William Penn: Politics and Conscience 9781400875061

Table of contents :
Preface
Contents
I. Projects for the Good of England
II. New Broacher of Old Heresies
III. An Opening of Joy
IV. Old Post and Province
V. Persuasives to Moderation
VI. The Politics of Preservation
Bibliographical Note
Index

Citation preview

WILLIAM PENN Politics and Conscience

William Penn POLITICS AND CONSCIENCE BY

Mary Maples Dunn

P R I N C E T O N , P R I N C E T O N

N E W

J E R S E Y

U N I V E R S I T Y

1967

PRESS

Copyright © 1967 by Princeton University Press ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 66-21831 Publication of this book has been aided by the Whitney Darrow Publication Reserve Fund of Princeton University Press Composed and Printed in the United States of America

F o r

E M . M .

&

F . A M .

Preface ILLIAM PENN as a politician was uncomfort­ ably poised between the real and the ideal, between new worlds and old. He was a man of both England and America, a man of theory who actively involved himself in politics. Because he played so many roles, he has been variously portrayed: as a leader of Friends, as the liberal founder of Pennsylvania, as the beleaguered proprietor, as the plain courtier. But be­ cause the interactions among these roles have not been sufficiently studied, and because too little attention has been paid to him as a creative political thinker or even as an active politician, much of the man remains hidden beneath the broad-brimmed hat. This work is an attempt to uncover more of that man. The crucial years, the creative years, were those be­ tween 1660 and 1689. It was then that he was prolific of ideas, of published works, of vigorous action, of ac­ complishments and compromises. The twists and turns and tensions of Penn's political career, the complexities and scope of the trans-Atlantic political arena in which he moved, are revealed in the development in theory in his political tracts, the relationship between theory and political action in England and America, the effect of his American interests on his behavior in England, his English interests on his behavior in America. The key to the young Penn's politics was liberty of conscience. Religious convictions, and particularly belief in the ultimate persuasiveness of the truth where the conscience is free, were the basis for the persecuted Quaker's attachment to the concept of religious liberty. Vll

e Preface

Fundamentally Penn's vision was far from "modern." He looked forward to a world in which Christian unity and peace, once allowed to develop freely, would be complete. The goal was not as dissimilar from that long held by devout churchmen as were Penn's definition of faith and the means to the end. Because of the measures used to enforce the orthodoxy of Restoration England, freedom of conscience became Penn's most important and fixed political principle, and the basis of a political philosophy of natural law and fundamental right which put him while a young man, relatively unencumbered, in the political avant-garde. Enthusiastically and bel­ ligerently he attacked the laws of persecution and sup­ ported Parliament men in the 1670's. Defeat in 1680 and the "Stuart Revenge" for the attempts to invade the royal prerogative might have vitiated Penn's vig­ orous sense of mission, but it was saved by the oppor­ tunity to put ideas to the test in Pennsylvania. Initially, the semifeudal position of proprietor seemed as much an anomaly for the Whiggish Wil­ liam Penn as were the objectives of a "holy experi­ ment" in an increasingly secular colonial empire. The tensions between the quest for freedom and prosperous peace in a Christian community of brotherly love, and the desire for profit and power, would perhaps have been enough to undermine the noble effort. Unhappily for the splendid dream, colonial investment also carried with it new restraints on political action in both England and America. The old enthusiasm and belligerence had perforce to give way to a new conservatism. The con­ stant threat of loss of the colony meant that Penn could no longer afford to provoke the crown, nor could he allow his colonists to do so. Not a good businessman, in the course of his venture he accumulated enormous debts which made him press the colony for profit. In

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both cases he was driven to uncomfortable compromises and expedients. At home in England during the reign of James II political restraints appeared, temporarily, to have little effect on ideals. King as much as Quaker seemed anxious to establish toleration. Penn, in common with the his­ torians who have followed, was not altogether sure what James's intentions were; his political tracts indicate at least some uneasiness. But whatever the king's designs, Penn was sure the crown could go no further than liberty of conscience. He was, mistakenly, equally posi­ tive that James could win that much with the help of Dissenter allies. This faulty analysis of power, combined with fears for the colony, accounted for his alliance with the crown. But he had chosen the losing side, and the first positive steps toward the long-awaited goal were taken in 1689 while he, among the most militant of freedom's champions, was regarded as a friend to tyranny and an enemy to England. Those brief years when through James he was most intimately connected with power and active in politics resulted, then, in per­ sonal failure. Nor could he look to the colony for proof that his mission was a success. Guaranteed rights and religious freedom in Pennsylvania had done no more than enforced orthodoxy to prevent religious faction and disruption of government. Silence descended. Once ever ready to use his pen and voice in the public good, quick to publish indict­ ments of the present, theories and plans for the future, he now devoted his remaining energies to retaining his hold on the colony in the face of increasing royal in­ terest in colonial affairs, avoiding bankruptcy, and main­ taining the power necessary to secure his own property rights in Pennsylvania. In those efforts, he enjoyed a quite astonishing degree of success, but he was not the

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kind of man who could take comfort in it. He probably judged himself a failure, not altogether aware that tension, confusion, and pain were often the lot of the men who, however reluctantly, helped to make the transition to a modern, secular state and an empire of colonies and trade. I am most thankful to the many kind people who helped me along the way. Financial assistance was very generously given by the American Association of Uni­ versity Women and by the Eugenia Chase Guild Fel­ lowship of Bryn Mawr College. Research was made easy and pleasant by many helpful librarians and archi­ vists. I am particularly indebted to the staffs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania and the Friends Li­ brary in London. Caroline Robbins, first the most generous of teachers and now the best of friends, has given me encourage­ ment and help beyond the call of duty for either teacher or friend. I am also grateful to my friends and col­ leagues Arthur P. Dudden, Felix Gilbert, and Frederick B. Tolles, who gave me a great deal of improving and helpful advice. Devoted but severe criticism is one of the great benefits of academic marriages, and my hus­ band, Richard S. Dunn, has patiently listened, read, and argued, to my great profit. He also drew the illus­ trative portrait, with apologies to Benjamin West. I dedicate this book to my parents to acknowledge a debt that can never be paid.

