What Works With Women Offenders 9781843924944, 1843924943

Table of contents :
Content: Cover
What Works with Women Offenders
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
Preface and acknowledgements
List of figures and tables
Notes on contributors
Introduction
1 The nature of female offending
2 The transitional pathways of young female offenders: towards a non-offending lifestyle
3 Sentencing and gender
4 Risks and needs: factors that predict women's incarceration and inform service planning
5 Responding to drug and alcohol problems: innovations and effectiveness in treatment programmes for women
6 Offending behaviour programmes for women offenders. 7 Parole and probation8 Responding to mental health needs of women offenders
9 Responding to the health needs of female offenders
10 Women prisoners and their children
11 Barriers to employment, training and education in prison and beyond: a peer-led solution
12 Employment: offending and reintegration
13 Housing and support after prison
14 What does work for women offenders?
Index.

Citation preview

What Works with Women Offenders

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Edited by

WILLAN PUBLISHING

Rosemary Sheehan, Gill Mclvor and Chris Trotter

W h a t W o r k s w it h W o m e n

O ffe n d e rs

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen ders

E d it e d by R o s e m a r y S h e e h a n , G ill M c l v o r and C h r is T ro tte r

WI L L AN PUBLISHING

P ublished by W illa n P u b lis h in g C u lm c o tt H o u s e M ill S tre e t, U ffcu lm e C u llo m p to n , D e v o n E X 1 5 3 AT, UK Tel: + 4 4 (0 )1 8 8 4 8 4 0 3 3 7 F a x : + 4 4 (0 )1 8 8 4 8 4 0251 e -m a il: in fo @ v v illa n p u b lish in g .c o .u k w e b s ite : w w w .w illa n p u b lis h in g .c o .u k P u b lis h e d s im u lta n e o u s ly in th e U S A a n d C a n a d a by W illa n P u b lis h in g c / o IS B S , 9 2 0 N E 5 8 th A v e , S u ite 300 P o r tla n d , O re g o n 9 7 2 1 3 -3 7 8 6 , U SA Tel: + 0 0 1 (0 )5 0 3 2 8 7 3 0 9 3 F a x : + 0 0 1 (0 )5 0 3 2 8 0 88 3 2 e -m a il: in fo @ is b s .c o m w e b s ite : w w w .isb s.c o m © e d ito rs and c o n tr ib u to r s 2 0 0 7

A ll rig h ts re s e rv e d ; n o p a rt o f th is p u b lic a tio n m a y b e r e p r o d u c e d , sto red in a re trie v a l s y s te m , o r tra n s m itte d in a n y fo rm o r by a n y m e a n s , e le c tro n ic , m e c h a n ic a l, p h o to c o p y in g , re c o rd in g o r o th e rw is e w ith o u t th e p rio r w ritte n p e rm is s io n o f th e P u b lis h e rs o r a lic e n c e p e rm ittin g c o p y in g in th e U K issu e d by th e C o p y r ig h t L ic e n sin g A g e n c y L td , S a ffro n H o u s e , 6 - 1 0 K irb y S tre e t, L o n d o n E C 1N S T S F irs t p u b lis h e d 2 0 0 7 IS B N -9 7 8 -1 -8 4 3 9 2 -2 3 9 -1 p a p e rb a c k I S B N -9 7 8 -1 -8 4 3 9 2 -2 4 0 -7 h a r d b a c k B ritish L ib ra ry C a ta lo g u in g -in -P u b lic a tio n D ata A c a ta lo g u e re co rd fo r th is b o o k is a v a ila b le from th e B ritish L ib ra ry

T y p e se t b y C C S , L e ig h to n B u z z a rd , B ed s P rin te d a n d b o u n d b y T.J. In te r n a tio n a l L td ., T re c e ru s In d u s tr ia l E sta te , P ad sto w , C o rn w a ll

C onten ts

P reface and ackn ow ledgem en ts List o f fig u re s and tables N otes on con tribu tors

vii ix xi

In tro d u c tio n R osem ary Sheehan, G ill M clv o r an d C hris Trotter

xv

1

T h e n atu re o f fe m a le o ffe n d in g G ill M clv o r

2

T h e tra n s itio n a l p a th w a y s o f y o u n g fe m a le o ffe n d e r s: to w ard s a n o n -o ffe n d in g life s ty le M on ica B arry

3

S e n te n c in g and g e n d e r L orain e G elsthorpe

4

R is k s and n e e d s: facto rs th a t p re d ict w o m e n 's in c a rce ra tio n and in fo rm serv ice p la n n in g M argaret S everson , M arian n e B erry and ]u d y L. P ostm u s

1

23

40

61

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

5

6

R e s p o n d in g to d ru g and a lco h o l p ro b le m s : in n o v a tio n s and e ffe c tiv e n e s s in tre a tm e n t p ro g ram m e s fo r w o m en M argaret M alloch an d N an cy Loucks O ffe n d in g b e h a v io u r p ro g ram m e s fo r w o m e n o ffe n d e rs Su e P earce

7

P a ro le and p ro b a tio n C hris Trotter

8

R e s p o n d in g to m e n ta l h e a lth n e e d s o f w o m e n o ffe n d e rs Jim O g lo ff an d C hristin e Tye

9

R e s p o n d in g to th e h e a lth n ee d s o f fe m a le o ffe n d e rs A n gela M . W olf, F abiana Silva, K elly E. K n ight an d Shabn am Javdan i

10

W o m en p ris o n e rs and th e ir c h ild re n R osem ary Sheehan and C atherin e Flynn

11

B a rrie rs to e m p lo y m e n t, tra in in g and e d u c a tio n in p riso n and b e y o n d : a p e e r-le d s o lu tio n C arolin e O 'K eeffe, P au l S en ior and V alerie M on ti-H ollan d

91

110

124

142

182

214

240

12

E m p lo y m e n t: o ffe n d in g and re in te g ra tio n T ra d e M cP herson

262

13

H o u sin g and su p p o rt a fte r p riso n Sally M alin

279

14

W h a t d o es w o rk fo r w o m e n o ffe n d e rs? R osem ary Sheehan , G ill M clv o r an d C hris Trotter

300

Index

vi

377

P re fa c e a n d a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s

M o n ash U niversity, A u stralia, ho sted the in au g u ral con feren ce 'W h a t w o rk s w ith w o m en o ffen d ers: A cro ss-n atio n al d ialo g u e ab o u t w h at are effectiv e resp o n ses to fem ale o ffe n d ers' at the M o n ash C en tre in P rato , Italy, 2 0 -2 2 Ju n e, 2005. T h is in n o v ativ e, in tern atio n al co n feren ce in Tuscany b ro u g h t to geth er a ran ge o f p eo p le w h o w o rk w ith, and h av e an in terest in h elp in g , w o m en o ffen d ers. T h ey in clu d ed a cad em ics, p ractitio n ers and policy co n trib u to rs from a ran g e o f E u rop ean , N orth A m e rica n and A u stralasian cou n tries. T h e con feren ce p ro v id ed the o p p o rtu n ity for d ialo g u e b e tw e e n rep resen tativ es o f d ifferen t n atio n al sy stem s b o th ab o u t th eir sy stem resp o n ses to fem ale o ffen d ers and ab o u t the p ro g ram m es th ey h av e d ev elo p ed for w o m en w h o offend . In the c o n te x t o f d ram atic in creases in the im p riso n m e n t o f w o m en acro ss w e ste rn ju risd ictio n s, the aim o f this d ialo g u e w as to exam in e w h at resp o n ses w o rk b e st in allev iatin g the p ro b lem s that con trib u te to w o m e n 's o ffen d in g and im p riso n m en t, and w h at in terv en tio n s offer the b e st o p p o rtu n ity for reh ab ilitatio n . P articu lar a tten tio n w as giv en to issu es o f the h ealth and m en tal h ealth o f w o m en p riso n ers; the role o f ad d iction in w o m e n 's o ffen d in g ; fam ilies and p aren tin g roles; e d u catio n and w o rk op p o rtu n ities; p olitical and societal resp o n ses to w o m en o ffen d ers; and, the effectiv en ess o f in terv en tio n s that h av e been d ev elo p ed in resp o n se to offen d in g and w om en . T h e idea fo r the con feren ce grew o u t o f research u n d ertak en in V ictoria, A u stralia, b y R o sem ary S h eeh an and C h ris Trotter, th at asked w o m en in p rison , and at in terv als after their release, w h at serv ices and su p p o rts h elp ed them m an ag e d u rin g , and after, prison. G ill M clv o r u n d erto o k a p arallel, th o u gh m ore lim ited , stu d y o f w om en

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

leav in g p riso n in Sco tlan d . W om en w h o go to p riso n h av e a ran ge o f social and person al p ro b lem s and are likely to requ ire sig n ifican t am o u n ts o f su p p o rt b o th w h ile in cu sto d y on release. G iv en that the risk of reo ffen d in g is stro n gly in flu en ced b y the social situ ation and circu m stan ces w o m en retu rn to on release, o u r research set out to id en tify w h at serv ices p ro v id ed the m o st effectiv e su p p o rt to the w o m en and w ere m ore lik ely to red u ce th eir risk o f reo ffen d in g on release. It b e ca m e clear that the ch alle n g e s p o sed b y w o m en offen d ers in Sco tlan d and V ictoria w ere very sim ila r and w ere shared by other w o m en in o th e r co u n tries th at had sim ilarly w itn essed sig n ifican t in creases in fem ale incarceratio n . T h is b o o k arose o u t o f the P rato co n feren ce, con v en ed b y R o sem ary Sh eeh an . T h e b o o k is m ad e p o ssib le by the g en ero u s su p p ort of B rian W illan and W illan P u b lish in g , w h o se in terest in crim in o lo g y h as greatly e n co u rag ed this ventu re. O u r than ks go also those w h o p articip ated in the con feren ce and w ho co n trib u ted to the w ritin g of this b o ok, p ro v id in g a u n iq u e cro ss-n atio n al p e rsp ectiv e o n w o m en offen d ers and giv in g atten tion to an im p o rtan t social and p olitical issue. R o sem ary S h eeh an , G ill M clv o r and C h ris Trotter

L is t o f fig u r e s a n d ta b le s

Figu res 7.1

7.2 7.3 10.1

11.1 11.2 Tables 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8

W o m en 's resp o n se to w h o th ey foun d the m o st h elp fu l to them , in the tw elv e m o n th s after release from p riso n W om en 's ratin g s o f the h elp fu ln ess o f serv ices after p riso n W h a t is the w o rk er d o in g that is h elp fu l? C are p lan s fo r ch ild ren p rio r to th eir m o th e r's im p riso n m e n t related to w h eth er or n o t they w ere in th eir m o th e r's care p rio r to p rison T h e im p o rta n c e /c e n tra lity o f E TE in the lives o f w o m en ex-o ffen d ers B arriers to E T E e xp erien ced b y w o m en ex-o ffen d ers

D e m o g rap h ic ch aracteristics o f sam p le P rev alen ce o f v ictim isatio n C o -o ccu rren ce o f typ es o f v ictim isatio n C u rren t o u tco m es in ad u lth o od C o p in g strate g ies and social su p p o rt C o rrelatio n o f v ictim isatio n e x p erien ces and m ed iatin g facto rs (co n tro llin g for in carceratio n ) So cial serv ices and su p p o rts used after v ictim isatio n H elp fu ln ess o f social serv ices and su p p orts after v ictim isatio n

135 136 137

231 244 249

69 70 71 72 73 73 74 75

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

4.9 4.10 4.11 6.1 6.2 7.1 7.2 7.3

10.1

10.2

12.1

B arriers to u sing serv ices and su p p o rts C o rrelatio n s o f serv ices used and ad u lt o u tco m es C o rrelatio n s o f b arriers to seek in g serv ices and ad u lt ou tcom es C rim in o g e n ic need s by sex o f o ffen d er (from O A Sy s co m p leted 2 0 0 3 -0 4 ) E v alu atio n m easu res used Im p riso n m en t after release and relatio n sh ip to parole W o m en 's v iew s ab o u t the serv ice and how this relates to reo ffen d in g (sig n ifican t asso ciatio n s in order) F acto rs th at w ere asso ciated w ith w o m e n 's v iew s th at the serv ice had h elp ed w ith th eir p ro b lem s and red uced th eir ch an ces o f reoffen d in g Fam ily com p o sitio n o f p articip an ts in 'W om en and w elfare after p riso n s tu d y ', V icto ria, A u stralia, 2003-04 C h ild 's p lace o f resid en ce w h ilst m o th er in p riso n (W om en and w elfare after p riso n study, V ictoria, A u stralia, 2003-04) P o st-release o u tco m es fo r w o m en w h o atten d ed E m p lo y m en t Expo

N o t e s on c o n t r i b u t o r s

D r M onica Barry is R esearch Fellow in the D epartm ent o f A pplied Social Science, U niversity of Stirling, Scotland. P rofessor M arianne Berry is P rofessor of Social W elfare, School of Social W elfare, U niversity o f K ansas, USA. C ath erin e Flynn is undertaking her doctoral studies in the D epartm ent o f Social W ork, M onash U niversity, Victoria, A ustralia. D r Loraine G elsthorpe is R eader in C rim in ology and C rim inal Justice at the Institute of Crim inology, U niversity of C am bridge, England. K elly E. K night contributed to this book w'hilst a R esearch A ssociate in the field o f psychological research w ith the N ational C ouncil on C rim e and D elinquency, in O akland , C alifornia, USA. Shabnam Javdan i contributed to this b ook w hilst a R esearch A ssociate w ith a background in p sychology w orking at the N ational C ouncil on C rim e and D elinquency, in O akland , C alifornia, USA. D r N ancy Scotland.

Loucks

is

an

ind ep endent

crim inologist

based

in

P rofessor G ill M clvor is currently P rofessor of C rim in ology in the D epartm ent o f A pplied Social Science at L ancaster U niversity,

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

L ancaster, E n glan d . She w as p rev io u sly the D irecto r o f the So cial W ork R esearch C en tre at the U n iv ersity o f S tirlin g , Scotland . Tracie M cP h erson is P ro g ram m e C o o rd in ato r for the Women 4 W ork p ro g ram m e con d u cted by M elb o u rn e C ity m issio n , a n o n -g o v e rn m e n t ag en cy that p ro v id es serv ices fo r p eo p le on the m arg in s o f society, V ictoria, A u stralia. D r M arg aret M alloch is S e n io r R esearch Fellow at the Sco ttish C en tre fo r C rim e and Ju stice R esearch at the U n iv ersity o f Stirlin g , S cotland . D r S ally M alin w as G riffin s S o ciety V isitin g R esearch Fellow 2 0 0 3 -4 at the L on d o n Sch o o l o f E co n o m ics. She is cu rren tly the C hair, B arnet P rim ary C are Trust, L o n d o n , E ngland . V alerie M o n ti-H o llan d is T ran sn atio n al C o -o rd in ato r, SOVA (S u p p o rtin g O th ers th rou gh V olu n teer A ctio n ) W om en in to W ork M o v in g O n , E Q U A L P ro ject in S h effield , E ngland . P ro fesso r Jam es O glo ff is P ro fesso r of C lin ical F oren sic P sy ch o lo g y at M o n ash U n iv e rsity and D irecto r o f P sy ch o lo g ical S erv ices F oren sicare, V ictorian In stitu te o f Fo ren sic M en tal H ealth , A u stralia. P rior to this a p p o in tm en t he w as P ro fesso r o f L aw and Fo ren sic P sychology, S im o n F raser U niversity, and D irecto r o f M en tal H ealth S erv ices, B ritish C o lu m b ia C o rrectio n s, C an ad a. C arolin e O 'K eeffe is R esearch M an ag er at the H allam C en tre for C o m m u n ity Ju stice , S h effield H allam U niversity, S h effield , E ngland . S ue P earce is A ssistan t D irecto r in th e T h am es V alley P ro b atio n A rea for the N atio n al P ro b atio n S erv ice for E nglan d and W ales, b ased in B icester, E ngland . P ro fesso r Ju d y L. P ostm u s is A ssistan t P ro fesso r in the S ch o ol of S o cial W ork at R u tg ers U niversity, N ew B ru n sw ick , N ew Jersey, U SA . P ro fesso r Paul S en io r is D irector o f the H allam C en tre for C o m m u n ity Ju stice at S h effield H allam U niversity, S h effield , E ngland .

List of co n trib u to rs

A ssociate P ro fesso r M arg aret S everson is a m em b er o f F acu lty in th e S ch o ol o f Social W elfare at the U n iv ersity o f K an sas, L aw rence, K an sas, U SA . A ssociate P ro fesso r R o sem ary S h eeh an teach es u n d erg rad u ate and p o stg rad u ate stu d en ts in the D ep artm en t o f S o cial W ork, M o n ash U niversity, V ictoria and h old s a G o v e rn o r-in -C o u n cil ap p o in tm en t to the C h ild re n 's C o u rt o f V ictoria to con d u ct altern ativ e d isp u te reso lu tio n con feren ces. Fab ian a S ilva is a R esearch A sso ciate at the N atio n al C o u n cil on C rim e and D elin q u en cy in O ak lan d , C aliforn ia. A ssociate P ro fesso r C h ris T rotter teach es in the D e p artm en t o f Social W ork, M o n ash U n iv ersity and is the D irecto r o f the M o n ash C rim in al Ju stice R esearch C o n so rtiu m , V ictoria, A u stralia. D r C h ristin e Tye is S en io r P sy ch o lo g ist w ith Fo ren sicare, the V ictorian In stitu te o f F oren sic M en tal H ealth , V ictoria, A u stralia. D r A n g ela W olf is S e n io r R esearch er w ith the N ation al C o u n cil on C rim e and D elin q u en cy in O ak lan d , C aliforn ia, U SA .

In t r o d u c t io n

Rosem ary Sheehan, Gill M clvor and Chris Trotter

Increasing nu m bers o f w om en are now b ein g incarcerated in prisons throu ghou t the w orld (H om e O ffice, 2004; N ational O ffend er M anag em ent Service, 2005; Scottish E xecutive, 2006; Frost, G reene and P ranis, 2006). The n u m ber of w om en in prison as a percentage of overall prison figures rem ains low : around 6% in the UK, C anada, A ustralia and N ew Zealand, 7% in the U SA , although these percentages m ay vary in individual countries. H ow ever, in m ost cou ntries, the nu m ber o f w om en in prison has increased d ram atically in recent years, significantly outstripping increases in the nu m ber of m ale prisoners and w ith particu lar con sequ ences for m inority ethnic, black and aboriginal w om en , w ho constitute disproportionate levels of fem ale prison popu lations in m any cou ntries inclu ding C anada, A ustralia, the U K and the USA. H arsher responses to offend ing and a shift aw ay from responses that tended to give w om en probation or short term s o f im prisonm ent have contributed to this dram atic increase in w om en in prison (Frost, G reene and Pranis 2006; C h esney-Lind 2002). These trends have significant con sequ ences not only for the w om en , but also for their fam ilies and their com m u nities. W om en w ho enter the crim inal ju stice system very often struggle financially, have low levels o f education and have few social supports. T hey are w om en w ho are likely to have experienced traum a and abuse, com m encing as children, and w ho suffer from physical and m ental health problem s as w ell as substance abuse issues. T hey are w om en w ho are m ore likely than m en in the crim inal ju stice system to be the sole support and caregivers for their children. T heir absence places significant strain on their children XV

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

and th eir fam ilies, m an y o f w h o m w ill h av e alread y su ffered from in stab ility associated w ith p aren tal su b stan ce ab u se, m en tal health p ro b lem s and asso ciated crim in al activ ity (Sh eeh an and L ev in e 2004). C h ild ren w ith a m o th er in p rison m ay exp e rie n ce frag m en ted care arran g em en ts, h av e little con tact w ith th eir m o th ers, and feel sham ed and fearfu l ab o u t th eir m o th e r's circu m stan ces and w h at w ill hap p en in the futu re. C h esn ey -L in d (2004) n o tes th at w o m en attem p tin g to reu n ify th eir fam ilies after p riso n face sig n ifican t b arrie rs; the lack of h o u sin g , in co m e, jo b skills and em p lo y m e n t history, and co m m u n ity d isap p ro v al m ak e rein teg ratio n in to the co m m u n ity p articu larly d ifficu lt for w om en . W om en 's p ath w ay s in to p riso n often reflect a h isto ry o f child abuse. T h ere is a sig n ifican t asso ciatio n b e tw e e n ch ild h o o d sexu al ab u se and v io len ce and su b seq u e n t p ro b lem s such as alco h o l and d ru g abu se, in v o lv e m e n t in p ro stitu tio n and liv in g w ith m ale p artn ers w h o are inv olv ed in crim in al activ ity (Frost, G reen and P ran is 2006). W om en m ay b eco m e cau g h t up in the crim in al activ ity o f th eir m ale p artn er and th em selv es e xp erien ce crim in al co n seq u en ces. Im p rison in g w o m en d o es n o t solv e th e p rob lem s th at u n d erlie their in v o lv e m e n t in the crim in al ju stice sy stem (Frost, G reen e and P ran is 2006). G reater atten tion n eed s to be p aid to d ev e lo p in g altern ativ e resp o n ses th at offer ap p ro p riate su p p o rt and in te rv e n tio n to ad d ress w o m e n 's u n d erly in g p ro b lem s and red u ce reo ffen d in g. H ow ever, serv ices and in terv en tio n s m u st be g en d er-resp o n siv e (B lo om , O w en and C o v in g to n 2003), bu ild self-esteem , stren g th en w o m e n 's social and fam ilial su p p o rt n etw o rk s, and e n h an ce th eir access to e d u catio n and e m p lo y m en t op p o rtu n ities. S u ch in terv en tio n s need to p rov id e w o m en w ith strateg ies to co p e w ith the stresses th ey face, and take acco u n t o f w o m e n 's fam ily resp o n sib ilities, if th ey are to be su ccessfu l. Frost, G reen e and P ran is (2006) b eliev e that sen ten cin g refo rm s and g reater p u b lic in v e stm e n t in effectiv e d ru g tre atm e n t and g en d er-resp o n siv e serv ices are n ecessary to help w o m e n red u ce their o ffen d in g , m ain tain th eir care o f th eir ch ild ren and rem ain integrated in to the b ro ad er com m u nity. A p p ro p riate actio n is th erefore requ ired at d ifferen t stages in the crim in al ju stice p ro cess. First, at the sen ten cin g stage, to ensu re that g reater u se is m ad e o f ap p rop riate com m u n ity -b ased d isp o sals, e sp ecially th o se th at p ro v id e lin ks in to d ru g and o th er serv ices th at allow the p ro b lem s that co n trib u te to w o m e n 's o ffen d in g to be ad d ressed . Seco n d , fu rth er a tten tio n n eed s to be g iv en to serv ices and su p p o rts that im p riso n ed w o m en requ ire w h ile th ey are serv in g their sen ten ces, to m in im ise the h arm fu l effects o f cu stod ial sen ten ces xvi

Introduction

upon them . Third , greater attention needs to be paid to post-release services, to provide hou sing and incom e support or em ploym ent, and support for w om en resum ing their parenting role. For exam ple, m any w om en struggle to secure ad equ ate hou sing, and this stands in the w ay of them resum ing the care o f their children. This book sets out to explore these them es, by seeking better to understand the nature, circum stances and causes of fem ale offending and by identifying effective responses to w om en w ho offend. Importantly, given the recent large increases in w om en's im prisonm ent that have prom oted academ ic, policy and practice concerns are an international phenom enon, this book - and the conference upon w hich it w as based - sought contributions from across jurisdictions w ith a view to sharing know ledge and experience and enabling policy and practice in different countries to be inform ed by experiences elsewhere. The first three chapters seek to identify the extent and nature of fem ale offending, the factors that appear to be associated w ith w o m en 's involvem ent in offend ing and how fem ale offend ing is responded to by crim inal ju stice system s. In C hapter 1, G ill M clv or (Scotland) focuses on the nature o f fem ale offend ing in different ju risd iction s b y con sid erin g the rate, frequency, seriou sn ess and types of offences for w hich w om en are convicted and how this differs from m en. C om parative trends in fem ale im prisonm ent are also exam ined and reasons for the unprecedented rise in the im prisonm ent of w om en are considered. T he chapter con clud es by con sid erin g policy initiatives that have been introduced in several countries to reduce offend ing by and im prisonm ent of w om en, d raw ing in particular upon experience in Scotland. C h apter 2 by M onica Barry (Scotland) con sid ers the reasons for you ng w om en 's inv olv em ent in offending, their reasons for con tin uing to offend and the factors that appear to be associated with their subsequ ent d ecisions to desist. As previous stud ies have also show n, drug m isuse and inv olv em ent w ith offend ing partners w ere frequently cited as p athw ays into offend ing by w om en, w ho soon cam e to regard any benefits offending bestow ed as b ein g far outw eighed by the costs. D esistance am ong w om en w as often associated w ith the assu m ption of fam ily and other personal responsibilities (w hich, in turn, helped to support w om en 's efforts to becom e drug-free). B asing her analysis upon the con cepts o f capital, generativity and responsibility-taking, she argues that w o m en 's d esistance from offend ing m ay be understood in term s of their having achieved opportu nities both to accu m ulate and expend capital that are both real and sustainable.

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

C h apter 3 by Loraine G elsth orpe (England) d iscu sses gen der and sentencing, highlighting the com plex w ays in which gen der and sen tencing interact, she draw s upon G arlan d 's 'culture o f con trol' and C arlen 's concept of 'carceral claw back' in explaining the increasingly harsh treatm ent of w om en by the crim inal ju stice system . Reflecting upon the accu m ulating evid ence that w om en 's 'crim inogen ic n eed s' are in certain respects different from those o f m en and upon the developm ent of gen der specific interventions that are underpinned by know led ge o f w om en 's p athw ays into offend ing, need s and styles of engaging, she argues that equality of treatm ent of m en and w om en should not necessarily m ean sam eness of treatm ent and that procedu ral ju stice is likely to be enhanced if due diversity and difference are d uly recognised and addressed. C hapter 4 by M argaret Severson, Ju d y Postm us, M arianne Berry (USA) exam ines o f the concepts o f risk and need in the context of w om en and offending, with particular reference to the needs of w om en in prison. Looking specifically at the experiences o f victim isation and abuse am ong incarcerated and non-incarcerated w om en, their study found higher levels o f prior victim isation as children and adults and more severe form s of violence am ong the w om en w ho w ere in prison. The im prisoned w om en also had histories characterised by greater m aterial and social deprivation, a higher incidence o f drug a n d /o r alcohol problem s and low er levels of social support. Im portantly, they found that the services that w om en w ho had been abused m ost valued - those focused upon providing practical as opposed to em otional support - also tended to be those they w ere less likely to receive. In C h apter 5, M argaret M alloch and N ancy Loucks (Scotland) h igh ligh t the high incid ence o f drug m isuse am ong fem ale offenders and d iscuss con tem porary responses to w om en in the crim inal justice system w ith drug a n d /o r alcohol problem s, in clu ding the im portance o f resources that acknow ledge the broad er con texts o f w o m en 's lives. T heir chapter focuses in particular on the d evelopm ent in Scotland of an innovative residential and daycare project (218) aim ed at offering the cou rts an alternative to fem ale im prisonm ent w hile ensuring that w o m en 's need s w ere m et in an holistic way. This required the co-operation o f staff from different agen cies and w ith distinctive professional background s, in clu ding the provision o f support from both health and ad diction w orkers to enable w om en to address problem atic su bstance use. W om en w ho attended 218 w ere very positive abou t the service, believ in g that it addressed their needs and m ost w om en reported reductions in drug and alcohol use, reductions in offend ing and im provem ents in health and w ell-being.

Introduction

C h apter 6 by Sue Pearce (England) d iscu sses the d evelopm ent of offend ing behav iou r program m es for w om en in prison and in the com m u nity in England and W ales in the context of program m e accreditation. W hile the m ajority o f program m es that have been accredited em ploy cognitive behaviou ral m ethod s to change offend ers' attitud es and behaviour, em erging evid ence that w om en w ho offend have different needs and different routes into offend ing from m en suggests that program m es that have been developed for m ale offender popu lations can n o t sim ply be adapted to m ake them suitable for w om en. Im portantly, she argues that in d eveloping provision of this type, accoun t also need s to be taken of w o m en 's heterogeneity and o f relevant external factors that m ay im pact ad versely on the ability to m ake av ailable gender approp riate provision. C h apter 7 by C hris Trotter (A ustralia) exam in es the role o f probation and parole in respond ing to the need s of w om en w ho offend and consid ers, in particular, w hether w om en are helped m ore and do better after prison (including avoid ing re-offending) if they are supervised on parole. W hile con clud ing that in broad term s sim ilar principles m ay underp in effective com m u nity supervision o f m en and w om en, it is argued that fem ale offend ers m ay benefit m ore from the support provided by a relationship-oriented style o f supervision and from an holistic approach to the difficulties they face. The focus of the follow ing two chapters is upon health problem s experienced by fem ale offenders. In C h apter 8, Jim O gloff (Canada and A ustralia) and C h ristine Tye (A ustralia) outline the prevalence and nature o f m ental illness am ong w om en offenders in prisons and in the com m unity. It identifies the high incid ence o f m ental health problem s am ong, in particular, fem ale prisoners and review s w hat need s to be in place to effectively respond to the m ental health needs o f w om en w ho offend. C h apter 9 by A ngela W olf (U SA ) d iscusses the health problem s that confront im prisoned w om en and the strategies that have been ad opted to address their often serious health needs. In it she identifies the high incid ence of health problem s am ong fem ale prisoners (including sexually transm itted disease and m ental health problem s) in com parison both w'ith non-incarcerated w om en and im prisoned m en and how im prisonm ent can further im pact in various w ays upon fem ale priso n ers' w ell-being and health. A lthough the im plications for the provision o f health services to w om en in prison are still em erging, the chapter conclud es by outlining strategies that m ight facilitate w o m en 's access to relevant services and contribute to im provem ents in their health. xix

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

C hild ren and child care responsibilities can be a source o f concern for w om en w ho are subject to com m u nity d isposals (for exam ple arranging suitable child care to attend appointm ents). H ow ever this is an issue o f con sid erable significance for w om en w ho are im prisoned. C h apter 10 by R osem ary Sheehan and C ath erin e Flynn (A ustralia) consid ers the experiences of w om en prisoners and their children, inclu ding how w om en in prison m aintain their links w ith their children and the issues w om en face on their return to the com m unity in term s of their resum ption o f fam ily con nections and parenting role. The follow ing three chapters in this volu m e con sid er how som e of the other practical barriers that p revent w om en 's effective integration in the com m u nity m ay be addressed. C hapter 11 by Paul Senior, C aroline O 'K eeffe and Valerie M onti-H olland (England) exam ines how edu cation program m es, such as literacy, life skills or v ocational training, contribute to reduced reoffend ing for w om en prisoners or offend ers on com m u nity-based orders. C h apter 12 by Tracie M cP herson (A ustralia) consid ers the relationship betw een em ploym ent and offend ing and the extent to w hich em p loym ent assistan ce can contribute to reintegration and reduced offending. In C h apter 13, Sally M alin (England) presents a com prehen sive accoun t of research that exam ines the pivotal role o f hou sing and associated support for w om en after prison, p roviding a cross-national perspective on how these services support the reintegration into their com m u nities of w om en w ho offend. C h apter 14 con clud es this book by d iscu ssing the them es w hich have been developed in the book and com es to som e conclusions about w hat does and w hat does not w ork for w om en offend ers and suggests a w ay forw ard. W ithin crim inology and crim inal ju stice, w om en 's offending has h istorically received relatively scant attention in com parison w ith offending by m en. A s the con tribution s to this volu m e d em onstrate, w o m en 's offend ing is less com m on that offend ing by m en, usually not of a seriou s nature and rarely results in seriou s harm . D espite this, m ore and m ore w om en are being im prisoned and for longer periods of tim e and the social and p ersonal con sequ ences o f im prisonm ent for w om en can be particularly acute. International d evelopm ents in policy and in practice (inclu ding the d evelopm ent o f gender responsive interventions and strategies) reflect a grow ing concern to lim it the unnecessary use o f w om en 's im prisonm ent and to provide - w hether in prison or as an alternative - services, interventions and resources that are better able to m eet their needs. We hope that this XX

In tro d u c tio n

b o o k , b y a d d in g to th e g r o w in g , th o u g h s till re la tiv e ly s m a ll, lite ra tu re on th e c h a r a c te r is tic s , c ir c u m s ta n c e s an d n e e d s o f fe m a le o ffe n d e r s c o n tr ib u te s to a n d e n c o u r a g e s o n g o in g d is c u s s io n a n d d e b a te .

R e fe r e n c e s Bloom , B., O w en, B. and C ovington, S. (2003) G ender-responsive Strategies: research, practice and guiding principles fo r women offenders. W ashington, DC: N ational Institute of C orrections. C hesney-Lind, M. (2002) 'C rim inalising Victim isation: The unintended consequences of arrest policies for girls and w om en', Crim inology and Public Policy, N ovem ber, 81-90. C hesney-Lind, M . (2004) The Fem ale O ffender: Girls, wom en and crim e (2nd ed.) Thousand O aks, CA: Sage Publications. Frost, N ., Greene, J. and Pranis, K. (2006) H ARD HIT: The grow th o f im prisonm ent o f w om en, 1997-2004. N ew York: Institute on W om en and Justice, W om en's Prison A ssociation. H om e O ffice (2004) Statistics on W omen and the Crim inal Justice System 2003. London: Stationary Office. N ational O ffender M anagem ent Service (2005) Population in Custody, July 2005. London: H om e Office. Raeder, M. (1995) 'T h e Forgotten O ffenders: The effect of sentencing guidelines and m andatory m inim um s on w om en and their child ren'. New York: Vera Institute of Justice Federal Sentencing Reporter, 8, 3 (D ecem ber). Scottish Executive (2006) Prison Statistics Scotland, 2005/06. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Sheehan, R. and Levine, G. (2004) 'Parents As Prisoners: M aintaining the parent-child relationship', 15"' 1SPCAN Congress, 19-22 Septem ber, Brisbane, 2004.

xxi

C h apter I

T he nature of female offending Gill M clvor

In tro d u c tio n This chap ter discusses the typ es of offences w om en are involved in and how their offend ing com pares (in term s o f its rate and seriousness) w ith offend ing by m en, h igh ligh tin g the relatively m inor nature of the offences m ost com m only com m itted by w om en. H ow ever, there is evid ence that how crim inal ju stice system s respond to offend ing by w om en has changed in recent years. In particular, w estern ju risd iction s have w itnessed a dram atic increase in w o m en 's im prisonm ent (in term s o f both the nu m bers of w om en im prisoned and the sentenced fem ale prison population) that has far outstripped any such increases in the im prisonm ent of men. This chapter w ill argue that the observed increases in w om en 's im prisonm ent cannot be attributed to increases in the severity of fem ale offend ing bu t appear instead to reflect m ore p u nitive responses by the courts to offending by w om en. R ecognising the harm ful effects of im prisonm ent upon w om en and their fam ilies (and its ineffectiveness in reducing the risk of further offend ing), som e ju risd iction s have, w ith v arying degrees of success, d eveloped strategies aim ed at encouragin g greater use of com m u nity-based disposals. The Scottish experience will be draw n upon to illustrate how, despite policy com m itm ents to im prove the range and quality o f resources av ailable to fem ale offend ers in the com m unity, the trend tow ard carceral expan sion cannot easily be reversed.

I

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

W o m e n ’s offending The incidence o f female offending

Perhaps the m ost striking feature of offend ing by w om en is its relative infrequency in com parison w ith offend ing by m en. A cross different ju risd iction s, w om en represent a relatively sm all proportion of those convicted and sentenced by the courts. For exam ple, in England and W ales, w om en represented only 19% o f those cautioned by the p olice or convicted o f an offence (referred to as 'k now n o ffend ers') in 2002 (H om e O ffice 2003) and 19% of d efendants w ho w ere convicted of an offence in 2005 (H om e O ffice 2006). In 2006 m ore m en than w om en w ere convicted o f all categories o f ind ictable offences, w ith the exception of cruelty to or neglect o f child ren (w^here 59% o f those convicted w ere fem ale). With respect to sum m ary offences, in 2005 w om en w ere m ore likely than m en to have been convicted o f Education A ct offences (not sending child ren to school) and non-p aym en t o f a television licence (w'here 73% and 63% respectively o f those convicted w ere w om en) (H om e O ffice 2006). W ith the exception o f 'offences by a prostitu te' (w here 99% of d efendants w ere w om en) it is obvious that offending that is pred om inantly com m itted b y w om en in England and W ales is connected very m uch to the d om estic sphere. The fact that w om en 's offending is also, in general, less serious than offend ing by m en is illustrated by the finding that w om en represented only 15% o f those convicted of ind ictable (that is, m ore serious) offences in 2005 but 20% of those convicted sum m arily (that is, of less seriou s offences) (H om e O ffice 2006). Sim ilarly, in Scotland , m en accounted for 84% of all convictions in 2 0 0 4 /5 . M ore m en than w om en had a charge proved against them in alm ost all crim e and offence categories, the only exception being 'o th er crim es of ind ecen cy' w here w om en accounted for 70% of offences, these bein g m ainly related to prostitution. U nlike in England and W ales, how ever, sim ilar p roportions of those convicted o f both crim es and offen ces1 in Scotland in 2 0 0 4 /5 w ere w om en (Scottish E xecu tive 2006a). Looking to other ju risd iction s, a sim ilar pattern pertains. For instance, in the U nited States, local data collated cen trally by the FBI indicated that fem ale offend ers represented 23% o f all arrestees (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2004) w hile data from the Bureau of Ju stice Statistics show ed that 17% o f those convicted of felonies

2

T h e nature o ffe m a le offending

in 2002 w ere w o m en (D u rose and L an g an 2005). In C an ad a 15% o f ad u lt co u rt cases in 2 0 0 2 -3 inv o lv ed a fem ale accu sed (M cC u tch eon 2003) w h ile in New' Z ealan d , m ale o ffen d ers acco u n ted fo r 82% o f all cases th at resulted in co n v ictio n in 2004 (for w'hich the g e n d e r o f the o ffen d er w as know'n) w ith fem ale o ffen d ers a cco u n tin g for 18% of cases (L ash 2006). In A u stralia, d efe n d an ts w'ho w^ere p rosecu ted in 2 0 0 4 -5 w ere o v erw h elm in g ly m ale, w ith this b ein g p articu larly true o f those con v icted in the h ig h er cou rts, w'here 88% w ere m ale (and 12% fem ale). As in o th er ju risd ictio n s, p ro p o rtio n ally m o re w om en w'ere p ro secu ted in the low'er cou rts (22% o f cases) (A u stralian B ureau o f S tatistics 2006a). E ven th o u g h the gap b e tw e e n m ale and fem ale o ffen d in g (in term s o f the p ercen tag es w h o rep ort h av in g co m m itted illegal acts) is sm aller w'hen self-rep orted o ffen d in g is con sid ered (e.g. G rah am and B o w lin g 1995; F lo o d -P ag e et al. 2000) b o y s are still m ore lik ely th an girls to rep o rt h av in g com m itted all b u t the least com m o n offences (T riplett and M y ers 1995; Ja m ie so n et al. 1999). Young m en also rep ort e n g ag in g in d ifferen t typ es o f o ffen ces m ore frequ en tly than you n g w 'om en and are m u ch m ore like to re p o rt c o m m ittin g m ore serio u s o ffen ces (Jam ieso n et al. 1999). O ffences com m itted by w om en

T h e m o st recen t d ata for E n g lan d and W ales (H om e O ffice 2006) in d icate th at w o m en are d isp ro p o rtio n ately rep resented am o n g those co n v icted o f thefts fro m o th er p eo p le, e m p lo y ers and sh o p s, fo r frau d , p o lice assau lt, E d u catio n A ct o ffen ces, social secu rity offen ces, o ffen ces by p ro stitu tes, n o n -p ay m e n t o f fares on p u b lic tran sp o rt and n o n -p ay m e n t o f telev isio n lice n ces.2 N u m erically , the m o st com m o n offen ces for w hich w o m en w ere con v icted in 2005 w ere (in d escen d in g ord er): failu re to p ay for a telev isio n licen ce, d riv in g w hile d isq u alified , sh o p liftin g , n o n -p ay m e n t o f fares on p u b lic tran sp ort, com m o n assau lt, o ffen ces u n d er the E d u catio n A ct and failin g to su rren d er to b a il (H o m e O ffice 2006). A b ro ad ly sim ilar p ictu re is found in Scotlan d w h ere, asid e from p ro stitu tion , the categ o ries in w'hich w o m en fo rm ed a h ig h e r than av erag e p ro p o rtion o f those con v icted in 2 0 0 4 -5 inclu d ed fraud (37% ), sh o p liftin g (29% ), n o n -p a y m e n t o f a telev isio n licen ce (69% ) and 'o th e r n o n -sexu al crim es o f v io le n c e ' (42% ) w'hich in clu d e s n e g le ct or m altreatm en t o f ch ild ren (S co ttish E xecu tiv e 2006a). In th at year, the m o st co m m o n o ffen ces in resp ect o f w h ich w o m en w ere con v icted

3

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

w ere failu re to p ay fo r a telev isio n licen ce, sh o p liftin g , b re ach o f the p eace, assau lt (in clu d in g re sistin g arrest), d riv in g w hile d isqu alified and sp eed in g. D ata fo r C an ad a ind icate that in 2 0 0 2 -3 m en w ere d isproportionately over-represented am o n g those w ho appeared in cou rt for crim es against the person, crim inal cod e traffic offences and crim es against property. W hile still representing the m inority o f those ap p earing in cou rt, w o m en accoun ted for a sig n ifican t p roportion of accu sed charged w ith prostitu tion (43% o f cases), fraud (29% ) and theft, in clu ding sho p lifting (28% ) (M cC u tcheon 2003). In N ew Z ealand , w o m en are d isp rop ortionately represented am on g those convicted of crim es against property, w hich inclu des shop lifting and fraud and under-represented am on g those con v icted o f o ffences inv olv ing violence (Lash 2006). In A u stralia the m o st com m o n o ffen ces in resp ect o f w'hich both m en and w o m e n w ere con v icted in 2 0 0 4 -5 w ere in ten tio n to cau se injury and d ru g offen ces. G e n d e r d ifferen ces w ere ev id e n t w ith regard to sex u al assau lts and d ecep tio n and related o ffen ces, the fo rm er b e in g m ark ed ly m ore co m m o n am on g m en (14% o f those ad ju d icated com p ared w ith 2% o f w o m en ) and the latter m ore co m m o n a m o n g w o m en (18% o f those ad ju d icated com p ared w ith 6% o f m en ). T h e m o st com m o n o ffen ces for bo th m en and w o m en sen ten ced in m a g istra te s' cou rts w ere road traffic and 'm o to r v eh icle re g u latory o ffe n ces'. T h e re a fte r the m o st com m o n offen ces am o n g m ale d efen d an ts w ere p u b lic o rd er o ffen ces (21% ) and A cts intend ed to cau se inju ry (15% ). A m o n g w o m en , o ffen ces o f theft and related o ffen ces (25% ) and p u b lic o rd er o ffen ces (15% ) w ere n ex t m ost co m m o n (A u stralian B ureau o f S tatistics 2006a). A d d itio n al d ata fo r the state o f V ictoria in d icate that the m o st co m m o n categ o ries o f offen ces for w o m en sen ten ced in the h ig h er (Su p rem e and C o u n ty ) cou rts in 2 0 0 2 -3 w ere ro b bery and c u ltiv a tin g / m a n u fa c tu rin g /tra ffick in g d ru g s, esp ecially am o n g y o u n g er w o m en in th eir tw en ties. C o n v ictio n rates fo r d ecep tio n (frau d ) w ere also relativ ely h ig h for w o m en , esp ecially th o se b e tw e e n 30 and 39 years o f age. W om en accou n ted for 13% o f all th ose sen ten ced (V ictoria D e p artm en t o f Ju stice 2004). O v erall, th erefo re, this b rie f c o m p arativ e an aly sis su g g ests that w o m e n 's offen d in g is less co m m o n and less serio u s than o ffen d in g b y m en. T h e se d ifferen ces in p attern s o f m ale and fem ale offen d in g su g g est th at alth o u g h there m ay be certain com m o n alitie s, it is lik ely th at the p ath w ay s in to offen d in g by m en and w o m en are d ifferen t and that d ifferen t th eo retical exp lan atio n s for m ale and fem ale in v o lv e m e n t in crim e are requ ired . 4

The nature offem ale offending

Explanations for offending: pathw ays and needs

W om en's offend ing challenges trad itional theoretical explanations of crim e w hich w ere d eveloped essentially to explain offend ing by m en. This has resulted in the d evelopm ent o f theoretical explanations for w o m en 's offending that have focused upon a range of biological, psychological and sociological factors and w hich increasingly have incorporated fem inist analyses to locate w om en 's offend ing w ithin patriarchal structures and w ider socio-stru ctu ral influences (G elsthorpe 2004). Increasingly, attention is bein g paid to id entifying the factors w'hich appear to be related to w om en 's p athw ays tow ard s crim e. For exam ple, in the UK, Farrington and P ainter (2004) found that socio­ econom ic factors (such as low' social class, low fam ily incom e, poor hou sing and large fam ily size) and child -rearing practices (such as low' levels of praise by the parents, harsh or erratic d iscipline, poor parental supervision, parental conflict, and low paternal interest in child ren and in their education) w ere better pred ictors of offending am ong w om en than am ong men. A n u n derstand ing o f how w om en b ecom e involved in crim e can be gained from the accounts o f w om en them selves or from the analysis of the experiences and characteristics o f w om en draw n into the crim inal ju stice system . These analyses su ggest that w o m en 's offending is often rooted in poverty and d eprivation (for exam ple, stealing to provide for children) or problem s relating to substance m isuse. Fem ale offend ers frequ ently have experiences o f abuse, p sychological problem s (including d epression and low self-esteem ) and past or present involvem ent in abusive personal relationships (C hesney-Lind 1997; Loucks 2004; R u m gay 2000). W hat is less clear, how'ever, is w hether and in w'hat w ays these experiences contribute to w om en 's offending. W hilst the links betw een poverty and drug use and crim e m ay be understood at a sim plistic level in essentially utilitarian term s, the relationships betw een w o m en 's histories of abuse and their inv olv em ent in crim inal activity are less clearly discerned (e.g. D ow d en and A nd rew s 1999). It is now recognised that w om en are likely to have different 'crim inogen ic n eed s' from m en (H edd erm an 2004a) becau se their routes into offend ing and reasons for offend ing are often different (Jam ieson et al. 1999). Experiences o f physical and sexual abuse appear to be m ore specific (though not unique) to w om en (H ollin and P alm er 2006). O thers - such as crim inal history, unem ploym ent and substance m isuse - appear to pertain to both m en and w om en. H ow ever, even if certain factors appear to be associated both w'ith

5

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

w o m en 's offend ing and w ith offend ing b y m en, it not necessarily the case that the w ay in w hich these factors intersect w'ith offend ing is sim ilar for m en and w om en. For exam ple, analysis o f data from the D rug U se C areers of O ffend ers (D U CO ) study in A ustralia (M akkai and Payne 2003; Joh n so n 2004) suggests that drug use m ay play a different role in the d evelopm ent of m ale and fem ale offend ing, w ith m en m ore likely than w om en to report having engaged in offending prior to their first use of drugs (A ustralian Institute o f C rim inology 2005). This is con sisten t with Jam ieson et a l.'s (1999) finding that the offending o f you ng w om en in their late teens and early tw enties in Scotland w as usually drug related. M any you ng w om en in that study reported having been initiated into d rug-use by their m ale partners and having begu n com m ittin g offences to finance their (and often their p artn er's) use of illicit drugs. T his being so, they considered desistance from offend ing to be unlikely unless their drug problem s w ere addressed. G ender and desistance from crime

Traditionally, crim inological interest has focused up on w hen and w'hy young people start offending, w ith a view to both un derstand ing the aetiology o f crim e and id entifying m ethod s of preventing young people from becom ing involved in com m ittin g offences. O ffending is, essentially, an age-related phen om enon and m ost you ng people - m ale and fem ale - ev en tually 'grow out o f crim e'. In recent years, how ever, increasing attention has been paid to the processes associated w ith desistan ce from offending: how and w hy people eventually stop com m ittin g crim es (e.g. Burnett 1992; Leibrich 1993; G raham and Bow'ling 1995; R ex 1999; M aruna 2001; Farrell 2002). An enhanced u n derstand ing of the processes that accom p any or prom ote the cessation o f offend ing may, it is argued, inform the d evelopm ent of m ore effective interventions w ith young people w ho have already begu n to offend (M cN eill 2003, 2006). A lthou gh research on desistan ce has concentrated p rim arily upon m en, a few' studies have included both sexes (e.g. G raham and Bow ling; 1995; L eibrich 1992; M aruna 2001; U gg en and K ru ttschnitt 1998) or have focused solely upon w om en (e.g. Som m ers et al. 1994; K atz 2000). There is evid ence that young w om en, w ho are o f course less likely to offend in the first place, d esist sooner than you ng m en (G raham and Bow'ling 1995; Jam ieson et al 1999; Flood-P age et al. 2000). M oreover, w hile it appears that in som e respects the process o f d esistance m ay be sim ilar for you ng m en and w om en - w ith the

6

T h e nature o f female offending

fam iliar th em es o f m atu ratio n , tran sitio n s, ch an g ed lifesty les and re latio n sh ip s b ein g p e rtin e n t for both g ro u p s - there are also im p o rtan t g en d er d ifferen ces (M clv o r et al. 2004). For e xam p le, Ja m ie so n et al. (1999), in th eir stu d y o f d esistan ce am o n g yo u n g p eo p le in S co tlan d , foun d th at y o u n g w o m en w ere m ore lik ely th an y o u n g m en to cite m oral as op p o sed to u tilitarian ratio n ales fo r sto p p in g o ffen d in g and w ere m ore likely to em p h asise the im p o rtan ce o f relation al asp ects o f this p rocess (G illig an 1982). T h e latter in clu d ed the view s o f p aren ts, e x p erien ces o f v ictim izatio n , the assu m p tio n o f p aren tal resp o n sib ilities and d isso ciatio n from o ffen d in g peers. Y oung m en , on th e o th er h an d , m ore o ften e m p h asized p erso n al ch o ice and ag en cy in th eir d ecisio n s n o t to o ffend . T h is clearly has im p licatio n s fo r the typ es o f in terv en tio n s that are lik ely b e st to en g ag e w ith and su p p ort m ale and fem ale d esistan ce from crim e (see also Barry, C h ap ter 2 in this b o o k).

