Western Medicine for Chinese : How the Hong Kong College of Medicine Achieved a Breakthrough. 9789888455072, 9888455079

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Western Medicine for Chinese : How the Hong Kong College of Medicine Achieved a Breakthrough.
 9789888455072, 9888455079

Table of contents :
Contents
Foreword
Preface and Acknowledgements
Common Abbreviations Used
1. Introduction to the College
2. People and Institutions
3. Career Prospects
4. The Early Pioneers (1892–1899)
5. Decade of Change (1900–1909)
6. Two Events That Shaped the Final Years
7. Culmination of Efforts (1910–1918)
8. Other Contributions to Society
9. Some Unusual and Some Outstanding Personalities
10. Conclusions
Appendix 1. The Dean’s Inaugural Address at the Opening of the College of Medicine for Chinese, Hong Kong
Appendix 2. List of Graduates in Order of Year of Graduation, Hong Kong College of Medicine
Appendix 3. List of Interviewees
Selected Bibliography
Biographical Index
Index

Citation preview

Western Medicine for Chinese

Western Medicine for Chinese How the Hong Kong College of Medicine Achieved a Breakthrough

Faith C. S. Ho

A grant to the author from the Lord Wilson Heritage Trust of Hong Kong towards research for this book is gratefully acknowledged.

A grant from the Li Ka Shing Faculty of Medicine of the University of Hong Kong towards the publication costs of this book is gratefully acknowledged.

Hong Kong University Press The University of Hong Kong Pokfulam Road Hong Kong www.hkupress.org © 2017 Hong Kong University Press ISBN 978-988-8390-94-6 (Hardback) All rights reserved. No portion of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Cover photo: Dr. James Cantlie and students of the College of Medicine, Hong Kong, 1893. Courtesy of Wellcome Library, London.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed and bound by Hang Tai Printing Co. Ltd., Hong Kong, China

Contents

Forewordvi Preface and Acknowledgements

viii

Common Abbreviations Used

xii

Chapter 1

Introduction to the College

1

Chapter 2

People and Institutions

24

Chapter 3

Career Prospects

39

Chapter 4

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899)

50

Chapter 5

Decade of Change (1900–1909)

69

Chapter 6

Two Events That Shaped the Final Years

96

Chapter 7

Culmination of Efforts (1910–1918)

120

Chapter 8

Other Contributions to Society

132

Chapter 9

Some Unusual and Some Outstanding Personalities

142

Chapter 10 Conclusions

171

Appendix 1 The Dean’s Inaugural Address at the Opening of the College of Medicine for Chinese, Hong Kong

189

Appendix 2 List of Graduates in Order of Year of Graduation, Hong Kong College of Medicine

200

Appendix 3 List of Interviewees

202

Selected Bibliography

204

Biographical Index

216

Index221

Foreword

「落其實者思其樹,飲其流者懷其源。」 庾信,《郊廟歌辭 • 徵調曲》 Remember well the tree whence fruits fall, and the stream whence water springs. Yu Xin (513–581; North-South dynasties)

As the University of Hong Kong’s Li Ka Shing Faculty of Medicine celebrates 130 years since its establishment as the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (‘the college’) in 1887, it is only right that we trace and remember our roots. This anniversary immediately follows the 150th anniversary of the birth of Sun Yat-sen, our first graduate, in 2016. By revisiting the evolving identity of the school, and as this book emphasizes throughout, the trials and tribulations of our early students, we uncover new lessons and revise received wisdom that will stand us in good stead as we continue making history in the next 130 years. Faith Ho, former head and professor of pathology at the faculty, takes after Rudolf Virchow, the ‘father of modern pathology’ and ‘pope of medicine’, and shows her catholic command of letters in this revelatory volume on the life and times of the college. Her scholarly and meticulous cataloguing of how the often-haphazard interventions accrued from yesteryear had become rationalized ex post facto, then institutionalized as today’s policies is eye-opening. The understanding she has brought us of these legacies may well inspire not a few brave souls to summon Alexandrian wisdom in untying the Gordian knot of the many conundrums we face. Perhaps the greatest lesson one can draw from the roll-call of the fifty-one licentiates and the further nine who transferred and graduated from the university subsequently is the demonstrated hardy resilience against all odds. Such a spirit of tenacity is still heard in HKU ‘war cries’ by freshmen during orientation week, although it is sadly much less evident in the rough and tumble of daily campus life. As we retrace our history, we must recover this lost epigenetic trait, first imprinted during the difficult birth and early life of the college outlined over the following pages. While the college forebears continue to inspire the present generation, they in fact laid much of the foundation for post-imperial China writ large and more specifically for modern healthcare in Hong Kong. This was the achievement of their era that would continue to echo 130 years on in the ‘China Dream’ renaissance.

Foreword vii

Whereas localist and isolationist sentiments occupy news headlines the world over, including here in Hong Kong nowadays, this book provides a timely reminder of an age, during the early colonial years, when a few good medical men could and did make a transformative difference to the path-dependent development of Hong Kong. In fact, our students and teachers made history for the country and defined the narrative of the national dialogue for subsequent generations. It is high time that Hong Kong regain this confidence and self-belief in our role and responsibility. The task can begin with the present successors to Manson, Cantlie, Ho Kai, and Sun. In the words of my first predecessor, Patrick Manson, founding dean of the college (reproduced in full in Appendix 1): The old Greek cities used to boast of their great men, and claim them with jealous care. Let us hope that in the new and greater China of the future, when the learned dispute of their great men, not a few may be claimed for Hongkong and for the school to-day inaugurated.

May our faculty befit the high and prescient hopes he bestowed in 1887, and through the dedication of generations to come may these same words apply even more fittingly 130 years hence. Professor Gabriel M. Leung Dean, Li Ka Shing Faculty of Medicine The University of Hong Kong

Preface and Acknowledgements

Around twenty years ago I first realized how little was known about a unique Hong Kong institution. It was a surprise discovery for someone who was a graduate from the medical school that was the direct continuation of that institution, the Hong Kong College of Medicine (HKCM). This occurred when I was helping to plan the grand opening exhibition of Hong Kong’s new Museum of Medical Sciences in 1996, and we had to identify those themes that should be included in the exhibition—themes that were most befitting for such a special occasion. It was generally agreed that for a medical museum in Hong  Kong it would be inexcusable not to include an exhibit on the HKCM. Yet most of us knew little about the college, beyond the fact that Dr. Sun Yat-sen, widely acknowledged to be the father of modern China, was one of its first graduates, and Patrick Manson was its first dean. In fact, a great deal of the then-available literature on the college evolved around the person of Sun Yat-sen, especially for those items written in Chinese. There were, however, fifty-one licentiates of the college altogether, and another nine students who transferred from the college to the University of Hong Kong, graduating with the university’s MBBS degree, sixty in all. Who were the other fifty-nine graduates besides Sun Yat-sen, what did they do, and what contributions did they make? It was then that I decided that sometime in the future I needed to find out more, but I did not anticipate that it would be a task that would, on and off, occupy me for more than twenty years. The search is by no means complete, but I believe that what has been unravelled so far is worth sharing with all who are interested, not just in the story of medicine in Hong Kong, but in the story of Hong Kong itself. As I delved into the subject I discovered how much the history of the college and the work of its graduates were intricately connected not only with Hong Kong’s evolving society, but also with the subject of how Western medicine came to be established among the Chinese population, something that many of us had taken for granted. To understand the significance of the HKCM also required a greater understanding of the historical situation on the Chinese mainland during the same period, and of the cultural transformation of Hong Kong itself, as a Chinese city under British administration. This may partly explain why my study was to span so many years. Through this protracted period of study and reflection, I developed a keener appreciation of the city of my birth and how its Chinese heritage became integrated with the many other influences it was exposed to (including Western culture, science, and civilization). Under the nurturing of both sets of

Preface and Acknowledgements ix

influences, the city gradually grew to develop a character and, dare we admit it, an identity of its own. I hope that this volume will contribute to the growing literature on this very special aspect of Hong Kong history and will stimulate greater interest and discussion on this pertinent theme.

Acknowledgements I need to thank many people and organizations for their help in uncovering and providing the materials necessary for conducting research for this book. The records of the college and especially of its graduates were on the whole difficult to source and widely scattered. Of crucial importance was the complete set of minutes of the senate and court of the HKCM, the original copies of which were initially thought to be lost but then fortunately rediscovered. These are now securely kept by the University of Hong Kong, the institution that the college became incorporated into. I am most indebted to Mr. Henry Wai, registrar of the university and his staff, especially Ms. Veronica Ho, for providing me with a copy of this complete set of minutes of the college and other early university records at the start of my research, which gave much insight into and allowed me to verify much of the material contained in this book. Later, when the Hong Kong University Archives were established, I also received advice and assistance from the director, Mrs. Stacy Belcher Lee, and her staff. Another set of records that proved most helpful were the archives of the London Missionary Society (LMS), later to become the Council for World Mission (CWM), which are housed in the archives and manuscripts section of the Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) of the University of London. To the staff of the CWM who gave me permission to consult the archives and to the archivists of SOAS who were not only most helpful on the several occasions when I visited, but also provided much help in subsequent follow-up enquiries, I also owe a debt of gratitude. The HKCM was housed in the Alice Memorial and its affiliated hospitals from its establishment in 1887 until it became incorporated into the University of Hong Kong (HKU) in 1912. The Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole (AHMLN) group of hospitals (which are still in operation today) were under the management of the LMS during this period, and the annual reports of the medical superintendent as well as other LMS staff and their correspondence with the mission’s home office gave much useful background material and specific information on the college and its graduates. I am grateful also to the AHMLN Hospital Executive Committee and its Charity Foundation and to the late Dr. Edward Paterson, former medical superintendent, for their generous help with providing me with literature and information about the hospitals. Professor Lo Hsiang-lin’s collection of materials relating to Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s days as a student in Hong Kong, including the period when he studied at the HKCM, were another helpful source. Professor Lo’s studies and publications

x

Preface and Acknowledgements

stretched over a long period, from before the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong to the time when he taught in the Department of Chinese at HKU from 1951 to 1968. The crucial list of the entrants and graduates of the college found in his book 國父之大學時代 (Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the College of Medicine for Chinese in Hong Kong) provided a basis for the start of this study, especially since the original roll of students of the college (from which Professor Lo’s list was compiled) is now no longer accessible to the general public. I am grateful to the University of Hong Kong’s Fung Ping Shan Library, who gave me permission to make a copy of some of Professor Lo’s materials. Other helpful sources include Hong Kong government records, especially its annual medical and sanitary reports, reports of the registrar general and special committees, and other legislative council papers. I am grateful to Ms. Sarah Choy for her expert advice on the various (sometimes confusing) types of historical government reports and how they relate to each other. The fact that these and other historical government records became available in an openly accessible online digitalized format through the University of Hong Kong Libraries’ digital archives initiative has contributed greatly to their ease of access and has been of significant help. Another very important group of persons were the descendants of sixteen of the HKCM graduates who kindly granted me interviews as well as copies of photographs and certificates of their fathers, grandfathers, uncles, and other family members. The names of all these interviewees are listed and acknowledged in Appendix 3 of this book. To the many people who introduced and connected me with these family members, including Professor Ma Chung Ho-kei, the late Professor Gerald Choa, Professor David Lung Ping-yee, Ms. Grace Sing-tak Leung, Rev. Lee Chee-kong, Dr. Gordon and Mrs.  Rosie  Low, Ms. Philomena Wu, Dr. Tso Shiu-chiu, and to all the interviewees, I tender my most heartfelt thanks, especially for their patience in awaiting the completion of this project. Despite the generous help from all these persons mentioned, I realize that the picture presented in this book is by no means complete, and if there are any inadvertent mistakes or omissions, I accept full responsibility. My hope is that there may be many others with further information who might be able to add to our knowledge about the college and its graduates. I would be delighted to hear from them. I wish to thank the Lord Wilson Heritage Trust (LWHT) of Hong Kong for providing a grant to enable me to complete the later stages of this research, especially in funding the work of my two part-time research assistants, Ms. Tracy Ngai Wing-yan and the late Ms. Amy Ching Sau-sheung. Both Tracy and Amy have been of tremendous and invaluable help in sourcing and organizing material related to the HKCM, especially those which were written in Chinese, including the difficult task of combing through the Chinese newspapers of the period under study. The LWHT grant also enabled me to visit

Preface and Acknowledgements xi

or revisit the library and archives of the University of London at the School of Oriental and African Studies, at the School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, and at Imperial College (for the archives of the Charing Cross Hospital Medical School); the University of Aberdeen; the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh; and the library of the Welcome Trust in London. The help of the librarians and archivists of all these institutions is most appreciated. My thanks also go to successive librarians of the University of Hong Kong, especially Ms. Iris Chan and her colleagues in the special collections section, for their help. Past and present curatorial staff of the Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences have always been helpful in drawing my attention to useful materials relating to the medical history of Hong Kong. Dr. Tso Shiu Chiu, former chairman and my colleague on the Education and Research Committee of the Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, kindly read an earlier version of the manuscript and gave me many helpful criticisms and comments. The advice from a number of authors and historians including Dr. Chan Lau Kit-ching, Rev. Lee Chee-kong, Mrs. Ruth Richardson, and Dr.  Gillian Bickley were much appreciated, especially in the effort they made to share their experience with a non-professional historian like myself. Similarly, my thanks go especially to the former associate publisher of Hong Kong University Press, Dr. Christopher Munn, for his insightful advice as a Hong  Kong historian, and for his encouragement and many helpful criticisms on the manuscript. The comments and suggestions from the press’s anonymous readers have also been most useful. The help of the editorial staff of Hong  Kong University Press, including Ms. Yuet Sang Leung, former acquisitions editor, and Ms. Clara Ho, managing editor, is also gratefully acknowledged. A generous grant from the Li Ka Shing Faculty of Medicine, University of Hong Kong contributed to the publication costs of this book, for which I am most grateful. I am also privileged to have the dean of the faculty, Professor Gabriel Leung, write a foreword for this book, and I thank him for his warm support. Many friends and colleagues have given me much help and encouragement throughout the years that I have been engaged in this study, and if I am unable to name them one and all, I trust that they will nevertheless know that my appreciation for their kindnesses is no less sincere. For the understanding, encouragement and help of my family, and in particular that of my husband, Dr. Michael Hing Man Ho, who through many hours of discussion not only helped to refine many of the ideas presented in this volume (again, any remaining faults are entirely my own), but also patiently put up with my preoccupation with this project over many years, and supported me at all times despite the many difficulties that arose along the way, I offer Michael and all my family my most heartfelt thanks. It is to Michael that I dedicate this volume with love and gratitude.

Common Abbreviations Used

AHMLNH AMH AMMH BI CPD CM CMP GCH GMC IMCS HKCM HKU HMLH KWH LMS LMSH MBBS MBChB MOH NH NT PCMO TCM TPS TWH TWGH WHO WM

Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospitals Alice Memorial Hospital Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital Bacteriological Institute Chinese Public Dispensary Chinese Medicine Chinese Medicine Practitioner Government Civil Hospital General Medical Council (of Britain) (Chinese) Imperial Maritime Customs Services Hong Kong College of Medicine; College of Medicine for Chinese, Hong Kong University of Hong Kong Ho Miu Ling Hospital Kwong Wah Hospital London Missionary Society Licentiate in Medicine and Surgery, College of Medicine, Hong Kong Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery (chirurgiae) Medical officer of health Nethersole Hospital New Territories (of Hong Kong) Principal civil medical officer Traditional Chinese medicine Taipingshan, Taipingshan District Tung Wah Hospital Tung Wah Group of Hospitals World Health Organization Western medicine

A Note on Spelling of Names of Persons and Places Throughout this book, the spelling of place names (e.g., Taipo) follows that used in the source material from which the information was obtained, even though the present-day spelling of the name might differ (i.e., Tai Po). For

Common Abbreviations Used xiii

place names used on the Chinese mainland (e.g., Tientsin), the same principle applies, but the currently used English pinyin equivalent (i.e., Tianjin) is also shown in brackets at first mention. For the names of Chinese provinces and dynasties (e.g., Guangdong, Qing dynasty) the present pinyin format is used for uniformity, except for names of specific organizations or the title of a post, in which case the formal name of the organization or post is retained. Similarly, the spelling of Chinese personal names follows that commonly used in reference material covering the period in question. For uniformity of style, given names are hyphenated.

