Women, Peace and Security: An Introduction 9780429797927, 9780429797910, 9780429797903, 9781138344044, 9781138344051, 9780429438745

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
List of figures
Acknowledgements
Introduction
Reader’s roadmap
Notes
1. A place at the table
Beyond a social issue
Sex and gender
National and international actions
Implementing a National Action Plan
Women as agents of security
Feminism and academic studies
A multitude of views
Change, and rollbacks
Data and terminology matter
Conclusion
Notes
Further reading
2. Power and patriarchies
Sex and world politics
Nature or nurture?
Power: taken, given and fought over
Patriarchal systems
Demographics, pressure to marry, and security
Control as power or protection?
Control indicators
Social Dominance Orientation
Conclusion
Notes
Further reading
3. Prejudice and discrimination
Prejudice and discrimination
Objectification
Inclusive diversity
Microaggressions
Competence
Confidence
Mentorship
Fight or flight
Toward inclusivity
Conclusion
Notes
Further reading
4. Violence against women
When violence becomes “normalized”
The breadth and depth of violence
Abating violence
Female genital mutilation
Acid attacks
Honor killing
Sex trafficking
Conclusions
Notes
Further reading
5. Women civilians in war
Living in a war zone
Rape as a weapon of war
UN peacekeepers: protectors or predators?
Women as the head of household
Conclusions
Notes
Further reading
6. Women in peacemaking, and after
Stop the violence
Avenues of participation
Northern Ireland
Liberia
Colombia
Lessons learned
Conclusions
Notes
Further reading
7. Women in the military
Fearing Eros
Women warriors
When warriors go home
Israel
Norway
Canada
United States
Conclusion
Notes
Further reading
8. Women and development
Human development and human security
Women, development and security
Three dimensions of gender equality
Microcredit and microfranchising
Technology and empowering women
Global development goals
Conclusion
Notes
Further reading
9. Women political leaders
Why women?
Spindle/spear and suffrage
Leadership qualifications
Women’s access to political power
The American experience
The harder they fall
Making a global difference
Conclusion
Notes
Further reading
10. What kind of world?
Will democracy survive populism?
National Action items
Education near and far
Personal action items
It all comes back to security
Conclusion
Notes
Further reading
Index

Citation preview

‘Finally, a book that makes a comprehensive national security case for women not just serving in combat roles but being fully integrated into the training pipeline for all roles. As a journalist and government official in war zones, I have witnessed first hand the value women bring to a team, such as building trust in Afghan villages in ways that expand the security perimeter and offering new ways of thinking through complex problems. This isn’t about “women’s rights” but about what is right to keep America safe and the world more peaceful.’ Eileen O’Connor, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State and former CNN war zone correspondent ‘To the Rumsfeldian category of “known-knowns,” Professor Johnson-Freese has added a corollary: “knowns you were not aware you knew.” For practitioners of diplomacy, development, and defense, this volume uncovers the roles women now play – or need to play – in securing a more stable and prosperous world. The ideas presented here deserve to be incorporated into education and training programs and become every day practice for diplomats, assistance experts, soldiers, and others engaged, or seeking involvement, in the international security realm.’ Gene Christy, US Ambassador (Ret) ‘Women, Peace and Security: An Introduction – you might think that the author has written yet another book in the whatevernumber-wave feminist or post-feminist debate and so leave on the shelf. DON’T MAKE THAT MISTAKE – the book is essentially about the fundament and solidity of our democracy; a pointed understanding of effective democratic use and democratic control over the tools and mechanics of security policy. This is a must-read for all interested in security policy professionals and laymen alike!’ Ole Kværnø, Royal Danish Defence College ‘Joan Johnson-Freese simultaneously educates policymakers and practitioners that gender equality is a critical dimension of security while empowering these same actors to achieve better security outcomes through their heightened awareness. The reader is treated to an interdisciplinary feast of gender and feminist theory explored and applied in a security context. Her wide ranging case studies illustrate the phenomenal power the gender lens can wield to understand war, conflict, development, and politics. Women, Peace and Security fills a critical curriculum gap across all dimensions of security studies.’ Marybeth Peterson Ulrich, General Maxwell D. Taylor Chair of the Profession of Arms, US Army War College

‘This publication represents a significant contribution to the ongoing discussion on Women, Peace and Security, and moves the debate beyond the confines of the United Nations and embeds it in practical security considerations that governments must grapple with on a daily basis. It exposes the bias that still exists towards the involvement of women in security discussions, operations and activities, and makes a strong case for women as positive actors in guaranteeing security at the community, state, regional and international levels; and not merely as beneficiaries of security.’ Rocky R. Meade, Chief of the Jamaican Defense Force

WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY

This book offers an accessible overview of the multiple, interdependent issues related to the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) global agenda. The first introductory overview of the WPS agenda as articulated in multiple national and international resolutions, statements, and initiatives, the book provides a link between the general public and security practitioners to an important but still largely unknown set of global objectives regarding gender equality and long-term peace and stability. Within the context of the changing nature of warfare, and through consideration of empirical evidence, the volume examines the definitions, theoretical underpinnings and methodological challenges associated with WPS. It then discusses with more specificity violence against women, women civilians in war, the role of women in peacemaking, women in the military and in development, and women politicians. The book concludes with a look to the future and a number of action items from the macro to the micro level. While challenges and opportunities related to the WPS agenda are global, US policy action and inaction related to WPS and gender equality are provided as examples of what politically needs to be done, has been done, and obstacles to WPS furtherance potentially to be encountered by all countries. This book will be of much interest to students of peace studies, security studies, gender studies and IR. Joan Johnson-Freese is a Professor and the Charles F. Bolden, Jr. Chair of Science, Space & Technology at the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island, US. She writes extensively on space security, military education, and gender and security.

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WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY An Introduction

Joan Johnson-Freese

First published 2019 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2019 Joan Johnson-Freese The right of Joan Johnson-Freese to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Johnson-Freese, Joan, author. Title: Women, peace and security : an introduction / Joan Johnson-Freese. Description: First edition. | London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018035013 (print) | LCCN 2018038257 (ebook) | ISBN 9780429797927 (Web PDF) | ISBN 9780429797910 (ePub) | ISBN 9780429797903 ( Mobi) | ISBN 9781138344044 (hardback) | ISBN 9781138344051 (pbk.) | ISBN 9780429438745 (e-book) Subjects: LCSH: Women and peace. | Women and war. Classification: LCC JZ5578 (ebook) | LCC JZ5578 .J64 2019 (print) | DDC 303.6/6082--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018035013 ISBN: 978-1-138-34404-4 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-34405-1 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-43874-5 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by Taylor & Francis Books

CONTENTS

List of figures Acknowledgements Introduction 1 A place at the table

viii ix 1 8

2 Power and patriarchies

35

3 Prejudice and discrimination

61

4 Violence against women

91

5 Women civilians in war

119

6 Women in peacemaking, and after

138

7 Women in the military

162

8 Women and development

189

9 Women political leaders

211

10 What kind of world?

232

Index

251

FIGURES

1.1 The new nature of warfare 3.1 DoD Continuum of Harm

14 72

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The literature in specific substantive areas of Women, Peace and Security is rich. Researchers and practitioners with deep expertise have and continue to write about the many interlocking aspects of gender equality and its relationship to security. I have relied on that expertise in many areas toward providing a broad overview of material for those largely unfamiliar with the field. I owe a debt of gratitude to the Harvard Extension and Summer Schools students who have taken GOVT-1744, Women, Peace & Security. Their enthusiasm, desire for more information, more discussion, wanting to keep in contact to share information and viewpoints even after the course concluded, and a desire to get personally involved in furthering gender equality as a matter of national security inspired me to write this book. Students in the course have included not just eager men and women undergraduates – and sometimes even exceptional high schoolers – but graduate students in numerous fields who added significantly to substantive discussions. US and international perspectives were also included in discussions, as many of the students have been professionals from governmental and non-governmental organizations, governments agencies, militaries, fine arts fields and individuals who had lived through conflicts such as examined in the course. Their questions, comments and perspectives helped me shape the material in the book. I also want to thank several colleagues for their willingness to read and comment on parts of multiple drafts, or earlier works incorporated into the manuscript, including Kevin Kelley, Ellen Haring, Mary Beth Ulrich, and Jeri Bedient. My research and Harvard teaching assistant Chuck Houston read, and reread, multiple drafts. He not only provided useful comments but was sometimes ahead of me in research. Chisom Ike, Georgi Gold, Jan Silk, and Caterine Milinaire, thank you for your comments, especially regarding readability. Thank you as well to two Naval War College students, Mwfaq Ebraheem Falah Kliefat and Abdou Salam Diallo, for their willingness to read and comment on parts of Chapter 2.

x Acknowledgements

I am grateful as well to the many women – and men – who have spoken with me on and off the record about sensitive issues like working in non-traditional careers fields and domestic abuse, including those at the Women’s Resource Center in Newport, Rhode Island. Their insight was invaluable. I am fortunate as well that my employer, the Naval War College, is a staunch advocate of Academic Freedom, and so not just allows, but insists that faculty members ask and attempt to address all questions related to national security. I am grateful for that opportunity. Thank you specifically to National Security Affairs (NSA) Department Chair Derek Reveron for his support of the NSA faculty, and to Professor Larry McCabe, whose international outreach program on behalf of the Navy has provided me many travel opportunities to speak on a variety of issues, including Women, Peace and Security, and also to have exposure to countries, cultures, and information included in this book that I likely would not have had otherwise. Responsibility for views and material in this book is, of course, fully mine. Finally, thank you to my family and friends who have supported me through the writing process. John Freese, Bianca Gersten, Cathy Shepherd, and Richard Cromwell – your consistent encouragement and belief in me kept me writing. This book is dedicated to my grandson, Jonah Freese, who has It Takes a Village, I Dissent, and This Day in June in a bookcase by his crib. He will be part of the, hopefully, enlightened next generation who will carry forward the positive changes we make today.

INTRODUCTION

This book is intended to provide students, security community members and the general public an overview of the multiple, interdependent issues related to the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) global agenda. WPS refers to a set of resolutions, statements, and initiatives regarding the importance of gender equality to peace and security efforts. United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, passed in 2000, formally acknowledged the changing nature of warfare, including the inordinate impact of war on women. Consequently, UNSCR 1325 stresses the importance of women’s equal participation and full involvement in all efforts relating to the maintenance and promotion of peace and security. Specifically, it reaffirms the critical role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction, and urges the increased participation of women in these processes. The goals, issues behind the goals, component parts and obstacles to reaching the WPS agenda goals are examined in this book. While there are many outstanding books, edited volumes, articles and papers on specific aspects of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda, and how those parts relate to security, the goal here is to provide an overview of the subject as a whole, showing the links between the individual parts for those largely unfamiliar with WPS. Political scientist Valerie Hudson has posited that gender relations within a society are akin to a coal mine, with poverty, malnutrition, poor health, turbulent violence, and extremism the canaries indicating the state of that relationship, and strong indicators of national instability.1 Further, women are not just “objects” of international relations but actively involved with and in many cases agents of security. Nancy Lindborg, president of the United States Institute of Peace, stated: “The whole Women, Peace and Security effort over the past 15 years has been to shift the narrative from women as victims of conflict to women as

2 Introduction

contributors to peace process.”2 Understanding the role of gender-relations to security issues allows a more nuanced consideration of those issues, and consequently, better policy. The challenges and opportunities related to the WPS are global. In a globalized world connected through technology and social media, a domestic issue in one country can become a security issue for another country. Though its share of global influence is shrinking, the US remains the “most powerful entity in the world”3 and thus has considerable sway on political, social, cultural and economic developments elsewhere. US actions toward reaching WPS goals can serve as model behavior for others to follow, thereby making it imperative that US security practitioners be knowledgeable about and supportive of those goals. Therefore, US policy actions – and inactions – related to WPS and gender-equality are considered in this book as an example of what needs to be done, has been done, and obstacles potentially to be encountered, by all countries. In September 2016, former US Director of National Intelligence James Clapper described the national security environment as “the most complex and diverse array of global threats” he had faced in his 53 year career.4 Additionally, Council on Foreign Relations chairman, Richard Haass, wrote in his 2017 book A World in Disarray that “populism and nationalism are on the rise,”5 breaking down the world order that has been in place since the end of World War II. Consequently, countries must use each arrow in their quivers of policy tools to support their interests in such a world, while building long-term stability based on peaceful development for all. The first step in that direction is a comprehensive understanding of the security environment, and that cannot be done without understanding and considering the role of women. The “how” and “why,” and importance of doing so are explained here. My interest in the Women, Peace, and Security agenda stems from a confluence of career interests and experiences. Through the arc of my academic career I have taught and written about international relations, security studies and leadership in both civilian academic institutions and degree-granting Professional Military Education (PME) institutions. Space security has been my primary research field for over 25 years. Both space security and PME are heavily male-dominated environments. Consequently, I am well versed on security studies curricula and policy, and have experienced both the benefits and the biases of male-dominated environments and the power struggles within them. Through PME I have been fortunate to travel all over the world, giving lectures and interacting with foreign militaries and security practitioners. In many countries and military cultures, I have been struck by the situation of women and the positive and negative reactions to me as a senior female academic. As I became more senior in my career, I increasingly began mentoring both men and women. The differences in professional challenges they face are often stark. Subsequently, I began writing on gender issues,6 and was drawn to the obvious, but often ignored links between gender and security. Academic attention to WPS has been slow to mainstream, though that is changing. I first had the opportunity to teach a course on Women, Peace, and Security at

Introduction 3

Harvard Summer School in 2016. The class included men and women from the US and several other countries, ranging from young women attending Harvard through its summer program for high school students, to undergraduates and graduate students. The enthusiastic student response and interest in the material were overwhelming. I continue to teach Women, Peace, and Security at Harvard Summer School and Harvard Extension School, and am heartened to more often see Women, Peace, and Security classes among course offerings in other civilian academic institutions. Unfortunately, however, the curricula at PME institutions largely led by men – and where mostly men teach mostly men – have yet to be so broadened. This book links together information from empirical and policy studies conducted by researchers around the globe on gender-related issues to security studies literature and real-world policy. The breadth of the material is such that expertise from numerous fields and experts must be relied upon, as I certainly do not claim such broad proficiency. Gender-equality issues and state security are increasingly being explored through empirical and policy research conducted at policy and academic organizations, toward “bridging the gap between the scholarly research community on the one hand, and policy makers and practitioners on the other.”7 The inclusion of empirical studies is critical toward the development of more effective “outcome” targeted policy, and to thwart bias. Resistance to acknowledging prejudices against women exists. In 2014 I received an email from the editor of a PME journal (and professor of leadership) summarily rejecting, without review, a fully referenced article I had submitted on career challenges faced by women in non-traditional fields, including the military. His response was: I also believe, however, that I have standing to object to assertions on your part that seem to me ideologically driven and unsubstantiated. One such is that the military “needs” diversity and must seek to expand it—i.e., more women and in ever higher positions, without any consideration for the impact of that on the military mission. The fact of the matter, not to put too fine a point on it, is that the military doesn’t “need” women, but for transparently powerful political reasons must accept them. Unfortunately, this type of dismissive response is not uncommon. Prejudice exists. Therefore, empirical studies are cited as well as policy studies. But it is also important to humanize the issues with examples and anecdotes. I want this book to be one that someone reads and recommends or hands off to a friend, and a general introduction that motivates further reading and consideration of issues. In that regard, suggestions for further reading are given at the end of each chapter.

Reader’s roadmap By design, this book is introductory. The first three chapters provide definitions, and establish challenges and theoretical underpinnings for issues discussed in later

4 Introduction

chapters. Many of those issues relate to “human security” which the UN defines as “moving away from traditional, state-centric conceptions of security that focused primarily on the safety of states from military aggression, to one that concentrates on the security of the individuals, their protection and empowerment.”8 The link between gender and security often comes through human security issues, which then inhibit national development and stability. Given the breadth and depth of human security issues and gender issues, not every aspect of the material can be covered, or covered in the depth deserved. Women in national security bureaucracies and organizations and women in the media, for example, can play key roles in national security decision-making, yet are not explicitly covered in this book. Integration and gender equality varies by country as well. In countries like Iceland and Norway, women have held highlevel security-related positions, while in others, like the United States, they are still the exception rather than the norm. Consequently, generalities are sometimes made relevant to some countries but not others. Chapter 1, “A place at the table,” makes the case that gender-equality issues are in fact security issues. As context, actions that have been taken to acknowledge the link between gender and security by international organizations, specifically the UN, and at the national level in the United States are reviewed. The different ways in which women act as agents of security are discussed, and feminism defined for the purposes of this book. The relevance of there being no single, unified “women’s viewpoint,” and why, is also considered. Finally, the relevance and scarcity of gender-specific data related to a host of security-related topics, sometimes exacerbated by difficulty in terminology, are examined. Chapter 2, “Power and patriarchies,” lays the groundwork for the various theoretical links associated with Women, Peace, and Security issues discussed throughout the book, and a consideration of how women have adapted to, and in many instances acquiesced and bought into societal demands. The purpose is to present the differences and similarities behind economic and social gender disparities in patrilineal, honor/shame societies, and in developed countries, both for clarification and to provide a basis for policy discussions. The role of demographics and “power” considerations in gender-related security issues are considered as well. Political scientist Valerie Hudson states that “the first political order is the sexual political order; the character of that first order molds the society, its governance, and its behavior.”9 Controlling women in the home is considered key to controlling society, and so is linked to security. Chapter 3, “Prejudice and discrimination,” addresses personal and group prejudices. Sometimes, personal prejudices are not recognized or are structurally imposed without consideration that a prejudice even exists because the action is considered “normal.” Whether blindly imposed or overt in instances when, for example, women must have a male family member’s permission to work or even leave their home, prejudice can become structural discrimination. Prejudice is also a problem through cultural subjugation and the consequent objectification of women. Much as women are often viewed as chattel in

Introduction 5

patrilineal societies, women are similarly often viewed as either unnaturally sexualized objects or glass dolls in Western society. Modern phones apps like “Hot or Not” and internet games/memes like “Smash or Pass” where photos of women are lined up and “players” swipe one way or the other to denote the women’s attractiveness evidence how women continue to be judged and put in oftenuntenable social positions. Prejudice links to security by keeping women out of positions where they can influence policies that ultimately relate to security. Chapter 4, “Violence against women,” addresses how women, consequent to their subordinate position in society, are too-often penalty-free targets of violence. The extent of that reality is rarely recognized. The chapter presents an overview of the non-security-conflict aspects of violence against women. The purpose is to evidence the pervasiveness of violence against women – the normalization of violence – and how violence is used to maintain male-dominated social structures. Specifically, female genital cutting, acid throwing, honor killings, and sex trafficking are considered as examples of violent practices against women. The importance of legal definitions of criminal actions is highlighted, as well as the supply and demand economics behind such “trades” as sex trafficking. Beyond the human rights issues of these crimes against women, and subsequent destabilization of societies, are considerations of violence breeding violence. Studies have repeatedly shown that when violence becomes normalized in homes, there is a spillover to violence becoming the default problem solving method in and between societies,10 rather than a carefully crafted tool. In some countries, including liberal democracies, “violence” is considered a part of the culture. Chapter 5, “Women civilians in war,” addresses three issues encountered by civilian women in conflict zones: rape as a weapon of war; the effects of war on women when forced to become primary caregivers for extended families; and specific issues related to refugees. Rape as a weapon of war is not a new tactic, but it is one increasingly and widely employed. War creates conditions where already vulnerable women become even more vulnerable in a hyper-masculinized environment. Beyond that vulnerability, examples from particular situations also raise and illustrate data issues to consider. For example, when a starving woman exchanges sex for food, that exchange may not be considered as rape for data gathering or restitution purposes. Chapter 6, “Women in peacemaking, and after,” focuses on the importance of women’s involvement in peace negotiations and societal rebuilding after conflict. The contemporary prevalence of irregular warfare places civilians in the middle of conflict. Consequently, until women’s involvement in peace negotiations is recognized as a “need,” rather than a nice thing to do but negotiable, peace agreements negotiated without them will be tenuous. As US Ambassador and Harvard professor Swanee Hunt and attorney Christina Posa wrote in 2009, “Allowing men who plan wars to plan peace is a bad habit.”11 The evidence is clear that the odds of a successful transition from conflict to a lasting peace increase substantially when women are involved.12 Specific instances from Northern Ireland, Liberia and Colombia provide illustration.

6 Introduction

Chapter 7, “Women in the military,” looks at the long tradition of women serving in the military in many countries, the roles they play, and efforts at and resistance to integration. Specifically, the chapter examines women warriors from a historical perspective, extending through women fighters in Eritrea, and the difficulties they have had with reintegration. Efforts at the integration of women into the military in Israel, Norway, Canada, and the US are also examined. Each of those countries has had some success with integration, especially with the removal of structural restrictions against women serving. Each of those countries continues, however, to have significant cultural issues with women being accepted and respected, with sexism and even sexual assault still problematic. In Chapter 8, “Women and development,” the link between women, development and security is examined. Consideration is then given to where women stand regarding endowments, opportunities and agency requisite for economic empowerment and development. Understanding differentiations of employment types within economies, such as formal and informal, self-employment and wage, is necessary to then assess where and how women are advancing and lagging, and why. The roles of networking, microfinancing and microfranchising are examined as mechanisms for women’s economic empowerment. Economic empowerment is part of women’s empowerment, toward building a more stable, secure society. Chapter 9, “Women politicians,” begins by reminding readers that not long ago women were struggling for the right to vote, and that many powerful individuals and groups fought to prevent that from happening. The importance of women voices in government policy-making decisions is then discussed, along with a general consideration of women as politicians, such as leader “types” and where and when women as leaders are most prevalent. Leadership qualifications are examined in terms of how they are perceived to differ between men and women. The importance of government structure is also considered, regarding the differences between parliamentary and presidential systems. At the legislative level, the importance of quotas is examined, as is a review of how the United Nations has made a difference in encouraging structural changes in voting laws and data collection. The experience and status of American women politicians follows. Chapter 10, “The future,” considers what the future may look like for the Women, Peace, and Security agenda. There has been a domestic and global assumption that the United States, as a liberal democracy, would be promoting liberal democracy abroad with all of its supportive principles. But as country after country leans more populist and even potentially authoritarian, including the United States, that assumption may prove false. Not only may women’s rights not be promoted abroad by the US, women’s rights might also slip back in the United States. Finally, macro to micro action items for furthering women’s empowerment and the WPS agenda are suggested, relevant to all countries. The empirical work being done by global scholars to establish linkages, clarify constructive policy paths and debunk myths is critical to WPS studies. Much more needs to be done. In the meantime though, awareness of issues and educating security practitioners regarding how women’s empowerment benefits everyone in

Introduction 7

terms of establishing an environment conducive to lasting peace and stability is a necessary, but by no means sufficient first step. Fifty percent of the population cannot be subjugated or ignored without dire consequences. In an era when domestic politics dictates the security environment, there is no choice but to push forward, men and women together.

Notes 1 Valerie Hudson, “Of Canaries and Coalmines,” Open Democracy, 50.50 Gender, Sexuality and Justice, December 10, 2014. https://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/valer ie-hudson/of-canaries-and-coal-mines 2 “Women’s Contributions to Conflict Prevention and Resolution,” Symposium, Council on Foreign Relations, December 5, 2017. https://www.cfr.org/event/womens-con tributions-conflict-prevention-and-resolution 3 Richard Haass, A World in Disarray, Penguin Press, 2017, p.9. 4 James Clapper, “U.S. Intelligence as a Pillar of Stability during Transition”, INSA & AFCEA Intelligence & National Security Summit, September 7, 2016. https://www. dni.gov/index.php/newsroom/speeches-interviews/speeches-interviews-2016/item/ 1627-dni-clapper-s-as-delivered-remarks-at-the-2016-insa-afcea-intelligence-nationa l-security-summit 5 Haass, 2017, p.2. 6 Joan Johnson-Freese, Ellen Haring & Marybeth Ulrich, “The Counterproductive ‘Sea of Sameness’ in Professional Military Education,” Joint Force Quarterly, July 1, 2014; Joan Johnson-Freese, “Some Thoughts on the Need for Diversity in Professional Military Education,” Foreign Policy, December 3, 2013. http://foreignpolicy.com/2013/12/03/ some-thoughts-on-the-need-for-greater-diversity-in-professional-military-education/; Joan Johnson-Freese, “Sexism and Sexual Assault,” USNI Blog, May 6, 2015. 7 http://genderandsecurity.org/who-we-are/mission-history 8 United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security, Human Security in Theory and Practice, 2009, p.5. https://www.unocha.org/sites/dms/HSU/Publications%20and%20Products/ Human%20Security%20Tools/Human%20Security%20in%20Theory%20and%20Pra ctice%20English.pdf 9 Valerie Hudson, “The Security of Women and Nations,” April 2016. https://s3.ama zonaws.com/fwvcorp/wp-content/uploads/20161104102140/Valerie-Hudson-powerp oint-presentation.pdf 10 Mary Caprioli, “Gender Equality and State Aggression: The Impact of Domestic Gender Equality on State First Use of Force,” International Studies Quarterly (2005), 49, pp.161–178. 11 Swanee Hunt and Christina Posa, “Women Waging Peace,” Foreign Policy, November 19, 2009. http://foreignpolicy.com/2009/11/19/women-waging-peace/ 12 Laurel Stone, “Study of 156 Peace Agreements, Controlling for Other Variables,” Quantitative Analysis of Women’s Participation in Peace Processes in Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes, International Peace Institute, 2015.

1 A PLACE AT THE TABLE

Beyond a social issue This is not a book about social justice. The arguments for women’s empowerment as a matter of social justice are strong, but unpersuasive within many power structures. This book is about gender equality and women’s empowerment as a matter of national and global security. As former President of the Republic of Kosovo Atifete Jahjaga stated, “the security of the woman is the security of society.”1 Through examining resistance and obstacles to women’s empowerment, the underlying issues created by discriminatory gender power struggles become visible as national security issues. These struggles often lie below the surface of rhetorical proclamations of support for gender equality. In 1995, I was the senior woman and a civilian faculty advisor on a trip to China with a group of mostly male military students. My People’s Liberation Army (PLA) assigned Chinese “watcher” (assigned to be my helpful companion but also report on my activities daily) was a 22-year old, female lieutenant who insisted I call her by her self-designated nickname, Funny. Each evening there was a banquet, including lots of toasting. At one particular banquet with high-ranking Chinese PLA officers I was called upon to make a toast. Funny leaned over and whispered in my ear, “Chairman Mao said women hold up half the sky. Use it.” I did, exuberantly quoting Mao as being supportive of women’s equal place in society, to the surprise of my Chinese hosts. While they politely nodded their heads in affirmative support of Mao’s proclamation, the fact that China has had only about 50 female generals in the course of its long history,2 and that there were no high-ranking female PLA officers in the room more than 20 years after Mao’s cultural revolution ended, spoke volumes. Husband and wife journalists Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn published their best-selling book Half the Sky in 2009. They argued that fighting against the

A place at the table 9

oppression of women is this era’s “paramount moral challenge,” equivalent to the past fight against slavery. Beyond being a moral issue though, gender inequality is a national security issue that all countries must address. Awareness of gender equality issues has risen through social media and the general connectivity of globalization. We read or hear about girls kidnapped from their schools in Nigeria, an honor killing in India, a woman stoned to death for adultery in Saudi Arabia, and rapes in African war zones, including rapes committed by United Nations (UN) Peacekeepers. But events and issues are largely perceived as idiosyncratic – or at worst country, regional or cultural specific – rather than each being part of a larger whole with security ramifications. Recognition of that larger whole, as addressed in multiple UN resolutions, is important though, especially within security communities. UNSCR 1325 (2000) was the first of the WPS resolutions. It affirms: …the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security. Resolution 1325 urges all actors to increase the participation of women and incorporate gender perspectives in all United Nations peace and security efforts. It also calls on all parties to conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence, particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse, in situations of armed conflict.3 It has been supplemented since 2000 by seven additional resolutions. UNSCR 1820 (2008): recognizes sexual violence as a weapon of war and calls for troop training to prevent sexual violence, and the deployment of more women peacekeepers. UNSCR 1888 (2009), mandates women and children are protected from sexual violence. UNSCR 1889 (2009), recognizes the barriers to women’s participation in peace processes and calls for indicators to track progress regarding their inclusion. UNSCR 1960 (2010), calls for an end to sexual violence in armed conflict and provides for measures aimed at ending impunity for perpetrators of sexual violence, including through sanctions and reporting measures.4 UNSCR 2106 (2013), strengthens efforts to end impunity for a sexual violence that affects not only large numbers of women and girls but also men and boys.5 UNSCR 2122 (2013), puts stronger measures in place for women to participate in all phases of conflict prevention, resolution and recovery, placing the onus of providing them with seats at the peace table on Member States, regional organizations and the United Nations itself.6 UNSCR 2242 (2015), aims to improve the implementation of the WPS agenda.7 These UN resolutions, along with national and international policy initiatives, call for women’s protection and empowerment.

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The WPS agenda stands on four pillars: participation, protection, prevention and relief and recovery.8 







Participation – Full and equal participation and representation at all levels of decision-making, including peace talks and negotiations, electoral processes (both candidates and voters), UN positions, and the broader social-political sphere. Conflict prevention – Incorporation of a gender perspective and the participation of women in preventing the emergence, spread, and re-emergence of violent conflict as well as addressing root causes including the need for disarmament. Addressing the continuum of violence and adopting a holistic perspective of peace based on equality, human rights and human security for all, including the most marginalized, applied both domestically and internationally. Protection – Specific protection of the rights and needs of women and girls in conflict and post-conflict settings, including reporting and prosecution of sexual and gender-based violence; domestic implementation of regional and international laws and conventions. Relief and recovery – Access to health services and trauma counseling, including for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence.9

Subsequently, WPS agenda implementation is inherently through national and foreign policies. Incorporation first requires awareness though, awareness which has been shown sadly missing among security communities, including the US. A 2016 survey conducted by the New American Foundation asked the question, “How much do national security practitioners consider the ways policies and programs impact men and women differently?” It was answered through a series of in-depth interviews, focus groups and surveys regarding how the US national security community and elite influencers (from the federal executive branch, Congress, think tanks, media, business, labor unions, religious organization and interest groups) “understand the WPS agenda and perceive its core intellectual constructs.” The conclusion reached was: Not very much.10 In fact, basic knowledge about issues, terminology and how to make the case to others regarding the importance of WPS was found significantly lacking.11 Consequently, use of a WPS “lens” as part of US security environment assessments is often missing, and those assessments are a first and critical step in the development of effective security strategies. Threat assessments are an integral part of security operations. In the US, multiple annual and periodic threat assessments from the strategic to the operational and tactical levels provide valuable information to policy makers. Threat assessments are critical in posturing security practitioners on a path toward mission success. Their accuracy and comprehensiveness are imperative. Not understanding the religious Sunni-Shia aspects of Iraqi politics and tribalism in Afghanistan, for example, greatly hindered US policy and military action in those countries. Similarly, failing to include women’s issues in global policy hinders effective policy development and implementation.

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A gender lens requires looking at a situation from two angles: through one lens, we view the realities, needs, perspectives, interests, status, and behavior of men and boys, and through the other we view those of women and girls. Combined, they help us understand gender dynamics and prove a comprehensive view of a situation of society.12 Bringing the two lenses together provides strategic bifocals through which to more clearly see the world. An understanding of the linkage between gendered issues and security is ignored at the peril of those seeking and supporting lasting peace and stability. In fact, it is ignored at the peril of everyone, including those seemingly uninvolved, unknowing or even overtly unwilling to accept gender equality, as the negative ramifications of gender inequality will fester rather than dissipate.

Sex and gender Whereas “sex” refers to biology, the World Health Organization (WHO) defines “gender” as “the socially constructed characteristics of women and men – such as norms, roles and relationships of and between groups of women and men.”13 Even those simple definitions, however, have been subject to considerable debate within such areas as feminist literature,14 medical research considerations,15 and legal decisions. For example, what biologically defines a woman has been asked and poorly answered for years within international sports organizations. The New York Times Magazine told the story of Dutee Chand, one of India’s fastest female runners. Her speed and success, however, prompted competitors and their coaches to report her “suspicious physique” to India’s governing sports federation in 2014. Subsequently, she was subjected to “a chromosome analysis, an MRI and a gynecological exam that she found mortifying. To evaluate the effects of high testosterone, the international athletic association’s protocol involves measuring and palpating the clitoris, vagina and labia, as well as evaluating breast size and pubic hair scored on an illustrated five-grade scale.” 16 While there are “normal” levels of estrogen and testosterone for women and men, as with any Bell Curve, there are individuals with outlying but not impossible levels from the norm. Chand was later disqualified from racing because her testosterone levels were above the “female” range set by the sports federation. Subjecting women athletes to “sex verification” protocols is not new. Nor is checking for chromosomes. Woman Olympians have been required to have “sex certificates.” But geneticists and endocrinologists disagree about whether chromosomes alone determine sex since relying on “normal” ranges does not tell a full or fully accurate story. “Relying on science to arbitrate the male–female divide is fruitless, they said, because science could not draw a line that nature itself refused to draw.”17 The argument for sex testing is that high testosterone levels give athletes an edge. A three-judge panel ruled in Dutee Chand’s favor in 2015, stating that while her higher testosterone levels may have weighed in her favor, nobody could tell by

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how much. Further, they stated that an athlete might gain an advantage over a competitor in a number of ways, such as nutrition, access to training facilities, coaching, and other genetic and biological factors. Chand’s case exemplifies the complications of even seemingly simple definitions. Both sexes experience gender bias, regarding societal expectations, which vary between societies and can change. So while “sex” and “gender” are often used interchangeably, there is a difference. However, gender is also frequently employed (including in this book) as a descriptor, in terms such as “gender issues” and “gender studies,” the inference being that policies affect genders in different ways. Politically, those disparities play out differently in traditional societies than developed countries and especially liberal democracies, with liberal democracies traditionally acting as champions of gender equality.

National and international actions The United Nations has championed all types of human rights since its post-World War II founding. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESRC), both adopted by the General Assembly in 1966 and entered into force in 1976, are considered the two oldest, most universal and widely adopted statements on human rights. But without specifically stating that the rights in those documents applied to women, it was realized later that they were not necessarily assumed to do so. Think about that. In 20th century documents championing universal human rights, women were not considered inherently included in the protections. Therefore, the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) was adopted in 1979. While the number of countries to sign CEDAW, 187 of 194 countries, surpasses both ICCPR and ICESRC, six countries – including the United States – have not ratified the treaty. CEDAW has been described as an international bill of rights for women. It defines discrimination against women as: any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field.18 CEDAW is the only human rights treaty that affirms the reproductive rights of women and targets culture and tradition as influential forces shaping gender roles and family relations. Parties to the treaty are required to commit to a series of proactive steps toward women’s empowerment, including the establishment of laws to end discrimination, punishment of those who do not abide by laws, and reporting every four years on steps taken and steps still needing to be taken.

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Many states, however, signed the treaty with “reservations” excluding them from certain obligations, especially those found in Articles 9–15 dealing with “family” or “personal status” rights. Those reservations “allow states to become parties in name only, while not requiring crucial changes in the country’s laws or society’s practices.”19 These rights are considered potentially intrusive into families, where power struggles begin. US President Jimmy Carter signed CEDAW in 1980. It has been stalled in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee ever since. Failure of the United States to ratify CEDAW – along with Iran, Somalia, Sudan, Nauru, Tonga and Palau – largely reflects debates within American domestic politics. Conservative groups argue that CEDAW does not reflect American values “enough,” but rather largely reflects the views of radical feminists. Supporters argue that CEDAW transforms American values regarding women into international norms.20 Momentum for gender equality initially gained global energy with the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing, China in September 1995. First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton addressed that group, bringing the diverse audience together citing similar challenges being faced across cultures and continents, including profound violations of human rights. She did this in the capital of an authoritarian regime not known for passively accepting dissident views. Clinton’s speech has been called “a watershed”21 for the United States and the world, taking gender-equality issues out of the shadows and inserting women in the foreign policy world dominated by men. The so-called Beijing Declaration22 that resulted, stating principles of women’s empowerment from that conference, pushed women’s issues forward and galvanized the attention of organizations such as the United Nations. Additionally, part of the push for change came through increased global recognition of the changing nature of warfare, including belligerents operating in “gray zones” and the deliberate targeting of civilians. “Gray zones” are those operations “short of conventional conflict, a dangerous place where miscalculation can easily occur, leading to escalatory conflict and misunderstanding.”23 The Russian incursion into Crimea beginning in 2014 is an example of a gray zone operation.24 Further, conventional wars were traditionally won by the overt defeat of national armies. If a nation’s military was defeated, the government surrendered and populations succumbed to the victor. Since the end of the Cold War though, war has increasingly become “irregular” in that it is not just militaries, or even primarily militaries, involved in the conflict, but populations. With irregular warfare now the norm, often in gray zones, women and children increasingly fall into harm’s way because fighters include members of the populace who live within local communities and bring their fights into these communities. When the fighters leave or are killed, women are often left to fend for themselves and their families, positions for which they are not well prepared. Additionally, in these gray zones it is often women who are bellwethers of danger. They are frequently the first to know when communities are unraveling and individuals fear for their safety. Yet women’s voices, with

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FIGURE 1.1

The new nature of warfare25

their unique concerns and perspectives, are regularly excluded from security discussions generally, and conflict resolution and peace talks specifically. UN resolutions have increasingly focused on definitional specificity regarding responsibilities to women, so that those responsibilities cannot be overlooked, and call for implementation accountability. Nevertheless, especially regarding the UNSCR 1325 requirement that women be included in peace negotiations, there has been a discouraging record of implementation, evidencing a clear gap between aspirations and reality. That again highlights the importance of security community members being aware of, or more aware of, Women, Peace, and Security goals as a contextual consideration within the security environment. Though the United States has not ratified CEDAW, the White House released the first US National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security in December 2011 and President Barack Obama signed Executive Order 13595 directing implementation of such. As of 2017, 67 countries have National Action Plans aimed at supporting the WPS agenda.26 The US NAP goal was stated as being “as simple as it is profound: to empower half the world’s population as equal partners in preventing conflict and building peace in countries threatened and affected by war, violence and insecurity. Achieving this goal is critical to our national and global security.”27 It thereby acknowledged and sought to act on the link between security and gender equality by charting a roadmap for how the United States would institutionalize efforts across the government to advance women’s participation in conflict and peace related issues. As part of the expanded efforts, the already-existing Office of Women’s Issues at the State Department was elevated to the Office of Global Women’s Issues

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(OGWI) with a tenfold budget increase and the head of OGWI granted the rank of Ambassador. Melanne Verveer, the former (and first) US Ambassador for Global Women’s Issues, explained how she saw her job in a 2017 interview. As Ambassador for Global Women’s Issues, it was important [for me] to integrate issues affecting gender throughout the work of the State Department. It was not an office to be siloed, if you will, [or] just to work on specific projects, but an office that really was to be integrated into the overall mission of our foreign policy operations. That meant affecting economic policy, conflict and stabilization, human rights, etc.28 The challenge was to make women’s issues less marginalized in the US foreign policy agenda. Secretary of State Clinton acknowledged both the importance of UNSCR 1325, and that its goals remained unfulfilled, in a Georgetown University address the same month the NAP was released. She acknowledged the persisting marginalization of women’s issues within defense and security agendas. Therefore, five areas were specified in the NAP for focused US effort. First, the NAP aimed at partnering with more women in regions of potential conflict. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton acknowledged the unique role of women in areas where conflict is on the rise. “Studies suggest that women’s physical security and higher levels of gender equality correlate with security and peacefulness of entire countries. But political leaders too often overlook women’s knowledge and experience until it’s too late to stop violence from spiraling out of control.”29 The intent of partnering with more women was to have the US invest in early warning systems incorporating gender analysis and monitoring increases in violence and discrimination against women, as indicators of potential conflict. Second, the NAP focused on strengthening the protection of women during and after conflict by, for example, working with the United Nations toward increased recruitment of female peacekeepers. It also advocated for better training of foreign security forces, military and police. The United States is already heavily engaged in those efforts as part of regional security cooperation programs. Security cooperation includes all Department of Defense (DOD) interactions with foreign governments. They are carried out through the regional combatant commanders in each of the six DOD regional areas of responsibility, Africa Command (USAFRICOM), Central Command (USCENTCOM), European Command (USEUCOM), Indo-Pacific Command (USINDOPACOM), Northern Command (USNORTHCOM) and Southern Command (USSOUTHCOM), and include a considerable amount of humanitarian and (indirectly) developmental programs, such as repairing or rebuilding schools, in weak states.30 Third, the importance of having more women actually involved in conflict resolution and decision-making before, during and after conflicts was addressed. Secretary Clinton offered a strikingly pragmatic example of what happens when women, often the most familiar with local conflict environments, are excluded.

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“During 2006 peace negotiations in Darfur, male negotiators deadlocked over the control of a particular river until local women, who have the experience of fetching water and washing clothes, pointed out that the river had already dried up.”31 Quite simply, excluding women excludes a wealth of knowledge and information critical not only to making peace, but maintaining peace. Fourth, the NAP focused on working to assure women a more equitable share of relief and recovery assistance. Secretary Clinton cited how small steps could make big differences. Providing sustainable, fuel-efficient cook stoves to women in refugee camps so that they did not have to leave the camps to gather firewood, for example, would potentially save women from being subject to physical attack in unprotected camp areas. Finally, Secretary Clinton recognized that it is easier to talk the talk of empowerment than it is to walk the walk, and so focused on institutionalizing the aforementioned efforts across the United States Government. Marginalization of WPS efforts and programs had been standard in the past, and the National Action Plan was intended to change that. Implementation plans for the NAP quickly followed its initial release. The State Department issued an implementation plan in August 2012. US Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta signed a memorandum directing DOD to incorporate WPS concepts into its programs and policies on April 5, 2012, with the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff following up in September 2013 with a DOD implementation guide.32 Each military command became responsible for development of a strategy to advance a common vision that promoted and encouraged democracy, economic prosperity, peace and security, and human dignity with their partner nations. However, regardless of the good intentions of many individuals, the reality is that gender-equality efforts are often resisted or become bargaining chips in the world of realpolitik, where short-term political practicality takes precedence over long-term consequences. The NAP was updated in 2016, stating that its principles continued to build on the 2010 and 2015 US National Security Strategies, and the 2010 and 2015 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Reviews.33 The updated NAP reiterated that, “The goal of gender integration or ‘mainstreaming’ is to promote gender equality and improve programming and policy options.”34

Implementing a National Action Plan As former American diplomat Richard Haass has pointed out, 90% of life in the public sector is implementation. “Policy design of course mattered, and agreement in principle was of course desirable, but what counted most was what actually got done.”35 The results have been mixed regarding the US NAP. General Carter Ham, who served as the second commander of AFRICOM, described a type of effort undertaken in that command in support of the NAP. USAFRICOM also assists its African partner nations with gender mainstreaming—that is, efforts to recruit, train, and retain women to build more

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representative military forces. Integrating women into national militaries offers a wider array of tools and optimizes skill sets for these entities to interact more effectively with the populace and to address needs for security across gender lines. Furthermore, military gender integration demonstrates and reinforces democratic core values such as equality and citizenship as a part of a strong, functioning national institution. Gender-based security sector reform includes training how women can be integrated successfully into a state’s military forces, tailored to the state’s sociocultural dynamics and religious traditions.36 AFRICOM and SOUTHCOM, where the US is less engaged in active military conflicts than other regions, have been most able to focus on human security issues. However, the individuals involved with human security programs are often not versed on the broader implications of their work beyond the immediate, tactical level, humanitarian aspects. By virtue of their missions, more members of the diplomatic corps and aid communities are already inclined toward and versed in inclusivity and have worked on gender-specific programs than those in the military and intelligence communities, especially since the tenures of Madeline Albright and Hillary Rodham Clinton as Secretary of State. According to the State Department website, education on WPS is included in a classroom-training course on gender equality as part of Foreign Service Institute training.37 The intent is to have Foreign Service officers aware of the WPS agenda from the beginning of their careers.38 Similar steps also need to be taken toward integrating WPS education into PME core curriculum. Building staff capacity for applying a gender-sensitive approach to diplomacy, development, and defense in conflict-affected environments is included in the DOD implementation plan. Within the PME realm, WPS was designated a Special Area of Emphasis (SAE). “SAEs constitute subject matter that senior leaders in the Department believe should be covered in the professional military education (PME) colleges and help ensure the relevance of the colleges’ curricula.”39 Yet according to 2017 information published on their websites, none of the US war colleges attended by US military officers, or the National Defense University, includes WPS in their core curriculum. However, electives are offered at National, the Air War College and the Naval War College on gender related issues, and multiple highly regarded WPS conferences have been sponsored by the Naval War College (NWC), through the efforts of the NWC Swanee Hunt Chair of Women, Peace and Security, Mary Raum. Only by inclusion in the core curriculum, however, will the WPS agenda be considered by the student body at large. It is at those institutions that military officers study the wages of war and it is in these heavily male-dominated institutions that awareness is needed, and lacking. Part of the problem with teaching WPS material at War Colleges, in the US and elsewhere, is that those institutions largely focus on hard-power solutions to problems. Retrospectively, it has been suggested that there were areas where the US NAP fell short. For example, responsibility for NAP oversight became the responsibility

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of the National Security Council (NSC) staff, specifically the Directorate of Multilateral Affairs and Human Rights. As such, meetings were mostly attended by gender advisors from State, USAID and DOD and consequently decoupled from substantive security-related policy discussions. Additionally, the intelligence community was excluded from gender integration efforts.40 But course corrections can be made based on lessons learned, if there is the motivation and political will to do so. In September 2017, the US Congress passed the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017, making the NAP law. That bipartisan legislation requires “the US to develop a comprehensive strategy to increase and strengthen women’s participation in peace negotiations and conflict prevention.”41 President Donald Trump signed the legislation in October 2017. A strong follow-through with implementation would go a long way toward demonstrating commitment to WPS principles beyond rhetoric.

Women as agents of security Making a case that women are agents of security, rather than bystanders or victims, is complicated, and fraught with obstacles and erroneous assumptions. Yet studies increasingly show multitudes of ways that women contribute to societies, locally, nationally and globally, in ways that affect security. Individual chapters in this book examine these many ways. Women in the intelligence community, field operatives and analysts, play a significant role in security matters. Women have acted as field operatives – as spies and helping spies – since Biblical times, as described in the Book of Joshua.42 They have acted as code breakers, linguists, and analysts. “Women made up the majority of analysts, dubbed ‘the Sisterhood’ in Alec Station, the unit charged with finding Osama bin Laden.”43 Women have been involved in developing the threat assessments used by the military and decision-makers. Each of these roles clearly makes them agents in the security policy-making and implementation process. Then, it is the media that presents the policies of the security communities to the public. The media shapes stories of security, violence and war to the public. Women correspondents tend to consider conflict in terms of human costs more often than their male colleagues.44 Women reporters45 and editors46 will pursue, write about and publish gender-related stories ignored by men. New York Times Paris Bureau Chief Alissa Rubin was awarded the 2016 Global Trailblazer Award from the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security (GIWPS) for her work exposing extremist violence. She chronicled the experiences of Yazidi women, held as sex slaves by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS). Women journalists have been targets of violence when covering stories,47 sometimes by the nature of the gender-related issues they are covering. Including women in security considerations fosters a more “inclusive security” approach, emphasizing women’s agency rather than their vulnerability, and is motivated by efficiency rather than fairness. “Women are crucial to inclusive security since they are often at the center of nongovernmental organizations

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(NGOs), popular protests, electoral referendums, and other citizen-empowering movements.”48 “Women reflect the realities that their communities and constituencies face in real time, which is generally far removed from high-level discussions behind closed doors.”49 In an era of disarray and almost frenetic change, adopting an inclusive security approach expands the range of stability-building tools available to police, military, and diplomatic structures by fostering collaboration with local efforts toward achieving and maintaining peace. Women have already played important roles in countering violent extremism when they are allowed input. In Kenya, “a women-led group worked very closely with the police actors, with whom they previously had no communication, and they were able to prevent at least two verifiable Al-Shabaab attacks” in the Garissa community.50 Human security efforts, including women’s empowerment, are preventive medicine. Women are the members of the population most closely connected to human security issues, such as producing food and feeding families. While women make up about 22% of agricultural workers globally, in some areas of the world, like Africa, they produce the bulk of the food.51 According to the Rome-based Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), “If women in rural areas had the same access to land, technology, financial services, education and markets as men, agricultural production could be increased and the number of hungry people reduced by 100–150 million.”52 Women’s labor, their ability to stretch and utilize resources, and prioritize spending makes a difference. Women are also largely responsible for parenting the next generation of the world’s population, and they put their money toward that responsibility. The United Nations reports, based on data from 219 countries from 1970 to 2009, that “evidence from a range of countries shows that increasing the share of household income controlled by women, either through their own earnings or cash transfers, changes spending in ways that benefit children.”53 Often that spending comes in areas like food and education, shown critical if poverty cycles are to be broken. Further, a relationship between youth employment, especially as related to education, and political stability in developing countries has been firmly established.54 Consequently, when women are absented from the family, the fabric of the family is strained. Women are more likely than men to die of the indirect effects of war,55 and in ways unrelated to warfare and domestic violence, though often exacerbated by those factors. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported that even though maternal mortality dropped by almost half between 1990–2015, an estimated 303,000 deaths related to childbirth were anticipated in 2015,56 almost all in developing countries. By comparison, according to Armed Conflict Survey, conflict deaths in 2015 numbered 167,000.57 That means the number of women expected to die in childbirth was almost double the number of fatalities in conflict. Facts and issues regarding women’s roles in societies most often have been treated as social issues, not issues relating to security. Further, those who advocate for gender equality are often disparagingly dubbed “feminists.” Therefore, what it

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means to be a feminist and why gender issues have been largely sidelined, even in usually perceived as liberal-leaning academia, must be considered.

Feminism and academic studies Merriam-Webster, the trusted reference book and dictionary manufacturer, named “feminism” the 2017 word of the year. The selection was based on the highvolume number of times the word was looked up on its website and showing significant increase in inquiries. “A noted spike in look-ups came in January with the Women’s March rallies held in the US – becoming the largest protest in the country’s history – and around the world. Another occurred in February when Kellyanne Conway, counselor to President Donald Trump, declared she did not consider herself a feminist ‘in the classic sense.’”58 Merriam-Webster defines feminism as “the theory of the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes,” and “organized activity on behalf of women’s rights and interests.”59 It is not surprising that so many people had to look up what feminism means, as there has been considerable distortion and disagreement about its intents. Nigerian novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s 2014 essay “We Should All Be Feminists,”60 adapted from her earlier TedTalk of the same name, is among the finest efforts to define feminism. It is neither fiery nor abrasive. It simply argues that being a feminist means understanding and acknowledging that sexism exists. It talks about the link between economic dependency and power, and the conundrum women face of potentially being considered aggressive if they speak up for themselves, or mistreated if they do not. But whether said softly as Adichie does, or bluntly stated as others such as US Senator Elizabeth Warren has done – “If you’re not at the table, you’re probably on the menu” – the point is the same. United Nations Women’s Goodwill Ambassador Emma Watson reiterated and clarified in a 2014 speech that feminism is not synonymous with man-hating. Watson gave that speech launching a program called HeForShe, emphasizing the need for men to be advocates for gender equality.61 Then UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon was the first person to officially sign on to HeForShe. The media blitz that followed caused the UN Women website to crash. Celebrities like Hugh Jackman, Jared Leto, Harry Styles, Russell Crow and Eddie Redmayne were among those to align themselves with HeForShe.62 Watson was later criticized for appearing in a semi-topless Vanity Fair photo. Critics asked how she could claim to be a feminist and do so. Watson fired back that the criticism “reveals to me how many misconceptions and what a misunderstanding there is about what feminism is. Feminism is not a stick with which to beat other women with. It’s about freedom, it’s about liberation, it’s about equality. Feminism is about giving women choice.”63 Ironically perhaps, some individuals recoil at the word “feminist,” though say they are not against gender equality.64 Feminism, in terms of gender empowerment, is also not synonymous with nonviolence or a renunciation of use of the military in support of national interests. In fact, Hillary Clinton was known as a “hawk” for her policy views, perhaps even

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a “feminist hawk”65 believing that gender equality is a national interest for which the US should be willing to commit troops and treasure. Consequently, US First Lady Laura Bush, not known as a feminist, was able to make points regarding empowerment that would likely have been considered offensive and aggressive by Clinton. Laura Bush’s 2001 radio address about the Taliban treatment of women in Afghanistan was well received. Melanne Verveer recalled thinking to herself that “if Hillary Clinton had expressed the same sentiments, her words would have elicited a negative reaction in some parts of the world.”66 Reformers for gender equality are often fighting against a population of individuals with a vested interest in keeping women subservient and dependent. Sometimes, governments opine that how women are treated in their country is the business only of that country as part of the nation’s sovereignty, though sovereignty is a concept increasingly under duress.67 Similarly, individuals sometimes opine that how women are treated is a domestic issue. Especially when women are treated as a commodity there is financial incentive to see them as such. In both instances, the status quo suits the prevailing power structure. Often as well, individuals are unaware that they are part of the problem, that there is a problem, or that empowerment would in fact benefit them or their interests. A male college student confided to me after taking the Women, Peace, and Security class that he had never thought about or had any idea that gender perspective mattered in security issues. Such is also often the case within academia and security communities regarding WPS. Political Scientist Cynthia Enloe discussed the problem in her 1989 book Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Relations. “Despite the remarkable activist engagement that has generated today’s multi-stranded transnational women’s movement, many journalists (and editors who assign their stories), foreign-policy experts, and policy decision makers remain oddly confident in their dismissal of feminist ideas.”68 Even in academic programs focused on international relations, feminist theories and gender perspectives have rarely been included as mainstream topics. Enloe suggested several reasons for marginalization. First, feminist considerations had been categorized as a “special interest” rather than an integral part of international relations. When that is the case, women are granted no real role in international relations but instead are viewed as mindless victims or commodities, such as sex workers, service workers, home workers, and child bearers. Second, it has been assumed that what happens to women is private/domestic/cultural and what happens to men is political/military/security, and those categories of issues are unrelated. Not allowing women to work has been somehow dismissed as not related to economic development issues that might spur conflict between nations. Not having legislation making rape a crime is not seen as signaling permissiveness regarding violence. Third, issues such as the treatment, or mistreatment, of women have been considered related to culture and therefore too difficult to tackle as part of foreign policy or international relations. Gender-equality becomes seen as a lost cause or a bargaining chip at negotiation tables. Finally, gender-equality issues have been considered as part of a social

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justice agenda, rather than a power and security agenda. But consideration of genderrelated issues unveils power structures. The Realist school of international relations that dominated global politics until after the Cold War era, and again seems on the rise, is concerned with state-to-state power relations. Sovereign states holding inviolable rights are considered the only relevant political actors and power guarantees security. At the end of the Cold War though, liberal internationalism and an emphasis on human security gained influence in policy considerations in many countries, including the US.69 PME Professors Derek Reveron and Kathleen Mahoney-Norris make important linkages between non-traditional, human security challenges – those such as related to disease, poverty, crime, repressive regimes, and transnational issues – and gender-equality issues, beginning with the assessment that “human security cannot be achieved without consistent progress in improving women’s rights.”70 Reveron and Mahoney-Norris argue that women’s rights are human rights and that perceived human-rights abuses can be detrimental to a country’s influence and policy options. Further, when individuals, peoples and government feel secure in their rights, they have little inclination to turn to violence and war. Consequently, they posit that the US military would be faced with fewer requirements to intervene in humanitarian crisis if rights were not being abused.71 It is important to note too that not all feminists and not all academics consider the Women, Peace and Security agenda as the most useful or “right” approach to gender equality. Generally, feminist approaches to international relations have tried to understand and change existing gender relations within conventional foundations of the field such as states, sovereignty and realism, though some have tried alternative methodologies.72 When it was passed in 2000,73 UNSCR 1325 supporters considered it a major breakthrough for women’s rights and gender equality. Others saw it as a way to pacify women. Subsequently, a body of literature emerged, including from feminist scholars, skeptical of the political will behind it and dubious regarding implementation.74 Others questioned the value of “securitization” of gender equality as an inherently useful approach.75 Feminist scholars have also argued that the WPS agenda has been narrowed from its original intent of moving toward reimagining what security means, to making women safer within “the traditional politics of security.”76 Statistics about the low rate of women’s participation in government, high maternal death rates, violence against women and marginalization are disturbing to anyone with a social conscious. But they are more than that as well. They tell a story about root causes of instability among societies and between countries. Yet there are a variety of perspectives among women on what constitutes women’s issues and appropriate policy actions to address them.

A multitude of views Within American politics, CEDAW and gender-equality efforts have seen various levels of political support. The George W. Bush administration viewed the

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protection of women as important, and was very vocal on that issue, but was less assertive about empowerment. Hillary Clinton championed women’s empowerment as First Lady through her tenure as Secretary of State and her Presidential candidacy. She made her support for CEDAW clear,77 but even as Secretary of State sometimes left women’s rights on negotiating tables in favor of other US interests. After Clinton left the Obama Administration, Obama was seen by some analysts to largely abandon women’s issues in not just actions, but even rhetoric.78 It was Laura Bush who made a plea “not to forget” Afghan women in a 2013 Washington Post editorial.79 Women’s rights were an issue of sharp divide between candidates Clinton and Trump in 2016.80 Women are not a monolithic group in the US or elsewhere. Views on abortion, for example, sharply divide women in the United States. There was considerable angst among pro-life women toward organizers of the January 21, 2017 Women’s March. Between 3.2 and 4.8 million people marched in Washington and in cities around the United States81 to mount a roaring rejoinder to anticipated Trump policies toward gender-equality issues. “Sister marches” took place worldwide, adding to those rebuking anticipated misogynistic policies. Pro-life advocates chastised March organizers “who claimed to stand for love, non-violence and inclusion (but)… staunchly refused to extend that ‘inclusion’ to pro-life women.”82 This occurred after the pro-life women’s group New Wave Feminists was removed as a March sponsor83 though they were welcome to participate. There are women in Saudi Arabia who strongly support Saudi guardianship policies over what they consider as the sexualized and objectified roles of Western and especially American women. But there are also women in Saudi Arabia who fight for equal rights. It is women who support ritualistic female genital mutilation in some regions. But, there are also women leading the fight against female genital mutilation in those same regions. The spectrum of views among women regarding desired rights and customs must be acknowledged within WPS discussions, though not necessarily respected if women have been indoctrinated into believing that mutilating their bodies and those of their daughters is acceptable. Sometimes, it is difficult to get agreement among women regarding what constitutes “women’s issues” or “women’s position” on an issue. American law professor Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term “intersectional feminism” in 1989.84 Originally related to a legal case involving Black women auto workers, it has evolved to referring to women experiencing prejudice in varying configurations and degrees of intensity depending on identity sub-categories such as race, ability, financial circumstances and ethnicity. Intersectionality considers how different types of discrimination interact. Intersectionality issues occur because identities have more than one component, with more than one view within components. The question of whether a woman can be a Zionist and a feminist has been debated.85 Many conservative women have difficulty with the idea that presumably “women’s causes – abortion, contraception, economic equality, immigration, criminal justice – essentially demand liberal solutions.”86 Some women of color have also felt excluded from the traditional feminist movement.87 Intersectionality issues extend worldwide.

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Indigenous women in Latin America live a strikingly different reality than white and mestiza (mixed race) women. The intersection of ethnicity and gender in many cases serves to doubly marginalize indigenous women. A 2015 World Bank Group report gives several examples of the divergence between indigenous and non-indigenous women.88 Non-indigenous Bolivian women earn about 60% more than indigenous women doing the same type of job, over 53% of indigenous women have no health insurance as opposed to 39% of non-indigenous women, and non-indigenous women are more likely to live in urban centers and therefore more likely to have access to education and other opportunities. Indigenous women in Latin America face discrimination both as women and as indigenous people. Intersectionality discussions have experienced a revival since the 2017 Women’s Marches, as a way of considering the necessity of including a multitude of views within feminism. Kimberlé Crenshaw has also pointed out that understanding intersectionality helps to understand the different ways women are vulnerable,89 and so have differing viewpoints. Different viewpoints among women were evident during and after the 2016 election as well. Women voted for Hillary Clinton by a margin of 54% to 42% for Donald Trump, though more white women (including 61% of white women with no college education90) supported Trump than Clinton.91 Some Trump supporters said they more admired Ivanka Trump’s entrepreneurial feminism than Hillary Clinton’s perceived “Gloria Steinem feminism.”92 Among a sample of women voters for Trump conducted by The New York Times, the reasons given by women for supporting a Trump Administration included seeing more opportunity to improve the economy, anger about the Affordable Care Act and the price of health care, concern about protection of Second Amendment rights, fear about immigration and terrorism, and opposition to abortion. But some Trump supporters said they did not want or expect him to repeal women’s abortion rights,93 though candidate Trump had stated he would appoint Supreme Court judges who would consider doing that. Trump supporters also stated that they were voting against Hillary Clinton based on concerns about the American deaths in Benghazi, Libya; her use of a private email server; and the hacked emails of the Democratic National Committee as evidence that she said one thing in public and another in private.94 Women’s views varied.

Change, and rollbacks On the President’s first working day one of the three Executive Orders he signed revived and expanded a Reagan era anti-abortion program. Under President Trump’s order, funding was cut to all overseas health aid programs that included even discussion of abortion with women, potentially leaving millions of women without health care since these clinics offer wide ranging services.95 Rolling back on women’s rights with a change in government is, unfortunately, not uncommon.

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Suzanne Mubarak was a champion of women’s rights during her husband’s 30-year repressive tenure as President of Egypt from 1981–2011. While the divorce rate in Egypt is among the highest of Arab countries, divorce laws are among the most restrictive for women.96 But a new law was introduced in Egypt in 2000 called Khula law, dubbed “Suzanne’s law” due to her sponsorship. The law allowed a woman to file for divorce on no grounds, though she would be required to forfeit her marital financial rights, potentially making her a pauper, and reimburse her husband the dowry (and any gifts) paid when contracting the marriage. Any woman willing to accept those conditions badly wanted out of her marriage. In the first two years after Khula was adopted 5,000 cases were brought before Egyptian courts, though only 122 were approved. Nevertheless, Khula was considered a step forward for women’s rights. After the 2011 revolution, where Egyptian women were full participants, there was a strong backlash against Khula and other women’s rights measures. While perhaps motivated as a rebuke of the ousted sponsor, of all the issues that Egypt had to contend with post-revolution, women’s rights was among the first the new regime decided to attack.97 The Thomas Reuters Foundation subsequently ranked Egypt “worst” in women’s rights in 2013. The United States, however, has prided itself as a bastion of liberal democratic values. A potential rollback of women’s rights in and from a country once known for such values, including gender equality, makes consideration of these issues especially timely. Within a week of Donald Trump being sworn in as President of the United States, Nicholas Kristof wrote a column in The New York Times titled “Trump’s War Against Women,”98 discussing the effects of cutting funding to women’s health clinics worldwide, specifically, that women will die. Kristof points out that Trump likely assumed his policy would support his “pro-life” campaign pledge, but when the Bush Administration imposed a more limited version of this restriction in 2001, 16 developing countries lost shipments of contraceptives from the US, ultimately resulting in increased abortion and maternal mortality rates. Were those statistical outcomes considered before the 2017 Executive Order was signed? Were the potential unintended consequences of the Executive Order, through further weakening the social fabric in many already fragile nations, considered with regard to regional security? They should have been.

Data and terminology matter The importance of data was examined in the 2016 New America Foundation survey on knowledge of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda in US security communities. While knowledge was found to be low, 75% of those sampled said supportive data would lead (security oriented) workplaces to focus more on inclusivity. Challenges to gathering such data are, however, substantial. In the 2014 book Sex and World Peace, the authors discuss the challenges involved with trying to empirically establish causality in the linkages they posit

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between the security of women and the security of states.99 They address the philosophical and data impediments to making the kinds of linkages that stand up to scholarly scrutiny, and thereby allow gender-related propositions about international relations to nudge their way into mainstream academics. On that point, researchers Dara Kay Cohen and Amelia Hoover Green stated in 2016, for example, that while the UN continues to cite statistics saying 75 percent of Liberian women were raped during its prolonged civil wars, those numbers are not accurate. The numbers, they argue, were drawn from a non-representative sample and continue to be used, though known wrong, to draw and keep attention on what is clearly a horrific problem. However, they are concerned about the problems created by using inaccurate data. Even a small proportion of a population reporting rape in a national sample can represent an epidemic. But if we come to believe that sexual violence is epidemic only if it affects three out of four women and girls, will anyone care when, in the next conflict, “only” 9 percent of women and girls report rape as they were in neighboring Sierra Leone?100 Getting and using accurate statistics is clearly an important task for the future. Decision makers face data challenges as well, often with immediate impact on policy. Michelle Bachelet, twice elected President of Chile, explained the data issues from her perspective as a policy maker and activist. Only recently have we begun to quantify what is lost when women are excluded from these processes [post-conflict processes]. In general, data have not been widely collected and analyzed on the effects of women’s social and political empowerment globally, although what data we do have shows that empowering women is urgently important. But the data gap is especially broad in conflict contexts. Data are missing on such crucial aspects of women’s lives as property ownership rates, levels of participation in local government, economic engagement, types of market access and maternal mortality. Conflict-triggered population flight and displacement makes gathering data still more complicated; some of the women most affected by conflict simply disappear from official view.101 Because there is little gender-specific data surprisingly little is known, for example, about what proportion of post conflict spending is directed toward gender equality and women’s empowerment. It would first have to be known what proportion of demobilized combatants and people associated with fighting forces were women. Without that data as well it is impossible to know what proportion of reparations are, or should be, directed at women as redress for crimes they have suffered and how many women are hired after conflict ceases to deliver public services. Only recently has there been data collected on how many women are involved in peace negotiations and post-conflict planning, and in what capacity.

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How terms are operationalized and understanding the impact of operationalization are also issues in gathering gender-related statistics. The 2016 New American survey addressed that issue, pointing out that some individuals saw “gender blindness” as a virtue. American diplomat Donald Steinberg offered his experience regarding what he thought and intended the term gender-neutral to mean, and what it came to mean to the Lusaka Protocol ending Angola’s civil war in the 1990s. Asked in 1994 about the role of women in negotiating and implementing the protocol, Steinberg said he proudly proclaimed the document gender-neutral. That designation was intended to positively indicate that no gender was favored. What it meant in practice, however, was that the protocol was gender-blind; women were not included in either the peace negotiation or implementation process. “Failing to consider women and gender as we negotiated and implemented the peace process was a key reason that we failed to implement the protocol – and Angola went back to war in 1998.”102 Without women at the table, women’s issues, including the prioritization of clearing landmines in local fields, near wells and in forests where women regularly traversed as part of their daily chores, and offering assistance to survivors of rape and sexual violence, were ignored or considered secondary. The document’s primary focus was on men pardoning men. The protocol included 13 separate amnesties that ruled out prosecution for atrocities committed during the conflict. One amnesty even excused actions that might take place in the future. Sexual abuse and gendered exploitation, including rape as a weapon of war, had been widespread during the conflict. As a result, these amnesties mean that men with guns forgave other men with guns for crimes committed against women.103 Gender-neutrality resulted in ignoring the issues of half the population. While there is some gender-specific data available for researchers and policymakers, it is often incomplete and with considerable overlap between the compilations. The United Nations has the largest and broadest data collection. The Woman’s Indicators and Statistics Database (WISTAT) includes data from 206 countries or areas of the world.104 The WOMANSTATS Project based at Texas A&M University specifically focuses on women and security-related statistics: Women’s Physical Security; Women’s Economic Security; Women’s Legal Security; Women’s Security in the Community; Women’s Security in the Family; Security for Maternity; Women’s Security Through Voice; Security Through Societal Investment in Women; Women’s Security in the State.105 There is also the World Economic Forum’s Gender Gap Project that annually ranks 140 economies “according to how well they are leveraging their female talent pool, based on economic, educational, health-based and political indicators.”106 Of related interest is the data being gathered by organizations like Promundo, an organization founded in Brazil in 1997 to promote “gender justice by engaging men and boys in partnership with women and girls.”107 It produces the

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International Men and Gender-Equality Survey (IMAGES) through household surveys and field research, yielding important conclusions for addressing root causes of violence. Men who witness violence against their mothers growing up are 2.5 times more likely to repeat it later on. Men who experience childhood violence and witness violence against their mothers are four times more likely to report using violence against women. Men who have a sense of entitlement to sex, who hold inequitable values, who think they can get away with it and who have hostile attitudes toward women, are all more likely to use violence against women.108 Only when men and women work together can gender-related challenges be effectively addressed. Part of the challenge regarding gender-related data gathering is a reluctance to share data on culturally accepted but legally and internationally frowned up practices. Honor killings, acid throwing and rapes go unreported due to feelings of personal and family shame, or because the victim perceives that the judicial system will not be responsive. Maternal deaths in rural regions go unreported because there is no one to report them to. The work of individual researchers can bring light to subjects where policy has been made based on little or no reporting, underreporting, or based on assumptions that turn out to be incorrect. The importance given to gathering relevant and usable gender-specific data in any National Action Plan, as well as monitoring and tracking implementation progress, is a big part of alleviating marginalization issues. That which is not counted is not documented; that which is not documented becomes irrelevant, and that which is not defined is not counted. These circular problems have been at the heart of some WPS challenges.

Conclusion The Women, Peace, and Security agenda, as symbolized by UNSCR 1325, is nearly 20 years old. The agenda has been supplemented, expanded, defined and refined. But words alone provide only a patina of progress if not accompanied by measurable, consistent progress in all of its encompassing areas. This book provides an overview of the current situation and the dangers of ignoring the issues of half the global population. Power structures focused on gaining or maintaining security that ignore half the population are seeing and assessing national security issues as a room half lit. Fully illuminating the room allows for more complete threat assessments, which allows for more nuanced policy. The changes required to illuminate the room begin at the cultural, perhaps even biological, level, with power at the center of the considerations. WPS offers countries an opportunity to more clearly see and assess an increasingly complex security environment. In 2015, for example, US Chairman of the Joint

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Chiefs of Staff, General Joseph Dunford stated that any future conflict involving the United States would likely be trans-regional, multi-domain and multi-functional.109 Complicated. Women are the eyes and ears of civil society. Allowing women a place at the table where discussions are had and decisions made for dealing with an increasingly complicated environment that inherently affects civil society increases prospects of success. Without their input, assessments and subsequent policies will be unnecessarily compromised.

Notes 1 http://www.president-ksgov.net/en/speeches/remarks-of-the-president-of-the-rep ublic-of-kosovo-madam-atifete-jahjaga-at-the-womens-leaders-session-at-the-eurasia n-economic-summit 2 Elasa Kania, “Holding Up Half the Sky? (Part 1) – The Evolution of Women’s Roles in the PLA,” China Brief, The Jamestown Foundation, October 4, 2016. https://jam estown.org/program/holding-half-sky-part-1-evolution-womens-roles-pla/ 3 http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps/ 4 Ibid. 5 http://www.unwomen.org/en/docs/2013/6/un-security-council-resolution-2106 6 https://www.un.org/press/en/2013/sc11149.doc.htm 7 https://www.un.org/press/en/2015/sc12076.doc.htm 8 https://www.usip.org/gender_peacebuilding/about_UNSCR_1325#What_are_the_ four_pillars_of_Resolution_1325_ 9 “Women, Peace and Security: Shifting From Rhetoric to Practice,” NATO Review, August 3, 2017. https://www.nato.int/docu/review/2017/Also-in-2017/women-pea ce-security-violence-conflict-sexual-resolution-angelina-jolie/EN/index.htm 10 New America, A Guide to Talking Women, Peace, and Security Inside the US Security Establishment, February 21, 2017. https://www.newamerica.org/better-life-lab/policypapers/guide-talking-women-peace-and-security-inside-us-security-establishment/ 11 Joshua Busby and Heather Hurlburt, “Do Women Matter to National Security? The Men who Lead U.S. Foreign Policy Don’t Think So,” The Washington Post, February 2, 2017. 12 Rick Barton and Cindy Y. Huang, “Creative Solutions for Crisis Response and Stabilization: The Power of a Gendered Approach,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace & Security, NDU Press, 2014, p.26. 13 http://www.who.int/gender-equity-rights/understanding/gender-definition/en/ 14 “Feminist Perspectives on Sex and Gender,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2016. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-gender/ 15 Suzanne Day, Robin Mason, Stephanie Lagosky, and Paula A. Rochon, “Integrating and Evaluating Sex and Gender in Health Research,” Health Research and Policy Systems, 2016. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5057373/ 16 Ruth Padawer, “The Humiliating Practice of Sex-Testing Female Athletes,” New York Times, June 28, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/03/magazine/the-humilia ting-practice-of-sex-testing-female-athletes.html?mtrref=www.google.com&gwh= 148C82437FFB2BD15F7BD8742E081859&gwt=pay 17 Padawer, p.35. 18 http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/ 19 Linda M. Keller, “The Impact of States Parties’ Reservations to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women,” 2014 Michigan State Law Review, 309. 20 Lisa Baldez, “U.S. Drops the Ball on Women’s Rights,” CNN, March 8, 2013. http://www.cnn.com/2013/03/08/opinion/baldez-womens-equality-treaty/

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21 Valerie Hudson and Patricia Leidl, The Hillary Doctrine: Sex and American Foreign Policy, Columbia University Press, 2015, p.8. 22 Beijing Declaration. http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/declar.htm 23 Statement of General Joseph L. Votel, Commander, US Central Command, before the Senate Armed Services Committee, March 9, 2017. http://www.centcom.mil/ ABOUT-US/POSTURE-STATEMENT/ 24 Bettina Renz and Hanna Smith, “Russia and Hybrid Warfare,” Aleksanteri Papers, 2016. www.stratcomcoe.org/download/file/fid/4920 25 “Irregular Warfare (IW) Joint Operating Concept (JOC),” Version 1.0, Department of Defense, 27 February 2009. 26 http://www.peacewomen.org/member-states 27 Fact Sheet: National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, December 19, 2011. https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2011/12/19/fact-shee t-united-states-national-action-plan-women-peace-and-security 28 Melanne Verveer and Tanya Devani, “The Role of Women in Peace and Security,” Harvard International Review, August 10, 2017. http://hir.harvard.edu/article/?a=14548 29 Hillary Rodham Clinton, “Secretary Clinton’s Remarks on Women, Peace, and Security,” December 19, 2011. https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clin ton/rm/2011/12/179173.htm 30 Derek S. Reveron, Exporting Security, Georgetown University Press, 2010, pp.11–23. 31 Reveron, 2010, pp.11–23. 32 Department of Defense Implementation Guide for the U.S. National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, September 2013. https://pksoi.armywarcollege.edu/con ferences/psotew/documents/wg2/2013%20DoD%20Implementation%20Guide% 20for%20the%20U%20S%20%20National%20Action%20Plan%20on%20Women% 20Peace%20and%20Security.pdf 33 National Action Plan for Women, Peace & Security, Updated 2016. https://www.usa id.gov/what-we-do/gender-equality-and-womens-empowerment/national-actionplan-women-peace-security 34 National Action Plan, 2016. 35 Richard Haass, A World in Disarray, Penguin Press, 2017, p.195. 36 Carter Ham, “Working with African Nations to Support the Role of Women as Agents of Peace and Security,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace and Security, National Defense University Press, 2014, p.117. 37 https://www.state.gov/s/gwi/priorities/wps/240384.htm 38 Implementation of the US National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security http s://www.state.gov/documents/organization/244162.pdf 39 Anne Witkowski, “Integrating Gender Perspectives Within the Department of Defense,” PRISM, Vol. 6, No. 1, March 1, 2016. http://cco.ndu.edu/News/Article/ 685073/integrating-gender-perspectives-within-the-department-of-defense/ 40 Julia M. Santucci, “Gender Equaltiy as a National Security Priority,” CNAS, September 15, 2017, p.4. 41 Foreign Affairs Committee, Press Release, September 25, 2017. 42 Verses 2–24. 43 Amy Martin, “America’s Evolution of Women and Their Roles in the Intelligence Community,” Journal of Strategic Security, Fall 2015, p.106. 44 Romy Frohlich, Gender, Media & Security, Routledge Handbooks Online, November 2016. https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315850979.ch2 45 Peter J. Kareithi, “Hegemonic Masculinity in Media Contents,” in Media and Gender, Aimee Vega Montiel (ed.), UNESCO, 2014. http://en.unesco.org/sites/default/ files/media_and_gender_scholarly_agenda_for_gamag.pdf 46 Karen Ross, “Women in Decision-Making Structures in the Media,” in Media and Gender, Aimee Vega Montiel (ed.), UNESCO, 2014.

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47 Annabelle Sreberny, “Violence Against Women Journalists,” in Media and Gender, Aimee Vega Montiel (ed.), UNESCO, 2014. 48 Swanee Hunt and Christina Posa, “Women Waging Peace,” Foreign Policy, November 19, 2009. http://foreignpolicy.com/2009/11/19/women-waging-peace/ 49 Farah Council, “Sudan and South Sudan: Women as Agent of Security,” Inclusive Security, June 20, 2013. https://www.inclusivesecurity.org/2013/06/20/sudan-southsudan-women-as-agents-of-security/ 50 Karen Lindborg, speaking at “Women’s Contributions to Conflict Prevention and Resolution,” Symposium, Council on Foreign Relations, December 5, 2017. https:// www.cfr.org/event/womens-contributions-conflict-prevention-and-resolution 51 Mahktar Diop, Foresight Africa 2016: Banking on Agriculture for Africa’s Future, Brookings Institute, January 22, 2016. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2016/ 01/22/foresight-africa-2016-banking-on-agriculture-for-africas-future/ 52 The State of Food and Agriculture Report. 2010–11 edition. http://www.fao.org/docrep/ 013/i2050e/i2050e00.htm 53 Facts and Figures: Economic Empowerment. http://www.unwomen.org/en/wha t-we-do/economic-empowerment/facts-and-figures 54 Therese F. Azeng and Thierry U. Yogo, “Youth Employment, Education and Political Instability,” GSDRC, 2015. http://www.gsdrc.org/document-library/youth-unemp loyment-education-and-political-instability-evidence-from-selected-develop ing-countries-1991-2009/ 55 Thomas Pluemper and Eric Neumeyer, “The Unequal Burden of War: The Effect of Armed Conflict on the Gender Gap in Life Expectancy,” International Organisation 60, No. 3 (2006); Kathleen Kuehnast, Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, Helga Hernes, Women and War: Power and Protection in the 21st Century. Washington, DC: US Institute of Peace, 2011. 56 Trends in Maternal Mortality: 1990–2015, p.16. http://data.unicef.org/wp-content/up loads/2015/12/Trends-in-MMR-1990-2015_Full-report_243.pdf 57 Interview with Anastastia Voronkova, “Armed Conflict Survey: In 2015, Syria accounted for one-third of global conflict deaths,” Deutsche Welle. https://www.dw. com/en/armed-conflict-survey-in-2015-syria-accounted-for-one-third-of-global-con flict-deaths/a-19237568 58 Michelle Garcia, “‘Feminism’ is Merriam-Webster’s Word of the Year. It’s about Damn Time,” VOX, December 12, 2017. http://vox.com/identities/2017/12/12/ 16766792/feminism-word-year-dictionary-merriam-webster 59 https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/feminism 60 Anchor Books, 2015. 61 “Emma Watson: Gender Equality is Your Issue Too,” September 20, 2014. http://www. unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2014/9/emma-watson-gender-equality-is-your-issue-too 62 Derek Blasberg, “The Rebel Belle,” Vanity Fair, February 28, 2017, p. 161. http:// www.vanityfair.com/hollywood/2017/02/emma-watson-cover-story 63 Luchina Fisher, “Emma Watson Fires Back at Critics of her Topless Vanity Fair Photo.” ABC News, March 6, 2017. http://abcnews.go.com/Entertainment/emma -watson-fires-back-critics-topless-vanity-fair/story?id=45941009 64 Emily Swanson, “Poll: Few Identify as Feminist, But Most Believe in Equality of the Sexes,” The Huffington Post, April 16, 2013. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/ 04/16/feminism-poll_n_3094917.html 65 Virginia Heffernan, “The Feminist Hawks,” The New York Times, August 19, 2009. https://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/23/magazine/23FOB-medium-t.html 66 Hudson and Leidl, 2015, p.38. 67 Haass, 2017, pp.1–14. 68 Bananas, Beaches and Bases, 2nd ed., University of California Press, 2014, p.13. 69 Sean Kay, America’s Search for Security: The Triumph of Idealism and the Return to Realism, Rowman and Littlefield, 2014.

