclusively within one enterprise, especially full-time workers (Miller and Amano 1995:36). Japanese enterprise unions are autonomous entities representing full-time (or other designated) employees of their respective company. Multiple enterprise union work places do exist, usually as a result of the union splitting following industrial action. In a typical Japanese work place there is one union per company irrespective of the size or diversity of the workforce. Daiichi is one of these. Each of Daiichi's 365 stores has its own branch of the enterprise union. An enterprise union is restricted in the degree of co-operation it extends to other companies particularly if the companies, within an industry are highly competitive. Enterprise unions see their prime loyalty as lying with the economic welfare of their own company (Miller and Amano 1995:36). Kawanishi (1986) cites numerous empirical studies critical of the impact of enterprise unions in gaining wage increases and their ability to maintain permanent jobs. He cites the example of enterprise unions confronted with recession after the oil-shocks assisting the company in its down-sizing. Enterprise unions in several industries actively cooperate[d] with management in implementing lay-offs. In the ship-building industry, for instance, 30.6% of staff (white-collar), 36.7% of regular workers, 44% of temporary workers and 52.8% of subcontractors were laid-off (Kawanishi 1986:146). Kawanishi concludes that the 'greatest defect of the enterprise union is that it is an 'auxiliary instrument' of personnel administration' (1986:151). Daiichi's enterprise union Daiichi's enterprise union formed in May 1965, unionising only full-time workers. In 1981 when the part-time worker system was introduced and the quasi part-time worker system was reorganised, the union began organising part-time workers (Daiichi 1992:312). Once a quasi part-time worker is promoted to a part-time worker position they are automatically eligible to join the enterprise union. Daiichi's enterprise union does not have a part-time worker dedicated facility, but in each store a kondankai (forum for discussion) exists for part-time workers to get together and socialise as well as raise questions or grievances. Of the part-time workers I spoke with, only Takashima san had been actively involved in the kondankai. In the past an attempt was made by some quasi part-time workers at the Hachiban store to organise a part-time workers' union. This attempt predated the 1981 move to unionise part-time workers. It was an unsuccessful attempt, but indicates strongly that the part-time workers were dissatisfied with their working conditions and were willing to take action to improve them. This action by the part-time workforce demonstrates that women workers are neither passive nor lack interest in union activity. According to Yoshizumi san

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POWER IN THE UNION?

who was one of the central activists in the campaign, part-time workers who had been with the store since its opening in 1975 began by making complaints to the store manager. Their complaints focused on the lack of benefits given to them and the lack of remuneration for their increasing years of employment— for example, through wage increases. In contrast to full-time workers who receive three extra days off per year of service and a 10,000-yen extra payment after every five years of service, part-time workers received no remuneration for their extra length of service. The store manager at this time was well liked by his staff. According to Yoshizumi san, because he was well liked they felt no hesitation in expressing their grievances to him. When part-time workers did tell him some of their grievances, the store manager expressed his lack of knowledge about the disparities in wages and conditions between part-time workers and full-time workers—an alarming situation. After receiving the deputation of part-time workers he immediately organised a lunch, Daiichi shopping vouchers and concert tickets for part-time workers who had worked with the store for more than five years. The gesture did nothing to address the inequality in employment conditions for part-time workers but Yoshizumi san and her co-workers appreciated the recognition. Yoshizumi san commented that when the issue of establishing a union was raised again later, the initial enthusiasm had waned. Some women hesitated over continuing the push to create a part-time workers' union and this lack of support discouraged the rest of the part-time workers. The momentum had been at first stalled and ultimately stopped. Opposition to the idea of a union came from other part-time workers arguing that as they were housewives they did not know how long they would be working. Since then a number of part-time workers have regretted not continuing with the move to organise a part-time workers' union. Around the same time the quasi part-time worker system was reorganised to create the part-time worker system with a career path and pay increases for eligible part-time workers. This may have worked to diffuse some of the grievances of those part-time workers who had been active in the attempt to establish a union. For Yoshizumi san and those like her who exceeded the eligible age limit to become a part-time worker, it was now too late to create a part-time workers' union, and so an undercurrent of disquiet and dissatisfaction continued. Part-time workers now belong to the union and they feel that because they receive better conditions than quasi part-time workers and casuals, they are unable or unwilling to complain about the company. I asked part-time workers and quasi part-time workers what they did when they had complaints, suggestions and industrial issues that they wanted resolved. The response from those with lengthy work experience was that they go to the manager and it is probable that managers have encouraged this action. Kitagawa san, the manager of the toy section, tried to resolve issues within the section. In this way the store manager would never be aware that section managers could not deal with issues within their section. This is

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important for the section manager since being seen to have a 'harmonious' section bodes well for personnel evaluations and promotion. The store manager in 1992 was not well liked by any of the part-time workers I worked with because of his appearance of inapproachability and brusque manner. His attitude discouraged all but the most perfunctory of greetings from staff, which were rarely returned. This brusqueness of manner was one reason staff did not make complaints to him directly, as had been the case with his predecessors. For part-time workers with less work experience, approaching their section manager was also an option, and possibly less intimidating than approaching the store manager. No one I spoke with had contacted or approached the union on any issue that concerned their employment grievances. An alternative option for expressing disaffection and one that I witnessed twice was the use of outside work 'social' gatherings. In both cases both speaker and audience had consumed some alcohol. This possibly acted to liberate the speaker but it also created a context in which the conversation could take place. The first occasion was a farewell for Minamoto san, held one evening after the store closed, in a small bar close to the store. About twenty members (full-time, part-time, quasi part-time and casual) from the hard section (toys, stationery and haberdashery) were present, as well as the manager, assistant manager and the section head. During the course of the evening everyone was beginning to relax over a few drinks (as much as one can when management are present was a comment made to me). Yoshizumi san and I were talking when she leaned over to Kitagawa san, the manager, and the section manager and told them she had plenty of complaints and asked would they like to hear them. In the spirit of the 'joking' mood both said no, and she ignored them. A social occasion was a good opportunity for Yoshizumi san to raise this issue because, on the pretext of being drunk, one is forgiven 'indiscretions'. The second occasion when part-time workers expressed their grievances was the informal gathering held on the company trip that I discussed in Chapter 4. This also functioned as an opportunity to voice opinions, and as alcohol was present, responsibility for one's actions was lessened and it worked to lighten the mood of the occasion and conversation. Nevertheless part-time workers took the opportunity to voice grievances and complaints to each other and to their supervisors. As both of these grievance-airing sessions (though the first was simply mentioning) took place outside work hours and the work place, managers acknowledged no serious threat and possibly did not take the grievances seriously. There are two key ways in which the enterprise union institutionalises the gendered division of labour that constitutes women as wives and mothers. First, male workers dominate the Daiichi enterprise union numerically and occupy all its official decision-making positions—they therefore dominate the policy focus of the union. Second, the scope of the bargaining powers of the enterprise union is limited to increasing members' wages and does not extend to improve employment conditions, issues of job definition, or job content.

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POWER IN THE UNION?

