Women who gather: An investigation into the meanings of membership in women's small, shared-leadership groups

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WOMEN WHO GATHER: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE MEANINGS OF MEMBERSHIP IN WOMEN'S SMALL, SHARED-LEADERSHIP GROUPS By Barbara R. Harvey B.S., University of Oregon, 1987 M.S., University of Oregon, 1989 MEd., University of Maine, 1996 CAS, University of Maine, 2002 A DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in Counselor Education)

The Graduate School The University of Maine May, 2010 Advisory Committee: Dorothy Breen, Associate Professor of Counselor Education, Chair Mary Madden, Associate Research Professor Sandra Caron, Professor of Family Relations/Human Sexuality Kristin Langellier, Professor of Communication and Journalism Annette Nelligan, Assistant Professor of Counselor Education

UMI Number: 3415474

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ii Dissertation Acceptance Statement

On behalf of the Graduate Committee for Barbara R. Harvey. I affirm that this manuscript is the final and accepted thesis. Signatures of all committee members are on file with the graduate School at the University of Maine, 42 Stodder Hall, Orono, Maine.

Committee chair's signature

Dorothy Breen, Ph.D.,

Graduate Coordinator

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Name

Title

Date

iii

Copyright 2010 Barbara R. Harvey

LIBRARY RIGHTS STATEMENT In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Maine, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for "fair use" copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Librarian. It is understood that any copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Signature: Date:

WOMEN WHO GATHER: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE MEANINGS OF MEMBERSHIP IN WOMEN'S SMALL, SHARED-LEADERSHIP GROUPS

By Barbara R. Harvey Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Dorothy Breen

An Abstract of the Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in Counselor Education) May, 2010

Women's experiences and voices have been effectively muted in research and education, remaining outside mainstream scholarship. Therefore, most theoretical understanding of human experience and development has been generalized to include women, based on studies conducted by and with White, middle-class men. While feminist researchers represent an important exception, relatively little attention has been paid to women's unique characteristics, dilemmas, and strengths over the past decade. This qualitative study aimed to contribute to the body of knowledge related to women by investigating the phenomenon of women's participation in small, sharedleadership, same-gendered groups. Specifically, this research deeply probed the meanings of participants' membership, voiced by members. To more fully understand the meanings of women's small group experiences, 6 subquestions were explored: (a) Who is participating? (b) What occurs during group gatherings? (c) What benefits, if any, are experienced? (d) What barriers to participation do members encounter? (e) What

importance do members place on their group involvement? And (f) How is leadership shared among the members? Between January and April, 2009, focus-group interviews were conducted with 9 identified groups formed for varying purposes. Researched groups were located in 3 regions of the United States: Northeast, Southeast, and West. The 52 women participating in this study ranged in age from 32 to 79 years old. Data gathered included focus-group interview transcripts, brief demographic surveys, researcher field notes and journal entries. Data analysis resulted in a group profile for each participating group, and identification of common and divergent factors related to members' expressed meanings of their group involvements across groups. A model, the Conception, Social Outing, Recognition, Deeply Known, and Spiritual and Transcendent Experiences (CORDS), is presented to visually represent the research findings. This study provided support for the literature related to the importance of engagement and deep empathy in women's development. Support was also provided for the value of small groups and the importance of cohesion in small groups. Additionally, this research provided support for emerging theories related to shared leadership. Implications of these findings for women and those who work with women were identified. Suggestions for related areas of future research were provided.

iv Dedication

In memory of my mother whose creativity, resilience, lively intelligence, and love of learning have been with me since the beginning.

V

Acknowledgements My deepest appreciation goes to the women who participated in this study. Thank you for so generously opening your groups and yourselves to me. You have stimulated my thinking and touched my heart. I hope that I in turn have done justice to your experiences and the wisdom you shared with me. My gratitude goes to the members of my dissertation committee who provided so much insight and support throughout this process. My thanks go to Sandy Caron particularly for her encouragement and optimism from the beginning, and to Annette Nelligan who gently offered her support and significant understanding of groups. My thanks go to Kristin Langellier, whose willingness to challenge and question enhanced my learning and the quality of this study. Special thanks to Mary Madden who willingly shared her expertise with qualitative research, and who provided assistance whenever asked with navigating the use of NVivo, refining my research methods, and organizing the findings. My special gratitude goes to my advisor, Dorothy Breen. I treasure your positive regard and support from the beginning of my involvement at the University of Maine in 1992. Your experience working with doctoral students as they traverse the internal and external paths to completion has been extremely valuable. Your belief in me and my ability as this study unfolded empowered and encouraged me. My thanks go to Russell and Eleanor Nicholson for establishing the Linda N. Lancaster Professional Development Fund in memory of their daughter. I have been very fortunate to benefit twice from this legacy during my doctoral program. I am particularly grateful to my friend and mentor, Maureen Anderson, who was always several steps

vi ahead of me in her doctoral process: I treasure your advice, support, and open heart. My gratitude to Annette and Phyllis who each eased my travel challenges by offering me a place to stay in their homes as I pursued this degree. My gratitude goes to Katiya Gettys who provided hours of personal creative and technical time helping to develop my initial figures for this dissertation. My thanks also go to my neighbor and early technical advisor, Paul Knoll, who helped me overcome my initial fears and befriend my laptop computer. I am grateful to all the doctoral students who have gone before me providing hope and encouragement through their examples of completed dissertations. My thanks also to my friends and family members who have patiently allowed me the space and time needed to focus on this project, often at the expense of time together. Thanks to my dad, who taught me by his example to work hard, persevere, and give 100 percent. Your many strengths have contributed to this accomplishment. My thanks go to my family for your support and belief in me. You each have a very special place in my heart. Most especially, my love and gratitude go to my husband, Dave. You have been there every step of the way, quietly leading by your own example. Your patience, support, encouragement, flexibility, and belief in my ability have sustained me in this effort. Your strength and love have held us together through the challenges of this process. I look forward to celebrating the final completion of this project together, and our ongoing love for many years to come.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

iv

v

LIST OF TABLES

xii

LIST OF FIGURES

xiii

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1

Statement of the Problem

1

Significance of the Study

3

Statement of Purpose

5

CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF THE RELEVANT LITERATURE Historical Context of Group Research

7 8

Defining Group

13

Small Groups

14

Types of Groups

16

Women's Groups

17

Why Groups Form

19

Group Culture

27

Communication

27

Structure

31

Group Cohesion

37

Cohesion in Women's Group Development

39

Leadership

42

Historical Context

42

viii Research Interest

45

Defining Leadership

46

Prerequisites for Shared Leadership

48

Leadership Roles

49

Calls for Related Research

52

Groups

52

Women's Groups

53

Shared Leadership

55

Women Leaders

56

Women

56

Summary CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHOD

57 59

The Study

59

Data Collection

60

Participants

60

Procedure

62

Research Design: A Naturalistic, Basic Interpretive, Feminist Qualitative Approach

63

Feminist Research Approach

63

Focus Groups

64

Analysis of the Data

66

Reliability

68

Validity

69

ix Limitations

71

CHAPTER 4 RESEARCH FINDINGS Group Profiles

74 75

Eastern Region

75

Books Prevail

75

MotherSong

94

Women's Spirituality Group

117

Kinship Group

138

The Arts Heal

154

Western Region

177

Woman Spring

177

Art Inspires

193

Life Stories Book Group

213

Woven Roots Book Group

233

Common and Divergent Factors Related to Meanings.

252

Category C—Conception

252

Category O—Social Outing

257

Category R—Recognition

258

Category D—Deeply Known

262

Category S—Spiritual and Transcendent Experiences

267

Summary of Contributing & Resulting Aspects

272

Framework

273

Sustaining Aspects

274

V

Benefits CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION

275 277

Who is Participating?

279

Activities

282

Benefits

287

Barriers

291

Importance

294

Shared Leadership

296

Groups Meeting in Members' Homes

296

Groups Meeting in Other Settings

297

Use of Consensus

300

Etiology of Sharing Leadership

300

Interrelationships of Shared Leadership With Other Factors

301

Equality, Consensus, Empowerment, and Cohension

301

Positive Actions

303

Focus on the Whole

303

Common Factors Related to Meanings

304

CORDS of Connection

306

Category C—Conception

306

Category O—Social outing

307

Category R—Recognition

307

Category D—Deeply Known

308

Category S—Spiritual and Transcendent Experiences

310

xi Limitations

311

Recommendations for Future Research

313

Implications

315

Implications for Professionals Who Work With Women

315

Implications for Those who Prepare Others to Work With Women

318

Implications for Women

320

Conclusion

320

REFERENCES

324

APPENDIX A REQUEST TO INTERVIEW SCRIPT

331

APPENDIX B INFORMED CONSENT

332

APPENDIX C DEMOGRAPHIC SURVEY

334

APPENDIX D FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW GUIDE

335

APPENDIX E FOLLOW-UP CONTACT INFORMATION

337

APPENDIX F PERSONAL FEMINISM STATEMENT

338

BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR

348

xii LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1.

Summary Table of Participating Groups

61

xiii LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.

CORDS of connection

253

Figure 2.

Drawing elements

254

1 Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Women's experiences and voices have been effectively muted in research and education related to cognitive processes and human development, remaining outside mainstream scholarship (Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule, 1997; Bolen, 1999; Comstock et al., 2008; Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Crethar, Rivera, & Nash, 2008; Gilligan, 1982; Greer, 1998; Jordan, Walker, & Hartling, 2004; Kees & Leech, 2004; Meadows-Holman, 1992; Miller, 1976; Robb, 2006; Shreve, 1989). While feminist researchers particularly have directed important attention specifically to women's unique characteristics and dilemmas, not much has been accomplished in the last 10 years, with most theoretical understanding related to human experience still based on research findings from studies conducted with and by White, middle-class men (Coy & KovacsLong, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004). The relative absence of women's voices from academic research and pedagogy effectively marginalizes and devalues women's experiences and expression. Through this research I contribute to the body of knowledge related to women and women's experience by deeply probing the meaning of women's membership in small groups in which leadership roles are shared collaboratively among the members. Statement of the Problem Traditional models of human development posit autonomy and individuation as indicative of the highest levels of development, equating these characteristics with mentally healthy, mature adults (Jordan et al., 2004; Miller, 1976). Women's individuation process may be different, however (Comstock et al., 2008; Coy & Kovacs-

2 Long, 2005; Miller, 1976). As Christopher (as cited in Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005) stated, "It is not at all clear how relevant or appropriate autonomy is for ... women and ethnic minorities" (p. 138). Relationally oriented, even as adults women's priorities may remain outside of the established valuing of autonomy and thus they may never be viewed as fully mentally healthy (Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005). Crethar et al. (2008) further pointed out that the "disease model" in common use by counselors and other mental health practitioners ignores the importance of the impact of the larger social/cultural systems on individuals. Also, traditional counseling theories are based on theories of human development and mental health arising from studies primarily of and by Euro-American, middle class, male behaviors (Comstock et al., 2008; Coy & KovacsLong, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004). As adults, many women lack self-confidence and faith in their own intellectual and creative processes (Belenky et al., 1997; Greer, 1998). Midlife women experience increased intrinsically motivated needs to be heard, reflected, and to share their wisdom gained from experience, as they encounter core psychological changes related to identity (Greer, 1998; McQuaide, 1996). Relatedly, girls are often encouraged to remain dependent in the male-defined social paradigm. As early as 11 years old, girls tend to transition from happy and competent children to quiet adolescents, and begin internalizing failures as personal incompetence (Gilligan, 1982). Girls' self-esteem is jeopardized, and sense of self-worth declines resulting in vulnerability for depression and eating disorders (Cowher, as cited in Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005). As Coy and KovacsLong stated, "Gender must be a major consideration in the discussion of all mental health and multi-cultural issues" (p. 144). The developmental and mental health standards to

3 which women and girls have been compared are increasingly called into question (Comstock et al., 2008; Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Jordan, 1994; Kees & Leech, 2004; Miller, 1976). While traditional theories and models of human development, as well as the United States' cultural valuing, emphasize autonomy, independence, self-reliance, objectivity, problem solving, and self-nurturing only when necessary, women are recognized to be primarily relational (Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Helgesen, 1995a; Home, 1991; Lipman-Blumen, 1992; Silver, 1996). Affiliation is defined by Miller (as cited in Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005) as "the need for community as expressed in connectedness, relatedness, interdependence, and belonging" (p. 138), a basic human need. Human beings need other people throughout life. Individuation is most appropriately social, occurring in the context of community, and requires development of other-centered social emotions for its fullest expression (Comstock et al., 2008; Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Jordan et al., 2004). Also, Jordan (2005) and researchers at Wellesley College's Stone Center for Women theorized that "connection is at the core of human growth and development" (p. 4), with genuine mutual responsiveness leading to healing of human emotions, and enhanced brain development and neurochemistry. Additionally, connection and community provide an antidote to fear and disconnection on a societal level (Jordan, 2005). Significance of the Study Women must continually work to reconcile dominant cultural values with intrinsic affiliation responses and strengths. Comstock and colleagues (2008) stressed "that the experiences of isolation, shame, humiliation, oppression, marginalization, and

4 microaggressions are relational violations and traumas that are at the core of human suffering and threaten the survival of humankind" (p. 280). Miller (1976) described individuals' continual efforts to expand cultural constraints, "to understand and to express the many experiences for which it does not suffice" (p. 112). Also, the empowerment growing out of group participation with other women has been known to lead to needed systemic change (Kees & Leech, 2004). Still, little recent research has explored the experiences of women who are forming, participating, and connecting in small, leadership-shared groups. Noticeably rare are studies that extend beyond one group and address potential common themes emerging among several such groups. Additionally, there is little existing research and theoretical knowledge related to leaderless group dynamics (Conger & Pearce, 2003; Counselman, 1991). Kahneman, Diener, and Schwarz (1999) while noting the importance in people's lives, emphasized the lack of systematic research into happiness and well-being, pointing out the emphasis on pathology in clinical psychology. These authors pointed out that public policy has been based primarily on theories related to economics rather than people's everyday quality-of-life experiences, including such aspects as love and mental challenge. "What is not known is whether people are becoming happier or less happy, and in what situations people experience the most enduring pleasures" (Kahneman et al., 1999, p. xii). The information shared by the women interviewed for this study regarding creation and participation in small, shared-leadership groups may further contribute to fields related to optimizing well-being, among them hedonic psychology.

5 Statement of Purpose Using an interpretive design, I explored the phenomenon of women's small, leadership-shared groups by interviewing participants of nine groups located in diverse regions of the United States. I strove to increase understanding of the meaning of these groups to the members. Also, with this study I sought to illuminate a means inspired, created, and engaged in by women to give voice to themselves and each other. The objectives of this qualitative, interpretive study were 1.

To describe who is participating in currently existing small, sharedleadership women's groups.

2.

To explore the emotional, cognitive, physical, social, and spiritual benefits/rewards experienced by women participants.

3.

To investigate barriers or constraints experienced by women participants related to their small-group experiences.

4.

To analyze members' valuing of participation relative to other life activities.

5.

To examine the ways in which leadership functions are shared among members.

6.

To focus attention on the ways membership may impact and be impacted by participants' outside social environments, as well as the larger macrolevel contexts in which they take place.

The combined voices of the group members participating in this research further served to clarify understanding of women's needs, women's resilience, women's connections, and women's choices related to optimizing growth, development, and

6 subjective well-being. Drawing on insights gained from participants in this research, I identified common factors among the groups studied, and significant implications for those who work with women, as well as women themselves, and as relevant, for the greater culture. As VanManen (as cited in Oiler Boyd, 1993) stated, "Phenomenological research is a search for what it means to be human, to fulfill human nature, to actualize more fully who we are" (p. 127). By deeply exploring the phenomenon of these women's small groups, I have contributed to current understanding of the meaning of being human and female.

7 Chapter 2 REVIEW OF THE RELEVANT LITERATURE Over the past century, researchers and practitioners have explored and documented important aspects of human groups, female experience, and leadership in an effort to better understand human behavior, culture, and optimal development. Beginning with the growth of the second wave of the Women's Movement during the late 1960s and 1970s, women's experiences generally, and particularly as participants in consciousnessraising groups, received specific focus. Despite the research interest in these areas, traditional theories and practices still widely regarded as state of the art in many fields are based on studies predominately conducted by and with White middle-class males. Numerous authors call for additional research, identifying needs for increased understanding of women's lived experience, group work, leadership, and optimal wellbeing. Relevant literature is explore in this section relevant literature. The historical information and characteristics of groups are presented. History related to leadership is investigated, and leadership alternatives are described, including sections related specifically to women's groups and leadership. The review incorporates relevant literature from the fields of anthropology, communications, counseling, group work, human development, leadership, organizational psychology, social psychology, and women's studies. The literature included informs the investigation into women's needs, strengths, and optimal development, manifested in their participation in small, shared-leadership

8 groups. It enhances understanding related to the study of women's lives and subjective well-being, both for those who work with women, and for women themselves. Historical Context of Group Research Existing literature related to groups in general attests to academic interest in professional fields including counseling, anthropology, sociology, and organizational psychology. While groups have formed for various purposes throughout history, research on groups has remained relatively sparse (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). Secular- and religious-group processes were integral to rites of passage for members of early and primitive civilizations and continue today (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). In the early 20th century, group experiences related to physical and mental health included guidance and career-development groups formed by J. Davis in 1907, and F. Parsons in 1908, in several schools, according to A. M. Home and Rosenthal. In 1905, J. Pratt, M.D. developed groups to assist patients with tuberculosis (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). World War I brought an increased interest in task/work-group efficiency that lasted from 1910 to 1920 (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). During the 1920s therapeutic factors associated with group work began to be identified, and initial qualitative research was conducted in group effectiveness (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). In addition, Home and Rosenthal noted an increased interest in group dynamics and processes, and a rise in investigations related to small groups during this decade. A. Adler developed groups for children and families, and R. Dreikurs adapted Adler's methods for use with alcoholics during this period (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). J. Moreno emphasized action methods and group dynamics, while T. Burrow established

9 group analysis, focusing on members' physiological reactions and kinesthetic changes (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). School guidance and sociological studies gained prominence during the 1930s as the power of groups to impact social behavior became more recognized (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). One of the first self-help groups, Alcoholics Anonymous was established in 1935 (S. Home, 1999). Most research during this decade was conducted in laboratory settings, according to A. M. Home and Rosenthal. Activity therapy groups for children and the importance of play in child development were emphasized, while the focus of group therapy remained on the individual in the group format (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). By 1940, K. Lewin was exploring intragroup processes, and group leadership became an area of increased interest (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). A. M. Home and Rosenthal noted that The American Society for Group Psychotherapy and Psychodrama was formed by Moreno, and Slavson established the American Group Psychotherapy Association, including its publication, the International Journal of Group Psychotherapy in 1942. During World War II, groups were used for military personnel, and promoted by W. Menninger, the United States' Chief of Military Psychiatry (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). Group research increased and evolved in the 1950s to include particular emphasis on group climate, group structure, and leadership in a broader range of setting, according to A. M. Home and Rosenthal. Family dynamics became a focus of research interest during the 1950s, exemplified by the work of G. Bateson and N. Ackerman (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). Increased group work occurred in Veterans' Administration hospitals and schools (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997).

Lewin (1948) first used the term group dynamics to explain how group characteristics and processes affect member interactions and final group results. During the 1950s Lewin's focus on small-group dynamics resulted in establishment of the National Training Laboratories in Bethel, Maine, and development of Training Groups (T-Groups) designed to increase understanding of group dynamics and processes through direct participation (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). A. M. Home and Rosenthal noted that the passage of the Community Mental Health Act of 1963, resulted in greater demand for group work, and increased research related to specific behavioral changes using this format. Katz, Lazer, Arrow, and Contractor (2004) described research interest in small groups during the 1950s and 1960s as the Early Era, the first of two waves. The majority of small-group research during this time was experimental and took place out of the Group Networks Laboratory at the Massachusetts' Institute of Technology, according to Katz and colleagues. A. M. Home and Rosenthal (1997) identified a decrease in research related to group dynamics during the 1960s, and an increase in studies related to group work during the 1970s. Yalom further refined the therapeutic factors associated with group participation, and explored the influence of leadership styles on group members during this period (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). Additionally, the developmentalgroup counseling model was investigated and disseminated during this time (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). As the Women's Liberation Movement evolved and expanded, by the 1970s feminist researchers began focusing on women's participation in consciousness-raising groups. Among these, Chemiss (1972) investigated the psychological and social

11 uniqueness of Women's Liberation as a phenomenon. The specific issues, activities, and purposes of consciousness-raising groups were explored by Whiteley (1973). Kravetz (1978) conducted survey research of 1,669 current and former members of consciousness raising groups in 41 states to ascertain their reasons for joining, pathways of entry, and personal circumstances prior to joining the groups, as well as specific group processes and general satisfaction with their membership experiences. Schubert Walker (1981) explored differences between women's groups, including consciousness-raising groups, and groups composed of both men and women. Aspects of group structure, goals, leadership, leader gender, verbal and nonverbal communication patterns, and group development were investigated in this study. Building on their earlier survey research, Kravetz, Marecek, and Finn (1983) further investigated the consciousness-raising-group experiences of 979 respondents using a questionnaire targeting circumstances preceding entry, group norms, significant group experiences, satisfaction, and demographic information. By the late 1980s, consciousness-raising groups had been evolving for 2 decades. Kirsh (1987) explored the reasons and ways these groups had changed over time. Interviewing 65 women with histories of consciousness-raising-group membership located from coast to coast of the United States, Shreve (1989) investigated the participants' current statuses and life issues. Enns (1992) developed a practice model for a women's self-esteem-enhancement group combining aspects of consciousness-raising groups and assertiveness training. Women's midlife developmental and transformational needs were addressed by the group model described by McQuaide (1996). The September 1999 issue of the Journal for Specialists in Group Work focused an entire

issue on the phenomenon of women's groups. In this journal volume, S. Home (1999) reviewed the research related to women's groups from the 1960s to the 1990s, discussed progressive internationalism related to women's groups worldwide, and described the importance of group work as a current and future catalyst for personal and social development, among other subjects. Additionally, Kees (1999b) provided findings from interview research conducted with eight leaderless women's groups focused on reasons for joining, group activities, leaderless-group maintenance, and benefits received by members. A. M. Home and Rosenthal (1997) noted that interest in group work in the 1980s centered on teamwork due to the changing nature of marketplace factors. Groupdevelopment theory was refined by Gazda, with further emphasis on leader strategies related to member needs (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). According to these authors, during the 1980s and through the 1990s, group researchers identified the need for studies in groups' natural settings versus laboratories, with particular interest in specific applications. Katz and colleagues (2004) reported a second surge of interest in smallgroup research beginning in the 1990s and continuing today, with a predominant focus on the constructs of social capital and group-level networks. In their investigation of 253 Kansas self-help groups, Wituk, Shepherd, Slavich, Warren, and Meissen (2000) examined group and member characteristics, group leadership, recruitment, activities, and group structure, as well as the relationships among the researched groups and professionals or established organizations in an effort to ascertain the viability of such groups in the current managed-healthcare system. While there has been an increased emphasis on studying naturally occurring groups, Barker and

13 colleagues (2000) emphasized that at the end of the 20th century, most studies were conducted in laboratory environments and "typically do not mirror real-life contexts" (p. 474). Defining Group Many definitions of group exist ranging from primary-family-of-origin groups to attendees of a town meeting. Merriam-Webster's (2004) definitions include "two or more figures forming a complete unit in a composition," and "a number of individuals assembled together or having some unifying relationship" (p. 52). Gladding (1991) provided the following more specific definition of group: "A group is a collection of two or more individuals, who meet in face-to-face interaction interdependently, with the awareness that each belongs to the group and for the purpose of achieving mutually agreed-upon goals" (p. 3). Today's use of the Internet allows for individuals to similarly connect without ever meeting in person (S. Home, 1999). McFeat (1974) identified individuals involved in mutual activities as willing groups. Groups are dynamic, complex systems, constantly integrating often-diverse needs and input of individual members, as well as balancing the group's needs and activities in the external contexts in which they exist (Arrow, McGrath, & Berdahl, 2000; Gladding, 1991). Small groups must continually adapt and change as within-group interactions, the evolving group history, goals, and resources available are reciprocally impacted and impact individual members and the group as a whole, as well as all being affected by the external environment. As Arrow et al. described, small groups are "systems that are themselves composed of complex systems" (p. 4) regardless of type, whether sports teams, groups of friends, family groups, activity clubs, or others.

14 From this perspective every group will be unique, even when initial conditions and purposes of formation are viewed as equivalent. Arrow and colleagues (2000) identified four reasons groups will differ from one another: first, no two groups will have exactly the same conditions initially, and small originating differences can become magnified as a group develops; second, differing group purposes will likely result in different group actions; third, even if truly equivalent conditions of formation were possible, equivalent evolving contextual conditions are unlikely, as are the groups' reactions to these events; and fourth, the unique intentions of groups and of individual members impact the group's identity and activities, and are variably impacted by different aspects of the contextual situation. Small Groups Small groups are limited in size relative to large groups. Anthropologists identify the family as the most basic, naturally occurring small group (McFeat, 1974). In addition to the work of Lewin and others, understanding of small-group dynamics was significantly influenced by women's groups arising from the Women's Movement, especially consciousness-raising groups of the 1960s and 1970s (S. Home, 1999; Schubert Walker, 1981). Consciousness-raising groups were purposefully small (5 to 15 members) to facilitate interaction and trust building among the members (Schubert Walker, 1981). As the focus of women's small groups arising from the Women's Movement shifted to mutual support in the 1980s, the number of members typically decreased slightly, ranging from 4 to 12, to further enhance opportunities for all to share and be heard (S. Home, 1999).

15 Small groups of 5 to 7 members are most desirable for task completion, according to McFeat (1974). Yalom (1985) described small, nontherapy groups of 5 as those most likely to achieve rapport in problem solving. In their study involving interviews with representatives of 253 Kansas self-help groups, Wituk et al. (2000) found an average of 13 members attended each group meeting, with attendance varying from 2 to 5 to over 50. Typically, women (68%) were most represented in these groups. In the counseling literature, small-group size may vary from 2 to 40 participants, with 7 to 8 members often cited as the optimal group size (Corey, 1995; Gladding, 1991; Yalom, 1985). Corey emphasized that ideal group size is variable, and generally should be large enough for extensive opportunities for interactions, while small enough to allow everyone the chance to participate and still maintain the experience of being a group, reflecting earlier consciousness-raising groups. Groups of over 12 participants tend to lose their sense of cohesiveness or "we-ness", and there is decreased time for all members to receive attention (Gladding, 1991; Yalom, 1985). Focus-group interviewing involves conducting research interviews with more than one person at a time (Glesne, 2006). Focus groups most often consist of small groups of 6 to 12 members with group size determined by the nature of the research (Barbour & Kitzinger, 1999; Glesne, 2006; Hatch, 2002; Kleiber, 2004; Kress & Shoffner, 2007; Krueger, 1994; Patton, 2002). Barbour and Kitzinger stated that a focus group could be comprised of 3 research participants. Advocating for the use of focus-group interviewing in qualitative-research design, Denzin and Lincoln (1994) pointed out, "A small number of such individuals brought together as a discussion and resource group, is more valuable many times over than any representative sample" (p. 365).

16 As stated earlier, small groups are multifaceted and dynamic systems. Gladding (1991) emphasized, "Groups are systems with many parts interacting in a complex, interrelated fashion" (p. 129). M. Mead (as cited in McFeat, 1974) described teaching and learning activities as the essence of the small group. As individuals join together, the most fundamental exchanges may occur as group members continually engage in processes of interpersonal connection, disconnection, and reconnection, ultimately enlarging their relational capacities (Fedele, 2004). Types of Groups Groups have been formed for a wide variety of purposes. As Corey (1995) stated, "The types of groups that can be designed are limited only by one's imagination" (p. 3). Groups may be divided generally into two type categories, those with stated purposes regarding accomplishing specific goals related to the external environment, and those focused on socioemotional aspects within the internal-group system (Conyne, 1989; McFeat, 1974). McFeat commented that cultural phenomena are identified by information generated by the tasks conducted in small-group cultures. In contrast, personally oriented groups exist independently of tasks, amalgamating a variety of interests and perspectives into the group whole (McFeat, 1974). Jones (as cited in Conyne, 1989) identified both task and personal-relations aspects inherent in group development regardless of category. Throughout history humans have created groups to better accomplish tasks necessary for survival, including hunting, farming, and weaving, among others. Today's task groups include committees, boards of directors, and planning groups, to name a few (Conyne, 1989). Personally oriented groups include therapy and personal-growth groups,

17 self-help, and support groups, among many others (Conyne, 1989; Gladding, 1991). S. Home (1999) noted that the early formation of self-help groups was heavily influenced by the first wave of the feminist movement during the first decades of the 20th century. Beginning with Alcoholics Anonymous in 1935, the purposes of self-help groups were to help others and self, as well as to increase social relationships, according to S. Home. Often the leadership of self-help groups was shared among the members (S. Home, 1999). Women's Groups Women have initiated and engaged in a wide variety of groups (Shreve, 1989). A cursory list of women's groups includes women's spirituality groups, writing groups, outdoor activity groups, and book groups (Albert & Finet, 2003; Bolen, 1999; MeadowsHolman, 1992). As Fedele (2004) described, As a community, women have learned the powerful impact of groups, ranging from consciousness-raising groups of the 1970s, therapy groups, 12-step groups, support groups, self-help groups, peer groups, supervision groups, and training groups to politically active groups like Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) and the Children's Defense Fund (p. 195). During the 1960s and 1970s, women began meeting together in consciousness-raising groups modeled after Speak Bitterness sessions that took place in Communist China during the Chinese Revolution beginning in 1949 (S. Home, 1999; Robb, 2006; Shreve, 1989). In order to mobilize the Chinese people in a sustained social revolution, Maoist affiliates encouraged groups of peasants to give voice to oppressions experienced under the old social order, thereby recognizing political causes for their problems and gaining

18 support for the new social goals of the Communist Party (Shreve, 1989). During these sessions Chinese women began to speak publicly for the first time regarding ways they were victimized during World War II (S. Home, 1999). In the United States consciousness-raising groups of women, typically composed of 5 to 15 members, formed to challenge women's internalized cultural devaluing by identifying and exploring the impacts of societal and institutionalized stereotyping manifested in sex roles and social status based on gender (S. Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987; Kravetz, 1987; Shreve, 1989). Further purposes of consciousness-raising groups were to reduce women's isolation from one another and facilitate cultural and political change related to women's status and opportunities in all aspects of life (Home, 1991; S. Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987; Kravetz, 1978, 1987; Kravetz et al., 1983; Shreve, 1989). The power of the group in building individual strengths, as well as in confronting the dominant culture was an integral aspect of this movement (Chemiss, 1972; Home, 1991; S. Home, 1999; Kravetz, 1987). Consciousness-raising groups were purposefully structured to be leaderless and nonhierarchical to most empower women members (S. Home, 1999). By the mid-1980s the functions of consciousness-raising groups had shifted to primarily providing support to members while continuing to emphasize viewing women's personal problems from the perspective of societal and cultural limitations and pressures (S. Home, 1999; Kees & Leech, 2004; Kirsh, 1987; Shreve, 1989). Research demonstrated that membership in such groups positively impacted women's mental health, as well as facilitating women's discoveries of common experiences related to gender in a supportive atmosphere (Chemiss, 1972; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004; Kravetz, 1987; Kravetz et al., 1983; Whiteley, 1973).

The evolution of women's groups in the 1990s often involved an increased focus on spirituality, creativity, balancing the needs of work versus children, raising teens, female-female rivalry, caring for aging parents, and issues related to personal aging (S. Home, 1999; Kees, 1999b; McQuaide, 1996; Shreve, 1989). By this time the Internet was more commonly used to maintain interpersonal connections, to facilitate online selfhelp and support groups, as well as to link women transnationally in efforts toward improving women's lives worldwide (S. Home, 1999). Progressive internationalism integrated aspects of consciousness raising, social action, and support both using incountry groups and boundaryless computer networks (Home, 1991; S. Home, 1999). Research into women's groups of the 1990s, though sparse, identified women's renewed sense of isolation from each other accompanied by increasingly overwhelming responsibilities and the sense of decreasing choices (Enns, 1992; Shreve, 1989). Practice researchers advocated for self-esteem groups that offered a combination of consciousness raising and assertiveness training, structured group processes targeting women's midlife issues, and leaderless groups providing opportunity for mutual support and connection, among other issues (Enns, 1992; Kees, 1999a; McQuaide, 1996; Shreve, 1989). More recently A. Rich (as cited in Brown, 2005) further acknowledged the power of women's affiliations with other women: "Connections between and among women are the most feared, the most problematic and the most potentially transformative force on the planet" (p. 190). Why Groups Form Katz and colleagues (2004) identified five areas of existing theory that help explain why people create and participate in groups, and who participates with whom.

20 From sociology, the rational self-interest perspective suggests that people form groups or social systems to satisfy personal desires and preferences. Accrual and expenditure of social capital are closely connected concepts, as affiliated individuals take advantage of resulting opportunities for self-gain (Katz et al., 2004). Social-exchange and dependency theories address the motivation for exchange of needed resources among individuals in relationship (Katz et al., 2004). Mutual interest and collective-action theories, including public-goods theory, explain the motivation to form groups to maximize the group's ability to use resources and act together for a common puipose (Katz et al., 2004). Public-goods theory explains the economics of public versus private ownership and maintenance of infrastructure such as highways and parks, such that everyone will benefit regardless of their contribution (Katz et al., 2004). Katz and colleagues (2004) identified cognitive theories related to group members' cognitions; especially transactive-memory-systems theory and cognitiveconsistency theory are relevant to group participation. Transactive-memory theory helps explain development of communication networks among connected individuals in order to increase the exchange of knowledge while decreasing the need for one person to possess expertise available from another in the group (Katz et al., 2004). In other words, this theory describes the motivation to participate in a group based on "what members think other group members know" (Katz et al., 2004, p. 316). Cognitive consistency theory focuses on "who members think other group members like" (Katz et al., 2004, p. 316). According to Katz and colleagues, this theory includes concepts from Heider's balance theory, which recognized that two individuals who are friends are likely to have similar likes and dislikes, including the liking of friends

21 of friends. Katz and colleagues stated this type of cognitive consistency is important in explaining how members coalesce in a group. Finally, theory of homophily relates to the creation of communication ties between members who perceive each other to be similar (Katz et al., 2004). These similarities may include age, gender, education, social class, occupation, and more. According to Katz and colleagues, such similarities foster trust, ease communication, increase predictability of behavior, and decrease potential for conflict among group members. Homans (1951) is closely associated with social exchange and dependency theories, and described the importance of belonging as a "member of some group—a family, a group of friends, a group of fellow workers" (p. 314). Looking back over 4 centuries, as traditional societal restraints were questioned and gradually shed, people experienced both increased freedoms and a loss of "the sense of belonging to a group whose members cooperate in securing the deepest interests of each" (Homans, 1951, p. 459). Homans emphasized the value of affiliation with others in maintaining psychological health in the face of ordinary life stressors. Participation in groups potentially addresses three interpersonal needs identified by Shultz (as cited in Barker et al., 2000). These needs involve "inclusion (the need to establish and maintain satisfying relationships), control (the need to manage relationships with respect to power and control), and affection (the need for affection and love)" (p. 472). Bonito (2002), Arrow and colleagues (2000), and Gladding (1991) emphasized the multileveled interdependence of group members, particularly in terms of mutual and

reciprocal impact of each person's behaviors and thinking on the behaviors and thinking of other members. Later-life small-group experiences may be further impacted by the initial relational experiences in the family-of-origin context in which a shared family culture and sense of group belonging typically first develop (Barker et al., 2000). Barker and colleagues identified a number of relational functions served by groups including affiliation/belonging, cooperation, inclusion, rapport, satisfaction, cohesion, support, nurturing, socialization, and motivation. Group affiliation involves being in relationship with others. Also, regardless of type of group, all interpersonal communication processes involve a relational aspect (Barker et al., 2000). Relational communication includes both "verbal and nonverbal messages that create the social fabric of a group by promoting relationships between and among members" (Keyton, as cited in Barker et al., 2000, p. 470). Jordan et al. (2004) suggested that relational development, "the desire to make connections and the movement toward mutuality in those connections" (p. 196) is essential for healthy human development. In women's groups generative relationships develop that embody and foster qualities of high energy or zest, empowerment to think and act in one's own self-interest, increased understanding of self and others, greater genuineness and sense of self-worth, and increased desire for more connection both in and outside of the group (Miller, as cited in Jordan et al., 2004). Mills (1967) emphasized the importance of a high value placed on respect between friends in groups. Additionally, "goal-setting and seeking is but one of the pleasures of being together; friendship sustains itself in the absence of a goal—its raison d'etre is the enjoyment of mutual experiences" (Mills, 1967, p. 129).

23 S. L. Brown and Brown (2006) proposed that from an evolutionary standpoint, social bonds, the essence of close relationships, exist to help assure altruistic long-term care for offspring, mates, friends, and others sharing dependence for survival and reproduction. Social bonds function to regulate emotions in ways that help individuals choose to provide needed resources to others while still maintaining an individual's own ability to survive and reproduce according to these authors. Taylor, Klein, Lewis, Gruenwald, and Updegraff (2000) suggested that affiliation is a primary physiological response of females facing stressful situations, in contrast to fight-or-flight behaviors, as commonly assumed. These researchers hypothesized that "females create, maintain, and utilize these social groups, especially relations with other females, to manage stressful conditions" (p. 411). The female group would be more effective in protecting offspring, as well as surviving external threats. Taylor and colleagues (2000) proposed that women's differential "tend-and-befriend" responses ultimately result from an interweaving of neurobiological, social, and cultural factors. In a study of 253 Kansas self-help groups, Wituk and colleagues (2000) found that 68% of members were female, with 98% of all respondents listing emotional and social support of members as a group goal, and the most important goal for 61% of groups. Education was reported as a group goal for 96% of the groups, and the most important goal for 32% of respondents. The results of survey research conducted in 1973 to 1974 involving 1,669 surveys obtained from women in 41 states regarding membership in consciousness-raising groups in the 1970s, revealed sharing thoughts and feelings about being a woman as the most frequently cited reason for joining these groups (Kravetz, 1978). Increasing self-

24 awareness, learning about other women and their experiences, emotional support, and examining women's problems in relationship to traditional roles completed the five reasons most reported in this study. Kravetz identified respondents' desires to share with, learn from, affiliate with, and gain support from other women as making up the most common threads linking women's reasons for joining consciousness-raising groups at the time of this study. Gaining perspective on personal issues in the context of traditional social roles, together with personal problem-solving, creating friendships, and political activism, further defined women's motivations to participate in 1970s consciousnessraising groups (Kravetz, 1978). Drawing on the respondents of their earlier survey, Kravetz et al. (1983) provided a questionnaire to a subsample of 979 women who had a single consciousness-raising group experience in 1973 or later, with approximately 400 questionnaires returned. Analysis demonstrated that 70% of these respondents cited examining women's roles and experiences as the most important reason for deciding to join a consciousness-raising group. Solving personal problems was the next most frequently reported reason, cited by 13% of respondents (Kravetz et al., 1983). The researchers conducted a five-step multiple regression analysis of their data to further identify predictors for joining consciousness-raising groups. The results of this analysis indicated that self-report of some level of symptoms related to psychological distress, self-identification as a member of the Women's Movement, and part-time or full-time employment were most predictive of joining this type of group (Kravetz et al., 1983). To better understand the Women's Liberation Movement, Cheraiss (1972) conducted individual interviews with 12 women actively involved in the Women's

Liberation Movement and 8 comparison women matched for age, occupation, and marital status, to explore this phenomenon. The results of these interviews were analyzed in a 2 x 4 design, and indicated that the members of the Women's Liberation Movement were more likely to have strong, sometimes domineering mothers who married late, were often professionals, influential in the community, and with whom the daughters (interviewees) were likely to experience conflict (Cherniss, 1972). Additionally, Cherniss found that the interviewees often had little conflict with their fathers, and that there was often a distinctively unusual or different male in their lives whether a teacher, father, grandfather, or uncle. The results of Cherniss' 1972 study also indicated that relative to the comparison group, the interviewees affiliated with the Women's Liberation Movement in this research experienced intense isolation, loneliness, and a sense of being outcasts as adolescents. Somewhat more recently, Shreve (1989) conducted interviews with 65 women from diverse locations across the United States to ascertain what had become of these members of 1970s consciousness-raising groups. Shreve found that while few research participants still belonged to consciousness-raising groups, the majority of women were currently participating in women's groups. The issues currently discussed often related to aging, parenting, care of aging parents, balancing careers and childcare, as well as relationships, men, and sex. Shreve identified a gradual coming together of women in groups again seeking support from one another as the 1980s came to a close. Enns (1992) identified women's renewed sense of isolation from each other as they faced increased commitments and responsibilities and a sense of narrowing choices in the early 1990s. Advocating for gender-specific groups, Enns proposed a model for a

self-esteem-enhancement group combining assertiveness training and consciousnessraising strategies to encourage personal change and social awareness in a supportive atmosphere. Enns contended that by the early 1990s, social changes related to women's lives had not eliminated many of women's specific concerns, which are often infused with self-esteem issues. For women to continue to advance as a group, Enns emphasized that enhancing self-esteem would be essential. In another practice-oriented discussion, McQuaide (1996) described the developmental needs of women in midlife and the often conflicting societal messages. Women facing midlife in the 1990s were often socialized as children during the years before the second wave of the feminist movement gained strength during the late 1960s and 1970s. These women had lived adult lives incorporating women's roles as redefined by feminism, both cherishing and resisting the freedoms resulting from the feminist movement (McQuaide, 1996). McQuaide advocated for women's participation in groups at this time of life to provide a sense of commonality and stability, share information, discuss taboo areas, and gain enhanced perspective on themselves and the aging process. A plan for a six-session group was presented, and the experiences of the participants of one such group as they progressed through the six sessions were described (McQuaide, 1996). In a phenomenological study involving interviews conducted with eight existing leaderless groups of women with no identified purpose for meeting, located in Colorado and Michigan, Kees (1999b) explored participants' reasons for joining, the groups' activities, the impact of having no identified leader, and benefits of membership, among other issues. Kees found that experiencing changes in life circumstances, desire for

27 connection, and the influence of one or more key individuals frequently motivated women to join the groups. Five purposes of membership were common to all eight groups: sharing and discussion, creative expression including the beginning of new ventures, spiritual expression, life transitions, and support related to inevitable experiences of life (Kees, 1999b). Group Culture McFeat (1974) constructed a definition of small-group culture that included space, described as the "frequencies, durations, and directions of interactions" (p. 81); numbers of participants; structure; communication, which includes message-exchange systems in the group used to "introduce and store and retrieve, and transmit information" verbally and nonverbally (p. 82); information processing and ordering; ambivalences related to the varying needs of external and internal systems; and the medium by which small-group cultures relay their existence and world view, including "myth, ritual, and game" (p. 83). Culture includes the stated values and norms of a group, as well as the actual behavior patterns of group members (Homans, 1951). When events and behaviors occur often enough, they become established norms, from which groups may develop overt rules (Homans, 1951). Gladding (1991) concurred, adding that group cultural norms are continuously evolving as members become increasingly aware of the articulated and unexpressed principles needed to realize their objectives. Communication Verbal and nonverbal communication, including who is speaking to whom for how long and how often, comprise an important aspect of small-group culture as members both reflect on and create their social reality (McFeat, 1974). Researchers have

28 explored communication patterns and styles most often used by women, as well as gender differences in communication and differences related to women's communication in allwomen groups versus mixed-sex groups (Denmark, 1977; Huston, 1986; Kalcik, 1975; Langellier & Peterson, 1992; Schubert Walker, 1981,1987). The communications research adds clarity to women's motivation to participate in all-women groups. Particularly revealing, as Kalcik pointed out, is the tendency for both men and women to devalue women's stories and the ways of telling their stories, especially in mixed settings. Exploring the interactions from two women's rap groups in the early 1970s, Kalcik (1975) identified several interaction strategies used by participants, including politeness (everyone speaks, apologies); story-chaining; use of supportive humor; and filling-in, tying together, and serializing related to others' stories. Kalcik found harmony to be the foundational principle driving these strategies in the groups studied. The kernel story, composed of a brief reference to a longer story, appeared frequently and the development of the story emerged and varied with the context in which it was told (Kalcik, 1975). Kalcik described the kernel story as possibly a uniquely female genre, one which may be related primarily to an individual or become part of the group's interactional repertoire. Langellier and Peterson (1992) further investigated the nature and functions of women's storytelling by analyzing data from a women's rap group, a mother's group, and mother-daughter interactions. The authors then compared these findings with information on male storytelling. The kernel stories found included characteristics of lack of specific length, structure, climax or point; nonlinear narrative structure;

circularity; and reference to or telling by any participant, implying a collaborative process, in addition to the qualities described earlier by Kalcik (Langellier & Peterson, 1992). Kernel stories differ from traditional stories, which tend to create and support hierarchy or ranking of group members, and are told in a linear form with a specific purpose in the telling (Langellier & Peterson, 1992). Langellier and Peterson further pointed out that women's stories generally convey differing meanings of events during different tellings, prioritize emotional interest over action, often include self-deprecating humor to enhance group solidarity, frequently include references to victimization, tend to be conversational in nature including interruptions, and provide abundant contextual information. Women's storytelling includes regular use of personal inclusive pronouns, verbal and nonverbal indications of attention and support, emphasis on similarities, rare criticism, and avoidance of direct conflict (Langellier & Peterson, 1992). Langellier and Peterson noted that women most often tell their stories in private settings and therefore stories may be difficult to access for academic study. Langellier and Peterson (1992) identified numerous differences between female and male speech, primarily related to objectives connected to collaboration versus competition. Differences included women's relative ease with taking turns compared to males competing for the chance to speak; questions from women versus declarations by males; encouragement of listener participation by women in contrast to male monologues; and female storytelling as a form of self-disclosing sociability compared to males' greater use of verbal posturing to gain status, among others (Langellier & Peterson, 1992). While as rational speakers, women may use the existing range of means to relay events and information, Langellier and Peterson noted, "Women focus on

30 personal narratives because they lack an acceptable (that is, woman-defined) social or public identity" (p. 174). Denmark (1977) compared male and female organizational leadership styles, including differences in communication. Findings from this extensive literature review included women's tendency to focus more on human relationships with less use of authoritarian power, compared to men. The greatest use of human relations proficiency and greatest workplace efficiency were associated with middle-aged (ages 40 to 55) managers of either sex (Denmark, 1977). Denmark found that women were more likely to use nonverbal behaviors to increase interpersonal closeness while males used behaviors including more frequent nonreciprocal touching to establish distance and status. Females were more likely to make adjustments to males' nonverbal communications; to both look at the other person more, as well as lower eyes first during a mutual gaze; and to smile more, perceived as a sign of submission (Denmark, 1977). Several differences in communication issues and patterns in all-women groups versus mixed-sex groups were reported by Schubert Walker (1981, 1987). Schubert Walker found that women members of all-women groups tended to focus on intrapersonal issues and women's unique identities as people, both apart from and including primary relationships, encourage closeness between members, and discuss taboo subjects including sexuality and body image. Mixed-sex groups, in contrast, were more likely to attend to interpersonal issues, develop themes related to pairing, and foster competitiveness between female members (Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987). Women were found to talk more often and more freely, as well as express anger more openly in all-

31 women groups, with trust building more quickly among the members than in mixed-sex groups (Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987). Structure Group structure takes many forms and results from the impact of diverse factors. Group goals, member needs and characteristics, and available resources all contribute to and are affected by the systemic patterns of a group, as well as contextual variables in which the group exists (Arrow et al., 2000). Kramer (2006) pointed out the importance of achieving balance among the dynamic needs for expected and inspired activities, as well as precision and adaptability in a community theater group. Too little structure in this setting might lead to inaction and frustration, while too much structure could be experienced as oppressive. Optimal group structure contributes positively to development of trust and sense of safety in the group, clear boundaries, and group efficacy (A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997). Leader gender was found to influence group structure by Reed (1983). Similarly, Huston (1986) concluded that the structure and goals of all-women groups were unique. Group leaders may be more or less directive in imposing a structured format to group sessions, depending, among other variables, on the purpose and stage of development of the group (Corey, 1995; Gladding, 1991). Self-directed groups may also vary in the degree of structure members maintain during group gatherings. In their interview research with representatives of 253 Kansas self-help groups in which 86% shared leadership responsibilities among 2 or more members, Wituk and colleagues (2000) found groups' average existence at the time of this study to be 8 years, with most groups meeting at least once per month, and 30% gathering weekly. Often there was a

32 particular structure to the first meeting with a new member, including introductions, sharing of the new member's experiences, current member check-ins, provision of information regarding norms and group activities, orientation to the group's history and goals, and general efforts to increase the new member's comfort level (Wituk et al., 2000). Of the groups included in this study, 57% were affiliated with a national self-help organization that provided a variety of literature, educational, and financial supports. The authors found that 75% of the groups studied were connected to a local organization or agency that often assisted with locations for meetings, refreshments, leadership support, and finances. Wituk and colleagues noted that some groups maintained a self-created, effective informal structure that facilitated impressive group development and selfmaintenance. Exploring the similarities and differences between groups composed of all women as compared to mixed-sex groups, Schubert Walker (1981, 1987) found that both types of groups might be either open ended or be formed for a specified duration. Group members in both cases determined the length of session, as well as how often the groups met. Typically groups were made up of 5 to 15 members, regardless of sex (Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987). Schubert Walker (1981, 1987) noted that additionally, group structure varied in women's groups. Women's growth and feminist therapy groups incorporated a structure similar to mixed-sex groups, and used a professional leader. Women's consciousnessraising groups, in contrast, were typically leaderless, with a highly structured discussion format according to Schubert Walker. These groups emphasized a nonhierarchical

33 egalitarian structure purposefully avoiding traditional leadership models, as well as therapist-client power differentials (Schubert Walker, 1981). Describing the evolution of consciousness-raising groups, Kirsh (1987) identified incorporation of characteristics and values reflecting women's desires for the society at large, including "nonhierarchical, democratic, noncompetitive, supportive, emotional rather intellectual" qualities (p. 49). By the mid-1980s, these structural components were widely adapted by other groups such as those for pregnant teens, eating disorders, and substance abuse (Kirsh, 1987). Consciousness-raising group structure remained fairly consistent from the late 1960s through the late 1980s according to Kirsh. Key aspects included 4 to 12 members with all members having the opportunity to speak during each session; sitting in a circle to facilitate face-to-face interactions; meeting at regular intervals, often weekly or every other week; highly valuing continuity and attendance; gathering in members' homes; often being leaderless with each member sharing responsibilities for group processes, as well as owning the authority and expertise of her own life (Kirsh, 1987). Kirsh reported that use of group time varied among consciousness-raising groups, and could include sharing a meal together and periodic inclusion of significant-relationship partners for a special occasion. From diary studies and interviews with 4 women executives, including 5-year follow-up interviews to ascertain women's contributions to organizational structure and functions, Helgesen (1995b) emphasized the value of empowering all levels of workers as capitalism evolved, requiring rapid organizational growth and change. The web analogy put the organizational leader in the middle rather than at the top of the company, facilitating mutual access and communication to, from, and among all levels of workers,

34 providing a group approach to business (Helgesen, 1995b). Additionally, as Helgesen pointed out, the web is quite flexible and resilient, incorporating both individual and community needs, "capable of endless transformation ... of being both intimate and expansive, of reconciling individual expression and the cohesion of the group" (p. 38). Helgesen (1995b) found that including time for eating and drinking enabled workers to experience a satisfying sense of psychological control and helped to create a clear boundary between free and structured time. Further, Helgesen noted that when communal food is present, individuals tend to be more creative, as well as tending to strengthen interpersonal bonds. As in ancient times, the central hearth of the village was the gathering place for sharing the communal fire, cooking, warmth, council meetings, and storytelling, spatially defining the group's collective identity (Helgesen, 1995b). Helgesen pointed out that today's corporate lunchroom and kitchen table often serve a similar purpose. N. Badore (as cited in Helgesen, 1995b) emphasized that essential components of work are accomplished "in downtime, and that space is best used to encourage an atmosphere that fosters spontaneous exchange" (p. 257), referring to the physical structuring of organizational space. Sitting in a circle, women's support groups of 4 to 12 members allow time for and encourage sharing by all members, according to Home (1999), describing the evolution of consciousness-raising groups by the mid-1980s. Gladding (1991) reported four common physical configurations of small groups, and identified the circle as most egalitarian and promoting interactions among all group members. Earlier, McFeat (1974) noted higher member satisfaction occurred in groups whose members sat in a circle.