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70 Derek S. Reveron and Kathleen A. Mahoney-Norris, Human Security in a Borderless World, Westview Press, 2011, p.57. 71 Reveron and Mahoney-Norris, 2011, pp.57–58. 72 Jacqui True, “The Ethics of Feminism,” The Oxford Handbook of International Relations, Oxford University Press, 2008. 73 A history of UNSCR 1325 is provided by Torunn L. Tryggestad, “Trick or Treat? The UN and Implementation of Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security,” Global Governance, 15, 2009, pp.539–557. 74 See, for example, Tryggstad, 2009, fn 5: Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, Women Building Peace: What They Do, Why It Matters, Reinner, 2007; Cynthia Cockburn, From Where We Stand: War, Women’s Activism and Feminist Analysis, Zed Books, 2007; Elisabeth Porter, Peacebuilding: Women in International Perspective, Routledge, 2007; Sheila Meintjes, Anu Pillay, and Meredeth Turshen, “There is no Aftermath for Women,” in Sheila Meintjes, Meredeth Turshen and Anu Pillay, eds, The Aftermath: Women in Post Conflict Transformation, Zed Books, 2001. 75 Natalie Florea Hudson, Gender, Human Security and the UN: Security Language as a Political Framework for Women, Routledge, 2009; Soumita Basu, “Security as Emancipation,” Feminism and International Relations, J. Ann Tickner and Laura Sjoberg (eds), Routledge, 2011. 76 Paul Kirby and Laura J. Shepherd, “The Futures Past of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” International Affairs, March 4, 2016. https://www.chathamhouse. org/sites/files/chathamhouse/publications/ia/inta92-2-08-shepherdkirby.pdf 77 Joshua Hertz, “Hillary Clinton Promotes Women’s Rights Treaty that the U.S. Has Not Yet Joined,” Huffington Post, November 20, 2011. http://www.huffingtonpost. com/2011/09/20/hillary-clinton-womens-rights-treaty_n_972555.html 78 See: Hudson and Leidl, 2015, Chapter 1. 79 “Laura Bush: Afghan Women’s Gains Are at Risk,” November 14, 2013. https:// www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/laura-bush-afghan-womens-gains-are-at-risk/ 2013/11/14/0c105688-4bed-11e3-9890-a1e0997fb0c0_story.html?utm_term=.89a f5c92575a 80 Associated Press, “On Women’s Issues, Clinton and Trump Have Sharp Differences,” PBS NewsHour, October 2, 2016. http://www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown/wom en-clinton-trump-comparing/ 81 David Johnson and Chris Wilson, “Women’s Marches: See Just How Big They Were Across America,” Time, January 25, 2017. http://time.com/4643692/womens-ma rch-size-country/ 82 Lauren Enriquez, “How the New Feminist Resistance Leaves Out American Women,” The New York Times, February 27, 2017. 83 Alexandra Desanctis, “Women’s March: Pro-Life Sponsor Removed,” National Review, January 16, 2017. http://www.nationalreview.com/corner/443893/wom ens-march-pro-life-sponsor-removed 84 Kimberlé Crenshaw, On Intersectionality: Essential Writings, The New Press, August 2017. 85 Collier Meyerson, “Can you be a Zionist and a Feminist? Linda Sarsour Says No,” The Nation, March 13, 2017. https://www.thenation.com/article/can-you-be-a-zio nist-feminist-linda-sarsour-says-no/ 86 Susan Chira, “Since When is Being a Woman a Liberal Cause?” The New York Times, February 12, 2017. 87 Rahel Gabreyes, “Women March Organizers Address Intersectionality as the Movement Grows,” Huffington Post, January 27, 2017. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ entry/womens-march-organizers-address-intersectionality-as-the-movement-grows_ us_5883f9d9e4b070d8cad314c0 88 Bolivia: Challenges and Constraints to Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment. World Bank, Washington, DC. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/23829

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89 Hayley Miller, “Kimberlé Crenshaw Explains the Power of Intersectional Feminism in 1 Minute,” Huffington Post, August 11, 2017. https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/ kimberle-crenshaw-intersectional-feminism_us_598de38de4b090964296a34d 90 “2016 Election Exit Polls: How the Vote has Shifted,” The Washington Post, November 29, 2016. https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/politics/2016-election/ exit-polls/ 91 Sukjong Hong, “What Gender Gap? Exit Polls Show White Women Preferred Trump to Clinton,” The New Republic. https://newrepublic.com/minutes/138601/ gender-gap-exit-polls-show-white-women-voters-actually-preferred-trump-clinton 92 Clair Cain Miller, “Why Women Did Not Unite to Vote Against Donald Trump,” The New York Times, November 12, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/13/up shot/why-women-did-not-unite-to-vote-against-donald-trump.html; Emily Bazelon, “Why did College-Educated White Women Vote for Trump?” New York Times, November 15, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2016/11/20/magazine/ donald-trumps-america-pennsylvania-women.html 93 Emily Bazelon, “Why did College-Educated White Women Vote for Trump?” New York Times, November 15, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2016/11/ 20/magazine/donald-trumps-america-pennsylvania-women.html 94 Susan Chira, “You Focus on the Good: Women Who Voted for Trump, In their Own Words,” The New York Times, January 14, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/ 2017/01/14/us/women-voters-trump.html 95 Somini Sengupta, “Trump Revives Ban on Foreign Aid to Groups That Give Abortion Counseling,” The New York Times, January 23, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/ 2017/01/23/world/trump-ban-foreign-aid-abortions.html?_r=0 96 Oliva Stern, “‘Let’s Talk about Sex, Divorce’ in Egypt,” CNN. http://edition.cnn. com/2009/WORLD/meast/11/11/egypt.divorce/ 97 Aliaa Dawoud, “Why Women Are Losing Rights in Post-Revolutionary Egypt,” Journal of International Women’s Studies, (13)5, pp.160–169. http://vc.bridgew.edu/cgi/ viewcontent.cgi?article=1013&context=jiws 98 January 26, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/26/opinion/president-trump s-war-on-women-begins.html?rref=collection%2Fcolumn%2Fnicholas-kristof&a ction=click&contentCollection=opinion®ion=stream&module=stream_unit&ver sion=latest&contentPlacement=2&pgtype=collection&_r=0&mtrref=undefined& gwh=122BAA68981FD0253B0F89C27BFC9C07&gwt=pay&assetType=opinion 99 Valerie Hudson, Bonnie Balliff-Spanvil, Mary Caprioli and Chad Emmett, Sex and World Peace, Columbia University Press, 2014, pp.108–109. 100 Dara Kay Cohen and Amelia Hoover Green, “Were 75 percent of Liberian Women and Girls Raped? No. So why is the UN Repeating that Misleading ‘Statistic’?” The Washington Post, October 26, 2016. 101 Michelle Bachelet, “Women as Agents of Peace and Stability: Measuring the Results,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace and Security, National Defense University Press, 2014. p.99. 102 Donald Steinberg, “Looking through the Gender Lens: More Stable Peace through Empowering Women,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace and Security, National Defense University Press, 2014, p.14. 103 Steinberg, 2014, pp.15–16. 104 United Nations Statistics Division. http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/gender/ wistat/ 105 http://www.womanstats.org 106 World Economic Forum, Global Gender Gap Report 2015.https://www.weforum.org/ reports/global-gender-gap-report-2015/ 107 http://promundoglobal.org/about/ 108 Gary Barker, “Engaging Men to End Violence Against Women,” Council on Foreign Relations blog, June 17, 2016. http://blogs.cfr.org/women-around-the-world/2016/ 06/17/engaging-men-to-end-violence-against-women/

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109 Speech at the Center for a New American Security. http://www.jcs.mil/Media/Sp eeches/Article/636952/gen-dunfords-remarks-and-qa-at-the-center-for-a-new-am erican-security-next-defe/

Further reading Aroussi, Sahla, Women, Peace and Security: Repositioning Gender in Peace Agreements, Intersentia, 2015. Brooks, Rosa. How Everything Became War and the Military Became Everything, Simon & Schuster, 2016. Chang, Patty, Mayesha Alam, Roselyn Warren, Rukmani Bhati, Rebecca Turkinton, Women Leading Peace, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security, 2015. Cheldelin, Sandra and Martha Mutisi (eds), Deconstructing Women, Peace and Security: A Critical Review of Approaches to Gender and Empowerment, HSRC Press, 2016. Enloe, Cynthia, Bananas, Beaches and Bases, 2nd ed., University of California Press, 2014. Goldstein, Joshua, War And Gender, Cambridge University Press, 2003. Hudson, Valerie M., et al., Sex and World Peace, Columbia University Press, 2012. Hudson, Valerie M. and Patricia Leidl, The Hillary Doctrine, Columbia University Press, 2015. Olonisakin, Funmi and Karen Barnes and Eka Ikpe (eds), Women, Peace & Security: Translating Policy into Practice, Contemporary Security Studies, 2010. Olsson, Louise and Theodora-Ismene Gizelis (eds), Gender, Peace And Security: Implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325, Routledge, 2015. Porter, Elisabeth and Anuradha Mundkur, Peace and Security: Implications for Women, University of Queensland Press, 2012. Reveron, Derek S. and Kathleen A. Mahoney-Norris, Human Security in a Borderless World, Westview Press, 2011 Women on the Frontlines of Peace and Security, National Defense University Press, 2014. http:// ndupress.ndu.edu/Portals/68/Documents/Books/women-on-the-frontlines.pdf

2 POWER AND PATRIARCHIES

Sex and world politics Political scientist Francis Fukuyama published an article in 1998 titled “Women and the Evolution of World Politics.”1 He began by referencing studies on evolutionary biology, attaching special relevance to the commonalities between chimpanzees and humans. Chimps are the closest evolutionary relatives to humans, at a genetic level and regarding behavioral similarities. Chimps, it seems, are like humans in that they are intensely social creatures whose lives are consumed by attaining and maintaining dominance. Fukuyama conveys an illustrative story about a peaceful group of some 30 chimps Jane Goodall had studied in Tanzania in the 1960s, from British primatologist Richard Wrangham and author Dale Peterson’s 1996 book Demonic Males. In the 1970s, this group broke up into what could only be described as two rival gangs in the northern and southern part of the range…Parties of four or five males from the northern group would go out, not simply defending their range, but often penetrating into the rival group’s territory to pick off individuals caught alone or unprepared. The murders were often grisly, and they were celebrated by the attackers with hooting and feverish excitement. All the males and several of the females in the southern group were eventually killed, and the remaining females forced to join the northern group. The northern Gombe chimps had done, in effect, what Rome did to Carthage in 146 BC: extinguished its rival without a trace.2 Wrangham and Peterson note that of some 4,000 mammals and 10 million or more other animal species, only humans and chimpanzees live in patrilineal, male-bonded communities.3

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From this study of chimps, Fukuyama posits several differences between gender behaviors. Females bond according to emotion; males bond, or make alliances, for pragmatic, calculating reasons. Females have relationships; males carry out realpolitik. The key questions Fukuyama asks and answers are then: what do these gender differences mean for international relations and power structures, and how might including more women in decision-making change security-related decisions? Fukuyama suggests that the human desire to dominate generally and among males specifically has not changed through evolution. What has changed is that being a warrior and killing people on the battlefield are no longer the only options available for gaining status requisite for domination. There are now literally thousands of ways to achieve social status – wealth, talent, entrepreneurship – many of which not only do not lead to violence, but in many cases involve socially productive activity. It is important to note as well that there are differences between dominance and prestige, which can also be reflected by social status, with dominance based on coercion, threat, and fear-based respect, while prestige is based on admiration and so deferential influence and agreement is given rather than taken.4 However, demographics and technology both offer conditions that perpetuate the violent side of human nature. Some populations are more reluctant to accept military casualities than others, specifically those in developing societies with a potential surplus population. An acceptance of casualties is especially true in populations with a youth bulge and where gender imbalances exist resulting in an excess of testosterone pumping, hotheaded young men being untethered by marriage. Regarding technology, there are problems created by technology outpacing “man’s ability to ritualize violence and direct it to safer channels.”5 Scale is affected as well. Whereas the Gombe chimps could only kill individually, guns and drones facilitate multiple killings and at a distance, and nuclear weapons can vaporize tens of millions in seconds. Thus, Fukuyama anticipated more women being involved in politics in the developed world and questions the prudence of too much “feminization” of politics generally and international relations specifically. “Women,” he says, “are less likely than men to see force as a legitimate tool for resolving conflicts.” So while bringing more women into international relations and security studies would, based on biology, potentially tamp down the violent instincts of men, it would not tamp down the violent instinct of all men and “in a system of competitive states, the best regimes adopt the practices of the worst to survive.”6 Tough, aggressive men are required to deal with tough, aggressive men. As might be suspected, Fukuyama’s analysis resulted in a firestorm of rebuttals. Counterarguments included consideration of many men hating war as much as women (especially those who have experienced it), the idea that women are inherently non-aggressive, questioning the premises behind the use of the Gombe chimp example, questioning the entire biological premise of domination, and largely negating the complex interactions of states in favor of focusing on violence.7 Since 1998 when Fukuyama’s article was published, much has changed, and much has remained the same. Technology continues to outpace human ability to

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consider its consequences, but at an even faster pace. Harvard professor Joseph Nye has pointed out that as recently as 2007 malicious cyber activities did not even make the director of national intelligence’s list of major threats to US security but by 2015 ranked number one.8 On the other hand, not as much “femininization” of politics as Fukuyama anticipated, or feared, has occurred. Globally, women hold less than 10% of parliamentary seats in 38 States as of June 2016, and four chambers included no women at all.9 Women are not running the world by any stretch of the imagination, for deep emotional, historical, perhaps biological and evolutionary reasons.

Nature or nurture? In a 2008 article in International Security, authors Valerie Hudson, Mary Capriole, Bonnie Ballif-Spanville, Rose McDermott and Chad Emmett draw from evolutionary biology and psychology to consider the roots of power hierarchies. They note that there are three basic differences that individuals notice when coming into contact with a stranger: age, gender, and race. Everyone, however, eventually moves into another age group, thereby somewhat diluting age-related differences. Perhaps surprisingly as well, they state that race differences can sometimes be “erased” and, citing psychologist Alice Eagley, that “gender stereotypes trump race stereotypes in every social science test.”10 That, the authors conclude, makes gender differences “the primary formative fixed difference experienced in human society and sexual reproduction is the strongest evolutionary driver of human social arrangements.”11 In that scenario, “human social structures are profoundly – even predominantly – shaped by selection for reproductive fitness.”12 In evolutionary theory, competition among males is about access to the best females for breeding purposes. In the 1990s, evolutionary biologist and feminist Barbara Smuts began suggesting that both feminist theory and evolutionary biology were concerned with issues of power.13 Smuts argued that the evolution of conflict between sexes was based on differences in levels of required physiological commitment, and subsequently differences in definitions of success. The amount of time commitment required by females for reproduction is substantially higher than that of males. Female commitment involves internal gestation, childbirth, and lactation at the very least. Male commitment is largely finished with egg fertilization. Consequently females seek to partner with males who will help them with food and protection during their prolonged period of vulnerability. For females more than males…reproductive success is limited by the time and effort required to garner and transfer energy to offspring and to protect and care for them. Males therefore are usually more eager than females to mate at any time with any partner who may be fertile, whereas females are usually more careful than males to choose mates who seem likely to provide good genes, protection, parental care, or resources in addition to gametes.14

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In evolutionary biology terms, male mating success is based on quantity whereas female mating success is based on quality, thus creating conflict between the sexes. From this perspective as well, when women can no longer bear children, they lose their value, whereas men can continue to reproduce much later in life. Smuts also suggested that males have limited patience and that if females spurn their courtship advances, violence can be used to coerce a reluctant female. Male interest in mate quantity, combined with female interest in mate quality, creates a widespread conflict of interest between the sexes. The conflict is mitigated when males court females by offering them the benefits females want from males, such as food, protection, or help in rearing young. These benefits are often costly regarding male time and energy, however, and males can sometimes overcome female resistance to mating at lower cost to themselves by using force or the threat of force–in other words, through sexual coercion.15 Hence violence becomes a pragmatic option against women who resist males in power struggles. Smuts does not lay all the blame for gender inequality at the feet of men. She states as well that: “In pursuing their material and reproductive interests, women often engage in behaviors that promote male resource control and male control over female sexuality,”16 as when women marry rich men and those men can then demand certain behaviors. Thus women, as well as men, contribute to the perpetuation of patriarchy. Actress and activist Jane Fonda played a voluptuous secret agent in the 1968 science fiction film named after her character, Barbarella that according to The New York Times made her “the most iconic sex goddess of the 1960s.”17 Her thenhusband, French filmmaker Roger Vadim, directed it. “I don’t remember if I thought of Barbarella as misogynistic at the time I was making it,” Fonda later said. “I know that I thoroughly disliked the experience, mostly because of my distorted body issues. It never occurred to me that I could say, ‘No, I don’t want to do this’ like Bridgett Bardot and Sophia Loren had done when offered the part. No. Vadim was my husband, and he wanted to make it, so I did.”18 Hence, addressing gender inequality issues takes changes in behavior on the part of both sexes. Australian researcher Cordelia Fine challenges the premises behind evolutionary biology in her 2017 book Testosterone Rex. She argues “the probability of a woman becoming pregnant from a single act of intercourse is about 3 percent.” Historically and in traditional societies, at any given point in time as many as 80 to 90 percent of women of reproductive age might be pregnant or infertile because they were exclusively breastfeeding, resulting in infertility under certain conditions. Therefore, she says, “the theoretical possibility that a male could produce dozens of offspring if he mated with dozens of females is of little consequence if, in reality, there are few females available to fertilize.” From that she concludes monogamy might have looked like a reasonable option to men.19 In that respect Fine is in

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agreement with others that for every instance of conflict creation in evolutionary biology, there is also evidence of conflict mitigation techniques being developed. In their 2008 article, Hudson et al. took heart as well that even considering biological differences between the sexes, male dominance is not inevitable. They suggest first that male dominance can be avoided by strong female alliances, though as will be considered throughout this book, making those alliances can be difficult due to both male and female peer pressure. Additionally, cultural selection – nurture – can modify tendencies imposed by nature through engineering of social structures and moral sanctions. There they cite the imposition of monogamy into some cultures, leading to the depersonalization of power through democracy and capitalism, as an example. And third, they suggest that improved female status in some societies leads to emotional and physiological changes in females that can be passed to their female offspring, making them less likely to succumb to coercive male behavior, therefore changing “nature.” Consequently, female alliances and social structure engineering are necessary conditions for affecting gender equality. The cave man days of females needing protection from woolly mammoths are gone. Theoretically, state or societal rules protect individuals. However, when state or societal protections fail, families become the fallback security system. Hence family-level power structures become important, with patriarchies dominant. As cultures and societies have shaped differently, so too has the role of women. Whereas some have remained largely traditional, others have evolved, but taken on a new set of issues.

Power: taken, given and fought over Demonic Males authors Wrangham and Peterson, whose work Fukuyama relied upon, succinctly summed up the nature of patriarchies in their book. Patriarchy is worldwide and history-wide, and its origins are detectable in the social lives of chimpanzees. It serves the reproductive purposes of men who maintain the system. Patriarchy comes from biology in the sense that it emerges from men’s temperaments, out of their evolutionary derived efforts to control women and at the same time have solidarity with fellow men in competition with outsiders…Patriarchy has its ultimate origins in male violence.20 Patriarchies are those societies where men hold dominant power. More specifically, traditional patrilineal societies are those where land, titles, rights, names, etc. are inherited through the male side of the family. The patrilineal line is also sometimes known as the “spear” side of the family, as opposed to the female, or “spindle” side, and in patriarchies the two must never mix. Humanities professor Peggy McCracken references the 1997 film G.I. Jane as exemplifying American cultural reluctance to mixing spear and spindle in a scene where Lt. Jordan O’Neil moves into the formerly all-male barracks. “The men

40 Power and patriarchies

with whom she will share quarters express a mixture of outrage and horror when they see that Lt. O’Neil is putting what one recruit calls ‘her stuff’ into her locker: What about the tampons?” he cries to the other men. “Don’t you care about the tampons?”21 McCracken posits that the recruit sees menstrual blood and heroic blood, traditionally defined as masculine, as incompatible. Further, by the importance given to the male side of the family and sons who can inherit and carry on the family name, daughters inherently have less value than men, with their primary responsibility being childbearing.22 Extending the premises of gender inequality found in patriarchies from evolutionary biology into more contemporary society, a 1984 article by political scientist Harris Mirkin traces different versions of feminist theory from Simone de Beauvoir to Kate Millett and Mary Daly, considering different views and aspects of patriarchies. “Power” plays a key role in all. Men dominate women by various forms of power – physical, economic, institutional and psychological – and consequently women have had to learn to manipulate and seduce to, literally, survive.23 Many feminist writers consider historical woman as passive, duped and powerless. Consequently, in some cases, women have voluntarily given up power, which often rested in childbirth. According to Mirkin, in Western society “women gave up the last vestige of their power when they rejected midwives in favor of male gynecologists.”24 Interestingly, as of 2015, 85% of gynecologists in the US are women.25 Beyond child birth related issues, it was women, as agents of men, who actively participated in and enforced the rules of the traditional (gratefully now obsolete) practices of Hindu Suttee, where a widow throws herself on her husband’s funeral pyre, and Chinese foot binding. So women were victims, but complicit victims. Under these circumstances, women who would try to ban together to fight against their circumstances would be shunned by both men and other women not wanting to be seen as co-conspirators, demonstrating women’s difficulties in forming alliances. There are also examples of women who issue commands in wartime to commit sexual violence.26 Women are not above violence, nor do Western countries always have the right to gloat about their enlightened attitudes regarding gender empowerment over more overtly patriarchal societies. In poor economies, especially in rural areas, women are often treated as little more than chattel. Before marriage, they are a source of family income to be sold, or a financial burden to be relinquished as quickly as possible. In some countries women cannot own land, have bank accounts, or drive, thereby making them fully dependent on men for survival. Marriage becomes imperative and provides women few options for escape even if their husbands brutalize them. That dependence only heightens when children come, and most often children come quickly. But it is not only in developing countries and rural areas that the link between women and children is critical. Becoming pregnant is the most dangerous thing a woman can do in some countries. Even in the United States, “being pregnant is about 20 times more likely to result in death than is a sky dive.”27 Sociologist Ann Crittenden pointed out in

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her 2001 book The Price of Motherhood that having had a child – motherhood – is the single largest risk factor for old age poverty in the United States.28 Motherhood is unpaid labor with few or no structural benefits. Mothers are marginalized if they have careers and are unable to be free all hours, every day. Social safety nets often do not fully provide for divorced or single mothers to keep them from poverty. And mothers spend their incomes primarily on their children. Global studies have repeatedly shown that women on average invest 90% of their income in their families compared to men, who invest 35% of their income into their families.29 In the Philippines researchers found that when women control family savings, expenditures shift toward the purchase of durable goods such as washing machines or kitchen appliances that benefit the family. After Haiti’s devastating earthquake in 2010, Haitian authorities distributed food vouchers to women, stating that by doing so food would more likely be distributed equitably within households.30 Sociologist Catherine Kenney found that in the United States, in low to moderate income families, children are less likely to experience food insecurity when the family income is controlled by their mother rather than their father.31 Yet men continue to attempt control of childbearing expectations and rules, and not just in developing countries. In 2016, a near total ban on abortion was narrowly averted in Poland, collapsing only after mass protests.32 On October 3, 2016 tens of thousands of Poles went into the streets on what was called Black Monday to protest the proposed legislation. Days later, lawmakers voted down the ban, and Minister of Science and Higher Education said the protests “caused us to think and taught us humility.”33 Similarly, contributions to Planned Parenthood spiked in the US following the election of Donald Trump, with more than 80,000 new contributions logged in just a few days. Donor support came in anticipation of the Trump administration challenging Roe v Wade, 34 the landmark 1973 Supreme Court case stating that the Right to Privacy extended to a woman’s decision to terminate a pregnancy. That fear increased after House Speaker Paul Ryan said in January 2017 that Republicans would move to strip all federal funding for Planned Parenthood.35 Even prior to Ryan’s announcement, many donations had been made to Planned Parenthood in honor of Vice-President Mike Pence, a long-time crusader to defund Planned Parenthood.36 While patrilineal systems are most often associated with traditional societies rather than liberal democracies that may no longer be the case. A picture appeared in the media of brand-new President Donald Trump signing an Executive Order restricting the reproductive rights – and subsequently general health care – of women in many developing countries while surrounded by white men and without a woman in sight. The Guardian reporter Lucia Graves summed up what that image evoked for many women. This photograph is what patriarchy looks like – a system of society or government in which men hold the power and women are largely excluded. Nothing quite says powerlessness like the removal of your right to bodily autonomy, at the

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behest of a group of people who will never – can never – know what that feels like. There’s a reason women are using the word patriarchy again.37 A resurgent interest in Canadian author Margaret Atwood’s 1985 dystopian novel of the ultimate patriarchy, The Handmaid’s Tale, reflects women’s fears regarding a rollback of women’s rights. Again, however, women’s views are not monolithic. Some American women, for example, view family planning and abortion-rights support for women abroad as cultural colonialism, as do some traditional women in recipient societies.38 Gloria Steinem once said, “If men could get pregnant, abortion would be a sacrament.” Similarly the quote “If men could get pregnant, birth control would be free and taste like bacon” is so iconic it has no attribution. But men cannot get pregnant and patriarchal attitudes persist. Therefore, the structure of patriarchal systems and consequences for women warrants further examination.

Patriarchal systems How much value women have in patriarchal, especially patrilineal, systems is determined by the value of women’s labor and the availability of women for marriage. If women’s labor is valued, the local culture may allow men to take more than one wife, called polygyny (polygamy is having more than one spouse). But if there is a scarcity of women, men are often expected to pay a “bride price” for a wife – a gender bias that does not work in men’s favor financially but establishes a presumption that women are property. In parts of rural India where there is both a shortage of women and a strong desire to keep rural land holdings intact, women can be “purchased” from poor families or lower castes into polyandrous marriages. The woman becomes a “wife” to not only her husband, but also sometimes his brothers and even his father, becoming little more than a sex slave.39 “Purchasing” a bride through payment lends itself to the idea that the bride can be treated as property. In Uganda, payment of a bride price is common practice. Until recently as well, if a woman sought a divorce she had to repay the bride price – as though property was being forfeited – making leaving an often violent and abusive marriage impossible for women. In 2015 the Ugandan Supreme Court ruled the practice of repayment unconstitutional, and “dehumanizing to women.”40 While the court ruling was a step forward for women in Uganda, the custom of paying a bride price perpetuates women being considered the property of their husband. Political theorist and anthropologist Jane Schneider has studied honor-shame cultures where patriarchies are prevalent, in particular as sources of conflict. In the Mediterranean region she studied, she found conflict stems from intrusions to boundaries, usurpations of water rights, discourteous pasturing, animal theft, crop destruction, adultery and murder. Each violation is considered a challenge to the honor of the property owner, with women often considered as property. “Thus honor can be thought of as the ideology of a property holding group which

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struggles to define, enlarge and protect its patrimony in a competitive area.”41 Extending that idea, she states that honor can attach to any human group from a family to a nation. National interests refer to what a country is willing to spend its blood and treasure on. The 2017 US National Security Strategy states US national interests as: promotion of the American people, homeland and way of life; promotion of American prosperity; preservation of peace through strength and; advancement of American influence.42 These are considered the interests worth spending US blood and treasure to support. In some cultures, honor dominates considerations of what is worth fighting for. The reciprocal of honor is shame. Honor is especially important when women are a contested resource and women’s comportment defines the honor of social groups. “Like all ideologies, honor and shame complement institutional arrangement for the distribution of power and the creation of order in society.”43 In fragmented societies where the government cannot be relied upon to protect civil and individual liberties, the head of a family must constantly make decisions to maintain or advance the family status, including economic interests and family protection. He is uncertain of the loyalty of those around him, sometimes including family members, and therefore must continually be willing to demonstrate his strength, without being offensive to other power brokers. When women carry the family honor, literally as their bodies, it must be vigilantly protected and ruthlessly cleansed when tarnished. Attorney John Alan Cohan considered the nature of honor in Arab cultures, especially as related to women, in a 2009 article on honor killings.44 In Arab cultures, a distinct honor code, known as purda, calls for females to comply with social norms, under which they are required to be safeguarded from contact with unauthorized persons. A man’s honor depends in large part on whether female family members are vigilant in adhering to these norms. In these cultures, “the ideal of masculinity is underpinned by a notion of ‘honour’ – of an individual man, or a family or a community – and is fundamentally connected to policing female behavior and sexuality.”45 One commentator states the importance of women to family honor: “The woman holds all the honor of the family and the social order depends upon her maintaining this honor. In addition, the woman’s honor or shame strongly affects the general standing of the tribe within the community.”46 Honor in these cultures is associated with Islam’s “male-dominated interpretations of concepts like female chastity and male authority.”47 As the embodiment of her family’s honor, women must guard their virginity and their chastity – after all “a man’s honor lies between the legs of a woman.”48 Consequently, even women who are raped are nevertheless considered to have “soiled” the family honor. In some countries and cultures, women are kidnapped and raped so that they are considered soiled goods and consequently a lower bride price can be paid to their

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family after the fact.49 The promise of providing potentially otherwise financially unobtainable brides to fighters in Nigeria’s militant Islamic group Boko Haram played into the kidnapping of young girls from their school and forcing them into marriage.50 The horror is not only with the act, but what happens to the girls if and when they are released. Their families very often shun them due to “shame” brought on the family through no fault of the girls. Conversely, if women are not considered valuable as workers and it is a buyer’s market, the family of the bride pays a dowry to the groom’s family. The dowry can consist of cash payments but traditionally also includes furniture, appliances, and all things needed to set up a household, plus personal items such as jewelry. This puts a considerable financial burden on families with daughters and has been linked to dowry-related physical and emotional abuse.51 Either as a commodity to be sold or a burden to be rid of, families can be anxious to see daughters married off. Consequently, adolescent and early marriage remains a common practice in many patrilineal societies and developing countries, which often overlap. In fact, one in nine girls marry before the age of 15. Early marriage means less education for girls, as children soon follow. Further, childbearing is consistently among the leading causes of death for women under 19 worldwide. Adolescent girls who give birth each year have a much higher risk of dying from maternal causes compared to women in their 20s and 30s. These risks increase greatly as maternal age decreases, with adolescents under 16 facing four times the risk of maternal death as women over 20. Moreover, babies born to adolescents also face a significantly higher risk of death compared to babies born to older women.52 If present trends continue, 150 million girls will marry before their 18th birthday over the next decade, equating to 15 million girls each year. The countries with the highest overall child marriage rates are in Western and Sub-Saharan Africa, but when considering population size the largest number of child brides reside in South Asia.53 Economists Lucia Corno and Alessandra Voena examined the relationship between bride price and marriage age in 2015. They were particularly interested in whether an “adverse income shock” – some ill effect of weather, for example – led to an increase in the probability of marriages before 18 for girls when their parents had no access to credit markets. They found that in fact, it did. The authors suggested that in households hit by adverse income shocks parents who had no other access to funds might marry off their daughters to receive a bride price transfer from the future groom. Alternatively, they suggest adverse income shocks increase early marriages because households want to give away the less productive members, meaning girls.54 An increase in early marriages when families need money, including times of instability, exemplifies another instance of daughters being largely considered as a commodity. The authors offer a preliminary suggestion that providing expanded access to credit markets could tamp down parental pushes toward early marriage.

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Money is not the only motivation behind early age marriages. Since a family’s honor rests with its women, families are sometimes anxious to marry off daughters as marriage transfers responsibility for their honor to the husband’s family. Consequently, in honor/shame societies girls are often married at or just before they reach puberty. The marriage is arranged by the father or nearest male relative. The bride likely does not even meet the groom before the ceremony and knows little or nothing about sex. Typically, the groom is a decade or more older than the bride. “Her wedding night, predictably, amounts to child rape.”55 These marriages are said to be with consent but the bride’s father, without even her knowledge, can give consent. There are stories of women fighting back, and individuals fighting for them. Theresa Kachindamoto, senior chief in the Malawi district of Dedza, said she was tired of seeing 12-year-old girls walking around with babies on their hips. In Malawi, 50% of girls are married by age 18. So she used her authority to make another 50 sub-chiefs under her authority sign agreements to end child marriages in her district. She went even further by annulling existing under-age marriages, and sent the girls back to school after they had been forced to drop out. Not surprisingly, implementation proved harder than making the initial decision to do change the status quo. When three sub-chiefs continued to approve child-marriages, she suspended them, and brought them back on the job only when they had annulled under-age marriages as she had directed. She also instituted an underground network of parents keeping an eye on each other to make sure the girls were being sent to school.56 Leadership matters. The BBC covered the story of a girl from Niger, Balkissa Chaibou, who learned at age 12 that she was to be married to her cousin and decided to fight for her rights.57 Thirty-six percent of girls in Niger are married by 15 years old. Economics and culture did not work in Balkissa’s favor. As a UN worker in Niger explained, “The dynamic works this way: I have lots of children, and if I can marry off one child that is one less child I have to feed.” With five daughters in Balkissa’s family, marrying her to her cousin made economic sense. Balkissa’s mother offered another reason for early marriage as well. “Nowadays some children are not well brought up. If they are not married off at an early age, they can bring shame to the family.”58 When she was 16, the bride price and a wedding outfit were delivered to Balkissa’s home. She knew she would soon be taken to neighboring Nigeria, where the groom lived, to be married. She desperately wanted to continue with school. Balkissa approached her mother about a delay, but as a woman her mother had no familial status to help her. So Balkissa approached her father. While he was sympathetic, in the Tuareg ethnic group they belonged to, older brothers have authority over younger brothers. Balkissa’s intended was the son of her father’s older brother so her father dared not go against his wishes. In some ways, Balkissa was fortunate. While most people in Niger live in rural areas, she lived in Niamey, the capital, where she had access to police and some social services. The night before her wedding, Balkissa ran to a police station, and

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the police took her to a women’s center. She was subsequently referred to a NonGovernment Organization (NGO) called the Centre for Judicial Assistance and Civic Action. That group took legal action on her behalf to stop a marriage against her will. For the next week, Balkissa lived in the women’s center and took her uncle, the family patriarch who had arranged the marriage contract, to court. She was terrified, and rightly so. In court, her uncle denied that she was being forced into the marriage and said it was all a big misunderstanding. Though the case was subsequently dropped, Balkissa still was not free. Her uncle threatened to kill her. She was forced to remain at the women’s shelter. She worried not only about her own safety, but that of her family in the face of her uncle’s anger. Eventually, however, the uncle and wedding party went back to Nigeria and Balkissa could go home, and back to school. Unfortunately, Balkissa’s story of escape from early marriage is the exception rather than the rule. In too many cases girls and women who fight back end up savagely attacked, forced to remain in the unwanted situation, or both. Once married, their recourses against violence at the hands of their husbands or his family become few, as they will be under their control and without resources of their own.

Demographics, pressure to marry, and security China exemplifies a country facing a security problem regarding men left without brides, and there are others. In the case of China, the bride shortage is a result of prior government policies aimed at population control, with complex unintended consequences that the Chinese government now views as directly affecting its domestic security. A closer look at the Chinese situation is illustrative of the complexity of issues related to patrilineality and gender imbalances. In 2015, the prestigious international skin care brand SK-II launched a global campaign to inspire and empower women to shape their own destiny, called #changedestiny. As part of that campaign, a Swedish advertising agency was commissioned to create a four-minute video, “Marriage Market Takeover,”59 targeting a specific segment of Chinese women, those called “leftovers” by government definition because they had not married by age 27. That video quickly went viral.60 “Leftover Women” (sheng nu), or 3S women (single, born in the seventies, and stuck) are derogatory terms used to refer to women stigmatized – including by their parents – because they are single. Physical attractiveness is considered key for women seeking to attract a husband. In the SK-II video one mother said, as her daughter sat next to her fighting back tears, “We always thought our daughter had a great personality. But she’s average looking, not too pretty. That’s why she’s leftover.” Not surprisingly, plastic surgery to enhance women’s attractiveness is booming61 in China. But some marriageable Chinese women are consciously holding out for a love match or are focused on careers. Even among those single by choice though, there is no feminist revolution, but instead a slow, emotionally charged crawl away from tradition, societal and not inconsequential governmental demands on them.

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The Chinese government instituted a one-child policy in 1979 that was maintained until 2015. During that period, families seeking to perpetuate the family lineage would sometimes resort to sex-selective abortions, made easy by widely available ultrasound technology, to make sure their one child was a male. Some 20 million more men than women have been born since 1979, creating a sex ratio as of 2015 of 1051 males per 1000 females. Consequently, the Chinese government now wants women to marry young. The Chinese National State Population and Family Planning Commission estimates62 that by 2020, there could be 30 million more marrying age males than available females. Too many bare branches, as unmarried men are called, can create societal problems regarding economic development, regarding an aging population, labor shortages and elder care. Further, frustrated men unable to find brides are considered to greatly increase the risk of social instability and insecurity. “According to sociologists, young adult men with no stake in society – of the lowest socioeconomic classes and with little chance of forming families of their own – are much more prone to attempt to improve their situation through violent and criminal behavior in a strategy of coalitional aggression with other bare branches.”63 Domestic stability is a consistent top priority of Chinese leadership.64 Also, a direct relationship is often found between Chinese domestic stability or instability65 and the aggressiveness of Chinese foreign policy, toward diverting domestic angst into nationalism against foreign powers. The Chinese government began banning doctors from revealing the sex of an unborn child to parents in the 1980s, but the practice has widely continued. The government imposed a crack-down on the practice of sex-determination more recently, with doctors threatened with losing their licenses and jail terms for performing ultrasounds to determine sex, but with only limited success. And so, it becomes even more imperative to the government that all available females marry. According to Lita Hong Fincher, author of The Resurgence of Gender Inequality in China, 66 the government is actively trying to pressure single, educated women to quash their career ambitions and independence, and instead get married and contribute to the gene pool. The Chinese Ministry of Education officially began defining unmarried women over the age of 27 as sheng nu in 2007. It then went even further, stating that failure to find a husband was due to overly high expectations for marriage partners. Women, it seemed to the Chinese government, were being too picky. Subsequently, in 2011 the All-China Women’s Federation, a state agency established in 1949 to protect women’s rights and interests, posted a controversial article titled “Leftover Women Do Not Deserve Our Sympathy,” revealing highly misogynistic attitudes including assessment of “worth.” Pretty girls do not need a lot of education to marry into a rich and powerful family. But girls with an average or ugly appearance will find it difficult… These girls hope to further their education in order to increase their competitiveness. The tragedy is, they don’t realize that as women age, they are

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worth less and less. So by the time they get their MA or PhD, they are already old – like yellowed pearls.67 That post and other posts including some on matchmaking and dating tips, have since been removed. The term “leftover women” has also been replaced on the All-China Women’s Federation website, replaced with the equally disparaging term “old unmarried women.” But common usage of the term sheng nu remains, as does the implication and societal stigma. In creating a growing middle class comprised of well-educated men and women China also provided women the means to live independently. Some choose to do so, though they are sometimes viewed apprehensively by employers; not as stable as their married counterparts. In 2013, Forbes magazine specifically cited self-made Chinese women as “on the move” among those on its annual billionaires list.68 Nevertheless, a 2010 CNN survey of 900 women university graduates across 17 Chinese universities found that some 70% said, “Their greatest fear is becoming a 3S lady.” Consequently, 90% of Chinese women are married by age 27. That fear stems largely from societal cum familial pressure. In patriarchal Confucian cultures, respecting your parents is paramount. Confucius wrote, “The Chinese girl was brought up, then as now, with matrimony as her goal.”69 So significant pressure is exerted on women to get married so as not to dishonor parents. This pressure especially plays out during Chinese New Year, when adult children return to their parents’ homes. Boyfriends-for-hire are a commercial consequence of the pressure felt by stressed-out single women, wary of holidays at home alone.70 Familial expectations related to marriage and children are an important factor within Chinese families. A 2016 editorial on what it is like to be unmarried at 30 (“as good as dead”) emphasized that children are expected to take care of elders.71 Structural issues come into play for “A-quality” Chinese women as well. Chinese women are expected to “marry up” the socio-economic ladder, while Chinese men marry down. “A” quality men marry “B” quality women; “B” quality men marry “C” quality women, “C” quality men marry “D” quality women. That leaves “D” quality men for the “A” quality women. According to Yong Cai, a University of North Carolina researcher who studies China’s sex imbalance, “men at the bottom of society get left out of the marriage market, and that same pattern is coming to emerge for women at the top of society.”72 In fairness, women are not the only ones stressing about marriage in China. Part of the “marrying up” tradition for women means that men are expected to come to the marriage with a house and car. But real estate prices in China are such that some men cannot afford to fulfill those expectations. The commercial media has capitalized on the predicaments faced by both men and women on the marriage market. The dilemma of blue-collar Chinese workers was the subject of a popular music video called No Car, No House. 73 A group of Chinese women responded regarding their demands with another music video, called No House, No Car. 74 A Chinese

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television comedy series titled Will You Marry Me and My Family centers on a career woman in her thirties whose family is desperately trying to find her a spouse. There is little subtlety in media messages either. One series a few years ago was called Old Women Should Get Married. Lita Hong Fincher believes that Chinese women are at a turning point. The term “the sheng nu economy” recognizes that educated single women are an economic force. Women have options. Taking those options, however, is tempered by feelings of traditional obligation and expectations. A feminist revolution in China is unlikely, but change is happening, and more positively than in many other countries, where coercion to marry goes far beyond emotional. China is not the only country that stigmatizes unmarried women. The term “spinster” – conjuring up the image of matrons in dowdy clothes with tight hair buns – was used in the relationship history section of marriage certificates in the United Kingdom until the 2004 Civil Partnership Act mandated replacement with the word “single.” The term “Christmas cakes,” used in Japan, refers to unmarried women beyond the national average for marriage and alludes to nobody wanting a Christmas cake after December 25. In the United States, Newsweek magazine in 1986 featured an article stating that a woman’s chances of getting married after 40 were less than her chances of being killed by a terrorist. China is also not the only country where sex-selection abortions occur. In 2017, Arkansas became the eighth state in the US to ban sex-selection abortions, joining Arizona, Kansas, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania and South Dakota.75 According to an abortion rights research center, sex-selective abortions occur most frequently where there is a strong gender preference for sons. In the US it is unclear whether or not it is immigrant populations seeking sexselective abortions.76 The legislation is generally opposed by abortion rights proponents and supported by right to life groups, raising complicated questions about instituting and protecting gender equality.

Control as power or protection? The fact that Balkissa Chaibou’s mother could not help her, other than with emotional support when she went to Court to try to stop a forced marriage, points out another aspect of patrilineality that keeps women trapped in bad situations. They are often highly restricted in their actions, structurally and culturally. Structural and cultural restrictions can be combined in instances where, for example, women have been prohibited from driving. Overlapping restrictions based on culture, religion and law inhibit women’s lives in countries like Saudi Arabia, with a long-time prohibition on women driving often cited as a key example. For many years, Saudi Arabia was the only country in the world that prohibited women from driving, with considerable impact on women’s lives. “The government’s restrictions on driving combined with limited affordable and accessible public transportation options prevent Saudi women from fully participating in public life. Saudi Arabia had a customary ban on women

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driving until 1990, when it became official policy.”77 Saudi Arabia’s top Islamic cleric defended the kingdom’s ban on female drivers by use of benevolent sexism arguments: that it was for the women’s safety. Their families, he argued, would not know where they were. It should be noted that there are 177 cell phones per 100 people in Saudi Arabia,78 so keeping in touch with family members should not be a problem, unless women were also banned from having phones. Powerful Saudi clerics maintained the ban until 2017 under the rational that women driving undermined social values.79 The legal mandate changed in 2017, to go into effect in 2018. Changing a culture-based law may prove easier than implementing it, as ending the ban is expected to face resistance from some factions of the ultra-conservative Saudi population.80 A June 2018 picture of a glamorous Saudi princess behind the wheel of a car on the cover of Vogue Arabia drew attention to the implementation issues. Women’s rights activists pointed out that while the photo was intended to celebrate “the trailblazing women of Saudi Arabia” other women who have fought for the right to drive had been jailed and deemed traitors since the ban was lifted.81 More broadly, men have traditionally been the legal guardians of Saudi women throughout their lives, making women perpetual minors in the eyes of the law. Women must have permission from their fathers, husbands or nearest male relative to travel, get a passport, and marry. They may be required to have male consent to attend school or get a job, or even leave the house and under what conditions. A July 2016 report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) states “In Saudi Arabia, a woman’s life is controlled by a man from birth until death.”82 In May 2017, the Saudi government announced a royal decree loosening (sometimes unofficial and arbitrary but nevertheless invoked) rules restricting women’s actions without the permission of a male guardian. The decree allows women greater freedom in areas like access to health care, jobs, and higher education. Announced just prior to President Trump’s visit to Saudi Arabia, the timing was intended to reflect well on the influence of the Trump Administration and to demonstrate liberalization to the global community as Saudi Arabia tries to reshape its economy, given slumping oil prices.83 Human rights activists, while positive about the decree, remain cautious. There is a qualifying provision in the decree stating, “unless there is a legal basis for the request in accordance with the provision of the Islamic [law]”84 with the potential for misuse, and there is always the possibility that culture will trump structural allowances. Again though, women are not a monolithic group. Some women embrace a conservative life and even the guardianship system. Australian journalist Geraldine Brooks’ 1995 book, Nine Parts of Desire, 85 explored choices made by women in Islamic countries, beginning with that of a Western educated Islamic woman named Sahar who suddenly gave up her job as a journalist in Cairo to embrace wearing a burqa and an overall conservative lifestyle. What, Brooks wondered, would compel her to do that? Sahar’s answer was complex; partly religious – “Islam is the answer” became her mantra – and partly personal. Sahar said her new identity gave her a sense of security. “You never hear of veiled girls being raped.”

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She also cited a sense of sisterhood with her new network of women that gave her access to certain government departments and organizations she had not had access to prior. And there was a rejection of the West. “The West’s soaring crime rate, one-parent families and neglected elderly proved to Sahar the bankruptcy of our secular ways. At the root of it, to her, was Western feminism’s insistence on an equality of sexes that she felt ignored women’s essential nature.” Sahar, Brooks says, seemed comfortable with her new self.86 In her 2016 book Excellent Daughters: The Secret Lives of Young Women Who Are Transforming the Arab World, 87 journalist Katherine Zoepf interviewed young Saudi women who professed to not just accepting but liking the guardianship system, feeling that their guardians looked out for them. They felt the system is intended to protect them. They admit there are cases where guardianship is abused, but do not feel the system is broken on a wholesale level. Where and when they strive for change may in many instances seem small and strange to Westerns, but are important to them. For example, Saudi women vigorously campaigned to be allowed to work in lingerie shops, arguing that modest Muslim women should not have to discuss personal details of their bodies with men. Consequently, all-female sales staffs have been initiated in shops that deal with a wide variety of women’s products. That change has opened thousands of retail jobs to women, who are grossly underemployed in the country as a whole. The views of Saudi women vary much like those in most countries, according to the issue. Dating back to a 2008 poll, the majority of Saudi women indicate that they think women should have legal rights equal to those of men, should be able to hold any job they qualify for, and want to be able to keep the money they earn.88 A 2015 poll of 3,000 participants indicated that 52% said they preferred working in a segregated environment, with 42% saying they did not mind working with men as long as there were segregated office spaces.89 Many Saudi women are very conservative when it comes to the potential relaxation of norms governing gender interaction. The results of a 2015 Pew poll of men and women across seven Middle Eastern countries on the appropriate dress for women indicate the most conservative views emanating from Saudi Arabia. There 74% of the respondents thought a full hooded burqa or niqab was appropriate.90 Feminism supports the right of Saudi women to freely make that choice.

Control indicators Even in countries without comprehensive guardianship laws, women can be controlled in a variety of ways, including money. Without access to money, a woman – any individual – becomes trapped in their circumstances. In 2011, the Gates Foundation, the World Bank and Gallup World Poll conducted the largest ever survey of how people save, make payments and manage risk – relating back to the idea that apparently one way individuals raise money in some countries is to sell daughters for the bride price they can bring in. According to the Global Index database produced from the survey, about half of all adults globally have an

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individual or joint back account, with far more in the West (89%) than in developing countries (41%). The gap is even wider when it comes to having credit cards. Half of the adults in Western countries have credit cards while only 7% have credit cards in developing countries, the latter being highly dependent on level of education. Not surprisingly, there is a substantial gender gap regarding access to economic resources in some areas. In developing countries, 46% of adult men have a bank account, while only 37% of women say they do. The gap is largest in South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa. In the rest of Africa, fewer individuals overall have bank accounts: 27% of men, 22% of women.91 Though in some cultures bartering offers women access to goods and sometimes even subsequently power, generally without access to money, women have few options in life. When all of these elements are considered together: bride prices; dowries; early marriage age with consequent low education rates; high, high-risk pregnancy rates; and overt and tacit control of women’s access to resources and mobility, the complex aspects of and obstacles to empowerment become clear. As a tool for comparative benchmarking, the United Nations, through its Human Development Reports, produces an annual Gender Inequality Index.92 It looks at issues related to reproductive health, political empowerment and labor participation to produce an inequality index. It is likely not surprising that countries like Switzerland, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Germany were in the top 10 for equality in 2014. It may be more surprising that Russia ranked #54, the United States #55, and Saudi Arabia #56 in 2014. The US ranking was largely due to the relatively abysmal rate of women holding political positions in the United States and high birth rates for women under 19 years old. The United Kingdom fared only slightly better, ranked at #39. The World Economic Forum issues a similar annual Global Gender Gap index, with countries scored using a somewhat different methodology and using different indices. Its 2014 rankings place Iceland, Norway, and Finland at the top three spots, with the United States at #20, Saudi Arabia at #120 and last place going to Yemen.93 The prevalence of inequality even among developed countries indicates the necessity of considering what other forces are at work stifling empowerment beyond patrilineality.

Social Dominance Orientation Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) is defined as “the degree to which individuals desire and support group-based hierarchy and the domination of inferior groups by superior groups.”94 It is argued from a sociobiological perspective relating back to the previous discussion of differing sexual and reproductive behavior between males and females and consequent power relationships. Perhaps not surprisingly, in samples within countries (Los Angeles County) and across Australia, Canada, Israel, Mexico, Palestine, Taiwan, New Zealand, the former USSR, Sweden and the United States, regardless of variations in culture, background, ethnicity, age, social class, religion, political ideology and even gender-role orientation, the difference between men and

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women in SDO remains the same. Males are significantly more social dominance oriented than females,95 feeling that gender does and should matter in areas like employment. In other words, men believe men should get preference in certain jobs. In practice, SDO becomes evidenced in areas like hierarchy-legitimizing myths (e.g., women are not as intelligent as men) and policy preferences. SDO thereby provides the rationale necessary to justify otherwise unacceptable personal behavior, specifically sexism. Researchers tested that proposition using the case of Justice Clarence Thomas’ nomination to the US Supreme Court. President George H.W. Bush nominated Clarence Thomas, a Black conservative, to the Supreme Court in the spring of 1991, to replace retiring Justice Thurgood Marshall, a former Black civil right attorney. The Senate Judiciary Committee held confirmation hearings in the spring and fall. Just before a confirmation vote was scheduled, a news story broke that a former female subordinate of Thomas’, Anita Hill, had accused Thomas of sexual harassment. Hill, a Black law professor, was called before the Judiciary Committee to testify. The proceedings of that testimony received widespread and often sensational media coverage. On October 15, 1991, the Judiciary Committee voted to confirm Thomas. Researchers then sought to explore attitudes toward Social Dominance Orientation, including when conservatism, sexism, racism, and meritocracy clash, through the Clarence Thomas case. We telephoned 149 of the 173 (86%) subjects in Sample 7 (who had completed the SDO scale in late September) on that day or on the following 2 days and asked them four attitudinal questions about Thomas and Hill. They responded to statements on 7-point scales where 1 meant strongly disagree and 7 meant strongly agree. The statements were (a) “after Thurgood Marshall’s retirement from the Supreme Court, it was good that George Bush appointed a Black person to the Court,” (b) “after Thurgood Marshall’s retirement from the Supreme Court, it was good that George Bush appointed a conservative to the Court,” (c) “If I were in the Senate, I would have voted in favor of Clarence Thomas’ confirmation to the Supreme Court,” and (d) “Anita Hill was telling the truth in claiming that Clarence Thomas sexually harassed her.” We found that SDO significantly predicted opposition to nominating a Black to the Supreme Court, support for nominating a conservative to the court, support for Clarence Thomas, and disbelief of Anita Hill’s testimony.96 Even though individuals may have opposed nomination of a Black justice to the Supreme Court, they were more willing to accept a Black man in that position than the potentially disqualifying testimony of a Black woman attorney against that man. Whereas gender based SDO attitudes are strong for men, they are less so for women. Years after Thomas was confirmed, Harvard Professor Jennifer L. Hochschild explained how race trumped gender for many Black women. Clarence Thomas was the person perceived as being Black, and somehow therefore Anita Hill couldn’t be Black, or couldn’t be as Black. In this sense,

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Hill’s identity as both a woman and an African American put many members of the American public in a bind. “Many Black women said then—and maybe now—that their primary loyalty is to their race,” Hochschild says, “So they had to stick up for Clarence Thomas even if they were unhappy about doing so.97 A stronger sense of Social Dominance Orientation in men, protecting their hierarchical group dominance, plays into attitudes and policy in developed countries in many of the same ways as attitudes stemming from patrilineality. US Army Colonel Diane Ryan examined motivations behind resistance to inclusive diversity within the military in her 2008 doctoral dissertation, with Social Dominance Orientation theory as a key consideration. Issues regarding hiring, retention and advancement for women in non-traditional fields such as but not limited to the military, appear strongly related to SDO. She drew from earlier theoretical work to specifically consider gender attitudes and egalitarianism among US Army personnel. In conclusion, she suggested that hierarchical organizations like the military are particularly prone to SDO attitudes. Other hierarchical organizations, like the Catholic Church, have also instituted and maintained male domination. Though Pope Francis declared outrage in 2015 that women did not receive equal pay in the workplace,98 the Catholic Church remains sexist by its very structure. In 2016 Pope Francis reiterated the views of Pope John Paul II saying that women will never be Roman Catholic priests.99 A willingness to protect women is demonstrated, which is meaningful, but not to empower them. And as in other areas, there is disagreement among women as to the right or wrong nature of that stance.100 But just as women perpetuate practices such as female genital mutilation in patrilineal societies, women in developed countries bear responsibility for complicity and accepting secondary status in some situations as well. To do otherwise is fighting against cultural and historical norms. Historically, women have had to rely on men for their physical, social, and economic well-being, making “being liked” a practical imperative. In her 1994 book Reviving Ophelia: Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls, therapist Mary Pipher discussed the societal pressures on young women, including early sexualization for which they may not be ready, that too often result in transforming confident, athletic young girls into self-conscious adolescents.101 Research has shown that women are often viewed as either likable or competent, and girls learn that at an early age.102 For a variety of reasons, some women are also misogynistic. Conservative American pundit Ann Coulter has suggested that women should not be allowed to vote103 and she was joined during the 2016 presidential campaign by a small faction of women Trump supporters using the hashtag #repealthe19th on Twitter.104 Coulter has made a lucrative career of bashing women, perhaps explaining her zealotry, but for some women their feelings are simply deeply ingrained. Female misogyny may be subconscious, or a learned behavior of deference. For some women though it is a conscious choice. Much like the Muslim journalist opting out of a promising career to take on the burqa that Geraldine Brooks wrote about,

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psychologists suggest that some women prefer inequity as a freeing strategy, removing them from responsibility for tough decisions or coping with mistakes. Instead they are taken care of and comfortable in their dependent role.105 If that is the case, then women who rock the boat become threatening to them. Conservative American activist Phyllis Schlafly, best known for blocking the Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s, proclaimed that feminism makes women “unhappy.”106 Conservative radio and television commentator Laura Ingraham – a former defense attorney and Supreme Court law clerk – is a well-educated woman with views on topics like sexual harassment and the right-to-choose often opposed to those of feminists. Whether strong supporters of his immigration or some other policy, 45% of white, college-educated women were willing to overlook Donald Trump’s vulgar, misogynist statements – true or braggadocio – that he had “grabbed ’em by the pussy” and “I moved on her like a bitch”107 to help elect him President of the United States.108 While there are sometimes vast differences between issues faced by women in developing and women in developed countries, there are considerable commonalities as well. Considering one set of issues without the other continues the practice of seeing only part of the security environment – a variation of gender blindness – that deeply affects security studies.

Conclusion Political sociologist Johan Galtung observed that “the amateur who wants to dominate uses guns, the professional uses social structure.”109 The status of women in many countries today is subordinate to men. Traditional male dominance prevails, perpetuated by forces intent on maintaining the status quo. In fact, systemic patriarchies appear to be making a comeback in countries once thought bastions of liberalism. In many countries women have less access to health care, to physical security, even to food. In others, women are simply not encouraged or supported in many fields, or even allowed in discussions related to their own bodies. Both situations create a drain on society and a drain on the economy. While linkages between women’s empowerment and development, and development and security are clear, the linkage between all of them has yet to be fully recognized and accepted. If they were, decision-makers might act them upon more aggressively as a matter of self-interest. Women, Peace, and Security programs seek to make those linkages, supported by empirical gender studies work done within and between disciplines.

Notes 1 Foreign Affairs, September 1, 1998. 2 Fukuyama, 1998, pp.24–25. 3 Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson, Demonic Males: Apes and the Origins of Human Violence, Mariner Books, 1996. 4 Joseph Heinrich, The Secret of Our Success, Princeton University Press, 2016, p.123.

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5 Fukuyama, 1998, p.39. 6 Fukuyama, 1998, p.35. 7 Barbara Ehrenreich, “Men Hate War Too,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 1999; Jane S. Jaquette, “States Make War,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 1999; Katha Pollitt, “Father Knows Best,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 1999; R. Brian Ferguson, “Perilous Positions,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 1999; Lionel Tiger, “Prehistory Returns,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 1999. 8 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “Deterrence and Dissuasion in Cyberspace,” International Security, Winter 2016/17, p.44–45. 9 http://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/leadership-and-political-participation/fa cts-and-figures 10 Valerie Hudson, Mary Caprioli, Bonnie Ballif-Spanville, Rose McDermott and Chad Emmett, “The Heart of the Matter,” International Security, Vol. 33. No. 3 Winter 2008, fn 7. 11 Hudson, et al., 2008, pp.9, 12. 12 Hudson et al., 2008, p.13. 13 Naila Kabeer, “Gender, Equality and Women’s Empowerment,” Gender and Development, Vol. 13, No. 1, 2005, p.13. 14 Barbara Smuts, “The Evolutionary Origins of Patriarchy,” Human Nature, Vol. 6, No, 1, 1996, p.5. 15 Smuts, 1996, pp.5–6. 16 Smuts, 1996, pp.18–19. 17 Referenced in Sheila Weller, “It Happened in 1967,” Vanity Fair, February 28, 2017, p.216. 18 Weller, 2017, p.216. 19 Fine, W.W. Norton and Co., 2017, ch.2. 20 Wrangham and Peterson, 1996, pp.24–25, cited in Hudson et al., 2008, p.14. 21 Peggy McCracken, The Curse of Eve: The Wound of the Hero: Blood, Gender and Medieval Literature, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003, pp.2–23. 22 Kabeer, 2005, p.15. 23 Harris Mirkin, “The Passive Female: The Theory of Patriarchy,” American Studies, Vol. 25, No. 2 (Fall 1984), pp.39–57. 24 Mirkin, 1984, p.47. 25 “How Medical Specialties Vary by Gender,” AMA Wire, February 18, 2015. https:// wire.ama-assn.org/education/how-medical-specialties-vary-gender 26 Laura Sjoberg, Women as Wartime Rapists: Beyond Stereotyping and Sensationalism, NYU Press, 2016. 27 Cordelia Fine, Testosterone Rex: Myths of Science, and Society, W.W. Norton & Company, 2017. 28 http://www.anncrittenden.com/conversation.htm 29 Jack Loughran, “Women in Developing Nations One Third Less Likely to Have Internet Access than Men,” E&T Magazine, November 8, 2016. 30 Derek Thompson, “Women are More Responsible With Money, Studies Show,” The Atlantic, January 31, 2011. 31 Catherine T. Kenny, “Father Doesn’t Know Best?” Journal of Marriage and Family, August 2008, pp.654–669. 32 Christian Davies, “Poland’s Abortion Ban Proposal Near Collapse after Mass Protests,” The Guardian, October 5, 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/oct/05/p olish-government-performs-u-turn-on-total-abortion-ban 33 Foreign Policy, “Global Thinkers 2016: Agnieska Dziemianowicz-Bak and Barbara Nowacka,” https://gt.foreignpolicy.com/2016/profile/agnieszka-dziemianowicz-ba k-and-barbara-nowacka?733c9282644= 34 Jillian Mincer and David Ingram, “Trump Win Fuels Planned Parenthood Donation Surge,” The Huffington Post, November 12, 2016. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ entry/planned-parenthood-trump-donations_us_5827a688e4b0c4b63b0d0116

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35 Diedre Walsh, Ted Barrett, Manu Raju, “Paul Ryan: GOP Will Defund Planned Parenthood,” CNN, January 6, 2017. http://www.cnn.com/2017/01/05/politics/pa ul-ryan-planned-parenthood-obamacare/ 36 Meera Jagannathen, “Planned Parenthood has received 50,000 donation in Pence’s name,” New York Daily News, November 22, 2016. 37 Lucia Graves, “This Photo Sums up Trump’s Assault on Women,” The Guardian, January 24, 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/jan/24/p hoto-trump-womens-rights-protest-reproductive-abortion-developing-contries 38 Michelle Goldberg, “Introduction,” The Means of Reproduction: Sex, Power and the Future of the World, Penguin Press, 2009. 39 Hudson and Leidl, 2015, p. 77. 40 Alon Mwesigwa, “Uganda Court Rules against Refund of ‘Bride Price’ after Divorce,” The Guardian, August 17, 2015. https://www.theguardian.com/globa l-development/2015/aug/17/uganda-court-rules-against-refund-bride-price-divorce 41 Jane Schneider, “Of Vigilance and Virgins: Honor, Shame and Access to Resources in Mediterranean Societies,” Ethnology, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 1971, p.2. 42 National Security Strategy of the United States of America, 2017, p. 4. https://www.white house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NSS-Final-12-18-2017-0905.pdf 43 Schneider, 1971, p.2. 44 John Alan Cohan, “Honor Killings and the Cultural Defense,” California Western International Law Journal, Vol. 40, No. 2, Spring 2010. 45 Cohan, 2010 citing Radhika Coomeraswany, “Violence Against Women and ‘Crimes of Honour’,” Preface to Honour: Crimes, Paradigms, and Violence Against Women, Lynn Welchman and Sara Hossain eds, University of Chicago Press, 2005, at xi, xi. 46 Cohan, 2010 citing Marie D. Castetter, Note, “Taking Law Into Their Own Hands: Unofficial and Illegal Sanctions by the Pakistani Tribal Councils”, 13 Indiana International & Comparative Law Review, 543, 550–551 (2003), note 20 at 550–551. 47 Cohan, 2010 citing Manza Hussain, Note, “‘Take My Riches, Give Me Justice’: A Contextual Analysis of Pakistan’s Honor Crimes Legislation,” 29 Harvard Journal of Law & Gender 223, (2006), note 6 at 237. 48 Cohan, 2010 citing Rachel A. Ruane, Comment, “Murder in the Name of Honor: Violence Against Women in Jordan and Pakistan,” 14 Emory International Law Review, 1523 (2000), note 17 at 1531. 49 Binyam Tamene, “Ethiopia: Bride-Price Key in Increasing Rate of Rape,” April 10, 2008. http://allafrica.com/stories/200804100957.html 50 Valerie M. Hudson and Hilary Matfess, “In Plain Sight: The Neglected Linkage Between Brideprice and Violent Conflict,” International Security, Summer 2017, pp.7–40. 51 “Dowry Related Abuse,” Stop the Violence. http://www.stopvaw.org/dowry-related_ violence 52 MPS Notes, Vol. 1, No. 1, October 2008. http://www.who.int/maternal_child_a dolescent/documents/mpsnnotes_2_lr.pdf 53 International Center for Research on Women. http://www.icrw.org/child-marria ge-facts-and-figures/ 54 Lucia Corno and Alessandra Voena, “Selling Daughters: Age at Marriage, Income Shocks and Bride Price Tradition,” Working Paper, January 2015. https://www. economicdynamics.org/meetpapers/2015/paper_1089.pdf 55 Hudson et al., 2014, p.29. 56 Sarah Ruiz-Grossman, “How This Female Chief Broke Up 850 Child Marriages in Malawi,” Huffington Post, April 4, 2016. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/woma n-chief-breaks-up-850-child-marriages-in-malawi_us_56fd51c2e4b0a06d580510da; UNICEF, “Chief Kachindamoto Annulled 330 Teenage Marriages,” August 2015. https://www.unicef.org/malawi/media_16920.html 57 Balkissa Chaibou appears in a 4-part BBC documentary series Her Story: The Female Revolution aired in 2016.

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58 Sarah Buckley, “The Girl who Said ‘No’ to Marriage,” BBC News Magazine, February 19, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-35464262 59 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=irfd74z52Cw 60 This consideration of China’s “leftover women” was published earlier as: Joan Johnson-Freese, “China’s ‘Leftover Women’ Crawl Toward Emancipation,” US-China Focus, November 18, 2016. http://www.chinausfocus.com/political-social-developm ent/chinas-leftover-women-crawl-toward-emancipation 61 “Inside China’s Plastic Surgery Boom,” BBC News, January 10, 2016. http://www. bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-35230123 62 Bill Powell, “Gender Imbalance: How China’s One-Child Law Backfired on Men,” Newsweek, June 5, 2015. http://www.newsweek.com/2015/06/05/gender-imbala nce-china-one-child-law-backfired-men-336435.html 63 Valerie Hudson and Andrea M. Den Boer, “Bare Branches and Danger in Asia,” The Washington Post, July 4, 2004. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/ A24761-2004Jul2.html 64 US-China Economic and Security Review, Chapter 3, “China’s Domestic Stability,” November 20, 2014. https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Annual_Report/Chap ters/Chapter%202%3B%20Section%203%20China’s%20Domestic%20Stability.pdf 65 Jon Lunn, Chinese Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy, Briefing Paper 7870, House of Commons Library, January 19, 2017. 66 Leta Hong Fincher, Leftover Women: The Resurgence of Gender Inequality in Asia, Asian Arguments, 2015. 67 Leta Hong Fincher, “China’s Leftover Women,” New York Times, October 12, 2012. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/12/opinion/global/chinas-leftover-women.html 68 Russell Flannery, “2013 Forbes Billionaires List: Self-Made Chinese Women Below the Cut But On the Move,” Forbes, March 11, 2013. http://www.forbes.com/sites/ russellflannery/2013/03/11/2013-forbes-billionaires-list-self-made-chinese-women-be low-the-cut-but-on-the-move/#5decdc403099 69 http://www.sacred-texts.com/cfu/eoc/eoc09.htm 70 Clarissa Sebag-Montefiore, “China’s Boyfriends for Hire,” Foreign Affairs, February 20, 2015. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2015-02-20/chinas-boyfriends -hire 71 Yuan Ren, “China’s ‘leftover women’: What it’s really like being unmarried at 30,” The Telegraph, February 20, 2016. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/ 2015-02-20/chinas-boyfriends-hire 72 Quoted by: Sushma Subramanian and Deborah Jian Lee, “For China’s Educated Single Ladies, Finding Love is Often a Struggle,” The Atlantic, October 19, 2011. http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/10/for-chinas-educated-sin gle-ladies-finding-love-is-often-a-struggle/246892/ 73 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gbi1wP03QnA 74 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G_G4S8Kws8o 75 Christine Hauser, “Arkansas Passes Law Barring Women From Seeking ‘Sex-Selection’ Abortions,” The New York Times, April 2, 2017. 76 Guttmacher Institute, Abortion Bans in Cases of Sex or Race Selection or Genetic Anomaly. https://www.guttmacher.org/state-policy/explore/abortion-bans-cases-sexor-race-selection-or-genetic-anomaly 77 Human Rights Watch, “Boxed In: Women and Saudi Arabia’s Male Guardianship System,” July 16, 2016. https://www.hrw.org/report/2016/07/16/boxed/women-a nd-saudi-arabias-male-guardianship-system 78 http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.CEL.SETS.P2 79 Alexandria Gouveia, “Women’s Rights Are Changing in Saudi,” Emirates Women, June 29, 2016. 80 Ben Hubbard, “Saudi Arabia Agrees to Let Women Drive,” The New York Times, September 26, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/26/world/middleeast/sa udi-arabia-women-drive.html?mcubz=3

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81 Jessie Yeung, “Vogue Arabia Cover Featuring Saudi Princess Sparks Backlash,” CNN, June 1, 2018. https://www.cnn.com/style/article/vogue-arabia-cover-intl/index.html 82 Human Rights Watch, Boxed In: Women and Saudi Arabia’s Male Guardianship System, July 16, 2016. https://www.hrw.org/report/2016/07/16/boxed/women-a nd-saudi-arabias-male-guardianship-system 83 Christina Asquith, “With Trump Set to Visit, Saudi Arabia Reconsiders Rules on Women Traveling Alone,” PRI International, May 12, 2017. https://www.pri.org/ stories/2017-05-12/trump-set-visit-saudi-arabia-touts-womens-rights-skepticism -abounds 84 “Cautious Welcome to Saudi Decree over Guardian System,” Al Jazeera, May 5, 2017. http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/05/saudi-decree-guardian-system -170505210416738.html 85 Geraldine Brooks, Nine Parts of Desire, Doubleday, 1995. 86 Brooks, 1995, pp.10–11. 87 Katherine Koepf, Excellent Daughters: The Secret Lives of Young Women Who Are Transforming the Arab World, Penguin Press, 2016. 88 Magali Rheault, “Saudi Arabia: Majorities Support Women’s Rights,” Gallup. December 21, 2007. http://www.gallup.com/poll/103441/saudi-arabia-major ities-support-womens-rights.aspx 89 Anealla Safdar, “Historic Saudi Poll ‘a Step towards Gender Equality,” All Jazeera English, December 11, 2015. http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/12/historic-sa udi-poll-step-gender-equality-151211184157351.html 90 “How People in Muslim Countries Prefer Women to Dress in Public,” Pew Research Center, January 8, 2014. http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/01/08/wha t-is-appropriate-attire-for-women-in-muslim-countries/ 91 J.P., “The Poor Are Different,” The Economist, April 20, 2012. http://www.econom ist.com/blogs/feastandfamine/2012/04/banking-developing-world 92 http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/gender-inequality-index-gii 93 http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2014/rankings/ 94 J. Sidanius and F. Pratto, Social Dominance: An Intergroup Theory of Social Hierarchy and Oppression, Cambridge University Press, 1999, p.48. 95 M. Dambrun, S. Duarte and S. Guimond, “Why are Men More Likely to Support Group Based Domination than Women?” British Journal of Social Psychology, June 2004, pp.287–297. 96 Felicia Pratto, Jim Sidanius Lisa Stallworth and Bertram F. Malle, “Social Dominance Orientation: A Personality Variable Predicting Social and Political Attitudes,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Vol. 67, No. 4, 1994, p. 753. 97 Reina A. E. Gattuso, “Race, Gender and Politics,” The Crimson, October 27, 2011. http://www.thecrimson.com/article/2011/10/27/past-tense-hill-controversy/ 98 Abby Ohlheiser and Michelle Boorstein,“Pope Francis: It’s ‘Pure Scandal’ that Women Earn Less than Men for the Same Work,” The Washington Post, April 29, 2015. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/acts-of-faith/wp/2015/04/29/ pope-francis-its-pure-scandal-that-women-earn-less-than-men-for-the-same-work/? utm_term=.fa9e83e575c4 99 Stephanie Kirchgaessner, “Pope Francis Says Women will never be Roman Catholic Priests,” The Guardian, November 1, 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/world/ 2016/nov/01/pope-francis-women-never-roman-catholic-priests-church 100 Maggie Maslak, “The Role of Women in the Catholic Church: Two Feminist Scholars Debate,” Crux, February 27, 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/world/ 2016/nov/01/pope-francis-women-never-roman-catholic-priests-church; April Cooper, “For Women Leaders, Likability and Success Hardly Go Hand-in-Hand, Harvard Business Review, April 30, 2103. https://cruxnow.com/global-church/ 2017/02/27/role-women-catholic-church-two-feminist-scholars-debate/ 101 Ballantine Books.

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102 Alison Dahl Crossley, Gender News, The Clayman Institute for Gender Research, June 24, 2015. http://gender.stanford.edu/news/2015/women-leaders-does-likeabili ty-really-matter 103 Mikayla Bean, “Ann Coulter: ‘Women Should Not Have the Right to Vote,” Right Wing Watch, July 11, 2015. http://www.rightwingwatch.org/post/ann-coulter-wom en-should-not-have-the-right-to-vote-but-they-can-still-write-books/ 104 Jen Kim, “Are Female Misogynists on the Rise?” Psychology Today, October 25, 2016. https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/valley-girl-brain/201610/are-female-misogy nists-the-rise 105 Kim, 2016. 106 NPR, “Phyllis Schlafly Explains Why Feminism Has Made Women Unhappy,” July 21, 2014. http://www.npr.org/2014/07/21/333582322/phyllis-schlafly-explains-why-fem inism-has-made-women-unhappy 107 Transcript, “Donald Trump’s Taped Comments About Women,” New York Times, October 8, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/08/us/donald-trump-tape-tra nscript.html 108 Aamna Mohdin, “Election 2016: All Women Voted Overwhelmingly for Clinton, Except White Ones,” Quartz, November 9, 2016. https://qz.com/833003/elec tion-2016-all-women-voted-overwhelmingly-for-clinton-except-the-white-ones/ 109 Quoted in Hudson et al.

Further reading Adahie, Chamamanda Ngozi, We Should All Be Feminists, Anchor Books, 2015. Atwood, Margaret, The Handmaid’s Tale, Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt, 1985. Berry, Marie, War, Women and Power, Cambridge University Press, 2018. Brooks, Geraldine, Nine Parts of Desire, Doubleday, 1995. Fincher, Leta Hong, Leftover Women: The Resurgence of Gender of Gender Inequality in Asia, Asian Arguments, 2015. Fine, Cordelia, Testasterone Rex, W.W. Norton, 2017. Goldberg, Michelle, The Means of Reproduction: Sex, Power and the Future of the World, Penguin Press, 2009. Koepf, Katherine, Excellent Daughters: The Secret Lives of Young Women Who Are Reforming the Arab World, Penguin Press, 2016. Pipher, Mary, Reviving Ophelia: Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls, Ballentine Books, 1994. Sidanius, J. and F. Pratto, Social Dominance: An Intergroup Theory of Social Hierarchy and Oppression, Cambridge University Press, 1998. Sjoberg, Laura, Women as Wartime Rapists: Beyond Stereotyping and Sensationalism, NYU Press, 2016. Wrangham, Richard and Dale Peterson, Demonic Males: Apes and the Origins of Human Violence, Mariner Books, 1996

3 PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION

Prejudice and discrimination The terms bias, prejudice and discrimination are often used interchangeably. But while similar, there are differences. Bias is simply a preference for something, and can be positive or negative. A person might be favorably biased toward a certain type of food, for example. Prejudice, however, references a strong, often negative bias. Discrimination references actions taken based on prejudice. Females can face prejudice and discrimination even in utero. While women are said to hold up half the sky, women no longer make up half of the global population, as they would if the sex ratio – a global comparison of the male/female population – were left to nature alone. With “sex” referencing the biological and physiological differences that define men and women, UN statistics state the overall 2015 global sex ratio as 101.70. That means there are 101.70 males for each 100 females or 98.33 females for each 100 males, or some 66 million more men than women in the global population.1 While there are significant differences in sex ratios among countries, overt practices in some countries put women at a disadvantage even before birth and throughout their lives. Sex-selective abortion is a well-documented practice in countries such as China and India, as well as female infanticide.2 Female infanticide also has been reported in North Korea, South Asia, the Middle East and parts of Africa. In poor or developing societies, a girl child is viewed as culturally and economically less advantageous to a family than a boy child, for reasons including preservation of the family lineage and the expectation of male children being better able to care for parents in their old age. In areas where such a prevalent anti-girl attitude prevails, women sometimes resort to female infanticide and feticide to protect their daughters from what mothers anticipate as a life of objectification and subjugation in a society

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dominated by men.3 Said one rural Afghani woman in 2011: “The only thing we can hope is that our lives will be short and that we do not give birth to daughters. I would rather kill my daughter at birth than have her live a life like mine.”4 Less overt and extreme prejudice, but prejudice nonetheless, is found in many venues though its existence often goes unspoken. Only once in my nearly 25-year career working for the Defense Department have I heard a man in a leadership position talk about prejudice and discrimination against women at a work meeting. He cited Sheryl Sandberg’s book Leaning In and pointed out what many women already know from experience; that women who are viewed as competent are often not considered “likable.”5 Acknowledgement of prejudice and discrimination issues was heartening. However, that acknowledgement occurred at a women-only meeting on gender issues. Hopefully, similar acknowledgement was given again at the men-only meeting subsequently held, though such a message is often met with considerable resistance or ignored without “evidence” or if there is no penalty expected for prejudice and discrimination. Research has shown that sexist behaviors are most common in environments where policies are not enforced, incidents are not taken seriously and there is no punishment for perpetrators. Organizational culture is key.6 Prejudice often relates to in-group, out-group struggles for dominance. US Senator Elizabeth Warren was interrupted and ordered to stop reading a letter from Coretta Scott King at the Senate confirmation hearing of Senator Jeff Sessions for Attorney General in 2017 based on an arcane parliamentary rule that forbids impugning colleagues. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said, “Sen. Warren was giving a lengthy speech. She had appeared to violate the rule. She was warned. She was given an explanation. Nevertheless, she persisted.”7 Male senators Tom Udall, Sherrod Brown and Bernie Sanders were later allowed to read from the same letter without rebuke.8 Prejudice, in this case against Senator Elizabeth Warren, perpetuates a view of women as subordinate, even in so-called developed, liberal democracies. Consequently, prejudice impedes women’s voices from being heard, being viewed as leaders or seen as appropriate for inclusion in security matters. Prejudice and discrimination can be structurally sanctioned through rules, regulations and legislation offering a group advantages or imposing disadvantages. Banning women from certain roles in the military and suffrage restrictions are examples of structural bias. Women in Yemen suffered a series of structural setbacks after the May–July 1994 civil war in Yemen, when south Yemen unsuccessfully tried to break away from the pro-union north. …blatant discrimination was made most clear in the amendment of the “equal citizenship” clause in the Unity Constitution of 1990. Originally, it read: “All citizens are equal in rights and duties without discrimination.” It was amended after 1994 to become: “Women are sisters of men, and they have duties and rights as imposed by the Islamic Sharia.” Another law preventing marriage of girls under 15 was struck down in 1999, to be replaced by an ambiguous

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article stating that women can be married off “at any age” in 2010. A draft statute proposed by women’s organizations to amend the law to limit marriage to women above the age of 17 was defeated.9 In that case – and often – a cultural bias is imposed through structural means. Bias can also be cultural and imposed through implicit expectations. Assuming women are not interested or proficient at math and so not hiring women job applicants is a cultural bias. Gender inequality stems from both structural and cultural bias against women. Psychologist Gordon Allport’s 1954 book On the Nature of Prejudice is considered a classic on prejudice and discrimination. There he states that as early as age 5, individuals begin to understand they are members of groups, and by age 10 can have fierce loyalties to their groups.10 Individuals begin to differentiate between those in their group and those outside their group. Fifty years after its publication, a group of scholars looked back at Allport’s work to reflect on and update its premises. In that work, Laurie Rudman points out that (perhaps as a function of when he was writing) while Allport saw bias against groups based on race, religion and occupation, he largely ignored gender. Rudman likens Allport to “the proverbial fish – blind to the water he swims in.”11 In other words, Allport failed to recognize a key feature of his environment. As considered in Chapter 1 in the discussion of gender-blindness, non-recognition perpetuates sexism, if only through benign neglect. Sexism becomes considered an acceptable form of prejudice. The US Army Chief of Staff, General Mark Milley, released his Professional Reading List in August 2017, an annual selection of readings recommended for Army and civilian personnel to better understand the country, the world, and Army challenges and opportunities within that context. Of the 111 recommended readings, a woman authored only one. The tacit, though perhaps unintended, implication is that women are not an active part of the security community. The Army is not alone in its neglect of women on reading lists and in other instances, such as including women on professional panels to discuss security issues, merely an example. There is even a Twitter hashtag used to call out all-male panels, #Manel. There are also a growing number of websites and outlets that specifically serve as resources for diverse material and experts, to counter claims of omission due to lack of information.12 Offhanded comments further degrade women. Indian Prime Minister’s Narendra Modi’s praise of Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasani’s zero tolerance for terrorism “despite being a woman” is an example of a likely unintended “blind fish” sexist comment.13 Similarly, British Nobel laureate Tim Hunt’s comments about women scientists being a distracting presence in laboratories and their tendency to cry14 offers another example. Though perhaps no foul was intended, there is a negative effect on how women are viewed as professionals and leaders. The comments also reflect a general misconception that women do not suffer from prejudice. A 2017 survey by the nonpartisan polling group PerryUndem reported that while 82% of US women surveyed felt sexism a

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societal problem, men saw it less so, and Republican men felt it a better time in history to be a woman than a man.15 Assumptions about bias are rarely fact driven. The assumption that women either do not like or cannot “do” certain fields, such as science, technology, engineering and math (STEM), has been disproven. Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) conducted a study in 2016 on women in engineering.16 It found that, counter to assumptions, women like to “tinker” too, yet their work is virtually invisible. The 2016 movie Hidden Figures chronicles the work of three African-American women mathematicians who worked on the Apollo program, all but forgotten in history until a moviemaker opted to bring their work to light. The public reaction was largely one of surprise, and “who knew?” While women have their foot-in-the-door in non-traditional fields, bias persists.17 Non-traditional fields are those where one gender makes up less than 25% of the workforce,18 thereby affecting organizational culture, including at the sub-unit level. Women military officers in, for example, the nursing profession likely do not encounter the same gender-related retention and promotion issues as their female pilot counterparts. The first women promoted to flag rank (a military officer holding the rank of general or admiral, numbering .069% of the total force in 201519) in both the US Army and the Navy commanded the Nurse Corps. The US Navy included a female member on its Blue Angels flight demonstration team for the first time in 2015. But Marine Capt. Katie Higgins pilots the team’s C-130 “Fat Albert” transport plane, not the supersonic F/A-18 Hornets. Her appointment came the year after the Blue Angels got an institutional black eye when a former commander was found guilty of allowing “obvious and repeated instances of sexual harassment” and “condoning widespread lewd practices.”20 To skeptics who suggest that her inclusion was related to the Blue Angels sexism debacle rather than merit, Capt. Higgins said: “Well, honestly, I would tell ’em to watch the demo. They can’t tell the difference between mine and the other two pilots on here because I fly it as well as they do.”21 Studies have shown, however, that if skeptics could identify Capt. Higgins on the demo tapes, they might have a predisposition to favor males. A double blind 2012 study evidenced that among applicants randomly assigned a male or female name for an academic laboratory manager’s position, the resumes of those with male names were considered more highly qualified and hirable by faculty reviewers.22 Similarly, a 2014 study found both men and women were more likely to hire a man for a job that required math.23 The findings of that study were challenged, and those challenges were challenged,24 perhaps evidencing the sensitivity of the subject. In 2015, a peer-reviewer suggested a rejected study on post-doctoral job opportunities by University of Sussex evolutionary biologist Fiona Ingleby could be improved by adding a male co-author. Doing so, the reviewer stated, would “serve as a possible check against interpretations that may sometimes be drifting too far away from empirical evidence into ideologically biased assumptions.”25 Apparently, the mere inclusion of a male co-author would

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counter potential perceptions of women being incapable of unbiased research. Patronizing comments are themselves a subtle (or not so subtle) expression of prejudice. While the commonality of challenges faced by women in non-traditional fields is considerable, women experience prejudice differently based on their environment and circumstances. Women in patrilineal societies experience more overt types of discrimination. The consequences of cultural prejudice in patrilineal societies are considered cloying in Western culture. But Western culture has not escaped bias either. While the results are (most often) not as physically threatening and legally constraining, nevertheless they can be insidiously degrading and restrictive. Dominance hierarchies control women in conservative, often heavily religious cultures, through religious and state-dictated rules. Examples include adultery being made a crime for women but not men, marital rape not being recognized as either rape or a crime, and divorce laws made easy for men but nearly impossible for women. While some of those man-made rules still apply to women in Western cultures, women are as often controlled by actions and cultural expectations as official restrictions.

