Women and the family in rural Taiwan 9780804708494, 9780804708081, 9780804780780

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
1 Some History and Some Geography (page 1)
2 The Ongs of Peihotien (page 14)
3 Uterine Families and the Women's Community (page 32)
4 Friends and Neighbors (page 42)
5 Little Girls (page 53)
6 Older Girls (page 80)
7 Engagement (page 100)
8 Marriage (page 128)
9 Waiting (page 142)
10 Taking Charge (page 158)
11 Girls Who Marry Their Brothers (page 171)
12 Girls Who Have No Brothers (page 191)
13 Filial Daughters (page 205)
14 The Rewards of Old Age (page 215)
Index (page 231)

Citation preview

| in Rural Taiwan : Women and the Family

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Margery Wolf

Women and the Family in Rural Tatwan SSS

Stanford University Press Stanford, California

Stanford University Press Stanford, California © 1972 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America Cloth ISBN 0-8047-0808-8 Paper ISBN 0-8047-0849-5 Original edition 1972

Last figure below indicates year of this printing: 83

To Arthur

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Preface

The wife of an anthropologist finds it nearly impossible not to be something of an anthropologist herself. In the course of my husband’s several field trips to Taiwan, I have lived in a

variety of places in the Taipei basin: in the capital city of Taipei, with a farm family in a country village, and in a small market town on the edge of the mountains that rim the basin.

Unlike the United States, Taiwan is a place where much of life is carried on in full view of the neighbors. Religious ceremonies, marriage processions, and the elaborate rituals of death seem designed to draw crowds of onlookers. In the villages, routine chores are done in the doorway within chatting distance of several neighbors; child-training takes place where the children are, which is to say, outdoors in all but the heay-

| iest rains; and, sooner or later, family conflicts are brought out of the house to be judged by village opinion. It is impossible noz¢ to make observations and eventually to ask questions

about what is observed. Almost without exception, the questions are graciously answered. This book about Taiwanese country women has grown out of these casual observations,

some interviewing, and many raids on my husband’s field notes. I am greatly indebted to him and to his field staff. A book by a woman about women in a culture known for its androcentricity is always in danger of becoming a critique

of that culture. I have tried to avoid that temptation—with, Vil

Preface

I admit, varying degrees of success. Those who feel strongly about the Women’s Liberation Movement in the West, pro and con, will no doubt find ample material to support their assertions about the nature of womankind and her relations with her menfolk. As a woman, I cannot be without bias on these issues, but I have tried to control my biases and to label them, when I cannot. I think, however, before the reader dismisses some of the unorthodoxies he finds here as distortions

resulting from the sex of the author, he should consider whether they are not the natural result of the theme. Authors,

both male and female, select from the totality of life those aspects relevant to their topic. When that topic is China, the perspective has nearly always been male. When the other half of Chinese society is the focus, the “reality” of Chinese social life looks different. If I have done a fair job of presenting that

reality for the women of Taiwan, he who finds it distorted must look to his own biases.

The body of the book follows the life cycle of women in rural Taiwan, but the first four chapters are devoted to general background material: a brief historical sketch of the island and a description of the settings in which my observations were made; a chapter describing the history and present situation of a particular family, written with the conventional focus on the male descent group; a brief chapter that presents some of the ideas I have developed in trying to relate Chinese women to the Chinese kinship system; and a short chapter describing the interrelationships among women in the com-

| munity with which I am most familiar. Although the histor1cal sketch may seem unnecessary, I feel required to include it in order to lay a ghost familiar to those who have studied Taiwanese culture. Taiwan is ethnically Chinese, just as Chinese as Peking is. To be sure, the Taiwanese have customs that

| differ from those in Peking, but so do the people of Shanghai, and indeed so do the Chinese who live in small villages forty Vill

Preface

miles from Peking. My insistence on the Chineseness of the Taiwanese should in no way be construed as a political state-

ment. The question of who rules Taiwan is a matter that should be decided by those who live there. Frequently in the pages that follow I will make use of the pronoun “we.” This is not the ubiquitous editorial “we.” ‘The

conversations and interviews from which I quote were recorded by several members of our field staff on different field

trips, both independently and in combination with my husband or me. To label each quotation properly would be difficult and in any case would make rather dry reading. Hokkien words and names are romanized according to the system devised by Nicholas C. Bodman in his text Spoken Amoy Hokkien (Charles Grenier & Son, Kuala Lumpur, 1955). Tone marks have been omitted. All personal names and surnames are fictitious, as are the place-names of the village of Peihotien and its market town, Tapu. I owe particular thanks to Margaret Sung (Yan Mian), who stumbled up mountain paths and through paddy fields with me, smiling even after the dreariest of interviews and an encounter with a snake. Even now, many thousands of miles from where we met, she continues to help me with the difficult romanization of Hokkien names. I am also indebted to Don DeGlopper, Roxane Witke, Norma Diamond, and Stevan Harrell for their suggestions.