35 Describing small groups as foundational to the Women's Movement, Home (1991) presented essential features of women's social-change groups. Building women's sense of personal strength while advocating for social change embodies a dual focus that impacts the goals, structures, and strategies of such groups according to Home. Home identified a shift in the focus of women's consciousness-raising groups beginning in the 1980s from that of recognizing women's oppression to more practical, varied efforts toward bringing about change in society. Detailing the structures of an Australian consciousness-raising group; a Quebec group of single, poor mothers; and a Quebec collective of immigrant women, Home (1991) reported several common features building on the legacy of earlier consciousnessraising groups. These included personal sharing, identification and discussion of societal factors contributing to personal problems, providing information, and structured group exercises. The groups endeavored to minimize interpersonal competition through shared leadership, participatory and consensual decision-making, mutual support, and minimal structure (Home, 1991). Each of the groups reflected the structure and values of a collective according to Home, including nonhierarchical composition, valuing of all tasks, and ensuring that all members have the opportunity to share and be heard. A primary goal for the groups described was to achieve a group sense of unity and strength in numbers, in addition to increasing each individual's sense of personal strength (Home, 1991). Enns (1992) presented a model of a self-esteem-enhancement group for women combining aspects of consciousness-raising groups and assertiveness training. Similar to Home (1991), Enns described the apparent shift occurring in consciousness-raising

36 groups of the 1980s and 1990s as that of moving from lack of structure to specific problem-focused specialty groups. The structure proposed for self-esteem-enhancement groups included a circular arrangement of participants, opportunity for each member to check-in, group discussions on particular topics, and analysis of gender roles using a variety of techniques, drawing from consciousness-raising group models (Enns, 1992). Women were encouraged to sustain a dual focus of personal issues and external contextual circumstances, similar to the groups described by Home (1991). Likewise, important goals of women's groups generally, and the self-esteem-enhancement model particularly, included increasing a sense of unity and belonging among the members in a supportive atmosphere in which commonalities in personal problems could be recognized and antidotes to negative gender-role socialization developed (Enns, 1992). McQuaide (1996) developed a model for a midlife women's group to assist members through this developmental transition. The group consisted of 11 participants, most in their 30s and 40s, who met weekly for 6 weeks for 2-hour sessions. Therefore, this group had closed membership and was time-limited from its inception. Homeworkassignment completion and outside group contacts among members were encouraged. This group was led by a counseling professional in private practice. While highly structured, McQuaide found that group members tended to build interpersonal connections and demonstrated minimal power seeking. Additionally, as traditionally taboo areas of women's midlife experience were discussed, including body changes, rampant negative and sexist imagery related to older women, and identity confusion, women members gained a sense of solidarity with consequent understanding of the power of the group in challenging the existing social system, according to McQuaide.

37 Kees' (1999b) interviews with eight leaderless women's groups located in Colorado and Michigan revealed structural similarities among the groups. The size of groups ranged from 3 to 10 members, averaging 7. Member ages ranged from 28 to 76 years, with the average being 48. The groups had been meeting from 6 months to 6 V2 years, with an average of 3 V2 years of existence at the time of the study. The majority of groups met monthly, most often in members' homes, according to Kees. Membership was closed in most groups, while all would consider a new member given group consensus (Kees, 1999b). Three groups interviewed included a specific discussion topic or activity provided by the hosting member in their sessions, while the remaining 5 groups were structured more loosely. All groups used calendars and prescheduled group gatherings. Decisions were made consensually by the members (Kees, 1999b). Kees described the organic flow of group sessions and evolution, even for the more structured groups. Each group engaged in ongoing practices that contributed to the group's continuation and cohesion, including individual check-ins, food, sharing, spiritual practices, and celebration of milestones, among others, creating a "web or safety net of support" (Kees, 1999b, p. 296). Group Cohesion Jones (as cited in Conyne, 1989) emphasized that all groups must attend to personal processes including dependency, conflict, cohesion, and interdependence, as well as to task processes or orientation, organization, data flow, and problem solving. Relatedly, Yuan (1975) and Miller and Stiver (1997) described the combined personal affective and utilitarian components of American women's friendships because emotional sharing between friends serves both intrapersonal and interpersonal usefulness to each

38 individual and to the relationship. As Gladding (1991) stated, "Every group functions in a social context, that is a social ecology" (p. 129). Group cohesiveness has been described as members' attraction to the group, sense of unity, belonging, "we-ness" or groupness, solidarity, and group-as-a-whole feeling (Corey, 1995; Gladding, 1991; Yalom, 1985). Cohesion, often viewed as the most important therapeutic factor in treatment groups, is a relational function of all groups, both determined by and impacting interpersonal acceptance among group members (Barker et al., 2000; A. M. Home & Rosenthal, 1997; Yalom, 1985). Variations in cohesiveness occur among individuals, among groups, and during the lifetime of a single group (Yalom, 1985). Still, as Homans (1951) stated: At the level of the tribe, the village, the small group, at the level that is, of a social unit (no matter what name we call it by) each of whose members can have some firsthand knowledge of each of the others, human society, for many millennia longer than written history, has been able to cohere, (p. 454) Corey (1995) described the development of group cohesion beginning in the early stages of a group, as members begin to share personal thoughts and feelings, typically increasing over time. By the middle or working stage of group development, cohesion is often well established, identifiable by increased personal sharing, constructive conflict, mutual trust, and high morale (Corey, 1995; Yalom, 1985). Bonito (2002) noted that member participation influences others' contributions at varying levels, and increased potential for sharing occurs the more members have in common. As group members are enabled through self-disclosure to see themselves in others, group cohesion or sense of "we-ness" is further enhanced (Corey, 1995; Yalom, 1985).

39 Members of cohesive groups tend to exhibit higher levels of self-disclosure, more consistent attendance, increased interpersonal acceptance and support, and greater intimacy (Yalom, 1985). Changes in membership may negatively impact cohesion (Corey, 1995). Yalom pointed out that members who do not develop a sense of belongingness to the group tend to end their involvement by the 12th meeting. Cohesiveness is "broadly defined as the resultant of all the forces acting on all the members to remain in the group" (p. 49), however in some cases it never develops (Yalom, 1985). In other cases members may suppress all negative expression in order to foster cohesion and maintain a sense of closeness. Lewin (1948) reported a higher likelihood of cohesion in democratic groups in which decisions, plans, and policies are established through mutual agreement, as compared to autocratic-decision-making groups. Cohesion tends to be greatest in groups with 12 or fewer members (Jacobs, as cited in Gladding, 1991). Cohesion develops over weeks and months, as members share themselves with each other (Yalom, 1985). Once established the sense of group unity is likely to be shaken and redeveloped many times during the life of the group (Yalom, 1985). To the extent group members' communications are focused in the present moment, the group is most likely to be vital and cohesive, according to Yalom. Cohesion in Women's Group Development In addition to raising political awareness, significant goals of the emerging women's consciousness-raising movement of the late 1960s through the 1970s included increasing women's sense of unity and solidarity with other women, and reducing women's sense of isolation, with a keen focus on the social power of women acting

collectively (Enns, 1992; Home, 1991; S. Home, 1999; Kravetz, 1978, 1987; Robb, 2006; Shreve, 1989). From this perspective, cohesion was both a desired goal and a naturally occurring outcome of group development and process. Early consciousness-raising groups emphasized the importance of honesty with self and with other women as essential in raising women's class and gender consciousness (Shreve, 1989). This encouragement and freedom to share all led to involved women's rapid realization of shared experience and sense of unity (Kravetz, 1978; Shreve, 1989). Women described their consciousness-raising-group experiences in the early 1970s as "close, safe, warmth, love, perspective, intimate, supportive, stable ... connection to other people ... awareness that I was not alone ... extended families ... unconditional solidarity" (Shreve, 1989, pp. 196-197). By 1973 some 100,000 women were speaking, listening to, and learning from each other in small groups located throughout the United States (Shreve, 1989). As Shreve stated, This slacking of that thirst, and the sense of relief that followed quickly in its wake, was so powerful that for hundreds of thousands of women it became the dominant focus of [consciousness raising groups]—not the political investigation of sexism per se, but the heartfelt, almost obsessive outpouring of private stories and secrets. And with it came the tremendous realization that one was not alone. ... They thought of themselves as women who had come home (p. 219). In exploring differences between all-women and mixed-sex groups, Schubert Walker (1981, 1987) described a briefer initial stage of group development with honesty, trust, and cohesion building more quickly in women's groups. While Huston (1986) criticized the lack of hard evidence supporting Schubert Walker's (1981) conclusions

41 regarding a different pace of development for women's groups, the integration of aspects of consciousness-raising groups into women's groups generally was noted. Home (1991) emphasized the importance of establishing trust, commitment, and cohesion in women's groups as prerequisite for building solidarity among women and taking further actions toward social change. Investigating the impact of a six-session group for midlife women, McQuaide (1996) noted participants' emphasis generally on building interpersonal connections versus power and control seeking. Fedele (2004) reported that feminist group-therapy clients valued group cohesiveness as the most important healing or therapeutic factor, which was earlier defined by Yalom (as cited in Fedele, 2004) as "the feeling of belonging to, being understood by, and accepted by a group" (p. 199). Helgesen (1995b), analyzing data from interviews with successful female leaders in mixed-sex organizations, compared the experience of group cohesion with an improvisational jazz performance, a context in which individual players reconcile "individual expression with group endeavor ... [and] put democracy into aesthetic action" (p. 38). Helgesen recognized the importance of language in interpersonal and organizational bonding, noting that commonly used phrases and sayings become part of organizational memory and shared identity. Like a jazz ensemble or a spider's web, the whole of a cohesive group becomes much greater than simply the collection of individual parts (Helgesen, 1995b). Reed (1983) investigated the importance of leader gender in both all-women and mixed-sex groups. Findings from this research indicated that the leader's gender impacted relationships among members, structure of the group, and the group's developmental process (Reed, 1983). Pointing out the difficulty group members may

42 have in accepting female leaders, as well as potential stresses for a woman leader in a socially incongruent female role, Reed reported that particularly in mixed-sex groupings, development of group cohesion and group norms would likely be extended due to confusion and discomfort for all involved, whether or not expressed. Leadership Historical Context Leadership in Western civilization has traditionally implied a hierarchical arrangement and separation between those at the top who design and create plans and those at the bottom who dutifully carry them out (Helgesen, 1995b; Pearce & Conger, 2003). During 200 A.D., the Christian church in Rome created a complex structure of angels and priests to intercede between the mainly illiterate masses and God (Helgesen, 1995b). In this hierarchy or "rule of priests" (p. 126), believers were to do as they were told (Helgesen, 1995b). Early European military systems adapted their structure from the Roman church (Helgesen, 1995b). Formal research into leadership began during the Industrial Revolution in the 1800s (Pearce & Conger, 2003). Command-and-control leadership strategies predominated, and were reflected by the management of the new railroads built by the first large, geographically dispersed corporations in the United States (Pearce & Conger, 2003). By the early 1900s, workers and management were distinctly separated, with leaders exerting control over the smallest details of worker performance in attempts to maximize productivity (Pearce & Conger, 2003). Helgesen (1995b) noted the use of a militaristic organizational structure by H. Ford with assembly-line manufacturing in the early 1900s. In this case tasks were broken

43 down into their simplest component activities such that workers needed no particular skills, thus keeping wages low and minimizing any problems with high employee turnover (Helgesen, 1995b). During the early 20th century, the Ford factory model permeated the service industry, health care, and white-collar jobs as well (Helgesen, 1995b). A noted exception to this management model was the work of M. P. Follett who developed a contrasting, more flexible theory of leadership in 1924 (Pearce & Conger, 2003). Known as the law of the situation, Follett proposed that the person with the most knowledge of a given situation should be followed, rather than necessarily the person with the formal authority. While well respected at that time, Follett's work was later discounted as the 1920s merged into the Great Depression of the 1930s, and eventually World War II (Pearce & Conger, 2003). The command-and-control leadership model experienced renewed interest during the Great Depression, according to Pearce and Conger (2003). While unions began to form and provide some degree of protection for workers, they employed their own hierarchical system. The separation between decision makers and those carrying out the decisions was ardently maintained, becoming institutionalized (Helgesen, 1995b). Helgesen described a certain comfort in "merely following orders" (p. 127), for those without the power to influence the orders themselves, as well as creation of fertile ground for a growing sense of disenfranchisement for many. Interestingly, Pearce and Conger (2003) identified another exception to prevailing thinking on leadership with a 1966 study by Bowers and Seashore. In their research focused on insurance companies, Bowers and Seashore ascertained that positive

44 organizational outcomes could result from leadership influences exerted by peers (Pearce & Conger, 2003). Still, the organizational-leadership model developed during the Industrial Revolution to replicate efficient machines has persisted for the majority of organizations (Helgesen, 1995b). Significantly, those in the positions to conceive and design plans, as well as dispense orders throughout most of recorded history have been predominantly male (Helgesen, 1995b). In contrast, the women's consciousness-raising groups beginning to develop by the late 1960s and continuing in evolving forms through the 1990s, were purposefully designed to be nonhierarchical and leaderless (S. Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987). Prescribed sex roles and status were directly countered and questioned in these groups by participating women (Kirsh, 1987). Establishing members' sense of equality, sharing experiences as women, and experiencing belonging and gender valuing were paramount objectives (Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987). Studies have indicated that domineering behaviors by members in consciousness-raising groups have generally been least accepted and led to other members' decreased satisfaction of their group experiences (Kravetz et al., 1983). Kravetz (1978) found that women were highly satisfied with their consciousness-raising group experiences overall, with 70% encouraging other women to join, and 76% believing most women would benefit from such experiences. Feminists recognized that transforming women's oppressed social reality could only be accomplished collectively and in solidarity (Masterson, 1976). Redefining existing norms related to being human from the norms for being male required women's discovery of commonalities with other women and creation of new women-defined norms and images (Kees & Leech, 2004; Masterson, 1976). In consciousness raising

groups of the 1970s there were real fears and questions related to past experiences with "male supremacist leadership" (p. 9), as well as strong ethics of empowerment and respect for every women's experiences and abilities (Bunch & Fisher, 1976). Also, women recognized an array of skills and strengths in each other and realized that one leader could not possess them all (Bunch & Fisher, 1976). As Counselman (1991) later expressed, "A well-functioning leaderless group is truly a leadership-shared group and in that respect offers its members important opportunities they would not have in a traditional leader-led group" (p. 255). Research Interest Research interest related to leaderless and shared-leadership structures has been slowly growing since M. P. Follett developed the Law of the Situation theory in 1924 (Counselman, 1991; Pearce & Conger, 2003). The concept of coleadership became a focus of research interest in 1953 (Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003). During the 1960s and 1970s, in addition to the 1966 Bowers and Seashore study of the positive leadership influence exhibited by peers working in insurance companies, leaderless group models were explored as the humanistic movement unfolded in mental health fields (Counselman, 1991). The rise of women's leaderless consciousness-raising groups during the 1970s also resulted in feminist-research interest in this area (Bunch & Fisher, 1976; Counselman, 1991; Home, 1991; Kees, 1999a; Masterson, 1976; Reed, 1983; Schubert Walker, 1981). Additionally, self-help groups forming in the 1980s often adopted a leaderless structure and attracted research interest (Counselman, 1991; Wituk et al., 2000). Studies of organizational leadership during the 1980s explored emergent

46 leadership (1986), self-managing work teams (1987), empowerment (1988), and selfleadership (1989; Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003). Academic interest in alternative forms of leadership, particularly in leadership models that facilitate rapid communication and creativity, has been growing since the 1990s (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Helgesen, 1995a, Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003; Lipman-Blumen, 1992; Pearce & Conger, 2003). Much of this research draws from theory developed from 1930 through the 1960s in the fields of organizational behavior, leadership, and psychology (Pearce & Conger, 2003). Shared-leadership functions were examined in the development of Total Quality Management (TQM) concepts, work teams (1993), great groups (1997), and hot groups (1999) in organizational settings, to better meet the changing requirements of the global marketplace (Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003). Models specifically focused on shared leadership were formulated simultaneously by separate researchers by the mid-1990s. Still, as Fletcher and Kaufer pointed out, the theoretical and practical link between leadership research and research on group process is rarely made by those studying shared leadership. Defining Leadership Traditionally, organizational-leadership researchers have focused predominantly on leadership as a "primary vertical process of influence" (p. 142) emphasizing leadership approaches (trait, style, contingency), leader behaviors related to task completion and relationship building, and leader characteristics such as transformational and charismatic, among others (Kramer, 2006). Much of the understanding related to organizational leadership has been applied to leadership in group settings, according to

47 Kramer. Additionally, most group leadership research has been conducted in laboratory settings with zero-history student groups (Kramer, 2006). In contrast to the top-down influencing process associated with traditional hierarchical-leadership models, shared leadership involves more egalitarian, reciprocal, and relational processes (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003; Lipman-Blumen, 1992). Shared leadership, defined by Hooker and Csikszentmihalyi, is "a process of shared influence between and among individuals that can emerge in a group context as an alternative social source of leadership" (p. 218). Fletcher and Kaufer emphasized the relational aspects of shared leadership describing "leadership as a social process—dynamic, multidirectional collective activity ... embedded in the context in which it occurs" (p. 23). Social interactions, a group-as-a-whole phenomenon, are typically characterized by collaboration, mutuality, learning, and increased shared understanding, and often lead to positive action (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003). Additionally, Hooker and Csikszentmihalyi noted benefits of sharing leadership roles and responsibilities, including the increased likelihood of deep engagement, optimal arousal, intrinsic motivation, and happiness for individual group members, as well as for the group as a whole. Kramer (2006) described shared leadership as "an ongoing process of balancing leadership roles over time, in which various secondary leaders and group members assume leadership functions temporarily" (p. 156). This functional view of leadership emphasizes the importance of leadership roles fulfilled by group members, possibly in addition to those of a designated leader. Shared leadership involves a high level of open leader-member communication, in contrast to the low leader-member communication

48 level of a traditional hierarchical-leadership model (Kramer, 2006). Kramer found in researching the development of shared leadership in a community-theater group, that an ongoing fluid process occurred in which secondary leaders and various members accepted leadership roles at different times to accomplish specific tasks, a process termed fluidfunctional shared leadership. Prerequisites for Shared Leadership Group members must achieve a certain level of cohesion and commitment to the group for shared leadership to occur, according to Hooker and Csikszentmihalyi (2003). Likewise, as members effectively share influence and leadership responsibilities, group commitment and cohesion will typically also increase, resulting in still greater sharing of leadership (Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003). Hooker and Csikszentmihalyi identified three specific antecedent areas related to shared leadership. These included (a) "task characteristics congenial to shared leadership" such as the need for interconnected skills, information, and ideas, a task requiring creativity, and very often a sense of critical urgency; (b) an "environment cultivating a general culture of shared responsibility and shared learning rich in systems of reward and support for group cooperation"; and (c) "group characteristics" such as "well matched ability levels, compatible personalities, complimentary maturity levels, familiarity among group members, sufficient diversity, and a relatively small group size" (p. 227). Helgesen (1995b) noted that empowerment, a necessary component of shared leadership, also results from the sharing of authority with those at all levels of an organization. Conger and Pearce (2003) pointed out the importance of flexibility for all group participants to "be open to the possibility of both engaging in leadership roles as

49 well as following the appropriate leadership of other members" (p. 300) in effective shared-leadership structures. Effective shared leadership involves social interactions from which individuals, as well as the group as a whole, are able to gain increased interpersonal and intrapersonal awareness (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003). Creation of a "safe container" to hold the vulnerability necessary for this level of learning to occur is an additional and essential prerequisite for shared leadership, according to Fletcher and Kaufer. Relatedly, "learning is highly associated with intrinsic motivation and interest" (Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003, p. 227). Yukl (as cited in Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003) described a learning conversation as dialogue, the "art of thinking together" and a "conversation without a center" (p. 35), and an additional prerequisite of shared leadership. Dialogue is most developed in the generative dialogue phase of learning conversations described by Fletcher and Kaufer, in which openness and trust are well established, and group participants experience the group as a whole with cocreated meanings and group-level ownership of problems, solutions, and issues (p. 38). Fletcher and Kaufer equated generative dialogue with shared leadership. Leadership Roles All people regularly engage in often unacknowledged leadership functions, including guidance, influence, and persuasion of others (Silver, 1996). Traditionally, organizational-leadership roles identified by Hackman (as cited in Conger & Pearce, 2003) included processing information, decision making, coordinating and monitoring performance, developing and enforcing group norms, and planning task performance

50 strategies (p. 288). Kozlowski, Gully, Salas, and Cannon-Bowers (as cited in Conger & Pearce, 2003) emphasized leadership roles of mentor, instructor, coach, and facilitator. In research focused on leadership in a long-term leaderless women's group, Counselman (1991) identified protecting the group contract as the most critical leadership function managed by leaderless groups, especially in the early stages of group development. The group contract involves delineation of the group's structure, as well as the boundaries of the group, which all members agree to and follow (Counselman, 1991). It is the "working agreement" regarding gatekeeping, protocols for sharing, meeting schedules, behavioral expectations, and means of further decision making in a group (Counselman, 1991). A clear group contract enhances members' psychological safety, thereby facilitating honest sharing, as well as identification and resolution of differences, and leads to increased group cohesion (Counselman, 1991). In contrast to leader-led groups in which the group contract is developed and maintained by the leader, members of leaderless groups share equally in decisions regarding and maintenance of the group contract (Counselman, 1991). Fletcher and Kaufer (2003) noted the relational practices and competencies inherent in shared-leadership situations, including successful teamwork, collaboration, and collective learning. Relational leadership skills identified by the women executives interviewed by Helgesen (1995a) included ability to link past, present, and future events, thus providing contextual perspective; care of others; effective listening and interaction; affiliation and connection; viewing truth as personal and contextual; and emphasizing interdependence, mutuality, and relationship. Relatedly, Lipman-Blumen (1992) defined connective leadership as leadership that "integrates and creatively revitalizes

51 individualism with a crucial female perspective-seeing the world as a total system of interconnected, uniquely important parts" (p. 187). In connective leadership a relational achieving style is exhibited through a focus on others and facilitation of others' goal achievements, collaboration on goals shared by the group, and enjoyment of others' successes, sharing together in the sense of achievement (Lipman-Blumen, 1992). Fletcher and Kaufer (2003) and Lipman-Blumen (1992) emphasized the impact of gender socialization, especially in Western cultures, which diminishes or entirely ignores relational leadership skills most typically exhibited by women, and which enable positive actions and achievements by others and the group. These interpersonal competencies contrast with the traditional leadership notion of heroic individualism. Reflecting the extent of cultural devaluation of relational strengths, Fletcher and Kaufer pointed out the lack of a "language of competence" (p. 25) to describe relational leadership. Group-leader functions presented by Yalom (1985) include gatekeeping; determining the frequency, time, place, and length of meetings; membership decisions— who can be members, and open or closed membership, among others; and establishing the group contract. Additionally, the group leader sets behavioral norms for the group, serves as the most likely and safest target for members' transference issues related to dependency and authority, and functions as the facilitator and information processor for the group (Yalom, 1985). Silver (1996) pointed out women's long history of leadership in the community and with children. Women tend to gather together, sharing responsibilities and successes in accomplishing desired goals (Silver, 1996; Taylor et al., 2000). Silver described this process as egosyntonic for women. Additionally, Silver emphasized that women working

52 in collaboration with other women assert authority and take initiative without much difficulty, whereas women working with men find these leadership behaviors more difficult to express. Wituk and colleagues (2000) found that of the Kansas self-help groups surveyed, 68% of the members were women, and leadership was frequently shared by two or more individuals in 86% of the groups in this "grassroots empowerment approach" (p. 163) to health and social services. Regarding goal-oriented behaviors, Lipman-Blumen (1992) identified a consistently lower valuing of competitive behaviors by women as compared to men across occupations and cultures. From this perspective the concept of team may be most fitting for women as a relational achieving style model in which leaders strive to empower members and collaboration is encouraged (Kramer, 2006; Lipman-Blumen, 1992). Lipman-Blumen developed and described a connective leadership style in which a wide variety of behaviors are used to facilitate interpersonal connections and connections among member goals. Responsibilities and successes are shared in this noncompetitive model (Lipman-Blumen, 1992). Additionally, diverse needs, including those of adversaries, are integrated into mutual goals, maintaining an interconnectedsystems perspective and worldview (Lipman-Blumen, 1992). Calls for Related Research Groups In spite of the significant research related to groups conducted over the past 50 years, A. M. Home and Rosenthal (1997) emphasized that research in group work and processes is still in its early stages. These authors particularly identified the need for qualitative, descriptive studies of groups in their natural settings. Also, additional

research is needed regarding self-help groups and their potential role in the health, mental health, and social-services delivery systems (Wituk et al., 2000). S. Home (1999) stressed the need for new techniques to effectively measure group effectiveness, goals, outcomes, and purposes. Women's Groups Research comparing various types of women's groups with men's groups and mixed-gender groups is needed (Schubert Walker, 1981). Huston (1986) described the scarcity of studies employing empirical methods to investigate the effectiveness of women's groups in addressing specific problem areas. Additionally, research is needed to determine the value of issues most effectively addressed by unisex groups (Huston, 1986). Huston further recommended research questions related to effectiveness of feminist group therapy, and leader qualities related to changing stereotypic thinking related to sex roles. Group process and outcome differences between unisex and mixedsex groups also warrant further study, according to Huston. Huston additionally pointed out the need for research into the unique structure and goals of women's groups. McQuaide (1996) identified the need for practice and research targeting change in women's relationship to their aging process to help counter ageist and sexist cultural messages. In an issue of the Journal for Specialists in Group Work devoted to women's groups, Kees (1999a) described current efforts of researchers to study the unique phenomenon of women's groups. Noting the significance of women's group evolution to current thinking and practice of group psychotherapy, S. Home (1999) stressed the value of further research in this area, emphasizing the importance of protecting the unique features of women's groups during the research process. Kees and Leech (2004)

54 highlighted the need to expand on existing understandings of women's group experiences, more fully identifying most-effective practices for professionals working with women, as well as further implications for group-work theory and practice generally. Noting the complexity of small groups - dynamic systems composed of dynamic systems, Arrow and colleagues (2000) further developed small-group theory to incorporate and explain ever-changing systems and contexts. The authors strove to create a theory applicable to a wide variety of small groups, ranging from families and friendship groups to sports teams and laboratory groups. Arrow and colleagues stressed that this new theory of small groups opens the way for reexamination of numerous assumptions related to small-group theory and practice, with related research opportunities. Studies using qualitative inquiry were particularly recommended (Arrow et al., 2000). Additionally, Barker and colleagues (2000) identified that the majority of small-group research has been conducted by male scholars and focused on the task orientation of groups, rather than "aspects such as cooperation and communication that characterize groups predominately composed of women" (p. 471). L. M. Brown (2005) pointed out the tenacious false belief that girls and women are inherently mean-spirited, petty, and deceitful in their relationships with each other, and questioned who benefits from such assumptions. It is only when females come together, learn from and experience each other differently that they begin to counter these isolating beliefs (Fraser, as cited in L. M. Brown, 2005). Jordan and colleagues (2004) advocated for a feminist perspective in understanding women's participation in groups, including recognition of the social context of which they are a part. In an atmosphere

55 that enables women to be friends, women may realize the power and benefits of connection, and "come to know that we are not alone" (Fraser, as cited in L. M. Brown, 2005, p. 190; Daly, 1989). Thus research is needed that focuses on and validates the realworld relationships of women and girls. Shared Leadership Several authors have voiced the lack of and the growing need for research into shared leadership and leaderless group models. Counselman (1991) noted the dearth of literature and the absence of theory regarding leaderless-group dynamics. More recently Pearce and Conger (2003) noted the scarcity of empirical studies into shared leadership, stating, "Shared leadership is still in its infancy" (p. 14). Conger and Pearce (2003) identified seven general areas of research opportunity into shared leadership: (a) the relationship between shared and vertical leadership; (b) details of the dynamics related to implementing shared leadership in groups and organizations; (c) the steps involved in creating effective shared leadership; (d) organizational and group outcomes connected to shared-leadership structures; (e) measurement of shared leadership; (f) cross-cultural influences; and (g) the risks and limitations associated with shared leadership. These authors described the current state of understanding in this field as "pioneering" (p. 285), "rudimentary" (p. 286), "at best simplistic" (p.286), and offered a number of specific research questions for each domain listed above. Likewise, Kramer (2006) reported the need for additional research into the specific ways leadership functions are negotiated and shared, and how these relationships are managed over time and across settings. The communication behaviors involved in creating shared leadership have not yet been

56 studied, according to Kramer. Kramer also noted the need for research generally, conducted in natural settings. Women Leaders By the late 1970s the majority of research into leadership, including leadership of small groups, was primarily focused on males, with little emphasis on gender as an important leadership variable (Denmark, 1977). This trend continued into the 1990s, but with growing recognition of the need for new models of leadership better suited to collaboration, creativity, and rapid change necessary in the global marketplace (LipmanBlumen, 1992). Lipman-Blumen identified these qualities as characteristic of female leadership, and urged greater understanding in this area. Helgesen, (1995a, 1995b) concurred, noting the lack of organizational comprehension of how to use women's leadership strengths. Silver (1996) stressed the absence of literature, both academic and popular, related to successful female heroes and leaders, reporting the ongoing mostcommon human-interaction pattern to be male domination of the female. Women Numerous authors have identified the need for further research related to women's development and lived experiences (Belenky et al., 1997; Bolen, 1999; Comstock et al., 2008; Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Gilligan, 1982; Greer, 1998; Jordan, 2005; Jordan et al., 2004; Meadows-Holman, 1992; Miller, 1976; Robb, 2006; Shreve, 1989). Langellier and Peterson (1992) noted women's need for a "woman-defined social or public identity" (p. 174). McQuaide (1996) similarly stressed midlife women's need for relevant understanding related to this stage of life. Also, increased consideration and understanding of gender as an important aspect of

57 multicultural and mental health issues is needed in the counseling field due to the entrenched bias toward White, heterosexual, Western males in traditional theories of human development and counseling (Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004). Summary While significant changes in gender equity have been achieved over the past century, women continue to represent an oppressed and marginalized group in Western culture. "White, middle- and upper-class, heterosexual, English-speaking, and ablebodied males" (Crethar et al., 2008, pp. 269-270) experience cultural benefits and privilege in ways that disempower those with differing characteristics, whether intentionally or unintentionally. Although feminist researchers represent the exception, women's experiences, needs, and strengths have been effectively ignored for the most part by research and theories related to human development, mental health, leadership, and subjective well-being that have been generalized to include women from the findings of studies predominantly conducted by and with males. As a result counselors and other professionals working with women, as well as women themselves, often lack information and practice principles necessary to most effectively facilitate optimal growth and development for this half of the human population. Studies from anthropology, counseling, organizational and social psychology, sociology, group work, and leadership, among others, together potentially enhance understanding related to women's involvement in small, shared-leadership groups. Empirically derived, rich descriptions of women's participation in such groups, however, are scarce. Further study related to the meaning of women's participation, maintenance,

and shared leadership in these small, organic groups is warranted, both to further illuminate a virtually invisible phenomenon related to women in the culture, as well as to contribute to existing understandings of women's lived experiences in the new millennium. The study that follows is designed to focus attention on women's participation in small shared-leadership groups, and to provide further foundation in support of the paradigm shift in understanding of being human and female.

59 Chapter 3 RESEARCH METHOD The meanings of participation in small, leadership-shared women's groups to the lives of the women members are explored in this qualitative study. The nine researched groups were located in diverse regions of the United States and included groups from both rural and urban settings. Benefits, constraints, activities, methods of sharing leadership, and group valuing are examined. Details of the study, including brief descriptions of the participants and their groups, as well as data collection are described in this chapter. The basic interpretive qualitative feminist approach to research used for this study is explained. The Study The purpose of this study was to contribute to the body of knowledge related to women and women's experience. Specifically through this research social knowledge was generated on the phenomenon of women's participation in existing small, leadershipshared women's groups, with particular focus on the meanings and understandings of their participation, voiced by the women members. Women participants' dynamic, polyphonic, and social experiences in the researched groups were legitimized. As Lather (1991) expressed; "Every woman has something important to say about her life and what it means to be female" (p. xvii). Noddings (1998) further pointed out that as a marginalized group, women "have been denied the power to give names to important phenomena in every domain of life and in general, to create language," and thus are limited to sharing "in a language designed for the purposes and profit of others" (p. 69). The research process and findings help counter the existing overbalance of knowledge

60 generated by and with males. Additionally, light is shed on the phenomenon of small, collaboratively run women's groups, identifying common themes or factors among the groups studied, and relevance to women's psychosocial health and well-being. Employing research methods that allowed women participants together to reflect on, voice, and gain deeper understanding of their engagement as small-group members, empowered the research participants and validated this action they take in their everyday worlds as both "subjects and objects of their own experiences" (Lather, 1991, p. x). Through exploration of this relatively common, although virtually unrecognized phenomenon specifically initiated and engaged in by women, a space was created in which women's self-understandings could be voiced and validated. Data Collection Focus-group interviews were conducted with nine existing small women's groups between January and April of 2009. A total of 52 women participated in the research interviews. Researched groups were located in diverse regions of the United States, and included groups in the Northeast, Southeast, and West. The groups studied existed in small rural communities, suburban areas, and large metropolitan centers. Participants To obtain information relevant to this study, research participants were comprised of members of nine existing small groups of women (4 to 12 members each) in which there was no single identified leader, with needed leadership functions shared among the members, and which met at times and for purposes decided on by the members. Each group had existed for at least 6 months, with group histories ranging from 2 to 30 years,

61 although individual lengths of membership varied in the overarching lifetime of each group. The groups selected for this study were purposefully chosen based on the above criteria through networking with friends and colleagues from diverse locations in the United States by e-mail, telephone, and personal contact. After the research group criteria were described, these contacted individuals frequently identified themselves as members of potential groups. The research process was further explained, and those who were willing were asked to seek their group's interest in participating in the study using the Request to Interview Script (see Appendix A). Nine groups, representing three regions and four states, agreed to participate in this study. All groups approached for this study agreed to participate. Table 3.1 Summary Table of Participating Groups

Group

Group Number of Time off iri lifespan members Meeting frequency summer

Meeting location

Eastern Region 15 years

8-10

Every 5 - 6 weeks

Yes

Cafe

6 years

12

2 - 3 times monthly

Yes

One home

Women's Spirituality Group (NE) 29 years 5 (average)

Weekly

No

Church

Kinship Group (NE)

30 years

8

Weekly

No

One home

The Arts Heal (SE)

2 years

4

Weekly

No

Studio/Gallery

Woman Spring (NW)

5 years

6

Every other week

No

Various homes

Art Inspires (NW)

9 years

10

Monthly

Yes

Various homes

Life Stories Book Group (NW)

12 years

7

Monthly

No

Various homes

Woven Roots Book Group (NW)

17 years

5

Monthly

Yes

Cafe

Books Prevail (NE) MotherSong (NE)

Western Region

Note. NE = northeast; SE = southeast; NW = northwest.

62 Procedure Permission to participate in this research was granted by nine groups. Once permission was received, the contact individual was provided with the appropriate number of Informed Consents (see Appendix B) and Demographic Surveys (see Appendix C), along with self-addressed, stamped envelopes for each group member to return their demographic survey confidentially. Aligned with Institutional Review Board direction, the informed consents were provided for participants' information only and not returned. The focus-group interviews were conducted at each group's location on the time and date mutually chosen by them and the researcher. Group locations included five homes, two cafes, one church, and one art gallery. When present with the group members, the overall purpose of the study, the interview process, confidentiality of data, and informed consent emphasizing participants' option to withdraw from the interview at any time were again explained, and time was allowed for participant questions. Extra demographic survey forms and self-addressed stamped envelopes were made available for those who may have lost or otherwise not returned their surveys prior to the interview. Informed-consent forms were also available for any member desiring one. Focus-group interviews were then conducted using an interview guide to assure fundamental consistency of interview questions across researched groups (see Appendix D). The focus-group interview format was semi-structured to permit in-depth exploration of topics and limited group discussion relevant to each group. Interviews lasted 1 Vi to 2 hours, and were digitally audio recorded. The recorded raw data were later transcribed verbatim resulting in 408 single-spaced pages of interview narrative. At the conclusion

of the focus-group interviews, participants were provided with an optional Follow-up Contact Form (see Appendix E) to facilitate later contact with members for member checks of research findings. Any completed forms were collected prior to exiting the groups. Thank-you notes were sent to each group through the contact individual within 2 weeks of each focus-group interview. Research Design: A Naturalistic, Basic Interpretive., Feminist Qualitative Approach The data for this study were analyzed using a basic interpretive qualitative approach following feminist-research principles. Qualitative methods are useful when studying human social phenomenon due to the complex dynamic, mutually reciprocal, contextual, and intra and interindividual factors involved. Encouraging collection of vast amounts of descriptively rich data, qualitative methods employ emergent design strategies, as well as acknowledge the impact of the researcher's presence in the research process (Maxwell, 2005; Seidman, 2006). The outcomes of qualitative study are not predicted ahead of time, rather the research is intended to evolve as data are collected with openness to whatever information the data hold. In this way the investigation is primarily inductive. Feminist Research Approach

r-

A feminist-research approach entails attending to gender as a primary principle in the understanding of social phenomenon influencing the foci of research questions, as well as identification of areas where information is lacking (Creswell, 1998; Lather, 1991). In the study of women's experiences, conducting feminist research involves the effort "to see the world from women's place in it" (Callaway, as cited in Lather, 1991, p. 72). As Lather (1991) described; "The overt ideological goal of feminist research in

64 the human sciences is to correct both the invisibility and distortion of female experience in ways relevant to ending women's unequal social position" (p. 71). Implementing a feminist-research approach incorporates researcher goals including nonhierarchical, collaborative, nonexploitative researcher-participant relationships, and direct researcher involvement with complex human participants, resulting in increased understanding, potential change, and transformation for all parties (Creswell, 1998; Lather, 1991; Wilkinson, 1999; see Appendix F for the researcher's personal feminism statement). Naturalistic inquiry, obtaining information from usual, everyday patterns of communication and social interactions is a value of feminist research (Lather, 1991; Wilkinson, 1999). Additionally, feminist researchers emphasize the importance of gathering information in a social context (Lather, 1991; Wilkinson, 1999). As Wilkinson (1999) described, "Reality of human experience always occurs in context" (p. 224). Use of a feminist-research approach fundamentally incorporates genuine respect for the unique experiences and expressed perspectives of research participants (Creswell, 1998; Wilkinson, 1999). Lather (1991) stressed the interactive and contextualized methods used by feminist researchers "in the search for pattern and meaning rather than prediction and control" (p. 72). Focus Groups Focus groups represent one form of qualitative methodology that aligns well with feminist-research objectives (Creswell, 1998; Madden & Allan, 2005; Wilkinson, 1999). Focus groups offer a naturalistic, conversational social context in which women's everyday interpersonal communication styles are facilitated and supported (Madden & Allan, 2005; Wilkinson, 1999). The interaction of research participants has been

described as the defining feature of focus groups, differentiating this research method from other more individualistic methods (Kitzinger & Barbour, 1999; Kleiber, 2004; Kress & Shoffner, 2007; Krueger, 1994; Madden & Allan, 2005; Wilkinson, 1999). In group research, participants have the opportunity to both speak and listen to one another, to refine and/or change perspectives based on those shared by others, and thereby allow the researcher to witness participants' coconstruction of their social realities in a process of "collective sense-making" (Krueger, 1994; Madden & Allan, 2005; Wilkinson, 1999). Creswell recognized that focus groups comprise a research method with "potential for deeper probing and reciprocally educative encounters" (p. 83). Further aligned with feminist-research objectives, the relative power of the researcher is decreased partially due to the numbers of participants simultaneously providing data, as well as through emphasis on participants as the experts (Kress & Shoffner, 2007). The result of focus-group methodology is typically large amounts of rich, descriptive data (Kleiber, 2004; Madden & Allan, 2005; Patton, 2002). The social context contributes to the quality of data obtained. As Madden and Allan (2005) expressed, "Stories that participants simply thought unimportant or irrelevant become material for discussion when placed in the context of another person's story" (p. 9). These authors further emphasized the value of focus groups in feminist research, stating, "The collective dynamic of focus groups are particularly helpful in uncovering the realities of women's daily experiences" (Madden & Allan, 2005, p. 9). Naturalistic inquiry using a primarily feminist sociological approach in a basic interpretive design employing focus-group interviews facilitated collection of large amounts of descriptively rich data from which the meanings women expressed regarding

66 their experiences as members of existing small women's shared-leadership groups could be explored and described. By conducting naturalistic inquiry, this naturally occurring activity was investigated in its natural settings. Naturalistic inquiry, the archetype of constructivist qualitative research, involved research assumptions including the existence of "multiple constructed realities which can only be studied holistically"; the reciprocal interactions and influence between the researcher and research participants; and a continuous "state of mutual, simultaneous shaping" (Lincoln & Guba, as cited in Hatch, 2002, p. 27) between all parties involved in the research encounter. The data were analyzed and interpreted both to illuminate this social action initiated and engaged in by women on their own behalf, as well as for relevance to women and those who work with women. These small gatherings of women are a social phenomenon hidden in plain sight (Bolen, 1999). The interactive, contextualized nature of qualitative methods lends itself well to revealing aspects of what has been an essentially ignored, if not invisible, phenomenon related to women. Additionally, the use of naturalistic, feminist, and focusgroup qualitative-research approaches results in a "relational way of knowing that is less oppressive and potentially transformative for all parties involved" (Lather, 1991, p. 99). Analysis of the Data The transcripts and demographic surveys were analyzed for commonalities, individuations, key topics, recurring themes, and meanings. Inductive analysis was used initially to gain a deeper holistic understanding of the data based on participants' responses, allowing the data to speak for itself as much as possible (Wolcott, as cited in

67 Glesne, 2006). Deductive analysis was later employed to further interpret the data, guided by the following research questions: 1.

Who is participating?

2.

What occurs during group gatherings?

3.

What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members?

4.

What barriers do women experience related to their group membership?

5.

What importance do members place on their group participation?

6.

How is leadership shared among the group members?

7.

What, if any, common factors exist in and among groups related to members' expressed meanings related to their lived experiences as members?

Initial data analysis was conducted using the NVivo qualitative data-analysis computer program to assist in organizing, sorting, holding, and retrieving the data. Manual analysis was used separately to gain a sense of the overall picture of each group, augmenting the use of NVivo. Analysis of the data involved the following steps as described by Creswell (1998), Hatch (2002), and Seidman (2006): 1.

Transcript data was repeatedly reviewed manually to gain a sense of the whole, the big picture of each group, and among groups.

2.

All transcript data were ascribed to initial categories using NVivo.

3.

Recurrent themes and patterns were identified from further inductive analysis of the data.

4.

Initial overarching themes were assigned to related category areas and subcategories were created as needed.

68 5.

Relevant supporting quotes were identified.

6.

Data from researcher's journal and field notes were reviewed for saliency to this study and placement in the overall results.

7.

Data in each transcript were compared.

8.

Thematic areas, categories, and subcategories were identified for each transcript and presented to group members for review.

9.

Themes and concepts across groups were revised and compared, with divergent data identified.

10.

Interpretations of the data were constructed to characterize the meanings of women's experiences in small, shared-leadership groups.

11.

Recommendations based on the data were developed for women and those who work with women.

Reliability The concept of trustworthiness replaces reliability, validity, and objectivity in qualitative research (Rudestam & Newton, 2001; Seidman, 2006). Rudestam and Newton suggested that auditability best corresponds to reliability in naturalistic inquiry, referring to researcher consistency in coding raw data so that it is understandable to others, leading them to similar interpretations. As key topics, words, and phrases were identified in the transcripts, using NVivo, like data, were grouped into categories with supporting transcript data attached. Analogous categories were further collapsed into thematic areas occurring in and across groups, resulting in emergent themes. Exemplary supporting quotations of dialogue as well as individual expressions were identified.

69 As recommended by Creswell (1998), an audit trail was established with the recording of each step of the study in detail to permit replication of the research process and conclusions. The audit trail includes interview transcripts, completed demographic survey forms, researcher field notes, and researcher journal entries. Dr. D. Breen and Dr. M. Madden reviewed the consistency of the data, findings, and conclusions as external auditors. The researcher functions as the primary research instrument in qualitative inquiry (Maxwell, 2005). Seidman (2006) emphasized the inherent strengths of intelligence, adaptability, and flexibility of the human research instrument, although also pointing out the importance of bringing a sense of freshness and lack of preconceived conclusions to the study. Additionally, qualitative researchers understand that the presence and interaction of the researcher with the research participants necessarily impacts all involved, as well as the results of the study (Lather, 1991; Maxwell, 2005; Noddings, 1998; Seidman, 2006). Ferrarott (as cited in Seidman, 2006) stressed the potential strength of mutuality; "The most profound knowledge can be gained only by the deepest intersubjectivity among researchers and that which they are researching" (p. 24). Validity Trustworthiness of research findings in qualitative inquiry is described by Kvale (as cited in Seidman, 2006) as a questions of craftsmanship. Validity of qualitative research findings may also be defined as credibility, confirmability, dependability, and transferability (Lather, 1991; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Maxwell (2005) emphasized the researcher's experience of validity as confidence in the findings and conclusions of the qualitative study.