Chapter 1

Introduction to the College

To start a new medical school is not something to be undertaken lightly, at any time or place. When the aim is to introduce a ‘new’ system of medicine (i.e., Western Medicine) to a vast country whose people had been accustomed for several millennia to a radically different way of viewing disease and its treatment, the task would be immensely more difficult. If there is also little guarantee that the community to be served would support the project not only with their trust but also their patronage to the graduates from the institution, to enable them to develop their profession and earn a living, it would certainly be a challenge that only the most visionary and committed would even contemplate. That, back in 1887, the founders of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (HKCM) did just that, even though they were fully aware of these challenges, is a testament to this vision and commitment. It is therefore interesting to look at this episode in the history of Hong Kong, examine the driving forces behind the venture, and learn something about the people who were involved. Hong Kong, having been a British colony on the doorstep of China for over 150 years, has always been billed as a place where the cultures of East and West meet. As an example of how this has played out in the daily lives of ordinary citizens, examining how Western medicine (WM) and Chinese customs and ideas interacted in this small city can be quite enlightening. During some moments in 1894, when bubonic plague first broke out in Hong Kong, in  the midst of rising tensions as dozens died each day from the epidemic, the enforcement of Western methods of disease control by the authorities was generally regarded by the unprepared population as an unwelcome intrusion to be strongly rejected or resisted. The situation is, of course, vastly different today. Hong Kong citizens now embrace modern scientific medicine as the accepted mode of treatment, and at a standard on a par with the most advanced countries. It is also taken for granted that provision of sophisticated state-ofthe-art medical and health services should be a primary responsibility of the government, accessible to all. How did this change come about? What part did the HKCM play in this cultural shift? What other contributions did the HKCM make, and what impact did it have on Hong Kong society as a whole? This book attempts to examine and provide some answers to these questions.

2

Western Medicine for Chinese

It may be argued that by 1887 when the HKCM was started, forty-four years after the official founding of the colony, Hong Kong should no longer have been a place where Western medicine was completely foreign to its Chinese residents, even though it had yet to be widely accepted. To some extent this was true, but did this make the task any easier? To put this into perspective, we should note that the college was started not primarily with a view to meeting a local need; indeed, it was very clearly pointed out by the dean of the college at its inauguration that the object of the HKCM was to train Chinese who would blaze the trail in introducing modern scientific medicine to the whole of China. In Dr. Patrick Manson’s speech on 1 October 1887 to many of the important people in Hong Kong gathered together that Saturday afternoon at the city hall, he went so far as to throw out a challenge to his students: I can conceive no grander position or opportunity for any man to have than that we offer to each of our students. At his back the whole of European science, before him 300,000,000 to whom to give it. Such a position must fire the ambition of some of them.1

An inspiring vision indeed. The beginning of Western medical education in Hong Kong therefore needs to be seen in the context of the broader picture of bringing Western medicine and its accompanying modernizing influences to the whole of China. In achieving this lofty aim, Hong Kong was able to offer some strategic advantages compared to similar educational efforts on the mainland. This is another interesting facet of the story—one which has been briefly introduced in an earlier publication by the author2—which will be further explored as this current account unfolds. Modern postcolonial historians have also turned their attention to exploring the relationship between the former colonial powers and the colonized population in the introduction of Western ideas, including medicine. Was the introduction of Western medicine in Asia motivated chiefly by humanistic considerations, or could it also be considered a form of colonialism or cultural imperialism, in which the colonizers were trying to impose on their colonial subjects elements of their own culture with little regard to the sensibilities of the native population or the inherent value of their beliefs and traditions? The facts presented in this volume should be able to provide some insights in considering these questions, particularly with regard to Hong Kong. As a start, it should be noted that Hong Kong was hardly a typical colony. Others have also pointed out the fallacy of simplifying or stereotyping the relationship between the colonizing powers and the colonized.3 Indeed, at the time the HKCM was started the colonial government of the day was not the least interested in providing Western medical services to the Chinese population of Hong Kong, let alone to take the trouble to educate Chinese youths to change the attitude of their compatriots towards WM. We will see how the HKCM was very much the work of a small group of volunteer medical professionals, in the

Introduction to the College 3

company of one or two missionaries and other well-meaning citizens, rather than a government-led initiative. Besides, it was mostly due to the efforts of the Chinese graduates themselves that the many obstacles to achieving acceptance of WM were slowly overcome, eventually providing strong enough incentives for an initially reluctant government to develop Western medical services for the local Chinese population. Most of the chapters in this book will be devoted to tracing the careers and contributions of these HKCM graduates to see how they were able to achieve this extraordinary feat. In order to provide some necessary background information, and to help in evaluating the work of the graduates, other chapters will introduce the college itself and the people involved and will also give an account of major events that greatly influenced the eventual outcome. In the course of telling this story, we will also examine whether, or to what extent, the stated aim of the college to bring Western medicine to the whole of China succeeded. To set the scene, it is necessary to first examine briefly the status of Western medicine on the Chinese mainland at the end of the nineteenth century, especially looking at the efforts in medical education carried out there, before turning our attention to the Hong Kong College itself.

Western Medicine and Medical Education in Nineteenth-Century China Although sporadic interchange of medical knowledge between China and the West had taken place earlier, for example, via the early traders along the Silk Road and later through the work of the Jesuits, who during the seventeenth century had established a presence in the imperial Chinese court,4 it was not until the early part of the nineteenth century that ‘Western’ medicine was introduced to the Chinese people in any meaningful way. Doctors attached to the East India Company, such as Alexander Pearson and Thomas Richardson Colledge, had attempted some pioneering work at the beginning of the century, particularly in the field of Jennerian vaccination for prevention of smallpox and operations for eye diseases.5 However, their work was distinctly limited and the provision of ‘Western’ medical services was started in a more substantial manner only after the arrival of medical missionaries. Dr. Peter Parker was one of the earliest medical missionaries to reach Canton (now Guangzhou) in southern China in 1834. That was before the Opium Wars, when China was still very much closed to foreigners. In 1835, Parker opened the first hospital of Western medicine on the Chinese mainland, the Ophthalmic Hospital, in what was then known as the ‘Factories’ district of Canton. The hospital served the Chinese population not only for eye diseases but also for other ailments.6 The Factories area was the only district where foreigners were allowed to reside for eight months in the year, where their trading ships could berth and unload their cargoes. Two years later, in 1837, he began recruiting local youths to train

4

Western Medicine for Chinese

them to assist him in the hospital and in the performance of eye surgery, but the training was in the form of apprenticeship and a formal medical education was not to start in Canton until much later. After the Treaty of Nanking was signed in August 1842, in addition to the formal ceding of Hong Kong to the British, five treaty ports in China were opened up to foreigners for purposes of trade, Canton (the original trading port) and four new ones (viz., Amoy [now Xiamen], Foochow [now Fuzhou], Ningpo, and Shanghai), thus abolishing the monopoly of Canton in this area. This was the start of a new era in the opening up of China—not only to trade with foreign countries, but also to the influence of the Western world as a whole. Medical missionary activity made significant inroads after 1842. Chinese people had, of course, long relied on traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) to serve their needs for over 3,000 years. A large body of literature related to TCM had been collected, and there was an impressive pharmacopoeia of Chinese, mainly herbal, medicines to choose from. Nevertheless, the scientific advances in medicine introduced in Europe and the West during the period of the Enlightenment from the seventeenth to the eighteenth century, all the way to the major scientific discoveries of the nineteenth century,7 had largely escaped the attention of Chinese doctors up until then. They were still much engrossed in concepts of yin and yang; of hot and cold; of the interaction of the five elements (metal, wood, water, fire, and earth); and the external, seasonal, as well as internal balance of these various factors within the body in the generation of disease states. The introduction of unfamiliar concepts of disease and its treatment by foreigners was at first greeted with scepticism and even suspicion. More especially, their invasive surgical methods of treatment appeared alarming, a reflection of how deeply rooted cultural factors influence people’s attitude towards health and medicine. Western doctors arriving in China, on the other hand, witnessed first-hand the enormous need for modern medical treatment for the vast Chinese population, especially in those types of illness where traditional medicine was less able to help. This was especially relevant due to the prevalence of many acute, infectious diseases at the time, aggravated by the poor hygienic living conditions and habits. They were grieved to see how, by delaying timely treatment, the traditional methods might actually cause harm and sometimes even lead to loss of life when, in their view, this might have been prevented. Even though these contrasting viewpoints by the two groups of practitioners were always lingering in the background, in time, examples of successful treatment by Western doctors where TCM treatment had failed did start to change attitudes and convinced quite a few to seek help from them. Some of the obvious types of disease showing the most impressive results of Western medicine were in the field of eye diseases and other diseases like stones in the urinary bladder causing obstruction to the flow of urine, where surgery was required, and where relief through surgery was dramatic. In Canton, Amoy, Shanghai, and elsewhere,

Introduction to the College 5

hospitals were built and Western medical services became available to Chinese, but the demand became much greater than the small number of doctors from the missionary community could meet. Undoubtedly this provided a very strong impetus for them to start medical education to train Chinese in WM, as the most effective strategy to increase the availability of much-needed ‘modern’ medical services to the vast population of China. However, these efforts were hampered by the heavy workload of the missionaries, whose supporters back home had a justifiable expectation that they would be involved in all aspects of missionary work and not just in provision of medical care. The scarcity of manpower was compounded by the difficulty of having to teach in Chinese, since they had to prepare their own teaching materials in Chinese or first translate published texts into Chinese. The training that they were able to provide was therefore limited, usually in the form of apprenticeships rather than following a structured course. It mostly served the purpose of providing assistants to the mission hospitals, with very few of the trained sufficiently qualified to undertake independent practice among the wider population. By 1889 there were at least ninety-two medically qualified missionaries working in China,8 and in a survey carried out in 1896 based on 140 circulars sent out to medical missionaries throughout China, there were thirty-nine places where some form of training was being provided to students, although in the words of the author, ‘scarcely half a dozen places in China have arrived at the point where they can be really considered to be a medical school’.9 Hong Kong was counted as one of the six. This unsatisfactory state of affairs was acknowledged and hotly debated by the medical missionary community, particularly when they had a chance to gather together at the meetings of the China Medical Missionary Association, and also through the association’s journal, the China Medical Missionary Journal.10 In a valiant attempt to face the problems head-on, concerted plans were proposed for improvement and pooling together of resources from different missionary organizations, to prepare the personnel and facilities for a more structured mode of medical education in a few strategic cities inside China. However, this was not to materialize until the dawn of the twentieth century.11 Other categories of Western medical personnel working in China in the nineteenth century were also small in number. They included the army and naval medical officers from various Western countries who were stationed in the coastal treaty ports, but they were not involved with providing services to the Chinese population. Another small group of medical professionals served with the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service (IMCS). This was an unusual organization started in 1854 in which the Chinese government employed foreigners to administer the collection of customs duties on its behalf. In 1863 Robert Hart had assumed the post of inspector general of the IMCS, and he started to reorganize and expand its sphere of activities. A number of medical officers were employed by the IMCS to monitor the ships docking at the treaty

6

Western Medicine for Chinese

ports and to provide services for the expatriate communities who lived there. They also produced medical reports of the diseases they encountered, as well as other information of interest.12 It was in such a post that Patrick Manson came to China in 1866, first serving in Formosa (now Taiwan) for five years, and then in Amoy for another thirteen.13 During his period of service with the IMCS in China, Manson also worked as a volunteer in various mission hospitals and had plenty of opportunity to observe and to treat, as a private practitioner, a large variety of diseases affecting the local population, and even to experience the opposition shown to his efforts by the local traditional practitioners. He was later to be an important player in the establishment of the College of Medicine for Chinese in Hong Kong. We can see that compared to the vast population, the number of WM practitioners in China was extremely small. It is therefore understandable how, at the end of the nineteenth century, the provision of Western medical training for Chinese was seen to be a truly urgent task, and Hong Kong was believed to be a place where this could be done with a much greater chance of success than anywhere else in China.

Western Medicine and the Chinese Population of Hong Kong It would not be unreasonable to expect that Hong Kong, having formally become a British colony in 1843, should have provided much better modern medical services to its Chinese population than what was available on the mainland. A colonial surgeon to look after medical matters had indeed been appointed in 1843, but for the initial forty or more years of the colony, there was in fact hardly any attempt by the authorities to provide public or private Western medical services for its Chinese population. The only exception was an early Medical Missionary Hospital offering free services for Chinese, which had been established in 1843 on Morrison Hill, on the eastern part of the island of Hong Kong. Dr. Benjamin Hobson, the medical missionary in charge, had even proposed to start a medical school attached to the hospital, but he could not get the necessary funding for such a project. Later, Hobson moved into Guangdong province in China, and when his replacement also left, the hospital had to be closed in 1853 due to lack of staff.14 No further attempt was made to start such a hospital for another thirty years. For at least the first fifty years of colonial rule it was the view of the Hong Kong government officials that the Chinese population did not favour consulting ‘Western’ doctors for their ailments and that their needs would be served by the TCM practitioners. Indeed, these practitioners appeared to have been popular, as there were 333 such practitioners according to the ‘breakdown of occupations’ in the census of the colony in 1881 (for a Chinese population of 150,690) and 463 in the 1891 census report (for a Chinese population of 210,926), which was around one for every 450 persons.15

Introduction to the College 7

A small number of expatriate Western medical practitioners had also set up private practice in the British colony from its early days, but they served the foreign population almost exclusively. By 1884, when Hong Kong’s Medical Registration Ordinance was passed,16 and when the first register was published, there were nine persons on the list of registered medical practitioners in Hong Kong, not counting those who were in the armed forces or in full-time government service who were exempt from registration. All those on the list were foreign nationals who had received training outside Hong Kong. Included among the nine on the register was Dr. Patrick Manson, who had moved to Hong Kong in 1883 to join one of the private firms headed by Dr. William Hartigan. Another name added to the register a few weeks later was Dr. William Young, a doctor originally from Scotland who had come from Canada to take up his brother Richard’s practice.17 Dr. William Young arrived in 1881 and was deeply touched by the lack of medical care for the Chinese, even though the need was obviously present. Together with other like-minded individuals who shared his concern, they formed the Medical Mission Committee (MMC). The MMC successfully started a dispensary in the notoriously crowded Chinese residential district of Taipingshan (within a chapel of the London Missionary Society [LMS]), with Dr. Young providing free outpatient services several mornings each week. The popularity of this service convinced the group that the long-held view that Chinese were not willing to seek the services of a ‘Western’ medical practitioner was in reality a fallacy, and led to an appeal from the MMC to the LMS to re-establish a mission hospital in Hong Kong that could provide Western medical services to the Chinese for free, while at the same time helping to train Chinese practitioners of Western medicine. Such an institution did not exist in Hong Kong at that time. The Government Civil Hospital, the major public hospital, was set up in 1854 mainly for serving civil servants and the destitute, while all other categories of persons had to pay prohibitively expensive fees (see Chapter 2 for more details). The Tung Wah Hospital (opened in 1872) provided only TCM services at that time. The MMC group believed that Hong Kong was in a unique position to make a contribution in this area, not only to serve local needs; even at that time, it was the intention that the doctors trained in such a hospital could go out to serve the whole of China. Unfortunately, the LMS directors in the mission headquarters could not undertake to fully fund such a major project. As early as 1879, Mr. E. R. Belilios, a local merchant and philanthropist who had come to Hong Kong from Calcutta,18 had already set up a scholarship for Chinese to study Western medicine (initially suggested to be started at the Tung Wah Hospital), although this was never utilized. In 1881 he also offered to donate $5,000 for a hospital. When Dr. Patrick Manson arrived in Hong  Kong from Amoy in December 1883 he became a staunch supporter of the proposal for establishing a public ‘charity’ hospital for Chinese and

8

Western Medicine for Chinese

‘Europeans in need of assistance’. He and other doctors in private practice would offer their services free at such a charity hospital. A public appeal for funds was started in February 1884, but unfortunately this appeal was also not successful, mainly due to differences in opinion on how the hospital was to be managed.19 The situation therefore reached an impasse that was not to be solved until new players arrived on the scene.