There are many other people who have helped me, a number of them without realizing that the end product would be this book. The women of Peihotien and Sanhsia rank highest on this list. Some may say I have exploited them. It is cer-

tainly true that I took a great deal from them and that they freely gave me a great deal, but they are none the poorer as a result. I do not deny my debt; indeed, it is in recognition of how much I owe them that I have written this book. It is my hope that through the book these women and the many lives ix

Preface

they represent will be given a more prominent place in the history of our species. The reader, too, in turning these pages will be exploiting the women of Taiwan and may even come away a richer person as a result of his contact with them; but this is the kind of exploitation that leads to understanding and perhaps to friendship, and hopefully makes us all a little more human. M.W. June 1,1972

X

Contents

rt Some History and Some Geography 1

2 The Ongsof Peihotien 14 3 Uterine Families and the Women’s Community 32

4 Friendsand Neighbors 42

5 Little Girls 53 6 Older Girls 80 7 Engagement 100 8 Marriage 128

9 Waiting 142 10 Taking Charge 158 11 Girls Who Marry Their Brothers 171 12 Girls Who Have No Brothers 191

13 Filial Daughters 205 14 The Rewards of Old Age 215

Index 231

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Women and the F amily in Rural Taiwan

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WA. | Ke

Some History and Some Geography

Taiwan’s early history is not unlike that of North America. Portuguese explorers “discovered” the island early in the sixteenth century, and various commercial interests, as well as Japanese and Chinese pirates, laid claim to it for different periods thereafter. The aborigines, a Malayo-Polynesian people, were robbed of their land, their dignity, and often their lives

by the Chinese colonists who followed the explorers. They did not submit with docility; well into the twentieth century there was an “aborigine problem.” Unwary travelers and forest camphor-workers were prime targets for headhunters, but raids were also conducted against villages on the plains. Taiwan’s treacherous shoreline witnessed many shipwrecks, and it early became apparent to pirate and naval captain alike that those who survived the surf rarely survived their first contact with the aborigines. In the nineteenth century the Ching court, which ostensibly governed Taiwan, refused to pay indemnities to countries thus injured and even admitted its inability to control the aborigines. As a result, both Japan and the United States at different times led punitive expeditions onto Taiwan in search of the tribes who had massacred their shipwrecked nationals. Neither country was entirely successful. Today these fierce fighters, like many Indian tribes of North America, are a picture of apathy, living in poverty and

|I

Some History and Some Geography squalor in the mountains, defeated less by military might than by alcoholism and the diseases of civilization.

The Chinese culture hero in Taiwan’s history is Koxinga (Cheng Ch’eng-kung). Koxinga and his father were piratemerchants of humble origin who eventually controlled the trade along most of the southeast coast of China. For a few years after the Manchu conquest of China, Koxinga’s father remained loyal to the defeated Ming dynasty, but in time he succumbed to offers of rank and autonomy in exchange for token submission. According to some reports, he was captured

by trickery soon after and taken to Peking in chains.* His Japanese wife, Koxinga’s mother, committed suicide rather than be taken prisoner. Koxinga, who had refused to join his father in submission, became even more determined to reinstate the Ming after this turn of events. He increased his trade (and pirate) activities and with the increased revenue raised an army. After several successes, the army suffered a major defeat when it attacked Nanking, and in 1662 Koxinga was

forced to abandon his hold on the South China mainland. Looking to Taiwan for a new base, he drove out the Dutch East India Company, which had been in control since 1623, and took over the island as his own kingdom. Taiwan’s new ruler, who was in many ways its first ruler,

put his defenses in order and then set out on a famous tour of his realm. The mythology that quickens the hearts of many children in Tapu and Sanhsia claims this tour took Koxinga as far north as the Taipei basin, where he subdued a great man-eating bird near the town of Yingke and permanently choked off the poisonous vapors emanating from the mountain that overlooks Sanhsia. In fact, Koxinga never seems to have gone much farther north than ‘Taichung, but his status *T lean heavily in this historical section on the old but excellent account of Taiwan’s early years by James W. Davidson, The Island of Formosa: Past

, and Present (New York: Macmillan, 1903). 2

Some History and Some Geography as a culture hero is deserved even if he did not slay monsters.