Contents

Preface • v 1 1

i • Projects for the Good of England • 3

11 • N e w Broacher of Old Heresies • 4 4

h i

• A n Opening of Joy • 7 3

1 v • O l d Post and Province • 1 0 8

v • Persuasives to Moderation

' 1 3 2

v 1 • The Politics of Preservation

Bibliographical Note

Index

- 1 9 9

-195

- 1 6 2

WILLIAM PENN Politics and Conscience

CHAPTER I

Projects for the Good of England

W

ILLIAM PENN was one of those gentlemen of seventeenth century England who attempted to solve the problem of what constitutes a just and lasting government. Deeply religious and goaded by intolerance, he championed the cause of liberty of con­ science and made that cause the foundation of his polit­ ical philosophy. The first half of his career was crowned with an almost unique opportunity. He was able to establish a government of his own. No Utopia, this. He hoped in a new world to find for his theories a prac­ tical and enduring form. He was not unprepared for the responsibility and brought to it the fruits of long speculation and the valuable experience of a life of action. During a period of puritan triumph over royal au­ thority, his father, later Vice-Admiral Sir William Penn, set the first example of service in the national interest and loyalty to the crown. He held command in the Irish fleet in the first Dutch War and in the expedi­ tion sent by Cromwell into the West Indies. When he returned from that not very successful venture in the Indies, Cromwell capped his career with a few weeks in the Tower. From 1654 to 1660 the admiral was in mysterious correspondence with the Royalists. Presum­ ably for services to country and monarch, Charles II

For the Qood of England rewarded him in 1660 with knighthood and appoint­ ment as a commissioner of the navy. But the admiral dreamed of greater glories and nobler titles to bring position and prestige to him and his posterity, and his ambitions depended in part on his son William. Son William was born in London in 1644, the time of civil war. His earliest formal education was at the Free Grammar School in Chigwell, where he learned his Latin, Greek, and mathematics. Alas for the am­ bitious admiral, William also early imbibed the non­ conformist ideas which were to foil his father's plans. He later claimed to have had his first mystical experi­ ence at the age of twelve, and the fruits of dissent were clear to both father and son by 1661. William entered Oxford in 1660, and soon was at odds with the more cavalier of the students whose manners and morals he could not tolerate, and with the university whose com­ pulsory chapel service, surplice, and prayer book he would not tolerate. Later, and not without bitterness, he called the universities "signal places for idleness, looseness, prophaneness, prodigality, and gross igno­ rance."1 In 1661 he was sent down for nonconformity. The admiral, alarmed and irritated, tried his best to woo his son from this dangerous course and sent him off to the continent for the Grand Tour, which might win William to the safer and more sophisticated pleas­ ures of the world. Presentation at the brilliant court of Louis XIV, new friends such as Robert Spencer, later Lord Sunderland, fine French tailoring, and the excite­ ment of life in Paris seemed to win the day. The young man even became proficient in dueling, as he later con­ fessed apologetically.2 However, conscience did assert itself, and he went for a short time to Saumur to con1 William 2 Penn,

Penn, Truth Exalted (London, 1668), p. 9. No Cross, No Croimt (London, 1682), pp. 148-14.9.

For the Qood of England tinue his studies, perhaps under Moses Amyraut, the Protestant divine. The approaching renewal of war with the Dutch led Admiral Penn to call his son home in 1664, and the older man must have been, on the whole, well pleased with the effect of the tour abroad. William returned to London well-dressed, not averse to gay evenings in company with his father's associates.8 So hopeful was the admiral that he once used his son as courier to the king, who received young William kindly and talked to him at some length.4 For other occupation he was set to the worldly business of the law, which he studied in Lincoln's Inn. This was far from unusual for young men of the day who were intended for some kind of public responsibility. While the father served on the Royal Charles as second in command to the Duke of York, the younger William was gaining an invaluable legal training which would serve him well during im­ prisonments and trials, in pleading the case for liberty of conscience, and in the design of a constitution for the colony of Pennsylvania. A sensitive young man, he was seriously disturbed by the great plague, and in 1666 Admiral Penn again sent William from England, this time to attend to Penn estates in Ireland. At first, he proved all that was dutiful in an admiral's son and future landholder. He was sharp in his transactions concerning the estates, but graceful in local society.5 A mutiny at Carrickfergus gave him a taste of combat, and, far from being re­ pulsed, the excitement and the favorable attention he 3 See The Diary of Samuel Pefys, Richard, Lord Braybrooke, ed. (London, 1906), pp. 284—285. 4 Granville Penn, Memorials of the Professional Life and Times of Sir William Penn, Knt. (London, 1833), 11, 318. 5 For youthful business acumen in Ireland, see Penn, My Irish Jour­ nal i66g-i6yo, ed. Isabel Grubb (London, 1952).

For the Qood of England received for his own part in putting down the rebels led him to think of a military career. The Duke of Or­ monde was so pleased with reports of William's con­ duct that he wrote to the admiral suggesting that the father relinquish command of the garrison at Kinsale in favor of the son. The admiral, who expected to return fairly soon to Ireland, was not enthusiastic about seeing his first-born receive preferment in that way. He po­ litely declined Ormonde's generous proposal, and wrote to William, "I wish your youthful desires mayn't out­ run your discretion."® This in 1666 was William Penn.7 He was educated, traveled, and perhaps excitable. He was reported hand­ some and personable, and was winning friendly atten­ tion from his father's aristocratic and influential friends who would have encouraged him had he settled on a soldier's life. He was also much concerned with matters of the spirit, and in the following year he made the most momentous decision of his life, one which was to shape his ideas and determine his actions. He was still in Ire­ land when he heard the preaching of Thomas Low (or Loe), a Quaker of Oxford who was active in bringing the Friends' word to Ireland. The young man was fairly soon convinced, which was not really surprising in one who had such strong religious sensibilities. Penn came to the Quakers at a moment when they had need of a Champion. Although never popular with those in power or with those of more conservative creed, George Fox and his humble followers had flourβ

Granville Penn, Memorials . . . of Sir William. Penrt1 Knt. (London,

1833)» «>432· 7

There are many biographies of Penn, but none is completelysatisfactory. William I. Hull, William Penn: A Tofical Biografhy (New York, 1937), is useful. One of the best accounts of his public life is still Samuel L. Janney, The Life of William Penn (Philadelphia, I 8 J Z ) , but Catherine O. Peare, William Penn (Philadelphia, 1 9 J 7 ) , displays greater understanding of his personality and private life.