The Establishment of the Alice Memorial Hospital In early 1882 Dr. Ho Kai (何啓) returned to Hong Kong from Britain, after gaining a medical degree from Aberdeen University, clinical training at St. Thomas’ Hospital in London, and having been called to the Bar at Lincoln’s Inn in London. He was the son of a Chinese pastor, Rev. Ho Fuk-tong (何福堂), who had worked with the missionary and sinologist James Legge and who was the first Hong Kong Chinese pastor to be ordained by the LMS. Ho Kai also became interested in establishing a hospital for Chinese. Around this time, the LMS offered to provide $14,000 from the proceeds of sale of its chapel in the Lower Bazaar, at the junction of Queen’s Road Central and Jervois Street (in the district now named Sheung Wan) to go towards the purchase of a piece of land at the corner of Hollywood Road and Aberdeen Street. The site was owned by Mary Ayow, the Chinese widow of Daniel Richard Caldwell. The plan was to use part of the site for a hospital and the other part for the erection of a church building for the Chinese congregation linked with the Union Church of the LMS, of which Mrs. Caldwell was a member. The site cost $22,000, so there was a shortfall of $8,000 that had to be made up by public subscription. On 8 June 1884 Alice—Ho Kai’s English wife, who had accompanied him on his return to Hong Kong—died of typhoid. According to the historian Carl  Smith, she had left some funds in her estate that made it possible for Ho Kai to offer to fund the building of the hospital in her memory, on the site provided by the LMS. Dr. Ho stipulated in the conditions of his donation, as recorded in the Constitution of the Alice Memorial Hospital, that the hospital had to be under the control of the LMS, who would send a missionary doctor to supervise the work of the medical department, although the ‘friendly cooperation’ of the local doctors who offered their services free would be welcome. This settled the question of whether the hospital was to be a mission hospital managed by a missionary society, or a public ‘charity’ hospital supported from public subscriptions. Ho Kai also proposed to name the hospital after his late wife, Alice, hence the name, the Alice Memorial Hospital (AMH). With this encouraging donation and clarification of the future management of the hospital, the required shortfall of $8,000 to complete the purchase of the parcel of land on which the hospital was to be built was collected in a short

Introduction to the College 9

space of time from public subscriptions from both the European as well as Chinese members of the community.20 Belilios agreed to use his earlier offer of a gift of $5,000 for a hospital towards purchase of medicines for this hospital, provided that it was open to all creeds and nationalities. His medical scholarships were also redirected to support two boys from the Government Central School for attending the College of Medicine, to be started in the hospital. Architectural plans that included rooms for medical students were drawn up (see Figure 1.2), and building work began. In February 1887 the officer administering the government (the acting governor), Mr. W. H. Marsh, opened the hospital, which was widely reported in the English-language newspapers, and four local doctors (Patrick Manson, William Hartigan, Gregory Jordan, and William Young) were appointed to the staff of the hospital in an honorary capacity, as the LMS had not yet sent a medical missionary to staff the hospital. Dr. Jordan was one of the partners in the practice of Adams and Jordan, the ‘rival’ group to Manson and Hartigan’s practice, although they were certainly not rivals as far as the AMH was concerned. The four honorary physicians would take turns to provide outpatient services and each had a ward in his charge. The appointment of a medical missionary to staff the hospital, as stipulated in the constitution of the hospital, was not to take place until 1889, two years after its opening.

Figure 1.1 The Alice Memorial Hospital at the corner of Hollywood Road and Aberdeen Street, showing the west and south façade, ground floor and first floor levels. Source: Council for World Mission/LMS Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, CWM/LMS/China/Photographs/Box 8/File 52.

Figure 1.2 Architectural plans drawn up by the firm Palmer and Turner for the layout of the rooms of the Alice Memorial Hospital, dated 1887. In this version of the plans, several rooms were reserved for the use of students of the College of Medicine (marked on the plan as student’s room and students’ library). Courtesy of Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, donated by the AHMLN Hospital.

Introduction to the College 11

The Start of the College of Medicine for Chinese Although it appeared that a few ‘student dressers’ might have already been recruited to the hospital soon after the AMH was opened (as mentioned in the dean’s inaugural address to mark the opening of the college), the college proper was not started until a meeting was called by Dr. James Cantlie on 30 August 1887 at the Alice Memorial Hospital, at which eight persons were present. Cantlie had just arrived in Hong Kong on 27 July 1887 to join the practice of Manson and Hartigan, in preparation for Manson’s departure from Hong Kong on retirement. He had enjoyed teaching medical students while working at the Charing Cross Hospital and Medical School in London, and was keen to continue this teaching. In addition to Cantlie, the eight persons present included Patrick Manson, Ho Kai, William Young, and Gregory Jordan, who have been introduced already, as well as the Reverend John Chalmers, the senior missionary of the LMS in Hong Kong, Dr. Johann Gerlach, another doctor in private practice, and Mr. W. E. Crow, the government chemist and apothecary to the Civil Hospital. These persons were all expected to help in teaching in an honorary capacity. The group resolved to start the college and immediately appointed themselves as the senate for the new medical school.21 Besides the senate, which would deal with academic matters, it was also agreed that there would be a court that would be the main management body and a standing council headed by a rector, which would consist of all teaching staff and licentiates, together with prominent members of the community. This type of governance structure had definitely not been a feature of medical schools attached to mission hospitals in China up until then, but resembled very much the organization of Aberdeen University, the alma mater of Manson, Cantlie, and Ho Kai. The group also elected Manson as the first dean and Cantlie as secretary and decided to hold an inaugural meeting for the college at the city hall on 1 October 1887, at which the dean would give an address to explain the aims of the college and to canvass for support. (See Appendix 1.) In the beginning the HKCM had no endowment and no buildings of its own. With the generous cooperation of the LMS, teaching was mainly conducted at the AMH and some of the students were also accommodated in the hospital.

The Structure of the Curriculum and the Teachers The curriculum spanned five years, and each academic year was divided into an Autumn session (September–December) and a Spring session (March–June) with examinations held in January and July. Teaching was conducted entirely in English. Initially, besides the AMH, it also made use of the chemistry laboratories of Queen’s College, which was situated just across the road from the AMH at the diagonally opposite corner of Hollywood Road and Aberdeen Street.22 It was also noteworthy that botany was taught for the first six years at the public

12

Western Medicine for Chinese

Botanical Gardens by Mr. Charles Ford, the government superintendent of the Botanic and Forestry Department. As time passed, more facilities became available for teaching in different subjects. When the Government Bacteriological Institute was opened on Caine Lane in 1906, teaching in pathology and in physiology was also conducted there. Although it was not until 1908 that permission was given by the government to use a room in the public mortuary at Hill Road for the students to learn practical anatomy via dissections,23 postmortem teaching (i.e., teaching on pathological changes as demonstrated in the body after death) had been approved from 1888, using unclaimed bodies from the AMH.24 Later still, in 1909, students were also permitted to attend the medical wards of the Tung Wah Hospital for teaching in clinical medicine, and permission by the governor to use the Chinese lunatic asylum for clinical instruction in mental diseases was also given in 1909. Figure 1.3 shows a page from the calendar of the college issued in the year 1887 showing the subjects to be taught and the teachers who agreed to be responsible for the subject. Since this was merely an indication of the planned curriculum at the start of the college, as the years went by inevitably changes were made to both the subjects and the teachers. The lecturers comprised many of the doctors in private practice in Hong Kong, as well as members of the Government Medical and Sanitary Departments, medical personnel from the armed forces, and those serving in other capacities in the government, such as Mr. W. E. Crow, the government chemist. The best known of the early teachers were Patrick Manson and James Cantlie, although Manson, having left within two years of the start of the college, could not have contributed a great deal of actual teaching since there is no record that he taught any of the preclinical subjects. He did, however, examine the students in the subject of ‘clinical observations’ at least once before his departure. Soon after the start of the college, it was thought necessary to add Latin to the syllabus, and this was taught by Ernest Eitel, the inspector of schools, who later authored the book Europe in China,25 but this subject was dropped after 1892. As mentioned, the lessons in botany (which was an important subject during that period when herbal remedies were still being used widely in Western medicine), were taught in the Botanical Gardens initially by Mr. Charles Ford. Later, when he became too busy to teach, he continued to supply specimens from the public gardens to the college for teaching purposes. For several years afterwards, botany was taught by Sydney Skertchly, a naturalist and university lecturer from Britain who later settled in Australia, who was well known in his own fields of study.26 Thus it could be seen that the most qualified person in the subject available in Hong Kong was often invited and agreed to teach at the college, although when necessity arose, other (possibly less qualified) lecturers were also willing to take up the various subjects. In this respect, Hong Kong did certainly hold an advantage over other cities on the Chinese mainland in the number and variety of persons it could call upon to teach.

Figure 1.3 A page from the Calendar of the College of Medicine for Chinese, 1887, showing the subjects to be taught and the list of teachers. Source: Council for World Mission/LMS Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, CWML A3/2, Vol. 1886–7.

14

Western Medicine for Chinese

Most lectures were held early in the morning or late in the evening, to fit in with the schedule of the part-time teachers who were busy with their practices or other work during the day.27 During other times students were required to help with the work of the Alice Memorial Hospital for both inpatients as well as outpatients, assisting in the operation theatre where ‘each student has his post, one in charge of instruments, a second of sponges, a third of dressings etc.’.28 They also learned to dispense medicines and perform minor surgical procedures. The 1890 annual report of the AMH gives some idea of what this involved: A very large number of minor surgical operations, such as opening of abscesses, catheterization, reduction of simple dislocations and of fractured bones, removal of nasal polyps and other small tumours etc., [were] performed in the Out-patient department by the visiting medical officers, the house surgeon, and the senior students.

They also assisted in the work of the Taipingshan and Sai Ying Pun dispensaries run by the LMS. Later, the resident medical staffs of the AMH and its affiliated hospitals were appointed as tutors for the students. In 1901 tutorials in physiology, surgery, medicine, and tropical medicine were provided by the resident and former resident staff, which included some of the graduates from the college; they also gave lectures to the students when the appointed lecturer was temporarily absent. This type of teaching through lectures and tutorials together with practical training in the hospitals and dispensaries would have given the students a good theoretical foundation, together with ample exposure to patients and diseases. Through treating patients under supervision, they were able to gain valuable clinical experience during their training. There were professional examinations at the end of each year. In the calendar of the HKCM published in 1893, the subjects for examination in each year were listed as follows: for the first year, botany, chemistry, elementary anatomy, and physiology; for the second, anatomy and physiology; for the third, materia medica, pathology, elementary surgery; for the fourth, midwifery, medical jurisprudence, public health; and for the final examination, medicine, surgery, therapeutics, clinical medicine, and clinical surgery. Passes in each of the examination subjects were required before the student could be awarded the diploma of the college, the Licentiate in Medicine and Surgery of the College of Medicine for Chinese, Hong Kong, abbreviated as LMSH. For the first graduation ceremony in 1892, a special graduation diploma was designed that included a college seal with two notable features. James Cantlie, who was dean at the time, explained the significance of the crest shown on the seal at the graduation ceremony as follows: ‘The Crest we have adopted for this College is a dragon and the quartering of the Royal Standard of Britain. We mean this to be a national work; it is no mean attempt but one worthy of an Empire.’29 What is equally notable was the Chinese name

Introduction to the College 15

Figure 1.4 Seal of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese. Courtesy of Hong Kong University Archives.

of the college appearing in the seal: 香港西醫大學堂. The use of the words 大學堂 shows that in the minds of its founders, the standing of the college would be equivalent to that of a university. All the teachers gave their services voluntarily without remuneration until 1901, fourteen years after the start of the college, when a grant from the government enabled the college to award a small honorarium of $150 to the lecturers for the long (Autumn) session and $100 for the short (Spring) session, with $75 for the long session and $50 for the short sessions to tutors.

Schools and Places of Origin of the Students Another strategic advantage of starting medical education in Hong Kong was the availability of students whose command of the English language was of a sufficient standard to enable them to take up such studies. Table 1.1 shows a summary of the schools and the places where the students of the college were recruited from. Altogether there were 128 students who enrolled in the college in the twenty-five years from 1887 to 1912. Of these 128, there were 118 for whom we have information on the school they attended. Eighty-six of the 118 students (73%) came from seven Hong Kong schools, with the largest number (46%) coming from Queen’s College, also known by its earlier names, the Government Central School and Victoria College. The Government Central School had been the first government school specifically set up to provide teaching in English to a high standard, with a British headmaster supervising the school.30 By the time the HKCM opened, the Central School had been in operation for twenty-five years, and a cohort of Chinese students with sufficient command of the English language to undertake medical studies in English was being built up. Other schools teaching in English to the required standard had also been established during that time. It is interesting

Table 1.1 Hong Kong College of Medicine: Schools and places of origin of students* Name of School/ Country A. In Hong Kong 1 Queen’s College (including Central School, Victoria College) 2 Diocesan School

3 St. Paul’s College 4 St. Stephen’s College 5 St. Joseph College 6 Sai Ying Pun AngloChinese School (Mr. Fung Fu’s School, later King’s College) 7 Ellis Kadoorie School Total from Hong Kong B. Outside Hong Kong 1 Great Britain, Colonies, and Dependencies

2 Anglo-Chinese (AC) College, Foochow Peiyang College/ University, Tientsin AC College, Canton Canton Hospital Medical School

Location at the Time

Gough Street and later, Hollywood Road, Hong Kong Eastern Street, Hong Kong Glenealy, Hong Kong Bonham Road, Hong Kong Robinson Road, Hong Kong 3rd Street, Sai Ying Pun, Hong Kong

Sai Ying Pun, Hong Kong

Norwich, England; Singapore; Malacca; Penang; Burma; Ceylon; India Corresponding city on Chinese mainland

Numbers

Degree/ Diploma Awarded**

Entered

Graduated

54

29

23 LMSH; 6 MBBS

14

4

8

6

2 LMSH; 2 LMSH + MBBS 6 LMSH

4

0

3

1

2

1

1

0

86

41

14

9

7 LMSH 2 MBBS

8

5

4 LMSH 1 MBBS

2

1

1 LMSH

1

0

1

1

1 LMSH + MBBS 1 LMSH

1 LMSH

(continued on p. 17)

Introduction to the College 17

Table 1.1 (continued) Name of School/ Country

Location at the Time

Numbers Entered

Graduated

Railway College, Tientsin Total China 3 USA† 4 Philippines Total from outside Hong Kong C. Unknown

1

0

13 4 1 32

7 2 1 19

10

0

GRAND TOTAL

128

60

Degree/ Diploma Awarded**

2 LMSH 1 LMSH

* Based on Information from Chapter 5 of Professor Lo Hsiang-lin’s book 國父之大 學時代 (臺北:臺灣商務印書館,增訂臺灣二版,1967). According to Prof. Lo, the list of student names and other information that appeared in this chapter was derived from the roll of students of the college to which he had access. Unfortunately, the roll, now in an archive in Taiwan, is not freely available for study by researchers. ** LMSH = Licentiate in Medicine and Surgery, Hong Kong; MBBS = Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery, University of Hong Kong. Note: Only diplomas awarded by the HKCM or degrees awarded by the University of Hong Kong are included. † Students of Chinese descent who studied in schools in the USA.

to note that all seven Hong Kong schools shown in Table 1.1 are still in operation today, although some under different names, and are still among the bestknown schools in Hong Kong. Two of these were government schools, Queen’s College and its predecessors, and the Anglo-Chinese School in Sai Ying Pun, later King’s College. The others were grant-in-aid schools operated by church or missionary organizations, with the exception of the Ellis Kadoorie School, which was funded at that time by the Ellis Kadoorie Chinese Schools Society.31 The ‘Fung Fu’ school in Sai Ying Pun was quite unusual as it was one of a number of small government-funded Anglo-Chinese schools located in various Chinese-populated districts or villages throughout the Hong Kong island and Kowloon, which were said to be doing the same work as the corresponding classes of the Central School. When its two students were admitted to the HKCM, this particular school was run by a headmaster, Mr. Fung Fu, a college graduate who had returned from the United States. It was mentioned in the report of the inspector of schools that the standard reached at that school was high.32 Later, this school was renamed King’s College when it was moved to new premises on Bonham Road in 1926.33

18

Western Medicine for Chinese

It is also significant that as many as 27 per cent, or 32 out of 118 entrants, with known place of origin came from schools outside Hong Kong. Due to the language of instruction being English, the largest number of these students (fourteen in all) came from the British colonies or protectorates, mostly from the neighbouring Asian countries. The second largest group (thirteen in total) was from the mainland of China, and again, these could only come from schools or colleges that provided a suitable education in English. It is not surprising, therefore, that of the thirteen students coming from the mainland, other than the three who came from Tientsin (now Tianjin), where English education was spearheaded by the Chinese government officials (pre-eminently Li Hung-chang as viceroy), the remaining ten were all from the Anglo-Chinese colleges or medical colleges run by missionary societies in China. The AngloChinese College of Foochow, started by the American Methodist Mission, is of particular interest since it was one of the first in China to be established (in 1881) as a school teaching not only English but also other subjects in the English language, including mathematics, botany, chemistry, physics, geology, and astronomy to a senior level.34 The standards reached by the students were high, and it is not surprising that of eight students who came from this college, five were able to complete the course successfully. The four students from the US schools were all of Chinese descent, and were either childhood migrants or progeny of the migrants to the States who originally were from China. In addition to these, three other students (John Wong, Sun Yat-sen, and Hsu Tsaktsan) had studied in the United States or Hawaii and then returned to Hong Kong or China to finish their education before entering the college. Initially, there was no entrance examination for the HKCM, and students whose English or other academic standards were not up to standard would be eliminated through failure in their professional college examinations. In 1904 a preliminary examination was established as a requirement for entry into the HKCM35 or, alternatively, a corresponding pass in the Oxford Senior Local Examinations, which was also accepted by the General Medical Council in Britain.36 The college preliminary examination required a pass in English, elementary mathematics, geography, history, and Latin (although later, classical Chinese could be substituted for the latter), all subjects to be passed at the same time. Failure in one subject required re-examination in all the subjects. This tightening of the entry requirements was related to the college’s renewed application to gain the recognition of the British General Medical Council for its licentiate diploma; at the same time plans for building of the college premises were also taking shape.37