Employers justify their low remuneration to women with the spurious argument that women are dependent on a male income earner and so do not 'need' high economic rewards—that women might 'deserve' these rewards is sidelined. In the case of training, education, career and promotion opportunities, employers argue that women, if they are single, will marry and leave the company, so to provide training is a 'waste' of resources. Further, if they are married, women as wives and mothers do not want or desire career paths and training because of their family responsibility. Employers use this argument as justification for not providing women with training or promotion opportunities. Enterprise unions have little input into the process of defining part-time workers and their job content. Management in Daiichi, with the tacit support of the enterprise union, has created distinctions between all non-full-time workers. These distinctions are based on job status and determine workers' eligibility for union membership, promotion, paid holidays, retirement payments, pensions, health insurance and access to other company-based welfare benefits. Despite similarities between all workers in the non-full-time workforce (such as employment insecurity and few benefits), the artificial distinctions created by management—particularly through the divisive mechanism of 'job status'—inhibits the development of solidarity between non-full-time workers. Collective bargaining agreements commonly provide for union shops—in Japan this means that all full-time employees must join the enterprise union upon employment. This assures the enterprise union a compulsory membership and maximum income from dues, and does not involve the enterprise union in recruitment of new members. That a growing number of part-time workers are not unionised and are not eligible for union membership indicates potential for a dynamic protest movement and suggests possibilities for revitalising a declining union movement. This is especially so when we consider that these are the workers with the strongest reason for disaffection towards their employer. It is also clear why the enterprise union is prepared to enter into an agreement with management restricting the unionisation of part-time workers. The inclusion of a diverse range of non-full-time workers would serve to fragment the unity of members' interests. It would also commit the enterprise union to negotiate on issues beyond its present capabilities. For management this would involve allowing unions to bargain on a range of issues that management has fought hard to regain control over. This would jeopardise the close relationship between management and the enterprise union and would disrupt existing power relations to induce a reconfiguration of the existing 'harmonious' work place relations. Japanese unions, because of the 'closed shop' or compulsory nation of union membership, have existed in an environment similar to that experienced by Australian unions as a result of the arbitration systems (1904) until the move to decentralise in the mid-1980s. Peetz argues, 'Compulsory unionism...is also associated with lower incentives for unions to maintain close links with their membership' (1998:13). In this environment there is little incentive for unions to actively recruit members and members have not been motivated to join for

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ideological reasons nor over dissatisfaction with workplace issues. My data indicates members are dissatisfied with the level of representation of their union. At Daiichi the decline in the number of full-time workers also has an adverse impact on the membership rates of the enterprise union because there has been a subsequent increase in part-time workers who are ineligible for membership in the enterprise union. The union needed to reach a different constituency or risk being marginalized. I will discuss later the strategies the union employed to address this issue. In Australia, until the late 1980s unions relied on closed shops and the 'check off system of union dues—systems which support union membership lists and finances (Deery, Plowman, Walsh and Brown 2001: 233). This situation still exists in Japan and the Daiichi enterprise union is a beneficiary of this system (interview with union official 1989). Unions that focus on providing a wider range of services, such as credit facilities, discount shopping or holiday rental accommodation fits one of the criteria Hollan defines as a 'servicing model'. This contrasts with the 'organising' model where 'members own the campaign to unionise thenworkplace' (Holland 1999:68). Rengō has adopted this strategy in an attempt to recruit members. In 1992–1993 the chair of the Hachiban store's enterprise union was the manager of the general affairs section. He had been chair of the Hachiban branch of the enterprise union for a number of years and disliked the role because it left him little time to do his own work. He continued in the role because of a lack of interest from others in nominating for the position (he has since been replaced). Prior to this appointment, Kitagawa san, the manager of the hard section had filled this role. According to Kitagawa san, in large companies it is generally accepted that a few years experience as chair of the enterprise union is a step up the promotion ladder. A 1996 survey of task categorisation for part-time workers conducted by Rengō, the major labour organisation in Japan, reported the following: 83.5 per cent of part-time workers are described as doing jobs categorised as 'auxiliary' while 8.5 per cent are in jobs defined as 'mostly core'. 6 The data for job definitions parallel these figures, with 81.2 per cent described as performing simple work and 8.4 per cent performing specialist or high-level work (Rengō 1997:10). The important questions in relation to job categories and definitions are who decides whether a task or job is 'auxiliary' or 'core' and who creates the job definitions. This is not an issue for negotiation between management and the enterprise union. In postwar Japan unions in general have focused on wage gains so that job descriptions are not a point of negotiation but are unilaterally decided by management. As Kumazawa argues 'Japanese style management in the 1990s enjoys almost perfect freedom from union regulation' (1996:82). He gives examples of managerial practices such as: The personnel cuts referred to as 'restructuring'...increases in the standard workload shouldered by employees, the requirement that employees offer unpaid 'service overtime' (unpaid overtime)...(and) women workers are increasingly relegated to the ranks of non-regular

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employees whose working (Kumazawa 1996:82).

conditions

are

entirely

unprotected

Low and declining unionisation among women As the historical overview above demonstrated, there is a wealth of evidence contradicting the argument that women are not interested in unions or work place issues. Studies available on women in unions in Japan in English are scarce, but those documenting women who have been active in unions in the pre- and postwar periods tell a different story to studies that have focused on male unionists.7 Sievers' (1983) historical work documents the energy and enthusiasm of women workers in struggles to better their working conditions and points to the lack of interest by male workers and male union officials in unionising women workers. As early as the 1800s male trade unionists justified low unionisation rates for women on the basis of women's lack of interest in unions and industrial issues. This assumption is echoed in the English language literature on unions and the union movement in Japan in relation to women full-time employees and part-time workers. Miller and Amano argue that 'service sector workers have not shown strong interest in union representation' (Miller and Amano 1995:45). They present this as evidence that women are not active or interested in workplace problems. In this way, Miller and Amano blame women for issues that the union is responsible for addressing. By locating the problem with women, unions avoid addressing their own organisational and structural problems. As Shibata Mamoru argues, on the basis of his experience as vice-chairperson of Shōgyō Rōren, union officials use the excuse that 'part-time workers don't want to join unions' to justify their own inactivity (Funabashi et al 1982:34). Responses to declining union membership Rengō's response to declining union membership is important since clearly many workers who are not unionised are women. Yet despite its 1989 policy platform of 'unionising the non-unionised', Rengō was instrumental in shaping the existing Part-time Workers' Law in 1993 (Takenaka and Kuba 1994:167). Through mobilising the support of Rengō's elected parliamentarians, the four opposition parties that proposed the law were able to get it passed into legislation (Kojima 1993:40). Low rates of unionisation for part-time workers appear to be of concern to union officials and in my interviews with four supermarket union officials, all spoke of the need to convince part-time workers of the validity and efficacy of enterprise unions. Certainly if the ratio of part-time workers to full-time workers in supermarkets continues to increase, organisationally enterprise unions will face further problems. Clegg's (1992) survey of union representatives and members in two industries in Japan, textiles and retail, asked full-time workers whether non-

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full-time workers should be eligible for union membership. Clegg presents a telling outcome—few people responded to this question, but of those in retail who did, 69 per cent of female union representatives said 'yes' compared with 76 per cent of male union representatives. Of the union members who responded, 63.4 per cent of females and 62.8 per cent of males answered in the affirmative (Clegg 1992:6). This indicates that full-time workers do not consider part-time workers to be essential members of the enterprise union. In the discussion of part-time workers' attitudes to unions in Japan, it is possible to adapt Pocock's observations of women's attitudes to unions in Australia: Many women in unions—no doubt like many men...are well aware that the contribution of their dues is the most important aspect of their unionism in the eyes of many officials; this is especially the case in unions relying on recruitment through closed shops...such closed shop arrangements often favour employer-friendly unions against possible alternatives' (Pocock 1997:16). The part-time workers I interviewed and surveyed in my fieldwork had negative perceptions of unionisation and their reactions ranged from indifference to vehement opposition to being included (as do part-time workers) in the company enterprise union. As few part-time workers are unionised there were few responses to the survey section on attitudes towards the enterprise union. So what are the opinions of part-time workers about the enterprise union? Comments drawn from my survey data suggest that part-time workers, both union and non-union members, do not consider the union to be beneficial for them. Some of the comments offered by casuals focused on their exclusion from the union. One quasi part-time worker, now a casual with more than ten years experience at Daiichi commented that the union 'only thinks of the interests of its members'. This sentiment was echoed by another casual who was dissatisfied that casuals could not join the union because, as a result casuals did not have a forum within which they could express their opinions: 'Casuals can't join and can't express opinions which makes me very dissatisfied.... The union is only for full-time workers, and I feel it is very unfair that it ignores the conditions of part-time workers.' Comments from a part-time worker with over ten years experience at Daiichi focused on a common complaint by part-time workers: 'Because I earn so little money, I don't like having some taken out for the union, and then being told little [her emphasis] about the union. I don't like unions'. This comment indicates there is very little communication between enterprise unions and its membership or at least its part-time members. Responses from full-time workers in my questionnaire echo this sentiment. When asked if union officials listened to their opinions and demands 62.5 per cent of full-time workers replied that they did not, which has particular significance given that full-time workers are the core membership of enterprise unions. In response to the same question, 75 per cent of part-time workers replied that the union did not listen to them. In surveying part-time workers' demands of their company,