He was an able administrator as well as a skillful diplomat and soldier, and had he not died shortly after his tour, Taiwan’s history might have followed a different course. His son ruled ably despite a youthful reputation as a wastrel, but he too died an early death, leaving Taiwan’s rule to the vagaries

of palace intrigue. The illegitimate son he had carefully trained to succeed him was assassinated, and the eldest of his legitimate sons, aged twelve, was put on the throne. Within

a year the boy and his incompetent advisers were forced to submit to the Peking government and hand over the administration of the island to the governor of Fukien. For the next two hundred years Taiwan was virtually ignored by the Ching government. When attention was called to the island it was only because troops and money were need-

ed from the mainland to put down another of 'Taiwan’s periodic insurrections. Officials sent out to administer the island (as a prefecture of Fukien) knew that their term would be short, They tended to fill their pockets as rapidly as possible and to take little responsibility for the development of the island. The maintenance of order and the upkeep of the few existing roads depended entirely on the local population, and in general the job was too much for them. The Chinese population had continual skirmishes with the aborigines and at the same time were involved in endless disputes within their own

ranks. The immigrants from Fukien quarreled with the Kwangtung immigrants. The Fukien settlers came primarily from two small districts near Amoy: Chuanchou to the north and Changchou to the south. Under frontier conditions it was good to have a claim of obligation and loyalty beyond that of kinship, and the theft of a Changchou man’s pig by a Chuanchou man might well bring on a battle between large groups called on to protect the rights of their “brother.” These same people might another day be redivided when the Ongs and 3

Some History and Some Geography

the Lims of Changchou had a falling out over water rights. A short journey of twenty miles was so full of hazards that few attempted it without armed escorts. It is not surprising that the Taiwanese gained a reputation for being quarrelsome and rebellious; they were. It was not until 1887 that the Ching government recognized the economic and political importance of Taiwan by promoting it to the status of a province. By then Taiwan had a flour-

ishing agricultural economy and a lucrative foreign trade in camphor, tea, sugar, and rice. It needed only improved communications and a stable administration to make it into one

| of China’s most valuable provinces. Liu Ming-chuan, an extraordinarily progressive administrator for his time, was appointed the first governor. He thoroughly reorganized the island’s government, moved the capital north to the city of Taipei, paved the capital’s streets and lighted them with electricity, took the first census (by 1893 the Chinese population had grown to 2,546,000), laid telegraph cables to join Taiwan to the world’s communications, and built the island’s first railroad. Not all the projects worked out—the railroad in particular fell prey to graft and technical incompetence—but the most serious failure of Liu’s administration concerned the aborigi-

nes. He tried to undo several hundred years of brutalization with a border pacification plan. Lowland tribes were paid to till land that lay between the Chinese settlements and the territory of the hill tribes. Unfortunately, both of the militant groups attacked the buffer communities, setting off a new

| series of even bloodier encounters. The lucrative camphor 1ndustry was brought to a virtual halt. This state of affairs did not make Liu popular with either his superiors or the mer-

chants, or for that matter with the common people. Even worse, to pay for his many improvements he had to devise new means of taxation, and his reorganized administration put into important positions more mandarins who required 4

Some History and Some Geography

more payofts. There was so much hostility toward Liu that he did not dare travel in some districts on the island. When he retired in 1891, his successor made few attempts to carry on his progressive plans. In 1895, at the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese War, Taiwan

was ceded to the Japanese, who spent the better part of the next year trying to take possession of their new colony. The Taiwanese had no genuinely nationalistic feelings to weld them into a resistance force of any power, but the ragtag private armies of some wealthy men, bands of robbers, and the usual Chinese hostility toward any outsider combined to pro-

| vide the Japanese troops with considerably more harassment than they had anticipated. Even so, the Japanese suffered the majority of their casualties from the diseases endemic to the island.* During the next fifty years, the Chinese population of Tai-