T re n d s in the use o f fe m ale im p r is o n m e n t Fem ale o ffen d in g is, th erefo re, less freq u en t, less serio u s and m ore tran sien t th an o ffen d in g b y m en . A s a con se q u e n ce , w o m e n w'ho offend rep resen t a re lativ ely sm all p ro p o rtion o f those im p riso n ed by the cou rts, th ou gh there is so m e ev id en ce th at the im p riso n m e n t rate o f w o m en is h ig h e r in co u n tries in w h ich w o m e n h av e h ig h er sociale co n o m ic statu s (H eitfield and S im o n 2002). D esp ite w o m e n 's offen d in g b e in g largely o f a n o n -serio u s natu re, on e of the m o st strik in g p h en o m en a in recen t y ears has been the d ram atic in crease in w e ste rn ju risd ictio n s in the n u m b ers o f w'om en im p riso n ed , resu ltin g in fem ale p riso n p op u latio n s reach in g u n p reced en tly high levels. For in stan ce, in the U nited S tates (see Frost et al. 2006), the n u m b er o f im p riso n ed w o m e n stood at its h ig h est recorded level in 2003, h av in g increased in av erag e by 5% p er ann um sin ce 1995, h ig h e r th an the 3.3% av erag e an n u al grow'th in the m ale p riso n p o p u latio n . In 2 0 0 2 -3 the n u m b e r o f w o m en w h o received p riso n sen ten ces o f on e y ear or m ore in creased b y 4.2% com p ared wdth a 1.9% in crease in the n u m b e rs o f sim ilarly sen ten ce m en . W h ile w 'om en co m p rised 5.7% o f all p riso n ers in 1990, by 2003 this had risen to 6.9% . M oreover, as is the case w ith m en , b lack and H isp an ic w o m en are v astly o v er-rep resen ted in the state and fed eral p riso n p o p u latio n (H arriso n and B eck 2004). In E ngland and W ales the av erag e n u m b e r o f w om en in p rison in creased from 1,577 in 1992 to 4 ,299 in 2002 (an in crease o f 173% 7

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

com p ared w ith an in crease o f 50% in the av erag e m ale p o p u latio n ) w hile the p ercen tag e o f w o m en in the p riso n p o p u latio n increased from 3.4% to 6.1% o v er the sam e p erio d . In 2002 th e m ain offence grou p s in resp ect o f w'hich w o m en w ere im p riso n ed w ere d ru g o ffen ces (41% ), v io len ce ag ain st th e p e rso n (16% ) and th eft and h an d lin g (14% ). 71% o f w o m en im p riso n ed in 2002 receiv ed sen ten ces o f less than on e y ear (H om e O ffice 2003). M ore recent d ata rev eal a co n tin u in g trend , w ith 4,370 w o m en in cu sto d y in E ngland and W ales in D ecem b er 2005. W h ile the fem ale p riso n p o p u latio n in creased b y 3% b etw e e n D ecem b er 2004 and D e cem b e r 2005, the m ale p o p u latio n increased by only on e p er cent. O v er this p erio d , the h ig h e st in creases w ere am on g y o u n g w o m en u n d er 18 y ears o f age (20% ) and th o se aged b e tw e e n eig h teen and tw en ty years (16% ), w h ile the ad u lt (tw en ty -o n e years and over) fem ale p o p u latio n rose b y on e p er cent. B etw een D ecem b er 2004 and D ecem b er 2005 the largest p ro p o rtio n ate in crease in recep tio n s to p riso n w as in fem ale yo u n g ad u lts w'hich in creased b y 15% , w'hile fem ale un tried recep tio n s increased by 14% o v er that period (com p ared w ith a 6% in crease in m ale un tried recep tion s) (N atio n al O ffen d er M an ag em en t S erv ice 2006). In com p ariso n w ith m en , w o m en in S cotlan d are less lik ely to be im p riso n ed fo r v io le n t crim es and sex u al crim es and are m ore lik ely to receiv e a cu stod ial sen ten ce for crim es o f d ish o n esty and crim es in v o lv in g the p o sse ssio n or sellin g o f d ru g s. In 2 0 0 4 /5 ad u lt fem ale p riso n ers (th at is, th ose aged 21 y ears and o ver) w ere m o st lik ely to h av e been im p rison ed for o th er thefts (p rim arily sh o p liftin g ), d ru g o ffen ces, p etty assau lts and b reach es o f the p eace. T h e m ean p rison s en ten ce im p o sed on ad u lt w o m en w as 212 d ays (com p ared w ith 303 d ays im p o sed in resp ect o f ad u lt m en ). M ore than tw 'o-thirds o f ad u lt w o m en w h o receiv ed a p rison sen ten ce (71% ) w ere sen ten ced to less than six m o n th s in cu stod y: w'ith 50% rem issio n th ey w o u ld be released a fte r serv in g a m ax im u m o f three m o n th s assu m in g that no rem issio n w as fo rfeited w h ile th ey served th eir sen ten ce. T h e m ost co m m o n o ffen ces resu ltin g in im p riso n m e n t o f yo u n g w 'om en (aged 1 6 -2 0 years) w ere o th er th efts, p etty assau lts and serio u s assau lts. H o w ev er, the m ean sen ten ce len g th im p o sed w^as o n ly 193 d ay s and 69% receiv ed a sen ten ce o f less than 6 m o n th s (S cottish E xecu tiv e 2006b). T h e d ata for Scotland in d icates a stead y in crease in the d aily fem ale p riso n p o p u latio n from 189 w o m en in 1 9 9 6 /7 to 332 in 2 0 0 4 /5 . O v er th at p erio d the n u m b e r o f d aily sen ten ced p riso n ers in creased from 143 to 248 (an in crease o f 73% ) w h ile the n u m b e r o f rem and p rison ers

T h e nature o ffe m a le offending

rose from 46 to 84 (an in crease o f 83% ). T h e in crease in th e d aily fem ale p o p u latio n ap p lies eq u ally to yo u n g w om en and ad u lts, thou gh the av erage m ale sen ten ced y o u n g o ffen d er p o p u latio n actu ally decreased stead ily o v er the sam e p erio d . O v erall, the p ercen tag e o f w o m en in the d aily p riso n p o p u latio n in creased from 3% to 5% b etw e e n 1 9 9 6 /7 and 2 0 0 4 /5 , w'ith th e p ercen tag e o f the d aily sen ten ced p o p u latio n in creasin g from 3% to 4.5% and the p erce n tag e o f the d aily rem and p o p u latio n g ro w in g from 4.5% to 7% . H ow 'ever fu rth er an alysis su g g ests that the n u m b e rs o f w om en giv en cu stod ial sen te n ce s has n o t in creased m arked ly : there w ere, for exam p le, 1,268 recep tio n s in 1 9 9 6 /7 and 1,312 in 2 0 0 4 /5 w'ith the n u m b e r o f recep tio n s flu ctu atin g som ew 'hat in betw 'een. Rather, the n u m b e r o f w o m en rem an d ed in cu sto d y p rio r to co n v ictio n or sen ten ce has in creased steep ly (from 1,009 in 1 9 9 6 /7 to 1,807 in 2 0 0 4 /5 ) and , alth ou g h it fell in 2 0 0 4 /5 , the av erage len g th o f sen ten ce im p o sed on w o m e n has also risen sh arp ly (from 172 d ays in 1 9 9 6 /7 to a high o f 276 d ays in 2 0 0 2 /3 ) (Scottish E xecu tiv e 2006b). In A u stralia in 2006, 7% o f the p rison p o p u latio n w'as fem ale and the im p riso n m e n t rate fo r m en (308 p riso n ers p er 100,000 ad u lt m ale p o p u latio n ) w'as th irteen tim es m ore th an the im p riso n m en t rate for w o m en (23 p riso n ers p e r 100,000 ad u lt fem ale p o p u latio n ) (A u stralian B u reau o f S tatistics 2006b ). It a p p ears th at w o m e n are less likely to receiv e a cu stod ial sen ten ce than m en w hen sen ten ced in the h ig h e r and m a g istra te s' cou rts and are m ore lik ely w h en sen ten ced in the h ig h er cou rts to h av e a cu sto d ial sen ten ce fu lly su sp en d ed (A u stralian B u reau o f S tatistics 2006a). H ow ever, ov er the p rev io u s ten years the n u m b e r o f fem ale p riso n ers in creased b y 90% (from 964 at 30 Ju n e 1996 to 1,827 at 30 Ju n e 2006), w h ile the n u m b er o f m ale p riso n ers in creased b y only 39% (from 17,229 to 23,963) over the sam e p erio d . In the state o f V ictoria there w as a 76% increase in the av erag e n u m b e r o f fem ale p riso n ers in b e tw e e n 1 9 9 5 -2001 (V ictoria D ep artm en t o f Ju stice 2001), d esp ite it b ein g ack n o w led g ed to be the m o st lib eral A u stralian state w ith regard to the sen ten cin g o f offend ers. In A u stralia sim ilar p ro p o rtio n s o f m ale and fem ale p riso n ers in 2006 had b e e n in carcerated for an o ffe n c e /c h a r g e o f h o m icid e (10% o f m ales, 11% o f fem ales) and acts intend ed to cau se in ju ry (18% o f m ales, 17% o f fem ales). H ow ever, m en w ere m ore lik ely than w om en to h av e b een im p riso n ed for sexu al a ssau lt (12% com pared w'ith 1% o f w'om en) and robbery and exto rtio n (10% com p ared w ith 7% ). W om en, on the o th er h an d , w'ere m o re lik ely to h av e receiv ed a cu stod ial sen ten ce for d ecep tio n (9% com p ared w'ith 3% o f m en ), 9

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

th eft (11% com p ared w ith 5% o f m ales) and illicit d ru g o ffen ces (14% com pared w ith 10% ) (A u stralian B ureau o f S tatistics, 2006b). C an ad a w itn essed a 57% in crease in th e n u m b e r o f w o m en ad m itted to fed eral ju risd ictio n b e tw e e n 1 9 9 4 -5 and 2 0 0 4 -5 . A lth ou g h w o m en still rep resen t a sm all p ro p o rtio n o f those g iv en p riso n sen ten ces, this in creased from 3.2% o f ad m issio n s in 1 9 9 4 -5 to 5.0% o f ad m ission s in 2 0 0 4 -5 (P u b lic S afety and E m erg en cy P rep ared n ess C an ad a, 2005). In New? Z ealan d , 11% o f cases resu ltin g in a cu sto d ial sen ten ce in 2004 inv olv ed fem ale offen d ers. H ow ev er the fem ale sen tenced p riso n p o p u latio n had in creased b y 113% o v er the p rev iou s ten years w'hile the m ale sen ten ced p o p u latio n rose by only 30% ov er the sam e p eriod (L ash, 2006). B etw een 1994 and 2003 the sen ten ced fem ale p riso n p o p u latio n in N ew Z ealan d in creased b y 91% (Sp ier and Lash, 2004). T h ere w as, m oreov er, a 387% grow'th in the fem ale rem and p o p u latio n o v er the d ecad e to 2004, w h ile the m ale rem and p o p u latio n in creased by 147% b etw een 1995 and 2004 (L ash, 2006). T h ere are five key m essag es to d eriv e from th is b rie f com p arativ e a n aly sis o f w o m e n 's im p riso n m en t. First, it is cle ar that, although n u m erically they are still v ery m u ch in the m inority, w o m e n con stitu te an in creasin g p ro p o rtio n o f p riso n p o p u latio n s. Second ly, the increase in the rate o f im p riso n m e n t o f w o m en is g reater th at the rate o f in crease in the im p riso n m e n t o f m en . Thirdly, the in crease in fem ale im p riso n m e n t a p p ears to b e g reater a m o n g y o u n g er w o m en . Fourthly, fem ale p riso n p o p u latio n s are g en erally in creasin g at the sam e tim e as there is eith er no in crease or a d ecrease in the n u m b e rs o f w om en con v icted by the cou rts: in o th er w o rd s, there is little ev id en ce that the g ro w in g in carceratio n o f w o m en reflects a sig n ifican t ch an g e in levels or p attern s o f fem ale crim e. Finally, w'here su ch p red ictio n s are av ailab le, the use of im p riso n m e n t for w o m en is estim ated to co n tin u e in creasin g and to do so at a g reater rate o f in crease th an the im p riso n m e n t o f m en . For exam p le, the Ju stice D ep artm en t in N ew Z ealan d estim ated th at the fem ale sen ten ced p riso n p o p u latio n w ou ld in crease by 15% w h ile the m ale p o p u latio n w'ould in crease b y 12% b etw e e n 2 0 0 3 -4 and 2010 (N ew Z ealan d M in istry o f Ju stice, 2004). The ca u se s a n d co n se q u e n ce s o f w o m e n ’s increasing im prisonm ent

In S co tlan d , there is no e v id en ce th at w o m en are p ro p o rtio n ately m ore lik ely to be con v icted o f crim es and offen ces th at th ey w ere ten years ago: the n u m b e r o f w o m en con v icted p e r 100,000 p o p u latio n (10) w as id en tical in 1 9 9 5 /6 and in 2 0 0 4 /5 and , in d eed , d ecreased

10

T h e nature o ffe m a le offending

b e tw e e n 1998 and 2003 (S co ttish E xecu tiv e, 2006a) w h en the use o f im p riso n m en t w ith w om en and the Sco ttish fem ale p rison p o p u latio n w ere risin g at u n p reced en ted levels. In E n g lan d and W ales too, alth o u g h the n u m b er o f w om en con v icted o f offen ces increased b etw een 1992 and 2002, the n u m b ers o f k n o w n m ale o ffen d ers (that is, th o se con v icted and cau tion ed ) actu ally decreased to a sim ilar e xten t o v er the sam e p erio d . T h is su g g ests n o t that there had been an in crease in the n u m b ers o f w o m en arrested b u t, rather, that few'er o f those w h o w ere arrested w ere cau tion ed rath e r than h av in g their case taken to co u rt (H o m e O ffice, 2004). F u rth e r H o m e O ffice an aly sis su g g ests th at the rise in sen ten ced p riso n recep tio n s for w o m en w as b e in g d riv en b y a m ore sev ere resp o n se to less serio u s o ffen ces, w ith the rate o f in crease o f w o m en b e in g g iv en a cu sto d ial sen ten ce b ein g h ig h e r at the m ag istrates' cou rt th an at Crow'n C o u rt (H o m e O ffice, 2004). H e d d e rm an (2004b) sim ilarly con clu d ed from h er an aly sis o f sen te n cin g trend s that w hile som e o f the in crease in th e n u m b ers o f w o m en im p rison ed in E nglan d and W ales m ig h t be accou n ted for by the fact that m ore w om en w'ere ap p earin g b efo re the cou rts, the scale o f the in crease, cou p led b y a lack o f e v id en ce that w o m en w ere com m ittin g m ore serio u s o ffen ces and the o b serv atio n th at the use o f cu sto d ial sen ten ces w as in creasin g across all offen ce ty p es su g g ested in stead th at sen ten cin g by the co u rts - esp ecially the m ag istrates cou rts - w as beco m in g m ore severe. E v id en ce from N ew Z ealan d also su g g ests that in creases in w o m e n 's im p riso n m e n t can n o t b e acco u n ted for by th e cou rts d ealin g w'ith m ore serio u s fem ale offen d ers. A n in crease in the n u m b e rs o f w'om en im p riso n ed fo llo w in g the in tro d u ctio n o f the S e n te n cin g A ct 2002 (w h ich aim ed , a m o n g o th er th in g s, to e n su re th at sen ten cin g takes acco u n t o f the g rav ity and serio u sn ess o f o ffen d in g and the cu lp ab ility o f the o ffen d er) ap p eared to h av e o ccu rred in the ab sen ce o f an y ch an g e in the av erag e serio u sn ess o f cases resu ltin g in co n v ictio n (N ew Z ealan d M in istry o f Ju stice , 2004). C o u ld , as C arlen (2003a), has su g g ested , the in creased ten d en cy to im p riso n w 'om en reflect the g ro w in g in flu en ce o f risk assessm en t in the crim in al ju stice sp h ere? D raw in g u p on H u d so n 's (2002) arg u m en t th at 'w e lfa re ' n eed s h av e been red efined as p sy ch o lo g ical n eed s and that th e latter h av e, in tu rn , b een eq u ated w ith th e risk of reoffen d in g , C arlen su g g ests th at w om en are in creasin g ly likely to be p erceiv ed as p resen tin g a risk o f reo ffen d in g and are, th erefore, m ore at risk o f b e in g g iv en a cu sto d ial sen ten ce. C arlen fu rth er arg u es that the p ro liferatio n o f p riso n p ro g ram m es and in -p rison refo rm s m ay

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

persuad e sen tencers that im prisonm ent can be beneficial in its effects, especially for those w ho are deem ed to be 'at risk '. In a sim ilar vein, prisons m ay be view ed by the cou rts as a m eans o f providing w om en (and perhaps to a lesser extent m en) a period o f 'resp ite' from longstand in g drug m isuse and its personal and physical problem s. Yet, as Tom bs and C arlen (2006) have argued, the resources that have been introduced into p risons, such as anti-add iction program m es, w ould be m uch m ore effective in a non-custodial setting. The types of offences for w hich w om en are im prisoned and the lengths of sentences they receive w ould su gg est that m ost in fact present little 'risk ' to society. H o w ever the personal and social costs of bein g im prisoned - and the econom ic costs to society - can be im m ense. Stud ies o f im prisoned w om en condu cted in the U nited States (O w en and Bloom 1995), Canada (Shaw' 1994; B lanchette 1997), A ustralia (Edw ards 1995) and the U K (M orris et al. 1995; L oucks 1998) support a general con clusion that 'im prisoned w om en are usually m arginalised w'omen sharing characteristics that are devalued by society ' (Bloom et al. 1995: 132). The background s of w om en in prison are characterised by experiences of abuse, drug m isuse, poor ed u cational attainm ent, poverty, psychological distress and self-harm . W hile m en often share m any of these characteristics, problem s am ongst fem ale prisoners are generally m uch m ore acute and their offend ing presents less o f a threat to pu blic safety (Loucks 1998). Fem ale prisoners are m ore likely than m ale prisoners to have a history o f physical or sexual abuse (Sterm ac et al. 1991) and are m ore likely to self-harm (Leibling 1992). Im prison m ent often serves to w eaken or destroy w 'om en's existing ties to the com m unity, inclu ding ties w ith their child ren (C addie and C risp 1997). A recent ind ep en d en t inspection of C ornton Vale prison in Scotland, w hile com m end ing the progress that had been m ade in im proving the p hysical estate and opportu nities for prisoners, noneth eless concluded that m uch still had to be done and questioned w'hat the prison could do for the v ery d am aged w om en w'ho w ere sent to it by the cou rts (H M Insp ectorate of Prisons 2005). D espite clear evid ence that fem ale prisoners have a range of social and personal problem s and are likely to require significant am ounts o f support on release (D auvergne-Latim er 1995), relatively little is know n about the services accessed by and su pport available to w'omen follow ing a prison sentence. Previous research into the resettlem ent o f prisoners has focused largely or exclu sively upon m en, though there is evid ence that fem ale ex-prisoners have con sid erable needs (M orris et al. 1995; Blanchette and Dow'den 1998) and that they have 12

T h e nature o ffe m a le offending

m ore n eed s than sim ilarly sen ten ced m en (B lan ch ette and D o w d en 1998). T h e qu ality o f su p p o rt av ailab le to ex-p riso n ers is cen tral to th eir su ccessfu l rein teg ratio n in the com m u n ity and the av o id an ce o f fu rth er p erso n al, social and e co n o m ic costs asso ciated w ith con tin u ed reo ffen d in g (P etersilia, 2000). Yet there is g ro w in g ev id en ce that w'om en h av e lim ited in fo rm atio n ab o u t serv ices th at are av ailab le in the co m m u n ities to w’hich they retu rn and th at little atten tio n is paid to w o m e n 's need fo r access to the stru ctu ral d eterm in an ts o f social ju stice (such as ap p ro p riate h o u sin g and em p lo y m en t) w hen they are released from p rison (D av ies and C o o k 1999; C arlen , 2003a; H an n ah M offat, 2003).

Policy re sp o n se s to w o m e n ’s im p r is o n m e n t T h e d ram atic grow'th in w o m e n 's im p riso n m e n t in recen t years has resu lted in in creased p o licy atten tio n to this issue. A t on e level, this has resulted in reform w ith in p riso n s th em selv es and in the re latio n sh ip s b e tw e e n p riso n s and com m u n ity altern ativ es, w'ith C arle n (2003b) p ro p o sin g that ch an g es in w o m e n 's im p riso n m e n t h av e ty p ically been scan d al-d riv en (as in Sco tlan d - see below '), aim ed at leg itim atin g the p riso n itself or in resp o n se to an u n d erly in g set o f p rin cip les (such as a reco g n ition o f w o m e n 's g en d er-sp ecific n eed s). A t an o th e r level this h as resu lted in the d ev e lo p m e n t o f gen d er-resp o n siv e p o licies and p ractices in w h ich the em p h asis is p laced u p on the p ro v isio n o f serv ices and reso u rces th at are b e tte r ab le to m e e t the need s and circu m stan ces o f w o m en w ho o ffend . W h ile the rem ain d er o f this ch ap ter fo cu ses sp ecifically u p o n p o licy d ev e lo p m e n ts related to w o m e n 's im p riso n m e n t in S co tlan d , in itiativ es that h av e b een taken forw ard in tw'O o th er ju risd ictio n s are also b riefly con sid ered to p rov id e som e c o m p arativ e p ersp ectiv e on how this issu e is bein g ad d ressed . In 2000 the g o v e rn m e n t in E n g lan d and W ales u n d erto o k a con su ltatio n on a S trateg y for W om en O ffen d ers, the o u tco m es o f W'hich w ere p u b lish ed in S e p te m b e r 2001. A resu lt o f the co n su ltatio n (and the g o v e rn m e n t's resp o n se to it) w as the estab lish m e n t in 2004 o f the W om en 's O ffen d in g R ed u ctio n P ro g ram m e (W O R P ) th at bro u gh t to g eth er key stak e h o ld e rs (su ch as the N atio n al P rob ation S erv ice, P rison S erv ice, Y outh Ju stice B oard , N atio n al T reatm en t A gency, D ru g S trateg y D irecto rate, D ep artm en t o f H ealth , D ep artm en t for C o n stitu tio n al A ffairs, C o u rt S erv ices and o th er H o m e O ffice U nits) to d ev elo p a m ore co-o rd in ated resp o n se to the ch aracteristics and 13

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

needs o f fem ale offend ers (H om e O ffice 2004; N ational O ffend er M anagem ent Service, 2005). Its pu rpose w as defined as being to 'reduce w o m en 's offend ing and the nu m ber o f w om en in custody, by providing a better tailored and m ore approp riate response to the particular factors w hich have an im pact on w hy w om en offend ' (H om e O ffice 2004:5). The key p riorities of the program m e w ere identified as being to m ake com m u nity program m es and interventions more approp riate and accessible for w om en; m eeting w o m en 's m ental health need s; d ealing w ith substance m isuse; bu ild in g the evidence base to identify the approaches that w ork best w ith fem ale offenders; and com m u nicating, training and providing gu idance on gender issues (H om e O ffice, 2004). A s G elsth orpe (C hapter 3 in this book) notes, one outcom e of the W O R P has been the establish m ent of pilot W om en's O ffend ing A ction Team s in tw o regions of the country, aim ed at providing a m u lti-agen cy response to fem ale offend ers' needs. The D epartm ent of Ju stice in Victoria (A ustralia) pu blished a fouryear strategy in 2005 to address the increase in fem ale prisoners (Victoria D epartm ent o f Ju stice 2005). The strategy includes provision for w om en in the com m unity, such as bail accom m odation and im proved p ractical support for w om en on com m u nity orders, though m any o f the key proposals relate to w'omen w ho are im prisoned (such as im provem ents to in-prison facilities, the provision o f sexual assault cou nselling ad vocacy and support services, an intensive m ental health support unit, debt m an agem en t advice, im proved training and em ploym ent opportu nities and extend ed post-release support). O ther elem ents of the strategy include providing the ju d iciary w ith inform ation about the effectiveness o f sen tencing options for w om en and providing training for com m u nity corrections staff in the preparation of cou rt reports on and supervision of fem ale offenders. In Scotland, political interest in fem ale offend ing and responses to it increased in the late 1990s follow ing a tragic series of seven suicid es at C ornton Vale (Scotland 's only ded icated fem ale prison) over a period of 30 m onths. O nly tw'o o f the w om en w ho died had been convicted: the other seven had been rem anded in custod y aw aitin g sentencing or trial. A lthou gh no single reason for the suicid es em erged from the subsequ ent fatal acciden t enquiries, it appeared that a history of drug abuse and w ithd raw al problem s shortly after b ein g incarcerated w ere shared by m any of the w om en w ho died. A s a result o f the suicides a review of the use o f custod y and com m u nity disposals for fem ale offend ers w as com m issioned by the C h ief Insp ectors o f Social W ork and Prisons. The resulting report conclud ed that 'the backgrounds 14

The nature offem ale offending

o f w om en in prison are characterised b y experiences of abuse, drug m isuse, poor educational attainm ent, poverty, psychological distress and self-h arm ' (Scottish O ffice 1998: 13) and that: A lm ost all w om en offend ers could be safely punished in the com m u nity w ithout m ajor risk of harm to the general population. A few' are in prison because of the gravity o f their offence but the m ajority are there becau se they have not com plied w ith a com m u nity disposal. (Scottish O ffice 1998: 42) The report ('A Safer W ay') contained a n u m ber o f recom m endations aim ed at im proving the con ditions w ithin W'hich im prisoned w om en are d etained and red ucing the use of im prisonm ent for w om an in Scotland (such as increased bail provision, the d ev elop m ent o f a unitary fine system in w hich the level o f penalty im posed is related to ability to pay, the increased use of com m u nity-based disposals and the d evelopm ent of a ded icated resource for fem ale offenders in Glasgow' w'hich had a particularly high level of fem ale im prisonm ent). The report also recom m ended that the daily prison popu lation in C orn ton Vale should be reduced from over 176 to 100 and that no you ng w om en under eighteen years o f age should be held in prison by the year 2000. An outcom e o f 'A Safer W ay' was the establish m ent in A ugust 1998 o f an Inter-A gency Forum to develop services for fem ale offenders in G lasgow w'hich included representatives o f crim inal ju stice agencies as w ell as organisations em ployed in areas of health, hou sing, em ploym ent and drugs rehabilitation. The Forum 's recom m endations included exploring the p ossibility of a daily cou rt for w om en, providing ad dition al resources to enable w om en to address their drug use, building upon and expanding existing diversion strategies at all stages in the system and the creation of 'Tim e O u t' C entres, to provide a w ide range of resid entially or n on-resid en tially based support services for w om en. Its w ork w'as subsequ ently taken forw'ard by a m inisterial group charged w ith turning the fo ru m 's proposals into practical m easures w'hich reported in 2002 (by w'hich tim e a further tw o w'omen had com m itted suicide in C ornton Vale). This report - 'A Better W ay' (Scottish Executive, 2002) - conclud ed that greater em ph asis should be placed upon alleviating the social circu m stances that lead som e w om en to offend, intervening early to ensure that w o m en 's need s can be m et w ithout recourse to im prisonm ent, prom oting the use o f the full range of com m u nity d isposals (including the 'Tim e O ut' C entre advocated IS

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

b y the Inter-A gency Forum ) and shifting the penal culture aw ay from p u nishm ent and tow ards rehabilitation and 'treatm en t', with a particular em phasis upon the d ev elop m ent of gender-responsive provision (Bloom et al. 2003). D espite the con sid erable policy interest in fem ale offend ing in Scotland (the im petus for w hich, as C arlen [2003b] observes, has been both scand al-driven and principled ) the Scottish fem ale prison popu lation has, as w as d em onstrated earlier in this chapter, continued to rise, leading Tom bs (2004) to argue that red uctionist policy initiatives are unlikely to be effective unless the m orality of im prisoning v ulnerable w om en is brou ght to the fore and unless clear action is taken to reduce the n u m ber o f prison spaces available. Sim ilarly, the Scottish C on sortium on C rim e and C rim inal Justice (2006) - an um brella organisation of voluntary sector providers - has recently called for a strategic effort to reduce w 'om en's im prisonm ent involving all parts o f the crim inal ju stice system . H ow ever, one positive outcom e of the increased policy attention to w om en 's offending w as the estab lish m ent in 2003 of the 218 Tim e O ut Centre in Glasgow . Providing a range of residential and non-residential, holistic gender-app ropriate services, the success of the 218 Centre in providing a com m u nity-based alternative to custod y for w om en involved in offend ing in G lasgow has been d ocu m ented in Loucks et al. (2006) and is discussed by M alloch and Loucks in chapter five of this book. A key policy challenge lies in identifying how aspects of best practice that have been encapsu lated in 218 can be introduced in other parts of the cou ntry in w hich a ded icated facility such as the 218 C entre w ould not be feasible in term s o f either capacity or cost. H ow ever, a m ore pressing challenge lies in convincing sen tencers that m ost w om en w ho appear before the cou rts do not present a risk to public safety and that custod ial sen tences, h ow ev er short, are likely to exacerbate rather than am eliorate the problem s experienced by already v ulnerable w om en. G iven that the availability of com m unitybased disposals appears insufficient in itself to persuad e the cou rts to m ake greater use of them , is a m ore rad ical solution required in w hich the prison is 'd ecen tered ' (H annah-M offat, 2001) and a presum ption of com m unity alternatives brou ght to the fore? W ould, for exam ple, legislatin g against the use of short prison sentences (as has occurred, for instance, in W estern A ustralia) help to stem the flow' o f w om en into prison or w ould it sim ply result in longer custod ial sentences bein g im posed?

16

T h e nature o ffe m a le offending

C o n c lu s io n s T h e im p riso n m e n t o f w o m en is in creasin g across w estern ju risd ictio n s not, it seem s, b ecau se m ore w o m e n are c o m m ittin g serio u s crim e, b u t b e ca u se m ore w o m e n are in v o lv ed in re lativ ely m in o r o ffen d in g o ften d ru g -related - for w hich in creasin g ly harsh p en alties are bein g im p o sed . Im m arig e o n (2006:iv ) has o b serv ed in h is in tro d u ctio n to a recen t com p en d iu m o f articles on w o m en and girls in the A m erican crim in al ju stice system : A t the start o f the 2 1 st cen tu ry ... w o m en o ffen d ers and p riso n ers h av e p erh ap s reach ed the tip p in g p o in t w h ere th ey can no lo n g er be sh u n ted asid e, left m an ag ed - ju st ad eq u ately or at least sile n tly - b y sta ff and o fficials at in d iv id u al facilities or o ffic e s ...B y now , it is in creasin g ly accep ted that the treatm en t o f w o m en and girls in the crim in al ju stice sy stem sh o u ld n ev er again b e an afterth o u g h t. A s the p reced in g d iscu ssio n w'ill h av e m ad e clear, these o b serv atio n s ap p ly eq u ally to o th er w estern ju risd ictio n s w'hich, like the U SA , h av e w itn essed in exo rab le in creases in th e n u m b ers o f w 'om en in p rison. R eco g n isin g that the p ro blem e xists is an im p o rtan t first step. T h e g reater ch allen g e, how ever, is id en tify in g and p u ttin g into effect p o licies and p ractices that p ro v id e altern ativ es to im p riso n m en t for the m an y w o m en across d ifferen t ju risd ictio n s w h o are im p rison ed and v u ln erab le b u t w h o cou ld scarce ly b e regard ed as p o sin g a sig n ifican t th reat to the com m u n itie s in w'hich they live.

N o te s 1 2

Contraventions of the law in Scotland are divided for statistical purposes into crimes and offences, crimes generally being more serious. Categories with very small overall numbers have been excluded here.

R eferen ces Australian Bureau of Statistics (2006a) Criminal Courts Australia, 2004-5, http://w w w .abs.gov.au/A U SSTA TS/abs@ .nsf/Lookup/ 62E9BAFF94DAD459CA2568A9001393FE?OpenDocument

17

W h a t W o r k s w ith W o m e n O ff e n d e r s

A ustralian Bureau of Statistics (2006b) Prisoners in A ustralia, 2006, h t t p :// w w w .a b s.g o v .a u /a u ssta ts/a b s@ .n sf/1 0 2 0 4 9 2 c fcd 6 3 6 9 6 c a 2 5 6 8 a l0 0 2 4 7 7 b 5 / 8d5807d8074a7a5bca256a6800811054!O penD ocum ent A ustralian Institute of Crim inology (2005) 'G end er difference in the sequence of drug use and crim e', Crim e Facts Info No 90. Canberra, ACT: A ustralian Institute o f Crim inology. Blanchette, K. (1997) Risk and N eed A m ong Federally Sentenced Fem ale O ffenders. Correctional Service of Canada. Blanchette, K. and D ow den, C. (1998) 'A profile of federally sentenced w om en in the com m unity: A ddressing needs for successful integration', Forum on Corrections Research, (10) 1: C orrectional Service of Canada. Bloom , B., Im m arigeon, R. and O w en, B. (1995) 'Editorial introd uction', Prison Journal, 75 (2): 131-4. Bloom , B., O w en, B. and C ovington, S. (2003) G ender-R esponsive Strategies: Research, practice and guiding principles fo r wom en offenders. W ashington DC: N ational Institute of Justice. B urnett, R. (1992) The D ynam ics o f Recidivism . O xford: U niversity of Oxford C entre for C rim inological Research. Caddie, D. and Crisp, D. (1997) Im prisoned W omen and M others, H om e O ffice Research Study 162. London: H om e Office. Carlen, P. (2003a) 'A strategy for w om en offenders? Lock them up, program m e them ... and then send them out hom eless', C rim inal Justice M atters, 53: 36 -7 . Carlen, P. (2003b) Reform ing W om en’s Im prisonm ent; M odels o f change, paper presented at ESRC Future G overnance W orkshop, Vienna and Budapest. C arlen, P. and Tom bs, J. (2006) 'Reconfigurations o f penality: The ongoing case o f the w om en 's im prisonm ent and reintegration ind ustries', Theoretical Crim inology, 10 (3): 337-60. C hesney-Lind, M. (1997) The Fem ale O ffender: Girls, wom en and crim e. Thousand O aks, CA: Sage. D auvergne-Latim er, M. (1995) Exem plary C om m unity Program s fo r Federally Sentenced W om en: A literature review. O ntario: C orrectional Service of Canada. D avies, S. and Cook, S. (1999) 'N eglect or punishm ent? Failing to m eet the needs o f w om en post-release', in S. C ook and S. Davies (eds) H arsh P unishm ent: International experiences o f women's im prisonm ent. Boston: N ortheastern U niversity Press. D ow den, C. and A ndrew s, D.A. (1999) 'W h at w orks for fem ale offenders: A m eta-analytic review,' Crim e and D elinquency, 45 (4): 438-52. D urose, M .R. and Langan, P A . (2005) State Court Sentencing o f Convicted Felons 2002, W ashington DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, h ttp ://w w w .o jp . u s d o j.g o v /b js /p u b /p d f/s c 0 2 0 2 s t.p d f E dw ards, A. (1995) Women in Prison, Sydney: N ew South W ales Bureau of C rim e Statistics and Research. Farrall, S. (2002) R ethinking What Works With O ffenders: Probation, social context and desistance from crim e. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. 18

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Farrington, D.P. and Painter, K. A. (2004) 'G ender differences in offending: Im plications for risk-focused p revention', H om e O ffice O nline Report 09/04, h ttp ://w w w .h o m e o ffice .g o v .u k /rd s/p d fs2 /rd so lr0 9 0 4 .p d f Federal Bureau of Investigation (2004) Crim e in the U nited States, 2003, W ashington DC: FBI, h ttp ://w w w .fb i.g o v /u c r/0 3 c iu s.h tm Flood-Page, C., C am pbell, S., H arrington, V. and Miller, J. (2000) Youth Crim e: Findings fro m the 1998/99 Youth Lifestyles Survey, H om e O ffice Research Study 209. London: H om e Office. Frost, N ., G reene, J. and Pranis, K. (2006) H ARD HIT: The Growth o f Im prisonm ent o f W omen, 1997-2004. N ew York: Institute on W om en and Justice, W om en's Prison A ssociation. G elsthorpe, L. (2004) 'Fem ale offending: A theoretical overview ', in G. M clvor (ed.) Women W ho O ffend. London: Jessica Kingsley. G illigan, C. (1982) In A D ifferent Voice. C am bridge M A: H arvard U niversity Press. G raham , J. and Bow ling, B. (1995) Young P eople and Crime. London: H om e Office. H annah-M offat, K. (2001) Punishm ent in D isguise: Penal govern an ce and fed eral im prisonm ent o f wom en in Canada. Toronto: U niversity o f Toronto Press. H annah-M offat, K. (2003) 'G etting w om en out: The lim its o f reintegration reform ', C rim inal Justice M atters, 53: 3 6 -7 . H arrison, P.M. and Beck, A.J. (2004) Prisoners in 2003: Bureau o f Justice Statistics Bulletin. W ashington, DC: US D epartm ent of Justice. H edderm an, C. (2004a) 'T h e "crim in og en ic" needs of w om en o ffend ers', in G. M clvor (ed.) W omen W ho O ffend. London: Jessica Kingsley. H edderm an, C. (2004b) 'W h y are m ore w om en being sentenced to custod y?', in G. M clvor (ed.) W omen Who O ffend. London: Jessica Kingsley. H eitfield, H. and Sim on, R.J. (2002) 'W om en in Prison: A com parative analysis'. G ender Issues, W inter, 53-75. HM Inspectorate of Prisons (2005) HM and YO I Cornton Vale - Inspection 2 -3 February 2005. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. H ollin, C. and Palm er, E. (2006) 'C rim inogenic need and w om en offenders: A critique o f the literatu re', Legal and C rim inological Psychology, 11 (2): 17 9 195. H om e O ffice (2003) Statistics on Women and the Crim inal Justice System. London: Stationary Office. H om e O ffice (2004) Women's O ffending Reduction Program m e: Action Plan. London: H om e Office. H om e O ffice (2006) Crim inal Statistics 2005 England and Wales. London: H om e Office. H udson, B. (2002) 'G end er issues in penal policy and penal theory', in P. Carlen (ed.) Women and P unishm ent: The struggle fo r justice. C ullom pton: Willan. Im m arigeon, R. (2006) (ed.) W omen and Girls in the Crim inal Justice System : Policy issues and practice strategies. K ingston, NJ: Civic Research Institute.

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Jam ieson, J., M clvor, G. and M urray, C. (1999) U nderstanding O ffending A m ong Young People. Edinburgh: The Stationery Office. Johnson, H. (2004) 'K ey findings from the D rug U se Careers of Fem ale O ffenders stu d y', Trends and Issues in Crim e and Crim inal ju stice No. 289. Canberra, ACT: A ustralian Institute o f Crim inology. Katz, R.S. (2000) ' "E xp lain in g g irls" and w om en 's crim e and desistance in the context of their victim ization experiences: A developm ental test of strain theory and the life course p erspective', Violence A gainst W omen, 6 (6): 633-60. Lash, B. (2006) Conviction and Sentencing o f O ffenders in Neiv Z ealand 19 9 5 2004. W ellington, N ew Zealand: M inistry of Justice. Leibling, A. (1992) Suicides in Prison. London: Routledge. L eibrich, J. (1993) Straight to the Point: A ngles on givin g up crim e. D unedin, N ew Zealand: U niversity of O tago Press. Loucks, N. (1998) H M PI Cornton Vale: Research into drugs and alcohol, violence and bullying, suicides and self-injury, and backgrounds o f abuse, Scottish Prison Service O ccasional Paper 1 /9 8 . Edinburgh: Scottish Prison Service. Loucks, N. (2004) 'W om en in prison', in G. M clvor (ed.) Women Who Offend. London: Jessica Kingsley. Loucks, N., M alloch, M ., M clvor, G. and G elsthorpe, L. (2006) Evaluation o f the 218 Centre. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive Social Research. M akkai, T. and Payne, J. (2003) 'K ey findings from the drug use careers of offenders (DU CO) study, Trends and Issues in Crim e and Crim inal ju stice No. 237. Canberra, ACT: A ustralian Institute of Crim inology. M aruna, S. (2001) M aking Good: H ow ex-convicts reform and rebuild their lives. W ashington, DC: A m erican Psychological A ssociation. M cC utcheon, A.C. (2003) A dult Crim inal Court Statistics 2002-3. O ttawa: Statistics Canada. M clvor, C., M urray, C. and Jam ieson, J. (2004) 'Is D esistance from Crim e D ifferent for W omen and G irls?', in R. Im m arigeon and S. M aruna (eds) A fter Crim e and P unishm ent: Pathw ays to offender reintegration. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. M cN eill, F. (2003) 'D esistance-Focused Probation Practice'. In W -H C hui and M. N ellis (eds) M oving Probation Forw ard: Evidence, argum ents and practice. H arlow : Pearson Longm an. M cN eill, F. (2006) 'A desistance paradigm for offender m anagem ent', Crim inology and Crim inal justice, 6 (1): 3 9 -62. M orris, A., W ilkinson, C., Tisi, A., W oodrow, J. and Rockley, A. (1995) M anaging the Needs o f Fem ale Prisoners. London: H om e Office. N ational O ffender M anagem ent Service (2005) Population in Custody, july 2005. London: H om e Office. N ational O ffender M anagem ent Service (2005) Women's O ffending Reduction Program m e: A nnual review 2004-2005. London: H om e Office. N ational O ffender M anagem ent Service (2006) O ffender M anagem ent Caseload Statistics Q uarterly Brief: O ctober to D ecem ber 2005 England and Wales. London: H om e Office. 20

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N ew Zealand M inistry of Justice (2004) Forecasts o f the M ale and Fem ale Sentenced Prison Populations, 2004. W ellington: N ew Zealand M inistry of Justice. O w en, B. and Bloom , B. (1995) 'Profiling w om en prisoners: Findings from national surveys and a California sam p le', The Prison Journal, 75 (2): 165-85. Petersilia, J. (2000) When Prisoners Return to the Com m unity: Political, econom ic and social consequences. W ashington DC: U S D epartm ent of Justice. Public Safety and Em ergency Preparedness C anada (2005) Corrections and C onditional Release Statistical Overvieiv. O ttaw a: Public Safety and Em ergency Preparedness Canada. Rex, S. (1999) 'D esistance from offending: Experiences of p robation', The H ow ard Journal o f Crim inal Justice, 38 (4): 366-83. Rumgay, J. (2000) 'P olicies o f neglect: Fem ale offenders and the probation service', in H. K em shall and R. Littlechild (eds) User Involvem ent and Participation in Social Care. London: Jessica Kingsley. Scottish C onsortium on C rim e and C rim inal Justice (2006) Women in Prison in Scotland: An unm et com m itm ent. Edinburgh: Scottish C onsortium on Crim e and Justice Research. Scottish Executive (2002) A Better W ay: The report o f the m inisterial group on women's offending. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Scottish Executive (2006a) C rim inal Proceedings in Scottish Courts 2004/5. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Scottish Executive (2006b) Prison Statistics Scotland 2005/06. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Scottish O ffice (1998) W omen O ffenders - A Safer way: A review o f com m unity disposals and the use o f custody fo r women offenders in Scotland. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Shaw, M. (1994) 'W om en in prison: A literature review ', Forum on C orrections.(6) 1, C anadian D epartm ent of Corrections. Sheehan, R., Trotter, C. and M clvor, G. (2006) W omen A fter Prison. M elbourne: M onsah U niversity School o f Social Work. Som m ers, I., Baskin, D.R. and Fagan, J. (1994) 'G etting out of the life: Crim e desistance by fem ale street offend ers', D eviant Behavior, 15 (2): 125-49. Spier, P. and Lash, B. (2004) Conviction and Sentencing o f Offenders in N ew Zealand: 1994 to 2003. W ellington, New Zealand: M inistry of Justice. Sterm ac, L., M acLean, H. and Loucks, A. (1991) Treatment N eeds o f Fem ale O ffenders. Correctional Service of Canada. Tombs, J. (2004) 'From "A Safer to A Better W ay": Transform ations in penal policy for w om en ', in G. M clv or (ed.) W omen Who O ffend. London: Jessica Kingsley. Triplett, R. and M yers, L.B. (1995) 'E valu atin g contextual patterns of d elinquency: gender-based differences', Justice Q uarterly, 12: 59-84. U ggen, C. and K ruttschnitt, C. (1998) 'C rim e on the breaking: gender differences in d esistan ce', Law and Society Review, 32 (2): 339-66.

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V ictoria D epartm ent o f Justice (2001) Statistical O verview o f the Victorian Prison System 1995/1996 to 2000/2001. M elbourne: Victoria D epartm ent of Justice. Victoria D epartm ent of Justice (2004) Victorian H igher Courts Sentencing Statistics 2002-3. M elbourne: Victoria D epartm ent of Justice. Victoria D epartm ent of Ju stice (2005) Better P athw ays: An integrated response to women's offending and reoffending. M elbourne: Victoria D epartm ent of Justice.

22

Chapter 2

T he transitional pathways of young female offenders: to w a rd s a non-offending lifestyle M o n ica Barry

In tro d u c tio n This chapter explores you ng w o m en 's reasons for startin g and stop ping offend ing, notably d uring the transition to adulthood. It argues that the con cept of capital - and how' it is accum ulated in the transition to adulthood - is crucial in understand ing young w o m en 's propensity or otherw ise to offend and conclud es with an exploration of the value o f expenditure of capital in the transition tow'ards a non­ offending lifestyle. The fact that w om en spend less tim e com m ittin g few'er and less serious crim es than m en has had little influence on crim inological thou ght until recently. Because w'omen accoun t for a m inority of all crim es com m itted, crim inologists have been m isled into assu m ing they can learn little from fem ale crim inal activity and Cain (1996) has argued that m ale offend ing tends therefore to be the yardstick against w'hich all offend ing is m easured. W om en tend only to get 'occasion al w'alk on p arts' in crim inological studies of this kind (Scraton 1990: 18): the you ng m ale offend er is the norm , and the you ng fem ale offend er becom es the anom aly. As Browrn (2005) com m ents: 'one crim e problem has becom e the crim e problem '. O ne in six know n you ng offenders is a w om an (M uncie 1999) but self-reported crim e figures pu t w om en m ore on a par w'ith their m ale cou nterparts in relation to m inor offend ing at least (Jam ieson et a l. 1999; Som m ers et al. 1994). Thus, w hilst crim e m ay be - unofficially - as m u ch an activity for w om en as for m en, w o m en 's offending is either less visible or less likely to result in official action. H ow ever, 23

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

w h en d etected in crim e, w o m e n are m o re lik ely to heed early w arn in g s from the p o lice and crim in al ju stice system (C av ad in o and D ig n an 1997) and h e n ce m ore lik ely to d esist so o n er than m en. A lth o u g h u n d ertak en less often, w o m e n 's o ffen d in g ten d s n o t to d iffer sig n ifican tly from m e n 's, b u t still th eir offen d in g is seen as m u n d an e and triv ial in com p ariso n to m e n 's (B u rm an 2004). It is perh ap s a m y th to su g g e st th at w o m en o ffen d ers are m ain ly inv o lv ed in sh o p liftin g and p ro stitu tio n as a resu lt of p o v erty o r eco n o m ic m arginality, sin ce often the typ es of o ffen ces they co m m it are no d ifferen t from those co m m itted b y m en (B row n 2005; ITeid en soh n 1994; M o rris 1987). H ow ever, w o m e n 's reaso n s fo r startin g offen d in g m ay d iffer from m e n 's reaso n s and im p act on the typ es o f offences th ey com m it. F o r exam p le, w o m en tend to start offen d in g later than m en if d ru g use is a p ro b lem , and su ch o ffen d in g w ill tend to be acq u isitiv e - fo r exam p le, frau d , sh o p liftin g or th eft - to fund a h ab it (K atz 2000). W om en are also m ore likely to start o ffen d in g b ecau se of a re latio n sh ip w ith an o ffen d er or d ru g u ser (U g g en and K ru ttsch n itt 1998) or b ecau se o f an ab u siv e relatio n sh ip w'here th ey are p ressu rised in to o ffen d in g (B arry 2006; M acD on ald and M arsh 2005), b u t again this is m ain ly acq u isitiv e crim e to fund th eir p a rtn e r's or their ow n d ru g habit.

P o w e r and p o w e rle ssn e ss in tra n sitio n T h is ch ap ter d ev elo p s the n o tio n o f y o u n g w o m e n 's g reater lik elihood o f an early tran sition to ad u lth o od and a law -ab id in g lifestyle th ro u g h the lens o f P ierre B o u rd ieu 's co n cep ts o f cap ital (1977; 1986). B o u rd ieu u tilises fo u r co n ce p ts o f cap ital (social, eco n o m ic, cu ltu ral and sy m b o lic) to exp lain how' in d iv id u als g ain p o w er th rou gh social action: S ocial cap ital is v alu ed relation s w ith sig n ifican t others. To B ou rd ieu , social cap ital in clu d es n o t only social n etw o rk s b u t also 'so cia b ility ' - 'a co n tin u o u s series o f exch an g es in w'hich reco g n itio n is e n d lessly affirm e d ' (1986: 250). F o r yo u n g p eo p le, social cap ital is less stable by d in t o f th eir tran sitio n al statu s. W h ilst fo r m an y yo u n g w o m en , the fam ily is the m ain sou rce o f so cial cap ital, social relatio n sh ip s are also d ev elo p ed w ithin the sch oo l m ilieu or w ith b o y frie n d s, alth o u g h su ch frien d sh ip s tend to lack con tin u ity at th at age.