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Rengō found that 21 per cent of part-time workers wanted the company to establish an avenue for them to be able to express their demands {Rengō 1997:13). These responses force us to question the role of the enterprise union. Kawashima san, a part-time worker from the baby wear section, offered the only positive comment about Daiichi's enterprise union: 'Even though my employment conditions and financial benefits are less than those paid to fulltime workers, I feel I am still protected and perhaps have less chance of being sacked compared with a casual.' The part-time workers' lack of interest stemmed from their perception that the enterprise union essentially represents the interests of full-time workers which are not the same as and at times are in conflict with their own interests. Their lack of interest in unions was not paralleled by a lack of interest in industrial issues. The part-time workers I interviewed were keenly aware of their employment conditions and interested in industrial issues, but they did not view the enterprise union as able to address their concerns. When pressed to cite one advantage of being unionised, Kawashima san and Okabe san both believed belonging to the union protected them from retrenchment. The parttime workers I surveyed were of the opinion that unions need to focus on abolishing discriminatory employment conditions between part-time workers and full-time workers and between female and male workers. In particular, part-time workers stressed that they wanted unions to address disparities between themselves and full-time workers with regard to wage remuneration and annual payments. Daiichi's enterprise union includes part-time workers as members but they are unable to hold executive positions within the union. The union's explanation for this exclusion is similar to the explanation for low rates of unionisation among women: that is their work hours are short and they have family commitments so they cannot attend the union meetings. It was one of the complaints voiced by part-time workers in my survey that union meetings were held at times when they could not participate. This contrasts with my experience of the Edogawa community union general meeting. In 1998 union membership for the Edogawa community union stood at 120 members, approximately 40 of whom were women (Interview with former official June 1998). Members were unionised based on the geographic location of their workplace. The Edogawa ward in Tokyo's 'downtown' area is east of Tokyo's central area. The meeting of the Edogawa community union that I attended in 1989 was held on a Saturday and the atmosphere was very relaxed. People took their lunch, and tea and coffee were provided for a small charge. The atmosphere was active and vibrant, both in content of the meeting and with children running around whilst the business of the meeting was conducted. Members could give as much attention to the meeting as they were able. This contrasts with the more formal atmosphere of Zensen Dōme's annual meeting that was held in a large hall seating 1,000 people (and was full), with approximately 25 women participants. It was necessary to be invited to the meeting to be eligible to attend. The overall impression that I gained from my attendance was of a union that had become removed from its

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membership. Question time was restricted and orchestrated with very little spontaneity. In the case of Daiichi, the union was motivated to include part-time workers as union members in response to reductions in the employment of full-time workers. With numbers of full-time employees declining, the union was losing not only its membership but its source of finances, as well as facing a decline in its presence on the shop floor. This raised the possibility of part-time workers affiliating with an outside union and forming a rival union within Daiichi, a situation that both management and the enterprise union wanted to avoid. Both therefore had reason to agree to selective unionisation of part-time workers from the early 1980s (Interview with Zensen Dōmei union organiser in Tokyo, July 1989). Union and Daiichi management came to an agreement to restrict the unionisation to part-time workers.8 Rengō's advocacy on the tax-free threshold One issue that the national union, Rengō, is addressing on behalf of part-time workers is raising the tax-free income threshold. In 1995 the threshold was increased from 1 million yen to 1.03 million yen. This income limit affects only the wives of white-collar male employees.9 Only 31.6 per cent of parttime workers who work less than 35 hours per week and 7.8 per cent of sono ta who work more than 35 hours per week cite the tax limit as a consideration when making decisions about paid work (Rōdōshō 1997:40). These figures suggest that unions and union officials are either out of touch with what parttime workers consider important or their interest in part-time workers is little more than a concern for their own survival. The benefits and allowances provided within the social and welfare policy structure are restricted to whitecollar families, but the existence of the tax-free income threshold has far reaching implications for the working lives of all women. Three important issues arise from unions focusing their efforts on increasing the tax threshold. First, it is impossible for a woman to live independently on 1.03 million yen per year and so by keeping the level low, if women earn an income at all they are forced by this tax incentive to depend on the support of a male spouse. Second, and related to the first issue, is that if the income of parttime workers exceeds 1.03 million yen then they are responsible for paying their own tax (income and residents tax), and must also pay their own health insurance. Third, as a result of the income limit, many part-time workers must adjust their working hours in order to remain under the tax threshold. In 1995 30 per cent of part-time workers did this (Rōdōshō 1997:40–11). A 1995 Ministry of Labour study reported that 37.6 per cent of women and 11 per cent of men considered the tax threshold when adjusting their working hours (Rōdōshō 1997:40). Of the part-time workers who worked the same number of hours as full-time workers, 8 per cent in 1996 (6 per cent in 1990) adjusted their hours to remain under the non-taxable income threshold. More women part-time workers adjusted their hours (37 per cent in 1995 and 28 per cent in

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1990) than men (7 per cent in 1995 and 5 per cent in 1990) (Rōdōshō 1997:40– 41). This response to the tax threshold in turn affects their career prospects and entrenches the assumption that part-time workers are not serious about work or their jobs. This was the case for Aoyama san discussed in chapter 5. When Daiichi asked her to increase her work hours, she calculated that the subsequent increase in her income would render a net loss through a decrease in her partner's income. Aoyama san felt that despite enjoying her job, the only option available to her was to leave work. The introduction of the tax threshold has intensified the marginalisation of women in the 'periphery' of the workplace (Shibayama 1995:172). The low level of the threshold renders a woman unable to support herself, and children if present, independently and so she has to remain financially dependent on a male. Accordingly, increasing the tax threshold has been a popular demand by unions and some employers and is touted as a means for improving the conditions of part-time workers. However, as Takenaka and Kuba explained 'answers to the problems of part-time workers don't lie in raising the income threshold' (1994:167). An increase in the tax threshold does nothing to challenge the 'wife as dependent, male as main income earner' construction of gender relations. As Owaki Masako argues 'the tax threshold is an employment policy which is an obstacle to the independence of women, parttime and full-time' (1993:15). Campaigning for further increases in the tax threshold challenges neither discrimination in employment and welfare policies, nor the gendered division of labour. Rengō is arguing for the government to increase in the tax-free income threshold. Raising the threshold level may have enabled Aoyama san to continue working without interfering with her husband's pension and health insurance payments. In general, the policies and practices of enterprise unions do not assist women workers. Instead they legitimise the division of labour based on gender where women are constituted as wives and mothers. Women, despite their strong presence in Japanese workplaces, are not well represented in union committees enterprise and national, or in executive positions. Linked to this is the belief held by male union officials that women are not interested in union issues. However, my fieldwork reveals that not only do part-time workers feel neglected by the enterprise union, the union's core membership of full-time workers also reported they would like to have an avenue for complaints that the union does not now offer them. The argument that enterprise unions are the arms of management gains credence in this light. This prompts a response to the question asked in the title of this chapter: Is there power in the union? It appears that the answer is 'yes' for management and possibly male full-time workers.