For the Qood of England ished in the perfervid religious atmosphere of the Com­ monwealth. Enthusiastically, ecstatically, even flam­ boyantly, they embraced the vision of a new, universal society of Truth's Friends which would transform the world. Oppression there was, but if Cromwell did not cherish them, the "sincere convinced" could at least communicate to him the nature and depth of a faith for which he had respect.8 The Restoration brought bewildering changes. Pleas­ ure was earnestly pursued where once godliness had been the goal. Religious enthusiasm was suspect, par­ ticularly that which in any way threatened the rehabili­ tated establishment. The period from 1660 to 1681 was an uncertain time for all nonconformists. When Charles II was restored it seemed that he, at least, was not interested in revenge, but hoped by tolerance to prevent religion from ever again being the occasion of civil strife. However, nonconformists were caught up by Charles in constitutional issues. His declarations of indulgence were a vehicle for testing the royal dispens­ ing powers, but Charles was so wary of using pressure and aggression that his policy was only intermittently helpful, and even harmful when Parliament's quarrel with the king centered on issues involving religion. Re­ verses of war, the need for money, and uncertainty in the face of opposition often forced the crown to capit­ ulate to Parliament when it protested that the king had exceeded his powers, for example in the Declaration of Indulgence. After parliamentary authority over the penal laws was established, nonconformists could seek aid from the king only in a few individual cases. By 1681 even private redress was difficult to secure, be8 For example, in the most noted of George Fox's meetings with Oliver Cromwell, The Journal of George Fox, Norman Penney, ed. (London, 1924), pp. 104-106.

For the Qood of England cause the king was sorely offended by the nonconform­ ists' support of the Test Act and Exclusion measures. Only Parliament could suspend the penal laws, but unfortunately Parliament was almost always far more interested in passing them. Vengeful for the past, fear­ ful for the future, righteous in the service of the Lord, and jealous of its prerogatives, Parliament responded to every rising and rumor with more legislation designed to suppress dissent. The new laws of the Clarendon Code,9 combined with old statutes, created a massive array of charges on which nonconformists could be in­ dicted when the temper of the country was a persecut­ ing one. But at no time was persecution consistent and continuous. In time of war it might be laid aside; dur­ ing the Plague and Great Fire the courageous behavior of the dissenters won them respect. But a Venner's re­ bellion or a Popish Plot oould raise the hue and cry against all or some, and at all times the wretched in­ formers might be at work.10 Often it was the Quakers who bore the brunt of the persecuting spirit. The Quakers' refusal to conform aroused the Church against them. A hierarchy whose members did not like to be addressed as "thou" by men who stubbornly retained their hats in defiance of all respect and custom viewed them with a distaste tinged with fear. Most disastrous for the Quakers was their refusal to take oaths.11 Refuse to swear your allegiance 8

Corporation Act, 1661, 13 Car. 11, stat. ii, cap. i. Act of Uniformity, 14 Car. 11, cap. iv. Conventicle Act, 1664, 16 Car. 11, cap. iv. Five Mile Act, 1665, 17 Car. 11, cap. ii. 10 G. R. Cragg, Puritanism in the Period of the Great Persecution 1660-1688 (Cambridge, 19J7), PP- 3I-6S11 In addition to the cautions against swearing which they found in the Bible, the Friends believed oath-taking implied a lack of confidence in man's word. They also argued that a dishonest man would not hesitate to take or break an oath if it served to his advantage, and that a society which required oaths was an unstable one in which the element of trust was gone. For a complete discussion of his attitude, see [Penn], 1662,

For the Qood of England to king and country? Very suspicious in violent times when men rely on words to prove loyalty. Unfortu­ nately, the refusal to take oaths resulted in more than suspicion. It made the Quakers subject to almost every law with religious intent, even those Elizabethan ones, long on the books and specifically designed to trap the Catholics j the favorite snare was an oath which any other Protestant but no sincere Catholic could swear. Refusal to swear also barred Quakers from holding office because of acts passed to exclude recusants; it sometimes became an obstacle at the polls; and it often prevented them from seeking redress in the courts. There were oaths for almost every occasion if those in charge wished to use them.12 Quakers found themselves, then, among the least understood and most despised of dissenters. As a result, they became increasingly conscious of themselves as a persecuted minority of Englishmen, and to the old allembracing ideals was added a new necessity for simple self-preservation. But the Children of Light had been used to describe their visions and ideals with the plain speech of the son of a weaver, and although they tried to love their enemies they did not fully understand them. To protect themselves during waves of persecu­ tion, to make known their modest desire to live in peace, to penetrate the walls of suspicion with which they were surrounded and behind which some of them retreated, they needed a new voice. William Penn, and a few other new converts like him, rose to meet the emergency and prepare the de­ fense. Penn's education made him a cogent "witness to A Treatise of Oaths: Containing Several Weighty Reasons Why the People Called. Quakers Refuse to Swear (1675). 12 For example, The Oaths Act, 1610, 7 & 8 Jac. 1, cap. vi, could be used to meet nearly every emergency.

For the Qood of England the truth," but one whose words were directed not only to potential citizens of the new universal community but also to a hostile society. His background, associates, and social position gave him entree to places from which help might come, but where most old Friends could never make themselves heard. His training and temperament had prepared him for public responsi­ bility and political action j he became an advocate on behalf of his coreligionists. More important, that advo­ cacy and religion led him to a broader goal, liberty of conscience for all. William Penn and other younger Friends were not content to suffer passively, and as they became more influential among Quakers, so too were they influential in the newly developed and developing central agencies of that group. Despite the objections of many older members who prized the freedom of the individual con­ science and self-discipline, in the years immediately following Perm's convincement stronger communal dis­ cipline and centralized organization were gradually imposed. While there were many reasons for establish­ ing central committees, the primary ones were to pub­ lish the truth, answer detractors, and prove the Friends intellectually respectable and socially reliable. A second, but by no means secondary, purpose was to provide re­ lief from persecution.18 It is appropriate to consider Penn's activities before 1681 in connection with two committees which became increasingly important. These were the Morning Meeting and the Meeting for Suf­ ferings. Penn's attentions were centered on liberty of conscience; his actions were often determined by the 18 A good, but brief, study of the development of central organiza­ tion is Arnold Lloyd, Quaker Social History, 1669—1138 (London, I9S°)> chs. 6, 7, 11. See also William C. Braithwaite, The Second Period of Quakerism (Cambridge, 1961), ch. 10.

IO

For the Qood of England decisions of the committees, in which he was a leading figure. The Quakers' first line of defense was the pen. It was a time of tracts, used to present all manner of ideas, despite official censorship. Friends, as much and perhaps more than any sect, were prolific of printed words, but their enemies were also active. The Morning Meeting in 1672 began a twofold campaign. They appointed a committee, including William Penn, to gather up all the anti-Quaker literature, which could then be consid­ ered and answered in publications to be distributed in the areas most likely to have heard and taken heed of the attacks.14 The second part of their campaign was di­ rected toward Friends' writing, to make certain that their tracts accurately stated the consensus of the whole in regard to Friends' ideas, and also to make sure that nothing appeared which would provide their enemies with new ammunition. To use a very modern phrase, they were anxious to create for themselves a satisfactory public image. Penn's enormous energies as an author for the cause were often used by the Morning Meeting. Although not all of his tracts are mentioned in the minutes of the Meeting, it can be presumed that they were approved for publication. A committee which did not hesitate to forbid the printing of a piece by the great George Fox must have been equally vigilant toward the younger member, whom, however, they trusted to "fitt" another book by Fox for the press.15 And they entrusted him and burdened him with a good deal of additional work in the course of their supervision of the Quaker press. 14 Friends Library, London (hereafter cited as FLL), The Morning Meeting's Book of Records, 15/7/1673. 15FLL, The Morning Meeting's Book of Records, 27/10/16755 29/11/1676.