24

T he transitional pathways of young female offenders

Econom ic capital is the financial m eans to not only the necessities but also the luxuries of everyd ay living. Bourdieu stresses the d om inance o f econom ic capital becau se such capital can be transm itted, preserved and rationally m anaged (Bourdieu 1990). H ow ever, it w ould seem that econom ic capital is not readily attainable for m any child ren and you ng people, given their transient status, their confinem ent to fu ll­ tim e edu cation and their resulting segregation from the adult labour m arket. C ultural capital is legitim ate com petence or status and com es from kn ow led ge o f o n e's cultural identity (e.g. styles and m odes of presentation); from the acquisition o f cultural good s; and through edu cational and other qualifications. To Bourdieu, cultural capital is not easily acquired or transm itted and does not lend itself readily, therefore, to the relatively short (in term s of the life cycle) transition period betw een childhood and adulthood. H ow ever, for young w'omen, cultural capital can be acquired through bo d y im age or m otherhood. Sym bolic capital, to Bourdieu, is an overarching resource that brings prestige and honou r gained from the collective, legitim ate and recognised cu lm ination o f the other three form s of capital (Bourdieu 1989). Sym bolic capital can be gained w ithin the peer group for young people, notably by offend ing - the kudos and reputation gained from bein g a successfu l offend er or having m oney and con su m ables as a result. Poverty and m arginalisation are w ell know n influences on one's propensity to offend. M cR obbie (1991: 37) has d escribed w orking-class girls in particular as 'on e o f the m ost p ow erless sectors o f society ', not least becau se in the transition to ad ulthood, you ng w'omen tend to have n either the protection of their fam ilies nor responsibilities w ithin the w'ider society. H ow ever, they do tend to have responsibilities w'ithin the hom e (to parents, partn ers or children) w hich m ay give them greater, albeit often un recognised , status in the transition to adulthood. The youth phase in the life cycle, how ever, holds little status generally for young people and there are few su p p o rt system s to guide them , structurally or em otionally, tow'ards adulthood (Barry 2006). N evertheless, G raham and Bow ling (1995), am ongst others, have found that you ng w om en often m ake a sm oother and faster transition to adulthood than their m ale cou nterparts. W hilst they found you ng w om en to be m ore successfu l at m aking the transition 25

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

from childhood to ad ulthood on leaving school (in term s of leaving hom e, form ing stable relationships and becom ing m ore econom ically and socially ind ep en den t), you ng m en are less likely to successfu lly m ake that transition until well into their tw enties, partly becau se of greater peer pressure. G raham and B ow ling (1995) suggest that m en are m ore likely to d esist from offend ing if they rem ain w ithin the parental hom e into their tw enties, w'hereas fem ale offend ers, on the other hand, are m u ch m ore likely to stop offending on leaving hom e, leaving school and form ing their own fam ily units. In term s o f the con cept o f capital, there have been several w ays identified in the study d escribed below' that you ng people could accu m ulate capital through offending. These w'ere: offend ing for friend ships; offend ing for m oney; offending for k u d o s/stre et credibility; and offend ing for self-esteem . The findings from this study, how ever, high ligh t certain gender-related d iscrepancies betw een the sam p le's rationale for offending, w ith friend ships, m oney and self­ esteem bein g key reasons for the w'omen offend ing, and k u d o s / street credibility being the key factor for the men. Likew ise it will be seen from this study that the w om en stopped offend ing for different reasons than the m en - w ith actual com m itm ents to their hom es, fam ilies and relationships being p articularly influential in their stop pin g offend ing, w hereas the m en only had potential - and therefore less influential - com m itm ents to em ploym ent and raising a fam ily as the im petus to stop ping offending.

T h e S co ttish d e sista n c e 1 study W hilst reconviction data are often used to exam ine w'hether people have stopped offending, increasingly qualitative studies of peo p le's ow n narratives and view's o f offend ing and non-offend ing are now being exam ined to better understand the processes involved (Barry 2006; Farrall and B ow ling 1999; Farrington 1997; Jam ieso n et al. 1999; M aruna 2001; Shover 1996). The narratives reported here are from a study of you ng p eop le's experiences and perceptions of starting and stop ping offend ing w hich w as undertaken by the author throughout Scotland, as doctoral research, betw een 2000 and 2001. Its m ain aim s w ere to explore previously persistent you ng offend ers' perceptions of w hy they start offend ing, con tin ue offend ing over a period o f time and stop offend ing, w hether there w'ere gender differences em erging from the analysis, and w hether there w'as a com m on thread betw een their reasons for starting, con tin uing and stop pin g offending. 26

T h e transitional pathways o f y o un g female offenders

A ll o f the m en in the sam p le w ere accessed th ro u g h an in ten siv e p ro bation p ro ject o p eratin g in v ario u s p arts o f S co tlan d , b u t b ecau se w o m en tend n o t to be g iv en in ten siv e p ro b atio n in S co tlan d ; only sev en o f the fem ale resp o n d en ts cou ld b e accessed this way. T h e rem ain in g th irteen yo u n g w o m en w ere co n tacted via p rob atio n o fficers in v ario u s local au th o rities. T h e yo u n g p eo p le ran g ed in age from 18 years to 33 years, w ith the w o m en ten d in g to be o ld e r than the m en at interview . T h e m en w ere m ore lik ely to liv e w ith their p aren ts or a partn er, w h ereas the w o m en w ere m ore likely to live on their o w n or w ith th eir child ren . T h e 40 resp o n d en ts - 20 y o u n g m en and 20 yo u n g w o m e n - all cam e from so cio -eco n o m ic b ack g ro u n d s that restricted th eir o p p o rtu n itie s fo r stable e m p lo y m en t, ad eq u ate h o u sin g and social identity. T h e sam p le is u n u su al in th at it com p rises 40 yo u n g p eo p le w h o had been h eav ily inv olv ed in o ffen d in g in the p ast b u t also in clu d es a co m b in atio n o f p ersisters and d esisters as w ell as an equ al g e n d e r m ix. C o m p ared to m an y o th e r stu d ies o f startin g or sto p p in g o ffen d in g , this sam p le con sisted en tirely o f yo u n g p eo p le w h o had b een high tariff, serio u s o ffen d ers for a su b stan tial p a rt of th eir o ffen d in g lives. T h e m ean av erag e n u m b e r o f p rev io u s o ffen ces for the m en w as 38 years and for the w o m en 18.5 years. T h ere w as no sig n ifican t d ifferen ce in the m ean av erag e n u m b e r o f years th at th ey h ad b een o ffen d in g to d ate, as this w as ten years for both sexes. Interestingly, from H o m e O ffice statistics com p iled in 2001, it w o u ld seem that 83% o f fem ale o ffen d ers and 60% o f m ale o ffen d ers offend fo r less than on e year, w h ilst three p e r cen t o f fem ale o ffen d ers and 25% o f m ale o ffen d ers offend fo r o v er 10 y ears (cited in B u rm an 2004). T his h ig h lig h ts the h ig h -tariff ch aracteristics o f the sam p le u n d er study. F ou r-fifth s o f the yo u n g p eop le in this stu d y started o ffen d in g as 'ch ild re n ' (i.e. at the age o f fifteen or u n d er), their reaso n s bein g m ain ly b ecau se o f a lack o f atten tio n or lo ve, to seek en co u rag e m e n t or reco g n ition , to earn m o n ey or as a (laten t) reactio n to (past) trau m as in th eir lives. M an y cam e from fam ilies m arred by d eath , illn ess, sep aratio n and tran sien ce, and m an y felt u n lov ed or un cared for as a result. In d eed , the sch o o l settin g m ay h av e offered these y o u n g peop le resp ite fro m m arg in alisatio n or fam ilial n e g le ct or abu se and gave them an o p p o rtu n ity to create a social id en tity for th em selves. T his research gav e th is group o f yo u n g p eo p le an o p p o rtu n ity to d escribe and exp lain how and w hy they b ecam e inv olv ed in crim e, and w ill h o p efu lly go som e w ay tow ard s d ev elo p in g a g reater u n d erstan d in g o f you th o ffen d in g m ore generally.

27

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

T h e m en w ere m ore lik ely to start offen d in g earlier than the w o m en , althou g h the m o st com m o n age for startin g w as tw elv e to fifteen for bo th sexes. A cco rd in g to bo th self-rep o rted and o fficial record s on this sa m p le 's o ffen d in g h isto rie s, as w ell as startin g o ffen d in g later th an the m en , the w o m en w ere also m o re lik ely to stop o ffen d in g later. T h is d o es not fit read ily w'ith p erceiv ed w isd o m in trend s in w o m e n 's o ffen d in g , bu t it cou ld be that th ese w o m en d esisted later than the m en b ecau se o f m ore e n tren ch ed d ru g p ro blem s, and also the fact that they w ere recru ited via p ro b atio n officers w ho had had recen t in v o lv e m e n t w ith them as clients.

W o m e n ’s ra tio n a le fo r s ta rtin g o ffe n d in g T h e m ain in flu en ce on b oth the yo u n g m en and the yo u n g w'omen in the o n se t p h ase o f o ffen d in g w as the fact th at th eir p eers w ere offen d in g and th ey w an ted to be seen as p art o f that frien d sh ip group. H av in g frien d s w as a cru cial sou rce o f social cap ital as they m o v ed aw ay fro m the in flu en ce o f the fam ily and into the school en v iro n m en t, an d h av in g a rep u tatio n as an o ffen d er also g av e them sy m b o lic cap ital. H o w ever, the w o m en w ere m ore lik ely to start offen d in g sp ecifically for the atten tion o f u su ally a m ale p artn er w ho w as o ffen d in g , b u t also the atten tion o f old er p eers, b ecau se th is gave th em social and sy m b o lic capital: [M y first bo y frien d ] w as a d ru g d ealer and I ad m ired him ... I fancied him and I th o u g h t he w as cool b ecau se ev ery b o d y resp ected him , and all the p eo p le m y age resp ected m e b ecau se I w as m u ck in g ab o u t w ith this p erso n (23-year-o ld fem ale). N o on e cared . for m e at that started g ettin g actin g b ig ... it

T h a t's w'hat I th o u gh t. T here w 'asn't v ery m u ch tim e. It w as ju st m e and m e alone. A nd then I in wnth the w ro n g cro w d , o ld er la s s ie s ... I w as w as an ego b o o st (25-year-old fem ale).

T h e yo u n g w o m e n w ere also m ore lik ely to b e in flu en ced to take d ru g s by p artn ers w h o w ere th em selv es u sin g d ru g s - n ot least if th ose p artn ers w anted the w o m en to h elp them raise the m o n ey to feed a d ru g habit. T h is o ften resulted in the w o m en b e co m in g not only d ep en d en t o n d ru g s b u t also d ep en d en t on those re latio n sh ip s w ith d ru g -u sin g p artn ers fo r lo v e and atten tion , h o w ev er v io len t th ey b ecam e: 28

T h e transitional pathways o f y o un g female offenders

I g o t forced in to it. B asically m y b o y frien d tu rned rou nd and said d o you love m e? I said aye, I love you. H e said , if you love m e, try this. I said I d o n 't w an t to. A nd he said h e 'd b atte r m e if I d id n 't (21-year-o ld fem ale). I ju st kn ew I n eed ed to [offend] ... If I d id n 't, I knew' I w ou ld get battered from him at the end o f the n ig h t... H e'd hit m e, flin g cu p s at m y head and ash tray s and slap m e if I d id n 't get the things I w as told to get. So he w as m ak in g m o n ey o ff m e b u t g iv in g m e the sp eed that he w as d ealin g . A fter b e in g at the co u rt and that, I kn ew I still had to go and steal (23-year-o ld fem ale). A lth ou gh so ciab ility and re latio n sh ip s w ere the m ain im p etu s for these you n g w o m e n startin g o ffen d in g , th ey w ere also m u ch m ore likely than the m en to see the m o n etary ad v an tag es o f o ffen d in g (for con su m ab les, clo th es an d d ru g s), w h ereas the m en w ere m ore lik ely to see th e p e rso n al ad v an tag es o f reliev in g b o red om and k eep in g in w ith o n e 's friend s. For the w o m en , the so cial, e co n o m ic and sy m b o lic cap ital accru in g from o ffen d in g w as m ore ap p aren t in the startin g p h ase, as on e w o m an e xp lain ed ab o u t w'hy she started o ffen d in g at the ag e o f sev en teen : [Shop lifting ] gav e m e con fid en ce. I felt g o in g w ith so m eb o d y e lse 's ch eq u e b o o k and g ettin g all d ressed up and g o in g in [to a sh o p ], I cou ld sp en d w'hat I w an ted , they treated m e w'ell b e ca u se th ey th o u g h t I had en o u g h m oney. T h e y had a d ifferent o u tlo o k ... It w as like a pow 'er trip (29-year-old fem ale). D ru g or alcohol use - for recreation al p u rp o ses initially - w as seen as one o f the m ain influ ences in bo th m en and w o m e n 's ration ale for startin g o ffen d in g - sixteen o f the tw enty m en and eigh teen o f the tw enty w om en su gg ested drugs or alco h ol as the p recip itatin g factor in their offend in g. D ru gs and alcohol w ere often seen as v eh icles tow ard s g ain in g o ther sou rces o f cap ital - no tab ly social and sym b olic - th rou gh the 'co m p an io n ab ility ' o f exp erim en tin g w ith d ru g s/a lc o h o l or tryin g to im p ress their friend s by con fo rm in g to their activities. How'ever, o n ce d ru g or alcohol use b ecam e p ro b lem atic, there w as a no ticeable shift in th eir reasons for con tin u in g to o ffend , m u ch m ore so for the w om en . O n g o in g o ffen d in g and d ru g -tak in g w ere no lo n ger sociab le or p leasu rab le activ ities b u t b ecam e rou tine and solitary activ ities - a v iciou s cycle o f offend in g to get m o n ey for drugs: 29

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

I d id n 't realise it w as killing m e. I d id n 't think there w as any thing w ron g w ith m e b u t it g o t to a p o in t ev ery d ay you w ak e u p , you do the sam e thing, you g et up, y o u 'v e the clothes on you had on from the n igh t before, you get up , you find w'here y o u 're going to get m o n ey from , y o u 'd w'alk for m iles and m iles, y o u 'd clim b a m o u ntain for a ten n er [ten p ou nd s] at the top o f it and y o u 'd w alk back d ow n it again and bu y y o u rself a bag [of heroin]. You w o u ld n 't eat. T h e only thing you w'ould eat w as chocolate. If you n ev er had m o n ey for c h o co la te ... you 'd steal a b a r o f ch o colate to keep yo u r su gar level up (21-year-old fem ale). O ffen d in g m ay h av e b ro u g h t cap ital initially, b u t the m ajority o f the w o m en realised d u rin g the co u rse o f th eir o ffen d in g 'c a re e rs' that the cap ital gain ed from o ffen d in g w as sh o rt-liv ed and ev en tu ally created m ore h assle fo r them th an g o in g straig h t. W h at cap ital they gained from offen d in g w as o ften o v ersh ad o w ed by the loss o f cap ital in cu rred th ro u gh in v o lv e m e n t in the crim in al ju stice system . T h u s there w as a g ro w in g d isillu sio n m e n t w'ith o ffen d in g as a con tin u in g v iab le o p tio n for in teg ratio n and sociability. So m m ers et al. (1994) foun d a sim ilar d isillu sio n m e n t am o n g st w o m en in th eir stud y: O v e r tim e, the w o m e n in th e stu d y b ecam e ... fu rth er alien ated , both so cially and p sych olog ically , from con v en tio n al life. T h e w o m e n 's liv es b ecam e b ereft o f con v en tio n al in v o lv em en ts, o b lig atio n s, and re sp o n sib ilities. T h e ex cite m e n t ... that m ay h av e ch aracterised th eir early crim in al career p h ase gav e W'ay to a m u ch m ore g rav e d aily existen ce (S o m m ers et al. 1994: 137). O n ce o ffen d in g b e cam e a ro u tin e, there w as a m ark ed ch an g e in attitu d e to o ffen d in g b etw een the m en and w om en . T h e m en seem ed to think less ab o u t w h at th ey w ere actu ally d o in g by o ffen d in g (and becam e in creasin g ly op p o rtu n istic ab o u t it) w h ereas the w o m en seem ed to th in k m ore ab o u t th eir b eh av io u r and its ad v e rse co n seq u en ces, bu t n e v e rth e le ss often co n tin u ed to offend o ut o f necessity , h av in g w eigh ed up the co n seq u en ces. T h e d isad v an tag es o f o ffen d in g for these yo u n g w o m e n w'ere th u s alm o st tw ice as ap p aren t as th ey w ere for the m en , n otab ly in relatio n to crim in al ju stice sy stem 'fa tig u e ' (the co n stan t cycle o f offen d in g , co n v ictio n , in carceratio n , liberty, poverty, o ffen d in g and so on) and e n d an g erin g o n e 's relation sh ip s and rep u tation . It w as th ese g ro w in g d isad v an tag es ov er tim e, cou p led w ith serio u s ad d ictio n s, w'hich resulted in m an y o f these w o m en d ecid in g to stop offend in g. 30

T h e tra n sitio n a l p a th w a y s o f y o u n g fem ale o ffe n d e rs

W o m e n ’s ratio n ale for sto p p in g offending The w om en w ere m ore than tw ice as likely as the m en to see the ad vantages o f starting offend ing, in term s of m onetary gain, either for consu m ables or drugs. Indeed , their calculation of the m onetary gain in starting offend ing m akes the fact that they even tually stop offending all the m ore incongru ent, given that they seem in gly stopped m ore easily than the m en. Likew ise, given that the m en could see few ad vantages in starting offend ing, it is perhaps surprising that they carry on w ith such activity for so long. H ow ever, the d isadvantages nev ertheless outw eighed the ad vantages over tim e and it w'as, in particular, the so-called 'crim inal ju stice system fatigu e' of being cau gh t and convicted that w as com m only stated by the w om en as a prim e reason for w anting to stop offend ing, coupled w ith a realisation of w hat they increasingly had to lose by con tin uing to offend: I had ju st grow n up, realised the serious trouble I had been in ... and w ell, at tw'enty, I had m y ow n hou se at this p o in t... A t the start, I had all nice stuff in it and then like w ith the heroin, I had sold it all for tw enty pou nds at a time. E verything, and then I ju st thou ght to m yself 'w'hat am I d oing here? I'v e got nothing. I'm in m y tw enties'. Do you know w hat I m ean? ... and I w as 'right, th at's enough, tim e to grow up here' ... the police knew ... it w as this hou se I w as d ealing in, right, and they w ere sitting right outsid e ... the door w'as going constantly ... that w as enough. T h at w as enough after that (23-year-old fem ale). W hilst they m ay have drifted into offending, the m ajority m ade proactive d ecisions to stop , irrespective of the lack o f positive incentives or sources of capital accum ulation available to them . There w'ere few perceived 'p u ll' factors involved in their d ecision to stop offending, w ith the crim inal ju stice system , a drug ad diction, loss of trust w ithin the fam ily and a d eteriorating reputation being the m ain 'p u sh ' factors. A t the tim e o f stop ping offend ing, the m ajority did not have em ploym ent or a stable relationship, often seen as the m ain catalysts to stop ping offend ing (see, for exam ple, M aruna 2001; Sam pson and Laub 1993). H ow ever, m any o f the w om en w ere encouraged in their decision to stop by the su pport (the social and sym bolic capital in particular) o f friend s, family, children and loving relationships w ith law -abid ing partners:

31

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

M y son w as m y stay in g powder. H e k ep t m e going . I c o u ld n 't do any m o re to him (33-year-old w'om an). [M y fiancé] b ro u g h t a really d ifferen t sid e o u t on m e. H e m akes m e relaxed , m ore calm er, and it's like as if I foun d som eo n e w'ho really cares and actu ally is in terested in m e, for wfho I really w as (25-y ear-o ld fem ale). G en erally, it could b e said that the p ro cess o f sto p p in g o ffen d in g for the w o m en resu lted m ore from actu al com m itm en ts (to child ren , p artn ers o r p aren ts), w h ereas for the m en sto p p in g offen d in g w as m ore in p rep aratio n for poten tial co m m itm en ts (asp iratio n s for e m p lo y m en t or raisin g a fam ily). H av in g real rath e r than im ag in ary resp o n sib ilities w as no d o u b t a facto r w hich p recip itated earlier d esistan ce am o n g st the w o m en : I had to [stop offen d in g] if I w an ted to keep [m y fiancé]. H e w o u ld n ae h av e stayed arou nd ... I d o n 't w an t to lose him . H e m ean s too m u ch ... 1 m iss seein g [m y d au g hter] ... I th in k sh e's g o n n a b e m y stro n g est p art ... I'v e got resp o n sib ilities to try and be a m u m ag ain (25-year-o ld fem ale). I'm sick o f it. You d o g et sick o f it ... I'v e g ot to grow up and fu ck in g h av e kid s and , ken w h at I m ean ... I'm slo w ly b u t su rely g ettin g th ere, ken ... I'll g e t m y ow'n flat (21-year-o ld m ale). H ow'ever, w h ilst co m m itm en ts to o n e 's se lf o r fam ily w ere in stru m en tal in p ro m o tin g a n o n -o ffe n d in g lifestyle, b ecau se o f the d rug ad d ictio n s that the m ajo rity o f the w o m en in this sam p le had d ev elo p ed , stop p in g o ffen d in g w as only p o ssib le if and w hen their d ru g use red u ced , stabilised or ceased altogether. If th ey did n o t need d ru g s, the m ajority said th ey w'ould n o t need to offen d , and this has b een b o rn e o u t in o th er stu d ies o f offen d in g (Jam ieso n et al. 1999). So th eir m ain p reo ccu p atio n in attem p tin g to stop o ffen d in g w as to giv e up d rugs. A h igh p ro p o rtio n o f the w o m en in this sam p le w ere p rescrib ed m e th ad o n e in the later stag es o f an ad d ictio n - eig h t w o m en com p ared to on e m an w ere giv en m e th ad o n e p rescrip tion s. T h e y su g g ested th at th is w as a sav in g g race in th eir fight to stop d ru g taking and o ffen d in g - alth o u g h they recognised th at m e th ad o n e w as also an ad d ictiv e d ru g in its o w n right:

32

T h e transitional pathways o f y o un g female offenders

M e th a d o n e 's h ard e r to com e o ff th an h ero in b u t rath er than stealin g , I'm g ettin g it for free ... I d o n 't h av e to steal to g et m on ey now ... M eth ad o n e calm s you d ow n and m ak es m e go to sleep and relax, b u t it's sore to com e o ff it b u t I w'ant o ff it. I d o n 't w an t to be on it. I w an t b ab ies and a n o rm al life. T h a t's w'hat I w ant. It's all I'v e ev er w an ted (23-year-o ld fem ale). T h is striv in g fo r n o rm ality and in d ep en d en ce w as m u ch m ore n o ticeab le am o n g st the w o m en than the m en , and the m ean s o f ach iev in g it seem in g ly m ore read ily av ailab le to th em - su ch as th ro u gh b e in g ab le to g iv e th eir lov e and atten tion to an o th er p erso n - w h e th e r th at be a p artn er o r their owm child ren. W hereas o ffen d in g had giv en them som e sem b lan ce o f con trol and cap ital in ch ild h o od and early y o u th , su ch cap ital w'as o ften erod ed by a v io len t relatio n sh ip or d ru g abuse. O n ce o u t o f su ch relatio n sh ip s and once d ru g u se had b een stabilised or had ceased altog ether, o p p o rtu n ities for 'n o rm a lity ' and 'a d u lt' statu s seem ed m ore ach iev able. T h e w o m en in the sam p le w^ere also m ore con cern ed th an the m en abo u t their rep u tatio n s w ith in the w id e r com m u nity, th eir need to be good m o th ers and the p o ssib ility o f in carceratio n and losing their ch ild ren and fam ily life if th ey con tin u ed to offend or take d rugs. T h is new sen se o f resp o n sib ility an d care in y o u n g ad u lth o o d - a ch an ce to spend som e o f their accu m u lated cap ital - w as a v iable sou rce o f stability and co n v en tio n ality to the w 'om en in th e sam p le, and is d escribed in g reater d etail in the fo llo w in g section .

O p p o r t u n itie s fo r ca p ita l e x p e n d itu re It has b een d em o n strated w ith in this stu d y th at yo u n g p eo p le m ay use offen d in g as a m ean s o f gain in g reco g n ition , atten tio n , in co m e or frien d s, n o t least at a tim e w hen o th er sou rces o f cap ital accu m u latio n are u n attain ab le o r restricted . F o r th o se w'ho stop p ed o ffen d in g in their tw en ties, m an y had foun d o p p o rtu n itie s to accu m u late cap ital th rou gh m ean s o th er than o ffen d in g , o p p o rtu n itie s w hich did n ot resu lt in crim in al ju stice sy stem in v o lv e m e n t, a lack of con tro l or w id er social d isap p ro v al. S u ch op p o rtu n ities for cap ital accu m u latio n in clu d ed im p ro v ed fam ily relatio n sh ip s, n o t b ein g d ep en d en t on illegal d ru g s, h av in g a jo b or their ow n ten an cy and b e in g a p are n t th em selv es. H ow ever, it is ack n o w led g ed th at m an y w'ho had not stop p ed o ffen d in g also had access to su ch o p p o rtu n ities for a ccu m u latin g cap ital b u t w ere u n ab le o r u n w illin g, for v ary in g 33

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

reasons, to desist from crim e. This anom aly has been a m ajor source of concern for crim inologists and suggests that capital accum ulation on its ow n cannot account for w hy people stop offending. It is therefore suggested here that capital expenditure is a m issing link in the chain of events surrounding both youth transitions and youth offending. W hilst capital accu m ulation is a crucial factor in aiding both a sm oother transition to adulthood and to a no n-offend ing lifestyle, the added factor of capital expenditure is required to ensure that young people have the opportu nity and incen tive to d esist from crim e as w ell as the longer-term opportu nities afforded their cou nterparts in adulthood. M y argum en t is that 'social recognition ' - nam ely, the attainm ent o f a com bination o f accum ulation and expenditure o f social, econom ic, cultural and sym bolic capital that is both durable and legitim ated - is a possible w ay forw ard in u n derstand ing the tem porary natu re of m u ch youth crim e. Social recognition m ay w^ell be a help fu l concept in u n derstand ing w hy young people stop offend ing in transition becau se it expresses the capacity and need that you ng people have for longer-term reciprocal relations o f trust and responsibility w ithin the w ider society, epitom ised by capital expenditure. Two particular opportu nities for capital expenditure m ade stop pin g offending m ore likely for m any of the respond ents in this study. These two opportu nities w ere 'g en erativ ity' and 'takin g on responsibility': • G en erativity m eans the p assing on of care, attention or support to future gen erations based on on e's ow n experiences - a concern and com m itm ent for others through parenting, teaching or counselling. • Taking on responsibility m eans having the desire, opportunity, incentive and capacity to be trusted with a task of benefit to others. E xam p les of gen erativ ity w'ould be w anting to becom e a drugs cou nsellor or probation w'orker (because of o n e's ow n experiences of such w orkers in the past); w anting to ensure that their ow n children have a better life than they had; and w anting to m ake restitution to the local com m u nity for past offending. O bviou s exam ples of responsibility-takin g w ould be having em ploym ent, or having responsibility for o n e's ow n child ren or family. Both generativity and responsibility-takin g are w ays of spend ing the capital that one has already accum ulated. T he follow ing quotations from respondents give an idea of w hat is m eant by gen erativity and responsibility taking respectively:

34

T h e transitional pathways o f y o un g female offenders

[I w a n t to] g et a really g o od jo b in the social w o rk o r som eth in g like that ... I g et on w ith the y o u n g er on es up h ere and I try and say to them : 'd o n 't do w'hat I d one, stop tak in g [drugs] b e ca u se it ru in s e v ery th in g ' (23-year-old fem ale). I'v e got resp o n sib ility to m y self, to keep m y self o u t o f tro u b le and o ff d ru g s and I'v e g o t m y bab y on its way. I'v e g ot a resp o n sib ility to w ard s [m y partn er] as w'ell ... A tten d p ro b atio n , h o sp ital, law yers (27-year-old fem ale). O ne o b v io u s sou rce o f b o th g e n erativ ity and resp o n sib ility taking for the w o m e n in the sam p le w as h av in g ch ild ren . S ix te en o f the w om en m en tio n ed at in terv iew that th ey had ch ild ren . M cR o b b ie (2000) su g g ests that yo u n g w om en , n o tab ly those w'ith no im m ed iate e m p lo y m en t p ro sp ects or o th er sou rces o f cap ital accu m u latio n , m ay ch o ose m o th erh o o d as a p o sitiv e option: F o r girls w h o had n ev er b een b ro u g h t up to co n sid er th em selv es as w ag e-earn ers, n ev er m ind career w om en , b rin g in g forw'ard m o th erh o o d b y a few y ears w as h ard ly a su rp risin g step , ind eed it w as from their p o in t o f view a reso u rcefu l activ ity (M cR obbie 2000: 206). C ain (1996) eq u ally a ck n o w led g es th at m o th erh o o d m ay b rin g social and h o u sin g stab ility in the sh o rt term , thu s e asin g at le ast one asp e ct o f the tran sitio n to ad u lth o o d . N ev erth eless, sh e arg u es that: 'e a rly d o m estic ca reers o f p regnancy, ch ild rearin g and h o m e-carin g serv ed , typically, to lo cate yo u n g w o m en in situ atio n s o f eco n o m ic and o ften d o m estic, su b o rd in a tio n ' (C ain 1996: 143). In ad d itio n , as h igh ligh ted by recen t cu ltu ral crim in o lo g ical research , the attraction o f m o th erh o o d as an altern ativ e o ccu p atio n for y o u n g w o m en w'ith few o th er le g itim ate o p p o rtu n itie s in the tran sition to ad u lth o o d , has been vilified in the m ed ia as e p ito m isin g a rejectio n o f fam ily v alu es, sexu al p ro m iscu ity and a m isu se o f w elfare b en efits (M cR ob b ie 2000; R olfe 2005). N ev erth eless, m an y resp o n d en ts in this sam p le, b oth m ale and fem ale, saw p aren th o o d as a p o sitiv e ch o ice for them . H ow ever, sev eral co m m en ted on th eir con cern s that th ey w ish ed to be better p aren ts than their ow n p aren ts had b ee n , th u s e n su rin g that their ow'n ch ild ren w ere n o t co m p ro m ised in the w ay that they th em selv es h ad been . T h is con cern iro n ically w^as v o iced m ore b y the m en than

35

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

the w om en: 'M y m ain goal is to w atch m y kids grow up healthy and keep them aw ay from d rugs' (26-year-old m ale); 'I'm teaching my kids to be nothing like this. M y kids w o n 't be like th at' (23-year-old m ale). H ow ever, one o f the young w om en feared for the safety o f her ow n daughter, having been abused h erself at a young age. H er need to protect her child illustrates a gen erative expenditure o f social and cultural capital: cos sh e 's a girl as well and I feel as if I'v e got to be there 24 hours a day to protect her but I know if sh e's w ith [my partner], I know sh e's alright w hen sh e's w ith him (21-year-old fem ale). A lthou gh this sam ple w as relatively sm all, w hat w as striking about the findings w as that those w ho had desisted from crim e w ere m ore likely to have had opportu nities for responsibility and generativity than those w ho w ere still persistent offenders. H ow ever, these opportu nities w ere not alw ays d urable or necessarily recognised by the w ider society. B ourdieu, in his theory o f social action (1986), suggests that capital need s to be 'd u rab le' and 'leg itim ate' in order to be sustainable. D u rability o f capital m eans that it is gen erally unaffected by the structural con straints of the social w orld. Legitim acy m eans the tacit acceptance and recognition of o n e's actions or behav iou r by the w ider society. It could be argued that durability and legitim acy o f capital are m issing for you ng people in transition, especially d isadvantaged you ng people. Youth is n ot a d urable state and young people are greatly affected by structural con straints placed on them becau se o f their age and status. O ffend ing m ay be a viable m eans of gaining capital in the short term , but it is not a d urable or legitim ate source o f capital in the longer term . T hese young people eventually realised that their offend ing w as losing them the trust o f significant others, w as losing them their freedom and w'as resulting in more costs than benefits as they m oved into adulthood. W hat w as particularly striking about the you ng w om en 's narratives w as that once they had got out of a cycle of offend ing, they stressed the im portan ce of taking on responsibilities for others and w anting to give back to others for the d am age or hu rt they had caused them in the past, how ever indirectly. T his suggested that the accum ulation o f capital is not enough to encourage stop ping offend ing, but that young people need to have o pportu nities for the expenditure of capital also. A com bination o f expenditure and accu m ulation of capital is n ecessary not only in the transition to adulthood but also in the transition to a non-offend ing lifestyle. Young people are less 36

T he transitional pathways of young female offenders

likely to offend if they have durable and legitim ate opportu nities to take on responsibilities and to offer their skills and support to others, and it w ould seem that you ng w om en are m ore likely than young m en to have such opportu nities through caring for others. Social recognition suggests that you ng people recognise the need s of others (through generativity) and are con cu rrently recognised by others in ad dressing those need s (through being given responsibility). H ow ever, for v arying reasons, such recognition is less likely to happ en in the youth phase of transition, w hich is w hen the tem porary accum ulation and expen diture o f capital through offend ing is m ost likely to occur.

C o n c lu sio n Young people are in a iim in a l' state in the transition to adulthood and often lack not only sources o f capital accu m ulation but also legitim ate opportu nities to spend it. O ffend ing is one source of capital accu m ulation, pend ing w ider opportu nities w ithin m ainstream society. H ow ever, w hilst they m ay offend d uring the transition to ad ulthood, this need not be a rebellion against m ainstream norm s, nor a p erm anent phen om enon, b u t could be seen as a short-term vehicle, h ow ev er m isgu id ed, tow ards integration and conform ity. The capital that the you ng people in this study gained from offend ing in youth w'as a v iable, albeit short-term source of identity, status, recognition, reputation and power. Such 'in fo rm al' legitim ation by their peers through offend ing could offer them som e continuity and recognition in the absen ce of m ore conventional and form al legitim ation and recognition by the w'ider society. A s they m oved into ad ulthood, how ever, offend ing becam e less likely to give them longer-term social and sym bolic capital, both of w hich w ere m ore likely to be gained from legitim ate sources, although m ore often through opportu nities to take on responsibilities for child ren or partners, rather than through em ploym ent; hence, the greater likelihood that the w om en w ould stop offend ing sooner than the m en. W hen they had such opportu nities, they tended, concurrently, to m ove aw ay from offend ing peers and em phasised renew ed con tact w ith, and su p p ort from , fam ily m em bers or n o n ­ offend ing partners. Finally, those w'ith no opportu nities for capital accu m ulation or expenditure w ere m ore likely to con tin ue to rely on offend ing to obtain the benefits of such capital. The key to stop ping offending, therefore, m ay be in offering young p eople legitim ate opportu nities for gen erativity and responsibility-takin g w'here they 37

W h a t W o r k s w ith W o m e n O ff e n d e r s

a re r e c o g n is e d

a s v a lu e d

m e m b e r s o f so c ie ty , th u s p la c in g

m o re

e m p h a s is o n s o u rc e s o f c a p ita l a c c u m u la tio n an d e x p e n d itu r e th an o n a g e a n d s ta tu s p e r se.

N o te s 1 A lthough there are problem s in gauging exactly w hen and to w hat extent people stop 'problem atic' offending, the word 'd esistan ce' is increasingly being used (notably in the U K) to denote the process or outcom e of stopping offending.

R e fe r e n c e s Barry, M. (2006) Youth O ffending in Transition: The search fo r social recognition. A bingdon: Routledge. Bourdieu, P. (1977) O utline o f a Theory o f Practice. C am bridge: Cam bridge U niversity Press. Bourdieu, P. (1986) T h e Form s of C ap ital', in J.G . Richardson (ed.), H andbook o f Theory and Research fo r the Sociology o f Education. W estport, CT: G reenw ood Press. Bourdieu, P. (1989) 'Social Space and Sym bolic P o w er', Sociological Theory, 7: 14-25. Bourdieu, P. (1990) In O ther W ords: Essays towards a reflexive sociology, translated by M. A dam son. C am bridge: Polity Press. Brow n, S. (2005) U nderstanding Youth and Crim e: Listening to youth? Buckingham : O pen U niversity Press. Burm an, M. (2004) 'B reaking the M ould: Patterns of fem ale offend ing', in G. M clvor (ed.) Women Who O ffend. London: Jessica Kingsley. Cain, M. (1996) 'Tow ards transgression: N ew d irections in fem inist crim inology', in J. M uncie, E. M cLaughlin and M. Langan (eds) C rim inological Perspectives: A reader. London: Sage Publications. Carrington, K. (2002) 'Fem inism and critical crim inology: Confronting gen ealogies', in K. C arrington and R. H ogg (eds) Critical Crim inology: Issues, debates, challenges. C ullom pton: W illan. C avadino, M. and D ignan, J. (1997) The Penal System : An introduction, (2nd edn) London: Sage. Farrall, S. and Bow ling, B. (1999) 'Structuration, H um an D evelopm ent and D esistance from C rim e', British Journal o f C rim inology, 39 (2): 253-68. Farrington, D. (1997) 'H um an D evelopm ent and C rim inal C areers' in M. M cG uire, R. M organ and R. Reiner (eds) (2nd edn) The O xford H andbook o f Crim inology. O xford: Oxford U niversity Press. Flood-Page, C., Cam pbell, S., H arrington, V. and M iller, J. (2000) Youth Crime: Findings from the 1998/99 Youth Lifestyles Survey. H om e O ffice Research Study 209. London: H om e Office. 38

T h e tra n sitio n a l p ath w a y s o f y o u n g fem ale o ffe n d e rs

G raham , J. and Bow ling, B. (1995) Young People and Crime. London: H om e Office. H ahn Rafter, N. and H eidensohn, F. (1995) 'Introduction: the developm ent o f fem inist perspectives on crim e', in N. H ahn Rafter and F. H eidensohn (eds) International Fem inist Perspectives in Crim inology: Engendering a discipline. Buckingham : O pen U niversity Press. H eidensohn, F. (1994) 'G ender and C rim e', in M. M aguire, M .R. M organ and R. Reiner (eds) The O xford H andbook o f Crim inology. O xford: O xford U niversity Press. H irschi, T. and G ottfredson, M. (1983) 'A ge and the explanation of crim e', A m erican Journal o f Sociology, 89, 552-84. Jam ieson, J., M clvor, G. and M urray, C. (1999) U nderstanding O ffending A m ong Young People. Edinburgh: The Stationery Office. Katz, R. (2000) ' "Explaining girls" and w om en's crim e and desistance in the context of their victimisation experiences', Violence Against Women, 6, 633-60. M aruna, S. (2001) M aking Good: H ow ex-convicts reform and rebuild their lives. W ashington, DC: A m erican Psychological A ssociation. M acD onald, R. and M arsh, J. (2005) D isconnected Youth? Grow ing up in Britain’s poor neighbourhoods. Basingstoke: Palgrave M acm illan. M cR obbie, A. (2000) Feminism and Youth Culture (2nd edn), Basingstoke: M acm illan. M orris, A. (1987) W omen, Crim e and C rim inal Justice. O xford: Basil Blackw ell. M uncie, J. (1999) Youth and Crim e: A critical introduction. London: Sage. Rolfe, A. (2005) "'T h e re 's helping and there's h ind ering": Young m others, support and con trol', in M. Barry (ed.) Youth Policy and Social Inclusion: Critical debates with young people. London: Routledge. Rutherford, A. (1986) Grow ing out o f Crim e: The new era. W inchester: W aterside Press. Sam pson, R.J. and Laub, J.H . (1993) Crim e in the M aking: Pathw ays and turning points through life. C am bridge, M A: H arvard U niversity Press. Scraton, P. (1990) 'Scientific know ledge or m asculine d iscou rses?' in L. G elsthorpe and A. M orris (eds), Fem inist Perspectives in Crim inology. Buckingham : O pen U niversity Press. Shover, N. (1996) Great Pretenders: Pursuits and careers o f persistent thieves. Boulder, CO: W estview Press. Sm art, C. (1976) W omen, Crim e and Crim inology. London: Routledge. Som m ers, I., Baskin, D. and Fagan, J. (1994) 'G etting out of the life: crim e d esistance by fem ale street offend ers', D eviant Behaviour: An interdisciplinary journal, 15: 125-49. Turner, V. (1967) T he Forest o f Sym bols: A spects o f N dom bu ritual. Ithaca, NY: Cornell U niversity Press. Turner, V. (1969) The Ritual Process: Structure and anti-structure. Chicago: A ldine. U ggen, C. and Kruttschnitt, C. (1998) 'C rim e in the Breaking: G ender differences in d esistan ce', Law and Society Review , 32 (2): 339-66. W yn, J. and W hite, R. (1997) R ethinking Youth. London: Sage. 39

Chapter 3

Sentencing and ge n d e r Loraine Gelsthorpe

In tro d u c tio n R esearch on sen ten cin g in E n g lan d and W ales (and the U K m ore g en erally ) q u ick ly lead s to the co n clu sio n that there have been d ifferen ces in the w ay in w'hich m en and w o m en h av e b een treated in the co u rts o v er the years. T h e d isp arities in treatm en t are all too ev id en t. B u t w 'hether or n ot su ch d ifferen ces can b e ju stified is an in terestin g qu estion . O n the on e h an d , w om en co m m it few er and less seriou s offen ces th an m en . N atio n al figu res in relatio n to crim e su g g est th at fo u r in ev ery five o ffen d ers are m ale. M en o u tn u m b e r w 'om en in all m ajo r crim e categ o ries. In d eed , b etw een 85 and 95 p er cen t of o ffen d ers foun d g u ilty o f burglary, robbery, d ru g s o ffen ces, crim in al d am ag e or v io len ce ag ain st the p erso n are m ale (H om e O ffice 2006). W h ere w o m en d o o ffen d , they are m ore lik e ly to co m m it p ro p erty related o ffen ces than an y th in g else; there h av e been slig h t in creases in lo w er-lev el v io len ce (arou nd p u b s and clu bs) in th e la st few y ears, and in creases in d ru g s-related offen ces (as fo r m ales) (H om e O ffice 2006) b u t n eith er o f these thing s su g g e st seism ic ch an g es in pattern s o f crim e. Broadly, w o m en com m it less seriou s crim es and th ey are less lik ely to p ersist in crim e than m ales (M clv o r 2004; Faw cett So ciety 2004). It follow's that w e m ig h t easily e xp ect sen te n cin g p attern s to reflect th ese d ifferen ces. B u t an aly sis su g g ests that som e W'omen are as lik ely to b e treated severely, if n o t m ore h arsh ly than m en. C lo se an aly sis o f the treatm en t o f w o m en in the co u rts rev eals that

40

Sentencing and gender

sen tencers take into account a w hole range o f factors relating to gender differences, and that som e o f these are irrelevant to the task. Indeed, notw ithstand ing sociological analyses w hich suggest that the w'hole sen tencing arena has changed to reflect a punitive turn in late m od ern society, it is arguable that a penal w elfare com plex w hich em ph asises the d om inance of a fam ilial ideology has prevailed in relation to the treatm ent o f w om en in som e w ays. A t the sam e tim e, there are strong argum ents to suggest that w om en ought to be treated differently from m en, not ju st in term s o f the lesser seriou sn ess of their crim es and the risks that they pose to the com m u nity in term s of reoffending, but in term s of their crim inogenic needs. This chapter w ill thus review gen der and sen tencing issues in England and W ales,1 but m ore p articularly focus on the argum ents and supporting evid ence that w om en ought to be treated differently from m en on grounds that they present different risks and have different needs. Such argum ents have recently gained credibility in light o f the 'g en d er d u ty' enshrined in the Equality A ct 2006. This m ove highlights the need to give proper con sid eration to gender differences rather than relying on the m yths, m uddles and gender m isconception s w hich have configured in sentencing in the past.