7

What can be said about part-time work in Japan?

Part-time work is not a form of paid work that empowers women in Japan, nor improves their overall working conditions. Although large companies such as Daiichi offer better employment conditions and financial benefits than smaller companies, employment opportunities for women returning to the paid workforce are restricted by age limits. The available options for these women include contract or piece work which have lower rates of pay and no employment insurance, annual payments or holiday pay. Further compounding these inequities, these contract workers have insecure tenure and poor working conditions. Within this range of options, part-time work is a favourable 'choice' for many women seeking to return to the paid workforce. Part-time work as it is constructed in Japan offers employers flexibility in reducing the cost of their workforce. Labour costs are reduced by replacing fulltime women workers with women working part-time and by scheduling parttime workers to cover core store trading hours. As we saw above, there is little flexibility in part-time work hours at Daiichi because part-time workers are expected to work a similar number of hours and in similar jobs to full-time workers. Nonetheless, they are paid few of the financial benefits offered to fulltime workers. Part-time work exists as an employer strategy to utilise the labour of married women whilst segregating them as part-time workers into an employment option that does not directly compete with male full-time workers who benefit from lifetime employment practices. In considering the overrepresentation of women in part-time work in Japan I have discovered gaps in both the theoretical and empirical literature. Industrial relations literature is problematic for analysing women part-time workers because of its neglect of gender as an important consideration in both the construction of employment policies and the behaviour of workers. I have drawn on western feminist literature to build a framework for understanding why women are over represented in part-time work in Japan and whilst this literature was useful in creating a broad framework of understanding, 141

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modifications, drawing on my fieldwork experience, have been necessary. In examining the relationship between women and part-time work in Japan I argue that part-time work has been constructed within a discourse that assumes a division of labour based on gender exists objectively. The assumptions within this discourse constitute a woman's primary roles as wife and mother and in a paid work capacity as a 'secondary worker' who is cheap to employ. In exploring the impact of a discourse premised on the objective existence of a division of labour based on gender, I argue that the policies and practices of governments, employers and unions have been instrumental in legitimising and naturalising this division of labour. Within this discourse women have been constituted based on assumptions about their physical capabilities and innate natures; women are nurturers and carers. The discourse acknowledges that although women are able to perform particular jobs, for example as sales staff or factory operatives, the assumption behind the discourse constitutes women as physically weak in comparison to men. This physical weakness supposedly renders women workers less productive than male workers and so women are paid lower wages than men. Employment relations in Japan have been built on these assumptions and this means that part-time work is a paid work option that defines employment for a separate group of women workers—married women. Part-time work refines the employment segregation of women for the benefit of employers and male workers. Part-time work is an employer strategy that ensures employers a source of cheap workers and allows employers to continue to guarantee higher wages and conditions and higher status for its 'core' workforce—male full-time workers—by subsidising it financially. The high proportion of women working part-time is used by employers, governments and policymakers to argue that women 'want' to work part-time and that women make a 'choice' to work part-time. There is no doubt that women and men, for a variety of reasons, want to work less hours than full-time work demands, but whether part-time work as it is constructed fulfils those demands is questionable. The part-time workers who have informed my study indicated they would prefer to reduce the number of hours or days per week they worked in order to spend more time with family or for leisure. For all my co-workers at Daiichi, their long hours working part-time, often preceded and followed by domestic work, left just enough energy to complete the journey home from Daiichi. Defining part-time work on the basis of the number of their work hours is problematic. The definition does not illuminate the conditions that exist as a result of the gendered construction of lifetime employment practices. Those workers who are employed for more than thirty-five hours a week but are still classified as part-time workers with the job status this imposes, are excluded by the definition of part-time work that is embodied in the Part-time Workers' Law and their formal legal status has yet to be considered. Indications are that revisions to the law that are presently under way do not include extending the definition of part-time work to include those who work more than 35 hours a week but are classified and treated as part-time workers at their workplace. This

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situation calls into question the purpose of the law and the commitment of the Japanese government to the employment conditions of part-time workers and of women in general. In order to understand the overrepresentation of women in part-time work I selected a combination of methodologies. Working in a supermarket for ten months gave me first hand knowledge of the industry and the impact of Japanese employment strategies and policies. By working with part-time workers I gained an insight into and knowledge of issues of importance for parttime workers that provided me a foundation from which to base my interviews. The focused interviews that I conducted with part-time workers from Daiichi took place formally only once but the continuous interaction between these women and myself led to the cumulative collection of information. The combination of methodologies used meant the fieldwork took place over a period of two and a half years. With very little written in English on Japanese supermarkets, and a small amount of recent empirical data in Japanese, my experience achieves my purpose of generating data beyond the one-dimensional statistical portrait of Japanese workers. I have gained an insight into what it means to be full-time, part-time and casual in a Japanese supermarket, and how Japanese management practices impact on various workers. In examining the impact of working part-time I focused on an exploration of the employment conditions and benefits for part-time workers, compared with full-time workers, male and female, and casuals. My fieldwork reveals that working part-time gave my co-workers a degree of financial independence from their partners. In the early days of their work lives their income was necessary to pay housing loans and for expenses related to their children's education. In 1992–-1993 they were in the phase of their work life where their income was for their sole use. By then they were able to pursue their interests without feeling either financially beholden to their partners or that they were imposing on the family budget. The women I interviewed were able to pursue their interests because they received financial support from a main income earner. It must be remembered that an income from part-time work is insufficient for a woman to independently support herself or her dependants. Part-time workers and quasi part-time workers with seventeen years experience at Daiichi earned similar monthly wages to high school leavers with two years work experience. When annual payments are considered, an experienced part-time worker receives one-half the amount paid to a recent high school leaver. What my fieldwork revealed is a hierarchy developing between female and male parttime workers resembling that which exists amongst female and male full-time workers. More male short-time workers are employed as sono ta. As sono ta, they work more hours and are paid more per hour than part-time workers, and receive higher annual payments and better access to annual holidays when compared with women part-time workers. There are far-reaching implications for gender politics of an employment strategy that prevents a woman independently supporting herself or her dependants. Governments, employers and unions are legitimising and supporting a lifestyle for women where, based

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on evidence from recent decisions on Japanese divorce cases, the position of housewife is not secure for life. Employment conditions for neither sex improve by assuming the needs of all women are the same. This also assumes the needs of men are the same and so both sexes are deeply entrenched into existing gender patterns. My fieldwork revealed that part-time workers are primarily responsible for unpaid domestic work. These part-time workers acknowledged the opposition to their paid work from family members, especially partners/husbands, and so these women tried hard to ensure that working part-time did not impose on their performance of domestic work or on their families. It is clear that the increasing numbers of women returning to the paid workforce are as yet having little impact on the gendered division of labour in the household. Paid work for women in Japan appears to be entrenching the existing gendered division of labour. Japanese feminists have modified the expression for the division of labour to reflect contemporary conditions. The roles of women have expanded to include an expectation of paid work whilst those of their male counterparts have remained the same. I have argued that governments have assumed the needs of all women are the same and so government welfare and social policies have been formulated based on the existence of a unified categorisation of 'woman'. Part-time work has been constructed on the basis that the needs of women are identical, that is that all women are wives and mothers (real or potential). The policies of governments also reflect these assumptions, further entrenching women in these roles. The unavailability of suitable and affordable child and aged or dependant care and resistance to raising the level of the tax free income threshold mean that women with dependants are either forced to stay at home or to rely on family members or unregulated care for their dependants. The Parental Leave Law and Dependant Care Law, whilst open to all full-time workers, are in 99 percent of the cases used by women. Part-time workers are ineligible for these provisions. In both these pieces of legislation the opportunity existed to challenge the existing division of labour but the opportunity was 'missed'. Opportunities to improve employment conditions for women through the introduction of and recent revisions to the EEOL and the Part-time Workers' Law were also missed. Evidence suggests that 'equality' introduced by these laws has contributed to the deterioration of employment conditions for women. The prohibition of late night working and limitations on women working overtime—both elements of bosei hogo that existed within the 1947 Labour Standards Law—were removed from the EEOL in April 1999. Not only is the commitment of governments to 'equality' questionable, these moves indicate the hollowness of Rengō's slogan of 'same rights, equal treatment' for part-time workers. Bosei hogo have been abolished through the introduction of and revisions to the EEOL. The issue of protection versus equality, of major importance in western feminism, is of equal importance for Japanese feminists. The principle guiding the framing of the EEOL was the prohibition of discrimination against women and for employers to 'endeavour' to treat women equally with men. The