Objectification In 18th century German philosopher Immanuel Kant’s Lecture on Ethics he spoke about sexual objectification; the idea that individuals can be treated as objects. Philosopher and ethics professor Martha Nussbaum extended that consideration in her 1995 identification of seven features that come into play with objectification.26       

instrumentality: the treatment of a person as a tool for the objectifier’s purposes; denial of autonomy: the treatment of a person as lacking in autonomy and selfdetermination; inertness: the treatment of a person as lacking in agency, and perhaps also in activity; fungibility: the treatment of a person as interchangeable with other objects; violability: the treatment of a person as lacking in boundary-integrity; ownership: the treatment of a person as something that is owned by another (can be bought or sold); denial of subjectivity: the treatment of a person as something whose experiences and feelings (if any) need not be taken into account.27

Feminist writers have represented the objectification of women by men as a central problem in women’s lives. Through objectification, women see their value as based on appearance and sexual performance. Sigmund Freud’s Madonna–Whore Complex, whereby men divide women into two types, Madonna (virginal) and Whore (debased prostitute), is an aspect of objectification. The dysfunctional aspect for men is in desiring a highly sexualized woman but being unable to respect her and wanting to marry a woman

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they respect, but cannot seem to desire. Though Freud posited his views in the early 20th century, the premise continues to be evidenced. Rapper/performer Usher says in his 2004 hit single Yeah: “We want a lady in the street and a freak in the bed.”28 The dysfunction for women comes in trying to satisfy those contradictory desires and being judged differently than men. After admitting to an affair with President Bill Clinton as a 22-year-old White House intern, Monica Lewinsky was shamed, humiliated and stigmatized. In a 2014 Vanity Fair article, she talked about being unable to get a job or escape the Internet shaming, including by women, for years.29 She became reclusive and left the US at different points after the affair was exposed. Yet Bill Clinton left office with a Gallup poll approval rating of 66%,30 higher at the time than any president since Harry Truman. Not until 2018, the #Metoo movement and his seeming obliviousness to his repugnant behavior toward women, have Democratic candidates started rethinking, and rejecting, Bill Clinton’s once formidable help on the campaign trail. Prominent men, including Donald Trump, Steven Bannon, Rudy Guiliani, Roger Ailes, Bill O’Reilly, and Newt Gingrich were all involved in high profile adultery or domestic abuse scandals that did not touch their careers.31 There is an expectation among some men that a celebrity status entitles them to sexual relations with women of their choice. Donald Trump stated as much in the 2005 Access Hollywood Tape released during the 2016 presidential campaign. “You know, I’m automatically attracted to beautiful — I just start kissing them. It’s like a magnet. Just kiss. I don’t even wait. And when you’re a star, they let you do it. You can do anything.”32 Forgiveness and rehabilitation seem reserved for men, while scorn saved for women. Catherine MacKinnon wrote in 1989 that women live in objectification as fish live in water, meaning that it surrounds them.33 Adolescent girls exposed to sexualized media material that objectifies women heavily plays into self-objectification issues.34 Psychologist Carol Moog’s 1990 book Are They Selling Her Lips? explores advertising and identity, and the how advertising exploits guilt, insecurities, and obsession with youth, exacerbating objectification. The psychological and economic effects of objectification include striving for a sometimes-impossible body image, linked to bulimia, anorexia nervosa and highrisk dieting35 as well as depression, anxiety and other mental health issues.36 Commercial industries not only profit from this objectification through women far outspending men on personal care products but also exploit it by charging women more for basically the same products as sold to men at a lower price.37 The media “sells” the idea that women’s value lies in youth, beauty, and sexuality, but not as leaders. Boys, however, are shown that their value comes from dominance, power, and aggression. That warped value system affects women in power struggles. The 2011 film Miss Representation depicts the political effects of objectification and women being underrepresented in leadership roles. Not being in leadership roles inherently inhibits equality or even considerations of gender-related issues. The reality is that when legal barriers are removed, women still face significant challenges with being accepted into non-traditional roles, including those involving leadership.

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Inclusive diversity Women globally have increasingly entered non-traditional career fields, including fire fighters, surgeons, business executives, military officers, Supreme Court justices, even video game designers. Their entrance, however, often is not welcomed, and sometimes is actively fought. American video-game designer Brianna Wu became the target of bullying on Twitter in 2014, including both rape and death threats, about #GamerGate, a hashtag by “the freewheeling catastrophe/social movement/ misdirected lynch mob”38 trying to drive women out the male-dominated video game design industry. Tactics used by GamerGaters “include online harassment and ‘doxxing,’ slang for posting personal information, such as a home address, bank information, and Social Security number.”39 Wu was forced to move from her home and relocate to another state. While video gaming specifically is not directly related to security, the more general cyber field is, and women are being shut out there as well. Cybersecurity continues to be a labor market with 0% unemployment. In fact a website that tracks the field says there 285,681 unfilled jobs were available in 2018. Globally, research indicates there will be a shortage of 1.8 million cybersecurity professionals by 2022. Yet women occupy only 11% of cybersecurity jobs.40 According to a 2018 survey, 78% of women in the cyber field felt they had been discriminated against in the last 24 months, and one in three reported they were actively looking for roles outside of cybersecurity.41 Prejudice hurts security. In 2017, American actresses Ashley Judd, Alyssa Milano, Selma Hayek and many other high profile women in the entertainment industry stepped forward with their personal stories of sexual harassment, resulting in the downfalls of previously untouchable individuals like mega-entertainment-mogul Harvey Weinstein. Similarly, women professionals working in journalism and the media stepped forward with their own stories of sexual harassment, resulting in the professional demise of Mark Halperin, Matt Lauer, and Charlie Rose, among others. In Congress, Al Franken and John Conyers resigned after allegations of inappropriate sexual behavior. The resulting #MeToo movement, women indicating that they too had experienced sexual harassment, demonstrated the breadth and depth of the sexual harassment problem. Women subsequently stepped forward exposing sexual harassment issues within individual fields, including national security. Two hundred and twenty-three women signed an open letter titled #metoonatsec, stating “abuses are born of imbalances of power and environments permitting such practices while silencing and shaming their survivors.”42 Some women declined signing the letter, fearing poisoning the work environment and leading to men avoid working with women. #MeToo has already brought on backlash. Women working as staffers and lobbyists for the Florida legislature reported that many male legislators would no longer meet with them privately,43 and cries of “witch hunt” have been raised.44

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Not all women in non-traditional fields say they have experienced gender-related issues. A 2018 Vanity Fair article on women working on Wall Street included testimonies from women who felt being a woman in a man’s field can have advantages. I will always assert that the women who are liked and succeed in finance… actually see their femininity as a strength…I would also go so far as to say that for every moment when a women feels slighted or downright harassed, there are as many opportunities where she can capitalize on her attractiveness and gain an unfair advantage over men.45 But other women said they felt compelled to use their looks – sex appeal – as a tool to get ahead because their other measures of worth were immediately discounted because of their gender. Gender-related issues in non-traditional career fields are both structural and cultural. As already noted, structural or rule-based issues are those instituted by and that can be changed by legislation, policy and process. Structural or rule-based institutional sexism includes policies to “protect” women from jobs and activities deemed appropriate only for men and is called “benevolent sexism.” As US Brigadier General (ret) Wilma Vaught stated in her Keynote address at the 2016 International Society for Military Ethics (ISME) conference in Annapolis, Maryland,46 changes for women in the military have occurred through legislation and lawsuits. Filing a lawsuit, however, is often an “easier said than done” option. Doing so requires the plaintiff to have the resources to retain and pay an attorney, while the government or a corporation has a battery of attorneys on stand-by ready to use every legal tactic available to obstruct and delay proceedings while draining the plaintiff’s bank account on legal fees. Without the help of pro bono legal assistance, taking on any organization with deep pockets can be difficult financially and emotionally. Regarding policy, change has not come easily. The chronology of combat roles being opened to women in the US military offers evidence of the difficulty. Women have not been precluded by law from serving in any military unit or occupational specialty since 1993 when Congress repealed the remaining prohibitions on women serving on combatant aircraft and vessels. However, Department of Defense (DOD) policies have prevented women from being assigned to units below brigade level where the unit’s primary mission was to engage directly in ground combat. This policy barred women from serving in infantry, artillery, armor, combat engineers, and special operations units of battalion size or smaller. On January 24, 2013, then-Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta rescinded the rule that restricted women from serving in combat units and directed the military departments and services to review their occupational standards and assignment policies and to make recommendations for opening all combat roles to women no later than January 1, 2016.

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On December 3, 2015, Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter ordered the military to open all combat jobs to women with no exceptions… On March 10, 2016, Secretary Carter announced that the Services’ and SOCOM’s implementation plans for the integration of women into direct ground combat roles were approved.47 Institutional sexism is often broken down through step-by-step processes of integration where women “prove” that they can “do” particular jobs, such as women as fire fighters and women in combat roles.48 Cultural issues come into play with the implementation of policy changes. There are “good news” stories of women who have “made it” through the hiring, retention and advancement gauntlet found in non-traditional career fields. US Army General Ann Dunwoody became the first woman promoted to four-star rank in 2008. Michelle Howard was named the Navy’s first woman four-star admiral in 2014. She was also the first African-American woman to command a US naval ship, as well as being the first African-American woman to achieve the rank of admiral in the Navy, all through an exemplary operational record as a surface warfare officer. While her promotion was a significant event for the Navy, the military, and for women, Howard herself said in 2012, “There were individuals who didn’t want me there or wanted to undermine what I was trying to do.”49 A Navy Times article chronicled the prejudice, resistance, and resentment she encountered “from her Induction Day in 1978,” and continued even as a flag officer.50 A Navy investigation report cited one of her peers, Rear Adm. Chuck Gaouette, as suggesting to others that Howard “may not have had to cross as many hurdles in the same fashion to get where she was at,” and her race and gender may have “sped up” her selection for vice admiral. Gaouette, who was fired from command of the John C. Stennis Carrier Strike Group mid-deployment in 2012, admitted his comments were “petty” and said he would apologize to Howard.51 Unquestionably, women are sometimes placed in organizational positions as “props” to demonstrate organizational commitment to diversity, which only perpetuates the kind of attitude expressed by Gaouette and considerable backlash.52 Consequently, the resentment experienced by Howard is not uncommon and often goes unchecked. Professional pettiness is not confined to the United States. A male colleague sued Norwegian Rear Admiral Louise Dedechen when she became Commandant of the Norwegian Defense College, the colleague claiming she got the position due to her gender. Admiral Dedechen initially won her case, was sued again, and eventually exhausted her colleague’s claims at the Norwegian Supreme Court.53 The benefits of diversity, including innovation, expanded problem-solving techniques and capabilities, and varied strategic perspectives are documented.54 Research has also shown, however, that visible signs of diversity, such as race, gender and age, can initially have negative effects on teamwork because they cue an increased likelihood for differences of opinion within the team. With time, however, even that cueing can enhance the team’s ability to handle conflict,

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because members expect it and therefore handle it better when it surfaces.55 So what initially “feels good” for the group may not be what is best for the group in the long term, and what “feels bad” can increase group effectiveness. Consequently, current organizational research focuses on “how” rather than “if” diversity should be an organizational goal. A key point regarding effective diversification of the workforce is that diversity is useless without inclusivity.56 Harvard University simply defines an inclusive culture as one “that accepts, values and views as strength the difference we all bring to the table.”57 In other words, inclusive diversity is more than statistics and more than toleration.58 Inclusive diversity means that all individuals feel an accepted part of a group,59 can voice opinions without fearing damage to their careers, and that their input is valued rather than dismissed.60 Numbers and demographics are important though. While a prevailing majority opinion in a population can be reversed by as little as 10% of the population, this can only occur when that 10% are committed agents who “consistently proselytize the opposing opinion and are immune to influence.”61 But in one-gender dominated fields, until the demographic mix reaches a tipping point considered as 30%,62 the minority is acutely prone to influence, including bullying, and their views easily discarded. A female member of the Swedish parliament pointed out that “the same group of women who were once in a small minority in the legislature talked, acted, and voted differently when their proportion increased significantly.63 However, “body counting” alone as an indicator of diversity fails to consider the context of social relations, subjectivities, experiences and processes by which inclusivity occurs. Focusing on numbers fails to consider that an established, sometimes hostile culture remains in place after women or minorities are hired; largely invisible, subjective and often unchallenged due to its embedded nature. The presence of minorities, even in the upper layers of institutions, though encouraging, cannot be taken as a clear indicator that organizational cultures and structures are significantly changing, as changes to organizational culture are among the hardest changes to make.

Microaggressions While there are many different definitions of sexism, here the word refers to prejudice and discrimination based on sex, and behavior, conditions, and attitudes that foster stereotypes of social roles and, as such, foster further prejudice and discrimination. Often sexism is expressed through small acts, conditions or attitudes, called microaggressions.64 When men are referenced by their title, such as doctor, and women who have earned the same title are called by their first name that is a microaggression. Men interrupting, ignoring or talking over women are microaggressions. A 2017 study by Northwestern Law professor Tanja Jacobi found that female Supreme Court justices are interrupted three times as often as their male colleagues. They are interrupted not only by their male colleagues but by male attorneys, something highly unlikely to happen to a male justice.65

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There have even been new words coined for some microaggressions. “Hepeated” refers to a woman suggesting an idea and having it ignored, only to have the same idea eagerly embraced when a man says the same thing.66 Another new word refers to a man explaining something to a woman in what is considered a condescending or patronizing manner – “mansplaining.” The term also extends to a man explaining something to a woman who is an expert on the field being explained to her, apparently the man under the assumption that she could not possibly be an expert. A website called “Academic Men Explain Things to Me” collected experiences of women being mansplained in academia.67 Another aspect of mansplaining is men explaining women’s issues to women. Rebecca Solnit, author of the 2014 book Men Explain Things to Me, cites a letter she received from a man in Indianapolis. The man said he had “never personally or professionally shortchanged a woman” and went on to berate her for not hanging out with “more regular guys or at least do a little homework first.” He then gave her some advice about how to run her life, and commented on her “feelings of inferiority.” He thought that being patronized was an experience a woman chooses to, or could choose not to have – and so the fault was all hers.68 Fox News political correspondent Tucker Carlson laughed at, talked-over, interrupted and challenged the credibility of writer Lauren Duca about the article “Donald Trump is Gaslighting America” Duca wrote for Teen Vogue. Duca held her ground, refusing to be intimidated or bullied by Carlson. Carlson attempted to undermine her ability to understand and write about politics because in the past she had also written about pop culture. Duca responded by defending young women’s right to have mutual interests. A woman can love Arianna Grande and her thigh-high boots and still discuss politics. Those things are not mutually exclusive. Now that you bring up Teen Vogue, we treat young women like they don’t have a right to a political conversation and like you can’t enjoy Kylie Jenner’s Instagram and worry about the future of this country, and those things are not mutually exclusive, so you know what? I did write about Arianna Grande and I did write about the abusive, bigoted, deceptive President of the United States.69 Fox cut Duca off after allowing Carlson a last condescending remark. “Alright, I gotta go. You should stick to thigh-high boots. You’re better at that.”70 On an accumulated, and (even tacitly) tolerated basis, microaggressions can constitute the invisible, unspoken institutional sexism referenced prior, supplementing rule- and structurally based institutional sexism, affecting hiring, retention and promotion, even violence. The US Department of Defense (DOD) has an active sexual assault prevention program. The Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office (SAPRO) is responsible for oversight of the DOD’s sexual assault policy. SAPRO’S responsibility is to work with the military services and civilian community to develop and implement innovative prevention and response programs. As part of their

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presentations and in DOD literature and policy, a “Continuum of Harm”71 has been referenced. But that continuum is missing an important link. Environments do not necessarily or even ordinarily move from being healthy to one of overt sexual harassment. Sexism is the missing link in the continuum, consisting of the microaggressions that occur regularly without rebuke, often by or with full awareness of leadership. It includes being ignored, patronized or the target of passive-aggressive behavior. Ignoring that missing link, however, is done at the peril of the organization as research has shown there is a link between sexism, sexual harassment and sexual assault. It is all part and parcel of attitudes.72 Without addressing sexism within organizations and institutions, problems on the Continuum are being addressed only at a surface level and will not be abated.73 Issues in gathering and drawing conclusions from attitudinal data within a gender-dominated organization should be noted as well. In an organization of 400 individuals, for example, only 25 might be women. If a survey question is asked regarding whether the organization condones sexism, and all 25 women answered “yes,” how the statistics are interpreted makes a big difference. If what percentage of women see sexism as a problem is considered, the answer is 100%. If, however, what percentage of the overall population considers sexism is a problem, the answer is 6.25% and that figure might not be considered statistically significant

Continuum of Harm Healthy Environment Military Climate of Dignity & Respect

Sexual Harassment Gender Focused Seductive Jokes, Behavior & Sexual Comments Inappropriate Advances and Jodles, Vulgar Pictures

Threats, Blackmail, Sexual Bribery

Sexual Assault Sexual Touching, Pinching, Groping

SARC MCIO & JA EOA

Physical Force, Sexual Fondling, Forcible Sodomy, Rape RESPONSE CAPABILITIES RESPONSE CAPABILITIES

RESPONSE CAPABILITIES

Leadership Engagement to Promote and Sustain a Healthy Command Climate

FIGURE 3.1

DoD Continuum of Harm

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and therefore worthy of attention. Or, the organization might not want the data known within higher levels of the organization, or potentially made available for public release. Consequently, in the US for example, in Command Climate Surveys taken in military commands, Equal Employment Opportunity surveys in civilian government institutions, or their private sector corollary surveys, it can be statistically concluded there are no organizational problems with sexism, even when all or near all the women feel there is a problem. In addition to this statistical interpretation issue, women can be reluctant to even participate in institutional surveys where demographic information that could identify them is required, for fear of being identified and categorized as “a problem” if they express negative views, evidencing that issues are often ones of trust, not process. These statistics can perpetuate misperceptions of sexism as an institutional issue. It is not uncommon for military Command Climate Surveys to show, for example, that men at an organization see it as a great place to work, while women find the same place difficult and a hostile work environment. Individuals can be blind to sexism. Sexism can then permeate into the three (highly related) factors considered critical to the hiring, retention, and promotion of women into the workforce: competence, confidence and mentoring.

Competence In September 2016, the US Naval Institute and the US Naval Academy hosted a two-day Athena Conference: Heroines of Past, Present and Future, to coincide with the celebration of 40 years of women at the US Naval Academy. Every 2016 Athena Conference speaker repeatedly stressed that women in non-traditional fields first and foremost must be not just competent but, as former Undersecretary of Defense for Policy the Honorable Michele Flournoy put it, hyper-competent. What constituted competency, however – or what should constitute competency – was a topic of considerable discussion. General Dunwoody remarked that as a lifelong athlete she could outrun her male colleagues and do as many push-ups as they could, thereby establishing her competency because they would want her on their Physical Training (PT) team. Many questions and comments from the audience noted that in the military PT scores seem to be the default measure of competency in too many situations, to the detriment of women. A member of the first Naval Academy class to serve on submarines pointed out that her community was composed mostly of “geeks,” with PT scores largely irrelevant to competencies required for her job. Opinions about differing physical standards have been long-standing sources of discourse regarding women being accepted into certain military billets. Studies have shown that cultural issues come into play as well, issues related to Social Dominance Orientation.74 Not all women are more, or even equally qualified for all or particular positions than all men. But assumptions made about women’s competency, what competencies are career relevant, and dismissal of competency once demonstrated work against women trying to climb non-traditional career ladders. Perhaps most insidiously, when women are competent, that very fact can work against them.

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In 2010, MIT Professor Emilio Castilla and Indiana University sociology professor Stephen Bernard examined how meritocratic ideals and performance awards play out in organizations, including those seeing themselves as committed to diversity.75 Castilla and Bernard dubbed their findings “the paradox of meritocracy” because even when an organization’s core values emphasized meritocratic values, managers awarded higher monetary awards to male employees than to an equally performing female employee. It seems that individuals who think they are objective and unbiased – blind fish – do not monitor and scrutinize their behavior. Rather, they just assume that they are acting appropriately and their assessments accurate.76 Harvard Business School (HBS) did a curricular, instructional and environmental “gender makeover” in 2010. Though HBS saw itself as gender supportive before 2010, the facts spoke differently: women who arrived with the same test scores and grades as their male counterparts fell behind academically, and a third of female HBS junior faculty left from 2006–2007. Many Wall Street-hardened women confided that Harvard was worse than any trading floor, with first-year students divided into sections that took all their classes together and often developed the overheated dynamics of reality shows. Some male students, many with finance backgrounds, commandeered classroom discussions and hazed female students and younger faculty members, and openly ruminated on whom they would “kill, sleep with or marry” (in cruder terms). Alcohol-soaked events could be worse.77 Drew Gilpin Faust, Harvard’s first female president, decided something had to be done. Faust appointed a new HBS dean to change the curriculum, rules and social rituals to foster the success of women as well as men. That meant overt, sometimes intrusive actions such as placing stenographers in classrooms to guard against biased grading, monitoring against female students being interrupted, and not allowing males to dominate discussion. Private coaching was provided for students and untenured female professors. In the end, “women at the school finally felt like ‘hey, people like me are an equal part of this institution’,”78 said Rosabeth Moss Kanter, a longtime professor. Inclusive diversity did not come easy, and not without a certain amount of angst from both the women and especially the men about the intrusiveness of the measures taken to change the environment. A 2014 study conducted by linguist and tech entrepreneur Kieran Snyder documents the general tendency to evaluate men and women differently. Snyder looked at 248-workplace performance reviews given to men and women across 28 companies. Snyder found that managers, regardless of gender, gave female employees more negative feedback than they gave male employees. Further, 76% of the negative feedback given women included personality criticism of some sort, such as “abrasive,” “judgmental” or “strident,” whereas only 2% of men’s reviews included similar negative personality comments. Women are judged by different standards than their male counterparts, and in personalized ways that can mar confidence.

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Findings that men and women are evaluated differently have extended beyond business schools and fields as well. Analysis conducted in 2015 by Northeastern University Assistant Professor Benjamin Schmidt on data gathered through the website RateMyProfessor – 14 million student reviews – found students evaluate women professors differently than men. Men professors are more often considered brilliant and funny, while women are either nice, or rude and bossy.79 A 2018 study of a large-scale US military leader performance evaluation dataset similarly found that women were subjectively assigned significantly more negative attributes than men, such as being scattered, opportunistic, excitable and temperamental, even though their performances were the same by objective measures.80 These evaluation practices – focusing on a woman’s appearance or personality and on a man’s skills and intelligence – reinforce people thinking more highly of men than women in professional settings, and praising men for the same things they criticize women for. Although women in non-traditional career fields win awards and commendations for outstanding performance, whether competence is in fact a benefit once in the workforce has been questioned. London Business School researchers M. Ena Inesi and Daniel M. Cable conducted a 2014 study of 200 US military commanders responsible for performance evaluations. They found a high correlation between gender bias and performance evaluations “when the evaluator was male and high social-dominance oriented and when the female subordinate’s objective on-the-job performance was high.”81 Inesi and Cable concluded that in hierarchical organizations past accomplishments can actually be detrimental to women in evaluations from men who want to maintain the traditional gender balance because women’s accomplishments can be viewed as threatening. The media often does not help either. In a September 2014 segment of The Five on Fox News, panelist Greg Gutfield commented on the United Arab Emirates’ first woman military pilot, Major Mariam al Mansouri, launching bombs against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. “Problem is,” he quipped, “after she bombed it she couldn’t park it.” Another panelist, Eric Bolling, then made a play on the common military phrase “boots on the ground” asking, “Would that be considered boobs on the ground, or no?”82 Such sexist attitudes broadcast through the media, perpetuate ingrained Social Dominance Orientation attitudes. At the very least, studies therefore show that equal consideration of qualified women cannot be assumed. Further, once hired, advancement and retention in non-traditional fields are riddled with challenges. While competency remains an entrance and advancement prerequisite, it is not enough. Confidence comes into play as well.

Confidence Women, including women in top leadership positions, often suffer from a type of imposter syndrome, one stemming from lack of confidence. Journalists Katty Kay and Claire Shipmen wrote about it in their 2014 book The Confidence Code: The

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Science and Art of Self-Assurance – What Women Should Know. Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg’s 2013 bestseller, Lean In, is largely self-reflective, talking about her many fears – and overcoming them – when she began her job at Facebook. She admitted to Kay and Shipman, “There are still days I wake up feeling like a fraud, not sure I should be where I am.”83 This imposter syndrome is backed by numerous studies. A 2011 UK Institute of Leadership and Management survey of managers found, for example, that half of female respondents had self-doubt about their job performance and careers while less than a third of male respondents reported similar feelings.84 This self-doubt can lead to women giving up on a task before even starting, fearing failure or demonstrating incompetence. There is, however, a link between competence and confidence that is important and deserves consideration as well. Women have long assumed that demonstrating competence will lead to acceptance by their male colleagues. The International Space University hosted a panel of four highly trained, highly competent, women astronauts, from the United States, China, South Korea and Canada during its 2014 Summer Session in Montreal. Asked by an audience member what their biggest challenge was in becoming or being an astronaut, Canadian astronaut Julie Payette answered without hesitation. “Getting male colleagues to take me seriously and having to prove my competence over and over again.”85 Her astronaut colleagues nodded vigorously in agreement. Confidence can be hard to sustain if your colleagues do not take you seriously. Research led by Hastings Law School Professor Joan Williams in 2014 cites having to repeatedly prove themselves as one of five reasons women, particularly women of color, leave science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) fields.86 In the late 1990s, Cornell psychologists David Dunning and Justin Kruger extensively studied the link between competence and confidence.87 Now dubbed the Dunning–Kruger effect, they found some people (largely unskilled) substantially overestimate their own abilities, based on erroneous readings of both their own abilities and those of others. Basically, the less competent someone is, the more they can tend to overestimate their own abilities. In 2003, Dunning and Washington State University psychologist Joyce Ehrlinger88 went a step further in this research considering the relationship between female competence and confidence. On a quiz of scientific skills designed to test both competence and confidence, women rated themselves more negatively than men on skills, yet on the average performed at about the same level. Studies have shown that too often confidence is mistaken for competence.89 A female US Naval officer explained how women’s tendency to defer when not fully feeling fully competent on a subject plays out in practice, to their disadvantage. When I receive a tasker or request for information regarding a topic on which I do not consider myself an expert, my first reaction is to try to find someone who is better qualified to answer that I am, rather than venturing my own, ill-informed and incomplete opinion. If I do feel that I am the

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most knowledgeable person on the subject, I don’t hesitate to answer confidently, even forcefully if required. But I am much less willing than most of my male colleagues are to act like an expert when I’m not. Leaders should be aware that women may be less likely to volunteer themselves, though they are usually in reality equally competent to the men around them. Leaders should also be trained to view the humility indicated by this deferral as a strength, not a weakness.90 Her point about leadership needing to be aware that humility can be a strength demonstrates how “confidence” is too-often confused with competence, regardless of the underlying substance. Between having to overcome doubting themselves, doubt sometimes reinforced by male colleagues, and feeling the need to be hyper-competent, women are left in a precarious position. Yet according to Forbes contributor Bruce Kasanoff, “senior leaders perceive that they perpetually confront the same problem… they can’t find women who are both confident and competent.”91 Nevertheless, perceived “over confidence” can be a problem for women as well. Gender-based stereotypical perceptions remain a key issue for women in nontraditional career fields. In a 2010 study by Yale researchers study participants were shown fictional biographies of two state senators. The biographies were identical except for the names associated with them; one was John Burr and the other Ann Burr. “When quotations were added that described the state senators as ‘ambitious’ and possessing ‘a strong will to power,’ John Burr became more popular. But the changes provoked ‘moral outrage’ toward Ann Burr, whom both men and women became less willing to support.”92 Ann Burr had stepped beyond the culturally acceptable lanes of women’s behavior. A 2011 study by Stanford Graduate School of Business,93 documented what many women already know: if women behave in too feminine a manner, they are seen as weak and not as leaders, but if they are too masculine, they can experience backlash from being seen as too aggressive.94 Consequently, the study concluded that women needed to know how to switch on and off masculine behaviors of being aggressive, assertive and confident. Speaking up first could get a woman viewed as bossy while piggybacking on a male comment was acceptable. The study suggested that disagreeing with male colleagues by first stating the merit of their premise, before gently suggesting another option, would be less threatening to these colleagues. While admittedly practical, it can often put women in a position of having to “mommy” their male colleagues.

Mentorship Darlene Iskra, the first US woman naval officer to command a ship, considered mentorship in her 2007 dissertation Breaking Through the Glass Ceiling: Elite Military Women’s Strategies for Success. Mentorship was considered an important factor in success, yet she found “there has been a lack of female role models and mentors in

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the highest echelon of the military branches.”95 While in some instances men are willing to mentor women, and do an outstanding job, that is not always the case. W. Brad Johnson and Captain David Smith (United States Navy) considered why men are reluctant to mentor women in their September 2016 Proceedings article “It Takes A Few Good Men.”96 Asserting that mentorship is key to attracting, retaining and promoting the women needed to develop an inclusively diverse workforce needed for the future, they find six reasons – most rooted in gender stereotyping – that contribute to what they dub “reluctant male syndrome.” Persistent gender bias, such as thinking of women as “nice” rather than “leaders” results in a tendency “to see assertive and action-oriented males as excellent leaders, while viewing similarly oriented women as abrasive, cold-hearted, and bossy.”97 Also related to stereotypes, gender expectations can inhibit men from mentoring women they have been, for example, socialized to “protect” into leadership positions. Some men, they state, simply are uncomfortable with nonsexual intimate relationships. Men can also fear public or office perception and gossip if they are thought to spend too much time with a woman. They can also fear (even inadvertently) saying or doing the wrong thing, and worry what their spouse will think. All of these concerns make it easier for men to simply keep their distance and maintain sterile relationships with women colleagues. Women can be reluctant to mentor women as well. Sometimes, organizational structures create competition between women. Men mentoring men, including pulling them up the advancement ladder with them, is accepted. In the Navy, that’s called having a “Sea Daddy.” Women doing the same, however, can be perceived and characterized as favoritism.98 Relationships between professional women are still unsettled in many respects. The 2016 movie Equity explores the complexities faced by women in investment banking, but typical of many non-traditional career fields, including mentorship and personal and business relationships. Whereas Christine Lagarde is lauded by many women for breaking the glass ceiling and becoming the first woman Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 2011, she withdrew as Smith College’s 2014 commencement speaker after protests were held against her and the IMF at the women’s college. Protestors argued that IMF policies negatively affected economic development in developing countries.99 But there is also an argument that only from within development organizations can change be made,100 and so Lagarde should have been credited and applauded by Smith graduates for reaching such a position where she could try to do that. Mentoring can make all the difference in retention. In a 2013 interview, US Air Force fighter pilot Lt. Clancy Morrical – who finished her F-16 initial pilot training as a Distinguished Graduate – told of the importance of mentoring in her career. “I was crazy lucky to be in a squadron with two women in leadership,” she said enthusiastically. “It was really neat to watch them lead and to have the opportunity to learn about being a female pilot, such as the differences and logistics of flying as a woman. They are amazing pilots.”101 But not all women in nontraditional career fields are “crazy lucky” though, nor should they have to be.

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Before entering into a mentoring relationship, mentors weigh the expected costs – whether mentoring will be more trouble than it is worth, the possibility of a dysfunctional relationship, if a protégé will reflect poorly on the mentor – and how much energy it will require.102 For women mentors, top on the list of expectations is a low risk profile and a relationship where the rewards outweigh the costs, as even after women have climbed the career ladder, they still face more challenges, and hostilities, than their male colleagues.103 Jill Abramson reached the top at the New York Times, being the first woman named Executive Editor in 2011 but irritated her male colleagues by asking to receive comparable salary to her male predecessor104 and being described by staffers in a 2013 Politico article as “impossible to work with,” and “not approachable.”105 That was just days after The Times won four Pulitzer prizes, the third highest number ever received by the newspaper. She was dismissed in 2014. Women still struggle for positions of influence at the allegedly liberal-biased newspaper bastion in 2018, important because of what stories are picked for coverage and how they are covered.106 Women at the top of their fields cannot afford mentoring someone who will reflect poorly on them or their organizations. The reality is that in testosterone-heavy career fields, men often nit-pick women’s behavior, looking for signs of weakness, signs of immaturity, being “too-girly,” or not being girly enough. When General Mike Flynn, Donald Trump’s short-lived National Security Advisor, was at the Defense Intelligence Agency, women were sent a memo from his office telling them “to monitor their levels of makeup, avoid flats, and err on the side of skirts and dresses” and that “make-up helps women look more attractive.”107 Women were told to avoid the “plain Jane” look. Women walk a very thin line of behavior and deportment. Women mentors are acutely aware (having heard all jabs about wrong-doers in the halls and in meetings) of the multitude of potential faux-pas young women can make and have no choice but to limit themselves to protégés who understand organizational expectations. The cold hard fact is, at work, employees are fulfilling a role that an organization needs to accomplish its mission. In a 2014 study, the number of women in senior US security positions was found to hover between 21% and 29%. More mentoring is cited as badly needed to increase those numbers.108 In 1987 a small group of women practitioners and academics working on national security issues formed Women in International Security (WIIS) as an organization to advance the professional development and leadership of women in the international peace and security field.109 WIIS sponsors training, mentoring and networking programs, as well as work on substantive policy problems and initiatives. WIIS has 21 international affiliates, with members in 47 countries.

Fight or flight Women might be allowed into all career fields, but their rise and tenure is still determined by factors very different from their male counterparts. Rather than

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“climb the ladder” some women opt out to raise families or attend to other personal issues. Accommodation of women’s overlapping career and biological clocks, and later care of aging parents, is a structural issue rarely addressed by organizations. Whereas women in the past often simply expected to have to choose between a career and a family life, women today more often expect to have both. Former Dean of the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton and Director of Policy and Planning at the US State Department Anne-Marie Slaughter brought on a firestorm of controversy among women with her July/August 2012 Atlantic magazine cover story titled “Why Women Still Can’t Have it All.” Slaughter left her State Department job saying, “juggling high-level governmental work with the needs of two teenage boys was not possible.” She contended that mothers who manage to “do it all” – rise to the top of their career as well as being mothers and caretakers – are often either superhuman or wealthy.110 Her point that organizations needed to do more to help women balance careers and home life was well-taken. But many women, including her former boss Hillary Clinton, felt that Slaughter had ascribed too much to her personal situation. In an interview with Marie-Claire magazine, Clinton alluded to the article saying Slaughter’s problems were her own. “Some women are not comfortable working at the pace and intensity you have to work at in these jobs … Other women don’t break a sweat. They have four or five, six kids. They’re highly organized, they have very supportive networks.”111 While many women appreciated Slaughter’s acknowledgement of family–career balance issues, some also felt the actions and words of a woman in Slaughter’s position gave those individuals reluctant to hire women into high-power positions ammunition not to. Some women base their decision on whether to stay or leave a career path on what has been called the “fight-or-flight” moment, about ten years into their career. In 2008 researchers at the Harvard Business School conducted a study of women in private sector, male-dominated, Science, Technology and Engineering (SET) fields.112 They were concerned with an evident brain drain of women in SET fields, with results that can be more broadly applied to many non-traditional careers generally. Dubbed the Athena Factor, researchers found that five factors played into highly qualified, talented women opting out at about the ten-year mark, many gender-centered. Women reported hostile macho cultures with women consequently being marginalized by policies and practices they considered exclusionary, and even predatory. Fully 63% said they had experienced sexual harassment. They also reported feeling isolated and subsequently found it difficult to find mentors. As a result of macho cultures and isolation, the women often found career paths to be mysterious, with 40% reporting they felt “stalled” or “stuck” in their careers. The women also found systems of risk and reward disadvantageous to them, as women tend to be more risk adverse (35% said they had difficulty with risk). Without peers to support them, they felt they could go from “hero to zero” in a heartbeat. And finally, the women reported that extreme work pressures – their jobs being extremely time intensive and demanding – disadvantaged those with family responsibilities.113 Many women in

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non-traditional career fields find hostile environments, working in isolation or nearisolation, and mysterious career paths are commonalities found tied to not having an internal support network. Some tech companies instituted programs specifically designed to change the patterns of women leaving the SET fields, focusing on alleviating the perceived hostile and isolated environment.114 However, a 2014 study still found that women are 45% more likely to leave their SET jobs than their male counterparts, and increasingly earlier. Many leave the first year, citing generally the same reasons as cited in the 2008 HBS study, and having “to walk the famously tricky line between aggressiveness and assertiveness that can often derail women’s careers.”115 Unfortunately, 2016 studies at both MIT and Stanford found the same issues still prevailing eight years later. The “segregation” of women engineers was deemed as a persistent problem in the MIT study, largely due to organizational culture.116 The Stanford study117 asked 200+ women, most with at least ten years experience in Silicon Valley, about their experiences. They reported feeling excluded, unconscious bias (microaggressions), workplace harassment, intrusive questions about family and negative judgments on their attitudes as continuing problems influencing their career choices. Addressing “fight or flight” issues requires both structural and cultural changes.

Toward inclusivity Sociologist and HBS professor Rosabeth Moss Kanter’s seminal 1977 book Men and Women in the Corporation,118 was an examination of a large, mock corporation and how behavior and relationships within it were affected by power and powerlessness. In the book Kanter introduced the idea of “empowerment,” stating that organizations are most productive when all their employees are empowered to make and take decisions on their own and authority is devolved rather than centralized. That, however, goes against the very nature of hierarchical power. She further argued that structural issues – the structure of opportunities, power and the proportions of people from different groups – explained the behavior of these groups within the corporation. “It was not the behavior of women, for example, that determined their relative lack of success within corporate life, but the structure of the organizations for which they were working. If there were to be any progress on issues such as the glass ceiling, it would come about because organizations changed, not people.”119 For many years, there was a belief that women who have achieved success, then fail to help and sometimes even thwart the progress of other females, seeing them as competitors. It even had a name, first coined in the 1970s: Queen Bee Syndrome. But a 2015 Columbia Business School study debunked the Queen Bee myth.120 Instead, the authors faulted hidden organizational quotas as the culprit for low numbers of women in high positions. Other researchers have similarly found that workplace conditions set women up to compete with each other in ways men do not experience. When women perceive that only so many of them will be allowed

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into the senior ranks, often through tokenism, they begin vying for those spots. “When there appear to be few opportunities for women, research shows, women begin to view their gender as an impediment; they avoid joining forces, and sometimes turn on one another.”121 The organizational structure and culture positioned women against each other. It is also interesting to note that there is no derogatory male equivalent of the Queen Bee Syndrome; cattiness has been only assumed for women. Catty women, or Queen Bees, do exist, but they are not the norm. Women are not any nastier to women than men are to one another. Women are just expected to be nicer. As American actress and feminist Marlo Thomas once lamented: “A man has to be Joe McCarthy to be called ruthless. All a woman has to do is put you on hold.”122 The US Justice Department publishes a resource guide for understanding bias, for use in conjunction with police and community relations. Referencing Allport’s work regarding in groups and out groups, bias is explained there as “a human trait resulting from our tendency and need to classify individuals into categories as we strive to quickly process information and make sense of the world. Bias can be explicit, where individuals are aware of their prejudices or attitudes, and implicit, which is more subconscious feeling, perceptions, attitudes and stereotypes.”123 While everyone has implicit biases, research has shown that the very process of recognizing and discussing negative biases can help “manage” them.124 Harvard’s Project Implicit provides a testing vehicle for self-identifying hidden biases.125 Google also developed a program, called Jailbreak the Patriarchy, that allows users to “genderswap” pronouns in everything read. For example, “the patriarchy also hurts men” would instead read as “the matriarchy also hurts women.” The intent is to demonstrate differences in the way women and men are referenced. Women too can be blind fish. US Ambassador Swanee Hunt recalled hosting two rounds of formal negotiations between warring parties in the Balkans in 1994. She had an “aha” moment when she looked into the auditorium where the talks were being held and realized it was all men. She, an avid feminist, had failed to require women be included. Women too have been acculturated to thinking “men” in association with security issues.126 Panelists at the Athena Conference stated that women must forego striving to be liked, and instead strive to be respected. Further, striving to be liked turns out not to be good training for dealing with and accepting the often personalized criticism of women seeking advancement in non-traditional careers. Several women on the Athena Conference panels stated that they felt their experience and prowess as athletes had conditioned them to be good teammates and accept criticism. There is preliminary evidence that participation in sports correlates with higher retention rates for women in the military, as conditioning for workplace challenges.127 In any event, however, the required first step toward inclusivity is awareness; not being a blind fish or complicit in sexism. The Girl Scouts, where women used to strive for badges in cooking and sewing, now focuses on empowerment.128 Feminism is becoming a school subject in some areas129 and “male privilege” is being discussed in others.130 Breaking the Ophelia Syndrome requires concerted effort.

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Conclusion Discussions about bias, prejudice and discrimination are difficult as they are often infused with perceptions – or direct accusations – of blame. Focusing on blame or perceptions of blame, however, serves no one’s interests. Instead, focus must be kept on fixing problems. Optimizing national security policies requires the inclusion of women, but as long as women are portrayed and treated as subordinate, their roles as decision-makers will be limited. It is in the interest of the nation to hire, retain and advance the best and the brightest. It is the responsibility of the relevant organizations to provide the best and the brightest the opportunity to reach their full potential and an environment conducive to doing so. It is the responsibility of women in these careers to prepare themselves for the challenges they will face. Everyone will benefit from taking their responsibilities seriously.

Notes 1 World Population Prospects, 2015. https://esa.un.org/unpd/wpp/ 2 Anna Higgins, “Sex-Selection Abortion: The Real War on Women,” Charlotte Loizier Institute, Washington, DC. April 13, 2016. https://lozierinstitute.org/sexselection-abortion-the-real-war-on-women/ 3 “Discrimination Against the Girl Child,” Youth Advocate Program International. http://yapi.org/childrens-rights/discrimination-against-the-girl-child/ 4 Conveyed in: Valerie Hudson and Patricia Leidle, The Hillary Doctrine, Columbia University Press, 2013, p.250, from an interview by Leidle in 2011. 5 Marianne Cooper, “For Women Leaders, Likability and Success hardly Go Hand in Hand,” Harvard Business Review, April 30, 2013. https://hbr.org/2013/04/for-wom en-leaders-likability-a 6 Jugal K. Patel, Troy Griggs and Claire Cain Miller, “We Asked 615 Men About How They Conduct Themselves at Work,” New York Times, December 29, 2017. https://www.nytim es.com/interactive/2017/12/28/upshot/sexual-harassment-survey-600-men.html 7 Amy B. Wang, “Nevertheless, She Persisted Becomes New Battle Cry After McConnell Silences Elizabeth Warren,” The Washington Post, February 8, 2017. http s://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2017/02/08/nevertheless-she-persis ted-becomes-new-battle-cry-after-mcconnell-silences-elizabeth-warren/?utm_term=. d1bebf45428a 8 “Elizabeth Warren Silenced, Coretta Scott King’s Letter Read by Senate Colleagues,” CBS News, February 8, 2017. http://www.cbsnews.com/news/elizabeth-warren-si lenced-coretta-scott-kings-letter-read-by-senate-colleagues/ 9 Arwa Othman, “Yemini Women: The Search for Missing (Lost) Face,” Women in the Global Economy, Global Education Research Reports, 2013, p. 68. 10 Addison-Wesley Publishing, 25th anniversary edition, 1979, p.29. 11 Laurie Rudman, in John Dovidio, Peter Glick and Laurie Rudman (eds), On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years After Allport, Wiley-Blackwell, 2005, p.107. 12 Meg Guliford and Erik Leklem, “Looking for a Gender Gap in the Army? Try the Army Chief of Staff’s Reading List,” Task and Purpose, September 2017. http://taska ndpurpose.com/army-chief-staff-professional-reading-list-milley/amp/ 13 Rama Lakshmi, “India’s Modi just Delivered the World’s Worst Compliment,” The Washington Post, June 8, 2015. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/ wp/2015/06/08/indias-narendra-modi-meant-to-praise-bangladeshs-female-prime-m inister-but-it-was-viewed-as-an-insult-to-all-women/?utm_term=.96f0e7c0f1ce

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14 Julie Beck, “Trouble With Girls: What Tim Hunt’s Resignation Should Tell Us About Sexism in Science,” The Atlantic, June 11, 2015. http://www.theatlantic.com/ health/archive/2015/06/tim-hunt-resignation-science-sexism/395642/ 15 Claire Cain Miller, “Republican Men Say It’s a Better Time to Be a Woman than a Man,” The New York Times, January 17, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/ 17/upshot/republican-men-say-its-a-better-time-to-be-a-woman-than-a-man.html? mwrsm=Email 16 Carroll Seron, Susan Silbey, Erin Cech, and Brian Rubineau, “Persistence is Cultural: Professional Socialization and the Reproduction of Sex Segregation,” Work and Occupation, December 13, 2016, pp.178–214. 17 A recent case study at Harvard Business School considered that gender bias can start early, including in the classroom. Jodi Kanter, “Harvard Business School Case Study – Gender Equity,” The New York Times, September 7, 2013. http://www.nytimes.com/ 2013/09/08/education/harvard-case-study-gender-equity.html?hp&_r=0 18 As defined by the US Department of Labor. 19 Lawrence Kapp, General and Flag Officers in the US Armed Forces, Congressional Research Service, February 18, 2016. https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R44389.pdf 20 “Blue Angels Pilot Breaks Sound, Gender Barriers,” CBS News, April 10, 2015. http://www.cbsnews.com/news/blue-angels-first-female-pilot-takes-to-sky/ 21 CBS News, April 10, 2016. 22 Corinne A. Moss-Racusin et al., “Science Faculty’s Subtle Gender Bias Favor Male Students,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Vol. 109, No. 141, 2012. http://www.pnas.org/content/109/41/16474.full 23 Ernesto Reuben et al., “How Stereotypes Impair Women’s Careers in Science,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Vol. 111, No. 12, 2014. http://www.pnas. org/content/111/12/4403.full 24 A 2015 study by Wendy M. Williams and Stephen Ceci challenges the bias against women in academic STEM positions. “National Hiring Experiments Reveal 2-to-1 Faculty Preference for Women on STEM Tenure Track,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. http://www.pnas.org/content/112/17/5360.abstract. Challenges to the study methodology have been raised. Matthew R. Francis, “A Surprisingly Welcome Atmosphere,” Slate, April 20, 2015. http://www.slate.com/arti cles/double_x/doublex/2015/04/no_sexist_hiring_in_stem_fields_a_vaunted_new_ study_makes_that_claim_unconvincingly.html 25 Chris Woolston, “Sexist Review Causes Twitter Storm,” May 1, 2015. http://www.nature. com/news/sexist-review-causes-twitter-storm-1.17457?WT.mc_id=TWT_NatureNews 26 “Objectification,” Philosophy and Public Affairs, Fall 1995, pp.249–289. http://www. mit.edu/~shaslang/mprg/nussbaumO.pdf 27 “Feminist Perspectives on Objectification,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. https://p lato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-objectification/http://www.dol.gov/wb/fa ctsheets/nontra2009.htm 28 https://genius.com/Usher-yeah-lyrics 29 Monica Lewinsky with Mark Seliger, “Shame and Survival,” Vanity Fair, May 28, 2014. http://www.vanityfair.com/style/society/2014/06/monica-lewinsky-humilia tion-culture 30 http://www.gallup.com/poll/116584/presidential-approval-ratings-bill-clinton.aspx 31 Gregory Krieg, “Donald Trumps’ Boys Club,” CNN, September 30, 2016. http:// www.cnn.com/2016/09/30/politics/donald-trump-male-advisers/ 32 Access Hollywood transcript, The New York Times, October 8, 2016. https://www.nytim es.com/2016/10/08/us/donald-trump-tape-transcript.html?mcubz=3 33 Catherine Mackinnon, Toward a Feminist Theory of the State, Harvard University Press, 1989, p.124. 34 Jochen Peter and Patti Valkenberg, “Adolescents’ Exposure to a Sexualized Media Environment and Their Notions of Women as Sex Objects,” Sex Roles, February 28, 2007, pp.381–395.

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35 Vera Stifler Johnson, “Internalizing Beauty Ideals: The Health Risks of Adult Women’s Self-Objectification,” Applied Psychology OPUS, 2014. http://steinhardt.nyu. edu/appsych/opus/issues/2014/fall/stieflerjohnson 36 Emma Rooney, “The Effects of Sexual Objectification on Women’s Mental Health,” Applied Psychology OPUS, 2016. http://steinhardt.nyu.edu/appsych/opus/issues/2016/ spring/rooney 37 Rebecca Adams, “This is Why it’s More Expensive to be a Woman,” Huffington Post, May 12, 2016. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/09/23/beauty-products_n_ 3975209.html 38 Caitlin Dewey, “The Only Guide to GamerGate you Will Ever Need to Read, The Washington Post, October 10, 2014. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-in tersect/wp/2014/10/14/the-only-guide-to-gamergate-you-will-ever-need-to-read/? utm_term=.8731d63ad655 39 Jacyn Reiss, “Brianna Wu, Boston Game Developer and Critic of Gamergate, to Run for Congress,” The Boston Globe. https://www.bostonglobe.com/news/politics/2016/ 12/21/brianna-boston-game-developer-and-critic-gamergate-run-for-congress/ x6FKrYuO99yEgiXUuNZYvL/story.html 40 Sarah Gonser, “Jobs in Cybersecurity Are Exploding. Why Aren’t Women in the Picture?” NBC News, April 13, 2018. https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/ jobs-cybersecurity-are-exploding-why-aren-t-women-picture-n865206 41 Stephanie Balaouras and Claire O’Malley, “Best Practices: Recruiting and Retaining Women in Cybersecurity”, Forrester Report, February 22, 2018. 42 Maya Rhodan, “Sexual Harrassment: National Security Women Sign Open Letter,” Time, December 1, 2017. http://time.com/5039104/we-too-are-survivors-223-wom en-in-national-security-sign-open-letter-on-sexual-harassment/ 43 Mary Ellen Klas, “Women in Florida Politics Fear #MeToo Backlash,” Miami Herald, December 11, 2017. http://www.miamiherald.com/news/politics-government/sta te-politics/article189152134.html 44 Jennifer Wright, “The Backlash to Believing Women Has Begun,” Harper’s Bazaar, November 30, 2017. http://www.harpersbazaar.com/culture/politics/a13091573/ba cklash-metoo-movement/ 45 Bethany McLean, “What Happens when the Reckoning Meets Wall Street,” Vanity Fair, March 2018, p.121. 46 The author was in attendance at that conference. 47 Kristy N. Kamarck, Women in Combat: Issues for Congress, Congressional Research Service, December 13, 2016, p.1. https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R42075.pdf 48 Mary Lou Kendrigan, Gender Matters, Praeger, 1991; Lorry M. Fenner, Women in Combat, Georgetown University Press, 2001. 49 “Vice Admiral Michelle Howard First African-American Woman to Reach the Rank of Three Star,” October 12, 2012. WJLA-TV Washington. http://www.wjla.com/a rticles/2012/10/vice-admiral-michelle-howard-first-african-american-woman-to-rea ch-rank-of-three-star-officer-80588.html 50 “Howard’s Path to Navy History,” Navy Times, January 4, 2014. 51 David Lerman, “Black Woman Named to a Top US Navy Job Says Wimps Fail,” Bloomberg News, December 20, 2013. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/ 2013-12-20/black-woman-named-to-a-top-u-s-navy-job-says-wimps-fail 52 CDR Salamander, “Diversity Thursday”, July 27, 2017. http://cdrsalamander.blogsp ot.com/2017/07/diversity-thursday_27.html 53 Personal interview with Admiral Dedechen, Copenhagen, April 30, 2018. 54 David Feitler, “The Case for Diversity Gets Even Better,” Harvard Business Review, March 27, 2014. https://hbr.org/2014/03/the-case-for-team-diversity-gets-even-better/ 55 Marguerite Rigoglioso, “Diverse Backgrounds and Personalities Can Strengthen Groups,” Stanford Business, August 1, 2006. https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/insights/ diverse-backgrounds-personalities-can-strengthen-groups

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56 Christine M. Riordan, “Diversity is Useless Without Inclusivity,” Harvard Business Review, June 5, 2014. https://hbr.org/2014/06/diversity-is-useless-without-inclusivity 57 http://hr.fas.harvard.edu/inclusive-culture; see also, T. Hudson Jordan, “Moving from Diversity to Inclusion,” Diversity Journal. http://www.diversityjournal.com/1471-m oving-from-diversity-to-inclusion/ 58 For an example of resistance to inclusive diversity see Joan Johnson-Freese and Ellen Haring, “Is Patriarchal Sexism Alive and Well in the Military?” Best Defense, December 18, 2014. 59 Lynn M. Shore, Amy E. Randel, Beth G. Chung, Michelle A. Dean, Karen Holcomb Ehrhart, Gangaran Singh, “Inclusion and Diversity in Work Groups,” Journal of Management, Vol. 37, No. 4, July 2011. https://cbaweb.sdsu.edu/assets/files/iido/JOM-In clusiveness.pdf 60 Mats Alvesson and Yvonne Due Billing, Understanding Gender and Organizations, 2nd edition, SAGE, 2009; Ingrid M. Nembhard and Amy Edmondson, “Making it Safe: The Effects of Leader Inclusiveness and Professional Status on Psychological Safety and Improvement Efforts in Health Care Teams,” Journal of Organizational Behavior, Vol. 27, No. 7, November 2006, pp.941–966; Boris Groysberg and Katherine Connolly, “Great Leaders Who Make the Mix Work,” Harvard Business Review, September 2013. https://hbr.org/2014/03/the-case-for-team-diversity-gets-even-better/ 61 J. Xie, S. Sreenivasen, G. Koniss, W. Zhang, C. Lim, and B.K. Symanski, “Social Consensus Through the Influence of Committed Minorities,” Physical Review E, July 22, 2011. 62 Dr. Joy McCann, “Electoral Quotas for Women: An International Overview,” Parliament of Australia, November 14, 2013. http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Pa rliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1314/Elec toralQuotas 63 Swanee Hunt, “Let Women Rule,” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2007; Sarah Gordon, “The 30% Club, How Women Have Taken on the Old Boys Network,” Financial Times, December 4, 2015. https://www.ft.com/content/43177e48-8ea f-11e5-8be4-3506bf20cc2b 64 Derald Wing Su, “Microaggressions: More Than Just Race,” Psychology Today, November 1, 2010. https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/microaggressions-in-e veryday-life/201011/microaggressions-more-just-race 65 Jim Axelrod, “Female Supreme Court Justices Interrupted More than Male Colleagues, Study Says” CBS News, April 12, 2017. http://www.cbsnews.com/news/ female-supreme-court-justices-interrupted-more-male-colleagues-study/ 66 Doha Madani, “People are loving this new word to rival the mansplaining phenomenon,” Huffington Post, September 22, 2017. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/ women-men-mansplain-hepeated_us_59c5a5d0e4b06ddf45f80ba7 67 http://mansplained.tumblr.com 68 Rebecca Solnit, “Men Still Explain Things to Me,” The Nation, August 20, 2012. http s://www.thenation.com/article/men-still-explain-things-me/ 69 Greg Gilman, “Teen Vogue Reporter Battles ‘Partisan Hack’ Tucker Carlson on Fox News,” The Wrap, December 24, 2016. http://www.thewrap.com/tucker-carlsonteen-vogue-lauren-duca-fox-news-ivanka-trump-partisan-hack-donald-trump/ 70 Gilman, 2016. 71 DOD, Report to the President of the United States on Sexual Assault Prevention and Response, 2014. http://www.stripes.com/polopoly_fs/1.317352.1417717978!/menu/standard/ file/Consolidated%20DoD%20SAPR%20Report%20to%20POTUS-email.pdf 72 Richard Harris, Sexism, Sexual Harassment and Sexual Assault: Toward Conceptual Clarity, Summer 2008. https://archive.org/stream/DTIC_ADA488866/DTIC_ADA488866_ djvu.txt: Safe@School, “Sexism and Violence Against Girls and Women,” 2013. http://www.safeatschool.ca/plm/equity-and-inclusion/understanding-sexism-racism -and-homophobia/sexism-and-violence

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73 Joan Johnson-Freese, “Sexism and Sexual Assault: Connecting the Dots,” USNI Blog, May 2015. https://blog.usni.org/2015/05/06/sexism-and-sexual-assault-connecting -the-dots 74 See: Carol Cohn, “How Can She Claim Equal Rights When She Doesn’t Have to Do as Many Push-ups as I do?” Men and Masculinity, Vol. 3, No. 2, pp.131–151. 75 “The Paradox of Meritocracy in Organizations,” http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721. 1/65884 76 Marianne Cooper, “The False Promise of Meritocracy,” The Atlantic, December 1, 2015. http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2015/12/meritocracy/418074/ 77 Jodi Kanter, “Harvard Business School Case Study: Gender Equality,” New York Times, September 7, 2013. http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/08/education/harva rd-case-study-gender-equity.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0 78 Kanter, 2013. 79 “Gendered Language in Teacher Reviews,” http://benschmidt.org/profGender/#% 7B%22database%22%3A%22RMP%22%2C%22plotType%22%3A%22pointchart%22% 2C%22method%22%3A%22return_json%22%2C%22search_limits%22%3A%7B% 22word%22%3A%5B%22funny%22%5D%2C%22department__id%22%3A%7B%22% 24lte%22%3A25%7D%7D%2C%22aesthetic%22%3A%7B%22x%22%3A%22Word sPerMillion%22%2C%22y%22%3A%22department%22%2C%22color%22%3A% 22gender%22%7D%2C%22counttype%22%3A%5B%22WordCount%22%2C%22Tota lWords%22%5D%2C%22groups%22%3A%5B%22unigram%22%5D%7D 80 David G. Smith, Judith E. Rosenstein, and Margaret C. Nikolov, “The Different Words We Use to Describe Male and Female Leaders,” Harvard Business Review, May 25, 2018. 81 M. Ena Inesi and Daniel M. Cable, “When Accomplishments Come Back to Haunt You: The Negative Effects of Competence Signals on Women’s Performance Evaluations,” Personnel Psychology, Vol, 67, No. 3, 2014. 82 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/09/24/fox-the-five-sexist-jokes_n_5879358.html 83 Katty Kay and Claire Shipman, “The Confidence Gap,” The Atlantic, May 2014, p. 59. 84 Institute for Leadership and Management, “Ambition and Gender at Work”. 85 The author was in attendance at that presentation on July 10, 2014. See also: Daniel Oberhaus, “Sexism in Space,” Motherboard, April 2, 2015. http://motherboard.vice. com/read/sexism-in-space 86 Joan C. Williams, Katherine W. Phillips, and Erika V. Hall, Double Jeopardy, UC Hastings College of Law, 2015. http://www.uchastings.edu/news/articles/2015/01/ double-jeopardy-report.pdf 87 Justin Kruger and David Dunning, “Unskilled and Unaware of It: How Difficulties in Recognizing One’s Own Incompetence Lead to Inflated Self-Assessments,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 77, No. 6, 1999, pp.1121–1134. 88 Joyce Ehrlinger and David Dunning, “How Chronic Self Views Influence (and Potentially Mislead) Estimates of Performance,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 84, No. 1. 2003, pp.5–17. 89 Tomas Chamarro-Premuzic, “Why Do so many Incompetent Men Become Leaders?” Harvard Business Review, August 22, 2013. https://hbr.org/2013/08/why-do-so-ma ny-incompetent-men 90 Email correspondence between Joan Johnson-Freese and Lieutenant Commander Elisabeth Erickson, March 17, 2017. 91 “Women: If You’re Competent, It’s Time to be Confident,” March 23, 2015. http:// www.forbes.com/sites/brucekasanoff/2015/03/23/women-if-youre-competent-it s-time-to-be-confident/ 92 Victoria Brescoll and Tyler Okimoto, “The Price of Power: Power Seeking and Backlash Against Female Politicians,” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, June 2, 2010. 93 Olivia O’Reilly and Charles O’Reilly, “Women Who Display Masculine Traits – and Know When Not To – Get More Promotions Than Men,” March 1, 2011. http:// www.gsb.stanford.edu/news/research/womencareerresearchbyoreilly.html

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94 For a discussion of how women “manage” femininity in the military see Melissa Herbert, Camouflage Isn’t Only for Combat, NYU Press, 2000. 95 Darlene Iskra, Breaking Through the Brass Ceiling: Elite Military Women’s Strategies for Success, University of Maryland College Park, 2007, p.16. 96 pp.54–58. 97 p.56. 98 Herminia Ibarra, Nancy M. Carter, Christine Silva, “Why Men Still Get More Promotions Than Women,” Harvard Business Review, September 2010. https://hbr.org/ 2010/09/why-men-still-get-more-promotions-than-women; Ragins, B.R., Cotton, J. L., “Mentor Foundations and Outcomes: A Comparison of Men and Women in Formal and Informal Mentoring Relationships,” Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 84, No. 4, 1999, pp.529–550. 99 Abby Phillip, “One of the Most Powerful Women in the World Won’t Speak at Smith College after Protests,” The Washington Post, May 12, 2014. https://www.wa shingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2014/05/12/one-of-the-most-powerfulwomen-in-the-world-wont-speak-at-smith-college-after-protests/?utm_term=. e34f1139aadf 100 Rosalind Eyben and Laura Turquet (eds), Feminists in Development Organizations, Practical Action, 2014. 101 Alexis Seikert, “Feature – Female Fighter Pilot Stands Alone,” Osan Air Base, March 28, 2013. 102 Tammy D. Allen, Chapter 5: “Mentoring Relationships from the Perspective of the Mentor,” The Handbook of Mentoring at Work, Sage, p.127 103 K. Lyness, and D.E. Thompson, “Climbing the Corporate Ladder: Do Female and Male Executives follow the Same Route?” Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 85, No. 1, 2000, p.101. 104 Ken Auletta, “Why Jill Abramson Was Fired,” The New Yorker, May 14, 2014. http:// www.newyorker.com/business/currency/why-jill-abramson-was-fired 105 Dylan Byers, “Turbulence and The Times,” Politico, April 23, 2013. http://www.poli tico.com/story/2013/04/new-york-times-turbulence-090544 106 Liz Spayd, “The Declining Fortunes of Women at The Times,” The New York Times, March 5, 2017, A11. 107 Katie Zavadski, “Gen. Mike Flynn’s Office Told Women to Wear Makeup, Heels, and Skirts,” The Daily Beast, November 18, 2016. http://www.thedailybeast.com/arti cles/2016/11/18/gen-mike-flynn-s-office-told-women-to-wear-makeup-heels-a nd-skirts.html 108 Jolynn Shoemaker and Jennifer Park, Progress Report on Women in Peace and Security Careers, WIIS, 2014. In key agencies responsible for national security and foreign policy (i.e. State Department, USAID, Department of Defense), the percentage of women in senior positions continues to hover between 21 and 29 percent. 109 http://wiisglobal.org/about-wiis/ 110 http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2012/07/why-women-still-cant-ha ve-it-all/309020/ 111 Ayelet Waldman, “Is This Really Goodbye?” Marie-Claire, October 18, 2012. http:// www.marieclaire.com/politics/news/a7354/hillary-clinton-farewell/?click=list1; Rachel Bade, “Anne-Marie Slaughter ‘Devastated’ by Clinton’s Take on her ‘Have It All’ Article,” Politico, November 30, 2015. http://www.politico.com/story/2015/11/ hillary-clinton-emails-slaughter-216285 112 Math was not included. 113 Sylvia Ann Hewlett et al., “The Athena Factor: Reversing the Brain Drain in Science, Engineering and Technology,” Harvard Business Review, Research Report #10094, June 2008, pp.i–ii. 114 Kathleen Melymuka, “Why Women Quit Technology,” ComputerWorld, June 112, 2008. http://www.computerworld.com/article/2551969/it-careers/why-womenquit-technology.html

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115 Jena McGregor, “Keeping Women in High-Tech Fields is Big Challenge, Report Finds,” Washington Post, February 12, 2014. http://www.washingtonpost.com/busi ness/economy/keeping-women-in-high-tech-fields-is-big-challenge-report-finds/ 2014/02/12/8a53c6ac-93fe-11e3-b46a-5a3d0d2130da_story.html 116 Seron et al., 2016. 117 The Elephant in the Valley. http://www.elephantinthevalley.com 118 Basic Books, 1993. 119 “Rosebeth Moss Kanter,” The Economist, October 24, 2008. http://www.economist. com/node/12492049 120 Cristian L. Dezso˝, David Gaddis Ross, and Jose Uribe “Is There an Implicit Quota on Women in Top Management? A Large-Sample Statistical Analysis,” Strategic Management Journal, November 15, 2015. 121 Olga Khazan, “The Queen Bee in the Corner Office,” The Atlantic, September 2017, p.53. 122 Sheryl Sandberg and Adam Grant, “Sheryl Sandberg on the Myth of the Catty Woman,” The New York Times, June 23, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/ 23/opinion/sunday/sheryl-sandberg-on-the-myth-of-the-catty-woman.html 123 “Understanding Bias: A Resource Guide,” Community Relations Services Toolkit for Policing, US Department of Justice. https://www.justice.gov/crs/file/836431/download 124 Patricia Devine et al., “Long-term Reduction in Implicit Race Bias: A Prejudice Habit-breaking Intervention,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Vol. 48, November 2012. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3603687/ 125 https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/takeatest.html 126 Hudson and Leidl, 2015, p.23. 127 Richard A. Robbins, Jr., “Retention of Recruited Athletes from the United States Naval Academy,” Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. https://calhoun.nps.edu/bit stream/handle/10945/1522/04Jun_Robbins.pdf?sequence=1; Darlene Iskra, Breaking Through the Brass Ceiling: Elite Military Women’s Strategies for Success, University of Maryland College Park, p.142. 128 http://www.girlscouts.org/en/about-girl-scouts/who-we-are/facts.html 129 Sarah Bachman, “Feminism to Become a School Subject,” The Educator Online, November 3, 2015. http://www.educatoronline.com.au/news/feminism-to-becom e-a-school-subject-207793.aspx 130 “Australian Students to Be Taught ‘Male Privilege,’” October 14, 2016. http://www. bbc.com/news/world-australia-37640353

Further reading Allport, Gordon, On the Nature of Prejudice, Addison-Wesley Publishing, 25th Anniversary Edition, 1979. Eagley, Alice and Linda Carli, Through the Labyrinth: The Truth About Women Becoming Leaders, Harvard Business Review Press, 2007 Dovido, John, Peter Glick and Laurie Rudman (eds), One the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years After Allport, Wiley-Blackwell, 2005. Eyben, Rosalind, and Laura Turquet (eds), Feminists in Development Organizations, Practical Action, 2014. Farrell, Warren, The Myth of Male Power, Dr. Warren Farrell, publisher, 1993. Fenner, Lorry M., Women in Combat, Georgetown University Press, 2001. Kanter, Rosabeth Moss, Men and Women of the Corporation, Basic Books, 2nd edition, 1993. Kendrigan, Mary Lou, Gender Matters, Praeger Publishing, 1991. Mackinnon, Catherine, Toward a Feminist Theory of the State, Harvard University Press, 1989. Moog, Carol, Are They Selling Her Lips? William Morrow and Company, 1990.

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Notkin, Melanie, Otherhood: Modern Women Finding a New Kind of Happiness, Seal Press, 2014 Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work and the Will to Lead, Knopf, 2013. Shipman, Claire and Katty Kay, The Confidence Code: The Science and Art of Self-Assuredness – What Women Should Know, Harper Business, 2014. Smith, David and W. Brad Johnson, Athena Rising: Why Men Should Mentor Women, Routledge, 2016. Solnit, Rebecca, Men Explain Things to Me, Haymarket Publishing, 2014.

4 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

When violence becomes “normalized” Women are not inherently non-violent. In 2015, women carried out 39 of the 89 suicide bombings attributed to Boko Haram. “Twenty-one of those female attackers were under the age of 18, many of them girls apparently abducted from villages and cities and converted into assassins.”1 Female attackers are considered responsible for hundreds of deaths across northeastern Nigeria in places where women have easy access, including in displacement camps. Women have also been known to resort to violence against other women, as will be shown in this chapter, to protect their position in society. Women also become radicalized for “causes.” The first ever all-female ISIS cell was discovered in London in 2018.2 Motivations for these women being or becoming killers may be indoctrination, threats, having been brutalized, their individual nature, or something else. Women also have been shown over centuries to be effective combatants. However, systemic and societal violence against an out-group is largely directed “at,” rather than “by,” women. A 2015 report funded by United States Agency for International Development (USAID) stated: “Social constructions of gender almost always confer a higher social value on men than women, and privilege the masculine over the feminine. Male violence against women and girls is born of that privilege.”3 Consequently, working with men and boys to encourage expressions of what has been called “positive masculinity,” while empowering women and girls, offers a way forward, away from the gender-focused violence that prevails. A training guide for developing positive masculinity used in Nairobi, Kenya explains the concept. “Violence is all about power; men as the main perpetrators of violence exert ‘power over’ women or other men that they perceive to be weaker than them. Positive masculinity is about tapping the ‘power within’ and exercising ‘power with’ others, be they women or fellow men.”4

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Nobel Peace Laureate Mairead Maguire summarized the problem of violence against women well. I think there is a socialization that goes on where violence becomes acceptable. You have to change that and say, No, that’s not acceptable, rape is not acceptable and neither is any form of violence against women. We must not be ambiguous about violence. The greatest war is fought inside our own hearts, a war of anger and resentment and greed. So we start within ourselves and then with our families and our communities.5 As long as violence is tolerated, it will shake the foundations of civil societies, which then threatens stability and therefore security. Unfortunately too, violence is often not just tolerated, but considered “normal.” In 2016, a unanimous jury convicted 19-year old Stanford University freshman and potential Olympic swimmer Brock Turner of three counts of sexual assault. The assault took place by a dumpster near a fraternity house where both Turner and the 23-year old victim had been drinking at a party. During the trial, Turner said the victim had consented and blamed “the party culture and risk-taking behavior” of college for his actions.6 Although the prosecutors had asked for six years in state prison in accordance with the two-year minimum guidelines for each of the three felony counts for which Turner was convicted, Judge Aaron Persky sentenced him to six months in county jail and three years of probation. Judge Persky stated a prison sentence would have “a severe impact” and “adverse collateral consequences”7 on Turner. While public outrage ensued, the leniency of the sentence, it turns out, was not uncommon for male athletes in similar situations.8 Turner blaming the college “party culture” implies that alcohol was to blame for his abhorrent behavior. But a 2002 analysis regarding the effects of alcohol on sexual assaults at college campuses found otherwise. While alcohol can exacerbate proclivities in behavior, the study concluded that, “Men who commit sexual assault when drinking alcohol are similar to men who commit sexual assault when sober in most aspects of their personality and attitudes.”9 Rather than alcohol, hypermasculinity and belief in rigid gender norms were found more influential. The Turner case occurred two years after a White House report titled Rape and Sexual Assault: A Renewed Call to Action 10 specifically cited campus sexual assault as a problem. While the link between gender inequality, campus rape, violence against women generally, and international relations may seem tenuous, the linkage is in fact direct. When violence becomes acceptable – or even excusable – in a family or society, it can span the spectrum of societal, intrastate and international relations. In 2003, political scientist Mary Caprioli considered the link between gender equality and state reliance on military force to settle disputes.11 Using data from 1960– 2001, her research concluded that states characterized by gender inequality are more likely to be involved in intrastate conflict. She noted later, in 2005, that though the

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literature on intrastate violence largely omitted considerations of gender inequality, “both structural violence and cultural violence are keys to understanding societal levels of violence because they create the fundamental justification for violence.”12 Violence breeds violence as it becomes normalized. Normalization is a process. Pervasive and systematic exploitation of a group creates an inherently violent environment such as referred to by Caprioli. The environment is characterized by unequal distribution of labor benefits, exploiter control over the consciousness of the exploited resulting in their acquiescence, keeping the exploited separated from one another, and marginalization of the exploited.13 Consequently, open, public violence is rarely needed to maintain the structure. However, “it is based on open or implicit violence in the private sphere of the home. Norms of cultural violence diffuse within religion, ideology, language, and art, among other aspects of culture.”14 Norms can be changed, often slowly as small deviations become accepted over time. Sociologist Diane Vaughn’s 1996 book The Challenger Launch Decision examined the decision-making behind launching the space shuttle Challenger. On a frigid Florida day almost certain to push the rubber O-ring seals between rocket booster segments beyond their limits, decisions were made that resulted in tragedy. In that book, she coined the phrase “normalization of deviance” to describe a cultural drift where circumstances formerly classified as “not okay” are slowly reclassified as “okay.” Once a slight deviation from the acceptable norm for launch conditions was made, the deviation became the new norm, susceptible to slipping ever further from the original standard.15 Normalization refers to social or cultural processes by which ideas and even actions come to be seen as “normal,” taken-for-granted, or “natural” in the home and everyday life. With normalization, behavior modeling can become based on inappropriate norms. Australian researchers have studied the influence of pornography on sexual behavior in relationships. They found first that pornography has become more violent over recent years, often including the abusive treatment of women. Additionally, since pornography is often a male’s first experience with sex, behavior in pornography is sometimes assumed to show what is “normal.” Researcher Maree Crabbe states, “Pornography is now our most prominent sex educator” and modeling sexual relations on pornography has led to “costly experiences” for men and their partners.16 Through both patriarchal attitudes and objectification, violence against women has become not just normalized, but regularized as a social norm, defined as [A] “social regularity,” a behavior that is in fact widely adopted in society. What distinguishes these social regularities as social norms is that they are not only what people do, but what society holds that people should do. The particular actions constituting a social norm have larger cultural or social meanings, which lead other members of society to approve or disapprove of them. The meanings attached to a social norm cause members of society to feel obliged to conform to social norms, because to do otherwise would risk sanction from other members of society.17

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Sadly, violence against women and its prerequisite attitude of gender superiority is a social norm, with three inter-related factors said to play key roles in “training” individuals to become more violent toward women: modeling, immediate reinforcement, and male-bonded groups. Modeling is first and most prominently done in homes, through parroting parental actions. Children learn acceptable behavior within their families and from role models. “John Stuart Mill argued that the tyrant at home becomes the tyrant in the state and the tyrant at war with other nations.”18 In a 2017 award acceptance speech, actress Meryl Streep voiced concerns about negative modeling by a national leader, referring to Donald Trump. And this instinct to humiliate, when it’s modeled by someone in the public platform, by someone powerful, it filters down into everybody’s life, because it kind of gives permission for other people to do the same thing.19 When a leader mocks a reporter with a physiological condition, as Streep was referring to, or brags about sexual assault, it can be seen as a signal defining acceptable behavior to others. Streep’s concerns about the behavior of leaders influencing others have begun to be tested. In 2017, the New York Times surveyed 615 men about how they conduct themselves at work. Men in blue-collar jobs, those who were white or Republicans, and those who described a feeling of resentment or being unappreciated at work were more likely to acknowledge harassing behavior. Of those, 68% strongly or somewhat approves of the job Donald Trump is doing as President. Role models are important.20 Immediate reinforcement refers to the fulfillment of emotional or physical needs, such as exerting power, physical gratification, even material gain. The pull toward giving in to immediate reinforcement temptations is especially heightened when the chances of punishment are considered low, as is often the case with acts of violence or subjugation against women. Immediate reinforcement can also refer to gratification through acceptance and approval of peers. Male bonding can link various types of gratification. Male bonding refers to the previously referenced findings within evolutionary biology that men bond more closely with men, than women do with women. Several considerations flow from that finding. First, competition within groups will lead to ingroup aggression, and even more certainly to out-group aggression. Women comprise the largest out-group, with strata among them through intersectionality. Also, while men learn primarily from the behavior and peer requirements of other men, “even when women associate with other women, their allegiance is primarily to the male heads of their households”21 and male beliefs. Women learn from experience and from other women that men’s beliefs are paramount. They do so because, per Petersen and Wrangham, they seek protection for themselves and their children.22 Because war has been considered an inherently “male” activity, the intensification of male-bonded groups – male in-groups fighting male out-groups – is heightened. There are comrades and there is the enemy and an often life or death battle between

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them. Individuals learn from their comrades, and are subject to peer pressure from their comrades. Modeling occurs within hyper masculinized environments, including overt efforts to strip away all aspects of feminization. One way to do that is to demonstrate control over females, through sexual violence. Thousands of Korean “comfort women” were pressed into sexual slavery to satisfy the sexual demands of Japanese troops during World War II, while also serving a political purpose of “shaming” the Korean men who had been unable to defend them. Historically, conquering enemy wealth and property was considered a legitimate reason for war in and of itself. Under the Greek empire, women were included in the category of “property” since they were considered under the lawful ownership of a man, whether their father, husband, slave master or guardian. Consequently, raping a woman was considered a property crime against the man who owned the women,23 laying the groundwork for similar contemporary legal considerations of rape as a property crime. During World War II, there were also numerous accounts of Russian soldiers raping German women, and German soldiers raping Russian women.24 Along with death in the camps, incidents of rape and sadism against Jewish women were perpetrated during World War II. Nazi doctors simulated numerous types of battle wounds for study at the Ravensbruck concentration camp, often specifically choosing attractive women to mutilate.25 Yet rape was not listed as a “crime against humanity” in the Charter of the International Military Tribunal for the Nuremburg Trials (1945). The Foca Rape Case, decided in 2002 by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (the ICTY), marked the first time that anyone was convicted of rape as a crime against humanity. There, three Serbian defendants were each found guilty of acts of rape, torture and enslavement of non-Serbian women committed between 1992–1993 during the Bosnian conflict, and sentenced to a total of 60 years in prison.26 Unfortunately, however, that conviction has not stopped or even largely deterred the crime. Impunity remains the expected norm. Only rarely have individuals been held responsible for the rape or sexual slavery of women during conflicts. An international tribunal estimated that Japanese soldiers raped some 20,000 Chinese women in Nanjing in 1937, during the second Sino-Japanese war. While the International Trials for the Far East, known as the Tokyo Trials, did not prosecute Imperial Japanese Army leaders for the institution of military sexual slaves, the Korean comfort women, trial proceedings did reference the “Rape of Nanjing.” Two Japanese officials were convicted of failing to prevent rape.27 The International Criminal Court (ICC) sentenced former Congolese Vice President Jean-Pierre Bemba to 18 years in prison in 2016. In an unprecedented ruling, Bemba was held responsible for the actions of subordinates involved in a 2002–2003 campaign of rape and murder in the neighboring Central African Republic. His case was the first to focus on rape as a weapon of war by the ICC. He was convicted on two counts of crimes against humanity and three counts of war crimes. “His arrest in 2008 came as a surprise both to Bemba and his

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supporters and opponents at home. He had been living in semi-exile in Europe for several years when prosecutors sprung a trap by issuing an arrest warrant during a visit to Belgium, Congo’s former colonial master.”28 Though it was hoped that the Bemba conviction signaled an ending to impunity, in 2018, the ICC acquitted Bemba of crimes against humanity on appeal.29 In another case, during Guatemala’s 36-year internal military conflict that ended in 1996, indigenous Mayan women were targeted for sexual violence. In February 2016, a Guatemalan court sentenced two former military members to 360 years in jail for murder, rape and sexual enslavement of women. It was the first successful prosecution for sexual violence committed during the violent 1980s. Testimony was heard during the trial about rape being used as a tool of war, intended to pollute and thus dilute the Mayan population. Jubilant indigenous women celebrated the court ruling, though most with their faces covered in fear of retribution for speaking out and fighting for their legal rights.30 Rape has long and too often “been mischaracterized and dismissed by military and political leaders—those in a position to stop it—as a private crime, a sexual act, the ignoble conduct of one occasional soldier, or, worse still, it has been accepted precisely because it is so commonplace.”31 The omission of rape as a crime against humanity at Nuremberg gave way to subsequent military excuses for rape being common as “regrettable excess” in Peru and that rape charges were made to “attract sympathy and give the government negative publicity” in Kenya.32

The breadth and depth of violence Violence against women is a global epidemic. No country is immune. An estimated 35% of women worldwide have experienced sexual violence. Almost half of all women victims of homicide in 2012 were killed by intimate partners or family members, compared to less than 6% of male homicide victims killed in the same period. More than 70% of global human trafficking victims are women and girls.33 The Russian experience with domestic violence is illustrative as the prevalence of domestic violence there is staggering. A 2007 United Nations Populations Fund (UNPF) report stated that 14,000 Russian women are murdered each year by their domestic partner. Seventy-five percent of those murders occur when the woman is trying to leave the relationship. That means there was one woman killed every 40 minutes. For perspective, the total number of Russian soldiers killed in the ten-year Afghan war was 14,453.34 The data has changed little in the intervening years since 2007. There are still an estimated 36,000 instances of domestic abuse reported each year in Russia, and as of 2014, still an estimated 14,000 women die annually at the hands of their domestic partners.35 As sad as statistics regarding incidents of abuse are, the statistics about low prosecution rates, light sentencing, and acceptance by women that violence is their lot in life are even more so. When violence against women (and children) is accepted, the step toward accepting violence as the primary method of solving

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disputes – including state security – becomes easier. Violence has become normalized, accepted by society and individuals, including women. A 2005 Amnesty International report on domestic violence in Russia began by chronicling Anna, a Russian domestic abuse victim. When Anna filed divorce papers, the violence increased. More than once her husband tried to set her on fire, and attacked her with a pike and a knife. Police largely dismissed her cries for help. Eventually, Anna’s husband was charged with attempted murder. After considering the years of abuse, the judge finally sentenced Anna’s husband to one year in jail. None of Anna’s story is all that unusual, regardless of where it geographically occurs. The striking part of Anna’s story is the family and societal attitudes involved. Anna’s husband continues to receive a lot of sympathy from others. His sister reportedly told her, “He has such a difficult life, he does not have work and he is an alcoholic, but you – you are an active woman, you have work and continue your studies. You need to take better care of him, so that everything will be as it used to.” Anna says that other victims of violence in the family told her: “That is our fate. If he is aggressive, you should just go shopping until he calms down.” She said: “Women, including female judges, do not show solidarity. They consider I should solve my problems myself. Four times in 2004 the police and judges of the peace refused to open a criminal case.”36 Being abused was considered Anna’s “fate.” Some Russian writers attribute Russian attitudes toward domestic violence to the so-called Domostroi, a manual written by an unknown Russian author in the 16th century on how to discipline family and servants. It affirmed the right of husbands to beat their wives. Western societies provided similar guidance through axioms like “spare the rod and spoil the child” and “wives and bells must be struck regularly.” American educator and trauma specialist Marilyn Murray lived and worked in Russia for ten years. She recalled conversations with Russian men she had when a guest on a Russian radio talk show. “But to be Russian is to be violent. You can’t be a Russian man and not have the freedom to be violent.” “Aggression is normal here in Russia. Being aggressive is who we are.” “We understand that Russia is a violent place, and we just have to learn how to adapt to it. And that means we have to learn how to protect ourselves and be violent too.”37 High rates of alcoholism factor into domestic violence rates in Russia as well, aggravating already existing cultural propensities toward violence. According to Murray, alcohol is linked to 83 percent of murders committed in Russia.38

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There is little indication that the domestic violence situation in Russia will positively change in the near future. Ultra-conservative Russian Senator Yelena Mizulena, best known for introducing legislation against so-called gay propaganda and chair of the Duma committee on family, women and children’s affairs, introduced a bill in the Russian Duma in July 2016 to decriminalize domestic abuse. “Battery carried out toward family members should be an administrative offence,” said Mizulina, “You don’t want people to be imprisoned for two years and labeled a criminal for the rest of their lives for a slap.”39 That legislation was reintroduced in 2017. As Russia becomes increasingly authoritarian, it appears to be returning to its conservative roots, sometimes with the help of women politicians. Russia is by no means alone among countries, even among G-8 countries, in its domestic abuses problems. According to a 2016 European Union survey of almost 30,000 individuals, 27% of European respondents said that rape might be justified in some circumstances – up to 55% in some countries. These circumstances included being drunk, women walking alone at night, and women not clearly saying no or fighting back.40 In 2017, an Italian judge dismissed a sexual assault case because the rape victim “didn’t scream” during the attack. The woman said only, “Stop it” and “Enough” without crying out or calling for help.41 Europe is not alone in its sometimes incomprehensible views on rape and the treatment of rapists. If a woman is raped in the United States, becomes pregnant and decides to keep her baby, state law determines the visitation and parental rights of the rapist. In April 2017 an all-male panel in Maryland, one of only seven states (with North Dakota, Minnesota, Wyoming, New Mexico, Mississippi, Alabama)42 requiring sexual assault survivors to negotiate child visitation with their rapist, failed to pass a bill ending that practice.43 In 2017, a convicted sex-offender in Michigan was granted joint custody of a child born to a woman who she says the sex-offender raped her when she was 12.44 Rape victims are sometimes forced to co-parent with their attacker. In making the decision to keep their babies, however, these victim mothers face the possibility of psychologically painful and damaging prolonged contact with their rapists. In most states, rapist fathers enjoy the same parental rights as any other biological parent. The existence of these parental rights means that the rapist father may seek physical custody, legal custody, or visitation with the child. If granted any of these rights, he is subsequently able to assert a significant level of control over the victim mother’s life through his control over the child’s life and upbringing.45 In a very real sense, the woman’s victimization becomes chronic. In the United States, Heather Hlavka focuses her research on sexual victimization. In a 2014 article46 she examines why young women do not report instances of sexual harassment and abuse. The term “heteronormative” refers to a world view promoting heterosexuality as the normal, or preferred sexual orientation, and sees sexual orientation as binary.