For the Qood of England Penn was initially one of those required to seek out all anti-Quaker tracts} he was frequently asked to read the works of others and determine whether or not they were suitable for publication} in many cases he was asked to revise and edit; and, in addition to his political and religious tracts, he wrote numerous "answers" to the works of detractors.1® The Morning Meeting, however, declined in impor­ tance after the Meeting for Sufferings began its vigor­ ous protests against persecution. Here, too, publicity had its value. The Meeting gathered together records of the sufferings undergone by Friends throughout Eng­ land, the colonies, even the continent, and submitted their evidence to those in a position to help. They brought their persuasive powers to bear in every high place to which they could gain entry, and sent their pleas to the king, to the well-placed, to all agencies of government including, most important, Parliament. In order to find a Parliament more amenable to their sug­ gestions, they tried to influence elections. Finally, they turned to the law. Any Quaker who wished to protest in court of law against unjust persecution could find counsel and aid in the Meeting for Sufferings. The development of Penn's political theories is un­ doubtedly closely related to legal and parliamentary activities undertaken to combat persecution, and he probably had considerable influence in directing the ac16 It is difficult, however, to determine just how many tracts Penn did write. Censorship often demanded anonymity. He had already been sent to the Tower for his literary efforts, and the Calendar of State Pafers contains notice of another anonymous tract of his, Some Serious and Seasonable Queries ufon the late Act against Conventicles, which was reported to be seditious. The reporter wished heartily that "both the author and the printer may be known and punished." Calendar of State Pafers, Domestic (hereafter cited as CSPy Dom), 1670, p. 219. Also the fact that many tracts were the anonymous products of several Friends working together makes it possible that Penn's work and influence as a Quaker author is even larger than supposed.

For the Qood of England tivities of the Meeting for Sufferings in those directions. His own most dramatic appearance in court took place in 1670, before the organization of the Meeting for Sufferings. This trial, which received widespread pub­ licity, was probably important in bringing Quakers to accept the proposition that persecution was an infringe­ ment of civil rights which could be defended in the courts. It was also an important moment in English legal history. Two Friends, William Penn and William Mead, a London draper, were brought to trial in September of 1670, charged with "preaching to the people, and draw­ ing a tumultuous company after them." They were to be tried under the Conventicle Act, the renewal of which in 1670 brought forth in London meetings to test and constables to enforce the act. The Quakers held that the act did not apply to them because it was di­ rected against the dangers of "seditious" sectaries, while they were loyal citizens. However, the act did outlaw conventicles or any religious meetings in which the Anglican liturgy was not used.17 From the point of view of English legal history, this trial represents a great stride in the evolution of the jury as a free, judicial body; for William Penn it was an important opportunity to argue his fundamental rights. Pleading not guilty, Penn and Mead chose to rest their case on the illegality of the indictment, which Penn claimed had no foundation in law because im­ prisonment or fines would be an invasion of their rights to liberty and property unless a civil (as opposed to religious) offense could be proved. While there was proof that an assembly took place, he thought there was no proof that it was unlawful in character. The two wit17Conventicle

Act, 1670, 22 Car. 11, cap. i.

For the Qood of England nesses had stated that they could not hear what Penn said at the meeting, and no evidence of seditious disturb­ ance of the peace was offered. Actually, neither Penn nor the court made any great strides in determining the nature of an unlawful assembly, and the real drama was yet to come. Penn appealed not to the court but, more appro­ priately in consideration of his ideas, to the jury: ". . . this I leave upon your consciences, who are of the jury, (and my sole judges) that if these Ancient Fundamental Laws, which relate to Liberty and Property (and are not limited to particular perswasions in matters of re­ ligion) must not be indispensibly maintained and ob­ served, who can say he hath right to the coat upon his back? Certainly our liberties are openly to be invaded} our wives to be ravished; our children slaved; our families ruined; and our estates led away in triumph, by every sturdy beggar, and malicious informer, as their trophies, but our (pretended) forfeits for ConscienceSake·. The Lord of heaven and earth will be judge between us in this matter."18 The jurors were convinced. Stubborn nonconform­ ists, they found Penn "to be guilty of speaking or preaching to an assembly, met together in GraciousStreet." This verdict, tantamount to not guilty, was totally unacceptable to the court, which wanted to find the Friends guilty of the charge of unlawful assembly and disturbance of the peace. The jury was held over­ night "without meat, drink, fire or accommodation" in 18 The Peofles Ancient and Just Liberties Asserted, in the Tryal of William Penn, and William Mead, !47-173· This is a very important beginning in the longneeded description and analysis of factions in the first years o I745> an^ The free-bom Eng­ lish maris unmask?d battery . . . with some quotations from . . . William Pewn . . . exflmmng the duty of a true Protestant Dissenter to the King, 1747. Penn may or may not have been pleased to find his Seasonable Caveat Agmnst Pofery issued by the Darlington Protestant Alliance in 1852. Penn hoped that his political ideas would bear their best fruit in America, but I can find no American editions of his political works before 1810, with one exception. In Philadelphia, in 1775, there appeared Argumewtum ad hominem: being an extract from a fiece intituled, England's -present Interest con­ sidered, with honour to the frince and safety to the feofle , . . by William Penn. There are two exceptions to the tale of neglect. While Penn disclaimed it, The Peofles Ancient and Just Liberties Asserted purports to be his story, his ideas, his words, and it went into at least eighteen editions between 1670 and 1957. An Essay Towards the Present and Future Peace of Eurofe has had the most enduring popularity. Pacifists and those interested in world government have brought out numerous editions. As one might expect, it was particularly popular in 1915-1916, and in the 1930's and 1940's. It is hardly surprising that Penn's political works are seldom reprinted, seldom read. UnUke his religious writing, most of them were written for the moment and only in a few cases are they relevant today. For the historian, however, they pro­ vide a rich source for understanding the nature of a complex and important man's involvement in the crucial issues of his day.