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emphasis is on enhancing women's status, and so the exclusion of men from certain forms of employment has not been perceived as constituting discrimination. In this way it is acceptable to specify in job advertisements that only women are required for work that is part-time. Some feminists have argued that protection for women is necessary in order to improve conditions for all workers, but Rengō has recently changed its position. Rengō is arguing that protective measures discriminate against women. However, the fact that other methods of discrimination, such as restrictive age limits for commencing fulltime work, also contravene the EEOL is not considered and remains unchallenged. There is gender discrimination within the age limits for hiring of full-time staff. At Daiichi women can only be hired as full-time staff up to the age of 23 years but men can be hired as full-time staff up to 25 years. In addition there is a middle-age hiring track for men but not for women. The new Employment Measures Law makes age discrimination against middle-aged workers illegal but there are no penalties for employers that contravene the law. Women are under further pressure with changes in the family structure. Fathers absent from the household due to long work hours or company transfer add pressure to mothers raising children in a cultural climate that emphasises success in education. A recent trend has been the increase in the numbers of women remaining single or marrying later; this appears to indicate the difficulty for women of being a mother and also developing a professional life. In recognition of these circumstances the proposal of the New Gold Plan and the Guardian Angel Plan in 1993 attempt to redress the issues of the aged and childcare. The impact and outcomes of these policy proposals have yet to be assessed but the increasing consolidation of the process of privatisation in Japan's welfare state is a clear trend. The means by which the privatised welfare state is organised may change but there is continuity in the assumptions underlying the creation of welfare and social policies. The focus of social and welfare policies continue to be predicated on a division of labour based on sex. In focusing on a case study of the supermarket sector of retail I have drawn attention to the condition of workers in an industry that has received scant attention in research on employment and industrial relations in industry-based studies. Much more research is needed into the workers and industries in the expanding tertiary sector, of which women are a growing proportion. My study also raises serious issues for western feminist thought. To gain an understanding of the impact of social and welfare policies, more attention needs to be given to the impact of the social, political and cultural context within which gender and its manifestations develop. Consideration of issues such as these can only enrich the body of knowledge comprising western feminism. The attraction of Japan's 'economic miracle', though fading, needs to be tempered with studies such as this, which examine the impact of the gendered and discriminatory employment policies on which the 'economic miracle' was predicated. As the Japanese economy remains in recession and revelations of bribery and dubious financial dealings foster public disenchantment, the employment conditions of part-time workers may appear trivial. On the contrary, the issue of discriminatory employment practices is of very great significance, particularly for the many

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Japanese women who are part-time. The women part-time workers at Daiichi are short-changed financially, and in terms of employment opportunities. They work within an employment system that does not value them or the contributions they make to their company or the Japanese economy. How governments, employers and unions configure the employment environment in the wake of recession remains to be seen, but certainly Japanese feminists, activists and unionists sympathetic to the cause of part-time workers will need to remain vigilant.

Notes Notes for chapter 1 1

2

3

4

5

6 7 8

9

10

11

13

The inverted commas around these terms are mine because I question the description of part-time workers as 'peripheral' when numerically they are 'core'. In terms of the tasks they perform they also resemble the 'core' workforce. The term 'peripheral' is appropriate when referring to their inferior employment conditions, compared with 'core' workers and their marginalised treatment in the workplace. I am arguing that the Japanese term for part-time is gendered—applying only to women. To distinguish between female and male non full-time workers I use the term short-time worker to distinguish male non full-time workers from part-time workers who are female. Pseudonyms have been used throughout this paper for both the company name and the names of the people I interviewed. As is the practice in East Asia, people are referred to by their surnames. The Employment Measures Law (effective October 2001) prohibits companies discriminating between employees on the grounds of age. However, there are no penalties so it is believed that the law will have little effect. There are also suggestions that it is a measure to deal with growing unemployment among middle-aged men, and is expected to have little impact on age discrimination experienced by middle-aged women. Japan Institute of Labour, Japan Institute of Labour email journal, October 15,2001. I worked in the Hachiban store, but conducted questionnaire surveys of 200 workers and interviewed personnel managers from four other Daiichi stores in the Kanto region as well as from the Hachiban store. See Dorinne Kondo's chapter on part-time work (1990). It is difficult to update all figures as the specific breakdown is not always available. In 1965—38.6 per cent of working women had partners; in 1975—51.3 per cent; in 1985—59.2 per cent; and in 1994—57.4 per cent (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1995:appendix29). Used by Takenaka Emiko and Kuba Yoshiko as the title of their book Rōdōryoku no Joseika (1993); Shibayama Emiko also describes this phenomenon in her article 'Josei rodosha' (1995); Osawa Mari uses the term koyō no joseika in her article 'Koyō no joseika, Nihon no tokuchō' (1992). The percentage of women in the labour force has not changed remarkably between 1920 when 38.2 per cent of the labour force was female, and 1980 when the figure was 37.9 per cent (Shinotsuka 1988:25). The Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 2001 annual report concludes, based on an analysis of hours spent on housework, that while society accepts women in paid work, women are still the primary domestic workers. Japan Institute of Labour (2001a). As will be discussed in more detail later, surveys using the definition of number of hours worked per week define men as part-time workers. In the literature available and based on my fieldwork data companies use the term 'part-time' to refer to women. In everyday usage, the term 'part-time' is associated with women workers. Women workers at Sumitomo Cement challenged in the courts the company policy of forced retirement on marriage for women and won. See Takenaka Emiko (1991:82). In contrast in August 2000, the Osaka District Court rejected a damages claim filed 147