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Young people are socialized into a patriarchal culture that normalizes and often encourages male power and aggression, particularly within the context of heterosexual relationships. As men’s heterosexual violence is viewed as customary, so too is women’s endurance of it… These discourses shape embodied experiences normalizing the presumption that men’s sexual aggression is simply “boys being boys”… Girls are thus expected to endure aggression by men because that is part of man.47 Unhealthy attitudes are established early by both sexes. Gender equality cannot be blamed on or fixed by men alone.

Abating violence There is a recognized link between the status of women and girls, in terms of personal safety and gender equality, and a society’s stability.48 Statistically evaluating personal safety through reported crimes against women can be difficult, due to underreporting, crimes being dismissed as domestic issues, and being buried in general data. However, crime rates generally can be an indicator of the strength of societal fabric. According to a 2014 UN report, crime – violent crime – remains a persistent problem in several areas of the world,49 especially Southern Africa, Central and South America. A pragmatic and clearly security-related reason to be working toward building strong civil societies is abating terrorism. Most terrorist organizations are not state-sponsored, but rather are comprised of individuals recruited from communities. While poverty does not cause terrorism, poverty provides a petri dish within which radicalization can more easily occur. Therefore, it is in the interests of all countries to work with communities to strengthen civil society, economic opportunities, and promote generally stable conditions. Further, helping women to “prevent terrorism can include offering training on how to discuss terrorism with family, friends, and the broader community; how to recognize signs of radicalization and proclivities for violence; and resources to turn to if women suspect that individuals or groups are planning terrorist attacks.”50 That requires empowerment. As mothers, wives, daughters and sisters, women have unique access within families and communities. Unfortunately, in some instances religious and cultural beliefs keep women from developing leadership and advocacy skills, or even the belief that they have a right to speak out regarding destabilizing family and community issues.51 US efforts regarding empowering women to be positive agents of security are largely conducted through both the State Department and the Defense Department. The US State Department’s Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations (CSO) takes a leading role in preventing and minimizing conflicts by including women at the onset. Its efforts are aimed at breaking cycles of violence and mitigating conflicts. Programs through US military geographic commands similarly include efforts to stabilize society and empower women.

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AFRICOM, responsible for 54 African countries, annually conducts a multinational maritime exercise through US Naval Forces in Africa (NAVAF), called Cutlass Express. It is designed to assess and improve combined maritime law enforcement capacity and promote national and regional security in East Africa. In 2017 it was held in Mauritius, with African participants from Comoros, Djibouti, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Seychelles, and Uganda, along with the United States, Canada, and the Netherlands. I provided a presentation on Women in the Military, including provisions of UNSCR 1325 and general women’s issues, to the Senior Leadership Seminar held in conjunction with the exercise. It sparked considerable and thoughtful discussion among the all-male African representatives, discussion they might not have had otherwise. I have provided similar presentations in SOUTHCOM as well, as have many other individuals in various venues. While the short-term impact may be slight, exposure and awareness are a necessary but admittedly insufficient step toward addressing gender-related issues. These interactions are especially powerful when seen as the US leading by example. Various US organizations – the CSO bureau, embassies, USAID, and the State Department’s Office of Global Women’s Issues, and the military – regularly work on programs to abate violence. In Sierra Leone, efforts were undertaken to quell feared violence in conjunction with elections there in 2012. Having suffered a brutal civil war from 1991–2002, the country remained fragile and women remained particularly vulnerable. Fear of violence at the polls was undermining progress toward creating a stable democracy. The CSO led a US effort to help women advocate non-violence locally and nationally, and help women and election authorities build cooperation.52 In Honduras, the CSO engaged with local women in 2013 to help counter a gang-driven homicide crisis. The potential ties between Central American gangs and terrorism, especially through smuggling routes, has been cited in SOUTHCOM posture statements.53 The CSO helped launch Mujeres Unidas (Women Together), a group of women who have lost loved ones to the prevalent gang violence. A year prior, the CSO had initiated a campaign in Honduras called “Stop the Violence,” featuring graphic messaging – dead men on the street. Through focus groups with women and men, CSO found their approach too graphic. Specifically, the women said they imagined their loved ones in those pictures, and men rejected it as well, feeling that the individuals in the pictures must have done something to deserve death. Working with Mujeres Unidas, a revised campaign was launched, this time stressing “no more insecurity,” with posters advocating that message placed on streets and public transportation. A demonstration was held where women carried photos of their deceased loved ones and banners demanding government action. The lesson learned there was the need for attention to gender differences in engagement design and messaging. Women are also taking steps to protect themselves, often with the help of advocate organizations or through institutional initiatives. Many universities, for example, are offering self-defense courses for men and women,54 as are police departments. Trainers work through a variety of organizations globally to empower

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women with tools to protect themselves and their families’ safety. Grannies – women, 60, 80, and even up to 100 years old – are learning martial arts in the Korogocho slum area of Nairobi, Kenya. The classes began after the Gender Recovery Center of Nairobi’s Women’s Hospital reported that a significant number of their sexual assault patients are over 60. Older women often live alone and are seen as easy targets by young men with no jobs, no wives, no prospects and who spend much of their day drinking, thereby leading to dangerous and careless behavior at night. The Grannies are taught to protect themselves through a group called Streams for Hope and Peace. The key to deterrence is accuracy, teaching the women to target vulnerable parts of their attacker’s body, and to yell NO loudly to attract the attention of others.55 Women in Egypt created HarassMap in 2010 because street attacks on women were becoming “normal.” According to HarassMap’s website it crowdsources “SMS and online reports of sexual harassment and assault and maps them on our online map.”56 Working with other organizations, HarrassMap workers then mobilize volunteers to rescue women being harassed and assaulted by crowds, using HarassMap data. The extent of the harassment and assault is evidenced by the practices of the rescuers. “Teams of fifteen male rescuers would wear special identifying vests and carry flares and extra clothing to help victims, who would be spirited to safe houses. Rescuers then form a human chain around the woman to get her to safety. Some may carry sticks to deter offenders.”57 There is something horribly wrong with these situations and many others like them. They reflect the efforts of individuals to live their everyday lives in what are considered “peaceful” areas, under “normal” circumstances. But there is nothing either peaceful or normal about them. The problems experienced by many women are comparable in many ways to the lives of women in conflict zones; unpredictable and dangerous. Violence against women is an issue from a human rights perspective. But it is also an issue from a national security perspective. Gender equality, power politics and state security can no longer be considered as separate spheres. Examples of culturally accepted violence against women illustrate the pervasiveness and effects.

Female genital mutilation In general, female genital mutilation, or cutting (FGM/C) is practiced as part of patrilineal societal norms and the deep entrenchment of gender inequality. In those societies, men and women support FGM/C and anyone who dares go against the norm could face condemnation, harassment and ostracism. It is an extreme form of discrimination against women. But it is difficult for individuals or even families to abandon the practice as all could face negative consequences. Consequently, most often it is the women in the family who push continuance of the practice, and carry it out. Wider community support is necessary to change the community norm. The number of women who have been subjected to FGM/C is unknown. According to the World Health Organization, the practice refers to “all procedures

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involving partial or total removal of the female external genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons.”58 It is estimated that at least 200 million girls and women have been cut in some 30 African and Middle East countries.59 However, because organizations like the United Nations have actively campaigned against the practice, calling for global abolition as a matter of not just human rights but global health as well, women frequently are reluctant to admit to involvement making underreporting a serious issue. FGM/C is also practiced in certain Asian ethnic groups, in the Middle East and communities in South America. It is even practiced in diaspora groups in Australia, Europe, the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom. In 2015, over 1,300 cases of FGM/C were recorded in the United Kingdom.60 Terminology matters. Some individuals working with women who support FGM/C encountered resentment at the “mutilation” terminology used by outsiders; as supporters see it as “value loaded” to convey disgust. Consequently, “cutting” is sometimes the preferred terminology.61 FGM is used on all United Nations’ documents referencing the practice, as it is considered a violation of human rights. The term “female circumcision” has also been used, though it has drawn criticism from the health communities because male circumcision and female cutting are not parallel. Female cutting is not a health-related practice, as is circumcision. Men in Eastern and Southern Africa are encouraged to be circumcised to reduce the risk of HIV transmission, while FGM/C can increase the risk of HIV transmission in women. The term female genital surgery is also sometimes used, although the procedures are often far from anything a medical practitioner would consider surgical. According to the United Nations Population Fund, “FGM is carried out with special knives, scissors, scalpels, pieces of glass or razor blades. Anesthetic and antiseptics are generally not used unless medical practitioners carry out the procedure. In communities where infibulation is practiced, girls’ legs are often bound together to immobilize them for 10–14 days, allowing for the formation of scar tissue.”62 In some instances, women appear to embrace the custom as a rite of passage. Anthropology professor Bettina Shell-Duncan has studied FGM/C in a number of countries, including among the nomadic Rendille ethnic group in eastern Kenya. Among the Rendille, circumcision is part of wedding ceremonies, which are drawn out over several years. The first part of the ceremony, where the bride is transferred to the groom, includes FGM/C. Shell-Duncan had the opportunity to attend a wedding ceremony of a 16-yearold girl, including the cutting, in 1996. She described the process and the aftermath in a 2015 interview. They brought in the bride and they brought in the circumciser, a woman, and a couple of other women followed. I just sat on the edge in this tiny hut, and watched what was going on. It all happened pretty quickly. They had one woman working, and the other women held each leg. The circumciser came in and lifted this cloth that the woman had been wearing draped around her.

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The circumciser kneeled and did basically this. [Flicks her wrist twice] And it was done. They poured some water with herbs boiled in it over her body. They moved her up to this little loft. After a little time everybody looked to see if the cut was okay, and after that, they started brewing some tea. One woman went outside and announced the circumcision was successful. People started roasting lamb, meat. A little while later, warriors came over to the hut and started singing and dancing praises to the bride and groom. This went on for hours. There was this complete celebration….The bride came out and joined the dancing…She was joyful.63 Shell-Duncan explains further that when a Rendille woman marries, she goes to live with the husband’s family, as is the case in most patrilineal cultures. It is therefore important that she becomes part of the female network of her husband’s kin, who are circumcised. “Female circumcision is part of demarcating insider and outsider status. Are you part of this group of elder women who have power in their society?”64 Women “prove themselves” to one another with circumcision. There is evidence of a generational change in attitude among some young women, with an increasing number favoring abolishment of the practice, though with significant variances among cultures and countries. In a 2013 UNICEF study, the majority of women in 22 out of 29 countries surveyed believed the practice should end.65 However, more than half of the women in Gambia, Guinea, Egypt, Mali, Sierra Leone and Somalia support continued circumcision. There are no health benefits to any levels of the FGM/C processes, only potential harm. There are immediate risks of hemorrhaging, shock, tetanus, wound infection and septicemia. Long-term risks include menstrual and bladder disorders, complications with childbirth, cyst formation, and an increased risk of HIV transmission.66 For many years it was believed that an education campaign to spread knowledge of the health risks among women would curtail the practice. That proved wrong. Women often recognized the health risks involved, but felt the societal benefits outweighed the risks. Therefore, a better understanding of the nature of support behind FGM/C, and how to address and curtail the practice is needed. The timing of “cutting” often correlates to motivations, generally categorized as: religious; psychosexual; sociological and cultural; hygienic or aesthetic; and socio-economic, with overlap between the categories. Though neither Islam nor Christianity requires or sanctions FGM/C, both closely value virginity and modesty. Thus FGM/C is sometimes intended to control a woman’s sexuality. In some cultures uncircumcised women are considered impure, and assumed promiscuous. Female sexual desire is depicted as negative and so circumcision saves her from temptation.67 In the Rendille culture, however, both men and women are sexually active before marriage, so circumcision is more sociological and cultural. However, Rendille women were repulsed by the idea of an uncircumcised woman delivering a baby. In certain Muslim groups, strict cleanliness is expected before praying to Allah, with circumcision considered part of cleanliness. Crossing most if not all of the motivational categories for FGM/C

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are families concerned that if their daughters are not circumcised, they will not be considered marriageable material, a key socio-economic concern. While some governments have passed legislation prohibiting the practice, these laws must be accompanied by culturally sensitive education and public-awareness to have a lasting positive impact. Communities that have employed a collective decision-making process have been most successful in abandoning the practice, as it removes the onus of abandoning cultural norms from individuals.68 Targeting individual mothers has little affect, as they are vulnerable to community pressures. The role of the medical community is precarious. In West Africa, some women began going to healthcare providers to have their or their daughters’ circumcision performed to make it safer, but certain places banned the procedure from being done in healthcare facilities. Nurses would then take their annual leave to return to their villages and perform circumcisions.69 Doctors who performed circumcisions were caught between trying to prevent short-term complications and perhaps sanctioning a harmful practice.70 Physicians attending to diaspora communities have been drawn into the ethical quandary as well. Beginning in 1996, for example, doctors at a Seattle hospital agreed to offer its female Somali patient population a ritual genital “nick,” calling it “female genitalia alteration.” They reasoned that unless they agreed to this option, girls would be taken back to Somalia for a far more extensive procedure in less hygienic surroundings. Other physicians objected to that approach, on medical,71 ethical72 and procedural73 considerations. Eliminating FGM/C is not something that can be done distinct from the empowerment of women, as FGM/C is one of many tools that deliberately keep women subservient. In research conducted in Egypt, a correlation was found between education and women’s attitudes toward FGM/C.74 The more educated a woman, the less she favored FGM/C. Similarly, a 2015 article looking at men’s attitudes regarding abandonment of FGM/C practices also found education as the strongest influence on attitudes.75 FGM/C is not the only culturally accepted practice of violence against women.

Acid attacks An acid attack involves throwing, spraying or pouring a corrosive substance on a person, usually their face, and is intended to maim, disfigure, blind, torture or kill that person. When acid is thrown on a person’s face, the eyelids and lips may burn off completely. The nose may melt, closing the nostrils, and the ears shrivel up. Skin and bone on the skull, forehead, cheeks and chin may dissolve. When the acid splashes or drips over the neck, chest, back, arms or legs, it burns every inch of the skin it touches. When the wounds from an acid burn heal, they form thick scars that pull the skin tight and cause disfigurement. In 90 percent of cases, the eyesight of

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the victim is adversely affected, causing blindness. And then there is the psychological trauma. With a high survival rate among victims, acid attacks are rarely carried out with murder in mind. They are intended to disfigure and mutilate – to condemn the victim to a lifetime of suffering.76 It is very personal, unlike a bomb or even a gunshot. Women are most often the victims of acid attacks (also called acid throwing or vitriolage) perpetrated by men. Most often the weapon of choice is sulfuric acid, used in car batteries and so easily obtainable from cars and garages. Traditionally, disputes over issues like dowries and bride prices trigger this form of violence as retribution against women, with the intent behind the atrocity being to destroy the merchandise. But “the merchandise” is a human being, and a woman’s beauty often determines her “value” on the marriage market. Attacks can also be brought on as retribution – and warnings to others – when women dare to spurn suitors, seek divorce, anger powerful community leaders or transgress from their socially prescribed roles by undertaking independent decision-making. Perpetrators of acid violence are particularly sadistic and malicious as their intent extends beyond lifelong physical damage, to deliberate imposition of the ostracism, severe psychological issues and economic dependency survivors regularly suffer.77 Acid attacks are most prevalent in South Asian countries. Beyond the traditional reasons just cited, more recently acid attacks in countries like Bangladesh have been linked to the forces of globalization. Jobs in garment industries that have moved there tend to go to women rather than men. That can disrupt patriarchal family structures by making men financially dependent on women, thereby triggering violence. Accurate statistics on acid attacks are difficult to come by. The Acid Survivors Trust International stated in 2013 that more than 1,500 cases are reported every year, though believed significantly underreported due to fear of reprisal. In some countries the number of reported cases is decreasing, but in countries like India, where over 1,000 cases annually are estimated, attacks may still be on the rise.78 A 2011 report by the Avon Center for Women and Justice at Cornell Law School and the New York City Bar Association examined acid throwing in Bangladesh, India and Cambodia. The report concluded: “Acid attacks, like other forms of violence against women, are not random or natural phenomena. Rather, they are social phenomena deeply embedded in a gender order that has historically privileged patriarchal control over women and justified the use of violence to ‘keep women in their places.’”79 The prevalence of acid attacks in the countries considered in the report was found due to three interrelated factors: overall gender inequality and discrimination among the population, acid availability, and perpetrator impunity.80 Each must be addressed individually and in combination for real change to occur. The Avon Center Report also found that women sometimes perpetrate acid throwing against other women. In societies where women are socially and economically insecure without a male provider, a woman may attack another

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woman she considers to be a competitor for her husband or partner, to break up the relationship. By disfiguring the victim, the perpetrator intends to secure her own position. Even when driven by more personal motives, such as jealousy or vengeance, the perpetrator’s knowledge that punishment is unlikely helps to perpetuate the practice.81 Until taking away the means to commit such atrocities occurs, it is made a crime by the state, and punishment is enforced, acid crimes will likely continue and perhaps rise. The reporting situation regarding acid attacks must be viewed from a wider socio-economic context. Most victims are poor, often illiterate, and live in areas where access to basic human needs like clean water are sporadic, let alone to any type of justice system. An example from Pakistan is illustrative. More than half of all acid crimes arise in South Punjab, an agricultural area commonly referred to as the “cotton belt,” historically marred by low socioeconomic indicators and where acid is readily available in local markets and often used to clean cotton. The psychology of feudalism, institutionalization of patriarchy, and religious distortion arising from growing fundamentalism produces wide disparities among populations and general indifference to issues concerning vulnerable groups. Gender-based violence and crimes against weaker populations have gained little political interest among powerful elites.82 Without controlling access to acid, lack of awareness among the populace of fundamental rights, and weak political will to prosecute perpetrators, crimes continue and systemic immunity continues. Before 2013, acid attacks in India were classified under the category of a “grievous harm.” That made it impossible to determine the number of acid attacks reported, let alone how many attacks had actually occurred. However, in 2012 Indian public attention to acid crimes, and other gender-targeted crimes, rose after the fatal gang rape of a young Indian woman on a bus. Subsequently, in 2013 acid attacks became a specific crime for reporting purposes. Nevertheless, statistics on acid attacks widely vary. If victims have access to medical care, upward of 15–20 surgeries can be required for just functional rather than cosmetic repair. While some countries have legislated compensation for victims, victims say it is an insufficient amount to cover the medical care needed.83 Many survivors are forced to live out their lives in shelters, shunned by their families and ostracized by society. It is hoped that survivor stories will raise awareness regarding the issue and force governments to address the three consistent enabling factors behind acid attacks. Filmmakers Sharmeen ObaidChinoy and Daniel Junge chronicled two Pakistani survivors’ struggle for justice and healing in their 2012 Oscar-winning film Saving Face. Obaid-Chinoy considers the film a positive story, as it portrays the efforts of Pakistani-British plastic surgeon Mohammed Jawad’s efforts to treat acid attack victims and considers the Pakistani Parliament’s efforts at legislation on acid violence.84

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Indian model Reshma Qureshi was disfigured and lost an eye after an acid attack on her and her sister by Reshma’s estranged brother-in-law when she was 17. It was several hours after the attack before they received any medical care. Reshma walked the runway at New York Fashion Week in 2016. “‘This walk was important to me because there are so many girls like me who are survivors of acid attacks, and this will give them courage,’ Qureshi said in an interview, speaking through a translator. ‘And it will also go to show people who judge people based on their appearance that you shouldn’t judge a book by its cover — you should look at everyone through the same eyes.’”85

Honor killing In August 2015, a 22-second video of 25-year-old Pakistani Qandeel Baloch posted on Facebook went viral. Wearing large sunglasses and standing in front of a middle-aged man, she flirted with the camera, “How I’m looking? Tell me how I’m looking?” Then she answered herself, “Extraordinary.” The video made her famous as a social-media star – referred to as Pakistan’s Kim Kardashian – and it was the first of many provocative videos to follow. She supported her extended family from her social-media and modeling generated earnings. In August 2016, Qandeel’s brother, Waseem Zaeem, killed her. He then turned himself into the police, proudly admitting to having drugged and strangled her. “Girls are born only to stay at home and to bring honor to the family by following family traditions, but Qandeel had never done that,” Waseem said in a press conference that followed his confession.86 Qandeel’s mother later said Waseem had killed her after being taunted by his friends.87 Attorney Rhoda Copelon has stated that the cultural practice of honor killings is “rooted in patriarchal norms of male superiority and control and female inferiority and obedience, encased in familial and social and economic structures of inequality, terrorizing women and perpetuating gender conformity and oppression.”88 If a family feels a woman brings dishonor to the family, usually through violation of some sexual taboo such as premarital sex or extramarital relations, then the woman must be killed to restore the family honor. Attorney John Alan Cohan explained the “cultural defense” then often offered by perpetrators in a 2010 law review article. In many countries, honor killings are cultural practices that members of the society do not readily question; they become part of the “rules of the game,” in other words, a social norm…Moreover “norms constrain an individual’s behavior, but not through the centralized enforcement of a state. If they constrain, they do so because of the enforcement of the community.” In some instances an honor killing might be motivated simply because a woman believes, or is perceived to believe, in values that are in conflict with the norms of her culture. Once the family decides, rightly or wrongly, that an assault on the family’s honor has occurred, shame and humiliation cry out for revenge. This revenge

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can only transpire through the death of the female family member who has violated the prevailing moral norms. “Her male relatives cannot walk in the village with heads high. To reclaim their manhood in the eyes of other men, they cleanse their honor by stabbing or sometimes stoning her [to death].” However horrendous cultural outsiders may view this to be, adherents to the practice of honor killings believe this form of violence is a “family problem” or a “domestic situation.”89 Through the eyes of her brother, Qadeel Baloch had violated societal norms, and societal norms as he saw them then demanded – expected – that he take steps to reinstate his family honor through revenge. He was restoring societal order by reminding women of “their place.” Obaid-Chinoy addressed the issue of honor killings in her 2015 Oscar-winning film A Girl in the River: The Price of Forgiveness. The film chronicles the story of Saba, a 19-year old Pakistani woman shot, dumped in a river and left for dead by her father and uncle for eloping with a man her family considered of an inferior class. Saba survived the shooting, but her trials were not over. The law in Pakistan allows “honor” murderers and attackers to go free if forgiven by the victim’s family, or in her case, Saba herself. The pressure she faced from her family to “forgive” her attackers was enormous, and eventually she did. Saba’s “justice” came through the making of the film, which her in-laws supported.90 Finding a survivor allowed Obaid-Chinoy to make her film, but there are not many. Sadly as well, many honor-killing victims are brutally tortured before they are killed.91 The United Nations estimated in 2000 that approximately 5,000 honor killings are committed each year, primarily in India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Arab countries. However, that number is considered to be a gross underestimation by many organizations and researchers92 due to non-reporting by victims or because honor-crimes are considered domestic rather than criminal issues where they are committed. Honor killings have spread to diaspora communities. A 2014 study funded by the US Department of Justice stated that some 24–27 honor-related killings are recorded in the United States each year, though again noting the likelihood of underreporting. The primary reason for those killings was that women had become “too Westernized.”93 Britain recorded some 11,000 honor-related crimes between 2010–2014, including abductions, beatings, rape and murder.94 Sadly, while awareness of the issue is growing, so too is the conservativism that culturally endorses or at the very least legally overlooks or minimizes honor-related crime. Legislation and enforcement are the structural requirements of change that are needed to stop honor killings. The even more difficult requirements are cultural/ societal. Women are sometimes perpetrators or accomplices in honor-related crimes, evidencing the complicated nature of the issue. A 2015 study considered women’s participation in torture-murders as well.95 The most often cited motivation was again that the victim was considered by the female perpetrator as having become “too Westernized.”

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While far less common than male-on-female honor killings, female hands-on killer cases evidence the power of honor-shame traditions. The same study noted that women perpetrators are not just uneducated women from tribal villages, but sometimes educated women as well. Samia Sarwar Imran was an educated 28-year-old Pakistani-Muslim woman. Imran’s mother, a wealthy physician, “hired a hit man, accompanied him to her daughter’s divorce lawyer’s office, and made sure he shot her daughter dead: The paralegal said that Mrs. Sarwar was ‘cool and collected during the getaway, walking away from the murder of her daughter as though the woman slumped in her own blood was a stranger.’” Divorce, it seems, would have brought shame to the family. It will take men and women working together to end honor-crimes. In her acceptance speech for her A Girl in the River Oscar, Obaid-Chinoy thanked all those who had helped her make the film, including “the men who champion women,” and pointed out the power of men and women working together toward changing both structural and societal/cultural impediments to gender equality. “This is what happens when determined women get together,” Obaid-Chinoy said. “This week the Pakistani Prime Minister has said that he will change the law on honor killing after watching this film. That is the power of film.”96

Sex trafficking There are, literally, thousands of stories from sex trafficking survivors. Each reflects different circumstances and different outcomes. Together, they illustrate both the breadth and depth of the issues involved. The organization Equality Now tells the story of Concy,97 who had a happy childhood in Uganda until 2000 when she was kidnapped at age nine by Lord’s Resistance Army rebels. The rebels did not kill her, but they taught her and forced her to kill others, under penalty of death if she did not obey. The rebel leaders were afraid their fighters would escape if they did not have “wives” to fulfill their sexual desires, and so all the girls were divided among the men, including girl fighters like Concy. When the men would leave camp to fight, Concy would often be left to make sure none of the other girls escaped. If they did, Concy knew she would be killed. At the age of ten Concy was “married” to a rebel leader against her will. He had some 20 other “wives” as well. If Concy resisted his sexual advances she was beaten. After a year or so, Concy decided to try to escape, at the risk of her life. She made it to a Ugandan government camp and was given food and clothes. Eventually, she was returned to her village. While her parents accepted her, the villagers did not, because of the brutal acts she had been forced to carry out. She was psychologically traumatized and unable to return to school. At age 15 a local man raped her, and Concy became pregnant. Her mother chased her from home, saying she was now “married” to that man. She lived with him until her daughter was born. But he drank heavily and beat her. Eventually, Concy got away and found help. She got a

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job in a bakery, got treatment for her psychological issues, and her story has a happy ending. Concy went through Hell and came out on the other side. In another case, Shandra arrived at JFK airport in New York in 2001 from Indonesia with a degree in finance. Shandra had answered an ad in an Indonesia newspaper for hospitality workers in the United States. After a long interview process she was told she got the job and would be working at a hotel in Chicago. A man who was to take her to the hotel met Shandra at the airport and took her passport. It had not occurred to her that it was strange she was flown to New York when she was to work in Chicago. The realization struck when she was passed between several different men – Indonesian, Thai, Malay Chinese, and American, including one who had a badge – that first evening. Eventually, she was taken to a brothel in Brooklyn. The first thing she saw there was a man carrying a gun and a young girl being beaten. She was forced to have sex against her will within hours of landing in New York. Shandra and the other women in the brothel were required to take drugs, fed little to eat, and kept in a constant state of unpredictability and fear. She was given the name Candy and often taken to casino hotels where she would spend 45 minutes in a room, and then would be moved on to the next by her handlers. She was told it would cost her $30,000 to get her papers back and her freedom. She knew she would never be able to do that. Shandra eventually managed to escape but neither the police nor anyone at the Indonesian Embassy initially believed her story. Eventually, after the intervention of a kind stranger, the police did get involved. Shandra assisted the police in busting up the brothel in Brooklyn and getting those who she had been forced to work for arrested.98 Finally, Alma lived in Manila in the 1980s, a single mother of two. She moved to Olongapo City, near the Subic Bay US Naval Base, when her brother offered to pay for her schooling there. She quickly learned though that he had no intention of paying for her school, but instead hoped she would “strike it lucky” and marry a US serviceman so she could support the family. Alma refused to go along with her brother’s scheme, but found work hard to get. Eventually she took a job as a waitress at a local bar catering to the sailors, as did all local bars. One night a customer offered the manager a “bar fine” for Alma – a fee for sex. She refused. The manager told her she would lose her job if she refused. He also threatened to hold on to her papers that allowed her to work so she would be unable to get a job elsewhere. Alma suddenly found herself a sex worker. She sent her children back to her parents so they would not know what she did, and over the next few years had about 30 American “boyfriends.” She had a third child knowing it would never know her American father. She worried about HIV/ AIDS because customers were not required to use condoms. Finally, with the help of a woman who helped sex trafficking victims, Alma was able to escape her life as a bar girl. She even went on to help others in similar situations to hers also escape forced prostitution. Concy, Shandra and Alma’s stories have upbeat endings. Many others do not.

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Researchers have found that violence, self-harm and suicide are common among sex trafficking victims. Counseling is often not available for survivors, and when it is, it is insufficient to deal with the levels of violence experienced, leaving the victims with significant mental health issues. According to Ligia Kiss, a lecturer at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine: “Staff of post-trafficking services often don’t feel equipped to deal with mental health problems, especially with situations involving suicidal intent and alcoholism.”99 Sex trafficking victims are also susceptible to physical ailments including HIV/AIDS, vaginal/anal tearing, and rectal trauma, as well as tuberculosis, hepatitis, malaria and pneumonia due to unsanitary and dangerous living conditions.100 The US Department of State (DOS) defines sex trafficking and child sex trafficking in its July 2015 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report. 101 The definitions are carefully crafted toward closing as many of the legal loopholes as possible that trafficking perpetrators might attempt to employ. They focus on force, fraud, coercion, or any combination of such means as critical elements of trafficking. Otherwise perpetrators claim that individuals are voluntary sex workers. Sex trafficking is an umbrella term that may include commercial sex work such as involuntary prostitution, pornography, exotic dancing, stripping, live sex shows, mail-order brides, military prostitution, and sexual tourism. By the DOS definitions, if coercion of any type is involved, sexual acts are considered exploitive. Perpetrators often have considerable resources available to fight legal charges against them as according to the International Labor Organization (ILO) sex trafficking generates upward of $99 billion annually.102 Sex trafficking is a very lucrative business. The Palermo Protocol is referenced in the DOS report. It is the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children. It was adopted by the United Nations to supplement an earlier United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime,103 representing another example of the UN believing it necessary to specifically protect women and children who might otherwise be considered beyond the bounds of what ought to have been universal protections. Whereas drugs are recognized as merchandise that cannot be bought and sold, without specific prohibitory language the sale of people – women and children – otherwise might culturally or socioeconomically be considered a domestic issue or transaction. TCOs exemplify how and why geographic borders considered paramount under the Westphalian doctrine of sovereignty, where a nation has prevailing authority for what happens within its borders, are increasingly stressed. Transnational crime is an area of human security that exploits sovereign intelligence and crime-fighting stovepipes that maintain information vertically but fail to disperse it horizontally. Thus security becomes easily threatened. The human trafficking of men and women extends beyond sex trafficking. It includes involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage or slavery, including child soldiers, expunging ancestral debts and domestic servitude. Further, a victim does not have to be physically transported from one location to another for a trafficking

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crime to occur. Sex trafficking is a sub-area of human trafficking. Individuals are lured, tricked, trapped and otherwise coerced into sex trafficking in many ways, with traffickers targeting them for value and vulnerability, and then traded like a barrel of oil. ISIS published a sex slave price list, with boys and girls under nine drawing the highest price.104 Members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Questioning (LGBTQ) communities can be particularly vulnerable to falling prey to sex traffickers as they represent a disproportionate share of the runaways and homeless youth population.105 The economics of sex trafficking are important to understand. In 2012 it was estimated that 20.9 million individuals were being sexually exploited as forced labor.106 Siddharth Kara, Director of the Program on Human Trafficking and Modern Slavery at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government, explains their economic value. These sex slaves are forced to service hundreds, often thousands of men before they are discarded, forming the backbone of one of the most profitable illicit enterprises in the world. Drug trafficking creates greater dollar revenues but trafficked women are far more profitable. Unlike a drug, a human female does not have to be grown, cultivated, distilled or packaged. Unlike a drug, a human female can be used by a customer again and again.107 Women and children are high return-on-investment commodities. They are provided as a “pull” factor for tourism in places like Southeast Asia.108 They are brought in to be available to workers in extractive industries like mining in Colombia, Peru and Senegal just as food and housing are brought in.109 They are brought to areas near military camps in places like South Korea.110 The violence involved with sex trafficking goes beyond the horrific sexual exploitation of being raped multiple times each day. Victims are controlled with drugs, some are whipped, burned with cigarettes, suffer broken bones, and starved. Psychological threats to their families are employed as well. The brutalities they suffer are perverse and inhumane. Individuals like Betty Pedranza Lozano in Colombia, founder of the NGO Corporacion Espancios de Mujer, shows what can be done. Her organization works in areas where virginity auctions and sex trafficking thrive in conjunction with the mining and tourism sectors of the local economy. Gita Miruskina works through the Latvian Safe House NGO providing legal aid to sex trafficking victims. Many of the victims she works with were lured into trafficking through “sham marriages” with European Union passport holders – the victims seeking immigration benefits. Moses Binoga is the coordinator of the Ugandan National Counter Human Trafficking Taskforce. Through Mr. Binoga’s efforts the Ugandan government has increased its emphasis on prosecuting trafficking offenses. There are many other heroes as well. Individuals can make a difference.111

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Conclusions Women are not the only victims of violence. Men are victims of domestic abuse, sexual assault – in untold numbers as many times it is not reported – violent crime and conflict related violence. There is no intent to minimize or disregard their victimization and suffering. The focus of this chapter, however, is on how violence is being used to perpetuate a male-dominated power structure. Addressing systemic violence used to subjugate women will take a multipronged approach, working with men and boys and women and girls. No country is immune. When violence becomes a normalized part of civil society, it is not a far leap for violence to be a standard response to problem-solving more broadly. With that normalization of violence, the domestic security of a country can become easily threatened, opening a Pandora’s Box of bad domestic and foreign consequences.

Notes 1 Kevin Sieff, “They Were Freed from Boko Haram’s Rape Camps. But their Nightmare Isn’t Over,” Washington Post, April 3, 2015. https://www.washingtonpost.com/ world/africa/they-were-freed-from-boko-harams-rape-camps-but-their-nightma re-isnt-over/2016/04/03/dbf2aab0-e54f-11e5-a9ce-681055c7a05f_story.html 2 Nadia Khomami, “How London Teenager Plotted Attacks with All-female Terror Cell,” The Guardian, June 4, 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/ jun/04/how-london-teenager-plotted-attacks-with-all-female-terror-cell 3 “Working with Men and Boys to End Violence Against Women and Girls: Approaches, Challenges and Lessons,” February 2015, p.1. https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/ documents/1865/Men_VAW_report_Feb2015_Final.pdf 4 Nelly Njoki et al., Positive Masculinities Training Guide, Community Education and Empowerment Center, 2012. http://ceec.or.ke/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/Tra ining-Guide-Positive-Masculinities.pdf 5 Marianne Schall, “Peace Laureates Take on War on Women,” Huffington Post, June 14, 2011. https://www.huffingtonpost.com/marianne-schnall/peace-laureates-take-on-t_b_ 876348.html 6 Sam Levin, “Brock Turner Laughed after Bystanders Stopped Sexual Assault, Files Show,” The Guardian, August 26, 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/society/ 2016/aug/26/brock-turner-stanford-sexual-assault-victim-testimony-laugh 7 Marina Koren, “Why the Stanford Judge Gave Brock Turner Six Months,” The Atlantic, June 17, 2016. http://www.theatlantic.com/news/archive/2016/06/stanfor d-rape-case-judge/487415/ 8 Janette Gagnon and Emanuella Grinberg, “And About Brock Turner’s Sentence? It’s Not Uncommon,” CNN, September 4, 2016. 9 Antonia Abbey, “Alcohol-Related Sexual Assault: A Common Problem among College Students,” Journal of Studies on Alcohol, Supplement, March 2002, pp. 118–128. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4484270/ 10 April 2014. https://www.knowyourix.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/sexual_assa ult_report_1-21-14.pdf 11 Mary Caprioli, “Gender Equality and State Aggression: The Impact of Domestic Gender Equality on State First Use of Force,” International Interactions, Vol. 29, No. 3, 2003, pp.195–214. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03050620304595 12 Mary Caprioli, “Primed for Violence: The Role of Gender Inequality in Predicting Internal Conflict,” International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 49, 2005, p.163.

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13 Johan Galtung, “Cultural Violence,” Journal of Peace Research, August 1990, pp.291–305. 14 Valerie Hudson, Mary Caprioli, Bonnie Ballif-Spanville, Rose McDermott and Chad Emmett, “The Heart of the Matter,” International Security, Vol. 33. No. 3 Winter 2008, p.21. 15 Diane Vaughn, The Challenger Launch Decision, University of Chicago Press, 1996. 16 Denise Ryan, “Teachers Urged to Address Porn Factor,” Sydney Morning Herald, February 13, 2012. http://www.smh.com.au/national/education/teachers-urged-to-a ddress-porn-factor-20120210-1sjtl.html 17 C.A. Harwell Wells, Note, “The End of the Affair? Anti-Dueling Laws and Social Norms in Antebellum America,” Vanderbilt Law Review, Vol, 54, 2001; cited by John Alan Cohan, “Honor Killings and the Cultural Defense,” California Western International Law Journal, Spring 2010, p.193. 18 Valeria Hudson and Patricia Leidl, The Hillary Doctrine, Columbia University Press, 2015, p.91 19 Elahe Izadi and Amy B. Wang, “Meryl Streep Called Out Donald Trump at the Golden Globes. He Responded by Calling her ‘Overrated,’” The Washington Post, January 9, 2017. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/arts-and-entertainment/ wp/2017/01/08/meryl-streep-called-out-donald-trump-at-the-golden-globes-rea d-her-speech-here/?utm_term=.59155c5d6f15 20 Jugal K. Patel, Troy Griggs and Claire Cain Miller, “We Asked 615 Men About How They Conduct Themselves at Work,” New York Times, December 28, 2017. 21 Hudson et al., 2008/09, p.25. 22 Wrangham and Peterson, Demonic Males, p. 159, cited in Valerie Hudson and Patricia Leidl, The Hillary Doctrine: Sex and American Foreign Policy, Columbia University Press, 2015, p.93. 23 Kelly Dawn Askin, “Prosecuting Wartime Rape and Other Gender-Related Crimes under International Law: Extraordinary Advances, Enduring Obstacles,” Berkeley Journal of International Law, Vol. 21, No. 2, 2003, p.296. 24 Lucy Ash, “The Rape of Berlin,” BBC News, May 1, 2015. http://www.bbc.com/ news/magazine-32529679 25 Konnilyn G. Feig, Hitler’s Death Camps, Holmes and Meier, 1981. 26 The Hague, International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia,“Sentencing Judgement in the Kunarac, Kovac and Vukovic (Foca) Case,” June 12, 2002. http:// www.icty.org/en/press/sentencing-judgement-kunarac-kovac-and-vukovic-foca-case 27 Yuma Totani, “The Case Against the Accused,” Chapter 11 in Beyond Victor’s Justice? The Tokyo War Crimes Trial Revisited, ed. Yuki Tanaka et al., Nijhoff Publishing, 2010. 28 Owen Bowcott, Congo Politician Guilty in First ICC Trial to Focus on Rape as a War Crime,” The Guardian, March 21, 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/world/ 2016/mar/21/icc-finds-ex-congolese-vice-president-jean-pierre-bemba-guilty-of-wa r-crimes 29 Mereana Hond, “ICC Bemba Case: Appeal Court Overturns Conviction,” Al Jazeera, June 9, 2018. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/06/icc-bemba-case-appeal-cour t-overturns-conviction-180609110400636.html 30 “Guatemala: Rape Sentences in Landmark Military Trial,” BBC News, February 27, 2016. 31 Dorothy Q. Thomas and Regan Ralph, “Rape in War: Challenging the Tradition of Impunity,” SAIS Review, 1994. https://www.hrw.org/legacy/women/docs/rap einwar.htm 32 Thomas and Ralph, 1994. 33 http://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-a nd-figures 34 United Nations Population Fund, “A House Divided: Domestic Violence in the Russian Federation,” November 28, 2007. http://www.unfpa.org/news/housedivided-domestic-violence-russian-federation 35 BBC News, “The Silent Nightmare of Domestic Violence in Russia,” March 1, 2013. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-21474931

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36 Amnesty International, Russian Federation: Nowhere to Turn: Violence Against Women in the Family, December 15, 2005, p.6. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur46/ 056/2005/en/ 37 Marilyn Murray, “When Violence Is So Typical it Becomes Normal,” Moscow Times, December 16, 2012. https://themoscowtimes.com/articles/when-violence-is-so-typ ical-it-becomes-normal-20232 38 Ibid. 39 Daria Litvanova, “Russian MP Seeks to Decriminalize Domestic Violence” The Guardian, August 18, 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/aug/18/russia n-mp-seeks-to-decriminalise-domestic-violence 40 Rick Noack, “27% of European Say Rape May Be Acceptable in Some Circumstances,” The Washington Post, November 29, 2016. 41 Kristine Phillips, “A Sexual Assault Case Was Tossed Because the Woman Didn’t Scream During the Alleged Attack,” The Washington Post, March 26, 2017. 42 Breeanna Hare and Lisa Rose, “Where Rapists Can Gain Parental Rights, CNN, November 17, 2016. http://www.cnn.com/2016/11/17/health/parental-rights-rapist s-explainer/index.html 43 “Maryland’s ‘Massacre’ of a Bill to Terminate Rapists’ Parental Rights,” The Washington Post, April 15, 2017. 44 CBS News, October 9, 2017. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/christopher-mira solo-convicted-of-raping-12-year-old-given-joint-custody-of-their-child/ 45 Rachel Kessler, “Due Process and Legislation Intended to Restrict the Rights of Rapist Fathers,” Northwestern Journal of Law and Social Policy, Spring 2015, p.201. 46 Heather Hvlaka, “Normalizing Sexual Violence: Young Women Account for Harassment and Abuse,” Gender and Society, February 28, 2014. http://journals.sagepub. com/doi/abs/10.1177/0891243214526468 47 Hvlaka, 2014, pp. 339–340. 48 Rick Burton and Cindy Y. Huang, “Creative Solutions for Crisis Response and Stabilization: The Power of a Gendered Approach,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace & Security, NDU Press, 2014, p.26. 49 United Nations, Economic and Social Council, “World Crime Trends and Emerging Issues and Responses in the Field of Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice,” 2014, p.1. https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/statistics/crime/ECN. 1520145_EN.pdf 50 Jane Mosbacher Morris, “Women, Terrorism, and Counterterrorism: Crafting Effective Security Policies,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace & Security, NDU Press, 2014, p.68. 51 Mosbacher Morris, 2014. 52 Barton and Huang, 2014, pp.28–31. 53 General John F. Kelly, Commander, USSOUTHCOM, Posture Statement before Congress, March 12, 2015, p.3. http://www.armed-services.senate.gov/imo/media/ doc/Kelly_03-12-15.pdf 54 http://les.sc.edu/crime-prevention-and-safety-resources/self-defense-workshops-2/ 55 Caroline Theuri, “Kenyan Grandma’s Learn Karate to Fight Off Rapists,” Face 2 Face Africa, October 26, 2016. https://face2faceafrica.com/article/kenyan-grandmas-lea rn-karate-fight-off-rapists 56 http://harassmap.org/en/ 57 Hudson and Leidle, 2012, p.297. 58 World Health Organization, Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation: An Interagency Statement, WHO, UNFPA, UNICEF, UNIFEM, OHCHR, UNHCR, UNECA, UNESCO, UNDP, UNAIDS, WHO, Geneva, 2008, p.4. 59 http://data.unicef.org/topic/child-protection/female-genital-mutilation-and-cutting/ 60 Hannah Al-Othman, “More than Half of all New Cases of FGM Occurred in Capital, Official Figures Show,” London Evening Standard, December 13, 2015. http://www.sta ndard.co.uk/news/health/more-than-half-of-all-new-cases-of-fgm-occurred-in-londo n-official-figures-show-a3136236.html

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61 Olga Khazan, “Why Some Women Choose to Get Circumcised,” The Atlantic, April 8, 2015. 62 http://www.unfpa.org/resources/female-genital-mutilation-fgm-frequently-askedquestions#instruments 63 Khazan, 2015. 64 Khazan, 2015. 65 “Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Statistical Overview and Exploration of the Dynamics of Change, Executive Summary,” http://data.unicef.org/resources/fema le-genital-mutilationcutting-a-statistical-overview-and-exploration-of-the-dynam ics-of-change-executive-summary/ 66 http://www.unfpa.org/resources/female-genital-mutilation-fgm-frequently-askedquestions#how_fgm_affects_health 67 Shayla McGee, “Female Circumcision in Africa: Procedures, Rationales, Solutions and the Road to Recovery,” Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice, Vol. 11, No. 1, 2005. http://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?arti cle=1155&context=crsj 68 Interagency UN Statement, Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation, 2005. http://www. un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/csw52/statements_missions/Interagency_Statement_ on_Eliminating_FGM.pdf 69 Khazan, 2015. 70 G.I. Serour, “Medicalization of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting,” African Journal of Urology, September 2013, pp.45–49. 71 Kavita Shah Aurora and Allan J. Jacobs, “Female Genital Alteration: A Compromise Solution,” Journal of Medical Ethics, February 21, 2014. http://jme.bmj.com/content/ea rly/2016/02/21/medethics-2014-102375.short?g=w_jme_ahead_tab 72 Journal of Medical Ethics, February 22, 2016. http://jme.bmj.com/content/early/2015/ 09/24/medethics-2015-103027.short?g=w_jme_ahead_tab 73 Brian Earp, “In Defence of Genital Autonomy for Children,” Journal of Medical Ethics, January 20, 2016. http://jme.bmj.com/content/early/2016/01/28/medethics-2015103030.abstract?sid=628621b5-b713-4526-b6ad-b687c2281cf5 74 Koustuv Dalal, Steven Lawoko, and Bjarne Jannson, “Women’s Attitudes towards Discontinuation of Female Genital Mutilation in Egypt,” Injury and Violence, January 2010. 75 Nesrin Varol, Sabera Turkmani, Kirsten Black, John Hall, Angela Dawson, “The Role of Men in Abandonment of Female Genital Mutilation: A Systematic Review,” BMC Public Health, October 8, 2015. 76 Harsimran Gill and Karen Dias, “Indian Acid Attack Victims Share their Stories,” Al Jazeera English, March 10, 2016. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/ 03/indian-acid-attack-victims-share-stories-160309074926141.html 77 Mamta Patel, “A Desire to Disfigure,” International Journal of Criminology and Sociological Theory, December 2014, pp.1–11. 78 Tom de Castella, “How Many Acid Attacks Are There?” BBC News Magazine, August 9, 2013. http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-23631395 79 Avon Center and New York City Bar Association, “Combating Acid Violence in Bangladesh, India and Cambodia,” Foreword. 2011. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/pap ers.cfm?abstract_id=1861218 80 Avon Center, 2011, p.1. 81 Avon Center, 2011, p.3. 82 Ameena Ilahi, “Acid Crimes: A Growing Crisis in Pakistan,” Asia Foundation, October 1, 2014. http://asiafoundation.org/2014/10/01/acid-crimes-a-growing-cri sis-in-pakistan/ 83 de Castella, 2013. 84 Sonya Rehman, “Saving Face Filmmaker on Shooting Documentaries in Pakistan,” Wall Street Journal, November 29, 2011. http://blogs.wsj.com/scene/2011/11/29/sa ving-face-filmmaker-on-shooting-documentaries-in-pakistan/

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85 Associated Press, “‘Beyond my Wildest Dreams’: Indian Teen who Was Left Scarred and Lost an Eye in Acid Attack Redefines Beauty on the Runway at New York Fashion Week,” Daily Mail (UK), September 8, 2016. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/ news/article-3780451/India-acid-attack-survivor-redefines-beauty-NY-FashionWeek.html 86 Saira Khan, “‘The Outrageous ‘Honor Killing’ of a Pakistani Social-Media Star,” The New Yorker, July 19, 2016. http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/the-outra geous-honor-killing-of-a-pakistani-social-media-star 87 Arden Dier, “Family Implodes After Son Kills Sister Model for Honor,” Newser, July 28, 2016. http://www.newser.com/story/228836/family-implodes-after-son-kills-sis ter-model-for-honor.html 88 Rhonda Copelon, “International Human Rights Dimensions of Intimate Violence: Another Strand in the Dialectic of Feminist Lawmaking,” Journal of Gender, Social Policy and Law, Vol. 11, No. 2, 2003, p.872. http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/ cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1412&context=jgspl 89 John Alan Cohan, “Honor Killings and the Cultural Defense,” California Western International Law Journal, Spring 2010, pp.191–194 (footnotes omitted). 90 Patricia Garcia, “Documentarian Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy on Her Oscar-Winning Film About Honor Killings,” Vogue, March 9, 2016. 91 Phyllis Chesley, “Worldwide Trends in Honor Killings,” Middle East Quarterly, Spring 2010. http://www.meforum.org/2646/worldwide-trends-in-honor-killings 92 Honour Based Violence Awareness Network. http://hbv-awareness.com/statistics-da ta/ 93 Cynthia Helba, Matthew Bernstein, Mariel Leonard, and Erin Bauer, Report on Exploratory Study into Honor Violence Measurement Methods, May 2015, p.1–4. https:// www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/bjs/grants/248879.pdf 94 Divya Talwar and Athar Ahmad, “Honour Crime: 11,000 UK Cases Recorded in Five Years,” BBC News, July 9, 2015. http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-33424644 95 Phyllis Chesley, “When Women Commit Honor Killings,” Middle East Quarterly, Fall 2015. http://www.meforum.org/5477/when-women-commit-honor-killings 96 Maxwell Strachan, “Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy Delivered the Most Powerful Speech of the Oscars,” Huffington Post, March 9, 2016. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/ sharmeen-obaid-chinoy-oscars-speech-honor-killings_us_56d3c5f9e4b0bf0dab329872 97 Equality Now, Survivor Stories. http://www.equalitynow.org/campaigns/traffick ing-survivor-stories/concy 98 “Shandra Woworuntu: My Life as a Sex-Trafficking Victim,” BBC News, March 30, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-35846207 99 Astrid Zwenert, “Violence, Self-harm and Suicide Common among Trafficked Children,” Reuters, September 8, 2015. http://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-tra fficking-children-idUSKCN0R81WP20150908 100 Neha A. Deshpande and Nawal M. Nour, “Sex Trafficking of Women and Girls,” Review of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Vol. 6m No. 1, 2013. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih. gov/pmc/articles/PMC3651545/ 101 https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1861218, p.7. 102 “Economics of Forced Labour: ILO Says Forced Labor Generates Annual Profits of USD $150 billion,” May 20, 2014. http://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/news room/news/WCMS_243201/lang–en/index.htm 103 http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/ProtocolTraffickingInPersons.aspx 104 Sangwon Yon, “Islamic State Circulates Sex Slave Price List,” Bloomberg, August 3, 2015. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-08-03/sex-slaves-sold-by-i slamic-state-the-younger-the-better 105 Lonnie James Dean, “LGBTQ Youth at High Risk for Becoming Human Trafficking Victims,” June 26, 2013. https://www.acf.hhs.gov/blog/2013/06/lgbtq-youth-a t-high-risk-of-becoming-human-trafficking-victims

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106 International Labor Organization, ILO Estimate of Global Force Labor, 2012, pp.13–14. http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—ed_norm/—declaration/documents/p ublication/wcms_182004.pdf 107 Sex Trafficking: Inside the Business of Modern Slavery, Columbia University Press, 2006, p.x. 108 Kelly M. Cotter, “Combating Sex Tourism in Southeast Asia,” Denver Journal of International Law and Policy, Summer 2009. 109 US Department of State, “The Link Between Extractive Industries and Sex Trafficking,” July 2015. https://www.state.gov/documents/organization/245377.pdf 110 Katharine Moon, Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in US-Korea Relations, Columbia University Press, 1997. 111 U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report, 2015, pp.40–43. https://www. state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2015/

Further reading Bales, Kevin, Disposable People, University of California Press, 2012. Berdayes, Vincente and John Murphy (eds), Neoliberalism, Economic Radicalism and the Normalization of Violence, Springer, 2015. Kara, Siddharth, Sex Trafficking: Inside the Business of Modern Slavery, Columbia University Press, 2010. Leatherman, Janie, Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict, Polity, 2011. Lightfoot-Klein, Hanny, Secret Wounds, Authorhouse, 2003. Moon, Katherine, Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in US-Korea Relations, Columbia University Press, 1997. Pilot, Sara and Lora Prabhu (eds), The Fear That Stalks: Gender-Based Violence in Public Spaces, University of Chicago Press, 2014. Pope, Nicole, Honor Killings in the Twenty-First Century, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Rittner, Carol and John Roth (eds), Rape: Weapon of War and Genocide, Paragon House, 2012.

5 WOMEN CIVILIANS IN WAR

Living in a war zone When violence erupts into full-scale conflict, it is largely women and children who are affected. “In Africa’s contemporary conflicts, more than 90 percent of all casualties are women and children, who also are more likely to be targets of sexual and gender-based violence.”1 In war-torn areas like Syria and Somalia, civilians face horrible choices daily, including whether to stay and try to survive, or whether to try to make it to a refugee camp. Either way, many people die during conflict, or as a result of the conflict, including women and children. Hence there is a growing body of literature related to conflict-related violence against women (CRVAW). The Syrian Network for Human Rights estimated in 2016 that 22,823 women have been killed in Syria since March 2011,2 with a massive rape crisis among survivors.3 Somaliland’s War Crimes Investigation reports that during the ongoing civil war in Somalia more than 20,000 men have lost their lives, leaving widows and orphans behind. Those women were left to provide for their families. However, the Somali economy offers few opportunities for economic independence generally, and especially for women. As a result of the dire and often chaotic situation there, human trafficking has increased significantly.4 Rape as a weapon of war, the challenges faced by women left as primary caregivers as a result of war, and the trials of women refugees are all humanitarian issues, but also violence-related security issues that too often go unrecognized as such. When civil war broke out in 2011 between South Sudan’s Kordofan and Blue Nile states, the Sudanese government banned international humanitarian groups, media and local traders from entering opposition-controlled areas. The region was regularly assaulted by aerial and ground attacks. Without international assistance, a local NGO, Nuba Relief, Rehabilitation and Development Organization, and a

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women’s association, Nuba Mountains Women’s Association, began offering basic survival training to women left on their own to cope. Just as the war broke out in 2011, research regarding lessons learned from the 1985–2002 civil war was being concluded. Those lessons proved useful in the later round of seemingly perpetual regional violence. They included:  



reducing risk of injury or death from aerial bombardment and long-range shelling by seeking shelter and providing first aid training and kits to communities reducing life-threatening risks from lack of food, clean water, income, basic services and shelter by mobilizing traditional knowledge of wild foods and herbal medicine and introducing household rationing to stretch sparse resources overcoming fear, a sense of isolation and hopelessness, and erosion of dignity through basic community-based psychosocial activities including continuing education and other activities for children.5

The organizers realized that many younger women in the villages had never previously lived in a war zone and so had no idea what to do. They created a fourday training course for volunteers who would then take what they learned back to their villages and teach others. Using that approach, it is estimated that the training reached some 400,000 individuals through the course of fighting. While specific situations in war zones differ dramatically there are, nevertheless, commonalities between them. The training offered to women and children living in South Sudan offers an example of what living in a war zone can entail. There, trainers began with teaching locals how to survive attacks. With aerial bombardment a constant threat, digging bunkers and foxholes in safe areas and teaching children that they should use them immediately upon hearing the sound of airplanes, whether their mothers were with them or not, was imperative. Volunteers also suggested that local authorities move schools, mosques, churches, to safer locations, whether that be a cave or in the forest. Whistles were provided to community members to alert the populations to approaching airplanes. Above all, it was stressed that airplanes do not give people time to run. Bombing happens very quickly. Therefore, digging foxholes and having places to seek shelter at as many locations as possible was imperative. Beyond surviving attacks, the population was taught how to anticipate and respond to daily challenges. They were encouraged to reduce the size of daily meals to prolong rations, to store food, gather wild foods and taught how to prepare those foods, and to pre-position food in various places in case family homes were destroyed. With water sources ruined, compromised or not safe to access, communities were urged to identify multiple water-points, and how to boil water or use water purification tablets if they were forced to drink surface water. First aid training was given, including use of traditional herbs and medicines since there was only one hospital in the area, serving over a million people.

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The important work community women took on earned them greater respect among mosque and community leaders, as well as the roaming armed groups. Perhaps ironically, this respect gave the women the status and a platform from which they were able to begin addressing more sensitive and challenging community issues, including gender-based violence. “When considering the impact that the work of local organizations in the Nuba Mountains has had, international actors would do well to consider how best they can support such community-led protection efforts in active conflicts – including how appropriate funding modalities could be developed to support this kind of work.”6 Women are drawn into conflicts in a myriad of ways. Sometimes, women are used as tools of warfare for legitimizing purposes. Central America was awash with civil violence in the 1970s and 1980s, with gender politics sometimes playing an integral role. Harvard sociologist Jocelyn Viterna examined how the protection of women came to identify the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) in El Salvador as a “righteous” rather than “radical” leftist organization in the 1980s. The FMLN was waging guerilla warfare against the Salvadoran Armed Forces, which were known for slaughtering innocent women and children. The FMLN protected the vulnerable – mothers, children and the elderly – often moving them to safe places and out of the way of government troops, thereby winning the support of much of the rural populace. The FMLN was then able to use that support to create an identity for themselves as protectors. Women’s entrance into violent political acts, either as victims or perpetrators, charges those acts with emotion. If men commit political violence against women – and especially against women’s sexuality – then most audiences perceive that violence as radical. If men’s political violence is committed in the name of protecting women – and especially women’s sexuality – it becomes righteous. If women commit violent political acts, the violence is seen as radical, especially if they commit those acts in response to, or in collaboration with, a male sexual partner. But if an organization can demonstrate that many women – especially mothers – are willing to commit political violence on their behalf, then that organization becomes especially righteous. Indeed, the narrative goes, no mother would risk her life or the lives of her children for a cause that was not profoundly just. In short, how groups mobilize gender norms may be critical to solidifying their reputation as either the “good guys” or the “bad guys” in any violent political conflict.7 Also, women were persuaded to join the FMLN as fighters to protect themselves – better to fight than become victims – and the recruitment of women then shamed men into doing the same. Since women are known as inherently “peaceful”, if women felt the cause so important as to fight for, then men felt they must as well.

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Rape as a weapon of war Journalist and feminist activist Gloria Steinem founded a project in 2012 through the Women’s Media Center, called Women Under Siege. The project “shows how sexualized and other violence is being used to devastate women and tear apart communities around the world, conflict by conflict.”8 It was inspired by Sonya Hedgepath and Danielle Saidel’s work on rape during the Holocaust9 and that of Danielle McGuire regarding rape during the civil rights movement.10 Both of those works explore modern motivations for rape as a weapon of war, such as ethnic cleansing and breaking societal bonds. The 1990s conflict in Yugoslavia brought to light the use of rape as a method of ethnic “cleansing,” or genocide. It has been argued that forced impregnation was part of the war strategy of both sides in Bosnia; the perpetrators’ aim being to create more babies of their ethnicity and through this destroy the personal, ethnic, religious and national identities of their victims.11 When rape is used as a tool to achieve that goal, rape serves a strategic purpose rather than an individual purpose, inherently linking it to security. The United Nations defines ethnic cleansing as “a purposeful policy designed by one ethnic or religious group to remove by violent and terror-inspiring means the civilian population of another ethnic or religious group from certain geographic areas.”12 The Women Under Siege Project points out that rape has been a “creatively diverse” method to destroy populations, ripping at the very core of societal make-up. The 1994 war in Rwanda, with somewhere between 250,000–800,00 Rwandans killed in 100 days and upward of half a million women raped, was a deadly in-group/out-group battle, where the Hutu majority waged genocidal slaughter on the Tutsi minority. The 2004 historical-drama Hotel Rwanda portrayed the cultural conflict and political corruption behind the genocidal violence. Machetes were the weapons of choice for the largely rural population whipped into a frenzy of killing. The Hutu government had purchased 750,000 machetes from China in 1993. Survivor stories vary, with only two common denominators, death and violence. The charity International Alert tells the story of Monica, a Hutu woman who was married to a Tutsi man. During the war, her father and brothers made her watch as they slaughtered her husband and six children, blaming their murders on her, for having married a Tutsi. She ended up in a refugee camp in Tanzania, where her father was as well. They never spoke.13 Francine is a Tutsi woman who survived the Ntarama Church massacre, where thousands of Tutsi’s took refuge before the Hutu paramilitary group, Interahamwe, attacked the church.14 Thousands died. A report written for Human Rights Watch explored the targeting of women during the massacre. Rape was carried out on a massive scale, individually, as gang rapes, for perverse sexual gratification, using foreign objects and as part of sexual slavery. Sexual mutilation sometimes followed being raped, with machetes or whatever could be found.15 The motivations for rape as a weapon of war vary. Ethnic dilution or destruction is one motivation for targeting women in genocides. “Perpetrators of genocide must either annul reproduction within the group or appropriate the progeny in

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order to destroy the group in the long run.”16 The rape of Tutsi women was intended to not only “cleanse” the population but to break the fabric of society. Survivors were taunted that they were allowed to live so that they would “die of sadness,”17 through the loss of loved ones, the shame of rape humiliation on the survivor and their families, and the broader social degradation that flows within honor/shame societies. The impact of rape is different on every survivor.18 In Rwanda, attacking Tutsi women was associated with the specific sexual identity of Tutsi women. Under Colonial rule, Tutsi women were considered aristocratic; better looking than Hutu women and attributed something of a sexual mystique that made them unavailable to the average Hutu man. The Hutu propaganda machine recalled that not-entirely-forgotten Hutu cultural memory, using it to suggest that Tutsi women considered themselves too good for Hutu men, thereby insulting their masculinity. So, not only did the supposed shunning of Hutu men degrade Hutu ethnicity, but insulted Hutu masculinity. The role of women as perpetrators of violence in Rwanda has been documented as higher than during the Holocaust, the massacre of Mayan Indians in Guatemala in 1982, and even during the break up of the former Yugoslavia. While the reasons are not entirely clear, they relate back to the sexualizing of Tutsi women, thus making them competitors to Hutu women for male protectors. Traditional Rwandan society was, and remains, extremely patriarchal. During the lead up to the genocide, Hutu women were encouraged to hate and fear Tutsi women. Propagandistic Hutu publications frequently included pornographic cartoons depicting Tutsi women as traitorous seducers. Ironically, during the 1980s and 1990s women’s roles in Rwandan had started to expand, with women becoming doctors, lawyers, and even soldiers. That put Hutu women not only in positions where they would be caught up in the frenzy of killing, but in positions to order and lead it,19 perhaps to protect their own positions in society. Rape as a weapon of war is regularly used to terrorize, cleanse and break down the fabric of society. In Somalia and South Sudan genocidal slaughter continues to take place in conjunction with their long-running civil wars. Niemat Ahmadi, President of Darfur Women Action Group (DWAG) told German media in 2016: “The most dangerous place to be a woman today is Darfur. Rape has been used as a weapon of war and it continues to be a systematic tactic of devastation and dehumanization of women and families in Darfur.”20 Clan warfare has besieged Somalia since 1991. The humanitarian disasters in both countries are horrendous. Harvard Kennedy School Professor Dara Kay Cohen argues in her 2016 book Rape During Civil War 21 that armed groups forced to recruit fighters by coercion use rape, particularly gang rape, as a method of creating loyalty and trust between fighters. In effect, they use traditional “training” methods of modeling, immediate reinforcement and male bonding. She further argues that groups reliant on recruitment through abduction are more likely to perpetrate rape than those comprised of voluntary fighters. Rape becomes a violent socialization serving to cut ties with fighters’ past lives and indicate commitment to their new group, often necessary to save themselves.

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Serbian troops in the former Yugoslavia used rape to drive the non-Serbian population into flight.22 Control of geography was thereby the strategic goal. Rape was part of an integrated military strategy. In some recent conflicts, women have been used as sex slaves much as the Korean Comfort Women were during World War II. ISIS claims its use of captured Yazidi women as sex slaves adheres to centuries-old religious rulings. According to a pamphlet published by the group, rape of an enslaved woman, even a child, is permissible in all circumstances except one – if the woman is pregnant. Apparently, an obscure Islamic law requires that a man ensure the enslaved woman is not with child before having intercourse with her. According to Yazidi women who have escaped, they were required to take oral or injectable contraception so that they could be passed around. While adherence to the rules was more common by senior leaders rather than junior fighters, a United Nations run clinic in Iraq that treated over 700 Yazidi rape victims found only 5% became pregnant during their enslavement.23 At the individual and religious level, the emphasis on birth control is to maintain surety regarding paternity, important in patrilineal societies. For ISIS leadership, the importance of keeping the sex slaves available directly relates to ISIS’ ability to maintain its fighting force. A sex slave is an appealing recruiting tool to a young man who otherwise might not be able to find or afford a bride, relating to the prior discussion of demographics and bride prices. The trade in Yazidi women and girls has created a persistent infrastructure, with a network of warehouses where the victims are held, viewing rooms where they are inspected and marketed, and a dedicated fleet of buses used to transport them. A total of 5,270 Yazidis were abducted last year, and at least 3,144 are still being held, according to community leaders. To handle them, the Islamic State has developed a detailed bureaucracy of sex slavery, including sales contracts notarized by the ISIS-run Islamic courts. And the practice has become an established recruiting tool to lure men from deeply conservative Muslim societies, where casual sex is taboo and dating is forbidden.24 Besides literally buying and selling women with price tags on them as sex slaves, ISIS has specifically targeted women professionals for harsh treatment for presuming to step out of traditional roles.25 While rape and pillage was previously considered largely opportunistic or as a vehicle for male bonding, there is also evidence that it is a long-standing practice in waging war.26 Further, new studies in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) also offer an even more basic explanation. Sexual violence “can also reflect widespread acceptance of patriarchal norms and of rape myths that justify and normalize rape, the everyday subordination of women, and men’s sense of entitlement to women’s bodies.”27 The power structures that require gender inequality must be broken down.

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UN peacekeepers: protectors or predators? Women also have been victims of sexual violence at the hands of those sent to protect them. United Nations Peacekeepers operate under three basic principles: consent of the parties in conflict, impartiality, and non-use of force except in self-defense and defense of their mandate. Their mandate, however, can include not only the maintenance of peace and security, but also the facilitation of the political process, protecting citizens, assisting in the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of former combatants, supporting and organizing elections, and protecting and promoting human rights and the rule of law. Peacekeeper mandates are carried out according to Rules of Engagement (ROE) that can be very limiting, in some cases resulting in atrocities occurring in full view of Peacekeepers.28 Perhaps even more disturbing, Peacekeepers themselves have been charged with committing atrocities, most notably sexual abuse and rape. The United Nations was rocked in 2015 by charges of sexual abuse by Peacekeepers,29 many involving charges of “sex for food or money” abuses. The number of cases is difficult to pinpoint because – pointing out the importance of legal definitions and why it is difficult to gather accurate data – when desperate victims exchanged sex for food for themselves or their children, or money to buy food, it was often recorded as “transactional sex” rather than rape.30 Sixty-nine allegations of abuse were made in 2014, up from 66 in 2013, which UN administrators found deeply disturbing. For the first time, in 2016 the United Nations published a report on sexual abuse by Peacekeepers, including a “name and shame” list of countries involved. Peacekeepers from 21 nations were on the list, topped by the Democratic Republic of the Congo.31 The entire UN system of handling Peacekeepers, from training to demographics and accountability, is subsequently under review. There has also been a debate about potentially bringing sex workers to the front lines of Peacekeeper operations and whether this would prevent sexual exploitation and abuse of those the Peacekeepers are supposed to protect, and the appropriateness of doing so. Not surprisingly, the UN has argued that practice would not align with UNSCR 1325 goals. A female Australian Army Captain was chastised in 2017 for suggesting that discussion and debate on that option would be worthwhile.32 Issues surrounding peacekeeping are complex and varied. With a budget of about $8 billion (for comparison, that is less than the annual budget of the City of Chicago and insufficient funding to purchase a single aircraft carrier), 16 UN Peacekeeping operations are ongoing as of 2017. There are 125,000 Peacekeepers, with their distinctive blue helmets, from 128, mostly developing countries. Women comprise 30% of the civilian Peacekeeping force, though only 10% of the police and 3% of the military.33 Female Peacekeepers have been largely relegated to support roles in administration, logistics and nursing. More are needed and more fully integrated into and with operational units at the front lines.34

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The United Nations explained why more female Peacekeepers are needed in 2016, calling it an “operational imperative.” Female Peacekeepers act as role models in the local environment, inspiring women and young girls in male-dominated societies to push for their own rights and for participation in peace processes. The increased recruitment of women is critical for:      

Empowering women in the host community; Addressing specific needs of female ex-combatants during the process of demobilizing and reintegration into civilian life; Helping make the Peacekeeping force approachable to women in the community; Interviewing survivors of gender based violence; Mentoring female cadets and police and military academies; Interacting with women in societies where women are prohibited from speaking to men. The presence of women Peacekeepers can also:

    

Help to reduce conflict and confrontation; Improve access and support for local women; Provide role models for women in the community; Provide a greater sense of security to local populations, including women and children; Broaden the skill sets available within a Peacekeeping mission.

Simply put, the presence of women allows Peacekeepers to conduct operations conducive to establishing and maintaining peace that they would have otherwise been unable to do. Whether their presence also reduces the potential for abuse by male Peacekeeping units, particularly problematic in recent years, has been subject to debate.35 Indeed whether the presence of women in the military deters sexual violence at all has been questioned.36 India is the third largest contributor of female police officers to the United Nations, just behind Bangladesh and Nepal. India has “taken the lead in hosting specialized training courses for Peacekeepers on sexual violence in armed conflict situations.”37 India also made history in 2007, deploying the first all-women police unit to a UN Peacekeeping operation. Those women, the Indian Formed Police Unit (FPU) were sent to join the larger UN force in Liberia, specifically to “provide 24-hour guard duty and public order management and to conduct night patrols in and around the capital of Monrovia, while assisting to build the capacity of local security units.”38 Those capacity building efforts could be as simple as teaching map reading to local police forces. Between 2007 and 2016, when the last unit left, there were nine rotations of FPU officers. Liberian President Ellen

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Johnson Sirleaf called the Indian police officers “role models” who inspired “Liberian women, imparting in them the spirit of professionalism and encouraging them to join operations that protect the nation.”39 Integrating all-female units into larger forces could be a step toward inclusive force integration. The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) has been tasked to incorporate gender perspectives into all Peacekeeping operations, including ensuring that field operations include a gender component and gender training for Peacekeeping personnel. In 2006, the DPKO convened a dialogue specifically focused on gender perspectives, toward identifying options, challenges and good practices with regard to achieving a greater gender balance in UN Peacekeeping operations, and to identify actions necessary to address the current shortfall of female personnel serving as uniformed Peacekeepers. Consequently, a pilot project was established with four Troop Contributing Countries (TCC) – Argentina, Nigeria, Pakistan and South Africa – to begin cultivating good gender practices in their deployment strategies, including comprehensive pre-deployment training and ways to increase numbers of women in their national forces.40 The need is recognized and the processes in place. Implementation, however, is always harder than intent due to structural barriers, resources and attitudes.

Women as the head of household According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the global population of forcibly displaced persons has grown from 33.9 million in 1997 to 65.6 million in 2016, a record high. Most of that increase occurred between 2012–2015, driven by the conflict in Syria. More than half of the world’s refugees come from three countries: Syria, Afghanistan and South Sudan. But conflicts in Iraq, Yemen, Burundi, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Sudan added to those numbers as well.41 Those numbers might have been higher were it not for the number of refugees who have returned to Afghanistan (384,000). As of 2014, women headed one in four of the then more than 145,000 Syrian refugee families in Egypt, Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan. UNHRA characterizes these women refugees as “facing a lone fight for survival.”42 There are different types of forcibly displaced persons: refugees, internally displaced persons, asylum seekers, those considered part of the “stateless population,” and “other groups or people of concern.” While their circumstances and legal status differ, they face many similar issues as individuals out of their homes. The UNHCR provides definitions. A refugee is someone who has been forced to flee his or her country because of persecution, war, or violence. A refugee has a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group. War and ethnic, tribal and religious violence are leading causes of refugees fleeing their countries.

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An internally displaced person (IDP) is a person who has been forced to flee his or her home for the same reason as a refugee, but remains in his or her own country and has not crossed an international border. Unlike refugees, IDPs are not protected by international law or eligible to receive many types of aid. As the nature of war has changed in the last few decades, with more and more internal conflicts replacing wars among countries, the number of IDPs has increased significantly. When people flee their own country and seek sanctuary in another country, they apply for asylum – the right to be recognized as a refugee and receive legal protection and material assistance. An asylum seeker must demonstrate that his or her fear of persecution in his or her home country is well-founded. A stateless person is someone who is not a citizen of any country. Citizenship is the legal bond between a government and an individual, and allows for certain political, economic, social and other rights of the individual, as well as the responsibilities of both government and citizen. A person can become stateless due to a variety of reasons, including sovereign, legal, technical or administrative decisions or oversights.43 The UNHCR considers some 803,000 other people as needing protection beyond those defined. They include such individuals as rejected asylum-seekers, host populations affected by refugees, and former refugees integrated into local populations.44 Studies have been conducted on questions related to what happens to women as head-of-household refugees in Syria and Iraq, asking questions like: “What happens when life as you know it changes overnight? When your role as a mother, wife, sister, or daughter, suddenly switches to that of the main provider and head of the household? How do you cope when thrust into an uncertain terrain that leaves you exposed to unfamiliar risks, and struggling just to make it through the day?”45 The findings of these studies revealed that women in both countries are facing many similar issues. The International Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent (ICRC) in Iraq conducted a survey, Households Headed by Women in Iraq, 46 in August 2011. One-hundred and nineteen women were surveyed from five areas directly affected by conflict. Of those surveyed, 92% were widows, the rest wives of detainees, missing individuals or divorcees. The ICRC additionally interviewed city officials, village heads, religious leaders and local NGO workers regarding services and benefits available to these women. From often being secluded wives in conservative societies, banned from many activities without their husband’s permission, they suddenly found the responsibility of putting food on the table and trying to keep their children in school thrust upon them. Though accurate statistics are not available, the report estimates that over a million women head their household in Iraq alone as a result of conflict. Patriarchal societies require that widows and women left alone return to their father’s home or that of their in-laws. But in conflict areas, the entire family is

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often affected and the traditional fabric of society badly strained if not broken. While women left to head their household seek refuge with extended family, they can become a financial burden. Additionally, due to surrounding conflict and security concerns, relocation of the entire family may occur two or three times. Some women found the means to live on their own, near relatives, with family and neighbors donating furniture and household utensils. Ten percent of the women interviewed admitted to having resorted to squatting in abandoned buildings. Psychologically, these women are also dealing with the loss of their husband, children and extended family. They are grieving. If they lost someone under violent circumstances – which is most often the case – they are dealing with trauma. The report quotes Hiba, a 30-year-old woman whose husband was beheaded in front of her near Kirkuk. “If it weren’t for my children, I would pray Allah every day to take me away from this awful life.”47 Between grief and feeling overwhelmed, some women simply never recover. The “average” profile of the women in the 2011 ICRC survey was that of a woman in any patriarchal society: almost all were married before age 20, 46% had a primary education, 45% were illiterate, of the few that had ever worked professionally all of those stopped working after marriage. The widows interviewed had an average of six children each. They were left unprepared to care for themselves or their families. That leaves the women and their children dependent on others. Not surprisingly, it leaves all of them extremely vulnerable. Half of the women interviewed had found jobs, most of them in farming, baking bread, cleaning or in small shops. Those who had managed to start their own business rather than work for someone else earned 27% more than the others. Cultural and security considerations must be worked into all of the women’s plans and parameters. Fatima was widowed in 2007 when her husband was killed by crossfire in Baghdad. Women in my neighborhood were complaining that they did not feel at ease going to the market to purchase clothes and items for the house. Last year, I started a clothing business, selling outfits for children and women as well as bed linen. My son helps me purchase all items in the central market, and then I resell them in my living room.48 Women can be extremely entrepreneurial when the need arises and the means are available. The Iraqi government founded a Women’s Directorate in 2008. Officially, benefits for families ranged from the equivalent of $43 to $150 per month depending on the number of children. That amount can mean the difference between acute poverty and being able to cope. Unfortunately, however, the Iraqi bureaucracies are underfunded, understaffed, and susceptible to the same kind of ineffectiveness issues most bureaucracies suffer from, only worse. Further, registering for benefits requires travel and at least minimal literacy. Consequently, only 19% of the women interviewed by the ICRC had received any benefits.

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The survey concluded by asking women what they wanted in the future. The overwhelming answer was to be a good mother. Only 10% of the women expressed a desire to remarry, as most worried that their children would receive inferior treatment to those of a husband’s first marriage. The women wanted to take care of their children and themselves. The ICRC survey was taken in 2011, before ISIS began to get a grip inside Iraq. The situation today for women left alone in Iraq has in many instances gotten worse. NBC News ran a story in 2016 reporting on some of the various cultural, economic and security perils women in Iraq face today. One told of having to flee her home with three of her six children because of fighting. They went to a displacement camp, and became reliant on donations, which are often in short supply. Another told of needing to find a job, but was concerned that because of society and religion, people would start gossiping about her if she did. And another said women alone are seen as victims to be hunted. Two women talked about not only having to care for themselves and their children, but their incapacitated husbands as well. The feelings of many seemed to be summarized by one: “I wish to see Iraq like it was in the 70s or 80s — life was different,” she said. “We used to feel that we are alive. Now… we are just machines.”49 The case of the women in Iraq is not unique. In fact, it is all too common. If remaining at “home” becomes too much – too threatening, too financially difficult, too painful, too exploitive – women may decide to take their families and seek refuge elsewhere. Making the decision itself is beyond any they ever had to make in their prior lives as wives in a male-dominated society. The journey, they inherently know, will be perilous. Amnesty International interviewed 40 women who had traveled from Turkey to Greece and then across the Balkans. “All the women described feeling threatened and unsafe during the journey. Many reported that in almost all of the countries they passed through they experienced physical abuse and financial exploitation, being groped or pressured to have sex by smugglers, security staff or other refugees.”50 For likely the first time in their lives, many women were forced to be in close contact with males outside of their families. Women traveling alone or with their children, and children alone, said they felt most threatened in transit areas or refugee camps in Hungary, Croatia and Greece where men, women and children were all forced to sleep in the same area. Some women left the designated areas, feeling safer on open beach areas. Women were also expected to use the same shower and bathroom facilities as men, and so sometimes avoided eating or drinking so as not to have to use a potentially unsafe facility. Reports of being beaten, sexual harassment and being offered assistance in return for sex, including by security officers, was common. All of this was endured to reach “safety.” Finding it, however, proved elusive. A 2014 United Nations survey report on Syrian women51 for the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) found that one of every four of the more than 145,000 refugee families in Egypt, Libya, Iraq, and Jordan are headed by women. Their profiles are largely similar to those of Iraqi women forced to become the head of their households, and their struggles the same: lack of

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resources, including not having food; security concerns; and being on their own in a society where that is uncommon, and often unacceptable. UNHCR Special Envoy Angelina Jolie spoke about the role of women in Syrian society. “Syrian refugee women are the glue holding together a broken society. Their strength is extraordinary, but they are struggling alone. Their voices are an appeal for help and protection which cannot be ignored.”52 Issues already present in so-called “peaceful” times are exacerbated during conflicts. Child marriages, for example, have nearly doubled over the past few years. Child marriage existed in Syria before the crisis – 13% of girls under 18 in Syria were married in 2011. But now, three years into the conflict, official statistics show that among Syrian refugee communities in Jordan…child marriage has increased alarmingly, and in some cases has doubled. In Jordan, the proportion of registered marriages among the Syrian refugee community where the bride was under 18 rose from 12% in 2011 (roughly the same as the figure in pre-war Syria) to 18% in 2012, and as high as 25% by 2013. The number of Syrian boys registered as married in 2011 and 2012 in Jordan is far lower, suggesting that girls are, as a matter of course, being married off to older males.53 More child marriages, with women then not attending schools, having babies before their bodies are ready, and making women totally dependent on their spouses regardless of how they are treated, further strains the society Jolie describes. Susan Martin Forbes’ 1992 book Refugee Women first looked at this population of women as a group, with subsequent updates noting progress in tackling identified issues. The issues and best practices identified by Forbes have been generally incorporated into the UNHCR’s Five “Commitments to Refugee Women.”54 Those commitments related to life in camps are: meaningful participation; individual registration and documentation; food and non-food items management and distribution; economic empowerment and; prevention and response to sexual and gender-based violence. UNCHR “encourages” meaningful and active participation of women in the management of the camps. The goal is 50% representation by women and UNHCR has created leadership-training modules to help women get comfortable with what is for them very non-traditional leadership roles.55 A Syrian woman refugee who has become part of the camp leadership in Lebanon says: “We women know what’s happening,” she says, having shouldered responsibility for the well-being of dozens who rely on her for basic necessities. “We know what is lacking in our homes.”56 These needs can range from food and shelter, to protection, education for children and feminine hygiene products. Menstrual hygiene management remains a sensitive, sometimes taboo subject in refugee camps. The risks of ignoring it, however, are substantial. Women have been known to get infections from unsanitary pads, ripped from old pieces of material wherever it could be found. At some camps, menstrual hygiene kits are distributed.57 Realizing the need for those kits is a gender-sensitive issue.