I N D E X A c t of T r a d e , Pennsylvania, 176 A c t of Union, Pennsylvania, 1J3 An Address to Protestants of all Perstoasions, by William Penn, 2 6 - 2 7 , 47, 196-98 Agmondesham, Buckinghamshire, see Amersham Amersham, Buckinghamshire, 37, 42 Amyraut, Moses, 5 Andros, Sir Edmund, 121 Anglesey, Earl of, see Annesley, Arthur Annesley, Arthur, first Earl of Anglesey, 38n Anmmadversions on the A fology of the Clamorous Squire, by W i l l i a m Penn, 134n, 145n, 196 An Answer to the Seditious and Scandalous Pamphlet, entituled, The Tryal of W. Perm and W. Mead, by Sir Samuel Starling, 15-17 Argumentum ad homirtem, 198 Arlington, Earl of, see Bennet, Henry assembly of Pennsylvania, 96, 1 0 3 107, 1 6 7 ; disputes about rights, 152—54; and governors, 1 5 9 - 6 0 , 183-865 and A c t of T r a d e , 1 7 6 ; and Charter of Privileges, 1 8 7 885 and Penn, 188-895 and property, 18 9 - 9 1 . See also Pennsylvania Baltimore, Earl of, see Calvert, Charles Barclay, Robert, 1 1 3 - 1 4 Bath, Earl o f , see Grenville, John Bath and Wells, Bishop of, 129n Bellomont, Earl of, see Coote, Richard Bennet, Henry, first E a r l of Arlington, 21 Berkenhead, Sir John, 24 Bermuda Company, 7 6 - 7 7 Besse, Joseph, 1 9 5 - 9 7 Bethune, Maximilian de, due de Sully, 165n

Bible, 49—50, 5 2 - 5 3 Billing, Edward, 88n Bills of Property, Pennsylvania, 190-91 Blackwell, John, 1 5 3 - 5 4 , 1 5 7 - 6 0 , 172 Blathwayt, William, 78 Board of T r a d e , 1 7 5 - 7 7 , 182. See also Lords of T r a d e Books of Sufferings, 2 5 boundary dispute, Pennsylvania and Maryland, 100-03, 109—11 Boyle, Roger, first E a r l of Orrery, 20 Bradford, Elizabeth Sowle, 196 Bradford, William, 196 Bramber, Sussex, 38-39 A Brief Examination, by William Penn, 47n, 1 9 6 - 9 7 Bristol, 2 6 , 1 1 0 Bristol, Bishop of, i 2 9 n Buckingham, Duke of, see Villiers, George Burghill, Francis, 77 Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, 1 i 9 n Bushell, Edward, 17 Bushell's case, 1 7 - 1 8 Butler, James, second Duke of Ormonde, 6 Calvert, Charles, third Earl of Baltimore, 2 1 , 100-03, 107, 109 Canterbury, Archbishop of, i 2 9 n Carlingford, Earl of, see T a a f e , Francis Carpenter, Samuel, 1 5 5 - 5 6 Carrickfergus, 5 Catholics, see Roman Catholics Charles I, 59, 122 Charles II, 40, 55, 59, 64, 69, 1 0 8 09, 116, 122 j and Penns, 3—4, 5, 2 1 ; and dissenters, 7, 8, 22, 1 1 1 , 133 i and Parliament, 8, 27, 305 and finances, 30, 6 5 ; and charter to Pennsylvania, 73, 7 6 - 7 9 charter, to Pennsylvania, 7 3 - 8 1 Charter of Privileges of 1 7 0 1 , 187-89

199

Index Chester, Pennsylvania, 104 Chichester, Bishop o f , 12911 Chigwell, Free Grammar School, 4 Christian Liberty, by William Penn, 470 church and state, 55, 1 3 6 - 3 7 Church of England, 58-60, 1 2 3 24, 139-445 in Pennsylvania, 79, 164 C i v i l W a r , 137 Clarendon Code, 8 , 1 3 3 Claypoole, James, 1 5 5 - 5 6 Coke, Sir Edward, 48 College, Stephen, 122 Commons, House of, see Parliament The Complaint of Peace, by Erasmus, 165 comprehension, 70 Compton, Henry, Bishop of London, 79 Concessions and Agreements of West New Jersey, 88 constitution of Pennsylvania, 81— xoo. See also Frame of Government The Continued Cry of the Oppressed, by William Penn, 47n, 196 contract, Penn's theory of, 5 5 - 6 4 Conventicle Act, 13, 25 C o o k , Arthur, 1 5 5 - 5 6 , 1 5 9 Cooper, Anthony Ashley, first E a r l of Shaftesbury, 29, 3on, 32, 37, 40-41 Coote, Richard, Earl of Bellomont, 179 Corbett, Thomas, 20 C o r k , 20 country party, see W h i g s Court of Common Pleas, 17 court party, see T o r i e s courts, ecclesiastical, 25 Crevelt, 1 10n Cromwell, Oliver, 3, 7, 158 Cruce, £meric, 167n Dalmahoy, Thomas, 35, 35n, 3 6 Danby, Earl of, see Osborne, Thomas Dante, 165

Darlington Protestant Alliance, 198 Declaration of Indulgence, see Indulgence, Declarations of A Defence of the Duke of Buckingham's Book, by William Penn, i34n, 145n, 195 Delaware, see L o w e r Counties Delaware River, 102—03 Denmark, 167 A Discourse of the General Rule of Faith, by William Penn, 47n, 195 "Discourses Concerning Government," by Algernon Sidney, 32-34 dissenters, and James II, 112, 1 1 7 , 1 2 1 - 2 3 , 1 2 5 - 2 7 , 129, 1 3 7 - 3 8 , 142, 144, 147. See also Friends, Society of Douglas, W i l l i a m , third Duke of Hamilton, 35n Drake, Sir William, 3 7 - 3 8 , 38n Drummond, John, first Earl of Melfort, 130 Dubois, Pierre, 165 Dutch, see Holland Ecclesiastical Commission, 124 Eckly, John, 155 Edict of Nantes, Revocation o f , 1 1 8 education, William Penn on, 7 1 - 7 2 elections, and Friends, 25-265 William Penn on, 28-325 to Parliament in 1 6 7 9 - 1 6 8 1 , 2 7 28, 32-40 Elizabeth I, 59 E l y , Bishop of, i29n England's Great Interest in the Choice of this New Parliament, by William Penn, 2 7 - 3 2 , 40, 46, x49n>i96-97 England's Present Interest Discovered, by William Penn, 47, 1 9 6 98 Erasmus, 165 An Essay Towards the Present and Future Peace of Europe, by William Penn, 1 6 4 - 7 1 , 195, 198 Evans, John, 1 7 4 Exclusion, 8, 73, 76, 1 1 6 , 122,