70 Triangulation is consistently acknowledged as one important method of assuring trustworthy findings using a qualitative-research approach. Triangulation involves obtaining information from diverse sources, including research participants, settings, and methods, as well as seeking patterns and responses that diverge from the majority of the data (Lather, 1991; Maxwell, 2005). Triangulation occurred through purposeful, criterion-based sampling of research groups located in diverse regions of the United States. Rich, descriptive data were collected filling 408 single-spaced pages of verbatim transcripts of the digitally audiorecorded focus-group interviews held with each group, including participants' self-generated metaphors related to the essential meanings of their small-group participation. Participant responses to a brief demographic survey provided additional descriptive data. Researcher field notes and research journal entries supplemented the raw data obtained directly from participants. Researcher-identified salient concepts, emergent themes, and tentative conclusions were reviewed by participants and refined based on the feedback received. External auditors provided additional feedback regarding recognition of discrepant evidence, personal biases, assumptions, logic, and conclusions, to further assure dependability of the findings. This research into women's lived experiences was conducted with the awareness of the possible impacts of the research process and researcher presence as potential interventions to participants (Lather, 1991; Maxwell, 2005). Results of these interventions included women members' reflection on and revaluing of their small-group affiliation and themselves as members, among others. As Seidman (2006) stated, The goal of the process is to understand how our participants understand and make meaning of their experience. If the interview structure works to allow them

71 to make sense to themselves as well as to the interviewer, then it has gone a long way toward validity (p. 24). Lather (1991) described the concept of catalytic validity, which "represents the degree to which the research process re-orients, focuses, and energizes participants toward knowing reality in order to transform it", and requires researcher "recognition of the reality-altering impact of the research process" and "desire to consciously channel this impact so that respondents gain self-understanding, ultimately, self-determination through research participation" (p. 68). Research-group members frequently expressed new awareness about their groups during the interviews. External validity is traditionally recognized as generalizability of research results to a broader population. Due to the relatively small number of research participants in qualitative studies, Seidman (2006) offered alternatives for achieving external validity, including finding connections among the experiences of research participants, and presenting the results of the study in a manner that opens the way for readers to make connections from their own lived experiences to those of the participants. Together with group members, connections among the experiences of individual members in each group, as well as the experiences of members of diverse groups were identified. The research findings in the following chapter are presented with the intention of readability, conducive to reader self-reflection and identification with the research participants when applicable. Limitations The research topic and methods necessarily involved the study of a small number of groups (nine) and a small number of participants (52). While conducive to obtaining

rich, descriptive research data, these small numbers preclude generalizing the research findings to the broader population (Maxwell, 2005; Seidman, 2006). Additionally, because selection of research participants was purposeful and criterion based, the sample was not random, further limiting generalizability (Seidman, 2006). Furthermore, research participants formally agreed to be interviewed, with the option of withdrawal from the study at any time, thereby self-selecting to engage in this investigation, and additionally limiting randomness. Additionally, although participants were selected from diverse regions and communities in the United States, due to constraints of time, money, and networking contacts, not all regions or possible populations of women were represented. Finally, groups' names often reflecting their unique character, and specific information about groups' locations were excluded to protect participants' anonymity, limiting the reader's ability to fully contextualize the findings. Researcher one-time, short-term involvement with each group without benefit of separate-group observations further limits the dependability of the data and findings. Working alone, concurrent observations of group processes during the interviews were limited. Also, comparison and corroboration of initial impressions and hunches with an involved colleague onsite were not possible. Additionally, research participants may have censored or inhibited some responses in an effort to maintain personal comfort and established group relationships. Lather (1991) pointed out that later feedback from research participants during member checks of data, while useful, may also embody participants' false consciousness related to the meanings of their group participation, thereby posing an additional potential validity threat.

73 While member-generated metaphors were solicited as a method to obtain insight into essential aspects of groups that may have been unavailable for direct expression by members in response to the focus-group interview questions, the research was primarily language based, necessarily limiting the expression of possible meanings (Lather, 1991). The research data are in English, the language used by the researcher and research participants to provide descriptions and elucidate essential meanings. What was not or could not be verbalized during the research process was unlikely to receive attention, except in those instances in which what was unspoken brought attention to itself for this reason. Language additionally presents a static representation that may not adequately convey this dynamic social phenomenon (Lather, 1991). Any limitations inherent to interpersonal communication are naturally present in this study. The researcher's previous and current experiences as a member of small, leadership-shared women's groups may have contributed to researcher biases related to expectations, understanding and framing of data, and conceptualization of findings. Additionally, research participants were chosen by networking with individuals with some level of prior relationship to the researcher, indirectly limiting the groups researched. Glesne (2006) pointed out the ever-present "partial state of knowing in social research" (p. 169), which both limits the results and validates the exploration entailed by the study. The data analysis and findings from the nine focus-group interviews with 52 female members of women's small shared-leadership groups are described in the following chapter.

74 Chapter 4 RESEARCH FINDINGS In the following chapter each small, shared-leadership, women's group participating in this study is presented by geographic region. I use information obtained from brief demographic surveys received from group members, members' responses shared during focus-group interviews with each group, as well as my researcher field notes and journal entries, to provide the reader with a comprehensive encounter with each researched group. I have attempted to honor the diverse voices and authentic sharing by the women who joined me in this research endeavor and so enriched my understanding of their small-group experiences. To ensure confidentiality of participants' responses, individual members' names, the names members gave to their groups, and the groups' specific locations are excluded from the narratives. In some cases groups were well known in their communities, often an important aspect of members' lived experiences. Groups, however, are identified by general region and a pseudonym to assist the reader in distinguishing individual groups. Also, I include the approximate populations of the groups' locations to provide a fuller context from which to better understand the phenomenon of women's participation in small, shared-leadership groups. Each group profile includes the following information for the groups participating in this study: 1.

Region and approximate population of the community in which the group is located.

2.

Group formation, development, and purpose.

75 3.

Group setting.

4.

Member demographics.

5.

Activities in which members engaged.

6.

Benefits received from participation.

7.

Barriers that may arise to participation.

8.

The importance members placed on participation.

9.

How leadership is shared, including decision-making and member roles.

10.

Meanings of membership, including group metaphors, expressed by members.

Each group profile begins with a motif gleaned from members' interview responses to illustrate some significant aspects of the group, and help the reader identify the group's unique character. The group profiles are presented by region in the United States. The profiles are further organized by the research questions using participant responses in related thematic areas, following inductive analysis of the transcripts. This section ends with analysis and synthesis of the meanings of group membership provided by participants, looking across the nine interviewed groups. Common as well as divergent factors related to meanings are presented as I explore this question in-depth, and seek patterns or the lack of patterns related to the meanings of women's membership in small shared-leadership groups. Group Profiles Eastern Region Books Prevail: A Mini Liberal Education, Lighthearted and Serious at the Same Time.

76 Books Prevail formed in 1995, in a midsized northern New England town of approximately 20,000 residents. The original purpose of the group was to provide motivation to read and a place for the women members to discuss books of fiction by female authors. This was the eighth group interviewed for this study. Books Prevail was comprised reliably of 8 members who met about every 5 weeks for 2 hours in the coffee shop area of a local bookstore. The group takes 1 month off in the summer. Five members participated in the research interview which took place on Thursday evening, March 19, 2009, at the group's usual meeting location. The cafe area was situated at the back of the bookstore, a large open space surrounded by numerous shelves of books. The group members and I sat around one of several wooden tables. A few other people were also seated in this eating area. The store generally was fairly quiet except for occasional announcements over the loudspeaker system, which, while they did not interrupt the flow of conversation among the group members, did at times interfere with transcription of the recording of this session. The soft lighting in this area was enhanced by lighted display cases of desserts along the far wall of the cafe. Because the store closed at 9 PM, the ending time for the group interview, as well as for regular group meetings, was externally enforced. Originally as two neighbors living on the same road in a nearby community became acquainted, they began discussing the formation of a book group. The actual inception of the group was postponed for 10 months while one of the women finished writing a book. As a member described, I met (

) walking down my road because we live on the same road and she

said after we got to know each other, she said in about 10 months would you like

77 to start a book group. I said sure, and 10 months later almost exactly to that day, she called me and, um, I started, ah, asking friends of mine if they wanted to join and here we are. While the original purpose of the group was to read and discuss fiction by female authors, the group has since expanded its reading repertoire to include nonfiction and male writers. Membership evolved over the years since 1994, with 2 original members remaining active. Other women joined, sometimes briefly, and 1 current member had a recent diagnosis of cancer. Who is participating? Adding to their interview responses, 5 members returned demographic surveys. Of the information obtained, the average age of members was 65.4, with member ages ranging from 55 to 79 years old. Four members described themselves as from the local area, with 1 member from Tampa, Florida. Four women defined themselves as White or Caucasian, with one member specifying Jewish race/ethnicity. English was the native language for all members responding. One member indicated she was married, 2 were single, and 2 were widowed. One woman indicated having no children, while 4 members described having grown children with ages ranging from 18 to 50 years old. The members responding reported no others for whom they provide ongoing care. Four members related that they were employed outside the home, 2 reporting part-time and 2 full-time. Three members have completed law school and 2 are practicing attorneys. One member had a teaching certificate and worked as a paralegal/title abstractor, while the 5th member had her doctoral degree and was a university professor. Two members each reported income levels from $20,000 to

78 $38,000, and $38,000 to $60,000, respectively. Family incomes for the members ranged from between $20,000 to $38,000, to between $97,000 to $174,000. Group members described histories in women's small groups ranging from "this one" to three and "many." Four members indicated no experience in consciousnessraising groups, while 1 person indicated "sort o f ' consciousness-raising group experience. The members responding described knowledge of two to three, to 10 existing women's small groups. What occurs during group gatherings? Books Prevail members described a strong desire to keep their primary focus on the book being discussed at each session, which also influenced their choice to meet in a bookstore, "a professional place," rather than members' homes. One member expressed the difference between this group and others: Although it's friendly, the idea that there wasn't an expectation that you were going to ask everybody and remember what was going on in their lives, you know, and all that kind of thing and that really it was okay to come and be sort of, you know, focused on what we were there for. The group members' book choices have included only fiction by female authors, international themes often triggered by members' travels, and currently included works of nonfiction and male authors. In order to facilitate economical access to books, in addition to using the state's interlibrary- loan system, several group members had organized their own, unique system for sharing books, described below.

79 We are pretty good about sharing books around ... Sometimes I borrow the book between their having read it and then I leave it in the mailbox and they pick it up in the mailbox, so we have an informal system for getting books around. Beginning about 2005, the group began gathering in January for a potluck and planning meeting. During this session members chose meeting dates, as well as the eight books they would read and discuss during the coming year. This meeting was held in a member's home and involved more socializing than the more frequent book-focused sessions. As one member described, "It's always very lovely." Members explained that during the book-group meetings everyone contributed to the often animated discussions: "Well, everybody talks." "Books Prevail members disagreed freely about the books, sharing diverse points of view, while maintaining their relationships. As one member expressed, "It's pretty fluid and, I think, pretty congenial. We might disagree about the book, but you don't dislike each other." Participants may arrive at their session early to eat and engage in personal sharing, as one member described, "We would be eating before, you know. Three of us might be there and then somebody else might come in and get coffee, so we would do some general talking then." Also, members "tend to straggle in" during group time, further limiting "the chance for chit chat, except some of that happens after as you are walking out." Members explained that many are friends outside of the group, and will make plans to catch up with each other's lives at other times: "We'll say why don't we have tea or something and then we will do it." In addition to book discussions, personal sharing could take place before group, walking out together at the conclusion of a session, over

80 tea at other times, and at their annual potluck. Group members had also experimented with going to a movie, watching a video, and attending a play together. A member described an additional level of caring experienced among participants: "We would always be supportive and available to one another if somebody needed assistance." This deeper personal connection was fairly new to members and reflected in one woman's experience: And I should say that there has been a kind of major change because of some events. My husband died and everybody in the book group came to this quick little gathering that I had and that was the first time I think that we have come together because of some tragedy. At the time of this research, group participants were aware of the serious diagnosis of cancer of one member, and voiced appreciation and support for her continued involvement with the group as she faced life-threatening illness. What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? While Books Prevail members were committed to a primary task focus for their time together, discussing the session's assigned book, during this interview they identified a variety of benefits of their participation. Several members voiced pleasures received specifically from the books read and the group discussions. One member commented, "I enjoyed talking about the books with them and that I learned something." For another member it was feeling permission through the group to read current works of fiction that were unrelated to her work:

81 I really felt out of date ... and so I needed someone to give me permission. That's what it really is for me. Someone has to give me permission to take the time to read something that I might not normally read. Another member agreed, describing enjoyment in the change from her usual book choices motivated by involvement in the group: "I read books I wouldn't normally read. I also read too many mysteries and more nonfiction, but I have found a lot of books we have read to be fascinating." These women participants expressed valuing of the diverse points of view during book discussions, and the resulting intellectual stimulation received. As one member shared, "I always go home having thought, you know, thinking about something differently than I did when I started and that's great." Another shared, "There is a lot of intellectual curiosity around the table." The cherished intellectual qualities of the group were captured in the following interactions. I mean, it's sort of like the best part of a great course in college without all the other stuff. Ah ha, no papers. No pressure. Another member elaborated, "It's an opportunity to meet and discuss with different people, and to have my views expanded. It's fulfilling I guess, in a sense, it fulfills a certain need I have." Group members expressed appreciation of each other's intellect and the stimulation received from their discussions. As one member expressed, "I thought that the women were all very interesting, very interesting readers." Another described, "I

82 have found a lot of the books we have read to be fascinating and, um, I also, you know, find the group of women interesting." Still another member stated, I mean, it was just an opportunity to come and really be stimulated and I have friendships with you know, many of the women, I think everyone really outside of it, but it was for me one of the pleasures was that we came and we talked about the books and it wasn't a social thing. Reinforcing the intellectual qualities valued by the group, during the research interview members described the importance of the literary level of a potential new member: "For me somebody who would want to join us and would stay with us would be at a comparable literary level." Another member expressed, I mean, I'm sure there are people that, you know, are very erudite groups who would think we are just a bunch of dubs, but what I am saying is I think there is a commonality amongst us of the quality of writing that we want and to me that's more important. The range of interests among the members further served their intellectual stimulation as illustrated in the interactions below. I think one of the qualities that most of the members share is that they have great interests, or ranging interests. Right. One thing reminds them of something else. In another interaction members expressed,

83 Well read, you know, educated, um, you know, the means of sort of a more sophisticated way of looking at the world, open to other ideas ... I think, you know, everyone is very open to new ideas and new things. Well, we are stimulated by it. Yeah. One woman described the contributions of the group to life-long learning: We are focused on the book, but we do have that additional element of book recommendations and travel interests and all of the, you know, political issues and all those other things, you know, because we have been doing this for so long, um, so your life is enriched that way just sort of like a mini, um, liberal education, you know, you go to school for a liberal education, you learn this, you learn that, and something else and that is what the group is. An additional benefit of coming together with their book as the central focus was experiencing shared memories, as expressed by one member: "We love to reminisce about the books." The history shared by the members provided further benefits as members reflected on their years together in these interactions: Some of us have been through a lot of pieces of life together. I mean, we started, what did she say, 15 years ago, I mean that's 14 years ago. Fourteen years ago. It's a big chunk of. Yeah, it is amazing that an informal group held together that long made up of different populations. Members described their history together and lack of conflicts further:

84 We just happened to come together and stayed together and that's special. Um Hmm Yeah, for many years. And without, you know, issues. You know, if there are, they get handled elsewhere. Right. You know, never ever. And with things improving. Right. Yeah, I think so too. Yeah, I mean, yeah. I mean, there is never, you know, a spat, you know, kind of three people know that those two are mad at each other. The group participants emphasized their mutual valuing of each other further when asked, "What makes your group special?" as illustrated below: The quality of the people. Really? Sure absolutely. We are wonderful. Additionally, members shared valuing their discussions and respecting their limited time: We have high expectations for the discussion. We don't always meet them. We do. We do. We don't want to waste our precious time.

85 Several members who joined after experiencing transitions, discussed the benefit of connecting to a group. As one participant described, "I got involved with the group ... after I had lost my husband ... and I am very grateful for that. ... I joined and discovered that I really enjoy doing it." One woman described moving to the area from Florida and being invited to join by another member about 10 years ago, stating, "I didn't know anybody so it was nice to meet a group of women." A 3rd member briefly described being influenced by a previous book-group experience in Vermont, "which was a fantastic group. ... When I came to [

] , I always wanted to join another group because I had enjoyed that one so

much." Members described benefitting from their mutual support and trust in addition to their intellectual focus. As one participant reported, "So, we would always be supportive and available to one another if somebody needed assistance." Another member shared, "I look for you. Where is she?" Yet another member explained, "People have some kind of project or something we know about, we might make an effort." Members enjoyed the diversity of ages in their group, as expressed in the following interactions: I like the fact that there are a fair number of women in the group that are 20 years younger than I am. I like that too. And that I have kind of a window on what it's, I mean, I can remember being the age of people and what it was like for me and seeing a little bit about what it's like for, um, women now to be as busy as having a full-time job, having kids at

86 home, and juggling everything, and I you know, I enjoy talking to people in my age group, but I am very pleased to be in a group where there are younger women. Describing their interconnections further, one member shared: I mean as we are sitting here, I guess I am thinking about it that really it is, we don't spend that much time together, but the richness, I guess I have used that word a couple of times already, but I have a sense that I know everyone in lots of sort of what is going on in their lives, I mean, not everything, but we have a pretty strong sense of each other, I think, even though we keep saying we don't spend that much time socializing. What barriers do women experience related to group membership? The members of Books Prevail shared a number of factors that can and do interfere with their group participation. One member not present for the interview had a recent cancer diagnosis and her treatments may keep her from attending. Those present shared that this health crisis has also made the group time more important to her, providing an engaging alternative focus for her attention. Following the death of her husband, another member described her increased sense of loneliness experienced after a group session: For the first few times that I came, I would leave and I would feel so incredibly lonely for some reason and it was one of the few times when I did feel that way to the point where I felt that, well, maybe I just shouldn't do this, but that has gone away as my sense of belonging to the group has, um, solidified and, um, I do enjoy it very much.

87 Additional barriers to their group participation included work, "a lot of things happening," volunteer work, consulting work, church involvements, "responsibilities," family at home, northern New England winters, not getting the book read, ailing parents living out of state, and worry regarding offending others. All members shared that they have thought of dropping out of the group at some point. Also, "there have been people who have left the group." What importance do members place on their group participation? Given all the potential conflicts for their group time, member expressed, "Everybody does pretty much show up" and "we generally come." Stated differently, "I mean, but I think that we do come. I mean it isn't an issue that, you know, four of us come and three don't. We pretty much all come every time." Respecting each other's busy lives and knowing what they needed to do to help ensure the group was successful, members planned their books and their gathering dates a year in advance during their January potluck. As one woman described, "I mean, we just set the calendar, you know, ahead so that, I mean when we meet in January, we also pick the dates." The members prioritizing of their time together was reflected in the following interactions: I try to make my groups because they are my relaxation and they are my everything and so my book group and my art group are important. They are pretty high up. It's on my calendar . . . like a doctor's appointment. Another member expressed,

88 Well, it's something I do for myself. There are not many things that I do for myself. I have a job that is very time consuming and a husband and a son at home and family things and this is one thing I do for me and so I try to prioritize it because I don't do many things like this and I enjoy it. The importance of the group to 1 woman was described this way: Early on I was a single parent raising two kids and working full-time and this was for me. This was my time and it was so precious. I mean, it still is precious. ... Oh my gosh, this was the lifesaver. Another member put it succinctly: "It's just a joy." While the group held great value for the current members, adding balance to this discussion, a member shared, I still think it's a function of who is still with the book group. It's a high priority for those of us who are still with the book group. Obviously, it was not a high priority for people who are not with the book group. How is leadership shared among the group members? Members of Books Prevail have collaborated on numerous decisions traditionally made by the leader in a more hierarchical group model. Together they determined what genre(s) of books to read; how often, when, and where to meet; who to include; and the task focus of the group on book discussions. Through their interactions, the group had evolved over time to better meet member needs. Referring to the expanded types of books read, one member explained, "I just want to say something else which is we have diverged greatly from what we claimed to be our original mission, which is great. It has been an evolutionary process."

89 Evolution of the group's leadership style in structuring group time had also occurred. Originally functioning with no identified leader, "People would come in with, um, New York Times book review or something and we would spend half the time talking about what we were going to read instead of what we had read." For the past 3 years, members used their January potluck to choose the eight books they will read during the coming year and a leader for each book—usually the woman who recommended the book. A member described this change as important, leading to improvement in the group's use of their time together. And I want to agree that I think that it's a great improvement. ... I mean, we met for 10 years without doing it that way and for the most part, yeah, it served. I think it reached appoint where it wasn't working so well and we moved to this other model. The members often prepared before the session they led, bringing in additional information related to the book and/or the author, and adding to their collective intellectual stimulation, as described below. "You know, they get interested and they read something else and they bring that to the group that has bearing on it, so it really is a learning process." The woman leading a gathering typically sent out a reminder e-mail, began the session, concluded it, and did her best to keep the group's focus on the book under discussion, often a difficult task to which all members contributed. As one member eloquently described, "It's a little like herding cats." Another member shared, "There is frequently someone that does sort of cut through some of the sidebar and say, ok, you know, this is what we should be talking about."

90 Another participant later shared, "And after a polite interval one of us will say, ok, come on back." Members discussed their sense of equality and talkativeness during group gatherings: "Everybody forms discussion even though there is a leader." The result of the group dynamics for one member was, "My experience last time was that I was a leader for about 5 minutes. That was it. We all started discussion. It was fine with me." Group members described a relaxed, mild approach to leadership and roles valued in the group, as reflected in the following interactions: I think our roles are a member of the group for the most part. That's what we are, we are a member of the group and, um, occasionally somebody does have to remind somebody of something, but. Well, as you may have been telling here, I mean, I don't, I don't like it. I'm resistant to a lot of roles and a lot of leadership and a lot of it. I like it that it's so voluntary so I think that is why this leader thing is working very, very well for us. What, if any common factors exist within the group related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? Participating in Books Prevail meant connecting with other like-minded women, as expressed in the interactions below: But anyway, I do think that we are to some degree like-minded so that while we may look for discussion or don't necessarily agree with one another, it's not on those real essential - that sort of thing. That makes sense. I think that's right. I think people who stay have that. The values, some shared values.

91 Intellectually curious, several members expressed valuing each other and the opportunities for expanding their worldviews that occurred during their time together. As 1 member stated, "Like I said, bringing the richness of your life to this table for this hour and a half, whatever, talking about the book." Another member explained, "I think, you know, everyone is very open to new ideas and new things." One member elaborated. I think it almost expands you. I mean you read a book. You get a certain take on that that is your own, positive or negative or whatever, and it causes you to think in certain ways, but then when you discuss it, um, then you think of new facets, you go off in other directions and, um, so it expands you to be part of the group. For another member, group participation also involved pleasurable structure for her time outside of the group as she described: Well, there is a certain amount of discipline involved because I do make the time and I tend to read the book on the Sunday before the book group ... I clear my weekend and I say ok, I'm going to read it today and I tend to read it through. It's kind of like an assignment. What it really is, I'm giving myself permission to read something that I am reading for pleasure. Group members expressed gradually increasing their experiences of interpersonal support over recent years, which had also led to meeting some of each other's family members: "These new changes like when people came to my husband's death when my husband died, um, that was new, they came for something like that." Other women responded, Yeah, my husband enjoyed meeting these people he has been hearing about.

92 My daughter used to come and wander around. Oh yeah. Everybody got to know my daughter. And all this about whose kids are getting into college and where they are going, and how they like the collegiate experience, that happens to be something that interests me because I love hearing about it again and also it certainly interests everybody else and every so often one of these kids appears, like your daughter appears, or her daughter appears and it's like, oh wow, that's who you were talking about. For several women who moved to this state from other places, the group has meant making intellectual connections with other women, as expressed in the interactions below: So there were a few of us who were kind of new to the territory and were looking for some contacts that were on our level. There were a few of us, that's not everybody. Yeah, once you are out of college and school, you know, you need a group to sort of meet people. Keep you thinking. Additionally, participating in their group provided a form of grassroots entertainment during northern New England's harsh winters for some members. I had always wanted to have a book group and hadn't ever tried before and somehow the climate in (this state), might have to do with the climate. Yeah ...

93 I think people in [this state] tend to try to find their own and create their own entertainment. It's a good use of winter. Members' shared histories and experiences in the group together have resulted in deep trust for one member who expressed. I think one thing we haven't mentioned is, um, I mean, I trust the women in the group and I don't mean, I mean I do trust them probably with my life, but I mean it in the sense that I trust their recommendations. I mean, you know, in the choosing of the book and in talking about books that we are not choosing, it's like this, it's like being in a candy store ... I keep using that word richness, but it's access not just in the time here, but to this much wider, oh, you thought that movie was good, you know, great, I bet I will too, you know, that kind of thing. Finally, when asked to consider a metaphor that might capture the essence of what the group was for them, the members arrived at agreement on one woman's idea. I think in some ways it's like a contradance, that we all come together, there is a certain form to it, but there is a lot of freedom in how we interact and how, you know, whom is agreeing with whom or dancing with whom or whatever and, um, it's lighthearted and serious at the same time. Following this description, the group members went on to voice their perception of cherishing their gatherings: We really do have some memorable meetings. We do.

94 I mean, you know, yeah. We do. We really do. MotherSong: Performing Random Acts of Singing and Feeding Our Souls. MotherSong formed in 2003 in a midsized northern New England town of approximately 15,000 residents. The purpose of the group was to sing together. This was the second research interview for this study and was conducted with group members in their usual meeting location. MotherSong met two to three times a month for 2 hours of singing rehearsal and interpersonal connecting. They do not meet during the summer. Group gatherings typically take place in the local home of a founding member. Ten of the 12 group members were present for the research interview, which took place on Sunday afternoon, January 11, 2009, at the group's usual location and approximate time for gathering. A fluffy snow had recently fallen, covering trees, bushes, and rooftops in this historical northern New England community with several inches of fresh snow. The outside temperature was in the teens as I approached the member's home where the interview was to take place. The group convened in the family's upstairs "playroom," a large open space that included a ping pong table in one half of the room. Two small, softly upholstered red couches, a hassock, several straight-backed chairs, and a furry bean-bag chair were arranged around a coffee table in the other half of the room. A number of diverse fine-art pieces decorated the walls and a few dog toys were scattered on the floor of the room. This was one of many spaces in this large, two-to-three-story home in an upscale neighborhood. A young puppy was present off and on during the interview, at times sleeping and other times playfully engaging with various group members. The

95 large, fluffy family cat was also sporadically present during the research interview. Plates of brownies and chocolate chip cookies were nearby, just out of reach of the puppy. The group resulted originally from 1 member's decision to take action on her desire to sing again. She described, Well, it actually started ... with me listening to a Dixie Chicks song in the car ... saying to myself, I need to sing again and how am I going to accomplish that? Who do I know that sings that I can talk with? ... I'll get them and we will talk and that's how it started. She shared her concept with 2 other women. During conversations over coffee, these 3 originating members decided to reach out to others with the intention of forming a women's a cappella singing group. Members of MotherSong described a nebulous beginning of the group, taking about a year and a half after inception to reach its current form. During this time members were recruited by word of mouth to friends and fellow church members, as well as an ad in the employee newsletter at a large local private school. Beginning with 8 members, over time the group added 2 more, eventually arriving at 12 as their desired number of members. A total of 5 to 6 members have withdrawn over the group's 6-year history together. At the time of the research interview, the group was closed to new members. One participant described their current member status: Especially now for the last, well, 4 years literally, we have understood we are a 12 voice women's a cappella group, so we have 3 on each part, so unless one of us drops out, there is not going to be an opening.

96 Who is participating? Demographic surveys were returned by 12 members, contributing additional information to the group's interview responses. The average age of group members was 50 years old, with member ages ranging from 41 to 67 years of age. Five members described being from the local area. One woman related being born in Brooklyn, New York, and now from the local community; while another reported being originally from the Boston suburbs and now local. One participant described being from Rhode Island, USA, and another specified New York, USA. One member indicated being from Connecticut, 1 from Wellesley, Massachusetts, and 1 from Cambridge, Massachusetts. All members described themselves as White or Caucasian. Eleven members specified English as their native language, with one member reporting "American." Ten members reported being married, one indicated she was "separated," and one member specified being widowed and currently in an intimate, unmarried relationship. All MotherSong members indicated having from 2 to 4 children each, with children's ages ranging from 4 to 41 years old. Members reported a total of 30 children among them, with 16 children living at home. Members specified provision of additional ongoing care for 2 mothers, 1 father, 1 mother-in-law, and 3 husbands. Ten of the group participants described being employed outside the home, with 4 employed full time, 3 indicated part time, and 3 did not specify their amount of employment. Professional areas represented by group members included 1 psychologist, 6 educators, 1 administrator, 1 youth minister and customer-service representative, 1 "helping profession," 1 human-resources representative, and 1 volunteer. Members indicated from 4 to 35 years working in their fields, with an average of 18 years.

97 Education of group members ranged from 1 "college," to 1 PhD, with 7 members reporting bachelor's degrees, and 3 members with master's degrees. Nine members reported annual family incomes from $97,000 to $174,000, which was also the high end of the range. The lowest income level reported was $20,000 to $38,000. All group participants indicated involvement in at least one women's small group, with history of group involvement ranging from one to eight and infinity. Five members reported experience with consciousness-raising groups, with 1 woman reporting "maybe" to this item. Member knowledge of currently existing women's small groups ranged from "a few" and three, to "several" and five, to "dozens" and infinity. What occurs during group gatherings? Members of MotherSong met 2 to 3 Sunday afternoons per month between September and May at the home of one of the founding members. Snacks were often present during their sessions. The greatest focus for their time was singing together and rehearsing for upcoming performances. The group's performance schedule culminated in their "Friends and Family Concert," which took place in late April or early May each year. While the majority of their meeting times together were spent singing and rehearsing, group members reported devoting time at the beginning of sessions to discussing dates for upcoming performances and coordinating their calendars. Additionally, MotherSong participants may share personal information with one another periodically, but stated they did not formally check in during their gatherings. One member described the type of information regarding personal lives that might be included:

98 I think if somebody has, you know, something to share about their children or, you know, something that is really exciting or, you know, somebody is getting married, or you know, something like that, or a job change or whatever. Offering a different point of view, another member expressed her perspective of group time as a place to rehearse, rather than a setting for personal sharing. "I don't actually think of the group as someplace to bring anything like that into, to the rehearsal. I don't think like, oh, I've got to tell them when we get together that I'm so sad about this." Still, even without a formal check-in time and while keeping the major focus on their music, members of MotherSong engaged in frequent, sometimes humorous interactions as illustrated below when asked about their activities: Lots of talking. Pretty much what you are seeing right now. Quite a bit of laughter. I say that kind of with a big sigh because we sing a lot but a lot of talking over each other, which I think to some degree is natural, but we also have a lot of extroverts in the group, so I am kind of joking when I say that. Well, we are women, too. Really? Yeah. Well, last I checked.

Finding ways to enhance their musical expression took place through practice and discussion during regular group gatherings. The group collectively strove to develop and maintain a unique style, as described in the following interactions: There is also, I think, in addition to blending, there is a uniqueness to the music that we do that is, um, distinctive or atypical of women's a cappella groups, and we have been very intentional about that. Yeah, we do. We do a lot o f . . . songs that people are like I never would have thought 12 women would sing a Grateful Dead song. Right. A cappella. I mean ... that's been important to us too, as sort of defining the culture of the group, is keeping it unique and not just the same 'ole, same 'ole clear thing. MotherSong participants have also discussed compiling a CD. I guess the only thing that it seems we try to maintain a low-key performance schedule, I guess there might be at least in my mind, some more sort of focused activity toward like a CD type of experience. We get more and more requests for our music that we can pass out to people or sell to people when we sing, and I'm not sure that I ever thought that that would be part of what would ever happen. Group members worked to improve their vocal performance which at times involved reining in their enthusiasm a bit. As a member shared, "And the other joke is guys, we need to sing this a little more softly because we tend to like to sing, just to belt it out."

100 Additionally, valuing their special blend of voices, when a new member was needed, the members of MotherSong take time during their sessions to sing with potential participants in a type of member audition. In addition to their concerts, group members described extending themselves, often spontaneously, to individuals in the community, in what they called "random acts of singing." One member elaborated on this aspect of the group's development and recalled one particular event: There was a point where the group sort of had this ah ha moment of, you know, wow, we can just go randomly sing for people who don't expect us and have it be just this really wonderful thing ... we have been known to sort of turn on a dime. ... There was a woman down the street who was a friend of many of ours in the group who had a mastectomy and so she was literally home in bed ... had just gotten home that day even, and um ... remember we were singing and we just said, ok, let's just up and we go, take another 15 minutes and go walk into this woman's house and sing at her bedside. Group members reminisced about a number of their unexpected "random acts of singing," including 90th and 50th birthday parties, and a wedding-rehearsal dinner. During the interview several members spontaneously offered to sing for the at-risk kindergarten class for which 1 member was substitute teaching. Sometimes they even surprised each other as illustrated in the following interactions: Come and invite us to sing. Oh, my god! Would you do that? We have done that before.

101 For these little guys before I leave, before their teacher comes back, I'm telling you, they would flip out. Give us some dates. Group participants may also gather outside of their group time to socialize as described below: We do, on occasion, just get together for social, so we will do a couple potlucks a year. After a gig we might go out and have a drink or have dinner and that has been also a lot of fun. And sometimes that involves music. So we'll be having drinks ... and we will just start singing. It will be just hilarious. Regardless of who is there. Right. Or whether we have been asked or not. And they don't mind at all. And if you don't like it, too bad. What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? Members of MotherSong shared numerous benefits enjoyed from their group participation. All members cherished the opportunity to sing in a small women's a cappella group. One member described her experience when she learned about the creation of the group: She turned to me and she said, do you sing? And I said, yes, and she said, well, we are forming this a cappella group. And I almost jumped on her because I was like dying to be in a small female group.

102 Members appreciated the quality of their sound, acknowledging an enhanced sense of connection inherent in their blended voices. As several members described, "We stand in a circle and the feeling of our voices together and the beauty of the song, it's just, you can't top it. You can't." And in the following interactions, The blend and mixture musically. I think, musically when you blend somehow physically you blend a little, for me. You know, for me, I think it's this is really good for my soul. There are other things that I do that are good for my soul. This is really good for my soul to make music and to make music with this group of women. And the quality of the music, the quality of the sound, and the affection that is built between us. Within the structure of their four-part a cappella sound, members expressed a sense of being needed and belonging—their importance to the group. As one member related, "When someone is missing, it's huge that they are missing." Another participant expressed it this way: Yeah, and I think because there are only three voices to a part, we realize ... if for some reason everyone in our part were gone, that makes a big difference when you are working on a song, so we all ... feel that a) this is important to us, and b) we are important to the group because there are only 12 of us and we count on those voices.

103 Group members shared about the balance they experienced between their sense of importance to the group and their trust in others to back them up, relieving tension when performing. As one participant described, a feeling of fun can result: I rarely feel nervous when I am singing with this group because they are all there, and I think it's kind of like when you are standing and you fall back and you know somebody is going to catch you. ... We are all there backing each other up and ... for me it's just so fun and I never feel ... nervous. I always feel like it's really fun, you know. Group members additionally shared a lighthearted approach to collective performance mistakes in the following interactions: One of the things I think is great about who we are as a group is that if we screw up, so what. Right. Like we just laugh. We start over. We start over. It's like, it's ok. There really is, there is no bad outcome. Participants went on to discuss the learning and self-acceptance reflected in their vulnerable performance style. Actually, you learn something from it. If you are standing in front of the whole audience and you start on the wrong note, we just start over. We laugh and people love that. Yes, they do.

104 It's like, whatever, you know. We are just being ourselves and we are doing the best that we can and we are having a really good time. In the midst of the performance comfort group members created for one another, they were sensitive and committed to the quality of their sound, and aware of outside appreciation and recognition received from those for whom they performed. As one member emphasized, "We have high standards. We are not going to just do shoddy music." Another participant shared, "People say, gosh, you must rehearse all the time. I mean the blend is really good and it's hard to believe how little time we rehearse." Another member clarified, "And the people that are aware of that are many times people who are heavily into music and performance themselves, too. It's coming from a lot of people who are very involved." At the conclusion of a performance, members may share in a collective sense of elation. As one member expressed, "There is that performance high when everyone is clapping and we realized we did a good job ... so people appreciate seeing us singing together." Another member described her experience of feeling affirmed, and appreciation for the group: There have been a couple of times when after we have performed where ... I'm lying in bed with just this humongous grin on my face. ... We were up there and there was like magic happening and there is no way I could have done that by myself. ... It's just so affirming, you know.

105 MotherSong participants further expressed experiencing a sense of recognition and feeling special in their community, including envy at times, as a result of their public events, as reflected in the interactions below: You feel special. You feel a little bit special and I feel like a star. And it's interesting in a town ... there is a lot of envy. Yes, there is a lot of envy. And they are like, oh, you are in that group ... you are a part of this; this is something that is special... like there is only a few people. They have some energy that I want to tap into. So you get that vibe around town, actually. It makes me feel like, oww, I'm in. In addition to benefitting from recognition and affirmation from their community, members expressed experiencing a strong sense of importance and belonging to their group, shared pleasure in their combined voices, and great fun. MotherSong participants also described reconnecting with lost parts of themselves. As one member expressed, I think that it's re-added a facet to my life, um, that was part of my life earlier ... but... I . . . thought, well, that has kind of gone by, and then, um, at some point I decided that I wanted to sing with a group. ... So it has re-added a facet of an earlier part of my life that's very precious to me. Another participant shared about claiming a new sense of womanhood through the group's performances: So I get this fancy black dress and then I got these fancy black heels which I never wear ... and I had to learn to walk in those things ... but it was a sense of being a woman. I remember standing at our concert right before we were starting

106 ... and the Mama who was next to me said, you look gorgeous, and I thought like, me! And so that was an identity shift as a woman being part of this and being able to do that because that was not me. Increased confidence was reported as a benefit resulting from their group involvement for several members. As 1 member expressed, "While I identified myself as a singer, it has given me better confidence. I am no longer so paranoid about what is going to happen when I open my mouth or whether I am warmed up or not." Another shared, I'm not sure that I ever really saw myself as a singer, so it was always lovely to hear that somebody else thought I could do that... I've grown in confidence. It's been a wonderful experience. It's really an anchoring experience in a way. One woman described the benefit of increased confidence to other parts of her life: Probably some of that confidence as a performer has, um, certainly found its way through to my life in other areas ... making me more confident as a public speaker, perhaps, or, um, you know, being in front of people. Members of MotherSong described benefitting from their group participation, both through what they gave and what they received during group time. One member described it this way: Other than my children and my husband, it is definitely the most important thing that I did for me personally because it's the one thing I have that is no stress and it's more something for me ... Not something for somebody else, which is really nice. And I love what we do for other people. That's what I really like a lot, too.

107 Participants expressed related thoughts in the interactions below: For me this group is something that I give and I get back as much as I give, and I feel like the more I give, the more I get back. Ultimate high. This group for me is more like it's a give and take and it's the fun and ... the more you put in, the more you get out. Further, group members valued their shared status as mothers, as reflected in the following interactions: I just want to say that it certainly helps to be a mother. That's a great part of this group. I don't think it's essential... but I think that's one of the wonderful things about this group is that we are all mothers. Relatedly, for many members their group participation has had positive impacts on their relationships with their children. One member expressed, But I also think as far as, you know, role modeling ... it's important for our kids to see us being passionate about something. It's easy for kids not to see their mothers as anything but this entity that kind of provides and serves them and so to see their mother in this role ... this is something that brings me tremendous joy and is defining. For me, I think is very important for kids to see. Absolutely. Well said.

108 One participant described an experience with her three sons at a group concert: "For me to see my three boys come watch 12 women singing was, that's in my back pocket forever, and they were so impressed ... it was very, very wonderful." Another group member identified the importance of role modeling for her daughter through her group participation: One thing that, um, for me is special about this group is that... several of us have daughters who sing and don't sing, but enjoy hearing us, and um, providing that role model for them I think is important. A member shared regarding the power of singing to enhancing intimate time with her daughter: "Some of the sweetest moments with her are singing ... when I am cuddling with her, and ... there is that strong connection with our kids over music and husbands, too, I suspect." MotherSong participants expressed prizing the connections among themselves in various ways throughout the research interview. During the following interactions members expressed their mutual caring, while also discriminating their group involvement from therapy: We genuinely care about each other, as you can probably tell. ... The music is a big part of it, but I think one thing that keeps us together is the connection and attachment between us. ... We all have different things going on and so there is genuine care in the room. Interesting, I think, although we are all very supportive of each other, this has never been a therapy group. Nope.

109 Which I think can also tend to be an angle that women's groups end up being. Particularly because there is three therapists in the group, (loud laughter) Oh, that's funny. One member described the priority and benefit for her of connecting to a group in her new community. I wasn't actually looking to sing, although I love to sing. It sort of found me ... when I came here. I came to this town new looking for opportunities to meet people and to connect with people. ... I heard about the group, it was like oh great ... a group of women experience on top of yeah, I also love to sing. Isn't this a great opportunity. The pleasurable mixture of music and friendship was captured in this member's comments about her group involvement: "Sundays and all the Mamas and good music and ... everybody is so supportive and friendly." Another member expressed the added value of their collective enjoyment to enhancement of the music: "I don't think the sound would be as good if we weren't having such a good time. I mean, really." While this member related her gratitude for her connection to the group: "I just feel so fortunate to be part of this outstanding group of women. Thank you all." What barriers do women experience related to group membership? MotherSong participants shared a number of situations that could prevent them from being at a gathering. One member absent from the research interview was described by others as

110 facing "crazy family issues" related to parenting four children. Family was mentioned most often as a possible barrier to participation, as reflected in the following interactions: Probably most universally though is family. Yeah. Yup. We have about 19 kids among us. Additionally, group participants also included "life," a death, work, silversmithing, sports, and tickets to special musical events as potentially interfering with attending a session. Over their years together as a group, 5 to 6 members have withdrawn. Distance, moving away, little children and a husband who traveled frequently, and poor fit in general were described as contributing factors to these previous members withdrawal. Participants emphasized the importance of commitment to the group as they shared about challenges faced with 1 previous member. The one person who left a couple of years ago said that she called a couple of days before our big concert and said, sorry, I just can't do it, and to all of us it was a, oh, she doesn't get it. That was sort of the death knell for her. She blew it. I think she kind of recognized that. As one member explained, "Everyone has a part to play and if they are not here, I think that the only people who have ever had problems are people who don't necessarily respect that coming in."

Ill Members shared that they worked to keep their interpersonal relationships in the group functioning well. As one woman expressed, "It's quite remarkable that we do have such a high level of positive feeling about this group, um, and a pretty darn low level of conflict, actually. I think all in all, but we work on that." Conflicts did arise, though, as one member shared: "I think when we stop listening to each other for a couple of weeks we are like, wait a minute. That happens every once in awhile." Another participant reported, "We just sense it, I think, as a group. It gets to a point where something is just sort of tangible." When this situation occurred, members described creating the time during their sessions to address any issues that need their attention. What importance do members place on their group participation? MotherSong participants strove to balance other life priorities with their affection for and commitment to their group involvement. As one member described, "Other than my children and my husband, it is definitely the most important thing that I did for me personally because it's the one thing I have that is no stress and it's more something for me." Another member shared, It's one of the few things I am committed to. I have tried very carefully not to over-commit myself and say yes, and it is one of three major things that I'm willing to make time for in addition to working and kids and all that stuff. A participant expressed the importance of her group involvement this way: "This is the only vocal music that I am doing now, and I just could never let this go ... the Sunday afternoons. It's stress free."

112 Another member described her prioritizing of the group even with the stressors involved for her. I don't find the time stress free at all. Sunday is like the worst night for me to rehearse, but the group means enough to me that I just make it work ... but it is worth it. In some cases a member missed a session due to other, often unexpected obligations, as this member shared: Sometimes there is things that crop up that you are not expecting ... even though as important as this is to me, there are other things that I have to make sure will happen, too, or that I feel that I am committed to, as well. Group participants wanted to be present for group gatherings as this member indicated: "We are not doing it out of obligation. ... We are doing it because we want to be here." To help ensure members would be able to participate in group time if at all possible, they usually planned sessions 6 months ahead, and took summers off. MotherSong members typically met from September through December and January through the end of April. A member described their planning process this way: "We bring our calendars and talk about it and typically it's everyone is on board unless something, you know, critical comes up for somebody." The use of their calendars reflected members valuing of their group times, as illustrated in the following interactions: You know what, I think it has to do with the fact that it goes into the calendar. Yeah, I do too.

113 And so it's a little bit like an appointment, but set up ahead of time and you are committed to it, and unless something really unusual comes up that you can't get away from, that's what you do. In their overarching shared commitments to the group, participants additionally expressed understanding of the occasional situations that could arise for one another and prevent attendance, as this member stated: "I think if we are not able to be here, it's a pretty serious reason and I think everyone is respectful enough of everyone else that there is a lot of understanding why that could happen on occasion." Prioritizing the group in their busy lives together with shared understanding and acceptance of members' occasional absences has contributed to the health and longevity of MotherSong. How is leadership shared among the group members? Shared leadership and consensus-based decisions were relatively recent evolutionary steps for the members of MotherSong. A founding member and others described this unfolding: There was a period of time where I felt like I held the reins pretty tightly as a leader. You know, I sort of felt like I did most everything and, um, I think starting a couple of years ago, I started feeling like, I don't want to be doing all this and I am getting stressed ... so I started to try to off-load some things, and that's been great because ... I think the equilibrium is better. And leads to the positive functioning of the group. Yeah. Participants described three ongoing leadership roles, in addition to their shared responsibilities. These three areas of responsibility were keeping the group's calendar,

114 including booking performance dates; a music director who also made choices of songs for the group to rehearse and perform, as well as conducted the group during performances; and "Pitch Bitch," who led the group with pitches during performances and rehearsals. Members volunteered for other needed roles as they arose, often based on their passions for various tasks. This interaction illustrated regarding roles, It just happens. Yeah, it does. If somebody has a passion about, you know what, sure I can do that, like if we are talking about something we want to do. Responsibilities taken on and shared by members have included delivering refreshments, making contact with appropriate individuals regarding a concert, and conducting a few songs to relieve the music director. The participants reported that they all contributed to the choreography for performances. Members described reaching decisions regarding dates and times for gathering; group size; conflict discussion and resolution; and general tone of encouragement, ease, and acceptance within the group through discussion and consensus. Membership decisions were also arrived at through consensus, with members often using e-mail between group sessions to share individual perspectives on the fit of a potential new member. Participants emphasized that to some degree new members self-selected in that membership in MotherSong required a particular skill, as this participant expressed: "You can't belong to this group if you can't sing." Personality, compatible ego, and the right "vibe" were reported as other qualities participants assessed when considering a new member.

115 Further reflecting their respect and valuing of one another, group members shared leadership regarding choices of group activities, including increasing rehearsal time, concerts, random acts of singing, and the making of a potential CD, as described in the interactions below: There have been a couple of different times along the trajectory where ... a certain number of us have really said, ah, you know, we could be so good if we rehearsed a little bit more and maybe performed a little bit more and, you know, we should try to figure out a way to push a little bit more ... and it's always, you know, it won't happen because we kind of come back ... to do that first of all, not everybody agrees. And this may not be the right time for some, and maybe it is for others. Yeah, and it is a group thing. Finally, group members identified a core value underlying many shared decisions: "The core group, whatever, when we started out, the constitution was no stress." Collectively, members worked to maintain their enjoyment and pleasure while developing the quality of their music in an environment of minimal stress. What, if any, common factors exist within groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? Members of MotherSong expressed that their group meant "A Lot" to them, summing up the benefits of their participation. One member shared more specifically, "I have kind of relaxed into my singing and I think that parallels a little bit more relaxing in my life, which might be surprising to you guys." Other members described the high value placed on women who are mothers in the combined group focus on self and self with others through their singing:

116 I think another thing is that moms very often sell themselves out because we are very, very busy. We take on everybody else's angst, you know, even though we are not supposed to ... and this is a chance to become focused on yourself, you know, and that's huge. And 11 other great people. Yeah, and 11 other great people doing the same thing. Yeah, absolutely. Several members discussed the meaning of their group to them spiritually in the interactions below: I feel really, um, blessed, I guess would be the word, to have found it. ... It was like, oh, I have a need. They have a need and so there is serendipity ... there is meaning to this. It feels sort of spiritual in a way, I guess, sort of spiritual energy and it's very warm and loving and fun. Another participant added, I no longer practice the religion that I was born into and brought up in, but spirituality is important, and when I talk about this being good for my soul, that is part of what I am talking about, so it fulfills a part of me, yeah. Members described being committed to each, and also experiencing something larger through their group involvement in the following interactions: Yeah, I think that's the ... commitment is certainly to one another, but there is also a life that's greater than each of us. Oh, definitely.

117 That is the group, and I think it's that sort of dual affiliation that, that so really fills my heart so much. The member who originally conceived the idea for this group expressed how meaningful it was to her as others shared their cherishing of the group. There are times when I just get the biggest tickle out of the fact that... one day I was sitting in the car and driving and singing and just wanting this group and ... have it be what it is today. ... It leaves me in awe, and it just feels so good and to have it mean so much to all these other people, too, you know. It's not just me. It's like we all feel that way. It's just too cool. When asked to identify a metaphor that might capture the essence of their group or their experience as members, participants described four meaningful images. Three members made representations that included a stained-glass window with light shining through it, a big stew with constantly adjusted ingredients, and a puzzle in which all pieces were important to the whole. My associations shared by these three metaphors included the importance and belonging of each element to the whole. The whole was transformational in nature, much different and greater than the sum of each individual part. Each metaphor contained diverse and complex combinations of ingredients. As well, the parts were strongly connected or integrated, all belonging to the whole. The fourth metaphor identified by group members was a ripple in a pond. This naturally occurring image evoked my associations of ease, as well as an initial act extending far into the environment with larger and larger impact. Women's Spirituality Group: Honoring Women's Spirituality and Voices, Holding the Circle.