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Toilet facilities are another gender-sensitive issue. Studies show that unless latrine cubicles are segregated by sex, are located close to where people are living, and have adequate lighting and lockable doors, they will not be used by women and girls. Up to one third of the latrines constructed by aid workers after the Haiti earthquake went unused because women and girls feared that by using them they would expose themselves to abuse.58 Not surprisingly, there are pros and cons to the opportunities given to women in the refugee camps. First and foremost, few if any want to be there, much preferring their lives at home. But being there, opportunities for more egalitarian gender roles are presented. Even those, however, can come with a downside. Some women have received death threats for teaching in camp schools and for presuming to take traditionally male leadership roles,59 which obviously can have a chilling effect on their participation. Standard operating procedures at the camps like individual registration and documentation provides legal protection for women. The intent is to “provide them with relevant documentation to ensure their individual security, freedom of movement, capacity to register (and trace lost) children, access to essential services, support property claims and ensure political rights on return”60 on a non-discriminatory basis. Proof of legal status is necessary to be eligible for and receive state distributed benefits, as well as food and money from family or other sources. Syrian women especially have experienced legal issues related to proof of marriage. Not having proof of marriage can have consequences for newborn children, who cannot be properly registered without evidence their parents are married. Problems proving divorce are also common for Syrian women, especially if their husbands remained in Syria, have traveled to third countries or have abandoned the family.61 All of these issues make already vulnerable individuals even more vulnerable. Without access to and control over services and resources related to food and nonfood items management and distribution, women’s vulnerability is compromised even further. According to the UNHCR “households are considered to be food secure when they have year-round access to the amount and variety of safe foods that their members need to lead active and healthy lives.”62 “Food security also refers to the ability of a household to secure these needs through their own production, purchases, barter or other means. Food security’s three pillars are availability, access and utilization. Addressing the food security needs of refugee women occurs within the context of relief, aid and development.”63 Without regular access, women’s vulnerability to trading sex for food is heightened. Most women arrive at refugee camps with few skills, severely limiting their ability to meet the livelihood needs of the family. Emphasis on economic empowerment means assuring that women have equal access to vocational and training programs through the camp. In fact, the economic empowerment principle recommends affirmative action targeting of women to ensure an equitable impact of projects on men and women. These efforts must be accomplished within UN Guidelines on Prevention and Response to Sexual and Gender-based Violence (SGBV Guidelines) for all

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individuals. A community-based approach and working with men is recommended, though it is sometimes necessary to begin self-protection efforts at the individual level. An aid worker at a camp in Lebanon explained. Street harassment and rape within the camps are also issues. Our partners explain that girls are told it is inappropriate for them to voice anything publicly or to scream, even when they are in danger. So they are working to change this. “Screaming is discouraged because they think it is ‘haram’ [bad],” explains Mahmoud, adding the importance of workshops that teach girls about screaming and self-defense from harassment and violence. “Recently a young girl [who had been told in a workshop to scream if she felt unsafe] screamed when an older man tried to grab her and people came running out to help her.”64 It is important to remember how sheltered many of the women in refugee camps were until forced to flee their homes. A new life in a new country under very different circumstances than they were accustomed to leaves many of them initially shell-shocked. They must learn entirely new ways to live. Turkey is home to more refugees than any other country in the world.65 Turkey hosts mostly Syrian refugees, accepted under a state of emergency and under the assumption that when the war ends in Syria, they would return home. Consequently, the initial humanitarian response focused largely on immediate needs. But the majority of refugees in Turkey are no longer in a state of emergency. It has become increasingly apparent the refugees may be there for a long time, or permanently.66 The changed status of Syrian refugees meant plans were needed for long-term care, including for disabled persons, LGBTQ persons, and women, and status beyond that as “guests” which denies refugees employment and education. Turkish legislation in 2016 allows refugees to apply for work permits, though only with the employer’s “blessing” and willingness to pay minimum wage. Those requirements are stringent given that refugees are often hired specifically because they will accept low wages. 67 With regard to women Syrian refugees in Turkey, one mental health study found post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) prevalent, especially among those having suffered two or more traumas.68 It is doubtful either the funding or trained individuals to provide necessary treatment are available. The women truly are in a lone fight for survival.

Conclusions It is unlikely anyone in the United States knew about let alone considered the fabric of Iraqi women’s lives before invading Iraq in 2003. Whether understanding it would have made any difference regarding decisions made in the post 9–11 environment is doubtful. At the time the US wanted to muscularly strike back at those even potentially connected with those responsible for attacking the US

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homeland. Retrospectively, it is now recognized that when societal fabric becomes broken, it leaves a power vacuum for organizations like the Taliban or ISIS to fill. President Obama referred to ISIS as an “unintended consequence” of US intervention into the Middle East.69 Sexual assault and rape as a weapon of war are regularly employed in these hyper-masculinized environments. Part of the unintended consequences of conflict in Iraq, and subsequently Syria, is a refugee crisis unprecedented in recent history. The spillover to US, European and Middle East domestic politics has been significant, potentially including the outcomes of several elections and referendums. While debates are held in potential refugee host countries on what to do, young girls are being married off without their consent, women are squatting in buildings with their children, hungry and vulnerable, and a new generation of males is growing up with few positive behavior models. The spindle/spear dichotomy used to differentiate and describe men and women’s lives simply no longer applies. Women are in the thick of “spear” activities.

Notes 1 “Women, War and Peace,” UNIFEM.org. Cited by Carter Ham, “Working with African Nations to Support the Role of Women as Agents of Peace and Security,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace and Security, NDU Press, 2014, p.114. 2 http://sn4hr.org/blog/2016/11/25/29691/ 3 Lauren Wolfe, “Syria Has a Massive Rape Crisis,” Women Under Siege Project, April 3, 2013. http://www.womenundersiegeproject.org/blog/entry/syria-has-a-massive-rap e-crisis 4 https://www.mtholyoke.edu/~park22d/classweb/womenconflict.html 5 Nagwa Musa Konda, Leila Karim Tima Kodi, and Nils Carstensen, “Women-led Selfprotection in South Sudan,” Forced Migration Review, October 2016. http://www.fm review.org/community-protection/konda-kodi-carstensen.html 6 Konda, et al., 2016. 7 Jocelyn Viterna, “Radical or Righteous? Using Gender to Shape Public Perceptions of Political Violence,” in Bosi, Demetriou, & Malthaner (eds), Dynamics of Political Violence, Chapter 9, Ashgate, 2014, pp.191–192. 8 http://www.womensmediacenter.com/about/learn-more-about-wmc#wmc-wom en-under-siege 9 Sexual Violence Against Jewish Women During the Holocaust, Brandeis, 2010. 10 At the Dark End of the Street, Vintage Books, 2011. 11 Beverly Allen, Rape Warfare, University of Minnesota Press, 1996. 12 http://www.un.org/en/preventgenocide/adviser/pdf/osapg_analysis_framework.pdf 13 http://international-alert.org/stories/story-monica-hutu-survivor 14 http://www.rwandanstories.org/genocide/ntarama_church.html#2 15 Binaifir Nowrojee, “Shattered Lives,” Human Rights Watch, September 1996. https:// www.hrw.org/reports/1996/Rwanda.htm 16 Helen Fein, “Genocide and Gender: The Uses of Women and Group Destiny,” Journal of Genocide Research, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1999, p.43. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/ 10.1080/14623529908413934?journalCode=cjgr20 17 Jonathan Torgovnic, “Rwanda: Legacy of Genocide,” The Telegraph, October 6, 2007. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/3668387/Rwanda-Legacy-of-genocide.html 18 Inger Skjelsbaek, “Victim and Survivor: Narrated Social Identities of Women Who Experienced Rape During the War in Bosnia-Herzegovina,” Feminism and Psychology, 2006, pp.373–403.

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19 Donna J. Maier, “Women Leaders in the Rwandan Genocide: When Women Choose to Kill,” Universitas, Vol. 8, 2012–2013. https://www.uni.edu/universitas/article/wom en-leaders-rwandan-genocide-when-women-choose-kill 20 “Darfur Genocide: Silence Harming Women,” DW, October 25, 2016. http://www. dw.com/en/darfur-genocide-silence-harming-women/a-36136265 21 Cornell University Press. 22 Dorothy Q. Thomas and Regan E. Ralph, “Rape in War: Challenging the Tradition of Impunity,” SAIS Review, 1994, pp.82–99. 23 Rukmini Callimachi, “To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control,” New York Times, March 12, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/13/world/m iddleeast/to-maintain-supply-of-sex-slaves-isis-pushes-birth-control.html 24 Rukmini Callimachi, “ISIS Enshrines a Theology of Rape,” New York Times, August 13, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/14/world/middleeast/isis-enshrines-a-theolo gy-of-rape.html 25 United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq, Report on the Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict in Iraq, July 6 – September 10, 2014. http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/ Countries/IQ/UNAMI_OHCHR_POC_Report_FINAL_6July_10September2014.pdf 26 Elizabeth D. Heineman (ed.), Sexual Violence in Conflict Zones: From the Ancient World to the Era of Human Rights, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. 27 Patrick Cammaert, “Protecting Civilians from Conflict-Related Sexual Violence,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace and Security, NDU Press, 2014, p.140. 28 Chris McGreal, “What’s the Point of Peacekeepers when they Don’t Keep the Peace?” The Guardian, September 17, 2015. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/17/ un-united-nations-peacekeepers-rwanda-bosnia 29 Report of an Independent Review on Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by International Peacekeeping Forces in the Central African Republic, December 17, 2015. http://www.un.org/ News/dh/infocus/centafricrepub/Independent-Review-Report.pdf 30 Margaret Besheer, “Tanzania to Investigate Possible Abuse by its Peacekeepers in DRC,” Voice of America, April 5, 2016. https://www.voanews.com/a/tanzania-investiga te-possible-abuse-peacekeepers-democratic-republic-congo/3271277.html 31 “U.N. Report Describes Sex Abuse Allegations about Peacekeeping Missions,” New York Times, March 4, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/04/world/un-reportdescribes-sex-abuse-allegations-about-peacekeeping-missions.html 32 Jennifer Wittwer, “‘Regulated’ Sex in Peacekeeping – an Issue that Needs Debate? Not for the UN,” Linkedin, December 10, 2017. 33 https://betterworldcampaign.org/un-Peacekeeping/un-Peacekeeping-101/ 34 Allyn Gaestel and Allison Shelley, “”Female UN Peacekeepers: an All-too-rare Sight,” The Guardian, January 22, 2015. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/ 2015/jan/22/female-united-nations-Peacekeepers-congo-drc 35 Olivera Simic, “Does the Presence of Women Really Matter? Toward Combatting Male Sexual Violence in Peacekeeping Operations,” International Peacekeeping, Vol. 17, 2010; Gerard De Groot, “A Few Good Women? Gender Stereotypes, the Military and Peacekeeping,” International Peacekeeping, Vol. 8, 2011. 36 Meredith Loken, “Rethinking Rape: The Role of Women in Wartime Violence,” Security Studies, November 2016, pp.60–92. 37 Ians On, “India Calls for Raising Women’s Role in Conflict Prevention and Resolution,” The Wire, May 16, 2017. https://thewire.in/136174/raise-womens-role-con flict-prevention-resolution-india/ 38 FEATURE: “Hailed as ‘Role Models,’ All-female Indian Police Units Departs UN Mission in Liberia,” United Nations News Centre, February 12, 2016. http://www.un. org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=53218#.WaxblK2ZMdU 39 On, 2017. 40 Women, Peace and Identifying Security: Piloting Military Gender Guidelines in UNIFIL, June 2014. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/unfil_pilot_report_web_flat.pdf

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41 UNHCR Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2016, p.5. http://www.unhcr.org/ globaltrends2016/ 42 http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/news/latest/2014/7/53bb77049/syrian-refugee-wom en-fight-survival-head-families-alone.html 43 http://www.unrefugees.org/what-is-a-refugee/ 44 UNCHR Global Trends, 2016, p. 51. 45 UNHCR, Women Alone: The Fight for Survival by Syria’s Refugee Women. http://www. unhcr.org/ar/53bb8d006.pdf 46 https://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/2011/iraq-women-survey-2011-08-eng.pdf 47 IRCR, 2011, p.3. https://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/2011/iraq-women-survey -2011-08-eng.pdf 48 IRCR, 2011 (fn 47), p.8. 49 “Life in Iraq: War Forces Women into Non-Traditional Roles,” September 25, 2016. http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/life-iraq-war-forces-women-non-traditiona l-roles-n497256 50 Tirana Hassan, “Female Refugees Face Physical Assault, Exploitation and Sexual Harassment in their Journey through Europe,” Amnesty International, January 18, 2016. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/01/female-refugees-face-physical-assa ult-exploitation-and-sexual-harassment-on-their-journey-through-europe/ 51 Women Alone: The Fight for Survival by Syrian Refugee Women. http://www.unhcr.org/ womanalonemedia/ 52 Chris Reardon, “Syrian Refugee Women Fight for Survival as they Head Families Alone,” UNHCR, July 8, 2014. http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/news/latest/2014/7/ 53bb77049/syrian-refugee-women-fight-survival-head-families-alone.html 53 Save the Children, Too Young to Wed: The Growing Problem of Child Marriages among Syrian Refugees in Jordan, 2014. https://www.savethechildren.org.uk/sites/default/files/ images/Too_Young_to_Wed.pdf 54 2001. http://www.refworld.org/docid/479f3b2a2.html 55 Eileen Pittaway, Leadership Training for Young Refugee Women. http://www.refworld. org/pdfid/464ab7ea2.pdf 56 Emma Gatten, “Syria Conflict: With the Men away Fighting, Women Take up the Mantle of Community Leaders in Lebanon’s Refugee Camps,” May 9, 2015. http:// www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/syria-conflict-with-the-men-awa y-fighting-women-take-the-mantle-of-community-leaders-in-lebanons-10238891. html 57 International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, “Upholding Women and Girls’ Dignity: Managing Menstrual Hygiene in Emergency Situation,” June 26, 2013. http://www.ifrc.org/en/news-and-media/news-stories/africa/burundi/ upholding-women-and-girls-dignity-managing-menstrual-hygiene-in-emergency-situa tions-62536/ 58 Valerie Amos, “Women in Relief and Recovery: Putting Good Policies into Action,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace and Security, NDU Press, 2014, p.176. 59 Gatten, 2015. 60 2001. http://www.refworld.org/docid/479f3b2a2.html 61 Paul Prettitore, “The Legal Problems of Refugees,” Brookings, February 4, 2016. http s://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2016/02/04/the-legal-problem s-of-refugees/ 62 Strategic Plan for Nutrition and Food Security, 2008, p.114. 63 Sarabeth Harrelson, “Food Security of Refugee and Displaced Women,” 2011. http:// www.du.edu/korbel/crric/media/documents/sarabethharrelson.pdf 64 “Women and the Refugee Crisis: An Update from Lebanon,” https://www.globalfund forwomen.org/news-update-refugee-crisis/#.WHYyqLHMz-Y 65 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Figures at a Glance. http://www. unhcr.org/en-us/figures-at-a-glance.html

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66 Andrea Eisenberg, “The Plight of Female Refugees in Turkey Remains largely Ignored,” The Huffington Post. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/the-heller-school-/ the-plight-of-female-refu_1_b_10106018.html 67 Patrick Kingsley, “Fewer than .01% of Syrians in Turkey in Line for Work Permits,” The Guardian, April 11, 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/apr/11/few er-than-01-of-syrians-in-turkey-in-line-for-work-permits 68 G. Alpak, et al., “Post Traumatic Stress Disorder among Syrian Refugees in Turkey: A Cross-Sectional Study,” International Journal of Psychiatry in Clinical Practice, March 2015, pp.45–50. 69 Dilly Hussain, “ISIS: The ‘Unintended Consequences” of the US-led War on Iraq,” Foreign Policy Journal, March 23, 2015.

Further reading Allen, Beverly. Rape Warfare, University of Minnesota Press, 1996. Bassel, Leah. Refugee Women: Beyond Gender and Culture, Routledge, 2014. Chang, Iris. The Rape of Nanking, Basic Books, reprint edition, 2012. Cohen, Dara Kay. Rape During the Civil War, Cornell University Press, 2016. Crawford, Kerry. Wartime Sexual Violence, Georgetown University Press, 2017. DiGeorgio, JoAnn and Donna Gosbee (eds). Gendered Experiences of Violence, Survival and Resistance, Women’s Press, 2016. Hedgepath, Sonja and Rochelle Saidel. Sexual Violence Against Jewish Women During the Holocaust, Brandeis University Press, 2010. Helm, Sarah. Ravensbruck. Anchor Press, reprinted 2016. Karim, Sabrina and Kyle Beardsley. Equal Opportunity Peacekeeping: Women, Peace and Security in Post-Conflict States. Oxford University Press, 2015. Martin, Susan Forbes and Ruud Lubbers. Refugee Women, Lexington Books, 2nd edition, 2004. McGuire, Danielle. At the Dark End of the Street: Black Women, Rape and Resistance, Vintage Press, 2011. O’Brien, Melanie, Criminalising Peacekeepers, Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Pruitt, Lesley. The Women in Blue Helmets, University of California Press, 2016. Swain, Aisling. Conflict-Related Violence Against Women, Cambridge University Press, 2017.

6 WOMEN IN PEACEMAKING, AND AFTER

Stop the violence Peace is not just an absence of war. It is an environment allowing for the growth of a civil society that provides personal security for all. While that will undoubtedly include beginning with equal gender opportunity, it must evolve to being equal gender outcomes. When peace begins with a peace process, excluding women from that process only hampers the odds of a lasting peace. Hence security extends beyond bullets and battlefields. Formerly distant, internal security concerns of a country – crime, corruption, weak governance, drugs, poverty, access to food, clean water and schooling, health epidemics – “have now been elevated to … international security concerns, and they threaten national unity, stability and internal peace – but also with implications for regional and global security.”1 Women are largely responsible for many of the “human security” issues associated with day-to-day life. The expanded definition of security inherently changes the purpose of peacemaking. When peacemaking was intended only to end an armed conflict, then only the belligerents needed to be involved. With the changing nature of warfare, and the importance and prevalence of human security issues in peacemaking, women’s inputs must be included for a lasting peace to be built. Statistical analysis has shown that when women are included in peace processes there is a 20% increase in the probability of an agreement lasting at least two years, and a 35% increase in the probability of an agreement lasting at least 15 years.2 Yet between 1992–2011, women comprised only 2% of the chief negotiators of peace agreements, 4% of witnesses and signatories, and 9% of negotiators.3 According to Margaret Vogt, former UN Mediator-In-Resident, “It’s a power game. And in most of these games, women are not there. So when it comes to discussing peace

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[at] the table, the participants – the negotiators – see it as an opportunity to renegotiate power, and they want to restrict the domain as much as possible.”4 What women in conflict areas initially want is for the violence surrounding them to stop. Whether local, intra-state or inter-state, women will first and foremost advocate for peace, defined as ending armed conflict. But they will also advocate for other issues to be considered in conjunction with stopping the violence. Women’s secondary demands vary by circumstance but generally fall into several categories. Regarding security and protection, women often petition that genderbased violence be considered a violation of any ceasefire or cessation of hostilities and treated as such. Additionally: gender-sensitive training at all levels for national and international armed forces, gender-sensitive security sector reform and DDR (disarmament, demobilization and reintegration),5 special measures for the protection of women refugees and internally displaced persons, and an end to the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. In approximately 75% of their demands, women have highlighted sexual violence as a special concern, which contrasts with the scarcity of explicit mentions of sexual violence in the text of peace agreements.6 Often also included are recommendations and examples of implementation measures, such as quotas for women in security services, vetting perpetrators, or emphasizing the need to protect civilians. Context then determines specific issues women raise. In Afghanistan, for example, anti-personnel landmines were a particular concern of women. Recruitment of child soldiers was an issue in Sierra Leone, elevating that to the forefront of issues women were concerned about. Violence and threats not just against women generally, but those who support women’s rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have been of special concern there. Empowerment and socio-economic recovery is a component of peace negotiations of interest to women as well. Women’s groups focus on such areas as land and inheritance rights, marriage laws, access to credit (which includes grants and interestfree loans), access to education, and investment in skills-training and capacity building. The compounded needs of female head-of-households often draw special attention. Donors can play a critical role in these areas. Prior to the Oslo Donors Conference for Sudan in 2005, Sudanese women requested establishment of a women’s fund within the Multi-Donor Trust Fund being established, specifically devoted to funding women’s programs.7 When only men are at the negotiation table, the agenda most often focuses on issues such as territorial control, the surrender of weapons, and each side granting amnesty to the other for acts and atrocities committed. Lost or forgotten are human security issues or post-conflict civil liberties like the removal of land mines in areas where women regularly walk in the conduct of their daily lives. Princess Diana made awareness of the dangers posed by the millions of landmines left

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behind post-conflict in Africa, and the clearance of those mines, a personal cause. Though some Members of the British Parliament called her a “loose cannon” for drawing attention to the landmine crisis, others credit her with the success of the Ottawa Mine Ban Treaty, signed months after her death.8 It becomes the responsibility of those interested in the bigger picture – a lasting peace – to assure that post-conflict considerations be included in efforts to end violence, at all levels, from the home to the state. Organizations like the United Nations that have made commitments to include women in the peace process, through mandates like UNSCR 1325, are rarely able to force inclusion of women or women’s issues into peace negotiations. Allowing input from more diverse inputs inherently diminishes the power of the belligerents, thereby generating their resistance. As the International Peace Institute points out: “Perhaps most importantly, a deeper resistance to change and a reluctance to share power is also at play – particularly on the part of the conflict parties themselves.”9 The prevalence of these power struggles means that women have often had to be creative to be heard.

Avenues of participation The spectrum of avenues available for women’s participation in peace actions ranges from acting as mediators and direct participation at the peace process negotiating table as delegates, to observer status, consultations, inclusive commissions, problem-solving workshops, public decision-making and mass action. These avenues are often most effective when used in combination. While it might seem that ideally women would be directly involved in the peace process, it’s not that simple. The same dynamics of domination that play out in other arenas where women are in the minority can come into play at negotiating tables as well, resulting in either a woman or a few women finding it difficult to have their voices heard or to articulate a different set of views from the dominant narrative being presented by men. The importance of having mediators who are fully briefed and trained regarding UNSCR 1325 involved in a peace process cannot be overstated. Even then, however, inclusion is not guaranteed. During the 2014–2015 peace process in Mali, there were 11 co-mediators, including the United Nations, the African Union, and the European Union. While the inclusion of community representatives and women was originally a top priority for the UN and the EU, the lead-mediator, Algeria, and many other co-mediators were not convinced of the importance of women’s participation, due to “cultural reasons and because they thought it would delay the negotiations.”10 When women’s participation is an option, it is an option rarely taken. Mediation can also be part of an informal process. In 2004 for example, Betty Bigombe took on the initiative to act as an unofficial mediator between the government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). In that role, she helped lay the groundwork for the official peace talks in Juba a few years later.

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In El Salvador in the 1990s, women were present at nearly all of the post peace accord negotiation tables where technicalities were worked out. One technical table, the Reinsertion Commission, was comprised of six women and one man. Through the women’s participation, women eventually were one-third of the beneficiaries of land redistribution and reintegration packages. That number roughly corresponds to the number of women combatants or collaborators in the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN).11 Having a woman as part of a delegation does not guarantee either a peaceful dispute settlement, or that gender issues will be raised. Women can be blind fish too. In the 2005 Ache peace talks, while there were no women on the Indonesian government side, a woman was included on the rebel party delegation. Later on, this one woman recognized that she was not aware of resolution 1325 (2000), nor did she at the time realize what the exclusion of women and gender issues meant for the future of the peace process. She acknowledged that she would have welcomed advice on a range or gender issues, but no support was available to ensure that mediators and parties to negotiations were aware of the implications of their proposals for gender equality and for women’s rights.12 The need for organized, prearranged information sharing on the importance of UNSCR 1325 provisions is clear from this example and many others. In an observer status, women become something of an information conduit. They can provide negotiators with information, and convey information from the negotiating table to a wider outside audience, thereby holding the negotiators accountable. That ability to hold negotiating parties publicly accountable is often not welcome, and so a strong and sympathetic mediator is required to assure that the observer groups are not summarily sidelined. Consultations are the most broadly used form of inclusionary participation in peace processes. Consultative forums act as advisory bodies. They can be either elite based, for technical matters, or represent broad constituencies. They are sometimes part of the official process, or self-initiated. Women in Kenya set up their own consultative body following mediation after election violence in 2008. Women in Uganda similarly organized women’s consultative groups at the village and district levels, and insured that their inputs were fed into the 2006 peace process between the Ugandan government and the Lord’s Resistance Army, and the national recovery plan that followed. Inclusive commissions often precede or follow peace processes. In Colombia, for example, an inclusive commission was set up prior to the peace talks between the government and rebels to prepare an agenda of issues. More often, however, they are used to oversee the implementation of peace agreements. Truth and reconciliation commissions are post-peace agreement mechanisms intended to aid in the national healing process by implementing transitional justice against those responsible for human rights abuses. These commissions are often part of the peace agreement and

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the more strongly the requirement for an inclusive commission is written into the agreement, the more effective the commissions have been in practice. Researcher Aisling Swaine states, “transitional justice mechanisms have provided significant opportunities for accountability for the harms that women have experienced during conflict. They have also become the most significant spaces where women’s experiences of violence are being aired and documented in post-conflict settings.”13 Commissions often accept pardon rather than punishment, or pardon for many while saving punishment for the most egregious or responsible few, as the norm. Doing so has been almost through necessity in the many post-colonial, transitional societies, as otherwise there would be no moving forward. These commissions are often responsible for reparations to victims. While reparations are a recognized right, survivors and their families have often been ignored. Ensuring that reparations are fair and adequate requires a comprehensive understanding of the gendered nature of the harms suffered and assuring that operationalizing the nature of reparations does not exclude, marginalize or penalize women through gender blindness. Though court-ordered reparations are often awarded to victims of sexual violence, few if any victims ever receive compensation or even adequate health treatment. States often argue that they do not have the money or should not be responsible for the actions of individuals, other states or armed groups. Women have fared least well in problem-solving workshops. These workshops often bring individuals close to decision-makers together – and few women fall into this category – to discuss issues without the pressure of having to reach an agreement. They are a venue to unofficially explore alternatives, before or concurrent with official negotiations. There have been instances of using problem-solving workshops to allow women of different ethnicities or perspectives to meet and agree on a plan of action for all women, to present a united front. Public decision-making usually takes the form of a referendum. It is a way for elite negotiators to get buy-in from the general public, where women represent half the electorate. Women’s groups can be important in generating support for the agreement if they have been involved in the peace process in some other way – directly, as an observer, or through consultations. Mass action campaigns are especially well suited to women, as women are predominantly active in civil society and grassroots movements. Mass action campaigns can generate generally pro- or anti- peace agreement environments. Liberian women, through their Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET) proved particularly effective in their efforts. Different circumstances allow for different avenues of participation of women, who are learning from each other. Women seek to both end hostilities and build a lasting peace. They push for commencement or finalization of negotiations. They work toward reconciliation. Their effectiveness stems from women generally having different conflict management styles than men.14 There are essentially five main types of conflict management styles: “competing (satisfying one’s own concern at the expense of another’s), accommodating

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(sacrificing one’s own for the sake of another’s), avoiding (neglecting both parties’ concerns by postponing a conflict issue), collaborating (attempting to find a solution that satisfies both parties’ concerns), and compromising (attempting to find a middle ground, which satisfies only partly both parties’ concerns.” Studies have shown that women are typically more likely to use cooperative conflict management styles such as collaborating, compromising, or avoiding, while men are more likely to use competing or avoiding strategies in situations of conflict. In the international conflict context, hard bargaining tactics may be socially costly because, often, innocent lives are on the line. As a result, women’s typical collaborative approach may be more productive and efficient than men’s inclination toward hard bargaining tactics. Furthermore, given women’s actual or perceived aims of maintaining long-term, relational harmony and their sensitivity to interpersonal cues, women are more likely to be more successful in delicate conflicts involving future relationships. These gender distinctions need to be recognized and utilized in conflict resolution. Armed conflict is not a gender-neutral event; therefore, the dispute resolution process designed to resolve armed conflict should not be neutral toward gender.15 In negotiations, men largely gravitate toward the competition and avoidance management styles. Additionally, military men usually involved in settlements are often of an even narrower perspective than men generally. Military officers, where men dominate, view the world in a particular way. They are “can do” individuals focused on winning, so they answer questions from a “how” perspective. Those not necessarily of the more professional variety – warlords – are even more focused on winning, or simply domination. Military careers and experience often result in what psychologists sometimes call a “professional deformation,”16 which refers to a tendency to view the world through a professional perspective rather than a more balanced perspective.17 In the case of the military, it is a necessarily conditioned perspective that is structured, hierarchical and operational. All problems are nails and they are the hammers. “Operational problems require operational solutions – fix the problem, and done.”18 They do combat well, but may not be well versed beyond that, or even have an interest in the peace building issues required for a long-term stability. Women contribute considerable positive value to peace negotiations and peace building. There is not a single case of women being involved in peace negotiations or peace implementation evidencing a negative effect in terms of reaching an agreement. Yet for the most part, women continue to be ignored in these processes, or are involved temporarily only to find a rollback on their roles and even women’s empowerment generally after the fact. Such was the case in Northern Ireland.

Northern Ireland Northern Ireland experienced over 30 years of violence from the 1960s to 1998, a period known as “the Troubles.” It was an ethno-nationalist conflict that focused

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on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. Largely Protestant Unionists/ Loyalists wanted Northern Ireland to remain part of Britain, and were supported by Britain. Largely Catholic Nationalists/Republicans wanted Northern Ireland to rejoin the Republic of Ireland as a united, independent Ireland. With a total population of 1.6 million people, some 3,500 people were killed, 40,000 injured and 20,000 taken as political prisoners. Everyone was touched by the violence. Socalled Peace Walls were constructed of cement, barbed wire, sometimes whatever could be found, intended to keep warring parties apart by separating populations within cities, even neighborhoods. Women were largely excluded from political and other decision-making bodies in Northern Ireland during “the Troubles.” Yet, typically, it was left to women to hold families and society together during the conflict. They worked through trade unions, community and volunteer groups in that regard. Dating back to the 1970s a women’s movement of sorts emerged to deal with the burdens of poverty, domestic violence, single parenthood, and additional struggles caused or exacerbated by living in a conflict setting. Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977 for their work with Peace People, a women-led peace organization that had mobilized public support for nationalist and loyalist factions to agree to a cease-fire in 1972. Unfortunately, the cease-fire did not hold, leading to the British government instituting “direct rule” from London later in 1972, which further inflamed Nationalists and the fighting continued for approximately another two decades. In 1981, the Women’s Information Group movement was organized to bring women from local groups together once a month, on neutral ground. They never discussed political issues, but instead focused on social, health and education issues relevant to all of them. Several women’s centers began to be set up as well, to provide advice and support for women on issues like domestic violence and rape, exacerbated by the conflict, not usually discussed elsewhere. One women’s health issue of note was severe depression, and “they were often prescribed tranquilizers like valium, which would damage these women emotionally and physically, but the problem was never addressed.”19 Especially in the Catholic ghettos, women took “mother’s little helpers” “to forget, to escape, to dull the edge of pain, fear and frustration, and theirs is a private hell.”20 Through their efforts over decades, women’s groups developed considerable grass roots credibility. Meanwhile the British began to realize in the 1980s that the Northern Ireland “Troubles” could never be solved through military means, but required a political process,21 and began to push for that. As the cease-fires began to hold in the 1990s, it appeared that a settlement could be in the offing. Women began to be concerned about how to stay involved, requiring them to find or develop their own structures, processes and power bases.22 In 1996, the Northern Ireland Forum was created to negotiate a peace agreement. The British were responsible for the process, including who would be at the negotiating table. To ensure that loyalist parties associated with paramilitary groups had an opportunity to participate, a vote was scheduled where political parties

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would compete for ten spots at the negotiating table. Six weeks before that vote, the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition (NIWC) formed as a broad-based political party and, coming in ninth within the top ten, won one of those spots. Women on both sides of the conflict, tired of hackneyed arguments for why peace was impossible, took on what has been called a do-it-yourself approach to peace. The NIWC’s approach to getting into the needed top ten vote-getting category was based on five points. First, they broke down campaign tasks to make them manageable and kept their message simple. Their campaign motto was “Wave good-bye to dinosaurs” to signal their support for a new approach, and a new attitude focused on moving forward. Second, they used a “list system” on the voting ticket, offering a slate of candidates rather than individuals, to make candidates less vulnerable to personal attack. Third, their core principles were simple, drawn directly from the Beijing Declaration: inclusion, human rights and equality. Fourth, they stressed inclusiveness through leadership from both sides of the conflict, and not requiring that voters give up their prior party membership to lend NIWC support. And last, they urged moving away from zero-sum politics to what was called “transversal politics,” meaning to keep your own identity while being open to the identity of others. That approach allowed the NIWC to become a place for those, mostly women, who otherwise felt excluded. A study conducted in 1993 found that when women were asked which party in Northern Ireland best represented the interests of women, two thirds responded “none.”23 Nevertheless, it would be an overstatement to say that the NIWC presented a united Northern Ireland women’s front. Some women felt it had a too nationalistic leaning. Other smaller political parties, the Alliance party in particular, also drew considerable numbers of women. The Women’s Coalition did, however, offer a new option. The Women’s Coalition approached the negotiations with two goals, equal footing for women post-conflict and an agreement that would accommodate a stable, lasting peace.24 Their approach was based on their own internal organizational model of inclusivity and expansiveness. By keeping their goals broad, they avoided rigid bargaining positions. That approach worked well in allowing them to build multiple relationships, with other parties, with the international facilitators, and with parties outside Northern Ireland, specifically the United States and the Irish diaspora in the United States. The importance of international support in general and oftentimes support of specific individuals can play a critical difference in peace processes. US President Bill Clinton championed the peace process in Northern Ireland, calling terrorists “yesterday’s men.” Then First Lady Hillary Clinton galvanized community groups and women’s groups on both sides.25 American Statesman and Senator George Mitchell headed an international body to independently assess the decommissioning of paramilitary arms, a key part of building conditions for a lasting peace. He developed principles that guided the process. A committed foreign champion, or champions, can mean the difference between success and failure in peace talks.

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Not everyone at the multi-party talks welcomed the Women’s Coalition. Liz O’Donnell was a representative of the Irish government at those talks, and recalls the Women’s Coalition being treated disrespectfully by many participants. What passed for “politics” in Northern Ireland was the trading of sectarian insults and abuse. It was small wonder women avoided politics as it was seen as a distasteful way of earning a living. The Chairman of the talks always made time for the Coalition to speak, but their colleagues did not treat them with respect, especially Unionist men, who took to calling them “silly women.” This is the male culture in Unionism, where women stay home and make cakes.26 Democratic Unionist Party member Ian Paisley Junior shouted “moo moo moo” mimicking a cow when Women’s Coalition members attempted to speak.27 A key NIWC focus in the negotiations was the establishment of a Civic Forum. The Forum was intended as a way for ordinary people to have a voice into the post-conflict peace building dialogue processes, to assure those processes did not become an “elites only” venue. Except for a short period in the 1990s though, the Civic Forum never reached fruition as intended,28 and collapsed in 2002. Lynn Carville, a member of the Civic Forum, recalled that, “The media were horrible towards the Forum and referred to us as ‘do-gooders’ and ‘lapdogs.’”29 Retrospectively, women involved have said that they should have spent less time on the Civic Forum and more time supporting a quota system to assure that women continued to have a voice in Northern Ireland politics, and taking note of who was tasked to do what in terms of implementing the peace agreement. As the peace process was concluding, the Women’s Coalition insisted on acknowledgement of women’s rights in the agreement, and their proposed wording was inserted into the text. But getting words into the agreement would not be enough. Having no champion during the implementation phase, legal enforcement proved elusive.30 Having no experience in the junkyard-dog environment of politics prior, the Women’s Coalition was learning as it went, sometimes too late. While Northern Ireland today is not an open conflict zone, it is still far from peaceful. Though often referred to as a “post-conflict society” it might more accurately be said a “managed” peace. Peace Walls remain to separate communities, displaying certain flags and emblems is prohibited because they are considered too provocative, and reciprocal fear of police and security forces remains high. There are high rates of alcoholism, addiction to prescription drugs, and high unemployment because anyone arrested during “The Troubles” has a criminal record, making employment difficult. As in other places, violence in Northern Ireland has become normalized. All of this increases women’s vulnerability, as well as incidents of domestic and sexual violence. Women’s place in Northern Ireland society has changed, but equality remains elusive. The idea of women working has become normalized. But abortion remains a criminal offense, possible only in the strictest of circumstances,31 even

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after an Irish referendum strongly backed liberalization in May 2018.32 Unionists remain staunchly conservative about the role of women. Women’s political participation in Northern Ireland has remained comparatively low, though jumping to 28% in 2016, a 50% increase from the past.33 Margaret Ward, Director of Northern Ireland’s Women’s Resource and Development Agency, says “a lack of gender parity that exists throughout Northern Irish society is a key factor in hindering the development of a new, shared future.”34 She has written that after the peace process, women in Northern Ireland have been “excluded and silenced,”35 and notes Cathy Harkin of Derry Women’s Aid as referring to Northern Ireland as an “armed patriarchy.”36 She also references Shelley Anderson, coordinator of the International Fellowship of Reconciliation’s Women Peacemakers Program, who called for an examination of the links between “private” violence and the “public” violence of armed conflict. The attitudes and values that give rise to the former lay the ground work for the latter. Both are rooted in mindsets where domination, control and beliefs in certain groups’ superiority and others’ inferiority are central. A mind set that permits and justifies the use of physical or psychological force by a “superior” against an “inferior” cannot be safely relegated to one corner of life, such as the home, or certain personal relationships. It will become a part of public life. For real change to occur and hold requires “a demilitarization at a cultural and ideological level,”37 but that is hardly happening in Northern Ireland. A new strategy for peace, Together Building a United Community, was released in 2013, which includes a Gender Equality Strategy, but Ward called that reference “merely tokenism…Peace building is still seen as an activity that primarily involves men.”38 In December 2003, in a presentation by the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs to the Council of Europe, the role of women in the Northern Ireland peace process was lauded. The benefits of involving women were said “clearly evident in Northern Ireland, where women played and continue to play a pivotal role in peace building and are essential contributors to the ongoing process of fostering reconciliation.”39 But Ward points out that although UNSCR 1325 calls for full integration of women in conflict resolution and post-conflict resolution, Britain and Ireland have ignored that mandate in Northern Ireland.40 Yet the women of Northern Ireland remain strong, and the experience of the NIWC remains one studied by women’s groups around the world for its positive and negative “lessons learned.”

Liberia The West African nation of Liberia is Africa’s oldest republic, founded by freed American and Caribbean slaves and home to 16 indigenous ethnic groups. The Liberian people suffered through civil war from 1989 to 1997. Liberian women got involved in 1994 with the conception of the Liberian Women’s Initiative. Women from all walks of life, regardless of ethnic, religious, or socio-economic background, joined together and tried to influence the sporadic peace negotiations.

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While they were a strong voice in pushing for a peace settlement, their larger concerns were muted by traditional approaches focusing on a short-term fix to end the conflict rather joining that to a longer-term view toward building peace. The 1997 peace agreement did not hold. Hostilities commenced again in 1999. Charles Taylor was a government official in Liberia during the first civil war. He fled to the United States after being accused of embezzling an estimated $1 million and depositing the money in American bank accounts. Taylor was captured and imprisoned while awaiting a decision on extradition. He escaped, made his way back to Liberia and became a rebel leader – a warlord – training under and becoming the protégé of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. He was elected president in 1997 with 75% of the votes. “For many Liberian voters, electing Charles Taylor was the only way to bring peace to the country.”41 Taylor’s presidency was riddled with corruption and human rights abuse charges. In 1999 intra-state fighting began again, this time between Liberian President Charles Taylor’s forces and rebels. Over the next 14 years of civil conflict, there were an estimated 270,000 casualties, with countless more displaced and traumatized individuals, without access to even basic services. Women bore a large portion of the violence, with sexual violence rampant. “In 2005, the World Health Organization estimated that 82% of women were subjected to multiple forms of violence, and 77% experienced rape.”42 Liberian women were being savaged. Both sides became known for their brutal violence against civilians and the use of child soldiers. Children made up between 10–40% of the fighting forces, employing “small boy units” to carry out mass killings.43 Meanwhile, Taylor claimed to be a fervent Christian, and rebel forces attended mosques. The women of Liberia, Christian and Muslim, again had enough. During the years of warfare, Liberian women had to endure the pain of watching their young sons…be forcibly recruited into the army. A few days later these young men would come back into the same village, drugged up, and were made to execute their own family members. Women had to bear the pain of seeing their young daughters used as sex slaves at night and as fighters during the day…[w]omen had to sit by and watch their husbands, their fathers, be taken away. In most instances these men were killed, and some of them were hacked to pieces.”44 They jointly formed the Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET) and began to take action. As chronicled in the 2008 award-winning movie Pray the Devil Back to Hell, women in white tee-shirts, to symbolize peace, began showing up in markets to sing and pray for peace. Charles Taylor claimed he could pray the devil out of hell, so the women wanted to pray the devil back to hell. They peacefully protested in an environment where there was little tolerance for dissent. The women leveraged their respected roles as sisters, mothers and wives to skirt the edge of personal

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danger. A Catholic Church-owned radio station publicized their peaceful protests, drawing both more participants and the attention of the mainstream media inside Liberia and beyond. Led by Leymah Gbowee, the women’s numbers swelled into the thousands and they organized mass demonstrations, including a sex strike. Gbowee talked about who came up with the idea for a sex strike, and how they used it with the media to further their cause, in a 2015 interview. A Muslim woman, my colleague, well, very good friend of mine, Asatu Bah Kenneth. She’s like, “We’re going to do a sex strike.” And it was like, “Whoa!” for me, because usually the stereotypes we have about Muslim women is that they are quiet, obedient, and that they do not have those kinds of, you know, mind. But she was the one who came up with the idea. And once we put it out there, it became a huge issue, first not in our—in our community, it wasn’t because sex is exotic, even though it is, but people wanted to know who were these women to even dare their husbands or the men, who are supposed to be in power, to say they won’t give sex because of the war. The international media wanted to know: How can you refuse sex, when rape is the order of the day in your culture, in your society? So, all of these lingering questions made it a very good strategy for talking about, because every time we went to do press and they wanted to know about this sex strike, we had to go about every other reason why we were doing it before this, so it became a very good media strategy for the work that we were doing at the time.45 The women worked to build pressure on Taylor and the rebels to negotiate and eventually it worked. Eventually, Taylor was forced into exile in Nigeria and the warring parties agreed to a meeting, in Ghana. WIPNET recruited about 200 Liberian women refugees in Ghana to keep up the pressure on negotiators, joined by Gbowee and others who had made their way to Ghana on busses. At one point they blocked the doors of the negotiation hall to force negotiators to keep at their work until an agreement was reached, threatening to take off their clothes if the men emerged, an act that would have shamed the men.46 They produced and signed the “Golden Tulip Declaration” (named after the hotel where they met) summarizing their demands and presented it to the delegations. Again, their demands focused on peace, rather than women’s issues, as they feared raising those issues would derail the process. They were relentless. After 14 years, the war was finally ended in 2003. The women of Liberia had proved decisive in the peace process. Leymah Gbowee received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2008. Post-conflict Liberia is riddled with institutional and societal issues that continue to tug at the social fabric. But the peace agreement has held. Liberian women were intent on giving the agreement they had fought and sacrificed for every chance of success. After 2003, they next focused on electing a woman president.

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In November 2005 Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, often called the Iron Lady of Africa, was elected the first female President of an African country. Born and raised in Monrovia, like many African women she was married at 17 and had four children by age 21. She followed her husband to the United States in 1961 and earned a degree in accounting. Her husband became jealous at how well she did in school, and began abusing her. The abuse got worse when they went back to Liberia. Finally, she found the courage to leave him, and got a job at the Ministry of Finance. Having an education allowed her to leave the abusive marriage, not an option for many women. While at the Ministry, a visiting international economist noticed her. He asked Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, a very junior official, to give a talk at an economic conference in Liberia. She did, one highly critical of the government. Consequently, she left the country after the speech to earn a degree in economics from the University of Colorado, Boulder, and later a Master’s of Public Administration at the Harvard Kennedy School. By 1980 she had returned to Liberia and was the Minister of Finance. At that point she became, according to biographer Helene Cooper, a cat with a number of lives.47 In 1980 there was a military coup in Liberia. A group of soldiers led by Samuel Doe overthrew the government, killing the president in his mansion. Within a week they had executed everyone on his cabinet as well, except Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Cooper shared her views on why Sirleaf was spared. They spared her because she was a woman. Women were to be raped, to be attacked but not to be killed like that in a public way. And the second reason is because of all those speeches she had been making, complaining – in which she criticized the government. She was viewed by even people opposed to the government as having some street cred. So she was spared, and then Samuel Doe made himself president and invited her to join his government.48 Sirleaf joined Doe’s government but did not last long. She quit and left Liberia again, holding posts at the banks, the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund over the course of her international career. In a 1985 speech to Liberian ex-pats in Philadelphia while working for Citibank, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf called Samuel Doe an idiot. Soon thereafter she went to Liberia, where she was promptly put in jail for sedition,49 and kept there for almost a year. According to Cooper, it was there that she realized she wanted to be part of a better future for Liberia. In 2005 elections were forthcoming after the end of the devastating war that had ripped Liberia apart for more than a decade. The leading contender was George Weah, an athlete who had once been named FIFA player of the year and African player of the century. He carried with him no political baggage, which worked in his favor, but the women of the country were concerned that he also had no experience running a country and they were unwilling to risk the hard-earned peace settlement on a political novice. Men had already run the country into the ground once. His opponent was Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.

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Liberian women again mobilized to motivate women to register and vote. Their message in the campaign between the grandmother and the soccer star was simple: “Vote for Woman!” One woman told of seeing “young men laughing as she campaigned for a female president. The boys had taken women’s panties, had smeared the crotches with tomato paste and were waving them at the women – their unsubtle way of saying that a woman could not be president.”50 It only motivated the women more. Mr. Weah’s supporters promised that if he lost, the country would go back to war. That was the same argument Samuel Doe had used earlier and the women wanted no part of it again. They campaigned hard and resorted to trickery when they felt it necessary, buying men’s voter registration cards with beer, and even hiding voting cards from male family members. They brought babies to long voting lines, urging women to use the babies as props to get to the front of the line, or to pretend to be pregnant. Mrs. Sirleaf won, 59.4% to Mr. Weah’s 40.6%, in a runoff after Weah won the first round, but failed to get the constitutionally required 50 percent plus one minimum to win the presidency.51 Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s presidency was marked by efforts to rebuild Liberian society. She says she based reform on four pillars: peace and security, economic revitalization, governance and the rule of law, and infrastructure and basic services.52 As part of her presidential efforts to clean up endemic corruption in Liberia and so attract foreign investment, she fired the entire Ministry of Finance staff and brought in women to serve as finance minister, chief of police, commerce minister and justice minister, among others.53 But she has also been criticized for nepotism, giving her sons plum positions in government,54 and not doing enough for women at the local levels where most implementation takes place. The number of women in the national legislature dropped during her tenure in office.55 Additionally, she did not support a 2010 legislative proposal to mandate that women occupy at least 30 percent of political party leadership, with a trust fund established to finance their electoral campaigns, and so it was never ratified. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s tenure as president was most remarkable in Liberia enjoying more than a decade without internal armed conflict. For many Liberian women that was enough of a triumph. Additionally, many “members of the international community view Liberia as successful in implementing the four pillars of Security Council Resolution 1325.”56 In terms of policy achievements, however, her tenure has been described as “good enough.”57 Johnson Sirleaf stepped down as President in 2017, succeeded by her previous opponent, former soccer star George Weah.

Colombia In October 2016 Colombians rejected a peace treaty between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—FARC), through a yes/no referendum vote with a 50.2% to 49.8% margin. After years of on-again, off-again negotiations, the peace

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treaty was to end one of the longest running insurgencies. Voter turnout was low at only 38%, as a “yes” vote had been strongly expected to easily prevail. Arguments against the peace treaty varied. Many Colombians who had suffered at the hands of the FARC felt that FARC members were being given too much impunity. The treaty included provisions of lesser punishment for those who confessed to their crimes, in some cases including exemption from time in jail. There were also economic provisions for monthly government stipends toward reintegration, and political provisions allowing for seats in the Colombian Congress in 2018 and 2022. Many voters simply had serious questions about whether the FARC could be trusted to disarm and abide by the treaty.58 There were other issues against the treaty as well, including some related to women and minority communities. Colombia’s colonial past set the stage for the modern-day conflict that began in 1948. Colonial Colombian society was based on stratification according to “purity of blood.” The elites were the peninsulares, persons of Spanish blood born in Spain. Below them were the criollos, those of Spanish descent but born in the colonies. Those groups claimed political power and social prestige in Colombia, and owned the vast majority of land. The vestiges of that system have resulted in political and economic inequities within Colombia society still today. In the 1940s urban, university-based resistance erupted through the liberation theology inspired National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional—ELN) and in rural areas primarily interested in land ownership reform through the FARC, as well as small, often splinter groups. By the 1990s Colombia had signed peace agreements with five of those smaller organizations. Of the 4,885 ex-combatants in those groups, 1,183, or 24.2%, were women, though that number is considered low as women frequently were omitted from demobilization lists, especially if they were not turning in arms.59 It is estimated that women comprised about 40% of the FARC and 25–33% of the ELN. Women were successfully integrated into the FARC to the extent that the Colombia army took notice and expanded its own use of women in the military. Having women involved in the conflict as fighters changed the dynamics of the fight and the peace negotiations. Women and girls in Colombia suffered massive displacements, sexual violence, rape, forced labor, forced prostitution, forced abortions and enslavement as a consequence of the ongoing violence. Indigenous and Afro-Colombian women were particularly subjected to sexual violence as a weapon of warfare. Many women lost their husbands and had to assume new roles as widows and single heads of households. Breaking with traditional women’s roles brought psychological trauma. As one woman noted, “We are the mothers of guerillas, of military, of paramilitary; we are the origins of life.”60 On paper, Colombia women are afforded a broad range of rights. “The 1991 Constitution and subsequent legislation and judicial findings recognize women’s rights, penalize violence against women and gender-based violence, guarantee women’s participation and leadership roles in peacemaking and peace building,

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provide equal access to state resources for women, and guarantee women’s relief and recovery from the conflict.”61 But machismo, defined as strong even aggressive male pride, is pervasive in Latin American countries, including Colombia. Colombia is a party to both CEDAW and UNSCR 1325. Many of the structural barriers to women’s empowerment and equality have been removed. Not surprisingly though, cultural barriers remain strong. …centuries of structural discrimination, mistreatment, and gender-based violence, have been exacerbated by a history of colonialism, racism, homophobia, and poverty. Elite political culture is marked by practices of exclusion and indifference to women’s contributions. Strong cultural expectations that women’s place is in the home prevail. Patriarchal attitudes that position women as inferior to men, discriminatory practices of exclusion and mistreatment of women, and entrenched gender stereotypes and roles continue to be strong barriers to equality.62 Consequently, women were initially only minimally engaged in Colombian peace talks. In peace talks with the FARC between 1998–2002, Maria Emma Mejia was named as a principal negotiator for the Colombian government. Ana Teresa Bernal, the former director of REDEPAZ, a network of Colombian civil society organizations that coordinates and disseminates information on peace efforts, was asked to channel inputs from civil society in to the process. These women used their positions to try to bring more women into the process, including on the FARC side. Mariana Paez eventually joined the FARC negotiating team. Together they organized grass roots meetings to discuss gender equality as a part of the peace process. Concurrently, UNSCR 1325 was passed, adding an international framework to their efforts. Though they were successful in rallying community support behind them, their efforts gained little political traction at higher levels. Additionally, financial support from the United States through Plan Colombia, pouring money into the Colombian government to eradicate drugs and fight the insurgencies, gave impetus to seeking a military rather than a political solution to the conflict. When talks collapsed in 2002, the women went back to trying to hold society together in the midst of conflict. They had to be careful though as Colombian President Alvaro Uribe widely dismissed those who continued to favor peaceful solutions to problems as guerilla-sympathizers.63 Women played significant roles in mediating community conflicts and dialoguing with armed groups regarding the release of hostages. They articulated the concerns of vulnerable communities, including LGBTQ persons. In 2010 the political landscape in Colombia changed. President Juan Manuel Santos was elected president, promising to bring Colombia peace. Formal peace talks with the FARC commenced in Havana soon thereafter. Women were again largely excluded from official positions. However, “at the table, around the table,

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behind the table, and at side tables, women are having their say and shaping the path to peace.”64 In 2013, following a summit of Colombian women that had the backing of UN-Women and key development partners, representatives from Colombian women’s organizations presented three key demands: that the parties stay at the negotiating table until an agreement was reached, that women be included at the table and at every stage of the process, and that women’s needs, interests and experiences be considered during the talks. That message further received the backing of UN headquarters, which was in the process of reviewing Colombia’s compliance with CEDAW treaty obligations. As the peace process proceeded, more women were added to the official delegations. The Colombian government appointed two women as negotiators. The FARC added women to their delegations, to the extent that by February 2015, the FARC delegation in Havana was more than 40% women, largely reflecting the gender composition of the FARC as a whole. The FARC women launched their own website65 to present their perspectives. A Gender Sub-Commission was formed, comprised of representatives of both the government and the FARC, with a mandate to ensure that gender perspectives and women’s rights were included in all agreements.66 Civil society, including victims, women and LGBTQ representatives provided input to the negotiators to an unprecedented degree. But politics is about power, and power was up for grabs with the new agreement. While the UN, the international community, and the media largely applauded the attention to gender issues, there were some segments of Colombian society that did not, especially statements referring to LGBTQ rights. Concurrent to the peace talks, the Colombian government released a manual to public school teachers regarding how to prevent discrimination and bullying against lesbian and gay students. Former President Uribe, the leader of the opposition to the peace accords, opposed the introduction of that material into the school system. Through a group called the National Movement of the Family, Uribe’s followers linked the peace-accord provisions that protect people of “diverse sexual orientation and identities” with the new education initiatives, led by openly lesbian Minister of Education Gina Parody, to suggest government attempts to promote a “confused gender identity.” Pamphlets promoting a “No” vote on the peace referendum read, “Colombia is in danger! Of falling under the control of a communist dictatorship and the imminent passage of a gender ideology.”67 Uribe, who maintained a strong political following, echoed those views. Religious groups became involved as well. The president of the Evangelical Confederation of Colombia stated that the accords’ gender perspective could “infringe upon some evangelical principles.”68 How much these views affected the initial referendum defeat is not clear, but the intent was clear. Ironically, President Santos was awarded the Nobel Peace prize in December 2016, after the referendum failed. Santos and Uribe met after the referendum toward development of a peace deal both could support.69 A second peace agreement was reached in just six weeks after the referendum with changes made acceptable to all parties, including modifications to appease the religious far right. That agreement was not put to a referendum.

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Support for women and vulnerable populations acceptable to all parties remain threaded throughout the Final Agreement.70 Too often, however, after the peace process is over, “promises to take women’s concerns seriously often remain just that: promises, unfunded and ignored.”71 In March 2017, Hillary Rodham Clinton honored four members of the Colombian negotiation teams at a Georgetown University event. Clinton stressed that once again in Colombia, women urged over and over again that parties not walk away until a settlement was reached. They persisted. Though the referendum was initially voted down, the parties quickly reconvened and signed a revised peace treaty, this time without putting it to a referendum vote.

Lessons learned The UN Peacebuilding Commission was created in 2005 specifically to record and develop best practices of post-conflict reconstruction, and to assist states in transitioning from conflict to peacetime. Laura J. Shepherd has examined the activities of that organization, arguing that peacebuilding activities remain gendered and hierarchical, though not without hope for the future.72 The need for persistence against the perpetuation of discriminatory practices is key to instituting real change. Groups have worked to develop just such strategies. Based on 40 cases of peace negotiations from the Broadening Participation Project, several strategies for meaningful participation by women in peace negotiations have been offered.73 They include: building coalitions using normative and strategic arguments; establishing a credible selection process; creating conditions to make women’s voices heard; and keeping power politics – and the public – in mind. When and how to use these strategies, individually and in combination, depends on environmental context. The success and failures of women in Northern Ireland, Liberia, Colombia and other countries, such as Somalia and Guatemala, offer lessons women and the men who support them can learn from. In both Northern Ireland and in Somalia – even before the passage of UNSCR 1325 – women built coalitions using broad, non-sectarian normative arguments such as peace and human rights. In Northern Ireland the Women’s Coalition included Catholic and Protestant, loyalists and separatists, thereby earning them a seat at the negotiating table. In Somalia during the 2002 Peace and Reconciliation Conference, the five Clans of the region were represented. Led by Asha Hagi Elmi, a network of women with cross-clan marriages organized themselves in a “Sixth Clan” so that they could participate in the process as well. Asha Hagi Elmi became the first female signatory to a peace agreement in Somalia in 2004. Other parties to the negotiations accepted their input for strategic and political reasons, including bolstering their own legitimacy with the public, though rarely are the women’s concerns viewed as strategic priorities. If they were, women would more often be included. Further coalitions are important to counter the often-heard complaint that “It is difficult to engage with women….because they were not one group.”74

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There are limited seats at any negotiating table if effective work is to be accomplished. Who participates can be decided in several ways – by the mediator, a formal process, or by the negotiating parties, though if only belligerents select participants they are unlikely to reach beyond those who echo their positions. Whatever way is selected ought to be transparent. Experience has shown that gender quotas best assure participation by women’s groups. Quotas, however, in any context, also come with issues. Without a quota there is no guarantee that any women will be included in processes from negotiations to management or board positions. When quotas are included though, whatever the quota amount is will likely be seen as “enough.” US Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg was once asked how many women she would like to see on the Supreme Court. She answered nine, which shocked many people. A Supreme Court made up entirely of women? But her point was that nine qualified women should be viewed no differently than nine qualified men.75 Some individuals see no reason for quotas because they believe “merit” will assure equal opportunity.76 The argument is also made that when quotas are used, an individual’s or group’s substantive merit may come into question.77 At least in the case of peace processes, quotas currently seem a necessary mechanism to assure consideration of gender issues. The need to create conditions where women’s voices are heard is based on evidence that “when women are present only in small numbers, they are less likely to be able to influence deliberation processes that are based on majority rule.”78 Whether it is one or a few women in a group, or a group of women in a set of larger groups, mostly men, women are often ignored. If, however, a consensus model for decision-making is used, that can reduce the deficit of authority usually held by the men, and require group behavior that allows, in fact demands, the input of everyone. Beyond direct participation, offering women expert support in drafting memos and reports has been helpful in boosting their input. Additionally, it should be noted that participation in these processes when not part of an official delegation comes with logistical and financial issues. If international organizations and external supporters want to see women’s grassroots organizations represented at meetings, support, including funding, is required. Finally, it is important to remember that inclusive processes – peace processes or otherwise – challenge existing power structures and therefore can be expected to meet with resistance. How to respond to these challenges to maximize effective input depends on the circumstances; whether it is best to remain outside official talks, or to press for inclusion. Further, it cannot be taken for granted that including women in the peace process equates to getting support from the public at large for the issues that women will support. In Northern Ireland and in Guatemala, women were involved in the deliberative phase, but faltered in the implementation stage, due to overlooking the need to be directly involved themselves and not recognizing that the public was not fully supportive.

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Having women involved in conflict prevention, peace negotiations and stability building is important. The immediate question seems to be regarding how best to facilitate that goal. Beyond beginning with a gender analysis, the State Department’s Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations (CSO) offers other strategies and approaches considered key in preventing conflict and responding to crises. As in other areas, time and resources must be devoted to gathering and having available quality, sex-disaggregated metrics to eliminate making assessments and set goals based on assumptions and partial information. CSO also advocates gender-sensitive programming, achieved by relentlessly asking, “Who will benefit and who will be excluded” from programs. Working with locals and keeping ownership of programs local whenever possible is also recommended, to leverage the knowledge and experience of grass roots organizations.79 Including women in peace processes is certainly no guarantee of success. Excluding women, however, significantly increases the chances of failure if extended peace is the goal. Women are learning from each other’s experiences. Men are slowly coming to appreciate the positive role women can play. There remains, however, much learning still to take place.

Conclusions All countries must recognize that getting men to stop fighting may be the satisficing goal at peace talks, but there are ways to insert women’s views into processes during and after the peace talks, and use their influence to achieve those, toward maximizing the potential for longer-term peace. For example, mediators who recognize the importance of women’s presence are key. They may be critical to assuring women stay included in political discussions during and, equally important, post-peace talks. Quotas have proven an effective way to keep women involved. Quotas get women into political processes and organizational positions in numbers requisite for their views not to be snuffed out. While a certain amount of tokenism will undoubtedly prevail, numbers are a prerequisite to inclusivity and so a start, especially if the included women come with knowledge and belief in a UNSCR 1325 gender perspective. The education and perspective of women politicians and those in the military consequently is critical.

Notes 1 Derek S. Reveron, “Exporting Security,” Georgetown University Press, 2010, p.19. 2 http://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/peace-and-security/facts-and-figures, citing Laurel Stone (2015). Study of 156 peace agreements, controlling for other variables, Quantitative Analysis of Women’s Participation in Peace Processes in Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes, Annex II. 3 UN Women, Facts & Figures: Peace and Security. http://www.unwomen.org/en/wha t-we-do/peace-and-security/facts-and-figures 4 Marie O’Reilly, Andrea O Suilleabhain, Thania Paffenholtz, “Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes,” International Peace Institute, June 2016.

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5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

23 24 25 26 27

https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/IPI-E-pub-Reimagining-Pea cemaking.pdf See: UN, Women, Gender and DDR, 2006. http://unddr.org/uploads/documents/ IDDRS%205.10%20Women,%20Gender%20and%20DDR.pdf UN Women, Women’s Participation in Peace Negotiations: Connections between Presence and Influence, 2012, p.12. UN Women, 2012. “How Princess Diana Crippled the Case for Land Mines,” Newsweek, October 24, 2015. http://www.newsweek.com/princess-diana-diana-william-harry-prince-william-prin ce-harry-royal-family-383448 O’Reilly, Suilleabhain and Paffenholz, 2016, p.1. O’Reilly, Suilleabhain and Paffenholz, 2016, p.9. UN Women, 2012, p.2. http://www.unwomen.org/~/media/headquarters/attachm ents/sections/library/publications/2012/10/wpssourcebook-03a-womenpeacenegotia tions-en.pdf UN Women, 2012, p.8. Author Aisling Swaine Discusses “Conflict-Related Violence Against Women: Transforming Transition,” Women’s International League for Freedom and Peace, May 11, 2018. https://wilpf.org/author-aisling-swaine-discusses-conflict-related-violence-against -women-transforming-transition/ Roohia S. Klein, “The Role of Women in Mediation and Conflict Resolution: Lessons from UN Security Council,” Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice, 277, 2012. Cassandra K. Shepherd, “The Role of Women in International Conflict Resolution,” Hamline University’s School of Law’s Journal of Public Law and Policy, Vol. 36, No. 2, 2015; citing Klein, 2012. Michael D. Matthews, “Hands Up, Don’t Shoot,” Psychology Today, March 8, 2015. https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/head-strong/201503/hands-don-t-shoot Matthews, 2015. Gordon Adams, “Donald Trump’s Military Government,” The New York Times, December 9, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/09/opinion/donald-trumps-m ilitary-government.html Comments by Avila Kilmurray, “The Role of Women in Conflict Resolution,” The Role of Women in Conflict Resolution Comparative Study Visit Report: Ireland, 28 November to 2 December 2013, Democratic Progress Institute, p.67. J.A. Sulka, “Living on their Nerves: Nervous Debility in Northern Ireland,” in Gender, Health and Illness: The Case of Nerves, Routledge, 1989, p.233. Comments by Liz O’Donnell, “The Role of Women in Conflict Resolution,” The Role of Women in Conflict Resolution Comparative Study Visit Report: Ireland, 28 November to 2 December 2013, Democratic Progress Institute, p.18. J. Nolan-Haley, “Problem Solving Negotiation: Northern Ireland’s Experience with the Women’s Coalition Symposium,” Fordham Law Archive of History and Scholarship, 2003. http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1286&context=faculty_ scholarship Patty Chang, Mayesha Alam, Roselyn Warren, Rukmani Bhatia, Rebecca Turkington, Women Leading Peace, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security, 2015, p.39. https://giwps.georgetown.edu/sites/giwps/files/Women%20Leading%20Peace.pdf Nolan-Haley, 2003, p.394. Niall O’Dowd, “Bill Clinton’s Historic Visit to Ireland 20 Years Ago,” Irish Central.com, November 30, 2015. http://www.irishcentral.com/opinion/niallodowd/the-peacema ker-bill-clintons-historic-visit-to-ireland-20-years-ago O’Donnell, 2013, p.22. Siobhan Fenton, “As Record Number of Female MLAs Take Seats at Stormont, is Northern Ireland finally Embracing Women in Politics?” The Independent, May 13, 2016. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/as-a-record-number-of-fema

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28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

le-mlas-take-seats-at-stormont-is-northern-ireland-finally-embracing-women-a7028821. html Anne Carr, “Women in Northern Ireland Should be Leading Peacebuilders Again,” Open Democracy, May 16, 2014. Comments by Lynn Carvill, “The Role of Women in Conflict Resolution,” The Role of Women in Conflict Resolution Comparative Study Visit Report: Ireland, 28 November to 2 December 2013. Democratic Progress Institute, p.147. Margaret Ward, “Gender, Citizenship and the Future of the Northern Ireland Peace Process,” Eire-Ireland, Fall/Winter 2005, pp.14–15. Jon Kelly, “Why are Northern Ireland’s Abortion Laws Different to the Rest of the UK?” BBC News Magazine, April 8, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/maga zine-35980195 Peter Walker, “No Plans to Intervene on Northern Ireland Abortion Law, say No 10,” The Guardian, May 29, 2018. Fenton, 2016. Ward, 2005, p.1. Margaret Ward, “Excluded and Silenced: Women in Northern Ireland after the Peace Process,” 50.50 Inclusive Democracy, June 12, 2013. https://www.opendemocracy.net/ 5050/margaret-ward/excluded-and-silenced-women-in-northern-ireland-after-peaceprocess Ward, 2005, p.19. Ward, 2005, p.20. Ward, 2013. Anglo-Irish Division, Department of Foreign Affairs, “The Role of Women in the NI Peace Process”, paper presented to the Council of Europe, December 1, 2003, cited in Ward, 2005, p.3, ft. 6. Ward, 2005, p.2. “Security Council Resolution 1325: Civil Society Monitoring Report,” Global Network of Women Peacebuilders, 2011, p.105. http://peacewomen.org/sites/default/ files/GNWP_Monitoring_Liberia.pdf “Security Council Resolution 1325: Civil Society Monitoring Report,” p.106. Sara Kuipers Cummings, “Liberia’s ‘New War’: Post-Conflict Strategies for Confronting Rape and Sexual Violence,” Arizona State Law Journal, March 2011. “How the Women of Liberia Fought for Peace and Won,” Tavaana Case Study. http s://tolerance.tavaana.org/en/content/how-women-liberia-fought-peace-and-won Amy Goodman, “Liberian Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Leyman Gbowee: How a Sex Strike Propelled Men to Refuse War,” Democracy Now, April 27, 2015. https://www. democracynow.org/2015/4/27/liberian_nobel_peace_prize_laureate_leymah “How the Women of Liberia Fought for Peace and Won.” Interview with Helene Cooper, “‘Madame President’ Author on ‘Street Cred’ Economic Power of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf,” NPR, April 1, 2017. Cooper, 2017. “Citibank Executive on Trial in Liberia,” UPI, August 23, 1985. http://www.upi.com/ Archives/1985/08/23/Citibank-executive-on-trial-in-Liberia/6574493617600/ Helene Cooper, “How Liberian Women Delivered Africa’s First Female President,” The New York Times, March 5, 2017. “Liberian Elections: Who Will Succeed President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf,” Deutsche Welle, June 10, 2017. http://www.dw.com/en/liberia-elections-who-will-succeed-presi dent-ellen-johnson-sirleaf/a-40822006 “A Conversation with Ellen Johnson Sirleaf,” Council on Foreign Relations, May 25, 2010. Mark Tran, “Liberia’s Johnson-Sirleaf Defiant over Nepotism Claims,” The Guardian, November 1, 2012. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2012/nov/01/ liberia-johnson-sirleaf-nepotism-corruption Tran, 2012.

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55 Robtel Neajai Pailey and Korto Reeves Williams, “Is Liberia’s Sirleaf Really Standing Up for Women?” Al Jazeera, August 31, 2017. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/op inion/2017/08/liberia-sirleaf-standing-women-170827092802275.html 56 “Security Council Resolution 1325: Civil Society Monitoring Report,” 2011, p.107 57 “Praise for the Woman who Put Liberia Back on its Feet,” The Economist, October 5, 2017. https://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21730015-ellen-johnson-sirleaf-has -not-been-perfect-president-she-has-been-good-enough-praise 58 “Colombian Referendum: Voters Reject FARC Peace Deal,” BBC News, October 3, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-37537252 59 Virginia M. Bouvier, Gender and the Role of Women in Colombia’s Peace Process, UN Women Background Paper, March 4, 2016, p.4. 60 Bouvier, 2016, p.7. 61 Bouvier, 2016, p.12. 62 Bouvier, 2016, p.13. 63 Bouvier, 2016, pp.17–18. 64 Bouvier, 2016, p.19. 65 www.mujerfariana.org 66 “Women at the Frontlines, Building Peace in Colombia,” UN Women, July 22, 2016. 67 Roxanne Krystalli and Kimberly Theidon, “Here’s How Attention to Gender Affected Colombia’s Peace Process,” The Washington Post, October 9, 2016. 68 Krystalli and Theidon, 2016. 69 Julia Symmes Cobb and Helen Murphy, “Colombia’s Santos, Rival Uribe Willing to Work on Peace Deal,” Reuters, October 6, 2016. http://www.reuters.com/article/ us-colombia-peace-idUSKCN1251MX 70 http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/Prensa/Paginas/2017/Mayo/El-Acuerdode-paz-en-ingles.aspx 71 Krystalli and Theidon, 2016. 72 Laura J. Shepherd, Gender, UN Peacebuilding, and the Politics of Space, Oxford University Press, 2017. 73 O’Reilly, Suilleabhain, and Paffenholz, 2015, pp.26–31. 74 O’Reilly, Suilleabhain, and Paffenholz, 2015, p.28. 75 Katie McDonough, “Ruth Bader Ginsburg Wants to See 9 Women on the Supreme Court,” Salon.Com, October 20, 2015. http://www.salon.com/2014/10/20/ruth_ba der_ginsburg_wants_to_see_9_women_on_the_supreme_court/ 76 Gracy Olmstead, “The Problem with Gender Quotas,” The American Conservative, November 9, 2013. http://www.theamericanconservative.com/2013/11/30/the-problem -with-gender-quotas/ 77 Peggy Drexler, “The Trouble with Gender Quotas,” The Daily Beast, July 13, 2013. 78 O’Reilly, Suilleabhain, and Paffenholz, 2015, p.29. 79 Rick Barton and Cindy Huang, “Creative Solutions for Crisis Response and Stabilization: The Power of a Gendered Approach,” Women on the Frontlines of Peace & Security, NDU Press, 2014, pp.36, 38.

Further reading Cheldin, Sandra and Maneshka Eliatamby. Women Waging War and Peace: International Perspectives of Women’s Roles in Conflict and Post-Conflict Resolution, Bloomsbury Academic, 2011. Cooper, Helene. Madame President, Simon and Schuster, 2017. Gbowee, Leymah. Mighty Be Our Powers, Beast Books, 2013. Leech, Gary. The FARC, Zed Books, 2011. M’Cormack-Hale, Fredline. Gender, Peace and Security: Women’s Advocacy and Conflict Resolution, Commonwealth Secretariat, 2012.

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Reveron, Derek. Exporting Security, Georgetown University Press, 2010. Shannon, Elizabeth. I Am Of Ireland: The Women of Northern Ireland Speak Out, University of Massachusetts Press, 1997. Sullivan, Megan. Women in Northern Ireland, University Press of Florida, 1999. Theobold, Anne. The Role of Women in Making and Building Peace in Liberia: Gender Sensitivity Versus Masculinity, Columbia University Press, 2012. Wilson, Amrit. Women and the Eritrean Revolution: The Challenge Road, Red Sea Press, 1991.

7 WOMEN IN THE MILITARY

Fearing Eros First Lieutenant Ashley White was killed on October 22, 2011 by an improvised explosive device while on duty in Kandahar Province, Afghanistan. She was part of a Cultural Support Team (CST) of women working with a Joint Special Operations Task Unit. Though women were banned from serving in ground combat units in 2011, a need for skills only a woman could provide got Ashley and her teammates attached to the unit in a support role. Having them “support” the unit rather than being assigned to it circumvented the ground combat ban. As author Gayle Tzemach Lemmon chronicles in her 2015 best-selling book Ashley’s War, Ashley and her teammates wanted to be there, were in every way qualified and prepared to be there, and served their country well. Secretary of Defense Ash Carter lifted the ground combat restriction in 2015. Today, Ashley White would no longer be structurally banned from serving in the role where she was critically needed. Objections to lifting the ban had come primarily from the Marine Corps, which raised some concerns when Marine Corps General (retired) James Mattis was nominated as Secretary of Defense in 2016. In his confirmation hearing for Secretary of Defense, Mattis stated, “I have no plan to oppose women in any aspect of our military.”1 Democratic Senators Claire McCaskill of Missouri and Kirsten Gillibrand of New York were among those who questioned Mattis on the subject, given some of his earlier stated views. While perhaps the most often heard objection to women in combat focuses on their ability to meet the physical requirements that was not the case with Mattis. His concerns, voiced in a 2014 speech at the Marine’s Memorial Club in San Francisco, focused on mixing “Eros,” the Greek god of love, with “the trenches.” “The idea of putting women in there is not setting them up for success,” he said. “It would only be someone who never crossed the line of departure into close quarters

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fighting that would ever even promote such an idea…. Some of us aren’t so old that we’ve forgotten that at times it was like heaven on earth just to hold a certain girl’s hand,” he said, to laughter and applause from the audience.2 Mattis and coeditor Kori Schake specifically warned of the dangers of imposing social issues on the military in their 2016 book Warriors and Citizens: American Views of Our Military. So while structural restrictions of women serving in the US military have been removed, cultural resistance – open or tacit – clearly remain. Cultural issues are only overcome with time and the concerted, consistent vigilance of leadership. Unfortunately, there are still a considerable number of blind fish in leadership positions, as well as those who are overtly and tacitly resistant to change in the US and elsewhere. Perhaps the most insidious example of overt and cruel sexism is the Indonesian military and police forces practice of conducting abusive virginity tests on female recruits. Human Rights Watch notes as well that applicants, sometimes extended to the fiancées of military officers, deemed to have failed the test were not necessarily penalized, nullifying any point to the test other than humiliation. The use of virginity tests by security forces in Egypt, India and Afghanistan have also been documented.3 These abuses make education regarding the linkage between gender and security an imperative. Nevertheless women have found ways to serve their countries, their cultures and their causes throughout history.

Women warriors History is replete with examples of women willing and able to fight for themselves and their lands. Joan of Arc was a commander in the French army by the age of 17. She was captured, put on trial for heresy and cross-dressing by the English and burned at the stake in 1430. Her influence on French battle models endured long after her death. Zenobia, the Warrior Queen of the Palmyrene Empire (Syria) in 267, fought the Romans. Though an accomplished rider, she showed her camaraderie with her troops by marching with them. After her eventual capture by the Romans, she was marched through Rome in golden chains. Artemisia of Caria, today part of modern Turkey, was Queen of Halicarnassus during the 5th century BC. She was also a naval commander who fought with Xerxes, King of Persia. Nakano Takeko was one of a very few female samurais in Japanese history. She wanted to fight in the Japanese Boshin civil war in the 1860s but was not accepted into the army, so she formed a women’s army with her peers. After being shot in the chest, she feared her enemies would defile her body and make her head a war trophy, and so asked her sister to cut off her head and bury it. That, her final wish, was carried out and Japanese girls still visit the burial place to honor her. Trieu Thi Trinh is called the Vietnamese Joan of Arc. Cutting a striking figure in bright yellow clothing when riding to battle against the Chinese on a war elephant in the 3rd century, legend now professes that she was nine feet tall with breasts three feet long. The Celtic Queen Boudicca became a warrior after her husband Prasutagus

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died. He had willed his kingdom in equal shares to his daughters and his ally, the Roman Emperor Nero. But Rome only recognized patrilineal lines of inheritance, and so invaded, tortured Boudicca, and raped her daughters toward exerting his male right to all of Prasutagus’ land. Boudicca fought back, uniting surrounding tribes and eventually pushing the Romans out of her lands. Still, the spindle/spear stereotypes have strongly persevered. The role of women in war has been “largely associated with weeping, waiting and working: as wives, mothers and sweethearts.”4 But hundreds of women concealed their identities to fight for both the North and the South during the American Civil War.5 Women also fought in World War I, flying reconnaissance for the Russian army and in women-only battalions of the Russian army, including one called the Battalion of Death. Women also served in the US Navy during World War I, for the first time in official roles other than nursing. By the end of the War there were 11,274 female Yeomen serving on the same status as men.6 During World War II, American women served the defense effort in multiple ways, perhaps most famously as Rosie the Riveter, working in factories, but also in jobs such as Women Air Force Service Pilots (WASPs). With pilots in short supply in 1942, the program was started so that male pilots could be detailed to combat. Women would be trained to fly cargo planes, though initially Army Air Corps General Henry “Hap” Arnold wondered if “a slip of girl could handle the controls of a B-17 in heavy weather.”7 They proved they could. In fact, beginning in 1944 over 1,100 women flew almost every type of military aircraft, including B-26 and B-29 bombers. They ferried aircraft across the country, towed targets behind their planes to allow male gunners target practice (with live ammunition), tested repaired aircraft and any other flying jobs they were asked to do. Their safety records were comparable and sometimes better than that of their male counterparts. Thirty-eight WASPs lost their lives in service to their country, though they were not considered part of the military. The women, led by pioneer aviator Jacqueline Cochran, hoped that having demonstrated both their competence and value the WASPs would become part of the military and endure past the war years. That did not happen. In fact, by 1944 the WASP program was in jeopardy. The end of the war was in sight and flighttraining programs were slowing down. Male civilian instructor jobs were at risk, as instructors were no longer needed in large numbers. Rather than chance being drafted as ground troops, the civilian instructors lobbied for the WASP jobs, and got them. Arnold shut down the WASPs. The women were sent home. In 1976 the Air Force announced that it was going to admit women to its flying program, saying, “it’s the first time that the Air Force has allowed women to fly their aircraft.”8 That gross misstatement motivated the WASPs to action. They lobbied Congress for military status and found an ally in Senator Barry Goldwater, who had also ferried aircraft during the war. In 1977, the WASPs were finally legislatively granted military status. It was not until legislation in 2016, however, that a WASP was allowed to be interred at Arlington National Cemetery. The Secretary of the Army, responsible for the cemetery, had previously refused WASP

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requests to be buried there based on a technicality relating to the 1977 legislation.9 They had served their country, but had to fight every step of the way to get their country to acknowledge their service. Women in other countries also had to “fight to serve.” Lyudmila Pavlichenko served in the Soviet army during World War II. Growing up she had been a member of a paramilitary sporting organization where she learned – and excelled at – marksmanship. When the war started she tried to join the army, but was initially denied entry because of her gender, though offered the opportunity to become a nurse. Only after presenting her marksmanship certificates and “auditioning” with a rifle was she accepted into the infantry. Credited with 309 kills, she is considered one of the top snipers of all time and the best woman sniper. Some 2,000 women eventually served as snipers in the red Army. Only 500 survived, evidencing the dangers they faced. Women have long been serving in or for the military, whether officially acknowledged or not. Eritrean women joined their country’s battle for independence against Ethiopia in 1973, taking them far from their traditionally perceived societal roles summed up by a local proverb: “Just as there is no donkey with horns, so there is no woman with brains.”10 Female genital mutilation as early as the age of two, early age polygamous marriages, little or no schooling, and patrilineal inheritance laws made Eritrean women dependent on the whims of men for their entire lives. They began joining the Marxist inspired Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) to be able to defend themselves from Ethiopian troops, though initially the EPLF leadership had resisted the women’s inclusion. Relatively quickly after integration though, the women began also to fight against sexism. By 1980, women’s rights were incorporated into the EPLF constitution, including progressive marriage and family laws and equal political status to men. Women EPLF fighters were barred from entering into polygamous marriages and from having their daughters subjected to FGM, though sexual relations and marriage among EPLF fighters was not uncommon. Women who could fight in the trenches, be effective in guerilla raids, fire automatic weapons and heavy artillery had to be taken more seriously in villages and decision-making. By 1988 more than 30% of EPLF fighters were women, and one in three casualties a woman. The war against Ethiopia ended in 1991 and Eritrea became a nation in 1993. But the women’s struggle did not end there. Whereas the first generation of Eritrean women fighters fought for the country’s independence, the next generation stayed engaged to defend it. Both men and women were required to take part in national service, including military service. When at home though, the civil war did not bring the kinds of societal changes many women had hoped for and expected. While women served in more political roles after the civil war, they were allocated 30% of parliamentary seats, Eritrea remained a fundamentally traditional society. Though officially outlawed, for example, FGM again became common practice. Some women complained that they were treated more respectfully as soldiers than as citizens. Then in 1998 fighting with Ethiopia broke out again, and women were back at the front.

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When warriors go home A 1999 New York Times article described battlefield experiences of a second-generation woman Eritrean soldier, and her expectations for when the fighting stopped. Hiwet Yonanes, 21, said she had noticed one major difference: women rarely take prisoners. “Women are very bad,” she said. “They don’t capture at all. Most of the Ethiopians know that.”' But she also said the Ethiopians, who do not have women in combat, treat the female Eritrean soldiers differently than the men. On the second day of a huge battle at Tsorona in March, she said, five Ethiopian soldiers tried to take her prisoner – but without drawing their guns. “They thought it would be easy to capture me,” she said. “It was very stupid of them. I didn’t see them but my friends did and shot them right before they got to me.”' Ms. Tekeste, whose mother was a soldier, said that when the war is over she will think about getting married and starting a career. But the fact that she fought, she said, is still not enough to make her, or any woman, equal. It is only a start, she said.11 The struggle for equality among Eritrean women continues. Not only did the empowerment that women experience as soldiers largely evaporate in civilian society, they often faced prejudice, claiming they had “lost their womanly qualities.”12 Women Eritrean ex-fighters – sometimes born into families of fighters – were largely unprepared to integrate or reintegrate into society, lacking resources, skills or job prospects. Further, the very skills that made them strong fighters stigmatized them as wives and potential wives. Some were divorced in favor of a “civilian” wife. Former women fighters had experienced independence, sexual freedom, and equality with men. When the fighting stopped though, they found their morality suspect, their femininity doubted and their ability and willingness to act as obedient wives questioned.13 Gender equality was achieved during the years of fighting by eliminating the domestic sphere and the feminine identity. There were no separate spindle and spear domains, only spear.14 During the civil war everyone was working toward liberation. There was a single goal for all Eritreans. However, after independence, women were again marginalized because that single focus was lost when the country began to focus on national development. Many more winners and losers are created during development, creating competition within a formerly united society. Competitors can easily eliminate women by resorting to traditional marginalization. Other African women freedom fighters are or have been in similar situations. In South Africa, Mozambique, and South Sudan women found that whereas men are celebrated as liberators, “the female fighter is not often celebrated”15 after peace is won. Women FARC fighters in Colombia have already faced similar situations as well.