200

Index 1 4 2 ; J a m e s I I a n d , 30, 33, 375 Bill of, 3 7 ; crisis, 4 0 - 4 2 ; Penn on, 29-30, 142, 1 4 5 - 4 6 "Expedient" proposed by Sunderland, 127—28

Good Advice to the Church of England, by William Penn, 134n, 196 Goring, Percy, 39 Gracechurch Street, London, 19 The Grand Design, by Sully, 165,

F a g g , Sir John, 38 Farmer, Anthony, 124 Fire of London, 8 Five Mile Act, 1 8 - 1 9 Fleetwood, Sir Shepherd, 22 Fletcher, Benjamin, 173, 183-84 Ford, Philip, 192 F o x , George, 6, 7 n . 1 1 , 1 9 - 2 1 , 75n, 113 F o x , Margaret, 109 Frame of Government for Pennsylvania, 88-89, 9 3 - 9 7 , 99-100, 104-06, 153, 183—84, 186-885 Markham's Frame, 185-86. See also Charter of Privileges; constitution; Old or first 24 constitutions France, 4, 40, 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 167, 172, 180

165n, 170 The Great and Popular Objection, by William Penn, 197 The Great Case of Liberty of Conscience, by William Penn, 46, 195 Grenville, John, E a r l of Bath, 21 Grotius, H u g o , 165 Guildford, Surrey, 34-36 Guilford, Baron of, see North, Francis

The free-bom English man's unmask'd battery, 198 Free Society of Traders, 84n, 1 0 6 07, i j 5 - 5 6 Friends, Society of, 6 - 7 , 1 1 0 , 120; and elections, 2 5 - 2 6 , 36, 4 2 ; and oaths, 8—9, 162—63; and Parliament, 12, 2 3 - 2 5 ; and penal laws, 13, 1 9 ; persecution o f , 8, 2 1 , 2 6 , 4 0 , 1 0 7 ; in Pennsylvania, 1 6 3 - 6 4 , 1 7 2 - 7 6 , 1 7 9 ; and politics, 3 on, 4 2 ; and press, 1 1 - 1 2 ; in Restoration, 6 - 7 , 9. See also Meeting for Sufferings; M o r n i n g Meeting fundamental law, Penn's theory of, 1 3 - 1 5 , 3 0 - 3 1 , 4 8 - 4 9 , 5 6 - 5 7 . in Pennsylvania, 9 7 - 9 9 ; during reign of James II, 1 3 3 - 3 5 Germany, 136 Glorious Revolution, 1 1 5 , 1 1 9 , 128—29, 150, 160, 162 Godolphin, Sidney, first Baron Godolphin, 182

Habeas Corpus Act, 37 Hamilton, A n d r e w , 179 Hamilton, Duke of, see Douglas, William Harley, Robert, first Earl of Oxford, 162, 182 Harrington, James, constitutional theories of, 8 1 - 8 7 Henry IV of France, 165, i 6 5 n Henry V I I I , 59, 64 history, use of by William Penn, 48-50, 5 8 - 5 9 , 1 3 6 - 3 7 Hobbes, Thomas, 50 Holland, 39-40, 102, 167, 1 7 0 ; and James II, 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 1305 and Penn, 65, 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 1 3 6 ; wars with, 3, 5, i 6 5 n . See also William I I I Holland House, 1 1 4 Holstein and Courland, Duke o f , 167 H o l y Roman Empire, 167 H o u g h , D r . John, 124—25 House of Commons, see Parliament Hyde, Laurence, first Earl of Rochester, 22, 120 Indians, 180 Indulgence, Declarations o f , 1 4 8 ; and Charles I I , 7, 13 3 ; and James II, 1 1 4 , 1 2 1 , 128, 140$ and William Penn, 22, 59n, 148-49

201

Index Innocency with Her Open Face, by William Penn, :un Ireland, 3, 5-6, 19:t Italy, 167 James II, 35n, 107, 131, 160, 18:t, I 9:t; beginning of reign, I I I, Il4; and colonies, 78-79, 10103, I09-u, U 1; and dissenters, :tI, Il7, I:tI-:t3, I:t5-:t6, 14:t, 147; and exclusion, 30 , 33, 37, 73; foreign policy, I I 7-:to I and Magdalen College, I:t 3-:t 5; and Parliament, I I 5-16, uS-:t8; and William Penn, 5, I I 1-14, 13:t-33, Iso-51; and religious policy, Il4-17, 137-41; and Tories, 141, 145; and Whigs, Il7, I:t:t-:t3, I4:t Jones, Sir William, 80 De jure belli ac pads, by Hugo Grotius, 165 jury, see trial by jury Keith, George, 163-64 Ken, Thomas, Bishop of Bath and Wells, u9n Kent, :t6 Kinsale, 6 Lake, John, Bishop of Chichester, U9 n Latitudinarians, 49-50, 69"-70 Laws Agreed upon in England, for Pennsylvania, 89,97-100 League of Augsburg, War of, 164, 17 1-7:t A Letter From a Gentleman in the Country, by William Penn, I34n, 197 A Letter to Mr. Penn with His Answer, by William Penn and William Popple, 134n, 195 Levinz, Sir Creswell, 79 liberty of conscience, Penn on, 10, 44-47 Lloyd, David, 177, 180n, 190-9 I Lloyd, Thomas, 153-56, 158 Lloyd, William, Bishop of St. Asaph, U9n lobbying, by Friends, :t3-:tS

Locke, John, IU Loe, Thomas, see Low, Thomas Logan, James, I8:t, I9:t London, 3, 5, 8, 13, 15-16 A Looking Glass for the Quakers in Two Columns, I39n Lords, House of, see Parliament Lords of Trade, 78-81, 174. See also Board of Trade Louis XIV, 4, 40 Low, Thomas, 6 Lower Counties, 78, IOI-O:t, I9:t Magdalen College, Oxford, U3:ts Magna Charta, 57-58 Markham, William, 159, 164, 173-74, I80nl and Frame of Government, 183-85 Markham's Frame, see Frame of Government Mary 1,59 Mary of Modena, u8, 130 Maryland, 174-75, I8:t; boundary dispute with, 100-03 Massachusetts, 76, 158 Mather, Increase, U I Mead, William, 13, IS, 19. See also Penn-Mead Trial Meeting for Sufferings, 10, 13,74; and influence, :t I ; and legal redress, I 9-:t 0; and Parliament, U-:tS; and press, u, 195 Melfort, Earl of, see Drummond, John De M onarclUa, by Dante, 165 Monmouth's rebellion, I4:t moral law and government, Penn's theory of, 67-7 I More, Nicholas, ~06, 155 Morning Meeting, 10; and press, Il-U, un, 195; and Parliament, :t5-:t6, 45 Morris, Anthony, 180n Navigation Acts, 79, I7:t, 175-76, 179-80, I8:t navy, 4 Naylor, James, 38n Newcastle, 190 New England, :tI, Ill, UI