W o m e n and senten cin g C rim inal cases are allocated for trial and sentencing to one or other o f tw o cou rts in England and W ales: the m ag istrates' courts (w here lay m agistrates, or in the bu siest areas of the country, district ju d g es, deal w ith sum m ary and low er-level offences and w here sentencing pow ers are restricted) and the Crow'n C ou rt (w here ju d g es sit to deal w ith the m ore seriou s cases). There are also Youth C ou rts (located in m ag istrates' courts) w hich deal w ith nearly all cases involving you ng p eople (G elsthorpe and Sharpe 2006). M ost offences have fixed m axim um penalties assigned to them .2 Below this, the sen tencer is afforded con sid erable discretion in the type of sen tence passed although sen tencing is shaped by gu idelin es from the national Sentencin g G u idelin es C ou ncil (SG C ), a body set up by the governm ent in the C rim inal Ju stice A ct 2003 in order to enhance existing m echanism s for providing system atic guidance. The SGC is chaired by the Lord C h ief Ju stice and has both ju d icial and lay m em bers. The m ost lenient d isposals are the absolu te or conditional discharge, and bind overs. These are follow ed by fines and com pensation orders. 41

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

N ext, there is a co m m u n ity o rd er to w h ich v ario u s co n d itio n s (tw elve in total) can be attach ed by the cou rts (fo r e xam p le, an un paid w ork con d itio n or d ru g treatm en t and testin g co n d itio n ). T h ere is then a su sp en d ed sen ten ce o f im p riso n m en t. Finally, the m o st severe sen ten ce is im p riso n m e n t (E aston and P ip er 2005). T h ere h av e b een som e h isto rical flu ctu atio n s in term s o f the n u m b e r o f w o m en in the cou rts, b u t for the m o st p art, m en h av e d o m in ated and the a p p earan ce of w o m en h as b een a rarity (Z ed n er 1991). C o n tem p o rary sen te n cin g statistics in E ngland and W ales seem s at first g lan ce to su p p o rt a 'ch iv a lry h y p o th e sis' (H om e O ffice 2007) sin ce a far g reater p ro p o rtio n o f w o m en than m en are cau tion ed (fo rm ally w arn ed by the p o lice rath er th an p rosecu ted as su ch , alth o u g h cau tio n s can be cited in co u rt if a p erso n su b seq u en tly reo ffen d s; cau tion s only ap p ly to m in o r o ffen ces and there are strict co n d itio n s on w h en th ey m ig h t b e used , and im p ortan tly , the o ffen d er has to ad m it the offen ce). T h is p h e n o m en o n ap p lies across the d ifferen t age groups. M oreover, d isch arg es an d the fine are p o p u lar d isp o sitio n s fo r ad u lt o ffen d ers, b u t a sm aller p ro p o rtio n o f w om en than m en receiv e cu sto d ial p en alties and a g reater p ro p o rtio n o f w o m en th an m en receiv e p ro b atio n su p erv isio n or d isch arg es (H om e O ffice 2007). C o m p ared w ith m en , w o m en are also g en erally giv en sh o rter sen ten ces o f im p riso n m en t for all o ffen ces (excep t d rugs) alth ou g h there h av e b een som e recen t ch an g es in this reg ard , a p o in t ad d ressed later (H o m e O ffice 2007). H ow ever, th ese statistics d o n o t n e ce ssa rily sh o w th at w o m en are d ealt w ith m ore len ien tly th an m en ; they sh o w th at w o m e n are d ealt w ith differen tly from m en , b u t th ey d o n o t tell u s w h y this occu rs. A n u m b e r o f B ritish research ers h av e thu s attem p ted to u n rav el the co m p lexities o f sen ten cin g . F arrin g to n and M o rris (1983), for in stan ce, an aly sin g co u rt reco rd s and d ecisio n s in a m a g istra te s' cou rt, found that there w ere som e sim ilaritie s and d ifferen ces in th e relatio n sh ip betw e e n d ifferen t facto rs and the sen ten cin g o f m ales and fem ales. Fo r exam p le, sen ten ce sev erity w as p red icted b y facto rs su ch as offen ce and plea for m ales, w h ile it w as p red icted b y facto rs such as m arital statu s and the in v o lv e m e n t o f co -d e fe n d an ts for fem ales. M oreover, w o m e n o n ly receiv ed m ore len ien t sen ten ces b e ca u se th ey com m itted less serio u s o ffen ces and w ere less lik ely to h av e b een p rev io u sly con v icted . U sin g a d ifferen t m e th od o log y (in v o lv in g a m atch in g tech niqu e) and lo o k in g at tw o m a g istra te s' cou rts, M air and B ro ck in g to n 's fin d in g s (1988) su g g ested th at w h en m atch ed , w o m en w ere m ore lik ely to be d isch arg ed and less lik ely to be fined than m en, 42

Sentencing and gender

d isp arities in sen ten ces o f im p riso n m e n t h o w ev er, w ere red u ced by m atch in g . Fu rth er research by M o xon (1988) in the C row n C o u rt and b y W ilczyn sk i and M o rris (1993) in regard to case reco rd s o f m en and w o m en w h o had killed th eir ch ild ren , sig n alled len ien cy tow ard s w o m en . A lth o u g h D o m in e lli's (1984) research on co m m u n ity service o rd ers (now kn o w n as an 'u n p aid w o rk ' con d itio n ) p o in ted to w ard s the p o ssib ility that w o m en w ere giv en such an o rd er (a relativ ely sev ere p en alty o n the sen ten cin g tariff) rath er so o n er than th eir m ale cou n terp arts. H ed d erm an and H ou g h (1994) reported that fem ales w ere less lik ely th an m ales to receiv e cu stod ial sen ten ces fo r v irtu ally all in d ictab le offen ces (excep t d ru g s w h ich w as eq u al), and that cu sto d ial sen ten ces w ere sh o rter for fem ales for sev eral o ffen ce typ es (excep t fo r crim in al d am ag e and d ru g s o ffen ces w h ich w ere longer). P rev iou s co n v ictio n s did n o t exp lain the len ien cy to w ard s fem ales. Finally, in a H o m e O ffice (g o v ern m en t sp o n sored ) stu d y d esig n ed to settle the m atter o f h arsh n e ss or len ien cy to w ard s w o m en o n ce and for all (given p u b lic co n tro v ersies relatin g to this issu e) D o w d s and H ed d erm an (1997) rep o rted that fem ale sh o p lifters w ere less lik ely to receiv e a cu sto d ial sen ten ce than com p arab le m ales, and w ere m ore lik ely to b e g iv en a co m m u n ity sen ten ce or to b e d isch arged . A lth o u g h both m en and w o m en w ere eq u ally lik ely to receiv e a cu sto d ial sen ten ce for a v io le n t offen ce, this w as less lik ely fo r fem ales w ith p rev io u s co n v ictio n s than their m ale co u n terp arts. F o r a drugs o ffen ce, fem ale first o ffen d ers w ere less lik ely to be giv en a cu stod ial sen ten ce th an co m p arab le m ales, how ev er, this d ifferen ce d isap p eared for rep eat o ffen d ers. F em ales w ere m ore lik ely to be d isch arg ed w h ile m ales w ere m o re lik ely to b e fined for v io len ce and d ru g s offences. B ut as a co n seq u en ce o f m a g istra te s' relu ctan ce to fine w o m en , som e w o m en w ere g iv en h ig h e r sen ten ces, and o n ly a p ro p o rtio n o f them lo w er level sen ten ces. A s p a rt o f the sam e research , G elsth o rp e and L ou ck s (1997) fo u n d that m ag istrates treated fem ales m ore len ien tly than m ales b y g iv in g them sen ten ces aim ed to help them lead law ab id in g liv es rath er th an p u n ish in g th em ; th ey v iew ed fem ales as 'tro u b le d ' rath er than 'tro u b le so m e '. M ag istrates stressed that they relied on legal facto rs su ch as the n atu re o f offen ce rath e r than on the p e rso n al circu m stan ces o f the o ffen d er w h e n sen te n cin g m ales and fem ales. H o w ever, fines w ere v iew ed as u n su itab le fo r w o m en w ith d ep en d an ts esp ecially w h ere they did n o t h av e the in d ep en d en t m ean s to pay them . M ag istrates also con sid ered fam ily circu m stan ces and resp o n sib ilities as m ore relev an t in m itig atio n for fem ales than m ales. F u rth erm o re, m ag istrates m en tio n ed u sin g th eir 'co m m o n sen se ' or 'g u t fe e lin g s' and com m en ted on d efe n d a n ts' ap p earan ce 43

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

and d em e an o u r in cou rt. B u t g en d er role stereo ty p in g cut across these ap p ro ach es to sen ten cin g so that an y o n e step p in g o u tsid e the trad itio n al role and p resen tatio n m ig h t n ot receiv e sy m p ath etic treatm en t. In su b seq u en t research , F lo o d -P ag e and M ack ie (1998) found that in m a g istra te s' cou rts, a g reater p ro p o rtio n o f w o m e n first tim e o ffen d ers receiv ed a com m u n ity sen ten ce and a d isch arge and a sm alle r p ro p o rtio n w ere g iv en a fine com p ared to th eir m ale c ou n terp arts. In the C row n C ou rt, a g reater p ro p o rtio n o f m en first tim e o ffen d ers receiv ed a cu stod ial sen ten ce, a co m m u n ity sen ten ce, o r a fine com p ared to th eir fem ale co u n te rp arts, w h o w ere m ore lik ely to receiv e a su sp en d ed sen ten ce o r a d isch arge. M en w ith p rev io u s c on v ictio n s w ere m o re lik ely to receiv e cu stod y or a com m u n ity s en ten ce than w o m en rep eat o ffen d ers in the m a g istra te s' cou rts. T h e se w o m e n w ere m ore lik ely to receiv e a fine or d isch arge. In the C row n C o u rt, m en w ith p rev io u s co n v ictio n s w ere also m ore likely to receiv e cu stod y an d less lik ely to receiv e a su sp en d ed sen ten ce or co m m u n ity sen te n ce com p ared to their fem ale co u n terp arts. O v erall, m en w ere sig n ifican tly m o re lik ely to receiv e a cu sto d ial sen ten ce than w o m en , ev en after co n tro llin g fo r leg ally relev an t factors such as o ffen ce typ e and p rev io u s co n v ictio n s. T h e g en eral g e n d e r d isp arity in sen ten cin g m ay be p artly e xp lain ed b y o th er factors su ch as the fact that w om en are m o re likely to be d ealt w ith in the m a g istrate s' cou rt, o f cou rse, alth ou g h this can n o t acco u n t for the ap p aren t g en d er d ifferen ces found w ith in cou rt type. In m ore recen t research still, S tew ard (2006) d em o n strates th at w h ilst rem and d ecisio n s are b ased p rim arily on o ffen ce serio u sn ess, w ith o u t con sid eratio n o f gender, in so m e cases w h ich are on the b o rd erlin e b e tw e e n co n d itio n al b ail and cu sto d ial rem an d , g e n d e r b e co m e s m ore sig n ifican t, w ith d efen d an ts b ein g m o rally (re)con stru cted as w om en w h o do or do n o t 'd e se rv e ' b ail. In the p ro bation co n te x t (w h ere there is resp o n sib ility for the p rep aratio n o f p re-sen ten ce rep o rts as w ell as the su p erv isio n of offen d ers on v ario u s o rd ers and co n d itio n s), there h av e b een a n u m b er o f co n cern s ab o u t rep o rt-w ritin g p ractices and the w ay in w h ich they m ay co n trib u te to d ifferen tial cou rt o u tco m es for w o m en and m en. E aton (1983) for exam p le, in o b se rv in g cases in the m a g istrate s' cou rt and e x am in in g w h at w ere th en called social in q u iry rep o rts (now p re-sen ten ce rep o rts), co n clu d ed th at w o m en assessed n eg ativ ely w ere lik ely to b e d ealt w ith m ore sev erely th an o th er w om en . Ten years later S tep h en (1993) w ro te in sim ilar v ein , arg u in g th at the d ifferen tial treatm en t o f m en and w o m en by the co u rts w as likely 44

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to b e in flu en ced b y the w ay in w h ich th ey are rep resen ted in p re­ sen ten ce rep o rts; p ro batio n o fficers frequ en tly p rov id ed exp lan atio n s w h ich h ig h lig h ted p erso n al traits in th e case o f m ale o ffen d ers and u n d erly in g em o tio n al p ro b lem s in the case o f w om en . In d eed , there is su b stan tial e v id en ce th at b o th the typ es o f p ro b lem s exp erien ced and the m o tiv atio n s for o ffen d in g are p erceiv ed b y p rob atio n officers as b ein g d ifferen t for w o m en and m en and th at this is reflected in the w ay in w h ich they are 'p re se n te d ' to the co u rts (G elsth o rp e 1992; M clv o r and Barry 1998; H orn and E van s 2000). In term s o f p ercep tio n s o f b eh av iou r, w o m e n 's offen d in g is freq u en tly th o u g h t to be rooted in p o v erty and financial d ep en d en ce (C o ok 1997; H ed d erm an 2004a). Fin an cial p en alties are often, th erefo re, in ap p ro p riate san ctio n s for w o m en w h o offend . A s stated , on e H o m e O ffice stu d y in d icated th at co u rts in E ngland and W ales w ere relu ctan t to im p o se fines up on fem ale o ffen d ers (H ed d erm an and G elsth o rp e 1997) b e ca u se o f their ch ild -care resp o n sib ilities. In som e cases th is ap p eared to resu lt in a m ore len ien t resp o n se, in co m p ariso n w ith m ale o ffen d ers, by w ay o f a co n d itio n al or ab solu te d isch arge. In o th er cases it ap p eared th at w o m en m ay b e escalated up the sen ten cin g tariff throu gh the im p ositio n o f a co m m u n ity sen ten ce - p ro b atio n o r com m u n ity serv ice - in lieu o f a fine. Fu rther, v ario u s stu d ies in d ifferen t p arts o f the U K (H ine 1993; M clv o r 1998) h av e found w o m en to be u n d er-rep resen ted in co m m u n ity serv ice (now called the un paid w o rk con d itio n w h ich is attach ed to the co m m u n ity o rd er in E n g lan d and W ales), th o u gh there is also som e e v id en ce that w h en age, cu rren t offen ce and crim in al h isto ry are con tro lled for w o m en are as lik ely to receiv e co m m u n ity serv ice as m en (M air and B rock in gton 1988). T h ere are, m oreover, cle ar d ifferen ces in the ch aracteristics o f m en and w o m en sen ten ced to co m m u n ity service. W om en on co m m u n ity serv ice are m ore likely than m en to b e first o ffen d ers and there is so m e ev id en ce that there is less co n siste n cy (in term s o f crim in al h istory and cu rren t o ffence) in the use o f co m m u n ity serv ice w ith w o m en (H in e 1993). In d eed , in a th em atic rev iew o f p ro v isio n fo r w o m en in 1996, H er M aje sty 's In sp ecto rate o f P ro batio n foun d that p ro b atio n officers p rep arin g p re ­ sen ten ce rep o rts o ften rejected com m u n ity serv ice o rd ers as a v iab le o p tion for w om en w ith ch ild care resp o n sib ilities and w ere u n aw are o f the fu n d s av ailab le to p ro v id e ch ild care so as to facilitate w o m en b ein g given this sen ten ce (H M IP 1996). M oreover, there w as a p ercep tion th at w om en p ose a h ig h er b reach risk on su ch ord ers, d ue to fam ily resp o n sib ilities (d esp ite ev id en ce to su g g est that w o m en h av e m ore su ccessfu l co m p letio n s (H om e O ffice 2005; S co ttish E xecu tiv e 2006). 45

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

Ironically, too, in a m ore recen t stu d y o f com m u n ity sen d e e , w o m en ap p e ar to gain ra th e r m ore from the o rd ers than m en. In a stu d y o f som e 1851 o ffen d ers on co m m u n ity serv ice 148 o f th em b e in g w o m en , G elsth o rp e and R ex (2004) rep o rted th at from o ffe n d ers' ow n asse ssm en t o f w h at th ey g ain ed , 49% o f the w o m en in d icated that th ey had im p ro v ed th eir sk ills eith er a lot or quite a lot - com p ared w ith 35% o f the m en. Fu rther, o v er 50% o f the w o m en ind icated that th ey w ere e ith e r v ery lik ely or quite lik ely to do m ore train in g as a resu lt o f the co m m u n ity serv ice or that it had at least im p rov ed their ch an ces o f g ettin g a jo b (com p ared w ith u n d er 40% o f the m en). P ro b atio n (now 'su p e rv isio n as a req u ire m e n t o f a co m m u n ity o rd e r' u n d er the C rim in al Ju stice A ct 2003 in E n g lan d and W ales), on the o th er h an d , h as trad itio n ally been used m ore w ith w o m en than w ith m en th o u gh there is e v id en ce th at w o m en are g iv en p ro bation at a lo w er p o in t o n the sen te n cin g tariff. M clv o r and B arry (1998), for in stan ce, found that w o m en w ho w ere su b ject to p ro b atio n su p erv ision in S cotlan d had few er p rev io u s co n v ictio n s and w ere m ore lik ely to be first o ffen d ers than m en. T h e fact that w o m en tend to h av e less exten siv e crim in al h isto ries th an m en m ay acco u n t, at least partly, for the co m m o n find ing that w o m en p ro b atio n ers are m ore lik ely to su cceed on p ro b atio n than m en (e.g. M clv o r and B arry 1998). C o m b in ed w ith o b serv atio n al research in the cou rt room , a ccu m u lated research e v id en ce su g g ests that sen ten cers treat w om en d ifferen tly from m en d ue to chivalry, p atern alism , fam ilial p ro tectio n , o r e n fo rcem en t o f g e n d e r ap p ro p riate beh av iou r. B u t w h at is also c lear is th at sen te n ce rs o p erate a b ifu rcated sy stem o f sen ten cin g w hich d istin g u ish es b etw e e n those w o m en w h o con fo rm to g en d er stereo ty p es, and those w h o do n o t (G elsth o rp e 2001). In this sen se, the sen ten cin g p ictu re in E n g lan d and W ales b ro ad ly m irrors the p ictu re found elsew h ere (see, for exam p le, D aly 1987; S teffen sm eier et al. 1993).

T h e ‘punitive tu r n ’ A t the sam e tim e, w h at is u n m istak ab le is the fact that the sen ten cin g o f w o m en , as w ith the sen ten cin g o f m en , has taken an in creasin g ly p u n itiv e tu rn o v er the p ast few years. D av id G arlan d (2001) has offered a d etailed and in sig h tfu l h isto ric a l-c u ltu ra l acco u n t o f how the crim e con trol d ev elo p m en ts w itn essed in the late tw en tieth cen tu ry h av e 'a d a p te d ' and 're sp o n d e d ' to the late m o d ern w o rld (w ith all its so cial tran sfo rm atio n s relatin g to g lo b alisatio n , tech n o log ical 46

Sentencing and gender

d evelopm ents, the loss o f trad itional com m u nities and so on), and to its political and cultural values. G arlan d 's analysis revolves around the notion that w e can understand the d evelopm ent of strategies of control by thinking about pu nishm ent and control as a cultural ad aptation to 'late m od ernity' and the free m arket. In other w ords, he tells us that w e need to understand the socially con servative politics that cam e to d om inate the USA and the UK in the 1980s in order to understand the culture of control - w hat critics have previously described as 'p riso n -cen tricity' and w hat m ight be described as 'the carceral cen trifuge'. There are m any positive features to The Culture o f Control by David G arland (2001). They include the recognition of the interd ep endence of social, econom ic and political influences, his recognition o f the links betw een crim e and p u nishm ent and the em phasis he gives to the public in term s o f their lived ad aptations to the new crim e control situations that face them (rather than seeing their view s as m ere reflections o f 'elite sp o kesp eo p le' w ithin politics or the m ass m ed ia).1 The story line is sim ple: a penal w elfare com plex (by w hich he m eans rehabilitative intervention s and ind ividu alised sentencing based on careful assessm ent of need s) has given w ay to a culture of control and w e are currently w itnessing ever increasing prison rates is a straightforw ard reflection of this. But the om ission of any m ajor consid eration o f w om en in this im portant com m entary on the grow ing culture of control in England and W ales epitom ises one of the problem s end em ic in crim inal ju stice policy itself - the con tin uing invisibility o f w om en (G elsthorpe 2005). Indeed, although G arland (2001) does not give recognition to this, the treatm ent of w om en illustrates the apparently d ualistic and polarised penal policies that G arland d escribes so well. We should note one or tw o things here: Firstly, that the fem inist critique of crim inology has identified that beliefs about fem ale offenders w hich locate their offend ing behav iou r in the discou rse of the p athological have long since persisted, d espite the introd uction of m ore sociological and social con structionist ideas in relation to m ales' offending behaviou r (see Sm art 1976 and G elsth orpe 2002, 2004, for exam ple). The d iscourse of the p athological, o f cou rse, lends itself to p enal-w elfarism . Secondly, looking back in history w e can see very clearly how penal w elfarism d eveloped for w om en. C alls for differentiation in the treatm ent o f m ale and fem ale offend ers from the m id 1850s onw ards led to a n u m ber o f significant changes in the nineteenth cen tury - ran ging from the special p rovisions for the w o m en 's police service to take statem ents from w om en and children, 47

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

to plans for the red evelopm ent of the w o m en 's prison system as a 'therapeutic com m u n ity' (H ollow ay prison in particular; see Rock 1996) so as to accom m odate their 'sp ecial need s'. Institutional arrangem en ts for w om en aside, the sen tencing of w om en and the content of institutional regim es provided for w om en and girls w ithin have long since reflected elem ents of the 'penalw elfarism ' that G arland (2001) describes so w ell in The Culture o f Control. B roadly speaking, a large bo d y o f research has identified three m ain them es that are particularly relevant to the treatm ent o f w om en: pathology, d om esticity and respectability. First, a w om an w ho enters the crim inal ju stice system has been described as 'in con gru o u s' (W orrall 1990). E xplanations for her presence are sought w ithin the d iscourse of the 'p ath ological' and the 'irration al': m enstru ation, m ental illness, poor socialisation, and the m enopause have all featured in explanations here, and all have been subject to critique (see Sm art 1976, and M orris 1987, for exam ple). M en are not view ed as b ein g so out of place in the cou rt-room and so their offending is explained in different w ays, w ithin the d iscou rse of 'n orm ality ' and 'rationality '. In addition, and as previously indicated, certain factors such as m arital status, m otherhood, social problem s, and w elfare needs seem to influence the sen tencing of w om en but not that o f m en. Sim ilar social, p athological and fam ilial them es can be identified w ithin prisons (Carlen 1983; D obash et al. 1986). Pat Carlen has captured the nature o f the p enal-w elfare direction o f the treatm ent o f w om en in British prisons in her m em orable claim that w o m en 's prisons 'D iscip lin e, Infantilise, Fem inise, M édicalisé and D o m esticise' (1985: 182).

T h e ‘punitive tu rn ’ to w ard s w o m e n N evertheless, one o f the m ost striking trends in sentencing across w estern ju risd iction s - inclu ding England and W ales (and the U K m ore generally) in the last decad e or so is the m arked rise in the nu m ber of w om en in prison, w hich has far outstripped a sm aller proportionate increase in the popu lations of im prisoned men. Recep tions into w om en 's prisons m ore than doubled betw een 1990 and 2000, for exam ple. H igher fem ale prison popu lations appear to reflect both increases in the nu m bers of w om en given custodial sentences and higher average sentence lengths, but there is no real indication o f m ajor changes in the seriou sness o f offences com m itted by w om en or changes in the type o f w om en com m itted to prison that 48

Sentencing and gender

w o u ld help acco u n t fo r the p u n itiv e trend (G elsth o rp e and M o rris 2002; D eakin and S p e n cer 2003; H ed d erm an 2004b ). N o r can it be arg u ed th at sen ten cin g has b een m ad e m ore equ al b etw een m en and w o m en resu ltin g in w o m e n b e in g treated m ore h arsh ly ; as ind icated ab ov e, the pictu re o f sen te n cin g is far m ore com p lex. W e kn ow that g en d er-related facto rs do m ed iate sen ten cin g , b u t n o t in a cle ar cut w a y .

P at C arlen (1998) sees the in crease in the p riso n p o p u latio n as p rim arily the resu lt o f an increased p u n itiv en ess tow ard s w om en . T h e 'fé m in isa tio n o f p o v e rty ' w h ich ch aracterise s the p erio d m ay be relev an t to an u n d erstan d in g o f this p ercep tio n (G len d in n in g and M illar 1992). C ertainly, b y the end o f the 1990s there w as m u ch ev id en ce to su g g est that w o m en o ffen d ers exp erien ced a good n u m b er o f social p ro b lem s (poverty, d ebt, d ru g and alco h o l a b u se, lack o f qu alificatio n s an d w o rk , h isto ries o f abu se). T h u s there m ay b e a tw o ­ fold effect o f u p -tariffin g w om en b ecau se o f a relu ctan ce to fine them and a p ercep tio n that a p riso n sen ten ce creates a reason ab le p ro sp ect o f w o m e n 's so cial n eed s b e in g m et: p u n itiv e and p en al-w elfare ap p roach es co m b in ed . C a rle n 's (1998; 2002) claim reg ard in g g en d erspecific p u n itiv e n e ss reflects h e r find ing s from a cro ss-n atio n al stu d y o f the p en al treatm en t o f w o m en in the U nited S tates o f A m erica, C an ad a, E n g lan d , W ales an d S co tlan d . In exp lo rin g the d ifferen ces sh e co n clu d es that the lan g u ag e o f reform and em p o w e rm e n t (pro m oted b y liberal p en al refo rm ers, fem in ist reform ers and crim in al ju stice p ro fessio n als alik e) has b e e n h ijack ed b y the v e ry p eo p le w h o p rom ote the d isco u rse o f p u n ish m e n t - n am ely the state - in w h at sh e d escrib es as 'carceral claw b ack '. In o th er w o rd s, the p ractical m o v es to im p rov e p riso n reg im es and con d itio n s for w o m en have p o ssib ly m ad e p riso n sen ten ces seem m ore su itab le for w o m en than h itherto. W h atev er th e sp ecific reaso n s fo r the in crease, the trend is p articu larly co n ce rn in g in v iew o f the relativ ely m in o r o ffen ces in resp ect o f w h ich w o m en are im p riso n ed and the v u ln erab ility o f m an y w o m en w h o receiv e cu stod ial sen ten ces (P rison R efo rm Trust 2000; F aw cett S o ciety 2004). S tu d ies o f im p riso n ed w o m en in E ngland and W ales (M orris et al. 1995; C ad d ie and C risp 1997) and Sco tlan d (L ou ck s 1998) lend su p p o rt to a gen eral con clu sio n that im p riso ned w o m en are u su ally 'm arg in alise d w o m e n '. (A s is the case w ith m en w e m ig h t ad d , alth o u g h the v iew that the p rison system has n ot acco m m o d ated w o m e n 's p articu lar n eed s and th at their im p riso n m en t m ay d am ag e th eir ch ild ren , ad d s p o ten cy and p o ig n an cy to co n cern s ab o u t the n u m b e r o f w o m en im p riso n ed ). 49

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

G e n d e r sen sitive re sp o n se s to w o m e n A m ajo r criticism o f sen te n cin g and the treatm en t o f w o m en in the crim in al ju stice sy stem in recen t y ears h as b een that sen te n cin g and crim in al ju stice in terv en tio n s h av e in creasin g ly b een d riven b y a con cern w ith 'ev id e n ce -b ase d p ra c tice ' and the 'w h a t w o rk s' agen d a b u t that th ese p ractices are n ot n e ce ssa rily resp o n siv e to w o m en and their n eed s (M clv o r 1999; Shaw and H an n ah -M o ffat 2000; H ollin and P alm er 2006). W h ile D o w d en and A n d rew s (1999) con clu d ed from a m eta-an aly sis o f in terv en tio n s w ith fem ale o ffen d ers that in terv en tio n s are m ore effectiv e if th ey ad d ress w o m e n 's crim in o g en ic n eed s, th ey also ack n o w led g ed that fu rth er research is requ ired to id en tify the re latio n sh ip b e tw e e n p articu lar p ro b lem s (such as p ast v ictim isatio n and self-esteem ) and offen d in g b y w o m en (see R u m g ay 2005). A lth o u g h w o m e n 's offen d in g tend s to b e u n d er-ex p lored and less w ell u n d ersto od than o ffen d in g b y m en , it is no w reco gn ised that th ey are likely to h av e d ifferen t 'crim in o g e n ic n e e d s' (H ed d erm an 2004a) b ecau se th eir rou tes into o ffen d in g and reaso n s fo r offen d in g are often d ifferen t from those o f m en (G elsth o rp e 2004; Ja m ie so n et al. 1999). R esearch ev id en ce in d icates that som e n eed s m ay ind eed be sim ilar (for exam p le, crim in al history, u n em p lo y m en t, su b stan ce m isu se), thou gh how they h av e com e ab o u t and how they co n trib u te to offen d in g m ay b e d ifferen t for m en and w o m en and there are oth ers w hich a p p e ar to be m ore sp ecific to w o m en , such as p h y sical and sexu al ab u se (H o llin and P alm er 2006). T h is clea rly has im p licatio n s for the focu s and co n ten t o f in te rv e n tio n s w h ich follo w sen ten cin g for b oth cu stod ial and n o n -cu sto d ial in terv en tio n s. A s H ed d erm an co n clu d es from h e r an alysis o f research o n m e n 's an d w o m e n 's c rim in o g en ic need s: ... o v erall the av ailab le e v id en ce su g g ests that p ro g ram m es w h ich focu s on m ale crim in o g en ic facto rs are u n likely to be as e ffectiv e in red u cin g reco n v ictio n am o n g w o m en o ffen d ers as they are for m en . T h is is n o t o n ly b ecau se th ey focu s on factors w'hich are less relev an t to or op erate d ifferen tly for w o m en , b u t also b ecau se they fail to ad d ress facto rs w hich are u n iq u e to, or m ore relevan t for, w o m en w h o o ffend . (2004a: 241) A focu s o n crim in o g en ic need s has been d riv en by, and , in turn, h as d riv en , the use o f stru ctu red a ssessm en t to o ls in p ro batio n p ractice, w ith too ls su ch as O A Sy s and L SI-R w id ely used across the U K . T h e use o f stru ctu red asse ssm en t to ols m ay b e p erceiv ed 50

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as h elp fu l, b u t equally, th eir focu s on risk o f reo ffen d in g and risk o f harm m ay e n co u rag e assessm en ts that are reso u rce-led rath er than n eed s-led (M au ru tto and H an n ah -M o ffat 2006). It is arg u ab le that risk and n eed s assessm en ts are lik ely to be h ig h ly gen d ered b ecau se the factors th at th ey in co rp o rate are d raw n p red o m in an tly from stu d ies o f m en (Sh aw and H an n ah -M o ffat 2000 2004). P ractitio n ers h av e also exp ressed con cern a b o u t the ap p licab ility o f stru ctu red risk assessm en t tools w ith p articu lar gro u p s o f offen d ers, su ch as w o m en , B lack and m in o rity eth n ic (B M E ) offen d ers, those w ith m en tal health p ro b lem s or p erp etrato rs o f d o m estic abu se (M clv o r and K em sh all 2002; G elsth o rp e and M clv o r 2007). C ritics o f 'e v id e n c e -le d ' p o licy and p ractice h av e also d raw n atten tio n to im p o rtan t d ifferen ces in d ev elo p m en tal p ro cesses b etw e e n w o m en and m en (e.g. G illig an 1982) w hich h av e im p licatio n s fo r the typ e o f in te rv e n tio n s w h ich are lik ely to en g ag e w o m e n effectiv ely in the p ro cess o f ch an g e. M oreover, ed u catio n alists such as B elenk y et al. (1986) h av e arg u ed that w o m e n 's learn in g d iffers from m e n 's learn in g both in term s o f its d ev elo p m en tal seq u en ce and in term s o f its u n d erly in g th eo ry (see also C o v in g to n 1998). T h e research ers argue that w o m en v iew k n o w led g e m ore as a set o f con n ectio n s than a set o f d istin ctio n s, and that m o st w o m en p refer to learn in co llab o rativ e , rath er th an com p etitiv e, settin g s. Fu rther, w o m e n m o st often take a 'b e lie v in g ap p ro a ch ' in e n g ag in g and d iscu ssin g new ideas, attem p tin g to em p ath ize w ith the sp eak er and co -o p erativ ely assim ilatin g k n o w ied g e. S e t alo n g sid e e v id en ce w h ich su g g ests th at w o m en -on ly en v iro n m en ts facilitate grow'th and d ev elo p m en t (Z ap lin 1998), th ese th eo retical in sig h ts p o in t to a need for w o rk w ith w o m en in n o n -au th o ritarian co-o p erativ e settin g s, w h ere w o m en are em p o w ered to e n g ag e in so cial and p erso n al ch an g e. A rigo ro u s an aly sis of the 're sp o n siv ity ' p rin cip le con d u cted by B lan ch ette and B row n (2006) co n cern in g how treatm en t sh o u ld b e d eliv ered in d ifferen t crim in al ju stice settin g s em p h asises n ot o n ly the im p o rtan ce o f m atch in g treatm en t style to o ffen d er learn in g sty les, b u t that alo n g sid e stru ctu red b e h av io u ral in te rv e n tio n s case sp ecific factors should also be ad d ressed . T h ese in clu d e 'w o m en -sp e c ific ' factors su ch as h ealth care, ch ild care and m en tal h ealth (and facto rs relatin g to race and g e n d e r co m b in ed , G elsth o rp e 2006). T h ere h av e b een v ario u s attem p ts to g et p o licy m ak ers to respond such to criticism s and claim s from research ers. A su ccessio n o f rep o rts w h ich h av e attracted m ed ia a tten tio n (fo r exam p le, P rison R eform Trust 2000; F aw cett S o ciety 2004, 2006; H o w ard L eag u e 2006) co m b in ed w ith d am n in g P rison and P rob ation In sp ecto rate R ep orts 51

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

have served to prom ote a response at governm ental levels. The G ov ern m en t's 'W om en 's O ffend ing Reduction P rogram m e' (W O RP) w as launched in 2004 to help co-ordinate d ep artm ents and sensitise them to w o m en 's needs. It also aim s to im prove com m u nity-based provision for w om en offenders (W O RP 20 0 4 -5 ) so that prison m ight be used as a last resort. The approach has led to the setting up of m u lti-agency 'W om en's O ffend ing A ction Team s' (W O A TS), w hich can provide a floating service, or be placed in a 'o n e stop sh o p ' type provision from a w om en 's centre. Thus in M arch 2005, the H om e Secretary announced the setting up o f tw o pilot centres designed to address w om en 's need s in sentencing. These centres (in tw o different regions in the country) are now' b ein g evaluated. The recognition that w om en w'ho offend often have different needs from m en is not new of course, indeed, there have been a nu m ber o f 'bo tto m -u p ' initiatives over the years. Som e P robation Service p ractitioners in England and W ales developed specific groupw ork program m es for w om en, for exam ple (M istry 1989; Jo n es et al. 1991). T his w as a sm all p ractical w ay o f ensuring that the particular needs o f w om en w ere addressed in a safe and non-th reatening environm ent con du cive to the d evelopm ent o f 'reciprocal relation ship s' (Eaton 1993; W orrall 1995) w hich appeared to be central to w om en 's grow th and change. D u rrance and A blitt (2001) explored the use o f the W om en's P robation C entre in C am den, w hich runs a w ideranging program m e for w om en, and attributed the substantially low er reconviction rate am ong w om en (com pared to predicted reconviction rates) to the creative and gender-specific program m e. A sim ilar rationale underpinned other innovative provision, such as the w o m en 's groupw ork program m e (now the A sha C entre) developed in H ereford and W orcester (now W est M ercia); probationers indicated that it provided them w ith con sid erable support - especially since it involved m u lti-faceted , m u lti-agen cy p rovision and served to introd uce w om en to other services and provision beyond the crim inal ju stice system (Roberts 2002).4 In Scotland , policy concern about the p otentially dam aging con sequ ences o f im prisoning w om en w as triggered to a large extent by a n u m ber o f suicid es at C ornton Vale - the only dedicated Scottish fem ale prison. A review' o f the use of custod y and com m u nity disposals for fem ale offend ers in Scotland , com m issioned b y the C h ief Insp ectors of Social W ork and P risons and entitled 'A Safer Way', conclud ed that 'th e background s o f w om en in prison are characterised by experiences o f abuse, drug m isuse, poor ed u cational attainm ent, poverty, psychological distress and self-h arm ' (Scottish 52

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O ffice 1998: 13). It m ad e a n u m b er o f re co m m en d atio n s in clu d in g a review o f the p riso n estate, the d ev e lo p m e n t o f bail p ro v ision for w o m en w h o h av e b een accu sed o f an offen ce, the in creased use o f su p erv ised atte n d an ce o rd ers fo r w o m en w h o d efau lt on p ay m en t o f th eir fines, and the d ev e lo p m e n t o f an in ter-a g en cy foru m aim ed at d ev elo p in g serv ices for fem ale offen d ers in G lasgow . S u b seq u en t d ev elo p m en ts h av e aim ed to sh ift the p en al cu ltu re aw ay from p u n ish m en t and to w ard s re h ab ilitatio n and 'tre a tm en t'. T h e settin g up o f the '2 1 8 T im e O u t C e n tre ' in G lasg o w in D ecem b er 2003 w ith fu n d in g from the S co ttish E xecu tiv e Ju stice D ep artm en t w hich p ro v id es resid en tial and n o n -re sid e n tial serv ices for w o m en w h o are in v olv ed in the crim in al ju stice sy stem and w h ich ad o p ts a 'h o listic', g en d er-ap p ro p riate ap p roach to w o m e n 's n eed s has p rov ed to be a v ery p o sitiv e d ev elo p m en t, w ith rep o rted red u ctio n s in d ru g and alco h o l use and o ffen d in g , and im p ro v em en ts in h ealth and w e ll­ b ein g (L ou ck s et al. 2006). C o stin g no m ore than an altern ativ e p riso n sen ten ce 218 has d ev elo p ed a m od el o f in terv en tio n b ased on a reco g n itio n o f the d istin ctiv e n eed s o f w om en .

L o o k in g to the fu ture T h e C rim in al Ju stice A ct 2003 has in trod u ced a new fram ew ork for sen ten cin g in E n glan d an d W ales. It re-em p h asises a ran g e o f aim s: form al equ ality and co n siste n t sen te n cin g (d esert), p u n ish m en t, the red u ction o f crim e b y d eterren ce, reform and reh ab ilitatio n , the p ro tectio n o f the p u b lic, and the m ak in g o f rep aratio n by offend ers. T h u s the w ay is m ad e clear fo r n eed s and risk s an d in d iv id u alised sen ten cin g to com e to the fore. W ill this help w o m en ? W ill it help keep m ore o f them o u t o f cu sto d y ? G iv en w h at w e kn ow ab o u t the sen ten cin g o f w o m e n in the past, w h e n con cern s fo r p ro p o rtio n ality h av e b een both w ittin gly and u n w ittin g ly o v er-sh ad o w ed by trad itio n al p ercep tio n s of 'w o m e n 's n e e d s' (reflectin g stereo ty p ical co n cern s and a fam ilial id eolo g y ) there is som e d oubt. T h ere h av e b een co n cern s th at the in tro d u ctio n o f the n ew p en al aim s m ay w ell in tro d u ce n ew risk s for w o m en o ffen d ers. T h ere h av e b een w orries ab o u t the in tro d u ctio n o f in te rm itte n t c u sto d y 5 for in stan ce, as it w as th o u g h t that this m ig h t prove an attractiv e o p tio n for sen ten cers not w ish in g to com p letely d isru p t w o m e n 's ch ild -care arran g e m en ts bu t n ev erth eless w ish in g to im p o se a cu sto d ial sen ten ce. H ow ever, in p ractice, the sen ten ce h as n o t p ro v ed p o p u lar w ith sen ten cers. T here w ere also w o rries th at cu sto d y p lu s (im p riso n m en t p lu s a follow up 53

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

licen ce p erio d in v o lv in g a p articu lar m en u o f su p e rv isio n and su p p o rt con d itio n s) w ou ld also create d ifficu lties for w om en (esp ecially sin ce the m en u o f con d itio n s at this stage in sen ten cin g o m its m en tal h ealth treatm en t, d ru g reh ab ilitatio n , and alco h o l treatm en t, all of w h ich w o m en are show'n to n eed ), b u t a ch an g e in H o m e S ecretary com b in ed w ith a fin an cial crisis b ecau se o f the d em an d fo r m ore p riso n s to ad d ress o v ercrow d in g , m ean s th at cu sto d y p lu s w ill n o t at p resen t b e introd u ced . A lo n g sid e leg islativ e refo rm s, a N ation al O ffen d er M an ag em en t System (N O M S) h as b een set up as a resp on se to a g o v e rn m e n t led review o f the stru ctu res relatin g to p ro b atio n and prison s. It is an o v erarch in g b o d y d esig n ed to p rom ote stream lin ed o ffen d er m an ag e m e n t th ro u g h o u t the sy stem .6 H ow ever, d esp ite d ev elo p m en ts in largely p ractitio n er-led g e n d e r ap p rop riate p ro g ram m in g in E n g lan d and W ales and S co tlan d , p ro v isio n for w o m e n u n d er N O M S , is u n certain . A s w ell as p resen tin g d ifferen t n eed s com p ared to m ale o ffen d ers, w o m en g en erally p re se n t low er risk o f h arm and reco n v ictio n th an m en (see F arrin g to n and P ain te r 2004; F aw ce tt S o ciety 2004). T h e N O M m o d el o f p ro v isio n , how ev er, allo cate s resou rces acco rd in g to risk o f h arm or reco n v ictio n b ased on fo u r tiers o f serv ice delivery. T h ere is con cern that w o m en w ill fall d isp ro p o rtio n ately in to the first tw o tiers (m ad e up o f lo w er risk o ffen d ers, w ith few er crim in o g en ic n eed s) w ith the im p licatio n that w o m en o ffen d ers m ay be m ore likely to be the su b ject o f o rd ers attractin g few er reso u rces, su p erv ised by less qu alified and or exp erien ced offen d er m an ag ers, w h ilst m en (p articu larly high risk sexu al and v io len t o ffen d ers) w ill receiv e m u ch g reater atten tion . M oreover, p ro v ision fo r w o m en w h o fall into tier 3 of the new N O M S fo u r-tier m od el (w here in terv en tio n s m o stly c o n sist of a ccred ited p ro g ram m es or d ru g reh ab ilitatio n req u irem en ts) is likely to be p ro b lem atic, given that there is cu rren tly only on e accred ited p ro g ram m e for th em at presen t. Fu rther, accred ited p ro g ram m es h av e tend ed to b e d o m in ated b y co g n itiv e-b eh av io u ral ap p roach es rath er th an ad o p tin g a h o listic ap p roach , w h ich 'b o tto m -u p ' in itiativ es have su g g ested are m o re lik ely to w e rk w ith w o m e n (R o berts 2002). T h u s d esp ite som e in n o v atio n s o n the gro u n d , there are co n tin u in g c on cern s abo u t the new leg islatio n and stru ctu ral d ev elo p m en ts and how they w ill im p act on w o m en . But there are p erh ap s tw o sm all sou rces o f o p tim ism . T h e first co n cern s the fact that n atio n al pressu re grou p s su ch as the F aw cett Society, the H o w ard L eag u e fo r P enal R efo rm and the P riso n R efo rm Tru st all co n tin u e to d raw atten tion to w o m e n 's d istin ctiv e n eed s in crim in al ju stice m atters. Increasingly, su ch gro u p s serve to lobby ju n io r m in isters in g o v ern m en t and set in 54

Sentencing and gender

train further review s and reports. W hilst such initiatives can lead to a kind o f d espair that no-one ev er listens beyond suggesting further review and research, these efforts keep the issues in the pu blic mind and there is hope that the 'd rip d rip' effect w ill ultim ately have pu rchase in the political m ind too so as to facilitate appropriate gen der sen sitive sen tencing and treatm ent for w om en. The second source o f optim ism relates to new legislation concerning equality. Public sector equality duties (regarding religion, race, disability and so on) are d eveloping apace in the U nited K ingdom . A key part o f the E quality A ct 2006 is the 'g en d er d u ty' w hich brings equality issues concerning w om en in line w ith other public sector equality duties. In particular, the legislation prom otes the introduction o f G en der Im pact A ssessm ents (G IA s). This is a m ove w hich highlights the need to give further attention to w hat w orks for w om en in sentencing. O f course, equality of treatm ent need not be equated w ith the sam e treatm ent. In other w ords, w hilst it is im portant that negative d iscrim ination is avoid ed, it is equally im portant that d im ensions of diversity are approp riately accom m odated as a m eans of prom oting both procedural ju stice and social ju stice (G elsthorpe and M clv or 2007). A s previous researchers have argued (e.g. Tyler 1990; Tyler and H uo 2002) fairness in procedures and responsiveness to p articular need s (including gendered needs) m ay have im pact on perceptions o f the legitim acy o f sentencing. In turn, this m ight enhance intrinsic m otivation to change as opposed to any extrinsic m otivation that d erives from p u nishm ent and d eterrence and w hich is bound to be short-lived. Failure to acknow ledge and accom m odate gen der differences in sen tencing and interventions therefore m ay w ell underm ine the perceived legitim acy of crim inal ju stice agencies and the reasonableness of any expectation that offend ers' behav iou r will change. A ttention to these differences is arguably an im portant prerequisite to prom oting social ju stice, social inclusion and citizenship, and the responsibilities and relationships w hich flow from these things w hich m ay enhance offend ers' reintegration and help prom ote their d esistance from crim e.

N o te s 1 It should be noted that Scotland and Northern Ireland have different sentencing system s, but reference is m ade to research findings and developm ents in Scotland in particular because of their relevance to analyses of sentencing in England and Wales.

W h a t W o r k s w ith W o m e n O ff e n d e r s

2 These m axim a are either in the form of length of custody or am ount of fine. 3 For detailed critical discussion o f The C ulture o f Control see M atravers (2005) M anaging M odernity. Politics and the Culture o f Control. 4 These practices have draw n on gender specific program m ing in N orth A m erica w here an array of program m es have em erged - united by a com m on em phasis upon addressing fem ale offend ers' needs, using m ethods w ith are deem ed appropriate for engaging effectively w ith dam aged and vulnerable w om en (C ovington and Bloom , 1999). 5 Interm ittent custody involves part w eek in prison, part w eek out of prison under the supervision of probation. 6 The introduction o f N O M S is not w ithout controversy since it also opens up the traditional probation functions to providers beyond the probation service (on the basis of com petition) and there are fears that this w ill result in a loss of appropriate provision for offenders as m uch as potential gain. For a detailed discussion see the Introduction in G elsthorpe and M organ (2007) (eds) H andbook o f Probation.

R e fe r e n c e s Belenky, M., Clinchy, B., Goldberger, N. and Tarule, J. (1986) Women's Ways o f Knowing. N ew York: Basic Books. Bloom , B. and C ovington, S. (1998) G ender-Specific Program m ing fo r Fem ale O ffenders: W hat is it and zvhy is it im portant?, Paper presented at the A nnual M eeting o f the A m erican Society of Crim inology, W ashington, DC. Blanchette, K. and Bloom , S. (2006) The A ssessm ent and Treatment o f W omen O ffenders: An integrated perspective. C hichester: John Wiley. Caddie, D. and C risp, D. (1997) Im prisoned W omen and M others. H om e O ffice Research Study 162. London: H om e Office. Carlen, P. (1983) Women's Im prisonm ent: A study in social control. London: Routledge and K egan Paul. Carlen, P. (1985) 'Law, Psychiatry and W om en's Im prisonm ent: A sociological view ', British Journal o f P sychiatry, 146 0u n e), 618—21. Carlen, P. (1998) Sledgeham m er: Women's im prisonm ent at the m illenium. Basingstoke: M acm illan Press. C arlen, P. (2002) (ed.) W omen and Im prisonm ent: The struggle fo r justice. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. Cook, D. (1997) Poverty, Crim e and Punishm ent. London: Child Poverty A ction Group. Covington, S. (1998) 'The relational Theory of W om en's Psychological D evelopm ent: Im plications for the crim inal ju stice system ', in R. Zaplin, (ed.) Fem ale O ffenders: Critical perspectives and effective interventions. G aithersburg, M aryland: A spen Publishers.

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C ovington, S. and Bloom , B. (1999) Gender-responsive P rogram m ing and Evaluation fo r W omen in the Crim inal Justice System : A shift fro m what works? to what is the w ork?, Paper presented at the A nnual M eeting of the A m erican Society of Crim inology, Toronto. Daly, K. (1987) 'Structure and practice of fam ilial-based justice in a crim inal cou rt', Laiv and Society Review , 21: 267-90. D eakin, J. and Spencer, J. (2003) 'W om en behind bars: explanations and im plications', H oivard Journal, 42: 123-6. D obash, R., Em erson D obash, R. and G utteridge, S. (1986) The Im prisonm ent o f W omen. O xford: Basil Blackw ell. D om inelli, L. (1984) 'D ifferential justice: dom estic labour, com m unity service and fem ale offend ers', Probation Journal, 31: 100-3. D ow den, C. and A ndrew s, D.A. (1999) 'W h at w orks for fem ale offenders: A m eta-analytic review ', Crim e and D elinquency, 45 (4): 438-52. D ow ds, L. and H edderm an, C. (1997) T h e sentencing o f m en and w om en ', in C. H edderm an and L. G elsthorpe (eds) U nderstanding the Sentencing o f W omen, H om e O ffice Research Study 170. London: H om e O ffice, 9-2 2 . D urrance, P. and A blitt, F. (2001) "C reative solu tions" to w om en 's offending: an evaluation o f the W om en's Probation C entre', Probation Journal, 28 (4): 247-59. Eaton, M. (1993) W omen A fter Prison. Buckingham : O pen U niversity Press. Easton, S. and Piper, C. (2005) Sentencing and Punishm ent: The quest fo r justice, O xford: O xford U niversity Press. Farrington, D. and M orris, A. (1983) 'Sex, sentencing and reconviction', British Journal o f Crim inology, 23 (3): 229-48. Farrington, D. and Painter, K. (2004) G ender differences in risk facto rs fo r offending, Findings 196. London: H om e Office. Faw cett Society (2004) Women and the Crim inal Justice System . A report o f the Faw cett Society’s com m ission on wom en and the crim inal ju stice system . London: Faw cett Society. Flood-Page, C. and M ackie, A. (1998) Sentencing practice: an exam ination o f decisions m ade in m agistrates' courts and the Crown Court in the m id-1990s, H om e O ffice Research Stud y 180. London: H om e Office. G arland, D (2001) The Culture o f Control. O xford: Oxford U niversity Press. G elsthorpe, L. (1992) Social inquiry reports: race and gen der consideration, H om e O ffice Research Bulletin 32. London: H M SO. G elsthorpe, L. (2001) 'C ritical decisions and processes in the crim inal cou rts', in E. M cLaughlin, and J. M uncie (eds) Controlling Crim e. London: S a g e / O pen University. G elsthorpe, L. (2002) 'Fem inism and C rim in ology', in M. M aguire, R. M organ, and R. Reiner (eds) The O xford H andbook o f Crim inology (3rd edn). O xford: O xford U niversity Press. G elsthorpe, L. (2004) 'Fem ale offending; A theoretical overview ', in G. M clvor, (ed.) Women W ho O ffend. London: Jessica Kingsley.