wan was under the administration of the Japanese government. Although fifty years is little more than the life span of one islander, some scholars imply that it was sufficient to destroy the essence of a culture several thousand years old. It is true that the Japanese had a remarkable effect on the stability, economy, health, and communications of ‘Taiwan. However, it should be noted that the new rulers made intensive studies of Taiwanese customary law in order to properly enforce it,

not destroy it. Intermarriage with Japanese was prohibited until 1932; taking a Japanese name was not allowed until 1942; education in Japanese schools was not encouraged, and college education was limited to training doctors and public health workers. The advantages of making loyal Japanese * Harry J. Lamley has written an interesting paper on this war: “The 1895 Taiwan War of Resistance: Local Chinese Efforts Against a Foreign Power,” in Leonard H. D. Gordon, ed., Taiwan: Studies in Chinese Local History (Occasional Papers of the East Asian Institute, Columbia University, 1970).

5

Some History and Some Geography citizens out of Taiwan’s population evidently were not considered seriously until the 1930’s. Whether they wished it or not,

the Taiwanese were given little opportunity to acquire the values or the modes of Japanese culture. The Taiwanese prob-

ably spoke and read more Japanese during the 1950’s than they ever did under Japanese rule, but they clearly did so as a form of social protest, a statement of disappointment. It may have been on the basis of observations made during this period that foreign observers (and some Chinese) reached their mistaken conclusions about the influence of Japanese culture on the Chinese population of Taiwan. When Taiwan was handed back to the Chinese in 1945, the

economy was viable, if shaky. Under the Japanese, the Taiwanese had come to assume certain standards of efficiency, health, justice, and living. The military government imposed by the infamous Chen Yi, the brutal mass murders of Taiwanese leaders and potential leaders after the 1947 rebellion, and the systematic looting of the country’s industry left the island far worse off than it had been during the war, Allied bombing raids notwithstanding. When Chiang Kai-shek arrived with one million refugees in 1949, the Taiwanese population had been transformed from the naive welcoming kinsmen of 1945 to resentful subjects. After twenty years some of the wounds inflicted in this bitter period (by both sides) have healed, but the scars are almost as painful and certainly as apparent as the original wounds. Thanks to the Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction, an effective and honest organization and an admirable example of Sino-American cooperation, great strides have been made in strengthening the economy of Taiwan—but the basis for this economic success was laid by the Japanese. They provided the farmers of Taiwan with major agricultural innovations, not the least of which was the island’s large, complicated irrigation system; they built the railroad;.they brought 6

Some History and Some Geography electricity even to the remote villages (a source of great amaze-

ment to arriving mainlanders, some of whose country relatives had never so much as seen an electric light); and they began the industrialization of Taiwan. Obviously, the Japanese development was not altruistic, and much of it ceased during the later years of the war. But the foundations were laid. It is easier to repair or rebuild neglected ar bombed-out factories and railroads than to design new ones from scratch. To maintain or even replace a communications system once it has been established is quite different from creating such a system. And anyone acquainted with Taiwanese farmers knows they would not revert to less productive farming methods unless they had no choice. When the Nationalists took over the island, they found an economy weakened both by the immense strains the Japanese put on it during the closing years of the war and by the irresponsible usage it had received

in the 1945-49 period, but an economy still capable of recovery. Thanks to the impartial guidance of the Joint Commission, American aid, and the capacity of the Taiwanese for hard work, ‘Taiwan in the last twenty years has been able to absorb the additional strain of a massive government bureaucracy and has almost managed to return to its prewar position

of maintaining the second highest standard of living in the Far East. It probably has more to fear now from its skyrocketing population than from any other single problem. The government, far more conservative than the farmers, has finally allowed a rational birth control program to replace the illegal abortion mills that maimed so many women. In spite of the people’s strong values on having many sons, the. Taiwanese have accepted the program eagerly. As early as 1958 the unsophisticated women I knew in Peihotien were aware of the seriousness of the problem in their own families. They were | ready for help (and asking foreigners like us for it) long before it was available. 7