118 The Women's Spirituality Group (WSG) formed in 1980, in a small northern New England city of approximately 60,000 residents, with over 500,000 people living in the greater metropolitan area. The group formed to honor feminine spirituality and provide opportunity to actualize women's spiritual connections through ritual. This was the ninth group interviewed for this study. Members of the Women's Spirituality Group met weekly for 2 hours, typically at the Friend's Meeting House near the city. Six participants were present for the research interview, which took place on Monday evening, March 23, 2009, at the group's usual location for gathering. The Friend's Meeting House was located several miles west of the city center. A lovely, older brick structure set off the main road in a grove of pine trees, it had a stately, quiet presence with no overtly religious or ornate exterior features. A curved, semicircular driveway connected the parking area and building to the road below. Wide steps led from the driveway to the large wooden double doors at the main entry to the meeting house. Upon entering the building, the interior walls rising up from the plain wood floor were covered in quiet blue-gray paint and subdued wallpaper. Several meeting rooms of various sizes opened to the entry area and the long hallway extending beyond. A long row of pegs for hanging coats and jackets ran along one wall of the hallway. Small tables with literature and seasonal Easter decorations were located in the entry area, and individual colorful Easter eggs were placed randomly throughout the building, including the bathroom. The research interview took place in a moderately sized room at the end of the hallway. The members present and I sat on high backed wooden chairs around a large wooden table. The ceiling was high and tall windows showed us that it was still light

119 outside as we began the session. Several members commented on the lengthening daylight hours now, near the end of March. Opposite my seat, large sheets of paper containing handwritten descriptions of commitments to nonviolence were taped along the wall. The WSG began on June, 6, 1980, as a member specifically recalled, "consider [WSG] to be a birthday present to me because the day of the first meeting, um, is my birthday." The group originated out of a university Women's Studies course focused on women's spirituality. During the semester one of the assignments involved the creation of rituals by the course participants. A group member described the outgrowth of the WSG from this assignment. They fell in love with ritual and working together and building their spirituality, and they ... developed such a bond that they didn't want to stop when the class was done and so they decided to continue meeting and that's how [WSG] was born. This member went on to describe the group traditions that had been ongoing for nearly 29 years at the time of the research interview, since the group's inception: We have been meeting except for bad weather and a few other vagaries ... for almost 29 years every Monday night. ... They agreed from the very beginning that it would be a women's only group and that it would be an open group so that new members were welcome all the time. ... They agreed from the beginning to use a circle type process—that everybody's voice would be important and that we would sit in circle.

120 Over time the number of members "ebbed and flowed," and the group maintained contact with about 30 women by e-mail. At the time of the research interview, participants reported an average of 5 members attended each weekly meeting. The group was incorporated as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit corporation. The WSG has been written about and quoted by others, including an article in a local periodical focused on wellness, and inclusion in a (1993) book related to Goddess religions. In 1995, the members published the second edition of a collection of rituals to honor life passages and transitions, and to connect participants to nature. The local publishing company for this book was described by members as "sort of a child of [WSG]" and related to their connections with university faculty. Additionally, the WSG had inspired offspring groups around the country. As one member described, "Periodically we receive communications from other groups that have started with this as a basic model because somebody from this group has gone there and touched them or given them an idea of what we are about." Who is participating? Four demographic surveys were received from WSG members, contributing additional information to their research interview responses. For those providing information, the average age was 59.7 years old, with ages ranging from 53 to 65 years of age. Members reporting described themselves as being from the local area, as well as Pennsylvania and Oregon. The four members providing demographic information identified themselves as White or Caucasian with English as their native language. Two women indicated being single, 1 married, and 1 divorced. Three members reported having no children, and 1 member described having two adopted children, ages 22 and 23 years old, who no longer live at home. One respondent

121 indicated she provides ongoing care for her father-in-law, with no other reports of provision of ongoing care by members providing information. Three members described no employment outside the home, while 1 woman reported that ideally she would be employed full time, but was often, as she was currently, unemployed. Professional areas of those providing information included merchant seaman, musician and music teacher, and finances. Members reported 27 to 39 years in their fields, with an average of 32 years of professional involvement. Two members indicated having some college education, 1 had completed her bachelor's degree, and 1 had obtained a master's degree. Three members shared annual family incomes, with two reporting less than $20,000 per year, and one indicating $20,000 to $38,000. WSG members providing information described histories in from four to eight women's small groups. Three members reported past involvement in consciousnessraising groups. Members indicated awareness of three, eight, "lots!", and "too numerous to count" regarding numbers of currently existing women's small groups. What occurs during group gatherings? Over the long history of the WSG, the group's activities evolved with major shifts of the group's energy and focus, along with continuity of some core rituals. One member described attending her first group session in the early years of the group's existence. I remember one of the first times I came and (

), who is like the real founding

mother of this group, she was leading, and I thought I was sitting in a graduate class. Oh, my god, this is really hard!

122 Group members described the increased political involvement of the group and the active investment in women's issues by participants in the 1980s and early 1990s. As one member recalled, Thinking about the '80s and early '90s ... there were some people who were very invested in women's issues because it really needed to be really invested in, and a lot of things that we take for granted are because they, they saw a need and started doing something about it. In 1986, the WSG cosponsored a large Women and Power Conference, after which their membership surged for awhile. Large anniversary events were held in 1990 and 2000, which also resulted in membership increases. As a participant described, "It's kind of this tradition to have a big weekend hooplah after 10 years." Members shared that these events involved significant planning with over 2 years of planning invested in the first 10th Anniversary celebration. During the early years of the WSG, participants held weekend retreats, workshops, and classes to help raise funds. They established connection with a sister community in Central America. Additionally, the WSG members participated in a publishing business, producing a book of rituals created by the group members in 1995. The book of rituals was the result of early participants' record keeping and illustrations of the rituals brought to the group, which members eventually compiled into a hard-bound volume. A member elaborated on the creation of this compilation: Just an amazing variety of creative women to start with. (The collection of rituals) has come out of this group and the inspiration for it was the book that the women kept when they first started the group and they would write down the rituals.

123 They would illustrate them, um, and we were just so enthralled with the beauty of that, um, original book that, um, we were inspired when we had our publishing company to pull that together and create [the book]. The group formed a 501(c)(3) nonprofit corporation, and for awhile maintained an office with a coordinator. The WSG had kept its nonprofit status. At the time of this research, members continued to hold large annual meetings, and special "summits" as needed to address pertinent issues. Participants described their group as less politically oriented and with much less outreach into the community than in their past. As one member shared, I think we are less politically oriented by a lot than we used to be. A lot of the women who were first part of the group were very interested in political outreach and there were workshops ... classes ... just a lot more community and political involvement certainly than we have now. Members described little change over the years in the rituals used during gatherings. Speaking to this relatively stable core use of group time, 1 member stated, "I don't feel like [WSG] has changed basically. We do similar rituals." Many rituals were available to members as chronicled in their book to celebrate a wide variety of life transitions and events. As 1 participant expressed, "There is just such a wide variety of things that are celebrated or dealt with here that this is what really got me interested." In addition to differing meeting formats for each week during the month, participants used special rituals to formalize membership, honor aging, and acknowledge seasonal changes, among others. One member shared about the croning rituals used to

124 honor aging: "When we do a croning, which we are probably most famous for, um, to initiate someone as an elder, it has always been made very clear. It's a very long ritual." On the 4th Monday of the month, group members held their Fourth Moon Day regular monthly business meeting prior to the ritual time of their gatherings. During each week's session, 1 member set up an altar that always included candles. As 1 member expressed, "I always appreciate that someone sets up a beautiful altar and it is always different... oh, it's beautiful." The group met in a circle, sitting around a table or in chairs with the altar arranged in the center of the space. The candles were lit by members present for the evening who often offered a bit of personal sharing or a thought related to the meaning attached to the particular candle being lit. In the earlier years of the group, candle lighting and sharing could take the entire session time, as this member described: At one point people would bring a different candle every week for something particular going on in their lives and we would just keep lighting that one every week ... and you talk about taking the entire evening to go around and check-in, we spent the entire evening lighting. I think the most we ever had was 19 candles. At the time of the research interview, this opening ritual was much less lengthy, but no less significant. As one member expressed, "With the candles, for me it's like, you know, your indoor camp fire." The majority of the group's session each week was voluntarily designed by a member, as this participant explained, "So one person volunteers each week to coordinate the ritual. They can design it themselves. They can get other people to help them."

125 Volunteers were scheduled in the group's calendar a month ahead during the Fourth Moon Day meeting. Gatherings ended with the group singing several songs, often chosen spontaneously by members at that time. WSG members used a specifically structured Listening ritual when concerns or conflicts arose, as described in the interactions below. We have a process called a Listening which is actually comes from the Quaker tradition ... a time when the topic is presented, people speak, no cross talk, no decisions. It is just for listening. ... A lot of our, um, discussion making has come after a listening, or two or three, and we spiral. I mean, the same topic can come to a listening, you know, through different women, we have different concerns. ... Yeah, I mean it might not come up for 3 years, but, you know, when it boils then we have a Listening. We have found that we have Listenings, just conflicts between two women. It can be a private Listening, but we have wonderful group Listenings, and it has been definitely part of our decision making. A member shared the power of their listening process in resolving conflicts: "I think our success rate of resolving issues is quite high." While Listenings occurred as needed, decisions were finally made at the Fourth Moon Day meeting each month. In addition to formal Listenings, members strove to regularly use "attentive listening" with one another. Both sharing and listening might be enhanced by use of a talking stick, the Blessed Bee, during large gatherings. For the most part at the time of the research interview, the Blessed Bee talking stick lay quietly on the altar. As these members described,

126 We really do remind ourselves and try to follow attentive listening and so it's not a lot of times we need a talking stick. If it is a big group, we use it. What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? WSG participants described numerous benefits to their group involvement. Interpersonal connection and support were often mentioned. One member described the significance of her connections in the group to her life outside of group time: "Probably 75% of my social contacts now are people that I have known through this group over the years." Another member reported, "It certainly has provided me with a lot of friends, very definitely." A preexisting connection in the group helped 1 member make the decision to become involved, as she described: "I just came on my own, you know, even though I knew other people that had been involved, and then I saw (

) and it was like, ok, I do

know somebody here." When asked what makes their group special, a member quickly named the other members present, reflecting her valuing of those relationships. Members' cherishing of each other was elaborated by this member: "There is a strong bond that has happened with all of us that are still here that has happened over the years, um, we have all gotten closer. We have all been really deeply connected." One woman expressed the value of her group involvement this way: "I can't even begin to say the number of things it has provided me with. Friendship, support. When my mother passed away, it was just wonderful to have someone to come home to."

127 Members have benefitted from the group's support during crisis, as this participant also expressed, "People come during a crisis during their life or come when they are at their wits end and they come to be nourished by the group." Describing their group as "loving, compassionate, and very earthy and grounded," members shared benefitting from the expression of "laughter ... silliness ... tears" during group gatherings. WSG participants experienced feeling "validated" in their thoughts and emotional expressions, as well. While group support was valued by members, they made a clear distinction between this aspect of group involvement and therapy, as expressed below: We are also a supportive group, but not a therapy group and we do have to kind of remind certain women because there have been people in the 12-step groups and therapists ... they kept thinking we were a therapy group and so, supporting is really different. Group participants described feeling uplifted and renewed from group gatherings, often leaving sessions in a better emotional frame of mind than when they first arrived. As one member related, "(

) and I both come in a bad mood. We leave at the end of

the evening in a good mood." Another member shared her mood shift resulting from group participation after a long 10-hour workday: Those are the nights when I have come and gotten the most out of what was going on because I really needed to be here, um, whatever happened that evening was usually just exactly what I needed to change that turtle energy around and just move it along.

128 Affirming rituals contributed to this member's enjoyment of group time, as she described: I really appreciated how, how many of the gatherings I have been to have been lighthearted and even though, you know, we light some of these candles and there is things going on. ... Sometimes there is more concerns than there are joys. ... I am surprised at how many nights people are affirming what they feel good about, and, um, bringing ... something of themselves to, you know, such beautiful sharing time. Additionally, group participants described their time together as "educational." In the following interactions, two members expressed areas in which they learned from others in the group. I have learned a lot from the rituals that women have brought and shared and what has been important to them. When I first started coming ... the women who were the crones at the time, such a powerful example of what women could be. I never saw women like the women that were here or are here. WSG members experienced a strong connection to and valuing of their group's long history. As this member shared, "And the history. I mean, there is a lot of history here that has been proud of and to be honored." The importance of the continuity of the group's existence over nearly 3 decades was described by one participant: It's just being part of that history is ... what intrigues me ... just knowing ... that there is this ongoing ... It's unbelievable. It's phenomenal. ... The fact that

129 people have dealt with the '80s and the '90s with the help of this group and here we are. Members used words including enduring, committed, and perseverance to describe their group. Additionally, group members expressed appreciation for the continuity of the structure of sessions. As 1 member shared, "I like that it's the same and that it's comforting, and we hear the agreements we have among ourselves, so it's interesting." Another expressed, "I really do love the beginning, and I do especially love the singing at the end." WSG gatherings provided members with the opportunity for "soul quenching" spiritual expression, a stated purpose of this group. A member shared the importance of this quality of group time as she faced the prospect of moving from Washington D.C. to the local area many years ago. "Knowing that [WSG] was here was one of the reasons I knew I could move because I don't have any other church or spirituality. ... I just knew it would enable me to integrate and feel comfortable." Another member described the value of the personal learning for her related to her own spirituality as she became connected to the WSG. To learn, to ... get the information that I could be a spiritual person when I had never thought of myself that way. I felt adrift. I never got connected to an organized religion ... but to feel the group, to find a group that encouraged, um, feeling good about your, about spirituality ... other than blaming and criticism. Overall, members of the WSG valued their participation in this long-term, spiritually oriented group, as this participant expressed:

130 It's just a positive thing. This still for me, I still come because it feeds me. It nurtures me. I look forward to it. ... I still look forward to it every week. I mean, there have been Mondays when we haven't met and I'm like what am I going to do? It's Monday night. What barriers do women experience related to group membership? While members of the WSG receive numerous benefits from their participation, energy levels and life circumstances could sometimes prevent attendance at group gatherings. One member described the challenge for her related to meeting after her long workday. The job I do for pay. Sometimes being too tired when I get out of work because I work 10-hour shifts. Sometimes when I work on Mondays, I just say, no, I can't, but not often ... the times—I call it, um, turtle energy when I just want to stay home and tuck my head in and say, I'm really not in the mood for going out. Another participant shared: Just sometimes the energy ... I've got my big event... for 100 women and girls and so I just said, well, I'm just not coming in August... plus ... I do a monster garden, so it was just sort of like I needed not to be making the trips. The demands related to being in school could affect this member's desire to be present for group sessions, as she stated, "Well, I haven't felt like I had to leave, but I have left before just because of homework and then, like I said, school and just other things, so sometimes I just want to stay home." Group participants described living or working a distance from the meeting location, other commitments, sickness, death, disability, and northern New England's winter weather as possible contributing factors for missing sessions. Additionally,

131 occasional episodes of interpersonal strain posed challenges to members' attendance. Regarding thoughts of dropping out of the group, 1 participant expressed, Just to say very briefly at one point when things weren't comfortable, I thought about it for maybe 10 minutes, just to try that on and see what it would feel like to just back away from the discomfort rather than continuing to deal with it. Another member shared, "I never thought of dropping out. There was one time I left an annual meeting early because I was really uncomfortable. ... I was too emotional." Also referring to a difficult annual meeting in the past, one woman described, "There was kind of a difficult situation, and I think that really had an effect on the group energy and I think a lot of people started to leave after that." During the research interview, members commented periodically about the declining attendance over recent years. One related challenge involved differing opinions regarding member fit for a transgendered individual as reflected in these interactions. Originally our definition was growing up as women because a lot of storytelling is about growing up female and so that was part of the concern about transgender. Either they have to be quiet or we would end up with a lot of stories about boys. I know that I felt that they had a privilege that we didn't have and I resented that ... especially in my career ... so I was one of the opposing voices to that for a long time. Members shared that even with occasional interpersonal challenges no one has ever been asked to leave the group. Over this open group's nearly 30 year history, however, members' lives continued to unfold. Some moved away, some no longer drove at night, some moved on to other

132 involvements, and some died. One participant explained her understanding this way: "People come and then things are looking better for them and they get too busy ... not everybody is going to stay connected all the time." Another perspective was provided in the following interactions: I have seen people come to one meeting and never see them again and that's ... I think we scared her off, you know. Yeah, we have addressed that a lot of times. How do we make women really feel comfortable, you know. I'm not sure we have come up with an answer. One member offered this explanation for the group's current decline in membership, relating it to the increased number of possible women's groups with which to affiliate as a result of the Women's Movement. "We kept say, why are we getting smaller and smaller, and I said because the movement is expanding." For the most part participants expressed acceptance of the WSG's variable membership numbers. As one woman described, "For people to come and then not come anymore, there is something that is ok about that because it, you can still... have some real benefit from a group like this." The ongoing tidal quality of members, energy, and issues was summarized by this participant. "We keep talking about ebb and flow, that the size of the group comes and goes, that issues come and go, that our energy comes and goes, um, we just flow back and forth." Like the ever-changing phases of the moon, this group has endured in various configurations over time.

133 What importance do members place on their group participation? For the members who continued to participate, involvement in the WSG was a high priority despite any challenges that might arise. Monday night had been devoted to the group meetings for many years and was a standing date for these participants. If at all possible, this core group of members was present. As one member described, It's Monday, bye. ... So prioritizing is that it's Monday, I'm here, and it has been a recommitment in the last year when it has become so small because if there are five of us here and one person doesn't come ... it just doesn't happen anymore and it wouldn't take a lot at this point, um, without the continued input and, um, dedication of the people who are here for it not to happen anymore and that just would be too hard on my heart. Another participant described her prioritizing of her WSG involvement related to other groups she could potentially include in her schedule. I find I ignore messages from or announcements about other groups. ... I like to put my attention here and with women's circles so right now I kind of like have blinders on. I don't pay attention to anything going on with any other groups around. You spread yourself too thin. For one member the importance of the group to her helped make it possible to continue her involvement in the face of interpersonal strain in the group rather than discontinue her participation. As she expressed, "I just thought, I will not be pushed out of my home. I will help find a way to deal with it rather than be pushed out of something that has been so important for so long."

134 Additionally, while many women who once participated in the WSG were no longer able to attend for a variety of physical and geographical reasons, the group remained important to them. As a member explained, It's important, but it's just not as important to as many people and there are people who are on the fringes that... were saying ... you have got to keep going. I'm not going to come but you guys have got to keep going. Another participant expressed, "A lot of women ... even though they can't come because they have moved away or whatever ... they just like knowing that we still are holding the circle, that we still exist." Even members who were unable to be present for group gatherings valued the WSG and those who kept the candles burning. How is leadership shared among the group members? Members of the WSG expressed valuing a group with "no leader" and "no dogma or anything shoved down your throat." Through discussion and consensus, members collaboratively established a tone and traditions of open welcoming acceptance and inclusion. Members self-selected to participate in the group for as long and as often as desired. Confidentiality and respect in the context of creating a safe space, were understood, as well as printed on the group's "Information for Newcomers" handout. Listening to one another was highly valued and rituals were used to enhance this process when needed. To help assure that all voices were heard, any decisions were postponed until the group's business meeting on the Fourth Moon Day, and made by those present according to the group's bylaws, as described below. If there really were decisions, they had to bring it to Fourth Moon Day.

135 At the business meeting. And the only other meeting that can make decisions is our annual meeting. We are a 501(c)(3) corporation. A participant described the visual consensus process used at these decision making sessions. We actually use red plates, yellow plates, and green plates, just like the stop sign ... we will do like a preliminary and if everyone is green, that is done, but if there is any yellow which is precautionary or I want more information or whatever, and one veto red and it isn't a policy. One member added, "So it just was a quick visual. When you have two rows of women in here, it really helped." The consensus process also included seeking input by e-mail from active members who may be geographically distant. WSG members strove "to honor everybody's opinion and ideas and ways of being" using a circle process for discussion of issues at their Fourth Moon Day and annual meetings. One participant described an additional advantage for her in using circle process: At the same meeting you can decide what your energy level is, you know, and so if you have energy you can lead a ritual and if you didn't, you would pass, and so for me it was very definitely that same energy that I love. The value of this ease in choosing levels of participation in the shared leadership of weekly group sessions was affirmed by this member's comment: "There are so few

136 people involved right now, it really falls a lot to the same people who are willing and have the interest and the gumption to go ahead and lead something." Another member related one outcome of sharing the leadership of weekly gatherings of this currently small group: "Sometimes women get tired of being leaders and so they go to the Unitarian Church because they can just be followers." Members of the WSG decided who would lead the upcoming sessions a month ahead during the Fourth Moon Day meeting: "One person volunteers each week to coordinate the ritual." While participants may tire of the leadership responsibilities at times, 1 member shared the value for her in taking on leadership roles for group gatherings. I feel that I have learned how to be a leader here. I learned how to be brave enough, too. It was kind of a progressive thing to light a candle for the first time and say those words that go with that candle, um, or to lead a song for the first time. ... I volunteered to do an evening, to lead an evening. ... I worried about who would come and who wouldn't come, and so I really learned a lot here about how to offer what was important to me and to be a leader and to not have to control every piece of it, as well, to just let what you were offering develop, um, a life of its own, um, in the course of an evening because sometimes what you have planned is not what happened and so that was always interesting and a lot of fun, as well. ... For me it has really gone over into a lot of what I do and how I do it because I have really learned so much here about honoring each other and listening.

137 What, if any, common factors exist within the group related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? WSG members described profound meanings for their group participation, often related to connection and belonging. As one member expressed, "It's nice to always know that this group is here. It's just nice, again, it's like it is coming home. It's exactly like coming home." Another woman related, "I just have been very excited from the beginning, so this has really been my spiritual home since 1986." Participants described their group connections as "community," and "They are all family." One member elaborated on her affection for others in the group and some related disadvantages: I'd marry all of them, but then there would be too many women in my apartment. I couldn't stand it. I have a small apartment. They all would not fit in there. Plus I like to cook in my kitchen myself, so. Another member expressed the meaningfulness to her of the inspiration received from WSG by other women who formed similar groups: "It pleases me and does my heart good to know that there are other groups that, that at least started wherever they went as a result of what we were modeling." Group involvement represented cherished time and activities set apart from regular daily routines, as this member expressed, "We like to call this the real world and that out there is not the real world." Another participant described the group's meaning to her this way: "Carrying the torch and ... having this period of light to, um, to share and to, um, I don't know, in a way it's a refuge from the unreal, all that other stuff."

138 Group involvement for 1 woman represented far more than the brief time spent together: "It's a way of life ... even though we meet 2 hours a week." Finally, a member expressed appreciation as others related their treasuring of their group affiliations: I'm just thinking that, um, you being here tonight is going to be, um, something that is going to be long remembered by us to just share our history and so forth. I think this is a great opportunity. I have been looking forward to this. I didn't know what form it would take, but it really, it has really been good to hear, to hear people's—all these little why are you here, what does it do for you. When asked to identify a metaphor that might capture the essence of their group or their experiences as members, those present for the research interview identified the picture on the cover of their book of rituals: an image of seated figures holding hands and forming a circle around an alter center containing four candles. My associations with this metaphor included the never ending quality of the circle, container for the fire of life, creativity, and energy; a hearth and place to come to. The circle provided a boundary between the inside and outside spaces, protecting the fire and containing the energy. Kinship Group: Family Females Together, Being Ourselves. The Kinship Group formed in 1979 in a small, rural northern New England town of approximately 3,000 residents. The original 3 members, all sisters, began meeting weekly at different participants' homes for coffee, to play Pepino, vent, and share emotional support. This was the first group to be interviewed for this study. The 8 Kinship Group members were female relatives who met weekly at 1 member's home for 2 hours, usually on Thursday evenings. Seven members were

present for the research interview which took place on Tuesday night, January 6, 2009, at the group's usual meeting location. The air was cold, in the teens, and the ground was snow covered as I approached the member's home where the interview would be held. When I arrived with 1 of the sister members, we were eagerly greeted at the door by a friendly black Labrador retriever with a toy in his mouth. One of the 4 sisters who were members provided her ample kitchen for the group's sessions. A fire burned in the woodstove in the next room, and her husband added more wood as we were getting settled. The participants and I sat around the large wooden table set along one wall, near the entry door. Kitchen counters, cupboards, and appliances were arranged along the three remaining walls. The large open kitchen area was clean and spare, with few decorations. Coffee was brewing and plates of bunt cake and homemade biscotti were ready on the counter. Midway through the interview these delicacies, along with a plate of fresh strawberries dipped in chocolate were brought to the table. During the interview, the homeowner member's husband left the house with their dog. Also, her adult son entered the kitchen area twice and was quickly shooed away by the group participants. Originally, 3 sisters began gathering together weekly in alternating homes. Members described the original group purpose and activities as venting, support, and playing Pepino. Since its beginning, additional female family members joined, including 1 sister, a cousin, and 3 now grown daughters of the older members; while two early members, an older sister and mother of several members, were deceased. In addition to member changes, the group's purpose evolved for several participants to include "just to get away from home" and "without going too far." A member described her purpose in joining the Kinship Group:

140 I wanted to join because I just didn't want to lose touch with my family. I see way too many families that are not close. That they are apart from each other and they are estranged, and I just want, I don't want to lose touch with that ever. Maintaining close ties with family became a primary purpose of the group as it has evolved. Who is participating? Seven demographic surveys were received from group participants, adding information to members' interview responses. For those responding the average age was 51 years old, with ages ranging from 32 to 64 years of age. Six members described being from the local area, with 1 member not responding to this question. All members described themselves as White or Caucasian, and English as their native language. Five members indicated being married, 1 widowed, and 1 divorced. Five participants reported having from one to four children, with children's ages ranging from 5 Vi months to 46 years old. Three members stated they had children living with them, and 1 member indicated providing additional ongoing care for her husband. Two members reported having no children. No other reports of provision of ongoing care were offered by members. Six members indicated that they were employed outside the home, with 1 member stating she was on maternity leave. Five participants reported full-time employment and one "retired" member indicated being employed part-time. Members' education ranged from completion of 9th grade to an associate's degree, with 4 members reporting completion of high school. Members indicated from 7 to 37 Vi years working in their fields, including travel consultant, accountant, dental receptionist, banking, clerk, and administrative assistant. Three participants reported annual family incomes of $38,000 to

141 $60,000, the mode for this question. Participants' annual family incomes ranged from less than $20,000 to from $60,000 to $97,000. Five members responding described histories in from one to three women's small groups. All participants reported no consciousness-raising group experience. One member indicated awareness of two currently existing women's small groups, with all other participants reporting zero or not responding to this question. What occurs during group gatherings? Since the Kinship Group's inception in 1979 for coffee, venting, and playing Pepino, member activities evolved, as 2 participants described: We don't play games anymore. No, we don't play games anymore. We just sit and talk. Members reflected on an outsider's perception of their verbal interactions together: (

) used to say how do you guys do that? You start talking and everybody is

finishing each other's sentences. It just happens. Yeah. In addition to Kinship Group members' personal sharing and venting during group sessions, participants described a number of family-related projects they engaged in together, including helping 1 member's husband by decorating Christmas wreaths for him to sell. Participants have worked collaboratively on weddings, as well as wedding and baby showers. Members additionally described compiling boxes from home to send

142 to 1 participant's son during the 15 months he was stationed in Iraq, as related in the following interactions: Fifty-pound boxes. Every 2 weeks? Every 2 weeks. We sent a box to Iraq. Members shared that they also put on Christmas parties together, and celebrate each other's "milestone birthdays." Participants explained that milestone birthdays were "30, 40, 50," and discussed increasing the frequency of these celebrations after a member turned 60 years old in the following interactions: I think it should be 65 this year, too. Because of you? No, 60. Are you going to be 65? No way. I think you should do it every 5 years after 60, don't you? Look, you can't make up the rules as you go along. Sure you can. She's the oldest. I'm the oldest. Kinship Group members described often becoming quite playful, both verbally and physically during their time together. One participant defined their group time as "mayhem," with others describing the group as "a bunch of hams, swearing, burping, farting." Members also mentioned, Showing boobies.

143 Mooning. Yup, mooning. Dancing. Flashing. While Kinship Group participants indicated they were open to "visitations" from others, they expressed doubts related to a newcomer's ongoing involvement, as 1 member described: "You know, I don't think they could handle it." Their playfulness was also channeled into a variety of practical jokes on one another. Kinship Group participants additionally shared that emotions were expressed during group time: Crying, laughing. Bitching. People storming out without their keys. Sibling rivalry. Mother-daughter rivalry. Sister rivalry. As members explained, "Oh, yeah, there is nothing held back." While members described sharing whatever might be going on emotionally with one another, several participants related the group's evolution toward gentler interactions in recent years: Not so much anymore. Not so much. No.

144 We're like foam bricks now. Softer. More squishy. Group members reported engaging in group hugs, as well. Group hug, group hug, group hug. And we have those quite often, too. During their time together, participants reported that coffee and food were often, though not always, included amidst the variety of interactions and projects they engaged in together. What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? Kinship Group members described benefits of their group involvement, including fun, love, joy, and generous support. Support among members involved, "helping, monetary, um, anything." Participants provided emotional support to one another, as well. As this member expressed, "(

) come in tonight and gave me a hug. That was nice. That

made me feel good." Participants reported how deeply their actions might impact each other in the interactions below. You come in and hugged me and brought me flowers. There you go. And then you cried. You shouldn't have made me cry. These participants related their mutual acceptance and investment related to support:

145 I know I had somebody to lean on when I needed to. Shoulders. We all do. Lean on me. Because not everybody is having a good day all of the time. No. Really? And somebody is usually in tears sometimes. Group members also expressed valuing one another as sounding boards, acknowledging the listening aspect in their family relationships, as these interactions reflected: Sounding boards. Sometimes you feel like you just don't need to unload on somebody because they have problems, too. But that's what family is for. Family is also for bouncing ideas off of, too. One participant further defined the benefits related to her involvement in this family group: "This group is the family group, this is the supportive group for what needs you have in your family life." The closeness shared by Kinship Group participants over many years was noticed and appreciated by others outside the group, as this member shared: She has so many times said to me, I really want to meet your sisters. I really want to meet you sisters, she said, because you guys must have the best time, fun, and

146 so I think the years that we have had together portrays the closeness and fun that we have. Another member expressed, "You would be surprised at how many find that know us are—like the fact that we are so close because they don't have that. They don't have near that much." Members related the value for them of having this confidential space to "relax, talk, unwind." One participant expressed, "You can speak to one and they are not going to speak it to everybody else." As members began to loosen up with each other during group sessions, laughter and increased energy often result. As one member reported: Oh, God. We get to laughing so hard. Other participants described: Um, laughter. I think a lot of times when we get here it's like ... It's Thursday and it's like dragging time, and then somebody will get going and we will get laughing. Pee your pants. And so it just kind of brings you up a little bit. Hard working, Kinship Group participants shared the value for them of letting their childlike, silly sides out during group time. In the workforce because you have to have a nice front. Not me (laughter). A nice front? Like a truck driver. You have to act like a grown up at work.

147 Here you don't have to. We'll never grow up. We'll grow old, but we'll never grow up. As this member summarized, "It allows us to be ourselves." In addition to the fun, support, and closeness Kinship Group members experienced as a result of their group time together, 1 participant described the personal growth that has been facilitated by the group for her. I have grown. ... Well, yeah, I'm kind of psycho ... Kind of the class clown, I should say, but they have taught me to grow into a woman and express yourself, not be a snail in a shell, I guess, or clam up. ... Sharing more of who I am. Members also discussed the benefit of increased tolerance of others learned as a result of their group involvement, in the interactions below: I think it makes you more tolerable of other people. Because you have so many different personalities that whatever you are going to come across out there in society is going to. We practice. The benefits described by Kinship Group members that resulted from their group time together not only impacted them in the moment during their sessions, but often carried over into their communities and lives outside the group. What barriers do women experience related to group membership? Participants of the longstanding Kinship Group identified circumstances and life events that could interfere with gathering together. Children's functions, including dance classes and sports, as well as occasional childcare needs due to husbands' evening commitments were mentioned by several members. One member was very involved with her church

148 board, requiring missing one Kinship Group meeting each month, as described in the following interactions: Once a month I have to be at that meeting. Yeah, we're low on the totem pole. I'd rather be here, but. Participants mentioned conflicts sometimes arose related to the scheduling of other social and educational opportunities, as shared below: I actually had a baby shower tonight, cancelled from tomorrow night. I had a card class tonight, but I am here. Favorite television shows and pet care also posed challenges for members' time with the group. Winter weather in northern New England and consequent travel risks could interfere with scheduled group sessions, as well, as described below: Well, the weather. In the wintertime. Yeah, big time. I've got a long way to travel, you know. But if they can't make, we don't have it. Yeah. We stay home. Emotions could run high between various members during group time, but did not pose a significant challenge to members' continued involvement. While Kinship Group participants occasionally became angry or felt hurt, all indicated that they had not seriously considered dropping out of the group, as expressed in the following interactions:

149 No, no. Well, we might get mad and say we are not going, but. We always do. What importance do members place on their group participation? Kinship Group weekly sessions had been ongoing for up to 30 years for the original members. Gathering together became a regular event during members' weeks, as described below: Mine is standard. Thursday nights. Yeah. It's a standard Thursday night, you know. Reflecting her valuing of group time, a member shared her influence over the timing of work-related meetings in order to be present for Kinship Group sessions: I even, my boss even made our employee meetings Wednesdays instead of Thursday because I told her I wasn't coming. We have a meeting once a month over in Auburn, and I said, no, I can't. If it's Thursdays, no. In order to be present, another participant commented that she now taped her favorite television show that occurred during regular group time. One member explained the importance of the group for her as, "This is my social time." A participant shared her deep valuing of the group: "I love this group. ... I wouldn't have it any other way." Members related their affection for each other and their group time together in the following interactions: I don't ever want it to stop. Um hum.

150 We'll have to have drivers. When we are 90 years old. Can I fetch a ride tonight? Kinship Group members treasured their family connections maintained and enhanced in the context of their group, and were deeply committed to their weekly gatherings. How is leadership shared among the group members? Members of the Kinship Group generally made decisions collaboratively, through their informal conversations. Over the group's long history, meeting frequency, day of the week, and the supportive, fun-loving tone of group time became well-established norms. Members described occasionally bringing in a female friend or neighbor for "visitations" at one or more sessions, and that anyone invited by an existing participant would be welcome. Decisions about a visitor's ongoing involvement were later made collectively. One member stated, "If we really like them, we will bring them back." Another member expressed, "If we don't like you, we don't ask you to come back." When asked directly who decides, members acknowledged their natural sharing of this leadership function by responding: Nobody. Nobody decides. Nobody decides. You know, whoever. Later, 1 participant reported, "It's not one voice saying you can't come back."

Cancellation of a group meeting represented an exception, and was usually decided by The people that travel out of town. Yeah, if they travel the farthest, they, yeah, they get to decide. Similarly, members described decisions regarding member roles in the group: just happens naturally," with group participants' roles primarily arising from their personalities. One member typically prepared any food present at group gatherings. Another woman identified her role, " I am the person that tries to keep it peaceful." Participants affectionately described 1 member as the "clown" and the "sweetheart" of the group: "Funny and a serious. She always gives a funny and a serious." This member was also identified by others as "the sentimental writer of the group." Members elaborated on this participant's expressive role in the following interactions: I like to dabble at writing. She does a good job. One year I wrote something for every one of the girls here. And we cried. I have it in my drawer. It's from the heart. Heart felt words. She wrote these little sayings for when Mom and Donna died for all of us.

152 Group members expressed cherishing the ability of this member to articulate deep feelings in writing, touching all of them. Participants also acknowledged the verbal abilities of another member, describing her as "very vocal" and "she talks a lot." This member's contribution to the group was defined further in the interactions below: If something goes wrong, like if she got something that wasn't on sale that was supposed to be, she'll... She's assertive. She's assertive. So if any of us need anything, we always say, Let (

) do it.

Another participant identified her group role as, "I'm flexible." Members of the Kinship Group reciprocally contributed to one another's needs and to the group based on who they were and their individual strengths. What, if any, common factors exist within groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? Kinship Group participants expressed cherishing their group time together as they shared their gender and unique personalities with one another. The following interactions explained their valuing of the emotional and physical understanding experienced in the group: Just to be with other females. I live in a boyhood. Oh, yeah, you do. A chance to be with other females. Estrogen instead of testosterone. Yeah, you are more in tune with another female than a lot of males. Right. Physically understood. Emotionally understood. When you are PMSing.

153 Hot flashes. Power surges. For some members their group time meant, A chance to get out once a week. Ah huh. As one participant shared, "This is my social thing." Members expressed the deepened sense of family and sisterhood they experienced through their group involvement, kinship notwithstanding. It means everything. Yeah. Yeah, to me. These are my sisters now. I never had sisters or brothers. Me neither. Somebody you can depend on if, you know. I can call them up, any one of these, with my problems. Yeah, I think family and sisterhood. Participants identified an underlying foundation of love and connection with one another that transcended any discord, as illustrated by the interactions below: You can tell your sister off and she will still love you. Right. Sort of. Yeah. You can love them, but you don't have to like them.

154 Right. You can love them and you can leave them. That's right. I love you, but right now I don't like you. I am disappointed and that hurts. Also, Kinship Group members shared deep empathy with one another, as expressed below: When one hurts, we all hurt. Oh, yes. Through their shared accurate understanding and empathy, group participants created a safe space together that included room for interpersonal honesty. In their strong and loving connections, members also felt free to express their silly and serious sides, as well as work together on shared projects. Additionally, participants reciprocally shared emotional and tangible forms of support. They treasured their closeness as female relatives, while also recognizing and valuing individual differences among themselves. As 1 participant related, "To thine own self be true, and I think we all do, you know." When asked to identify a metaphor that might capture the essence of their group or their experiences as members, participants agreed on the story of Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs as representative of their shared hard work ethic and distinctive character traits. My associations with this metaphor included family and belonging together with a common purpose. This story evoked a sense of diverse individuals, persevering and resilience, sharing life together. The Arts Heal: Learning as We Go, Healing and Growing Together. The Arts Heal officially formed in November, 2007 in a small southeastern city of

155 approximately 55,000 residents, with nearly 675,000 people living in the greater metropolitan area. The purpose of the group was to provide a central location and resources for the growing local expressive-arts community and consumers. The group's mission included advocating for expressive arts in the community and in service of personal and global change. This was the third group interviewed for this study. The Arts Heal was founded by the 4 current members, who met at least once weekly for 2 hours and more frequently as needed. The members and I gathered for the research interview on Monday afternoon, January 19, 2009, at the group's usual meeting location. The group's studio/gallery space was situated in an artists' colony located near the downtown area. The various members of the colony were housed in a collection of converted small houses, cottages, and other structures, all painted an assortment of bright colors and nestled into about one city block. Narrow cement walkways connected each of the structures to one another amidst plantings of shrubs, palm trees, and bamboo. Group members' large open, airy studio and gallery space was home to the business that members have created together. A wide variety of their individual works of art were also displayed there. Framed and matted pieces by each member were hung on available wall space with each member's pieces identified and grouped together. Tables and shelves along two walls held other works of fine art that were for sale, also crafted by the group members. These included colorful felted baskets, wool bracelets, and jewelry. Several felted purses of various shapes and sizes hung from the ceiling in front of a large window on the walkway side of the studio. Below the purses a table held business cards and brochures, a vase of flowers, and additional objects for sale. A hand loom on an easel and a stool on which to sit, along with a basket of various yarns, were set up near

156 another wall. The loom held a partially completed collaborative weaving that was available for contributions from interested visitors. The space was light filled with natural and track lighting. The walls and ceiling were white, rising from a varnished wood floor. Group members and I sat on wooden chairs around a large sturdy oval shaped wooden table in the center of this aesthetically and visually stimulating space. During the interview a medium-sized shiny black cat, Mama, came and went from the glass entry door of the studio. Members and others in the artists' colony provided dishes of food and water for this feral cat and her siblings who made the colony their home. As the group members described, We have a cat. We do have a cat that is perched outside watching all the time. She is a watch cat because when someone comes she runs away, and we know someone is coming. It's pretty funny. And her name is Mama. She is part of our energy here. The road to formation of The Arts Heal had a number of twists and turns as the members' separate journeys eventually brought them all together through their collective interests in expressive arts. As the members recalled, We all met through expressive arts. Right, right. (

) and I met at the Living Mosaic workshop. (

(college) workshop that we did, and (

) met us when she came to a

) we met when you came to the

[expressive arts] program. Prior to their current form, 2 members had become partners, sharing a small studio space together. Along the way 4 others became connected and the original

157 members created an arts institute, as they worked to understand their connections and to discover their purpose together. As the current group participants described, We were trying to figure out are we something or are we not. Right. And I think that's where that Institute idea was first born. ... Maybe I'm making this up. And we walked the labyrinth. We went to [public] Gardens. We did all those things together to try to discover what our connection is. What are we doing ... It sort of evolved and, but we didn't really know what we were doing. No, we didn't know our purpose. We had a belief in there being something that brought us all together, but... it hadn't like shown itself to us yet. Over time the group lost two original members, with one leaving abruptly. Additionally, an agency partner also withdrew due to funding cutbacks. After the second original member left the group, the current members became clearer about their connections. As one participant shared, It was pretty difficult to go through that loss, and I think we had to really, um, heal through that in order to move forward and really solidify our commitment to each other. If anything, I think it strengthened things for the 4 of us having gone through that. Another member described, "By the time we were in this configuration, we knew that was the right configuration, and it was time to form an official partnership and find the space and make it real."

In November, 2007, the group members formed a Limited Liability Corporation, a for-profit corporation. As one member expressed: But, boy ... it's like this sort of amoebic entity that we have all been, you know, part of in different ways until it has finally found this constellation and this, you know, purpose and mission and everything that, um, is based on the journeys that have all brought us here, right, and um, yeah, anyways, so the group has levels, right. It has different incarnations. About this time, members also became aware of their group's identity in a new way, as this participant related: A year or so ago is when we really defined that core center for our group ... worked really hard, I guess, over the last year by giving an identity to the group itself instead of four of us in the group. The group became its own entity and we hadn't really identified with that until we realized we weren't maybe giving enough space for the group herself to grow. With this realization members decided to actually obtain a larger physical space and moved into their current studio/gallery. Their purpose together also crystallized into its current form, as this participant described: As we have gone through our formation process, it has ... I mean, so we are a business. ... We intend to be able to support ourselves through the business and, um, expand our business, and we, um, are committed to, um, forming a continuum. We have already formed ... I look at it as a magnetic center for this expressive arts community. A resource, right. A place for people to come. You know, events for people to draw from. People that are working in the field, as

159 well as people who are, you know, coming ... more as consumers or clients or whatever. A legal entity, The Arts Heal was currently closed to new members as they worked together to fulfill their collective mission and vision. Who is participating? Adding to their research responses, demographic surveys were received from the 4 members of The Arts Heal. The average age of members was 47.75 years old, with members' ages ranging from 37 to 61 years of age. Members described being from Florida/B.C./Canadian; born in Ohio, raised in Alaska; Chelsea, Massachusetts; and born and raised in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. All members identified themselves as White or Caucasian with English as their native language. Also, all members reported being married. Three members stated they had no children, with 1 member indicating two grown children, ages 38 and 40 years old. One participant described providing ongoing care for her husband and two dogs, with no other reports of provision of ongoing care by members. All members reported being employed outside the home, with 3 indicating full time. One respondent did not indicate the amount she was employed. Members expressed their professional areas as artist/educator, expressive arts, counseling/expressive arts, and expressive arts facilitator/teacher. Members responding reported from 2 Vi to 12 years working in their fields. Three members indicated completion of their master's degrees, and 1 reported having obtained her bachelor's degree. One member with a master's and 1 with a bachelor's degree both added that they had completed a Certificate in Art and Healing. Three members described annual family

160 incomes of from $60,000 to $97,000, with 1 member reporting $20,000 to $38,000 annual family income. Participants indicated histories of involvement in from 4 to 10 women's small groups. Three members stated that they had been involved in a consciousness-raising group. Members reported awareness of from one to more than 20 currently existing women's small groups. What occurs during group gatherings? Members of The Arts Heal referred to themselves internally as "Tahers." Participants described the evolution of this shortened reference due to their significant and frequent use of e-mail, in the interactions below: I call us the [Tahers]. Are we [Tahers]? [TAH] for [The Arts Heal] ers, [Tah]ers. It started with e-mail because we have a lot o f . . . e-mail contact, like daily, sometimes several times a day and it's too hard to type out everybody's name so we just type the initials. Yeah, so often it's like a good morning [Tahers] e-mail. Members shared further regarding their e-mail connection: And then we e-mail all the time. Too much. I mean, e-mail has definitely become, it's really become a. It's a communication. Yeah, it's a communication thing.

161 Composing, reading, and responding to e-mails often took considerable member time outside of group time together. To accomplish their mission, The Arts Heal members engaged in a number of business-related activities in addition to their weekly business meetings. Many times these related activities involved 1 or a combination of participants rather than the group as a whole. As several members related, We meet in the course of the projects that we are involved in. Right. Like the gallery sitting and the art walks. So we see each other like crossing paths all the time. Right. Every week at least. I mean, I would say minimum. That would be minimum would be every week. At least once a week because even if we have a business meeting on Tuesday, but we have Sacred Studio on Saturday, then at least two of us are here, sometimes all four of us, and or we have networking every the last Wednesday, so we see each other then. Yeah. And then we have, um, the Art Walk the third Friday. One participant explained the groups' efforts to encourage networking in the local expressive-arts community: You hear us talking about this sort of larger circle, so we have a networking group we call... the expressive arts community. ... The people that are invited to that

162 are people who participate ... or people who are working in expressive arts, um, wanting or beginning to learn about that and wanting to be a part of that. Members described additional business-related projects, including a contract to provide team building for staff of a local agency, open studios, expressive-arts facilitation at a day center, a grant to provide expressive-arts services in a school, presenting workshops, as well as maintaining their gallery/studio and retail space. The Arts Heal participants shared about art in healing exhibits they have created in concert with individuals with disabilities, including an 80-year-old man with Parkinson's disease, and a 10-year-old girl with cerebral palsy. These exhibits involved art work by the individual accompanied by photographs and writing about the artists and their art-making process. As this member expressed, "The focus is on the process that to me tells an entire story. It's more about the story. It's more about the community, the story, and the human soul, you know, the inner stuff coming out." Another member explained, "The art is the vehicle for the story." One exhibit resulted in an interview with the artist by the local paper, as well as the making of a video. The significance of these exhibits surprised The Arts Heal participants, as described below: It's a process. A process, their story. It's a story, yeah. It's very respectful and validating. We didn't expect that when we started. No. It was a pleasant surprise.

163 That has been added to what we do that's significant and we didn't anticipate. In addition to their business projects, the Tahers created time for each other, as related in the following interactions: We also try to build in like art-making times and social times, right. Social in the sense of supportive, friend time. It isn't about business, but those two things are not as regularly scheduled. The group members used expressive-arts processes to work through losses and challenges along their way, as well as in service of their individual and collective insight and awareness. As a result, participants became quite close, readily sharing their laughter, tears, blunders, and hugs with one another. Additionally, the Tahers commented that chocolate and coffee were usually present during their group times together. What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? The Arts Heal members experienced numerous benefits from their personal and professional affiliations with one another. One member described the opportunity these connections provided for her to actualize her passion: I was searching but didn't know ... I realized that was it. This is that thing. ... This is that, that dream, that hope, that, you know ... that passion that I have has got somewhere to go now. Someplace I can use it, work with it, help people ... help myself. ... It was a passion with the art and the community. Another member related the importance of the arts to the strength of members' ongoing connections and collective resilience:

164 The fact that we all, um, met and came together through the arts is like huge. ... It's that unshakeable, like commonality of value and appreciation that we have for the power of art and the arts, and we keep returning to that to restore us as we go through our own difficulties. ... When we are not engaging ourselves in the arts enough, we begin to notice it individually and collectively. One participant noted the value of group members' diverse "backgrounds and talents and professional expertise," including healthcare, mental health, and education. This diversity in the group made possible a wide variety of offerings to the community as reflected in the following interactions: Somebody needs therapy, we can do that. Somebody wants to bring their kids to art class, we can do that, too, you know. ... The combination of backgrounds and talents is remarkable. We can work with communities. We can work with groups. We can work with ... business and corporations. There really isn't anything that we couldn't work with ... autistic children. The members of The Arts Heal also contributed to each other's feelings of security in the work they do, as described below: There is the security in a way because you know you have people who work within the work that you do and that you can. Yeah, and they can be mentors, too, and they can be, you know, friends and mentors, and you can seek out advice. ... It's like a package.