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G elsthorpe, L. (2005) 'B ack to basics in Crim e Control: W eaving in w om en', in M. M atravers (ed.) M anaging M odernity: politics and the culture o f control. London: Routledge. G elsthorpe, L. (2006) 'T he experiences of fem ale ethnic m inority offenders: the other " o th e r " , in S. Lew is, R Raynor, D. Sm ith and A. W ardak (eds) Race and Probation. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. G elsthorpe, L. and M orris, A. (2002) 'W om en's im prisonm ent in England and Wales: a penal parad ox', Crim inal Justice, 2 (3): 277-301. G elsthorpe, L. and Rex, S. (2004) 'C om m u nity Service as reintegration: exploring the p otential', in G. M air (ed.) W hat M atters in Probation. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. G elsthorpe, L. and Sharpe, G. (2006) 'G ender, Youth C rim e and Ju stice', in B. G oldson and J. M uncie (eds) Youth Crim e and Justice. London: Sage. G elsthorpe, L. and M clvor, G. (2007) 'D ifference and diversity in Probation', in L. G elsthorpe and R. M organ (eds) H andbook o f Probation. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. G elsthorpe, L. and M organ, R. (2007) H andbook o f Probation. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. G illigan, C. (1982) In a D ifferent Voice. C am bridge MA: H arvard U niversity Press. G lendinning, C. and Millar, J. (1992) W omen and Poverty in Britain: The 1990s. London: H arvester W heatsheaf. H edderm an, C. (2004a) 'The "crim in o g e n ic" needs o f w om en offend ers', in G. M clvor (ed.) Women Who O ffend. London: Jessica Kingsley. H edderm an, C. (2004b) 'W h y are m ore w om en being sentenced to custod y?', in G. M clv or (ed.) W omen Who O ffend. London: Jessica Kingsley. H edderm an, C. and G elsthorpe, L. (1997) U nderstanding the Sentencing o f W omen, H om e O ffice Research Study 170. London: H om e Office. H M IP (1996) (H er M ajesty's Inspectorate of Probation) Report on Women O ffenders and Probation Service Provision fo r W omen O ffenders. London: H om e Office. H ine, J. (1993) 'A ccess for w om en: Flexible and friend ly?', in D. W hitfield and D. Scott (eds) P aying Back: Twenty years o f com m unity service. W inchester: W aterside Press, 59-87. H ollin, C. and Palm er, E. (2006) 'C rim inogenic need and w om en offenders: A critique of the literature', Legal and Crim inological Psychology, 11 (2): 179-95. H om e O ffice (2005) O ffender M anagem ent Caseload Statistics 2004: England and Wales. H om e O ffice Statistical Bulletin 1 5 /0 5 , London: RDS, N O M S. H om e O ffice (2006) Crim inal Statistics 2005 England and W ales, H om e O ffice Statistical Bulletin 1 9 /0 6 , London: H om e Office, h ttp ://w w w .h o m e o ffice .g o v .u k /rd s/p d fs0 6 /h o sb l9 0 6 .p d f H om e O ffice (2007) Sentencing Statistics 2005, England and Wales. London: HM SO . H orn, R. and Evans, M. (2000) 'The Effect of G ender on Pre-Sentence Reports', H ow ard Journal, 39 (2): 184-197. 58

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H ow ard League for Penal Reform (2006) W omen and girls in the penal system , Prison Inform ation Bulletin 2, London: The H oward League. Jam ieson, J., M clvor, G. and M urray, C. (1999) U nderstanding O ffending A m ong Young People. Edinburgh: The Stationery Office. Jones, M ., M ordecai, M ., Rutter, F. and Thom as, L. (1991) 'T he M iskin M odel o f groupw ork w ith w om en offend ers', Groupivork, 4: 215-30. Loucks, N. (1998) H M PI Cornton Vale: Research into D rugs and Alcohol, V iolence and Bullying, Suicides and Self-Injury, and Backgrounds o f A buse, SPS O ccasional Paper 1 /9 8 , Edinburgh: Scottish Prison Service. Loucks, N ., M alloch, M ., M clvor, G. and G elsthorpe, L. (2006) Evaluation o f the 218 Centre. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive Social Research. Mair, G. and Brockington, N. (1988) 'Fem ale offenders and the Probation Service', H ow ard Journal, 27 (2): 117-26. M atravers, M. (ed.) M anaging M odernity. Politics and the culture o f control. London: Routledge. M aurutto, P. and H annah-M offat, K. (2006) 'A ssem bling risk and the restructuring o f penal con trol', British Journal o f Crim inology, 46 (3): 438-54. M clvor, G. (1998) 'Jobs for the boys?: G ender differences in referral for com m unity service', H ow ard journal o f Crim inal Justice, 2>7, 280-90. M clvor, G. (1999) 'W om en, crim e and crim inal ju stice in Scotland ', Scottish Journal o f Crim inal Justice Studies, 5 (1): 67-4. M clvor, G. (2004) (ed.) W omen Who O ffend: Research highlights in social zvork, 44: London: Jessica Kingsley. M clvor, G. and Barry, M. (1998) Social W ork and Crim inal Justice Volum e 6: Probation. Edinburgh: T he Stationery Office. M clvor, G. and K em shall, H. (2002) Serious Violent and Sexual O ffenders: The use o f risk assessm ent tools in Scotland. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive Social Research. Mistry, T. (1989) 'E stablishing a Fem inist M odel of G roupw ork in the P robation Service', Groupwork, 2: 145-8. M orris, A., W ilkinson, C., Tisi, A., W oodrow, J. and Rockley, A. (1995) M anaging the N eeds o f Fem ale Prisoners. London: The H om e Office. M oxon, D. (1988) Sentencing P ractice in the Crown Court, H om e O ffice Research Study 103, London: H M SO . N ational O ffender M anagem ent Service (2005) O ffender M anagem ent Caseload Statistics, England and Wales. London: N O M S. Prison Reform Trust (2000) Justice For W omen: The need fo r reform , The Report o f the C om m ittee on W om en's Im prisonm ent, Chaired by Professor D orothy W edderburn, London: Prison Reform Trust. Roberts, J. (2002) 'W om en-centred: the West M ercia com m unity-based program m e for w om en offend ers', in P. Carlen (ed.) W omen and Punishm ent: The struggle fo r justice. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing, 110-24. Rock, P. (1996) Reconstructing a W om en’s Prison. O xford: C larendon Press. Rumgay, J. (1996) 'Tow ards a needs-based theory', VISTA, Septem ber 104-15. 59

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Rumgay, J. (2005) When Victims Becom e O ffenders: In search o f coherence in policy and practice. O ccasional Paper, London: Faw cett Society. Scottish Executive (2002) A Better W ay: T he report o f the m inisterial group on women's offending. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Scottish Office (1998) Women Offenders - A safer way: A review o f com m unity disposals and the use o f custody fo r ivomen in Scotland. Edinburgh: The Scottish Office. Scottish Executive (2006) Crim inal ju stice Social W ork Statistics 2004-5. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Shaw, M. and H annah-M offatt, K. (2000) 'G ender, diversity and risk assessm ent in C anadian corrections', Probation Journal, 47 (3): 163-72. Shaw, M. and H annah-M offatt, K. (2004) 'H ow cognitive skills forgot about gender and d iversity', in G. M air (ed.) W hat M atters in Probation. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. Sm art, C. (1976) W omen, Crim e and Crim inology. London: Routledge. Steffensm eier, D., Kram er, J. and Striefel, C. (1993) 'G en d er and im prisonm ent d ecisions', Crim inology, 31: 411-46. Stephen, J. (1993) The M isrepresentation o f Women O ffenders, Social Work M onographs 118. N orw ich: U niversity of E ast Anglia. Stew ard, K. (2006) 'G ender considerations in rem and d ecision-m aking' in F. H eidensohn (ed.) Gender and Justice. Nezv concepts and approaches. C ullom pton: W illan Publishing. Tyler, T. (1990) W hy P eople O bey the Law. N ew H aven CT: Yale U niversity Press. Tyler, T. and H uo, Y.T. (2002) Trust in the Law: Encouraging public co-operation with the police and courts. N ew York: Russell Sage Foundation. W ilczynski, A. and M orris, A. (1993) 'Parents w ho kill their child ren', Crim inal Law Review , 31 -6 . W om en's O ffending Reduction Program m e (W O RP) 200 4 -5 A nnual Review h t t p : / / w w w .h o m e o f f i c e .g o v .u k / d o c u m e n t s / w o r p -a n n u a l- r e v ie w 0405?view =Binary. W orrall, A. (1990) O ffending W omen: Fem ale law breakers and the crim inal ju stice system . London: Routledge. W orrall, A. (1995) 'G ender, crim inal ju stice and p robation', in G. M clvor (ed.) W orking With O ffenders: Research highlights in social work, 26: London: Jessica Kingsley. Zaplin, R. (1998) Fem ale O ffenders: Critical Perspectives and E ffective Interventions, M aryland, G aithersberg: A spen Publishers, Inc.

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Chapter 4

R isks and needs: factors that predict w o m e n ’s incarceration and inform service planning M a rga re t Severson, M a ria n n e Berry and Judy L. Postm us

In tro d u c tio n O v e r the last tw o d ecad es, research has shed som e lig ht on the co m m o n and trag ic h isto ries o f ab u se rep o rted b y in carcerated w om en . T h ese w o m en freq u en tly tell o f h isto ries o f p h y sical a n d /o r sexu al v ictim isatio n and w h en com p ared to in carcerated m en , th ey are m ore than three tim es as lik ely to rep o rt h av in g exp erien ced p h y sical or sexu al abu se p rio r to th eir in carceratio n s (A C A 1990; G reen e 2000; G reen feld and Sn ell 1999; H arlo w 1998; S n ell and M o rto n 1994; V eysey 1998). M an y in carcerated w o m en also rep o rt b ein g v ictim s o f you th m a ltreatm en t, h av in g in ju ries cau sed b y ch ro n ic n eg lect, p h y sical abu se and assau lt, and sexu al abu se (C icchetti and C arlso n 1989; W olfe 1999). C h ild ren w h o h av e b een m altreated su ffer em o tio n al and social in ju ries, acco m p an ied b y a loss o f tru st in o th ers and a d im in ish ed d esire to ask for help or to d isclo se o n e 's p ro b lem s or v u ln e rab ilitie s (B eilis et al. 2001; B erry 2001; B esh arov and L au m an n 1997; B riere 1992; C o w en 1999; D ore 1999; H am p to n 1995; K irb y and F raser 1997; K u rtz et al. 1993). T h ere is o n g o in g d eb ate in the literatu re ab o u t 'w h eth e r w o m e n 's n eed s sh o u ld be in corp o rated in to risk a sse ssm en ts' (B lan ch ette and B row n 2006: 53). S om e au th o rs su g g e st th at (re)ch aracterizin g u n m e t n eed s as risk s for crim in al b eh av io u r (i.e. crim in o g e n ic risks) and in carceratio n ob scu res the b a sic fact that w o m en still lack sig n ifican t p ro tectio n from p h y sical and sexu al ab u se as ch ild ren , y ou th s and ad u lts and is in co n siste n t w ith a fem in ist p e rsp ectiv e w hich em b races p rin cip les o f e m p o w e rm e n t rath e r than b la m e (see, 61

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e.g. H an n ah -M o ffat 2004; Sh aw and H an n ah -M o ffat 2006). In d eed , little has been w ritten w hich id en tifies w o m e n 's o p p o rtu n itie s to access v ario u s ty p es o f social serv ices and social su p p o rts after their v ictim isatio n exp e rie n ce s, and then d etails the p erceiv ed h elp fu ln ess o f th o se serv ices. S u ch in fo rm atio n is im p o rtan t to record for its p o ten tial use as a fo u n d atio n for in terv en tio n p ro g ram s and for d ev e lo p in g p rev en tiv e strateg ies th at m ig h t in terru p t the m o v em en t in to crim in al b e h av io u rs th at u ltim ately lead som e o f th ese w o m en to p riso n (Severso n 2001). W h a t is rep orted h ere is p art o f a larger research stu d y th at exp lored the d ifferen tial risk, need and m itig atin g p ro tectiv e facto rs related to h isto ries o f p h y sical and sex u al v ictim isatio n rep orted b y in carcerated and n o n -in carcerated w o m en . T h e ch ap ter e xam in es the fin d in g s of this stu d y w ith regard to the sam p le o f in carcerated w om en and the sam p le o f 'fre e ' w o m en liv in g in fo u r d ifferen t co m m u n ities, the latter o f w h om had n o t received d o m estic v io len ce a n d /o r sexu al assau lt serv ices fo r the 12 m o n th s p rio r to th eir co m p le tin g the research interview . We rep o rt on the p re v ale n ce rates o f you th m altreatm en t and ad u lt p h y sical and sexu al v ictim isatio n and o n w o m e n 's p o st­ v ictim isatio n serv ice u tilisatio n and ap p raisal, in clu d in g the im p act o f serv ice u sage and n o n -u sag e on a d u lt o u tco m es o f h ealth , m en tal h ealth , su b stan ce use, and in carceratio n . O u r d efin itio n s o f risk and n eed are n ot situ ated in a crim in o g en ic co n text as d y n am ic and alterab le facto rs; instead , th ey should be v iew ed as the m ark ers for in te rv e n tio n p rio r to w h a te v e r n eg ativ e seq u elae are set in m otio n .

In c a rc e ra te d w o m e n : a g ro w in g p o p u la tio n w ith h isto rie s o f risk, need and v ic tim isa tio n In the U nited S tates, the rate o f in carceration for w o m en is risin g co n sid erab ly faster than th at for m en. B etw een 1995 and 2003, the im p riso n ed fem ale p o p u latio n in creased 48% com p ared to a 29% in crease fo r m ales (H arriso n and B eck 2004). W om en w ere m ore lik ely than m en to h av e b een sen ten ced on d ru g and p ro p erty crim es (H arriso n and B eck 2004). T h e trend co n tin u es as w ell, ev id en ced by the m o st recen t d ata in d icatin g that w o m en co m p rised sev e n p er cen t o f the incarcerated p o p u latio n at m id y ear 2005, up n early on e per cen tag e p o in t w ith in a six m o n th p erio d o f reco rd -k eep in g (H arrison and B eck 2006). A v ariety o f risk factors h as b een id en tified in in carcerated p op u latio n s in gen eral. T h ese are often in tran sig en t or im m u tab le 62

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factors and in clu d e social class, race, ed u catio n , su b stan ce use and age. W h en lo ok in g at incarcerated p o p u latio n s by gen d er, it can be said th at m o st in carcerated w o m en are y o u n g and p o o r; and m an y h av e ch ild ren u n d er the age o f e ig h teen (o v er 70% ) fo r w h o m they are solely resp o n sib le (R ich ie 2001; U .S. D ep artm en t o f Ju stice 1998). G reen feld and S n ell, (1999) in d icate that tw o o u t o f three in carcerated w o m en are A frican A m erican and oth ers su g g est th at the increased in carceratio n o f this group o f w o m en is p a rt o f a larg er cu ltu ral p h en o m en o n that reflects their social exclu sio n in society (H en riq u es and M an atu -R u p e rt 2001). S ig n ifican t levels o f alcoh o l and d ru g u se and ab u se are found am o n g in carcerated w o m e n w ith 60% o f w o m en rep o rtin g h av in g u sed d ru g s on e m on th p rio r to th eir arrests and 50% rep o rtin g d aily d ru g u sage. Forty p e r cen t o f w o m en rep ort b ein g u n d er the in flu en ce o f d ru g s at the tim e o f th eir o ffen ses; 33% com m itted the o ffen ce to o btain m on ey for their habits (G reen feld and Snell 1999). Finally, m o st w o m e n o ffen d ers rep o rt h isto rie s o f p h y sical and sexu al v ictim isatio n . T h e B ureau o f Ju stice S tatistics rep o rts 44% o f w o m en liv in g u n d er any typ e o f correctio n al au th o rity w ere p h y sically or sex u ally assau lted and injured at som e tim e d u rin g their lives (G reen feld and Snell 1999). O th e r stu d ies reveal sim ilar find ings. H arlo w (1999) rep o rted a sig n ifican t p er cen tag e (2 3 % -3 7 % ) o f fem ale in m ates d escrib ed h av in g been p h y sically and sex u ally abu sed and inju red as ch ild ren com p ared to tw elv e to sev e n te e n p e r cen t o f the gen eral ad u lt p o p u latio n . B ro w n e et al. (1999) fo u n d e x p erien ces o f sexu al ab u se as ch ild ren rep o rted in as little as 18% and as h ig h as 59% o f th e w o m e n 's p riso n p o p u latio n . H ig h rates o f ad u lt v ictim isatio n have also b een rep o rted , w ith 23 to 68 per cen t o f in carcerated w o m en rep o rtin g sex u al assau lt and 25 to 80 p e r cen t rep o rtin g in tim ate p a rtn er v io len ce (B ro w n e et al. 1999). T h e su b stan tial v arian ce in p ercen tag es in these rep orts m ay be e xp lain ed b y the w o rd in g o f the q u estio n s asked ab o u t v ictim isatio n (B ro w n e et al. 1999); the m ore d etailed the q u estio n s, the m ore lik ely that v ictim isatio n w ill b e d isclo sed . Z w eig et al. (2002) stu d ied w o m en v ictim s w h o faced m u ltip le risk s such as su b stan ce abu se, m en tal illn ess and in carceratio n . T h e y fou n d that p ro b lem s en co u n tered by such w o m en inclu d ed a lack o f serv ices, m u ltip le b arrie rs to service u sag e, u n ed u cated serv ice p ro v id ers, and b atterers u sin g w o m e n 's perceiv ed lack o f o p tio n s to fu rther con trol or v ictim ise them .

63

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‘Free W o m e n ’: h istorie s o f risk, need and victim isa tio n Each year in the U nited States, 1.4 m illion w om en are victim ised at the hands o f an intim ate partner, defined as a current or form er hu sband, coh abiting partn er or dating partn er (Tjaden and Thoennes 1998). A ppropriately characterised as a pu blic health problem (A rias 2004), the con sequ ences o f abuse have v arying degrees of im pact on the functioning and w ell-being of victim s, d ep ending on the type, severity, and d uration of the abuse. P hysical injuries leave tem porary and perm anent scars on victim s (Brow ne 1993) and victim s m ay also experience n on-specific health sym p tom s that affect their functioning such as chronic fatigue, d isturbed eatin g and sleeping patterns, head aches, and gastrointestinal disorders (Eby et al. 1995; M cN utt et al. 2002). The m ore severe, frequent, and long-lasting the abuse, the m ore likely there w ill be d eterioration o f both the physical and em otional health o f victim s (Follingstad et al. 1991; M cC auley et al. 1998). Em otional reactions vary as well as p hysical, and inclu de fear, anger, guilt, frustration, depression, anxiety, paranoia, w orthlessness, and sham e (Browme 1993; C arlson 1990). P hysical abuse is associated w ith the experience of depression and anxiety (Plichta 1996), posttrau m atic stress d isord er (O 'L eary 1993; Saund ers 1994; W alker 1993), and suicidal ideation or attem pts (G elles and Straus 1990; Plichta 1996). Victim s m ay turn to alcohol or other m ind -alterin g substances in the w ake o f the violence (M iller and D ow ns 1993; Plichta 1996). A s to the experiences of rape and sexual assault, for all w om en these experiences are associated w ith several physical con sequ ences, inclu ding injury, stress-related problem s, and chronic health problem s (see review o f research by K oss and H eslet 1992). T he psychological and em otional effects of sexual assau lt m ost com m only include fear, p ost-traum atic stress disorder, d ep ression, suicid e attem pts, reduced self-esteem , and substance abuse (G oodm an et al. 1993). Child m altreatm en t inclu des m an y types of violence and abuse such as physical, sexual, and em otional abuse or neglect. A bused children experience em otional and social problem s w hich m ay lead to poor relationships w ith parents a n d /o r siblings, self-m ed ication w ith drugs a n d /o r alcohol, high levels o f trau m atic stress inclu ding post-traum atic stress disorder, m ajor d epression, and other negative con sequ ences experienced across a w o m an 's lifespan (Banyard 1999; Peleikis, M ykletu n, and D ahl 2004).

64

R isks and needs

M e th o d o lo g y A s p art o f a larger stu d y funded by the U nited S tates N ational In stitu te o f Ju stice (P ostm u s and S ev erso n 2005), the research rep orted h ere is co n cern ed w ith sev eral p rim ary areas o f in qu iry : w h at are d ifferen tially situ ated w o m e n 's h isto ries o f v ictim isatio n ; w h at w ere th eir o p p o rtu n itie s and access to social serv ices in th e afterm ath o f the v ictim isatio n ; and w'hat w ere their ap p raisals o f the h elp fu ln ess o f those serv ices? W e so u g h t to d eterm in e w h e th e r incarcerated w o m en differed from n o n -in carcerated w o m en : (a) in th eir h isto rie s o f d ep riv atio n , v io len ce and v ictim isatio n , (b) in their co p in g strateg ies and the social su p p o rt reso u rces av ailab le to them and (c) in th eir use and ap p raisal o f fo rm al su p p o rts and serv ices. T h e an sw e rs to th ese qu eries can in fo rm the d ev e lo p m e n t o f relev an t and p red ictiv e risk and need assessm en t to ols to p re v e n t incarceratio n .

C o r r e c tio n s and c o m m u n it y s a m p le s C o n v e n ie n ce and snow 'ball sam p lin g p ro ced u res w ere used to recruit w o m en to self-sele ct for p articip atio n in the study. Sam p lin g occu rred in five d istin ct co m m u n itie s in on e M id w estern state, three urban, on e ru ral, and the fifth in the C orrectio n al F acility for W om en (C FW ), the o n ly w o m e n 's co rrectio n al facility in this M id w e stern U .S. state. H ere w e rep o rt on 266 o f the 423 in terv iew s com p leted - 157 w om en from the p riso n and 109 w o m en from the fo u r u rb an and ru ral co m m u n itie s w h o had n ot receiv ed d o m estic v io len ce a n d /o r sexu al assau lt serv ices in the p rio r 12 m on th s. T h ere w ere an ad d itio n al 157 w o m en in the sam p le w h o had receiv ed d o m estic v io len ce serv ices - they w ere e xclu d ed for the p u rp o ses o f this an aly sis, b u t their e x p erien ces are d etailed elsew 'here (P ostm u s and S ev e rso n 2005). R eg ard less o f their secu rity classificatio n s and h o u sin g assig n m en ts, all in carcerated w o m e n age e ig h teen and o ld er w h o h ad b een in carcerated in the C F W for at least on e m on th w ere elig ib le to p articip ate in this study. T h e on e m o n th in carceratio n req u irem en t assu red a certain b asic a d ju stm en t to p rison g iv en the ch ao tic and so m etim e in tim id atin g e x p erien ces in m ates en d u re d u rin g the first few w e e k s o f their in carceratio n (B ro w n e et al. 1999).W om en w ere recruited by in fo rm atio n al flyers and throu gh re ferrals from the h ealth , m en tal h ealth and classificatio n p erso n n el at the CFW . B ecau se the research ers w ere n o t allo w ed to p ay a cash in cen tiv e to the 157 65

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

in carcerated p articip an ts, at the end o f the d ata co llectio n p ro cess a m en tal health p ro fessio n al w as hired to facilitate a series o f v olu n tary p sy ch o -e d u catio n al g ro u p s for the w o m en p articip an ts and for other in carcerated su rv iv o rs of sexu al a n d /o r p h y sical vio lence. S im ilar recru itm en t strateg ies w ere u sed to assem b le the sam p le o f co m m u n ity w om en . F ly ers posted in co m m o n p u b lic areas like gro cery stores and w o rd -o f-m o u th gen erated a to tal co m m u n ity sam p le o f 109 w o m en , w h o w ere each p aid a cash in cen tiv e o f U S$25. R ecru itm en t m aterials w ere w ritten in bo th S p an ish and E nglish. O v e r a tw elv e-m o n th p erio d stru ctu red in terv iew s o f the in carcerated w o m en w ere co n d u cted at the p riso n and , for the c om m u n ity w o m en , in a m u tu ally a g re ed -u p o n safe and p riv ate p lace. In terv iew top ics in clu d ed the typ es o f v ictim isatio n e xp erien ces, use o f p o st-v ictim isatio n serv ices, p ercep tio n s o f the h elp fu ln ess o f those serv ices, the b arrie rs, if any, w h ich im p ed ed th eir serv ice u sage, c u rren t p h y sical and em o tio n al h ealth , and alcoh o l and su b stan ce use. T h e av erag e tim e to co m p lete an in terv iew w as on e hour.

S u rv e y an d in te rvie w m e a s u re s T h e su rv ey in clu d ed a co m b in atio n o f e xistin g and m od ified stan d ard ised in stru m en ts. W om en in the p riso n w ere asked to respond to certain q u estio n s b y referen cin g the 12 m o n th p erio d prior to their in carceration . T h e C h ild h o o d M altre atm e n t In terv iew S ch ed u le (B riere 1992) w as used to m easu re sex u al, p h y sical, and em o tio n al ab u se d u rin g ch ild h o o d and ad olescen ce. In terp erso n al v io len ce w as m easu red u sin g the A b u siv e B eh av io u r In v en to ry (A BI) (Shepard and C am p b ell 1992). S exu al assau lt in ad u lth o o d w as m easu red u sin g the S exu al E xp erien ces S u rv ey (SES) (K oss and O ro s 1982). C o p in g strateg ies w ere m easu red u sin g the B rief-C O P E scale, a 28-item in stru m en t d esign ed to assess a v ariety o f co p in g re a c tio n s / strateg ies in resp o n se to stress. A lp h a re liab ilities ran g e from 0.50 to 0.90 (C arv er 1997). It is im p o rtan t to cau tion th at this scale w as d ev elo p ed and refined w ith p erso n s liv in g freely, n ot in carcerated , and h as seld o m b een used in stu d ies o f in carcerated w om en . A s a result, b eh av io u rs th at m ay be con sid ered m alad ap tiv e w h en one freely can m ak e ch o ices, m ay actu ally b e ad ap tiv e in a p riso n setting. F or each item on the B rief-C o p e S cale, the p articip an t rates how often she u ses a p articu lar cop in g strateg y on a fo u r-p o in t scale ( 1 = 1 h a v e n 't been d o in g th is at all; 2 = I'v e been d o in g this a little b it; 3 = I'v e b e e n d o in g this a m ed iu m am o u n t; 4 = I'v e b een d o in g 66

Risks and needs

this a lot). The 28 item s w ere divided into tw o groups; adaptive cop ing behav iou rs and m alad aptive cop ing behaviou rs. For the A daptive C oping score, the p articip an t's responses to sixteen item s w ere sum m ed and calibrated , w ith a final ad aptive coping score of betw een zero and 100. The higher the score, the high er the adaptive coping. Sim ilarly, for the M aladaptive C oping score, the particip an t's answ ers to tw elve item s w ere sum m ed and calibrated, w ith a final m alad aptive cop ing score o f betw een zero and 100. T he high er the score, the high er is the m alad aptive coping. T he alpha coefficients in this stud y are 0.81 for ad aptive cop ing and 0.68 for m alad aptive coping. Perceived social support from fam ily and friend s w as m easured w ith the Social Supp ort A ppraisal Scale developed by Vaux and colleagues (1986). This scale has good internal consistency w ith alpha ranges from 0.81 to 0.90. It also has good concu rrent, predictive, know n-groups, and con struct validity; it also correlates in predicted w ays w ith several other m easures o f social support (Vaux et al. 1986). For each item on the Social Supp ort A ppraisal Scale, the participant ind icates on a four-p oint scale w hether she strongly agrees, agrees, disagrees, or strongly disagrees w ith each relational statem ent about herself. A ll item s on the Social Su p p ort A ppraisals Scale w ere scored or reverse-scored into negative nu m bers, so that the m ore negative the num ber, the less support on each of 23 item s. These 23 item s w ere then sum m ed and calibrated to prod uce a Social Supp ort score that ranged from m inu s 100 to zero, w ith a high er score ind icating a greater level o f social support. The alpha coefficient for this study sam ple is 0.93. Su p p ort from agencies included any support received from health, m ental health, or com m u nity agencies and w as m easured using revised questions from the N ational C o-m orbid ity Survey o f 1992 (N CS 1992). T hese 24 services w ere sorted into three categories o f support: therapeutic (six services), crisis intervention (six services), and long-term tangible support (tw elve services). To the question 'W h ich services did you receive for the abuse experiences you had as an adult or ch ild ?' w om en answ ered 'y es' or 'n o' to each service choice. P articipants w ere also asked to choose from a list of fifteen possible barriers to seekin g services or su p p o rt follow ing v ictim isation and to ind icate for each item w hether it w as true for her. The ShortForm -36 H ealth Survey, an abbreviated version of the Rand M edical O utcom es Study (Stew art et al. 1988), w as used and divided into tw o subscales: P hysical H ealth and M ental H ealth. Finally, the N ational C o-m orbid ity Survey (N CS 1992) produced inform ation 67

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

on w h e th e r the p articip an t b eliev ed she h ad a d ru g a n d /o r alco h o l p rob lem .

R e su lts Socio-econom ic conditions o f w om en

Table 4.1 b elo w sh o w s the d em o g rap h ic ch aracteristics o f this sam p le p o p u latio n . A s exp ected , there are so m e d em o g rap h ic d ifferen ces b e tw e e n the sam p le o f in carcerated and n o n -in carcerated w o m en , bu t n o t m any. T h ere is no d ifferen ce in the m ean ages o f the w om en ; w o m en in p riso n av erag e 35 years old w h ile com m u n ity w o m en av erag e 38 y ears old. T h e v a st m ajo rity o f w o m en in b o th sam p les hav e ch ild ren , and m an y o f th ese ch ild ren are v ery you ng. W om en in the p riso n p o p u latio n , alth o u g h n o t d ifferen t in age from the co m m u n ity sam p le, are sig n ifican tly m o re likely to be a p are n t to o ld er ch ild ren , p articu larly teen agers. T h erefo re, in carcerated w o m en began ch ild b earin g at an earlier age. T h ere is a d ifferen ce in ed u catio n level, w ith 51% o f the com m u n ity sam p le co m p letin g som e or all o f co lleg e, com p ared to o n ly 27% o f the in carcerated w o m en . S ig n ifican tly m ore in carcerated w o m en (80% ) than co m m u n ity w o m en (56% ) h av e ev er receiv ed w elfare benefits. W om en in the p rison sam p le are m u ch m ore lik ely th an co m m u n ity w o m e n to rep o rt that, in the tw elv e m o n th s p rio r to the stu d y (prior to their in carceratio n , for the incarcerated sam p le), they lived w ith a m ale partner. T h ere is no d ifferen ce b etw e e n sam p les in the per cen tag es o f m arried w o m en . W om en in p riso n are sig n ifican tly m ore lik ely to h av e liv ed w ith th eir p aren ts ju st p rio r to in carceration . T h e p articip an ts reflect a ran ge o f cu ltu ral, eth n ic and racial diversity. O v erall, 58% o f the p riso n sam p le is E u ro p ean -A m erican ; the rem ain in g 42% are o f an o th e r eth n ic typ e. N o t u n like p rison p o p u latio n s arou nd the U nited S tates, racial m in o rities, p articu larly A frican A m e ric a n /B la c k w o m e n are o v er-rep resen ted in this sam ple. H o w ever, the com m u n ity sa m p le in this M id w estern state is n o tab le in its racial m ak eu p ; o n ly 39.4% W'ere E u ro p e an -A m erican w ith alm o st a third o f th is sam p le rep o rtin g H is p a n ic /L a tin a ethnicity. Violence a n d victimisation

D escrip tiv e statistics w ere gen erated to d eterm in e the e xten t to w hich the tw o g ro u p s o f w o m en w ere v ictim s o f in te rp e rso n al v io len ce, sexu al v io le n ce and child m altre atm e n t (see Table 4.2). T h is stu d y 68

R is k s a n d n e e d s

Table 4.1

D em ographic characteristics of sam ple

M ean age o f p articip an t H ig h est grad e co m p leted ** G rad e Sch o ol 1 -8 H igh Sch o ol 9 -1 2 C o lleg e 1 3 -1 6 G rad u ate Sch ool E ver received w elfare benefits In the p rio r 12 m o n th s, (a) asid e from yo u rself, w h o else w as living in you r hom e? (m u ltip le responses) M ale p artn er** H usband O w n child ren P a rtn e r's child ren Fem ale p artn er O ne o r m ore roo m m ates P arents* R elatives I lived alone D o you h av e any child ren? Yes No H av e child ren: Less than 5 yrs. old B etw een 5 and 12 yrs. old B etw een 1 3 -1 7 yrs. old ** 18 y ears o f age and old er E th n icity** W hite B la c k /A fric a n A m erican H isp a n ic /L a tin a A m erican Ind ian O ther A sia n /P a c ific Islan d er

Total % (n =266)

P rison % (n =157)

C om m u n ities % (n =109)

36.3

35.1

38.1

6.4 55.1 36.9 1.6 70.2

6.4 66.6 27.0 0 80.1

6.4 38.7 51.3 3.6 56.0

22.6 30.1 51.5 3.4 4.5 9.8 13.5 11.7 8.6

29.9 30.6 45.9 3.8 5.7 12.7 17.0 8.3 6.4

11.9 29.4 59.6 2.8 2.8 5.5 7.3 16.5 11.9

84.2 15.8

87.9 12.1

78.9 21.1

23.7 45.1 36.8 33.8

19.7 51.6 45.2 35.0

29.4 35.8 24.8 32.1

50.4 26.3 16.2 3.8 2.3 1.1

58.0 27.4 5.7 4.5 2.5 1.9

39.4 24.8 31.2 2.8 1.8 0

(a) For p riso n p op u latio n , for the 12 m o n th s p rio r to incarceration * D ifferen ce b etw een the three groups sig n ifican t at .01 level ** D ifferen ce b etw een the three groups sig n ifican t at .001 level

69

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

Table 4.2

P revalence o f Victim ization

Total sexual assault* Sexual coercion A ttem pted rape R ape * Total intim ate partner violence** P sychological intim ate partner violence** P hysical intim ate partner violence** Sexually abused as a child ** P hysically abused as a child

Total % (n=266)

P rison % (n=157)

C om m unities % (n=109)

83.7 76.5 48.9 65.5 96.6

89.2 80.9 53.5 72.6 100

75.7 70.1 42.1 55.1 91.7

96.6 88.3 59.6 48.8

100 95.5 68.2 53.9

91.7 78.0 47.2 41.5

* D ifference betw een the three groups significant at .01 level ** D ifference betw een the three groups significant at .001 level

finds h igh levels o f self-rep o rted v ictim isatio n , both in ch ild h oo d and ad u lth o o d , w ith o v er h a lf o f the stu d y sam p le rep ortin g the e xp erien ce o f alm o st ev ery sep arate typ e o f v iolen ce a b o u t w hich th ey w ere q u eried (attem p ted rap e and ch ild h o o d p h y sical ab u se, least co m m o n , are still reported by 49% o f th e sam p le). V ictim isatio n is co m m o n for b o th gro u p s o f w om en . B ey ond this h ig h p rev alen ce o f v io len ce for all w o m en in the study, w o m en in prison h av e a sig n ifican tly h ig h e r p re v ale n ce o f sex u al assau lt, p articu larly for the e xp erien ce o f rape. T h e w o m e n in p riso n also h av e a sig n ifican tly h ig h er p rev alen ce o f v io len ce w ith in tim ate p artn ers, both p hy sical and p sy ch o lo g ical. O n e hu n d red per cen t o f the p riso n sam p le rep ort e x p erien cin g som e form o f p sy ch o log ical v ictim isatio n , com pared to 91% o f w o m e n in the com m u nity. Finally, a sig n ifican tly h igh er p ro p o rtio n o f w o m e n in p riso n rep o rt e x p erien cin g sex u al abu se as a child . G iv en the high p rev alen ce o f all ty p es o f v io le n ce in th is sam p le, co -o ccu rren ce o f typ es of v ictim isatio n is also co m m o n for these w o m en (see Table 4.3). S ig n ifican ce tests are n o t ru n fo r co-o ccu rren ce rates, given that there cou ld be m u ltip le resp o n ses. W hen e xam in in g the exp erien ce o f ch ild h o o d v ictim isatio n , ab o u t o n e-th ird o f this sam p le did n o t e x p erien ce eith er p h y sical o r sex u al abu se as a child , w h ile 41% e xp erien ced both. W hen o n ly on e typ e o f ch ild h o o d m altreatm en t is rep o rted , it is m o st lik ely to be sex u al abu se. N on 70

R isks and needs

Table 4.3

C o-occurrence of types of victim ization

Child A buse N o child abu se experienced Physical abu se only Sexual abuse only Both physical and sexual abuse Physical IPV and rape N one Physical IPV only Rape only Both physical IPV and rape Child and adult victim ization (m ultiple response) Child sex a b u se /p h y s. IPV Child sex a b u se /ra p e Child phys. a b u se /p h y s. IPV Child phys. a b u se /ra p e

Total % (n=266)

Prison % (n=157)

Com m unities % (n=109)

32.7 7.7 18.5 41.1

26.0 5.8 20.1 48.1

42.5 10.4 16.0 31.0

7.6 26.9 3.8 61.7

2.5 24.8 1.9 70.7

15.0 29.9 6.5 48.6

55.0 50.0 47.3 41.1

65.6 57.8 52.6 46.8

39.6 38.5 39.6 33.7

in carcerated w o m en are less lik ely to rep o rt ch ild h o o d v ictim isatio n , and w h en th ey d o, p h y sical ab u se is m ore lik ely for this p o p u latio n th an for in carcerated w om en . In ad u lth o o d , o v er h a lf o f the stu d y sam p le h as exp erien ced b o th rap e and p h y sical v io len ce w ith an in tim ate. T h is is the m o st com m o n co m b in a tio n o f v ictim isatio n fo r all w o m en . T h is co m b in atio n is esp ecially lik ely for in carcerated w om en . Finally, exam in in g the co -o ccu rren ce o f ch ild h o o d and ad u lt v ictim isatio n , b etw e e n 40 and 55 p er cen t o f all w o m en report ex p e rie n cin g v io len ce in b o th ch ild h o o d and ad u lth o o d . W om en in the p riso n sam p le are m ore lik ely to exp erien ce c h ild h o o d /a d u lt v ictim isatio n co m b in atio n s than are n o n -in carcerated w o m en . T h e m o st com m o n co -o ccu rrin g v ictim isatio n s e xp erien ced for the entire sam p le are ch ild h oo d sexu al ab u se and ad u lt v io len ce betw een in tim ates, w ith 55% o f the stu d y sam p le and 66% o f the p riso n sam p le rep o rtin g this com b in atio n . W ell-being in Adulthood

Table 4.4 d etails the ad u lt o u tco m es for this sam p le. It n eed s to be noted that h ig h e r sco res on the Rand H ealth S u rv ey in d icate b etter 71

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

Table 4.4

C u rrent ou tcom es in adulthood Instrum ent

A dult outcom e

H ealth M ental health Alcohol D rug

M ean physical health score (a) M ean m ental health score (a) A lcohol problem s? Yes** D rug problem s? Yes**

Total (n=266)

Prison (n=157)

Com m unity (n=109)

68.9

70.7

66.4

60.4 19.2% 34.7%

62.2 26.1% 55.4%

57.9 9.3% 4.6%

(a) Score o f 0 -1 0 0

p h y sical and m en tal health . T h ere are no sig n ifican t d ifferen ces b e tw e e n the tw o sam p les in th eir d eg ree o f p h y sical or m en tal health. O n av erag e, w om en rep o rt b etter p h y sical h ealth than m en tal health in each sam p le. P h y sical h ealth sco res av erag e 69 p o in ts on a 100p o in t scale, and m en tal health sco res av erag e 60 points. W h en asked if she cu rren tly has an a lco h o l a n d /o r d ru g p rob lem , w o m en in the p riso n sam p le are sig n ifican tly m ore lik ely to rep ort e ith er an alco h o l p ro b lem o r a d ru g pro blem . S elf-rep o rted d ru g p ro b lem s (55% o f p riso n sam p le) are rep o rted at rates m o re than d o u b le that o f alco h o l p ro b lem s (26% ) for w o m en in p rison. R ates o f su b stan ce u se are v ery low in th e com m u n ity sam p le, how ev er, and are h ig h e r for alcohol (9% ) than for d ru g u se (5% ). C o p in g strategies a n d social supp ort

T h e tw o co p in g scales, ad ap tiv e and m alad ap tiv e cop in g , w ere scored on a 100-p o in t scale; the h ig h er the sco re, the m ore the ad ap tiv e or m alad ap tiv e co p in g sk ills w ere rep o rted ly used . S o cial su p p o rt w as m easu red as a n e g ativ e n u m b er; the low er the n eg ativ e nu m ber, the lo w er the p erceiv ed su p p ort. T h ere are sig n ifican t d ifferen ces b etw een the tw o g ro u p s in th eir u se o f ad ap tiv e co p in g strate g ies and in their p erceiv ed social su p p o rt (see Table 4.5). In carcerated w o m en reported g reater u se o f ad ap tiv e co p in g strateg ies th an did w o m en recruited from the com m u nity. C on versely , in carcerated w o m en rep orted p o orer social su p p o rt th an w o m en in the com m u nity. A w o m a n 's v ictim isatio n e x p erien ces are high ly correlated w ith h er use o f co p in g strateg ies an d so cial su p p o rt (see Table 4.6 below .) W om en w h o rep ort e x p erien cin g p h y sical or sexu al ab u se in ch ild h o o d 72

R isks and needs

Table 4.5

Coping strategies and social support Total (n=266)

A daptive coping score (a)* M alad aptive coping score (a) Social su pport score (b)**

C om m unities (n=109) 66.7 50.7 -4 7 .5

69.3 50.4 -5 0 .2

Prison (n=157) 71.0 50.2 -5 2 .1

(a) 0 to 100 point scale; m ean score. (b) -1 0 0 to 0 point scale; m ean score * D ifference betw een groups significant at .01 level ** D ifference betw een groups significant at .001 level

Table 4.6 C orrelation of victim ization experiences and m ediating factors (controlling for incarceration) A daptive Coping A ny A ny A ny A ny

child physical abuse child sexual abuse physical IPV rape

M alad aptive Coping

Social Support

.14*

-.2 7 ** -.1 9 **

.21**

-.1 6 **

.24**

.16*

* C orrelation is significant at .01 level. ** C orrelation is significant at .001 level.

also rep o rt u sin g m ore m alad ap tiv e cop in g skills and h av in g low'er social su p p o rt, w h e th e r th ey are in carcerated or not. T h e exp erien ce o f ad u lt p h y sical in terp erso n al v io len ce is correlated w ith low er social su p p o rt. W om en w h o e xp erien ced rap e are m o re lik ely to use m alad ap tiv e co p in g sk ills and have few er social su p p o rts, w h eth er in carcerated or not. U se o f social Services a n d Supp o rts

C ross-tab u latio n s w ere used to com p are the tw o sam p les o f w o m en reg ard in g the social serv ices and su p p o rts th ey u tilised as a resu lt o f their v ictim isatio n (see Table 4.7), the h elp fu ln ess o f these serv ices (see Table 4.8), and any b arriers th ey en co u n tered to u sin g these serv ices (see Table 4.9). S erv ices w ere categ o rised p o st-h o c as eith er th erap eu tic in n atu re (noted in the tables w ith a 't ') , crisis in terv en tio n 73

W h a t W o r k s w ith W o m e n O ff e n d e r s

Table 4.7

Social services and supports used after victimisation

S e rv ice /su p p o rt used Em otional support (t) Professional counseling (t) M edication (1) W elfare (1) M edical provider for em otional help (t) Psychotropic m edication (1)** Legal services (1) Support group (t) Food bank (c) * Religious counseling (t) Educational (1) H ospital stay for em otional prob. (t) D om estic violence shelter (c)* Job training (1) Subsidized housing (1) Rape crisis (c) H om eless shelter (c) U nem ploym ent (1) Child protection (c)** D aycare (1) Reproductive services (1) Vocational rehabilitation (1) W orker's com pensation (1) Internet support (t) M ean nu m ber o f serv ice/su p p o rts used M ean # of therapeutic services (t) M ean # of crisis interventions (c)** M ean # of long-term services (1)

Total % (n=266)

Prison % (n=157)

Com m unities % (n=109)

72.8 57.4 53.6 46.4

76.9 61.1 59.2 51.6

67.0 51.9 45.4 38.9

45.7 44.9 40.4 40.2 39.0 35.1 27.9

51.6 52.9 45.9 43.9 45.2 37.6 32.5

37.0 32.4 32.4 34.9 29.9 31.5 21.3

27.2 23.8 20.8 15.5 14.7 14.3 14.0 13.6 12.8 7.5 7.2 6.8 2.6

31.2 29.3 21.7 14.6 15.9 15.9 12.1 19.1 12.1 7.6 8.3 6.4 2.5

21.3 15.7 19.4 16.7 13.0 12.0 16.7 5.6 13.9 7.4 5.6 7.4 2.6

6.7 2.3 1.4 3.0

6.8 2.5 1.1 3.2

6.5 2.1 1.8 2.6

* D ifference betw een the three groups significant at .01 level ** D ifference betw een the three groups significant at .001 level

74

R is k s and n e e d s

T able 4 .8

H elpfulness of social services and supports after victim isation

(a) M ean

Total (n=266)

How helpful w as this service? (b) Child day-care (1) Religious counselling (t) Subsidised H ousing (1) W elfare (1) E ducational (1) Food bank (c) Job training (1) U nem ploym ent (1) Rape crisis (c) D om estic violence shelter (c) R eproductive services (1) E m otional support (t) P rofessional counselling (t) Vocational rehabilitation (1) M edication (1) Support group (t) M edical provider (t) Psychotropic m edication (1) W orker's com pensation (1) H om eless shelter (c) H ospital stay (t) Legal services (1) Internet support (t) Child protection (c)

Prison (n=157)

4.42 4.36 4.39 4.35 4.38 4.16 4.32 3.89 3.67 3.07 4.25 3.57 3.47 3.54 3.58 3.39 3.51 3.48 3.60 3.50 2.94 3.18 3.25 2.90

4.50 4.30 4.34 4.33 4.30 4.16 4.22 3.84 3.66 3.25 3.95 3.74 3.53 3.42 3.61 3.48 3.49 3.50 3.67 3.49 3.00 3.16 3.00 2.97

C om m unities (n=109)

4.60 4.21 4.28 4.29 4.13 4.16 4.05 3.78 3.62 3.76 3.50 4.01 3.64 3.17 3.67 3.65 3.45 3.54 3.75 3.46 3.13 3.12 2.67 3.33

(a) Ratings am ong those using each service. (b) Scale from 1 (not helpful) to 5 (very helpful).

s e r v ic e s

( 'c ') , a n d

lo n g -te r m

ta n g ib le

s u p p o r ts

('1'). W o m e n

w e re

a s k e d to in d ic a te w h ic h s e r v ic e s th e y re c e iv e d a t a n y tim e in th e p a s t fo r a n y o f th e ir a b u s e e x p e r ie n c e s , a n d to g iv e a n in d ic a tio n o f th e h e lp fu ln e s s o f th e s e r v ic e s r e c e iv e d . B e c a u s e a ll o f th e w o m e n in th e tw o s a m p le s e x p e r ie n c e d s o m e fo rm o f v ic tim is a tio n , th e e n tire s a m p le re p o rte d u s in g s o m e fo rm o f p o s t-v ic tim is a tio n in te rv e n tio n . A s in d ic a te d in T a b le 4 .7 , th e re w e re 2 4 d iffe r e n t ty p e s o f s e r v ic e s o r s u p p o r ts lis te d in th e s tu d y in te r v ie w

th a t w o m e n c o u ld h a v e

75

W h a t W o r k s w ith W o m e n O f f e n d e r s

T a b le 4 .9

B arriers to u sin g serv ices and su p p o rts

B arrier (a)

I w anted to h an d le the p roblem on m y ow n I th o u g h t p roblem w ould get b etter by itself I d id n 't th in k treatm en t w o u ld w ork I w as u n su re ab o u t w here to go or w h o to see T h e p roblem d id n 't b o th er m e very m u ch at first I w as co n cern ed ab o u t how m u ch m on ey it w ould cost I w as co n cern ed ab o u t w h at peo p le w ould th in k if th ey found o u t I w as in treatm en t I had pro blem s w ith thing s like tran sp ortatio n or sch ed u lin g that m ad e it hard to get to the serv ices* I tho u ght it w ould take too m u ch tim e or w ould be in con v en ien t* I w as scared ab ou t b ein g p u t in ho sp ital again st m y w ill I receiv ed serv ices b efo re and it d id n 't w ork M y h ealth in su ran ce w ould not cov er services I w as n o t satisfied w ith av ailab le services M y p aren ts did n o t take m e to get help I cou ld n o t get an ap p oin tm en t M ean n u m b er o f b arriers nam ed

Total % (n =266)

P rison % (n =157)

C o m m u n ities % (n =109)

81.4

86.5

73.8

68.8 55.1

74.4 60.3

60.7 47.7

52.9

55.8

48.6

43.0

44.9

40.2

41.4

38.5

45.8

40.7

41.7

39.3

39.5

46.2

29.9

36.6

42.9

27.4

34.4

37.21

30.2

31.9

35.9

26.2

28.1

30.8

24.3

21.0

21.8

19.8

19.8 6.1 5.8

23.7 7.1 6.2

14.2 4.7 5.3

(a) P ercen t an sw erin g yes, it w as a barrier. * D ifferen ce betw een the three grou p s sig n ifica n t at .01 level ** D ifference b etw een the th ree gro u p s sig n ifican t at .001 level

76

R isks and needs

sou g h t after th eir v ictim isatio n . In g en eral, th e m o st com m o n ly u tilised p o st-v ictim isatio n serv ices am o n g those listed are those in the em o tio n al su p p o rt (73% ) and co u n se llin g (57% ) areas, follo w ed b y m e d icatio n (54% ), w elfare b e n e fits (46% ), v isits to m ed ical p rov id ers (46% ), and p sy ch o tro p ic m ed icatio n (45% ). R ates o f serv ice and su p p o rt u tilisatio n are so m e w h at h ig h er fo r w o m en in p riso n than for w o m en in the com m u n ity for alm o st ev ery in d iv id u al serv ice, but m o st d ifferen ces are n ot sig n ifican t. S ig n ifican tly m ore in carcerated w om en than com m u n ity w om en used p sy ch o tro p ic m ed icatio n s, food b an k s, d o m estic v io len ce sh elters, and child p ro tectiv e serv ices as a resu lt o f th eir v ictim isatio n . T h e least co m m o n ly receiv ed serv ices w ere o ften the m ore con crete and lo n g-term tan g ib le su p p o rts ('1'), in clu d in g w o rk e r's co m p en satio n fu n d s (7% ), v o catio n al reh ab ilitatio n (7% ), rep ro d u ctiv e serv ices (8% ), and ch ild d ay-care (13% ). W om en w ere asked to rate the h elp fu ln ess o f each serv ice or su p p o rt receiv ed o n a scale o f one (not h elp fu l) to five (extrem ely h elp fu l). O n ly those w om en receiv in g the serv ice rated its h elp fu ln ess. T h e m ean h elp fu ln ess ratin g s w ere then com p ared b etw e e n the tw o sam p les (see Table 4.8). T h e top q u arter o f serv ices p erceiv ed as bein g the m o st h elp fu l in clu d e m an y serv ices that are p rim arily lo n g -term tan g ib le su p p o rts. C h ild d ay-care, relig io u s co u n se llin g , su b sid ised h o u sin g , w elfare, e d u catio n al serv ices, and food b an k s are the top six serv ices m o st h ig h ly rated as h elp fu l to the p articip an ts. W h en com p ared to the top q u arter o f serv ices receiv ed , o n ly w elfare b en efits stand o u t as b ein g b o th utilised b y m an y w o m en and con sid ered h elp fu l; the o th er serv ices m o st u tilised by w om en (e m otion al su p p o rt, p ro fessio n al co u n sellin g , m ed icatio n , m e d ical p ro v id ers, and p sy ch o tro p ic m ed icatio n ) are ranked in the bo tto m h a lf o f serv ices listed in the o rd er o f th eir p erceiv ed h elp fu ln ess. T h e tw o sam p les o f w o m en (in carcerated and n o n -in carcerated ) do n o t sig n ifican tly d iffer in their v ie w s o f any p articu lar serv ice as b e in g help fu l. W om en in this stu d y w ere also asked w h eth er or not a n u m b e r o f b arriers o r ch alle n g e s p rev en ted them from seek in g or g ettin g help after th eir e x p erien ces o f v ictim isatio n . T h e b arrie rs in d icated b y the tw o sam p les are listed b elo w (see T able 4.9). O f the fifteen p ossib le b arriers listed , tw o b arrie rs stand o u t as co m m o n to bo th gro u p s o f w om en . T h e first is the d esire o f the w om en to h an d le the p roblem on th eir ow n, rep o rted by 81% o f the total sam p le. T h e in carcerated w o m en are p articu larly lik ely to cite this as a b a rrie r to seek in g

77

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

services. T h e seco n d b arrier, th in k in g th at the p ro b lem w o u ld get better by itself, is reported by 69% of th e ov erall sam ple. W h en cro ss-tab u latio n s and p h i co efficien ts are calcu lated com p arin g the tw o sam p le gro u p s, tw o ad d itio n al b arriers em erg e as b e in g d ifferen tly exp erie n ce d by the tw o sam p les o f w om en . In carcerated w o m en are statistically m ore lik ely to say that p ro blem s like tran sp o rtatio n or sch e d u lin g m ak e it h ard er to g et serv ices p o st­ v ictim isatio n , and th ey also th o u g h t th e serv ice w o u ld take too m u ch tim e or be in con v en ien t. T h is stu d y also so u g h t to exam in e the asso ciatio n b e tw e e n the sp ecific serv ices a w o m an u sed p o st-v ictim izatio n and h e r o u tco m es in ad u lth o o d . Table 4.10 p ro v id es a view o f the correlatio n s betw een a w o m a n 's u sag e o f each o f the 24 p o st-v ictim isatio n serv ices and h er ad u lt w ell-b ein g , in term s o f p h y sical h ealth , m en tal h ealth , cu rren t in carceratio n , cu rren t a lco h o l p ro blem or cu rren t d ru g pro blem . T here are a sm all n u m b e r o f asso ciatio n s b etw een a p articu lar serv ice used and a w o m a n 's level o f w ell-b ein g in ad u lth o od . O f the lo ng-term tan g ib le su p p o rts used p o st-v ictim isatio n , the o n es that ap p ear to be asso ciated w ith ad u lt in carceratio n are use o f p sy ch o tro p ic m ed icatio n , p articip atio n in child p ro tectiv e serv ices, and the n o n -u se o f d o m estic v io len ce services. U se o f sev eral o f the sp ecific crisis in terv en tio n serv ices p o st-v ictim isa tio n is asso ciated w ith o th er in d icato rs o f w ell b ein g in a d u lth o o d , p articu larly m ental h ealth . U se o f the fo llo w in g serv ices is sig n ifican tly asso ciated w ith p o o rer m en tal health : p sy ch o tro p ic m ed icatio n s, m ed icatio n s for em o tio n al reaso n s, receip t of w elfare b en efits, use o f su b sid ised h o u sin g , u se o f a food b an k , use o f a d o m estic v io len ce shelter, use o f rap e crisis serv ices, a h o sp ital stay, and u se o f a m ed ical p ro v id er for p o st-v ictim isatio n services. O f the th erap eu tic serv ices used p o st-v ictim isatio n , sev eral hav e stron g asso ciatio n s w ith ad u lt su b stan ce use. W om en u sin g p sy ch o tro p ic m ed icatio n s or m ed icatio n s for em o tio n al reason s w ere also likely to rep o rt p ro b lem s w ith d ru g s or alco h o l. S u b stan ce use p ro b lem s w ere also rep o rted b y m ore w o m en w h o had received w elfare ben efits or food b an k go od s, R elig iou s co u n sellin g , alth o u g h used b y m an y w o m en , w as n o t asso ciated w ith ad u lt w ell-b ein g , in clu d in g p rev en tio n o f incarceratio n . Finally, w o m en w h o id en tify p articu lar b arrie rs w h en seek in g serv ices h av e p o o rer ad u lt o u tco m es. W h en correlatio n co efficien ts w ere calcu lated b etw e e n the b arriers to serv ice u sage id entified and a w o m a n 's w ell-b ein g as an ad u lt, sev eral relatio n sh ip s em erg e (see Table 4.11). W om en w h o w ere in carcerated are m ore lik ely to 78

R is k s and n e e d s

Table 4.10

Correlations of services used and adult outcom es

Long-term tangible supports P sychotropic m edication M edication Welfare Subsidised housing Job training Education support U nem ploym ent W orkers com p. Vocational rehab Child day-care support Reproductive services Legal services Crisis intervention services Food bank DV shelter Rape crisis services Child protective services H om eless shelter Therapeutic services Support group Professional counselling H ospital stay M edical provider Em otional support Religious counselling Internet support group

Physical health

M ental health

Incar­ ceration

-.1 8 5 * -.2 0 9 **

.202** -.3 0 7 ** -.1 6 0 * -.1 7 0 *

.178*

-.1 9 2 *

-.1 7 6 * -.1 6 7 * -.1 8 0 *

D rug A lcohol problem problem

.254** .242** .178*

.184* .257**

.178*

.294**

-.1 5 7 * .194**

.205** .187** -.2 1 0 ** -.1 7 7 *

-.2 1 6 ** -.1 6 7 *

* C orrelation is significant at the 0.01 level ** C orrelation is significant at the 0.001 level

n a m e th e fo llo w in g a s b a r r ie r s to s e e k in g s e r v ic e s p o s t-v ic tim is a tio n : w a n tin g to h a n d le th e p ro b le m o n h e r o w n , h a v in g p r o b le m s w ith tra n s p o r ta tio n o r s c h e d u lin g , an d th in k in g s e r v ic e s w o u ld ta k e to o m u c h tim e o r b e in c o n v e n ie n t. H a v in g p r o b le m s w ith tr a n s p o r ta tio n o r s c h e d u lin g w a s a s s o c ia te d w ith a ll p o o r a d u lt o u tc o m e s , in c lu d in g in c a r c e r a tio n , p o o r p h y s ic a l h e a lth , p o o r m e n ta l h e a lth , a n d a lc o h o l a n d / o r d ru g p ro b le m s . 79

W h a t W o r k s w ith W o m e n O f f e n d e r s

Table 4.11

C orrelations of barriers to seeking services and adult ou tcom es

B arrier I w anted to h an d le the p roblem on m y ow n I th o u g h t p roblem w ould get b etter by itself I w as u n su re abou t w here to go or w ho to see I d id n 't th in k treatm en t w ould w ork I w as co n cern ed ab o u t how m u ch m o n ey it w ould co st I had pro blem s w ith thing s like tran sp o rtatio n or sch ed u lin g that m ad e it hard to get to the serv ices T h e problem d id n 't bother m e very m u ch at first I w as co n cern ed ab o u t w h at p eo p le w ould think if they found ou t I w as in treatm en t I th o u g h t it w ould take too m u ch tim e or w o u ld be in co n v e n ie n t I w as scared ab o u t b ein g p u t in h o sp ital again st m y w ill M y h ealth in su ran ce w ould n o t co v er serv ices I receiv ed serv ices befo re and it d id n 't w o rk I w as n o t satisfied w ith av ailable serv ices I cou ld not get an ap p o in tm en t

P h y sical M en tal IncarA lco h o l Drug health health ceratio n p ro blem problem

.160*

-.2 3 9 * *

-.2 1 3 * *

-.2 5 4 * *

- .1 8 2 *

* C orrelation is sig n ifican t at .01 level. **C o rre latio n is sig n ifican t at .001 level.