Funding for the College The HKCM was started with a great deal of enthusiasm, but sustaining it was more of a problem as it had no endowment, and it was necessary to find the

Introduction to the College 19

funds for its continued operation through donations. As mentioned in an earlier section, at its inception, E. R. Belilios had generously provided for two scholarships for students coming from the Central School. Later, two ‘Watson’ scholarships were also established by Mr. John Humphreys, the proprietor of the company Watson’s the Chemist, after he had been nursed by two of the students following an operation performed on him by James Cantlie. (At that time, European nursing sisters had not yet arrived in Hong Kong.) The first two recipients of this scholarship were Sun Yat-sen and John Wong, as reported by the China Mail on 1 October 1888. At the opening ceremony of the college on 1 October 1887, an appeal for subscriptions had been made by the dean (see Appendix 1), and at the same event, it was announced that an annual contribution had been promised by the German consulate, and also a sum of $1,000 had been donated by the TWH Board for purchase of equipment. As reported by the Daily Telegraph, the acting governor who officiated at the opening also generously responded to the dean’s appeal by a promise to send in his personal subscription. Despite these sporadic acts of generosity, lack of funding remained a constant problem that plagued the college. The initial fee of $50 per session charged to the students (later raised to $60 per session in 1905) could by no means cover the expenses. Prizes were donated by the honorary teachers, as well as items of teaching equipment, like a set of human skeleton, which was donated by Ho Kai, and a microscope that was donated by Major General Sir William Gascoigne, then commander of the British troops for China and Hong Kong. When matters related to finance came to a head in 1891, James Cantlie was reported in the minutes of a court meeting to have personally guaranteed $500 a year for five years, to keep the college running while its governing body endeavoured to secure a site for building the college facilities and to solicit donations.38 There is no record of whether Cantlie did have to make good on this promise. Mr. E. R. Belilios, a member of the court of the college, who had provided several scholarships, did come forward with the promise of funding a building, if the government could be persuaded to grant a site and a matching grant. Unfortunately, the government had delayed a decision for too long and this offer was later withdrawn. After another appeal for support was made to the colonial government, a major step forward was achieved in 1901 when it was reported at the senate meeting of 6 August that the secretary of state for the colonies had approved an annual grant of $2,500 to provide for an honorarium for teachers, as well as $2,500 for maintenance of the dispensaries used by the college for training purposes.39 At a subsequent senate meeting on 23 October 1901 it was also reported that the governor, Sir Henry Blake, had authorized members of his government departments ‘to render such assistance as they may see fit to the College and to receive such honoraria as may fall due in consideration of such service’. This was a discerning decision on the part of the governor, as it could

20

Western Medicine for Chinese

have been considered unfair for non-government servants among the teaching staff to receive honorariums, while the government servants were prevented from doing so. In fact, this might have reduced the support for teaching at the college from many who had hitherto been most helpful. Two government scholarships named ‘Blake scholarships’, after the name of the then governor, were also provided.

College Premises and Final Incorporation into the University of Hong Kong It was evident from the beginning that there was a need for the college to have a building of its own to accommodate proper teaching facilities and to release the rooms used by the students in the AMH to relieve overcrowding at the hospital. By the beginning of the twentieth century, with increase in student numbers, this need became more acute. With the support of the rector, Henry May, who was also colonial secretary at the time, two plots of land in the Taipingshan resumed area of the city were made available by the government in 1907 for erecting the college buildings, provided they could raise sufficient funds for the purpose. Another appeal was made for subscriptions among the local philanthropists, and a fundraising committee was instituted as far away as London, with Dr. Cantlie as the convener, and with many old Hong Kong hands like Thomas Jackson, former chairman of the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank (whose statue still graces Statue Square in Hong Kong’s Central District) as members. A response from Mr. Ng Li-hing, a successful Hong Kong businessman, to provide $50,000 to erect two buildings, and another contribution consisting of property from the estate of Mr. Tang Chuk-kai were promising starts. A contract had been signed and construction was about to go ahead on one of the buildings when Frederick Lugard, the new governor, approached the college to consider giving up their scheme and amalgamating it with his grander proposal for a university for Hong Kong. The court of the college eventually agreed to give up their building programme and to accept Lugard’s proposal, and Mr. Ng agreed to redirect his endowment to add to the university funds, to build a school of anatomy for the university instead. Thus, the college was incorporated into Hong Kong’s first university, the University of Hong Kong, as its Faculty of Medicine when it opened its doors to students in 1912. This marked the close of one chapter and the beginning of a new one in the story of medical education in Hong Kong. The transition to university status and its impact will be described in greater detail in Chapter 6.

Notes 1. See Appendix 1 for a reproduction of the dean’s speech at the inauguration of the college.

Introduction to the College 21

2. Faith C. S. Ho, ‘The Beginning of Medical Education in Hong Kong 125 Years Ago . . . Its Unique Features in Comparison to Similar Efforts in China’, Hong Kong Medical Journal 18 (2012): 544–50. 3. See, for example, John Carroll’s review of modern scholarship on the subject of Hong Kong and colonialism in his book Edge of Empires: British Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2007), 6–13. 4. Ma Kan-wen, ‘East-West Medical Exchange and Their Mutual Influence’, in Knowledge Across Cultures: Universities East and West, ed. Ruth Hayhoe (Wuhan: Hubei Education Press; Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE) Press, 1993), 154–81. For a more general account of the early development of Chinese medicine and of Western medicine in China, see also Wong K. Chimin and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine, 2nd ed. (Shanghai: National Quarantine Service, 1936; repr., Southern Materials Center, Taipei, 1985). 5. Gerald Hugh Choa, ‘Heal the Sick’ Was Their Motto: The Protestant Medical Missionaries in China (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1990), 1–9. 6. William Warder Cadbury and Mary Hoxie Jones, At the Point of a Lancet: One Hundred Years of the Canton Hospital 1855–1935 (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1935), 33. 7. Readers interested to read about these scientific advances and discoveries may find more information in Roy Porter’s book The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A  Medical History of Humanity from Antiquity to the Present (London: Harper Collins Publishers, 1997). 8. See Corea and Siam, ‘List of Medical Missionaries in China’, The China Medical Missionary Journal 3 (1889): 26–29. 9. James Boyd Neal, ‘Medical Teaching in China’, The China Medical Missionary Journal 11 (1897): 89–91. 10. The Medical Missionary Association provided a forum for forthright discussions on this important topic, not only in its meetings but also through the China Medical Missionary Journal (CMMJ). See, for example, the following articles that record some of these discussions: J. K. Mackenzie, ‘Medical Education in China’, CMMJ 1 (1887): 127–29; Robert C. Beebe, ‘Our Medical Students’, CMMJ 3 (1889): 1–4; H. W. Boone, ‘Presidential Address: Medical Education for the Chinese’, CMMJ 4 (1890): 109–14; J. B. Neal, ‘Training Medical Students and Their Prospects of Success’, CMMJ 4 (1890): 129–30; J. G. Kerr, ‘Training Medical Students’, CMMJ 4 (1890): 135–40. 11. For an account of the formation of Union Medical Colleges in China early in the twentieth century, see Wong K. Chimin and Wu Lien-teh, ‘Period 1900–1910 Formation of Proper Union Medical Schools and Systematic Training of Nurses’, in History of Chinese Medicine, 538–88. 12. Charles Alexander Gordon, An Epitome of the Reports of the Medical Officers to the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, From 1871 to 1882 (London: Bailliere, Tindall, and Cox, 1884). 13. Philip H. Manson-Bahr and Alfred Alcock, The Life and Work of Sir Patrick Manson (London: Cassell, 1927). 14. Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, ‘The Evolution of Hong Kong’s Hospitals: Prevention or Cure?’, in Plague, SARS and the Story of Medicine in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2006), 82–84.

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15. These figures are taken from the report of the government census taken in 1881 and in 1891, as reported in the Hong Kong Government Gazette of 11 June 1881 and 22 August 1891. The occupation was listed as ‘doctor’ in the list of occupations, and is interpreted by the author as meaning traditional medical practitioners. 16. Hong Kong Government Gazette, 10 April 1884, announcing the passing of the Medical Registration Ordinance, 1884, and the setting up of a Medical Board and a register of persons qualified to practise medicine and surgery in the colony. 17. Hong Kong Government Gazette published 3 May 1884, with a list of the names on the register of those qualified to practise medicine and surgery. A supplement was published on 27 May, 1884, adding the name of Dr. William Young. 18. See ‘Emanuel Raphael Belilios’, in Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography, ed. M. Holdsworth and C. Munn (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012), 24–25. 19. Carl T. Smith, ‘Sun Yat Sen’s Middle School Days in Hong Kong and the Establishment of Alice Memorial Hospital’, in A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing, 1995), 320–38. 20. Smith, Sense of History, 335. 21. Minutes of the first meeting of the Senate, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 30 August 1887. 22. This college was known by its earlier name, Victoria College, when it moved into this site on Hollywood Road in 1889, and was renamed Queen’s College in 1894. See Gwenneth & John Stokes, Queen’s College: Its History, 1862–1987 (Hong Kong: Queen’s College Old Boys’ Association, 1987). 23. Minutes of the 64th meeting of the Court, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 20 August 1908. 24. Minutes of the 24th meeting of the Senate, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 21 August 1893. 25. Ernest Eitel, Europe in China: The History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882 (Hong Kong: Kelly and Walsh, 1895). 26. E. N. Marks, ‘Skertchly, Sydney Barber Josiah (1850–1926)’, in Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol. 11 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1988), 621–22, accessed on 3 June 2011, http://www.adb.online.anu.edu.au/biogs/ A110638b.htm. 27. E. H. Paterson, A Hospital for Hong Kong, the Centenary History of the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital (Hong Kong: Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital, 1987), 29. 28. See ‘Report for 1890 of the Alice Memorial Hospital to the London Missionary Society, written by John Thomson, Medical Missionary Superintendent’, in Council for World Mission Archives Collection (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, CWM/LMS/South China A3/2, volume 1890) 29. As reported in the China Mail on 23 July 1892, the day the graduation ceremony was held. 30. For an account of the history of the Government Central School, see Gillian Bickley, The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836–1889) (Hong Kong: David C. Lam Institute for Chinese Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997).

Introduction to the College 23

31. Anthony Sweeting, Education in Hong Kong Pre-1841 to 1941: Fact & Opinion; Materials for a History of Education in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1990), 336. 32. Gillian Bickley, The Development of Education in Hong Kong 1841–1897 (Hong Kong: Proverse Hong Kong, 2002), 256–57. 33. ‘Two historic school buildings declared monuments’, press release of the Government Antiquities and Monuments Office on 2 December 2011, the date the building of King’s College was declared a public monument, accessed 28 July 2014, http://www.heritage.gov.hk/en/online/press2011/20111202.htm. 34. Ryan Dunch, ‘Mission Schools and Modernity: The Anglo-Chinese College, Fuzhou’, in Education Culture & Identity in Twentieth Century China, ed. Glen Peterson, Ruth Hayhoe, and Lu Yung-ling (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001), 115. 35. Minutes of a special meeting of the Senate, Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese, held on 29 September 1904. 36. A government department of education in Hong Kong had been established in 1865, after the arrival of Frederick Stewart in 1862 to take up the posts of headmaster of the Central School and inspector of schools. The standard of education provided by the government and other Anglo-Chinese schools at the time of his arrival would have been rather patchy. However, by the time the HKCM started, these standards were steadily improving, especially given the impetus of the introduction to Hong Kong of the Cambridge Senior Local Examinations in 1886, later replaced by the Oxford Senior Local Examinations in 1889. According to Ernest Eitel, the inspector of schools, in his annual report for 1887, these examinations were said to have had an immediately positive effect on many of the better schools in Hong Kong. With time, more pupils were presented for these examinations and in an increasing number of subjects. The development of education in Hong Kong has been well documented, including the annual education reports of the government published in the Hong Kong Government Gazette, collated and annotated by Gillian Bickley in her book The Development of Education in Hong Kong 1841– 1897 and also in Sweeting, Education in Hong Kong Pre-1841 to 1941. 37. See the account of the development of the Hong Kong College of Medicine in Hong  Kong College of Medicine: Appeal for an Endowment Fund, issued by Henry May (Rector) and John Thomson (Secretary), on behalf of the Court of the Hong Kong College of Medicine, 1907. Cantlie papers MS 7937/18, Wellcome Library, London. 38. Minutes of the 7th meeting of the Court, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 14 March 1891. 39. Minutes of the Senate, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 6 August 1901.

Chapter 2

People and Institutions

Chapter 1 touched on the extraordinary vision and commitment shown by a small group of people in starting the College of Medicine for Chinese. What is even more significant was how this small group, without official government backing and working with volunteer staff and minimal resources, could sustain the college for the twenty-eight years of its existence from 1887 to 1915, while slowly developing its capabilities and recognition by outside bodies. The HKCM trained fifty-one medical doctors who graduated as licentiates during this 28-year period, and helped to train nine others who graduated with the university degree of MBBS. The impact of these graduates on the delivery of Western medical services in Hong Kong and elsewhere, together with other less tangible achievements, made the results of their work truly impressive. How did they succeed in this endeavour? This chapter provides a closer look at a number of key people and the institutions that made the college project ‘happen’ and sustained it until its incorporation into something more permanent.

The Three Deans For the twenty-eight years of its existence, the HKCM had three deans to guide its day-to-day activities and to pursue its objectives. They were Patrick Manson (1887–1889), James Cantlie (1889–1897), and Francis Clark (1897–1915). During the last three years from 1912 until 1915, Francis Clark was concurrently dean of the Faculty of Medicine, University of Hong Kong (HKU), as well as the HKCM. All three deans made their own mark on the HKCM, and were it not for the unique strengths and contributions of each of them, it would be highly unlikely that the college could have been started, nor survived until its incorporation into the university medical faculty. Both Patrick Manson and James Cantlie were part of the group that officially started the college in 1887, and although there might be different opinions held as to which of them played a more important role in the establishment of the college, it is probably more useful to note that each of them made his own strategic indispensable contributions. While both of the first two deans have had numerous biographies and other writings devoted to their lives and accomplishments,1 it is useful here to give

People and Institutions 25

just a summary of their roles and achievements to complete the introduction to the college.

Patrick Manson (1844–1922) (dean, 1887–1889) Manson was one of the earliest proponents for the public hospital and college scheme, and his influence in getting the project started cannot be denied. It could even be said that without Manson the project might not have got off the ground. Moreover, of the three deans, he was the only one with a long experience of working inside China from 1866 to 1883, and knew the needs of the country well, something that came across very clearly in his moving and elegantly worded inaugural address at the official opening of the HKCM at the City Hall on 1 October 1887. The address, now reproduced in full in Appendix 1, puts on record very clearly what hopes the founders of the HKCM held for the contribution of the graduates of the college to the modernization of China as a whole, something which will be examined in greater detail later in this volume. Besides introducing the purpose of the project, the address also gives a very important insight into Manson’s personality and into the prevailing views of the Western medical profession about the state of medicine inside China at the time. Manson was clearly of the view that if medical services in China were to remain as they were in 1887, with reliance mainly on traditional practices (deficiencies of which Manson was to mention in some detail in his speech), and without the scientific advances which came with the introduction of Western medicine, then the country and its people would remain greatly disadvantaged. He also believed it was Hong Kong’s duty to address this need, and in doing so to bring benefit to itself also. We may quote from his inaugural address: We—the Senatus—think, and I trust you and the public generally will agree with us, that the present is the opportunity for Hongkong to take up a manifest and long-neglected duty; to become a centre and distributor, not for merchandise only, but also for science. I do not doubt our ultimate success, and when we succeed we shall confer a boon not only on China, but at the same time add to the material prosperity of this Colony. . . . I do not suppose the sceptre of commerce will ever pass from Hongkong, but her importance and her glory will be greatly enhanced when she becomes a centre for science and letters. He who gives is blessed as well as he who gets. Hongkong may give science and China may get it; but, depend upon it, the receiver will not fail to recompense the donor in many ways and many-fold.