: Some History and Some Geography This, then, 1s a too brief outline of the past of a young nation

with a long history. I present it so the reader may place the chapters that follow in some context, and to clarify once again the origin and culture of the people of Taiwan. Taiwan was a frontier province of China, and as such was no more or no less

cut off from the mainstream of Chinese life than any other frontier province. The fact that Taiwan is an island was no more a detriment to its relations with the rest of China than some of China’s mountain ranges are to other provinces. The mainland city of Amoy was, after all, one of Taiwan’s markets

for fresh pork and garden produce. Taiwanese unity—nation- _ alism, if you will—developed during the island’s years as a colony of Japan, but there remain important differences within its population. Like the rest of China, Taiwan 1s ethnically diverse. Hokkien-speakers, whose ancestors came from Fukien province, distinguish themselves from Hakka, the Chinese immigrants who traditionally have arrived on the last wave of every migration and eked out a living on the poorest land. (In Taiwan they fared considerably better.) The majority of Taiwan’s population are Hokkien-speakers, and | follow the custom in this book that justifiably irritates the

Hakka and the anthropologists who study them: I use the term Taiwanese to refer to Hokkien-speakers. “Mainlander” is the term I use for those from other provinces who immigrated after the fall of the mainland.

The Tamsui, a major river twisting and turning through the Taipei basin, provides one of the borders of the city of Taipei. Many miles upstream, on one of the river’s many bends, is the village of Peihotien. Here my husband and | spent two years living with a farm family, studying the subjects that attract anthropologists to remote villages in distant countries. In summer it would have been difficult to find a more comfortable place to live in Taiwan. The nearby river 8

Some History and Some Geography

gave at least the impression of coolness, and plentiful shade trees gave some truth to the semblance. The Lim family with

whom we lived had (like most of their neighbors) an oldfashioned brick farmhouse with thick walls and a steep tile roof—perfect protection from tropical summer sun. In winter Peihotien was no more uncomfortable than any other village in northern Taiwan. The temperature in this area rarely goes below freezing, but the endless rain creates a damp chill that

permeates everything. The only source of heat in country homes comes from the brick cooking stoves, and they are fired at most twice a day.

In 1959 the population of Peihotien was approximately five hundred people. At that time the majority of the families owned some farmland and derived at least a part of their income from the land. The nearby market town of Tapu and the larger towns closer to Taipei had small industries that pro-

vided jobs for many of the younger men of Peihotien and those of the unmarried girls whose parents allowed them to work outside the village. Although Taipei was less than an hour’s trip away (half by foot and half by train), there were two old ladies in the village who claimed with apparent pride that they had never been there. A good many of the children made their first visit to the city as part of a school outing in the fifth or sixth grade.

When we returned to Taiwan in 1968 for a much shorter stay, I found many things changed. The oxcarts and pedicabs were gone from Taipei's streets, and the skyline was totally altered by the many-storied Western-style hotels and office buildings. Tapu, the market town nearest Peihotien, has expanded beyond recognition, with rows of ugly apartment houses filling the once open fields. Unfortunately, prosperity and change have scarred the tranquility of Peihotien too, Its proximity to T’aipei made it an ideal spot to raise chickens, both for market and for egg production. Many of the irides9

Some History and Some Geography

cent paddy fields have been filled with square ugly chicken houses. The sight and sound of new construction is everywhere. Even in the heart of Peihotien there are several new concrete bungalows. To the foreigner, these shoddy imitations

of Western architecture look pathetic next to the dignified lines of a traditional brick farmhouse, but to the Taiwanese they look chic and modern. Most of Peihotien’s big trees have been destroyed either by storms or by construction. The magnificent old tree that sheltered Peihotien’s shrine for Tho-te-

kong (the god of the land) went down in the disastrous typhoon and flood of 1963. With it disappeared the essence of a country village. In 1968 we lived again in the Taipei basin and again on the

banks of a river, but not in Peihotien. This time we stayed in

the small market town of Sanhsia on the very edge of the Taipei basin at the foot of the mountains. As the crow flies, we were only five miles from our former residence, and some of our new neighbors were relatives of our old ones. Nearly all were the descendants of immigrants from Anchi, a small

section of the Chuanchou district in Fukien. Sanhsia, like Peihotien’s market town of Tapu, provides services and a daily market for the small villages and isolated farms around it, but unlike Tapu it has not been overwhelmed by the changes of the last decade. The railroad does not pass through Sanhsia, and the highway that leads to it disintegrates on the

other side of town into a number of small unpaved roads traveled mainly by creaky old buses, long since retired from the major bus companies. In the last century Sanhsia was an important river port, receiving camphor wood and tea from the mountains and shipping these products downstream to the sea. Most of its growth dates from this phase of its history. Where Tapu has whole neighborhoods of Japanese houses, Sanhsia has remodeled farmhouses and a lovely street of oldfashioned Chinese business establishments. The commercial 10

Some History and Some Geography

district has moved away from what is still known as Shop Street to more modern establishments, but the sober timbers of the unpainted shop fronts still open onto the street, disclosing to the curious the long, narrow series of rooms and courtyards behind. At present much of the construction in Sanhsia is reconstruction. The market burned down soon after our arrival, and reconstruction was started shortly before we

left. The other major building job in Sanhsia is the slow, loving renovation of the Co-su-kong temple, a task that has been going on for twenty years.