80

-.2 8 3 **

-.2 9 8 * *

.163* .173* .220*

-.1 6 3 *

.159*

-.3 1 6 * * -.2 2 0 * * -.1 8 1 * -.2 1 7 * *

R isks and needs

D is c u s sio n T h is stu d y p u rsu ed sev eral areas o f in q u iry relev an t to risk and need asse ssm en t and c o n se q u e n t serv ice p lan n in g . N am ely, w h a t are d ifferen tially situ ated w o m e n 's h isto rie s o f v ictim isatio n ; w h a t w ere their o p p o rtu n itie s and access to social serv ices in the afterm ath o f the v ictim isatio n ; and w h a t w ere th eir ap p raisals o f the h elp fu ln ess o f those serv ices? T h o u g h su p p o rted in the existin g literatu re, the e xten t to w hich w om en from both the p rison and the co m m u n ity sam p les have exp erie n ce d v io le n ce is startlin g . T h o u g h o u r sam p lin g strateg ies m ay h av e resulted in som e b ias, the exten t o f rep o rts o f m u ltip le v ictim isatio n s in the stu d y sam p le can n o t be u n d er estim ated . A b o u t 66% o f the w o m e n in the in carcerated sam p le rep orted h av in g exp erien ced both child and ad u lt v ictim isatio n s; and n early 40% o f the co m m u n ity w o m en did the sam e. T h ese resu lts su g g est th at new in v estig atio n s m u st be p u rsu ed w ith regard to v alu e o f the serv ices u sed an d the p erceiv ed h e lp fu ln e ss o f them by w o m en w h o h av e exp erie n ce d cu m u lativ e risks or w h at h as b een referred to as 'e n d u rin g tra u m a ', and also o f th eir u ltim ate ad u lt o u tco m es (Jo h n sto n 1995). M e th o do lo gical Limitations

T h is exp lo rato ry stu d y is the first kn ow n stu d y to id en tify d ifferen ces in serv ice u sage b etw e e n w o m en liv in g in v ario u s g eo g rap h ical areas and u n d er tw o typ es o f circu m stan ces - on e im p riso n ed , th e o th er free, in one M id w estern state. W h ile there is no reaso n to b eliev e th at life in th e p a rticu lar state w o u ld itse lf h av e an effect on these find ing s, u n d ertak in g sim ilar in q u iries in o th er states and in o th er p rison sy stem s acro ss the co u n try and arou nd the w o rld w ill lend su p p o rt for th e find ing s presen ted here. H ow ever, all o f these find ings sh ou ld be n arro w ly in terp reted as ap p ly in g o n ly to the w o m en in this sam ple. T h e con v en ie n ce sam p lin g u sed to g en erate the sam p le also lim its the in terp retatio n o f these resu lts. T h e w o rd in g o f the flyers used to recru it the w o m en from the correctio n al in stitu tio n resu lted in a sam p le o f w o m en w h o w ere m ore lik ely th an n o t to h av e had h isto ries o f v ictim isatio n . W h ile the flyer that w as p osted in the v ario u s lo catio n s in the co m m u n ities (e.g. g ro cery stores) w as n o t as ex p licit in d etailin g the p u rp o se o f the stu d y as th ose p o sted in the p riso n , a sim ilar sam p lin g bias m ay h av e occu rred .

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T h e use o f con v en ie n ce sam p lin g is certain ly on e o f the ch allen g es asso ciated w ith sam p lin g strateg ies w hen u n d ertak in g v ictim isatio n research. We w ere m in d fu l o f the e xten t o f d isclo su re asked of w o m en and w ork ed to av o id an y in te rv ie w in g p ro ced u res that cou ld be p erceiv ed as b ein g coerciv e and h arm fu l. T h e com m u n ity w o m en w ere p aid U S$25 com p e n satio n at the start o f the in terv iew and told the in terv iew w ou ld end if they w ish ed it to end w ith no q u estion s asked. Very few w o m en w ith d rew from the in terv iew o n ce it began . T h e d isp arity in o p p o rtu n ity to p ro v id e rem u n eratio n betw een the 'fre e ' w o m en and the w o m en in the p riso n is o f con cern . The c o m m itm e n t to in so m e w ay h o n o u r th ese w o m en p articip an ts by p ro v id in g them p a y m e n t for th eir tim e and effort w as u n ab le to be fulfilled eq u ally b etw een the sam p le grou p s. A m ore eq u itab le form o f rem u n eratio n o f the p riso n er p o p u latio n m u st be found at the o u tset o f fu tu re research . Finally, there w ere also in h eren t lim itatio n s in the su rv ey in stru m en t. W h ile o v erall w e b e lie v e the su rv ey in stru m en t to be ad eq u ate in term s o f the sp ecificity o f q u estio n s p o sed , that sp ecificity prob ab ly also had so m e th in g to d o w ith the h ig h p rev alen ce rate o f v ictim isatio n rep o rted , a research ch allen g e id en tified b y o ther sch o lars (B ro w n e et al. 1999). Still, w ith th ese lim itatio n s in m ind , there is no d ou b t that the fin d in g s rep o rted h ere and elsew h ere are im p o rtan t from bo th the p o licy and p ractice p ersp ectiv es. Im plications for the a sse ssm e n t o f risk a n d need

T h e resp o n ses of th ese tw o gro u p s o f w o m en , those incarcerated and those not, found sim ilaritie s and d ifferen ces in the e x p erien ces o f these w o m en ; e xp lo rin g th o se d ifferen ces can illu m in ate the trajecto ries of w o m en w h o are u ltim ately in carcerated . First, as corro b o rated by o th er research (see, fo r exam p le, B loom , O w e n and C o v in g to n 2005) the in carcerated w om en had h isto ries o f g reater m aterial and social d ep riv atio n . In carcerated w o m en had receiv ed less fo rm al e d u catio n , h ad b eg u n ch ild b earin g at earlier ages, and w ere m o re lik ely to receiv e w elfare b enefits. T h ese three areas o f need and risk are h ig h ly correlated , b u t it ap p ears that the receip t o f w elfare b en efits by w o m en w ith low er e d u catio n and earlier ch ild ren is n o t o ffsettin g th ese risks. T h e in carcerated w o m en in this sam p le w ere m ore lik ely than free w o m en to b e liv in g w ith eith er a m ale p artn er or th eir p aren ts (in the tw elv e m o n th s p rio r to th eir in carceratio n ). T h is m ig h t b e an in d icator o f the con tin u in g e co n o m ic n eed o f this p o p u latio n , w hich can lead

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to p articip atio n in crim in al activity. It m ay also b e an in d icato r o f th e p e cu lia r v iru len ce o f in tim ate p a rtn er v io len ce - that for these w o m en , the end o f the v io len ce, h o w ev er long it lasts, results from their u n m et n eed s for early in terv en tio n b e in g tran sm u ted into risks th at end in th eir in carceratio n . In turn, in carceratio n p ro v id es them w ith su re p ro tectio n ag ain st fu rth er v io len ce at least for the p erio d o f their im p riso n m en t. W h ile v io len ce and v ictim isatio n w ere co m m o n to all w o m en in this stu d y (a likely artefact o f the sam p lin g strateg y em p lo y ed ), in carcerated w o m en had e xp erien ced m ore sev ere form s o f violence. In carcerated w o m en w ere m ore lik ely than free w o m en to h av e b een rap ed in ch ild h o o d or ad u lth o o d , and to h av e exp erien ced bo th p sy ch o log ical and p h y sical v io len ce w ith an in tim ate p artn er in ad u lth o o d . In this sp ecific M id w estern U .S. state, n o t un like m an y o th er ju risd ictio n s w ith m an d ato ry arrest le g islatio n , officers are requ ired to m ak e an arrest w hen e v id en ce o f the co m m issio n o f a crim e is ap p aren t. A n u n in ten d ed and h ig h ly co n tro v ersial co n se q u e n ce o f this m an d ato ry arrest p o licy is th at the v ictim m ay be arrested alo n g w ith the p e rp e tra to r or alon e, d ep en d in g on w h at is ap p aren t to the o fficer at the tim e. S o m e states h av e now am en d ed their m an d ato ry arrest statu tes to allow for o fficers to arrest w h at is called the 'p red o m in a n t a g g re s so r', th at p erso n w h o m p o lice b eliev e to b e the m o st sig n ifican t ag g resso r in the d o m estic v io le n ce in cid en t (see, for exam p le, 2005 W isconsin A ct 104). Finally, in term s o f the b a sic risk s and need s e xp erien ced by in carcerated w o m en , this p o p u latio n rep orted a m u ch h ig h e r in cid en ce o f d ru g a n d /o r alco h o l p ro b lem s, and lo w er levels o f social su p p o rt. C u riou sly, in carcerated w o m en rep o rted h igh er u sag e o f ad ap tiv e co p in g strateg ies, b u t it m ay in d eed b e ad ap tiv e in the p riso n settin g to be a m od el ad ap tiv e prisoner. T h ere w ere no d ifferen ces in the tw o sam p les in th eir p h y sical or m en tal h ealth , w h ich again , m ay be an arte fact o f the p h y sical and m en tal h e a lth serv ices av ailab le to a w o m an once in carcerated . S erv ices and su p p o rts can m ed iate these risk s and n eed s. R esearch in d icates that m o st abu sed w om en seek help , u su ally first fro m fam ily and frien d s and th en fro m fo rm al serv ices (D avis and S rin iv asan 1995; H orton and Jo h n so n 1993). In this study, an attem p t w as m ad e to d eterm in e w h ich serv ices w o m en receiv ed p o st-v ictim isatio n . A d d itionally, w hen a w o m an p a rticip a n t reported h av in g used a p articu lar so cial serv ice ('se rv ice u sa g e '), sh e w as also asked to rate how h elp fu l the serv ice w as to h e r ('se rv ice a p p raisal'). In gen eral term s, the m o st co m m o n ly u sed serv ices in resp o n se to 83

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

b e in g v ictim ise d w ere: e m o tio n al su p p o rt, p ro fessio n al co u n sellin g , m ed icatio n for em otion al p ro b lem s, w elfare, and v isits to m ed ical p ro v id ers. H o w ever, th e w o rd s 'u se d ' and 're ce iv e d ' in the stu d y are so m e w h at in accu rate as th ey im p ly the av ailab ility o f the su p p ort. In fact, som e o f the su p p o rts - child d ay-care, su b sid ised h o u sin g , foo d , job train in g and e d u catio n al su p p o rts - w ere p ro b ab ly not offered or k n ow n to som e w o m en , and n o t accessib le by others. In o th er w o rd s, it is lik ely that stru ctu ral b a rrie rs su ch as in carceration and tran sp o rtatio n d ifficu lties p rev en ted so m e w om en from receiv in g a p articu lar typ e o f su p p o rt; in o th er cases it is lik ely that w o m en did n o t m eet the elig ib ility criteria (e.g. jo b train in g and su b sid ised h o u sin g ) fo r the su p p o rt sou gh t. W om en p a rticip a n ts' ap p raisals o f the h elp fu ln ess o f serv ices in d icate that the m o st u sefu l serv ices w ere those th at w ere m ore con crete or tan g ible in n atu re, in clu d in g ch ild d ay-care, relig io u s cou n sellin g , su bsid ised h o u sin g , w elfare, ed u catio n al serv ices, food b an k , and job train in g . H ow ever, there w ere no d ifferen ces b etw een sam p les on how h elp fu l w o m en fo u n d an y p articu lar service. O u r fin d in g s in d icate that, w ith the e xcep tio n o f w elfare, the su p p o rts p erceiv ed as b e in g m o st h elp fu l w ere th ose that w ere the least receiv ed . So, em o tio n al su p p o rt, p ro fessio n al cou n sellin g , m ed icatio n , su p p o rt g rou p s, and m e d ical p ro v id ers w ere p erceiv ed as b e in g less helpful b u t w ere receiv ed m o re often than the su p p orts w h ich w ere m ore freq u en tly rep o rted to b e m ore h elp fu l b u t received less often. T h is is n o t d issim ilar to the research rep o rted on by G o rd o n (1996). H is rev iew of the research o n w o m en v ic tim s' use o f serv ices su g g ested th at the m o st co m m o n ly used social service sy stem s w ere, in order, the crim in al ju stice , social serv ice agen cies, m ed ical serv ices, crisis cou n sellin g , m en tal h ealth serv ices, clergy, and w o m e n 's grou p s. H ow ever, G o rd o n also found that the abu sed w o m e n d id n o t n e ce ssa rily v iew the serv ices th ey receiv ed as h elp fu l (G ord on 1996). H u m p h rey s and T h iara (2003) stu d ied the exp erien ces o f w o m en v ictim s o f d o m estic v io len ce w ho so u g h t m en tal health services. M an y o f the w o m en in this stu d y rep o rted exp erien cin g n eg ativ e or u n h elp fu l e x p erien ces in clu d in g the lack o f atten tio n paid to the exp erien ce o f trau m a, n o t p ro v id in g trau m a serv ices; reifying the w o m an 's e x p erien ces o f ab u se by fo cu sin g on h er m en tal health ; b lam in g th e v ictim ; and o fferin g m ed icatio n rath er than co u n sellin g su p p ort. A s to the b arriers to serv ice receip t, sig n ifican t d ifferen ces w ere fou n d b etw een the in carcerated and 'fre e ' gro u p s in three categ ories: in carcerated w o m en w anted to h an d le the p ro b lem (the v ictim isatio n 84

R isks and needs

and its after-effects) th em selv es; h ad p ro b lem s w ith sch e d u lin g and tran sp o rtatio n ; and th o u g h t help w ould take too m u ch tim e or be in con v en ien t. W om en in com m u n itie s e xp erien ced few er b arriers to seek in g serv ices, alth o u g h m ore than h a lf rep o rted w an tin g to take care o f the p ro b lem th em selv es and b elie v in g th at the p ro blem w ou ld reso lv e itself w ith o u t in terv en tio n . T h ese b arrie rs m ay be related to the e m o tio n al d ifficu lty o f d isclo sin g o n e 's e x p erien ce o f v ictim isatio n and the stig m a asso ciated w ith receiv in g su p p o rt serv ices in the afterm ath o f that v ictim isatio n .

W h a t is helpful to w o m e n o ffe n d e rs and free w o m e n w ho have h isto rie s o f v ic tim isa tio n ? By any m easu re, h isto ries o f v ictim isatio n a m o n g the incarcerated p o p u latio n are com m on . Su rp risingly , how ev er, these h isto ries are also co m m o n w ithin the g en eral p o p u latio n o f w o m en sam p led here. T h ese fin d in g s su g g est th at p ro v id in g the 'rig h t' kin d s o f risk and need assessm en ts and then the serv ices th at w ill ad d ress the em o tio n al, p h y sical, m en tal, so cial, and eco n o m ic effects o f v ictim isatio n is critical. Ju d g in g from the h isto rie s o f v ictim isatio n and d ep riv atio n exp erien ced by in carcerated w o m en , assessm en ts o f a w o m a n 's risk and need w ill n ece ssarily in clu d e a h isto ry o f e co n o m ic d ep riv atio n and su p p o rts, ed u catio n level ach iev ed , fam ily co m p o sitio n , in clu d in g the n u m b e r and ages o f ch ild ren for w hom sh e is resp o n sib le, and social su p p orts. A ll o f these are key p red ictors o f in carceratio n . Clearly, eco n o m ic stress an d m ate rial d ep riv atio n m u st be u n d erstoo d in all its co n trib u tion s to a w o m a n 's lik elih o od o f m o v in g to w ard s crim in ality a n d /o r incarceratio n . O n ce o n e 's h isto ry is a ssessed , on e m eth od o f d eterm in in g w h at the 'rig h t' serv ices are is to listen to the im p o rta n t feed b ack v ictim s prov id e. R ecallin g th at for b o th grou p s o f w o m en in this sam p le, th e serv ices and su p p o rts receiv ed th at w ere ap p raised and rated as b e in g m o st h elp fu l to th em w ere those m ore tan g ib le in n atu re - child d ay-care, h o u sin g , e d u catio n , jo b train in g . Sig nificantly, these w ere also the serv ices that w ere receiv ed the least frequently. In stead , th ese w o m en rep o rted th at the serv ices th ey fo u n d least h elp fu l serv ices m ore trad ition ally th erap eu tic in n atu re su ch as em o tio n al su p p o rt, cou n sellin g , m ed icatio n s, legal serv ices, and su p p o rt grou p s - w ere the serv ices m o st frequ en tly offered and received. C on sequ en tly , p o licy m ak ers and p ractitio n ers, in clu d in g those w h o p ractice in the p riso n sy stem , m u st fo cu s on m ak in g av ailable 85

W h a t W o r k s w ith W o m e n O ff e n d e r s

to w o m e n v ic tim s th e s e r v ic e s th a t a re lik e ly to h e lp th e m m o v e in to th e ir fu tu re s in p h y sic a lly , e m o tio n a lly , s o c ia lly

an d

e c o n o m ic a lly

h e a lth y w a y s . T h is is n o t to d im in is h th e im p o r ta n c e o f th e r a p e u tic s e r v ic e s ; ra th e r, w e w is h to h ig h lig h t th e im p o r ta n c e o f th e ta n g ib le and

c ris is

in te r v e n tio n

s e r v ic e s .

It

is

q u ite

p o s s ib le

th a t

th e s e

w o m e n v ic tim s p r io r itis e d th e ir s e r v ic e n e e d s . W e w e re u n a b le to d e te r m in e if th e v a lu e o f s u c h s e r v ic e s w o u ld b e p e rc e iv e d

to b e

m o r e h e lp fu l if th e w o m e n 's n e e d s fo r c o n c r e te a s s is ta n c e h a d b e e n m e t. T h u s , if h e r c h ild re n a re a d e q u a te ly c a re d fo r w h ile s h e d o e s h e r tim e o r w h e n s h e le a v e s fo r h e r jo b , s h e m a y b e e m o tio n a lly fre e d u p to th in k a b o u t h e r p s y c h o lo g ic a l n e e d s w h ic h c a n th e n b e a d d r e s s e d in c o u n s e llin g . S o , o n e s e r v ic e ty p e d o e s n o t n e c e s s a r ily tru m p th e o th e r ; b u t in s te a d , o n e m a y c le a r th e w a y fo r th e h e lp fu ln e s s o f th e o th er. A n d o f c o u r s e , th is id e a b e g s y e t a n o th e r id e a . It is q u ite lik e ly th a t w o m e n v ic tim s k n o w b e tte r th a n a n y o n e e ls e th e ra n g e a n d d e ta il o f th e ir n e e d s a n d th e y u n d e rs ta n d w h a t s e r v ic e s w ill b e h e lp fu l to th e m a n d o f th o s e s e r v ic e s , th o s e lik e ly to b e th e m o s t h e lp fu l. W h ile it m a y m a k e in tu itiv e s e n s e to u s e a th e r a p e u tic in te r v e n tio n w ith a w o m e n w h o h a s b e e n p h y s ic a lly a n d / o r s e x u a lly a b u s e d in h e r life , th e s e w o m e n v ic tim s h a v e in d ic a te d th a t ta n g ib le s e r v ic e s w e re m o re h e lp fu l to th e m in th e a fte r m a th o f th e v ic tim is a tio n . T h e b a rrie rs th a t p r e v e n t w o m e n fro m a c c e s s in g th e s e ty p e s o f s e r v ic e s , w h e th e r ro o te d in fisc a l, te m p o r a l, s o c ia l o r p e r s o n a l b e lie fs , s h o u ld b e m a d e th e ta rg e t o f a c o n c e rte d e lim in a tio n e ffo rt. T h is re s e a rc h s u g g e s ts th a t o ffe r in g a n a rr a y o f ta n g ib le a n d c ris is in te r v e n tio n s e r v ic e s to w o m e n v ic tim s w ill b e w e lc o m e d b y th is p o p u la tio n . P e r h a p s in d o in g s o , in c a rc e ra tio n its e lf w ill b e le s s u tilis e d as a s e r v ic e in te r v e n tio n fo r v ic tim is e d w o m e n .

R e fe r e n c e s A m erican Correctional A ssociation (1990) W hat Does the Future Hold? Task fo rce on the fem ale offender. A lexandria, VA: A m erican Correctional A ssociation. A rias, I. (2004) 'The legacy o f child m altreatm ent: Long-term health consequences for w om en', Journal o f Women's H ealth, 13 (5): 468-73. B anyard, V. (1999) 'C hildhood m altreatm ent and the m ental health o f lowincom e w om en ', A m erican Journal o f O rthopsychiatry, 69 (2): 161-171. Beilis, M .D .D ., Broussard, E.R., H erring, S.W., M oritz, G. and Benitez, J.G. (2001) 'P sychiatric co-m orbidity in caregivers and children involved in

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m altreatm en t: A p ilo t research stu d y w ith p olicy im p licatio n s', C hild A bu se an d N eglect, 25: 9 2 3 -4 4 . Berry, M . (2001) T he Fam ily at Risk: Issues and trends in fa m ily preservation services. C olu m bia, SC : U niversity o f S o u th C arolin a Press. Besharov, D.J. and L au m an n , L.A . (1997) 'D o n 't call it child ab u se if it's really p o v e rty ', Jou rn al o f C hildren and P overty, 3 (1): 5 -3 6 . B lan ch ette, K. and B row n, S.L. (2006) The A ssessm en t and Treatm ent o f W om en O ffenders. An In tegrative P erspective. C h ich ester: Jo h n Wiley. B loom , B., O w en , B. and C o v in g to n , S. (2005) G ender R espon sive Strategies fo r W om en O ffen ders. A Su m m ary o f R esearch, P ractice, an d G u idin g P rinciples f o r W om en O ffenders. R etrieved on 30 A u g u st 2006 from h t t p :/ / n ic ic .o r g / p u b s / 2 0 0 5 / 020418.pd f. Briere, J. (1992) C hild A bu se Traum a: T heory and treatm ent o f the lastin g effects. N ew b u ry P ark, C A : Sage P ublication s. Brow ne, A. (1993) 'Violence against w om en by m ale partners: Prevalence, outcom es, and policy im plications', Am erican Psychologist, 48 (10), 1077-1087. B row ne, A ., M iller, B. and M agu in , E. (1999) 'P rev alen ce and sev erity of lifetim e p h y sical and sex u al v ictim izatio n am on g incarcerated w o m en ', Intern ation al Jou rn al o f Lazv and P sychiatry, 22 (3 -4 ): 3 0 1 -2 2 . C arlson, B.E. (1990) 'D o m estic v io le n ce ', in A. G itterm an (ed.) H an dbook o f Social W ork P ractice ivith V ulnerable P opu lation s (pp. 4 7 1 -5 0 2 ). N ew York: C o lu m bia U n iversity Press. Carver, C .S. (1997) 'You w an t to m easu re cop in g b u t y o u r p ro to co l's too long: C o n sid er the b rie f co p e', Intern ation al Journ al o f B ehavioral M edicin e, 4 (1): 9 2 -1 0 0 . C icch etti, D. and C arlso n , W. (1989) C hild M altreatm en t: T heory an d research on the causes and con sequ en ces o f child abu se an d neglect. C am b rid g e: C am b rid g e U n iv ersity Press. C ow en, P.S. (1999) 'C h ild n eglect: In ju ries o f o m issio n ', P ediatric N ursing, 25 (4): 4 0 1 -3 6 . D avis, L.V. and S rin iv asan , M . (1995) 'L isten in g to th e v o ices o f b attered w o m en : W h at h elp s them escap e v io le n ce ', A ffilia, 10 (1): 4 9 -6 9 . D ore, M .M . (1999) 'E m o tio n ally and beh av io u rally d istu rb ed child ren in the child w elfare system : P oints o f p rev en tiv e in te rv e n tio n ', C hildren an d Youth Services R eview , 21 (1): 7 -2 0 . Eby, K .K ., C am p bell, J.C ., S u lliv an , C .M . and D av id so n , W .S., 2nd. (1995) 'H e alth effects o f exp erien ces o f sexu al v io len ce fo r w o m en w ith abusive p artn ers', H ealth C are W om en In t, 16 (6): 5 6 3 -7 6 . Follin gstad , D .R ., B rennan , A.F., H au se, E.S., P olek, D .S. and R u tled ge, L.L. (1991) 'F acto rs m od eratin g p h y sical and p sy ch o log ical sym p tom s o f battered w o m e n ', Jou rn al o f F am ily V iolence, 6 (1): 8 1 -9 5 . G elles, R.J. and S trau s, M .A . (1990) 'T h e m ed ical and p sy ch o log ical costs of fam ily v io le n ce ', in R.J. G elles and M .A . Strau s (eds) P hysical V iolence in A m erican Fam ilies: R isk Factors an d A daptation s to V iolence in 8,145 Fam ilies (pp. 4 2 5 -4 3 0 ). N ew B ru n sw ick, N J: T ransaction P u blishers.

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G oodm an, L.A ., Koss, M.P. and Russon, N .R (1993) 'V iolence against w om en: Physical and m ental health effects. Part I: Research findings', A pplied and Preventive Psychology, 2: 79-89. Gordon, J.S. (1996) ' C om m u nity services for abused w om en: A review of perceived usefulness and efficacy', Journal o f Fam ily Violence, 11 (4), 315-29. G reene, J.C . (2000) 'U nderstanding social program s through ev alu ation', in N .K. Denzin and Y.S. Lincoln (eds) H andbook o f Q ualitative Research (2nd edn, pp. 981-1000). Thousand O aks, CA: Sage. G reenfeld, L.A. and Snell, T.L. (1999) Women O ffenders (No. N CJ 175688). W ashington, DC.: Bureau of Justice Statistics. H am pton, R.L. (1995) 'R ace, ethnicity, and child m altreatm ent: A n analysis of cases recognized and reported by hospitals', in A. A guirre and D.V. Baker (eds) Sources: N otable Selections in Race and E thnicity (pp. 2 8 7 296). G uildford, CT: D ushkin Publishing Group. H annah-M offat, K. (2004) 'L osing ground: Gendered know ledges, parole risk, and responsibility', Social Politics, 11 (3), 363-85. H arlow, C.W. (1998) Profile o f Jail Inm ates (No. N CJ 164620). W ashington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, U S D epartm ent of Justice. H arlow, C.W. (1999) Prior A buse Reported by Inm ates and Probationers (No. NCJ 172879). W ashington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics. H arrison, P.M. and Beck, A.J. (2004) Prisoners in 2003. D epartm ent o f Justice O ffice of Justice Program s Bureau o f Justice Statistics Bulletin. H arrison, P.M. and Beck, A.J. (2006) Prison and Jail Inm ates at M idyear 2005. U S D epartm ent of Justice, O ffice of Justice Program s, Bureau o f Justice Statistics Bulletin. H enriques, Z.W. and M anatu-Rupert, N. (2001) 'L iving on the outside: A frican A m erican w om en before, during, and after im prisonm ent', Prison Journal, 81: 6-19. H orton, A.L. and Johnson, B.L. (1993) 'Profile and strategies o f w om en who have ended abuse', Fam ilies in Society, 74 (8): 481-92. H um phreys, C. and Thiara, R. (2003) 'M ental health and dom estic violence: " I call it sym ptom s of a b u se "', British Journal o f Social Work, 33: 209-26. Johnston, D. (1995) 'Effects o f parental incarceration', in K. G abel and D. Johnston (eds) Children o f Incarcerated Parents (pp. 5 9-88). N ew York: Lexington Books. Kirby, L.D. and Fraser, M.W. (1997) 'R isk and resilience in child hood ', in M.W. Fraser (ed.) R isk and Resilience in Childhood: An ecological perspective (pp. 10-33). W ashington, DC: N ASW Press. K oss, M.P. and H eslet, L. (1992) 'Som atic consequences of violence against w om en ', Archives o f Fam ily M edicine, 1: 53-9. K oss, M.P. and O ros, C.J. (1982) 'Sexu al experiences survey: A research instrum ent investigating sexual aggression and v ictim ization', Journal o f Counseling and Clinical P sychology, 50 (3): 455-57.

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Kurtz, P.D., Gaudin. J.M ., H ow ing, P.T. and W odarski, J.S. (1993) 'The consequences o f physical abuse and neglect on the school age child: M ediating factors', Children and Youth Services Review, 15, 85-104. M cCauley, J.D ., Kern, D.E., Kolodner, K., Derogatis, L.R. and Bass, E.B. (1998) 'R elation of low -severity violence to w om en 's h ealth ', Journal o f General Internal M edicine, 13: 687-91. M cN utt, L.-A ., Carlson, B.E., Persaud, M. and Postm us, J.L. (2002) 'C um u lative abuse experiences, physical health and health p ractices', A nnals o f E pidem iology, 12 (2): 123-30. M iller, B.A. and D ow ns, W.R. (1993) 'The im pact of fam ily violence on the use of alcohol by w om en ', Alcohol H ealth and Research W orld, 17, 137-43. N CS (1992) N ational com orbidity survey, Retrieved February 16, 2003, from w w w .hcp.m ed .harv ard .ed u/n cs O 'Leary, K.D. (1993) 'Through a psychological lens: Personality traits, personality disorders, and levels o f v iolence', in R.J. G elles and D.R. Loseke (eds) Current C ontroversies on Fam ily Violence (pp. 7-30). N ew bury Park, CA: Sage. Peleikis, M ykletun and Dahl, (2004) 'The relative influence o f childhood sexual abuse and other fam ily background risk factors on adult adversities in fem ale outpatients treated for anxiety disorders and d ep ression', Child A buse and N eglect, 28 (1): 61-76. Plichta, S.B. (1996) 'V iolence and abuse: Im plications for w om en 's health', in M .M . Falik and K.S. Collins (eds) Women's H ealth: The Com m onw ealth Fund Study (pp. 237-272). Baltim ore, M D: Johns H opkins U niversity Press. Postm us, J. and Severson, M .E. (2005) Violence and Victim ization: Exploring xvomen's histories o f survival. Final Report, NIJ 2003-IJ-C X-1037. Richie, B.E. (2001) 'C hallenges incarcerated w om en face as they return to their com m unities: Findings from life history interview s', Crim e and D elinquency, 47 (3): 368-89. Saunders, D.G. (1994) 'P osttrau m atic stress sym ptom profiles of battered w om en: A com parison of survivors in tw o settings', Violence and Victims, 9 (1): 31-44. Severson, M.E. (2001) 'W om en's m ental health issues: Twentieth-century realities; twenty-first century challenges', in K.J. Peterson and A.A. Lieberm an (eds) Building On Women's Strengths: A Social Work A genda For The Twenty-First Century (2nd edn, pp. 95-118). New York: H aw orth Press. Shaw, M. and H annah-M offat, K. (2006) 'R isk assessm ent in Canadian corrections: Som e diverse and gendered issu es', in R. Im m arigeon (ed.) Women and Girls in the Crim inal Justice System (pp. 3 1 -8 - 31-11). K ingston, NJ: Civic Research Institute. Shepard, M.F. and C am pbell, J.A . (1992) 'The abusive behaviour inventory: A m easure o f psychological and physical abuse', Journal o f Interpersonal Violence, 7 (3): 291-305. Snell, T.L. and M orton, D.C. (1994) Women in Prison: Survey o f State Prison Inm ates, 1991. W ashington, DC: US D eptm ent of Justice.

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Stew art, A .L., H ays, R.D. and Wate, J.E., Jr. (1988) 'The M O S short-form general health survey: Reliability and validity in a patient popu lation', M edical Care, 26: 733-35. Tjaden, P. and Thoennes, N. (1998) Prevalence, Incidence, and Consequences o f Violence against W omen: Findings from the national violence against women survey. W ashington: N ational Institute of Justice. US D epartm ent of Justice (1998) W omen in Crim inal Justice: A Twenty Year Update: Special report. W ashington, DC: O ffice of Justice Program s Coordination G roup on W omen. Vaux, A., Phillips, J., Holly, L., T hom son, B., W illiam s, D. and Stew art, D. (1986) 'T he social support appraisals (ssa) scale: Studies of reliability and v alid ity', Am erican Journal o f C om m unity P sychology, 14: 195-219. Veysey, B.M. (1998) 'Specific needs of w om en diagnosed w ith m ental illnesses in U.S. Jails', in B.L. Levin, A.K. Blanch and A. Jennings (eds) Women's M ental H ealth Service: A public health perspective (pp. 368-89). Thousand O aks, CA: Sage. Walker, L.E. (1993) 'T he battered w om an syndrom e is a psychological consequence o f abuse', in R.J. G elles and D.R. Loseke (eds) Current Controversies on Fam ily Violence (pp. 133-53). N ew bury Park, CA: Sage. Wolfe, D.A. (1999) Child Abuse: Im plications fo r Child D evelopm ent and Psychopathology. Thousand O aks, CA: Sage. Zw eig, J.M ., Schlichter, K.A. and Burt, M. (2002) 'A ssisting w om en victim s of violence w ho experience m ultiple barriers to services', Violence A gainst W omen, 8 (2): 162-79.

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Chapter 5

R esp on din g to drug and alcohol problems: innovations and effectiveness in treatm ent p ro gram m e s for w o m e n M argaret M alloch and N a n cy Loucks

In tro d u c tio n This chapter consid ers con tem porary responses to w om en in the crim inal ju stice system w ith drug a n d /o r alcohol problem s. A ttem pts to develop approp riate responses w ithin the crim inal ju stice system have often led to a general approach to 'ad dicted offend ers', to the n eg lect o f w o m en 's need s and preferences for service provision. The chapter exam in es innovative attem pts to address the need s of w om en w ith ad diction issues, focu sing specifically on the 218 T im e O u t' C entre (Scotland) w hich aim s to provide a holistic alternative to custod y for w om en, in clu ding both residential and com m u nity-based options (Loucks et al. 2006).

In te rn atio n al con tex t Increasing nu m bers o f w om en are incarcerated in prisons throughout the w orld (Cook and D avies 1999; Taylor 2004; H om e O ffice 2004; N ational O ffend er M anagem ent Service 2005; Scottish Execu tive 2006). The n u m ber of w om en in prison as a percentage of overall prison figures rem ains relatively sm all (around 5% in Scotland and C anada; 6% in England and W ales, and N ew Z ealand; 7% in A ustralia and ju st under 9% in the U nited States of A m erica; International Centre for Prison Stud ies 2005). N evertheless, in m ost cou ntries, the nu m ber o f w om en in prison has increased d ram atically in recent years, significantly outstripping increases in the n u m ber of m ale prisoners 91

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and w ith particular con sequ ences for m inority ethnic, b lack and aboriginal w om en, w ho con stitu te disproportionate levels o f fem ale prison popu lations in m any cou ntries inclu ding C anada, A ustralia, the U K and the USA. Internationally, m ore w om en are bein g sent to prison for drugrelated offences and crim es m otivated by poverty (H om e O ffice 2004; Taylor 2004). A significant n u m ber o f w om en in prison are drug users, w ith a high proportion im prisoned for offences directly related to problem drug use (M alloch 2000; Scottish Execu tive 2002). In Scotland , betw een 9 0 -1 0 0 % of w om en prisoners reported b ein g drug users on reception to prison (H M Insp ectorate o f P risons for Scotland 2004 and 2006). Sim ilarly, other cou ntries report high rates of illicit drug use am ong fem ale prisoners prior to sentence (D epartm ent of C orrectional Services 2002; R am sey 2003). Problem alcohol and tranqu iliser use is also reported to be high am ong w om en involved with the crim inal ju stice system (Ram sey 2003). U niversally, rates of d rug use am ong w om en prisoners appear to exceed those for m ale p risoners (EM C D D A 2001). D rug-related offend ing has a con sid erable im pact on the nu m ber o f w om en im prisoned for offences such as shoplifting, fraud and o ther property offences (H om e O ffice 2004) and such offences have contributed to the dram atic rise in the n u m ber of w om en in prison (M clvor 2004a). N evertheless, the largest group o f fem ale prisoners in Scotland in 2005 w ere detained for drug offences (Scottish E xecutive 2006). Internationally, crim inal ju stice system s are increasingly expected to m eet the need s o f grow ing nu m bers of ind ividu als w ith d ru g /a lco h o l related problem s. Evidence that 'coerced treatm en t' can be effective has b een used to increase treatm ent options as alternatives to custody, but also strengthens argum ents for the provision of resources w ithin prisons. H ow ever, the success of prison program m es in reducing reoffend ing is m ixed, and significant v ariations are evid ent in the con tent and quality of program m es for substance users in prisons at national and international levels (EM C D D A 2001; H om e O ffice 2003; Ram sey 2003; M acD onald 2004). The context and delivery of services is im portant in order to provide a response to the w ider context o f prisoners' lives. Recent research for the H om e O ffice (Cann 2006) on the effects of prisonbased cognitive skills program m es for w om en in England and Wales show ed no statistically significant differences in reconviction rates betw een participants in m atched com parison groups. Sim ilar findings

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w ere ev id en t for ad u lt m ales and you n g o ffend ers. C h an g in g cognitive pattern s is o f little benefit if the structural realities o f an ind iv id u al's life rem ain unchanged . F o r fem ale drug users, a gen d er-sp ecific ap p licatio n o f re h a b ilita tio n / recovery is necessary - b u t n o t un p rob lem atic - and is increasingly recognised and ad op ted as p art o f pro g ram m e fo rm ats (B loom and C o v in gton 1998; H u m e 2001; C ov in gto n and B loom 2004; Bloom 2005; D ru gsco p e 2005). P rogram m es often focu s o n assertiv en ess training and self-esteem . W h ile these m ay be o f benefit in som e cases, they tend to o perate from a theoretical b asis w hich su gg ests the ind iv id u al w o m an is in som e w ay 'in ad e q u ate ' and that this can be 'treated '. Sim ilarly, cou n sellin g p rov id es an ap p rop riate alternative only w hen un d erw ritten b y a fem inist analysis in w hich in d iv id u als' exp erien ces are linked to w id er stru ctu ral issues (M alloch 2000; 2004a; 2004b). W h ile in itiativ es in S co tlan d such as D ru g T reatm en t and Testing O rd ers and D ru g C o u rts are in ten d ed to lessen the n u m b e r o f d ru g u sers sen ten ced to custod y, th eir su ccess d ep en d s on av ailable co m m u n ity reso u rces (H o w ard L eag u e 2000; E ley et al. 2002; M allo ch et al. 2003; M clv o r et al. 2006). R eg io n al v ariatio n s can resu lt in a g e o g rap h ical lo ttery in accessin g serv ices, w h ich is clearly o f im p o rtan ce w h ere crim in al ju stice ag en cies refer clien ts to extern al serv ice-p ro v id ers (A u d it C o m m ission 2002; E ffectiv e In terv en tio n s U n it 2002; S co ttish D ru gs Foru m 2003). E v alu atio n s o f the G lasg o w and Fife D ru g C o u rts in Scotlan d id en tified the im p o rtan ce o f co m p reh en siv e serv ice p ro v isio n (E ley et al. 2002; M allo ch et al. 2003, M clv o r et al. 2006). In particu lar, T reatm en t and S u p erv isio n staff id en tified the need for increased reh ab ilitatio n serv ices, sp ecifically reh ab ilitatio n and co m m u n ity -b ased serv ices that m e t the n eed s o f w o m en , and fo r fo llow -u p su p p o rt and after-care (E ffectiv e In terv en tio n U n it 2002). D ru g C o u rt clients ind icated a need for som e form o f 'after-care' to su p p ort them after the su p erv isio n of the cou rt (and thereby the treatm en t team ) had ended. T h e A u d it C o m m issio n in E n g lan d and W ales (2002) n o ted th at little em p h asis w as g iv en to rev ie w in g the n eed s o f w o m en sy stem atically w ith in and o u tw ith the crim in al ju stice sy stem , w ith w o m en g en erally con sid ered to b e a p rio rity only w hen p reg n an t or h av in g ch ild -care issues. 'W o m en -o n ly ' serv ices are sig n ifican tly lack in g, p articu larly for resid en tial treatm en t, and p laces for w o m en w ith ch ild ren are v ery lim ited . If these serv ices are n o t in p lace, cou rts are lik ely to h av e little su ccess in fast-track in g w o m en in to them .

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D e v e lo p in g p ro g ra m m e s for w o m e n The m ost effective approaches to treatm ent for drug and alcohol problem s differ betw een m en and w om en (Bloom et al. 2003). This clearly needs to inform the provision o f resources in the com m unity and crim inal ju stice system s. A cad em ics and practitioners have identified key com ponents for effective program m e content and the extent to w hich interventions relating to substance use and offend ing beh av iou r require an acknow led gem ent o f the broad er contexts of the lived experiences o f m en and w om en. This has allow ed som e key characteristics crucial to effective program m e d ev elop m ent to be identified (K oons et al. 1997; Fow ler 2001; Bloom et al. 2003; R am sey 2003; C ovington and Bloom 2004; A dd action 2005; H ollow ay et al. 2005; M cC am pbell 2005), nam ely: Gender

• That program m es are 'g en d er-resp onsive' in design and delivery, from assessm en t to aftercare; • That theoretical know led ge about w om en 's p athw ays into the crim inal ju stice system is used to inform services for w om en; • T h at w om en-only groups are a feature o f services, esp ecially for prim ary treatm ent. Services

• T h at assessm ents and services are based on m u lti-agen cy co ­ operation, particularly in term s o f the integration of m ental health and substance abuse services; • T h at treatm ent is ind ividu alised , and care plans are developed to m eet individual need s, identified through com prehensive assessm ent. Relationships

• T h at staff are gender-responsive and gen der-sensitive, caring and available to clients, as far as p ossible have som e shared experiences, and are able to take an holistic approach to the lives of the w om en w ith w hom they are w orking; • T h at training for staff is ongoing.

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Environm ent

• T h at th erap eu tic en v iron m en ts are created en v iro n m en t for service d elivery;

to prov id e

a

'safe'

• T h at aftercare fo rm s a key elem en t in serv ice p ro v isio n .