202

Index Newgate, 16, 19,46 New Jersey, 88, 179 New York, 171.-75, 177, 179-80, 18 4-85 Nicholson, Francis, 179, 181 Nimeguen, Treaty of, 165, 165n, 16 7 No Cross, No Crown, by William Penn,4n nonconformists, see dissenters North, Francis, first Baron Guilford, 79-80 Le Nouveau Cyme, by tmeric Cruce, 167n Oates, Titus, 7.6 oaths, 8-9 Oaths Act, 9n Observations upon the Umted Provinces of the Netherlands, by Sir William Temple, 165n Oceana, by James Harrington, 81-87,9 6n Old or first 7.4 constitutions of Pennsylvania, 91-94,96 One Project for the Good of England, by William Penn, 47n, 19 6 Ormonde, Duke of, see Butler, James Orrery, Earl of, see Boyle, Roger Osborne, Thomas, first Earl of Danby, 7.9, 37, IU Oxford, 6 Oxford, Earl of, see Harley, Robert Oxford Parliament, 73 Oxford, University of, 4,17.3-15 Parker, Samuel, Bishop of Oxford, 124, U4n Parliament, 85, 104, 133; and Charles II, 7; elections, 25-17, 3:&, 34-4:&; and Friends, 7-8, I7., 2:&-26, 162.; Habeas Corpus, 37; and James II, 115-16, I7.51.8; Oxford, 73; Penn on, 7.8p, 61-62, 148-50; and Pennsylvania, 80,178,181-82,187; petitions to, 23-25, 37 Pelham, Sir John, 38-39

The Peoples Ancient and Just Liberties, I4n, 197-98 Penn-Mead trial, 13-16, J 9, 46 Penn, Admiral Sir William, 3-5, 20,46,73,7 6,113 Penn, William early life: formative influences, 3-6; education, 4-5; in Ireland, 5-6; conversion, 6 and Society of Friends: persecution, 9-10; and press, 11-17., I7.n; and Morning Meeting, 10-12l and Meeting for Suf· ferings, 10, 12-13, 20-7.5 political career in England to r68S: in courts, 13-16, 1819; elections, 26-42; and exclusion, 29-30, 40-41; influence, use of, 20-22, 110; lobbying, :&3-25; Pennsylvania charter, 73-81 j and Whigs, 27-32,40-42, 74-75, 108 political career, r68s-r688: alliance with James II, 11 1-[4, 1 P-33, 150-51 i and a dissenter party, 121-2), 125-27, u9 ; and foreign policy, [1720; and Magdalen College, 11.3-25 j and Revolution, 130-31, 160-61.; and Seven Bishops, 129-30; and "Three Questions," 12 6; and Sunderland's "Expedient," 12 7-28 as proprietor of Pennsylvania: and Board of Trade, 177 ; boundary dispute, 100-03 j charter, 73-8 I ; Charter of Pri vileges, 186-88; criticisms and charges against, [78-80; design of first constitution, 81100; government of Blackwell, 157-58, 160; government by commission, ISS-57; government by council, 160; laws, 153-56; and legislature, 188-89; loss of rights, 17173; pacifism, 171,173-75, 180-81 ; political restraint in England, 108-10, 121; and Parliament, 178, 181-81.;

203

Index and property rights, 189-91, proposed sale of colony, 1 8 1 82; religious dispute, 1 6 3 - 6 4 ; revenues and debts, 154, 160, 1 9 1 - 9 3 5 and trade, 1 7 5 - 7 8 , 180; and union of colonies, 177 folitical ideas, 1660—1685: compared with James Harrington, 81-8 7, and Algernon Sidney, 32-345 constitution for Pennsylvania, 8 1 - 1 0 0 ; contract theory, 55—641 on Declarations of Indulgence, 22, 59ns education, 7 1 - 7 2 5 election practices, 27—32; Exclusion, 29-305 fundamental right, 13-15, 30-31) 48-49, 56—575 history, use of, 48-50, 58-595 liberty of conscience, 10, 4 4 47 5 moral l a w , 6 7 - 7 1 ; property rights, 62-63, representation, 61-625 trade, 64-665 trial by jury, 16, 1 8 - 1 9 5 W h i g policy, 28-32 folitical ideas, 1685—1688: attitude toward James and toleration, 1 3 9 - 4 1 5 balance of interests, 138, 143—445 Church of England, attack on, 139— 44 5 church and state, 13 6—3 7 5 history, use of, 1 3 6 - 3 7 ; on monarchy, 13 7 5 on Parliament and packing, 1 4 0 , 1 4 8 50; on private interest, 1355 on property, 1 3 4 - 3 5 ; on role of dissenters, 137—38, 144-485 on Roman Catholics, 137—405 on Whiggism, 142, 1 4 5 - 4 6 folitical ideas after 1688: on European peace, 164—715 on colonial union, 177 writings of: as author, 4 5 - 4 7 ; bibliography of political works, 195—98. See also individual titles Penn, William, Jr., 181 Pennsylvania, 111—12, 1 2 1 , 1515 assembly, 96, 103-07, 152—54, 167, 176, 1 8 3 - 9 1 5 boundary disputes, 100—03,109,111,

charter, 7 3 - 8 1 , 1825 constitutions of, 5, 8 1 - 1 0 0 , 1 0 4 06, 153, 183-895 council of, 94-96, 104-07, 1 5 2 54, 160, 184, 1885 Friends in, 1 6 3 - 6 4 , 1 7 2 - 7 6 , 1 7 9 ; government by commission, 155—575 government by Blackwell, 1 5 7 605 government by Fletcher, 183—84; government by M a r k ham, 183—865 laws of, 89, 9 7 100, 1 5 3 - 5 4 , 158, 1865 and Navigation Acts, 1 7 5 - 7 7 , 180; and revenues, 154, 160, 1905 religious disputes, 163—64; and w a r , 171—75, 180—81. See also assembly; constitution; Penn, William Pepys, Samuel, 511 A Perswashie to Moderation, by William Penn, 134n, 136, 196 Peterborough, Bishop of, i2 9n petitions, to Parliament, 2 3 - 2 5 , 37 Petty, Sir William, 98 Philadelphia, 164, 172, 190 plague, in London, 5, 8 Poland, 167 Popish Plot, 8, 26-28, 37, 40 Popple, William, I34n, 197 Portugal, 167 press, and Friends, 11—12 Privy Council, 22, 153 property rights, Penn on, 62-63,