Reading the address in its entirety today, it might come across as tinged with a somewhat imperialistic overtone.2 However, whatever his imperialistic biases might have been, there is little doubt that Manson was sincere in his wish to bring the benefits of modern medicine and modern science to the

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Chinese nation, and that his dream was shared by many who were present at the inauguration ceremony. Despite inspiring others with his high-sounding ideals, Manson left Hong Kong in 1889, only one and a half years after the opening of the HKCM. During that period, he was frequently plagued by attacks of gout, and not only did he deliver very little teaching, he also missed many of the senate and court meetings. On one of those occasions when he had to miss a meeting, he had in fact been carried aboard ship (due to an attack of gout) to go to Tientsin (now Tianjin) in the north of China to attend to Viceroy Li Hung-chang, who was thought to have an incurable cancer in his throat. Fortunately, Manson diagnosed tonsillar abscess and successfully treated the viceroy by incising the abscess to let out the pus, for which the grand statesman was immensely grateful and impressed. This was most probably instrumental in persuading Li to be patron of the HKCM subsequently. Manson did, however, teach ‘clinical observations’, which required the firstyear students to examine patients, and would have been quite an innovative feature of the college curriculum, as students were exposed to patients at an early stage of their course. He therefore would have come into contact with Sun Yat-sen during that time, and in fact, at the first end-of-year professional examinations, Sun shared the prize in this subject with another student, John Wong, as reported by the China Mail on 1 October 1888.3 After this first year, there was no record of this subject having been taught again. Manson’s major contribution was providing the inspiration and leadership to start the HKCM, and to give it a measure of credibility at its inception. This was achieved through his personal reputation, gained through his long period of service in China, and his scientific achievements arising from his research on filariasis, most important of which was his discovery that insects could be a vector of disease. After leaving Hong Kong, Manson initially intended to retire as a country gentleman to his native Scotland. However, as related by his biographers, ‘In the summer of 1890 he found himself compelled, owing to depreciation of the Chinese dollar, to embark on practice in London and settled down at 21 Queen Anne Street, which became his home for the next twenty years.’4 In the same year, he took the examinations for admission as a member of the Royal College of Physicians of London and in characteristic fashion, forged ahead to build a new even more illustrious chapter of his career. Through his appointment as physician to the Seaman’s Hospital Society, he was able to continue his interest in tropical medicine. In the succeeding years he developed his theories on the mosquito-malaria connection that he was able to recommend to Ronald Ross, and to encourage him to undertake field studies to prove the theory, which later earned Ross the Nobel Prize in 1902. He continued to gather new knowledge on other parasitic diseases. In 1897 he was appointed medical adviser to the Colonial Office, and in 1899 started the first School of Tropical Medicine at

People and Institutions 27

the Albert Docks in London. Manson is now widely recognized as the ‘Father of Tropical Medicine’. It could be said that the reputation that he built up after he had left Hong Kong continued to help canvass support in England for the HKCM and for the university that developed from it. Manson was made a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1900, knighted in 1903, and received many other honours, including the Hon. LLD of the University of Hong Kong in 1919. He died in London in 1922.

James Cantlie (1851–1926) (dean, 1889–1896) On 27 July 1887 James Cantlie arrived in Hong Kong with his wife and eldest son to join the practice of Hartigan and Manson. Cantlie had been a surgeon as well as a teacher of anatomy at the Charing Cross Hospital Medical School in London for seventeen years. Teaching students was said to be one of his great enjoyments in life.5 So, even though he was not among the group who started the Alice Memorial Hospital (AMH) and with it the initial plans for a medical college, when he learned of the scheme after his arrival, he immediately threw himself enthusiastically into the establishment of the college. As mentioned earlier, Cantlie was responsible for calling, on 30 August 1887, the first meeting of the group that were to formally approve the establishment of the HKCM, and having been appointed by them as secretary, he did much to get the project off the ground. Cantlie was unique among the group that started the college in having extensive experience of teaching medical students. He remained long enough at the HKCM to teach the students from the first-year anatomy course to the final-year clinical surgery course. But then, he was also a fastidious organizer, and he must receive credit for placing the HKCM within a well-organized and independent governance structure from its beginning. This structure included a senate, a court, and a general council, a structure similar to that of his alma mater, the University of Aberdeen. This was a significant step as it gave the HKCM a distinct identity, rather than leaving its position merely as a school attached to the AMH, as was the case with many of the mission-based medical schools on the Chinese mainland. His dedicated involvement over the first eight years of the life of the HKCM was instrumental to the establishment of the college on a firm foundation, strategically consolidating the organizational structure and the teaching curriculum, and ensuring that there was sufficient local teaching as well as other forms of support through his connections and personal network of colleagues and friends, including those in the army medical service. Endowed with an extremely sociable personality, mixed with a strong sense of public duty, Cantlie encouraged the college students to take up ambulance drills and first-aid work, similar to what he had done in London.6 It was probably because of this tradition at the HKCM that so many of the graduates

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became involved in Hong Kong’s St. John’s Ambulance Brigade as divisional surgeons or committee members as part of their public service in later life. It was Cantlie’s efforts that saw the development of the curriculum and the professional examinations through the college’s first five-year cycle, his infectious enthusiasm that brought others to join him in the work of the HKCM, and gave it a fair chance of continued survival after his departure. Cantlie also worked hard, especially after the plague outbreak of 1894, to open up opportunities for employment of the graduates of the HKCM within Hong  Kong, through his influence on the many committees that he served in. Even on departure from Hong Kong in February 1896, which was mostly due to his failing health, he undertook to raise an endowment for the college on his return home. Unfortunately, this was not to materialize, but he nevertheless kept an interest in the college. Thus, when the HKCM was at last able to build its own premises, he brought together a group (which included Patrick Manson) to raise funds for the project in 1907, and afterwards when this was abandoned in favour of incorporation into the new university, he similarly turned his efforts into raising funds in London for the establishment of the university and its medical faculty. Cantlie remained a steadfast friend to Sun Yat-sen, his student protégé, who had left medicine soon after graduation to devote his time to planning revolution to remove the inept and corrupt Manchu government of China. His help to Sun was best shown in the famous episode where with Manson’s help, he rescued him from incarceration at the Chinese legation in London and from deportation to an almost certain death by execution at the hands of his Manchu government captors.7 Later, he was also the person to whom Sun Yat-sen turned for help in persuading the British government for its support for the new Republic of China that he had helped to establish. Cantlie had given his unreserved support to Sun to the extent of introducing him to the Western world by writing a book, Sun Yat-sen and the Awakening of China, to introduce ‘the man and his work’, shortly after Sun took up (and then resigned from) the post of provisional president of the Republic of China in 1912.8 After his return to England from Hong Kong, Cantlie had resumed his surgical post and the chair of applied anatomy at Charing Cross Hospital in London. In addition, he wrote and gave lectures on tropical medicine to various audiences. In 1898 he started the Journal of Tropical Medicine with Professor W. J. Simpson (who had visited Hong Kong to advise the government on the plague) as co-editor, taught at the London School of Tropical Medicine at the Albert Docks after it opened in 1899, and also helped Manson to start the Society for Tropical Medicine in 1907. He continued his first-aid training for the St. John’s Ambulance Association and Brigade, and his work with the Red Cross. Together with his wife, Mabel, he was recognized for distinguished service in training and organizing volunteer aid for the wounded during the

People and Institutions 29

1914–1918 war in Europe. He was knighted in 1917 in recognition of his many public services, and died in 1926.

Francis Clark (1864–1940) (dean, 1896–1915) Francis Clark was the third, the last, and the longest-serving dean, and it was his sustaining influence over a period of twenty years that helped the HKCM to continue in operation and to flourish until its incorporation into the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Hong Kong in 1912. Dr. Clark had qualified with the MRCS and LRCP (London) in 1886, graduated MB in 1892 and MD in 1900 from the University of Durham, and obtained the diploma of public health from the University of Cambridge in 1891. He came to Hong Kong in 1895 as its first medical officer of health, a new post created on the recommendation of a committee of enquiry after the plague outbreak of 1894. Unlike the first two deans, he appeared to be someone who deliberately shied away from the limelight. Although he might not have possessed their flair or charisma, he could achieve his goals by patience, determination, and persistent hard work. He was able to use his influence and connections through his position as a senior government officer from 1895 to 1915 (serving on the Legislative Council in 1902 and the Executive Council in 1905 when he was acting principal civil medical officer) to promote changes to the health system in Hong Kong, as well as providing opportunity to the college graduates to be employed in public positions, such as in the Chinese public dispensaries. Through participating as dean and a member of the court of the HKCM in the negotiations between the college and the university committee on the terms by which the HKCM would be incorporated into the university, and by his concurrent appointment as the first dean of the University Medical Faculty, and also first warden of the university hostel, Clark oversaw the transition of the college into the university and made sure the students were in no way disadvantaged. When the first students were required to come into residence in the university in September 1912 (as residence was compulsory) but the separate halls of residence were not yet ready, students were provided accommodation in the upper floor of the east wing of the Main Building.9 Clark, as the university’s first appointed warden, did not receive a warden’s salary but was provided accommodation in the same wing. He was therefore able to supervise the students directly while they were in residence. During this period of his wardenship, he was also known to have organized a fund for establishing the university sports ground. By remaining as dean of the HKCM at the same time, he also made sure that all the remaining college students who wished to continue with their studies, but who were not admitted as undergraduates to the university, could attend classes and graduate eventually with the HKCM licentiate diploma. All this was achieved before he gave up the deanship and

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returned to England on leave in 1915. While there, he applied for resignation from his post as medical officer of health, which was approved. After a period of war service, he returned to China in 1922 to serve in the British embassy in Mukden (now Shenyang in Liaoning province), and from 1924 to 1929, as the senior medical officer in the British port of Weihaiwei during the final period before its rendition and return to China in 1930. Dr. Clark retired to England in 1929 where he died in 1940. He was a keen yachtsman, the commodore of the Corinthian Yacht Club in Hong Kong, and a freemason like Drs. Cantlie, Jordan, and Ho Kai. Mrs. Clark was known to have been active in the amateur theatrical circles while living in Hong Kong. There are very few photos of Dr. Clark; perhaps the most unique is one that he and his wife took with a group of his former college students, all now appearing in the photo as mature and established doctors, taken probably when he passed through Hong Kong on one of his return visits to China, or while en route back to England from Weihaiwei in 1929. This photo was in the collection of one of his former students, George Harold Thomas, who probably organized the photography session as it was taken in front of the main hall of the Tung Wah Hospital (TWH) where he worked. Dr. Thomas’s son, Dr. Osler Thomas, gave a copy of the photograph to the author, now shown as Figure 2.1.

Figure 2.1 Dr. Francis Clark and Mrs. Clark with former students from the Hong Kong College of Medicine, taken at the entrance to the Tung Wah Hospital (circa late 1920s). Source: Dr. Osler Thomas, son of Dr. G. H. Thomas. Back row, from left to right: Dr. G. H. Thomas, Dr. F. M. G. Ozorio, Dr. Li Shu-fan, Dr. Chak Chiu-hung, Dr. Benjamin Wong. Front row, from left to right: Dr. Li Ho-ching, Dr. Leung Chit-fun, Dr. Kwan Sum Yin, Mrs. Clark, Dr. Francis Clark, Dr. Eugene L de Souza, Dr. Ma Luk, and Dr. Au Sze-cham.

People and Institutions 31

Other Key Influences Sir Kai Ho Kai (1859–1914) If we study the Chinese literature dealing with the history of the HKCM, it is Ho Kai who stands out, more so than Manson or Cantlie, as the person who started the college. This is understandable as he was the only Chinese member of the group, but this picture is of course not altogether accurate, as Ho Kai was but one among the group of persons who should share the credit. However, it is safe to say that since Ho Kai provided the funds for building the AMH, without him and the hospital, the college would not have been started, nor would it have survived to be incorporated into the University of Hong Kong without his continued support over the entire period of its existence. Ho Kai was the fourth son of the Rev. Ho Fuk-tong (1818–1871), the first Chinese ordained minister of the London Missionary Society (LMS) in Hong Kong.10 Ho Kai was only 12 when his father died. He left his studies at the Central School and was sent to England in 1872 to complete his schooling, and then went on to Aberdeen University to graduate in medicine in 1879, as well as to Lincoln’s Inn in London to be admitted to the Bar in 1881. After returning to Hong Kong in 1882 he practised medicine for only a short while before he turned to legal practice and entered public service, becoming a spokesperson and representative of the Chinese community, particularly in the role of an English-speaking and English-educated mediator between the colonial government and the Chinese populace.11 We have already seen the key role Ho Kai played in the establishment of the AMH by providing the funding for the building. He also settled the question of which organization was to have management of the hospital by declaring clearly in his trust deed that the LMS was to manage both the hospital and the church to be built on the same lot. Since Ho Kai did not practise medicine, he did not share the patient care duties at the hospital, but he was on the hospital’s governing medical committee, as well as the senate of the HKCM from its inception, and lectured on medical jurisprudence for a period of almost twenty years up to 1906, when his place was taken by Dr. Francis Clark. As the rector’s assessor (or deputy) he was also on the court of the college from 1891, and continued to serve in this capacity until his death in 1914. Often, when funds were short, or legal assistance was required (for example, in the drafting of the deed of incorporation of the college in 1907 and guiding the passage of the ordinance through the Legislative Council), Ho Kai was the person to be relied on. In public life, Ho Kai was involved in many other projects. He was also an advocate for reform in China; it was likely that his ideas and writings would have been an inspiration to Sun Yat-sen as a student. Later, he was to become a supporter of Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary cause.

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As a member of the Legislative Council from 1890 to 1914, as well as a member of the Sanitary Board and many government committees, his considerable influence was often drawn upon on official matters related to the college. He was the anchor that gave support to the HKCM throughout its twenty-eight years’ existence, and was the chief agent in securing a donation from Mr. Ng Li-hing for its permanent buildings. As chair of the Chinese fundraising subcommittee for the establishment of the University of Hong Kong, he  ensured the university had sufficient resources to be started, with the HKCM incorporated into it as its premier medical faculty. In 1912, he was knighted for his services to Hong Kong, especially in the establishment of the university—Governor Lugard made the announcement at the opening ceremony of the University of Hong Kong in March. Tragically, he passed away two years later in 1914, in debt and penniless. Ho Kai had fallen from grace with the colonial government after his loyalty to the British was in question following the establishment of the Chinese republic, and his membership of the Legislative Council was terminated in 1914.12 He had never earned a significant income from his legal practice, and, after he remarried, he had a large family of ten sons and seven daughters to support He had also gone into debt to help his brother, Ho Tim, who had become bankrupt. In the last two years of his life, he had failed in his joint venture with Au Tak to develop the Kai Tak Bund. This piece of land was taken back by the Hong Kong government and was later developed into the Kai Tak International Airport. A special compassionate grant had to be provided by the colonial government after his death to fund the education of his children who had yet to complete their studies. This poignant ending and many of his achievements are recorded in the biography written by Professor Gerald Choa entitled The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai.13

The London Missionary Society and the medical staff of the Alice Memorial and Affiliated Hospitals The London Missionary Society (LMS) had been started in 1795 as a nondenominational society to send out missionaries to evangelize different parts of the non-Christianized world. It started its work in China in the year 1807, when Robert Morrison arrived in Canton. The society became active in supporting medical missionary work in China since its first medical missionary, William Lockhart, arrived in 1838. Later, it gave similar support to the work in Hong Kong, as opportunities arose after Hong Kong became a British colony. The seminal work of Dr. William Young in starting the Nethersole Dispensary within the LMS chapel in Taipingshan and how it led to the movement to start a public hospital has already been mentioned. It was also through the support of the LMS in providing the bulk of the funds to purchase the plot of land on Hollywood Road that enabled the AMH to be built. Its senior missionary

People and Institutions 33

in Hong Kong at the time, Rev. John Chalmers, had not only been active in fundraising for the public hospital project, and in the later management of the AMH, but also took an active part in the HKCM, both as a lecturer (in physics) in the early years as well as serving in the court as a representative of the mission. The students of the college and much of the teaching were accommodated in the AMH and subsequently in the Nethersole Hospital (NH) as well. The Alice Memorial and other affiliated teaching hospitals provided a home for the HKCM throughout its existence. Without the support of the LMS, the HKCM could not have been started nor developed to its mature stage, in readiness for its continuation as a medical faculty of a university. After the arrival of the first medical missionary superintendent of the AMH in 1889, it was possible for the mission to contribute more directly to the education and pastoral care of the students of the HKCM. The three successive superintendents, John Thomson, Robert MacLean Gibson, and Isaiah E. Mitchell, all served as director of studies for the college, the first two also as secretary to the college. Together with the resident staff, they supervised the students’ practical training in the hospital and its dispensaries. However, of all the superintendents, it is probably safe to say that none made a more lasting contribution than Dr. John Thomson, the first medical missionary superintendent of the AMH.