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against Sumitomo Electric Industries Ltd. The two women claimed they were discriminated against in terms of salary and promotion on the basis of gender. Their claim was rejected despite clear disparities in their wages compared to male colleagues because it was deemed that at the time they were hired such employment practices were not illegal {Japan Times online 2000). A Tokyo court recently ordered Nomura Securities to pay compensation to thirteen women who sued the company for discrimination (Pesek 2002: 30). The 1990 Immigration Control Act permits foreign workers to enter Japan if they possess skills not available in Japan (Ueno 1994:27). James Abegglen (1958), Rodney Clarke (1979), Robert Cole (1973, 1979), Ronald Dore (1973), Thomas Rohlen (1974) have been the most influential. In the introduction to Work, Mobility and Participation, Robert Cole comments that this study is a 'step forward in the sense that we do not confine our attention to male employees in large firms but also examine the experience of male employees in smaller firms. Yet...we were unable to sample female labor force participants because of the large costs associated with increasing sample size' (1979:3–4). Some examples include: Mary Brinton (1993), Norma Chalmers (1989), Edward Fowler (1996), Tom Gill (2001), Janet Hunter (1993), Anne Imamura (1989), Kamata Satoshi (1982), Komai Hiroshi (1995), Dorinne Kondo (1990), Alice Lam (1992), Jeannie Lo (1990), Glenda Roberts (1994), Mary Saso (1990), Shiozawa Miyoko and Hiroki Michiko (1988), Carolyn Stephens (1997). For a discussion in English of the development of the nenkd system and its impact on women see Kumazawa Makoto (1996). Women employed in the textile industries in the Meiji period (1868–1912) for example were not paid the same rates as male workers, despite doing the same work, because their jobs were classified as 'unskilled' (E. P. Tsurumi 1990:166). This term for 'lifetime' employment differs from that referred to earlier in this study, which is the nenkō seido. A recent survey by the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare and the Japan Federation of Employer Associations found that 30 per cent of companies had no affirmative action policies and 12 per cent had not heard of the concept. To address this issue the Ministry established a Council for the Promotion of Women in the Workplace. Comprised of corporate executives and experts, the Council's role is to educate and encourage employers to adopt affirmative action policies (Japan Institute of Labour 2001c). The career track involves compulsory transfers as part of the promotion process. The clerical track has no transfers but involves jobs with little opportunity for promotion and lower wage levels. Most women managers are concentrated in the lower levels of management and in small companies with between 100 and 499 employees (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1995: 106). Some women reject the gendered 'lifetime' employment system by seeking employment overseas or with foreign companies in Japan (Pesek 2002). Wakisaka Akira points out that 'in Japan there are many arubaito workers. Arubaito is the standard terminology for student part-time work, whereas pāto is the standard term for working housewives. Moreover, pāto is often regarded as referring not to working time but to status by both employers and workers' (Wakisaka 1997:144). Primarily the 1947 Labour Standards Law. The economic downturn in the late 1990s has seen companies targeting white-collar employees as part of 'restructuring' (risutora). A survey by the Institute of Labour Administration showed almost 60 per cent of companies had introduced a Preferential System for Earlier Retirement, an increase from 20 per cent of companies in 1980.

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Thirty-three per cent offer a system of early retirement to employees below the age of 50 ('Headed for Trouble' 1995:4). In Australia, 'part-time' workers are defined as working less than 35 hours per week (Australian Bureau of Statistics 1995:1). Many Japanese surveys of part-time workers do not ask questions concerning their attitudes to their working hours, if they are happy with the number of hours they work, or about their attitude to the enterprise union.

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For example, in Daiichi it is not a case of re-employment for male workers. Males beyond the full-time employment age limit of 25 years who seek employment with Daiichi are those who have left or been retrenched from jobs in other companies and are considered mid-career entrants. Their career paths within Daiichi are different from those employed immediately on graduation. However, age limits on these new male employees are not as restrictive as those for former women employees of Daiichi who seek to return after a break from the paid workforce. For examples and details see Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku (1996:appendix 135). While the new Employment Measures Law prohibits age limits it does not include penalties for non-compliance. For example, see Funabashi Naomichi et al. (1982); Suwa Yasuo et al (1993). Part-time workers at Daiichi often complained about having no time to air their futon at all—a common problem for many working women. General Merchandising Supermarkets stock a wide variety of goods including groceries, clothing, household products and electrical goods. Supermarkets include stores that generally stock only grocery items. 63.7 per cent in retail, 43.8 per cent in service industries and 37.5 per cent in manufacturing (Zensen Domei 1991:20). This term is used by the Environmental Protection Agency in its 1991 mid-term report, Aiming for a Society that Prioritizes Individual Lifestyles. Osawa Mari (1996:69). Kawaguchi and Suzuki discuss the notion of how 'free' the choice to work part-time is for women. They argue there is not choice because a capitalist system creates the problem for women of the double-burden of housework and paid work. The gendered division of labour which exists within capitalism forces women to make a choice between pursuing a career and high income, which to achieve management positions in Japan involves overtime, transfers domestically and sacrificing their families (1992:44). The employment conditions of part-time workers at Maruko Keihōki were brought to public attention after 28 of the 38 rinji shain (literally temporary employees), as the company labels them, took their case to court. The basis for their complaint was that they had the same number of years employment as full-time women workers, about half the temporary workers had worked at Maruko Keihoki ten years or longer, but they were paid less than 80 per cent of a full-time woman worker's wage. The court ruled in favour of the part-time workers, arguing that wage discrimination against them was illegal and ordered the company to pay these temporary employees wages equal to those of full-time women workers (Yamada 1997:76). Furugōri points out that in the U.S. some part-time workers do not know if they are full-time or part-time whilst in Japan there is no worker who does not know their status (1997:87).

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In 1988, 54 per cent of retail outlets employed between one and two workers (Smith 1991:45). In 1978, more than 40 per cent of women's labour in restaurants, grocery and other retail outlets was as unpaid family employees whose assistance was considered important (Emi 1978:40). Matsumoto cites the inspiring story of Hayashi Masano who saved enough money from working in textile factories to open a bean curd shop in her home in the mid1920s. In 1978, in her eighties Hayashi san was supporting herself by selling magazines, sweets and bus tickets (Matsumoto 1978:53–4). It is argued that the real problem with Japan's distribution system is not the entrenched power of small retailers, but the way manufacturers manipulate the system to set prices and keep out newcomers. Manufacturers' clout used to be strongest of all in the market for consumer electronics (Smith 1991:47). Findings from research I conducted in 1989 comparing three national supermarket chains, including Daiichi, indicated the gender composition of the part-time workforce was similar in all three chains These employees are generally cosmetics, lingerie and specialty-clothing sales staff whose companies rent space from the store. Similar numbers of part-time workers are employed in the four other Daiichi stores that I surveyed and all of them are women. In 1997 all but one of the part-time workers I worked with in the toy section were still employed at Daiichi but they had been moved to the stationery, haberdashery, and household goods sections. A friend in the microelectronics industry indicated that one criterion given to manufacturers and designers in developing computerised cash registers was simplicity because older women would be operating them Public childcare centres are generally open from 8.00 a.m until 5.00 p.m. or 6.00 p.m. This led two friends with children in public childcare centres to comment on separate occasions that these facilities were only a viable form of childcare for part-time workers because the hours were too short. In one instance the majority of mothers with children at the same centre as a friend's child were part-time workers at the local supermarket. Japanese pharmacies generally do not dispense medication. Their products include selling manufactured medications, Chinese herbal medicines, medical products and household goods. To deal with increasing debt, Daiichi announced plans in late January 2002 that it would offer voluntary retirement to 1400 employees in its head office. However, with a simultaneous proposal to relocate some employees to subsidiaries the number of jobs cut could increase to 2000. It also plans to close 50 non-profitable stores.

Notes for chapter 4 1

In 1994, women full-time workers worked on average 143.3 hours per month, 4.3 of which were as overtime and men worked on average 169.3 hours per month with 12.7 hours of overtime (Rōdōshō, Fujinkyoku 1995:appendix 66). In March 2001 the Ministry of Labour and Welfare established the Pātotaimā Rōdō Kenkyūkai (Part-time work study group). Proposals in its final report (submitted July 2002) include that the conditions of part-time workers be improved based on the principle of 'equal pay for