To many young Taiwanese Sanhsia is a backwoods town.

It is certainly a conservative town, and one that has been spared (or deprived of, according to your orientation) the various drives toward change and expansion. There are a few

small factories making fireworks and knitted sweaters, but most factory workers must ride a bus to jobs in other towns. The rice paddies come to the very edge of town on one side, and the tea plantations dominate the mountains on the other side. Most of the new houses are built to replace old ones, not to house new families. Sanhsia is not, however, a sleepy town. The shops seem to do a good business, the central market is lively with shoppers, peddlers, stall-owners, and farmers, and the streets are always crowded on festival days. Since Sanhsia is located on the edge of mountains that have excellent hong-cui (a mystical combination of land and waterways, which in this case ensures good burial sites), days that are deemed auspicious by the geomancers always bring two or three funeral processions through the town. The most elaborate are escorted by corps of motorcyclists, two or even three brass bands (playing such appropriate tunes as “Anchors

Aweigh” and “Auld Lang Syne”), two or more traditional Taiwanese bands, and several flower-bedecked floats and ban-

ners. The bright blue and bright red gowns worn by some mourners and the colorfully decorated coffins make this dis-

II

Some History and Some Geography play look less incongruous than it sounds to those who expect somber colors on somber occasions. For the country people, Sanhsia is quite a satisfactory place. The variety of shops is sufficient to meet their material needs and numerous enough to provide entertainment on the days they come in to make purchases. The market is large enough to absorb their produce and yet small enough to allow them

to maintain personal relationships with a number of stallowners. To the people who live up in the mountains in lonely —

villages or isolated farmhouses, Sanhsia is a glittering urban center. Quite often an entire family, including the baby on his mother’s back, will make a day’s outing of a trip to town, concluding it with a visit to one of Sanhsia’s two movie houses.

There is often considerable restlessness toward the end of a film as the country people begin worrying about catching the last bus home. To miss it can mean a long hard walk after a full day or even tragedy, depending on how far away one’s home is and how many relatives one has in Sanhsia. In the pages that follow I am going to be concerned almost entirely with the attitudes and life styles of the country women who live in the Taipei basin. More specifically, I am going to

describe the attitudes and behavior of the women I knew in Peihotien in 1958-60 and those I met in the area around Sanhsia in 1968. In 1958 Peihotien was a stable social unit in

which all the members of the community were known to each other and in time to us.* The people I talked with in the countryside around Sanhsia were less well known to me,

since I did not live among them and was there for only a few months. Until tea harvesting began to make my long walks into the edges of the mountains unprofitable (i.e., the women were all out picking tea, leaving only the dogs and the chickens at home), I concentrated on the families living * Peithotien has been described more fully in my book The House of Lim (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1968). 12

Some History and Some Geography

up the narrow mountain valleys. In the late spring and early

summer, when the heat and humidity made walking an ordeal, I spent more of my time talking to families living at the end of level paths in the paddy fields. None of my interviewing was far enough away from Sanhsia to produce a different orientation. All of the families faced Sanhsia, and all of them had lived for a long time in the location in which

I found them, Although I found two or three families of newcomers, their women were the most suspicious and least cooperative of all the women I talked to. This in itself is a matter of ethnographic interest. I have attempted in this chapter to place the culture of the

Hokkien-speakers of ‘Taiwan in its proper context as one variant of the many variants that make up Chinese culture. Although the evidence for the statements I make in the rest of the book about women and their lives is drawn solely from

my husband’s and my work in Taiwan, I believe that the general outlines of women’s lives are much the same all over

China. Unfortunately, information of this kind from other areas of China 1s at best sparse.