Dr. John Christopher Thomson (1863–?) Dr. Thomson arrived in Hong Kong in January 1889 as the first medical missionary appointed by the LMS to the post of medical superintendent of the AMH. Thomson had graduated MBChB in 1888 from Edinburgh University and had sailed for Hong Kong soon afterwards. He came to a hospital where a pattern had already been established, with all the medical staff being honorary part-time appointees, holding the title of visiting medical officer, and each had taken charge of a ward at the hospital, as well as having established schedules for weekly outpatient and operating sessions. On arrival, he  had been handed a letter by the then honorary medical secretary of the hospital, Dr.  Gregory Jordan, that told him bluntly that he would be given the title of assistant medical officer with a small number of beds, and would have to join the queue of other doctors waiting for the privilege of promotion to visiting medical officer status.14 One can imagine the shock this gave to someone who was appointed by the managing body to run the hospital. It  was with extreme tact and diplomacy that he managed to gradually take back control of the hospital and to make it into a missionary institution, as was stipulated in its constitution.15 As regards the HKCM, soon after his arrival in Hong Kong, he was appointed lecturer in pathology, and later as secretary to the college, which included being secretary to the senate and the court, a role which he took over from

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Ho Kai in January 1891. Dr. Ho Kai had resigned that post on being appointed to the Legislative Council. In that position, he was responsible for the minutes of all its committees (reading through the minutes and reports that he wrote in his conscientious manner and neat handwriting was always a pleasure). In the modern equivalent, he would have been the registrar or chief executive officer under the dean and the rector (rector being equivalent to the president or vice-chancellor in modern-day terms). He was responsible for the management of the college’s day-to-day affairs, and this was done without remuneration until after the year 1902. After getting over the initial hiccup, he built up a good working relationship with James Cantlie and later with Francis Clark, the second and third deans, respectively, and there was undoubtedly mutual respect on both sides. He was the person who could always be relied on when there was a job to be done, but in addition to the administrative aspects, he was also the person who stood in for other lecturers who were away on leave, or took up their vacant lectureships if they had resigned at short notice. This rapid turnover of staff was inevitable in a place like Hong Kong, where there was dependence on voluntary teachers who also had to move from place to place in their regular employment. He had also the most consistent attendance record at all the meetings of the senate and court. Thomson took a keen personal interest in the students’ education, their character development, and well-being, which was evident from reading the reports he wrote to the LMS head office in London. Since many of the students stayed at the hospital, and all assisted in care of the inpatients as well as in the dispensary for outpatients, it was people like the resident surgeons and the medical superintendent of the hospital who played the biggest role in guiding them in their day-to-day learning activities and monitoring their progress. It was appropriate, therefore, that in addition to being college secretary, Thomson was also appointed director of studies in July 1895, with a small monthly salary of $50. Figure 2.2 shows a photograph of Dr. Thomson with other staff of the hospital and a number of the students who were enrolled at the time. Except for a short period between 1894 and 1895 when he had returned to Edinburgh for theological studies, Dr. Thomson had devotedly served the college for a continuous period of over twenty years. Even after he resigned his appointment at the AMH in 1896 to join the government service as medical officer to the Kennedy Town Infectious Disease Hospital, and as inspecting medical officer to the TWH, and railway medical officer, he continued to serve the college in the capacity of secretary and director of studies, only relinquishing the post of director of studies in 1902 to his successor at the AMH, Dr. Robert MacLean Gibson, while retaining the office of secretary of the college. While serving in the government departments mentioned, he made substantial improvements to their services, and this was especially significant as the

People and Institutions 35

Figure 2.2 Dr. Thomson with staff and students of the Alice Memorial and Nethersole Hospitals, circa 1893. Source: Council for World Mission/LMS Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London CWM/LMS/China/Photographs/Box 8, File 52/1. Dr. Thomson, dressed in a suit, is seated, centre. On his right, seated, is Mrs. Helen Stevens, the matron, and to her right is Dr. Kwan King-leung, resident surgeon to the Nethersole Hospital. To Dr. Thomson’s left is Dr. Chung Boon-chor, the resident surgeon of AMH and on the far right seated, Rev. Wong Yuk-cho, the pastor of the To Chai Church who served as a chaplain to the hospitals. In the front row is Helen Davies, another LMS missionary, and behind Mrs. Stevens is most likely one of the probationer nurses. The others are students of the HKCM.

inspecting medical officer to the TWH, at a critical period following the plague outbreak, when many reforms had to be made. In that capacity, he worked with and supported the newly appointed resident surgeon, Dr. Chung Boon-chor, to effect many improvements to the hygienic practices of the hospital as well as to the services provided to the patients. This was at the time when Western medical services were first added to the Chinese medicine services provided by Hong Kong’s first Chinese hospital, and it was believed that the success of introducing Western medicine to the hospital and maintaining the collaboration and goodwill of the hospital’s board of directors was largely due to Dr.  Thomson’s tact and good personal relations with the Chinese directors. At the same time, he made use of the opportunities provided by his appointment at the various medical institutions to accommodate the students and graduates of the college as assistants, to provide them with valuable clinical experience and also paid employment. In this way, he paved the way for many more future licentiates to be given employment in these institutions.

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Even though Thomson’s interests were still very much in promoting the HKCM and assisting the students, he was nevertheless ever conscientious in his work as a member of the Government Medical Department. As evidence of this, it is interesting to note that he made two very astute observations while serving in the Kennedy Town Infectious Diseases Hospital during the plague epidemic of 1901. One was that carbolic acid by ingestion was of no use in the treatment of plague patients, and the other was that in samples of blood from 271 plague patients that were examined under the microscope, only thirty were positive for plague bacilli, and these tended to be the more serious cases. Thus, he concluded (correctly) that relying on examination of blood smears for the diagnosis of plague was not useful, although it may be helpful in prognosis. In addition, as railway medical officer, in view of the high incidence of malaria among the workers, Thomson also made a careful study of the mosquitoes that occurred in Hong Kong by examining over the course of a year, 31,390 mosquito specimens that he arranged to be sent to him from the thirty-four police stations around Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories. His report on the result of this study was incorporated in the ‘Report of the Principal Civil Medical Officer for 1901’, together with recommendations for malaria control by the destruction of the mosquito larvae. This was quite remarkable in view of the fact that the theory of transmission of malaria by the mosquito had been confirmed by Ronald Ross, under Patrick Manson’s guidance, only a few years earlier, in 1897.16 He performed all these duties, and many others, without fanfare or drawing attention to himself, but there is little doubt that he was a veritable backbone of the dedicated group that kept the college going from its early days until its incorporation into the University of Hong Kong. This view was affirmed by a report on the HKCM published in the China Mail on 10 March 1906, in which we find this statement: ‘Dr J C Thomson, the present secretary of the College, was one of the original group of teachers, and it is to his laudable tenacity of purpose and organizing ability that this College owes its continuance.’ When Thomson left Hong Kong at the end of 1909 on retirement, with the establishment of HKU and the incorporation of the college into it having been finally confirmed, a special testimonial was presented to him by the court, engrossed on parchment, with the following words: 1. The Court accepts with great regret the resignation on his retirement from the Colony of Dr. J C Thomson, for eighteen years past Secretary to the College and a member of this Court, and for twenty-one years a member of the Senate. 2. The Court desires to testify its deep appreciation of his long and valuable services, both as a lecturer and as an Administrative Officer of the College, to the proficiency and prosperity of which he has contributed so largely by his great learning as well as by his indefatigable exertion and enthusiasm.

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3. The Court expresses the hope that on his return to the Homeland Dr. Thomson’s special knowledge and vast experience as an organizer and as a lecturer, more particularly in Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, will be utilized in the promotion of medical education.

Thomson returned to Scotland on retirement, where he became assistant medical officer of health, and tuberculosis officer in Dumfries.17

Notes 1. See, for example, Philip H. Manson-Bahr and Alfred Alcock, The Life and Work of Sir Patrick Manson (London: Cassell, 1927); Neil Cantlie and George Seaver, Sir James Cantlie: A Romance in Medicine (London: John Murray, 1939); Jean Cantlie Stewart, The Quality of Mercy: The Lives of Sir James and Lady Cantlie (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983); Douglas M. Haynes, Imperial Medicine: Patrick Manson and the Conquest of Tropical Disease (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001). 2. For studies on imperialism and Patrick Manson, see Haynes, Imperial Medicine. 3. ‘The College of Medicine for Chinese. Opening of the Winter Session and Distribution of Prizes’, The China Mail, 1 October 1888. 4. Manson-Bahr and Alcock, Life and Work, 104. 5. Stewart, Quality of Mercy, 42. 6. Ibid., 44. 7. Sun Yat-sen, Kidnapped in London: Being the Story of My Capture by, Detention at, and Release from the Chinese Legation, London (Bristol: J. W. Arrowsmith, 1897). 8. James Cantile and C. Sheridan Jones, Sun Yat Sen and the Awakening of China (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1912). 9. Minutes of the 13th Meeting of the Council, University of Hong Kong, held on 12 July 1912. 10. Ho Fuk Tong had served the London Missionary Society (LMS) at its Malacca printing office, and came to Hong Kong when the LMS headquarters in the Far East was transferred from Malacca to Hong Kong in 1843. He was ordained in 1845, remaining a member of the London Mission’s team in Hong Kong until his death. 11. Gerald Hugh Choa, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai: A Prominent Figure in Nineteenth-Century Hong Kong, 2nd ed. (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2000). 12. For an account of Ho Kai’s fall from favour with the colonial government of Sir Henry May, see Fung Chi Ming, ‘Governorships of Lugard and May: Fears of Double Allegiance and Perceived Disloyalty’, in Colonial Hong Kong and Modern China: Interaction and Reintegration, ed. Lee Pui-tak (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005), 69–88. 13. Choa, Sir Kai Ho Kai. 14. E. H. Paterson, A Hospital for Hong Kong: The Centenary History of the Alice Ho  Miu  Ling Nethersole Hospital (Hong Kong: Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital, 1987). Also letter of Dr. J. Thomson to the Board of Directors of the LMS, with report on the work for the year 1889, CWM/LMS/South China/Reports, Box 2,

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file 24, Library and archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. 15. Constitution of the Alice Memorial Hospital, extracted from the minutes of the Hong Kong District Committee of the LMS, as appended to the Report of the Alice Memorial Hospital, Hong Kong for the year 1890, submitted by Dr. J. Thomson (CWM/LMS Archives at School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, South China Reports, CWML, A3/2 Vol. 1890). 16. Manson-Bahr and Alcock, Life and Work. For studies confirming the mosquitomalaria theory, see Manson’s Mosquito-Malaria Theory (concluded), Ch. 10, 157–84. 17. James Sibree, A Register of Missionaries, Deputations, Etc., from 1796 to 1923 (London: London Missionary Society, 1923), entry 887, Thomson, John Christopher, MA, MD.

Chapter 3

Career Prospects

As a measure of how far the Hong Kong College of Medicine (HKCM) was able to fulfil the aims of its founders, and what impact it had on Hong Kong and China, the chapters that follow are focused mainly on the careers of the college graduates and their achievements. We should realize, however, that both intrinsic and extrinsic factors would influence their success in bringing about acceptance of Western medicine and, with it, other social changes. Undoubtedly, the intrinsic quality of the graduates themselves; their knowledge, skill, and, most important, their attitude to their work would be prime determinants. However, even the best doctors require a suitable working environment to enable them to offer their services in the most effective way. Whether the graduates could influence society’s attitudes to Western medicine would obviously depend on being given a chance to serve society in this way first. What opportunities were there for the graduates to offer their professional services to the Chinese community? After finishing their training, what were their career prospects as Chinese practitioners of Western medicine? The period in question when graduates of the HKCM entered the workforce spans the end of the nineteenth (beginning from 1892) and the beginning of the twentieth century (up to 1918), a period when momentous changes were taking place in China as a whole and also in Hong Kong. Inevitably, these societal changes had an impact on the delivery of medical services, and on the changing attitude among Chinese towards acceptance of Western science and culture. Since the college was a Hong Kong institution, it would be natural to expect the graduates to be able to prove their worth within Hong Kong itself first, before they could consider contributing to needs in China as a whole. If they could not gain acceptance even on home ground, in a place where the cultures of East and West had coexisted side by side over a period of fifty or more years, and even becoming integrated to a certain extent, it would be difficult to imagine that they could make a mark elsewhere. What opportunities were there within Hong Kong for the licentiates to first hone their skills and to prove themselves? During the last decade of the nineteenth century, and especially before plague struck in 1894, it was well known that the vast majority of Chinese in Hong Kong seldom considered visiting a Western doctor for their ailments. As a

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corollary, the British colonial government officials also did not consider it their responsibility to provide such services from the public purse. Other than at the Alice Memorial and its affiliated hospitals, which catered specially for Chinese patients, there appeared to be few facilities or institutions in Hong Kong that might offer employment to the graduates. There was certainly no provision, nor inclination, on the part of government for employing locally trained doctors for the services it did provide. But what were these services? It will be useful to take a look at the medical services that were available to the public in Hong Kong at the time the college was started. These would, at least potentially, be a starting point for the graduates to offer their services to.

Medical and Health Services in Hong Kong at the End of the Nineteenth Century Medical institutions that were in existence in Hong Kong during the last decade of the nineteenth century that served the civilian population could be divided into two major categories according to the provider: (1) the government medical and health services, and (2) medical services provided by nongovernment charitable organizations and private institutions.

The government medical and health service The medical services provided by the government for the civilians of Hong Kong were under the supervision of the chief medical officer, given the title of colonial surgeon (CS) since 1843, and after 1896 renamed the principal civil medical officer (PCMO). These services included the following:

(1) The Government Civil Hospital During the period in question, there was only one major general hospital operated by the government for the civilian population, the Government Civil Hospital. The GCH had been established as early as 1848, primarily to serve the needs of civil servants, which included the police force. Another category of persons admitted were those picked off the streets, the destitute, brought in by the police. In addition, some fee-paying private patients were also admitted. Figure 3.1 shows the fees payable by each of these categories of patients from January 1892 which were published in the Government Gazette of 5 December 1891.1 From the figures shown, it can be seen that not many of the Chinese population under the category of ‘other patients’ would have been able to afford the fees charged, even under the third class (Asiatic) rates of 50 cents per day. This per diem rate would easily represent several days’ wages for the labouring class,

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Figure 3.1 Scale of fees payable by patients admitted to the Government Civil Hospital in 1892 (as listed in the Hong Kong Government Gazette, 5 December 1891).

if not more.2 But high fees were not the only reason why the GCH was not a popular place with the Chinese. The GCH was staffed by a medical superintendent and an assistant superintendent, both being expatriate medical officers appointed by the Colonial Office in London. Even with the help of an interpreter, the whole atmosphere of the hospital was foreign and not welcoming to the average Chinese patient. Besides, according to Dr. Atkinson, (the medical superintendent of the GCH), giving evidence at an enquiry into the Medical Department in 1895,3 the shortage of medical manpower and of accommodation at the GCH meant that in order for the European population and the destitute to be attended to, there was no room for admission of Chinese patients even if they could pay the fees. In fact, he admitted that there were many Chinese who wished to attend as outpatients, which was free, but ‘they have constantly to be sent away’. Unwittingly perhaps, he had confirmed that Chinese were not altogether against seeking the help of Western doctors. Although one could not say categorically that Chinese were not welcome (other than civil servants and the destitute, whom the GCH was obligated to admit), there was nevertheless no evidence that anyone in the system felt the need to make changes to accommodate them. There was no record that any of the licentiates of the college were employed at the GCH, even in the category

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of assistants, in order to cater to the poorer classes of Chinese patients. The only exceptions were the rare (two or three) local Chinese who were originally recruited as student apothecaries, who could remain in their posts while undergoing medical training at the HKCM. They were given more responsible work after graduation, but even so, they were never promoted to assistant medical officer positions. The situation was not to change until after the University of Hong Kong was started, when a few resident posts became available in the GCH for the fresh medical graduates to work in the units assigned to the honorary university medical staff.