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work of equal value'. This would mean part-time workers performing the same tasks as full-time workers would receive the same pay and conditions as the latter. The survey identifies the following categories of pātotaimā: iwayuru pāto (so-called pāto) divided into two further categories: (i) Apāto who work fewer hours per week than a full-time worker, (ii) Bpāto who work the same number of hours as full-time workers; iwayuru pāto igai no tanjikan rodosha divided into two categories: (i) seishain no tanjikan rōdōsha, full-time workers who work fewer hours than other fulltime workers, (ii) sono ta no tanjikan rōdōsha, workers whose conditions differ from a pātotaimā (Rōdōshō, Seisaku Chōsabu 1991:5—6). Owaki Masako argues that in the manufacturing industry about 30 per cent of parttime workers work the same hours as full-time workers (Ōwaki, Masako et al. 1993:14). Joshi (woman) was dropped from the title as it was argued that men also worked parttime (Kojima 1993:40). Included in this notice are details of period of employment, place of work, details of job, shift times, days off or work days, whether there will be overtime, holidays, and wages, and how they will be calculated {Rengō 1997). Some supermarket unions include certain categories of part-time workers as eligible for membership. The Daiichi union organises only part-time workers. In its Rengō Hakusho (1989) Rengō announced a policy on part-time workers, which included unionising part-time workers. Rengō's focus now appears to be to improve the conditions of part-time workers through the Part-time Workers' Law. See the chapter on part-time work in Dorinne Kondo's book (1990). A 1991 Tokyo Metropolitan Government Survey found that 52 per cent of part-time workers perform the same job as full-time workers (Takenaka and Kuba Rodoryoku no Joseika 1994: 166). A 1991 Japan Institute of Labour survey of women full-time and part-time workers found that 60 per cent of non-full-time workers responded that they did the same job as full-time workers (Furugōri 1997:80). The retirement age is 60 years for part-time and quasi part-time workers. They can however, be re-employed as casuals indefinitely. A standard greeting from staff to all customers in retail and hospitality outlets. At Daiichi I watched a video as part of my 'training'/induction on the correct manner of greeting customers. A casual (a female university student) was employed in the haberdashery section after two days of register training. After completing her training she was to work with Otsumi san in haberdashery. Otsumi san was outraged at management's attitude of throwing the new recruit into the 'deep end'. There is a gap between the amount of training that management considers appropriate and what experienced part-time workers consider is appropriate. The casual in question feels ill-equipped and Otsumi san is providing the extra on-the-job training. This is where the bar code of an item is scanned and automatically places the order with Daiichi's centralised warehouse. There is the case of an employee of Hitachi who, when asked that day to work overtime, refused. He was sacked as a result. In 1977 he took his case to court and the final decision handed down in December 1992 supported the company's actions. This example was cited at a morning chorei in the ladies wear section by the manager of the department, 'asking' for our co-operation in the coming busy year end/New Year period with the implication that refusal was not an option. Aoyama san was going to work for her husband two days a week performing general clerical duties because the labour shortage meant he could not find anyone to do this work.

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I have often wondered about the extent of the so-called labour shortage in Japan and question whether employers have helped to create/exacerbate the situation themselves due to their insistence on a particular type of worker. By designating certain jobs 'women's work' they restrict the type of workers they will hire. Using the excuse of 'labour shortage', employers intensify work for those employed while containing costs. As supermarkets rely heavily on the presence of staff for sales and service, labour costs are a company's greatest expense. In 1995, 24 per cent of part-time workers compared with 9 per cent of part-time workers working over 35 hours per week, wanted less work hours (Rōdōshō 1997:38). For women working part-time, 27.9 per cent preferred to have fewer work hours (Rōdōshō 1996:85). The situation was the same in other chain-stores surveyed. It was also the case when I raised this issue in general conversation with acquaintances. A person's rating, intracompany qualifications and the ranking of their personnel evaluation are included in the assessment of their wages. Prior to the introduction of computer-type registers, scanning in 1988 and a policy of multi-skilling of workers in 1985, a sales area was divided into sales staff who focused on advising customers, stock appearance and control, and specialist checkout operators who operated cash registers. In 1992 Nezu san quit to look for work that was less stressful and demanding. In three months she had been employed in three workplaces, the last of which was a job in the kitchen of a small restaurant. She stayed one week and cited the stress of the job had a negative impact on her health. The term 'bonus' implies a reward or gift. As it is part of the salary package I prefer to translate the term ichijikin as 'annual payment'. Otoshidama are gifts of cash given to children in special envelopes at New Year.

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Ōsawa notes that recent Supreme Court decisions in divorce cases indicate however that 'housewife has ceased to be 'a job that will keep you from starving" (Ōsawa 1996:69–94). For example, see the work of R. Smith and E. Wiswell (1982:xxxvii) that shows reality did not always conform to policy. Hayashi supports the position of 'equality with protection', which has been a divisive issue in the women's movement. For a different position see the dialogue with Nakajima Michiko and Ehara Yumiko in AMPO (eds) (1996). In the 1991 law this was only available to parents with children under 1 year, the new law extends it to parents with children under 3 years (Japan Institute of Labor, Japan Institute of Labor on-line, November 15, 2001). According to the 1995 Rōdō Tokubetsu Chōsa—27 per cent of women in the 15 to 34 age group are part-time workers or casuals and so are ineligible for childcare leave (Furugōri 1997:151). In 1995 the national birth rate was 1.43 children. In 1994, 31.6 per cent of women quit their job on pregnancy or childbirth (Rōdōshō 1996:appendix 119, 71). The Gold Plan was launched in 1990 as a 10-year plan to promote support for the aged. The plan placed emphasis on increasing the spread of at-home services. The Nursing Care Insurance system was launched in fiscal 2000 (from April) to follow on from the Gold Plan (Go 2000:13).

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In 1992 the average lifespan of Japanese women was the highest in the world at 82.22 years (Sōrifu 1993:14). A 1994 survey by the Health and Welfare Ministry found over 50 per cent of wives supported the gendered division of labour (Furugōri 1997:179). In 1995, when asked which they valued more, 63.5 per cent of part-time workers replied they valued home life over their jobs. This compares with 45 per cent of women full-time workers (Rōdōshō 1996:appendix 86). In Japan it is usual for the evening meal to comprise rice, miso (soybean paste) soup and two or three side dishes. No distinction is made between full-time or part-time workers, simply those who are employees, as opposed to workers employed in family enterprises. Sixty per cent of Japanese live in nuclear households (Lock 1996:81). In Japanese hospitals it is possible for a relative to feed and bathe a patient. This part-time worker was between 45 and 49 years of age, married with an adult child, and had over ten years experience working at Daiichi, mainly on the cash register in the grocery section. These data include questionnaire responses from 100 part-time workers. Piecework is particularly disruptive of family life, as employers/contractors generally require work to be completed within a short time frame. A friend's husband asked her to quit her job assembling nuts and bolts for a local manufacturer because it was interfering with family life, particularly the adequate performance of housework, meal preparation and her presence in the family circle. Daiichi pays slightly higher rates on Sundays and public holidays as an inducement to part-time workers but all part-time workers are expected to work these days. I have heard this about men from other areas too. It seems to depend on the area the male in question comes from!! Sugiyama Lebra (1984) cites one of the informants for her study as working for reasons other than income. 'Mari is critical of those mothers who insist on working 'out of their selfishness (wagamama) or just for diversion.' (Lebra, 1984:224). Due to Yoshizumi san's interest in my education about Japan I was able to tour the Japanese parliament (Diet) with Yoshizumi san and her classmates. This term is used by Hori to refer to the period beginning with what has become known as the Manchurian incident in 1931 and ending with Japan's surrender in 1945 (Hori 1984). In 1930 the average Japanese woman was 48 years when her last child completed compulsory education, compared with 1974 when she was aged 46 when the last child completed high school. In 1930, the average Japanese women lived for 62 years compared to 78 in 1974. In 44 years women have doubled the number of years between the end of child rearing and death (Shioda 1994:186). In 1997 the average life expectancy for women was 84 years and for men it was 77 years (Go 2000:1). Tanshin funin is the practice where a company employee is transferred either domestically or internationally to another branch of the company for a period of years, in many cases unaccompanied by his wife or children. Often he does not take his family due to the desire not to interrupt children's education, but in some cases this is in response to company decree. Japan's bullet trains are often crowded on Friday evenings and Monday mornings with overnight bag toting commuter dads. In 1994 the figure was 1.57 divorces per 1000 people (Sōmuchō 1997:60).