D e v e lo p in g a se rvic e in S c o tla n d R ecen t d ev elo p m en ts in S cotlan d afford an o p p o rtu n ity to exam in e the d ev elo p m en t o f a serv ice fo r w o m en b ased o n these ch aracteristics. T h e reco g n ition o f a need for in n o v ativ e p ractice fo llo w ed a p eriod o f crisis su rro u n d in g the im p riso n m en t o f w o m en and raised q u estio n s arou nd the crim in al ju stice sy stem resp on se to w om en . T h e d ev e lo p m e n ts w h ich en su ed illu strate the im p o rtan ce o f lo catin g p ro g ram m es w ithin an en v iro n m en t that e n ab les effectiv e and m ean in g fu l w o rk to take p lace. D u rin g the late 1980s, crim in al ju stice resp o n ses to w o m en b eg an to attract in creasin g atten tio n from p olicy m ak ers and p ractitio n ers in S co tlan d for a n u m b er o f reaso ns. First, th e n u m b e r o f yo u n g w o m en ap p earin g b efo re the co u rts in creased , larg ely attrib u tab le to an in creased in cid en ce o f d ru g m isu se (p rim arily hero in ) am o n g yo u n g w o m en . S e co n d , as the n u m b e r o f w o m en ch arg ed w ith o ffen ces in creased , acad em ics, p ractitio n ers and p o licy m ak ers b egan to q u estio n the ap p rop riaten ess o f existin g sen ten ces and asso ciated in terv en tio n s for w om en (D o bash and G u tte rid g e 1986; C arlen 1990; G elsth o rp e and M orris 1990). T h ird , and perh ap s m o st influentially, a series o f sev en su icid es in 30 m o n th s at H M P and Y O I C o rn to n Vale (b etw een 1 9 9 5 -1 9 9 7 ), S co tla n d 's o n ly p riso n fo r w o m en , resu lted in a w id e -ran g in g rev iew o f the use o f im p riso n m en t and n o n -cu sto d ial sen ten ces for fem ale offen d ers. A lth o u g h no sin g le reaso n fo r the su icid es em erg ed from th e su b seq u e n t fatal accid e n t e n q u iries, a h isto ry o f d ru g m isu se and w ith d raw al p ro b lem s sh o rtly after b ein g in carcerated w as a co m m o n exp erien ce am o n g the w o m en w h o d ied .1 T h ese facto rs resu lted in a w id e-ran g in g rev iew o f the use o f im p riso n m en t and n o n -cu sto d ial sen ten ces fo r w o m en in Sco tlan d . T h e review , W om en O ffen ders: A S afer W ay (S o cial W ork S erv ices and P riso n s In sp ecto rate 1998), co n clu d ed th at 'th e b a ck g ro u n d s o f w o m en in p riso n are ch aracterised by exp erien ces o f a b u se, d ru g m isu se, p o o r ed u catio n al attain m en t, poverty, p sy ch o lo g ical d istress and self-h arm '

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(1998: 13). It also p ro d u ced a n u m b e r o f re co m m en d atio n s aim ed at keep in g w o m en o u t o f prison w h ere p o ssib le and at im p ro v in g the co n d itio n s fo r th o se w h o w ere, b y necessity, d etain ed . It con clu d ed th at the b a ck g ro u n d s o f w o m en w h o offend and the circu m stan ces w h ich lead to their offen d in g m e an t th at p riso n w as, fo r the m ost p art, an in ap p ro p riate and p o te n tially d am ag in g d isp o sal for this group. F o llow in g the reco m m en d atio n s in A Safer W ay, an In ter-A g en cy F oru m w as set up to e stab lish serv ices for w om en in the crim in al ju stice system . T h e In ter-A g en cy Fo ru m reco m m en d ed , am o n g o th er things, the creation o f 'T im e O u t' C en tres to p ro v id e resid en tial and nonresid en tial su p p o rt serv ices fo r w o m en , fo cu sin g p rim a rily o n those w ith ad d ictio n s. T h e u n d erly in g p rin cip le w as th at w o m en sh o u ld be able to get 'tim e o u t' o f th eir n o rm al (and o ften ch aotic) en v iro n m e n t w ith o u t re so rtin g to 'tim e in ' custod y, w h ere m an y o f them w ere b ein g p laced . A M in isterial W ork in g G ro u p on W o m en 's O ffen d in g su b seq u en tly to o k forw ard the w o rk o f the Fo ru m . T h e M in isterial G ro u p 's rep ort, A B etter W ay (Sco ttish E xecu tiv e 2002), reco m m en d ed g reater em p h asis u p o n allev iatin g the social circu m stan ces that lead som e w o m en to o ffen d , in terv en in g early to en su re that w o m e n 's n eed s cou ld be m e t w ith o u t reco u rse to im p riso n m en t, p ro m o tin g the use o f the full ran g e o f co m m u n ity d isp o sals (in clu d in g 'T im e O u t' C en tres) and sh iftin g the penal cu ltu re aw ay from p u n ish m en t and tow ard s reh ab ilitatio n and 'tre a tm en t'. T h e 'T im e O u t' C en tre, or 218 as it is no w called after its lo catio n at 218 B ath S treet in G lasgow , w as estab lish ed in A u g u st 2003 and o p en ed its d o ors to w o m e n in D e cem b e r 2003.

Im p le m e n t a tio n issu es 218 w as d esign ed to ad d ress the n eed s o f w om en inv olv ed w ith the crim in al ju stice sy stem in G lasgow , a h igh p ro p o rtio n o f w h o m have issu es w ith ad d iction s. In p articu lar 218 w as in ten d ed to p rov id e a serv ice for w o m en w h o w ou ld o th erw ise h av e b een im p rison ed . R esearch in C o rn to n Vale (L ou ck s 1998) found that w o m en in prison in S co tlan d sh ared ch aracteristics o f abu se, d ru g m isu se, poverty, p o o r e d u catio n , p sy ch o log ical d istress, and h isto rie s o f self-h arm . In this sen se they are sim ilar to fem ale p riso n ers in tern atio n ally (L ou cks 2004). T h e original em p h asis o f 218 w as on allev iatin g the social circu m stan ces th at lead som e w o m en to offen d , early in te rv e n tio n to 96

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m eet the need s of w om en (w ith ad diction prom inent am ong these), and prom oting the use o f the full range o f com m u nity disposals, w ith the ultim ate aim o f reducing reoffending and consequ ently the n u m ber o f w om en w ho end up in cu sto d y Specifically, its objectives are to: • provide a specialist facility for w om en subject to the crim inal ju stice system ; • provide a safe environm en t for w om en in w hich to address offend ing behaviou r; • tackle the underlying causes o f offending behaviou r; • help w om en avert crises in their lives; • enable w om en to m ove on and reintegrate into society. A s such, 218 w as an innovative project responsible for providing services for w om en in a relatively unique way. Initial funding was com paratively generous to ensure that the C entre m ade the planned services available to w om en in-house. This created benefits to service users, w ho w ere able to access support from different agencies in one location, and a n u m ber o f difficulties in the staffing and m anagerial structures, som e o f w hich have yet to be resolved. T hese difficulties generally related to m u lti-agen cy w ork in g and the m an agem en t of m u lti-professional team s - problem s not uniqu e to 218 (Eley et al. 2002; M alloch et al. 2003; Pop ham et al. 2005). W orkers from a range o f agencies are located w ithin 218, providing a unique feature o f the service. They include a H ealth Team leader, responsible for co-ordinating health services in 218; a nu m ber of health p rofessionals, inclu ding additional nu rsin g staff; a D istrict N urse; tw o C om m u nity Psychiatric N urses; a p sychologist; an O ccu pational Therapist; a W om en's H ealth nu rse; and p art-tim e services contracted in by 218 from G Ps, a p hysiotherapist, an acupu nctu rist, a dietician, a d entist, and a psychiatrist. A solicitor from the Public D efence Solicitors O ffice (PD SO ) visited the residential unit once a w eek to give advice to clients w ho had no other representation. M ost w orkers in the 218 p roject had som e sort o f experience in the field of ad dictions, cou nselling, and social care before com ing to 218, inclu ding a n u m ber w ho had previously worked for Turning Point Scotland 2. A t the outset, all staff (inclu ding those from outside agencies) had four w eeks' residential training in cou nselling skills and traum a, follow ed by six w eeks of program m e developm ent. O ngoing training included Solu tion Focused Therapy, C ardiopulm on ary resuscitation (CPR), and training on new system s o f paperw ork 97

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as th ey d ev elo p ed . A ll m em b ers o f sta ff w ere also train ed to give ear acu p u n ctu re (found to be effectiv e in con tro llin g w ithd raw al sy m p to m s) and In d ian H ead M assag e as a relaxatio n tech n iq u e. M an y w ere p u rsu in g fu rth er q u alificatio n s in co u n se llin g skills. A t le ast as im p o rtan t as train in g w as an ex p e ctatio n o f certain attitu d es am o n g st th e staff hired at 218. O ne m em b er o f staff d escribed it like this: I th in k w e share a v alu e g o als ... P erso n al h o n esty ... n o n -ju d g m e n t m atters. ach iev e in an in stitu tio n abo u t the p ro ject ...

system . W e sh are valu es and share m atters, ... co n siste n cy m atters. A nd A nd I th in k th at is a rare th in g to ... th a t's the in d efin ab le 'o th e r'-n e ss

A n o th e r sta ff m em b er d escrib ed th in g s lik e this: ... w e w ere all b ro u g h t on b ecau se o f o u r attitu d e, b ecau se o f the p eo p le w e w ere, rath er than the sk ills w e had . A lth o u g h w e are all v ery skilled at lots o f d ifferen t th in g s, there w ere lots of lev els o f ... e d u catio n and exp e rie n ce and all that. B u t it w as the typ e o f p eo p le w e w ere ... feisty and h av in g attitu d e and n o t ju st g oin g w ith the flow. It w as ab o u t fig h tin g fo r stu ff and fighting for clients. T h is em p h asis o n relatio n sh ip s cam e o u t stro n g ly in clie n ts' assessm en ts o f the v alu e o f 218 as a service. Equally, p h y sical co n d itio n s reflect the v alu e a serv ice p laces on its clien ts, in te n tio n ally or oth erw ise (W ood 2005), and the new serv ice at 218 excelled in creatin g a co m fo rtab le and w elco m in g atm o sp h ere.

R eferral 218 w as set u p to p ro v id e a serv ice for w o m en in the crim in al ju stice sy stem aged 18 y ears or o v er w h o are p a rticu la rly v u ln erab le to cu sto d y or re-o ffen d in g and w h o m ay h av e an ad d ictio n . W om en access 218 from cou rts, from p riso n , as p a rt o f a co u rt order, throu gh a referral from o th er ag en cies (crim in al ju stice or o th erw ise), or throu gh self-referral,’ as long as they had been in cu stod y (in clu d in g p o lice cu stod y ) at som e tim e w ith in the last year. In p ractice clients w ere ind eed referred from a v ariety o f sou rces. W h ile m an y o f these w ere n o t d irect referrals from crim in al ju stice ag en cies, the m ajority 98

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w ere related to crim in al ju stice serv ices in som e way. S o m e w o m en need ed to be referred a n u m b e r o f tim es b efo re they eng aged in the service. T h e in itial c o u rt asse ssm en t and a th ree-stag e fo rm al p ro cess o f asse ssm en t w ere d esign ed to d eterm in e w h ich w o m en w ere read y to en g ag e in the service. T h e w o m en referred to 218 w ere all cle arly v u ln e rab le w o m en at (u su ally im m ed iate) risk o f p h y sical and p sy ch o lo g ical harm . T h e ch aracteristics o f serv ice u sers replicated th o se o f w o m en w h o end up in p riso n in S co tlan d , in d icatin g that the target grou p for referral and en g ag e m e n t w as b ein g identified approp riately. R eferrals from p iv o tal crim in al ju stice sou rces su ch as sen ten cers did n o t b eg in u n til 218 had b een o p e ratin g for o v er a year. T his m ean t th at initial referrals o ften related to w o m en w h o m stak eh o ld ers con sid ered to be 'o n the p a th ' to cu sto d y rath e r than at im m ed iate risk. W om en w h o referred th em selv es to 218 o ften d efined th em selv es in this w ay too or, m ore o ften , b eliev ed they w ere likely to d ie w ith ou t som e sort o f m ean in g fu l help: W h en I w en t there ... the state m y h ealth w as in ... I g o t took in rig h t aw ay b ecau se I w as, em , w h at do you call that ... In terv iew er: D ying? A ye w ell (lau g h ter) ... 'h ig h p rio rity '. A s the serv ice d ev elo p ed , the p ro p o rtio n o f d irect crim in al ju stice referrals in creased , w ith m ore w o m e n accessin g the serv ice as a d irect altern ativ e to custody. H o w e v e r th e serv ice w as in itially d ev elo p ed to p rev en t reo ffen d in g , to p ro v id e altern ativ e m eth o d s for d ealin g w ith w o m en w h o offen d , and to tackle the u n d e rly in g cau ses o f offen d in g behav iou r. T h e 343 w o m en referred to 218 b etw een 1 A pril 2004 and 31 M arch 2005 w ere 30 y ears old on av erag e and cam e p red o m in an tly (but n o t exclu siv ely ) from the G lasg o w area. T w o -third s (67% ) had at least on e child , th o u g h o n ly 15% w ere p rim ary carers on en try to 218. Few had e x p erien ce o f e m p lo y m e n t, and ed u catio n al ach iev e m e n ts w ere low. C lien ts su ffered from p o o r p h y sical health , 83% su ffered from d ep ression , and 45% h ad self-h arm ed or attem p ted su icid e. A lm o st h a lf (44% ) had no fixed ad d ress or w ere in tem p o rary acco m m o d atio n . O f w o m en w h o en g ag ed w ith 218, 8 4 -9 7 % had used h ero in , and 52% had p ro b lem s w ith alco h o l. T h e av erag e cost o f th eir su b stan ce use w as £61 p er d ay 4, th o u gh ran ged from 0 -£ 5 0 0 p er day. T h e h igh est p ro p o rtio n o f w o m en (70% ) had co m m itted o ffen ces o f sh o p liftin g or o th er theft. W h ile all had been in p o lice cu stod y at so m e p o in t, only 99

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40% had b e e n rem an d ed or sen ten ced to custody. A b o u t h a lf (49% ) had been or w ere cu rren tly on pro batio n . O n e hu n d red and fo rty three w o m en (42% o f th ose referred ) en g aged w ith 218 at least once. L ev els o f en g ag e m e n t w ere h ig h est am o n g w o m en referred by n o n -crim in al ju stice ag en cies; lev els of en g ag e m e n t w ere h ig h e st am o n g w o m en referred b y n o n -crim in al ju stice ag en cies (e.g. o rg an isatio n s su p p o rtin g w o m en to exit p rostitu tio n ). T h e su g g e stio n that p eo p le w h o self-refer m ay b e m ore likely to b en efit from the serv ice w as n o t a con sisten t view b u t w as o n e that b o th staff and clien ts shared . R easo n s w o m en did n ot en g ag e w ith serv ices at 218 w ere n o t alw ay s clear. W om en so m etim es failed to turn up for one o r m ore o f th eir asse ssm en ts, d esp ite rep eated attem p ts from the assessm en t team to e n co u rag e con tact. C lien ts th em selv es said p eo p le did n ot en g ag e un til they w ere read y to d o so and that the three assessm en ts w ere a usefu l m ean s o f d eterm in in g w ho w as ready.

S e rv ic e p ro vision 218 is a d istin ctiv e sen d ee w h ich p ro v id es 'h o listic' care fo r w o m en in v o lv ed w ith the crim in al ju stice system . S erv ices in clu d e health care, p rescrib in g , p sy ch o lo g ical and p sy ch iatric serv ices, altern ativ e th erap ies su ch as acu p u n ctu re and m assag e, as w ell as access to relev an t self-h elp reso u rces such as A lco h o lics A n o n y m o u s or N arcotics A n o n y m o u s, em o tio n al and p ractical su p p o rt o n an in d iv id u al and group basis, and stru ctu red p ro g ram m es. S erv ices w ere av ailab le on a resid en tial b asis or as a d ay p ro g ram m e, d ep en d in g o n the n eed s of the in d iv id u al client. Im p o rtan tly for the clien ts, tim in g for serv ices w ere flexible. P ro g ram m es cou ld take into acco u n t the p erso n al c ircu m stan ces o f the w o m en , and o th er a g en cy p rov id ers recogn ised the im p o rtan ce o f the broad rem it o f serv ices at 218: W ell, the ov erall thing is to try and d eal w ith roo t cau ses of w o m e n 's o ffen d in g and su b stan ce use. W h eth er th at be m en tal h ealth p ro b lem s or h o u sin g , p o v erty or an y relatio n sh ip issu es or w hatever. It's to try and ad d ress and tackle the ro o t cau ses ... (H ealth professio n al) S taff p erceiv ed clie n t in p u t as a m ean s b o th o f e m p o w e rin g w o m en and o f b u ild in g re latio n sh ip s w ith them :

100

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... w e are su p p o sed to be tak in g a p e rso n cen tred ap p ro ach and inv olv ed in n eg otiatio n and co m m u n icatio n , it's n o t 'rig h t com e in, sit d o w n , I'll do th is up for you and h e re 's w h at y o u 're g o in g to d o '. It w o u ld n 't help to b u ild relatio n sh ip s if w e cam e at it from that sid e, so yes, th e w o m an sh ou ld be in v o lv ed all the w ay alo ng in the p ro cess and h av e a say, h av e an o p in io n , and is entitled to all that. (R esid en tial sta ff m em b er) A n u m b e r o f factors seem ed to set 218 ap art from o th e r serv ices. For the m o st p a rt this cen tred o n the q u ality o f th e re latio n sh ip b etw een clien ts and staff. T h is is n ot to say th at q u ality re latio n sh ip s do not d ev elo p elsew h ere; rather, re latio n sh ip s co m p rised the m ain focu s o f th e serv ice at 218. A n o th e r d ifferen ce w as its focu s on w om en . Literatu re on fem ale o ffen d ers co n tin u ally em p h asises the need for p ro g ram m es d esig n ed sp ecially fo r w o m en rath e r than m erely ad ap ted from a m ale-cen tred treatm en t m od el or 'ad d ed o n ' to p ro g ram m es for m en (see for exam p le B loo m et al.. 2003; C o v in g to n 1998). T h e p ro g ram m e at 218 w as d esig n ed w ith th is in m in d , b u ild in g on w o rk th at had been started in the T u rn arou n d 5 p ro je ct for w om en w ith ad d ictio n s. T h e em p h asis w as b o th on d eliv erin g a p ro g ram m e d esign ed sp ecifically for w o m en and , at least as im portan tly, creatin g a safe en v iro n m en t in w h ich to d eliv er it.

A ‘w o m e n o n ly ’ se rvice R esp o n ses from clien ts w ere slig h tly m ixed on the need for an all­ fem ale en v iro n m en t. C riticism s referred to the 'b itch in e ss' o f an a ll­ fem ale en v iro n m en t and the need for a m ale p resen ce to tem p er this. In co n trast, som e w o m en ind icated th at their tim e at 218 had p ro v id ed the first o p p o rtu n ity to d ev elo p m ean in g fu l relatio n sh ip s w ith o th er w om en . O v erall, b oth clien ts and sta ff w ere su p p o rtiv e o f a w om en only serv ice (see also R u m g ay 2004). O n e clien t com m en ted that '. .. a lot o f the w o m en are q u ite v u ln e rab le w h en they are co m in g off d ru g s, and the gu ys kn o w that, and th ey take ad v an tag e o f th a t', w h ile a m em b er o f resid en tial staff said that 'ap art from an y th in g else, it giv es the w o m en tim e ... to con cen trate on th e m se lv e s.' R e latio n sh ip s w ith the (few ) m en w h o w o rk ed at 218 w ere p articu larly im p o rtan t in this con text, as on e clie n t d escribed :

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W ith it b e in g a w o m e n only p ro ject, b e ca u se I h av e g o t a lo t o f issu es w ith m en , w hich m ak es this p lace so m u ch better, and so m u ch safer, w h ich I th in k a lot o f p eo p le h av e to b e h o n est w ith yo u . T h a t's w h y I th in k it w o rk s so w ell, b e ca u se it's all w o m en ... T h ey keep it to a m in im u m o f m en on the sta ff as y o u know , and ev en th en the m ale sta ff are fine, I d o n 't know , th ey seem to hand p ick them ... W om en activ ely praised the reg im e at 218 and believ ed it ad d ressed their n eed s. S o m e criticism w as m ad e o f p o licies reg ard in g fam ily c o n tact and tim e ou t o f the b u ild in g for resid en tial serv ice u sers, b u t m o st w o m e n also u n d ersto o d and accep ted reason s fo r restrictio n s. S taff also b eliev ed the su p p o rt at 218 w as ap p rop riate and that its stren gth lay in the em p h asis o n re latio n sh ip s w ith serv ice u sers. Som e m em b ers o f sta ff w ere co n cern ed that a tim e-lim ited serv ice relegated the resid en tial u n it to crisis in terv en tio n , thou gh lo n g er-term su p p o rt w as av ailab le th ro u g h the d ay p ro g ram m e. T h e su p p o rt av ailab le to help w o m en ad d ress p ro b lem atic su b stan ce u se, fro m b o th h ealth and ad d ictio n w o rk ers, w as seen as a cru cial co m p o n en t o f the serv ice. T h e av ailab ility o f o n g oin g s u p p o rt w as im p o rtan t in the p rev en tio n o f relapse. In terv iew s w ith all resp o n d en ts illu strated the im p o rtan t co rrelatio n b etw e e n su b stan ce use and offen d in g. N otably, 52 w o m en (83% o f those in terv iew ed ) said th eir d ru g use a n d /o r alco h o l use had d ecreased or stop p ed (m ostly the latter) at the tim e o f interview . R ed u cin g or e n d in g su b stan ce use w as con sid ered an im p o rtan t w ay o f red u cin g o r en d in g o ffen d in g b eh av io u r, as o th er research su g g ests (H o u g h et al. 2003; M clv o r 2004b ). T h is also had a sig n ifican t im p act on o th er areas o f the w o m e n 's liv es, w ith 42 w o m en (67% o f th o se in terv iew ed ) p ro v id in g sp ecific exam p les o f d irect im p ro v em en ts to their health and w e ll-b e in g as a resu lt o f atten d in g 218.

C h ild c a r e issues W h ile 218 can access facilities for ch ild ren w h ile w o m en atten d dayp ro g ram m es, the resid en tial u n it had no p ro v isio n fo r child ren . T h e literatu re is d iv id ed reg ard in g assistan ce w ith ch ild care fo r w o m en in treatm en t. B loom and M cD iarm id (2000) n o te that e n g ag em en t w ith fam ilies, p articu larly w ith ch ild ren , can be h ig h ly effectiv e in p ro g ram m es fo r w o m en . C h ap p ie (2000: 34) states th at 'in v o lv in g the ch ild ren o f a fem ale o ffen d er in a resid en tial p ro g ram o ften 102

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h elp s to keep the w o m an in tre a tm e n t', in w h ich case th e w o m an h e rse lf should retain p rim ary resp o n sib ility for her ch ild ren , and any resid en tial facility m u st b e d esig n ed to serv e the ch ild ren as w ell as the m oth er. C ritics o f this ap p roach (i.e. resp o n d en ts in terv iew ed in Fairw eath er, L o u cks and M clv o r 2003) exp ressed co n cern ab o u t the d isru p tio n fo r ch ild ren . If a w o m an fails to com p lete a p rog ram m e, for exam p le, the child as w ell as the m o th er m u st leave, and the child m ay feel h e or she has som eh o w failed . O th er au th o rs, such as Ja co b s (2000), arg u e that w o m en need to focu s on th em selv es first, th en m ov e grad u ally to w ard s reu n ificatio n w ith th eir child ren . N o n -resid en tial p ro g ram m es tend to be o rg anised in this way. S o m e p ro g ram m es offer ch ild care on site, th o u g h o th er serv ice p ro v id ers b e lie v e th is is too d istractin g for p ro g ram m e p articip an ts (see d iscu ssio n in Fairw eath er, L oucks and M clv o r 2003). O th er p ro g ram m es p ro v id e ch ild care allo w an ces for the w o m en . The A sh a C en tre for W om en in E n g lan d , for e xam p le, g iv es w o m en the o p tio n o f an o n -site crèch e or an allo w an ce to arran g e th eir ow n ch ild care (R u m g ay 2004). T h e o n -site crèch e en ab les sta ff to w atch the ch ild re n 's b eh av io u r and to o ffer m o th ers in fo rm atio n and assistan ce. T h e logic b eh in d 2 1 8 's d ecision n o t to p ro v id e facilities for ch ild ren w as b ased o n a n u m b e r o f p ractical co n sid eratio n s. First, the staff noted that the w o m en w ho com e to 218 need tim e to co n cen trate on th em selv es rath e r th an o n d ealin g w ith th eir child ren . S eco n d , th ey b e lie v e d ch ild care facilities sh ou ld b e d esig n ed sp ecifically for ch ild ren and n o t as an 'ad d -o n ' to a facility d esig n ed to ad d ress crim in al ju stice issues: the b e lie f w as th at ch ild ren sh o u ld h av e su p p o rt in th eir o w n rig h t rath er than becau se o f the statu s o f their p aren ts. C h ild p ro tectio n w as a con cern here, n o t least b e ca u se o f the ch ao tic and u n p red ictab le b eh av io u r o f the clie n t group. P erhap s su rp risin g ly the clien ts agreed w ith this ap p ro ach , and o n ly one exp ressed d ifficu lty in m ak in g arran g em en ts for h er child ren.

L in k in g w o m e n w ith o th e r se rvic e s C reatin g a h o listic serv ice to ad d ress the n eed s o f fem ale o ffen d ers is an am b itio u s p ro sp ect and n o t w ith o u t its d ifficu lties. A w areness o f 218 in itially seem ed lim ited am o n g st ag en cies that w ere exp ected to h av e a keen in terest in the p ro g ram m es there. S taff w ere requ ired to in crease the profile o f 218 w h ile, at the sam e tim e, attem p tin g to link w o m en in w ith o th er serv ices. T h is situ atio n g rad u ally im p ro v ed , and 103

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218 staff co n tin u e to m ak e activ e attem p ts to in fo rm key ag en cies and serv ices o f their w ork. L in k s w ith serv ices to en ab le w o m en to m ov e on from 218 w ere g en erally go od . T w en ty -o n e o f the w o m en in terv iew ed ind icated th at they had been referred to o th er serv ices fro m 218, in clu d in g cou n sellin g , train in g or o th er su p p o rt. M o re co n sisten t p ro blem s existed in term s o f fin d in g su itab le h o u sin g for serv ice u sers and to som e (often related ) exten t, accessin g com m u n ity -b ased p rescribin g serv ices and ad d ictio n w ork ers. N ev erth eless sixteen w o m en said th at 218 had help ed them find stable acco m m o d atio n , w h en it had p rev io u sly b een u n stable. P ro b lem s w h ich arose w ere g en erally due to d ifficu lties en su rin g ap p ro p riate p ro v isio n w as av ailab le w here and w h en it w as n eed ed , o ften at fairly sh o rt n otice.

O u t c o m e s and effectiveness T h e effectiv en ess o f a serv ice like 218 is o ften d ifficu lt to m easu re in qu an tifiab le term s, p articu larly in lig h t o f its bro ad rem it and ch an g es in its stru ctu re o v er the cou rse o f the initial e v alu atio n . S tatistics reg ard in g ch an g es in sen ten cin g p attern s and crim in al ju stice ou tcom es w ere n o t av ailab le d u rin g th e ev alu atio n , as any m ean in g fu l attem p t to e stab lish reco n v ictio n d ata requ ires a tw o -y ea r follow up period . N o n eth eless, in te rv ie w s w ith sen ten cers and p ro secu to rs sh o w ed that they m ak e use o f 218 and v alu e it as a resou rce. In in d iv id u al cases, referrals to 218, th ro u g h d iv ersio n from p ro secu tio n or d irect bail, o ften su ccessfu lly p rev en ted fem ale offen d ers from en terin g custody, at least in the sh o rt term , and w o m e n w h o en g ag e w ith serv ices at 218 w'ill lik ely av oid cu sto d y in the sh o rt and lo n g er term . Im p o rtan tly staff at 218 v iew ed relap se as a n o rm al p art o f reco v ery and w orked to re-en g ag e the w o m en rath er th an lab el th em as failu res. T h e ab sen ce o f m easu rab le o u tco m es m ad e cost-effectiv en ess im p o ssib le to assess d u rin g the cou rse o f the e v alu atio n . C o m p ariso n s o f costs, how ev er, d eterm in ed th at the av erag e co st p er e n g ag em en t at 218 (£7,701), e q u alled the co st o f 2.6 m o n th s in p rison . T h e av erage len gth o f stay at 218 w as 2.6 m o n th s, b u t th is is b ased o n ly on those cases w h ere co m p lete in fo rm atio n w as av ailable. D ata on the length o f tim e sp en t at the p roject w ere m issin g or in com p lete for ju st o v er h a lf o f the w om en , o ften b ecau se they w ere still eng aged w ith the p roject. T h is e v alu atio n and o th e r p rev io u s research d em o n strated n u m ero u s b en efits asso ciated w ith the ran g e and level o f serv ices

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p ro v id ed at 218 w h ich are n o t offered o v er the cou rse o f sh o rt-term cu stod ial sen ten ces. H ow ever, lim itin g m easu rem en ts to q u an tifiab le and im m ed iate crim in al ju stice o u tco m es m isses the con trib u tio n 218 w as lik ely to m ak e to lo n g er-term crim e p rev en tio n and to the lives o f the w om en .

C o n c lu s io n s R esearch clearly sh o w s th at su b stan ce m isu se is o ften cen tral to w o m e n 's o ffen d in g , b u t also that this can n o t be ad d ressed in iso latio n from the co n textu al facto rs th at b o th in itiate and p erp etu ate this. A d d ressin g w o m e n 's ad d ictio n s is critical bo th to red u ce their in v o lv e m e n t in offen d in g and to ad d ress the ov erarch in g ch ao s in th eir liv es. T h e co n te x t o f w o m e n 's liv es d iffer sig n ifican tly from m an y m e n 's and co n seq u en tly requ ires d ifferen t ap p roach es in the d ev elo p m en t o f ap p ro p riate services. P ro jects su ch as the 218 C en tre in G lasgo w d em o n strate the valu e o f a w o m an -cen tred ap p ro ach to the clien ts w h o use it, ev en w here its im p act is d ifficu lt to m easu re in qu an tifiab le term s. T h e cen trality o f relatio n sh ip s in e n g ag in g w o m e n w ith ad d ictio n s, in co n ju n ctio n w ith a flexible and com p reh en siv e serv ice, w as cru cial acco rd in g to w o rk ers, w o m en u sin g the serv ice and o th er agen cies. P ro gram m es in th em selv es are o f little u se u n less th ey are located w ith in a co n text that is co n d u civ e to e n g a g e m e n t and m eet the b ro ad er issu es that ap p ear to ch aracterise the lives o f w o m en cau g h t up in the crim in al ju stice sy stem , n am ely trau m a, ad d ictio n , and fam ily issues.

N o te s 1 A further seven w om en have since died at C ornton Vale. 2 Turning Point is a non-governm ental drug su pport service currently contracted to m anage 218. 3 Self-referral is no longer possible d ue to increased em phasis on the crim inal ju stice rem it o f the Centre. 4 This figure inclu des alcohol use, w hich tended to co st m uch less or be acquired through theft. 5 Turnaround w as a specific project w ithin Turning P oint Scotland for fem ale drug users in the crim inal justice system .

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R e fe r e n c e s A ddaction (2005) A ftercare Consultation 2005: T he Service User Perspective. London: A ddaction. A udit C om m ission (2002) C hanging H abits: The Com m issioning and M anagem ent o f Com m unity D rug Treatment Seroices fo r A dults. London: A udit C om m ission. Bloom , B. (2005) Creating G ender-Responsive Services fo r Women in the Crim inal ju stice System : From Research to Practice. Paper presented at conference 'W hat Works w ith W om en O ffend ers' U niversity of M onash, Prato, Italy, July 2005. Bloom , B. and C ovington, S. (1998) G ender-Specific Program m ing fo r Fem ale O ffenders: W hat is it and W hy is it Im portant? Paper presented at the 50th A nnual M eeting of the A m erican Society o f Crim inology, W ashington, D C., N ovem ber. Bloom , B. and M cD iarm id, A. (2000) 'G ender-responsive Supervision and Program m ing for W om en offenders in the Com m unity.' In Responding to W omen O ffenders in the Com m unity. W ashington DC: N ational Institute of C orrections. Bloom . B., O w en, B. and C ovington, S. (2003). G ender Responsive Strategies: Research, P ractice and G uiding Principles fo r Women O ffenders. U S D epartm ent of Justice: N ational Institute of C orrections. C ann, J. (2006) C ognitive Skills Program m es: Im pact on R educing Reconviction A m ong a Sam ple o f Fem ale Prisoners. London: H om e O ffice Findings 276. Carlen, P. (1990) A lternatives to Women's Im prisonm ent. M ilton K eynes: O pen U niversity Press. Chappie, K. (2000) 'C om m u nity Residential Program m ing for Fem ale O ffenders and Their C hild ren.' In Responding to Women O ffenders in the Com m unity. W ashington DC: N ational Institute of C orrections, USA. Cook, S. and D avies, S. (eds.) (1999) H arsh Punishm ent: International Experiences o f W om en’s Im prisonm ent. Boston, M A: N ortheastern U niversity Press. Covington, S. (1998) 'H elping W om en R eco v er', Correctional Journal. N ew York: Jossey-Bass. Covington, S. and Bloom , B. (2004) Creating G ender Responsive Services in Correctional Settings: Context and considerations, Paper presented at 2004 A m erican Society of Crim inology Conference, N ashville, N ovem ber 1 7 20 . D epartm ent o f Correctional Services (2002). Illicit D rugs and Correctional Services. Issues Paper for South A ustralian D rugs Sum m it (unpublished). D obash, R. and G utteridge, S. (1986) The Im prisonm ent o f W omen. London: Blackw ell. D rugscope (2005). Using W omen. London: D rugscope. E ffective Interventions U nit (2002) Integrated Care fo r D rug Users: Principles and Practice. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive.

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Eley, S., M allo ch , M ., M clvor, G ., Yates, R. and B row n, A. (2002). Glasgow 's P ilot D rug C ourt in A ction : T he F irst Six M on ths. E d inbu rgh : Scottish E xecu tive. E M C D D A (2001). A n O verview Study: A ssistan ce to D rug U sers in E uropean P risons. P ortugal: E u rop ean M o n ito rin g C en tre for D ru gs and D ru g A dd iction. Fairw eath er, C ., L ou cks, N ., and M clvor, G. (2003) A irborn e Initiative: D evelopm ent o f P rogram m es f o r F em ale O ffen ders. U n p u b lish ed report prepared for the A irb orn e Initiative. B raid w o od : A irborn e Initiative. Fow ler, V. (2001). D rug S ervices f o r Youth an d W om en in P risons in Europe. L ondon : E N D SP and C ran sto u n D ru g Serv ices. G elsth o rp e, L and M o rris, A. (1990) Fem in ist P erspectives in Crim inology. M ilton K eynes: O p en U n iversity Press. HM In sp ecto rate o f P risons for Scotland (2004) H M P an d YO I C ornton Vale. E d inbu rgh : S co ttish E xecu tive. HM In sp ecto rate o f P rison s for Scotland (2006) R eport on H M P an d Y O I C ornton Vale. E d in bu rgh : Scottish E xecu tive. H ollow ay, K ., B en net, T. and Farrin gto n , D. (2005). T he E ffectiven ess o f C rim in al Ju stice an d Treatm ent P rogram m es in R edu cin g D ru g-R elated C rim e: A S ystem atic Review . L ondon : H om e O ffice O n lin e R ep ort 2 6 /0 5 . H om e O ffice (2003). T he S u bstan ce M isu se Treatm ent N eeds o f M in ority P rison er G roups: W om en, Young O ffen ders an d E thnic M in orities. H om e O ffice D ev elo p m en t and P ractice R ep o rt 8. L ondon : H o m e O ffice. H om e O ffice (2004). Statistics on W om en an d the C rim in al Ju stice System 2003. L ondon : S tatio n ary O ffice. H ough, M ., Clancy, A ., M cSw eeney, T. and Turnbull, P. (2003) T he Im pact o f D rug Treatm ent an d Testing O rders on O ffen din g: Two Year R econviction R esults. L ondon : H om e O ffice F in d in gs 184. H ow ard L eague for P en al R efo rm (2000). A C hance to B reak the H abit: W om en an d the D rug Treatm ent an d Testing Order. L ondon : H ow ard L eague. H u m e, L. (2001). P rogram m in g f o r S u bstan ce A b u sin g W om en O ffenders. C an ada: C o rrection al S erv ices C anada. In ter-agen cy Foru m on W om en 's O ffen d in g (2001) S econ d Year R eport, E d inbu rgh : S co ttish E xecu tive Ju stice D ep artm ent. In tern ation al C en tre for P riso n Stu d ies (2005) W orld P rison Brief, L ondon : K ings C o lleg e L o n d o n , h t t p :/ /w w w .k c l.a c .u k /d e p s ta /re l/ic p s /w o r ld b r ie f Jaco b s, A. (2000) 'G iv e 'em a F igh tin g C h an ce: T h e C h allen g es for W om en O ffen d ers T rying to S u cceed in the C o m m u n ity ,' In R espon din g to W om en O ffen ders in the C om m un ity. W ashington D C: N atio n al In stitu te of C orrections. K o ons, B., Burrow , J., M o rash , M . and B yn u m , T. (1997). 'E x p e rt and O ffen d er P ercep tio n s o f Program E lem en ts L in ked to S u ccessfu l O u tco m es for In carcerated W om en', C rim e and D elinquency, 43 (4): 5 1 2 -3 2 .

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L ou cks, N . (1998) H M P I C ornton Vale: R esearch into D rugs an d A lcohol, V iolence and B ullying, Su icides an d Self-Injury, an d B ackgroun ds o f A buse. O ccasion al P ap er 1 /9 8 . E d inbu rgh : S co ttish P rison Service. L oucks, N. (2004) 'W om en in P riso n ', In G. M clv o r (ed.) W om en W ho O ffend. L ondon : Jessica K in gsley P u b lish ers, 1 42-58. L oucks, N ., M allo ch , M ., M clvor, G. and G elsth o rp e, L. (2006) E valuation o f the 218 Centre. E d inbu rgh : S co ttish E xecu tive. M alloch , M . (2000) W om en, D rugs and C ustody: T he experien ces o f ivom en drug users in prison. W inchester: W atersid e Press. M allo ch , M . (2004a) 'W om en , D ru g U se and the C rim in al Ju stice S y stem '. In G. M clv o r (ed.) W om en W ho O ffend. L ondon: Jessica K in gsley P ublishers R esearch H ig h lig h ts 44. M allo ch , M . (2004b) 'M issin g O ut: G en der, D ru gs and Ju stice '. Probation Jou rn al, 51 (4): 2 9 5 -3 0 8 . M allo ch , M ., Eley, S., M clvor, G ., B eaton, K. and Yates, R. (2003) T he Fife D rug C ourt in A ction : The First Six M on ths. E d inbu rgh : S co ttish E xecu tive. M cC am p b ell, S. (2005). G en der-R espon sive S trategies f o r W om en O ffenders. W ashington DC: U S D ep artm en t o f Ju s tic e /N a tio n a l Institu te of C orrections. M cD on ald , M . (2004) A Stu dy o f E xistin g D rug S ervices an d S trategies O perating in P risons in Ten C ountries fro m C en tral an d Eastern Europe. W arsaw , P oland : C ran sto u n D ru g Serv ices, C en tral and E astern E u ro p ean N etw o rk o f D rug S erv ices in Prison. M clvor, G. (ed) (2004a) W om en W ho O ffend. L ondon: Jessica K ingsley P ublishers. M clvor, G. (2004b) R econviction Follow in g D rug Treatm ent an d Testing O rders. E d inbu rgh : S co ttish E xecu tive Social R esearch M clvor, G ., B arn sd ale, L., Eley, S., M allo ch , M ., Yates, R. and B row n, A. (2006) The O peration A n d E ffectiven ess O f The Scottish D rug Court Pilots: F inal report to the Scottish execu tive ju stice departm en t. E d inbu rgh : Scottish E xecu tive. N atio n al O ffen d er M an ag em en t Serv ice (2005) P opulation in C ustody, Ju ly 2005. L ondon : H om e O ffice. P op h am , F., B row n, A ., Eley, S., M alloch , M ., M clv or, G ., M urray, C., P iacen tin i, L., W alters, R., M urray, L., C h ristie, A . and R u ffell, R. (2005) E valu atio n o f the H am ilto n S h e riff Y outh C o u rt, R ep o rt to the Sco ttish E xecu tive Ju stice D ep artm ent. E d inbu rgh : Sco ttish E xecu tive. R am sey, M . (ed.) (2003) P risoners' D rug U se and Treatm ent: Seven R esearch Studies. L ondon : H om e O ffice R esearch S tu d y 267. R um gay, J. (2004). T he A sha C en tre: R eport o f an E valuation . L o n d on : L o nd on S ch o ol o f E conom ics. S cottish D ru gs Forum (2003) Subm ission to the Scottish E xecutive Revieiv o f Treatm ent and R ehabilitation S ervices, E d inbu rgh : SDF. S cottish E xecu tiv e (2002). A B etter W ay: T he R eport o f the M in isterial G roup on W omen's O ffending. E d inbu rgh : S co ttish E xecu tive.

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Scottish Executive (2006) Prison Statistics Scotland, 2005/06. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Social W ork Services and Prisons Inspectorate for Scotland (1998) Women O ffenders - A Safer Way: A Review o f Com m unity D isposals and the Use o f Custody f o r W omen O ffenders in Scotland. Edinburgh: Scottish Office. Taylor, R. (2004). Women in Prison and Children o f Im prisoned M others: Prelim inary Research Paper. Geneva: Q uakers U nited N ations Office. Wood, T. (2005) 'The Im portance of Sm all Things'. Paper presented at Tackling Reoffending in Scotland. M acK ay and H annah in association w ith N apier University, 23 M ay 2005, Carlton H otel, Edinburgh.

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Chapter 6

Offending behaviour p ro gram m e s for w o m e n offenders Sue Pearce

In tro d u ctio n In the N ational Probation Service for England and W ales only offending behav iou r program m es accredited by the ind ep endent Correctional Services A ccred itation Panel are delivered to offenders. W hilst m ost such program m es have been adapted for use w ith w om en and have subsequ ently been accredited for use w ith w om en offenders, the program m es have generally been based on research into the crim inogenic need and m ost effective w ays of w orking with m ale offenders and there has been debate on their suitability for w om en. R ecent initiatives have looked at the em erging evidence base o f crim inogenic need for d esistence in fem ale offenders and the d evelopm ent o f program m es specifically for w om en. H ow ever practical difficulties m ake d elivery of such program m es in the com m unity challenging. This chapter is based on a p aper delivered at the conference 'W h at w orks w ith w om en offend ers' in Prato, Italy, Ju n e 2 0 -2 2 , 2005 (K enned y and Pearce, 2005). The p ap er exam ined som e of the practical issues involved in d elivery o f the 'W h at W orks' agenda to w om en offenders in the com m u nity in England and Wales. The paper outlines the arrangem en ts for accred iting program m es for w om en offenders in England and W ales, em erging inform ation from the O ffend er A ssessm ent System (O A Sys) in relation to w om en offenders and som e o f the 'u nintentional negative con sequ en ces' o f seeking to deliver gen der specific program m es for w om en offenders in England and Wales.

Offending behaviour program m es for w om en offenders

T h e P ro b a tio n Service The Probation Service o f England and W ales is responsible for both m an aging the offend er in line w ith national standards (both subject to a com m u nity sentence and for those w ith longer custod ial sentences on release on licence) and d eliverin g a range o f interventions (som etim es delivered in partnership w ith other organisations). A com m unity sentence can include one or m ore specified requ irem ents, for exam ple a requirem ent to attend an offend ing behaviou r program m e accredited by the C orrectional Services A ccred itation Panel. All offend ers are assessed pre-sentence using O A Sys (O ffender A ssessm ent System - an assessm en t tool developed to provide a com m on offender assessm ent, risk m an agem en t and sen tence planning system in the correctional services for ad ults in England and W ales.): C rim in ogenic needs are ... d ynam ic attributes o f an offender that, w hen changed , are associated with changes in the probability o f recidivism . N on crim inogenic need s are also d ynam ic and changeable, but these changes are not necessarily associated w ith the probability of recidivism (A ndrew s and Bonta 1994: 176 in H ollin and P alm er 2003). From this analysis a sentence plan is developed to reduce the risk of harm posed by the offender, and the likelihood of reoffending, by ad dressing the crim inogenic need and enhan cing protective factors. O ne m ethod o f d elivery o f som e targets for change in the sentence plan is the offend ing behaviou r program m e. N on-crim in ogenic needs m ay also be addressed in the sentence plan, for exam ple if they are associated with the ability to access the program m e.

A c c re d ite d p ro g ra m m e s The P robation Service in England and W ales has been strongly com m itted to the 'W h at W orks' agenda for m any years. The C orrectional Services A ccred itation Panel (C SA P) is an ind ep endent panel of international academ ics and experts in the crim inal ju stice field that exists to assess the quality o f program m es subm itted to it by the prison and probation services against published criteria o f w hat is m ost likely to achieve effective reduction in re­ offending. The criteria include:

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

• A clear m odel o f change: an explicit m odel explaining how the program m e is intended to bring about relevant change in the offend er group (the theoretical basis o f the program m e); • H ow offenders w ill be selected as suitable for this particular program m e and the characteristics of those not be suitable and how these w ould be identified; • Targeting a range o f dynam ic risk factors: how these have been identified as likely to im pact on offending for this particular group of offenders; • The use o f effective m ethods: how these have been dem onstrated to be effective w ith this offend er group; • T h at the program m e is skills orientated; • H ow the program m e will be sequenced w ith other interventions, its d ensity (how m any sessions a w eek are delivered) and d uration (how long the program m e takes to com plete); • H ow offend er engagem ent and m otivation w ill be addressed; • H ow the program m e and learning from the program m e will be reinforced as part o f the w ider com m u nity order by the offender m anager or others; • H ow program m e integrity is to be m aintained . P rogram m es are m anualised and m u st be delivered as designed. A ll sessions are vid eoed so that a treatm ent m an ager can quality assure d elivery by the tutors. Tutors undergo specific training to d eliver the program m e and only those so trained m ay d eliver it; • H ow the program m e w ill be subject to ongoing evaluation. O ngoing pre- and post-p rogram m e p sychom etrics are used as a proxy m easure of outcom e w ith targeted reconviction studies. The C orrectional Services A ccred itation Panel w ill not accredit program m es that do not 'd em onstrate in relation to the full range o f the accred itation criteria that approp riate consid eration has been given to diversity issues'. The P robation Service is com m itted to ensuring that all offenders are treated fairly and w ith respect. T his inclu des ensuring that fem ale offend ers are able to approp riately access the full range of sentencing options av ailable to the cou rts in clu ding offend ing behaviou r

O ffending behaviour p ro gram m e s for w o m e n offenders

p ro g ram m es. H o w e v e r eq u ality o f access is n o t su fficien t; m ak in g e q u ality o f o u tco m e a reality th at m ay need d ifferen t ap p roach es a n d / or ad d itio n al su p p o rt. T h e P ro b atio n S erv ice also w o rk s clo se ly w ith H er M a je sty 's P riso n S erv ice (H M P S) and o th er p artn er o rg an isatio n s to d eliv er serv ices to offend ers.

W h a t w o r k s fo r w o m e n offen ders? T h e P ro b atio n S erv ice is th erefo re com m itted to the d ev e lo p m e n t o f o ffen d in g beh av iou r p ro g ram m es firm ly based in the 'W h a t W orks' literatu re, that is th ey are b ased on a sou nd ev id en ce ab o u t w h at is m o st likely to ach iev e ch an g e and d esisten ce. H ow ever, m u ch o f the research in to the e ffectiv en ess o f offen d in g b e h a v io u r p ro g ram m es is b ased on m eta-an aly ses o f stu d ies o f m ale o ffen d ers. T h e crim in o g en ic n eed s h av e in the m ain b een id entified for m ale o ffen d ers and there is d eb ate as to w h eth er the crim in o g en ic n eed s for fem ale o ffen d ers are the sam e (H o llin and Palm er, 2003). U n til recen tly the e v id en ce b ase on the u n iq u en ess o f 'crim in o g en ic n e e d s' fo r w o m en has been lim ited com p ared to that o f m en. T his has resu lted in a trend to 'a d a p t' p ro g ram m e m aterial in a bid to m ak e p ro g ram m es m ore resp o n siv e to the n eed s o f fem ale offend ers. H o w ev er g en erally sp eak in g w o m e n 's p attern s o f o ffen d in g can be d em o n strated to b e d ifferen t from that o f m en . A n aly sis o f n atio n al (E n glan d and W ales) d ata estab lish es th at they are less likely to co m m it crim e or b e in v o lv ed in the crim in al ju stice sy stem or to serve a cu stod ial sen ten ce, and are p ro p o rtio n ate ly less lik ely to be co n v icted o f o th er ty p es o f o ffen ce (H om e O ffice, 2002). T h ere m ay b e d ifferen t p ath w ay s in to and o u t o f o ffen d in g ev id en ced b y the age o f first con v ictio n , b ein g m o re likely to be con v icted o n ly o n ce and to h av e sh o rte r crim in al careers. T h is to g eth er w ith the d ifferen ces in crim in o g en ic need w ou ld su g g e st th at d ifferen t facto rs should b e p rio ritised as treatm en t targets. T h ere m ay b e d ifferen ces w ith in each need as com p ared to m en , su g g e stin g d ifferen t treatm en t targets w ith in sp ecific in terv en tio n s, and there m ay be g en d er sp ecific n eed s su g g e stin g sp ecific ad d itio n al in terv en tio n s, for exam p le w ith e x p erien ce o f v ictim isatio n , as w o m en rep o rt h igh levels o f child hoo d and ad u lt abuse. O A Sy s p ro v id es a stru ctu red clin ical and actu arial assessm en t o f tw elv e areas o f crim in o g en ic need and id en tifies lik elih o o d o f reo ffen d in g b y a ran g e o f static and d y n am ic risk facto rs, and risk o f h arm in d icato rs. T h e train ed asse sso r assig n s a score to m an y o f the

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

questions, guided by extensive d ocu m entation, and the total score for each dom ain (area of need) can be calculated. A nalysis o f data in 2005 o f d istribution of the eleven crim inogenic need indicators show ed m any sim ilarities but som e v ariation betw een m ale and fem ale offenders: • The m ost frequ ent crim inogenic needs o f fem ale offenders w ere edu cation, training and em ployability; and relationships and em otional w ell-being; • Fem ale offenders had greater frequencies o f crim inogenic need than m ales in relationships and em otional w ell-being, and to a lesser extent in edu cation, training and em ploym ent, financial m an agem en t and drug m isuse; • M ale offend ers had greater frequencies o f crim inogenic need in offend ing inform ation; based on crim inal history, alcohol m isuse, thinking and behav iou r and to a lesser extent attitu d es; • W hile fem ale offend ers had a slightly higher m ean n u m ber o f needs, these tended to be in areas less associated w ith recidivism , resulting an a low er m ean score on O A Sys pred ictor of reconviction. 'It is plau sible that there are facto rs solely associated ivith offending by w om en' C rim inogenic facto rs am ong w om en offenders (H ollin and Palmer, 2003). W ith this in m ind, the prison service and the N ational Probation Service have been w orking together, since 2003, on a shared com m itm ent 'to enable fem ale offend ers to participate in a range o f accredited program m es in custod y or the com m u nity or a com bination of both settin g s' (Joint H M PS and N PD Strategy Paper, 2003). The Governm ent's Strategy f o r W omen O ffenders w as published for con su ltation in 2000 and a report on the con su ltation w as published in Septem ber 2001. The report identified a range o f factors that affect w o m en 's offending: • • • • • •

H ealth H ousing C arer issues (especially child care) Substance m isuse H istories o f abuse Poverty

O ffending behaviour p ro gram m es for w o m e n offenders

Table 6.1

C rim inogen ic needs by sex of offend er (from O A Sys com pleted

2 0 0 3 /2 0 0 4 ) Section

% o f offenders w ith crim inogenic need Fem ale

M ale

1 and 2: O ffending inform ation 3: A ccom m odation 4: E ducation, training and em ployability 5: Financial m anagem ent and incom e 6: R elationships 7: L ifestyle and associates 8: D rug m isuse 9: A lcohol m isuse 10: E m otional w ell-being 11: T hinking and behaviou r 12: A ttitudes

33 36 61 31 59 37 37 24 60 44 18

57 34 56 23 35 39 29 37 39 55 25

M ean scores Total needs Total needs exclu ding section 1 and 2 Total w eighted score

4.41 4.08 56.7

4.29 3.72 63.8

T h e H o m e O ffice is com m itted to e n su rin g clo ser jo in t w o rk in g across g o v e rn m e n t d ep artm en ts to tackle w o m e n 's o ffen d in g and e n co u rag e the d ev elo p m en t o f m ore 'w o m en sp e cific' p ro g ram m es. T h e in n o v ativ e 'W o m en 's P ro g ram m e' d ev elo p ed by T3 A sso ciates (Fab ian o , V an D ieten and P oro rin o ) for the N atio n al P rob ation D irecto rate o f E n g lan d and W ales w as th e first p ro g ram m e to be d ev elo p ed for accred itatio n sp ecifically for w o m e n and is d eliv ered b y fem ale tutors. T h e p ro g ram m e is co n stru cted v ery d ifferen tly from p ro g ram m es accred ited fo r m en and is d esign ed to in tegrate cog n itiv e b e h av io u ral m eth o d s w ith m o tiv atio n al en h an ce m en t tech n iq u es in o rd er to m ax im ise effectiv en ess. It is d eliv ered in three p hases reflectin g m o tiv atio n al states: P h ase one: P re con tem p latio n to con tem p latio n ; P h ase tw o: C o n tem p latio n to actio n ; P hase three: A ctio n to m ain ten an ce;

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

It also inclu des tools specific to the program m e inclu ding a virtual 'group o f six' based on the lives and experiences o f som e o f the initial w om en offenders going through the pilot program m e. Feed back from tutors and offenders experiencing the program m e has been v ery positive. C om pletion nu m bers how ever are still too low to draw m any conclusions in term s of outcom e. W hilst u n derstand ing gender difference is im portant in reducing w o m en 's offend ing there are a n u m ber of tensions in program m e developm ent for w om en that require careful decisions to be m ade in order to offer the b est program m e provision to w om en offenders. A ll program m es accredited for d elivery in the com m u nity by the p robation service in England and W ales have been accredited for delivery to w om en and are available to w om en offenders except sex offend er program m es, d om estic abuse program m es for perpetrators, and one o f tw o anger m an agem en t program m es. E valuation of the program m es is on-going. A lthough com pletion nu m bers are sm all, analysis in 2005 of pre- and p o st-p sych om etric data (G eneral O ffending Behaviour P rogram m es, Interventions U nit, N ational O ffender M anagem ent Service, England and W ales) on w om en offenders com pleting offend ing behav iou r program m es in the com m u nity indicated that they w ere achieving change in the positive direction at least as m u ch as and on som e m easures w ere d oing better than, their m ale counterparts.