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Through disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programs between 2002–2012, the size of the FARC shrunk from 20,000 to 8,000, with women having comprising 40% of FARC numbers. Part of the problem with reintegration and including women into DDR efforts stem from the “gray areas” of conflict women where women are involved. The roles, statuses, and experiences of female combatants are often quite different than those of their male counterparts. These differences not only shape women’s experiences during conflict, but often linger long afterward. During conflict they may serve as bush-wives, cooks, spies, and frontline fighters; they are responsible for establishing camps or carrying weapons. Quite often their role is to collect weapons and hold them in a cache until the fighting ceases, a function that is often overlooked, but critically important when planning for disarmament. Qualifications for entry into DDR programs often require combatants to bring in a certain number or type of weapon, and sometimes require the women to demonstrate a working knowledge of these weapons. Women and girls may be responsible for establishing weapons caches, but due to their low status they often cannot meet DDR requirements.16 The Colombian Reintegration Agency (CRA) was created to guide former fighters back into civilian life. At least initially, they were more successful with men. Women complained they were largely offered training in low-paying fields like cooking and tailoring, and not provided child care often necessary to attend training classes or get jobs. Gender analysis was integrated into CRA programming in 2013 regarding job opportunities. Cultural issues persist though. The Colombian government launched a public service campaign in 2012 designed to look like a lipstick ad. “Guerrillera,” it says, “feel like a woman again. Demobilize.” It featured lipstick colors with names like “freedom,” “love,” “happiness,” and “tranquility,” and promised women that they can “smile and become the mother [they’ve] always dreamed of being.”17 Further, the director of the CRA stated in 2016 that “female former combatants have sometimes lost their ‘feminine features’ by doing the same work as men and want to get them back. ‘We put a strong focus on accompanying them and helping them again reconstruct those feminine features that they want to construct.’”18 While women may indeed want to reconstruct the feminine features he refers to, they are also focused on supporting themselves and their families. Other issues come into play as well for former fighters, including cultural stigmatization and concerns about physical security. Not wanting to be identified as a former FARC fighter in a conservative country like Colombia – with their morality suspect and femininity doubted in the same way as Eritrean women – is not surprising. The relatively low numbers of women processed through the CRA indicates that many women are opting not to identify themselves as former guerillas and instead try to reintegrate on their own. But that leaves them without government financial allowances, psychological support and job training.

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The psychological support can be especially important, as researchers state that not all women had a positive experience as a freedom fighter. While some women experienced forms of gender equality within the FARC, they have also reported experiences of coercion and violence. These have included forced contraception, forced abortion, and separation from children and families. While some armed groups allowed open sexual relations between combatants, sex for female fighters was at times an exchange for protection by higher-ranking males in the group.19 Both men and women former fighters have feared reprisals regarding personal violence from parts of Colombia society as well, with women the more vulnerable. Therefore, in some cases they are reluctant to self-identify. The challenges women ex-fighters will face in Colombia are likely to be much the same as those in other countries; against marginalization and stigmatization. Women serving in active duty roles face challenges as well, in both large and small militaries. In Chile it wasn’t until Michelle Bachelet pushed gender integration, first as Minister of Defense and then as President, that the previously all-male Navy became integrated. Jamaican military leadership has pushed for female recruitment and merit-based promotions, regardless of gender, though not without cultural resistance. Small militaries often lack funding necessary to accommodate even such essentials as appropriate uniforms for women. All often rely on best-practice recommendations such as offered by a 2008 NATO publication, Best Practices to Improve Gender Balance20 for guidance. Israel, Norway, and the United States are among the countries that claim success at integrating women into the military. In Israel both men and women perform compulsory military service, and women began being integrated into combat positions in 1995. Canada opened all military occupations to women in 1989,21 though the submarine service was not integrated until 2000.22 Norway was the first country to allow women to serve on submarines, in 1985.23 But integration has not been easy, nor is it yet complete. In some cases structural barriers have been removed, but cultural barriers remain tacitly in place regarding women’s entry into and progression in certain fields.

Israel Sarah Chankin-Gould wrote in 2001 about integration in the Israeli Defense Force (IDF). Because women, like men, are drafted into compulsory military service in Israel and serve in the army, the image of the female Israeli soldier has been cited as proof of an enlightened society built on justice and equality….Yet the image of gender equality in Israel, both in and outside of the military, has proven to be predominantly myth. Women, although important to the

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structure of the IDF, are not men’s equals. My research suggests that rather than eliminating inequality, the Israeli military has served to create, reinforce and perpetuate gender inequality in Israel. The different experience and stats given to women in the military negatively affects women’s integration as full citizens of the society as well as limiting their possibilities in the labor market and politics.24 Israel’s goal of creating an integrated society is well served through compulsory public service, either the military or through a parallel service corps most often chosen by ultra-religious individuals, but not necessarily gender integration. That is, the IDF is often the melting pot allowing immigrants and minority groups to share a joint rite of passage into Israeli society.25 In 2007, retired businessman and IDF Army Reserve General Yehuda Segev headed a committee on women in the Israeli military. Though over 90% of IDF jobs are open to women, only 3% serve in combat roles. Said Segev: “It’s not really open. They don’t make the right path for women that they can volunteer and join combat units.” The Israeli Army rejected Segev’s committee hearing recommendation that all jobs, including elite units, be integrated. “The Army has lots of excuses,” he said.26 Women served alongside men in paramilitary groups predating Israeli independence in 1948, typical of instances where groups are fighting for independence or against invasion. After independence though, women in the military were largely related to administrative jobs, medical assistants and as trainers, except during times such as the 1973 Yom Kippur War when Israel was actively engaged in fighting. Women’s largely support status was challenged in 1995 when a woman petitioned the Israeli Supreme Court for access to pilot training. It was then the jobs opened, and women began to nudge their way into male domains. Most famously, the Israeli Caracal unit was formed in 2004, a coed battalion named for a desert cat whose gender can be difficult to determine. The battalion is comprised of 60% women and its job is to patrol Israel’s often dangerous border with Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. The Caracal unit is often cited as proof of women’s effectiveness in combat.27 The requirement of “proof” appears never-ending though. A female Caracal member explained. “There’s a lot of pressure on the women to be just as good as the men because we have a lot to prove. There’s always a question of could they shut down the unit if we don’t do as well. You don’t see them threatening to shut down the paratroopers.”28 The constant need to prove competence inherently puts and keeps military women in a spotlight, including in ways having little to do with their combat abilities. In 2011 the media had a field day when a female medic used a bra as a tourniquet after a terrorist attack on a bus near the Egyptian border, though not her own bra as was often reported.29 In 2012 the media focused on the Caracal unit. Initially, the story was of the heroism of a unit member who fired on an individual believed ready to detonate a suicide belt after their Humvee was attacked, potentially saving members of her unit. The next day though, the story shifted to how the unit had searched for an hour for another unit member, fearing

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she had been kidnapped, only to find her hiding behind a bush.30 Men, it seems, are judged as individuals while the individual actions of women are sometimes used to define and judge their entire gender. Progress toward gender integration in the IDF has been mixed. In 2014 the IDF initiated another new mixed gender, light infantry battalion called the “Lions of Jordan.” The unit conducts border patrols along the eastern border of the Jordan Rift Valley.31 In 2015, the Bardalas (cheetah) mixed-gender unit was created as well. The reason for creation of these new units is simple: need. With mandatory IDF service cut from three full years to two years and eight months, there was a “manning” gap to be filled. According to Lt. Col. Limor Shavtai, “That has forced the army to be more open in its thought process, more pluralistic, in order to think about what other positions can be opened up to women. Many of the obstacles are societal – they are cultural obstacles, not obstacles in terms of the woman’s ability.”32 No one, however, seems to expect that these new units signal a cultural change. Zeev Lerer of Tel Aviv University’s Peres Academic Center Gender Studies Department and a retired IDF lieutenant colonel, points out that “pictures of women with guns have a lot of PR value, but that is not a sign of integration.”33 The ramifications of women being excluded from some exclusive units extend beyond their military service. Women, for example, rarely serve in the elite hightech army units often considered a fast track into post-service lucrative positions in Israel’s growing high-tech industry. The influence of religion on the IDF is also a consideration. In the past, much of the Orthodox Israeli community opted for national service – volunteering in hospitals, educational and social-welfare institutions – rather than military service to fulfill the Israeli universal conscription requirement. Recently, however, there has been an increase in young religious women joining the IDF.34 Prominent rabbis have spoken out against women serving in the military in the past and in conjunction with the recent rise in women’s enlistment. Their reasoning appears a mix of seeking to perpetuate the spindle/spear dichotomy and nationalism. In our view, the military framework is not appropriate for women in general and for religious women in particular. We are talking about an aggressive, combative system with numerous modesty-related problems that run counter to the lifestyle of the religious woman. There are all kinds of organizations that are using the army to promote their egalitarian viewpoints. They are even trying to advance women to [more] combat positions. These are outrageous notions that are trying to change us into an egalitarian army instead of a winning army.35 The assumption in the last part of the Rabbi’s argument appears to be that an army of men will win, but adding women threatens their ability to do so. Approximately 50% of IDF lieutenants and captains are now women. But men still predominantly hold the higher ranks. The highest-ranking woman in the IDF to date was Major General Orna Barbivai, who was in charge of the personnel

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directorate. Retired Colonel Miri Eisen stated in a 2012 interview that clear limits to women in the IDF remain. “We won’t have a female chief of staff. The glass ceiling is there for a variety of reasons. The military is a boys club. I think every military is a boys club. It’s still a majority of men who are going to choose that way of life.”36 Whether it is true that every military is and will remain a boy’s club remains an open question. Norway, which has had more than one woman serve as minister of defense, is trying to prove Eisen’s view wrong.

Norway As in Israel and many other countries, Norwegian women made significant contributions to the World War II effort, yet found offers for their post-fighting services less accepted, or overtly rebuked. In 1953, the Norwegian Parliament debated and rejected allowing women to serve in the military. That decision was reconsidered in 1976, when Parliament decided to allow women to volunteer for non-combatant military positions. Then in 1984 Parliament “introduced the socalled military occupational equality for men and women. This means that women have the same opportunities and rights as men, on a voluntary basis, throughout the organization and in all functions.”37 But Norway has struggled to claim that the Norwegian Armed Forces (NorAF) has successfully integrated. The percentage of women serving in NorAF has failed to reach the government’s goal of 15% by 2008, later raised to 20% by 2020, with actual numbers continuing to hover at around 10% even though in 2015 Norway became the first European country to make national service compulsory for men and women. Norwegian efforts to increase the proportion of women serving in the military have coincided with the adoption of UNSCR 1325 and specifically through the passage of Norway’s National Action Plan in March 2006. In order to achieve the goal of increasing the numbers of women involved both in peace processes and in international peacekeeping missions – to the main points of UNSCR 1325 – an increase in the numbers of women in the armed forces of UN member states is crucial. Local measures to meet these requirements are therefore imperative if Norway is to meet its international commitments [stated in the National Action Plan] and engagements.38 However, a 2014 analysis found that “The NorAF effort on gender equality and increased diversity within the NorAF can be described as a fragmented series of initiatives and measures.”39 Part of the problem stems from Norwegians being largely egalitarian, but also culturally traditional. Norway is generally considered one of the most gender-balanced countries in the world – number 1 on the 2015 Gender Equality Index.40 Therefore, not surprisingly, the most common argument given by politicians in support of more women in NorAF focuses on general support for gender equality. That is, the low percentage of women in the military does not achieve the Government’s stated gender equality

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policy, nor is it reflective of expectations for gender equality in other countries. From that perspective, women’s military participation is largely symbolic, intended to reflect Norway’s egalitarian society. Within NorAf, however, the goal of increasing the number of women is “to secure different qualifications for the organization. By increasing the number of women, the Norwegian armed forces will expand the range and variety of its members’ qualifications and skills, which is again thought to make the Norwegian armed forces more effective and better fit to meet new security challenges.”41 But Norwegians still largely make traditional gender-based choices, as evidenced by Norway having one of the most gender segregated labor markets. In NorAF, traditionalism is reflected in women being more likely than men to take positions in logistics, support, administration and personnel functions.42 This is a pattern found across militaries regardless of the country or time period.43 So the inhibitions regarding women joining and staying in the military are largely, as elsewhere, cultural ones. A 2007 Norwegian study presents a summary of the academic literature on the relationship between militarism and masculinity, beginning with a quote from British sociologist John Hopton. Historically, there is a reciprocal relationship between militarism and masculinity. On the one hand, politicians have utilized ideologies of idealized masculinity that valorize the notion of strong active males collectively risking their personal safety for the greater good of their wider community, gaining support for the state’s use of violence, such as wars in the international arena and aggressive policing in the domestic situation. On the other hand, militarism feeds into ideologies of masculinity through the eroticization of stoicism, risk taking and even lethal violence.44 The environment that is created is referred to as hegemonic masculinity, where practices are normalized by consent to legitimize men’s dominance and justify the subordination of women and other marginalized and feminized ways of being a man.45 Consequently, the argument is, the military does not seek just any kind of male, but rather one characterized by a propensity toward violence, aggression, rationality and a sense of invulnerability.46 It has also been suggested, however, that there are a multiplicity of masculinities within the military – members of the infantry, for example, potentially being very different than cyber warriors whose battlefield is a computer screen – thereby questioning the notion of hegemonic masculinity. Intersectionality has been used to consider these multiplicities, suggesting male vulnerabilities in some situations, though not without some feminist scholars questioning the application of intersectionality for use with dominant groups such as male military men.47 Other feminists in international relations have suggested that “softer” military masculinities simply demonstrate “the flexibility of the machinery of rule.”48 Within the context of a male-dominant environment, the 2007 study made recommendations on how to increase the number of women in NorAF. The four

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primary recommendations were: consideration of compulsory military service for women; understanding and fixing that many military systems are simply not constructed for female soldiers; having women in top positions and throughout the military at large as role models; and assuring mechanisms are in place that make it attractive for women to stay in the military. Compulsory service was suggested given the penchant for traditional employment roles evidenced in Norwegian society. To assure that female soldiers were not perceived as “different” from their male colleagues, equipment and facilities had to be tailored to the needs of each. Role models and mentoring were recognized as equally important, even perhaps more important, to women as they are to men. And finally, it was recognized that highly qualified women in the military would also be attractive to the private sector, creating the imperative to make a military career equally attractive as a civilian career.49 While these recommendations were made in 2007, it was not until 2013 that universal conscription was passed by the Norwegian Parliament. Other changes in conjunction with the recommendations were, again, sporadic and fragmented. One practice that garnered considerable global media attention was unisex dorms, which had been utilized in Scandinavia for more than 20 years. Norwegian sociologists Ulla-Britt Lilleaas and Dag Ellingsen released a report on Norway’s military in 2014 titled The Army: The Vanguard, Rear Guard and Battlefield of Equality. One of the report’s findings was considered particularly noteworthy: That unisex dorms in the Norwegian army were associated with a decline in sexual assault. “Unisex dorms eroded gender divisiveness, which was replaced by a shared status as soldiers…The success of the unisex dorms indicates that hegemonic masculinity can be superseded through direct contact with women in close quarters…unity around camaraderie becomes more important than divisiveness around gender.”50 The authors also suggested that other factors, including strong leadership, common goals and equal positions, likely factored into the success of the unisex dorms.51 Given the egalitarianism practiced in Nordic countries in general, whether the findings would be applicable in less progressive countries or other “total institutions” such as jails, college dorms or sports teams, is also questionable. Also noteworthy in 2014, Norway began recruiting for a new Special Forces unit called Jegertroppen (Hunter Troop) and the world’s first ever all-female military training program. Again, the rationale was need. “In Afghanistan, one of our big challenges was that we would enter houses and not be able to speak to the women,” explained Captain Ole Vidar Krogsaeter, an officer with Norway’s Special Forces Operations. “In urban warfare, you have to be able to interact with women as well. Adding female soldiers was an operational need.52 The program was initially approved for one-year trial; later expanded to three years. However, in Norway and elsewhere, having women in specialized roles also creates possible disadvantages by placing women’s military contributions in women-only spaces.

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There were no women in Norwegian Special Forces prior to 2014. Selection for Jegertroppen is rigorous, as is training, which takes a year. Of the 317 applicants for a Jegertroppen position in 2014, only 13 managed to finish the course, including modules in Arctic survival, counterterrorism, urban warfare, long-range patrols and airborne operations. Once in Special Forces, the only training requirement different for women than men is that women are required to carry a slightly lighter rucksack. Inflexibility in that one physical training requirement was deemed less important than increasing the potential for mission success by including women. The changing nature of war makes inclusion of women imperative. Afghanistan is not the only place where the need for operation-critical interaction with female populations has occurred. Similar situations have been faced off the coast of Somalia during counter-piracy missions, and female operatives will undoubtedly be needed if the role of coalition forces is expanded in Syria and Iraq.53 These combat roles also provide women with more attractive career paths, critical to having them enlist and retention, two key goals set for and being pursued by NorAF. While Norway still struggles to meet its gender-mix goals in NorAF, it is actively working to make the structural adjustments necessary for progress. It appears as well that the attitude of potential male colleagues is increasingly one of acceptance. A 2013 study comparing Norwegian and American men’s attitudes toward women in the military found both generally positive. Attitudes on more specific topics within the subject became more differentiated though, as the participants employed two different concepts of equality. Norwegian men argued in support of equal treatment of men and women, while their American counterparts felt it more important to create equal opportunities for women in the military.54 If treatment is associated with culture and opportunities with structure, then Norwegians are clearly more on their way to inclusive diversity than Americans, who seem satisfied with focusing on structural change.

Canada As in Norway, structural barriers to Canadian women soldiers serving in military combat roles were addressed well over a decade ago. Though originally traditionalist – in the 1950s the only roles women could serve in the military were nurse, dietitian or administrator – Canadians began considering allowing women in combat in 1970. The Canadian military was against integration and according to the Lt. Col. Shirley Robinson, who served as deputy director of women personnel at the time, stalled by initiating a series of trials to see what combat roles women might be suited for. “Those trials should never have happened,” she said, “Women had already been out there in harm’s way.”55 As has happened before, change eventually came through a legal challenge. Canada passed the Charter of Rights and Freedoms – the Canadian Bill of Rights – in 1982. Soon thereafter a discrimination complaint against the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) was filed with the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal. Following the discrimination complaint, the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal instructed the CAF

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to fully integrate women into the military within ten years.56 By 1989, all restrictions on women were gone.57 Combat roles were then voluntary for both men and women in the Canadian military. With structural barriers removed, cultural barriers still had to be addressed. The Canadian government commissioned a study in 2003 to identify cultural issues with assimilation and integration within the military and provide suggestions for addressing those challenges. Based on the women’s perceptions of effective leadership, the findings from this study suggest that both integration and assimilation are currently in force in the Canadian combat arms. In terms of integration, participants spoke of the importance of both feminine and masculine characteristics in defining effective leadership; most leaders in this study did not feel that they must adopt a masculine leadership style in order to be seen as effective; and all eight leaders in this study described their own leadership style in integrative terms, even emphasizing the importance of their feminine attributes to effective leadership. In terms of assimilation, many participants perceived negative implications in relation to a female exhibiting feminine leadership characteristics. Furthermore, nearly one-half of followers felt that women leaders must become more masculine in order to be perceived as effective. Thus, the current situation regarding women, leadership, and gender integration in the Canadian combat arms is complex and contradictory, with both integrative and assimilative forces in operation.58 Once again, feminine traits were not perceived as detrimental to leadership, but were seen as potentially detrimental to assimilation. Regarding recommendations, the study pointed to leadership attitudes and practices as key: not singling out women, having positive attitudes towards women in combat, and setting the example. By the time Canadian women served in Afghanistan, integration had become ingrained. Cpl. Katie Hodges served in an infantry unit and her combat role was chronicled in the 2010 Canadian documentary film Sisters in Arms. During training and after deployment, Cpl. Hodges shared sleeping quarters with men, as customary in the Canadian infantry. Only showers are segregated. The only time Cpl. Hodges said she experienced separate quarters was when she went to an American base for joint training. While Canada has gone a long way toward integration, certainly further than the US, equal treatment still has a long way to go. Lt.-Gen. Christine Whitecross is Canada’s first female three-star general. She served as chief of military personnel before taking over as commandant of the NATO defense college in Rome in 2017. A chemical engineer and airfield engineer by training, she has been posted to Germany, Bosnia, Afghanistan and nearly every Canadian province and territory. Her husband was also in the military, though eventually resigned so that one parent could be home for their children.

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As chief of personnel, Whitecross was responsible for addressing sexism and sexual misconduct reports within the military. Whitecross has said that like most women, early in her career she put up with “name-calling or people taking liberties that they should not have on a very young, naïve lieutenant captain.” Eventually, however, she found the “moral courage” to file a complaint. The complaint “didn’t go necessarily the way I wanted to,” though Whitecross said it did give her the ability to stand up for herself. Perhaps more importantly as she advanced in rank and responsibility, it allowed Whitecross to understand the complaints and hesitations regarding filing complaints of other women.59 In March 2015, the External Review into Sexual Misconduct and Sexual Harassment in the Canadian Armed Forces60 was released. The report found that the Canadian military is plagued with “an underlying sexualized culture.” As a culture issue, while policies and structure can play a role in abating problems, the report again pointed to the need for the direct and sustained attention of military leadership to abate issues. Canada’s Chief of Defense Staff General Jonathan Vance initiated a program called Operation Honour in response. Shortly thereafter, the media began reporting on the response by some military members. “Some recruits at the Royal Military College, as well as other Canadian Forces personnel including individuals at National Defence headquarters in Ottawa, dubbed Op Honour as ‘Hop On Her’ – a play on words suggesting sexual aggression or even assault.”61 Canada still has substantial cultural issues to address.

United States Congress passed the Armed Forces Integration Act in 1948, allowing women to serve as regular, permanent members of the military. Air Force General Wilma Vaught, one of the early women to reach flag rank, recalled some of the considerations behind the legislation in a 2011 interview. The congressional committees, for example, “thought about the age that women would be when they would be considered for admiral or general, they would be going through menopause. And if they were, they might make irrational decisions.”62 Perhaps ironically, a 2010 study63 found that men who take supplemental testosterone – and prescriptions have risen from 1.3 million to 2.3 million in four years, often for no medical reason – were likely to make impulsive and faulty decisions.64 Yet it is women’s potential for irrational decision-making that has concerned (largely male) decision-makers. Women were only allowed to a certain rank, and numbers restricted, keeping the number of women to no more than 2% of their overall force. Further, pregnancy meant immediate discharge. Women were not allowed to serve in combat or command men. In fact, when Vaught went to basic training in the 1950s her basic training focused on instructions on how to sit properly and apply make-up, rather than physicality. It was more charm school than military training. Things did not change much for women until Vietnam. When the need for support personnel in Vietnam reached critical levels, military policy was changed to

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allow women in combat zones. Additionally, in 1967 the military lifted the cap on the number of women who could serve and removed the women’s ceiling on rank. In 1980 Vaught was promoted to Brigadier General. When she retired five years later, she was one of only seven females serving as a flag officer in the military. Vaught has repeatedly made the point that women in the military have made breakthroughs through legislation and lawsuits, especially in the 1970s. For example, a female Air Force lieutenant filed a discrimination suit against the Secretary of Defense because, as a woman, she was denied spouse benefits for her husband. “She lost,” Vaught said. “But that case got picked up by Ruth Bader Ginsberg,” who argued it successfully before the Supreme Court in 1973. Other women sued for admission to Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) programs and admission to the service academies. “They sued over women being forced to leave the service on the day they were diagnosed as being pregnant,” she said. “They sued over the principle that if women had children in their household, they had to get out [of the service].” Though as an unmarried woman with no children Vaught herself was largely unaffected by those policy changes, she was acutely aware that others were, and of women being granted greater opportunities.65 Opportunity, however, is different from equal treatment and inclusivity. US service academies first admitted women in 1976. Over 300 women enrolled at the US Military Academy at West Point, NY, the US Naval Academy at Annapolis, MD, the US Air Force Academy in Colorado Springs, CO, and the US Coast Guard Academy in New London, CN. Their admission was allowed consequent to Public Law 94–106 signed by President Gerald Ford in October 1975. That legislation passed the House by a vote of 303 to 96, and the Senate by voice vote after divisive debates, resistance from the Defense Department, and the law suits filed by women to challenge their exclusion. “Male prejudice against women at the academies proved to be their biggest obstacle.”66 The first women graduated from the academies in 1980. In those first coeducational classes, 66% of the women graduated, compared to 70% of the men. The men’s attrition rate due to academic failure was, however, twice that of the women. In 1994, the Government Accounting Office (GAO) conducted a study titled Military Academy: Gender and Racial Disparities. 67 Their summary indicates somewhat different academy experiences and perceptions between men and women, and a continuingly higher attrition rate for women. Women consistently received offers of admission at higher rates than men, but also consistently experienced higher attrition than men. Women’s academic grades were lower than men’s, particularly during freshman and sophomore years, despite generally higher academic predictor scores. In contrast, women’s physical education grades were somewhat higher despite lower predictor scores in this area. Although reviewed more frequently for Honor Code violations and for failure to meet academic standards, women were recommended for separation less often…A GAO survey of cadets, staff, and faculty revealed perceptions that women and minorities were generally treated the same as

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men and whites. Some male cadets, however, viewed women as receiving better treatment in some areas. To a somewhat lesser degree, minorities were also viewed as receiving better treatment. Attrition rates have continued to be a point of comparison, given the investment made in the men and women who attend the academies. Differences between service academy rates of attrition and the reasons behind attrition are therefore of particular interest. At West Point, attrition rates between men and women in the 1990s were proportionally the same. Women left less for academic reasons and more for medical and personal reasons. Men left for conduct, military and academic deficiencies, and honor code violations. Most often men and women left West Point for reasons of “motivation.”68 During the same period, women’s attrition at the Air Force Academy was noted as double that of West Point. Academy officials and others wondered if there was a connection between 25% of women leaving the Academy in the early 1990s and a high number of sexual harassment complaints there.69 Sexual assault issues have swirled around all the military academies since women began being admitted. Congress has investigated,70 the Defense Department has investigated,71 and the academies have conducted internal investigations of the persistent problems. The hyper- masculine environment of military academies and a reporting and correction system that often provides the perpetrator impunity and leaves the victim tagged “the problem” are commonly found issues. Those issues are not unique to the service academies, but extend to the military services in general. A McClatchy analysis of 2009–2010 sexual assault allegations in the US military provides insight.72 Of 2,039 rape and sexual assault allegations that year, only 551 were sent forward for court martial; approximately one in four. Of the 551 cases sent for court martial, 147 resulted in conviction of rape or other serious sexual assault offenses; approximately one in four. With those odds, sexual assault victims are often not willing to risk their careers by reporting a peer or superior in fear of retribution.73 Consequently, accurate numbers regarding sexual assault and rape in the military are difficult to attain. The 2012 Public Broadcasting Service movie Invisible War explores the increasing incidents of sexual assault in the US military, suggesting that rape is an occupational hazard for many women in the military. In their 2011 article, political scientist Rebecca Hannagan and psychologist Holly Arrow posit reasons behind the problem. …underpinnings of tensions among heterosexual males, among heterosexual females and between males and females and how these tensions have played out in the strongly gendered context of warrior culture. In the absence of cultural interventions that take into account deep-seated conceptions of women in the military as unwelcome intruders, sexual resources for military men, or both, military women operate in an environment in which sexual assault may be deployed to enact and defend traditional military structures.74

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Again, leadership is required for successful “cultural intervention.” Lack of hard data is a problem in addressing military gender integration just as it is in other areas of gender integration and equality. Law professor Kingsley Browne’s 2007 book Co-Ed Combat: New Evidence That Women Shouldn’t Fight the Nation’s Wars, argues against women in combat. In an interview regarding that book he points out the data problem. “We’ve had six years to study this, but as far as I know nobody is. The military has consistently glossed over problems and denied them, denied access to information that could reveal problems. To a large extent it is in nobody’s interest to reveal that information.”75 As in many organizations,76 women in the military do not see it in their interests to report information. They expect male leadership to circle the wagons around the accused, fear getting transferred or worse, being tagged as the problem. Reservations about the Defense Department’s ability to accurately collect, maintain and analyze accurate data continue. Being in the minority, the conundrum women face in reporting incidents of abuse is significant. Two women who fought in Iraq explain issues they encountered. Says Bethany Kibler, 27, a noncommissioned officer in the Army reserves who spent a year in Iraq, women must fight doubly hard against stereotypes like the idea that they wield their sexuality to win special treatment or get pregnant to avoid service. This leads to “a sort of female hate.” To overcome this, most women in the military act tough and tend to be judgmental of each other. Many women feel compelled to keep up with the men, to act like their sisters. But in such permissive stressful circumstances, that armor is easily breached. Kayla Williams, who wrote proudly about her Iraq experience in Love My Rifle More Than You: Young and Female in the US Army, says that between the six- and eight-month mark of her 2003 deployment “there was a general breakdown in military bearing and professionalism” among her team in the field. Fellow soldiers started flipping out, other got their kicks from telling rape jokes. Williams didn’t care much when she was called a “bitch” in a heated moment, but she lost it when a fellow soldier tried to force her hand onto his penis in the dark. She reported the incident and he was transferred. But the damage was lasting. “I felt somehow betrayed, she admits and, conversely, “like I had somehow led…to this situation.” She worried that because she had tried to be a pal, she may have sent the wrong signals. She eventually succumbed to being “the bitch” rather than “the slut.” The dichotomy women say is the male code. “It was difficult and lonely.”77 While tensions in war zones exacerbate misogynistic attitudes, they persist more broadly as well. In March 2017 a scandal erupted involving a private Facebook group of some 30,000 men, called Marines United, a forum intended as a way for active-duty and veteran Marines to form and maintain a sense of community, considered important for esprit de corps and mental health. But it was also being used to share or promote

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the sharing of nude images of female service members, what some individuals called “revenge porn.”78 Upon investigation, the scandal spread, with members of other branches of the military found involved in similar activities.79 Just as the Navy Tailhook scandal in 1991 brought women forward to testify to the prevalence of sexual harassment, so too has the Marines United scandal.80 One former Marine told of “investing in spray paint that I carried with me when I was on the FOB [Forward Operating Base]. I needed it to cover increasingly detailed and explicit drawings of me that decorated every porta john in Fallujah,”81 and taking a weapon with her to the showers because of the “ubiquitous fear of sexual assault.”82 As in other cases of violence against women, an underlying struggle for power exists, followers model behavior on leaders and what they perceive leaders will tolerate. An underlying power struggle was also evidenced in debates over ending the military’s ban on females in ground combat. The debate centered on physical qualifications for many years. But just as women firefighters proved their physical ability to do that job, so too have women in the military. The Army’s Cultural Support Teams such as Lt. Ashley White served in, and died while serving in, evidence that some women (just as some men) can achieve the physical prowess necessary to serve in elite combat units. Two women first completed the rigorous Army Ranger School in 2015, and 2017 saw the first female officer complete the Army’s rigorous selection process for the 75th Ranger Regiment. That officer’s identifying information had to initially be withheld to protect her safety.83 Canadian political scientist Megan MacKenzie posits in her 2015 book Beyond the Band of Brothers: The US Military and the Myth that Women Can’t Fight,84 that the combat exclusion in the US that held until 2013 was always about protecting the military’s identity as a male-only “band of brothers.” Her argument is twofold: that the combat exclusion was an evolving set of guidelines and rules designed to keep the all-male combat units elite, essential and exceptional, and that the exclusion was not based on any research or evidence related to women and war, but rather created and sustained through stories, myths and emotional arguments, such as that delivered by General Mattis in 2014. In his book Community: The Structure of Belonging,85 author Peter Block talks about communities requiring “interdependence” to further trust development among members. Retired Marine Colonel and Naval War College Professor Mac Owens is among those who feel that women in the infantry will disrupt unit cohesion. “Cohesion, I think, is based on mutual trust,” he said in a 2013 interview. “Sexual tensions and things like that which are possible can undermine that cohesion.” For Owens the debate about women in combat is as simple as, “I just don’t think they are necessary in the infantry.”86 Similar arguments about threats to cohesion were made prior regarding the integration of Blacks into the military in 1948, and the ban on gays lifted in 2011. But by 1986, Blacks occupied “more management positions in the military than any other sector of American society.”87 Thought settled by 2017, the issue of gays in the military was revived when President Trump announced a ban on

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transgender individuals serving in the military in July 2017, via Twitter, to the surprise of the Pentagon88 (which made no policy changes subsequent to that Twitter announcement). The preservation of spindle/spear roles, and arguments about threats to unit cohesion from narrow, conservatively defined interpretations of those roles, appear on the rise. Regardless of objections, women have been in combat zones and roles for many years, evidenced by women being wounded and serving as prisoners of war. Necessity drove interest in integrating women into the military during the George W. Bush administration. “The decision to invade Iraq in 2003, the miscalculation of the subsequent insurgency and civil war, and the desire to wage a global terror war…made it impossible for the all-volunteer force to function without women in combat roles.”89 Reality took over. Of the approximately 300,000 women deployed to Afghanistan or Iraq, roughly 500 have received the Purple Heart,90 awarded to those military members wounded or killed while serving. Lori Piestewa was the first woman killed in Iraq when her supply truck was ambushed in 2003. Her best friend, Jessica Lynch was severely injured and taken prisoner in that same attack, her wounds cared for in an Iraqi hospital. Jessica Lynch’s rescue by US Special Forces shortly thereafter became the subject of a later Congressional investigation.91 The investigation focused on “mythmaking” and whether Private Lynch was used by the Army as a “political prop”92 as a show of patriotism and courage by both Lynch and her rescuers, allegations supported by Jessica Lynch herself. Another Purple Heart warrior played a critical role in spurring the Defense Department to finally drop the ban on women in combat. Taliban gunfire forced down the medevac helicopter being flown by Air National Guard Major Mary Jennings in 2009. Major Jennings nevertheless managed to land the helicopter safely, thereby saving the lives of her crew and passengers. Major Jennings was serving in combat. At the time, women were allowed to serve in air combat roles, but not ground combat roles. Though it was not unusual for the rule to be circumvented to serve a mission need, women did not get credit for their combat roles, credit that often plays a big part in promotions. After landing her helicopter safely and returning Taliban fire during the crew’s rescue, Jennings retired from flying. She wanted to become a special tactics officer, a job that supports ground troops by calling in airstrikes. It is a job that requires thinking in 3D terms to give directions to pilots. As Mary Jennings describes, It’s like a different language. You know, we have our own lingo. We have code words that are intended to confuse the enemy if they can pick up our radio transmissions. So it’s, you know, purposefully obtuse. So you have to be able to speak pilot. You have to be able to maintain your composure and, you know, when bullets are flying over your head, not escalate your voice.”93 It was a job for which Mary Jennings was well qualified, but barred from because it was considered ground combat.

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As with the Cultural Support Teams, women were serving in those types of roles, but not officially assigned to the units to avoid the policy restrictions. They would be “attached” instead. Mary Jennings saw being “attached” rather than being “part of” the unit as impeding cohesion because the women would not be at the same base with the unit and would not have the opportunity to bond with them. When the ACLU asked her to file suit against the Department of Defense to change the policy Major Jennings was willing, because of a very specific reason. For me, it wasn’t about women’s rights. It was about military effectiveness. The reasons that I just told you that we’re tying the hands of the commanders in the field and having – making them have to juggle, you know, the name of the status of the woman that they had to put out with the team that they were sending into combat.94 The case never reached Court because the Pentagon, perhaps anticipating what was coming, changed the rule. Major Jennings’ (now Hegar) story is told in her book Shoot Like a Girl. 95 Other military women rose to prominence during the Iraq War, though not necessarily in a positive way. Lieutenant Colonel Diane Beaver says she will forever be known as “the torture lady” for penning a memo subsequently used to justify the use of torture at Guantanamo Bay. Beaver was an army lawyer tasked by her superiors to define interrogation techniques that could be used on detainees. The methods and methods of operations she penned became Defense Department policy. Beaver later said she “tried to consult experts and superiors on the content of the opinion prior to issuing it, but received no feedback” and “fully expected that it would be carefully reviewed by legal and policy experts at the highest levels before a decision was reached. I did not expect that my opinion, as a Lieutenant Colonel in the Army Judge Advocate General’s Corp, would become the final work on interrogation policies and practices within the Department of Defense.”96 Nevertheless, she took full responsibility for its contents. While it was later suggested that she had the option of resigning or speaking out publicly against what she was being asked to do,97 for women having to constantly prove themselves to “the boys,” that is a difficult option. Army Reserve Brigadier General Janis Karpinski was the highest-ranking officer to be punished (demoted to Colonel) for the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse scandal, as she was the commanding officer at the prison. She and her unit, 3,400 soldiers under the 800th Military Police Brigade, were deployed to Iraq in 2003 to conduct the prisoner of war mission. That mission, like so many others, was extended and changed once in Iraq. Karpinski was put in charge of three large jails and her reservists became responsible for handling suspected terrorists for interrogation, though none were trained for that mission. General Geoffrey Miller, who outranked Karpinski, initiated that mission change. Miller came from Guantanamo, bringing prisoner interrogation techniques already being used there with him.

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According to Karpinski in an interview, the military intelligence people working with Miller “removed Abu Ghraib from my command, yes, and turned it over to the command of military intelligence,”98 thereby limiting her involvement and opportunity for oversight. Like Beaver, she takes responsibility for her complicity regarding prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, but says she believed everything going on there was with the implicit and explicit approval of her superiors, including Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. Perhaps not surprisingly, when initially appointed to her position in Iraq, her womanhood was the subject of a number of media stories, often portraying her as “caring” and “loves her soldiers.”99 After the scandal broke though, the media angle changed significantly, with those who questioned her innocence or limited involvement often doing so in very gendered terms. Karpinski was suddenly characterized as tough, masculine, even inhuman. Her sexual preference was questioned, including referring to her as a “dyke” and “bull dyke,” though without any evidence of her sexual orientation. Analysis suggests, however, that her sexual preference was not really the point of the changed portrayal. Rather, it was to suggest that Karpinski had deviated from traditional gender roles, so she must be sexually dysfunctional.100 Karpinski has maintained that she was a scapegoat, partly because she is a woman. “They made me a pox on our history.”101 She has also reasonably questioned why she received no support from organizations like the National Organization for Women, or from politicians like Hillary Clinton and Nancy Pelosi.

Conclusion Structural barriers to women in military occupations are slowly being removed in many countries. In 2017, for example, the Indian army announced it would allow women in combat.102 But the mixed successes of Israel’s gender integration efforts, the Norwegian military’s inability to reach its desired gender demographics, Operation Honour issues in Canada, and the Marines United scandal in the US, evidence that cultural barriers to inclusivity within the military ranks remain. There are organizational considerations that remain also to be addressed. That includes everything from redesigning body armor so that it fits women properly rather than forcing them to wear men’s equipment that restricts their movement and cuts into their legs, to women’s issues as veterans. Recent data from the Veterans Administration says suicide rates for female veterans is 250 percent that of female non-vets.103 Progress is evidenced in some areas though. In 2021, Electric Boat will deliver the first US submarine designed with specifications for both men and women in mind. Not only will it have separate quarters and bathrooms, but also the height of valves and screen angles are being adjusted to accommodate women more easily.104 Women’s struggles for equality and inclusivity in the military are far from over, but major structural hurdles have been crossed.

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Notes 1 Richard Sisk, “Mattis at Odds with Trump on Russia, Backs Women in Combat,” Military.com, January 12, 2107. http://www.military.com/daily-news/2017/01/12/ma ttis-odds-with-trump-russia-backs-women-combat.html 2 Rebecca Kheel, “Mattis’ Views on Women in Combat Takes Center Stage,” The Hill, January 12, 2017. http://thehill.com/policy/defense/313871-mattis-to-face-ques tions-over-women-in-combat-and-lgbt-troops-at-confirmation 3 “Group Calls for Indonesian Forces to Stop Virginity Tests,” Associated Press, November 22, 2017. https://www.apnews.com/fb7a8c1de9b249158908c20cc01d 433a/Group-calls-for-Indonesian-forces-to-stop-virginity-tests 4 “The She-Soldiers of World War One,” http://ww1centenary.oucs.ox.ac.uk/uncon ventionalsoldiers/the-she-soldiers-of-world-war-one/ 5 Jess Righthand, “The Women Who Fought in the Civil War,” Smithsonian.com, April 7, 2011. http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/the-women-who-foughtin-the-civil-war-1402680/ 6 “The She-Soldiers of World War One,” http://ww1centenary.oucs.ox.ac.uk/uncon ventionalsoldiers/the-she-soldiers-of-world-war-one/ 7 Susan Stamberg, “Female WWII Pilots: The Original Fly Girls,” NPR, March 9, 2010. http://www.npr.org/2010/03/09/123773525/female-wwii-pilots-the-original -fly-girls 8 Stamberg, 2010. 9 Katherine Sharp Landdeck, “A Woman Pilot Receives the Military Funeral the Army Denied Her,” The Atlantic, September, 2016. 10 Blaine Harden, “10,000 Join Men to Battle Ethiopian Army: Women Fight for Freedom and Equal Rights,” The Washington Post, February 28, 1988. http://articles.latim es.com/1988-02-28/news/mn-70_1_eritrean-women 11 Ian Fisher, “Like Mother, Like Daughter, Eritrean Women Wage War,” The New York Times, August 26, 1999. http://www.nytimes.com/1999/08/26/world/like-m other-like-daughter-eritrean-women-wage-war.html 12 Marthe Van Der Wolf, “Africa’s Female Fighters: They Bled and Died on the Battlefields of Freedom and Were Forgotten after Victory,” Mail & Guardian Africa, September 25, 2014. 13 Victoria Bernal, “Equality to Die For: Women Guerrilla Fighters and Eritrea’s Cultural Revolution,” Political and Legal Anthropological Review, November 2000, p.61. 14 Victoria Bernal, “From Warriors to Wives: Contradictions of Liberation and Development in Eritrea,” Northeast African Studies, Vol. 8, 2000, p.131. 15 Van Der Wolf, 2014. 16 Sahana Dharmapuri, “Just Add Women and Stir?” Parameters, Spring 2011, p.62. 17 Megan Alpert, “To be a Guerrilla, and a Woman, in Colombia,” The Atlantic, September 28, 2016. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/09/farc-deal-fema le-fighters/501644/ 18 Alpert, 2016. 19 Kimberely Theidon and Roxanne Krystalli, “Getting to Yes in Colombia: What It Would Take to Reintegrate the FARC,” The Conversation. http://theconversation. com/getting-to-yes-in-colombia-what-it-would-take-to-reintegrate-the-farc-66710 20 https://www.nato.int/issues/women_nato/2008-11-gender_balance.pdf 21 http://sistersinarms.ca/history/history-of-women-in-combat/ 22 http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/news/article.page?doc=women-in-the-canadian-arm ed-forces/hie8w7rm 23 “The First Women on Submarines: A Timeline,” StudioKnow, February 27, 2017. 24 Sarah Chankin-Gould, “The Israeli Female Soldier: An Analysis of the Role of Women in the Israeli Defense Force and the Implications for Israeli Society,” URC Student Scholarship, 2001.

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25 Jodi Rudoren, “Looking to Israel for Clues on Women in Combat,” The New York Times, January 25, 2013. https://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/26/world/middleeast/ looking-to-israel-for-clues-on-women-in-combat.html 26 Rudoren, 2013. 27 Larry Abramson, “Women in Combat: Some Lessons from Israel’s Military,” All Things Considered, NPR, May 16, 2013. 28 Rudoren, 2013. 29 Jacob Kamaras, “Just Do your Job: Trainer of IDF Paramedics on Life Saving Improvision,” Jewish News Service, November 10, 2013. http://archive.jns.org/latest-articles/ 2013/11/10/just-do-your-job-trainer-of-idf-paramedics-on-life-saving-improvisation 30 Stuart Winer, “Female Soldier Hid Behind Bush during Sinai Attack, Sparking Kidnapping Fears,” Times of Israel, September 24, 2012. http://www.timesofisrael.com/ female-soldier-hid-behind-bush-during-sinai-attack/ 31 Judith Sudilovsky, “Despite Some Progress, Most Combat Roles are Closed to Women in the IDF,” The Jerusalem Post, August 13, 2105. 32 Judah Air Gross, “New Combat Positions for Women in the IDF, Same Old Obstacles,” The Times of Israel, March 13, 2016. https://www.timesofisrael.com/new-combat-posi tions-for-women-in-the-idf-same-old-obstacles/ 33 Sudilovsky, 2015. 34 Yair Ettinger, “A Quiet Coup: Young Religious Women are Flocking to the Israeli Army,” Haaretz, November 25, 2105. http://www.haaretz.com/peace/1.677390 35 Mordechai Goldman, “Rabbis Speak Out against Women’s Enlistment in IDF,” AlMonitor, November 27, 2016. https://wunrn.com/2016/12/israel-rabbis-speak-out-a gainst-womens-enlistment-in-the-israel-defense-forces-idf/ 36 Abramson, 2013. 37 Frank Brundtland Steder, “Is it Possible to Increase the Share of Military Women in the Norwegian Armed Forces?” International Relations and Diplomacy, May 2014, p.293. 38 Inger Skjelsbaek, Gender Aspects of International Military Interventions: National and International Perspectives, Report to the Norwegian Ministry of Defense, International Peace Research Institute, 2007, p.3. 39 Steder, 2014, p.294. 40 http://hdr.undp.org/en/composite/GII 41 Skjelsbaek, 2007, p.3. 42 Steder, 2014, p.296. 43 Jennifer Mathers, in Carol Cohn (ed.), Women in Wars, Polity 2012. 44 Skjelsbaek, 2007, p.13. 45 Rachel Jewkes, et al., “Hegemonic Masculinity: Combining Theory and practice in gender interventions,” Culture, Health and Sexuality, October 2015, pp.96–111. 46 Skjelsbaek, 2007, p.13. 47 Marsha Henry, “Problematizing Military Masculinity, Intersentionality and Male Vulnerability in Feminist Critical Military Studies,” Critical Military Studies, Vol. 3, 2017. 48 Claire Duncanson, “Hegemonic Masculinity and Possibility of Change in Gender Relations,” Men and Masculinities, May 11, 2015. 49 Skjelsbaek, 2007, pp.21–22. 50 Leah Ruppanner, “Why Norway Says No Way to Gender Segregation in the Military,” The Conversation, August 13, 2014. 51 Ulla-Britt Lilleaas, Dag Ellingsen and Michael Kimmel, “Something is Working – But Why? Mixed Rooms in the Norwegian Army,” NORA, Vol. 4, Issue 3, 2016, pp.151–164. 52 Elizabeth Braw, “Norway’s ‘Hunter Troops,’ Foreign Affairs, February 8, 2016. 53 Aleksi Korpela, “‘Jegertroppen’: Norway’s All-Female Special Forces Unit,” NATO Association of Canada, February 19, 2016. http://natoassociation.ca/jegertropp en-norways-all-female-special-forces-unit/ 54 Elin Gustavsen, “Equal Treatment or Equal Opportunity? Male Attitudes Towards Women in the Norwegian and US Armed Forces,” Acta Sociologica, March 28, 2013.

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55 Ian Austen, “Armed Forces in Canada Resolved Issue Long Ago,” The New York Times, January 24, 2013. 56 http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/news/article.page?doc=historical-milestones-of-wom en-in-the-canadian-armed-forces/izkjr17h 57 http://sistersinarms.ca/history/history-of-women-in-combat/ 58 Angela Febbraro, Women, Leadership and Gender Integration in the Canadian Combat Arms: A Qualitative Study, Defence R&D Canada, December 2003. http://cradpdf. drdc-rddc.gc.ca/PDFS/unc31/p521088.pdf 59 Shannon Proudfoot, “The Sacrifices of Canada’s Female Military Trailblazer,” Macleans, November 6, 2016. 60 http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/caf-community-support-services/external-review-sexua l-mh-2015/summary.page 61 David Pugliese, “Operation Honour Dubbed ‘Hop on Her’ by Soldiers Mocking Military Plan to Crack Down on Sexual Misconduct,” The National Post, October 26, 2015. http://news.nationalpost.com/news/canada/operation-honour-dubbed-hop-on -her-by-soldiers-mocking-militarys-plan-to-crack-down-on-sexual-misconduct 62 Renee Montage, “General Remembers Her ‘Different’ Military Days,” NPR, February 23, 2011. http://www.npr.org/templates/transcript/transcript.php?storyId=133966767 63 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19925198 64 Therese Huston, “Men Can Be So Hormonal,” New York Times, June 24, 2017. https:// www.nytimes.com/2017/06/24/opinion/sunday/men-testosterone-hormones.html 65 Karen Parrish, “Women’s Military History ‘A Revolution’ General Says,” DOD News, March 3, 2016. https://www.defense.gov/News/Article/Article/685650/wom ens-military-history-a-revolution-general-says 66 http://www.womensmemorial.org/history/detail/?s=women-enter-the-military-aca demies 67 NSIAD 94–95, March 17, 1994. 68 Billie Mitchell, “The Creation of Army Officers and the Gender Lie,” in It’s Our Military, Too! Women and the US Military, Judith Stiehm, ed. Temple University Press, 1996. 69 Tom Bowman, “Air Force Dropout Rate Double that of Other Academies,” Baltimore Sun, May 22, 1994. http://articles.baltimoresun.com/1994-05-22/news/1994142026_ 1_force-academy-military-academy-female-cadets 70 Committee on Government Reform, Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats and International Relations, June 27, 2006, Serial # 109–220. 71 http://www.sapr.mil/index.php/reports 72 “Military’s Newly Aggressive Rape Prosecution Has Pitfalls,” McClatchy DC, November 28, 2011. http://www.mcclatchydc.com/news/nation-world/national/na tional-security/article24719683.html 73 James Rosen, “Female Service Members Say they Face Retribution for Reporting Sexual Assaults,” McClatchy DC, May 1, 2015. http://www.mcclatchydc.com/news/ nation-world/national/national-security/article24783976.html; Janine P. Felsman, “’To Support and Defend,’ Against Sexual Misconduct,” Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law, Vol. 11, No. 2, 2014. 74 Rebecca J. Hannagan and Holly Arrow, “Reengineered Gender Relations in Modern Militaries,” Journal of Trauma and Dissociation, Vol. 12, No. 3, p.305. 75 Kelley Beaucar Vlahos, “Women at War,” The American Conservative, April 7, 2008. 76 T.J. Raphael, “Poll: For Women at Work, Harassment Complaints Fall on Deaf Ears,” The Takeaway, PRI International, November 15, 2017. 77 Vlahos, 2008. 78 Jared Keller, “The Rise and Fall (and Rise) of ‘Marines United,’” Task and Purpose, March 16, 2017. https://taskandpurpose.com/rise-fall-rise-marines-united/ 79 Bill Chappell, “Nude-Photo Scandal May Expand Beyond ‘Marines United’ Facebook Group,” NPR, March 10, 2017.

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80 Kate Hendricks Thomas, “Ending Harassment of Women in The Corps Starts with Marine Leadership,” Task and Purpose, March 7, 2017; Joshua Raymond Castro, “Female Marines Speak Out On ‘Marines United’ Nude Database Scandal,” American Military News, March 17, 2017. 81 Thomas, 2017. 82 Rachel Gotbaum, “A female former marine speaks out about nude photos of servicewomen,” Public Radio International, March 8, 2017. https://www.pri.org/stories/ 2017-03-08/former-female-marine-speaks-out-about-facebook-page-shared-nude-p hotos 83 Meghann Myers, “This Woman Will Be The First to Join the Army’s Elite 75th Ranger Regiment,” Army Times, January 18, 2017. https://www.armytimes.com/arti cles/this-woman-will-be-the-first-to-join-the-armys-elite-75th-ranger-regiment 84 Cambridge University Press. 85 Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 2009. 86 Larry Abramson, “Women in Combat: Obstacles Remain as Exclusion Policy Ends,” NPR, May 15, 2013. 87 Charles Moskos, “Success Story: Blacks in the Military,” The Atlantic, May 1986. http s://www.theatlantic.com/ideastour/military/moskos-full.html 88 Julie Hirschfeld Davis and Helene Cooper, “Trump Says Transgender People Will Not Be Allowed in the Military,” The New York Times, July 26, 2017. https://www. nytimes.com/2017/07/26/us/politics/trump-transgender-military.html 89 Vlahos, 2008. 90 Gretel Kovach, “First Woman Joins Purple Heart Unit,” San Diego Union Tribune, April 28, 2013. http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/military/sdut-first-woma n-joins-local-purple-heart-chapter-2013apr28-story.html 91 Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Misleading Information from the Battlefield: The Tillman and Lynch Episodes, September 16, 2008. https://www.gpo.gov/ fdsys/pkg/CRPT-110hrpt858/html/CRPT-110hrpt858.htm 92 Vlahos, 2008. 93 Terry Gross interviewing Mary Jennings (Heger). “A Purple Heart Warrior Takes Aim at Military Inequality in ‘Shoot Like a Girl,’” NPR. March 2, 2017. http://www.npr. org/templates/transcript/transcript.php?storyId=517944956 94 NPR, March 2, 2017. 95 Berkley Press, 2017. 96 Statement of Diane E. Beavers before the Senate Armed Service Committee, June 17, 2008. 97 Rob Freer, review of Philippe Sands, Torture Team: Deception, Cruelty and the Compromise of the Law, Journal of Human Rights Practices, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009. 98 “Col. Janis Karpinski, the Former Head of Abu Ghraib, Admits She Broke the Geneva Conventions But Says the Blame ‘Goes all the Way to the Top,” Democracy Now, October 26, 2005. 99 Susan Taylor Martin, “Her Job: Lock up Iraq’s Bad Guys,” St. Petersburg Times, December 14, 2003, p.A8. 100 Laura Sjoberg and Caron Gentry, “Reduced to Bad Sex: Narratives of Violent Women from the Bible to the War on Terror,” International Relations, Vol. 22, No. 1, 2008, p.15. 101 Vlahos, 2008. 102 Monami Gogoi, “Indian Army to Allow Women in Combat Roles: Other Countries that have Broken Gender Barrier,” hindustantimes, June 5, 2017. 103 Thomas Ricks, “Veterans Administration Throws Suicide Stats Out the Back Door on Friday at 5 p.m., Foreign Policy, September 16, 2017. 104 Jennifer McDermott, “Women in the Military: US Navy Redesigning Its Submarines,” Associated Press, April 19, 2017. https://www.defensenews.com/news/ your-navy/2017/04/19/women-in-the-military-us-navy-redesigning-its-submarines/

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Further reading Block, Peter. Community: The Structure of Belonging, Berrett-Koehler, 2009. Browne, Kingsley. Co-Ed Combat: New Evidence That Women Shouldn’t Fight the Nation’s Wars, Sentinel HC, 2007. D’Amico, Francine and Laurie Weinstein. Gender Camouflage, New York University Press, 1999. Hegar, Mary Jennings. Shoot Like a Girl, Berkley, 2017. Holmstedt, Kristin. Band of Sisters, Stackpole Books, 2008. Lemmon, Gayle Tzemach. Ashley’s War, Harper Perennial, 2015. Lowry, Donna. Women Vietnam Veterans: Our Untold Stories, AuthorHouse, reprint ed., 2015. Mattis, James and Kori Schake (eds). Warriors and Citizens: American Views of Our Military, Hoover Institute Press, 2016. MacKenzie, Megan. Beyond the Band of Brothers, Cambridge University Press, 2015. McCracken, Peggy. The Curse of Eve: The Wound of the Hero: Blood, Gender and Medieval Literature, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003. Norman, Elizabeth. We Band of Angels, Random House, 2013. Williams, Kayla. Love My Rifle More Than You: Young and Female in the US Army, W.W. Norton, 2006.

8 WOMEN AND DEVELOPMENT

Human development and human security Pakistani economist, game theorist and international development specialist Mahbub ul Haq is credited with having a profound impact on global development. His 1995 book Reflections on Human Development1 advanced that development was not simply a measure of economics, but of people’s wellbeing as well. Subsequently, the United Nations defines human development in terms of both people and opportunities. People: the human development approach focuses on improving the lives people lead rather than assuming that economic growth will lead, automatically, to greater opportunities for all. Income growth is an important means to development, rather than an end in itself. Opportunities: human development is about giving people more freedom and opportunities to live lives they value. In effect this means developing people’s abilities and giving them a chance to use them. For example, educating a girl would build her skills, but it is of little use if she is denied access to jobs, or does not have the skills for the local labour market… Many other aspects are important too, especially in helping to create the right conditions for human development, such as environmental sustainability or equality between men and women. Human development and human security are closely linked as both are focused on people. The difference between them is that while human security focuses on identifying and addressing threats and risks, human development involves understanding the threats, toward finding and implementing preventive measures.2 The annual Human Development Report (HDR) produced by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) highlights two aspects of human security,

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“freedom from want” and “freedom from fear.”3 Even more specifically, seven essential dimensions of human security are considered part of human development: economics, health, personal, political, food, environment and community. These dimensions, or others when appropriate, are part of a flexible approach that can be tailored to different circumstances, contexts and topics. “No matter which topic is addressed, a guiding principle of the human security approach is that it requires understanding the particular threats experienced by particular groups of people, as well as the participation of those people in the analysis process. Threats to human security can exist at all levels of development.”4 Understanding different perspectives regarding threats, and having those perspectives represented in analysis toward addressing the threats, is the essence of Women, Peace, and Security.

Women, development and security A 2015 McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) Report stated that advancing women’s equality could add $12 trillion to global growth by 2025.5 Readers were further reminded that was equivalent in size to the then GDPs of Germany, Japan and the United States combined. In producing the report, MGI mapped 15 gender-equality indicators for 95 countries. No country was highly ranked in gender equality in society but low gender equality in work. Societal empowerment of women correlated with developmental potential. MGI developed a Gender Parity Score (GPS) system to evaluate how well countries around the world are doing in closing the gender gap, and concluded overall “poorly.”6 Perhaps not surprisingly, 9/12 countries that have closed less than 50 percent of the gender gap are also among the top 30 countries on the 2106 Global Terrorism Index (GTI),7 which ranks countries of the world according to terrorist activity. The GTI goes on to say that terrorism primarily occurs in nations experiencing broader internal conflict,8 often brought on by strains in the societal fabric. The 2015 US National Military Strategy states, “defeating VEOs [Violent Extremist Organizations] ultimately requires providing security and economic opportunities to at-risk populations.”9 Women are part of the “at risk” population. It is worth reiterating that poverty does not “cause” radical, violent extremism. But poverty creates an environment of frustration and desperation where radicalism can take hold. By investing in women, an underutilized half of global human capital, countries that institute gender-aware reforms can also realize macroeconomic benefits important toward holding violent extremism at bay. Women are involved in violent extremism in several ways. They increasingly bear the brunt of extremist violence, by groups attacking them personally, and destroying whatever developmental, educational, and socio-economic opportunities they have available. But women are not only victims of violent extremism; they play roles as supporters and perpetrators. Historically women from Northern Ireland to Sri Lanka were involved in planning, supporting and executing terrorist attacks. Women Tamil Tigers fighting in Sri Lanka, called Black Tigresses, were

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among the first suicide bombers. There are increased reports of western women joining ISIS, with some reports saying that women constitute between 10 and 20 percent of the foreign contingent.10 But women can also be critical partners in prevention. Part of that prevention is abating the poverty that accommodates radicalization, through the economic empowerment of women. Economic recovery is widely understood as a key aspect of long-term stability in countries transitioning out of conflict. Since it is women who hold together the social fabric of society and are focused on raising children, determining who has access to post-conflict economic opportunities has implications for sustainable peace.11 Women face multiple barriers to economic opportunity and empowerment, including legal constraints, difficulties in setting up businesses and limited access to finance and capital. In legal terms, land is an important asset for households in developing countries and laws often perpetuate male control. Women own less than 20% of the world’s land. A survey of 34 developing nations by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization puts the percentage as low as 10. This is staggering if you consider that half of the world’s population is women. More than 400 million of them farm and produce the majority of the world’s food supply. Yet female farmers lack equal rights to own land in more than 90 countries.12 In Uganda, for example, where more women work agricultural jobs than men, women own only 7 percent of the land they work. It is the norm there that women work land owned by male relatives. That situation weakens women’s economic security because they are left out of decisions regarding investment or selling land, especially during times of conflict. During conflicts more women become widows and thus the primary provider in their households, but may be legally prohibited from inheriting the land on which they work.13 The potential benefits for women regarding not being tied to land has, however, recently been studied in India. Young women there are in some instances considered more able to leave rural areas for better jobs and education in urban areas than some male counterparts. Perhaps not surprisingly though, women have also sometimes suffered backlash. Men are resentful of women’s increased independence, out-performing them economically, seeing them as competitors, and with a sex ratio of 111 men per 100 women in India, increasingly left without brides.14 The interconnected nature of gender-related issues is complex. Structural barriers to women working still exist in many countries. Rachel Vogelstein, Director of the Woman and Foreign Policy Program at the Council on Foreign Relations, pointed out examples in her 2018 Foreign Affairs article “Let Women Work.” In Russia, women cannot seek employment in 456 specific occupations, from woodworking to driving a subway. Argentina prohibits women from entering

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“dangerous careers” such as mining, manufacturing flammable materials, and distilling alcohol. French law prevents women from holding jobs that require carrying 45 kilograms (about 55 pounds). In Pakistan, women cannot clean or adjust machinery.15 Whether structural or cultural, women are disadvantaged in their economic dependence and consequently often fear using their voices to support personal and political empowerment. Because of lack of access to capital and often constraints of physical movement, such as when the Taliban took over in Afghanistan and banned women from public life and work, women are often forced to turn to low paying jobs such as sewing or laundry. Microcredit has been a key mechanism in assisting women in building businesses, in and out of their homes, as unlike traditional finance mechanisms it does not require the use of land or other resources as collateral. At the micro level, without economic independence women’s life choices are few or none. At the macro level women add to the economic wellbeing of society, thereby helping to keep violent extremism at bay and societal stability maintained. National efforts to economically empower women are part of global development efforts. Ideally, global and national efforts are coordinated and addressed with consistent commitment. In reality, rhetoric has proved easier than follow-through, and commitment wanes when juxtaposed with more traditional security considerations. According to Dr. Flavia Bustreo, World Health Organization (WHO) Assistant Director-General for Family, Women and Children’s Health, as of 2015 “in too many countries, ‘women’s empowerment’ remains a pipedream – little more than a rhetorical flourish added to a politician’s speech.”16 The linkage between women, development and security is not just an issue being addressed by developing countries. An April 2017 paper titled “Political Targets: Womenomics as an Economic and Foreign Relations Strategy”17 provides an overview of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s “womenomics” strategy. That strategy was launched in 2013 to mitigate Japan’s demographic crises and subsequent labor shortages. In 2013, Abe proposed a three-pronged approach to revitalizing Japan’s economy: monetary policy, fiscal policy and structural reform, including measures to reduce barriers to women’s participation in the labor force. The latter portion became known as “womenomics.” It evolved into a foreign relations strategy to improve Japan’s poor international reputation on gender equality. Though considered a highly developed country, Japan has faced considerable international pressure and criticism from human and women’s rights activists and organizations for its repudiation of wrongdoing on the Korean Comfort Women issue. A statement made by then-Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto in 2013 that comfort women had been necessary to maintain discipline in the military sparked outrage in South Korea and elsewhere.18 Though womenomics was intended to allow Japan to bolster its international imagie to other countries, financial and international institutions, investors and human rights organizations by taking action

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that will benefit the country in two areas, economic reform and gender equality, success has been mixed. That Japan undertook the program at all evidences the importance attached to gender equality in foreign policy even among developed countries. Cultural barriers in Japan and elsewhere nevertheless remain the biggest barrier to equality.

Three dimensions of gender equality The 2012 World Development Report produced by the World Bank focused specifically on gender equality and development. It considered three interconnected dimensions of equality: the accumulation of endowments, opportunities and agency. Endowments specifically refers to education, health and tangible assets available to a girl or woman. Opportunities then refers to the ability to use endowments to generate income, and the application of those endowments to take actions, or agency, affecting individual and household wellbeing.19 According to 2016 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) data, 263M children and youth are not in school, boys and girls. Girls are still more likely than boys to never attend school, despite all the efforts and progress made over the past two decades. Some 15M girls will never learn to read or write, compared to about 10M boys. Over half of those girls live in sub-Saharan Africa. Children are less likely to attend schools in areas of conflict and where poverty is rife, with poverty affecting girls more than boys. Gaps are wider in areas of acute poverty found in Northern Africa and Western Asia. Only 85 girls for every 100 boys of lower secondary school age attend school. Only 77 of the poorest girls for every 100 of the poorest boys of upper second-school age attend.20 Additionally, the older a child becomes, the less likely it is that he or she will be in school. This is partly due to primary school being compulsory in nearly every country, while upper levels are not. Additionally, as children reach the legal working age they face increasing pressure to begin contributing to household incomes, and women are forced to marry young and subsequently drop out of school when they become pregnant. Regarding health, Dr. Bustreo provided a list of “ten top issues for women’s health” in 2015,21 with the majority of them most dire in low and middle-income countries. (1) Cancer. Screening, prevention and treatment for two of the most common cancers affecting women, breast cancer and cervical cancer, is virtually non-existent. In Bustreo’s list, cancer is followed by (2) Reproductive health (3) Maternal Health (4) HIV and (5) Sexually Transmitted Infections. Especially in developing countries, sexual and reproductive health issues comprise one third of the health issues for women between the ages of 15 and 44 years, with unsafe sex a key factor. HIV leaves women vulnerable to tuberculosis, a leading cause of death in women between 20–59. And untreated syphilis was responsible for some 200,000 reported stillbirths, and 90,000 newborn deaths annually.22 Getting contraception to the hundreds of millions of women to whom it is not locally available is key to women’s health. Between 2014–2016, money from the

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UN Population Fund is estimated to have prevented 35 million unwanted pregnancies, 11 million unsafe abortions, 93,000 maternal deaths, 272,000 genital mutilations of girls, 8.3 million sexually transmitted infections via one billion condoms, and 188,000 HIV infections.23 In April 2017, the Trump Administration announced the US would no longer support the program.24 Internationally, when the Trump Administration reinstated and broadened the Mexico City Policy, denying aid for NGOs providing abortion counseling or referrals, advocated abortion decriminalization, or expanded abortion services, the Netherlands announced it intended to set up its own plan to fill in the funding. The rationale, according to Lilianne Ploumen, the Dutch minister for foreign trade and development cooperation, was that to do otherwise would lead to “dangerous backroom procedures and higher maternal mortality.” She went on to say, “This decision has far-reaching consequences above all for the women it affects, who should be able to decide for themselves if they want a child, but also for their husbands and children and for society as a whole. Banning abortion does not reduce the number of abortions.”25 That simple fact currently appears lost on the Trump Administration. The next five issues on Dr. Bustreo’s list address health issues more related to circumstances than physiology. (5) Violence Against Women affects one in three women under 50, with health workers in developing countries rarely prepared to address the multitude of physical and mental issues that result. (6) Mental health issues. The scars of physical violence against and around them weigh heavily on women. Women have also been found more prone to anxiety, depression and somatic complaints – complaints that cannot be explained medically. Depression is the most common mental health problem for women, and suicide a leading cause of death for women under 60. (7) Non-communicable Diseases. These are deaths related to causes like traffic accidents; tobacco, alcohol and substance abuse; and obesity. Rates of female obesity in the Middle East have risen significantly in recent years. In Kuwait, almost 50% of the women are obese, compared to 35% of the men. In Qatar and Saudi Arabia, around 45% of women are obese, nearly double the rate of men there. Rates of female obesity are even higher among women in Europe and the Americas. And finally, (9) Being young and (10) Getting old present health issues for women as well. Young women face an inordinate amount of the sexual and reproductive health issues covered, while older women are often left without resources, consequently hindering their ability to take care of their health. The age dimension of considerations of women’s endowment is important, as women have differing needs – in all areas, not just health – at different points in their lives. Investing in young girls is critical for breaking the poverty cycle, focused on areas like nutrition and education. Women in the working-age population are likely mothers, needing childcare and birth control. Elderly women, especially widows, are sometimes the most vulnerable members of society. They need protection in areas like inheritance laws and widows pensions.26 Widows are abandoned because they are another mouth to feed, and might try to stake a claim to family property, property men assume as theirs.

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Opportunity refers to the ability to use endowments to generate income, thereby providing financial security and independence if desired. According to the 2015 Global Gender Gap Report, 13 of the 15 countries with the lowest rates of women participating in their labor force are in the Middle East and North Africa.27 In many cases the low rates of employment are not a matter of women not being educated, but rather legal and cultural hurdles. For example, only one in four women in Middle East and North African countries participate in the labor market, as opportunities are severely limited.28 Consequently, many women are forced to work in the informal economy where both wages and job security are low. Within the informal economy there are self-employment jobs and wage jobs. Self-employment jobs include those where the employer is engaged in an informal enterprise, such as baking bread to sell at a market, and pays another person to do the actual selling at the market. They also include members of an informal producers’ coop, own-account workers (self-employed without any employees) and contributing family members to formal and informal enterprises. Especially as contributors to family enterprises, their role is expected and often comes with no individual income. Wage-workers in the informal economy include employees of informal enterprises, casual or day laborers, paid domestic workers, contract workers, unregistered or undeclared workers and industrial outworkers (also called homeworkers). While individuals are paid for their contributions, the work is neither steady nor does it come with health benefits or retirement contributions. Women are consistently overrepresented in the informal and part-time work force. There are examples of women working in the informal economy taking steps to better their economic positions. The Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) is a multi-sector trade union founded in India in 1972, where 94% of the women work in the informal economy. SEWA’s membership of almost 2 million women now extends beyond India. Its members work primarily in four categories of jobs: (1) Hawkers, vendors and small business women who sell vegetables, fruit, fish, eggs, and other food items, household goods and clothes; (2) Home-based workers like weavers, potters, ready-made garment workers, women who process agricultural products and artisans; (3) Manual laborers and service providers in areas like agriculture, construction workers, handcart pullers, domestic and laundry workers; (4) Individuals who invest their labor and capital to carry out their businesses, including in agriculture, cattle rearing, salt workers, gum collectors, cooking and vending, etc. SEWA’s goal is to organize women workers for full employment, defined within the context of security. Full employment means employment whereby workers obtain work security, income security, food security and social security (at least health care, child care and shelter). SEWA organizes women to ensure that every family obtains full employment. By self-reliance we mean that women should be autonomous and self-reliant, individually and collectively, both economically and regarding their decision-making ability.29

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SEWA seeks to achieve full employment through organization at the local level, asset and capital creation by offering bank accounts and credit, and capacity building through leadership and business training. The SEWA Cooperative Bank, the first bank for poor self-employed women, was founded in 1974. The initial purpose was to offer credit to women always in debt and in doing so free them “from the clutches of money-lenders and traders, to enhance their businesses, build up assets in their own name, for their children’s education, for the several emergencies including illness that they face and many other purposes.”30 SEWA also assists in organization, local leadership development, collective bargaining and policy advocacy. SEWA advocated “for government policies such as the 2004 ‘National Policy for Urban Street Vendors’ and the ‘Unorganized Workers Social Security Act’ adopted in 2008. SEWA has also founded StreetNew and HomeNet, two international networks for street-based workers and home-based workers’ organizations.”31 While work conditions in the informal economy in India can still be unimaginably hard, especially in rural areas, organizations like SEWA can offer workers some hope of a better future, at the least through networking. Finally, agency “is about the ability of individuals and groups to make effective choices – and to transform those choices into desired actions and outcomes. Women’s agency influences their ability to build human capital, to take up economic opportunities, and to participate effectively in private and public life.”32 Agency is often considered as binary; one either has it or does not. In that regard, agency is sometimes conceptualized much along the same lines as autonomy and empowerment.33 As long as violence against women remains prevalent, that civil and criminal laws fail to criminalize certain acts against women, and as long as women’s roles in community and political decision making roles are limited, women’s agency will be limited.

Microcredit and microfranchising In 1976 Mohammed Yunus, then head of the Rural Economics Program at Bangladesh’s University of Chittagong, had a chance encounter with a 21-year-old woman named Sufia Begum in the Bangladeshi village of Jobra. Desperate to support herself, Sufia had borrowed about 25 cents from moneylenders charging exorbitant interest rates approaching 10 percent daily. She used the money to make bamboo stools that, as a condition of the loan, she sold back to the moneylenders at a price well below market value for a profit of about 2 cents. Her position was one basically of bonded labor. Yunus found others in the village in similar circumstances.34 So he loaned $27 from his pocket to 42 people in the village so that they could purchase raw materials needed for their trades. The borrowers repaid their loans promptly, and inspired Yunus to move forward with a simple but revolutionary concept: provide poor people credit on suitable terms and teach them sound financial principles so that can achieve financial self-sufficiency. That was the beginning of what has come to be known as microfinancing, or microcredit. Yunus went on to establish the Grameen Bank Project to spread the idea of

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microcredit, and became a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate in 2006 for his efforts in transforming the lives of poor people around the world. Yunus attracted significant funding from the development community to operationalize his plans for the Grameen Bank. Other banks using the Grameen model began appearing in other developing countries as well, boosted in the 1990s by the commercialization of microcredit industry, resulting in for-profit microcredit institutions soon loaning huge volumes of microcredit. Microcredit became wildly popular among the global public, too, largely thanks to many types of celebrities offering their support, including Bill and Hillary Clinton, Bill Gates, Richard Branson, George Soros, Jeffrey Sachs, Queen Maxima of Holland, Queen Rania of Jordan, Bono, Natalie Portman, and Matt Damon.35 Women are often the beneficiaries of microcredit. Initially, some 97% of microcredit from Grameen Bank went to women. Women make up 75% of the recipients of microcredit globally.36 Yunus observed that women put the money they made into bettering family conditions. Further, while repayment rates at commercial banks where middle class men are the primary credit recipients are typically around 70%, poor women borrowers at Grameen have repayment rates as high as 97% with no collateral backing their loans.37 Katherine Esty, author of the 2014 book Twenty-Seven Dollars and A Dream: How Muhammed Yunus Changed the World and What it Cost Him, says she believes “the high repayment rate is explained by the social element to taking out a loan at Grameen Bank – all borrowers attend weekly meetings and gain support for their repayment from others in their small group. Also, Yunus makes special flexible plans for those in trouble – he bends the rules a bit to carry those who are delinquent.”38 Sixteen Decisions was a 1998 award-winning documentary film by Gayle Ferraro chronicling Selina, a 16-year-old mother of two in Bangladesh, who had borrowed $60 from Grameen Bank. Ferraro went back to Bangladesh in 2008 to see what had happened to Selina and her family over ten years. The family was still borrowing from Grameen, having prospered with a bigger home, two wells that provided clean water, and both children attending school.39 The return visit also points out that Selina’s husband has been a big beneficiary of the loans taken out in her name. Women as agents for their husbands have been one of the criticisms of the microcredit extended to women. While the idea of microcredit flourished, it and Yunus have also not escaped criticism. One analyst retrospectively compared microcredit as a way to alleviate poverty to East European central planning in the 1980s and characterized it as an interesting idea that went wrong, formulated by “possibly” well-meaning individuals.40 Yunus came under fire after deciding to create his own political party in Bangladesh in 2007 to potentially run for prime minister. While his run for office was short-lived, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina accused him of “bloodsucking” the poor.41 Whether or not microcredit alleviates poverty also has been questioned. Researchers at MIT began randomized studies of microcredit success in 2009. They found no significant changes in the health, education or women’s empowerment in

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the areas of Hyderabad, India they considered where microcredit loans were available. They followed up two years later and still found no significant impact.42 Whether or not microcredit has acted to empower women has also been examined, with mixed results. A 2008 study of women in Bangladesh showed while most microcredit loans are given to women, women only maintain control of small loans. Larger loans are often requested for and under the control of husbands, though the women are responsible for repayment.43 The same study also questioned what the author saw as strong-arm techniques used to get loan repayments. Some microcredit institutions have also been found to charge exorbitant interest rates. A 2008 New York Times article stated that Compartamos, a Mexican microcredit institution, was charging its borrowers an annual interest rate of almost 90 percent, nearly three times the 15 percent average charged by Mexican commercial banks.44 In India, there were reports of suicides when borrowers could not repay high-interest loans to a SKS Microfinance, as only in death would the debts be forgiven.45 Honor/Shame societies are particularly susceptible to internalizing strong coercion tactics. In a 2011 New York Times op-ed, Muhammad Yunus stated that two very different models of microcredit had developed. One type designed to help the poor, the other to maximize financial returns to program managers and Wall Street investors who became involved when the microcredit banks went public. He said trouble began in 2005 when lenders began “looking for ways to make a profit on the loans by shifting from their status as nonprofit organizations to commercial enterprises.”46 Compartamos and SKS Microfinance were among the first to go public. Nevertheless, microcredit organizations learn as they go and are now part of the international development, though not the only part. Entrepreneurship through microfranchising has also been added to the mix. Africa has perhaps a higher rate of female entrepreneurship than anywhere else in the world.47 “Women are considered the drivers of growth in Africa through crossborder trade throughout sub-Saharan Africa: selling used clothes and tin kitchenware, as hairstylists and owners of fashion salons and running small food stores.”48 Entrepreneurial businesses like Solar Sister, Living Goods and VisionSpring originated based on the “business-in-a-bag,” direct sales microfranchising model, perhaps best known in the West through Avon cosmetics. Solar Sister sells solar power lamps, Living Goods health care products and services, and VisionSpring eyeglasses. Beyond the reticule used to carry products, business-in-a-bag operations share other similarities. They provide their entrepreneurs with training, offer financing or consignment models for the initial inventory provided, use systematized promotion and marketing strategies, including branded uniforms, have strict protocols that include penalties for rule breaking and help entrepreneurs develop a reputation within their communities as well-informed service providers.49 Twenty-five hundred Solar Sister entrepreneurs operate in Sub-Saharan Africa, proudly wearing their orange tee shirts and selling solar lamps they are initially provided at no cost. The lamps are durable, easy to use and sell at a price of $15 to $50. That is a big initial investment compared to the $2 paid regularly for kerosene

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to fuel lamps, but being reusable, the investment pays for itself in a few months. The lamps can also be used to recharge cell phones, convenient for lamp owners and another revenue source for Solar Sisters.50 The women receive a commission on each sale. The Solar Sister website states the organizational goals. “Solar Sister eradicates energy poverty by empowering women with economic opportunity. We combine the breakthrough potential of clean energy technology with a deliberately woman-centered direct sales network to bring light, hope and opportunity to even the most remote communities in rural Africa.”51 Having four-plus hours of solar provided light allows students in the home more time to study, and replacing kerosene lamps eliminates the toxic fumes they produce and burn injuries incurred from kerosene-fueled flames. The Solar Sisters website also points out what has already been shown time and time again, that women invest the bulk of their income into their family’s wellbeing. Similarly, Living Goods uses the business-in-a-bag model to distribute health care products. Creator Chuck Slaughter, owner of Travelsmith, a clothing and gear company, was visiting a health clinic in Kenya and saw that nurses frequently traveled to villages in their downtime, to help with care. That gave him the idea for Living Goods.52 Now headquartered in Kenya, Living Goods operates primarily in Sub-Saharan Africa. At Living Goods we empower people to improve the health of their families, friends and communities. Living Goods supports networks of ‘Avon-like’ health entrepreneurs who go door to door to teach families how to improve their health and wealth and sell life-changing products such as simple treatments for malaria and diarrhea, safe delivery kits, fortified foods, clean cook stoves, water filters, and solar lights. By combining the best practices from business and public health, we are dramatically lowering child mortality AND creating livelihoods for thousands of enterprising women.53 Living Goods is now also partnering with organizations in several countries, such as Populations Services International in Myanmar, to expand its services. Women, typically mothers between 25 and 50, are carefully selected to be Living Goods’ Community Health Providers (CHP). They wear a uniform with the Living Goods brand to signify quality and trust to clients. Typically one in five women who apply to be CHPs are accepted, using references, tests and role-playing as selection tools. Living Goods then provides them with a kit containing the tools required to serve a client’s health needs and build a successful business for herself. The kit includes “flip books that convey health messages via easy-to-understand illustrations with local language translations, a thermometer to check for fevers, and measuring tape to chart growth. Most importantly, the kit includes a smart phone with diagnosis and pregnancy support apps designed by Living Goods. Living Goods provides each agent with an inventory loan to ensure that she is always in stock.”54 The women become a microfranchise owner.

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While many new businesses – anywhere – fail, franchises generally do well. Franchises support one in eight jobs in America. They are businesses that have been tested over and over for best practices. Franchises have an assured supply chain, lowcost inputs (because the franchiser can buy in bulk), supply training for managers and employees, and come with a trusted brand.55 For Living Goods, empowering women by creating capital is one goal. Bettering health care availability is the other. Researchers with Innovation for Policy Action conducted a three-year independent study and found “that Living Goods is reducing under-5 mortality by over 27 percent. The study also showed that drug prices fell 17 percent at clinics and drug shops near where Living Goods operates, and that the prevalence of fake drugs fell by 50 percent, suggesting positive competitive pressure.”56 These micro-franchises learn as they go. VisionSpring, for example, found that while the entrepreneur-centered model worked where a product was being sold, it did not work as well with eyeglasses. So it modified its approach. VisionSpring’s early work involved training local people, or vision entrepreneurs, to conduct outreach and sell quality, low cost eyeglasses in their communities. Despite the clear need for basic eye care in these communities, the vision entrepreneur model soon proved unsustainable in isolation, with limited potential for scale. VisionSpring recognized that in order to maximize access to this underappreciated tool for socio-economic development, we needed to create businesses that would eventually scale with a blend of commercial impact, and philanthropic investment. Accordingly, VisionSpring refined our interventions to incorporate the successful elements of the vision entrepreneur based model into a hub and spoke approach where VisionSpring optical shops operate as hubs and vision entrepreneurs act like spokes conducting outreach in the communities surrounding the optical shops.57 VisionSpring uses a high-volume, low margin approach to be able to provide eyeglasses in a nontraditional manner, with a small profit being made by distributors. In that way, both the distributor and the recipients economically benefit from the sale. The VisionSpring website tells the story of Dipti, a potter from Bangladesh. Before getting eyeglasses she was only able to make two clay pots each day, earning $1.50 for each. With corrected vision, she was able to make ten pots each day, substantially bettering her family’s livelihood. When trying to involve women in innovation, special attention must be paid to an often-encountered technology gender divide.