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Based on my calculations using 1999 figures (to keep it comparable with available union figures) the total number of employees (67,660,000) divided by the number of unionists organised by Rengō (7,120,000) (Japan Institute of Labour 2001b). A number of international studies explain the different reasons for lower levels of activism or participation in unions among women including: union related issues such as lack of childcare and inconvenient meeting times (see Chaison and Andiappan 1989). SCAP governed Japan in concert with the Japanese government from surrender in 1945 until the conclusion of the US–Japan Security Treaty in 1952. The Unikon (pseudonym) camera company dispute began in 1977 and lasted three years. It involved workers taking control and running the company after management threatened to close the company due to bankruptcy (Turner 1995). For a complete list of cases involving wage discrimination or dismissal on the basis of marriage or age and the dates the decisions were handed down see Rōdōshō (1996:appendix 132–46). Maruko Keihōki part-time workers were encouraged by their union to take their case to court. This appears to be the only option available to part-time workers who are not included in the union. There are examples of unions sympathetic to the situation of part-time workers such as the case at Maruko Keihōki. There is no indication of how the remainder has been defined. For the prewar period see S. Sievers (1983), E. P. Tsurumi (1990), B. Molony (1991). For the postwar period see C. L. Turner (1995). Honda Kazunari cites a similar example in his study of a union in a supermarket chain. Eligibility criteria determined by the company also exists. After Honda's study was completed, the part-time workers were directly affiliated with the store's enterprise union (Honda 1992). Only applicable for male white-collar workers (sarariimari) because women whitecollar workers, even though they may be heads of households, are not paid these allowances.

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Index Age limits 2, 15, 27, 33, 47, 54–55, 72–73, 117 Annual income threshold 101 Annual payment see also ichijikin 87–88 Auxiliary workforce 7–8, 53, and unions 135 women as 14, 16, 80

Discriminatory employment practices 7, 36 Divorce 117 Domestic division of labour 45, 92, 94, 104, 144 Domestic responsibilities of children 110 of husbands 107–108, 109–110, 113 of women 14, 27, 34–35, 38–39, 101– 102 Dual labour market theory 28 and sex 32 Dual systems analysis 43 Dual track employment 16, 96

Basic Law on Gender 96, 97 Birth rate 6 Bosei hogo 41, 95–96, 124, 144 Breadwinner 18, 99

Elderly care services 93, 98 Employment policies 71, 72 impact on women 15, 81 Employment status 19, 38, 4 7 – 8 , 68, 107, 126 Enterprise-based unions 2, 3, 46, 122–23, 130–31 and bargaining 119, 121, 122–23, 131, 133, 134 and full-time workers 134 and part-time workers 122–23, 132–35 and women 123, 135–38 definitions of 131 relations with management 122–23, 131 Equal Employment Opportunity Law (EEOL) 16, 18, 27, 38, 44, 91, 95–96, 144–45 Equity policies 54, 91, 94

Career paths male workers 15 Career track (sogoshoku) 15, 17 also see dual track employment Caregiving responsibilities also see childcare and dependant care Chen Rōkyo 40 Childcare 58, 104, 79, 94, 98, 105 strategies for 105, 107–108, 109–115 Choice 3, 27, 34, 48, 68, 99–101, 106 in employment 15–17 Chōrei 22 Clerical track (ippanshoku) 15, 17 also see dual track employment Company trip 53, 56, 133 Compulsory retirement 7 'Core' male workforce 12–13, 27, 30,79, 119 benefits of 13, and unions 135

Female-headed households 105 Feminised workforce 27 Feminism 19 Flexibility for women 28 gender and 33 in employment 8, 29–32 Flexible firm model 28 Foreign labour/workers 8 Fujin Dōmei 124 Fujinbu Tēze 124 Full-time workers employment conditions of 68–69, 71

Definitions of part-time workers 1, 40, 53, 55, 63–66 problems with 18, 47, 51, 63– 65, 142 Dependant care 106–107 Dependant Leave Law 95, 98 Dependant spouse rebate scheme 100–101 166

167

WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT IN JAPAN

definitions of 18–19 female 83, 85 male 42, 46, 85, 93 Gender and the labour market 28, 32, 34,43 attitudes to 94 contract 19 division of labour 3, 14–15, 27, 42–43, 103–104, 108–115 hierarchy in employment 2 ideology 45 specific escape route 15–16 and unions 45–46, 125, 133 Gender(ed) division of labour 3, 14, 15,27,42,43, 103–104, 108–115 Gendered employment strategies (practices) 2, 14 Government policies 6 towards women 14, 41 Grievance mechanisms 133 Hours of work Part-time workers 78–83 Household responsibilities 101– 104, 108–115 see also unpaid work Housewives 20, 78, 94, 101–104, 106, 107, 109 Human capital theory 33–35 Husband's attitude to wife working 110–112 Ichijikin (annual payment) 87–88 Ideology of domesticity 42, 45 Industrial action and women, 124–25, 132 Job content Part-time workers 70–78 Job satisfaction and recreation of part-time workers 116–17 Junshain (quasi part-time worker) 20, 53, 55 Kigyō chūshin shakai 46 Koyō no joseika (feminisation of employment) 4

Labour market segmentation 44 theory 29 Labour policies 94 Labour Standards Law 16, 95–96 Large Scale Retail Store Law 49 Lifestyle choices (for women) 8 'Lifetime' employment 2, 3, 7, 10–15, 36, 48,98 for women 14–17 Male short-time workers 2, 143 Management Part-time workers as 77 Married women 2 M-shaped employment pattern 8–9 Meiji Civil Code 92 Motherhood 14, 93, 94 Nenkō (seniority) system 11, 15, 35, 125 Non full-time workers 3, 6, 7 Occupational segregation 9 Omi Silk Spinning Factory 124 Otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei 5, 94 Overtime work 80, 82 Parental Leave Law 16, 91, 97 Part-time Workers' Law 2, 4, 18, 44, 48, 51,65–67,91 Pātonā (casual) 20 Patriarchal strategies 43 Peripheral workers 1, 11, 29–31, 68, 79, 120, 139 and tax-free threshold 129, 139 women as 29–32 Point of sale system (POS) 51, 57, 74–76 Promotion for female women workers 13, 16 for male full-time workers 12, 16 within 'lifetime' employment 12 Rengō 67, 96, 120–22, 125, 128, 130, 136, 138–39, 145 and tax 136, 138 Restructuring of the workforce 87 Retail industry (general) 40, 50, 105 Rōdōryoku no joseika 4 Ryōsai kenbo 4–5, 28, 41, 43, 102 Safety valve (part-time work as a) 7, 32 Short-time workers 2

168

see also male short–time workers Tanjikan rōdōsha 64 Tax policies 99 and impact on employment for women 100 Tax-free threshold 58, 100, 138– 39, 144 Teiji shain 20, 53 Temporary workers 68 Textile industry 6 workers 123 Unemployment 6–7 Union busting 119, 122–23, 127 Union membership and casuals 121 and full-time workers 120 of part-time workers 2, 119–21 of women 135–36 rates of 119–120, 136 Union movement 93, 120, 124–25, 126 and bargaining 41, 119–21, 129, see also enterprise unions and bargaining and politics 127 repression of 127 postwar development of 127 Union officials 117 Unions and part-time workers 39

Wages of part-time workers 17, 39, 65,83–89, 100, 117 impact of gender on 69 for male full-time workers 12 for women 17 of spouses of part-time workers 57–58 Welfare programmes/policies 8, 27, 60,90–93,94,99–100 Welfare state 91–92, 99, 145 Women as a reserve army of labour 32–33 Women and industrial action 124 Women and unions history of 119, 123–26, 135 Women in management 10, 16 'Women's work' 7, 41–43, 91

INDEX

Worker construction of 12 Working hours of part-time workers 8 Working Women's Welfare Law 7 Zensen Dōmei 21, 37–40, 97, 126, 128–30, 138