13

YA, ), Se

The Ongs of Peihotien

If you were to ask a few people in a country village on Taiwan

who the members of their families are, you would probably

come away with a sense of confusion. Men, women, the young, the middle-aged, and the elderly all have very different

definitions of the family. Although this is a book about women, this chapter takes up the Chinese family, describing a particular Peihotien family from the customary point of view,

i.c., with the focus on the men of the culture. Without this orientation it might be difficult for readers not familiar with the Chinese family to evaluate the quite different attitudes toward the family held by women. Unlike the American family in which parents are expected to put the needs of their children above all else, the Chinese family places the weight of obligation on the child. For the gift of life, a boy is forever in his parents’ debt. He owes them

obedience, deference, and the most comfortable old age his income can provide, and after they die he must continue to

provide for them in the spirit world. He is also obliged to see that another generation is born to carry on the duties to the

ancestors after his own death. As we shall see in the pages that follow, Taiwanese farmers go to great trouble and expense to see that they have descendants. They tell the inquiring anthropologist that they must have sons to carry on their duties to the ancestors and to provide for their own support 14

The Ongs of Pethotien

in old age, but in more relaxed conversations they offer a subtler and perhaps more compelling reason. Most of the men we talked with were farmers of limited means whose dignity was mixed with resignation and who treated one another with the precise amount of respect each had earned. Yet each man

_ felt he had a place in the world, and many of them could produce a written genealogy of one sort or another to show us the exact location of that place. His name, entered as the essential link between a carefully recorded, if mysterious, antiquity and the blank page of the future, gives him a quiet but unrefutable sense of value, of personal worth. The long list of men who preceded him is now dependent on him to carry on

the family name and fortune. Few men would wish to be responsible for bringing such a history to a close. In order to illustrate the various forms of marriage and adoption men employ to maintain the continuity of their line,

I am going to take the reader on a tour of the history and present situation of a family we knew in Peihotien in 1958. The Ongs claim, citing their genealogy as evidence, to have been among the first settlers of Peihotien in the latter part of

the eighteenth century. One of the Ongs, an elderly man with a great deal of family pride, told us that his family even predates the Lims, the predominate surname in the area. This is a traditional disagreement between Ongs and Lims, a matter not really worth our pursuit other than to note it as one of many examples of the barely concealed hostility between surname groups. At present the Ongs occupy two large houses, side by side, in a sea of Lims. Although on most days they

would appear to be five separate families who happen to share sections of two adjoining farmhouses, on one particular day in May the men of all five families (or their female representatives) gather in the central hall of the older house to perform the ceremonies of respect for their most distant ancestor

on the anniversary of his death. A few generations ago the 15

The Ongs of Pethotien

forebears of these five families were one family, working the land and sharing its fruits as a unit, but the process of growth

and division that typifies Chinese families has transformed them into several separate units who now share little more than their allegiance to a common line of ancestors. The Ongs living in the “new” house have not shared a stove (the colloquial expression for belonging to a joint living unit) with the Ongs in the old house since the middle of the last century. The three families that now occupy the old house shared a stove and a common purse until the end of World War II. Since we knew the “old-house Ongs” best, I will limit my description to them. The grandfather of the present senior generation of Ongs died quite young, in his middle twenties, leaving two young sons. Although it is considered admirable in Chinese society for widows to remain faithful to their deceased husbands, never remarrying, this is an emotional luxury that peasant families cannot afford. A widow with two very young sons has little choice if she is to feed her children. In this case remarriage was imperative because the young father and his older brother had divided their property shortly after the birth of the younger brother’s first son. After the younger man’s death, the older brother was willing to guide and feed the small family for a while, but not indefinitely. Following a short period of mourning, his mother (the father was dead) began to look for a healthy young man to take over the responsibilities of the widow’s family. A young widow sometimes returns to her own family, leaving her sons, who belong by law to the family of her husband. In this case, however, that course was not possible. The young widow had been adopted when she was eight months old and raised by her husband’s parents. The adoption of girls was a common way of obtaining a bride for a son and a dutiful daughter-in-law for a family. Often these s¢m-pua (little daughters-in-law) did 16