Technology and empowering women Information and communication technology (ICT) is an important development tool in many countries. ICT can provide weather reports and warning of impending natural disasters such as tidal waves, provide tele-education and tele-health care in

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rural areas, allow individuals in cities to send money back to rural villages, allow women to feel more secure regarding their physical safety, and be a critical asset in developing social and political rights and business opportunities. During a 2015 talk, Anupama Suresh, a representative of an Indian NGO that works to empower women through ICT, gave examples of how information centers established by her organization equipped with a computer with an internet connection or a mobile phone that could be shared by a group had changed women’s lives. …in the village of Kattemalavadi, in Karnataka State, a group of women who visited the newly established information centre learned the details of how much rice “below poverty line” households were entitled to and for what price under the government run Public Distribution System. Thus realizing that the local Fair Price shop owner had been inflating prices, they were able to come to him with these facts and he in turn had no choice but to start selling rice quotas at their lawful prices. All households in the village are thus reaping the benefits of cheaper grains, to which they are legally entitled. In another case, a group of women who had lost their spouses found out that they were entitled to certain benefits under the government’s Scheme for Widow Pensions, and were helped to submit a claim to receive the needed support. In yet another, Sundaramma, a local banana farmer, was able to obtain a subsidy to support her economic livelihood.58 Yet women have far less access to ICT than men. The top ten findings of a 2015 study of women and mobile phone access and usage in low and middle-income countries are illustrative. Over 1.7 billion females in low- and middle-income countries do not own mobile phones. Women on average are 14% less likely to own a mobile phone than men, which translates into 200 million fewer women than men owning mobile phones. Women in South Asia are 38% less likely to own a phone than men, highlighting that the gender gap in mobile phone ownership is wider in certain parts of the world. Even when women own mobile phones, there is a significant gender gap in mobile phone usage, which prevents them from reaping the full benefits of mobile phone ownership. Women report using phones less frequently and intensively than men, especially for more sophisticated services such as mobile internet. In most countries, fewer women than men who own phones report using messaging and data services beyond voice. Cost remains the greatest barrier overall to owning and using a mobile phone, particularly for women, who often have less financial independence than men. Security and harassment emerged as one of the top five barriers to mobile phone ownership and usage, and is a key concern for women.

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Women also cite service delivery issues (network quality and coverage and agent or operator trust) and technical literacy and confidence as key barriers to mobile phone ownership and use. Social norms influence women’s access to and use of mobile technology, and often contribute to women experiencing barriers to mobile phone ownership and use more acutely than men. Women understand the inherent value of mobile phones and a ‘lack of perceived value’ is no longer a top barrier to mobile phone ownership, indicating a positive shift in attitudes in the last five years. Systemic barriers, including lack of gender-disaggregated data at all levels (e.g., mobile subscribers, national statistics) and unconscious biases within organizations, have kept the focus off women and sustained the gender gap in ownership and usage.59 Findings also show that globally, women value mobile phones and recognize them as a tool that enhances their lives, making them feel more autonomous and connected, able to access new opportunities, and save them time and money. Mobile Money, for example, provides banking services via mobile phone to the estimated two billion people60 in developing countries who otherwise would have no access to banking services. The 2007 launch of M-Pesa in Kenya as a mobile phone based money transfer, financing and micro-financing service first demonstrated the potential of mobile technology for delivering banking service. Individuals in cities could send money back to rural villages without having to make the trip or trust others to carry it for them, and apply for credit. The premise spread quickly, to countries including Afghanistan, South Africa, India and Romania. There is no question that having access to mobile banking can be useful, but it requires access to a mobile phone, where women still lag behind men. Statistics regarding women’s access to Internet show similar patterns to those of mobile phones regarding lack of access and usage. A study by the anti-poverty group ONE found that “almost a third fewer women than men in the world’s poorest countries are connected to the internet. About 18 per cent of men in the 48 least developed nations are online versus 12.5 per cent of women, with a gender gap of 22.3 million, or about 30 per cent.”61 The study also forecasted that the gender gap would widen to 32 percent by 2020. Barriers to women using ICT fall into multiple categories: cultural, technical, affordability, coverage and literacy. Culturally, in conservative societies IT use can be associated with promiscuity, as a way for women to secretly and inappropriately interact with men. Further, women may feel uncomfortable or be unable to interact with a male agent to buy a mobile phone, putting the technology out of her reach. Technically, women may feel intimidated by the idea of using technology simply because of inexperience, which makes user-friendly product design imperative. Because a significant number of women have less access to and control of resources than men, affordability can be a problem. In some geographic regions as well, prices remain beyond those affordable by much of the population for both ICT

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equipment and access. Access also assumes that mobile coverage is available, which can still be a problem in rural areas. But a 2016 report by Afrobarometer stated that while only 30 percent of Africans have sewage service, 54 percent tarred or paved roads, 63 percent piped water, and 65 percent electricity, 93 percent have cell phone service.62 So if women have access to a phone, there is a high probability of cell service available to use it. Finally, text messaging and reading information provided on the Internet also assumes literacy, where women are again at a disadvantage because of their lower levels of education. There are ways to address all of these issues. Oftentimes all that is needed is resources and ingenuity. In Qatar, Vodaphone developed their Al Johara initiative. It is a network of female sales agents sporting red signature suitcases who sell to other women in the privacy of their homes. The women are all from very connected, traditional communities and so they are positive role models within their communities. The program website includes “success stories” of women becoming empowered and able to add to family finances or become financially independent.63 Similarly, in Iraq Asiacell, a Qtel Group Company, enrolled 1.2 million new female subscribers (a 40 percent increase) in one year by launching targeted services to meet conservative women’s needs. The “Almas” line was developed to provide unique features considered appropriate for Iraqi women, including lower rates for extended calls; free number blocking; and discounted health, cooking and beauty content. Indonesia instituted a similar program managed by Indosat, another Qtel Group Company, and gained close to two million women subscribers in the first year through products targeted to stay-at-home moms. They offered a reduced rate for calling friends and family during the day, as well as a family finder service to ensure moms could know their kids were safe.64 So while mobile phones are associated with women being promiscuous, they also allow women to keep in touch with their families, and allow them to use phone aps like HarrassMap to call for assistance in places like Egypt where sexual violence is common.65 Having the technical capability to communicate and doing so effectively are also important considerations toward empowering women. In areas where literacy rates among women are low, voicemail is often the preferred method of communication. Launched in 2011 by Secretary Hillary Clinton, the Mobile Alliance for Maternal Action (MAMA) program provides basic health care advice to pregnant women in rural areas of Africa and South Asia. The messages can be sent in either text or as voicemails, but for women unable to read, voicemail is the better option. The messages cover what may seem simple things to those in developed countries, like good eating habits through pregnancy and the first year of a baby’s life. This same type of communication system had been used earlier to spread information about HIV/AIDS.66

Global development goals The economic empowerment of women is taking place within the context of global development goals set over the past three decades. The 1990s also saw a

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series of global conferences being held toward setting international development goals and targets on specific subjects. “The agendas spanned priorities like education (Jomtien 1990), children (New York 1990), the environment (Rio 1992), population (Cairo 1994), social development (Copenhagen 1995), and the status of women (Beijing 1995).”67 Because aid budgets were declining, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) began advancing the idea of international development goals in the mid-1990s. Those efforts were eventually shifted to the UN and at the September 2000 UN Millennium Summit, “world leaders signed off on a historic Millennium Declaration text that distilled a wideranging global agenda down to a relatively pithy framework of global priorities”68 called the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs comprised eight time-bound, measurable human development goals.69        

To To To To To To To To

eradicate extreme poverty and hunger achieve universal primary education promote gender equality and empower women reduce child mortality improve material maternal health combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other diseases ensure environmental sustainability develop a global partnership for development

The MDGs expired in 2015, replaced by Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The effectiveness of the MDGs has been both touted and questioned. According to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon: …the MDGs have made a profound difference in people’s lives. Global poverty has been halved five years ahead of the 2015 timeframe. Ninety per cent of children in developing regions now enjoy primary education, and disparities between boys and girls in enrolment have narrowed. Remarkable gains have also been made in the fight against malaria and tuberculosis, along with improvements in all health indicators. The likelihood of a child dying before age five has been nearly cut in half over the last two decades. That means that about 17,000 children are saved every day. We also met the target of halving the proportion of people who lack access to improved sources of water.70 Others have asserted that the MDGs improved data collection, facilitated crosssector collaboration in development work, and spurred donor support.71 According to economist Jeffrey Sachs, perhaps most importantly “by packaging these priorities into an easily understandable set of eight goals, and by establishing measurable and timebound objectives, the MDGs help to promote global awareness, political accountability, improved metrics, social feedback, and public pressures.”72 Communication and incremental, measurable targets are not inconsequential objectives.

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But not all critique has been positive. The general nature of the MDGs and focus on metrics have also generated criticism along the lines of the entire program being a box-checking exercise. Derided by their most ardent detractors as “Major Distracting Gimmicks,” critics of the MDGs have pointed to the secretive circumstances of their birth, their technocratic and reductionist nature, their failure to address root causes of poverty, their failure to factor in legal obligations pertaining to social rights, their gender-blindness, their failure to address poverty in rich countries, their weak accountability mechanisms, their limited uptake by social movements in the Global South, the potentially distorting character of target-driven policymaking, and the propensity of the MDGs to “crowd out” attention to important issues that didn’t make it into the global list, for example, social security or social protection.73 Critical analyses of development tools and goals have not been limited to consideration of the MDGs. The effectiveness of aid generally has been subject to debate.74 The SDGs were built around and integrated into the MDGs, with work beginning during the lead-up to the Rio+20 Summit in 2012 and eventually led by a post-Summit panel including UK Prime Minister David Cameron, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as co-chairs. Officially known as Transforming Our World: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, a set of 17 “Global Goals” with 169 targets between them were developed. The goals reflect the complexity of global challenges, toward finishing the job of the MDGs, but also expand to include global priorities not addressed prior, such as inequality, infrastructure, and peace and justice. Once again as well, the goals are simply communicated, toward generating public discussion. In The Hillary Doctrine, Hudson and Leidle point out another issue common to aid debates, that of the evolved role of the US Agency for International Development (USAID). USAID is not the development agency it was originally designed as during the Cold War, when aid was a persuasion tool used by both the East and West blocs to lure developing countries to their sphere of influence. When the Cold War ended, the US government cut the number of USAID employees, while the USAID budget continued to grow. Consequently, USAID is now essentially a contract management agency, doling out contracts to for-profit megacontractors. The consequence of that is a widening gap between USAID and putative beneficiaries. USAID used to believe in doing work from the ground up by sending highly experienced professionals to the field to work with people there to figure out solutions. Now that it’s been brought under State…USAID brings in contractors without experience or cultural sensitivity in one-size-fits-all programming….It’s overly ambitious and shortsighted; there’s pressure to have the proper indicators on your log, and it becomes overwhelming.75

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Part of the problem as well is the attitudes of some of those administering the contracts. Many of the contractors are very conservative, retired military, who do not establish relationships with the communities they are working in. “It’s not an equal relationship; they think of themselves as gods: Very hierarchical, very patriarchal, very pyramidal.”76 Viewing problems through a gender-lens often simply does not occur to them, making widespread education and awareness even more of an imperative. Further, there have been charges leveled against USAID contracting agencies regarding corruption.77 When spending large amounts of contract money is a prerequisite for getting further large amounts of contract money, the potential for corruption is significant. This reality has been evidenced in Iraq and Afghanistan with companies like food-service provider Supreme Foodservice, security provider Triple Canopy, and mega-contractor KBR, which provides pretty much anything the military requests.78 Corruption issues associated with USAID provide ammunition for those who would like to disassociate the US with addressing human security issues. Women play a key role in most of the SDGs. The empowerment of women is a prerequisite to the success of the SDGs overall. The difficulty in reaching those targets differs by country, depending on their individual starting point, and commitment.

Conclusion Women act as key agents of social stability. Development cannot occur when half the population – the half most likely to reinvest in the family – is left out. The nexus between development and security is clear. The nexus between development and gender empowerment is clear. Yet the nexus between women, development and security is too often unrecognized or ignored in development aid dispersal, the gathering of gender specific development metrics, development planning and at negotiating tables. The private sector is stepping in where a market is identified, but government programs aimed at helping vulnerable populations such as women and children are at risk due to scarce resources or ideology, especially from the United States. For the most part Americans do not see or understand a link between empowering women, development and security. Without embracing women as an essential part of development though, real development will never occur, putting security as risk.

Notes 1 Oxford University Press. 2 Duralia Oana, “Human Security and Human Development – Behavioristic Approach,” Studies in Business and Economics, Vol. 2, No. 11, 2016, p.28. ftp://ftp.repec.org/opt/ ReDIF/RePEc/blg/journl/11203duralia.pdf

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3 Oscar A. Gomez and Des Gasper, Human Security: A Thematic Guide Note for Regional and National Human Development Report Teams, United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report Office, p.2. 4 Gomez and Gasper, p.2. 5 Jonathan Woetzel, Any Madgavkar, Kweilin Ellingrud, Eric Labaye, Sandrine Devillard, Eric Kutcher, James Manyika, Richard Dobbs, and Mekala Krishnan, The Power of Parity, September 2015. http://www.mckinsey.com/global-themes/employment-and-growth/ how-advancing-womens-equality-can-add-12-trillion-to-global-growth 6 Woetzel, et al., 2015, p.14. 7 Global Terrorism Index, 2016. http://economicsandpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/ 11/Global-Terrorism-Index-2016.2.pdf 8 Global Terrorism Index, 2016, p.73. 9 US National Military Strategy of the United States of America, 2015, p.8. http://www.jcs. mil/Portals/36/Documents/Publications/2015_National_Military_Strategy.pdf 10 “Women and Countering Violent Extremism,” Global Center on Cooperative Security, January 2012. http://www.globalcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Globa l-Center_Project-Description_Women-and-CVE.pdf 11 Valerie Norville, The Role of Women in Global Security, United States Institute of Peace, January 2011, p.5. https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR264-The_role_of_Wom en_in_Global_Security.pdf 12 Monique Villa, “Women Own Less Than 20% of the World’s Land. It’s Time to Give Them Equal Property Rights,” World Economic Forum, January 11, 2017. https:// www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/01/women-own-less-than-20-of-the-worlds-land-itstime-to-give-them-equal-property-rights/ 13 Norville, 2011, p.5. 14 Paul Solman interviewing Surjit Bhalla and Ravinder Kaur, “Why the New Global Wealth of Educated Women Spurs Backlash,” PBS Newshour, May 31, 2018. 15 Rachel Vogelstein, “Let Women Work: The Economic Case for Feminism,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 2018, p.119. 16 “Top Ten Issues for Womens’ Health,”2015. http://www.who.int/life-course/news/ commentaries/2015-intl-womens-day/en/ 17 Linda Hasunuma, IFRI, April 2017. https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/ hasunuma_political_targets_womenomics_2017.pdf 18 “UN Panel Calls for Revising ‘Comfort Women’ Accord to Add Compensation, Reassurances for Koreans,” The Japan Times, May 13, 2017. http://www.japantimes.co. jp/news/2017/05/13/national/u-n-panel-calls-revising-comfort-women-deal-japan -south-korea-include-compensation/#.WRnUwFLMz-Y 19 World Development Report, p.4. 20 UNESCO Institute for Statistics, “263 Million Children and Youth Are Out of School,” July 15, 2016. http://uis.unesco.org/en/news/263-million-children-and-youth-are-out -school 21 “Top Ten Issues for Women’s Health,” 2015. 22 “Top Ten Issues for Women’s Health,” 2015. 23 UN Population Fund, cited by Nicholas Kristof, “They Call this Pro-Life?” The New York Times, April 23, 2017, p.11. 24 Feliz Sullivan, “US Ends Funding for UN Population Fund,” Time, April 3, 2017. http://time.com/4724227/unfpa-funding-trump-mexico-city-policy-abortion/ 25 James Masters, “Abortion Funding: Netherlands Acts after Trump Reinstates ‘Gag Rule’,” CNN Politics, January 26, 2017. http://www.cnn.com/2017/01/25/politics/ netherlands-trump-global-gag-rule/ 26 Jeni Klugman and Sarah Twigg, Women in the Global Economy, Global Education Research Report, 2013, pp.12–14. 27 Global Gender Gap Report, 2015. http://www3.weforum.org/docs/GGGR2015/cover.pdf

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28 Opening Doors: Gender Equality and Development in the Middle East and North Africa, The World Bank, 2013. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/338381468279877854 /pdf/751810PUB0EPI002060130Opening0doors.pdf 29 http://www.sewa.org/About_Us.asp 30 http://www.sewa.org/Services_Bank.asp 31 Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), India. Chapter 7 in Learning From the Catalyst of Rural Transformation, International Labour Organization, 2014, p. 137. http:// www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—ed_emp/—emp_policy/documents/publica tion/wcms_234890.pdf 32 Women in the Global Economy, 2013, p.5. 33 Nripendra Kishore Mishra and Tulika Tripathi, “Conceptualising Women’s Agency, Autonomy and Empowerment,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, 2011, pp.58–65. 34 Evaritus Mainseh, Schyler Heuer, Aprajita Kalra, and Quilin Zhang, “Grameen Bank: Taking Capitalism to the Poor,” Columbia Business School, Chazen Web Journal of International Business, Spring 2004. https://www0.gsb.columbia.edu/mygsb/faculty/resea rch/pubfiles/848/Grameen_Bank_v04.pdf 35 Milford Bateman, “The Rise and Fall of Muhammed Yunus and the Microcredit Model,” International Development Studies, January 2014, pp.2–3. https://www.microfina ncegateway.org/sites/default/files/mfg-en-paper-the-rise-and-fall-of-muhamma d-yunus-and-the-microcredit-model-jan-2014.pdf 36 “Microcredit and Grameen Bank,” New Internationalist. https://newint.org/books/refer ence/world-development/case-studies/poverty-microcredit-grameen-bank/ 37 Katherine Esty, “5 Reasons Why Muhammed Yunus Focuses on Lending to Women,” Impatient Optimists, January 10, 2014. http://www.impatientoptimists.org/Posts/2014/ 01/5-Reasons-Why-Muhammad-Yunus-Focuses-on-Lending-to-Women 38 Esty, 2014. 39 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=75e3GLHY2D0 40 Bateman, 2014, p.3. 41 Parminder Bahra, “Microfinance: Is Grameen Founder Muhammed Yunus a Bloodsucker of the Poor?” The Wall Street Journal, December 6, 2010. https://blogs.wsj.com/ source/2010/12/06/microfinance-is-grameen-founder-muhammad-yunus-a-blood sucker-of-the-poor/ 42 Abhijit Banerjee, Esther Duflo, Rachel Glennester, and Cynthia Kinnan, “The Miracle of Microfinance? Evidence from a Randomized Evaluation,” March 2014. http:// economics.mit.edu/files/5993 43 Lamia Karim, “DeMystifying Microcredit: The Grameen Bank, NGO’s and Neoliberalism in Bangladesh,” Culture Dynamics, Vol. 20, No. 1, 2008, pp.5–29. 44 Elisabeth Malkin, “Microfinances Success Sets Off a Debate in Mexico,” The New York Times, April 8, 2008. 45 “Hundreds of Suicides in India Linked to Microfinance Organizations,” Business Insider, February 24, 2012. http://www.businessinsider.com/hundreds-of-suicides-in-india-lin ked-to-microfinance-organizations-2012-2 46 “Sacrificing Microcredit for Megaprofits,” The New York Times, January 14, 2011. 47 Josh Kron, “Women Entrepreneurs Drive Growth in Africa,” The New York Times, October 10, 2012. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/11/world/africa/women-entrep reneurs-drive-growth-in-africa.html 48 Nuket Kardam and Fredric Kropp, “Women as Social Entrepreneurs: A Case Study,” Women in the Global Economy, Global Education Research Report, 2013, p.21. 49 Tayo Akinyemi, “A Closer Look at the ‘Business-in-a-bag’ Model,” Next Billion, July 29, 2010. https://nextbillion.net/business-in-a-bag/ 50 John Platt, “Solar Sister Uses the Power of the Sun to Empower Women in the Developing World,” Mother Nature Notebook. July 12, 2012. http://www.mnn.com/m oney/sustainable-business-practices/stories/solar-sister-uses-the-powerof-the-sun-to-empower-women 51 https://www.solarsister.org

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52 Tina Rosenberg, “The ‘Avon Ladies’ of Africa,” The New York Times, October 10, 2012. https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/10/10/the-avon-ladies-of-africa/ 53 https://livinggoods.org/what-we-do/ 54 https://livinggoods.org/what-we-do/the-living-goods-system/ 55 Tina Rosenberg, “The ‘Avon Ladies’ of Africa,” The New York Times, October 10, 2012. https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/10/10/the-avon-ladies-of-africa/ 56 https://livinggoods.org/what-we-do/; Tom Murphy, “Living Goods’ Avon-Style model is More than a Novelty, It Saves Lives,” Humansphere, December 6, 2016. http:// www.humanosphere.org/social-business/2016/12/living-goods-avon-style-model-no velty-saves-lives/; “An Entrepreneurial Model of Community Health Delivery in Uganda.” https://www.poverty-action.org/study/entrepreneurial-model-communityhealth-delivery-uganda 57 http://wp.visionspring.org/making-markets-work/ 58 Caroline Horekens, “Using Information Technology to Better Women’s Lives,” UN Women, May 4, 2015. http://asiapacific.unwomen.org/en/news-and-events/stories/ 2015/05/using-information-technology-to-better-women-s-lives 59 GMSA, “Bridging the Gender Gap: Mobile Phone Access and Usage in Low and Middle-income Countries,” Connected Women 2015. http://www.gsma.com/mobile fordevelopment/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/Connected-Women-Gender-Gap.pdf 60 http://www.gsma.com/mobilefordevelopment/programmes/mobile-money 61 Jack Loughran, “Women in Developing Nations One Third Less Likely to Have Internet Connection than Men,” E&T Magazine, November 8, 2016. https://eandt.theiet. org/content/articles/2016/11/women-from-developing-nations-one-third-less-likelyto-have-internet-access-than-men/ 62 Winnie V. Mitullah, Romaric Samson, Pauline M. Wambua and Samuel Balongo, “Building on Progress: Infrastructure Development Still a Major Challenge in Africa,” Afrobarometer Dispatch #69, January 14, 2016. http://afrobarometer.org/sites/default/files/ publications/Dispatches/ab_r6_dispatchno69_infrastructure_remains_challenge_en.pdf 63 http://www.vodafone.qa/en/careers/open-positions/al-johara-program 64 Ann Mei Change, “Bridging the Technology Gender Divide,” Women in the Global Economy, Global Education Research Report, 2013, p.54. 65 Sheila Peuchaud, “Social Media Activism and Egyptians’ Use of Social Media to Combat Sexual Violence,” Health Professional International, Col. 29, #1, 2014, p.i118. 66 “Using a Mobile Phone to Improve Mother and Child Health,” VOA News, December 5, 2012. 67 John W. McArthur, “The Origins of the Millennium Development Goals,” SAIS Review, Summer–Fall 2014, p.6. 68 McArthur, 2014, p.7. 69 Mac Darrow, “The Millennium Development Goals: Milestones or Millstones? Human Rights Priorities for the Post-2015 Development Agenda, Yale Human Rights and Development Journal, Vol. 15, Issue 1, 2012, p.57. 70 The Millennium Development Goals Report, United Nations, 2014, p.3. http://www.un. org/millenniumgoals/2014%20MDG%20report/MDG%202014%20English%20web.pdf 71 Darrow, 2012, p.58. 72 Jeffrey Sachs, “From Millennium Development Goals to Sustainable Development Goals,” Lancet, June 9, 2012, p.2206. http://peoplebuildingbettercities.org/wp-content/ uploads/2013/04/MDGs-to-SDGs-Lancet.pdf 73 Darrow, 2012, pp.59–60. 74 Dambisa Moyo, Dead Aid: Why Aid is Not Working and How There is a Better Way, Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2010; Clair Provost, “Bill Gates and Dambisa Moyo Spat Obscures Real Aid Debate,” The Guardian, May 31, 2013. https://www.theguardian. com/global-development/poverty-matters/2013/may/31/bill-gates-dambisa-moyo-aid 75 Ann Jones, quoted in Valerie M. Hudson, and Patricia Leidl, The Hillary Doctrine, Columbia University Press, 2015, p.200. 76 Hudson and Leidl, 2015, pp.201–203.

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77 Jeffrey Yound, “Probe of Suspended USAID Contractor Deepens,” VOANews, February 9, 2015. https://www.voanews.com/a/probe-of-suspended-usaid-contra ctor-deepens/2634844.html 78 Adam Weinstein, “The All-Time 10 Worst Military Contracting Boondoggles,” Mother Jones, September 2, 2011. http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/09/contractor -waste-iraq-kbr/

Further reading Armendariz, Beatriz and Jonathan Morduch, The Economics of Microfinance, MIT Press, 2nd ed, 2010. Bhalla, Surjit, The New Wealth of Nations, Simon and Schuster, 2018. Beneria, Lourdes, Gunseli Berik and Maria Floro (eds), Gender, Development and Globalization: Economics as if All People Mattered, Routledge, 2nd ed 2015. Moyo, Dambisa, Dead Aid: Why Aid is Not Working and How There is a Better Way for Africa, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010. Nussbaum, Martha. Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach, Cambridge University Press, 2001. Sireau, Nick (ed.), Microfranchising: How Social Entrepreneurs are Building a New Road to Development, Routledge, 2011. Tierney, Trish (ed.), Women in the Economy: Leading Social Change, Institute of International Education, 2013. van Staveren, Irene, Diane Elson, Caren Grown and Nilufer Cagatay (eds), The Feminist Economics of Trade, Routledge, 2007. Visvanathan, Nalini, Lynn Duggan, Nan Wiegersma and Laurie Nisonoff (eds), The Women, Gender and Development Reader, Zed Books, 2nd edition 2011. Yunus, Mohammed. Creating a World Without Poverty: Social Business and the Future of Capitalism, Public Affairs, reprint, 2009.

9 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS

Why women? Research has shown that women participate in politics differently than men, regarding electoral and non-electoral participation, political interests and agenda setting.1 Women raise issues that men overlook, initiate and support bills in areas specific to women and children, and seek to end abuses that otherwise often go unrecognized. Whether in domestic or international conflict management, women tend to be more collaborative and compromising, rather than competitive, with greater collaboration often producing more constructive outcomes for disputing parties, and compromising behavior helping to ensure lasting relationships. Empirical studies have demonstrated a direct relationship between women’s involvement in peace and conflict issues, and the likelihood of war erupting. A cross-national quantitative analysis concluded that higher levels of women’s parliamentary participation reduced the risk of civil war.2 Another study based on four decades of data on international crises found that a five percent increase in the percentage of women in parliament correlated with a state being five times less likely to use violence when faced with an international crisis.3 Regarding political violence perpetrated by the state, empirical analysis of data from most countries of the world between 1977–1996 showed that the higher the proportion of women in parliament, the lower the likelihood of the state carrying out human rights abuses including torture, killings and disappearances.4 And as discussed previously, women can play an essential role in preventing and countering violent extremism, often by urging and implementing effective nonviolent approaches based on cooperation, trust and women’s unique access to communities. Getting women into political positions where they can influence security questions has been and continues to be, however, a considerable challenge. Senator Elizabeth Warren explained the situation at a 2013 hearing on Capital Hill. “Washington works

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for those who have power. And no one gives up power easily, no one…Nobody’s just going to say ‘women have arrived and let’s just move over.’”5 To be a participant in the political process women must first have the right to vote. It is important to recall that right was only relatively recently granted, and not without a struggle.

Spindle/spear and suffrage In 1776 Abigail Adams wrote to her husband, American Founding Father John Adams, asking him to “remember the ladies” as men wrote the laws of our new nation. He laughed at her “saucy” letter and responded with words that still resonate with some individuals: “We know better than to repeal our masculine systems.”6 That correspondence serves as a reminder that even the stalwart democracies of the twenty-first century did not originally embrace the idea of women’s empowerment. The spindle/spear divide between women/men firmly held. Even being granted voting rights, a fundamental step toward empowerment, was a hard-fought battle well into the twentieth century. Winston Churchill once famously said: “The women’s suffrage movement is only the small edge of the wedge, if we allow women to vote it will mean the loss of social structure and the rise of every liberal cause under the sun. Women are well represented by their fathers, brothers, and husbands.” Churchill later changed his attitude based on the tireless work of women during World War I, and the influence of women in his own family. But granting women suffrage was overturning centuries of tradition. The evolution of voting rights dates back to Athens, the cradle of democracy. In ancient Athens, only adult male citizen landowners were granted the right to vote, substantially narrowing those qualified from among the general population. In later centuries, Europe was ruled largely through monarchies, though occasionally certain men could vote for parliaments of one variety or the other. Movement toward universal suffrage began only during the interwar years. Canada granted women the right to vote in 1917, followed by Britain in 1918, and the United States in 1920 with the passage of the 19th Amendment, but only after 52 years of relentless effort. One 1915 New York referendum alone involved 10,300 meetings, 7.5 million leaflets and a parade of 20,000 people, and the women still lost. Two years later when another effort was made for women’s suffrage in New York, the New York Times argued that the country was at war and so “strong men must make the decisions that control policies.”7 Suffragette Elizabeth Cady Stanton once remarked that the long slog of the movement “now gets on everybody’s nerves.”8 Suffrage movements elsewhere were able to gain momentum from the successes of women in Britain and the US. Between 1931 and 1952, Spain, France, Italy and Greece followed suit in granting women the right to vote, joined by Switzerland and other small European countries, as well as the majority of Latin American countries.9 When American women finally won the right to vote in 1920, suffragists expected a national transformation of politics. It was thought that with women

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voting there would be less government corruption, better and more education and housing bills, and a number of improvements in the lives of families. Initially it looked like they might have been right. Congress passed the Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Protection Act of 1921 – a modest program to educate poor women about childcare and establish clinics in impoverished rural areas. Congress repealed it in 1929. By that time, it was clear that women were voting much like their husbands, by ethnicity, economic class and geographic location. It was not until the 1980s that pollsters began seeing women voting on domestic programs and the social safety net, independent of their husbands.10 Though Adams’ and Churchill’s overt concerns have been muted over time, the spindle/spear divide continues to manifest itself in more indirect ways across different cultural contexts.11 At the individual level, women with generally the same qualifications as men often talk themselves out of running for political office based on lack of selfassurance, Imposture Syndrome issues discussed in Chapter 3. Researchers have found American women twice as likely as men to see themselves as “not at all qualified to run for office”, even when their credentials were equivalent. Men also see themselves as likely or very likely winners in political races, far more than women.12 Additionally, some women simply do not want to get involved with what they see as corrupt male politics. Nurgel Djanaeva, who heads a coalition of 88 women’s groups in Kyrgyzstan, explained: “The only way for me to feed my family, while working in government, is to be corrupt, so I’d rather work for an NGO and have a living wage.”13 As it turns out, NGOs and women mentors can play important roles in equipping women with the confidence and skills to become candidates, through grass-roots programs. The Cambodian organization Women for Prosperity prepared over 5,500 women as candidates for elections in Cambodia. In Rwanda, women parliamentarians returned to their home districts to encourage women to run for local office, which resulted in increasing the proportion of female mayors and deputy mayors from 24% to 44% in one election.14 At the institutional level, many political bodies like parties and legislatures continue to be unwelcoming to female colleagues, either overtly or passively. Even after passage of the 19th Amendment to the US Constitution granting women the right to vote, some states overtly barred women from running for office. Oklahoma did not allow women to run for all state offices until 1942. More furtively, the French constitution was amended in 1999 and the electoral law in 2000, mandating that parties nominate an equal percentage of male and female candidates. Nevertheless, female representation in parliament barely rose, from 11% in 1997 to 18% in 2007. The law was vague about its implementation requirements and so politicians were able to sidestep any real change. In Brazil, between 1996 and 2000 quotas were imposed starting at 20% and reaching 30%. At the same time, however, another regulation was passed allowing parties to present 50% more candidates than seats available. That provision provided a crucial “escape clause” for quota implementation. Consequently, the number of women in parliament

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actually decreased for a time.15 In many cases there is a patina of legislative change, but with little or no actual change. At the socio-cultural level, elite and media scrutiny of husbands and children, physical attractiveness, and largely unsubstantiated concerns about qualifications of female candidates are more pervasive for female political aspirants.16 These issues then feed into individual considerations. Shauna Shames’ 2017 book Out of the Running considers why relatively few millennials, especially women, have wanted to run for office in the United States. Many women found the fund-raising required, up to 70% of a candidate’s time, and the media scrutiny both off-putting. They expected to face discrimination in what is seen as still very much a man’s world. “They think they won’t get a fair show and so many don’t try.”17 Maryland Lieutenant Governor Kathleen Kennedy Townsend addressed the question of “What Should a Powerful Woman Look Like?” in a 2016 editorial. She discussed receiving unending commentary on her hair style, being expected to wear stockings in 95 degree heat, not wearing blush, wearing flats, and “too many bracelets.” She also considered the dilemma of walking the line between being referenced as the “unglamorous Kennedy” and overhearing an animated conversation in the Fox News Green Room about “Sarah Palin’s positions” – and not on policy. It has only been recently that some male politicians in the US have received anywhere near the personal scrutiny of women, specifically Chris Christie on his weight18 and Donald Trump on his hair,19 tan,20 weight,21 mannerisms,22and language.23

Leadership qualifications Just as with the question of what qualifications are needed for a woman to succeed in the military – whether brawn is always a prerequisite – the question of what voters consider important qualifications of a political leader is being asked as well, in the United States and elsewhere. Though she lost the election, in the 2016 presidential election in the United States, exit polls taken by both CNN and Fox News found that Hillary Clinton was considered more qualified than Donald Trump on questions of both who would be a better Commander-in-Chief (49–46%) and who would better handle foreign policy (53–42%). Voter preferences, and what they expect from and tolerate of candidates, varies considerably between men and women. Warlords have been democratically elected in Somalia and Afghanistan. In 2016, blatant sexism rose its ugly head in Italy, with one male candidate for Mayor of Rome telling the media that a pregnant female candidate should withdraw and concentrate on breastfeeding her baby, and a female mayoral candidate in Milan was taunted for her looks, called “ugly, obese” and a “housewife” who should stay home.24 Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte joked about the gang rape of an Australian missionary while a Presidential candidate, and pledged to shoot criminals, hang them using fishing line or drown them in Manila Bay.25 In the United States, pizza magnate Herman Cain, neurosurgeon Ben Carson, and television reality show mogul and businessman Donald Trump made serious

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runs for the presidency. Trump defeated Hillary Clinton in 2016, though she had a lifetime record of policy development for women and children, and international diplomatic experience and expertise gained through logging 956,733 miles visiting 112 countries as Secretary of State. A soccer player succeeded Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as President of Liberia. Male candidates garner credibility simply by being male, while experience and credibility can work against women candidates. Why voters cast their ballots for individuals has created more than a cottage industry of analysts. Pew Research surveyed Americans in 2014, asking what makes a good leader, and whether gender matters. Seven traits emerged as important: Honesty (84%), Intelligence (80%), Decisiveness (80%), Organization (67%), Compassion (57%), Innovativeness (56%) and Ambition (53%). Among the top traits, honesty, intelligence, decisiveness and organization, men and women tended to agree on relative importance. Women placed higher importance than men on the lesser traits though, of compassion, innovativeness and ambition, especially among younger respondents. Men are viewed as more decisive and women as compassionate. Seventy-five percent of Americans said both men and women would make good political leaders, though Republicans said men make better political leaders than women. Larger differences were evidenced between men and women regarding the style and substance of leaders. Some 34% of respondents said women serving in highlevel political offices are better at working out compromises than men, while only 9% gave men the advantage. Approximately 33% of the respondents said women are more honest and ethical in political office, while only 3% gave men the advantage. Regarding policy, views were equally split on whether a man or woman would be better able to handle economic policy, and 37% were split on who would better deal with national security issues. But there was a significant partisan gap on that question as well. Republicans were much more likely than Democrats to say men were better dealing with national security (46% vs. 32%), but even among Democrats, only 6% said woman are better in that area. Finally, almost 30% of adults said having more women in government leadership positions would substantially improve the quality of life for all women. An additional 41% said having more females in leadership would improve women’s lives at least somewhat.26 Nevertheless, one of the factors pulling the United States ranking down to #43 in the 2016 Gender Equality Index is its paltry standing on women’s political participation. Less than 20% of legislative seats in the United States are held by women, about the same percentage as Saudi Arabia, Bulgaria, Kazakhstan and the Dominican Republic.27 And while presidential candidate Hillary Clinton won the popular US 2016 vote, 48% to 46%, she was roundly defeated in the Electoral College. Iceland boasts being the first country to directly elect a female president, single-mother Vigdis Finnbogadottir.28 Women leaders around the world have adapted different leadership “styles,” according to circumstances and their own dominant personality traits. Golda Meir, Indira Gandhi and Margaret Thatcher all had the same type of “masculine”

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qualities as many of their peers, and they were not known for pushing a social agenda commonly of interest to women. Of course as women they were also very much a minority, even though in power. When there is a critical mass of women, styles and consequently agendas can change. Chilean President Michelle Bachelet appointed an equal number of men and women to her cabinet29 and has been quoted as saying “I took a gamble to exercise leadership without losing my feminine nature.”30 Especially as numbers grow, there will be as many leadership styles exhibited and issues surrounding women political leaders as there are for men.

Women’s access to political power Scholars have found that there are three sets of factors that play into women’s access to political positions. Structurally, most women who have held top political offices, president, prime minister or chancellor, are from dual executive systems, where they share power with another executive. “Women thus serve more often in systems where executive authority is more dispersed, as opposed to in those with more unified executive structures.”31 In many of these cases women are in positions of weaker authority. Women presidents elected by the public, for example, may hold relatively nominal positions, serving primarily as figureheads. As such, they may have very little substantive power as compared to prime ministers. Women fare better in reaching positions of power when they can bypass the public by being elected by legislatures,32 a process that requires inter-party compromise, or when they replace male presidents from positions as vice-president. There are also numerous examples of weak female prime ministers operating under much stronger presidents. This is often the situation for women in Africa, who are sometimes unilaterally appointed by the president and subsequently subject to dismissal at his will. The same is true of several female leaders in Eastern Europe, though Eastern Europe also ranks high among regions with a large number of women in top elected positions.33 Not all national leadership posts are created equal, requiring a close look at who actually wields power. Second, social and economic factors also play into women’s ability to access political power. In many countries women do not have access to the same levels and types of education that most often lead to being considered “qualified” for political office. As prior examples have shown, men are often considered qualified by their gender. Women, however, are more often are held to a different standard. And finally, cultural factors also play into women’s role in politics. In some countries, religion and culture may place prohibitions on women’s political activity through forbidding women to speak in front of men, seeking political office or attending political meetings. In countries where women are bought through bride prices or sold through dowries, their voices are deliberately stifled. Where the public– private gender divide prevails, women’s opportunities for political participation can be limited. In the 1990s, gender quotas began being recognized and endorsed by many countries as the most effective way of “fast tracking” increased women’s political

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participation. In 1995, delegates to the United Nations (UN) Fourth World Conference on Women unanimously signed the Beijing Platform for Action. Part of that platform was setting 30% as the target for women in decision-making, as 30% was considered the “critical minority” required for women as a group to be able to exert a meaningful influence in legislative assemblies.”34 As of 2015, 128 countries have constitutional, electoral or political party quotas.35 The United Nations has pushed for the representation of women and minorities in all new constitutions, and gender quotas are often included in post-conflict constitutions or laws, with different approaches available. The three general types of quotas are reserved seats, legislative candidate quotas and voluntary party quotas. Reserved seats are the most common type of quota, where there is a legal mandate to set aside a certain number of percentage of seats for women (or minorities). Legislative candidate quotas require political parties to have women as a certain portion of their nominees. While this requirement pushes parties to find and even nurture suitable women candidates, it does not guarantee they will be seated. Voluntary party quotas range from recommendations to mandatory rules regarding the addition of women candidates and how they are presented, including a so-called “zipper provision” that men and women’s names be alternated on the ballot.36 While quotas have been referred to as a “crucial factor”37 in the rise of the number of women in many countries’ government, not all countries are supportive. Ironically, the countries found most resistant are liberal democracies, including the United States. In Afghanistan, rather than supporting quotas the US government offered indirect support of Afghan women through the implementation of more than 200 projects aimed at helping Afghan women.38 In 2004, however, the Afghan government passed a law putting a quota in place for parliamentary seats. Yet, “the State Department cites the presence of a gender quota in the Constitutional Loya Jirga (CLJ) as an illustration of its commitment to Afghani women.”39 Steps forward can quickly be countered with steps backward. In 2013, the lower house of the Afghan parliament cut the quota for women’s seats from 25% to 20%.40 And election to parliament in countries like Afghanistan can be dangerous. In 2014, former Afghani parliamentarian Noor Zia Atmar ended up in a battered women’s shelter and then fleeing the country. Her husband did not share her egalitarian views and began beating her. The situation worsened when she asked for a divorce, which he and his family felt would bring shame to his family.41 Subsequently, she began fearing for her life. The same year another female parliamentarian, Rooh Gul, was shot as she traveled through Ghazni province. She survived. Her eight-year-old daughter did not.42 Having women in parliament offers women a road to leadership. Countries other than the United States have far higher rates of women political leaders, and have been led by women. Margaret Thatcher served as the British Prime Minister from 1979–1990. Indira Gandhi served as Prime Minister of India until her assassination in 1984. Benazir Bhutto was Prime Minister of Pakistan before her assassination in 2007. Angela Merkel has served as Chancellor of Germany since 2005. Theresa May became

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Prime Minister of Britain in 2016. Britain, India, Pakistan and Germany have parliamentary rather than presidential systems of government, with leaders rising to power through party promotions rather than general elections where gender bias can more easily be a factor. In parliamentary systems, collaboration is fundamental, with the ability to collaborate and negotiate typically considered more feminine. In presidential systems, however, leaders act independently of the legislature and are expected to lead in a quick and decisive manner, traits more often associated with men. In the United States, dating back to George Washington the president is considered first and foremost as the commander in chief, a frame of reference more difficult for women to realize. According to Laura Liswood, secretary general of the United Nations Foundation’s Council of Women World Leaders, “America is still considered as the policeman of the world, the guardian of the world and we still have a very gendered version of what leadership means. Not only do we have to be liked, we also have to be tough.”43 Gender was a prevalent theme in the 2016 US election, perhaps most glaringly when candidate Trump called Hillary Clinton a “such a nasty woman.”44 But experts caution that generalizing about American voters’ views on women candidates based on their attitudes toward Hillary Clinton could be misleading, because she is “such a special case and a unique figure, having been around for so long. Did people vote against her because she was a woman or because her name is Clinton? Of course, it could be both.”45 Traditionally, kinship has been a well-used route to political power for both men and women. Indira Gandhi was the daughter of India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. After her assassination, her son Rajiv Gandhi served as Prime Minister from 1984–1989, her daughter-in-law Sonia Gandhi led the Congress Party and her grandson Rahul Gandhi is in Parliament. Argentina’s Christina Fernandez de Kirchner succeeded her husband Carlos as President. She had held national office before assuming the presidency while he had not. Benazir Bhutto, another daughter of a former Prime Minister, served as Pakistani Prime Minister until her assassination in 2007, when her husband Asif Zardari assumed command of the Pakistani People’s Party and became President.46 The Kennedy and Bush political dynasties in the US have seen mostly males politically benefitting from family names. Having recognizable family names can help, or hurt, male or female candidates, as both Hillary Clinton and Jeb Bush learned in 2016. Researchers have taken a closer look at when women in political dynasties rise to power. Women family members are often seen as less politically ambitious in their own right, and therefore more malleable. The aging politicians who initially supported Indira Gandhi assumed her a gungi gudiya, Hindi for “dumb doll,” which turned out to be far from the case. Or, since women are considered the unifiers of the family, they can be called upon to heal and unite a country after a period of conflict, as was the case with Liberia’s Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Finally, women sometimes rise to power in times of crises. An initially businessfocused study by researchers at the University of Exeter found that in male-led companies facing crises, study subjects preferred that a woman take over to calm

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the waters. Also in times of crises, the chance of failure is high. The “glass cliff” theory that evolved from the study holds that women are often placed in positions of power when the situation is dire, making men uninterested because the likelihood of success is low. It may be no coincidence that after 26 years of male leaders, Theresa May got the nod as Britain’s Prime Minister in 2016 (in a race with another woman, Andrea Leadsom) and was left to deal with the British departure from the European Union, known as Brexit. Decided on a 51% to 48% vote to leave, many Brits oppose the idea and many supporters have unrealistic expectations after a campaign powered by vague slogans and dubious promises. Exeter researcher Michelle Ryan described Brexit as “really a lose-lose situation for the prime minister. Whatever she negotiates, no one will be happy.”47 Prime Minister David Cameron, who had called the referendum vote, stepped down after the result. Brexit supporter Boris Johnson then stepped away from his bid to succeed Cameron. Brexit champion Nigel Farage, the leader of the UK Independent Party wanted no part of the after effects and resigned. The party elected Diane James in his place. She stepped down after only 18 days, apparently after recognizing the cliff she was standing on.48 Even when women leaders have not been thrust onto a glass cliff, the seemingly stable ground they are standing on may quickly fall away.

The American experience Producer Rory Kennedy’s 2014 documentary Makers: Women in Politics traces the modern political history of American women in politics. Even after getting the vote in 1920, for many years women remained in the political background, campaigning for men candidates or in a few exceptional cases gaining access to office through “the widow’s route” when their husbands died in office. Most often though, the widows merely carried out their husband’s policies and voted party line. Republican Senator Margaret Chase Smith was the first to break that tradition and was in fact the first Senator to speak out in 1950 against Joe McCarthy, at a time when it was politically risky to do so. In the current era of hyper-partisanship in America, there is increasingly pressure on women politicians to choose between party and support or non-support of issues such as women's rights and the Trump Administration policy of separating immigrant families, calling the practice “inconsistent with American values.”49 It was not until the 1970s, with the women’s liberation and anti Vietnam War movements that more women began to work their way into Congress. Shirley Chisholm, the first Black woman to be elected to Congress, and Patricia Schroeder were among those who broke into what has been called the “most exclusive boys club in the world.” In Makers Schroeder tells the story of being vetoed from a position on the Armed Services Committee by the Chair and having the veto overridden by the other members. But when she arrived for her first committee meeting with the other new member, Afro-American Ron Dellums, the peevish Chair had arranged for only one chair to be at the dais for the two of them.

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Schroeder also later found out that the FBI had been tracking her and her staff during her campaign, including recruiting her husband’s barber as an informant regarding her anti-war views.50 For many years, low numbers of women in Congress resulted in them largely being ignored. Consequently, in 1977, 13 women in Congress decided to form a bi-partisan Women’s Caucus, toward increasing their power.51 In 1981 they invited their male colleagues to join, renaming the group the Congressional Caucus on Women’s Issues. After a House rule change in 1995, however, male members could no longer belong to the caucus. As women’s issues began to come to the forefront of politics through the 1980s women voters began to vote differently than men, leaning increasingly Democratic, and the Caucus began to develop a voice of their own and legislation that focused on women’s concerns. The 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act was the first piece of legislation passed from the Women’s Caucus.52 The importance of women’s votes became apparent in 1984 when Democratic presidential candidate Walter Mondale selected Congresswoman Geraldine Ferraro of New York as his Vice Presidential running mate. Ronald Reagan won the election, but women had taken another step forward toward political inclusivity. The symbolism was significant. There would not be another woman on the top of the Democratic or Republican ticket until Sarah Palin was John McCain’s running mate in 2008. There were a number of obstacles for women seeking office through the 1980s. One was money. Men simply did not want to support women candidates. EMILY’s List is an organization founded in 1985 to fund pro-choice Democratic women. “The name ‘EMILY’s List’ was an acronym for “Early Money Is Like Yeast” (i.e., it makes the dough rise). The saying is a reference to a convention of political fundraising that receiving major donations early in a race is helpful in attracting other, later donors.”53 Subsequently, women’s Political Action Committee’s such as the nonpartisan Women’s Campaign Fund and partisan organizations like EMILY’s list exist specifically to boost women candidates in fundraising. While women candidates perceive more difficulties than men in fundraising, recent studies now show a near parity in ability to raise funds in many cases.54 Other obstacles faced by women in the 1980s persist. While it seems unlikely that Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin might have much in common, as women politicians they both faced significant personal scrutiny regarding their looks, their dress, their energy, their competence and their family life. Hillary Clinton was criticized for her handling of her husband’s affairs with other women,55 while Sarah Palin faced questions about how much time she would have for her national duties given that she is the mother of five children,56 neither issues male politicians have been asked to address. When Hillary Clinton choked up during the 2008 New Hampshire primary, it was portrayed as her being too emotional and having “broken down.” New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd asked if Hillary Clinton could “cry her way to the White House.”57 Yet in 2015, Hillary was accused of having the personality of a robot.58 The media portrayed Sarah Palin,

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who embraced motherhood and being a “soccer mom,” as sexy, stupid and conniving. Women politicians are “judged” differently, and more personally, than their male colleagues.59 In the US, women have not been asked to run for office at the same rates as men. According to Jean Sinzdak, associate director of the nonpartisan Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, “men are recruited for political office at higher rates than women at every level of government. And given that women have been likely to step forward only when they have the right degree, a ready support network, and the backing of seasoned professionals, that recruitment is essential.”60 Men and women must commit to finding and supporting women candidates, as research has shown that, in comparable races, when women run for office they are elected in the same ratios as men.61 While women make up only 19.1% of the House of Representatives overall, there are fewer Republican women representatives than Democratic by a 3:1 margin. According to a 2015 report, the biggest hurdle for Republican women is the primary. While many factors affect the emergence and success of female candidates, in the race to high-level office, GOP women face higher hurdles, specifically: Infrastructure, Inattention, and Ideology. No single factor is make or break, but together they dramatically hinder Republican women’s chances for electoral success. Female GOP candidates are far less likely to enter or win a primary election than their Democratic peers. Those who do run are often stuck in the starting block without adequate coaching and support. In contrast to female Democratic candidates, Republican women don’t benefit from a “gender advantage,” leaving them outnumbered, outpaced, and out of office.62 The majority of women candidates in 2018 are still Democrats, largely sparked by the election of President Donald Trump. The highest level of elected political office that a woman has held is Speaker of the House, third in line for the presidency. Nancy Pelosi, a Democrat from California, held that office from 2007–2011. First elected to the House in 1987, she worked her way through party positions to be Speaker. Pelosi has been called “the strongest and most effect speaker of modern times”…and has been “the most successful non-presidential political fundraiser in US history.”63 Nevertheless, Democratic colleagues have challenged her leadership position more than once, and the Republican Party consistently uses her as a lightning rod to attract voters away from Democratic candidates. Prior to the 2010 midterm elections, the National Republican Congressional Committee used her in 70% of its ads, and more often than then-President Obama in the 2012 and 2016 elections.64 Though no longer Speaker, Pelosi still has power and is not afraid or hesitant to use it. Though competitiveness and confidence are acceptable, even desirable qualities of male leaders, for women they are “inconsistent with prescriptive female stereotypes

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of warmth and communality…the mere indication that a female leader is successful in her position leads to increased rating of her selfishness, deceitfulness, and coldness.”65 “The more successful Pelosi is – outmaneuvering and dominating her male adversaries, the more threatening she becomes.”66 But she gets the job done. The importance of women’s leadership was perhaps most vividly demonstrated during the 16-day government shutdown in 2013 after neither a budget nor a continuing resolution could be agreed upon in an increasingly partisan Congress. According to Republican Senator John McCain and other male politicians interviewed in Makers it was through the leadership of Congressional women, working together on a bipartisan basis, that a compromise was reached and the shutdown finally ended. According to the women involved, they were more committed to problem solving than self-aggrandizement, power building and getting credit. Their focus on solving the problem relates back to collaboration and innovativeness being “traits” more associated with women and that true leaders, men and women, are interested in moving forward regardless of whether or not they will get credit. As of 2017, women comprise 21% of the Senate and 19.1% of the House of Representatives in the United States. Twenty-sixteen was also a banner year for expanding demographics. Catherine Cortez Masto (D) became the first Latino Senator in 2016. Kamala Harris (D) became the first-ever Indian American Senator.67 Stephanie Murphy (D) was elected to the House, becoming the first Vietnamese-American to do so. Iihan Omer (D), a Somali-refugee, mother of three, Muslim woman was elected to the Minnesota House.68 The numbers and demographics are changing in the US Congress and state governments. Nineteen ninety-two was called the Year of the Woman for the record number of women elected to office. There has been a resurgence in women’s interest in politics again, inspired by the election of Donald Trump and the #metoo movement. But there are still a number of obstacles in the way of their election. Based on women’s website visits to learn about running for office, EMILY’s List report numbers surging from 960 during the previous election cycle, to 26,000 in 2017– 2018.69 If the November 2017 election for the Virginia House of Delegates is any indication of the follow-through from women candidates that can be expected, and support from voters, there is reason for optimism. Progressive women won 11 of the 14 seats won by Democrats.70 Recruiting, supporting and electing the next generation of women politicians are the next tasks at hand.

The harder they fall In Chapter 3 it was pointed out that women are judged more personally than men, as they are expected to be “likable.” Researchers have now also found that women are more likely to be blamed when things go wrong than are men, even when data shows women to sometimes be more competent overall. A 2017 study of surgeons71 found that “patients of female surgeons were 4% less likely to die, be readmitted or experience complications 30 days after their surgery compared to patients of male surgeons.”72 Yet, another 2017 study found that doctors judge

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female surgeons more harshly when patients die than they do male surgeons. Referrals to female surgeons drop by over 50% when a patient dies at the hands of a female surgeon, with only a small stagnation in referrals for male surgeons who lose a patient.73 Surgeons are not the only women to experience professional backlash more fiercely than their male counterparts. A 2010 study by researchers Tyler Okimoto and Victoria Brescoll titled “The Price of Power: Power Seeking and Backlash Against Female Politicians” examines stereotype-based social costs faced by women politicians. They found that when women are perceived as power-seeking, voters react negatively with feelings of moral outrage. “Because power and power-seeking are central to the way masculinity is socially constructed and communality is central to the construction of femininity, intentionally seeking power is broadly seen as anti-communal and inconsistent with the societal rules for women’s behavior.”74 Women are “expected” to be “nice” and work for the communal good. Women are penalized for exhibiting the same traits of political leadership that are expected of men. This study perhaps partly explains the swift and fierce backlash that many women politicians have felt in recent years. In 2011, Dilma Rousseff became President of Brazil, Christina Kirchner began a second term, and Michelle Bachelet had an approval rating of more than 80% after completing her first presidential term. In 2016, Kirchner had been indicted, Rousseff was impeached, and Bachelet’s approval rating had plunged to below 30%. Crises and corruption are more or less staples of Latin American politics, leading analysts to ask what is behind the more-than-normal outrage against these politicians. Gender seems to have a role. Several officials from Mrs. Kirchner’s administration, including her former vice president Amado Boudou, have been tarnished by corruption cases. But she [Kirchner] received the brunt of the public’s anger on Friday after a judge indicted her on allegations related to a financial scandal that she denies, and a prosecutor sought to extend a money-laundering investigation. In Brazil, public outrage over a sprawling graft scandal at the national oil company has coalesced around Mrs. Rousseff and helped drive impeachment proceedings, even though she was not directly named in the investigation. In Chile, recent accusations of corruption have embarrassed many business executives and politicians, but a case involving Ms. Bachelet’s daughter-in-law has in large part caused Ms. Bachelet’s approval rating to plummet.75 The Latin “machismo” culture referenced earlier has resulted in strong backlash against women politicians perceived to have let the populace down, and appears to have swiftly boomeranged voters back to traditional role expectations. During Rousseff’s impeachment proceedings, conservative politician Jaufran Siqueira posted a picture of a house engulfed in flames on Facebook with the caption, “this is what will happen to feminists when Jaufran is elected.”76 He later said it was “a joke.” Rousseff, Kirchner and Bachelet’s successors all reflect a cultural shift back to more traditionally acceptable, machismo politicians. Rousseff’s former Vice-President,

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Michel Temer, succeeded her. The cover of the Brazilian magazine Piaui portrayed the cultural shift. It depicted “the 1950s-style suburban idyll” in which the grayhaired 75-year old president is greeted by his spouse, Marcela, a soft-spoken former beauty pageant contestant 42 years younger.77 Temer appointed a cabinet devoid of women. Ironically, by May 2017 Temer too was under investigation for corruption and obstruction of justice.78 The third wife of Argentina’s President Mauricio Macri, Juliana Awada, is a fashion designer. Fifteen years his junior, Macri told a television reporter that she is “insatiable” in bed.79 Awada makes it clear that she, unlike Christina Kirchner, has no political ambitions. Chilean billionaire business executive Sebastian Pinera followed Bachelet as President, having already served as President from 2010–2014. During that tenure he was censured by women’s groups for a joke made on a state visit to Mexico, that when a woman says “no” it means “maybe,” when a woman says “maybe” it means “yes” and when she says “yes” she’s not a lady. But scandal and conservatives feeling she had pushed easing restrictions on abortion too far got reformer Bachelet ousted and Pinera back in office. Latin America is not the only region where a woman leader has been ousted recently. South Korean President Park Geun-hye was impeached in 2017. Corruption in South Korea is many-faceted, and has a long history. Investigations by prosecutors have been described as “lackadaisical.” Bribery is common practice, including of the judiciary. It is a “common practice to obtain leniency in criminal trials by hiring a lawyer who is a friend or alumnus of the presiding judge. This is a practice especially prevalent in appellate courts, something called ‘jun-gwan-yewoo,’ roughly translating as ‘politely lobbying the bench.’”80 Similarly, as in much of Asia, Korea has a tradition wherein senior members of a group exert influence over junior members. In this tradition, senior members look after the interests of the junior members. In return for that, the junior members provide their loyalty, however needed. And media internal-censorship, depending on organizational interests, is not uncommon.81 It is within this stew of corruption that Park, South Korea’s first woman president, lost office in a scandal involving Park and her long time confident, Choi Soon-sil. The relationship between the Park and Choi families dates back to Park Geun-hye’s father, popular South Korean dictator Park Chung-hee, and Choi Soon-sil’s father, Choi Tae-min, the founder of a fringe religion, the Church of Eternal Light, who befriended Park Geun-hye in the 1970s. Dubious transactions occurred between the families and Park was accused of allowing Choi to meddle in South Korean politics.82 The South Korean reaction stems in part from many South Koreans seeing Park Geun-hye as a modern version of her charismatic father. A widely shared Twitter post last year summed up the challenges Ms. Park has faced in the shadow of her father’s legacy and with the cultural misgivings over female leaders: “When President Park Geun-hye does well, she wears the clothes of Park Chung-hee. But when she does badly, she becomes a woman.”83

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Park has not been a champion of women’s rights, either as a legislator or as president. She rose to power through the support of her father’s remaining elderly, conservative cohorts. According to the leader of the Korean Women’s Association United, Kim Young-soon, gender inequality has gotten worse under the Park Administration, with sex crimes increasing and a growing wealth gap that is taking a harder toll on women.84 A general backlash against women politicians quickly followed in South Korea. There have been online attacks at both Ms. Park and Ms. Choi using an old Korean tirade against assertive women: “If a hen crows, the household collapses.” Koreans have focused on Ms. Choi’s lack of experience in government or policy making, which she was accused of interfering with, calling her a “ajumma” (homemaker) “from Gangnam” (a district of Seoul associated with affluence and moral weakness). South Korean women’s groups have reacted with dismay. According to one feminist group: “President Park is taken as evidence that women are not qualified for politics.”85 Women politicians are neither saintly nor uncomplicated. But public tolerance of women politicians’ faults seems as thin and unforgiving as the “culture of humiliation” experienced by women caught in illicit relationships with men. The men are forgiven and the women are endlessly shamed.86 When women politicians are seen to fail and a cultural boomerang back to traditional proclivities occurs, rollbacks in women’s empowerment can be swift and deep.

Making a global difference The United Nations has worked tirelessly to facilitate structural changes in elections toward increasing women’s political participation, through a variety of means. In Kenya, for example, UN Women supported a five-year civil society campaign as Kenya’s new Constitution was being drafted. The focus was on “enshrinement of key rights, including a ban on all forms of violence against women and girls, the right to own land, and equality in marriage. The campaign also included the right to political representation, in the form of a rule stating that no more than two-thirds of elected seats could be held by persons of either gender.”87 Kenyans overwhelmingly endorsed the new Constitution in 2010, as a big political win for women. In 2012, UN Women went back to work, establishing a team of prominent Kenyan women’s rights advocates, who met with the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and with political parties to make sure that candidate nomination lists included the required number of women. Then UN Women worked with partners to train and support women candidates, and instituted a major campaign intended to encourage voters to consider electing women. The campaign featured advertising on television, radio, and in major newspapers, all in local languages. When elections were held in 2013, women were elected to 87 of the 416 seats in the newly established National Assembly and Senate chambers, up

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from 22 women in the old 222 seat one-chamber Parliament. While the good news was that the percentage of women representatives nearly doubled, not all the election news was good. Most of the electoral gains in the legislature were due to reserved seats rather than success in the ballot box. Miriam Kamunyu was the lead author of “Key Gains and Challenges: A Gender Audit of Kenya’s 2013 Election Process,” a report on how women fared in the polls. The results disappointed backers of the new constitution. In the national assembly, women won just six percent of directly elected constituency seats, down from eight percent in 2007. Not a single woman was elected to the powerful position of governor or senator for the 47 newly created counties. Kamunyu, presenting the report on Wednesday, accused virtually all the bodies involved of failing to uphold women’s rights – the electoral commission, the political parties, the police and the registrar for political parties. At the launch of the election campaign, women candidates said their supporters were beaten, they were slandered and their billboards were defaced, without redress.88 The report concluded that the political parties remained the bastion of the traditional patriarchy and the subjugation of women. It was the political parties that were keeping women from being nominated for key positions. Changing culture remains harder than changing structure. In Pakistan, UN Women supported a 2012 women’s voter registration drive. The National Database and Registration Authority registered 40 million women, representing 86% of the female population, up from 44% in 2008. Part of the effort involved the issuance of Computerized National Identity Cards, important in many instances simply by providing women with legal identification. Further, supported by UN Women and the United Nations Development Program, the Pakistani Election Commission put a system in place to collect voter turnout data by sex, toward pinpointing barriers to women’s civic rights. Consequently in 2013 elections there was a national voter turnout of 55%, up from the past. The voter turnout for women was an unprecedented 40% of all votes.89 Current statistics on women’s political participation show slow advancements in most countries of the world, though with sometimes-wide variations. Only 22.8% of all national parliamentarians were women in 2016, increased from 11.3 per cent in 1995. As of January 2017, ten women serve as Head of State, supervising various facets of bureaucracy but not as chief legislator, nine as Head of Government, chief of the executive and leader of the ruling party (parliamentary systems). In only two countries women legislators are the majority; Rwanda had the highest number of women parliamentarians worldwide, with 63.8% of the seats in the lower house, and Bolivia with 53.1 per cent. But as of June 2016, 46 single or lower chambers included at least 30% women, including 14 in Sub-Saharan Africa and 11 in Latin America. Of those 46 countries, 40 had some sort of quota system. Yet as of 2016

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there were still 38 countries with less than 10% of women in either the upper or lower chambers of parliament, including four chambers with no women at all. As of January 2015, women are only 17% of government ministers, with most overseeing social sectors, such as education and the family.90 At local, state and national levels, having women in politics can make a difference in policy and actions. In areas of India where women lead the panchayats (local councils), the number of drinking water projects was 62% higher than in those with men-led councils. In Norway, a direct causal relationship was found between the presence of women in municipal councils and childcare coverage.91 In the United States, researchers have found that women, Republican and Democrat, introduce more bills on civil rights and liberties, education, health care and labor than men, at all levels of government.92 Yet whether structural or cultural, or both, there are still a significant number of barriers to be overcome by women in politics.

Conclusion Suffrage is an important step toward political inclusiveness but it is only a first step. Women still face considerable uphill battles when running for offices, starting with simply not being seen as “having what it takes” in decisiveness and an ability to face tough challenges, especially in security related areas. They are further faced with a very different, personalized type of scrutiny as a candidate which inhibits many women from running for office. When in office they offer different types of leadership and decision-making skills and styles than men, often thereby opening opportunities for action not otherwise possible. Sometimes, those new opportunities are simply not welcome, as they shake an often stale and corrupt status quo. If politics are corrupt, then so too will be society. If society is corrupt, stability and hence security will be tenuous at best.

Notes 1 Miki Caul Kittelson, “Gender and Political Behavior,” Oxford Encyclopedia of Politics, May 2016. http://politics.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001. 0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-71 2 Erik Melander, “Gender Equality and Intrastate Armed Conflict,” International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 2, pp.695–714, cited in Marie O’Reilly, Why Women: Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies, Inclusive Security, 2015, p.4. https://www.inclusivesecur ity.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Why-Women-Report-2017.pdf 3 Mary Caprioli and Mark Boyer, “Gender, Violence and International Crisis,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 2001, pp.503–518, cited in Marie O’Reilly, Why Women: Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies, Inclusive Security, 2015, p.4. https://www.inclusi vesecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Why-Women-Report-2017.pdf 4 Erik Melander, “Political Gender Equality and State Human Rights Abuse,” Journal of Peace Research, March 2005, pp.149–166, cited in Marie O’Reilly, Why Women: Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies, Inclusive Security, 2015, p.4. https://www.inclusivesecur ity.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Why-Women-Report-2017.pdf 5 “Elizabeth Warren: ‘We have a chance but we have to fight for it,’” MSNBC, http:// www.msnbc.com/msnbc/elizabeth-warren-we-have-chance-we-have-fight-it

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6 7 8 9 10 11 12

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22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

https://history.hanover.edu/courses/excerpts/165adams-rtl.html Gail Collins, “The Glass Ceiling Holds,” The New York Times, November 11, 2016. Collins, 2016. http://www.historynet.com/womens-suffrage-movement Collins, 2016. Farid Jalalzai and Mona Lena Krook, “Beyond Hillary and Benazir: Women’s Political Leadership Worldwide,” International Political Science Review, March 5, 2010. Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox, It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don’t Run for Office, Cambridge University Press, 2005; Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox, “Why are Women Still Not Running for Public Office,” Issues in Governance Studies, Brookings Institute, May 2008. Swanee Hunt, “Let Women Rule,” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2007, Vol. 86, Issue 3. Hunt, 2007. Jalalzai and Krook, 2010, p.17. https://www.ndi.org/what-we-do/gender-women-and-democracy Katrin Bennhold and Rick Gladstone, “Over 70 Nations Have Been Led by Women. So Why Not the US?” The New York Times, November 10, 2016. Ocean Robbins, “The Truth about Governor Christie’s Weight,” The Huffington Post, September 28, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ocean-robbins/the-truth-aboutgovernor-_b_8198498.html Bruce Handy, “An Illustrated History of Donald Trump’s Hair. Warning! Don’t Read Before Lunch,” Vanity Fair, September 8, 2015. http://www.vanityfair.com/news/ photos/2015/09/an-illustrated-history-of-donald-trumps-hair Stephanie Mencimer, “We May Have Unlocked the Mystery of Trump’s Orange Skin,” Mother Jones, November 4, 2016. http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2016/11/ why-donald-trump-turned-orange Kerry Lauerman, “Just How Big is Trump? We Asked 5 Experts to – You Guessed It – Weigh In,” The Washington Post, October 6, 2016. https://www.washingtonpost.com/ news/to-your-health/wp/2016/10/06/just-how-big-is-trump-we-asked-5-expert s-to-you-guessed-it-weigh-in/?utm_term=.5f449ed81e84 “What Trump’s Hand Gestures Say about him,” BBC News, August 16, 2016. http:// www.bbc.com/news/av/election-us-2016-37088990/what-trump-s-hand-gestures-sayabout-him Justin McCurry, “Trump in Translation: President’s Mangled Language Stumps Interpreters,” The Guardian, June 6, 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/ jun/06/trump-translation-interpreters Barbie Latza Nadeau, “Sexist Italian Polls Fail to Intimidate Pregnant Candidate,” The Daily Beast, March 16, 2016. http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/03/16/sex ist-italian-pols-fail-to-intimidate-pregnant-candidate.html Lindsey Murdoch, “Rodrigo Duterte Lashes Out at Australia after Missionary Rape Joke,” Sydney Morning Herald, April 20, 2016. http://www.smh.com.au/world/rodrigoduterte-lashes-out-at-australia-after-missionary-rape-joke-20160419-go9pg5.html “What Makes A Good Leader and Does Gender Matter,” Chapter 2, Pew Social Trends, Pew Research Center, January 14, 2015. http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2015/01/14/ chapter-2-what-makes-a-good-leader-and-does-gender-matter/ http://hdr.undp.org/en/composite/GII Kathrin Bennhold, “A Man among Female Leaders: The Risk of Mansplaining is Very High,” New York Times, December 2, 2017. Swanee Hunt, “Let Women Rule,” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2007. “Michelle Bachelet Quotes,” 101Sharequotes.com. 2016. http://101sharequotes.com/ quote/michelle_bachelet-i-took-a-gamble-to-exercise-lead-64826. Jalalzai and Krook, 2010, p.13. Ian McAllister and Donley Studlar, “Electoral Systems and Women’s Representation: A Long Term Perspective,” Representation, Vol. 39, No. 1, 2002.

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33 Ernesta Redi Neudert, “The Rise of Eastern European Female Leaders,” Huffington Post. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ernesta-redi/the-rise-of-eastern-europ_b_8758796.html 34 Dr. Joy McCann, “Electoral Quotas for Women: An International Overview,” Parliament of Australia, November 14, 2013. http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamenta ry_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1314/ElectoralQuotas 35 http://www.quotaproject.org/country.cfm 36 McCann, 2013. 37 Women in Parliament: 20 Years in Review, Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2015. http://www. ipu.org/pdf/publications/WIP20Y-en.pdf 38 Mona Lena Krook, Diana Z. O’Brien, and Krista M. Swip, “Military Invasion and Women’s Political Representation,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, February 10, 2010, p.69. http://mlkrook.org/pdf/krook_obrien_swip_10.pdf 39 Krook, O’Brien and Swip, 2010, p.69. 40 Atia Abawi, “Afgan Women Suffer Setback as Parliament Lowers Quota for Women Lawmakers,” NBC News, July 18, 2013. https://www.nbcnews.com/news/other/afgha n-women-suffer-setback-parliament-lowers-quota-female-lawmakers-f6C10672363 41 Rob Crilly, “Afghanistan’s Pioneering Female MP Seeks Asylum as Progress for Women Unravels,” The Telegraph, August 11, 2013. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/world news/asia/afghanistan/10235137/Afghanistans-pioneering-female-MP-seeks-asylum -as-progress-for-women-unravels.html 42 Emma Graham-Harrison, “The Afghan Female Politician in Hiding: No one Respects Women in our Country,” The Guardian, January 14, 2014. https://www.theguardian. com/world/2014/jan/14/fghanistan-politician-hiding-women-rights 43 Bennhold and Gladstone, 2016. 44 Jannell Ross, “Trump’s ‘Such a Nasty Woman’ Comment has Sparked Something,” The Washington Post, October 20, 2016. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/ wp/2016/10/20/trumps-such-a-nasty-woman-comment-has-sparked-something/?utm_ term=.d19ad6f30fa1 45 Bennhold and Gladstone, 2016. 46 Jalalzai and Krook, 2010, p.15. 47 Katrin Bennhold, “Glass Cliff, Not Just Ceiling, Often Impedes Women Rising in Politics,” The New York Times, October 5, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/ 05/world/europe/glass-cliff-uk-women-politics.html 48 Bennhold, 2016. 49 Christopher Burns, “Susan Collins Says Separating Immigrant Families is ‘Inconsistent with American Values,’” Bangor Daily News, June 17, 2018. https://bangordailynews. com/2018/06/17/politics/susan-collins-says-separating-migrant-families-inconsistent-wi th-american-values/ 50 Pat Schroeder, Twenty-four Years of House Work…and the Place is Still a Mess: My Life in Politics, Chapter 1, Andrew Mcmeel Publishers, 1998. 51 http://www.womenspolicy.org/our-work/the-womens-caucus/caucus-history/ 52 “Celebration of 20 Years of the Women’s Caucus,” Congressional Record, Vol. 143, Issue 142, October 21, 1997. https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CREC-1997-10-21/html/ CREC-1997-10-21-pt1-PgH8840-3.htm 53 http://www.emilyslist.org/pages/entry/our-history 54 Right the Ratio, Political Parity, 2015. http://portfolios.creativegroup.com/c/1179/ 123897ca4c179003f175ab876d196383.pdf; Barbara Burrell, Gender in Campaigns for the US House of Representatives, University of Michigan Press, 2014. 55 Megan Twohey, “How Hillary Clinton Grappled with Bill Clinton’s Infidelity, and his Accusers,” The New York Times, October 2, 2016. 56 Jodi Kanter and Rachel L. Swarns, “In Palin, A New Twist in the Debate on Mothers,” The New York Times, September 1, 2008. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/02/us/ politics/02mother.html 57 Maureen Dowd, “Can Hillary Cry Her Way Back to the White House?” The New York Times, January 9, 2008. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/09/opinion/08dowd.html

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58 Tina Nguyen, “Hillary Clinton: I’m really not even a human being,” Vanity Fair, October 12, 2015. https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2015/10/hillary-clinton-robotsweat 59 Johanna Dunaway, Regina G. Lawrence, Melody Rose and Christopher R. Weber, “Traits versus Issues,” Political Science Quarterly, July 3, 2013. 60 Christina Cauterucci, “How Do You Inspire Women to Run for Office? Elect Trump,” Slate, January 16, 2017. http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/cover_story/ 2017/01/when_women_run_they_win_and_trump_s_election_is_inspiring_a_surge_of_ new.html 61 Lefteris Anastasopoulos, “Estimating the Gender Penalty in House of Representatives Elections using a Regression Continuity Design,” Electoral Studies, April 2016. 62 Right the Ratio, 2015. 63 Peter Beinart, “The Nancy Pelosi Problem,” The Atlantic, April 2018, p.11. 64 Beinart, 2018, p.11. 65 Victoria Brescoll and Tyler Okimoto, “The Price of Power: Power Seeking and Backlash against Female Politicians, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, June 2, 2010. 66 Beinart, 2018, p.12. 67 Laura Stampler, “5 Women Who Made History This Election,” Teen Vogue, November 9, 2016. http://www.teenvogue.com/story/5-women-made-history-election-2016kamala-harris-catherine-cortez-masto 68 Rozina Ali, “A Muslim Woman Also Got Elected Last Week,” The New Yorker, November 17, 2016. http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/a-muslim-woma n-also-got-elected-last-week 69 Christina A. Cassidy, “US Sees Surge in Women Interested in Running for Office,” USA Today, January 2, 2018. https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2018/01/ 02/us-sees-surge-women-interested-running-office/998428001/ 70 Jack Moore, “Why Women Won Big in Va. House of Delegates Race,” WTOP, November 8, 2017. https://wtop.com/virginia/2017/11/women-won-big-va-housedelegate-races/ 71 Christopher Wallis, Bheeshma Ravi, Natalie Coburn, Robert Kam, Allan Detsky and Raj Satkunaswam, “Comparison of Postoperative Outcomes among Patients Treated by Male and Female Surgeons,” BMJ, October 17, 2017. http://www.bmj.com/content/ bmj/359/bmj.j4366.full.pdf 72 Alice Park, “Researchers Find Women Make Better Surgeons Than Men,” Time, October 10, 2017. http://time.com/4975232/women-surgeon-surgery/ 73 Heather Sarsons, “Interpreting Signals in the Labor Market: Evidence from Medical Referrals,” October 31, 2017. https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/sarsons/files/sarsons_ jmp_01.pdf; Julia Belluz, “Women Surgeons are Punished More than Men for the Exact Same Mistakes, Study Finds,” Vox, October 23, 2017. https://www.vox.com/science-a nd-health/2017/11/23/16686532/surgeon-mistakes-gender-wage-gap 74 Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 36, Issue 7, 2010, p.923. 75 Jonathan Gilbert, “South America’s Powerful Women Are Embattled. Is Gender a Factor?” The New York Times, May 4, 2016. 76 Simon Romero and Anna Jean Kaiser, “Some See Anti-Women Backlash in Ouster of Brazil’s President,” The New York Times, September 7, 2016. 77 Romero and Kaiser, 2016. 78 Brad Brooks and Lisandra Paraguassu, “Brazil Plea-Bargain Testimony says President Took $4.6 Million in Bribes,” Reuters, May 18, 2017. 79 Alejandro Rebossio, “Juliana Awada, Fashion Mogul and Future First Lady of Argentina,” El Pais, November 25, 2015. http://elpais.com/elpais/2015/11/25/inenglish/ 1448466351_432980.html 80 Justin Fendos, “The History of a Scandal: How South Korea’s President was Impeached,” The Diplomat, January 24, 2017. 81 Fendos, 2017. 82 Fendos, 2017.

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83 Choe Sang-hun, “Gender Colors Outrage over Scandal Involving South Korea’s President,” The New York Times, November 21, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/ 11/22/world/asia/south-korea-park-geun-hye-women.html 84 Sang-hun, 2016. 85 Sang-hun, 2016. 86 Monica Lewinsky, “Shame and Survival,” Vanity Fair, May 28, 2014. http://www.va nityfair.com/style/society/2014/06/monica-lewinsky-humiliation-culture 87 “Women Elected to One-fifth of Seats during Kenyan Elections,” UN Women, March 28, 2013. http://www.unwomen.org/ru/news/stories/2013/3/women-elected-to-one -fifth-of-seats-in-kenya 88 Katy Migiro, “New Laws Ignored, so Women Trailed in Kenya 2013 Election,” Reuters, December 5, 2013. http://news.trust.org//item/20131205145820-u5bql/ 89 “Sharp Increase of Women Voters in Pakistan’s Recent Elections,” UN Women, August 21, 2013. http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2013/8/pakistan-elec tions-feature 90 “Facts and Figures: Leadership and Political Participation,” UN Women, http://www. unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/leadership-and-political-participation/facts-and-figures# notes 91 R. Chattopadhyay and E. Duflo, “Women as Policy Makers: Evidence from a Randomized Policy Experiment in India,” Econometrica, Vol. 72, Issue 5, 2004, pp.1409–1443; K. A. Bratton and L. P. Ray, “Descriptive Representation: Policy Outcomes and Municipal Day-Care Coverage in Norway,” American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 46, Issue 2, 2002, pp.428–437. 92 Steven Hill, “Why Does the US Still Have So Few Women in Office?”, The Nation, March 7, 2014. https://www.thenation.com/article/why-does-us-still-have-so-few-women-of fice/; Craig Volden, Dana Wittmer, and Alan Wiseman, “The Legislative Effectiveness of Women in Congress,” Working Paper 04–2010, Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions. http://www.thenation.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/CSDI-WP-04 -20102.pdf

Further reading Allen, Jonathan and Jamie Parnes, Shattered: Inside Hillary Clinton’s Doomed Campaign, Crown Publishing, 2017. Campus, Donatella, Women Political Leaders and the Media, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Carroll, Susan J. and Richard Fox, eds., Gender Elections and Shaping the Future of American Politics, Cambridge University Press, 2013. Cunningham, Anne C., Women as Political Leaders, Enslow Publishing, 2017. Lawless, Jennifer, It Still Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don’t Run for Political Office, Cambridge University Press, 2010. Lockhart, Michele and Kathleen Mollick, eds., Global Women Leaders: Studies in Feminist Political Rhetoric, Lexington Books, 2014. Lockhart, Michele and Kathleen Mollick, eds., Political Women: Language and Leadership, Lexington Books, 2015. Genovese, Michael A. and Janie S. Steckenrider, Women as Political Leaders: Studies in Gender and Governance, Routledge, 2013. Kunin, Madeline, Pearls, Politics & Power: How Women Can Lead & Win, Chelsea Green Publishing, 2012. Shames, Shauna, Out of the Running: Why Millennials Reject Political Careers and Why it Matters, NYU Press, 2017. Traister, Rebecca, Big Girls Don’t Cry: The Election That Changed Everything, Free Press, 2010.

10 WHAT KIND OF WORLD?

Will democracy survive populism? Assessing the current status of gender equality nationally and internationally, and consequently the state of Women, Peace, and Security efforts, is difficult as there are times of great progress, times of stalemate, and times of regression in different substantive areas, and different areas of the world. The situation is constantly changing. Change, however, does not mean that strategies for progress cannot be developed and implemented. Strategy is always understood to be dynamic rather than static. The requisite first step toward positive change is an acknowledgment of the need for both male and female gender perspectives to be considered in securityrelated discussions and decisions. Gender issues and national security are intertwined. Belittling, diminishing or blatantly ignoring that fact is not in the national interest of any nation. In Lewis Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland, Alice asks the Cheshire Cat which way she ought to go. The gist of the Cheshire Cat’s answer is: If you don’t care where you’re going, any road will take you there. In the United States, enduring national interests – consistent guidance for where the country ought to go – have been stated in the National Security Strategy (NSS) since Ronald Reagan issued the first NSS in 1987. Though the phrasing sometimes varies, the substance had remained much the same, until 2017. Reiterating from Chapter 2, the US national interests as given in the 2017 NSS are: promotion of the American people, homeland and way of life; promotion of American prosperity; preservation of peace through strength and; advancement of American influence.1 The first two are fundamentally the same as in the past, though with more emphasis on the Trump Administration’s “America First” policy, as with the latter two specifically. The two interests from past National Security Strategies dropped in 2017 are, as phrased in the 2015 NSS: Respect for

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universal values at home and around the world; and a rules-based international order advanced by US leadership that promotes peace, security, and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.2 Emphasis on respect for universal values and for the rules-based order that the US created after World War II and that has served to make and keep the US the leader of the free world waned as enduring interests of the United States in 2017, to the country’s peril. Support for democracy has been at the center of past National Security Strategies as well, underpinning US national interests. Unlike Alice wandering in Wonderland, the United States has not been unsure of where it wants to go. It has been a nation committed to democracy, defined as a government responsible to its people, liberalism and human rights. But a strong wave of populism has recently swept the globe. It was evidenced in the 2016 Brexit vote in the United Kingdom and the hotly contested elections between Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron in France, and Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump in the United States. Human Rights Watch explains. The appeal of the populists has grown with mounting public discontent over the status quo. In the West, many people feel left behind by technological change, the global economy, and growing inequality. Horrific incidents of terrorism generate apprehension and fear. Some are uneasy with societies that have become more ethnically, religiously and racially diverse. There is an increasing sense that governments and the elite ignore public concerns. In this cauldron of discontent, certain politicians are flourishing and even gaining power by portraying rights as protecting only the terrorist suspect or the asylum seeker at the expense of the safety, economic welfare, and cultural preferences of the presumed majority. They scapegoat refugees, immigrant communities, and minorities. Truth is a frequent casualty. Nativism, xenophobia, racism, and Islamophobia are on the rise.3 But populism is a term that means different things to different people in different circumstances. The term itself dates back to the 1890s, when America’s Populist movement pitted rural populations then linked to the Democratic Party against the more urban Republicans. Academics and journalists in the 1950s associated Populism with everything from fascist and communist movements in Europe, to McCarthyites in America and Argentina’s Peronists.4 More recently, Dutch Political Scientist Cas Mudde has offered a useful definition of populism. In simplest terms, populism is a “thin ideology,” one that merely sets up a framework: that of a pure people versus a corrupt elite. It is “an ideology that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogenous and antagonistic groups: ‘the pure people’ and ‘the corrupt elite’, and argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people. Practically, populist politicians almost always combine it with other ideologies, such as nativism on the right and socialism on the left.”5 That means that professed populists such as

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President Donald Trump can support deporting undocumented workers while Podemos, the populist Spanish party, supports granting immigrants voting rights. Bolivia’s populist president Evo Morales has expanded indigenous farmer’s rights to grow coca, while Philippine populist president Rodrigo Duterte has ordered the execution of suspected drug dealers.6 Populists come in many varieties, not even necessarily friendly to or in synch with each other. Princeton professor Jan-Werner Müller says populists are defined by their claim that they alone represent the people, and that all others are illegitimate. Most importantly, in his 2016 book What is Populism? 7 Müller argues that populism is not just anti-liberal, it is anti-democratic in that it rejects pluralism. Pluralism, where competing ideas coexist, is an inherent attribute of democracy. Populism does not inherently lead to authoritarianism. But populism can produce a slippery slope of democratic backsliding, with authoritarianism an unintended consequence of weakened democratic institutions and of “incremental steps taken by leaders who may earnestly believe they are serving popular will…Decisions that feel like shortcuts to democracy – tossing out judges or vilifying a hostile news media – can, in the long term, have the opposite effect.”8 Too often as well, the damage to democracy is evident only after it is done. This book was written assuming that spreading democratic ideals, including inclusive human rights, remains a goal of the United States both because Americans believe it is the right thing to do and because doing so is an enduring national interest. The developed world has largely been committed to the spread of democracy since the end of World War II. But, if gender equality is the bellwether of the strength or vulnerability of a society, that assumption may be misplaced. The assumption that in so-called liberal societies each generation is more egalitarian than the one prior is increasingly being questioned, particularly regarding gender. A study released in 2017 by the US Council on Contemporary Families revealed that fewer of the youngest millennials, those aged 18–25, support egalitarian family arrangements than did that same age group 20 years ago.9 “Americans aged 18–34 are less comfortable than their elders with the idea of women holding roles historically held by men. And millennial men are significantly more likely than Gen X or Baby Boomer men to say that society has already made all the changes needed to create equality in the workplace.”10 When political scientist Dan Cassino asked voters questions intended to remind them that women earn less than men during the 2016 primaries, men became less likely to support Hillary Clinton.11 Globally, a 2017 Pew Research Center survey found, as just one example of rising conservativism, that Orthodox religious beliefs have risen sharply in Central and Eastern Europe. Orthodox religious beliefs are closely tied to “traditional” views of society. Homosexuality is not accepted. It is believed that abortion should be mostly or entirely forbidden, and “more conservative views on gender norms, such as saying that wives should always obey their husbands”12 are upheld. Many people are turning away from, not toward, liberalism. Women often feel the impacts of that turn first.