165 One participant acknowledged acceptance and valuing of members' learning process together: "It's a learning experience, again. I mean everything we do is like a learning experience and we are learning as we go." The combination of members' collective support and openness to learning, together with commitment to the group "helps us show up for ourselves and for each other." An additional result was that members were more willing to take desired professional risks, as this participant expressed: "It's like, put ourselves out there, to go for it, to take the risk, to ... go forward, you know, to move forward whereas you may not have moved forward." Another member shared the depth of connection she felt with the group: "Well, I feel empowered and supported ... like I belong." One participant expressed several benefits related to her group involvement this way: I think that this partnership, this group, has helped me develop more of a personal and professional identity. ... This business has taught me what is the ideal working environment, working relationships, partnership, sisterhood, all of that— what I have always hoped to ever have or achieve, and it has taught me that I don't have to rely on the old ways of just adapting and that I can ask for things differently, and that I can speak or use my voice differently to get not only more of what I need, but that I can influence a group more positively. Members of The Arts Heal expressed willingness to do their business in a new way, and make discoveries, learning as they went. Use of expressive-arts modalities

166 facilitated this process for them, together with increasing awareness, deep honesty, and personal growth. One Taher described, We are offering a new way to do things, a cooperative, consensual, circular way to do things ... we have learned and we keep learning that we can just keep bringing it all to the table, and with the help of some art and some honest discussion, we can move through ... we are all like healing and growing as humans through this business we have created together. Appreciating her growth, another member was also finding it increasingly difficult to work in her traditional full-time setting, as she related, "I'm growing in ways that I hadn't expected to, so it's harder to be comfortable in that environment." The Arts Heal participants benefitted from their collective sense of equality and trust of one another. These qualities of their relationships made it more likely that important issues related to their roles in the group would be discussed. One participant described the value for her of finding these qualities with 3 other women. When we actually found the 4 of us ... the thing that felt really so right and good about that was that I really felt very like equal. You know, there was this trust and this friendship and this equality that I think is really important in women and friendship, and I think it's really ... not that easy to find, and when you find it it's like, ok this is like it. ... It was just something that we just knew in our gut. Group members relied on and trusted one another. In addition they treasured each other, and experienced deep interpersonal acceptance and respect. The following sharing reflected these group qualities:

167 It is about trusting each other, caring about each other, and depending on each other, knowing that you can ... usually you find it with one person and that's something, but to find it with 4 people ... and to have a business. I mean ... it defies the odds. Yeah, acceptance, genuine acceptance. ... We have expectations of each other and what we hope to accomplish, but... it's with a foundation of acceptance of who each person is, and it's relationship. ... It's rare, especially when there is money and business involved ... and it just makes it so simple. I just feel a deep respect for each other and we love each other like sisters. Participants appreciated each other's reliability, intelligence, and compassion. They valued and benefitted from their individual and professional diversity, as well as their shared warmth, creativity, humor, and support. As 1 member emphasized, "Caring, I mean, really caring people who ... if you need them, then, you know, they are there." Additionally, a participant described, "Plus there is a fun aspect to it. That is a joy. There is a joyful aspect to it which is so ... needed." Members identified qualities of their gallery/studio space from which they benefitted, as well as the outside community members who entered there. As a participant articulated below, You would see a hub, a sacred circle. People come in the space and feel a sense of peace and relaxation that we feel when we come into the space. We so lovingly and graciously share that with each other, but also with the community at large.

168 What barriers do women experience related to group membership? The Arts Heal members experienced numerous benefits from their group involvements. Still, as this participant expressed, "Sometimes other things take precedence ... things like that happen." Group members described houseguests, family, time away, significant increases in seasonal traffic, and outside responsibilities related to meeting financial needs as potentially interfering with group time together. Financial pressures were mentioned frequently by participants. As this member explained, "I still don't make enough money through this business so I am working elsewhere." Another member shared the financial dilemma she experienced: My need to, to earn sufficient income also leads me like a little bit away from this. I can't do it all through the business, yet, and it's frustrating because, you know, because of that it takes us away and then we don't have the time to cultivate the business. ... It's a tough one. This participant expressed: I work full-time still, and the bonus is the business with the 3 of you ... but my full-time responsibility right now feeds me and my family, and so I can't step away from it in the way I would like to if this business here could sustain us all financially. All group members were employed elsewhere in addition to their group businessrelated projects. Financial needs were both personal and group related, as this member explained:

169 There is a whole financial aspect to us because we are a legal business, but there is a financial commitment and a financial responsibility that we have to get every month ... so sometimes you get a little, you can get concerned financially if things are tough for you that particular time or whatever. You are like, oh boy. Members struggled to meet their financial commitments as they were establishing their preferred work environment together. Creating this new consensual business model also posed challenges. As a participant described, "And that can be ... challenging because you have got all this ... prior history of ways that things were done and ways our families or our previous lives, whatever, did everything." During the course of the group's formation, two original members withdrew for different reasons. Participants were able to effectively process these losses and move forward, creating the group's current form. And while members could be particularly challenged financially at this time of their evolution together, they had not considered dropping out of the group. Members discussed this issue as it related to their formal business association in the following interactions: One of the questions that we were supposed to answer for our business agreement that we haven't, um, firmly answered or formalized, is the question o f . . . what would happen if somebody wants to leave. We don't really know, yet. We haven't evolved to that point, yet. But, I just trust I guess, that if something ever happened that required one of us to leave that we would balance that somehow. What importance do members place on their group participation? While The Arts Heal members could experience challenges related to participating in and

170 maintaining their group, participants highly valued each other and their collective enterprise. As one woman expressed, "The more I am here, the more I want to be here." Others commented, We want to be here. That's the thing. We all want to be here, so it's not like, oh shit, I have to go. Yeah, it isn't like going to the dentist. Another member expressed her cherishing of the group: "It's really like what would I do without out it." Members voiced their valuing of group time in the following interactions. We all do make it a huge priority to be here. Oh, yeah. To keep the gallery open, keep our hours, keep our meeting times, keep all of it, you know, and we find a way to do that somehow. It's very important. It's a very high priority. I mean, next to my husband, this is it. Valuing one another and understanding that there would be times and events that would prevent a member from being present, group participants developed an understanding, flexible approach to their strong commitments to the group, as described in the following interactions: It's a big priority for all of us, and if one of us has to pull away for some reason, we let the others know, and if somebody else can step in, then, you know, we generally do. We are very flexible.

171 And forgiving. Yeah. We realize stuff happens and you have 4 people and all their extended lives and families. Treasuring their connections, "Tahers" additionally used e-mail on a day-to-day basis, as well as to maintain their communication when unable to be present in person. As members related, None of us would have to really leave the business. ... We could be remote at times if we needed to, and ... we have seen that work well. Just take the business with you. It really does help a lot, yeah. This participant summed up the cohesiveness of the group: "Nothing can keep us apart." How is leadership shared among the group members? Reflecting their mutual respect and sense of equality, members of The Arts Heal collaborated on decisions affecting the group, including frequency and timing of meetings, locations, offerings for the public, and gallery use. Participants used discussion and arts processes to discover the deeper answers to questions as they arose, including those related to their formal business arrangement, and to finding resolution to challenges that occurred. Members reflected on their use of consensus decision making in the following interactions: What is interesting is, you know, I never thought I would find this here or in our business. ... We do things here by consensus, which is so unusual in a business.

172 Yeah, we do. You're right. We always talk it through and get to a place where we all feel ok about things before we move forward. In actualizing their group ideals through their business, participants experienced violating longstanding traditions, as members expressed, It's not like typical. We broke the rules. You know, we just broke a lot of rules, but we broke them through intuition, belief, and agreement, and consensus. And we broke them very consciously. Yes. Discussion and awareness. Originally, prior to forming their for-profit corporation, members identified formal, traditional roles for themselves, including President, Vice President, Secretary, and Treasurer. These positions were short lived, however. As a member reported, "Yeah, and then we just totally scrapped that when we became equal partners." Participants described their current roles in the group based primarily on individual preferences, strengths, and time availability. One member explained, Well, I think partly ... our roles have evolved somewhat sort of naturally, don't you think? We have sort of chosen certain things I think, that we are comfortable with, that we are able to do when, you know, during the time when we are available to do it.

173 Current roles included keeping the books, taking minutes, and liaison to the artcolony association, of which The Arts Heal was a legal member. Participants shared their commitment to the ongoing unfolding development of their group structure in the interactions below: There are things that we have defined that aren't happening ... that are unclear. Yeah. Still, it's like we are working on it. Right. And we continue to work on it. The Arts Heal members also collaborated in decisions related to work projects. One participant described the group process in identifying member contributions to their business projects: We sort of look at the ... work that comes our way or the people who want to come to what we offer and we talk about who is best to step into that role, like based on time availability, talents, you know, whatever it is. Further demonstrating their valuing of each other and the work they did together, group participants made the effort to continue learning and to direct their energies in productive and affirming ways. As this member expressed: We are learning as we go and an important part of that is learning to, um, let go of certain things. ... One of the things that we talk about is not knocking on doors that are closed, you know. That there is enough open doors and enough, um, places and people we can really work with, where we are invited to work one way

174 or another, you know, to use our energy ... in a good way and positive way so we're not just burning out. What, if any, common factors exist within groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? The Arts Heal members experienced a deep sense of belonging through their group involvement, often referring to their sense of family and sisterhood. A participant described fulfillment of this basic need in the following interactions. I feel a sense of belonging. Right, there you go. And that's ... a fundamental human need that when satisfied it's really great. One member went on to express her sense of being home in the group: I know I have a home ... and the work that I want to do, there is a place for that. ... I have been doing it and want to do more of it, and so it's empowering to me to be part of this group. It has really just helped me to feel stronger ... about what this work can do, and, um, meaning of expressive arts, and also in what... the partnership can do. You know, it shows what can happen when people come together in loving and caring and genuine ways to accomplish something. Well, I feel empowered and supported and, um, like I belong. Later a participant offered, In addition to the ... caring and the trust and the support and the love ... there's like that sense of professional home and identity ... and I don't question ... what I do anymore.

175 Participants explored their experience of belonging to a team in the interactions below: You know, it's a team and it's a whole different kind of team than a sports team ... but it is a team. We are a team. I've never actually said that before, but now it's coming to me. I think it is. I agree. It's a spirit. We have spirit, you know. One member described the significance to her of the support available in the group and reaching human potentials: This group has helped me ... be all of who I am. I think we help each other be all of who we are ... stronger, better, you know, richer, deeper. ... I ... have drawn strength and support from this group so much, not even being present with everybody physically, but just the energy, the collective energy of this group has, um, allowed me to be better in my other roles. Group members reflected on the experience of feeling deeply known and accepted in the group in the following interactions: When we work or when I work in the arts we go very deep. We go into very authentic, um, places and, you know, things about ourselves that you just don't chat about in regular conversation. ... There is a, um, kind of a knowing that people pretty much accept you for who you really are, and that's kind of a nice comfortable thing. ... I haven't felt that in a lot of places. ... It's a huge awakening for me and feeling like people really like me. ... I get a little embarrassed when I say those things.

176 People like you for what you are. They really like you. When you say that I think, you know, people have always kind of liked me, but I feel like in this group that I am known and liked. Right, like the people really know me. Finally, The Arts Heal participants identified feeling spiritually nourished through their involvement in the group, as illustrated in the interactions below: It's kind of a spiritual thing for me, too, you know, it's just like I don't want to say it is my spiritual group, but it's like it has a spiritual component... of profound, um, importance ... when I walk through this door even if I am the only person here. ... It's like there is ... something very deep and authentic and true and ... very transcendent, as well... an energy that I feel and ... I value it so much. ... I'm not sure how else to say that. Yeah, I agree. I feel the same way. I come to the center and it feeds me, you know, the group feeds me and I need the group. ... Just that sense of belonging is really important to me. ... I feel like my needs are met and that's huge. That's so huge, you know. Yeah, my soul, my spirit are nurtured here. I would say it's spiritual, too. It's just a deep sense of meaning and purpose when you come into this space or when we interact in other spaces, we bring this energy with us, and, um, that's not work. People notice that, too. They really do. Yeah.

Ill When asked to identify a metaphor that might capture the essence of their group or their experiences as members, the Tahers collaborated on an image of four chicks guiding, helping, encouraging, and picking each other up as they traveled together along their intuitive path. My associations with this metaphor included the soft, instinctual, and well-intentioned qualities of the chicks; their great potential for growth; their equality of size and relationship to one another; working together and sticking together; shared, although not necessarily conscious, sense of purpose; and learning along the way. Western Region Woman Spring: Going Deeper and Deeper With the People You Know and Love the Best. Woman Spring formed in 2004, in a mid-sized Pacific Northwest town of approximately 20,000 residents. The purpose of the group was to provide mutual support and deepen the originating members existing friendships. This was the fifth group interviewed for this study. The 6 members of the Woman Spring or "The Girls" as they refer to themselves, met every other Friday evening in alternating member's homes. Five members participated in the research interview, which took place on Monday evening, March 9, 2009. The focus-group interview occurred in the comfortable, spacious living room of one of the members. A fire burned in the fireplace, and the women were seated on a soft upholstered couch and chairs on either side of the fireplace, facing each other. A grand piano stood guard behind the couch, and a variety of objects d'art and fine art were displayed in this space.

178 Prior to forming their group, members shared a web of friendship connections. Various combinations of the original members began to articulate to each other the desire for a women's group at around the same time. As 1 member stated, "It was kind of something just sitting there, just a desire," referring to this early stage of group formation. Another member shared: We were all kind of talking about an interest in having a women's group or starting a women's group ... but we actually are all really busy and it was like well, why not have a women's group with the people that you know and love the best and just say we are going to, we meet every other Friday. The members described wanting "formalization of our gathering" and "to know that it would happen and that we would get to be with each other on a really regular basis." Since the group's beginning in 2004, 2 original members dropped out and 1 new member was added in 2005. All current members interviewed described moving to the local area from other places and seeking meaningful connections. As 1 member described: It was things like the deepening of intimacy, um, maybe sharing of ritual, conversations that might happen if you, if it started to deepen, um, fun, and a solid connection with some people that you saw on a regular basis. Who is participating? Five of the 6 group members returned demographic surveys for this study, providing additional personal information to their interview responses. Of the information shared at the time of this research, the average age of members was 61 I/2 years, with member ages ranging from 56 to 67 years old. Members

179 responding described themselves as Caucasian or White with English as their native language. One member indicated being married, and 2 members were in intimate, unmarried relationships. Three members shared that they were divorced. All members responding indicated that they had grown children, with children's ages ranging from 18 to 45 years old. Of the women's grown children, one is in college, while no others were living at home. One member described providing ongoing care for a former partner who was ill. All members responding indicated being employed—2 full time and 2 part time. One woman did not indicate the amount of time she was employed. Three of the group members were professional counselors, 1 was a minister, and 1 a massage therapist. Three women reported having obtained master's degrees, 1 described 7 years of graduate school, and 1 had obtained her Doctor of Chiropractic medicine degree. The members indicated between 11 and 30 years of practice in their professional fields. Most (3) responding members' incomes fell between $38,000 and $60,000, with incomes ranging from $20,000 to $38,000, to $97,000 to $174,000. Group members' histories of experiences in women's small groups ranged from 1 group to over 10, and "many." Of those responding, 5 members indicated past consciousness-raising group participation. The members reported awareness of two to "many" currently existing women's small groups in addition to their own. What occurs during group gatherings? Woman Spring members started out meeting from 5:00 to 6:30 PM every other Friday, and soon extended their time to 7:00 PM. Members described frequently running over their established ending time and becoming very hungry during their sessions. Some members would go out together

180 following their group time, while others would not, and they began feeling as though subgroups were forming as a result. To address these issues, in 2008, the members added a potluck meal to their gathering, and decided to meet until they felt finished, which has been as late as 11.00 to 12:00 midnight. As 1 member put it, "The ending on time part just kept getting harder and harder and finally we just kind of gave it up." Another member described, "We got more relaxed about check-ins and we got deeper and if something needed to go on, it could go on." Illustrating the members' commitment to their group process, another member stated, "It's just that we don't worry about it. We just sort of block out the evening for it. Whatever needs to happen." The structure for their evenings often began with hors d'oeuvres and wine, and "a lot of girlfriend energy." Some of the interactions reflecting this girlfriend energy were described by one member: "How are you, cutie? That is a great sexy outfit. ... Hello, girlfriend ... before we kind of dive deeper." These initial interactions validated each other's beauty and mutual affection. One member emphasized, I think that's part of the value of the group is we help each other see that when we don't. I mean, that for me is kind of the most important thing ... that happens that we can do for each other, can do for me. Some members might begin their personal check-ins during this early portion of a group session. Check-ins continued but more slowly during the meal, finishing after the group reconvened in their circle. Typically, the group engaged in a 5 to 10 minute silent meditation which signaled the beginning of the deepening process. One woman expressed it this way:

181 Our check-in is not just a check-in. It's like that's the way we share. ... We each take pretty much however much time we each want or need to tell what is going on with us and then we might interact a little bit around it, but it's mostly the one person talking and unfolding their story deeper and deeper and we are all listening. ... Every week everyone gets to share or every time we meet. ... Now that we have more time, sort of like everybody gets a chance to go deeper if they wanted to. During their personal sharing and interactions, sometimes a theme of interest to the members was identified and explored by the group. Oftentimes what happens is we end up with themes and that is where our meetings get really interesting ... relationships, money, loss ... and sometimes we get into some very, very deep discussions and we go deeper and deeper and deeper on that theme ... lends another layer of not only interest, but depth to the group process. While a majority of members were in counseling-related professions, they described a desire to avoid providing therapy for one another while also acknowledging the difficulties involved, illustrated by the following interactions: That's one of our rules is that we don't want to therapize each other. Unless somebody wants some feedback. Which we often do. Sometimes there is a fine line with that... always a little bit of an edge ... sometimes you just have to ask.

182 Members of Woman Spring described several areas of interpersonal risk-taking in the group over their years together. For 1 member this involved facing fears related to attachment and abandonment during the group's first year: "I got scared for awhile that it would go away. I mean really scared that people wouldn't keep their commitments, wouldn't come, stay." The newest member experienced anxiety about joining a group with whom she had no prior connections. She shared, I was new in town so I wanted to meet women and have a deeper relationship, um, so it was a risk for me because I didn't know them and getting to know them in the context of the group. This member later described her early group experience further: I was really cautious because I had been in groups where ... I couldn't wait to get out. ... For a couple of months I was just really, you know, quiet and ... waited to see how it went... found that I really started to like the people, sharing their lives and sharing deeply with them and I just started slowly to feel like maybe I was part of the group. Group members were willing to deeply explore personal and interpersonal issues that arose during their gatherings and that could feel uncertain or dangerous, as the following interactions demonstrate: It might scare somebody else. Sometimes it scares us. Three members had known each other for 30 years, and moved to the local area from another state. In the group the trio's long-term relationships sometimes posed challenges for other members as described by 1 of the 3:

183 It goes into that risk place when there is a charge with one of the 3 of us that have known each other for so many years. So there is a familial charge and once in awhile that charge gets stimulated and then everybody gets roped into it. These group participants were committed to directly addressing conflicts and interpersonal discomfort. One woman described the group's "unwillingness to let something that is bothering one of us not be spoken ... a transparency in the group that I have never seen in any other group." Another member emphasized the importance of the members' caring of and commitment to the group when conflicts arise. I have learned a lot about conflict and how I have seen people in this group really stick it out and be willing to just have it out there and not get up and leave, but stay with it. ... They cared enough to stay no matter how upset they were ... a group where that conflict and the upset doesn't override the commitment to it. Persevering through conflicts resulted in corrective, healing experiences for several women. As 1 member explained, What is really safety producing for me and has been I think a , um, corrective experience is that even if I am engaging in conflict that I am still cared for and loved by the group and they don't leave me. Another woman described learning about conflict in the group: "We are familying each other ... to go all the way through conflict. ... So to have a group of adults who know how, value, and do it is very important to me. Very important." The rarity of this type of experience with conflict was expressed by 1 member:

184 To feel alive and know that you are going to stay to the best of your ability, no matter what it might look like. ... There are not too many places in your life where you get to experience that. What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? In addition to the learning and growth related to taking interpersonal risks and confronting conflict together, members described numerous benefits associated with their group participation. By placing their existing friendships into the structure of a group, members were reassured, able "to know that it would happen and that we would get to be with each other on a really regular basis," in the midst of their busy lives. As these women added continuity and consistency to their connections, intimacy and support developed, as expressed this way by 1 member: They have become some of my closest friends. ... A great support and very fulfilling, very like a mainstay to know that they know me deeply and support me through all my changes. It has been great to get that. Friendships deepened as members shared their stories and witnessed each other's lives in the group. A member described the benefits of the group context: To have a whole group that you see one another regularly and that you get to hear one another's stories from various angles that you might not share one on one the same way. In a group you get to hear more and experience each other's interactions with each other that brings out different things, so I love that context of a group to deepen friendships. Another woman expressed additional benefits of the group structure, "to have a container of continuity and consistency that no matter what happens, that they love and

185 accept me and it means a lot to me." Members described the comfort and trust established within the group: There is comfort here. ... It takes a lot of trust," and "I think we have an amazing chemistry together. ... We can go into almost any subject... with a fair amount of trust and depth. ... We trust each other. Members voiced appreciation for the differences embodied in the group, "enough diversity ... married, single, sexual preference ... that makes it interesting." They expressed enjoying playfulness and fun together. As one member stated, "There is really a fun, playful aspect to our group. ... We like to play together." Additionally, participants benefitted from articulating their mutual valuing, as illustrated by the following interactions: There is a beauty ... not just a surface beauty, but there is a beauty in every woman in this group that I feel is quite remarkable. And we see it in each other ... we acknowledge it in each other. It's appreciated. We appreciate it. We appreciate each other. Very, very openly. Members recognized and treasured one another's growth, as reflected in this interaction: When I hear the word beauty, I think of ongoing growth, too. We behold one another's struggles and moving through them and continual dedication to growing to be the best people we can be.

186 Also, the food shared during their potluck meals held profound meaning for group members: Taking the time and bringing something that is quality is symbolic of saying you women are important to me. You are worth it. It's an honoring. These women expressed feeling honored and appreciated, trusting and willing to be transparent with one another. They benefitted from the continuity of their sessions and from hearing one another's stories and struggles, as well as being heard. The members expressed enjoying their time together in all its manifestations: deeply thoughtful, serious, scary, and playful. What barriers do women experience related to group membership? While members prized their shared commitments to the group, they recognized and accepted each other's busy lives and other priorities. As 1 member voiced, "If there is any way that I can make it, you know, I don't plan other things, um, unless some things have to take priority." Group members described opportunities for travel, the local First Friday community art walk, commitments to other groups, family needs, primary partnerships, care of horses and dogs, children, and workshops related to work as potentially competing for their group time together. The majority of members reported no thoughts of dropping out of the group. One woman described the difficult process for her in choosing between this group and another women's group in which she was participating. Also speaking to the importance of connection, she expressed,

187 I came to feel like it was too much to have two women's groups, to be in two women's groups at once ... so I remade this one the top priority. ... It's a hard process to go through to consider dropping out of a women's group that you have made friendships with. What importance do members place on their group participation?

Members'

commitments to their group reflected how highly they valued their time together in the contexts of other life activities and relationships. Group time was "on the calendar." For several members the importance of the opportunity to deepen friendships was a high priority. As one member described, Friendship is very, very important to me. Lots of people get stuck in their couple relationships and don't expand out into friendships. ... I really value the opportunity to have regular contacts because I think it's harder for friendships to deepen sometimes if we don't have a regular commitment. They cherished the fun, playful times together, the sharing of food during potlucks, as well as their deepening connections. When asked, "What makes this group special?" several members eagerly responded, "We do." In this regard 1 member noted, "The quality of the women. ... I feel like everybody is just a very high quality person." Another responded, "I feel proud to be in the company with these women, very proud. ... I feel proud to say you are my friends." Members acknowledged valuing each other's wisdom, "deep intelligence in the group and integrity," "life experience and the ability to learn from it," "a willingness and know how to go deep inside of ourselves," "we appreciate each other," and the "beauty in every woman in this group," as treasured qualities inherent in their connections.

188 Additional qualities of group time highly regarded by the members included a sense of safety and trust, "real equality," and sharing of their lifetime paths. As one member expressed, "It's who we are." How is leadership shared among the group members? Highly valuing their sense of equality, group participants generally interacted about issues needing decisions until consensus was achieved. From these interactions decisions were made regarding meeting frequency—every other week, meeting times and lengthening of the gathering time, inclusion of a potluck meal, and setting a tone of mutual appreciation. The members demonstrated flexibility, allowing the group to evolve as needed. One member shared, It seemed like a natural, organic thing for me ... to just kind of organize into a group felt just like a natural kind of evolution. ... I think it was kind of tentative that first year, you know. We had talked a lot about how, you know, what kind of commitment do we want to have to the group. The woman hosting the gathering accepted several leadership functions for that meeting, including making a main dish and assigning certain kinds of foods for the others to bring, and generally facilitating the structuring of the group's activities. The following interactions reflected the flow of an evening after members arrived and initially greeted each other. Then the hostess will say, is anybody hungry, and then we will go and we will eat ... keep checking in ... get to dessert and then we will come back into the circle usually. The structure is fairly well agreed upon. The person whose house it is does the gathering of it, like OK, let's sit down, start meditating.

189 Is in charge, although we are all so in charge that sometimes we take charge even if we are not in charge. It feels pretty balanced in that way, leadership wise. Group norms were understood for the most part by the participants. One member described the group's collaborative process regarding group rules this way: I think at the beginning we defined rules somewhat. ... We talked about what kind of rules we wanted to have. ... I don't think anyone has a role of being in charge of, um, administering the rules, but I think we have all decided that together. We all kind of hold that continually. I think at this point we sort of know what the group rules are. They are kind of unspoken at this point, do you think? Regarding maintenance of group norms, another member expressed, "Well, I don't think anyone has that role. I think we all share that role, the keeper of the rules." The group members also described not having other defined group roles beyond hostess for their gatherings, while also acknowledging interpersonal roles arising from their personalities. As one member put it, "I think there are like to our personalities, natural roles that roll around at times that we, um, kind of deal with them indirectly. We have never talked about that." Another stated, "We haven't defined any roles like this person does that and this person does that. ... It's more like the roles that come from who we are." Expressed another way, "We probably take the roles in this group that we take in life ... probably the roles we play most anywhere we go."

190 The "very complex issue" of roles in the group generated discussion among the members. The role of "therapist" was laughingly identified and quickly countered by members, many of whom were involved in the counseling field, as demonstrated below: Although we try to avoid that. That's one of our rules is that we don't want to therapize each other. Unless somebody wants some feedback. Which we often do. We find that out first before we start being therapists ... sometimes there is a fine line with that, you know. I think that's always a little bit of an edge. Additional roles identified by members included "troublemaker," "peacemaker," and "minister." As one member shared, "We just do have personalities and we do act freely in our personalities in the group." What, if any, common factors exist within groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? As the women reflected on the impact and meaning of the group to their lives, concepts of dependability, continuity, community, and family surfaced in their discussion. As one series of interactions revealed, I feel too, I don't know what the word for this would be, but, you know, we would be there for each other. Deeply connected. Yeah. Much more than support. You can trust that that support is available.

191 Identifying safety, another member shared, It's really grounding to know that there is I think, in my life there is lots of uncertainty and there is transitions and there is all kinds of things and to have the stability and certainty of us together is really important. It's very grounding, centering, and it makes me feel safe. One member described the sustenance obtained from the group: I have all this family who are away and that there is something about having a continuity of people that know me deeply that I can count on seeing on a regular basis. It gives my life a thread, um, that is very nurturing and sustaining to me. Another member also commented on the nurturing received: "It is a real foundation for how I go through my life. ... It's like a retreat for me, a place where I could come and, um, feel nurtured and have things given instead of always giving." Community and family were emphasized by another member: "For me it's community. ... This is actually the core of community for me. ... It's just that these are my primary people. They are my primary family. It's community." One member shared her expanded sense of self resulting from being open to other's experiences: I take pieces from each one of you and begin to incorporate them into who I am. You know, I see how you all do your lives and I say, oh, over time that becomes a little bit a part of who I am. As members continued to reflect on the meanings of their group, a spiritual connection began to emerge as expressed in the following interactions at the conclusion of the interview.

192 Um, some kind of magic happens out of our, it feels like it's out of ordinary time and ordinary space and ... there is some quality that is bigger than any of us would be individually. I really hear that out of ordinary time or out of ordinary space, because it really is sacred space that we create here. And that feels like a huge thing when we are talking about women's groups, you know. So we really come out of the dominant structures of reality into a subliminal space that is different than that. Don't you think? Yes, I do, and again I keep thinking, coming back to the idea of safety ... we know we have this space to come into. It really is a very, very strong holding space to say the least. There is a possibility that anything could arise out of this space. When asked to consider a metaphor that might capture the essence of their group or their experiences as members, participants prolifically identified three images based on myth or legend, and one natural object. The myths included The Three Musketeers: "All for one and one for all"; a wise council of women helpfully impacting their community; and 12 dancing princesses who disappeared every night to create magic together. My associations common to these metaphors included belonging, shared purpose, collaboration, wisdom, and intuitive knowing. The image of a nautilus shell, circular, inclusive, and ongoing, completed the group's metaphors. My associations with this metaphor included many connected segments, coming from the depths, feminine form, going deeper and deeper, and creativity.

193 Art Inspires: Keeping Creativity Alive and Feeding Each Other as Artists. Art Inspires formed in 2000, in a mid-sized Pacific Northwest city of approximately 154,000 residents, and nearly 350,000 people living in the greater metropolitan area. The purpose of the group was to support and enhance members' artistic creativity, as well as for personal connection. This was the sixth group interviewed for this study. Art Inspires members gathered once a month for 2 hours in locations determined by alternating members, most often in their homes. The group did not meet over the December holidays. Seven of the 10 members were present for the research interview, which took place on Tuesday evening, March 10, 2009, in the home of a founding member. Located in an unpretentious neighborhood on the west side of the community, we met in her cozy living room, where varied pieces of fine art decorated the walls. Group members arranged themselves on two soft couches and a chair around a small table on which plates of tangerines, crackers, and cheese were offered. Yellow flames danced in the small gas fireplace located along the side wall within sight of all members, adding warmth and liveliness to the room. The setting was relaxed and comfortable, enhanced by the presence of a black cat napping in the corner of one of the couches as people arrived, that wandered in and out of the room purring during the interview. Originally, 2 founding members who were neighbors met at a local yard sale and began to become acquainted. They found that they had much in common, including mutual knowing of professional colleagues and friends, enjoying art, and wanting a way to do art more regularly and with other women. Their shared interests led them to invite 2 more women, and in 2000, the group began with these 4 members. One of the original

194 members described their early sessions. "We met monthly and at the time one person would assign an art topic for everybody to do for the next meeting and we would do that. We got together and talked about, explained our experience and shared it." Over time the group added members, and the time together became more social and food oriented for awhile. Then members, collectively realizing that their focus on art was being preempted, mutually decided to increase their focus on art and minimize the meals, which remained the current balance of priorities for group gatherings at the time of this interview, along with having fun. Art Inspires has been written about several times in the local newspaper and recently presented at the state Professional Women's Network. As a result of their public notoriety, the participants shared that they received numerous requests to add new members, and created a sign-up list to which to refer when they had an opening. Additionally, they "spawned offspring," as founding members assisted others to start their own groups, described this way by 1 member: Yeah, we actually have an offspring and a possible other offspring which is trying to get its act together. People are interested in joining so we get a lot of requests. The group was currently closed to new members "because we want to keep the bond and ... make it feasible to do art." "Ten seems like we have maxed out in terms of the number." Another member expressed, "Now I almost feel protective. ... I feel selfish. I don't want to extend it to anybody else. I don't want to change the dynamic of who we are together."

195 Who is participating? Demographic surveys were received from 8 members, adding additional information to the group's responses during the research interview. For those providing information, the average age was 53 years old, with member ages ranging from 35 to 71 years old. Four members described themselves as from the general local area, 1 each from Alaska and California, 1 member from "all over" the United States, and 1 member from Great Britain. Five members defined themselves as White or Caucasian, 1 as white with paternal grandparents from Puerto Rico, 1 as Caucasian/Hispanic, and 1 member as Asian American. Seven of the members responding reported English as their native language, with 1 member stating "none." Four women indicated being married; 3 described living together/unmarried; and 1 member reported being divorced and in an intimate, unmarried relationship. All members described having children, including stepchildren, with children's ages ranging from 3 to 41 years old. Two women indicated they additionally provided ongoing care for a "husband" and a "partner." No other recipients of ongoing care were identified by the women providing information. Five women indicated part-time employment outside the home; 1 member was employed full time; and 2, while employed, did not indicated part or full time. Members' professional areas varied and included 2 artist-educators; 2 psychologists; director of a nonprofit environmental organization; director of a nonprofit arts organization; and director of the university Teaching Effectiveness Program. Education of group members included completing high school, a 2-year professional degree, 2 bachelor's degrees, a master's degree, and 2 PhD degrees. The most members (3) reported family incomes

196 from $38,000 to $60,000. Family incomes for group members ranged from $20,000 to $38,000, to $97,000 to $174,000. All members responding described experiences in from 1 to 15 women's small groups. Five women indicated past participation in consciousness-raising groups, while 3 reported no consciousness-raising-group experience. Members reported awareness of 8 to 30, and "many, many" currently existing women's small groups. What occurs during group gatherings? Art Inspires members conscientiously sustained their dual purposes of "feeding each other as artists" and "totally inspiring each other and sharing" during and between group gatherings. Additionally, as 1 member stated, "We want to know how our members are, you know, where they are at in terms of art and just their lives." Sessions typically took place in rotating member's homes and included snack foods, personal check-in time, and a small art-related activity. A member described, "We had a little, um, you know, colored pencil on black paper project at the last meeting here." The group's size, limited meeting space, and evening meeting times after busy work days presented some natural limitations to their activities, as 1 woman expressed: I think we found it difficult to launch into anything very sizeable as far as art because with 10 of us having enough space to do anything that required set up. ... I mean, you can see. ... Um, so we have had to confine it to something that can be done fairly easily. ... So again we are doing it on a workday and it's an evening so it kind of starts to circumscribe what we can actually do together, but we still have a lot of fun.

197 Art Inspires members assigned each other art-related projects for completion both during and between meetings, as this member described "There are a lot of outside responsibilities with this group. We are always assigning things to each other and it seems like there is always something on my list I should be doing for [Art Inspires]." While meetings normally occurred in a member's home, the following interactions described another creative form for one session. She sent us all an e-mail and said be ready between like 6 and 6:30 for the white, what did you say or something kind of? Shimmer. Yeah, that was the word. She picked us up in a van, took us to a park, fed us a dinner and then we had a drawing session about it and that was our meeting, so, you know, um, we definitely have that kind of fun, too. Oh, it was wonderful. (

) couldn't come so we just stopped by her house.

Group meetings included time for eating, sharing of current art projects and members' latest creations, and personal sharing. The timing of personal check-ins was unstructured: "It happens when it happens." Members described their personal check-in time this way: I think you would see a genuine, um, interest and caring for each other around art and around personal lives, I mean, you know. We actually do a going-around-the-circle-sharing kind of time, um, a check-in. More or less, a check-in.

198 Additionally, Art Inspires participants used an agenda for their regular sessions, which was finalized when they gathered, as described below. "And we do have an agenda. We take notes and whoever takes them types them up and sends them out. I mean, we have items on our agenda pretty much every meeting." Besides their monthly gatherings, group members organized three workshops each year, paying an artist from outside the group to facilitate. The workshops were primarily conducted for the members' benefit, although they could invite a few other interested women to participate to help defray expenses. Members reported that their workshop time often inspired later art projects they assigned for each other throughout the year. Art Inspires participants organized one weekend retreat each year on the Pacific coast, in addition to their regular meetings and the art workshops. During the retreat, Inspire Fest, friends of members were often included, and this time together was the beginning of several current members' involvements with the group. In addition to other retreat activities, each woman might present a small, handmade gift to every other person attending. Group members used their January meeting to collaboratively plan for the coming year, as described in the following interactions. In January, though, we do our year planning. We talk about what workshops we would like to be involved in. We talk about do we want to do a sale again that year. What our each individual goals are for the year, what we want to accomplish if we had the opportunity to, and we actually diwy out

199 responsibilities, where the things are going to be happening, and what we are going to be doing, perhaps, if we have something in mind. And we also do a gift exchange with dancing. With salsa music. Art Inspires participants extended themselves into the local community with an annual service project, selling cards they individually created, and giving 60% of the proceeds to a local charity. Members took their community-service project seriously, as one member expressed, "The kinds of community service projects that we take on are substantial. ... This isn't like playing around with art once a month. It's a real commitment." The card sale was originally advocated by 1 member as a means to make available original, affordable pieces of art that anyone could walk away with. While this project was a major undertaking for members, over time it came to run increasingly smoothly, as a member described: It has been a really valuable process to do the same sale essentially over and over and over. It was a lot more stressful the first year. ... It felt bigger at first. ... It seems to be a pretty well-oiled machine—the card sale. The group also produced a collaborative art tile piece now installed at a local community counseling center. Creating this piece involved a collective shifting of focus and challenge to group members as described below: So that was a new shift to think in terms of doing art for a contribution to the community and particularly for an agency that was, you know, kind of struggling

200 and I think that really appealed to all of us, someone who couldn't afford to have a beautiful art piece in their reception area, that we could do this for them. That brought this wonderful challenge of meeting to have us all collaborate on one thing because we were all doing all of our own little art stuff and interpreting our own art style, but now we had to bring all that together in something cohesive. ... That was a very big shift, shift in focus and shift in the way we work. Group participants offered challenges to each other and themselves through their assignments to one another, by working in new art mediums, and through their outreach projects in the community. Also, much was accomplished by members, as 1 participant described, "We are very efficient and I think we ... get a lot accomplished in the amount of time we have." Individual and collective growth further results from taking risks within the safe relationships of the group. What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? Art Inspires members identified numerous benefits to their group involvement. In their "safe and comfortable" group, members took creative risks, and experienced pleasure and fun watching each other explore, learn, and grow, as illustrated by one member's comments below: I definitely appreciate the support and encouragement. ... We provide a place for exploration and play, um, feel safe and it feels like we are all involved. ... There is just energy that is constantly circulating when we are all around and we are giving and receiving ... allowing and encouraging.

201 Another member expressed, "I am certainly doing more art than I was doing before I was involved in this group. ... That's very nourishing for me." Whereas another participant shared, And I think probably lots of us have done things with this group that we might have never done before ... in a situation where, like I said, we feel safe. ... It's like you are doing it with your friends. It feels real playful and, um, you know, we share a lot and it feels comfortable to do that... definitely have done things I ... have never tried. Outside artists facilitating workshops for the group also noticed, as 1 member described: They always say, wow, you know, you guys just jump right in there and there is like nothing to warm us up at all, you know, we are really ready to be adventurous and I think it is because we are used to working together and we have done lots of different things and tried new things a lot. Members' sense of adventure, as another participant noted, "probably filters into other parts of our lives, not that I have ever reflected on that, but I bet it does." Members expressed delight with their group involvement. One participant expressed, "I really enjoyed the free flowingness of this group, and all the creative ideas, and um, no bosses and that why I wanted to join the group." Another member put it this way: By the time I got invited to [Art Inspires] it was like I was so excited. I was just so beside of myself and in utter glee. ... It is a peculiar creature being part of a group of women that you are not necessarily in contact with on a daily basis who

202 you didn't meet through work or any of your other, you know, at the playground, whatever their commonality might be and so I have been very thrilled with it. There hasn't been a day since that I have regretted. Group participants experienced inspiration from one another and "a genuine, um, interest and caring for each other around art and around personal lives," rooted in mutual respect. As 1 member expressed, "It's in addition to, you know, meeting with people that I love and respect and value seeing and have a great time with in spite of the art piece of it." Another member appreciated the pleasures of group time, in addition to the creative challenges provided by her involvement: "Then of course there is the stuff that is always just easy and enjoyable and that's playing or eating or, you know, enjoying and sharing and so, um, all of those things are enriching." When asked what makes their group special, the first response was "the people," affirming members' valuing of their relationships within the group. One member elaborated: I mean to me this is such an exceptional group and I think that now that our reputation has grown, um, we have become sort of a model for this kind of a group, that there is an importance here that went well beyond what we originally might have ever thought about when we started it and so I think that to me has great value, um, but ultimately it's the people in it that are really valuable. Additionally benefitting from members' shared foundations as artists, a participant reflected,

203 I found myself able to interact with other people that had that common notion that art was valuable to them. ... There is a difference in our very core of our beings and every person in this room, even though we come from very different walks of life and we are in different places in our lives, like I feel really comfortable and safe knowing that each one of them is in love with their art and their being, the part of themselves that loves to create. ... I'm starting to like cry, but it's really true. I get a chance to like be here with these people even if it's not like every conversation is the most inspiring art conversation, I just know, there is knowing that I'm going to be with other artists. Members of Art Inspires appreciated the range of ages in their group, benefitting from this variety as illustrated by 1 member's comments. "We did want age diversity. It just, it was kind of refreshing. The original group, I think there were at least a generation maybe, yeah, 4 or 5 decades represented and there was something quite wonderful about that." Group participants also recognized and valued their interpersonal history together. The membership had been stable with no new members added for the past 4 years. As 1 member expressed, There is something really valuable too, about being together for years because we watch each other go through stages of our lives. There is something very rich about that, the struggles that we have each had and supporting each other, doing whatever we can.

204 Over time, the group's reputation grew in the community and members expressed pleasure in this recognition from the outside, as illustrated in the following lighthearted interactions: I'm famous now. Well, actually, yeah, we have, we get recognized here and there. Outside recognition. Yeah, there is recognition. I don't know that that impacts my life in a big way, but it feels kind of fun, especially around the card sale time. ... There is a lot of traffic that comes through and now it's a lot of repeat traffic. Oh, the [Art Inspires] are doing their sale again. Two members shared about the interconnected benefits between their group involvement and their daughters, as described below: Being in this group ... has impacted my family and my daughter. ... She sees that I take this time, you know, once a month I go to [Art Inspires]. It's like an important thing to me. ... She sees the things that I make and create and what I have done and it's exciting to her and sometimes we share those sorts of things, what I have learned I share with her and so it creates more time for us. ... One of the best gifts I can give her is ... for her to see this, um, experience I am having in a group, a creative group, and ... she is understanding that and getting that connection, you know, indirectly from this group to me to her. At 16, my stepdaughter ... really loves hearing about [Art Inspires]. ... She has started taking art classes and thinking of herself as having an interest in art, which

205 is totally new to her. ... She is inspired by the connections that we have too, and that I am thoroughly committed to this. It's not just a meeting. What barriers do women experience related to group membership? Art Inspires members committed significant time to their group involvement outside of group sessions and in the midst of busy lives. As a member expressed, it "takes a lot of commitment. A lot of time gets invested." One member shared concerns regarding creative productivity that occasionally caused her to consider dropping out of the group. I guess from time to time I get more frustrated with not being able to follow through with things, just the amount of stuff... that is sort of a recurring thing here that is more or less apt to me giving up I guess my own coming to the group. Another member echoed some of these sentiments: I have a similar thing where I have felt like I have a lot of frustration with my own production as an artist and my own process and so I think I was attributing that to the group sometimes. ... Then I realized it's really not about the group, it's about me and, um, so I let that go awhile back. In addition to creative projects, group members devoted time outside of group negotiating multiple e-mails, as 1 member shared: I think there is some frustration in our group, um, when we e-mail each other. ... There is multiple e-mails you have to read and you know, I mean I personally will get frustrated, come home and have like six e-mails. Other factors that competed for members' group time included "life," "4,700 other things," full- and part-time work, balancing parenting responsibilities and partners' recreational pursuits, member or partner illness, family events, and travel. One member

206 described, "Sometimes I have been tempted to do another thing that I am involved in ... so I have to make a choice." Another member, not present for the research interview, lived 3 hours away. As a participant described, "It speaks to her devotion to the group that she makes the effort to be with us absolutely as much as possible even though distance is an obstacle for her." Members shared that all 10 are rarely present, usually for only a couple of gatherings each year. Seven members typically participated in the group's monthly meetings. "Interpersonal strain" now resolved, was expressed by 1 participant as a consideration in continuing her involvement at that time. Additionally, members described issues that arose from the card-sale project, leading several to consider leaving the group, and resolved during the previous year. As 1 member shared, "I never felt like quitting the group, but I definitely sensed that I was going to lose group members if we didn't make some changes." As a result, members added flexibility to their card-making expectations, as well as use of some of the proceeds from this project to cover the costs of materials and compensate a portion of the time members devoted to making the cards. A member described this issue now "has really resolved itself nicely." Art Inspires members discussed how they currently dealt with conflicts in the group. From 1 participant's point of view: We are still tentative with each other around conflict. ... We don't live together so we don't have to deal with that, um, but it is still an issue. I think there is times when we talk amongst ourselves about some frustration in the group, but we don't

207 bring it to the whole group, um, so that would be a real evolution if we got to that point. Others offered alternative perspectives. While acknowledging that approaching conflict more directly might be positive for the group, one member expressed, You can look at our choice to like take those things and absorb them and process them in a smaller way and then move on as a whole creature that is unwounded because there is greater risk in like opening things up on a level like that. Possibly reflecting past experiences with conflict, another member stated, "I wouldn't want to get bogged down by it, that's for sure." One participant identified the benefit of their history together and mutual caring as related to conflict. I really feel like we all have come to know each other quite a bit and that we, um, we have a better idea about how some of us are going to respond to certain things, um, how some of us might react, how some of us might feel, how some of us deal with certain things. ... I don't feel like we have a lot of conflict and so I feel like it's mainly because, um, we have this kind of awareness of each individual person and how they communicate. Still, leaving room for the possibility of productive conflict, another perspective was offered in the following interaction: And I think sometimes our, not that it wouldn't be appropriate, but we have, we do have that sacredness about our meetings. It's sort of the way they go and it doesn't have room for that. Yeah, it's really fun. Yeah, we don't. It's equally valuable, but.

208 A member summed up what seemed to be the prevailing view related to differences in the group: "We can choose to let them go." What importance do members place on their group participation? The members of Art Inspires valued their time together, demonstrated by their ongoing commitments of time and creative energy. As 1 member expressed, "I wish my husband had the friendship and the camaraderie that I have in my groups." Members prioritized their sessions, including workshops and retreats, by planning a year in advance during their January gathering. This planning was useful to busy members, as 1 participant described, "But that is helpful, you know, because you don't have a surprise date in there on your calendar." Others shared prizing their group time in the following interactions: It's a high priority. I make it a priority. Yeah. It's only once a month so. It's pretty easy to make it. I was just thinking about it. It seems like there are so many things that are going on in my life right now ... but I almost always make it to the group. You do. And it's the in between stuff that feels like, you know, I get kind of excited about something or we have a project going or something is going on in the group, you know, and I go ok, I am going to engage this.