(2) Other facilities affiliated to the GCH By the latter half of the nineteenth century, the GCH had its own building on Hospital Road in Sai Ying Pun, with ample open space surrounding it for smaller buildings such as temporary wooden structures and mat-sheds to be erected as necessary. We find references in the annual reports of the CS or the PCMO, to  temporary smallpox hospitals, or temporary lying-in (maternity) hospitals being built around the main GCH, as well as quarters for the staff. In addition, there were other associated medical facilities operated by the Government Medical Department. These included: the separate Chinese and European Lunatic Asylums also in Sai Ying Pun (opened in 1891 and 1884 respectively); the small Gaol Hospital for the inmates of Victoria Prison (probably built in 1858); the Kennedy Town Infectious Diseases Hospital (first opened in 1894 in a converted police barracks); the Women’s Hospital next to the GCH, which was originally the Lock Hospital for the treatment of venereal diseases (first opened in 1858). There was also a hospital ship, the Hygeia, which was used for isolation of patients with infectious diseases. In 1897, during the celebrations for Queen Victoria’s diamond jubilee, a foundation stone was laid for a new Victoria Hospital for Women and Children on Barker Road, which opened in 1903. This government hospital had a number of private wards in addition to public wards, and provided services mainly to the European community. All these institutions were under the supervision of the CS until 1896, and of the PCMO from 1897, and were manned by his small team of expatriate staff. The possibility of graduates of the HKCM obtaining employment in these government facilities was non-existent, at least during the first decade of the college’s operation. The government medical officers, appearing as witnesses before the official enquiry into the Medical Department after the plague outbreak of 1894, had expressed doubts on the quality of their training, their ability, and even the moral character of the licentiates.4 It would be difficult to assess to what extent these views were due to innate prejudices or selfinterest. However, as time passed, because of staff shortage, and when emergency situations arose, students from the HKCM were called in to assist at the smaller auxiliary institutions where Chinese patients were admitted (e.g.,

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in the temporary plague hospitals). How this situation was to evolve with time will be related in subsequent chapters.

(3) Dispensaries (outpatient clinics) for Chinese Despite urging by the Sanitary Board and others, government dispensaries for Chinese had not been established in Hong Kong, even more than fifty years after it became a colony. It was almost at the very end of the century that the first government public dispensary was established in Tai Po as a result of the lease of the New Territories to the British in 1898, and the need to establish an administrative centre with staff permanently stationed there. Due to the distance of this outpost from the established facilities on the island of Hong Kong, and because of practical needs, this event was to provide the unexpected spark that started the beginning of Chinese doctors being appointed to salaried posts within the government medical service in Hong Kong. This story will be told in greater detail in the next chapter.

(4) Public health services funded by government These were divided into two categories:

(a) Port health services Port health services to examine ships that entered into the harbour, as well as to examine departing emigrants and indentured labourers to certify them fit for travel, were manned by a port health officer, a post that, starting from 1868, was held part-time by a medical practitioner in private practice. The practice started by Dr. William Stanley Adams, later to become the firm of Adams and Jordan, was closely associated with this port health work.5 It was a jealously guarded tradition that lasted for over fifty years, until Dr. Jordan’s retirement in 1921, when all port health officer posts became tenable only by government employees on a full-time basis. This work had never involved any of the licentiates.

(b) Public health work in general This work and supervision of the government’s sanitary inspectors was carried out initially by a sanitary superintendent (non-medical) reporting to the Sanitary Board, which had been established in 1883 in response to the Chadwick Report.6 Osbert Chadwick, the writer of the report, was a consulting engineer to the Colonial Office (and son of the famous English sanitary reformer Edwin Chadwick), who came to Hong Kong to advise on improvements to the sanitary condition of the Chinese quarters in Taipingshan and Sai Ying Pun, in the western part of the island of Hong Kong. This was after repeated urging by the colonial surgeon, who was highly critical of the insanitary condition

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of the Chinese residential districts, and warned that it was ripe for the outbreak of disease epidemics. Unfortunately, his warning was to come true, and Hong Kong was hit hard by repeated outbreaks of plague starting from 1894. A medical officer of health post was first created in 1895 after the 1894 plague outbreak to take over supervision of the work of public health in Hong Kong, working with the sanitary superintendent who was non-medical. However, licentiates of the college were not employed in any of the permanent posts linked to the sanitary division of the government medical services.

Non-government-operated healthcare facilities These comprised the institutions managed by various charitable or missionary organizations, one or two small private hospitals, and private medical practices. There were two main non-governmental institutions for providing hospital-based medical services to the Chinese during this period, the Tung Wah Hospital (TWH) and the Alice Memorial and its affiliated hospitals. A number of smaller facilities mainly provided outpatient services.

(1) The Tung Wah Hospital This hospital (opened in 1872) was managed by the TWH committee made up of annually elected leaders of the Chinese community, as provided for under the Chinese Hospital Ordinance of 1870. Although it had been given the hospital site and a start-up grant by the government, most of its services were funded by public subscriptions from the Chinese community. The TWH initially employed only traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) practitioners, although this was to change after the plague outbreak of 1894. After a committee of enquiry was established in 1895 to recommend reforms, a  Western-trained Chinese resident surgeon was provided to the hospital in 1896 on a government salary of $150 per month, whereupon patients were given a choice of being treated by the TCM practitioners or by the resident surgeon. After this important change was effected, the TWH periodically provided non-permanent employment for one to two graduates of the HKCM as assistants to the resident surgeon, especially in times of emergencies.

(2) The Alice Memorial Hospital and its affiliated hospitals This group of hospitals comprising the Alice Memorial Hospital (opened in 1887), the Nethersole Hospital (opened in 1893), the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital (opened in 1904), and the Ho Miu Ling Hospital (opened in 1906) were operated by the London Missionary Society with support from local subscribers. It received no government subsidy, not even for the land on which the hospitals were built nor for the buildings. The Alice Memorial

Career Prospects 45

and affiliated hospitals also provided outpatient services and operated dispensaries in Taipingshan and in Sai Ying Pun. As described earlier, this was the hospital group which housed the HKCM, and constituted the main hospitals in Hong Kong which catered for the poorer Chinese and those of other nationalities who wished to avail themselves of the Western medical services provided. The hospitals provided house surgeon positions for the graduates of the HKCM, although the number of posts was limited to one each for the AMH and the NH, and therefore very few of the graduates could be taken by the hospitals as staff.

(3) The work of the Sisters of St. Paul de Chartres The Sisters of St. Paul de Chartres had arrived in Hong Kong from France in 1848 to start their charitable and missionary work. They were the first foreign women missionaries to come to Hong Kong, and made their mark by taking care of abandoned babies. A small charitable ‘hospital’ was started by the sisters in their Asile de la Sainte Enfance in Wanchai in 1898 to provide basic medical services for the needy, but they did not have any medical doctors on the staff, all the work being done by the sisters.7 Later, this institution was to develop into the present St. Paul’s Hospital in Causeway Bay, which was opened in 1918.

(4) ‘The Peak Hospital’ A private hospital had been started by Dr. James Cantlie in a private house in the Peak district in 1890 to accommodate his own patients; they were mostly members of the European community who required surgery, but did not want to have their operations in the Alice Memorial Hospital. It was often referred to as the Peak Hospital, but the hospital had never received any official sanction. There is no record that Cantlie had employed any of the college licentiates to assist him in this hospital, but he did have a trained nurse from England to help him as matron. After Cantlie left Hong Kong, other partners in his practice, Dr. William Hartigan and Dr. Frederic Stedman (who lived on the Peak), continued to use this hospital for their private patients.

Private medical practices There were ten names on the list of registered practitioners in Hong Kong in 1887 when the college started, with two main group practices (‘firms’) catering mainly to the expatriate population. One of the two groups comprised Drs.  Hartigan, Manson, and Cantlie, operating from ‘Bank Buildings’ at the corner of Wyndham Street and Queen’s Road Central. The second group, which has been referred to already in connection with Port Health Services and which had been started as Adams & Henderson in 1865, was by 1887 known

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as Adams and Jordan, with an address at 2 Pedder Street, close to the waterfront where the government launch that was used for the port health work was moored.8 Later, this group was to become known as Anderson and Partners, which is still in business in Hong Kong today. As mentioned in Chapter 1, it was mainly these private practitioners that were responsible for staffing the AMH when it was first opened and for establishing the HKCM in the hospital. There was, however, no indication that any of the private medical groups took in any of the licentiates of the college as assistants in their practices. The only possible exception occurred much later. Dr. Ma Luk had graduated with the LMSH in 1905. It was mentioned in his obituary in the South China Morning Post on 5 February 1963 that he had the rare distinction of being the first Chinese doctor to join a firm of foreign doctors in 1908, headed by Dr. Gerard Fitzwilliams and Dr. James Dalmahoy Allan in the ‘old’ Alexandra Buildings, both of whom had been teachers at the HKCM. This could not be corroborated from other sources, and it is not clear how long he stayed at this practice, or whether it was part-time. The earliest private medical practices started by Chinese doctors in Hong Kong did not become well established until the first decade of the twentieth century.

Assessing the Situation With the above background, we can appreciate how few opportunities existed for the early licentiates to gain further experience after finishing their course, or to obtain any foothold among the medical institutions or practices in Hong  Kong at the time. Although the situation did appear bleak, especially during the first decade when the college was still a fledgling institution, as time passed the availability of this group of Chinese doctors was inevitably to add to the stimulus for change. In this regard, we may justifiably ask a further question: despite the declared intentions of the British government in Hong Kong not to interfere with the customs of the ‘native’ residents, was it really possible to isolate or segregate the Chinese population of Hong Kong from being influenced by the developments and improvements to sanitation and medical facilities that were being put into place all around them, such as those described in the brief survey above? Besides, the Alice Memorial Hospital had been up and running from the same year that the HKCM was started, and was bringing in thousands of ordinary Chinese of the labouring classes to make use of its outpatient and inpatient medical services each year. It was clear that inroads were already being made to establish trust between the Chinese population and Western doctors. Even in the case of the Tung Wah Hospital, although it provided only TCM services initially, and its governing committee had been presented as a bastion of Chinese tradition and cultural allegiances by other historians,9 in many ways

Career Prospects 47

the hospital itself was a strangely hybrid institution as far as the amalgamation of Western ideas and TCM principles were concerned. It is questionable whether an institution comparable to the TWH had ever existed inside China or ever in the history of TCM, a system that did not seem to have involved hospital care to any noticeable extent. There were many aspects about the ‘Chinese’ hospital that showed an adaptation to Hong Kong’s peculiar situation as a meeting place for things East and West (e.g., the fact that it was established by ordinance)10 and therefore a legally constituted public institution that, despite the extensive autonomy given to its directors, nevertheless had to answer to the government for its service to the public and its continued existence. This being so, when the decision was made after the plague outbreak of 1894 to introduce Western medicine into the Tung Wah system, the change could be made without a huge upheaval, since the legal authority and necessary government oversight to do so was already in place. From another aspect, the actual design of the hospital, where, for example, some distinctively Western features such as a mortuary were already in existence, could be adapted for delivery of Western medicine without too much fuss. Without a doubt, the plague outbreak of 1894 had provided a major stimulus for change in Hong Kong, but one has to admit that Hong Kong had been primed for the changes even before the outbreak, since the system of law and of government, and other infrastructural aspects, were already in place. The situation was therefore not static, and as the twentieth century was ushered in, changes were to take place that would transform the bleak situation that prevailed in the early days. The process of winning over the Chinese population to embrace what was considered superior Western medical services was therefore a gradual one, and over the twenty-eight years of the existence of the HKCM the career prospects for the graduates were to evolve with the times. A blanket approach to studying their careers would be less revealing than to look at each of the decades within the period from 1892 to 1918 separately and to see how the graduates of each decade tackled the unique problems they faced and overcame them. This will be the rationale for using separate chapters covering each decade to tell their stories against the background happenings of their period. How they took advantage of opportunities outside Hong Kong, and how these opportunities presented themselves will also be briefly covered. These stories are a testament to the tenacity and innovativeness of a resilient and resourceful group of individuals who turned the situation around, so that Western-trained Chinese doctors became not only accepted and highly sought after for their skills but also respected as leaders of the community.

Summary Statistics for the Graduates of Three Different Periods Table 3.1 shows a summary of the number of these early doctors, which are divided into three groups according to their year of graduation. The first group

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of eleven graduated during the last decade of the nineteenth century, from 1892 to 1899, with the Licentiate in Medicine and Surgery, Hong Kong (LMSH). The second group graduated between 1900 and 1909. Twenty-eight graduated with the LMSH, of whom four subsequently went to Edinburgh University to obtain the degree of MBChB after two more years of study; two  undertook an additional two years of study at HKU to obtain the local MBBS degree. Finally, the next decade (from 1910 to 1918) saw the last group of twenty-one graduating, twelve with the LMSH of the college from 1910 to 1915 (Group  3A), and nine with the MBBS degree from the HKU (from 1914 to 1918), after transfer from the college to the university in 1912 as its first medical students (Group 3B). A list of names of the three groups of graduates is shown in Appendix 2, in order of year of graduation. The careers of the members of each of these groups will be described in separate chapters in this book. In summary, of the 128 students who entered the HKCM, sixty graduated as doctors, fifty-one with the LMSH of the HKCM (of whom four also later obtained the MBBS, HKU), and nine with the MBBS of HKU only (i.e., without the licentiate). Another seven students who did not finish their course at the HKCM nevertheless obtained qualifications in medicine at another institution. These included, Kwan King-sing (entered HKCM in 1895, graduated Peiyang Medical College, Tientsin, in 1900); Tso U-him (entered HKCM 1895, graduated Peiyang Medical College, Tientsin, year unknown); Wong Chung-hing (entered HKCM 1901; graduated MBChB, Edinburgh, 1911; MD, Edinburgh, 1916), Ng Tin-po (entered HKCM 1905, graduated MBChB Edinburgh, 1915); Chan Yun-ying (entered HKCM 1907, graduated MBChB, Edinburgh, 1916); Edward Lau (entered HKCM 1909, graduated MBChB, Edinburgh, 1915); and Lee Ying-chuen (entered HKCM 1909, Table 3.1 Students of the HKCM and their qualifications at graduation Number of graduates with LMSH

Group

Year of graduation

1 2 3A 3B

1892–1899 1900–1909 1910–1915 1914–1918

Total

Number graduating with the MBBS from HKU

Total

Number who subsequently also obtained MBBS (HK)

Number who subsequently also obtained MBBS or MBChB overseas

11 28 12  0

0 2 2

0 4 1

0 0 0 9

11 28 12  9

51

4

5

9

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Career Prospects 49

graduated MBChB, Edinburgh, 1917). In addition, one student, Ortis King (also known as Au King), entered the HKCM in 1907, left without finishing the course, and much later re-entered HKU to graduate MBBS in 1929. If we count these eight as well, we can say that 68 out of 128, or over half of all those who entered the college, eventually became qualified medical practitioners.

Notes 1. Hong Kong Government Gazette, 5 December 1891. 2. David Faure, ‘The Common People in Hong Kong History: Their Livelihood and Aspirations until the 1930s’, in Colonial Hong Kong and Modern China: Interaction and Reintegration, ed. Lee Pui-tak (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005), 9–37. 3. ‘Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Medical Department of the Colony, with Appendices’, papers laid before the Legislative Council on 23 May 1895, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1895, 549. 4. Ibid. 5. For a more complete account of the history of this firm, see Katherine Mattock, Hong Kong Practice, Dr. Anderson & Partners: The First Hundred Years (Hong Kong: Anderson & Partners, 1984). 6. Osbert Chadwick, ‘Report on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, with Appendices and Plans’. London 1882, Colonial Office. CO 882/4, Public Records Office, Hong Kong. 7. From the St. Paul’s Hospital website, accessed on 22 September 2014, http://www. stpaul.org.hk/internet/index.php/about/history. See also Frederick Cheung, ‘The Contribution of the Sisters of St. Paul de Chartres in Hong Kong in the Twentieth Century’, Ritsumeikan Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 23 (2009): 89–98. 8. Mattock, Hong Kong Practice, 1–13. 9. See Elizabeth Sinn, Power and Charity: The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989) and 丁新豹,《善與人 同:與香港同步成長的東華三院(1870–1997)》 (香港:三聯書店,2010)。 10. The Tung Wah Hospital Incorporation Ordinance, No. 1, of 1870.