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The promotion of populism, with its divisive promotion of in-groups and outgroups, easily includes a rollback in gender equality efforts. Women have traditionally been the first group to feel the pressures from in-group dominance. Whereas it is expected in patriarchies, it nevertheless occurs in liberal democracies as well, though it is harder to both spot and to address, often because it is part of a larger political shift. David Frum, writing in The Atlantic about the US slide toward an autocracy, says: “If this were happening in Honduras, we’d know what to call it. It’s happening here instead, and so we are baffled.”13 Domestic politics and international relations are inherently linked, and so what happens domestically affects US foreign policy. Political scientists Jeff Colgan and Robert Keohane stated in 2017 “today’s crucial foreign policy challenges arise less from problems between countries than from domestic problems within them.”14 With women the backbone of civil society, as repeatedly shown in areas from Northern Ireland to Liberia and South Sudan, allowing women’s health and family planning to regress will weaken already fragile societies even further, creating domestic security issues that both provide an environment ripe for radicalization, and have the potential for spill-over beyond national borders. That is not in the best interests of any country. Human security issues are a reality that every government must acknowledge and address. Countries can reap global strategic advantages by fully integrating women into the national security spheres and recognizing the critical role of women in security issues globally. The premises of UNSCR 1325 were valid when passed in 2000, and remain so today, perhaps even more so. But the indicators of support for the full integration are not good. Instead indicators of a turn toward a stronger structural patriarchy and hard power approach to problem solving are increasingly evident in the United States and elsewhere. The Trump Administration has promised budget increases for the US military. How much will be earmarked for security cooperation programs benefitting civil society, including women, is unclear as administration remarks have focused primarily on developing a “more lethal” military.15 But just as the nature of security issues has expanded, so too has the nature of power. It has become more complex and nuanced than when power meant only coercion, largely through militaries. Harvard Professor Joseph Nye coined the term “soft power” in the 1980s. It references the ability of a country to persuade others to do what it wants by means other than force or coercion.16 It is cultural power based on attraction. Asked about soft power in 2003 when the Pentagon was convinced the US could achieve success in Iraq through military might, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld replied, “I don’t know what it means.”17 More recently US Ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley, stated in 2017 that the US “doesn’t do soft power.”18 Yet many issues confronting the US cannot be addressed through military power, or at least not military power alone. Emphasizing hard power is worrisome for those who advocate “soft power” solutions that are especially appropriate for human security issues. Budget cuts proposed by the Trump Administration for the State Department and foreign aid

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programs, so far largely prevented by Congress, demonstrate intended abandonment of practices found to be essential tools of US foreign policy in recent years. The proposed cuts were opposed by a number of retired military officers in a letter to lawmakers, citing earlier words of retired General and current Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis. The letter stated: The State Department, USAID, Millennium Challenge Corporation, Peace Corps and other development agencies are critical to preventing conflict and reducing the need to put our men and women in uniform in harm’s way. As Secretary James Mattis said while Commander of U.S. Central Command, “If you don’t fully fund the State Department, then I need to buy more ammunition.”19 The value of diplomacy and soft power tools of foreign policy that proved critical to counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan are included in targeted Trump budget cuts. Apparently, little has been learned from experience. Challenging the narratives of extremists and those who seek change through political violence is tricky because policies of the United States and Western countries are often viewed as hypocritical, gender equality being one of those areas. “Western countries continue to dance around their own problems with promoting gender equality at home while they try to promote women’s rights in other countries.”20 Credibility gained over a long haul can be lost very quickly. In April 2017 documents were leaked showing that the Trump administration planned to strip funding from State’s Office of Global Women’s Issues by 2018.21 While a rationale of redistributing funds for better use might be argued, it would be mendacious. The State Department in the past has allocated between $1 and $2 billion annually for development programs focused on women, representing less than 1% of the department’s development budget.22 The impact of any program cuts would be more sociopolitical than fiscal; a deliberate rollback in gender empowerment efforts. The United States is clearly at a pivotal point in its history. Many American and foreign analysts believe that the very nature of American liberalism and democracy is being threatened, while the Trump Administration and its base believe they are fighting for a return to an American past that is being lost, to their and the country’s peril. Which side prevails will have a significant impact on the women’s issues. While the symbolism of many high profile men being fired over allegations of past sexual misdeeds is important, most sexual harassment and prejudice issues are not between high profile men and women in positions to draw headlines, and individuals being fired does not address the structural and cultural problems that often allow the problems to persist over decades. In the majority of cases of men being fired, it has been for offenses that occurred over years – sometimes decades – and that everyone knew about. Organizations and leaders allowed harassment and prejudice to continue and are taking action now not because they have had an “aha” moment about the importance of treating women with respect and equality, but because they are protecting their organizations from negative publicity or law suits.

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Meanwhile, however, policies are being put in place, budget decisions being made and laws passed in the United States that directly and negatively affect women. Structural barriers to empowerment are being erected, not torn down. The Tax Cuts and Job Cuts Act passed in December 2017 and signed by President Trump provides an example. It means an end to personal and dependent exemptions (a disaster for minimumwage workers, nearly two-thirds of whom are women). An expiration date for child-care tax credits and a denial of such credits for immigrant children without Social Security cards. An end to the Affordable Care Acts individual mandate. An end to student loan deductions (women bear nearly two-thirds of student debt, and black women the highest load). And, oh yeah, an enshrinement of ‘fetal personhood,’ a grenade lobbed at legal abortion.23 With structural barriers being erected to women’s equality in the US, it is no wonder that programs targeted toward women’s empowerment globally have come under fire. Both the election of Donald Trump as President and the #MeToo movement have galvanized American women to be more politically active than they have been since the 1970s. Nearly six in ten women have said they are paying more attention to politics since the election of Donald Trump,24 and as of August 2017 survey data by the Public Religion Research Institute, Trump’s support among women reached a record low of 29%, with 47% of women believing Trump should be impeached.25 But attention cannot focus only on individuals, either in antipathy or with hurrahs because some are being held accountable. Women can and must be a political force to be reckoned with in fighting against structural barriers to empowerment, especially in conjunction with like-minded men. Together, individuals concerned about democracy and global stability must act to turn the tide away from inward-looking populism, in the interest of not just social justice, but national security.

National Action items Actions needed regarding gender equality and women’s empowerment range from the macro to the micro level in every country, often with significant overlaps between them. At the macro level, there are a variety of ways to address the issues identified in the New America Foundation survey regarding lack of awareness of the WPS agenda among US security practitioners, a lack of awareness that can be largely assumed universal. Education is key among them. There is also a universal requirement for better data gathering and sharing. Consequent to awareness, there is a requirement for more seriously implementing commitments already stated in National Action Plans, including funding, and in some instances expanding those commitments. In all cases, government actions speak much louder than rhetoric.

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Rather than normalizing violence, a concerted effort needs to be made toward normalizing women’s roles in security talks. During the 2006 six-party talks on North Korea’s nuclear program nearly half of the US delegation were women. Senior women from the US and the European Union (EU) played key roles during the talks leading up to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action regarding Iran’s nuclear program: US lead negotiator Wendy Sherman, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Lady Catherine Ashton and her successor Federica Mogherini; and deputy EU negotiator Helga Schmidt among them.26 Providing a powerful example to the rest of the world is one of several action items needed at the national level. The prerequisite for setting that example is having women involved in national security decision-making at home. Shamila Chaudhary, who served on the Obama National Security Council, says that Obama achieved one of the most diverse administrations in history, by appointing well-credentialed officials, many of whom happened to be women.27 But only 6 of the 24 level Cabinet level positions are held by women in the Trump Administration: Elaine Chow as Secretary of Transportation; Betsy DeVos as Secretary of Education; Kirstjen Nielsen stepped in as Secretary of Homeland Security when John Kelly left to become White House Chief of Staff; Nikki Halley as US Ambassador to the United Nations; Linda McMahon as the Administrator of the Small Business Administration, and Gina Haspel as CIA Director. Nielsen, Halley and Haspel are the only ones directly involved with security issues, and none have advocated for the Women, Peace and Security agenda. The President’s National Security Council (NSC), Principal’s Committee (PC, the interagency working group where high-level decisions are made), and Deputies Committee (DC, Deputies to the Principals) are, as of 2017, heavily male-dominated.28 At the Policy Coordination Committee (PCC) level, where (often)-assistant secretaries represent departmental views, many positions remain unfilled. That provides an opportunity for the administration to consider gender balance since Cabinet positions are unlikely to substantially change in the near future. Additionally, only two women were selected to join Ambassador Haley at the 2017 meeting of the UN Commission on the Status of Women, both from conservative organizations supportive of traditional views on gender identity and marriage and not known for advancing pro-choice policies at the United Nations.29 And, the post of US Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues remains unfilled. Conservative activist Penny Young Nance withdrew her name from consideration. Women’s groups and even some Republican Senators protested that she was not the right person to champion the agenda of the office. Overall, the Women, Peace and Security agenda has been left without a champion within the US government. Further, the implementation of the NAP must become a priority for individuals responsible for addressing security issues, not human rights issues. The experience of the US offers some globally relevant lessons learned. Stovepiping gender perspectives and equality issues into human rights discussions during the Obama Administration was a mistake. Unfortunately the restructuring of NSC staff by the

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Trump Administration has compounded that mistake. The Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Multilateral Affairs and Human Rights has been replaced by a Special Assistant to the President for International Affairs and Alliances, with “human rights” now noticeably missing as an area of NSC focus. Nevertheless, Julia Santucci, former Senior Advisor to the US Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues at the US Department of State, has pointed out that does not preclude the National Security Advisor from issuing guidance to the NSC “that they are to consider women and gender issues in every policy decision. Leaders should also lead by example, asking questions of the other principals and deputies about how specific policy proposals will impact women and girls.”30 Only through that kind of leadership will the importance of including gendered perspectives be taken seriously. Admiral Kurt Tidd, for example, Commander of US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) stated in his 2017 Posture Statement before Congress that a “dedicated combat-proven Gender Integration Advisor to promote the inclusion of diverse perspectives in partner nation military operations”31 had been added to his staff. In July 2017, SOUTHCOM hosted a second “Women in the Military” Conference in Guatemala. It focused on effectively integrating fully trained and qualified military women into operational and peacekeeping units. Santucci also points out the importance of including women’s issues as an intelligence priority, bringing the intelligence committee in line (at least on paper) with what the NAP intended for DOD, DOS and USAID. The intelligence community has largely been exempted from even cursory consideration of the WPS agenda. Also suggested is the integration of gender considerations into the National Intelligence Priorities Framework (NIPF), which sets priorities for intelligence gathering. Intelligence collection and analysis efforts are based on these priorities. If having a comprehensive view of a security situation is a prerequisite for making good policy decisions, then the intelligence community should not be excluding half the population from its focus. As the intelligence world is run as a bureaucracy much like other parts of the government, having someone responsible to champion gender inclusion within the intelligence community and between the intelligence community and those who are customers of its products can strongly signal serious intentions. In the Trump Administration, where administration policies and rhetoric can radically differ from rhetoric and actions of the President himself, clear signals are difficult but important to global perceptions regarding US leadership, including intentions for implementing the 2017 Women, Peace and Security Act. In October 2017, President Donald Trump signed the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Act, making the NAP law. The importance of its subject matter received bipartisan recognition in Congress. “Simply put, when women are at the negotiating table, peace is more likely,” observed House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Ed Royce (R-CA). “The benefits of women’s participation—and the risks of their exclusion—in all aspects of governance and peacemaking are too great to ignore.” Senator

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Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), recognized that despite this, “far too often [women] are under-represented at the negotiation table.” These bipartisan actions acknowledge and act on the evidence supporting an inclusive security approach to reducing conflict and advancing stability. The implementation of the NAP as directed by the WPS 2017 will depend on a clear demonstration of political will at the highest levels, budgets requisite for implementation, and goal-oriented action. If signing was more than a cost-free gesture for the President, then having a person responsible for development of a strategy to increase women’s participation in security efforts, and be held accountable for its implementation would be a demonstration of commitment. Budget considerations associated with Women, Peace and Security efforts extend from local to national and global levels. Globally, for example, the United Nations Peacekeeping Fund and the Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund both focus on gender equality, women’s empowerment, and WPS efforts. But UN Peacekeepers have rightfully faced considerable scrutiny of late, including over allegations of sexual assault of civilians they were supposed to be protecting. Reform is clearly needed in training, operational execution and supervision of troops. That being the case, more gender expertise and capacity in UN missions and country teams is needed, not less. Women on UN peacekeeping teams are in fact critical to successful reforms. Internationally and nationally, rhetoric and action regarding what the US will and will not financially support remains confused. In June 2017, Nikki Haley declared that more than $500 million would be cut from the Peacekeeping budget. Yet in a September 2017 speech, President Trump specifically cited the work of UN Peacekeepers. “I want to salute the work of the United Nations in seeking to address the problems that cause people to flee from their homes. The United Nations and African Union led peacekeeping missions have invaluable contributions in stabilizing conflicts in Africa.”32 Nationally, while it appeared that the Trump Administration planned to eliminate funding for the DOS Office of Global Women’s Issues by 201833 that has not happened. Gender advisory posts and gender-specific programs must be protected from budget cuts. One way to assure protection is to fence government supported gender-related programs from cuts and allocate a specific percentage of internationally donated funds to gender-related programs. Implementing the 2017 Women, Peace, and Security Act provides securityrelated advantages to any country through a broad spectrum of social, economic and political avenues. In the US, if the Executive Branch chooses not to lead the way in this effort, then Congress, given its power of the purse, must fill the leadership vacuum. Congress passed the legislation and Congress can hold the Executive responsible for implementation through budget authorities. Additionally, in the US and other countries, leaders in various positions can allocate money from existing budgets for WPS related programs, though admittedly those budgets are already often stretched.

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Education near and far Issues and actions regarding education intersect the public and private, and national and international spheres. Expanding educational opportunities for both men and women must be a focus for the future. For women specifically, with education comes personal and economic empowerment important toward strengthening the fabric of society and ultimately leading to greater domestic and international stability. A new all-women’s college in Rwanda, the country’s next generation of women leaders are learning how to be financially independent, so that they can have voices in their country’s future.34 For men, education has been found to influence attitudes away from such practices as FGM/C. Education is a foundation upon which other reforms can build. Education is also a prerequisite of democracy. Political scientist Seymour Martin Lipset argued that premise in 1959 (specifically referencing men). Education presumably broadens men’s outlooks, enables them to understand the need for norms of tolerance, restrains them from adhering to extremist and monistic doctrines and increases their capacity to make rational electoral choices…If we cannot say that a “high” level of education is a sufficient condition for democracy, the available evidence does suggest that it does come close to being a necessary condition.35 Countries committed to democracy, at home and abroad, must also be committed to education, including issues related to gender. Gender is not irrelevant to war and conflict, therefore gender should not be irrelevant to the study of war and conflict. International relations professor Laura Sjoberg reminds us that gender considerations are still too often relegated to footnotes in international relations texts and security-related studies, or excluded, or focused on as issues important only to women, rather than a consideration of male and female perspectives relevant to war and conflict.36 While the increase in numbers of academic institutions offering courses on Women, Peace and Security is heartening toward recognition that there is a difference in perspectives, and that it matters, mainstreaming gender considerations into international relations, foreign policy, business, sociology, economic development, psychology, and other areas would reach a far greater audience of individuals potentially working on conflictrelated issues. Equally important to expanding gender considerations in international relations and other studies at civilian academic institutions is embedding it in the core curriculum of all government security-related education programs, specifically US and global Professional Military Education (PME). The 1986 Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act legislatively mandated Professional Military Education in the US. Initially, the intent focused on training and educating military officers to operate “jointly,” meaning all the military services working together rather than as stovepiped organizations. As that was achieved, at the higher levels, joint PME (JPME) I

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(intermediate) and II (senior) – the “colleges” – PME parameters were expanded toward providing officers the education necessary to understand the context of theater and strategic environments and the critical thinking skills to address increasingly complex environments.37 For instance, after the 2003 US invasion of Iraq and the unexpected difficulties the US military and provisional government encountered there as consequence of unrecognized or poorly understood cultural and religious issues, a DOD-wide mandate was issued called Countering Ideological Support for Terrorism (CIST). The intent was for those prosecuting the war to get smarter about the security environment. In Newport at the Naval War College that meant broadening the curriculum and hiring faculty who could teach regional studies, culture, religion and add breadth to the curriculum. Introducing WPS into the curriculum would be a similarly broadening effort. Army Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Ray Ogden, PME student winner of the 2017 Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) Essay Competition, wrote with frustration about the PME system not providing the broadening education needed for leaders to develop effective critical thinking skills. He pointed out that training and education as part of a military career is often directed toward operational proficiency, thereby “sculpting its junior officers into tactically savvy and combateffective generals instead of expert strategic leaders,”38 and thereby improperly prepared for higher levels of command. While students often recognize the need for educational breadth, PME leadership has been slower on the uptake. Expanding WPS-related educational programs to security practitioners globally would increase awareness among those who could speak to, and therefore mainstream, the idea of gender-related security considerations to security communities. That would address the need pointed out in the 2016 New America Foundation study. While overt gender bias exists, so too do “blind fish” who are simply unaware but not hostile to gender considerations. By having individuals become aware of how, for example, often well intended “gender blindness” and “gender neutrality” in programs can have unintended bias consequences, those consequences might be avoided. If more policy makers and program implementers were aware that policies and programs affect men and women differently, they would also require that gender-specific data be kept regarding outcomes. Only with better data can programs that directly or indirectly affect security be written and targeted more effectively.

Personal action items There is the danger of rollbacks in women’s empowerment with populist, traditionalist trends. But there is also opportunity for the reawakening and revitalization of earlier movements gone dormant over the years. That reawakening can prevent not just another era of bipartisan hubris about the state of the world such as occurred in the US during the post-Cold War years, but global hubris that results in countries turning away from democracy. Democracy is unquestionably the

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hardest to develop but ultimately the most stable form of government and the form most associated with growth and development. Gendered views – those of men and women – are a part of developing a true democracy. Actions can and need to be taken toward empowering women and incorporating gendered perspectives in security considerations regardless of government policy. American politician Tip O’Neill astutely pointed out that: “All politics are local.” Consequently, there are opportunities for every individual reading this book to make a difference, through mentoring, supporting causes, and voicing support for the WPS agenda to their local and national decision-makers. Remember, many politicians are largely unaware that the WPS agenda even exists. Individuals can make a difference by making sure their politicians know that they care about Women, Peace and Security issues. In the US, for example, while the 2017 Women, Peace and Security Act passed on a bi-partisan basis, that does not mean implementation is a bi-partisan priority. But politicians pay attention to constituent voices. Therefore it is important that WPS supporters call, write, text, attend forums and speak out to politicians. The Borgen Project, an organization that advocates for the world’s poor, states that “Congressional leaders often support poverty-reduction legislation when as few as 7–10 people in their district contact them in support of it.”39 In the United States, all contacts made to congressional members are entered into a software program known as a constituent-management system. These systems are expensive, sometimes accounting for 20–30% of the budget for congressional offices,40 but are considered vital in allowing members to keep their fingers on the pulse of their constituents, especially representatives who are constantly campaigning for their next term. Given the many programs affecting women and human security targeted for US government budget cuts, it is critical that individuals financially support those organizations and causes they believe in, locally, nationally and internationally to the best of their ability. The pink-painted Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the only remaining family planning and abortion clinic in Mississippi, receives donations from far beyond Mississippi’s borders to keep operating. Donations to Planned Parenthood and Public Broadcasting spiked after they became the target of government budget cuts. Though not a recipient of government funding, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) received donations six times its national average after the 2016 election41 because individuals saw it as an important legal watchdog. The 2016 election inspired an unprecedented level of philanthropic donations, dubbed “rage giving,”42 to organizations supportive of causes the Trump Administration has denounced, including women’s rights.43 Organizations are receiving not only financial support, but volunteer support as well, resulting in many organizations having to rethink their operations to take advantage of the surge in volunteerism. Empowerment starts young. Women’s empowerment begins with building both competence and confidence in young girls. Global programs supporting education provide women with the tools to support themselves economically and make informed choices about their lives and their bodies. In patriarchal societies, efforts

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must continue toward allowing women to choose their life path, be it in a traditional “spindle” role, as an equal participant in society, or some hybrid combination. Women make different choices but an informed choice, with viable options, must be theirs. Most often empowerment for women in traditional societies begins with economic empowerment. There are a number of organizations working to assist women taking their first step toward empowerment and those efforts often rely on external financial and functional support. In Western societies, changing the cultural stereotype that has taught women it is more important to be liked than respected must occur. That is done through families, through organizations and through educational institutions, including through mentoring. More men and women in all roles need to step up as mentors and encourage interested girls into nontraditional careers. Parents, teachers, friends, co-workers can and must all be mentors. In many areas there is overlap between categories of action items. For women to have a voice strong enough to hold sway in politics, more women must be elected. While there has been an upsurge of American women interested in politics since 2016, it is imperative to get and keep the next generation interested. A 2014 survey by the Girls Scouts of America addressed girls’ views regarding a career as a politician. It found that 67% of girls are interested in politics and 37% are interested in a political career.44 But by the time they are in middle school, “girls have determined they’re not fit to run.”45 Further, the survey respondents feared encountering biased media reporting. But there are actions that can be taken to influence those views.   

Girls need more teacher support, as just 38% of girls say their teachers have encouraged them to pursue politics. Sixty-five percent of girls feel more mentoring for girls and young women from current politicians would encourage more girls to pursue a career in politics. More positive stories about female politicians in the media would encourage more girls to pursue a career in politics.46

When the Boy Scouts of America announced in 2017 that it intended to begin accepting girls into its ranks – and planned a name change accordingly – the Girl Scouts were blindsided. While perhaps a step toward gender-equity, the fear among many Girl Scout supporters is that in a mixed troop, girls will lose the opportunity to express themselves and grow in an all-girl environment.47 Whether empowerment develops best through one environment or the other is an important question.

It all comes back to security In May 2017, US Director of Intelligence Daniel Coats provided a Worldwide Threat Assessment to the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. Human Security Issues were among those highlighted, including health issues, atrocities and instability, and global displacement.

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Stagnating or declining funding for global health initiatives and lack of domestic resources threaten the continued progress against health threats despite the availability of more cost-effective treatments. Rapidly expanding populations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, put additional stress on scarce resources. Malnutrition, weak healthcare systems, conflict, migration, poor governance, and urbanization will worsen the emergence, spread, and severity of disease outbreaks. Risk of large-scale, violent or regime-threatening instability and atrocities will remain elevated in 2017. Poor governance, weak national political institutions, economic inequality, and the rise of violent non-state actors all undermine states’ abilities to project authority. Weak state capacity can heighten the risk for atrocities, including arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings, rape, and torture.48 Groups that promote civil society and democratization are likely to continue to face restrictions in 2017. Freedom House reported the eleventh consecutive year of decline in “global freedom” in 2017. Middle East and North Africa had ratings as one of the worst regions in the world in 2015. The issues Coats talks about here are all human security issues directly related to women. Yet women are mentioned only twice in the report, once in conjunction thanking the men and women who helped produce the report, and once in conjunction with human trafficking. Lack of direct reference does not inherently mean that how women are associated with those issues was not considered. But the direct link between women and human security does mean that women cannot be excluded from policy discussions on how to address the issues without directly weakening the potential for effective policy development. Coats’ assessment is reinforced by the latest reports of the US National Intelligence Council, the intelligence communities’ group responsible for long-term analysis. Global Trends: Paradox of Progress was released in 2017 as an effort to consider key assumptions, expectations and uncertainties about the future as a basis for security planning. The future is summarized as one of considerable uncertainty and flux. For better and worse, the emerging global landscape is drawing to a close an era of American dominance following the Cold War. So, too, perhaps is the rulesbased international order that emerged after World War II. It will be much harder to cooperate internationally and govern in ways publics expect. Veto players will threaten to block collaboration at every turn, while information “echo chambers” will reinforce countless competing realities, undermining shared understandings of world events.49 The “emerging gender imbalance” is highlighted as part of the environment creating instability. Specifically, demographics, the influence of patriarchal views toward women, and resulting economic issues are cited as creating new security-related

246 What kind of world?

issues. Support for more education for women, more access to health care, and more economic opportunity are also cited as determinative factors in positive future development. Similarly, in Global Trends 2030, 50 four “megatrends” were offered as shaping the future: individual empowerment, diffusion of power, demographic patterns and the food, water, and energy nexus. Again, women and women’s issues were cited as playing a key role in each of these areas, the “how” cited in several parts of the report. Increased entry and retention of women in the workplace will be a key driver of success for many countries, boosting economic productivity and mitigating the impacts of aging. Better governance could also be a spinoff of greater political involvement of women, as some studies suggest participation of women in parliament or senior government positions correlates stronger with lower corruption.51 The report specifically points out as well that women as agents of change in the economic and political spheres has been a consistent theme in past reports. Global Trends 2030 also reported on the link between information technology, women’s empowerment and radicalization. Although some data points to a connection between online participation and radicalization of Muslim women, indications of female empowerment and solidarity are far more plentiful. Muslim women are using online communities to reach beyond their everyday social networks into “safe spaces” to discuss such issues as women’s rights, gender equity, and the role of women within Islamic law. Participation in online and social media platforms hinges on income, literacy and access. As these expand by 2030, a growing number of Muslim women are likely to participate in online forums, potentially affecting their societies and governance.52 If the United States and other countries want to fully exploit the opportunities for women’s empowerment rather than radicalization, and the secondary effects that empowerment might well have on their male and female children, then involving women into the planning, processes and programs to achieve that goal is prudent and necessary. Gender-equality issues have played prominent roles in intelligence estimates regarding future security issues and opportunities for the past 20 years. Women are both agents of change and agents of security. Yet old patterns of spindle and spear continue to prevail in security policy making, implementation and participation. These patterns must be broken. Fukuyama argued in 1998 that “there are limits to how much international politics can change”53 and therefore there was danger in too much feminization of politics because women are “less supportive of defense spending and the use of

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force abroad.”54 But international politics has changed extensively since 1998: from emphasis on geopolitics to counterinsurgency and irregular warfare, and now back to geopolitics; from nationalism to globalism and then including some hybrid of the two; from hard power to soft power to smart power (a combination of hard and soft power according to appropriateness); having communism as an ideology basically disappear; and a rise in populism and authoritarianism. The world has also seen women leaders besmirched because they were exactly the “feminist hawks” that Fukuyama feared women unable to be. More women in politics and leadership positions will change politics in ways pointed out in Chapter 9. But the idea that women will simply sit by and allow the stability, peace and self-protection they seek for themselves and their families to be taken from them without a fight has been shown repeatedly false. They will likely fight differently, but they will fight.

Conclusion The global problems to be addressed in the next 20 years will be heavily influenced by policies and actions taken today. Therefore, it is in the interests of all countries to have as comprehensive an assessment as possible of the global security environment, created by and through the lens of both men and women. From that assessment, policies must be developed and implemented through a gender-sensitive lens as well – not only because it is the right thing to do, but because it is the smart thing to do. Knowledge is a powerful tool. As more men and women of good intentions become aware of and knowledgeable about the Women, Peace and Security agenda, momentum will favorably build, eroding resistance. Good intentions – and self-interest – inherently will bring change. Accepting gendered perspectives in security assessments and decision-making will in many instances require a cultural change. But individuals can make a difference through organizational cultures and therefore actions, and organizations can make a difference in national policies and actions. Consequently, with every person who accepts and supports the need for the Women, Peace and Security agenda to be included in organizational perspectives, the tipping point – 30% – gets closer to being achieved. Everyone can make a difference in one way or the other, and that difference is imperative for a safe and secure future.

Notes 1 National Security Strategy of the United States of America, 2017, p.4. https://www.white house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NSS-Final-12-18-2017-0905.pdf 2 National Security Strategy, 2015, p.2. https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/ files/docs/2015_national_security_strategy.pdf 3 Kenneth Roth, “World Report: The Dangerous Rise of Populism,” HRW, 2017. http s://www.hrw.org/world-report/2017/country-chapters/dangerous-rise-of-populism 4 “The Economist Explains: What is Populism,” The Economist, December 19, 2016. http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2016/12/economist-explains-18

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5 Cas Mudde, “The Problem with Populism,” The Guardian, February 17, 2015. https:// www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/feb/17/problem-populism-syriza-podem os-dark-side-europe 6 “The Economist Explains: What is Populism,” The Economist, December 19, 2016. http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2016/12/economist-explains-18 7 University of Pennsylvania Press. 8 Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, “How Can Populism Erode Democracy? Ask Venezuela,” The New York Times, April 2, 2017. 9 David Cotter and Joanna Pepin, “Trending Towards Traditionalism? Changes in Youths’ Gender Ideology,” Council on Contemporary Families, March 30, 2017. http s://contemporaryfamilies.org/2-pepin-cotter-traditionalism/ 10 Stephanie Coontz, “Do Millennial Men Want Stay-at-Home Wives?” The New York Times, April 2, 2017. 11 Dan Cassino, “Gender is Costing Hillary Clinton Big Among Men,” LSE Blog, March 24, 2016. http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/usappblog/2016/03/24/gender-is-costing-hillary-clin ton-big-among-men/ 12 Michael Lipka and Neha Sahgal, “9 Key Findings About Religious Belief and National Belonging in Central and Eastern Europe,” Pew Research Center, May 10, 2017. 13 “How to Build an Autocracy,” The Atlantic, March 2017, p.52. 14 Jeff D. Colgan and Robert Keohane, “The Liberal Order is Rigged: Fix it Now or Watch it Wither,” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2017, p.36. 15 Connor O’Brien and Gregory Hellman, “Trump’s Defense Budget Falls Short of Buildup Plans,” POLITICO, March 16, 2017. http://www.politico.com/story/2017/ 03/donald-trump-budget-defense-236142 16 Joseph Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, Public Affairs, 2004. 17 John Brown, “Donald Rumsfeld’s Soft Side,” The Guardian, January 30, 2008. 18 Emma “Nikki Haley Tells It Like It Is: ‘Greta, We Don’t Do Soft Power,’” Women in the World, April 6, 2017. http://nytlive.nytimes.com/womenintheworld/2017/04/06/ nikki-haley-tells-it-like-it-is-we-dont-do-soft-power-greta/ 19 Dan Lamothe, “Retired Generals Cite Past Comments from Mattis while Opposing Proposed Foreign Aid Cuts,” The Washington Post, February 27, 2016. https://www.wa shingtonpost.com/news/checkpoint/wp/2017/02/27/retired-generals-cite-past-comm ents-from-mattis-while-opposing-trumps-proposed-foreign-aid-cuts/?utm_term=.06f65 439dc3b 20 S. Dharmapuri, “UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and Countering Violent Extremism: Soft Power Solutions to a Hard Security Issue,” Constructive Pathways: Stimulating and Safeguarding Components of WPS, Working Papers, USNWC, April 16–17, 2015. 21 Jon Sharman,“Donald Trump to Strip all Funding from State Department’s Team Supporting Women’s Rights around the World,” The Independent, April 25, 2017. http:// www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/us-politics/donald-trump-budget-2018state-department-cut-office-global-womens-issues-oxfam–a7701631.html 22 Christina Asquith, “The Future of Global Women’s Rights under Trump ‘Could Be Devastating,’”PRI, February 29, 2017. https://www.pri.org/stories/2017-02-09/futureglobal-womens-rights-under-trump-it-could-be-devastating 23 Susan Faludi, “The Patriarchs Are Falling. The Patriarchy is Stronger than Ever,” New York Times, December 28, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/28/opinion/ sunday/patriarchy-feminism-metoo.html 24 “Since Trump’s Election, Women Especially Pay Attention to Politics,” Pew Polling, July 20, 2017. http://www.people-press.org/2017/07/20/since-trumps-election-increa sed-attention-to-politics-especially-among-women/ 25 Danielle Kurtzelben, “Women Are a Huge Reason why Trump’s Poll Numbers Are So Bad,” NPR, August 2, 2017. http://www.npr.org/2017/08/21/544430491/women-a re-a-huge-reason-why-trumps-poll-numbers-are-so-bad 26 Laura Rosenberger, “The Power of Example,” CNAS, September 15, 2017.

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27 Lidia Jean Kott, “An Obama-era National Security Advisor Argues for Diversity as Trump Appoints McMaster,” Public Radio International, February 20, 2017. https:// www.pri.org/stories/2017-02-20/obama-era-national-security-advisor-argues-diversityafter-trump-appoints 28 Julia Santucci, “Gender Equality as a National Security Priority: Voices From the Field,” CNAS, September 15, 2017, p.7. 29 Santucci, 2017, p.6. 30 Santucci, 2017, p.8. 31 http://www.southcom.mil/Portals/7/Documents/Posture%20Statements/SOUTH COM_2017_posture_statement_FINAL.pdf 32 Mark Leon Goldberg, “Is the Trump Administration Learning to Love UN Peacekeeping,” UN Dispatch, September 20, 2017. https://www.undispatch.com/trump -administration-learning-love-un-peacekeeping/ 33 “Trump Plan to End Funding to Women’s Issues Bureau Revealed,” New York Times, April 26, 2017. http://nytlive.nytimes.com/womenintheworld/2017/04/26/trump-pla n-to-end-funding-to-womens-issues-bureau-revealed/ 34 Fred de Sam Lazaro, “This All-Women’s College is Training Rwanda’s Future Leaders,” PBS News Hour, November 17, 2017. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/this-all -womens-college-is-training-rwandas-future-leaders 35 Seymour Martin Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 53, No. 1, 1959, pp.79–80. 36 Gender, War and Conflict, Polity Press, 2014. 37 Joan Johnson-Freese and Kevin Kelly, “Meaningful Metrics for Professional Military Education,” Joint Forces Quarterly, January 26, 2017. http://ndupress.ndu.edu/JFQ/Join t-Force-Quarterly-84/Article/1038821/meaningful-metrics-for-professional-military-e ducation/ 38 Benjamin Ray Ogden, “Butter Bar to Four-Star: Deficiencies in Leader Development,” Joint Force Quarterly, October 2017. http://ndupress.ndu.edu/Publications/Article/ 1325964/butter-bar-to-four-star-deficiencies-in-leader-development/ 39 https://borgenproject.org/get-involved-in-the-cause/ 40 Kathryn Schultz, “What Calling Congress Achieves,” The New Yorker, March 6, 2017. http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/03/06/what-calling-congress-achieves 41 Katie Mettler, “The ACLU Says It Got $24 Million in Online Donations this Weekend, Six Times its Normal Average,” The Washington Post, January 30, 2017. 42 Sam Sanders, “‘The Resistance’ Faces a New Question: What To Do With All That Money,” NPR, March 16, 2017. http://www.npr.org/2017/03/26/520854771/the-re sistance-faces-a-new-question-what-to-do-with-all-that-money 43 Kerry Close, “Upset About the Election? These Charities Need Your Help,” Time, November 15, 2016. http://time.com/money/4566160/trump-election-charities-donate/ 44 “Running for a Change: Girls and Politics Pulse Poll,” Girl Scouts Research Institute, October 2014. http://www.girlscouts.org/content/dam/girlscouts-gsusa/forms-and-do cuments/about-girl-scouts/research/girls_and_politics.pdf 45 Carol Guensburg, “Expanding the Political Pipeline for Women Candidates,” Voice of America, May 14, 2016. http://www.voanews.com/a/expanding-the-poltiical-piupeli ne-for-women-candidates/3330108.html 46 “Running for a Change: Girls and Politics Pulse Poll,” October 2014. 47 “My Turn: Suzanne Fogarty: The Value of All-Girls Institutions,” The Providence Journal, October 20, 2017. http://www.providencejournal.com/opinion/20171020/my-turnsuzanne-fogarty-value-of-all-girls-institutions 48 Daniel R. Coats, Statement for the Record, Worldwide Threat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community, Before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, May 11, 2017, pp.14–15. https://www.dni.gov/files/documents/Newsroom/Testimonies/SSCI %20Unclassified%20SFR%20-%20Final.pdf 49 https://www.dni.gov/files/documents/nic/GT-Full-Report.pdf, p.ix.

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50 https://globaltrends2030.files.wordpress.com/2012/11/global-trends-2030-november 2012.pdf 51 NIC, 2012, p.11. 52 NIC, 2012, p.12. 53 Fukuyma, 1998, p.36. 54 Fukuyama, 1998, p.34.

Further reading George, Roger and Harvey Rishikof, The National Security Enterprise: Navigating the Labyrinth, Georgetown University Press, 2nd ed., 2017. Hooks, Bell, Feminism is for Everybody, Pluto Books, 2000. Johnson-Freese, Joan. Educating America’s Military, Routledge, 2012. Kingston, Maxine Hong, The Woman Warrior: Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts, Vintage Books, 2010. Miller, Paul, American Power and the Liberal Order: A Conservative Internationalist Grand Strategy, Georgetown University Press, 2016. Millet, Kate, Sexual Politics, Rupert-Hart Davis, 1970. Müller, Jan-Werner, What is Populism, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016. Nye, Joseph, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, Public Affairs, 2004. Shadlow, Nadia, War and the Art of Governance: Consolidating Combat Success into Political Victory, Georgetown University Press, 2017. Sjoberg, Laura. Gendering Global Conflict: Toward a Feminist Theory of War, Columbia University Press, 2013.

INDEX

Note: page references in italics indicate figures. Abe, Shinzo 192 abortion 23, 24, 41, 42, 47, 49, 146, 194, 224, 243; sex-selective 47, 49, 61 Abramson, Jill 79 Abu Ghraib prison, Iraq 182–3 acid attacks 28, 104–7 ACLU see American Civil Liberties Union Adams, Abigail 212 Adams, John 212 Adichie, Chimamanda Ngozi 20 Afghanistan 23, 62, 108, 127, 139, 162–3, 173–5, 181, 202, 206, 214, 217 Africa 44, 52, 61, 102, 119, 140, 166, 198, 203, 216; see also North Africa; Sub-Saharan Africa; West Africa; specific countries Africa Command (USAFRICOM) 15, 16–17, 100 African Union 140, 240 African-American women see women of color age 37, 69, 194 agency 193, 196, 246 Ahmadi, Niemat 123 aid 17, 24, 112, 128, 132, 194, 204–6, 235–6 Ailes, Roger 66 al Mansouri, Mariam 75 Albright, Madeline 17 alcohol 92, 97 Algeria 140

Allport, Gordon 63, 82 American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) 243 American Civil War 164 Amnesty International 130 Anderson, Shelley 147 Angola 27 Argentina 127, 191–2, 218, 224, 233 Armed Forces Integration Act (1948) 176 Arnold, Henry “Hap” 164 Arrow, Holly 178 Artemisia of Caria 163 Ashton, Catherine 238 Asia 44, 52, 61, 102; see also South Asia; specific countries Asiacell (company) 203 asylum seekers 127–8 Athena Conference 73, 80, 82 Atlantic, The 80, 235 Atmar, Noor Zia 217 Atwood, Margaret 42 Australia 52, 102 autocracy 235 Avon Center 105–6 Awada, Juliana 224 awareness 10, 82, 242 Bachelet, Michelle 26, 168, 216, 223, 224 Balliff-Spanvil, Bonnie 25–6, 37 Baloch, Qandeel 107–8 Ban Ki-Moon 20, 204

252 Index

Bangladesh 63, 105, 197–8 bank accounts 51–2, 196 banking services 202 Bannon, Steven 66 Barbarella (film) 38 Barbivai, Orna 170–1 bargaining tactics 143, 145 BBC see British Broadcasting Corporation Beaver, Diane 182 Beijing Declaration 13, 145 Bemba, Jean-Pierre 95–6 benevolent sexism 68 Bernal, Ana Teresa 153 Bernard, Stephen 74 best-practice recommendations 168 Bhutto, Benazir 217, 218 bias 61, 63–4, 74, 81, 82, 83 Bigombe, Betty 140 Binoga, Moses 112 birth control see contraception Black Tigresses (women Tamil Tigers, Sri Lanka) 190–1 Black women see women of color blame 83, 92, 99, 222 Block, Peter 180 Boko Haram 44, 91 Bolivia 226, 234 Bolling, Eric 75 Borgen Project 243 Bosnia 122 Boudicca, Queen 163–4 Brazil 27–8, 213–14, 223–4 Brescoll, Victoria 223 Brexit 219, 233 bride price 42, 43–5, 51, 124 British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) 45 Brooks, Geraldine 50–1, 54 Brown, Sherrod 62 Browne, Kingsley 179 burqas 50, 51, 54 Burundi 127 Bush, George W. 22–3, 25, 53, 181 Bush, Laura 21, 23 Bustreo, Flavia 192, 193 Cable, Daniel M. 75 CAF see Canadian Armed Forces Cain, Herman 214 Cambodia 105, 213 Cameron, David 205, 219 campus sexual assault 92 Canada 52, 76, 100, 102, 212; women in the military 168, 174–6 Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) 175–6 capacity building 196

Caprioli, Mary 25–6, 37, 92–3 Caracal unit, Israel 169 Carlson, Tucker 71 Carroll, Lewis 232 Carson, Ben 214 Carter, Ash 162 Carter, Jimmy 13 Carville, Lynn 146 Cassino, Dan 234 Castilla, Emilio 74 casualties, military 36 Catholic Church 54 cattiness 82 CEDAW see UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women Central African Republic 95–6, 127 Central Command (USCENTCOM) 15 Centre for Judicial Assistance and Civic Action 46 Chaibou, Balkissa 45–6, 49 Challenger (space shuttle) 93 Chand, Dutee 11–12 change 232, 247 #changedestiny 46 Chankin-Gould, Sarah 168–9 Chaudhary, Shamila 238 child marriages 44, 45, 131 child soldiers 111, 139, 148 childbearing see mortality, maternal; motherhood childcare 194, 213, 227 Chile 26, 168, 216, 224 chimpanzees 35–6 China 8, 40, 46–8, 61, 76, 95 Chisholm, Shirley 219 Choi Soon-sil 224, 225 Chow, Elaine 238 Christianity 103 Christie, Chris 214 “Christmas cakes” (unmarried women, Japan) 49 Churchill, Winston 212 CIST see Countering Ideological Support for Terrorism Civic Forum 146 Civil Partnership Act (2004, UK) 49 civil rights movement 122 civilians in war 119–34; living in war zones 119–21; rape as weapon of war 119, 122–4, 134, 152; UN peacekeepers 15, 125–7, 240; women as head of household 127–33, 139 Clapper, James 2 Clinton, Bill 66, 145

Index 253

Clinton, Hillary 13, 15–17, 20–1, 23, 24, 80, 145, 155, 183, 203, 214, 215, 218, 220, 233, 234 CNN 48 Coats, Daniel 244–5 Cochran, Jacqueline 164 coercion 36, 38, 39, 235 Cohan, John Alan 43, 107–8 Cohen, Dara Kay 26, 123 cohesion, military 180 Cold War 13, 22 Colgan, Jeff 235 collaboration 211 Colombia 112, 141, 166–8; peace negotiations 151–5 Colombia Reintegration Agency (CRA) 167 combat, women in 68–9, 162–3, 175, 176, 179–82 comfort women 95, 124, 192 commissions 141–2 community women 120–1 Comoros 100 Compartamos (microfinance company) 198 competence 54, 73–7 compulsory military service 168, 173 confidence 75–7 conflict management styles 142–3 conflict mitigation 39 conflict prevention 10, 18, 157 conflict resolution 1, 14–16 conflict-related violence against women (CRVAW) 119 Confucius 48 conservatism 234 consultations, peace 141 continuum of harm 72, 72 contraception 124, 194; see also family planning control 49–52, 65, 148 Conway, Kellyanne 20 Conyers, John 67 Cooper, Helene 150 Copelon, Rhoda 107 Corno, Lucia 44 Corporacion Espancios de Mujer (organization) 112 Corrigan, Mairead 144 corruption 206, 213, 223, 224, 227 Coulter, Ann 54 Countering Ideological Support for Terrorism (CIST) 242 CRA see Colombia Reintegration Agency Crabbe, Maree 93 credit 44, 52, 139, 196, 202

Crenshaw, Kimberlé 23, 24 Crimea 13 crimes against humanity 95–6 crisis 44, 218–19, 223 Crittenden, Ann 40–1 Croatia 130 CRVAW see conflict-related violence against women CSO see US Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations “cultural defense” 107–8 culture 50, 69, 70, 82, 99, 153, 163, 167, 175–9, 202, 216, 223–4, 226, 227, 242 Cutlass Express (maritime exercise) 100 cybersecurity 67 Darfur Women Action Group (DWAG) 123 data, importance of 25–8, 70, 72–3, 242 DC see Deputies Committee deaths see mortality debt see credit decision-making 4, 10, 15, 36, 83, 142, 144, 156, 176, 238, 247 Dedechen, Louisa 69 Dellums, Ron 219 democracy 39, 100, 212, 232–7, 241–3 Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) 124, 125, 127, 139 demographics 36, 46–9, 70, 183 Denmark 52 dependency 20, 21, 40, 55, 105, 129, 131 Deputies Committee (DC) 238 developed countries 4, 12, 52, 54–5, 62, 192–3, 203 developing countries 19, 25, 40–1, 44, 52, 55, 78, 125, 191–4, 197, 202, 205 development, women and 17, 55, 78, 189–206; and gender equality 193–6; global development goals 203–6; human development and human security 189–90; microcredit and microfranchising 196–200; and security 190–3; technology and empowerment 200–3 DeVos, Betsy 238 Diana, Princess of Wales 139–40 diplomacy 17, 236 disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DRR) programs 167 discrimination 8, 12, 24, 61–5, 70, 83, 101, 105, 175–6, 214 displaced persons 91, 127–8, 130, 148, 152, 244–5 diversity 74; inclusive 67–70, 74, 174 divorce 25, 42, 65, 96–7, 109, 217

254 Index

Djanaeva, Nurgel 213 Djibouti 100 DOD see US Department of Defense (DOD) Doe, Samuel 150–1 domestic politics 7, 13, 47, 134, 235 domestic security 46, 113, 138, 235 domestic violence 96–8, 146 domination 36, 39, 40, 55, 65, 66, 140, 148 donors/donations 139, 220, 243 doubt 77 Dowd, Maureen 220 DPKO see UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations DRC see Democratic Republic of the Congo driving 49–50 DRR see disarmament, demobilization and reintegration Duca, Lauren 71 Dunford, Joseph 29 Dunning, David 76 Dunning-Kruger effect 76 Dunwoody, Ann 69, 73 Duterte, Rodrigo 214, 234 DWAG see Darfur Women Action Group Eagley, Alice 37 Eastern Europe 216, 234 education 44, 45, 193, 241–2 Egypt 25, 101, 103, 127, 130, 163, 203 Ehrlinger, Joyce 76 Eisen, Miri 171 El Salvador 121, 141 Ellingsen, Dag 173 Elmi, Asha Hagi 155 ELN see National Liberation Army, Colombia EMILY’s List (organization) 220, 222 Emmett, Chad 25–6, 37 employment see women’s labor; workforce empowerment, women’s 6–7, 8, 9, 13, 16, 19–21, 20, 23, 26, 40, 46, 52, 54, 55, 81, 83, 91, 99, 101, 139, 192, 200–3, 212, 225, 236, 237, 243–6; economic 132, 191, 197–8, 244 endowments 193–4 Enloe, Cynthia 21 entitlement, male 124 entrepreneurship 129, 198–200 EPLF see Eritrean People’s Liberation Front Equality Now (organization) 109 equality see gender equality Equity (film) 78 Eritrea 165–6

Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) 165 Eros (Greek god of love) 162–3 Esty, Katherine 197 Ethiopia 165 ethnicity 24 EU see European Union European Command (USEUCOM) 15 European Union (EU) 98, 102, 140, 238 evolutionary biology 35–40, 64, 94 Executive Orders (Obama) 14 Executive Orders (Trump) 24, 25, 41 exploitation, group 93 extremism see violent extremism Facebook 107, 179–89, 223 families 19, 39, 43 family planning 42, 47, 235, 243; see also contraception FAO see Food and Agriculture Organization Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) 121, 141 Farage, Nigel 219 FARC see Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia Faust, Drew Gilpin 74 female genital mutilation, or cutting (FGM/C) 23, 101–4, 165 femininity 77, 166, 167, 175, 216 feminism 20–2, 24, 51, 55, 82 feminist theory 37, 40, 65, 172 “feminization” of politics 36–7, 246–7 Ferraro, Gayle 197 Ferraro, Geraldine 220 FGM/C see female genital mutilation, or cutting fight or flight moment 79–81 Fincher, Lita Hong 47, 49 Fine, Cordelia 38–9 Finland 52 Finnbogadottir, Vigdis 215 Flournoy, Michele 73 Flynn, Mike 79 FMLN see Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front Foca Rape Case (2002) 95 Fonda, Jane 38 Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) 19 food security 41, 132 Forbes 48, 77 Forbes, Susan Martin 131 Foreign Service Institute 17 Fourth World Conference on Women (China, 1995) 13

Index 255

Fox News 71, 75 FPU see Indian Formed Police Unit France 192, 212, 233 Franken, Al 67 freedom 189–90 freedom fighters, former 166–8 Freud, Sigmund 65–6 Frum, David 234 Fukuyama, Francis 35–7, 39, 246–7 fungibility 65 G.I. Jane (film) 39–40 Galtung, Johan 55 Gambia 103 #GamerGate 67 Gandhi, Indira 215, 217, 218 Gandhi, Rahul 218 Gandhi, Rajiv 218 GAO see US Government Accounting Office Gaouette, Chuck 69 Gbowee, Leymah 149 gender 1–4, 24, 37, 53, 69, 82, 163, 223, 241; and sex 11–12 gender bias 12, 42, 242 gender blindness (“blind fish”) 27, 55, 63, 82, 141, 163, 242 gender differences 36–7, 52–3 gender equality 2–4, 8–9, 11–14, 16, 17, 19–22, 26, 39, 49, 66, 92, 99, 101, 147, 166, 171–2, 232, 234–7, 246; perspectives on 22–4; three dimensions of 193–6 Gender Equality Index 215 Gender Gap Project, World Economic Forum 27 gender gaps 52 gender inequality 9, 11, 38, 40, 55, 63, 92–3, 101, 105, 225 Gender Inequality Index 52 gender lens 10–11, 206 “gender makeovers” 74 “gender neutrality” 27, 242 gender norms 92, 234 Gender Parity Score (GPS) system 190 gender perspectives 21, 127, 247 gender quotas 156, 157, 213–14, 216–17, 226 gender roles 132, 183 gender sensitivity 17, 131–2, 157 gender stereotypes 37, 70, 77–8 gender-based violence see violence against women gender-related issues 19–20, 22, 62, 66, 68, 191, 232, 241

gender-related programs 240 genocide/ethnic cleansing 122–3 Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security (GIWPS) 18 Germany 95, 217–18 Ghana 149 Gillibrand, Kirsten 162 Gingrich, Newt 66 Ginsberg, Ruth Bader 156, 177 GIPWS see Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security Girl in the River: The Price of Forgiveness, A (film) 108, 109 Girl Scouts 83, 244 “glass cliff” theory 219 global development goals 203–6 Global Terrorism Index (GTI) 190 globalization 9, 105 Goldwater, Barry 164 Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act (1986) 242 Google 82 GPS see Gender Parity Score system Grameen Bank Project 196–7 Graves, Lucia 41–2 gray zones 13, 167 Greece 130, 212 Green, Amelia Hoover 26 GTI see Global Terrorism Index Guantanamo Bay 182 Guardian, The 41–2 guardianship 50–1 Guatemala 96, 123, 156, 239 Guiliani, Rudy 66 Guinea 103 Gul, Rooh 217 gungi gudiya (“dumb doll”) 218 Gutfield, Greg 75 Haass, Richard 2, 16 Haiti 41, 132 Haley, Nikki 235, 238, 240 Halperin, Mark 67 Ham, Carter 16 Hannagan, Rebecca 178 HarassMap 101, 203 hard power 17, 235 Harkin, Cathy 147 Harris, Kamala 222 Harvard Business School (HBS) 74 Hasani, Sheikh 63, 197 Hashimoto, Toru 192 Haspel, Gina 238 Hayek, Selma 67 HBS see Harvard Business School

256 Index

healthcare 104 Hedgepath, Sonya 122 HeForShe 20 “hepeating” 71 heteronormativity 98–9 Hidden Figures (film) 64 hierarchies 37, 53–4, 65, 81, 206 Higgins, Katie 64 Hill, Anita 53 Hindu Suttee 40 HIV/AIDS 102, 103, 110, 111, 193–4, 203, 204 Hlavka, Heather 98–9 Hochschild, Jennifer 53 Hodges, Katie 175 Holocaust 122, 123 Honduras 100 honor 42–5, 123 honor killing 28, 43, 107–9 honor/shame societies 4, 42, 45, 109, 123, 198 Hopton, John 172 Hotel Rwanda (film) 122 household, women as heads of 127–33, 139 household spending 19, 41 Howard, Michelle 69 HRW see Human Rights Watch Hudson, Valerie 1, 25–6, 37, 39 human capital 196 human development 189–90 human rights 12, 22, 101, 234, 238–9 human rights abuses 211 Human Rights Watch (HRW) 50, 163, 233 human security 4, 17, 19, 22, 138, 189–90, 206, 235, 243, 244–5 human trafficking 96, 111–12, 119; see also sex trafficking Hungary 130 Hunt, Swanee 82 Hunt, Tim 63 hyper-masculinity 92, 95, 134 ICC see International Criminal Court ICCPR see International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Iceland 4, 52, 215 ICESRC see International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights ICRC see International Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent ICT see information and communication technology ICTY see International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia IDF see Israeli Defence Force

IDP see internally displaced persons IMAGES see International Men and Gender-Equality Survey IMF see International Monetary Fund immediate reinforcement (behavior) 94, 123 implementation: of peace 139, 141, 143, 146, 156; of WPS agenda 10, 14, 16–18, 22, 27–8, 50, 69, 127, 213–14, 240 imposter syndrome 75–6 Imran, Samia Sarwar 109 inclusive commissions 141–2 inclusive diversity 67–70, 74, 174 inclusive processes 156 inclusive security 18–19 inclusivity 25, 81–2, 145 India 11, 42, 61, 63, 105, 106–7, 108, 126, 163, 183, 191, 196, 198, 202, 218, 227 Indian Formed Police Unit (FPU) 126 indigenous women 24, 96, 152 Indonesia 110, 141, 163, 203, 205 Indo-Pacific Command (USCENTCOM) 15 inequality see gender inequality Inesi, M. Ena 75 informal economy 195–6 information and communication technology (ICT) 200–3 Ingleby, Fiona 64 Ingraham, Laura 55 inheritance laws 139, 164, 165, 194 Innovation for Policy Action 200 instability 44, 245–6 institutions 68–9, 71; see also organizations instrumentality 65 integration 4, 168–70, 174–5, 183, 239 internally displaced persons (IDP) 127–8 international actions 12–16, 14 International Alert 122 International Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent (ICRC) 128–30 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) 12 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESRC) 12 International Criminal Court (ICC) 95–96 International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) 95 International Men and Gender-Equality Survey (IMAGES) 28 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 78 International Peace Institute 140 international politics 246–7 international relations 21–2, 36, 92, 172, 235, 241

Index 257

International Society for Military Ethics (ISME) 68 International Space University 76 Internet access 202 interruptions 62, 70, 71, 74 intersectional feminism 23 intersectionality 23–4 intrastate violence 92–3 Invisible War (film) 178 involvement see participation Iran 13, 238 Iraq 124, 127, 128–31, 133–4, 174, 179, 181, 182, 203, 206, 235 Iraqi Women’s Directorate 129 ISIS see Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant Iskra, Darlene 77–8 Islam 51, 103, 109, 124, 148–9, 222, 246 Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) 18, 91, 112, 124, 130, 134, 191 ISME see International Society for Military Ethics Israel 52; women in the military 168–71, 183 Israeli Defence Force (IDF) 168–9 Italy 98, 212, 214 Jackson Women’s Health Organization 243 Jacobi, Tanja 70 Jahjaga, Atifete 8 Jailbreak the Patriarchy (Google program) 82 Jamaica 168 James, Diane 219 Japan 49, 95, 163, 192–3 Jegertroppen (Hunter Troop, Norway) 173–4 Jennings, Mary 181, 182 Jewish women 95 Joan of Arc 163 Johnson, Boris 219 Johnson, W. Brad 78 Johnson Sirleaf, Ellen 126–7, 150–1, 205, 215 Jolie, Angelina 131 Jordan 127, 130 Judd, Ashley 67 Junge, Daniel 106 Kachindamoto, Theresa 45 Kamunyu, Miriam 226 Kant, Immanuel 65 Kanter, Rosabeth Moss 74, 81 Kara, Siddharth 112 Karpinski, Janis 182–3 Kasanoff, Bruce 77

Kay, Katty 75–6 Kelly, John 238 Kennedy, Rory 219 Kenney, Catherine 41 Kenya 19, 91, 96, 101, 102–4, 141, 199, 202, 225–6 Keohane, Robert 235 Khula law (“Suzanne’s law,” Egypt) 25 kidnapping 44 Kim Young-soon 225 King, Coretta Scott 62 kinship 218 Kirchner, Christina Fernandez de 218, 223 Kiss, Ligia 111 Kosovo 8 Kristof, Nicholas 8–9, 25 Kruger, Justin 76 Kuwait 194 Kyrgyzstan 213 Lagarde, Chrstine 78 land ownership 191 landmines 139–40 Latin America 223–4, 226 Latvian Safe House (organization) 112 Lauer, Matt 67 Le Pen, Marine 233 leadership 94, 163, 179, 180, 239; qualifications 214–16; roles 66, 152–3, 175 Lebanon 127, 131, 133 “Leftover Women” (sheng nu) 46–9 legal status 132 Lemmon, Gayle Tzemach 162 Lerer, Zeev 170 Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Questioning (LGBTQ) 112, 153, 154, 180–1 Lewinsky, Monica 66 liberalism 234–6 Liberia 26, 126–7, 132, 205, 215, 235; peace negotiations 147–51 Liberian Women’s Initiative 147–8 Libya 130 likeability 54, 62, 82, 222 Lilleaas, Ulla-Britt 173 Lindborg, Nancy 1 Lipset, Seymour Martin 241 Liswood, Laura 218 literacy 202, 203 Living Goods (business) 198, 199–200 Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) 109, 140, 141 Lozano, Betty Pedranza 112 Lynch, Jessica 181

258 Index

machismo 153, 223 MacKenzie, Megan 180 MacKinnon, Catherine 66 Macri, Mauricio 224 Macron, Emmanuel 233 Madagascar 100 Madonna-Whore Complex 65–6 Maguire, Mairead 92 Mahoney-Norris, Kathleen 22 Makers: Women in Politics (film) 219, 222 Malawi 45 male privilege 82 male-bonded groups 94–5, 123 Mali 103, 140 MAMA see Mobile Alliance for Maternal Action “managed” peace 146 #Manel 63 mansplaining 71 Mao Zedong 8 marginalization 21, 28, 166, 168 Marie Claire 80 Marines United (Facebook group) 179–89 marriage 36, 40, 42, 44–9, 132, 165 “Marriage Market Takeover” (video) 46 “masculine” qualities in women 215–16 masculinity 77, 172–3, 223 mass action campaigns 142 Masto, Catherine Cortez 222 Mattis, James 162, 163 Mattis, Jim 236 Mauritius 100 May, Theresa 217–19 Mayan women 96, 123 McCain, John 220 McCarthy, Joe 219 McCaskill, Claire 162 McConnell, Mitch 62 McCracken, Peggy 39–40 McDermott, Rose 37 McGuire, Danielle 122 McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) 190 McMahon, Linda 238 McMaster, H.R. 239 MDGs see UN Millennium Development Goals media 18, 66, 67, 75, 169, 183, 214 mediation, peace process 140–1, 156, 157 Meir, Golda 215 Mejia, Maria Emma 153 menstrual hygiene 131 mental health 194 mentorship 77–9, 213 Merkel, Angela 217 #MeToo movement 66, 67, 237

#metoonatsec 67 Mexico 52, 198 MGI see McKinsey Global Institute microaggressions 70–3, 72, 81 microcredit 192, 196–200 microfranchising 196–200 Middle East 52, 61, 102, 134, 194, 195 Milano, Alyssa 67 military, women in 62–3, 68–9, 71–3, 75, 82, 100, 143, 162–83, 235, 239; Canada 174–6; combat roles 68–9, 162–3, 175, 176, 179–82; compulsory service 168, 173; Israel 168–71; Norway 171–4; performance evaluations 75; Physical Training (PT) 73; returning soldiers 166–8; United States 176–83; women warriors 163–6 Mill, John Stuart 94 Miller, Geoffrey 182–3 Milley, Mark 63 Mirkin, Harris 40 Miruskina, Gita 112 misogyny 54, 179 Miss Representation (film) 66 Mitchell, George 145 Mizulena, Yelena 98 Mobile Alliance for Maternal Action (MAMA) 203 Mobile Money (company) 202 mobile phones 201–3 modeling/role models (behavioral) 94–5, 123, 173, 180 Modi, Narendra 63 Mogherini, Federica 238 Mondale, Walter 220 money 19, 44–5, 51–2, 220 monogamy 38–9 Moog, Carol 66 Morales, Evo 234 Morrical, Clancy 78 mortality, maternal 19, 25, 28, 44, 194 motherhood 40–1 Mozambique 100, 166 M-Pesa (financial services company) 202 Mubarak, Suzanne 25 Mudde, Cas 233 Müller, Jan-Werner 234 Multi-Donor Trust Fund 139 Murphy, Stephanie 222 Murray, Marilyn 97 Myanmar 199 NAP see US National Action Plan national actions 12–16, 14

Index 259

National Intelligence Priorities Framework (NIPF) 239 National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberatión Nacional, ELN, Colombia) 152 National Movement of the Family, Colombia 154 National Organization for Women 183 national security 2, 4, 8, 15, 28, 67, 79, 83, 232, 237, 238 National Security Council (NSC) 18, 238–9 National Security Strategy (NSS) 232–3 nationalism 2, 47, 170 nature/nurture debate 37–9 Nauru 13 NAVAF see US Naval Forces in Africa Naval War College (NWC) 17 Navy Times 69 Nazism 95 NBC News 130 Netherlands 52, 100, 194 New American Foundation 10, 25 New Wave Feminists 23 New York Times, The 18, 24, 25, 38, 79, 94, 166, 198, 212, 220 New York Times Magazine, The 11 New Zealand 52 Newsweek 49 NGOs see nongovernmental organizations niceness 75, 78, 82, 223 Nielsen, Kirstjen 238 Niger 45 Nigeria 44, 45–6, 91, 127, 149 Nineteenth Amendment 212, 213 niqabs 51 NIWC see Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition No Car, No House (music video) 48–9 No House, No Car (music video) 48–9 non-communicable diseases 194 non-government organizations (NGOs) 18–19, 46, 213 NorAF see Norwegian Armed Forces normalization of deviance 93 normalization of violence 91–6, 113, 124 norms 93, 101, 107, 108, 124, 238 North Africa 52, 195 North Korea 61, 238 Northern Command (USNORTHCOM) 15 Northern Ireland 190, 235; peace process 143–7, 155, 156 Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition (NIWC) 145–7 Norway 4, 52, 69, 227; women in the military 168, 171–4, 183

Norway’s National Action Plan (NAP) 171 Norwegian Armed Forces (NorAF) 171–2, 174 NSC see National Security Council NSS see National Security Strategy Nuba Mountains Women’s Association 120–1 Nuba Relief, Rehabilitation and Development Organization 119–21 Nussbaum, Martha 65 NWC see Naval War College (NWC) Nye, Joseph 37, 235 Obaid-Chinoy, Sharmeen 106, 108, 109 Obama, Barack 14, 23, 134, 221, 238 objectification 65–6, 93 O’Donnell, Liz 146 OECD see Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development Office of Global Women’s Issues (OGWI) 14–15 Ogden, Benjamin Ray 242 OGWI see Office of Global Women’s Issues Okimoto, Tyler 223 Omer, Iihan 222 ONE (organization) 202 O’Neill, Tip 243 Ophelia Syndrome 82 opportunities 189, 191, 193, 195 O’Reilly, Bill 66 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) 204 organizations 62–4, 68–70, 73–4, 78–83, 171–2, 179, 183, 236, 243–4, 247; see also institutions Orthodox religious beliefs 234 Owens, Mac 180 Paez, Mariana 153 Paisley, Ian, Jr. 146 Pakistan 106, 107–8, 127, 192, 218, 226 Palau 13 Palermo Protocol 111 Palestine 52 Palin, Sarah 220–1 Panetta, Leon 16 Park Geun-hye 224–5 Parody, Gina 154 participation 10, 140–3, 147, 155–7, 225, 247 patriarchies 38–46, 55, 82, 93, 105, 107, 123, 124, 128–9, 148, 206, 235, 243–6 patrilineality 4, 5, 35, 39, 41, 42, 44, 46, 49, 52, 54, 65, 101, 103, 124 patronization 65, 71

260 Index

Pavlichenko, Lyudmila 165 Payette, Julie 76 PC see Principle’s Committee peace 1, 7, 16, 19, 138–40 peace agreements 5, 138–42, 144, 146, 148, 149, 152, 154, 155 peace negotiations 1, 14, 26–7, 139–43, 147, 152, 153, 155–6 Peace People (organization) 144 Peace Walls 146 peacemaking, women and 1, 138–57; avenues of participation 140–3; Colombia 151–5; lessons learned 155–7; Liberia 147–51; Northern Ireland 143–7; stopping violence 138–40 Pelosi, Nancy 183, 221–2 Pence, Mike 41 People’s Liberation Army (PLA, China) 8 persistent gender bias 78 Persky, Aaron 92 personal action items 242–4 personality criticism 74–5, 82 Peru 96, 112 Peterson, Dale 35, 39 pettiness 69 Philippines 41, 214, 234 physical appearance 214, 220–1 Piaui (magazine) 224 Piestewa, Lori 181 Pinera, Sebastian 224 Pipher, Mary 54 Planned Parenthood (US) 41 Ploumen, Lilianne 194 pluralism 234 PME see Professional Military Education Poland 41 Policy Coordination Committee (PCC) 238 political dynasties 218 Politico 79 politics, women’s involvement 211–27, 244; access to political power 216–19; global 225–7; importance of 211–12; judgements on 222–5; qualifications 214–16; suffrage 62–3, 212–14, 226, 227; US experience 212–15, 217–22, 227 populism 2, 232–7 pornography 93 positive masculinity 91 post-conflict reconstruction 1, 26, 141–2, 145, 147, 155, 191 post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 133 poverty 41, 99, 190–1, 193, 197–8 power 13, 21, 22, 35–55, 66, 81, 235; and control 49–52; demographics, marriage, and security 46–9; dynamics of 39–42;

nature/nurture debate 37–9; and patriarchy 42–6; sex and politics 35–7; Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) 52–5; structures 8, 22, 28, 36–7, 39, 156; struggles 38, 66, 138–9, 140, 155, 180; and violence against women 91, 101, 103; women’s access to political 212, 216–19 Pray the Devil Back to Hell (film) 148 prejudice 3, 61–83, 166, 236; competence 73–5; confidence 75–7; and discrimination 61–5; fight or flight moment 79–81; inclusive diversity 67–70; mentorship 77–9; microaggressions 70–3, 72; objectification 65–6; toward inclusivity 81–2 prestige 36 Principle’s Committee (PC) 238 problem-solving 142, 222 Professional Military Education (PME) 2–3, 17, 22, 241–2 Project Implicit (Harvard) 82 pro-life campaigns 23, 25 Promundo (organization) 27–8 property, women as 42–4, 95 “props,” women as 69, 181 protection 9, 10, 15, 23, 49–51, 54, 68, 121, 125–7 protests 148–9 psychological support 168 PTSD see post-traumatic stress disorder public education campaigns 100 Qatar 194, 203 qualifications 214–16 Queen Bee Syndrome 81–2 Qureshi, Reshma 107 race 37, 53–4, 63, 69 racism 53 radicalization 191, 235, 246 “rage giving” 243 rape 9, 21, 26, 27, 28, 44, 45, 65, 95–6, 98, 109, 125, 148, 178; as weapon of war 119, 122–4, 134, 152 Rape and Sexual Assault: A Renewed Call to Action (White House report) 92 Raum, Mary 17 Reagan, Ronald 220, 232 Realist school 22 realpolitik 16, 36 reconciliation commissions 141–2 recovery see relief and recovery referenda 142 refugees 119, 122, 127, 130–4

Index 261

regularization, violence against women 93–4 Reinsertion Commission 131 relief and recovery 10, 16, 191 religion 63, 99, 170, 234, 242 reluctant male syndrome 78 remittances 201, 202 Rendille ethnic group 102–4 reparations 142 #repealthe19th 54 Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) 177 respect 82, 120–1 revenge porn 180 Reveron, Derek 22 Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, FARC) 151–4, 166–8 Robinson, Shirley 174 Roe v Wade (1973) 41 Romania 202 Rose, Charlie 67 Rousseff, Dilma 223–4 Rubin, Alissa 18 Rudman, Laurie 63 rural areas 40, 42, 45 Russia 13, 52, 95, 96–8, 164, 192 Rwanda 122–3, 213, 226, 241 Ryan, Diane 54 Ryan, Michelle 219 Ryan, Paul 41 Sachs, Jeffrey 204 sadism 95 SAE see Special Area of Emphasis (SAE) Saidel, Danielle 122 Sandberg, Sheryl 62, 76 Sanders, Bernie 62 Santos, Juan Manuel 153, 154 Santucci, Julia 239 SAPRO see Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office Saudi Arabia 23, 49–52, 194 Saving Face (film) 106 Schake, Kori 163 Schlafly, Phyllis 55 Schmidt, Benjamin 75 Schmidt, Helga 238 Schneider, Jane 42 Schroeder, Patricia 219–20 science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) fields 64, 76 science, technology and engineering (SET) fields 80–1 SDGs see UN Sustainable Development Goals

SDO see Social Dominance Orientation security 1–4, 8, 10–11, 14, 21–2, 26, 46–9, 55, 63, 67, 82, 111, 113, 138, 163, 235, 238, 244–7; women, development and 190–3; women as agents of 18–20 security environments 2, 7, 10, 14, 28–9, 55 Segev, Yehuda 169 Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) 195–6 self-protection 100–1 Senegal 112 Serbia 95, 124 Sessions, Jeff 62 SET see science, technology and engineering fields SEWA see Self Employed Women’s Association sex 35–9, 47, 49, 61, 70; and gender 11–12; see also evolutionary biology sex slaves 18, 42, 112, 124 sex trafficking 109–12 sexism 20, 53, 62–4, 68–73, 72, 75, 82, 163, 165, 176, 214 sexual assault 71–2, 72, 125, 176, 178–9; see also rape Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office (SAPRO, DOD) 71–2, 72 sexual harassment 67, 72, 72, 80, 98–9, 130, 236 sexual violence 27, 40, 95–8, 124, 146, 152 sexuality 103 Seychelles 100 shame 42, 43–5, 66, 95, 109, 123, 149, 217 Shames, Shauna 214 Shavtai, Limor 170 Shell-Duncan, Bettina 102–3 sheng nu (“Leftover women”) 46–9 Shepherd, Laura J. 155 Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Protection Act (1921) 213 Sherman, Wendy 238 Shipmen, Claire 75–6 Sierra Leone 100, 103, 139 Silicon Valley 81 Sinzdak, Jean 221 Siqueira, Jaufran 223 Sisters in Arms (film) 175 Sixteen Decisions (film) 197 Sjoberg, Laura 241 SK–II skincare 46 SKS Microfinance 198 Slaughter, Anne-Marie 80 Slaughter, Chuck 199 smart power 247 Smith, David 78

262 Index

Smith, Margaret Chase 219 Smuts, Barbara 37–8 Snyder, Kieran 74 Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) 52–5, 73, 75 social issues 8–11 socio-economic issues 48, 103–4, 106, 139, 190 soft power 235–6 Solar Sister (business) 198–9 Solnit, Rebecca 71 Somalia 13, 103, 104, 119, 123, 155, 214 South Africa 127, 166, 202 South Asia 44, 52, 61, 105, 203 South Korea 76, 95, 112, 124, 224–5 South Sudan 119–21, 123, 127, 166, 235 Southeast Asia 112 Southern Command (USSOUTHCOM) 15, 17, 100, 239 sovereignty 21, 22 Spain 212, 234 Special Area of Emphasis (SAE) 17 spindle/spear dichotomy 39, 134, 164, 166, 170, 181, 212–14, 244, 246 “spinsters” 49 sport 11–12, 82, 165 Sri Lanka 190–1 stability 1, 2, 4, 7, 19, 47, 99, 143, 157, 237, 241 Stanton, Elizabeth Cady 212 stateless persons 127–8 statistics see data status, social 36, 39 Steinberg, Donald 27 Steinem, Gloria 42, 122 STEM see science, technology, engineering and math stereotypes see gender stereotypes stigmatization 168 Street, Meryl 94 structures 174, 183, 191, 216, 226–7, 235, 237 Sub-Saharan Africa 44, 198–9, 226 Sudan 13, 127, 139 suffrage 62–3, 212–14, 226, 227 suicide bombers 191 Suresh, Anupama 201 surgeons 222–3 Swaine, Aisling 142 Sweden 52, 70 Switzerland 52, 212 Syria 119, 127, 128, 130–4, 163, 174 Syrian Network for Human Rights 119

Taiwan 52 Takeko, Nakano 163 Taliban 134, 181 Tanzania 122 Taylor, Charles 148–9 teamwork 69–70 tech industry 81 technology 36–7, 200–3, 246 Teen Vogue 71 Temer, Michel 224 terminology, importance of 25–8, 102 terrorism 99, 100, 190 Thatcher, Margaret 215, 218 Thomas, Clarence 53 Thomas, Marlo 82 Tidd, Kurt 239 toilet facilities 132 tokenism 82, 147, 157 Tokyo Trials (International Trials for the Far East) 95 Tonga 13 torture 95, 104, 108, 164, 182, 211 Townsend, Kathleen Kennedy 214 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report (US Department of State) 111 transversal politics 145 Trinh, Trieu Thi 163 Trump, Donald 18, 20, 23, 24–5, 41, 50, 54, 55, 66, 79, 94, 180–1, 194, 214–15, 218, 219, 221, 232–3, 235, 237–40 Trump, Ivanka 24 truth commissions 141–2 Turkey 130, 133, 163 Turner, Brock 92 Twitter 54, 63, 67, 181 Udall, Tom 62 Uganda 42, 100, 109, 112, 140, 141, 191 UK see United Kingdom United Nations (UN) 12–14, 27, 52, 102, 108, 111, 122, 124, 140, 189, 225 UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) 19 UN Commission on the Status of Women 238 UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) 12–13, 22–4, 153, 154 UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) 127 UN Development Program (UNDP) 189–90 UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 193 UN Fourth World Conference on Women 217

Index 263

UN Guidelines on Prevention and Response to Sexual and Gender-based Violence (SGBV Guidelines) 132–3 UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) 127–8, 130–2 UN Human Development Report (UNHDR) 189–90 UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) 204–5 UN Peacebuilding Commission 155 UN Peacekeepers 15, 125–7, 240 UN Populations Fund (UNPF) 96, 194 UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 (2000) 1, 9, 14, 15, 22, 28, 100, 140, 141, 151, 153, 155, 157, 171 UN Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs) 9 UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 204–5 UN Women 225–6 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) 52, 165 unisex dorms, military 173 United Arab Emirates 75 United Kingdom (UK) 49, 52, 76, 102, 205, 212, 217–18, 233; Northern Ireland peace process 143–7 United States Agency for International Development (USAID) 205–6 United States of America (US) 2, 4, 10, 12, 13, 22, 29, 41, 43, 49, 52, 69, 73, 76, 206, 232–8, 243, 246; invasion of Iraq (2003) 133–4, 242; violence against women 98, 100, 102, 104, 108, 110; women in politics 212–15, 217–18, 219–22, 227; women in the military 168, 176–83; women’s rights in 24–5 UNPF see United Nations Populations Fund UNSCR see United National Security Council Resolutions Uribe, Alvaro 153, 154 US Agency for International Development (USAID) 91, 100 US Air Force 78, 164 US Air Force Academy 177, 178 US Army 54, 63, 64, 68–9, 75, 162–3, 235 US Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations (CSO) 99, 100, 157 US Congress 219–22, 236 US Congressional Caucus on Women’s Issues 220 US Council on Contemporary Families 234 US Department of Defense (DOD) 15, 16, 17, 71–2, 72

US Department of State (DOS) 111; Office of Global Women’s Issues 236, 238, 240 US Government Accounting Office (GAO), Military Academy: Gender and Racial Disparities 177–8 US Justice Department 82 US Military Academy, West Point 177, 178 US National Action Plan (NAP) 14–18, 28, 237–40 US National Intelligence Council 245–6 US Naval Forces in Africa (NAVAF) 100 US Naval Institute 73 US Navy 64, 69, 76–8, 164 US see United States of America USAFRICOM see Africa Command USAID see US Agency for International Development USCENTCOM see Central Command USEUCOM see European Command Usher 66 USNORTHCOM see Northern Command USSOUTHCOM see Southern Command USSR see Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Vadim, Roger 38 values 13, 25, 50, 233 Vance, Jonathan 176 Vanity Fair 66, 68 Vaughn, Diane 93 Vaught, Wilma 68, 176 Verveer, Melanne 15, 21 victimization 98 video gaming 67 Vietnam 163 violence against women 15, 27, 36, 38, 40, 46, 91–113, 121, 148, 180, 194, 196; abating 99–101; acid attacks 28, 104–7; extent of 96–9; female genital mutilation 23, 101–4, 165; honor killing 28, 43, 107–9; normalization of 91–6, 113, 124; sex trafficking 109–12; stopping 138–40 violent extremism 19, 190–1, 192, 211 violent women 91, 105–6, 109, 190–1 virginity 43, 103, 112, 163 VisionSpring (business) 198, 200 Viterna, Jocelyn 121 Vodaphone 203 Voena, Alessandra 44 Vogelstein, Rachel 191 Vogt, Margaret 138 Vogue Arabia 50 voting rights see suffrage vulnerability 146

264 Index

Wall Street 68, 74, 198 war zones, living in 119–21 Ward, Margaret 147 warfare, irregular 13, 14, 29 Warren, Elizabeth 20, 62, 211–12 warriors, women 163–8 Washington, George 218 Washington Post 23 WASPs see Women Air Force Service Pilots Watson, Emma 20 Weah, George 150–1 Weinstein, Harvey 67 West Africa 44, 104 White, Ashley 162, 180 Whitecross, Christine 175–6 widows 40, 119, 128–9, 152, 191, 194, 219 WIIS see Women in International Security Will You Marry Me and My Family (TV series) 49 Williams, Betty 144 Williams, Joan 76 WIPNET see Women in Peacebuilding Network Woman’s Indicators and Statistics Database (WISTAT) 27 WOMANSTATS Project 27 Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda 1–3, 9–10, 14, 16–18, 21–3, 25, 28, 55, 237–43, 247 Women, Peace and Security Act (2017) 18, 239–40, 243 Women Air Force Service Pilots (WASPs) 164–5 Women for Prosperity, Cambodia 213 Women in International Security (WIIS) 79 Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET) 142, 148–9

women of color 23, 53–4, 69, 76, 219 Women Under Seige Project 122 women warriors 163–8 “womenomics” 192–3 Women’s Information Group movement 144 women’s labor 41–2, 52 Women’s March (2017) 23, 24 women’s rights 22–4, 50, 51, 139, 152–3, 165, 192, 225; rollback of 24–5, 42, 236 workforce/workplaces 51, 67–83, 195–5; competence 54, 73–7; confidence 75–7; fight or flight moment 79–81; inclusivity 81–2; mentorship 77–9, 213 World Bank 24, 193 World Economic Forum 52 World War I 164 World War II 2, 12, 95, 124, 164–5, 171 WPS see Women, Peace, and Security agenda Wrangham, Richard 35, 39 Wu, Brianna 67 WuDunn, Sheryl 8–9 Yazidi women 18, 124 Yemen 52, 62–3, 127 Yom Kippur War 169 Yudhoyono, Susilo Bambang 205 Yugoslavia (former) 95, 122, 123, 124 Yunus, Mohammed 196–7 Zaeem, Waseem 107 Zardari, Asif 218 Zenobia, Warrior Queen 163 Zoepf, Katherine 51