209 Another member shared her experience of prioritizing her time and the importance of her group involvement when faced with the increased expectations of a new, high-level position as director of a nonprofit agency: I started to worry and wonder that this might be something that I might have to give up. ... I decided I just couldn't let that happen because it was too important to me, um, but I did consider it. While members were engaged and involved with families, work, and numerous commitments outside the group, they highly valued their time together and prioritized time with their group in their busy schedules. How is leadership shared among the group members? Members of Art Inspires shared leadership responsibilities, arriving at consensus decisions related to meeting dates, locations, and activities through discussions in person and by e-mail, as shared in this interaction: We really operate by consensus I would say. Yeah, really purely. One member described differences between using consensus decision making in this group and a more difficult experience with a larger group. "I lived in the coops on campus for years which was a kind of a gruesome exercise in consensus ... and coming into a smaller group and operating on consensus it makes so much sense." In the early formative years as the group became established, 2 founding members took the leadership roles of deciding the purpose and focus for gathering, and inviting the first members to join. A shift toward consensus occurred as the group grew. "It felt like

210 everyone needed to have some say about who would be in the group, even though I think 10 felt too big to most of us, but the value of choice trumps the size of the group." As new members were included, participants also revisited their purpose, eventually choosing to add community-outreach projects to their activities. One member described their process: "Yeah, we were kind of rethinking what was happening with the group and at that time also inviting new people so I think it did bring new energy and it did shift the group, um, in a positive way." Members described the vital leadership contributions of one primary organizational member and the positive transition of members in their journey toward shared leadership when this very active individual was no longer able to participate with the group due to Lou Gehrig's disease. When her leadership really just couldn't be what it had been, we kind of scrambled and fumbled and stumbled and like how are we going to make up for that... but it was just a real opportunity to say, oh, we kind of put all our eggs into that organizational basket, now we are having a hard time regrouping, but I think we did it and were real successful. When she had to back away, a lot of her responsibilities were distributed amongst many of us. Right. Thus, it pulled more people into being more involved and more invested in the group. At the time of this interview many leadership decisions were collectively made during the group's January planning meeting, as described earlier. Among others, members "divvy out responsibilities of where things are going to be happening and what

211 we are going to be doing" at this session. The woman hosting each gathering chose the art-related project for that evening. Members described the challenges and value inherent in this aspect of their shared leadership. I feel like the assignments that we give each other whether they are like a prayer flag or a self-portrait or the things that just come out of it, they have definitely been, and they always are good catalysts for creating because there is definitely a place that every artist goes where a moment of actually beginning something is difficult, like how do you just begin. But I think that's a really powerful thing we do for each other, you know, and I feel that way about the card sale like it gets my juices flowing. What, if any, common factors exist within groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? In addition to the enrichment inherent in their group participation described earlier, including "meeting with people that I love and respect and value seeing and have a great time with," and juicy engagement with their art, 1 member related encountering the internal complexities for her connected to product versus process dichotomies during the groups monthly sessions. I got into kind of just messing with some media in a way that I hadn't before. ... It was the product versus the process. I know it sounds kind of corny, but, um, but there is that inherent tension there that kind of gets revisited every time, once a month, you know, I get to revisit that, that kind of spot somehow and it's interesting. ... I don't know quite how to express it except in terms of a tension between two, um, poles in different ways because one is not better than the other. They are just quite different and, um, there is energy that needs to go into moving

212 toward resolving that or bringing it together, synthesizing. You know, coming from a third place where something then can be created. Referring to the stimulation for her resulting from their annual card sale, another member shared: I collect ideas. I look for ideas all the time. I'm always trying to find something new. ... So for me, it's this goal that is out there and also there is only so many friends that want your handmade crafts, so having an outlet for all this stuff that I want to try and produce is wonderful, but I approach it so that it's fun ... and it has to be different enough so that it keeps my interest in it going, so um, and the fact that it can result in a contribution to the community is just all the better. Another participant echoed these thoughts: It's an opportunity to explore new techniques and it's an opportunity to try new things that you have always wanted to try. It's like now you kind of have a purpose and a reason to do that... a goal and a direction with it. One member summed up the result for her of the special combination of challenges and the easy, personal and playful aspects of group time, expressing: "I feel like participating." In the face of busy lives and numerous responsibilities both outside and in their group, Art Inspires members desired to come together, share themselves and their creative efforts with one another, and make significant contributions to their community. Participants identified two metaphors to help capture the essence of their group or their experiences as members. The first image was the tile art piece they created together and now installed at a local mental health agency: each element was individual and had

213 connection to each other element. The second collaborative image was of a strange, fantastic, 10-headed beast, with chicken feet and wearing a tutu: "the new creature that is created when a group of people get together and ... make some kind of a cohesive unit." My associations shared by both metaphors included flowing and versatile, compelling and stimulating, fitting together/connected, multitextured, and enjoyable. Life Stories Book Group: The Women who Eat and Talk, and Sometimes Talk About the Book. Life Stories Book Group formed in 1997, in a mid-sized Pacific Northwest city of approximately 154,000 residents and nearly 350,000 people living in the greater metropolitan area. The original purpose of the group was to read and discuss books. This was the seventh group interviewed for this study. The 7 members of Life Stories Book Group met once a month for 3 hours in alternating members' homes. Six members were present for the research interview, which took place on Wednesday evening, March 11, 2009. The home for this group session was situated in a hilly area of the city, with a short, curved driveway slanting steeply upward to the house from the residential street below. The front door opened into a living room where two large couches were set facing each other and perpendicular to a fireplace with a crackling fire burning invitingly. The living room opened into the dining area beyond where the table was set for 8—the 7 expected group members and me. When I arrived several women were already there, enjoying some wine and talking together. A potluck meal was collecting on a side table in the dining area, including pot roast with horseradish sauce, a beet-cauliflower dish, hot cabbage soup, and much more. I joined the group for their traditional potluck supper prior to conducting this interview.

214 While we ate members talked among themselves, briefly discussed their most recent book, and we shared introductions. Dessert was mango sorbet and chocolate chip cookies. At the conclusion of the meal the group members and I moved into the living room and resettled ourselves for the interview. A large fluffy cat came and went during this time, frequently sitting almost on top of the microphone and purring voraciously. Life Stories Book Group members described the events leading up to formation of their group in 1997. The concept for the group began as a wish: We were sitting in (

's) backyard.

And saying, gee, don't you wish that we could just meet and talk about a book. Several current members had been part of another women's group related to design professions prior to coming together in Life Stories Book Group. One member of this prior group was described as "definitely the catalyst for bringing us all together" by several current group members who had participated in many of her weekly parties in the past. As the idea for Life Stories Book Group crystallized; women invited friends to join until the desired number of 8 potential members was reached. Then in October, 1997, 1 current member's exhusband died, and the group held their first gathering shortly after that event. As it turned out, in addition to this significant death experienced by 1 member, several women were experiencing important transitional life events as their group took form, as shared in the interactions below. But, from the very beginning, you know, ( I got divorced and I was a puddle. I was newly divorced.

), my exhusband died.

215 And you had just finished school and started a new career. And we had another member at that time who was married ... and then she got dumped by her husband shortly after that. Group members recalled that of the original 8 participants, 5 were "new divorced or single or just, you know, in some crisis" during the early stages of the group's evolution. As 1 member expressed regarding the purpose of the group: "I mean, it just always ended up being about, being about these other things and from the beginning." Another member shared, When I talk about this group to other people outside, I say "My Book Group," and then I pause and I say, well, it's really a women's group also. I do identify this as a women's group for me, too. Since its formation, two members withdrew and 1 was added, bringing the total current membership to 7. The current membership had been stable since 2005. As 1 member stated, "This particular incarnation has been stable for a long time." The group was closed to new members at the time of this interview, as described below. And we made the choice not to invite anyone else. Even though we are less people, we just decided that. We have been together so long it would be hard to bring someone else in at this point. Lengths of membership ranged from 9 to 12 years, with an average of 11 years of participation by the women in Life Stories Book Group. Who is participating? Demographic surveys were received from 4 of the 7 members, contributing additional information to the group members' interview

216 responses. For those providing information, the average age was 56 years old, with member ages ranging from 53 to 60 years old. One member described herself as local and born in California; another as living locally for 35 years, born in Tennessee; a member indicated being from the northwest; while the 4th reported living locally most of her life and born in New York state. Three members described themselves as White or Caucasian, while the 4th indicated she was Jewish race/ethnicity. All members providing information identified English as their native language. Two members indicated currently being unmarried and living with their partners, 1 reported being unmarried and in an intimate relationship, and 1 member specified being divorced. All those responding stated they each had two children, with children's ages ranging from 22 to 38 years old, and no children living at home. No other recipients of members' ongoing care were indicated. Three individuals reported being employed outside the home, with 1 member indicating full-time employment. No other work time involvements were specified. Professional areas included graphic designer for an exhibit design firm, realtor, architect, and fine artist. Two members had bachelor's degrees, 1 a master's degree, and 1 indicated more than 16 years of completed education. Those responding reported from 2 to 35 years working in their professional areas. Two members reported annual family incomes from $38,000 to $60,000; 1 from $20,000 to $38,000; and 1 from $60,000 to $97,000. The 4 members providing information reported experience in from three to six women's small groups. One woman indicated past experience in an "informal"

217 consciousness-raising group. Members reported knowledge of from 2 to "a dozen" women's small groups. What occurs during group gatherings? Members of Life Stories Book Group described themselves as "women who eat and talk" and "sometimes talk about the book," reflecting their primary activities together. One participant described the group's priorities this way: "We just eat really good and we love each other." Further describing their shared valuing and needs for personal sharing, several members responded during the following interactions. Well, it seems like we have all grown up and all the changes we have gone through, changes in relationships, the loss of family members. Parents. Has become more a specific focus of checking-in and our relationships than the book and I think the busyness of our lives too, at some times would sabotage that intellectual pursuit. I know for me personally. I mean, there were times we didn't even talk about the book because we were dealing with such incredibly. Everyone of us, it's just divorces and as soon as we got through the divorces, then the parents started dying. Rotten children. Or the children. They get pregnant, they do all kinds of things. They do drugs, they get arrested, they marry, they ... Yeah, we have been through a lot together it seems.

218 Further reflecting the safety and support available in the group, others shared: And get, you know, if we need a poor baby, we get a poor baby. Yeah, exactly, and share in the things that we have similar experiences in, and it's safe. While members shared that their greatest conversational focus was on their personal lives, they were beginning to take more time discussing their current book, described below: But lately we have actually been talking more about the book. Yeah, it really does seem like we are talking more about the book. Well, I think that other things have calmed down. Yeah. That's a fact. That is absolutely true. Valuing interpersonal communication, Life Stories Book Group members described creating the opportunity for all members to share during their sessions: And we really wanted each person to be able to speak. And we talk a lot. Challenges for members arose in this effort due to differences between quieter and more verbal members, reflected in the dialogue below: And I think to be fair that is an ongoing issue with this group is that everyone be heard because it is a strong group of women. Which is interesting to me, but, um, you know, that everyone gets heard and everyone has time, and we know that everyone gets an opportunity to check-in,

219 and it's not because there are any shrinking violets in this group, but there are some people, you know, it sometimes doesn't work out. Both (

) and myself are quieter people.

That's true. And we both do struggle to be heard sometimes and yet, we both can, you know, when it is very important to us, we can make it happen, but, um, you know, there is just different personalities. For those of us who are quieter, we have to kind of push ourselves to be heard. So it's an ongoing balance. Members described drawing each other out with direct questions, and structuring their sharing by going around the room more formally as two strategies sometimes employed to ensure all members received the chance to share and be heard. Extending their support beyond group time, various combinations of participants might also meet outside of group gatherings to share more fully on a common topic. As 1 member expressed, "Many of us have lost parents in the last year or so and some of us met outside the group specifically to just kind of have a more in-depth conversation about that." The Life Stories Book Group members' ideal interpersonal style with one another was captured by this member's comment: "The way we expect adults to be. This is our ideal that you treat other adults with respect and interest and kindness and you enjoy their stories." Participants took pleasure in each other's company in the safe, confidential, noncompetitive, and relaxed environment of their group, as 1 member described:

220 We are not in competition and I feel like when we come here just to be together and we are relaxed and we have fun and it's like a retreat. It's very sheltering because we all do have very stressful positions. ... We know how to function in that environment to accomplish a goal, and here we don't have to accomplish squat and we can, we can vent a little. Whatever is said here is not taken anywhere else. While later in the interview members noted: Yeah, and I feel like we can pretty much say anything we want to say and it's not going to go ... because of all the different aspects and all the point that we touch in our community, if any of us were gossips, because you know, all, even in big cities or small towns. So confidentiality is I think really important. We have never really even discussed it. It's been there. Life Stories Book Group members began each session, after initial greetings and connecting time, with a potluck meal. As 1 member described, "There is never a shortage of food." The potlucks evolved over the years from planning the menu around the book they were reading to their current, more spontaneous meals. While e-mail was sometimes used to share what food a member was planning to bring, more often "we never plan a menu." Members described a memorable potluck in which all the foods were orange. She had salmon and then someone made an orange soup and someone made a carrot salad. I mean, it was an orange dinner.

221 And yams or something. (laughter) Everything was orange. The group members also described enjoying wine at their gatherings. As one member expressed, "There are many groups where, you know, one person is a tee-totaler, whatever, and that never happened in this group." Members acknowledged the use of alcohol to relieve stress, as well as their comfort with each other and willingness to let their guards down in this manner. Life Stories Book Group members occasionally gathered together at the Pacific coast in addition to their monthly meetings. Others from outside the group, "our extended family," were included in these longer periods of time together. Members expressed the playfulness they shared, especially during beach outings, and the desire for more: Well, I think there is a real sense of fun with this group, too. We could do that more. We could go to the beach again. That was good. Um, just a joyful embrace of life. I think everyone here really has that. You're right. We are incredibly hopeful against all odds. It's true. That's a good point. We all are a half-full kind of group. What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? Life Stories Book Group participants benefitted from their connections in the group in numerous ways. Knowing each other in this context for at least 9 years, they shared a

222 significant portion of personal history, as well as a shared history of their group's development. As 1 member expressed, "I always refer to it as my book group, but it's like my best friends. I mean, this group has gone beyond being a book group. We have just been together so long." Over time, their shared history became a benefit in itself, as described in the following interactions: We have known each other for so long that there is sort of this, it sort of gives you a frame of reference and that is pretty unique, I think. Yeah, somebody that knew you ... or knew me 12 years ago when my children were little, my dad was still alive. I know. It's true. You know, and yeah, that makes a big difference. Members reflected on the beginnings of their group connections and their similarities in age—all within a decade of each other. Yeah, but think about it, we were all young. We were all bleeding at that time. That's true. We were looking for connection. We were all bleeding and we all had children that were. We all had children at home ... A lot of us had children that went to the same school. One member shared her need for connection in the early days of the group this way:

223 I was up for reading books with people because I was going to be really lonely and I needed girlfriends. I didn't have any. I had been in a marriage. With small children you don't have all the girlfriends that are just for you. It was selfish. Having moved to the city from nearby alternative rural communities, two other members described their desire to connect in their new environment: I moved from a rural community to town, and done my life change, ended a relationship, going back to school, looking for a new job, getting a career, um, trying to build a new circle in town. So we were both re-creating, we were trying to re-create out functional. Rural roots. Yeah, to make it functional here, too. Group members' closeness in ages resulted in the sharing of significant life transitions over the years since the group first formed, contributing to their sense of cohesion. As 1 member described, "We have a group mind because we are older." Participants described facing the challenges of childrearing, empty nests, divorces, establishing new relationships, and the deaths of parents during their years as group members. Some of the benefits resulting from experiencing these events together were captured in the following interactions: We respect each other. Every one of us has a career, a position, and an opinion. And a life story.

224 We all have a life story. Just look at what we have all done and at least to be able to survive is just like. It could be a movie. Members additionally described a sense of safety arising from and contributing to their shared life experiences and their mutual acceptance and support. An underlying factor, the stability of membership over time, enhanced the connections Life Stories Book Group members experienced. As 1 member shared, "Yeah, this has been wonderful." Members of Life Stories Book Group expressed learning from one another, as reflected in the interactions below: We all have, I think, learned from each other. I think we have learned from each other, for sure. Well, I think we have learned to support one another and not judge. We have learned a lot from each other, I mean, I have learned about the world. We are not judging one another, you know. You know, each of you have different worlds that you, sort of different pieces and you have learned about different kinds of things. One member expressed treasuring the learning received from members' diverse lives this way: I like that everyone, even though we have very strong similarities in our age and our lifestyles and the stages we have gone through, the fact that we are very different from each other in what we pursue, um, in our professional lives or our backgrounds or our artistic endeavors, I find that so fascinating and I like to hear what people have been doing. ... I also like being involved in a group where I

225 haven't known everyone for a very long time, that I have learned, I have met new people, that I have made new friends and that has been so inspiring, too. ... I have really become so attached to this group. Group participants benefitted further from feeling supported and accepted in fully expressing all of their emotions. As a member shared, I can't imagine what my life would have been like without you guys from the beginning ... because there is not very many people you can just kind of puke your guts once a month to. But it's true, you know, you are always so reserved in your life and your work ... and then there is just some intimate group where you can just blah, you know, whatever is happening whether it's happiness or sadness or anger or frustration. In addition to feeling deeply accepted emotionally, group members discovered another level to their sense of connection during the following discussion: An actually, none of us are friends because our partners are friends. These are our friendships. No, I don't think about you as being, you know, the parent of or the partner of. This is. That's very interesting. It's very unique. You are not somebody's ex. I am not somebody's wife or. We are ourselves. And we don't identify each other with our careers.

226 With our career or our partner or our children. Let's talk about this a lot. That's amazing. I never really thought about that before, but... Partner, career, or children. It's all about us as individuals. It's about as close as we can be. Participants affirmed and validated their valuing of each other as they expressed characteristics perceived as common among group members. Qualities of maturity, resilience "having survived children," intelligence, "strong sense of self," "not a lot of ego," and also "egotistical... in a healthy way," and high functioning were used to describe the "we" aspect of their membership. Additional valued qualities were shared below: I think all of us are incredibly curious people and I think that is what has made us comfortable and willing to expose ourselves. Maybe another way to say that is that we are all, um, inquisitive, or you know, we are all excited about what's happening. Members of Life Stories Book Group described benefitting from and appreciating each other's support, creativity, strength, good cooking, and progressive political leanings. As this member expressed, "I just think that we have this sense of, you know, that we care about the planet, we care about each other." Ultimately, as one woman described, "We are at a point where we can really enjoy each other." Another shared, "I just feel real gratitude that I have had people I want to come and share my life with."

227 What barriers do women experience related to group membership? The 7 members of Life Stories Book Group sometimes found it difficult to identify even 1 night per month in which they all can meet. As 1 member described, "We try scheduling months in advance because if we don't schedule months in advance, we are scheduled." Members stated that commitments to other organizations, family, classes, sporting events, travel, volunteer work, and relationships, among others, may potentially interfere with attending group gatherings. As 1 member shared regarding several members newly established midlife relationships, "Although none of us let it stop us from appearing at this event, that, um, a lot of us are in relatively new relationships and men are very time consuming, very time consuming." A participant reported, "Everyone misses a meeting or two a year." Since forming in 1997, two members withdrew from the group due to conflicting expectations, and one original member moved away. At several points during the interview, group participants discussed particular discomfort in the group related to one previous member who withdrew. During the time preceding her withdrawal, other members considered dropping out due to the interpersonal challenges taking place. As 1 member expressed, "I was going to quit because I couldn't stand listening to the bellyaching anymore." Another member elaborated, as she described her personal struggle related to this situation: I considered quitting several years ago when I just felt that our gatherings were being dominated by one person and I tried to tell myself that she must need it. She's not getting what she needs, um, that I shouldn't, um, fault the group because of that or her, and I wasn't reading the books at that same time, and I just

228 thought it was no longer going to be relevant in my life. And actually, her life turned around and she got better and I thought, oh, that's great, and I thought the book group got better, and then she felt unsatisfied and left us. From members' sharing, it was apparent that the challenges related to one member who left the group several years earlier were still easily relived, although the group had moved on in other respects. Group members described the difficulties involved for one member not present for this interview who traveled a long distance to attend sessions. Another participant expressed, Sometimes it does seem a little big to me and I am a real hermit and I just, I just want to curl up in my room, but then I think that it's a really important way for me to be out in the world because I have been withdrawn from a lot of stuff. ... I would miss them horribly so I can do that. As the interview progressed, another member announced that she would be moving away: "It's just a matter of when." What importance do members place on their group participation? In the midst of busy lives, negotiating work, family, new relationships, volunteer time, and other commitments, women members of Life Stories Book Group highly prized their group time together, as reflected in the following comments." We have a really good time and we eat really good and we really enjoy each other's company, and it's just there is this, it's a real priority. It's an important part of, yeah, you don't want to miss it. At least I don't.

229 In order to facilitate members' attendance at sessions, the group typically scheduled meetings 3 months in advance. As participants described in the following interactions, knowing well ahead when gatherings would occur allowed members to prioritize group time in the context of their other commitments. It's very scheduled. It's a date, you know, because it is on the calendar, you know. I would never, everything else is scheduled around that which is why it's great to get it on the calendar. Yeah, even the years when I thought, my gosh, I can't come to another book club, I came. Life Stories Book Group members valued each other's presence, as well. To additionally help ensure that participants showed up, they shared their understanding and flexibility around the expectations for sessions. You can come late. People come late. People come without bringing anything. Because it is better that they are here. Just to get here. Members further expressed acceptance around missed sessions. Describing an absent member's frequent travel, 1 participant shared, "She misses a quarter to a third. She misses more than anybody. She travels a lot at this stage in her life. She just has a lot of freedom and she is using it." Another member stated, "Everyone misses a meeting or two a year." With the mutual understanding and acceptance of occasionally missing a group session, members

230 were able to continue their group participation over many years. As 1 member emphasized, "I really, really guard this, maintaining my involvement in this group." How is leadership shared among the group members? Members of Life Stories Book Group collaborated on leadership decisions, including when and for how long to meet, the books read, structuring of group time, and inclusion of a potluck meal. Membership decisions were also made collectively, at times involving lobbying for a desired member when others voice doubts. Through conversational give and take, group participants generally arrived at consensus. Members described themselves with "healthy self-esteem," and comfort with one another, which contributed to their discussion style. As 1 member expressed: Yeah, and everybody seems to stand up and say whatever needs to be said, or if somebody gets to be too pontific, you know, somebody will point it out to them and, you know, you will just shut up because some of us can be more pontificators than others. In a predetermined order established by the group participants, individual members made the decisions regarding book choices. Hosting of sessions was identified as the other member role, and happened more randomly. As 1 participant shared, "There is no order to who hosts, though you try. It's kind of every six, seven times." The host prepared the main dish for the potluck and their space for the group to gather. Members stated they never had an order for who would host, leaving this decision to individuals based on their time availability. Group participants described a relaxed approach to sharing leadership that has developed over their years together. As 1 member stated, "It's a learned behavior from

231 experience. I mean, it's learned from experience, it's experiential, not deliberate." Experience also informed their previously unspoken and shared understanding regarding confidentiality, as described below: So, confidentiality is I think really important. We have never really even discussed it. It's been there. Members expressed their determination to meet regardless of fulfilled leadership functions, including that of host. As a member shared, "Sometimes they forget they are hosting even, but we show up." What, if any, common factors exist within groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? As members reflected on the impact and meaning of their group involvement to their lives, the importance of this intimate social time was emphasized by one woman: "My job, you know, is very public and very out and very involving and this is the private. This is my private life. There is not much of it left. I'm defending it." Another member described the importance of friendships in the group and the contrast of this enriched social time in the face of potential isolation. For me what it means is these are actually my best friends. I only have one or two friends outside this circle, and so to have it on my agenda to meet with them every month is an incredible gift because as we get more involved in working on the internet, you know, I can do everything I need to do within my home without leaving. You know, this is real important, to get together and feed each other and talk to each other. It's great.

232 For 1 participant, knowing her group connections existed helped her to make it through the month, as she described, "Friendship. We have been together for so many years, it's like, I mean, there are times when I fantasize, oh, book group. I can hang on to this until I get to book group." The meanings of members' quality relationships with one another were reflected in the following interactions. That is sort of, um, you know, you know feeling like kind of this unconditional acceptance of who you are and what you are going through and that you will get support, you know, if you really need it. You all will be here and I have really experienced that. I am just so full of gratitude. We are just kind of, just expect so much more out of life. I don't know, it's just hard to describe. You just really, after awhile you realize that you are, there is just a handful of people that really have any meaning to you and after you have been with somebody for 12 years, this, you know, is really special. It's not just an acquaintance. I am a very private person and, um, there are very few venues in which I would share very much of my life actually. So, to come back to the same place over a period of time is a very safe place where you are known and liked. It's kind of a touchstone. It exists separate from us as we get old. Feeling known and knowing others at a deeply personal level carried significant meaning as expressed by these members: And the depth of knowing. It's the depth. It's the depth.

233 As we get older, the depth of relationships are what we are all after. Yeah. When asked to identify a metaphor that might capture the essence of their group or their experiences a members, participants described a log cabin at the beach in this most amazing storm ... must have been 90 mph winds. ... The house would just go boom ... felt secure in that space. ... No matter how many storms we have all gone through, we are still together and standing. And we are in the same house together. My associations with this metaphor included a strong structure, protective and well constructed, enduring, durable, and safe; protection from the storms of life; and belonging. Members also identified the metaphor of sisters who chose to be sisters. ... We listen to each other. ... We teach each other, we learn from each other. There is a lot there in this dynamic and that's like sisters that chose each other, not one where we are happenstance by blood that have so many things we can't talk about because there are, there are dangerous areas. We don't have a lot of dangerous areas. We are sisters without dangerous areas. My associations with this metaphor included relatedness, connection, a common origin, openness to all topics and points of view, space for each other to go where they needed to go—to grow and develop, and belonging. Woven Roots Book Group: Interweaving the Stories of our Lives, Sticking Together Warts and All.

234 The Woven Roots Book Group formed in approximately 1992, in a large Pacific Northwest city of approximately 600,000 residents, with nearly 2 million people living in the greater metropolitan area. The members present did not clearly remember their group's beginning year and estimated it to be 15 to 20 years prior to the research interview. Originally, the group was formed so that members could stay connected to one another, as well as to share their collective love of reading with a focus on works of fiction by women authors. This was the fourth group interviewed for this study. The Woven Roots Book Group was comprised of 5 members who met once a month for 2 hours in a local restaurant in the northeast section of the city. Group members took 2 months off from gathering during the summer. Two participants took part in the research interview, which was held on the morning of Tuesday, March 3, 2009, at the time and place of the group's usual sessions. The group's meeting place was located in a mixed industrial-warehouse area of the city. The restaurant was on a corner on the street level of a four-story, white-painted brick building. Bicycles were parked outside, and several newspaper vending machines were positioned on this corner. Curbside parallel parking was available along the two streets bordering the building. An art gallery was situated across the street from the restaurant's entrance. The interior of the restaurant was a large open L-shaped space, with blue- and ochre-colored floor tiles, many small wooden tables, wooden chairs, and a long leather covered bench for waiting just inside the doorway. The walls were decorated with greenish-ochre paint and natural brick. Large windows were placed along the two outside walls filling the space with natural light. Hanging lights provided additional soft lighting and instrumental world music played in the background. A meal

235 counter with six stools was located near the kitchen work area, and a small blackboard displayed the handwritten breakfast specials for the day. The 2 group members present and I sat around a small table at the far end of the restaurant from the entry and had breakfast together before beginning the interview. Other individuals and small groups of people came and went from the restaurant as we met. Prior to forming the Woven Roots Book Group, 4 members worked together in various roles at a local holistic healing center. It was out of this original shared connection and the desire not to lose touch with one another that the group took root, as described in the following interactions: Because we all realized we wanted to stay in touch. Yup. And that our lives were all starting to move in different directions and so that sense of staying connected somehow, and the book group sounded like the best way to do it. Yeah. It gave us purpose. One member shared further about the group's beginning: I remember (

) talking about it saying I want to do a book group. I want to do

a book group every month so we really commit to meeting and we commit to being together ... and I felt like it was something I could commit to and really wanted to. I mean the idea of hanging out with ( (

) was just like, wow, yeah, I want to do that.

) and (

) and (

) and

236 Another member expressed the importance of her existing connections at that time: Well, mine was the fear of losing these women who were my first people I met when I moved to Oregon, and they were just, um, very important. I wanted the connection to stay and so that was my main impetus to do it, to have it happen. The desire to maintain existing relationships combined with the idea of committing to meet together monthly in a book group and culminated in the original formation of the group. As this participant related, "We did come together originally as a book group. That is what we called it. That is what we did." Initially, members focused on reading works of fiction by women authors and discussing the book read at each monthly session, as described below: Initially we started out as a book group. We all had the book. We all read the book. We discussed the book. For a short time. Yeah, for a couple of years I would say that was the focus and that certainly has evolved into something different. Since first forming, group members expanded their sessions to include discussion of whatever book each member happened to be reading, exchanging books, and conversations about local cultural events, as well as their personal lives. The following interactions illustrated some of the group's evolution. We have long since stopped trying. Reading the same book. Right.

237 We all read books. Oh, lots of books. And we bring in our books. And we exchange books. But we do not read the same book. While a few women have come into and left the group, the original group members have continued participating together in the Woven Roots Book Group for the past approximately 17 years. Who is participating? Demographic surveys were received from 3 members, contributing additional information to the group's interview responses. Of the information obtained from the surveys and the interview related to age, the average age of members was 57 years old, with ages ranging from 52 to 63 years of age. Survey information included 2 members' descriptions as being from the local area; and raised in Maryland—30 years in the local area. Of the 2 members responding to race/ethnicity, 1 reported being Caucasian and 1 reported Hispanic. Two members identified English as their native language, with 1 not reporting. The 3 members providing demographic information defined their relationship status as married. All members responding indicated having from one to three children, with children's ages ranging from 12 to 31 years old. Each member had one child living at home. One member reported providing additional ongoing care for her husband. Two members described being employed part-time, with 1 member not employed outside the home. Members' professional areas included herbalist, mental health, and midwife. Those responding reported 12 and 32 years working in their respective fields.

238 One member indicated having her master's degree, with no other responses provided regarding education completed. The 2 members responding to this question reported annual family incomes of $60,000 to $97,000 and $97,000 to $174,000. Group members described histories in three, five, and six "(maybe more)" women's small groups, with all 3 indicating experience in consciousness-raising groups. The members responding each reported knowledge of five to six currently existing women's small groups. What occurs during group gatherings? Over the years the Woven Roots Book Group members gathered once a month for 10 months of the year, taking 2 months off during the summer. During their time together they shared information related to books they were each reading, local cultural and political events, as well as significant interpersonal nurturing and support. As this participant expressed, "We nurture each other just by being together." The importance of the interpersonal qualities of members' time together was described in the following interactions: We are present. We show up. We hug each other. We, um, smile because we are happy to see each other and we are happy to be together, and ... I feel that every time that I come. I feel that the people who are here are happy that I made it. Oh, h i . . . hey ... I'm so glad you made it. ... And we might have, um, the books to share—that might even start, that usually happens at the end, but there is that sense of, um, you know, what has been happening, sharing your month or unique things, so there is definitely sharing that happens. What ended up happening over the years is that inevitably there were one or two people that came that had some, um, challenging or interesting or stuff going on

239 in their lives, so it tended ... to be in each group, 1 or sometimes 2 people who were sharing something of import to them that kind of, that's what took up the time. Woven Roots Book Group participants described also challenging each other during their time together to expand their reach outward to the global community. Involvements included participating in the Heifer Project through the purchase of a goat, and in Women to Women by contributing to international women's microenterprises. Members reflected the tone and idealism of their outreach in the interactions below: It's very much what's going on in our world, how can we be in this world in a place that, um, feels good and right to us, so. ... I feel we really are looking at things globally and not just sort of a micro concept. And I feel like we challenge each other in ways that don't feel like challenges. The members described attending to one another's lives and day-to-day emotional and situational experiences, as well as increasing awareness and involvement on the macrolevel. As one member expressed, "That is because, I think, because each of us carries that in our own life, and so we couldn't not bring it." In addition to their monthly Tuesday morning meetings, Woven Roots Book Group members recalled the evolution of gathering together with their families during the holidays in the following interactions: We did Thanksgiving together for many years and then that stopped. There was a Thanksgiving gathering for most of the families. Yeah, that was before the holiday gathering. And that ended and then because of the book group we did the holiday thing.

240 Woven Roots Book Group participants established a flexible and varying structure for their sessions, with a primary focus on connecting with one another. This flexibility was reflected in 1 participant's description of who would fit as a group member: "It has to be someone that really wants to just be with the group, you know, and not necessarily do a specific thing every time, the same thing every time." What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members? In the context of their flexible and longstanding group, Woven Roots Book Group members expressed particular valuing of their history together in the following exchange regarding what makes their group special: Well, I think the history, the length of time and just knowing the people for so long. Yeah, history is really, it's amazing. One member elaborated on the benefit of feeling truly known after so much time together: It's the fact that you have history with someone, um, is just to me, they know who you are, you don't have to be someone else. ... When things don't go well in your life you can feel ok to say stuff in a group that knows you for such a long time. A participant expressed benefitting from her authenticity in the group this way: I feel known in this group. It's like I don't have to pretend that I am flawless in this group. She continued to elaborate on her deep sense of belonging: I don't have to worry about not being loved for my warts. ... There is a certain amount of, um, unconditional love that has developed in this group and

241 acceptance and ... that comes with that nurturing. ... You can, you know, be single or married. You can be jobless or with a job, you know, or happy or unhappy and still be part of this group. Participants emphasized the connection of feeling accepted with their long history. That happens over a period of time. I think that is what has happened to us, the unconditional love kind of thing. It feels like family. Yeah. Yeah. You feel acceptance. Relatedly, one member described the other group participants as "my oldest and dearest friends." Another commented, "It's just an acceptable way to be in our group, you know, to be right where you are." The Woven Roots Book Group members reflected on the qualities of vulnerability and trust underlying their sense of deep acceptance in the group in the following interactions: It takes someone who is willing to be seen and willing to be vulnerable at times, not always, but at times with other women. Right, right, so it does take certain amount of trust to hang in with a group like this. To hang in. Be vulnerable at times. Right. You know, to let down.

242 One member expressed a spiritual connection to the qualities of acceptance and unconditional love, noting their unplanned development in the group. A lot of people go to church looking for that place where they belong and a place where they feel accepted and unconditional love, and I think that is what we give to each other without consciousness about creating it or calling ourselves that. It's just spontaneous and kind of developed that way. A participant wondered: I don't know why this particular group with these particular women, why that was possible. ... You know, serendipity. I have no idea. For some reason it could happen in this group. Members' connections in the group extended outside of regular gathering times to provide support during personal crisis. One member described the significance of this benefit as she was in the adoption process with her daughter. Going through that process, um, I wanted to do it before I turned 50 and it didn't happen and ... my birthday was coming around ... so this was the group I called in tears just saying, ahhh, I'm going to be old, so they all, you know, stopped what they were doing and met me ... and just, you know, helped me over the bump. ... At that moment I was panicky and losing it. Another woman shared in response, "Yeah, and if I were to walk into a, you know, a mammogram and get news that I had breast cancer, this is the group that I would call... absolutely."

243 The benefit of support was captured by this participant: "Just knowing that there is someone else out there that knows you besides your family ... that you know can be there for you." Woven Roots Book Group members described the importance of their connections to each other during group sessions, as well. As 1 member emphasized, "I feel like, wow, this is my chance to be with her and hear her, and, you know, catch up on what she has been doing with her life for the last month." When members were absent, they were missed and missed the group, as well. This participant expressed, "There is a feeling, for me I can honestly say, for me there is a feeling of loss when they don't show up." Another member shared, "Yeah, and I feel the loss when I am not here, when I can't come or I can only come for an hour or something. I feel cheated." In addition to the benefits related to feelings of belonging and support, members described valuing the intellectual stimulation received from their group participation. Discussions about books, politics, and local cultural events contributed to members' involvement. One participant related how members additionally shared about and learned from each other's outside interests. We all have these areas that really pull us and draw us and so we become active, but we also educate everyone else about it. The other people in the group aren't necessarily active in the same things that we are, but they are aware of it because we are aware of it. ... They have their own thing that they are committed to and passionate about and they bring their passion to the group and it benefits all of us. Passion, intellect, you know, whatever, however you want to describe it.

244 In this regard, as a member described, "We are not a gossipy group. We are a thinking group." What barriers do women experience related to group membership? As much as participants valued their sessions together, Woven Roots Book Group members identified a variety of circumstances and events that sometimes interfered with being present. Because the group met during the morning, work schedules could be challenging, as described below: "Work, definitely work. ( her job. (

) can only be here certain days because of

) can only be here certain times because of her job."

Another member, a midwife, stated she has missed sessions when she was attending a birth. Additionally, members stated that relationship factors may prevent attendance at group meetings. A participant who had been actively involved in her daughter's classroom described the occasional challenge this presented for her: "Sometimes those fall on a day when we are going to be getting together or thought we were going to get together." Group members also explained that 1 member's primary partner "didn't want her to leave" to attend sessions a few times. Sickness and "kids being sick" were other relationship-oriented challenges to attending group gatherings mentioned by members. One woman reported she has overslept or wanted to continue sleeping and missed the morning meetings as a result. Another member missed sessions while her house was being remodeled. While in school, 1 woman found it difficult to read novels and fiction, limiting her group participation during that period. Still another member had missed

245 meetings due to travel. Other life obligations might interfere with members' group time, as well. As this participant described, It has worked, yeah, and sometimes it has worked better than others. I have had stretches of work where I have had so many conflicts because I have to schedule with so many people that Tuesday mornings was really hard. Members shared their flexibility and perseverance when 1 or more participants failed to make it to a group session. As expressed in the following interactions, Just go with it. It doesn't happen a whole, whole lot. No, it doesn't. But, you know, every once in awhile it does happen. Things get, you know. I have a birth, I forget, she has got other commitments, someone is sick, you know, it happens. This acceptance by members of the variety of obstacles that might conflict with group time, as well as their underlying valuing of one another, was reflected in this statement by one participant: "And you are not going to get yelled at the next time we meet or anything." A member further described participants' commitment to each other: "If someone couldn't make it because, you know, they were disabled or something, we would probably just have the group at their house." While the current Woven Roots Book Group members have continued participating in their group for many years, two previous members withdrew earlier in the group's life. One woman moved away, while the other participant found the group structure unsatisfactory, as this member explained: "She wanted more structure and she

246 did eventually join a book group that really read books, you know, and talked about books." What importance do members place on their group participation? In the midst of all the activities, relationships, and potential events that might interfere with members' participation in the Woven Roots Book Group, they most often were present for group sessions. Reflecting the importance of the group, 1 member emphasized, "We show up, that's a big fucking deal. We show up, we come together." Members planned their gatherings ahead to help themselves schedule other activities around group time and ensure attendance. One member described the value of planning ahead: Well, it's an important, so it's pretty high. If I know ahead of time that, yes, the group is happening, I put it down on the calendar, and that is what we all need because of the work situation. We know pretty far ahead of time. Members' prizing of their time together was further reflected in the following comment: "We do prioritize it. It does end up on our, yeah, it's just a, it's a high priority. It's a higher priority than, um, than lots of other things." Members shared some of the ways they balance their priority of group time with each other with other commitments, including going into work late on the Tuesdays the group met and prearranging specifically to arrive at work in the late morning on those dates. Likewise, group members might schedule or change the dates for gathering based on a participant's outside obligations. Members reflected on the underlying commitment to the group held by participants, even in the face of occasional absences.

247 I have a birth, I forget, she has got other commitments, someone is sick, you know it happens, but there is a level o f . . . I don't know ... you certainly cannot describe it as a lack of commitment, right? No. Long-term, no. Woven Roots Book Group participants cherished their group time. As 1 woman described regarding missed sessions: "And you don't feel it because you have let someone down. You feel it because you are not going to be there. You missed it." Additionally, members expressed that once present with the group, It is hard to leave early. It's really hard to tear yourself away. How is leadership shared among the group members? Throughout the research interview, members described collaboratively sharing responsibilities related to meeting dates, times, and locations, as well as setting a tone of interpersonal acceptance and support. Participants reflected on their possible roles in the group, identifying a variety primarily based on members' interests, areas of expertise, and personalities. These roles "just happened." As this member realized, "I think we all have a little role within the group." Two members were identified as the most likely to remember historical details related to the group. One of these participant's contributions to the Woven Roots Book Group were described more fully in the following interactions: You know, she has this book thing, the book person. Well, that is what she does ... her job is, you know, different than our jobs. She is at a computer in a library all day so she has tremendous access to the kinds of

248 things that we appreciate, which is knowledge of our books. She is also a great researcher. A really great researcher. Yeah, and she is connected with, um, the cultural happenings downtown because she is ... at a library which is kind of a filter for a lot of information. ... You should contact her in terms of your dissertation. One participant described 2 others as her political informants, related to these members' interests and because "they can be focused and up-to-date." One of the more politically involved members described herself as the political or ... sometimes the more serious. You know, I work in a life and death profession and ... it's our personalities, too. It's not just what we have been thrown into in life. It's just kind of who we are. The 5th member reflected on her possible role in the group: "I was just thinking about that now. What is my role? Humorist, I don't know." Another member contributed her perspective on this participant's role: "She is kind o f . . . the hostess of the group. ... She is the lightest of the group. She is our ... little butterfly. ... She is our light person." And later: "She is our artist. ... She is our fluid artist." Woven Roots Book Group participants led and guided each other based on their life interests and personalities, reciprocally contributing who they were and thereby benefitting the group as a whole. What, if any, common factors exist within groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? Early in the research interview 1 Woven

249 Roots Book Group member remarked on women's groups and what they might mean to the participants. I think that there are things that bring women together, um, like books, um, children ... play groups ... excuses to get the kids together, but really it is about liking being together. They like being together and they offer each other something that is unique. A member elaborated on the qualities of family she associated with her Woven Roots Book Group involvement: I think that there is, um, a level of acceptance, an unconditional love that is ... why it feels like family. Not everyone experiences that in a family, but that is what family is supposed to feel like, you know, that unconditional love that no matter whether you lose your job or lose your husband or lose your partner, or ... come out of the closet, whatever it is, that your family is going to love you and accept you. That is what this feels like. Members related the special sense of being held and supported in their group. As one participant expressed, It's like being held. We have created a little vessel here and we kind of hold each other. Whereas another member surmised, Maybe it's the dynamics of this particular group that has created this vessel, that has created this comfort, this foundation.

250 This member emphasized the importance to her of these qualities: "It is really special to have in your life, you know, to have that foundation ... that place of being held." Each member contributed something essential to the whole, as this participant expressed: We are all part of the fabric that has created the vessel, that has created the foundation, that has created a basket... so if one of us wasn't there, it wouldn't be a basket. It wouldn't be a foundation. Another member stressed the strength of the connection related to her involvement in the Woven Roots Book Group: It's all very, very real, and we talk about bowls and vessels and, you know, weaving, and all of it. I mean, it sounds so ... airy, fairy, but the truth is that, it's what life is made of. ... It's the foundations and those roots ... they are grounded in something. So coming together, being together, making the commitment to each other, and to being part of this group ... really is foundational. It's very real. It has created something that feels very solid ... that is going to survive forever. ... You see them in museums and they are thousands of years old. I mean, it is going to be around. They stick together. Testimony to its durability and member flexibility, the safe container members established for one another through their group participation had also evolved over time. One member described the importance of these qualities for her: Well, I just love how it has evolved. That it didn't stay stuck, but it morphed into what it needed to be morphed into. You know, that it had its life, a life of its own.

251 I love it and I feel like it doesn't even necessarily need to stay like this, that it can even move into another phase of whatever it needs to be. One Woven Roots Book Group participant described the "sense of community that comes with gathering, that sense of being one for a moment." Another related how her group experiences benefitted the world outside their circle: "Knowing that this is possible in your life, that this kind of connection can happen, enables it to happen more often." Woven Roots Book Group members came together once a month and provided each other with recognition, support, and unconditional acceptance. During group time together, they experienced deep connection, a sense of family, and being essential parts of the greater whole. Members were able to then extend these internalized group experiences to their relationships outside the group. When asked to identify a metaphor that might capture the essence of their group or their experiences as members, participants shared two images. The first was of an ancient, beautifully woven basket or vessel representing their commitment to be together, strength, surviving forever, and a foundation. My associations with this metaphor included each element being essential to the whole, old and lasting, useful, a real find, holding together, a recognizable form, handmade from natural components, portable, durable, stimulating, eye catching and desirable, precious. The second metaphor offered by members was the pelvic bowl containing the seeds of woman-ness. My associations with this metaphor included a safe, warm, and protected organic container, nurturing life, holding transformative potential within.

252 Common and Divergent Factors Related to Meanings What, if any, common factors exist within and among groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members? Throughout the research interview with each group, participants described a variety of meanings their group held for them, as well as interrelated factors that contributed to and resulted from their experiences of being members. Typically, participants' sense of their groups and awareness of the group's significance in their lives deepened as they explored the research interview questions together. Offering responses, listening to one another, and building on each others' understandings, group members coconstructed increasingly thoughtful perceptions related to their group and their membership. Connection was an overarching factor among all groups related to the meanings that members ascribed to their group experiences. Participants described five unique categories associated with connection, each with its own characteristic aspects. Each category was interrelated and often co-occurred with other categories. The five categories of Conception, Social Outing, Recognition, Deeply Known, and Spiritual and Transcendent Experiences (CORDS of Connection, see Figures 1 and 2) are described below. Category C—Conception As each researched group came into being, the original intent and meaning of the group was reflected by the founding members' needs and desires as they initially conceived of forming a group. Essential to all groups was the idea of gathering together with other women in some regular way regardless of stated purpose. Forming a group

253 involved invitations to others to join, as well as the determination to dedicate time to meeting.

Figure 1. CORDS of Connection.

254

DRAWING ELEMENTS FRAMEWORK Flexibility: Evolving Structure time, location, focus, activities to best fit changing member needs Tractable commitment— commitment with understanding Forgiveness

Enhancing the Frame: Shared history together Shared knowledge of one another's lives over time Shared values Shared sense of purpose / goals Shared interests

Completing the Framework: Sense of equality—choice and experience Lack of competition Shared leadership Organically emergent roles—few defined roles

SUSTAINING ASPECTS Interpersonal Actions & Activities: Personal Sharing Listening to one another Rituals Meditation Arts Processes Intellectual Discussions Singing Collaborative Activities & Projects

Dependable Welcoming Environment: Support Caring Respect Valuing Nurturing Encouragement Validation Acceptance Unconditional Love Honoring Confidentiality

Safe Place Refuge / Retreat

BENEFITS BENEFITS to MEMBERS Learning: Learning from each others lives Learning from leadership Participation Learning from each others diverse points of view Learning from intellectual discussions

Growth & Development: Positive personal & professional risk taking Increased tolerance of others Self-acceptance Feeling deeply k n o w n and liked Feeling expanded Empowerment Increased confidence

Want to be Here: Joy Fun Pleasure Leave feeling better, refreshed Time to receive from others Balance of giving and receiving Hard to leave Don't want it to stop

Safe Place: Refuge/ Retreat Authenticity Genuineness Vulnerability Psychosocial Risk Taking Trust

BENEFITS to OTHERS Increased awareness— Local, National, Global Children—members' and others' Life in General Outside of Group Direct Contributions Advocacy Networking Musical Enrichment Works of A n Healing arts Processes Special event Preparations Money Care Packages for Armed Forces

Figure 2. Drawing elements.

255 Three groups began with early motives related to reading books. In northern New England, as two original members became acquainted, they decided to form a book group initially to read and discuss works of fiction by female authors. In the Pacific Northwest, several women, already friends, acted on their collective wish "to meet and talk about a book." In another Pacific Northwest community, many of the original members had been coworkers and friends, and wanted to stay connected as their lives began to diverge, as well as to share their collective love of reading. They chose the vehicle of a book group focused on works of fiction by female authors to meet these needs. Two researched groups were established in service of members' artistic and creativity interests. In the Pacific Northwest, as 2 founding members became acquainted, they discovered their shared interests and mutual contacts in the community. They decided to invite 2 others, forming a group to support and enhance each other's arts practices, as well as for personal connection. In the Southeast, the original group members were previously connected through expressive-arts practice and educational programs. These members came to the decision to formalize their connection and shared sense of purpose through a Limited Liability Company, to advocate for expressive arts in the community and in service of personal and global change. Two groups originally came together specifically to maintain and strengthen existing interpersonal connections. In the Pacific Northwest, the founding members, already friends, acted on their mutual desire to gather on a regular basis to deepen their relationships and share support. In rural northern New England, three sisters decided to meet together weekly to play a game, have coffee, vent, and share support.

256 In northern New England, a founding member became aware of her need to sing again. She shared her desire with 2 acquaintances, and together they decided to form a women's a cappella singing group, inviting others to join them. A Women's Studies professor and her students in another northern New England community decided to extend the bond and activities that had developed during a course on women's spirituality. They chose to continue gathering once a week to share rituals and build their spiritual identities as women. While their original purposes and frequency of sessions varied at conception, the groups' participants established regular, consistent times to gather together, providing a dependable opportunity for interpersonal connection. Members of all researched groups prioritized this time by scheduling sessions ahead, putting it on their calendars, allowing them to schedule other commitments, appointments, and desired activities around their planned group time. A Pacific Northwest Woman Spring member explained the value of their consistent, dedicated time together: To have a whole group that you see one another regularly and that you get to hear one another's stories from various angles that you might not share one on one the same way. In a group you get to hear more and experience each other's interactions with each other that brings out different things, so I love the context of a group to deepen friendships. A northern New England Books Prevail group participant reflected, I mean as we are sitting here, I guess I am thinking about it that really it is, we don't spend that much time together, but the richness, I have a sense that I know

257 everyone in lots of sort of what is going on in their lives. ... We have a pretty strong sense of each other, I think, even though we keep saying we don't spend that much time socializing. Describing their prioritizing of group time, these southeastern Arts Heal members shared, We all do make it a huge priority to be here. Oh yeah. To keep the gallery open, keep our hours, keep our meeting times, keep all of it, you know, and we find a way to do that somehow. While a Pacific Northwest Woven Roots Book Group member emphasized, "We do prioritize it. ... It's a high priority. It's a higher priority than, um, than lots of other things." A northern New England MotherSong member stated, "We bring our calendars and talk about it and typically it's everyone is on board unless something, you know, comes up for somebody." Category O—Social Outing Once formed, although all group participants engaged verbally and through listening to one another in varying degrees, members shared several levels of meaning related to their sense of belonging and connection in their groups. Unless the group session was taking place in the participant's home, meeting together meant traveling out to the group's location away from home to socially engage with other members. Members in a Pacific Northwest Life Stories Book Group and rural northern New England Kinship Group described the significance for them of having a night out. As a

258 Kinship Group participant expressed, her group involvement meant "A chance to get out once a week." A Pacific Northwest Life Stories Book Group member shared, To have it on my agenda to meet with them every month is an incredible gift because as we get more involved in working on the Internet, you know, I can do everything I need to do within my home without leaving. You know, this is real important, to get together and feed each other and talk to each other. It's great. Additionally, one rural northern New England Kinship Group participant stated, "This is my social thing." Category R—Recognition As group participants came together, some amount of time was spent reconnecting during each session. This meaningful time typically occurred during the early portion of group gatherings, and involved reciprocal recognizing and greeting of one another, affirming each other and their connections in the process. In several groups food and wine were established traditions as members reconvened. Rural northern New England Kinship Group participants described valuing of the opportunity to connect with other women: Just to be with other females. I live in a boyhood. Oh, yeah, you do. A chance to be with other females. Estrogen instead of testosterone. Yeah, you are more in tune with another female than a lot of males. Right. Physically understood. Emotionally understood.