The Ongs of Pethotien

not know the whereabouts of their natal families, and even when they did, had a curious ambivalence about maintaining relations with them. It is not easy to find a man who is willing to marry into a woman’s family, even if the woman is a beautiful young virgin and the only child of a wealthy man. Although few men are required to change their surnames to that of their wives and to abandon their own ancestors, a man who has married into his wife’s family is accused of doing just that. Even though he may have several older brothers who can carry on the sacrifices and provide descendants, he has still “abandoned his ancestors.” It is assumed that any man willing to make this kind of marriage is flawed. It was several years before the family found someone to marry the young widow, and even then his terms were not really satisfactory to them. The man, named Tan, had been married before, but after ten years of childlessness his wife died, leaving him with an adopted son to raise. He had two older brothers, both of whom had more than enough children to keep their wives busy. ‘Tan agreed to come and live as a son-in-law to the Ong family in order to have care for his son and rent-free land to work. He and his progeny could never inherit the land, which belonged

to the two sons of the dead man. He refused to change his own surname to that of the Ongs, and he would not agree to give the Ong surname to any of the children he and the young widow might have. From the Ongs’ point of view, these terms were bad, but Tan was the best they could find. The young widow may or may not have been consulted, but in discussing it the family now speaks as if it was not much of her business anyway. Nevertheless, the marriage was satisfactory 1n some respects

if not in others. Tan worked his stepsons’ share of the Ong family land, taught all three boys the skills of agriculture, and provided them with a good stable life. Apparently he was 17

The Ongs of Peithotien

sterile, for no more children were born, a circumstance that was tragic for him but probably a relief to the Ongs. The fact that his own son was an outsider in the Ong family became apparent when it was time for the young man to marry. Quite wealthy families adopted infants to raise as wives for their sons because they felt that incorporating a female from outside the family unit was less disruptive if it was accomplished when she was still a baby and could be raised to be a dutiful (and thoroughly browbeaten) daughter-in-law. For country people, a sim-pua marriage was also economically important. Bringing in an adult bride in the major patrilocal form of marriage could cost as much as a year’s income, whereas the raising of a szm-pua cost no more than her food and clothing, and the wedding could be as simple as a bow to the ancestors and a slight change in the family’s sleeping arrangements. For some reason the Ongs had not adopted szmpua for their sons before the father’s death. This 1s surprising, for 7o per cent of the Ongs’ neighbors in Peihotien had chosen

to raise wives for their sons. Perhaps the family was waiting for Mrs. Ong to bear a girl who could be given out in adoption and replaced at her mother’s breast with a s:m-pua. Girls who

were old enough to be weaned were just that much more expensive and that much more difficult to incorporate. After young Ong’s death, family circumstances were too straitened to consider adding another mouth or two to feed, and after Tan married in he may have had some reservations on just how many Ongs he was willing to provide for. Whatever the reasons, when the oldest Ong boy was in his early twenties he was married, at considerable expense, in the traditional manner. A few years later, when both the second Ong boy and the Tan boy were of an age to marry, the Ongs saw to it that the Ong boy was betrothed to a young woman from a respectable family, but more or less coerced Tan into “adopt-

ing” a twelve-year-old girl for his own son to marry “in a 18

The Ongs of Pethotien

few years.” This was probably all the Ongs were willing to

spend on a boy who had no right to a share of the Ong property.

The Ongs are inclined to be somewhat vague about the events of the next few years, but according to the household registers, shortly after the marriage of his second stepson, Tan moved his wife and his two adopted children back to the district from which he had come. It may be that Tan felt his son would have better opportunities for work near his own fam-

ily; it may be that part of the original agreement with the Ongs was that he would stay with them only until their grandsons were raised (not an uncommon arrangement in uxorilocal marriages); or it may be that the two Ong boys, now able to take care of their own land, decided (no doubt with strong backing from their Ong relatives) to ease the Tans out before they tried to lay claim to Ong land or capital. The present senior generation of Ongs (sons of the two Ong

brothers) remember their grandmother as an old lady who came for long visits. They have little knowledge of their Tan relatives and in fact do not even invite them to their grandmother’s annual death day ceremonies. The two Ong brothers were good farmers. They were also

in the happy situation of owning all the land they could tll and thus were not required, like most of their neighbors, to turn over large proportions of their harvest to landlords. Ong Cin-cai, who was four years older than Ong Cin-tik, served as family manager. Any cash surplus from the harvest he quickly loaned out to less fortunate farmers. Over the years the two brothers managed to add two small pieces of property to their estate and to replace their original house of mud and bamboo

wattling with a large sturdy brick farmhouse, built wall by wall as their prosperity continued and topped eventually by a fine tile roof. At first the house was a simple rectangle partitioned into five rooms. In the center was a sizable guest hall 19

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