'34-35

The Profosed Comprehension, by William Penn, 46, 196 Protectorate, Friends during, 7 The Protestants Remonstrance, 75n, 197 provincial council of Pennsylvania, 94—96, 104—07, 188 5 and assembly, 152-545 and Blackwell, 1 5 8 - 5 9 ; and Markham, 184 Quakers, see Friends, Society of Quary, Robert, 175, 180, 182-83 Queen Anne's W a r , 180-81 quitrents, 154, 190, 192 quo warranto, j6, 1 1 2 , 1 2 1 , 126,

204

i54> i5 > *73 6

Index Randolph, Edward, 175, 178 The Rational Catechism, by W i l liam Popple, 197 De recuferatione terre sancte, by Pierre Dubois, 165 Reformation, 141 Refentence, recommended to the inhabitants of Great Britain in general, 198 representation, William Penn's theory of, 6 1 - 6 2 Rickmansworth, 37 Rochester, E a r l of, see Hyde, Laurence Roman Catholics, 9, 1365 and elections, 27-305 and James II, 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 1 5 - 1 6 , 127-30, 1 3 7 39; Penn on, 6 0 - 6 1 , 6 6 - 6 7 , 71, 138-4.0 Romney, Earl of, see Sidney, Henry Royal Charles, 5 Rudyard, Thomas, 14, 20, 91 Russia, 167 R y e House Plot, 122 St. Asaphs, Bishop o f , 129n Sancroft, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, 129n The Sandy Foundation Shaken, by William Penn, 2 i n Saumur, 4 Saxon M y t h , 34, 50, 58 A Seasonable Caveat against Pofery, by W i l l i a m Penn, 47n, 195, 198 A Second Letter From a Gentleman in the Country, by W i l l i a m Penn, 13411, 197 Seven Bishops, 129-30 Shaftesbury, E a r l of, see Cooper, Anthony Ashley A Short Answer to His Grace the D. of Buckingham's Paper, 145n A Short Discourse ufon the Reasonableness of Men's having a Religion, by George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, 145n Sidney, Algernon, 46, 76, 82, 87, 123, 1 3 1 ; and "Discourses Concerning Government," 32-345 and elections, 32, 34—42; and

Pennsylvania, 9 3 ; and Whigs, 40 Sidney, Henry, E a r l of Romney, 75 j and elections, 39—40; and Pennsylvania, 93 ; and correspondence with Penn, 1 1 9 - 2 0 Simcock, John, 155 Smith, Aaron, 122 Some Serious and Seasonable Queries ufon the late A ct against Comienticles, by William Penn, 12n Southwell, Sir Robert, 74 Sowle, Andrew, 196 Sowle, Jane, 196 Spain, 40, 167 Spencer, Gilbert, 39-40 Spencer, Robert, E a r l of Sunderland, 4, 40; and Pennsylvania, 78; and James II, 126-30 Starling, Sir Samuel, 1 5 - 1 6 Stillingfleet, Edward, Bishop of Worcester, 21 Stuart, James Francis E d w a r d , Prince of Wales, 129-30, 1 3 9 40 Stuart Revenge, 107—08, 133, 149 Sully, due de, see Bethune, M a x i milian de Sweden, 167 Switzerland, 167 T a a f e , Francis, Earl of Carlingford, 1 1 8 - 1 9 T e m p l e , Sir John, 38 T e m p l e , Sir W i l l i a m , 165, 165n, 170 Test Acts, 8 , 3 2 ; and James II, 1 1 5 - 1 6 5 and W i l l i a m III, 1 1 8 20; and "Expedient," 1 2 7 - 2 8 ; and Penn, 136, 140, 144 A Third Letter from a Gentleman in the Country, by William Penn, i34n, 197 T h i r t y Years W a r , i 6 s n Three Letters Tending to Demonstrate, by William Popple, 197 " T h r e e Questions" of James I I , 126, i 4 9 n Titus, Silas, 122

205

Index Tories, 29-30, 7 4 ; and James II, 1 1 6 , 141, 145 ; and Penn, 182n trade, Penn on, 64—66 Treasury, Lords o f , 22 A Treatise of Oaths., by William Penn, 8n, 46, 195 T r e b y , Sir George, 122 T r e l a w n y , Sir Jonathan, Bishop of Bristol, 129n Trenchard, Sir John, 122 trial by jury, Penn on, 1 3 - 1 9 T r i p l e Alliance of 1668-1669, i65n Truth Exalted, by William Penn, 4n, 195 Truth Rescued from Imposture, by William Penn, 14, 1 6 - 1 7 , 46, 195, 197 T u r k e y , 167 T u r n e r , Francis, Bishop of E l y , i29n T u r n e r , Robert, 75, 155 United Provinces, see Holland Vaughan, John, Lord Chief Justice, 17-18 Venice, 87, 167 Venner's Rebellion, 8 vice-admiralty, 1 7 5 - 7 6 Vickris, Richard, n o — 1 1 , 1 1 3 Villers, George, second Duke of

Buckingham, and Whigs, 3 7 - 3 8 , 38n, 4 1 ; and James II, 1 2 2 ; and toleration, 145, 145n Virginia, 174, 179 Werden, Sir John, 78 West Indies, 3 Westphalia, T r e a t y of, 165, 16511 Whigs, 18, 57, 85; from 1678— 1684, 2 7 - 3 2 , 40-42, 7 3 - 7 5 , 108, 1 3 3 ; and dissenters, 18, 144—47; and James II, 1 1 7 , 1 2 2 - 2 3 , I 3 2 , 142, 1 4 4 - 4 7 ; aod laws of Pennsylvania, 97-98 White, Thomas, Bishop of Peterborough, i29n Whitehead, George, 19, 26 Whitelocke, Bulstrode, 38n William I, 58 William III, n o n , 122, 160; and James II, 118—20, 130; and Penn, 1 4 4 ; and Pennsylvania, 180 William and M a r y , see William III William of Orange, see William I I I Winnington, Francis, 24 Woolen Act, 179 Worminghurst, 38 Worseley, Sir Charles, and election, 38, 3 8n, 39 Y o r k , Duke o f , see James II

206

The text of William Pemt was composed on the Linotype in Caslon Old Face. This is the most faithful reproduction of the roman type cut by the brilliant English typefounder William Caslon shortly after 1720. This font, based by Caslon on the highquality Dutch types of the late seventeenth century, did much to restore the failing standards of English typecutting of the day. The book was printed letter­ press on Warren's 66 Antique White and bound in Columbia Milbank Linen. Designed by Helen Van Zandt. Composed and Printed in the United States of Amer­ ica by Princeton University Press at Princeton, New Jersey Bound by the Maple Press at York, Pennsylvania