259 Members of the Pacific Northwest Woman Spring described beginning their sessions with wine and hors d'oeuvres and "a lot of girlfriend energy," validating each other's beauty and mutual affection. As this participant explained, "How are you, cutie? That is a great sexy outfit. ... Hello, girlfriend ... before we kind of dive deeper." Another member emphasized the importance of these interactions: "I think that's part of the value of the group is we help each other see that when we don't. I mean, that for me is kind of the most important thing." In the northern New England MotherSong group, while group members devoted most of their time together to singing, sessions often began with unstructured sharing related to participants' personal lives, as this member related: I think if somebody has, you know, something to share about their children, or you know, something that is really exciting , or you know, somebody is getting married, or you know, something like that, or a job change or whatever. These members also described when not singing engaging in Lots of talking. Pretty much what you are seeing right now. Quite a bit of laughter. A Pacific Northwest Woven Roots Book Group participant described the initial recognition and reconnection that typically occurred during group sessions: We are present. We show up. We hug each other. We, um, smile because we are happy to see each other and we are happy to be together, and ... I feel that every time that I come. I feel that the people who are here are happy that I made it.

260 In the northern New England Books Prevail group, while participants strived to keep group time focused on discussion of their current book, various combinations of members often met before the group started and also walked out of sessions together, using these moments peripheral to the group time to share personal information and reconnect. As a member expressed, "We would be eating before, you know. Three of us might be there and then somebody else might come in and get coffee, so we would do some general talking then." Another member of this group shared her desire to see others at group meetings: "I look for you. Where is she?" While not all groups elaborated on this aspect of their time together, when present with each group for the research interviews, I often observed members' entry into the group setting and initial affirming greetings with one another. A full meal was included as part of their gatherings in three Pacific Northwest groups, with two of these groups' members also sharing wine. In one Pacific Northwest group, participants had evolved away from a full meal to light snacks during group time. Members of two groups in northern New England typically included some form of snacks, often dessert type, during time together. In another northern New England group participants occasionally contributed a food item during their weekly sessions, while those participants in the northern New England Books Prevail group who wanted to eat met beforehand for that purpose. Sharing food together, whether potluck, snacks, desserts, or a restaurant meal, was a common activity in which members from all groups engaged at least occasionally.

261 Participants of Woman Spring in the Pacific Northwest discussed the importance and symbolism of their potlucks: This is going to sound superficial, but some of the things that I really like and are important to me are the quality of the food. People come with these wonderful food dishes and exceptional wines and these are not, when you are raising your kids, you don't get to, at least I didn't, get to like, you know, partake in the lusciousness of, you know, some of these really fine foods, you know, like great foods. I really appreciate that. Food is symbolic. Yeah. Taking the time and bringing something that is quality is symbolic of saying you women are important to me. You are worth it. Yes, that's it. And it's an honoring. That's exactly right. I guess it's not so superficial after all. In addition to regular group meetings, members of Books Prevail and the Women's Spirituality Group in northern New England, and Art Inspires in the Pacific Northwest each met annually for a potluck and planning for the coming year. These sessions were described as more social in nature, with gifts exchanged, salsa music and dancing included by the Pacific Northwest Art Inspires members. Also, during the research interviews, participants of eight groups described gathering outside of regular group sessions specifically for socializing. These social gatherings sometimes included

262 spouses and children. Further, participants of the northern New England Women's Spirituality Group and the Art Inspires and Life Stories Book Group in the Northwest each engaged in occasional overnight retreats together at a chosen location different from their usual group meeting space. Category D—Deeply Known Building on their decisions to gather together on a regular basis, actually meeting, and sharing affirming recognition of one another, participants in all groups interviewed for this research described experiencing deeper levels of intimacy and sense of belonging in their groups. Members expressed realization of deepened friendships, feelings of sisterhood, family, community, and being home related to their group involvement. Variations of trust and sense of safety were essential underlying factors, among others identified by most groups. Members in the Pacific Northwest Woman Spring described, I feel too, I don't know what the word for this would be, but, you know, we would be there for each other. Deeply connected. Yeah. Much more than support. You can trust that that support is available. Another participant expressed, For me it's community. ... This is actually the core of community for me. ... It's just that these are my primary people. They are my primary family. One member shared, "To have a container of continuity and consistency that no matter what happens, that they love and accept me and it means a lot to me."

263 Members in the northern New England Books Prevail group, while prizing their intellectual focus and maintaining a task emphasis to group time, also experienced deepening levels of interpersonal connection. As one participant shared, "So, we would always be supportive and available to one another if somebody needed assistance." Another member described, I think one thing we haven't mentioned is, um, I mean, I trust the women in the group and I don't mean, I mean I do trust them probably with my life, but I mean in the sense that I trust their recommendations. A Pacific Northwest Art Inspires member expressed the meaningfulness for her in "meeting with people I love and respect and value seeing and have a great time with." While another participant described her valuing of members' connections as artists: There is a difference in our very core of our beings and every person in this room, even though we come from very different walks of life and we are in different places in our lives, like I feel really comfortable and safe knowing that each one of them is in love with their art and their being, the part of themselves that loves to create. One participant in the Pacific Northwest Life Stories Book Group expressed, "For me what it means is these are actually my best friends." Whereas another member shared, That is sort of, you know, feeling like kind of this unconditional acceptance of who you are and what you are going through and that you will get support, you know, if you really need it. You all will be here and I really experienced that. I am just so full of gratitude.

264 Another group participant described, "So, to come back to the same place over a period of time is a very safe place where you are known and liked." Finally, a member identified, We are sisters who chose to be sisters ... because we listen to each other, we let each other go, we let each other run, we disagree with each other, but it's ok and, um, we teach each other, we learn from each other. ... We don't have a lot of dangerous areas. We are sisters without the dangerous areas. Focused primarily on their singing, several northern New England MotherSong participants related the depth of their connections in the following interactions: The blend and mixture musically. I think musically when you blend somehow physically you blend a little, for me. You know, for me, I think this is really good for my soul. There are other things that I do that are good for my soul. This is really good for my soul to make music and to make music with this group of women. And the quality of the music, the quality of the sound, and the affection that is built between us. One member shared, We genuinely care about each other. ... The music is a big part of it, but I think one thing that keeps us together is the connection and attachment between us. Honoring women's spirituality for many years together, a northern New England Women's Spirituality Group participant described, "There is a strong bond that has happened with all of us that are still here that has happened over the years, um, we have all gotten closer. We have all been deeply connected."

265 One member reported, "They are all family." Another participant expressed, "It's nice to always know that this group is here. It's just nice, again, it's like it is coming home. It's exactly like coming home." Members of the Pacific Northwest Woven Roots Book Group shared about the importance of vulnerability and trust in their group: It takes someone who is willing to be vulnerable at times, not always, but at times with other women. Right, right, so it does take a certain amount of trust to hang in with a group like this. To hang in. Be vulnerable at times. As one participant expressed, "I don't have to worry about not being loved for my warts." Another member elaborated, I think that there is, um, a level of acceptance, an unconditional love that is ... why it feels like family. Not everyone experiences that in a family, but that is what family is supposed to feel like, you know, that unconditional love that no matter whether you lose your job or lose your husband or lose your partner, or ... come out of the closet, whatever it is, that your family is going to love you and accept you. That is what this feels like. In rural northern New England, a Kinship Group member recounted about her group: "It allows us to be ourselves." The related participants described the importance of their group and their deepened sense of family and sisterhood, kinship notwithstanding.

266 It means everything. Yeah. Yeah, to me. These are my sisters now. I never had sisters or brothers. Me neither. Somebody you can depend on if, you know. I can call them up, any one of these, with my problems. Yeah, I think family and sisterhood. The Arts Heal group participants in the Southeast described the trust and connection established in their group. It is about trusting each other, caring about each other, and depending on each other, knowing you can ... usually you find it with one person and that's something, but to find it with 4 people ... and to have a business. I mean ... it defies the odds. Yeah, acceptance, genuine acceptance ... a foundation of acceptance of who each person is, and it's relationship. ... It's rare, especially when there is money and business involved ... and it just makes it so simple. I just feel a deep respect for each other and we love each other like sisters. One member shared, "Well, I feel empowered and supported and, um, like I belong." Whereas another Arts Heal participant expressed, "I feel like in this group that I am known and liked."

267 Category S—Spiritual and Transcendent Experiences Members of eight researched groups additionally described spiritual or transcendent aspects of their group involvement, often as the interview was nearing the end. Pacific Northwest Woman Spring members discussed their sense of spiritual connection during the interactions below. Um, some kind of magic happens out of our, it feels like it's out of ordinary time and ordinary space and ... there is some quality that is bigger than any of us would be individually. I really hear that out of ordinary time or ordinary space, because it really is a sacred space that we create here. And that feels like a huge thing when we are talking about women's groups, you know. So we really come out of the dominant structures of reality into a subliminal space that is different than that. Don't you think? Yes, I do, and again, I keep thinking, coming back to the idea of safety. ... We know we have this space to come into. It really is a very, very strong holding space to say the least. There is the possibility that anything could arise out of this space. Connecting a sense of enlightenment with intellect and openness "to new ideas and new things," northern New England Books Prevail participants shared, A word I would use is enlightened. Enlightened. We are enlightened.

268 Very thoughtful. Really thoughtful, though. Oh, yeah, I think that's really important. And spiritual. That's interesting you think that is so important, but anyway, we can talk about this. I think everyone is really thoughtful. I mean, sophisticated thoughtful. People are real thinkers. ... People have, you know, a richness in their lives that comes to the discussion. Gee, I'm enjoying this. Members in the Pacific Northwest Art Inspires group spoke of the creative inspiration and freedom experienced during their time together. One participant also shared her sense of the group as a safe, potential space: We provide a place for exploration and play, um, feel safe and it feels like we are all involved. ... There is just energy that is constantly circulating when we are all around and we are giving and receiving ... allowing and encouraging. Another member expressed, "We do have that sacredness about our meetings. It's sort of the way they go." A Pacific Northwest Life Stories Book Group member shared, "I think we do have a sense of even identifying each other's true spirit outside of any kind of label." Expressing the depth of benefit received from their group involvement, these 2 members emphasized: It's a blessing.

269 Yeah, another 12 years, girls. Northern New England MotherSong group members discussed their spiritual sense of their group in the following interactions: It feels sort of spiritual in a way, I guess, sort of spiritual energy and it's very warm and loving and fun. And I think that's an important part about all of us. We have churches that we identify with and go to and spirituality is a really important part of our lives and our faith so there is that. Well, I think there is a spirituality. I don't know if there is a religion, but there is a spirituality. One group participant expressed, I think it's this is really good for my soul. ... This is really good for my soul to make music and to make music with this group of women. Group members referenced transcendent qualities of their group in the following interactions: The commitment is certainly to one another, but there is also a life that's greater than each of us. Oh, definitely. That is the group, and I think it's that sort of dual affiliation t h a t . . . so really fills my heart so much. Formed specifically to honor women's spirituality, northern New England Women's Spirituality Group participants described their group as "soul quenching," a

270 "refuge," and "my spiritual home." One member identified transcendent qualities of group time: "We like to call this the real world and that out there is not the real world." A participant noted, " I connect this in a lot of ways to other native spiritualities. It's a way of life." In the Pacific Northwest Woven Roots Book Group, a member expressed her sense of universal energy catalyzed by the group: It all begins with a small group of people coming together and from there ... having their energy ... being blown throughout the universe ... and being able to change and be flexible. A sense of flexibility as the wind blowing and yet changes, and I feel that this group holds that, that sense of being ... with love, with, um, compassion, with ... acceptance of whatever is to be, and ... being fine with that. One member captured a spiritual essence of group time, describing, "The sense of community that comes with gathering, that sense of being one for a moment." Participants of the Southeast The Arts Heal group expressed their sense of spirituality related to their group in the interactions below: It's kind of a spiritual thing for me, too, you know, it's just like I don't want to say it is my spiritual group, but it's like it has a spiritual component... of profound, um, importance ... when I walk through this door even if I am the only person here. ... It's like there is ... something very deep and authentic and true and ... very transcendent, as well... energy that I feel and ... I value it so much. ... I'm not sure how else to say that.

271 Yeah, I agree. I feel the same way. I come to the center and it feeds me, you know, the group feeds me and I need the group ... just that sense of belonging is really important to me. ... I feel like my needs are met and that's huge. That's so huge, you know. Yeah, my soul, my spirit are nurtured here. I would say it's spiritual, too. It's just a deep sense of meaning and purpose when you come into this space or when we interact in other spaces, we bring this energy with us, and, um, that's not work. People notice that, too. They really do. One member elaborated further about the group's space: You would see a hub, a sacred circle. People come in the space and feel a sense of peace and relaxation that we feel when we come into the space. We so lovingly and graciously share that with each other, but also with the community at large. In the rural northern New England Kinship Group, while 1 participant was very involved in her church, members did not use specifically spiritual language to describe their group experiences during the research interview. This was the first research interview conducted, and both the participants and I were especially nervous about the interview, which may partially explain this difference from the other groups' spiritual references. As with all group interviews, I did not specifically ask about spiritual or transcendent qualities related to group involvement. Group members may have responded with additional information had they been asked directly. Participants, all born and raised near the group's meeting location and related to one another, may also

272 have been less familiar with the spiritual associations made by members of other groups. Likewise, spirituality may have played a different or more private role in these women's lives individually and in their family culture. A sense of belonging and being connected to one another was a thread linking all members present for the interviews with each other and with their groups as a whole. Beginning with the decisions to form and to join a group, members experienced connection. Women dedicated time, often away from home, for themselves with other women. They experienced being recognized and affirmed in their beauty and relationships with other members. Women experienced a sense of genuinely knowing and being deeply known by others, loved, and supported. Many of those participating in this study shared feelings of sacredness, magic, and encounter with something greater, less easily articulated but no less real, as they gathered together. Summary of Contributing & Resulting Aspects The CORDS of connection rested in a flexible framework established by group participants. Members created and were nourished by additional actions and qualities that further sustained the groups and members' connections in their groups. Participants and others received numerous benefits from members' engagement with their groups. As with the CORDS of connection, these contributing and resulting aspects were quite interrelated. All aspects of the model dynamically interplayed with and impacted each other, as well as members' experiences of connection in their groups. The contributing and resulting aspects are described below.

273 Framework Contributing to their connections, members created a malleable framework for their groups. Members from all groups interviewed for this research described evolution over time of their activities together, as well as the structuring of group time, location, and focus to best fit changing member needs. Participants emphasized both their desire for and commitments to group involvement, and an understanding of a variety of factors that might interfere with attending. Members of all group expressed easily forgiving one another when a session was missed. MotherSong participants shared the strongest significance of member attendance specifically related to their musical performances. Enhancing the frame, members of all groups acknowledged and described highly valuing the shared histories of their groups, including the shared knowledge of their unfolding personal histories over time in the group. Participants shared the sense of purpose and goals of their group, often based on like interests. Also, for the majority of groups, participants expressed similar core values, often including political points of view. Completing the framework for all groups, members described their sense of equality with one another in the group. Equality was both an experience and a choice as members engaged noncompetitively together during group time. Participants' balancing of interpersonal relationships was enhanced, as well as reflected by the sharing of leadership responsibilities, including consensual decision making. Sharing leadership further helped to minimize member stress in at least one group. Additionally, member roles in the groups emerged primarily from their personalities, with few identified roles beyond that of group member, and in many groups, host for each session.

274 Sustaining Aspects Participants of the researched groups engaged in interpersonal actions and activities that further contributed to their connectedness with one another. Members described taking part in personal sharing, listening to each other, participating in rituals, meditation, arts processes, intellectual discussions, singing, as well as other collaborative activities and projects. Over time these experiences additionally became integral aspects of groups' histories shared by the members. Participants created welcoming environments for one another. Dependable support, caring, and respect were frequently identified qualities experienced by members. Additional reciprocally shared qualities described by participants included valuing, nurturing, encouragement, validation, acceptance, and unconditional love. Many members described honoring of each other, including an understanding of confidentiality in the group. As members gathered in their groups, sharing activities and themselves with one another, group time was often described as a refuge or retreat from other life environments and activities. Participants frequently referred to their groups as a safe place or space, distinguishing group time from time outside of the group. Members' sense of safety both enhanced and was influenced by participants' growing authenticity and genuineness with each other. In many cases, over time members were increasingly willing to allow themselves to be vulnerable with one another, sharing problems and concerns, "warts and all." Trust was built both from participants' psychosocial risk taking and from the affirming interpersonal qualities shared with one another.

275 Benefits Members of all groups expressed numerous valued benefits from their involvement. During the interviews participants often shared that they learned from and were enriched by each other's lives. Members additionally described learning from participation in leadership functions, as well as from exposure to one another's diverse points of view and intellectual sharing. Group members' growth and development was enhanced as they took positive, desired, personal and professional risks encouraged by their group participation. Personal growth related to increased tolerance of others, self-acceptance, and feeling deeply known and liked or loved was expressed by many participants. Members described feeling expanded and empowered, as well as having a sense of increased confidence as a result of their group involvement. The benefits of group participation permeated the groups' boundaries for many members. Increased awareness of local, national, and global issues occurred for participants during group time, impacting life in general outside the group, as well as motivating direct contributions in some cases. Together, members provided advocacy, networking, musical enrichment, works of art, healing-arts processes, special-event preparations, and money, among others, in service to individuals outside the group. Many participants described benefits of their group involvements especially experienced by their children, as well. Participants of all groups interviewed for this research emphasized fun, joyful, and pleasurable aspects of their involvement. In several cases members shared that they typically left the group feeling refreshed and emotionally better than when they arrived.

276 For some members group time was time for them to receive from others. For others the group time represented a desired balance of giving and receiving. Members often found it hard to leave their gatherings and expressed wanting them to continue indefinitely over time. In all researched groups, participants expressed wanting to be there, engaged and connected with one another (see Figures 1 and 2).

277 Chapter 5 DISCUSSION Throughout recorded history women's experiences and voices have been effectively muted in education and research related to cognitive functioning and human development, with findings from studies conducted predominantly with and by White middle-class males generalized to include women (Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule, 1997; Bolen, 1999; Comstock et al., 2008; Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Gilligan, 1982; Greer, 1998; Jordan, Walker, & Hartling, 2004; Kees & Leech, 2004; Meadows-Holman, 1992; Miller, 1976; Robb, 2006; Shreve, 1989). Feminist researchers represent an important exception, directing attention specifically to women's unique characteristics and dilemmas (Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004). Still, little has been accomplished over the past decade. Research and theories related to human development, mental health, leadership, and subjective well-being remain primarily based on male studies (Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004). As a result, counselors and other professionals working with women, as well as women themselves, often lack information and practice strategies necessary to facilitate women's optimal growth and development (Comstock et al., 2008; Coy & Kovacs-Long, 2005; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004). Together with feminist research, studies from anthropology, counseling, organizational and social psychology, sociology, group work, and leadership, among others, contribute to the understanding of women's experiences in small, sharedleadership, same-gendered groups. Empirically derived, rich descriptions of women's participation in such groups, however, are scarce (Conger & Pearce, 2003; Counselman,

278 1991). Noticeably rare are studies that extend beyond one group and address potential common themes emerging among several such groups. This study was designed to explore the experiences of women who are forming, participating, and connecting in small, leadership-shared groups, both to illuminate a virtually invisible phenomenon related to women in the culture, as well as to contribute to existing understanding related to women's lived experiences. The primary purpose of the study was to investigate the meanings of their group membership as voiced by women members. Using an interpretive design, focus-group interviews were conducted with the members of nine groups located in three regions of the United States: northeast, southeast, and northwest (see Table 3.1). The interview transcripts were analyzed and interpreted in previous chapters relative to the following seven research objectives: 1.

Who is participating?

2.

What occurs during group gatherings?

3.

What benefits to their participation, if any, are perceived by the members?

4.

What barriers do women experience related to their group membership?

5.

What importance do members place on their group participation?

6.

How is leadership shared among group members?

7.

What, if any, common factors exist within and among groups related to the meanings of members' lived experiences as group members?

In previous chapters, research findings are discussed and organized around the research questions, and themes are synthesized. Findings are connected to the literature reviewed as it supports or diverges from previous studies. Limitations of this study are identified. Implications of these research findings for those who work with women,

279 women themselves, and as relevant for the greater culture, are presented. Finally, suggestions for future research are offered. Who is Participating? The researched groups had been in existence from 2 to 30 years, averaging 13.8 years. The 52 women participating in this study represented a broad range of ages, geographic areas, relationship statuses, professional areas, education, and incomes. While the average age across all groups was 55.7 years old, members' ages spanned 5 decades, ranging from 32 to 79 years. Women in their 50s were most represented (25), followed by women in their 60s (15). Seven women were in their 40s, 5 were in their 30s, and 2 women were in their 70s. Women in their 50s and 60s were adolescents and young adults during the Women's Liberation Movement of the late 1960s and 1970s. Interestingly, while these participants made up nearly 80% of those responding (40), only half of all respondents (26) indicated participating in consciousness-raising groups, an integral part of this movement and the focus of the majority of research related to women's participation in small groups. It may be that women joining together in consciousness-raising groups provided a generalized model for future women's groups regardless of women's actual participation in consciousness-raising groups (Home, 1999; Kees, 1999; McQuaide, 1996; Shreve, 1989). The consciousness-raising groups of the Women's Movement also brought increased awareness to many women of the support available and value of gathering together with other women (Cherniss, 1972; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004; Kravetz, 1978, 1987; Kravetz et al., 1983; Whitely, 1973). These qualities

280 may be internalized and may have provided further motivation for some women to participate in the small, shared-leadership groups participating in this study. Women in their 50s and 60s may also have more free time available to participate in groups. Often, they have raised their children and achieved some measure of professional and financial stability. Relatedly, women at this time of life may be facing an increased sense of isolation, empty "nests," and identity issues related to aging, making small-group involvement with other women particularly compelling (Enns, 1992; Greer, 1998; McQuaide, 1996). The majority of participants (46) in this study described themselves as White or Caucasian. Hispanic, Asian American, and Jewish were other racial/ethnic identities specified by group members. My own Caucasian heritage and limited group contacts may have been most responsible for this demographic aspect of the group participants in this research. Members described being from at least 15 different states, Great Britain, and British Columbia, Canada, often having relocated to the geographical location of the group. Along with east-coast and west-coast states, women also came from Tennessee, Ohio, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania. Connecting to other women in a new area was described by several participants as a primary motivation to join the researched groups. Most (80%) of the women responding indicated having children, with 9 participants having no children. Children's ages ranged from 5 V2 months to 50 years old, with most children now living independently. In one group made up of female relatives, 2 grown daughters now with young children of their own were group members alongside their mothers and aunts who first became members when these now adult daughters were young children. In addition to children at home, participants responding described

281 providing ongoing care for four aging parents, seven husbands, an expartner who was ill, and two dogs. Women in the researched groups indicated predominantly being married (29), with several responding as living together unmarried, in intimate unmarried relationships, divorced, widowed, and single. One participant reported being separated at the time of the study. For the majority of women participating in the researched groups, their group involvement was a highly valued, highly prioritized opportunity for connection with other women, in addition to primary partnerships, children, and others for whom they provided care. Group time was different from other aspects of their lives, providing opportunity for a broader range of self-expression, as well as dependable experiences of reciprocal, unconditional acceptance and respect. Women sought, created, and gained a psychologically safe container for themselves with one another in their groups. Most group members were employed either full or part time, reflecting the findings of Kravetz and colleagues (1983) regarding predictors for women joining consciousness-raising groups. Participants' professional areas were extremely diverse and included ministry, mental health, law, art, real estate, landscape design, music, merchant seaman, travel, teaching, dentistry, nonprofit organization administration, midwifery, and massage. While many areas of expertise were represented by the group members participating in this study, most participants had obtained either a bachelor's (14) or a master's (13) degree. Similarly, Kravetz and colleagues found members of consciousness-raising groups to be primarily well educated, professional or semiprofessional, middle class, and White. Education obtained across all groups ranged from completion of ninth grade to PhD degrees. Six group members held professional

282 status in areas including law, mental health, chiropractic, massage therapy, and ministry. The most frequently reported annual family income level among the nine groups studied was $38,000 to $60,000. Overall, members' incomes ranged from less than $20,000 to $97,000 to $174,000. Members from all groups described histories of experience in from one to "many" women's small groups. Additionally, the vast majority of women participating in this research were aware of numerous other currently existing women's small groups. Interestingly, while half (26) of those responding indicated some history of experience in consciousness-raising groups, over a quarter (14) had no consciousness-raising group experience. When questioned during the interviews regarding history in consciousnessraising groups, members often asked what I meant by a consciousness-raising group . These women at times related experiences in other women's groups with the words "consciousness raising," although those group experiences had not been specifically part of the Women's Movement. Activities Members of the nine researched groups gathered together at varying intervals, from once per week to once every 5 to 6 weeks, similar to the findings of Wituk and colleagues (2000) in their study of 253 Kansas self-help groups. Participants often chose not to meet during the summer. Interestingly, the two longest running groups (29 and 30 years) met weekly throughout the year, including the summer months. The majority of groups met in private settings, as related in previous studies by Langellier and Peterson (1992) and Kirsh (1987), including members' homes (five groups), a church (one group), and a private art gallery/studio (one group). Two groups

283 met in small cafes, public settings conducive to small-group interactions. Meeting in private settings may be one way that members protected their stories in a culture in which both men and women have tended to devalue women's narratives (Kalcik, 1975). Most (six) groups met on a weekday evening, two groups met on a weekday morning, and one group met on Sunday afternoons. Group members arranged themselves in a circle or horseshoe during sessions, allowing for visual connections, as well as facilitating communication and sense of equality among all participants, as described in previous studies (Enns, 1992; Gladding, 1991; Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987; McFeat, 1974). Often group members sat around a table for all or part of their sessions. In one case, while members did not use a table, there was a large hassock holding snack foods surrounded by the seated members. Food was often present during gatherings for all researched groups. Two groups included a potluck supper, and one group met for breakfast as part of their sessions. Foods available ranged from full meals to coffee and chocolate. Kees (1999) also found that food was often available in her study of eight leaderless women's' groups, and contributed to members' cohesion and continuation of the groups. Similarly, Helgesen (1995b) found that individuals in organizations tended to be more creative, as well as establishing stronger interpersonal bonds in the presence of communal food. In the current study, several members acknowledged an increased sense of being nurtured and valued related to the foods provided for potluck meals. In addition to sharing food together, the participants of six researched groups met in close proximity to a real or symbolic hearth—fireplace, woodstove, and candles. Fire was an active element in these groups' environments during the interviews conducted

284 between January and April. Helgesen (1995b) described the importance of the central hearth in ancient times as a place where people gathered to share warmth, cook, hold council meetings, and tell stories, and that spatially defined the group's collective identity. While group members participating in this research did not specifically identify this aspect of their group environments, since it was so often present it may be that their hearths and the liveliness of fire deeply resonated for these women at a level below conscious awareness, contributing subliminally to their experiences of gathering together. The stated purposes of and activities engaged in by the women participating in the researched groups were varied, reflecting the diverse personalities, needs, and desires of the members. Similar variety of women's groups has been identified by previous researchers (Albert & Finet, 2003; Bolen, 1999; Fedele, 2004; Meadows-Holman, 1992; Shreve, 1989). Talking, with opportunity for each woman to speak, and listening to one another were common characteristics of all groups, reflecting findings from previous studies related to women's small-group experiences (Home, 1999; Kees, 1999; Kravetz, 1978; Langellier & Peterson, 1992; Shreve, 1989). Groups used varying degrees of structure related to sharing, reflecting the findings of Kees (1999), most often through individual check-ins, although when and how checkins occurred during a session were diverse among the groups. Taking time to share personal information and update members on life events, checking-in was an important, primary activity for four groups, considered important and usually incorporated into other prioritized activities by four groups, and identified as a peripheral activity that may or may not happen for one group. The first four groups in which checking-in was primary maintained a predominantly inter- and intrapersonal focus of group time. Gatherings of

285 the second four groups involved generally valuing check-ins, and blending this action with other prioritized activities, including singing rehearsals, business decisions, external arts projects and creative time, and spiritual rituals. Members of only one group described working to maintain their focus on the task, discussion of their current book, rather than sharing personal information. Even in this group, however, personal sharing frequently took place. Also, the most interpersonally focused groups also engaged in collaborative tasks at various times. Jones (as cited in Conyne, 1989) identified both task and socioemotional foci in groups, while Conyne (1989) and McFeat (1974) characterized groups primarily as either focused on tasks related to the external environment or with a socioemotional focus on the internal group system. In the women's groups participating in this study, the majority of members held both foci, differing in the intensity of their focus in either direction. While an additional focus of consciousness-raising groups in the late 1960s and 1970s was political, to raise women's awareness of oppression and related issues, none of the participating groups for this study identified these areas as current discussion priorities (Cherniss, 1972; Home, 1999; Kirsch, 1987; Kravetz, 1978; Robb, 2006; Shreve, 1989; Whitely, 1973). Rather, the members of all groups met for a variety of purposes previously discussed. Even the group that originally formed out of a university Women's Studies course and that had undertaken an assortment of politically activist positions in their history related to women's issues, was primarily interpersonally and spiritually focused at the time of this interview, reflecting findings by others related to the evolution of consciousness-raising groups (Home, 1991; Home, 1999; Kees & Leech, 2004; Kirsh, 1987; Kravetz, 1978; Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987; Shreve, 1989).

286 Nearly half of the researched groups (four groups) held annual planning meetings during which their schedules and events for the coming year were outlined. Often these sessions included a potluck meal and additional activities not normally part of regular sessions. Members of five groups described occasionally taking overnight retreats together, sometimes including friends and/or family. Also, combinations of group participants might gather outside of regular group time to support one another during stressful periods and crises, including illness, deaths of family members, pending adoption, and divorce, as well as celebration of landmark events (Kees, 1999; Taylor et al., 2000). In addition to their traditional activities during gatherings, two groups regularly included specific rituals, and two groups occasionally used or had used games. McFeat (1974) found rituals and games to be two ways in which small groups expressed their cultures. Members of several groups emphasized that although personal and interpersonal issues might be discussed, they were not therapy groups, a finding also identified by Kees (1999). Additionally, although members of all groups valued the learning from one another that took place during gatherings, both a primarily personally focused group and the most task-focused group specifically described themselves as "thinking groups," in contrast to Kirsch's (1987) description of the evolution of consciousness-raising groups, which defined themselves away from an intellectual focus toward greater emotional sharing. The most surprising finding related to groups' activities was the assortment of projects and actions initiated in the groups and engaged in by members to benefit others beyond the group's boundaries. These types of collaborative activities included

287 compiling care packages to be sent to military personnel serving in Iraq, providing inexpensive original works of art for community members, creation of large art installations for community nonprofit agencies, providing workshops, professional networking opportunities, facilitated use of arts modalities for group and individual healing, preparations for weddings and showers, surprise "random acts of singing" for individuals in the community and special events, purchases from the Heifer Project, and contributions to women's international microenterprises. Participants in all groups acknowledged influencing environments external to the group through their changing understandings of themselves and others resulting from their group involvement, providing support for Yalom's (1985) description of group-therapy outcomes. Relatedly, two groups shared that offspring groups had been formed by others and in other parts of the country, inspired by the structure and processes of these parent groups. Benefits The research participants received numerous benefits resulting from and motivating involvement in their groups. The experience of connection, "self-in-relation" was a core outcome expressed by members of all groups interviewed for this study, reflecting the work of Miller (1976), Jordan and colleagues (2004), and Robb (2006). Findings of the current study affirm the importance of this primary principal with its corresponding "expanding circles of care and competence" as essential for healthy human development, and often devalued or unrecognized in our culture that prizes competition and individualism, as previously described by Jordan and colleagues (p. 11). Gathering together from 2 to 30 years, participants in the researched groups expressed varying degrees of relationship with one another, from friendship and a sense

288 of personal and professional belonging, to feeling deeply known, accepted, and loved. Various authors investigating women's connections have identified similar relational qualities arising from women's and small-group affiliations (Barker et al., 2000; Schultz as cited in Barker et al., 2000; Brown & Brown, 2006; Enns, 1992; Fedele, 2004; Gladding, 1991; Kees, 1999; Kravetz, 1978; McQuaide, 1996; Mills, 1967; Shreve, 1989; Taylor et al., 2000; Yalom, 1985). Participants appreciated the opportunities in their groups to speak, be heard, and feel understood, accepted, and supported by other members, corresponding with the findings of previous studies (Home, 1999; Kees, 1999; Kravetz, 1978; Shreve, 1989; Wituk et al., 2000). Respect was related as an underlying factor as members also identified a sense of being honored during group time, similar to findings by Mills (1967). In this welcoming and validating environment, participants in the majority of groups allowed themselves to become increasingly vulnerable, authentic, and unmasked, further increasing the depth of interpersonal awareness and understanding taking place in the groups(Yalom, 1985). Trust was enhanced and grew as members opened themselves with one another and experienced the support and valuing of the group, similar to findings described by others (Fedele, 2004; Jordan et al., 2004; Kravetz, 1976; Shreve, 1989; Yalom, 1985). Participants of most groups expressed feeling able to be themselves during group sessions, as well as recognized and accepted for who they were, apart from and including other relationships and professional identities. Additionally, members often felt safe enough in their groups to share vulnerable personal information, accepted with "warts and all," as one member put it. Other participants appreciated being affirmed

289 by others for positive personal attributes they might be less willing or able to recognize in themselves. Members of all groups participating in this study identified intra- and interpersonal learning as valued benefits of their involvement. Increased awareness and understanding of self and others resulting from personal sharing in the groups were frequently mentioned, and affirmed by previous studies (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Jordan et al., 2004; Kees, 1999; Kravetz, 1978; Mead as cited in McFeat, 1974; McQuaide, 1996; Wituk et al., 2000; Yalom, 1985). Members expressed learning from their differences, as well as their commonalities, a finding shared by Kees (1999). In addition to relational learning in the groups, members often described learning related to the external environment and from each other's outside interests and involvements. These learning experiences related to authors and books being read; local cultural events; politics; and local, national, and international issues, among others. Women were eager to engage with one another, open to expanding themselves emotionally, interpersonally, and intellectually. These findings were supported by the work of Hooker and Csikszentmihalyi (2003) who found learning to be highly associated with interest and intrinsic motivation. Research participants often described benefits related to empowerment resulting from their group involvements. In addition to interpersonal learning and exchanging knowledge with one another, reflecting previous findings (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Katz et al., 2000; Wituk et al., 2000), members described benefitting from discussion of previously taboo subjects, including aging, relationship changes, and the menstrual cycle, similar to results found by McQuaide (1996) and Schubert Walker, (1981, 1987).

290 Members described gaining confidence, growing as a woman, and growing through sharing leadership responsibilities, also supported by findings of Helgesen (1995b) and Hooker and Csikszentmihalyi (2004). Participants often discussed the increased sense of options and choices gained from exposure to others' perspectives and collaborative problem solving in their groups (Kaufer, 2003; Kravetz, 1979; McQuaide, 1996). Supported and encouraged by others in the group, members described increased willingness to take desired personal and professional risks, and to act in their own selfinterests, corresponding to the work of Enns (1992), Kees (1999), and Kirsh (1987). Empowerment, as well as pleasure and satisfaction, occurred for group members as they experienced others benefitting directly or indirectly from their group involvement, including their children, paying clients, community members, and members of offspring groups. Participants in all researched groups described fulfillment of desires, wanting to be there, and wanting more connection; findings supported by research from Wellesley University's Stone Center for Women on qualities characteristic of generative relationships (Miller as cited in Jordan et al., 2004; Katz et al., 2000) Members exhibited and expressed enjoyment and pleasure in their communications during the group interview, similar to past findings by Mills (1967). Humor and playfulness were readily displayed and highly valued as participants described the fun they often experienced during gatherings, also described by Hooker and Csikszentmihalyi (2003) and Kees (1999). Along with experiences of pleasure and well-being, members of several groups described leaving group sessions with feelings of increased energy and improved mood.

291 These aspects of connection were corroborated by Hooker and Csikszentmahalyi (2003) and Jordan and colleagues (2004). As women in the researched groups expressed genuine thoughts and feelings during gatherings and experienced support, understanding, and acceptance from other members, their sense of self-worth increased, and feelings of isolation were replaced by belonging, further contributing to their mental health. Decreased isolation was also reported by studies with members of consciousness-raising groups (Home, 1991; Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987; Kravetz, 1978, 1987; Shreve, 1981). Jordan and colleagues described chronic disconnection as a primary source of suffering. Also, Yalom (1985) and Gladding (1991) acknowledged the importance of decreased feelings of isolation resulting from small-group involvement, whereas numerous authors have identified the importance of belonging and connection to mental health (Chemiss, 1972; Crethar et al., 2008; Fedele, 2004; Gladding, 1991; Homans, 1951; Kees & Leech, 2004; Kravetz, 1987; Kravetz et al., 1983; Whitely, 1973; Yalom, 1985). Supported by the findings of Fedele (2004) and Yalom (1985), experiences of being heard, understood, and accepted in their groups are mutually and reciprocally healing to members—actions and qualities they contribute to their own and others' growth. Barriers Women members of the researched groups described numerous circumstances and situations that may make it difficult or prevent them from attending group gatherings. Reasons for missing a session varied widely from winter weather in New England, increased seasonal traffic and houseguests in the southeast, and conflicting needs of family members, to just wanting to stay home. Participants described busy lives often including work, family needs, involvement in other groups, and educational pursuits.

292 These findings corresponded with those of Enns (1992) and Shreve (1989) who found women in the early 1990s to experience increasingly overwhelming responsibilities and a sense of decreasing choices, together with an increased sense of isolation from other women. Group members participating in the study, while often committed to many other individuals and endeavors, were helping to resolve any sense of isolation from other women through their group involvement. Many participants described understanding and forgiving occasionally missed sessions by others and themselves. At the same time these women emphasized valuing each other, desires for all to be present whenever possible, as well as the sense of loss when unable to attend a gathering themselves. In the life of nearly all groups, a few members had withdrawn from participation. Moving away was one reason frequently given for membership changes. Another factor in member turnover involved what participants often described as conflicting needs of the member who left with those of the group. Yalom (1985) noted that variations in a sense of belonging occurred among individuals in therapy groups, and that members for whom cohesion never developed tended to leave a group by the 12th meeting. Cohesion was highly influenced by a sense of belonging, being understood, and accepted by the group (Yalom as cited in Fedele, 2004). Also, Schultz (as cited in Barker et al., 2000) identified interpersonal needs potentially served by groups as inclusion—forming and maintaining fulfilling relationships, control—managing relationships relative to power and control, and affection—the need for positive regard and love. Based on Schultz's findings and the statements of research participants, as a group evolved when a member's needs for

293 belonging, understanding, acceptance, sense of control, and/or love and positive regard went unmet, they might be most likely to withdraw from the group. Also, positive regard by others and a member's feelings of being understood and accepted may be influenced by other members' perceptions of competitive and/or domineering behaviors. LipmanBlumen (1992) found lower valuing of competitive behaviors by women, while Kravetz (1983) noted that domineering behaviors were least accepted in consciousness-raising groups and often led to other's decreased satisfaction. Research participants often expressed lingering discomfort related to the strain experienced in the group, sometimes for months leading up to a member's withdrawal. Apparently, all involved exerted energy to achieve harmony and mutuality in the group prior to a member leaving, traits previously identified by Jordan and colleageus (2004) and Kalcik (1975). Current members were most likely to consider leaving their groups during these stressful periods as well. The loss of a member under these circumstances resulted in a combination of relief and emotional pain for many members. As Fedele (2004) described, relationships involve ongoing experiences of interpersonal connection, disconnection, and reconnection. Also, individuals in relationship mutually and reciprocally impact one another (Arrow et al., 2000; Bonito, 2000; Gladding, 1991). The women participating in the researched groups successfully negotiated and benefited from their rich diversity for the most part. The process leading to a member leaving the group tended to shake participants' sense of cohesion. Those who stayed, however, were able to reestablish connection allowing the groups to continue over many years in some cases.

294 Importance Research participants in all groups expressed highly valuing their groups and each other. In their often busy lives, members created time for group gatherings at regular intervals. While the frequency of groups' meetings varied from every week to every 5 to 6 weeks, participants facilitated attendance by prescheduling sessions from 3 months to a year in advance. Prescheduling group gatherings was a finding shared by Kees (1999) in her study of eight, small, leaderless women's groups. Group members in the current study often stated that preplanning group sessions putting these dates "on the calendar" "like a doctor's appointment," was a necessary strategy to ensure group participation occurred amid other pressing life activities. Participants' prioritizing and valuing of their groups were further reflected by the flexibility members demonstrated regarding attendance, generally easily forgiving one another's occasional missed session. As Arrow and colleagues (2000) and Gladding (1991) emphasized, groups are dynamic systems composed of complex systems, requiring flexibility and continual evolution for survival. Members of the groups participating in this study described varied strategies, as well as consistency in making structural and other changes over time to best meet participants' needs. Helgesen (1995b) also recognized the need for an organizational form that could incorporate individual and community needs, "reconciling individual expression with the cohesion of the group" (p. 38). As a result of their willingness to understand and forgive each other for missed sessions, and to repeatedly decide structural aspects of group time, members maintained the researched groups from 2 to 30 years through a variety of evolutions. Group evolution was also identified in previous studies of women's small groups (Kees,

295 1999), and in consciousness-raising groups (Home, 1999; Kirsch, 1987; Shreve, 1989). Relatedly, Wituck and colleagues (2000) found that many self-created, informally structured, self-help groups exhibited impressive group development and selfmaintenance. Research findings indicate that such groups, including the women's small, leadership-shared groups participating in this study, are functioning examples of highly connected, relationally developed, committed individuals able to creatively adapt to effectively meet member needs, while also maintaining the group as a whole. The importance of their group involvement was also evident as members discussed wanting to be present for group gatherings, intrinsically motivated to participate (Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003). In addition to happiness and enjoyment participants experienced, members shared numerous benefits from group participation, discussed earlier, that further served to deepen their engagement and desire to be present in connection with other members (Fedele, 2004; Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003; Jordan et al., 2004; Mills, 1967; Shreve, 1989). Members often spoke of their groups as a rare, safe place, distinguishing group time from time outside of the group. Gatherings were a place where they could be themselves, however they felt and with whatever was going on in their lives. As they shared genuine thoughts and feelings with one another, they received the experiences of being heard, understood, and accepted, important healing factors described by Fedele (2004). Participants learned from others' sharing of their stories, as well as being validated in sharing their own stories (Langellier & Peterson, 1992; Miller & Stiver, 1997; Yuan, 1975). As a result, participants of several researched groups described experiencing feeling deeply known and loved in their groups.

296 Shared Leadership Reflecting the diversity of groups and members in each group, leadership in the researched groups was shared in a variety of ways, an ongoing, fluid process embedded in its several contexts, as previously described by others (Arrow et al., 2000; Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Gladding, 1991; Kramer, 2006). Group participants collectively, and often organically, established their group's structure, membership, and scheduling, as well as norms regarding decision making, behavior, and communication—the group contract described by Counselman (1991). Counselman, as well as Home and Rosenthal (1997), further pointed out that a clear group contract enhanced psychological safety in the group, and thereby facilitated honest sharing, identification and resolution of differences, and increased cohesion, factors frequently identified by members of the groups participating in this study. Groups Meeting in Members' Homes Five of the researched groups met in members' homes. Leadership functions in these groups included hosting, which involved preparation of the gathering space thereby setting an environmental tone for the session, and often included coordinating food for the group (Helgesen, 1995b; Kees, 1999). In three of these groups, members took turns hosting. The host for a gathering generally took additional leadership responsibility for guiding the flow of activities for the meeting, along with coordinating a potluck meal. Participants in these three groups discussed minimal member roles emerging primarily from individuals' personalities, consistent with the findings of Kees (1999) and Fletcher and Kaufer (2003). Participants engaged in and valued relational leadership practices and skills, including linking past, present, and future events in a contextual perspective,

297 effective listening and interaction, affiliation and connection, understanding the personal and contextual nature of each other's truths, and caring for one another as previously identified by Helgesen (1995a). In two groups one member provided consistent meeting space in her home for the participants to gather. In both cases snack foods were often, but not always provided by the hosting member or others in the group. In one case, once gathered, structure for the gathering was minimal. Members generally relied on their natural flow of conversation, with all sharing in the evolution of their session rather than relying on any particularly defined structure. In the second case, three secondary leaders, as previously described by Kramer (2006), facilitated certain structural components of group time based on their roles in the group. These components included discussion of performance dates, musical choices, and monitoring of musical pitch for the group. While the major focus for this group was singing together, some amount of gathering time was spent talking, sharing, and laughing with one another. During group sessions members shared responsibility for the flow of activities. Also, participants described volunteering for responsibilities related to performances as needed, with all members fulfilling what Kramer identified as functional shared leadership roles. Groups Meeting in Other Settings Of the remaining four groups, two groups met in small cafes, one group met in their own art gallery/studio space, and one group met in a church during nonchurch hours, all eliminating the need for most hosting functions performed in other groups. Cafes provided their own somewhat intimate public settings. The group's art gallery/studio was closed and private during group sessions, with all members

298 contributing to the environmental tone of their collective space. For participants meeting in the church, a volunteer leader for each session added continuity and group identity to their space through creation of an alter centerpiece and lighting candles. Some form of food was present in the cafes, with members of one group having breakfast together while they met, and members of the second group occasionally coming early for food or coffee prior to their session. Coffee and chocolate were usually present in the art gallery/studio, and various members would occasionally provide food during gatherings at the church. In these cases, with the exception of breakfast, food seemed to be a nurturing, though more often peripheral aspect of group time rather than an extension of shared leadership functions. Kees (1999) and Helgesen (1995b) have discussed the value of food in shared-leadership settings. Leadership in the group meeting in the church was shared among members on a volunteer basis for each weekly session. The member volunteer would lead the rituals and arrange a central alter for the meeting. Rituals were chosen by the leader, as well as partially predetermined by the group's historical structuring of each session and honoring of particular points in the year. For instance, singing at the end of gatherings was traditional, while the leader along with others in the group determined what songs were sung. Members desiring to lead a session during the coming month volunteered at the Fourth Moonday meetings each month. Participants meeting in their collective art gallery/studio space engaged in their own unique form of connective, functional shared leadership (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003; Kramer, 2006; Lipman-Blumen, 1992). Members took leadership responsibilities as necessary for the group as a whole to function, most

299 often based on individual preferences, skills, and strengths. Learning and increased intraand interpersonal awareness were priorities for these participants as they collaborated on all decisions related to their business together. Additionally, these members understood that their business model was unusual. They were committed to finding their way in the face of the lack of understanding or encouragement from professionals they had consulted in the traditional business community. Meeting dialogues typically focused on cocreated meanings of events and collective ownership of problems, solutions, and issues. Communication was highly valued among members who frequently used e-mail between meetings. Similar to rotating hosts for each gathering in several groups meeting in members' homes, participants of one group meeting in a cafe alternated leadership for each session. The leader often was the person who chose the book being read and discussed by the group. This individual frequently provided additional information about the book and/or the author, enhancing members learning experiences. Additionally, the session's leader often sent a reminder e-mail to group members prior to the gathering, began and closed the session, and did her best to facilitate and focus the group's dynamic discussions about the book. Participants collectively chose their books and corresponding session leaders for the coming year at an annual potluck and planning session to which all contributed. Collaboration, mutuality, and learning were inherent and valued aspects of this group's shared leadership, qualities previously identified by Fletcher and Kaufer (2003). Finally, the second group meeting in a cafe over breakfast was particularly focused on maintaining and enhancing relationships among the members. Leadership functions described by Counselman (1991) were shared equally among the participants.