Im p le m e n ta tio n issues The com m itm ent to an evid ence-based practice for program m es for w om en offenders, and em erging evid ence based on offending by w om en and problem s of scale, give rise to d ilem m as around w hat is best practice for w orkin g w ith w om en offenders. W hilst the program m e m ay be excellent, if w e agree that preferred practice in 'W h at W orks' for w om en offend ers is the d evelopm ent of program m es on w hat is currently know n o f the ev id ence base, and im plem entation o f program m es specifically for w om en, there rem ain pragm atic d ecisions to be m ade. There are environm ental factors w hich im pact on the d elivery of w om en -on ly program m es. O utside large urban areas there are lim ited nu m bers o f fem ale offend ers for w om en-only groups. There are also issues o f geography, availability of transport and carer responsibilities. Som e probation areas have creatively addressed these issues but

O ffending behaviour p ro gram m es for w o m e n offenders

Table 6.2

Evaluation measures used

Treatm ent Target

M easure

• Poor d ecision m aking • Lacking of a lte rn a tiv es/ consequential thinking • Personal skills enhancem ent, d evelopm ent and m aintenance • Skills for expan din g connections and bu ild ing healthy relationships

• Social problem Solving Inventory (D 'Z u rrilla et al., 2003) • Im pulsivity Scale (Barratt et al., 1999) • E m otional C ontrol Q uestionnaire (Roger and N ajarian, 1989)

• Poor self m anagem ent

• Im pulsivity Scale (Barratt et al., 1999) • E m otional C ontrol Q uestionnaire (Roger and N ajarian, 1989)

• Pro-social attitud es and values

• C rim e-Pics (Frude et al., 1994)

• Enhancing m otivation for change • E ncouraging personal responsibility

• Stages of C hange Q uestionnaire (M cC onnaughy et al., 1983) • Locus o f C ontrol of behaviour (Craig et al., 1984)

they co n tin u e to im p act on the d eliv ery of w o m en -o n ly o ffen d in g b e h a v io u r p ro g ram m es. Issu es and ch allen g es in clu de: • e x ten d in g w aitin g tim e to start a g en d er sp ecific p ro g ram m e m ay lead to p oten tial loss o f m o tiv atio n to com p lete, co n trib u tin g to treatm en t d elay and the lik elih oo d o f n ew o ffen ces in the 'w aitin g tim e ' and co n se q u e n t cu stod ial sen ten ce; • exten d ed trav ellin g tim e, in creasin g the p u n ish m e n t co m p o n en t and so m e tim e s d ifficu lt to acco m m o d ate for som e w o m en w ho are the p rim e carers o f ch ild ren at sch o ol; • S o m e w o m e n m ay n o t share the p ro fe ssio n a l's con stru ct o f the v alu e o f w o m en o n ly g ro u p s and d o n o t w an t to b e d en ied access to the first av ailab le group p ro g ram m e, b elie v in g that m ixed g e n d e r is p referable to a long d elay ; • S o m e p ro fessio n als m ay n o t refer w o m en o ffen d ers to p ro g ram m es b elie v in g that the en fo rced d elay to start w o m en only p ro g ra m m e s/ exten d ed trav el d iscrim in ates ag ain st the w om an ;

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

• Lack o f referral m ay be linked to b eliefs of 'setting the w om an up to fail' either due to the factors above or by underestim ating her ability to m anage her other com m itm ents in such a w ay as to start and successfu lly com plete the program m e. P ragm atically this suggests that, due to problem s of scale, it m ay not alw ays be practical to run groupw ork program m es developed specifically for w om en everyw here, or even to d eliver program m es in w om en-only groups. To seek to do so in the face o f these contextual factors m ay have unintended negative consequ ences, inclu ding custod ial sentences for further offences or breach o f the order of the court, and lead to w om en offenders experiencing less p ositive outcom es than their m ale cou nterparts, not necessarily from a lesser im pact of the program m e but from the im plem entation of the program m e. In som e probation areas the flexibility provided by the accredited O ne to O ne program m e, developed for N ational Probation D irectorate (Priestly, 2002) w hile based on the crim inogenic need s o f m ale offenders is responsive to a range o f d iverse need s, and has been valu able in providing access to an accredited program m e, w here it m ay not be possible to provide a single gender group. It is how ever im portant that those involved b oth in decisions about program m e d evelopm ent for w om en and im plem entation o f such program m es in the com m u nity do not m ake unacceptable com prom ises. K enned y (2004) identified that the crucial balance is betw een 'W h at W orks' and 'w h at can be approp riately im p lem ented ' in order to achieve the m ost effective approach to reducing offending by w om en. In a jo in t prison and probation service p aper K ennedy (2004) identified four m ain areas of conflict. H om ogeneity versus heterogeneity

W om en offend ers are not an hom ogenous group. T hey m ay have different ethnic background s, m ay be lesbian or heterosexual, have different cultural and religious beliefs, be of different ages, or have need s in relation to d isability or as carers. For som e w om en one or m ore o f these characteristics m ay be m ore im portan t to how they experience service d elivery than their gender. For exam ple an older w om an m ay be m ore com fortable, and therefore perceive h erself to be in safer learning environm ent, in a group inclu ding o lder m en than in a single gender group w here all other participan ts are m uch younger. The actual n u m ber of w om en offenders (as com pared to

Offending behaviour program m es for w om en offenders

m en) supervised in the com m u nity is sm all (less than ten per cent) and will be at different stages in their sentence; thus, division in term s o f diversity prod uces v ery sm all nu m bers in any one probation area giving rise to real problem s o f scale. It m ay be approp riate for som e w om en to receive w om en -on ly group provision in custod y follow ed by ind ividu al or m ixed gen der provision in the com m unity. P rogram m es m u st d em onstrate appropriate consid eration to a full range of d iversity issues. A m inim u m requ irem ent for program m es should be appropriate responsivity o f tutors and m aterials to m inim ise the likelihood of people feeling (and being) excluded. Evidence versus opinion

There are a n u m ber o f opinions on m odels of program m e d evelopm ent for w om en. Som e argue that entirely different program m es are needed; others that program m es d eveloped in relation to the evid ence base for m en w ill w ork effectively for w om en if gender responsive tutors and m aterials are used. T hese strongly held view s m u st be balanced against the em erging evidence. There are currently som e shared crim inogenic needs identified (see above) b u t no certainty that the need is com parable for m en and for w om en. The im pact of past and present victim isation is an issue here. H ow ever it is not acceptable to offer no service or offer no opinion on the likelihood that a program m e w ill im pact on reoffending. Sim ilarly it is not acceptable for unsupported opinion to be the basis for the d evelopm ent of program m es for w om en. E xpert opinion m ust be based on the current em pirical evid ence but there is a role for plausible hypothesis carefully tested. N ew evid ence w ill give rise to better d eveloped program m es Theory-driven versus pragm atism

Interventions for w om en m ay need to address ad ditional treatm ent targets (for exam ple, experience o f dom estic ab u se /co n tin u e d victim isation as an adult) and som e existing treatm ent targets in program m es for m en m ay not be relevant for w om en. T here m ay be training need s for staff in gen der aw areness if a program m e developed for m en is to be m odified for d elivery to w om en. In practice the only available and relevant accredited offending behav iou r program m e m ay be one that has been d eveloped in relation to the evid ence base for m en. In the com m u nity it m ay only be p ractical for w om en to p articipate in accredited program m es as part of a m ixed gender

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffenders

group. If there is a likelihood o f negative im pact, w om en should not be required to attend. H ow ever it is acceptable for a w om an to attend a program m e that does not address the full range of dynam ic risk factors know n to be associated w ith her risks o f repeat offending. A dd ressing a su fficient range o f d esistence factors for w om en attend ing such program m es should be in the con text of the w ider sentence p lan and referral m ade to local com m u nity groups providing gender specific services. Program m es versus system s and structure

U nless program m es begu n in the custod ial setting cross over into the com m u nity d elivery it is unlikely that large nu m bers of w om en serving shorter sentences will have the opportu nity to participate in an accredited program m e w hilst in custod y or in a w om an-only program m e at all. The evid ence base how ever already indicates that program m es are m ore effective w hen there is post-p rogram m es support and opportu nities to revisit the learning. T his requires supervising offend er m anagers (probation officers) to be aw are of gender issues to provide this follow up support. In ad dition the offender m anager w ill need to have access to inform ation about the range o f services available locally to w om en w hich m ay address crim inogenic n e e d s/d y n a m ic risk factors and preventative factors that are not treatm ent targets for the program m e. For som e w om en access to approp riate assistan ce w ith care responsibilities m ay be the overriding factor in a successful outcom e. For others the prov ision of a m e n to r/v o lu n te er to enhan ce selfefficacy and provide a brid ge from the program m e to the w ider com m unity resources m ay be a significant factor in achieving a successful outcom e. The overriding criteria m u st be equity of outcom e. Som e decisions about how offend ing behav iou r program m es w'ill be delivered to w om en offenders w hilst intended to be in the o ffen d er's interest m ay have unintended negative im pact. It is not acceptable to deny w om en access to accredited program m es if these are d em onstrated to have som e positive im pact or to insist on attend ance if this d isadvantages them (for exam ple, d e-m otivating by d elivery in an unresponsive m anner; not supporting carers of children to access suitable childcare). O ffend ing behav iou r program m es m ust be im plem ented thou ghtfu lly to reflect the needs of w om en.

120

Offending behaviour program m es for w om en offenders

C o n c lu sio n 'W h at w orks for w om en offend ers' is therefore problem atic both in term s o f con tent o f program m es for w om en (treatm ent targets based on crim inogenic need), providing a safe learning environm ent, but also in im plem enting such program m es so that w om en can access them appropriately. In order to provide the m ost effective resources for w om en offenders to reduce offend ing the follow ing points have been established for the probation service: • W om en should be enabled to access, w here approp riate, a range o f accredited program m es to address their needs. Issues of responsivity in d elivery and m aterials m u st alw ays be considered and carefully im plem ented; • O utcom es should be carefully considered in term s of gender and race and other relevant issues of diversity; • W here need is identified, specific program m es for w om en offenders should be d eveloped w ith con sid eration of practical delivery and follow up issues across both the custod ial and com m unity settings; • A ll staff d elivering and supporting program m es for fem ale offenders should attend gender aw areness training to better equip them to responsively im plem ent program m es for w om en; • O bstacles to attend ance and com pletion o f program m es for w om en offenders should be actively addressed. T his should include both d elivery sched ules and the w’ider supporting environm ent; • G iven the prevalence o f w om en offend ers as victim s of abuse the im portance of providing a safe learning environm ent should alw ays be considered. T his does not necessarily m ean w om en only groups but m ay do so on som e circu m stances; • W om en offenders should be encouraged to utilise the w ider com m u nity resources available to address long term , gender specific need s e.g. dom estic abuse ad vocacy projects, rape crisis etc. Throu gh ou t E ngland and W ales w om en offenders are able to access a range of accredited program m e in the com m u nity based on the 'W h at W orks' principles. Selection is based on targeting and suitability 121

W h a t W o r k s w ith W o m e n O ff e n d e r s

criteria established for each programme. Current evaluation data and feedback from the female com pleters is show ing positive outcom es but num bers are too low at the mom ent for m eaningful conclusions to be drawn. In practice five probation areas in England and Wales currently deliver the 'W om en's Program m e'. W hilst som e w om en would prefer and benefit from female only provision others, for a diverse range of reasons, w ould prefer the opportunity to attend mixed groups. M ost probation areas provide access to accredited program m es in 'mixed gender' groups (ensuring that w hilst w omen may be in the m inority they are not the only w om an in the group and that tutor pairs include a w om an at all times) or in single gender groups with female only tutors, som etim es in specifically 'fem ale friendly environm ents, for exam ple, in a local com m unity w om en's centre. The w ider issues around long term support for gender specific need are addressed through the sentence plan objectives.

R e fe r e n c e s Blanchette, K. (2002) 'C lassifying fem ale offenders for effective intervention: A pplication o f the case-based principals o f risk and need '. Forum on Correctional Research, 14, (1), C orrectional Service of C anada, h t t p :/ / w w w .cs c -s c c.g c .c a /te x t/p b lct/fo ru m /e l 41 / el41h _e.sh tm l Barratt, E., Stanford, M ., Dowdy, L., Liebm an, M. and K ent, T. (1999) 'Im pu lsive and prem editated aggression: a factor analysis of self-reported acts', P sychiatry Research, 86 (2): 163-73. Chesney-Lind, M. (1997) The Fem ale O ffender: Girls, wom en and crime. California, USA: Sage Publications. Craig, A., Franklin, J. and A ndrew s, G. (1984) 'A scale to m easure locus of control of beh av io u r', British jou rnal o f M edical Psychology, 57 (2): 173-80. D 'Z u rilla, T., C hang, E. and Sanna, L. (2003) 'Self-esteem and Social Problem Solving as Predictors of A ggression In C ollege Stud ents', Journal o f Social and Clinical Psychology, 22 (4): 424-40. Fabiano, E., Van D ieten. M. and Pororino, F. (2003) 'A W om en's Program m e: A Program m e for A cquisitive Fem ale O ffenders'. London: N ational Probation Directorate. Farrington, D. and Painter, K. (2004) G ender D ifferences in O ffending: Im plications fo r Risk Focused Prevention. London: H om e O ffice O nline Report 0 9 /0 4 . Frude, N., H oness, T. and M aguire, M. (1994) C R IM E -PIC S II M anual. Cardiff: M ichael and A ssociates. G eneral O ffending Behaviour Program m es Interventions Unit, The N ational O ffender M anagem ent Service, England and Wales. 122

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H er M ajesty's Prison Service and N ational Probation D irectorate, England and W ales (2003) Strategy paper on program m es f o r wom en offenders in custody and the com m unity. London: HM Prison Service. H edderm an, C. (2000) Evidence base fo r a program m e fo r wom en involved in acquisitive crim e, paper prepared for London: N ational Probation D irectorate. H ollin, C. and Palm er, E. (2003) Crim inogenic Factors A m ong W omen O ffenders. A Literature Review . London: HM Prison Service. H om e O ffice (2002) Statistics on W omen and the Crim inal Justice System . London: H om e Office. Kennedy, S. (2004) 'Joint P riso n /P ro b ation : Program m e developm ent and d elivery for fem ale offend ers', paper presented to Correction Services A ccreditation Panel, O xford, England. Kennedy, S. and Pearce, S. (2005) 'A n effective and coherent approach to w orking w ith fem ale offenders in custod y and in the com m u nity in England and W ales' paper presented at the international conference W hat W orks with Women O ffenders, Prato, Italy, 2 0 -2 2 June, 2005. M cConnaughy, E., Prochaska, J. and Velicer, W. (1983) 'Stages o f change in psychotherapy: M easurem ent and sam ple profiles', Psychotherapy, 20: 368-75. Priestly, P. (2002) 'O ne to O ne program m e', m anual developed for the N ational Probation D irectorate, England and Wales. Roger, D. and N ajarian, B. (1989) 'The construction and validation o f a new scale for m easuring em otion con trol', P ersonality and Individual Differences, 10 (8): 845-53.

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Chapter 7

Parole and probation Chris Trotter

In tro d u ctio n T his chapter is about probation and parole for w om en. It discusses the term inology used to identify probation and parole services and the natu re of those services. It provides a general d iscu ssion about the effectiveness of parole for w om en, and d iscu sses the general literature about w hat w orks in probation and parole supervision. In doing so it canvasses the very lim ited literature about the differences in effective practices for m en and w om en. Finally, the chapter outlines a project that looked at the effectiveness o f parole for w om en w ho w ere released from prison in Victoria, A ustralia, d uring 2003.

T e rm in o lo g y The term probation generally refers to a type o f cou rt order that im poses supervision by a probation officer for a period o f tim e on a convicted offender. T he period of tim e generally varies from one to three years. Parole refers to an order that is im posed b y a statutory Parole Board w hich perm its a convicted offender to serve part of their prison sen tence in the com m u nity w hilst under the supervision of a parole officer. The proportion o f tim e of their sen tence that a convicted ind ividual m ay spend on parole is generally pre-determ ined by the sen tencing court. W hether or not the prisoner is released on parole, how ever, is d eterm ined by a statu tory Parole Board, w hich in A ustralia are usually chaired by a Ju d ge o f the C ou nty C ou rt or Suprem e Court. 124

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T h e term s used to d escrib e th ese co u rt o rd ers v ary acro ss cou n tries and w ithin cou n tries. P rob atio n , for exam p le, is often referred to as a C o m m u n ity C o rrectio n s O rder, and an o ffen d er m ay be p laced on a C o m m u n ity C o rrectio n s O rd er u n d er the su p erv isio n o f a C o m m u n ity C o rrectio n s O fficer. P ro b atio n m ay also b e referred to as Su p erv isio n , w ith o ffen d ers p laced u n d er the su p erv isio n o f a p ro b atio n o fficer or a co m m u n ity co rrectio n s officer. T h ere is m ore co n sisten cy in the use o f the term p arole alth o u g h there m ay b e v ariatio n in w ho d eterm in es w h eth er or n o t so m eo n e is released from p riso n and p laced on parole. W h a t h ap p en s to in d iv id u als p laced o n p ro b atio n and p aro le o rd ers also v aries acro ss cou n tries and w ith in cou n tries. In som e ju risd ictio n s, in d iv id u als on p ro b atio n m ay rarely, if ever, see their p ro b atio n officer. T h ey m ay sim p ly be requ ired to sig n in at the p ro b atio n serv ice on a re g u lar b asis. O r, th ey m ay b e requ ired to w ear an e lectro n ic tag, w hich allo w s th eir w h ereab o u ts to b e m on itored b y the p ro b atio n serv ice w ith little d irect su p erv isio n b e in g offered. In o th e r ju risd ictio n s, in d iv id u als on p ro bation and p arole m ig h t receiv e m u ch h ig h er lev els o f con tact. In ten siv e p ro b atio n or p arole su p erv isio n m ig h t in v o lv e alm o st d aily co n tact w ith the p ro b atio n or p aro le service.

T h e n atu re o f p ro b a tio n and p aro le T h e n atu re o f p ro b atio n or p arole su p erv isio n also v aries. P ro batio n and p aro le in the 1970s and 1980s in A u stralia, w hen I w orked as a p ro b atio n officer, in v o lv ed in terv iew in g clien ts fo r tw en ty m in u tes or so o n ce a w eek, o n ce a m o n th or on ce ev ery three m o n th s, d ep en d in g on the stage o f the statu to ry O rder. T h e p ro b atio n o fficer w ou ld also assist clien ts to find w o rk or to find acco m m o d atio n , and giv e ad vice ab ou t p ro b lem s w ith their fam ilies. In d iv id u al clien ts w ere often referred to o th er ag en cies for m ore e xten siv e assistan ce. C o n te m p o rary P ro b atio n O rd ers in A u stralia are m ore w id e ran gin g. T h ey can in v o lv e sp ecial co n d itio n s attach ed to the ord er that requ ire the in d iv id u al to u n d ertak e com m u n ity w o rk , cog n itiv e b e h av io u ral group p ro g ram m es, e d u catio n al p ro g ram m es or d ru g and alco h o l treatm en t. T h e last d ecad e has seen a g reat in crease in the u se o f group and in d iv id u al p ro g ram m es b ased on cog n itiv e b e h av io u ral p rin cip les, offered as p a rt o f p ro b atio n ord ers, w hat V an stone (2004) refers to as the co g n itiv e b e h av io u ral rev olu tio n in p ro b atio n in the U K. W h ilst in m an y cases the sam e p ro g ram m es are 125

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offered to b o th m en and w o m en , there are also sp ecific p ro g ram m es offered to w om en . An exam p le o f this is the B ritish H o m e O ffice P ro g ram m e 'th e real w o m en p ro g ra m ' w h ich ad d resses w o m e n 's 're la tio n sh ip s, ro les, d u ties, self-esteem and p ro b lem so lv in g sk ills' (H o m e O ffice, 2004:1). T h e in creased use o f gro u p w o rk p ro g ram m es in p ro b atio n and p aro le has n o t been w ith o u t con troversy. It has b een su g g ested that the rise o f g ro u p w o rk has b een u sed as a m ean s o f social con trol (e.g. V an stone, 2004). C ertain ly it has occurred at a tim e o f in creasin g u se o f im p riso n m en t aro u nd the w o rld , p articu larly o f w o m en , and a t a tim e w h en p o litician s reg u larly seek to g ain p o litical ad v an tag e b y su p p o rtin g h arsh e r sen ten ces.

W o m e n and p ro b a tio n and p aro le P ro b atio n and p aro le serv ices are offered to b o th w o m en and m en , to ju v e n ile s and ad u lts. W h ile w o m en rep resen t a sm all p ro p o rtio n o f the p riso n p o p u latio n aro u nd the w o rld , for exam p le arou nd 9% in the U SA (W alm sley, 2006) the p ro p o rtion of w om en on co m m u n ity su p e rv isio n p ro g ram s is m u ch high er, aro u nd 22% in the U SA (F esterv an , 2003). H ow ever, con cern h as b e e n exp ressed ab o u t in creasin g u se o f im p riso n m en t o f w o m en in the UK and the in su fficien t use o f p ro b atio n for w o m e n (G elsth o rp e, 2003).

E ffectiveness o f p ro b a tio n and p a ro le se rv ic e s fo r w o m e n T h e research in relation to the effectiv en ess o f p ro bation and p aro le su p erv isio n is eq u iv o cal. A n u m b er o f rev iew s o f stu d ies in the 1970s an d 1980s su g g ested th at o ffen d ers w h o receiv ed su p erv isio n in the com m u n ity w ere no less lik ely to reoffend than th ose w ho d id n o t receiv e su p erv isio n (e.g. M artin so n et al. 1975; W h iteh ead and Lab, 1989). S o m e stu d ies h av e found that p riso n ers released w ith su p erv isio n h av e d o n e w o rse than eq u iv alen t p riso n ers w h o w ere released w ith o u t su p erv isio n . C ass and N elson (1998) foun d, for exam p le, that y o u n g offen d ers released from resid en tial facilities in Flo rid a, w ith aftercare, had h ig h e r rates o f reo ffen d in g th an those released directly, w ith o u t aftercare. M o reover, in ten siv e su p erv isio n p ro g ram m es im p lem en ted in the 1980s and 1990s in the U n ited States did n o t show the p o sitiv e o u tco m es, in term s o f red u ced recid iv ism , w h ich had b e e n h o p ed for (P etersilia and Turner, 1993). M ore 126

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recen t research co n d u cted in the U K has also fo u n d that in ten siv e su p erv isio n p ro g ram s are in effectiv e in red u cin g recid ivism (M oore, Gray, R o b erts, Taylor and M errin g to n , 2006). Yet, w h ilst the ov erall im p act o f p ro batio n and p aro le su p erv isio n m a y be seen to be m in im al, there is in creasin g e v id en ce that p ro b atio n and p aro le can be effectiv e in red u cin g recid iv ism in som e circu m stan ces. T h e d eb ate has thu s m ov ed in recen t y ears from 'n o th in g w o rk s' to 'w h at w o rk s'. In p articu lar it is arg u ed th at if p ro b atio n and p arole o fficers u se certain skills, and if p ro g ram m es are d ev elo p ed for clien ts th at are b ased on effectiv e p ractice p rin cip le s, th ey can be su ccessfu l (D ow d en and A n d rew s, 2004; Trotter, 1996; 2006). T here is ev id en ce that prog ram m es offered to ind iv id u als on p rob ation and parole that inclu d e cog nitiv e b eh av iou ral treatm en t and d ru g treatm en t m ay be effectiv e in red u cin g reoffend in g (e.g. W ilson, B ouffard and M ack en zie, 2005). T h ese stu d ies h av e g en erally focu sed on m ales or on a g en eral co h o rt o f o ffen d ers w h ich m ay in clu d e a sm all p ro p o rtio n o f fem ale o ffen d ers. T h ere is h o w ev er su p p o rt for th e v alu e o f p ro b atio n and p aro le serv ices for w o m en o ffen d ers. A s a grou p , th ey often face sev ere p ro b lem s w ith acco m m o d atio n , e m p lo y m en t, ch ild ren and fam ilies, poverty, sexu al abu se, self-h arm , and d ru g u se (see L ou cks, 2004 fo r d iscu ssio n ab o u t the ch aracteristics o f fem ale o ffen d ers). S o m e research su g g ests that w om en m ay ben efit from su p erv isio n w h ich ad d resses th ese p a rticu la r issues. Z an is, M u lv an ey and C o v iello (2003) fo u n d th at recid ivism w as lo w er (22% com p ared to 34% ) for w o m en w ith a h isto ry o f d ru g use if the w o m e n w ere giv en early p arole to a co m m u n ity b ased d ru g treatm en t facility, com p ared to w o m en w h o w ere p aroled d irectly into the com m u n ity becau se o f p riso n o v ercrow d in g . H o ltfreter, R eisig and M o rash (2004) foun d that com m u n ity co rrectio n s o fficers w ho helped w om en w ith their h o u sin g n eed s had clien ts w h o offen d ed less often. P earl (1998) also found that w o m en on p aro le w h o m ad e u se o f social serv ices after th eir release h ad lo w er recid ivism . A stu d y u n d ertak en in the U SA of m ore than 2000 in d iv id u als on p ro b atio n foun d that w o m en in this co h o rt w ere less lik ely to be rearrested , w hen com p ared to the m en in the study, alth o u g h th ey a ck n o w led g ed the p au city o f research on this issu e (O lsen A ld erd en and L u rigio, 2003). A recen t stu d y u n d ertak en b y the e d ito rs o f th is b o o k foun d fu rth er su p p o rt fo r the v alu e o f p aro le for w o m en (Trotter, S h eeh an and M clv or, 2006). S ev eral referen ces are m ad e to this stu d y th ro u g h o u t this ch ap ter and thu s som e d etails abo u t the stu d y are p ro v id ed here. 127

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O n e h u n d red and th irty -eig h t w o m e n w ith sen te n ce s o f three m o n th s o r m ore w ho w ere d ue for release from p riso n in V ictoria, A u stralia, d u rin g 2003, w ere in terv iew ed b efo re leav in g priso n . The w o m en w h o w ere in terv iew ed con stitu ted 58% o f the 2 37 w o m en w ith sen ten ces o f three m o n th s or m o re, w h o w ere released from p riso n in th e p erio d o f the p roject. R esearch officers co n d u ctin g the in terv iew s gath ered in fo rm atio n ab o u t the w o m e n 's p articip atio n in p riso n -b ased w elfare p ro g ram m es and so u g h t th eir p erm issio n to in terv iew the w o m en again ap p rox im ately three m o n th s after their release from p riso n and ag ain after tw elv e m on ths. T h e research officers also so u g h t the w ritten p e rm issio n o f the w o m e n to access their p o lice record s tw elv e m o n th s after th eir release. T h e research officers co n d u cted in terv iew s w ith 83 w o m en one to three m o n th s after th eir release, and 69 w o m en w ere in terv iew ed tw elv e m o n th s a fter th eir release. T h e w o m e n w ere released eith e r from the W o m en 's C o rrectio n al C en tre situ ated on the o u tsk irts o f m etro p o litan M elb o u rn e or from T arren go w er W o m en 's P riso n situ ated in a ru ral area a b o u t 136 k ilo m etres from M elb ou rn e. O f the w o m en in the sam p le, 64 w ere released on p aro le and 74 w ere released w ith o u t p arole. W h en released on p aro le, the w o m en w ere exp ected to rep o rt to the p arole o fficer w ith in 48 ho u rs o f their release from prison . In all cases, those w o m en w h o w ere g iv en p arole u n d erto o k in ten siv e p aro le for the first three m o n th s o f the p arole p eriod . T h is in v o lv ed v isitin g the p aro le officer tw ice p er w eek and u n d ertak in g one d ay p er w e e k u n p aid co m m u n ity w o rk (u n less the w o m en had ch ild ren or fu ll tim e w o rk ). T h e p aro le officer also o ften a rran g ed an early v isit to the S o cial S ecu rity agency. M an y o f the w o m en had sp ecial co n d itio n s and w ere legally requ ired to be in v o lv ed in p ro g ram m es su ch as d ru g treatm en t, p sy ch iatric treatm en t o r co g n itiv e beh av io u ral p ro g ram m es. W hile access to p aro le is at th e d iscretio n o f the P aro le B oard , no w o m en in the sa m p le w ere d en ied p arole. Table 7.1 sh o w s th at only one (4% ) o f the w o m en on paro le, w ho allo w ed research officers access to the p o lice reco rd s, w as sen ten ced to a p erio d o f im p riso n m e n t w ith in an av erag e o f tw en ty m o n th s fo llo w in g h er release fro m p rison. O n the o th er h an d , 42% o f the w om en w h o w ere released w ith o u t p aro le, w ho allow ed access to th eir record s, w ere sen ten ced to a p erio d o f im p riso n m e n t in the p eriod fo llo w in g th eir release. A lth o u g h the n u m b e rs in the stu d y are relativ ely sm all, the d ifferen ces in recid iv ism in p ercen tag e term s are stark and it is clear from the statistical an aly sis th at this is n o t a ch an ce o ccu rren ce. The 128

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Table 7.1 Im prisonm ent after release and relationship to parole Im prisoned Paroled No Parole

1 /2 5 (4%) 1 4 /3 3 (42%)

Pearson chi square 11.921 p .003

stu d y also used a n u m b e r o f o th er m easu res in clu d in g n u m b e r o f fu rth er o ffen ces, n u m b e r o f co u rt ap p earan ces and self-rep o rt, w hich con firm that the w o m en w h o receiv ed p aro le had lo w er recid iv ism at statistically sig n ifican t levels. F u rth er an alysis o f the d ata su gg ested th at these d ifferen ces w ere n o t related to factors su ch as p rio r drug u se, p rio r crim in al history, or their age. It is a ck n o w led g ed that this stu d y has lim itatio n s. In particu lar, th e fact th at o n ly 59 w o m en agreed to allo w th eir p o lice reco rd s to be exam in ed . F u rth erm o re, access to C o rrectio n s V ictoria reco rd s w as n o t av ailab le for the stu d y ; h en ce a ssessm en t o f risk is d ep en d en t on data extracted from the 59 p o lice record s. N ev erth eless there are a n u m b e r o f facto rs, w h ich su g g est that the resu lts m ay reflect the ben efit o f p arole for w om en . T h e w o m en on p aro le receiv ed m ore, and earlier, su p erv isio n . O n av erag e, th e w o m en on p aro le in d icated th at th ey saw th eir p arole o fficer at least on e d ay after th eir release. O n av erag e, w o m en n o t on p aro le saw a w elfare w o rk er on av erag e tw o and a h a lf d ays after release. W om en w h o receiv ed p aro le in d icated , in the in terv iew s tw elv e m o n th s after th eir release, th at th ey h ad h ad m ore co n tact w ith w elfare ag en cies sin ce their release than w o m en w h o w ere released w ith o u t p arole (on av erag e, 16 tim es for th o se w o m en w h o received paro le; 12 tim es fo r th o se w o m en released w ith o u t p arole) and that th ey now had few er p ro b lem s fo r w h ich they n eed ed help (34% - 11 out o f the 32 w o m en on p arole; 66% - 19 o f the 29 w o m en n o t on paro le). T h e w o m en w h o receiv ed p aro le w ere also m ore lik ely to h av e accessed w elfare serv ices in prison. T h e w o m en in this stu d y ap p eared to be m ed iu m to high risk o ffen d ers: 71% o f w o m e n 's p o lice reco rd s sh o w ed e v id en ce o f prio r illegal d ru g u se; the av erag e n u m b er o f p rio r o ffen ces w as 67; on av erage the w o m en had receiv ed three p rio r p erio d s o f im p riso n m en t; and 88% o f the w o m en in the initial p riso n in terv iew identified m u ltip le p ro b lem s w h ich cou ld lead to reoffen d in g , from d ru g s to

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friendships. T he w om en on parole m ay also have done w ell based on the risk p rinciple referred to above, that intensive services were delivered to m edium to high risk offenders. C ertainly it seem s that w om en particularly benefit from supervision in the com m u nity on parole or probation orders.

W h a t w orks The notion o f 'w h at w o rk s' refers to the idea that reoffend ing by offend ers placed on probation or parole can be reduced by providing supervision and services w hich research has show n to be effective. 'W h at w ork s' is p art o f the term inology and ethos o f m any probation services around the w orld. W hat does the research say about 'w h at w o rk s'? M uch o f the kn ow led ge about 'w h at w o rk s' has com e from m eta-analyses of correctional studies, in particular the w ork of A nd rew s and Bonta (2003). The 'w h at w ork s' principles can be sum m arised to include: first, a focus on high risk offenders; second, focus on crim inogenic needs, in other w ords helping the offenders to deal with problem s w hich m ay have led to their offend ing; third, the p rovision of opportunities for offenders to learn from pro-social m od els and reinforce clients' pro-social com m ents and actions; fourth, a balanced approach by the w orker to the dual roles of social control and helping; and, fifth, the provision of relevant program m es. Focus on high risk

M uch of the literatu re talks about the im portance o f focu sing on high risk offenders rather than low risk offenders. It is argued that there is a relatively large group of offend ers w ho are unlikely to reoffend and are unlikely to benefit from intensive intervention, w hereas there is a sm aller group o f m edium to high risk offenders w ho are more likely to reoffend and m ore likely to benefit from supervision (see for exam ple G endreau , 1996; A ndrew s and Bonta, 2003). For this reason it is im portan t to assess risk levels and to focus resources on m edium to high risk offenders. The issue of risk assessm ent is a com plex one and it has its critics (see Robinson, 2003 for a discu ssion about the issues). O ne problem is that w hile there are clear ad vantages in providing ad ditional levels of w elfare and support services to high risk offend ers' risk levels

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are som etim es used to provide ad ditional punishm ent. T hey m ay be used as part of a sen tencing process, w hich involves increased p enalties to high risk offenders, or as p art of a post-sentencing process to provide high er levels o f surveillance. An offend er w ho is hom eless, w ithout fam ily support, w ith a drug or alcohol ad diction, and w ithout em ploym ent m ight receive a harsher sentence or intervention than som eone, w ho does not have these problem s but has com m itted a sim ilar offence. This criticism of risk assessm ent m ay apply particularly to w om en offend ers w ho com m only have m ultiple problem s (Loucks, 1998). N everth eless there is som e research su p p o rt for the benefit of con centratin g w elfare or hum an service resources on high er risk ind ividu als (A ndrew s and Bonta, 2003). To this end a n u m ber of risk assessm en t profiles have been developed for use by corrections services. O ne o f the m ost popu lar ones is the L SIR (Level of Su pervision Inventory Revised) d eveloped over m any years by A ndrew s and Bonta (2003). It is in use in m any p robation and com m u nity corrections services in m any English speaking countries, for exam ple, C anada, U SA , A ustralia and the U nited K ingdom . The LSIR, as w ell as providing a risk assessm en t, also helps to identify crim inogenic need s, w hich can inform the problem solving process. W hile the L SIR and other risk assessm ent tools have been developed w ith m ixed popu lations som e stud ies have suggested that the risk p rinciple applies equally to w om en offend ers and that the LSIR m ay in fact be m ore effective in pred icting reoffend ing for w om en than it is for m en (R aynor and M iles, 2006; A nd rew s and D ow den, 2006). Pro-social modelling and reinforcement

There is con sid erable evid ence that probation and parole officers who m odel pro-social values and w ho reinforce pro-social valu es in their clients have clients w ith low er reoffence rates (for exam ple G endreau, 1996; A ndrew s and Bonta, 2003: R aynor 2003b; M cN eill, 2003; 2005; Trotter, 1990; 1996; 2006). Probation officers do better if they are fair, optim istic, punctual, reliable, honest, do w hat they say they will do, support their clien ts' pro-social pu rsu its such as n on-crim inal friends, good fam ily relations and w ork, and are optim istic about the rew ards w hich can be obtained by living w ithin the law. Effective probation and parole officers reinforce pro-social values in their clients. They m ay also challenge pro-crim inal expressions and actions of their clients. The relationship betw een the use of these practices by w orkers and im proved outcom es has been evid ent in studies w ith both m ale

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and fem ale juvenile offenders (Trotter, 1990) m ale and fem ale adult offenders (Trotter, 1996) predom inantly fem ale child protection clients (Trotter, 2004) and fem ale ex-prisoners (Trotter, 2006). W hile the use of pro-social m odelling and reinforcem ent has been show n to relate to im proved outcom es for both m ale and fem ale offenders there is little support in m y studies for the use of confrontation or challenging fem ale offenders. In the study outlined previously, of w om en after prison, there w as no support for services which challenged the client, focused on the offences, or the things that the client d oes bad ly (Trotter, Sheehan and M clvor, 2006). Sim ilarly in the child protection study referred to, challengin g clients w as only effective if it involved suggesting m ore positive w ays o f d ealing w ith the situ ation, acknow ledgin g that the clien ts' negative feelings w ere ju stified or exploring the reasons w hy the clients felt and acted in the w ay they did (Trotter, 2004). It is acknow ledged that the child protection situ ation is different to probation and parole nevertheless they do have m uch in com m on and the effective practice principles often apply across both situations (Trotter, 2006). Problem solving/criminogenic needs

Effective intervention s in corrections, inclu ding probation and parole services, address issues w hich have led ind ividu als to becom e offenders. As m entioned earlier the literature review s and m eta-analyses often refer to the con cept of crim inogenic needs. C rim in ogenic need s are those need s or problem s w hich are related to offend ing b ut w hich it is possible to change. O bviou sly age, gender and prior crim inal history relate to offending. They cannot, how ever, be changed . O n the other hand, em ploym ent, fam ily relationships, drug use, peer group associations, housing, finances, pro-crim inal attitu d es, m ay all relate to offend ing and can be changed. T hese are crim inogenic needs. It is argued that crim inogenic need s do not include intra-psychic issues such as anxiety, self-esteem or depression, factors w hich cannot easily explain offending beh av iou r (G endreau et al. 1996; A nd rew s and Bonta, 2003). There seem s little doubt that effective practice in w ork w ith offend ers involves ad dressing the clien t's offence-related problem s or needs. A t the sam e tim e it seem s clear that a problem solving process will be m ore successful in red ucin g offend ing if the w orkers and the clients reach agreem ent on the problem s to be addressed and w hat is hoped to achieve. T his is evid enced in Trotter (1996; 2006) and the general cou nselling literature is replete w ith research stud ies w hich

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point to the im portan ce of w orkin g w ith the clien t's view o f their problem s (see for exam ple, H epw orth, Rooney and Larson, 2002 for m ore detail on this issue). The w om en after prison study referred to above confirm s this finding. The effective services, b oth in term s o f the w om en 's satisfaction w ith services and the reoffence rates w ere characterised by: 'd ealin g w ith all of the w o m en 's problem s; being accessible, understand ing the w o m en 's point o f v iew ; and w orking together w ith the w om en' (Trotter, Sheehan and M clvor, 2006:1).

A balanced app ro ach - social co n tro l and p rob lem solving The research con sisten tly suggests that interventions, w hich focus exclu sively on pu nishm ent or scare tactics, lead to increased offend ing (e.g. G endreau, 1996; A ndrew s and Bonta, 2003). Sim ilarly interventions w hich focu s exclu sively on developing insight or w hich focus exclu sively on the client-w orker relationship are unlikely to be helpful (Trotter 1990; 1996). M uch o f the w ork w ith offend ers involves w hat R ooney (1992) and Jon es and A lcabes (1993) refer to as client socialisation or w hat Trotter (2006) refers to as role clarification: in other w ords h elping the client to accept that the w orker can help w ith the clien t's problem s even though the w orker has a social control role. This involves exploring the clien t's expectation s, helping the client to understand w hat is negotiable and w hat is not, the lim its o f confidentiality, and the natu re o f the w o rk er's authority. T he stage is set for effective w ork once the client begins to accept that the w orker can help and once the w orker and client begin to reach agreem ent on the goals of the intervention. This idea is also supported in the w om en after prison stud y (Trotter, Sheehan and M clvor, 2006). W hen the w om en believed that their w orker knew w hat they (the client) w anted from the service, w hen the w om en felt that the pu rpose o f the service w as clear, and w hen they w ere clear about how inform ation w hich w as given to the w orker could be used, the w om en w ere m ore likely to believe that they w ere helped w ith their problem s and they w ere less likely to reoffend. Program m es

As discussed earlier a n u m ber of m eta-analyses have suggested that structured learning program m es based on cognitive behaviou ral

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principles are effective in reducing re-offending (A ndrew s and Bonta, 2003). M any probation and parole services around the world offer group and ind ividu al program m es based on cognitive behaviou ral principles. These program s, according to R aynor (2003a: 79) 'pu t together a series o f planned and sequ ential learning opportu nities into a cum u lative sequence covering an appropriate curriculum of skills and allow ing plenty o f opportu nity to reinforce learning through structured practice' (the C ognitive C entre Fou nd ation w ebsite www. cognitivecentre.com d escribes a range of structured program m es based on the 'w h at w ork s' principles). R esearch condu cted on the 'reasoning and rehabilitation pro g ram m e', has show n prom ising results w ith m ale offenders (R aynor and Vanstone, 1996; P earson et al., 2002). The value o f these program m es for w om en has, how ever, been questioned (C ann, 2006). Stud ies of cognitive b eh av iou ral program m es have pred om inantly focused on m ale sam ples with negligible attention to the study o f w om en. N evertheless, the British Flom e O ffice (2004) exam ined the effectiveness o f prison based program m es and found no significant differences in one and tw o year reconviction rates for 180 w om en w ho participated in the program m es w hen com pared to those w ho did not participate. T his w as regardless of risk levels of the w om en. It w as apparent h ow ev er that the services w ere often d elivered to low risk offend ers and there w ere im plem entation problem s w ith the program m es. It is suggested how ever, that w om en have different needs to m en and that their problem s w ith m ental health, histories o f abuse, substance m isuse, fam ily relationships and w elfare dependency, m ay be m ore im portant factors in their crim inality than cognitive behaviou ral deficits. Other factors

The literature refers to a n u m ber o f other practices. For exam ple 'm u lti­ m od al' approaches, w hich rely on a range o f intervention m ethods, are likely to be m ore effective than those w hich rely on only one m ethod (G endreau, 1996). There is also som e support for w orking w ith fam ilies o f you ng offenders (see C orcoran, 2000 for a review of the evid ence), for intervention m ethod s w hich are im plem ented exactly as d esigned , and for m atching w orkers and clients according to learning style and p ersonality (G endreau, 1996; C hui, 2003).

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W h a t w o r k s w ith w o m e n o ffe n d e rs It seem s therefore that m an y o f the effectiv e p ractice p rin cip les, w h ich ap p ly to w o rk w ith m ale o ffen d ers, often also ap p ly to w o rk w ith fem ale o ffen d ers. U n fo rtu n ate ly there is v ery little research in relation to effectiv e p ractices in the su p erv isio n o f fem ale offend ers. Fergu s M cN e ill and his co lleag u es (2005) p ro v id e a co m p reh en siv e rev iew o f key p ractice sk ills in red u cin g reo ffen d in g and w hile ack n o w led g in g the lim ited research th ey p o in t to certain p rin cip les w h ich the literatu re su g g e sts m ay ap p ly to w o rk w ith w o m en . T h ey refer to h o listic ap p ro ach es, ap p roach es w'hich focu s o n sp ecific need s o f w o m en su ch as relatio n sh ip issu es, fam ily and su b stan ce ab u se and the im p o rtan ce o f the w o rk e r/c lie n t relatio n sh ip . W h ile th ese are p resen ted as p ro p o sitio n s rath e r than research fin d in g s there is som e su p p o rt for these id eas in the A u stralian stu d y o f w o m en after p riso n (Trotter, S h eeh an and M clv or, 2006). E ven th o u g h the stu d y focu sed on sp ecific serv ices such as d ru g treatm en t o r h o u sin g , for exam p le, as w ell as o n the effectiv en ess o f paro le, there w as a stron g ten d en cy for the w om en to d escrib e the effectiv e serv ices in the sam e w ay reg ard less o f w h eth er they w ere p aro le or o th er services. O n e in terestin g fin d in g from the stu d y w as the im p o rtan ce the w o m en attribu ted to their p ro fessio n al w ork ers. A t the final interview , on e y ear after the w o m e n 's release from p rison , 64 o f the 69 w o m en had eith er b e e n on p aro le or had had som e co n tact w ith w elfare ag en cies sin ce th eir release. T h e p eo p le th ey foun d m o st su p p o rtiv e 25

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Figure 7.1 W om en's responses to w ho they found the m ost helpful to them , in the tw elve m onths after release from prison 135

W h a t W o r k s with W o m e n O ffen de rs

w ere o th er fam ily m em b ers, in p articu lar th eir m oth er, as sh o w n in Figu re 7.2. N in eteen o f the 64 w o m en id entified a p ro fessio n al w orker, w h eth er th is w as a p aro le officer, a co u n se llo r or o th er w o rk ers, as the p erso n w h o had b een m o st h elp fu l to them sin ce th eir release from p rison. T h is p erh ap s h elp s to exp lain the ap p aren t im p act w hich som e w o rk ers are able to h av e on the lives o f th eir clients. It w as ap p aren t from the stu d y that m o st o f the w o m en accessed w elfare serv ices o f som e so rt w h e th e r or n o t th ey w ere p laced on p aro le. T h e w om en w ere asked at the three m o n th in terv iew if they h ad co n tact w ith w elfare ag en cies sin ce their release and 95% (79 o f the 83 w o m en ) in d icated that th ey had . F o rty -six o f th e w o m en had seen three or m ore agen cies. T h e w o m e n w ere asked to n o m in ate the ag en cy th ey first co n tacted and th e ag en cy th at th ey had m o st co n tact w ith. T h e ag en cies that the w o m en w ere m o st lik ely to access, other th an C o m m u n ity C o rrectio n s, w h ere m an y w ere requ ired to attend for su p erv isio n , w ere h o u sin g ag en cies and m aterial aid agen cies. T h e w o m en in d icated th at th ey fou n d the p erso n al su p p o rt serv ices m o st h elp fu l as sh o w n in Fig u re 7.2, w h ich rates ho w h elp fu l the w o m en fou n d each typ e o f service. M ost o f the w o m en felt that the h elp they receiv ed w as in the form o f s u p p o rt and sim p ly 'b e in g th ere' rath er than any m ore sp ecific assistan ce as d etailed in F igu re 7.3.

Personal Support

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Employment

Office of Housing

Other Accom. Services

Child Protection

A g e n c y Type

Figure 7.2

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W om en's ratings of the helpfuln ess o f services after prison

Parole and probation

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