300 All members accepted responsibility for the organic flow of sessions, problems, solutions, and issues that might arise, as well as the group contract. Use of Consensus Consistent with consciousness-raising groups, regardless of members' history with the Women's Movement, members of all groups participating in this study used consensus decision making, generally reached through discussion (Home, 1991; Home, 1999; Kees, 1999; Kirsch, 1987; Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987). One group incorporated a formal consensus process complete with color-coded response indicators. Participants of most groups described few, if any, formal roles in their groups. Participants in two groups in which formal member roles were identified, also indicated members accepted roles for which they had particular skills, strengths, and/or desire. Also, although all groups maintained overarching continuity and consistency of gatherings, members practiced considerable freedom of thought and actions, with creativity and spontaneity accepted and encouraged during sessions (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003; Lipman-Blumen, 1992). Additionally, as Kees (1991) found, the majority of groups were closed, but participants stated they would consider a new member given consensus of the group. Only one group was open with membership numbers ebbing and flowing considerably over time. Etiology of Sharing Leadership Five of the researched groups began with a shared-leadership model, organically choosing to meet without an identified member to lead sessions. Participants decided together through ongoing dynamic social processes similar to those previously described by others, what, when, where, how, and with whom gatherings would take place (Fletcher

301 & Kaufer, 2003; Hooker & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003; Lipman-Blumen, 1992). Often members viewed their groups as leaderless, although as Counselman (1991) and Silver (1996) explained, unacknowledged leadership functions were being collectively carried out by the members. Four of the researched groups began with traditional hierarchical leadership structures. In each case conscious decisions were made during the groups' evolutions to share leadership responsibilities among the members. During the interviews both the original leaders and other group members expressed benefitting from this decision through resulting learning and empowerment, as well as reducing stress by sharing responsibilities (Bunch & Fisher, 1976; Counselman, 1991; Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003; Helgesen, 1995b; Home, 1999). Interrelationships of Shared Leadership With Other Factors Equality, Consensus, Empowerment, and Cohesion: Members of the researched groups described numerous benefits of their participation, many of which may be linked to shared leadership. Regardless of any demographic differences, participants conveyed a sense of equality with one another, in part through sharing leadership responsibilities, which included a willingness to both contribute and respond to leadership needs. Equality was further demonstrated by members' expressed respect for one another and their openness to learn from each other's lives (Fletcher & Kaufer, 2003). Most often naturally arranging themselves in a circle or horseshoe, regardless of history with the Women's Movement, participants adopted the seating arrangement most used by consciousness-raising groups to encourage nonhierarchical member experiences (Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987; Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987). Gladding (1991) noted that

302 sitting in a circle was the most egalitarian arrangement for small-group members, whereas McFeat (1974) reported greatest member satisfaction for those who sat in a circle. Equality was additionally conveyed and promoted as members reciprocally attended to one another with interest and shared personal information—taking turns and encouraging each other's participation, as Langellier and Peterson (1992) also found in their study of interactions characteristic of female speech. Members of the researched groups used consensus decision making, further reflecting as well as enhancing equality in their groups. Use of consensus was a common feature of consciousness-raising groups during the late 1960s and 1970s to empower members and encourage equality (Home, 1999; Kirsch, 1987; Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987). Lewin (1948) had previously found a higher likelihood of cohesion in groups using consensus, as well. Studies of women's shared-leadership groups by Home (1991) and Kees (1999) also noted the use of consensus. Equality and consensus contribute to empowerment by involving all parties in the decision-making process, as well as valuing each person's experiences and abilities. Empowerment was an important goal of consciousness-raising groups (Bunch & Fisher, 1976; Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987; Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987). Also, Helgesen (1995b) found that empowerment was both a necessary component and a result of shared leadership, as members allowed themselves to be vulnerable, leam, experience shared understanding, and collaborate to reach mutual goals. Similarly, as Hooker and Csikszentmihalyi (2003) noted, cohesion, a frequently cited characteristic and benefit of group involvement by members of the researched groups, and commitment to the group were prerequisites for sharing leadership. As

303 influence and leadership are shared, cohesion and group commitment increase further, leading to still greater sharing of leadership, according to these authors. Use of consensus further positively influences cohesion, as found by Lewin (1948) and those researching later consciousness-raising groups (Home, 1999; Kirsh, 1987; Schubert Walker, 1981, 1987). Counselman (1991) also reported increased cohesion resulting from a clear group contract, the maintenance of which was the most essential leadership function managed by shared-leadership groups. Positive actions: Fletcher and Kaufer (2003) described the possibility for positive actions arising from collaboration, collective learning, and shared understandings, predictable outcomes from the relational processes inherent in sharing leadership. Members of the researched groups engaged in activities in and beyond their group boundaries that positively impacted participants, family members, community members, and others nationally and internationally, as noted earlier. These results are further aligned with the work of Silver (1996) who found that women fairly easily collaborate, assert themselves, and take initiative when with other women. Focus on the whole: Lipman-Blumen (1992), emphasizing the egalitarian, reciprocal, relational processes of shared leadership, added that women engaged in this connective form of leadership tend to view the world as a total system of interconnected, uniquely important parts. Also, Fletcher and Kaufer (2003) described the focus of shared leadership as being on the whole versus the parts, whereas Giannini (2008) noted that in Jungian psychology, a focus on the whole versus the parts was inherent to the feminine archetype.

304 The group metaphors, as well as interview responses shared by participants of the researched groups often reflected their sense of a cohesive group whole composed of unique, equally important parts, each essential to the whole. Members of several groups emphasized that their experience of the whole, however, was much greater than the sum of collected parts. Group metaphors frequently reflected a transformational quality as the parts coalesced. Metaphoric forms were often characterized by nurturing, sustaining, and beautiful qualities, including a stained-glass window with light shining through it, a big stew, an ancient woven basket, a quilt made from individually created clay tiles, and the pelvic bowl. Common Factors Related to Meanings Connection, "the experience of mutual engagement and empathy" (p. 3), was an overarching factor among all groups participating in this study related to meanings of their involvement provided by the members (Miller & Stiver, 1997). The importance of their connections to one another and with their groups was emphasized in a variety of ways as participants described several types or categories of connection. Each category was qualitatively distinct and they were often interrelated. The characteristics of one type of connection impacted qualities of the other types. Also, the categories of connection often occurred together, particularly because each woman in each group was simultaneously having her own experiences related to her involvement. Arrow and colleagues (2000) and Gladding (1991) have previously noted the complexity of smallgroup systems that are composed of complex systems. Putting connection central to their sense of meaning related to group involvement, participants' responses reflected and are supported by research in relational-cultural

305 theory developed at Wellesley College's Stone Center for Women (Jordan et al., 2004; Miller, 1976; Miller & Stiver, 1997; Robb, 2006). Relational-cultural theory posits the essential role of connection in human growth, development, and healing, in contrast to traditional ideas of the necessity of emotional and psychological separation to attain optimal development found in many existing psychological theories and therapies (Miller & Stiver, 1997). The desire to form connections and ongoing movement toward mutuality in connection with others are fundamental to relational development and therefore healthy human development of both women and men, according to Jordan et al. (2004). Miller (1976) first identified five qualities that result from mutual connection, described earlier, all of which were emphasized at various times and by different individuals in all the researched groups. These qualities included high energy or zest, empowerment to think and act in one's own self-interest, increased understanding of self and others, greater genuineness and sense of self-worth, and increased desire for more connection both in and outside of the group (Miller, as cited in Jordan et al., 2004). Additionally, the experience of being involved with, knowing, and feeling known by others described by research group participants resulted from interpersonal communications, both verbal and nonverbal, among group members, and previously identified by Barker and colleagues (2000) and Yalom (1985). These authors described a variety of relational functions served by groups and frequently mentioned by members of the researched groups, including the sense of belonging, inclusion, support, nurturing, socialization, and motivation (Barker et al., 2000; Yalom, 1985). Additionally, group members shared a variety of benefits indicative of human growth and development,

306 including increased willingness to take desired personal and professional risks, increased self-acceptance and acceptance of others, expanded sense of self, and increased confidence, findings supported by earlier studies (Jordan et al., 2004; Kees, 1999b; Yalom, 1985). CORDS of Connection Category C—Conception: The formation of all groups began with a wish or desire, often shared by several women or occurring spontaneously among several individuals who were already connected, to gather together in some regular way. In some cases, one person initially conceived of the group and brought her idea to several others with whom she had some level of previous relationship. The importance of these connections is supported by the work of Barker and colleagues (2000), Brown and Brown (2006), and Homans (1951). Groups grew as friends invited other friends to join, reflecting Heider's balance theory, which emphasized the likelihood that friends' friends will like one another (Katz et al., 2004). Also, Katz and colleagues described the theory of homophily, the general ease of communication between group members who perceive each other to be similar, and also reflected by many research group members' descriptions of their experiences. In some cases, members also identified very much valuing their differences related to age, professions, and backgrounds, among others. Additionally, coming together in groups may have been an effort to manage stress, possibly related to the experience of disconnection in a dominant culture that generally devalues women's experiences and narratives (Fedele, 2004; Home, 1999; Kalcik, 1975; Shreve, 1989; Taylor et al., 2000).

307 Category O—Social Outing: Socially engaging with other women, most often outside of members' individual home environments, was a second category of connection true in varying degrees for members of all researched groups. In this respect, group participants reflected one of the impetuses to form and join consciousness-raising groups in the late 1960s and 1970s (Shreve, 1989). Decreasing women's isolation from each other was again recognized as an important factor in later women's groups forming in the 1990s (Enns, 1992; Shreve, 1989). Also, Barker and colleagues (2000) described the importance of socialization and inclusion in the relational functions served by groups. Category R—Recognition: Once together, members of the researched groups often described, and I frequently observed, the reconnection process that occurred at each gathering. During this time, participants recognized and greeted each other, sometimes with a hug, often with smiles, and demonstrated eagerness to reconnect. Members affirmed one another's existence and belonging, as well as interest in each other's unfolding lives over time. Participants often described the sense of support and understanding they felt as they reconvened with other women in their group, a common experience shared by consciousness-raising group members 40 to 50 years earlier (Cherniss, 1972; Crethar et al., 2008; Kees & Leech, 2004; Kravetz, 1978, 1987; Kravetz et al., 1983; Whiteley, 1973). Noting the importance of social and emotional support, Wituk (2000) found these factors to be a goal for 98% of the 253 self-help groups surveyed, and the most important group goal in 61% of these groups. Additionally, sharing the similarity of gender may be enough to foster the enhanced communication bonds of trust, ease of communication, and increased predictability posited by the theory of homophily described by Katz and colleagues (2004). In this category of connection,

308 women met interpersonal needs of inclusion and affection, as well (Barker et al., 2000). McQuaide (1996) also found women's group participants interested in building interpersonal connections versus seeking power and control, findings reflected by the group members participating in this study as they came together and actively engaged to reestablish their connections at each session. As group members reconvened, recognized one another, and reaffirmed their connections, food was often included. Kees (1999) also found food to be present in her study of eight women's groups. Additionally, Helgesen (1995b) noted that in organizations, when communal food was present, interpersonal bonds were stronger and individuals tended to be more creative. It may be that in and of itself, the presence of food is reassuring and facilitates relaxation. Members of several groups also spoke directly of their enhanced sense of being valued by others, as well as enjoyment and pleasure related to the foods provided during sessions. Food may also be particularly affirming in women's groups, deeply reflective of woman's bodies, which provide nourishment directly to children during and following pregnancy, as well as the responsibility women so often take for feeding their families. Sharing the responsibility for and enjoyment of food together, women engage in a deep level of personal experience. Category D—Deeply Known: As trust grew and authentic sharing increased among members, participants of the researched groups described experiencing a sense of family and community in their groups. Research into consciousness-raising groups of the late 1960s and 1970s found the encouragement in these groups for women to be honest with themselves and other women, together with the freedom to talk about anything and

309 everything, led to rapid understanding of shared experiences, feelings of belonging and unity—a sense of coming home, which were also described by group members in this study (Kravetz, 1978; Shreve, 1989). Shubert Walker (1981, 1987) found that honesty, trust, and cohesion built quickly in women's groups, likely enhanced by women's selfdisclosing sociability, described by Langellier and Peterson (1992). Participants of the researched groups often described feeling deeply known and loved, testimony of their genuine sharing and mutual acceptance among members. The sense of cohesion, unity, and belonging in groups included feeling understood and accepted, identified by Fedele (2004) as the most valued healing factor by feminist group-therapy clients. Interpersonal acceptance has been noted as key to development of cohesion, a relational function of all groups (Barker et al., 2000; Homans, 1951; Home & Rosenthal, 1997; Yalom, 1985). Yalom (1985) and Corey (1995) emphasized that cohesion builds as group members share thoughts and feelings with one another enabling participants to see themselves in others. The small size of the researched groups (4 to 12 members each) was an additional factor enhancing development of trust and belonging among the members. Earlier Shubert Walker (1981) found that the small size of consciousness-raising groups facilitated interaction and trust building. Home (1999) identified similar advantages to the small size of women's mutual-support groups in the 1980s as consciousness-raising groups evolved away from political agendas. Small-group size allows opportunity for all members to participate while maintaining the feeling of being a group, with 7 to 8 often cited as an optimal number of participants for counseling groups (Corey, 1995; Gladding,

310 1991; Yalom, 1985). Wituk (2000) and McFeat (1974) have also noted the advantages of small-group size. Members of the researched groups, which formed between 1979 and 2007, emphasized their sense of safety in their groups, and in many cases their sense of freedom to discuss and share about traditionally taboo topics. Schubert Walker (1981, 1987) described similar sharing as more likely by women participating in same-sex versus mixed-sex groups, whereas Shreve (1989) noted the diversity of issues discussed by past consciousness-raising group members participating in women's groups in the 1980s. Research participants additionally stressed their valuing of the dependable and consistent support experienced in their groups, which added to their feelings of safety and trust. Category S—Spiritual and Transcendent Experiences: While one of the groups participating in this research originally formed specifically to engage in rituals connected with and enhancing feminist spirituality, members of all but one group described spiritual experiences related to their group connections. Kees (1999) also reported that ongoing spiritual practices occurred during sessions of the eight women's groups studied. Members of several researched groups for this study described feeling a connection to something bigger through their group involvement. As Helgeson (1995b) pointed out, the whole of a cohesive group becomes much bigger than the collection of individual parts. Others have noted the feminine archetypal and typically female perspective of viewing the "world as a total system of interconnected, uniquely important parts" (Giannini, 2008; Lipman-Blumen, 1992, p. 187). In their groups, members reflected this world view, describing a deep sense of unity—being one for the moment, while valuing and benefitting from each other's differences.

311 Research participants further described their time together as soul nurturing, true spirits connecting in a sacred space. Group members spoke of their group experiences as spiritual, involving feelings of universal energy, a deep sense of meaning and purpose, peace, and relaxation. Participants frequently discriminated their group time and experiences from ordinary time and space outside the group. Together they created a rare and precious environment of mutual giving and receiving, allowing and encouraging one another's fullest expression of who they were. Limitations The research topic and methods necessarily involved the study of a small number of groups (nine) and a small number of participants (52). While conducive to obtaining rich, descriptive data, these small numbers preclude generalizing the research findings to the broader population (Maxwell, 2005; Seidman, 2006). Additionally, because selection of research participants was purposeful and criterion based, the sample was not random, further limiting generalizability (Seidman, 2006). Furthermore, research participants formally agreed to be interviewed, with the option of withdrawal from the study at any time, thereby self-selecting to engage in this investigation, and additionally limiting randomness. While participants were selected from diverse regions and communities in the United States, due to constraints of time, money, and networking contacts, not all regions or possible populations of women were represented. Finally, groups' names, often reflecting their unique character, and specific information about groups' locations were excluded to protect participants' anonymity, limiting the reader's ability to fully contextualize the findings.

312 Researcher one-time, short-term involvement with each group without benefit of separate group observations further limits the dependability of the data and findings. Working alone, concurrent observations of group processes during the interviews were limited. Also, comparison and corroboration of initial impressions and hunches with an involved colleague on site were not possible. Additionally, research participants may have censored or inhibited some responses in an effort to maintain personal comfort and established group relationships. Lather (1991) pointed out that later feedback from research participants during member checks of data, while useful, may also embody participants' false consciousness related to the meanings of their group participation, thereby posing an additional potential validity threat. While member-generated metaphors were solicited as a method to obtain insight into essential aspects of groups that may have been unavailable for direct expression by members in response to the focus-group interview questions, the research was primarily language based, necessarily limiting possible meanings expressed (Lather, 1991). The research data are in English, the language used by the researcher and research participants to provide descriptions and elucidate essential meanings. What was not or could not be verbalized during the research process was unlikely to receive attention, except in those instances when what was unspoken brought attention to itself for this reason. Language additionally presents a static representation that may not adequately convey this dynamic social phenomenon (Lather, 1991). Also, groups were in continual states of evolution, further limiting the trustworthiness of the findings over time. Any limitations inherent to interpersonal communication are naturally present in this study.

313 The researcher's previous and current experiences as a member of small, leadership-shared women's groups may have contributed to researcher bias in expectations, understanding and framing of data, and conceptualization of findings. Additionally, research participants were chosen through networking with individuals with some level of prior relationship to the researcher, indirectly limiting the groups researched. Glesne (2006) pointed out the ever-present "partial state of knowing in social research" (p. 169), which both limits the results and validates the exploration entailed by this study. Recommendations for Future Research Several suggestions for future research emerged from this study. Due to the small number of groups participating in this study, the dynamic qualities of social research, and the research participants' expressed knowledge of numerous small, shared-leadership women's groups in addition to their own, further studies of women's lived experiences in such groups are warranted. Conducting a large survey study would provide a current, more comprehensive understanding of this often-hidden phenomenon of women's participation in small, shared-leadership groups. Also, observational studies over time would provide opportunity to more fully analyze interpersonal and leadership dynamics. The rapidly growing use of technology as a tool for connection, including formation of online and transnational women's groups, are additional related areas meriting investigation. Similarly, research providing insight into and comparison with men's small-group experiences would provide additional information from which to better understand differences and similarities related to gender. Finally, conducting future

314 research with more diverse populations of women is essential to gain a fuller grasp of the phenomenon of women's small-group participation. During the research interviews, group members expressed numerous ways in which their group involvements were important to them. Participants often surprised themselves and each other as their group valuing was articulated. A follow-up study might investigate how and whether acknowledging the group's importance impacted the members, as well as to determine any changes that may have occurred in the researched groups since the interviews were conducted for this study. Although members described numerous wellness-related benefits to their group involvements, women in several groups emphasized that they were not providing therapy for one another. Participants of earlier studies on women's groups expressed similar sentiments for reasons including concerns about power and sexism as they relate to traditional psychotherapies, and preferring to maintain a more light-hearted atmosphere (Kees, 1999; Kirsch, 1974; McQuaide, 1996; Shreve, 1989). It is unknown why the group members in the current study made this distinction. Future research might explore women's current perceptions of psychotherapy, as well as comparing and contrasting these perceptions with small, shared-leadership group experiences. In the current study, although groups were located in widely diverse regions of the United States, geography did not represent any apparent significance to the findings. Rather, each of the nine researched groups created their own unique culture, both in and across regions. Additional research might further explore the social and geographical contexts of women's small, shared-leadership groups in the United States and

315 internationally to ascertain any possible significance of these factors to women's lives and small group involvements overlooked by this study. Finally, participants in the researched groups often spoke of their sense of safety in their groups, frequently distinguishing group time from time outside the group. It was evident that women in the researched groups typically expressed themselves more freely and more fully during group time. Further investigation into situations in which women experience an enhanced sense of safety, as well as feelings of diminished safety, would be interesting and add to our cultural understanding of women's lived experience. Also, exploration of the benefits to women and others from women's participation in psychologically safe environments would further enhance our cultural understanding and potentially provide rationale for proactive creation of such environments. Implications A number of implications for women, those who work with women, and those who prepare others to work with women emanated from this research. Foremost was the power and value of group involvements for the participants. Women's connections in the safe space of their groups facilitated experiences of optimal intellectual, emotional, physical, social, and spiritual well-being. In their self-created, self-maintained groups, members both gave and received the benefits of connection (Jordan et al., 2004; Miller, 1976; Miller & Stiver, 1997; Robb, 2006). Implications for Professionals Who Work With Women In a dominant culture that still often devalues women's experiences and minimizes the importance of relational skills and development, it is important to fully recognize and articulate the often overlooked inherent strengths and benefits of

316 connection. Also, professionals working with women will enhance their effectiveness by understanding the importance of psychological safety to women's growth, development, self-expression, mood, and sense of well-being. Women receive tremendous benefit from feeling consistently heard, honored, respected, accepted, and valued. Professionals working with women need to take the time to genuinely engage and empathize with their female clients. Professionals working with women are more likely to achieve desired outcomes when they understand and affirm women's desire for equal partnerships. Minimizing professional/client roles, as well as the hierarchy inherent in professional involvement, in favor of openly sharing pertinent information and collaboration regarding desired outcomes and needed actions, will assist professionals to tap into women's many strengths. Creating mutual and reciprocal relationships with willingness to learn from and inform female clients is most likely to ensure that women clientele are also benefitting. Professionals are encouraged to explore with women the contexts in which they experience mutual engagement and empathy. Professionals might facilitate women's recognition of where and with whom they feel most free to fully express themselves— their hopes, successes, failures, troubles, dreams, and desires related to self, family members, the community, nation, and world. As women experience professional valuing of and share these essential aspects of connection in their lives, professional relationships are likely to be enhanced, and positive client outcomes achieved. The following questions related to the CORDS of Connection may be employed to facilitate the exploration of the contexts and types of connection in women's lives.

317 C

With whom do women currently feel close and/or share common interests, both within and outside of their families? With whom do they already take collective action? With whom might they like to be more involved?

O

Where, how often, with whom, and for how long do women socialize with other women?

R

Where and with whom do they feel warmly welcomed, recognized, affirmed, and wanted?

D

In what settings and with whom do women feel deeply known, accepted, and loved—safe and willing to share themselves "warts and all"?

S

In what circumstances and with whom do women experience spiritual connection, being part of something bigger than themselves, inner peace, fulfillment?

As women identify these important aspects of connection, they can be assisted to explore development and formation of small, shared-leadership groups based on some common desire or area of interest. Involvement in web-based groups might also be investigated. Providing opportunity for women to identify for themselves the qualities that facilitate a deep sense of safety, as well as stimulation and enjoyment, would be useful both on a personal level and in group development. Additional components of the CORDS of Connection model, including sustaining aspects and framework development may be used to assist women to more fully conceptualize small groups. To the extent that the findings from this current study can be generalized, this research indicated that when women's lived experiences were shared, valued, and understood in their small

318 groups, using minimal norms and structure and without a traditional leader, mood, energy, and sense of well-being were enhanced. Additionally, it may be time to question longstanding assumptions regarding leadership in group therapy, organizations, and generally, particularly in fields and circumstances dominated by women. It may be time to reflect on whose needs are being served in various traditionally led settings, as well as how to effectively increase sharing of leadership responsibilities among those involved. Whether and how much leadership to share will undoubtedly vary, however the benefits, including learning, empowerment, and creativity, are reason enough to reconsider leadership style and strategies. It takes a willingness to look, question, and risk new behaviors for potentially positive change to occur. As the groups participating in this study demonstrated, sharing leadership may take a variety of forms. Ongoing discussion and evolution of leadership structure is one way to help ensure members' needs, as well as group needs, are optimally met. Professionals working with women might initially take a more active leadership role in small-group development to assist female clients to identify and establish their desired climate and culture. Professionals take a guiding role in this process, willing to learn from the members, and with the stated intention of eventual withdrawal. Consultation may be provided as needed upon request of group members. Also, professionals may assist members to identify and/or provide space for gatherings and other resources as needed. Implications for Those who Prepare Others to Work With Women Women will benefit as those in positions to prepare others to work with women facilitate students' increased awareness of the degree and ways in which women's lives

319 and stories are devalued by both men and women in the dominant culture. Feminist theory, relational-cultural theory, gender communications, and studies of shared leadership are relevant areas of emphasis in this preparation. Also, providing opportunities for students' increased understanding of women's experiences in small, shared-leadership groups would be useful. Preparation of others to work with women would ideally include students' recognition of the benefits of women's participation in same-sex groups, particularly as compared to mixed-sex groups. The value of mutuality, engagement, and empathy to women would be emphasized, as well as women's relational strengths and abilities to benefit from connections. The importance of forming equal partnerships in which women feel safe to contribute, as well as to learn from others, together with related ethical implications for practitioners would be explored. Effective preparation of others to work with women would include numerous opportunities for self-reflection, as well as sharing in areas including personal relationships and personal experiences related to all aspects of the CORDS of Connection model; personal experiences with shared and traditional leadership, together with advantages and disadvantages associated with assuming/use of specific roles in groups; and ways in which relationships evolve over time, how they change, and what factors contribute to longevity and termination. Additionally, those preparing to work with women would be given opportunities for direct, lived experiences in small, shared-leadership groups. These opportunities would include participation, observation, and reflection on their experiences. For example, students might be encouraged to form groups based on common interests, for

320 mutual support, or for discussion of topics related to working with women. Creativity in forming groups should be supported. Implications for Women Women are validated in their motivations and abilities to conceive, form, participate in, and successfully maintain small-group connections, as well as for the numerous benefits received from membership. The findings from this study as well as earlier research indicated the prevalence and variety of women's small, shared-leadership groups. The CORDS of Connection offers one model from which interested women might develop such groups for themselves. Women might answer the questions listed above to further explore the potential value of small, shared-leadership-group involvement with other women for themselves. Findings from this study may increase women's understanding of other women's experiences, and provide a starting point for creation of new groups. Also, the importance of each "small" step taken by group participants is affirmed by this research from conception of the idea for a group, to sharing the idea with existing connections, agreeing to join/form a group, getting oneself to gatherings, sharing greetings and affirming relationships, sharing food, listening to others, sharing oneself, and becoming part of a larger whole. Conclusion The CORDS of Connection model represents an original contribution to the literature. Both a narrative and visual synthesis of the research findings related to women's participation in small, shared-leadership groups are contained in the model. Five types or categories of connection described as meaningful to the women

321 participating in this study are presented. The categories (CORDS) include connection to the idea for a group and initial group formation built on existing relationships; connecting in-person with other women in regularly scheduled group gatherings, often away from home; experiencing feeling affirmed and recognized as women initially reconnect at each group session; experiencing deepening connection with self and others as authenticity, acceptance, and trust increase; and feelings of spiritual connection to a great whole. The CORDS of Connection model attempts to display the dynamic, ongoing interrelationships among the components identified as comprising women's experiences in the researched groups. Each aspect of the model potentially is influenced by and impacts every other aspect. The model is both simple and complex, reflecting the multifaceted, intricate factors involved in women's connections with one another as they form, join, and participate in small, shared-leadership groups over time. Based on interviews conducted with participating groups in their natural settings, much needed descriptive data is contributed to the existing literature on groups, primarily based on studies conducted in laboratory settings. Important information regarding the unique structure and goals of women's small groups, shedding additional light on this essentially hidden social phenomenon, is provided by the findings from this study. Additional valuable information is presented related to the ways and extent to which women cooperate and communicate, as well as complete tasks in their small, sharedleadership groups. Women's abilities to form nurturing, affirming, and informative relationships with each other are soundly validated by the research findings from this study. A distinct contrast to tenacious beliefs in the culture that women are inherently mean-spirited, petty,

322 and deceitful with one another is provided. Also, needed descriptive data related to the social contexts in which the researched women's groups formed, including the related importance to members of a felt sense of safety in their groups is contained in the findings. Contributing to the sparse literature on shared-leadership, needed information related to creation and implementation of shared-leadership in the women's small groups participating in this study is provided. As members described the evolutions of their groups, additional valuable information was obtained regarding how leadership functions were negotiated and shared over time and across groups. Also, much needed findings obtained from groups in their natural settings are provided by the study. Research findings offer insight into the collaborative, creative, and evolving leaderships strategies described by group participants. This information contributes needed understanding of flexible-leadership models potentially most relevant in the current, rapidly changing global marketplace. Also, women group members provided needed information regarding ways they drew on and enhanced each other's relational leadership strengths, additional insights increasingly sought by organizations. Fundamentally, this study provided much-needed illumination of women's lived experiences. Particularly focusing on women's participation in small, shared-leadership groups, the study provided insight into women's individuation and development in these relational contexts. This research underscored the importance of consideration and appreciation of gender in the understanding of multicultural, mental health, and humandevelopment issues. Information provided by female participants and obtained by a female researcher potentially contribute much-needed female perspectives and

323 experiences, and help to counter the informational and theory biases toward White, middle-class males in the literature related to human development and counseling. This study provides a glimpse through a window in time into the lived experiences of the women members of the nine researched groups. Cocreating an environment of connection, participants gave themselves and each other safe, warm, respectful settings in which they often felt free to fully express themselves. In the process they experienced deep levels of intimacy and sense of belonging, often connected to something larger than themselves or their group. Members received numerous benefits from their involvement, including experiencing the rippling of benefits outward, positively impacting others beyond their group. Research participants often reflected the Jungian feminine archetype's characteristic emphasis on the whole versus individual parts in the metaphors developed to capture the essences of their groups. As Giannini (2008) described, "The feminine self is a sacred secret, hidden deeply in both men and women" (p. 75) which speaks to "our desire to reconnect with a deep sense of soul and a hunger to regain an authentic sense of connection to ourselves and to all of life" (p. 71). Members of the researched groups empathically and mutually engaged with one another, expressing their own uniqueness, and experiencing the understanding, acceptance, and support of others. Through this process they often connected even more deeply to each other and an inner knowing of something larger, sacred and divine. In so doing women participating in this study reflected what Jung described as individuation, "the basis for authentic spirituality and human maturity" (Giannini, 2008, p. 76).

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331 Appendix A REQUEST TO INTERVIEW SCRIPT My (colleague, friend - describe our relationship), Barb Harvey, is doing her dissertation research on women's small, leaderless groups. I have told her a little bit about our group, and she would like to include us in her study. She is looking at what might be essential or fundamentally meaningful to women about their group experiences. The information we provide will add to what is currently known, which isn't relatively very much, about women and women's experiences, especially in small groups like ours. If we agree, Barb will need about 1 Vi to 2 hours with us. She has a list of questions to ask us, just like a focus group interview. She will be recording our answers to use later in her write-up, and she wants us to know that no one will be identified in anything she writes. Barb would like to know if we, or a majority of us, are willing to be part of this study.

If yes: Barb will be giving me Informed consent forms for everyone to sign that will describe a little more about the study and our rights as participants in it. She will also be asking each of us to complete a brief demographic survey. She asks that we send both back to her before we have the interview. I will give these to you along with stamped, return envelopes. Last of all, what would be a couple of good dates I can give Barb for her to come to do her interview with us? If no: I will let her know. Barb wanted me to let you know that she appreciates our time considering her request and wishes us well.

Thank you for taking my request to your group!

332 Appendix B INFORMED CONSENT You are invited to participate in a research project being conducted by Barbara Harvey, a doctoral candidate in the Department of Counselor Education at the University of Maine. The purpose of the research is to explore how women experience their participation in existing women's small groups in which needed leadership functions are shared collaboratively among the members, and who meet at times and for purposes decided on by the members. You must be at least 18 years of age to participate. What Will You Be Asked to Do? If you decide to participate, you will be asked to complete a brief demographic survey and to engage in a focus group interview with your group. Some examples of the questions I may ask you include: Why did you decide to become involved with this group? And: What does your membership in this group mean to you? Your participation may take approximately two hours. Risks •

There is the possibility that you may feel uncomfortable answering some of the questions. It is possible that sharing information during the focus group interview may influence existing relationships within your group.

Benefits • • •

You may find this to be an enjoyable experience. You may learn more about what your group means to you. Your information will contribute to the body of knowledge related to women and increase understanding of women's participation in small, shared-leadership groups.

Confidentiality Due to the focus group format of the interviews, I cannot guarantee complete confidentiality of your responses. Those present will hear what you share. I ask that what is said during the focus group interviews be respected and not shared with others outside of the group. Your name will not be on any of the transcripts or dissertation documents. Data will be kept in a locked cabinet in the investigator's office, and may also be shared with Dorothy Breen, Ph.D., faculty advisor and dissertation committee chair, and dissertation committee members. Your name or other identifying information will not be reported in

333 any publications. Any follow-up contact information that you provide will be destroyed after data analysis is complete. The demographic surveys, digital audio files and transcripts of focus group interviews will be kept indefinitely. Voluntary Participation is voluntary. You may skip any question you do not wish to answer and you may choose to end the interview at any time. Refusal to participate in the interview or to answer any question will not affect your current or future relations with the University of Maine. Contact Information If you have any question about this study, please contact me at 207-846-1126, [email protected], 16 Birchwood Ave, Yarmouth, Maine, 04096. If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact Gayle Anderson, Assistant to the University of Maine's Protection of Human Subjects Review Board, at 207-581-1498 (or e-mail [email protected]). Your signature below indicates that you have read and understand the above information. You will receive a copy of this form.

Signature

Date

Appendix C DEMOGRAPHIC SURVEY What is your age? Race/ethnicity?

Where are you from? Native language

Relationship Status: Single Intimate partner/unmarried Married Divorced Widowed Living together/unmarried Other arrangement

(Please describe)

Do you have children? Their ages: Ages of children living with you: Other family members living with you or for whom you provide ongoing care: Are you employed outside the home? Full-time Part-time What is your profession/employment area? Number of years working in this area? Education completed: Family income: Less than $20,000 $20,000-38,000 $38,000-60,000 $60,000-97,000 $97,000-174,000 Over $174,000 In how many small women's groups have you participated? Were you ever involved in a consciousness raising group? Of approximately how many existing small women's groups are you aware?

335 Appendix D FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW GUIDE Warm-up: In how many women's small groups have you participated? Consciousness raising group experiences? Of approximately how many currently existing women's small groups are you aware? How do you refer to your group or yourselves as members of this group? Pet name? 1.

Tell me about your group. (When did it form? How? Why? Original purpose? How often do you meet?)

2.

Has your group membership changed since it formed? In what way?

3.

How did you (individuals) become involved in this group?

4.

Why did each of you decide to become involved in this group? How long have you been a group member?

5.

Who would fit as members? Who would not fit as a member? Who decides?

6.

Has the purpose of your group or your group activities changed over time? Please describe.

7.

If I were a butterfly perched on your shoulder, what would I typically see during your time together as a group?

8.

How do you decide on your roles as members? Probe: Is this decision process something you have learned or does it happen naturally?

9.

What competes for your time with this group?

336 10.

What other things may interfere with coming to group gatherings?

11.

How do you prioritize coming to group within the overall activities of your life?

12.

Have you ever thought of dropping out of the group? Why?

13.

What makes your group special?

14.

What kinds of words would you use to describe your group? Probe for clarity.

15.

In what ways does your experience in this group impact you as individuals? Probe for clarity.

16.

Are there other ways your experience in this group has impacted your life? Probe for clarity.

17.

What does your membership in this group mean to you? Probe for clarity.

18.

Is there anything else that you would like to share with me about your experience in this group?

** Last of all, please take a moment to identify a metaphor or an image that might represent your group and/or your participation in it. Please describe.

Thank you! Provide members with Follow-up Contact form.

337 Appendix E FOLLOW-UP CONTACT INFORMATION As I begin to develop themes and ideas about what was shared in the group interviews I would like to check with some group members to see if I am interpreting the group's information correctly. If you would be willing for me to contact you in the future regarding this research, please provide the following personal information.

Name: Email Address: Phone Number(s):H Cell

W Other

Preferred Method of Contact: Best Days/Times to Reach You:

338 Appendix F PERSONAL FEMINISM STATEMENT Researcher reflexivity and transparency are essential components of qualitative research (Glesne, 2006; Hatch, 2002; Lather, 1991; Maxwell, 2005; Seidman, 2006; Wolcott, 2001). As Lather (1991) suggested, by maintaining open self-reflection and exploration of the researcher's relationship to the areas of social inquiry, the research is enhanced and validated with potential biases revealed. As I proceed in efforts toward illumination and demystification of the woman-centered cultural phenomenon of women's participation in small groups in which traditional leadership roles are collaboratively shared among the members, I will concurrently explore my own history and perspectives related to feminism. In so doing I will attempt to reveal my personal subjectivities used to understand the expressed experiences of the women I interview. I have directly benefited from the radical groundbreaking work of feminist activists, including the right to vote, the right to attend institutions of higher education, the right to divorce, and bodily rights related to reproduction, sexuality, and physical safety. As Robb (2006) explained, empowerment of women resulting from the ongoing work of feminists is providing women with the unit of political power that citizenship grants to every person in a democracy—the power to live, earn a living, learn, form associations, express opinions, worship or refrain from worshipping, reproduce or refrain from reproducing, seek and receive protection from crime, and travel or remain at home by personal choice (p. 341).

339 While I often take these rights for granted, I have and continue to benefit tremendously from current and past efforts of women and men on behalf of women. I greatly value choice in all areas of my life, cognitive, emotional, physical, social, and spiritual, equating greater choice with greater personal freedom, whether increased options manifest intrinsically, as in choosing how I feel or what I think, or extrinsically, as in traveling alone or attending graduate school. Merriam-Webster (2004) defines feminism as "the theory of political, economic, and social equality of the sexes", as well as "the organized activity on behalf of women" (p. 461). As a global political movement, feminism seeks to empower women and to restructure society in ways that honor women (Henderson, Bialeschki, Shaw, & Freysinger, 1999). Pollitt (as cited in Kees & Leech, 2004) further described feminism as, "It is not about whether women are better than, or worse than, or identical with men. ... It's about justice, fairness, and access to the broad range of human experience. ... It's about women having intrinsic value as persons" (p. 447). A feminist can respond to the question "Are women human?" with "Yes" (Pollitt, as cited in Kees & Leech, 2004, p. 447). Feminism involves cognition and action, philosophy and social movement. In considering my relationship to feminism, it has been important for me to explore some of the history of the feminist movement and how the various waves of this movement intersect with my own life, to establish a personal context of feminism. Beginning with highlights from ancient history and prehistory, significant archeological evidence exists of revered feminine principles and female-dominant cultures throughout Europe, the Mediterranean region, the Near East, and northern Africa dating to Paleolithic periods as far back as 25,000 B.C. (Giannini, 2008; Gimbutas, 1989; Stone,

340 1976). Such evidence persists for over 10,000 years, extending into Proto-Neolithic periods (9000-7000 B.C.). Recorded history provides additional evidence of women's learning and status with the advent of writing in approximately 3000 B.C. (Stone, 1976). The art of these regional Neolithic cultures lacked images of warfare or male domination (Gimbutas, 1989). While matrilinearity prevailed, there is evidence that males and females had predominately equal status in society during Neolithic times, with highly developed agriculture, architecture, sculptural, and ceramic traditions (Giannini, 2008; Gimbutas, 1989). Eisler (1995) proposed the term gylanic to describe these genderequitable cultures. Beginning approximately 4000-3000 B.C., a male dominant group identifiable by a differing cranial type and larger skeletal structure began invading these regions spreading gradually south and westward from the Russian Caucasus and Volga Basin areas, and leaving widespread paths of destruction in their wake (Gimbutas, 1989; Stone, 1976). Archeological evidence shows that the invaders worshipped a male sky god, and brought with them bows and arrows, spears, daggers, and war chariots. Gimbutas described "a gradual hybridization of two different symbolic systems" as evidenced by the changes in art and artifacts of that era (p. 318). By 1600 B.C. Stone (1976) and Gimbutas (1989) found that women's status had dramatically changed from powerful rulers, coequal partners, and revered Goddesses to primary identification through association to male husbands and fathers. Burial evidence indicated that the invading peoples became the leaders and royalty, while the original inhabitants became conquered and subservient to them (Stone, 1976).

341 By the Dark Age of Greece, 800-500 B.C., Homer's epic poems reflected a maledominant paradigm, while still including many strong female characters (Peradotto & Sullivan, 1984). By 600 B.C., Hesiod's myth of Pandora's Box defined women as sexually uncontrollable, both human and divine, as well as the root of all evil (Peradotto & Sullivan, 1984; Wider, 1986). The Oracle at Delphi combined male and female principles in ancient Greece. A woman, considered the voice of the God Apollo, was consulted by males from all over the world for both personal and political reasons at a time when ordinary women were barred from decision making and political life (Eisler, 1995). Aristotle perceived women and slaves to be inherently biologically inferior to male citizens, and thus deserving of unequal treatment (Peradotto & Sullivan, 1984). While women philosophers existed in early Greece, they are rarely mentioned in the literature (Wider, 1986). As Christianity became established, women's status became ever more subordinated to men's and male claims of primacy as intermediaries to God. The Apostle Paul targeted missionary efforts to the destruction of a renowned temple to the Goddess, which eventually closed in 380 A.D. (Stone, 1976). Alternatively, Gimbutas (1989) suggested that the Virgin Mary was infused with Goddess qualities including Birth Giver and Earth Mother by many followers, and associated with healing water, harvests, and nature as was the Goddess. Hildegard of Bingen, a Benedictine nun, considered the Church as Mother, and held a holistic view of humanity and the universe in which male and female principles were united (Tougas & Ebenreck, 2000). Christine de Pizan (1365-1430 A.D.) wrote the first full-length feminist book insisting that women had the right to judge theory based on their own experiences (as cited in Tougas & Ebenreck,

342 2000). De Pizan died just as the witch hunts (1400-1700 A.D.) began, and would result in the burning and hanging of over 8 million women (Gimbutas, 1989). A 1484 Papal bull by Pope Innocent VIII claimed that witchcraft was a conspiracy of the Devil's army against Christianity, and his Malleus Maleficarum was used as the handbook of authority for terrorizing and murdering generations of innocent women. It should be noted that women identified as witches were often simply practicing the secrets of herbal healing passed down through generations of mothers and grandmothers (Gimbutas, 1989). During the period of witch hunts and the annihilation of many millions of women, European explorers would discover the existence of North and South America. Aboriginal peoples would be fought and settlements would be established here. Eventually the American Revolution would successfully end British rule, and the United States would become a sovereign nation. By the mid-1800s this young country would experience a bitter civil war, and previously enslaved African American people would be officially given their freedom. As the new century began, industrialization and increased immigration would result in the growth of large cities, and a variety of social challenges. During the late 1800s and early 1900s, women were collectively making their voices heard in social-reform movements including the Women's Christian Temperance Union, anti-slavery, settlement houses, the American Equal Rights Association, and the National Woman Suffrage Association (Henderson et al., 1999). This first wave of feminism embodied two foci: a somewhat narrow emphasis on suffrage in order to extend the right to vote to women, as well as a broader feminist emphasis that included the right to vote, reproductive rights, and equal rights to education and work opportunities (Henderson et al., 1999).

343 By the middle of the 20th century, two world wars and the Great Depression constellated a complex set of circumstances that impacted both women's and men's roles, as well as work and family life (Henderson et al., 1999). Differences related to race, class, and gender were becoming increasingly recognized by many and intolerable for some. The second wave of feminism began to swell as an outgrowth of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s (Henderson et al., 1999; Robb, 2006). Many of the women who initiated feminism's second wave were first active in the Civil Rights Movement (Robb, 2006). Drawing on speak-bitterness sessions from the Chinese Revolution, they began meeting in small groups often in women's homes (Robb, 2006). Their original purpose was to raise women's awareness by increasing their understanding of women's oppression, thereby radically democratizing an oppressive society (Robb, 2006). Creating a safe space for women to share their personal experiences and hear the experiences of others allowed women to begin to acknowledge their personal realities that society attempted to dismiss. These consciousness-raising groups gradually became staging ground for political action (Robb, 2006). I was just entering adolescence as the second wave of feminism emerged. During this time my mother went back to college to obtain her master's degree. Even in the midst of completing graduate studies, she managed to have dinner ready, and be home for the evening meal. I graduated from high school in 1967, entered college, and married my high school boyfriend in 1969. During these adult transition years, I espoused the traditional values of my birth family. This was the beginning of the era of "free love," anti-Viet

344 Nam War and Civil Rights demonstrations, and the Women's Liberation Movement. While intriguing, each of these movements was unsettling and distressing to me to varying degrees. Looking back, I was too young, unsure of my identity, and dependent on traditional cultural institutions for my survival to appreciate the need for change in women's lives or the courage of the early second wave feminist activists in advocating for these changes. I valued and sought relationships with men, including marriage, which feminists of that time often presented as the problem (Hooks, 2000). I was unable and unwilling to embrace this thinking. During this period, while second-wave feminist activists were rocking the patriarchal boat, I was doing my best to keep it steady. By 1973,1 was divorced. The gifts from the events related to this initially shattering experience were that I began to open to new perspectives related to myself and to the world around me, including the Women's Movement. This process is ongoing today. During the next 10 years, I actively explored and questioned traditional beliefs and values, and began to own my own personhood. As feminism's third wave began to form in the 1980s I was unmarried and practicing therapeutic massage, associated with a holistic wellness center in Oregon. The practitioners in this center represented a variety of alternative-healing traditions, each managing their own practice in the larger context of the wellness center. Decisions affecting all of us were made collaboratively, often by consensus. Females and males worked side by side, facilitating the larger goal of optimal human functioning. These years were tremendously challenging and satisfying. I joined my first small women's support group during this period. Although the Women's Movement was on the

345 periphery of my awareness at this time, I was in the midst of a work-setting and selfexploration that incorporated many feminist values. I reentered college as a nontraditional student in 1986, to complete my bachelor's degree at the University of Oregon. During my studies I was introduced to critical theory, and began to find answers to questions that lay barely recognized on the edges of my consciousness. My understanding of the larger culture grew, including power dynamics, oppression, and domination primarily related to economics. I gained further understanding of issues related to disability, disability rights, and inclusion while studying for a master's degree. In 1992,1 entered the University of Maine, and completed my second master's degree in counseling. Since completing this degree, I have worked as a licensed clinical professional counselor in community-agency settings, learning from and providing counseling services to some of Maine's most vulnerable children and families. These understandings continue to inform my thinking, and closely align with feminist critique of patriarchal systems and their impact on the lives of children, women, and men. Today I am probably best aligned with third-wave feminists, and those secondwave feminists now developing relational-cultural theory at the Stone Center for Women at Wellesley College. I reject the absolutist stridency I experienced as representative of second-wave feminism, while I hold greater understanding and agreement with their activism related to injustices and marginalization of women. My understanding is informed by experience and learning gained over 6 years as a board member of a rural battered women's project. I have the cultural advantages related to being Caucasian, middle-class, and heterosexual. I have been married 19 years, and enjoy participating in

346 a variety of options for self-expression, including physical activity, the arts, personal growth, ever-higher educational goals, gardening, and more. I provide as much emotional and financial support to my 24-year old niece as I am able as she traverses the precarious transition into female adulthood. I continue to seek to expand my awareness of the greater society and world of which I am a part, as well as of my own needs. I consider myself philosophically best aligned with visionary, third-wave feminists, and those embracing the concept of the sacred feminine. As Giannini (2008) described, feminism "represents the tip of the iceberg, which is the missing feminine in our culture" (p. 72). The sacred feminine and related archetypes identified by Jung include valuing inner knowing, balancing between extremes, connecting to nature, and desiring "to reconnect with a deep sense of soul and a hunger to regain an authentic sense of connection to ourselves and to all of life," among others (Giannini, 2008, p. 71). Giannini pointed out that sexual stereotyping has "returned with a vengeance" (p. 73), with potentially damaging consequences for both women and men. Our culture does not honor or support our unique and authentic inner knowing (Giannini, 2008). Walker (1995) emphasized the use of "and" rather than "either/or" to better reflect "a fully human paradigm of masculine and feminine" (p. xxiii). I join others in appreciation of the idea of supporting, enjoying, and operationalizing individual strengths regardless of gender. Hildegard of Bingen's view of united male and female principles came in the early part of the first millennium A.D. (Tougas & Ebenreck, 2000). The gylanic Neolithic societies existing 2 to 3 millenniums before Christ likewise embraced a

347 partnership paradigm (Eisler, 1995). Hooks (2000) elaborated on visionary feminism with which I find agreement: Replacing that culture of domination with a world of participatory economics grounded in communalism and social democracy, a world without discrimination based on race or gender, a world where recognition of mutuality and interdependency would be the dominate ethos, a global ecological vision of how the planet can survive and how everyone on it can have access to peace and wellbeing. (p.110) Achieving such a vision will involve psychologically healthy, empowered women and men working collaboratively together, mutually willing to see existing, subtle, obvious, and often invisible entrenched power dynamics, and to risk known ways of relating to each other and the culture for the unknowns necessary to create a greater good for all. Shifting paradigms involve radical thinking, as well as personal and collective action. One breath, one step at a time, I hope to contribute to needed change and transformation.

348 BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR Barbara R. Harvey grew up in Hillsboro, Oregon, and graduated from Hillsboro Union High School. She received her bachelor's degree in speech, specializing in telecommunications and film from the University of Oregon in 1987. She received her master's of science in leisure studies, specializing in therapeutic recreation from the University of Oregon in 1989. She is nationally certified as a therapeutic recreation specialist. Barbara moved to rural northern Maine in 1989. She received her master's of education in counselor education from the University of Maine in 1996, and certificate of advanced standing in counselor education from the University of Maine in 2002. She is provisionally certified by the State of Maine as a school guidance counselor. Barbara is licensed as a clinical professional counselor and certified alcohol and drug counselor in the State of Maine. Ms. Harvey is nationally certified as an approved clinical supervisor. Barbara has worked as a therapeutic recreation specialist in a rural northern Maine psychiatric hospital. She taught several courses in therapeutic recreation as an adjunct faculty member at the University of Maine in Presque Isle and University of Southern Maine. Ms. Harvey has worked as a school guidance counselor, licensed clinical professional counselor, and clinical supervisor in Maine. She is currently employed as a graduate assistant in the counselor education program at the University of Maine, providing clinical supervision to students completing their master's degrees in counselor education. She has coauthored two published articles introducing clinical supervision to therapeutic recreation specialists.

Barbara began her doctoral studies at the University of Maine in Counselor Education in 2002. Ms. Harvey is a candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree Counselor Education from The University of Maine in May 2010.