Chapter 4

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899)

Sun Yat-sen’s Classmates and Others There were eleven students of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (HKCM) who graduated during the first of three decades covered by our story (1892–1899). They were awarded the licentiate diploma of the HKCM which certified that they were qualified to practise medicine, surgery, and midwifery. Of the first batch of twelve students who entered the college in 1887, only two were to graduate in 1892 after five years of study. They were Dr. Sun Yat-sen, undoubtedly the college’s most famous and distinguished graduate, and his classmate Kong Ying-wah. The first graduation ceremony was held in the City Hall on 23 July 1892 with the governor, Sir William Robinson, in the chair. Dean Cantlie outlined the many difficulties faced by the young college at a speech given on the occasion.1 Nevertheless he was so pleased with the result after five years of arduous effort that he hosted a private celebration dinner that same evening at the Mount Austin Hotel on the Peak for his two graduates and his important friends. Another five were to finish the course between 1893 and 1895 before Cantlie left Hong Kong, and four more between 1898 and 1899. These nineteenth-century pioneers were the first locally trained Chinese doctors to be introduced to the community. They had to go through the toughest hurdles to gain acceptance as Chinese physicians practising Western medicine, both within the Chinese community, as well as by the official government bureaucracy in Hong Kong and elsewhere. There was still limited acceptance of Western medicine among Chinese in general, both on the mainland and in Hong Kong, particularly when payment for the service was expected. Besides, the licentiate diploma of the HKCM was not recognized for registration in Hong Kong under the Medical Registration Ordinance of 1884.2 Even if it was, the government at that time was reluctant to provide government-funded employment to the group, despite recommendations for creating such posts to serve the Chinese population, especially after the plague outbreak of 1894.3 There was, however, a loophole provided by Clause 2 of the original Medical Registration Ordinance of 1884, which stated, ‘This Ordinance shall not operate to limit the right of Chinese practitioners to practise medicine

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 51

Figure 4.1 One of the few rare photographs of Sun Yat-sen and his classmates at the College of Medicine for Chinese, Hong Kong, probably taken circa 1891. Source: Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society. Standing from left: Wong Kau-o, Enoch Wong, Wong I-ek, Wong Sai-yan (Wong Chak-man), Chan Man-shiu (Chan Siu-pak). Seated from left: Kong Ying-wah, Kwan King-leung, Sun Yat-sen, Lau Sz-fuk.

and surgery or to receive, demand or recover reasonable charges in respect of such practice.’ This clause was originally intended to allow Chinese practitioners of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) exemption from registration, and indeed this was the situation in Hong Kong right until 1999 when the Chinese Medicine Ordinance was passed. At the time the 1884 Medical Registration Ordinance was passed, it was probably not anticipated that the medical board would have to deal with Chinese practitioners of Western medicine (other than the rare one who qualified overseas), but nevertheless Clause 2 of the ordinance as it stood provided a means for unregistered Chinese medical practitioners to practise legally, without specifying whether they were practising Chinese or Western medicine. Under this exemption, licentiates of the college who were Chinese could therefore enter into private practice in Hong Kong, although as fresh graduates, it would have been extremely difficult for them to set up practice on their own without first gaining some additional experience in clinical work. Besides, if they wished to perform surgery on their patients,

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there were no hospitals in Hong Kong that could provide them with admission rights and facilities to do so. Because licentiates of the HKCM could not be registered, they faced another restriction from Clause 9 of the Medical Registration Ordinance of 1884, which specified that only registered medical practitioners were allowed to sign death certificates, and therefore they were excluded from the right to perform this task. This was not to change until 1908 when the ordinance was amended to give licentiates of the college the authority to do so.4

Unsuccessful Attempt to Obtain Employment with the Chinese Government In accordance with the original aim of the HKCM to provide Western-trained doctors for China, Dr. James Cantlie, the dean at the time, recommended the first two graduates, Sun Yat-sen and Kong Ying-wah, to Viceroy Li Hung-chang (who was then in Tientsin and was vice patron of the college) to be given employment by the Chinese government. An account of this episode is given in the biography of James Cantlie written by his granddaughter,5 as well as in the interview given by Kong Ying-wah to a Hong Kong newspaper reporter in 1940.6 The story as told by Kong Ying-wah in his interview, roughly translates as follows: In 1892 President Sun and I graduated together from the medical college in the Alice Memorial Hospital. He was 28, and I was 21. Out of about thirty students at that time, we were the only two graduates. Because there were no openings for us in the Hong Kong Government, Governor William Robinson wrote a letter of recommendation to the British Consul in Peking, asking for it to be passed on to Viceroy Li Hung-chang and commending the two of us as graduates of good standing, willing to tolerate hard work, and suitable for employment by the Chinese Government. There was an initial promising reply stating that we could proceed to the capital to await our postings, and meanwhile we would be given a salary of $50 each, with the military ranking of the fifth class. . . . President Sun was eager to proceed as he had thought that being in the capital gave him a good chance to recruit more people to join his revolution. The two of us therefore accompanied Dean Cantlie to Canton to get the British consul there to arrange a meeting with the viceroy of the two Kwangs to receive our commissioning to the official rank. However, we were given no end of bureaucratic delays by the Viceroy and subject to lots of searching questions on our family backgrounds going back several generations, and Sun was too angry with the treatment given to us, and returned to Hong Kong instead. I had also tried to dissuade him from proceeding, as it was too dangerous for him to go to the capital. This experience only made him more dissatisfied with the Qing government. Not many outsiders know this story, and it is one that Dr. Sun rarely talks about.7

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 53

Following this unsuccessful attempt, there is no further record of the college or the Hong Kong government recommending graduates of the HKCM for employment with the viceroy or any other Qing official. A brief account of the careers of each member of the graduates of this decade is given below.

Sun Yat-sen (LMSH 1892) Frustrated by the obstructiveness of the viceroy for the two Kwangs in his quest to serve his country through an official position, soon after graduation Sun  Yat-sen went to Macau where he was given one wing of the Kiang Wu Hospital (鏡湖醫院) to practise his Western medicine and surgery. This hospital was in many ways similar to the Tung Wah Hospital (TWH) in Hong Kong in offering TCM services, and in being managed as a charitable organization under a Chinese board of governors. Sun was the first Western-trained physician to practise there on an honorary basis, and to provide a free service for Chinese in Western medicine at the hospital. It is interesting to note that this event predated the similar development in the TWH in Hong Kong, which had to wait until after the plague outbreak of 1894 to allow the first Westerntrained doctor to practise in the hospital. In December of the same year, Sun also set up the Chinese-Western Dispensary (中西醫局) near the Kiang Wu Hospital, where he provided Western medical services to Chinese patients at a very low fee, in contrast to his other practice in a fashionable district of Macau where he also saw Portuguese patients, even offering midwifery services, but at a much higher fee.8 There is no evidence that Sun had practised Chinese medicine at the Chinese-Western Dispensary, so perhaps the name was an unfortunate misnomer. On the contrary, Cantlie wrote in his book Sun Yat Sen and the Awakening of China that he had gone on several occasions to Macau to help Sun with major operations at the Kiang Wu Hospital, ‘which he skillfully performed in the presence of the relatives of the patient, and the Governors of the Hospital’.9 Unfortunately, these activities in providing medical and surgical services to the Portuguese and Chinese communities led to Portuguese doctors in Macau becoming jealous of Sun’s growing popularity. They agitated against permitting those without Portuguese medical qualifications to practise in Macau, and forbidding pharmacies from providing drugs on prescription from unlicensed doctors. At the same time, the TCM practitioners also resented his work at the Kiang Wu Hospital. This made it difficult for Sun to continue working there.10 Unable to gain a licence to allow him to practise in Macau, he had to move to Canton instead in 1893. In that city, he started an East-West dispensary (東西 藥局) with the help of Dr. Wan Tun-mo (尹端模) (also known as Wan Man-kai, 尹文楷), who was then employed at the Pok Tsai Hospital (博濟醫院) under the medical missionary Dr. John Kerr. Wan was the son-in-law of Au Fung-chi (區鳳墀), Sun’s Chinese classics teacher in Hong Kong and his revolutionary

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Western Medicine for Chinese

supporter.11 While engaging in a successful medical practice in Canton, Sun became increasingly involved in political activities, gathering around him a group of like-minded supporters. After another failed attempt in 1894 to obtain an audience with Viceroy Li, this time to present his written submission on ideas for reform for the country, and spurred on by the disgrace of the defeat at the hands of the Japanese in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894, he resolved in earnest to plot the overthrow of the Qing Empire instead. This led to the formation of the Revive China Society (興中會) to coordinate the efforts of the revolutionary group. Unfortunately, the first planned uprising against the Qing government attempted in Canton in 1895 had to be aborted, with Sun’s longtime childhood friend Luk Ho-tung (陸皓東) being captured and becoming the first martyr to the cause. Sun had to escape to Hong Kong, but soon he had to leave Hong Kong also, being banned by the Hong Kong government as persona non grata. After this episode, there is no record of Dr. Sun actively practising medicine again, and he devoted his life to his revolutionary and political ideals. His subsequent career is well documented, including his escape from kidnap and incarceration in the Chinese legation in London in 1896, having been helped by his former HKCM teachers, James Cantlie and Patrick Manson.12 Only a few major events of his subsequent career need be recounted here. Following nine more unsuccessful attempts at overthrowing the declining Qing government, the Wuchang uprising in October 1911 finally provided a breakthrough; the revolutionary movement gathered momentum and the rebels successfully took control of major parts of the country. Dr. Sun, who was overseas at the time to raise funds for the revolution, was invited to return to form a provisional government. He was duly elected and declared the first provisional president of the Chinese Republic on 1 January 1912 in Nanking (now Nanjing). In February of the same year, in order to consolidate the government for the new republic, he offered his resignation from his post in favour of Yuan Shi-kai (袁世凱), a general of the Qing government who had a substantial military power base in the north of the country and had been appointed prime minister by the crumbling monarchy as a last attempt to retain some sort of constitutional status and legitimacy. In offering the presidency to Yuan, Sun had helped to unite the nation and avoid further conflict, and to facilitate the abdication of the last emperor on 12 February 1912. Together with his cabinet, and before leaving office, he helped to promulgate the first Constitution of the Republic of China in March 1912, whereby the new government was to be constituted with Yuan as president, with an elected National Assembly, which was a strategic and monumental achievement for a country that had been ruled by emperors for more than two millennia. After that, Sun continued to work to strengthen the infant republic; establishing the Nationalist (Guomindang) Party to campaign in the national elections, whilst building the infrastructure for modernization of the country, such as the construction of a national railway network. Yuan Shi-kai was meanwhile

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 55

building up his increasingly autocratic rule by dissolving the national assembly and finally in 1915 declaring himself emperor of China. Sun had to lead the Nationalists to rebel against Yuan. Yuan died in 1916 and many years of instability and warlordism ensued. Sun worked tirelessly in both political and military initiatives until his death in Peking in 1925. Writing extensively and promoting his Three Principles (三民主義) for the government of the nation,13 he was posthumously recognized in 1940 as the ‘Founding Father of the Republic of China’.

Kong Ying-wah (LMSH 1892) Kong Ying-wah was born in 1871 in British Guiana, where his father Kong Tai-wing (江大永) was said to have been a charcoal dealer. He returned with his mother to Po On county in Kwangtung (now Guangdong) province when he was nine, and later studied in Hong Kong at the Central School before joining the HKCM.14 As was the case for Sun, there were no openings for him in Hong Kong after graduation, so he left for Sandakan in what was then known as British North Borneo (now Sabah in East Malaysia). Kong initially worked in the Government Hospital in Sandakan for three years, and later at another government hospital for five more years before entering into private practice there. According to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin, he was said to have written in 1904 a guide to sanitation in Chinese (衛生指南).15 As recounted in his interview given to Cheng Chi-yu published in the Chinese daily newspaper, the Wah Kiu Yat Po (華僑日報) in Hong Kong on 26 January 1940, which has already been referred to,16 Kong declared that he had been a staunched supporter of Sun Yat-sen and had returned to China to join in several of the armed uprisings that he organized. Doubts have been cast, however, over the authenticity of these claims, even by the interviewer. Another unusual occurrence concerning Kong was reported in the minutes of the senate meeting of the HKCM on 2 July 1908. The minute reads as follows: A letter from the Colonial Secretary was submitted, stating that the Governor has directed the name of Dr. Kong Ying-wa to be struck off the list of Chinese doctors trained in Western medicine who can grant death certificates, for improper conduct in reference to his treatment of a child who died, and for acting irregularly in making a charge for a death certificate.

The court and senate of the HKCM concurred with the governor’s decision and recommended that Kong should leave the colony and practise elsewhere (which raises some question about when he had returned to Hong Kong from Sandakan in the first place). A notice to this effect was posted on the college noticeboard, together with the governor’s decision as a warning to all HKCM students. This was the only recorded instance where the name of a college

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graduate had to be struck off the register of any type, and the strict disciplinary measures taken on that occasion showed how the HKCM took seriously any misbehaviour that would affect the reputation of the college and its graduates. It was highly likely that the reporter who went to Sabah to interview Kong in 1940 was unaware of this bit of history. Following after Sun and Kong, there were four more graduates from the original 1887 intake of students. We can consider all these six as the most representative of Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s classmates and contemporaries at the HKCM. One graduated in 1893, one year after Sun and Kong, and the other three in 1895. Three of them belonged to a family of early Hong Kong settlers who were in Hong Kong mainly to escape persecution inside China as Christian converts. Because of their special family backgrounds, these three can be considered together as they all shared certain challenges in common.

Kwan King-leung (LMSH 1893) Kwan King-leung graduated one year after Sun and Kong, in 1893, as he had to repeat some of the subjects he had failed. The new Nethersole Hospital (NH) on Bonham Road was opened the same year, and Kwan was employed on graduation as house surgeon to the newly opened hospital from 1893 to 1896, the first college graduate to have this privilege of being employed by his training institution. The Kwan family’s long association with the London Missionary Society (Kwan King-leung’s father, Kwan Yuen-cheung [關元昌], had worked at the printing press of the LMS in Hong Kong, and his mother served the AMH as its first unofficial matron and interpreter) may have helped him in being offered this position. In 1896 he left for service with the Chinese government in Chinkiang (鎮江醫院),17 joining his elder brother, Kwan King-yin (關景賢), who had graduated in medicine in Tientsin and was already serving there, working as a medical officer among the forts along the Yangtze river.18 It is not clear when he returned to Hong Kong, but in the book on the Kwan family, it was said that by 1897, four years after graduation, he was in private practice in Hong Kong.19 Official government records published in 1908 showed that Kwan was in private practice in Queen’s Road.20 Kwan became a well-known and successful general practitioner, and a recognized leader of the growing community of Chinese practitioners of Western medicine in Hong Kong. His story will be told in greater detail in Chapter 9. Kwan had two younger brothers who also studied at the HKCM. Kwan King-sing (關景星) entered the college in 1895, although he left midway to continue his medical studies in the Peiyang Medical College in Tientsin, graduating in May 1900 as the third batch of graduates of the Peiyang College. He subsequently worked in the military garrison in Tientsin and also had a distinguished career.21 Conversely, his other brother, Kwan King-hung (關景鏗)

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 57

(LMSH 1907) had studied first at the Peiyang College before returning to Hong Kong to join the HKCM in 1901.

U I-kai (LMSH 1895) U I-kai was the son of the Reverend Woo Set-am, also known as Woo Him-hunk (胡謙享), who had been a magistrate in Hoksan, Kwangtung, before his conversion to Christianity, whereupon he resigned his official position and became an itinerant preacher for the Lutheran Church (Basel Mission) in Canton.22 He went around the countryside preaching and also carried with him baskets of medicines and herbs to tend to the physical needs of the people, which must surely make him one of the earliest Chinese medical missionaries. U I-kai was his second son. U was an exception among the HKCM students. After attending the Central School, he was employed by the government as a student apothecary at the Government Civil Hospital (GCH) in February 1886 before he enrolled in the HKCM course in 1887. His supervisor, William Edward Crow, the government analyst and apothecary for the Medical Department, commented in his report for 1886, ‘Mr. U I Kai, the new student apothecary, is making satisfactory progress with his studies. In November, when I was on the sick list, he was able, for several days with occasional directions from me, to take sole charge of the dispensary [at the GCH]’.23 Throughout the period of his studies at the HKCM, he continued his work at the Civil Hospital as a student apothecary, as documented in the annual reports of Dr. Ayres, the colonial surgeon, who always commended U in the performance of his duties.24 Having to work and study at the same time may have been the reason why it took him seven years to finish the course. In fact, Dr. Atkinson, the superintendent of the GCH, had to write on his behalf to the senate of the HKCM, to explain that his afternoon engagements at the hospital had prevented him from attending all the classes provided.25 During the plague outbreak in 1894 and immediately following it, he had served as an assistant and interpreter to the colonial surgeon in his daily inspection visits to the TWH, and his ability was highly praised by Dr. Ayres in his official reports. Nonetheless, the colonial surgeon also made critical comments on U’s inability to make accurate diagnoses in all the cases he met with at the TWH while giving evidence at a later enquiry, and this argument was used to support the idea that the HKCM graduates were not competent to practise independently.26 Later, U also helped Dr. J. M. Atkinson, PCMO and Ayres’s successor, in the same capacity during his inspections of the TWH, even though Atkinson also spoke in a similarly disparaging manner of the quality of the HKCM licentiates, both morally and professionally, when giving evidence at the same committee of enquiry into the medical department in 1895.27 The registrar general in his report for 1895 was slightly more appreciative, stating, ‘The causes of

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the deaths which occur in the TWH are now reported by Mr. U I-Kai. The knowledge of the real causes of these deaths is of considerable importance, as almost all the members of the adult working population who die in Victoria are removed to that hospital on being taken ill.’28 Initially, U I-kai had remained at the Civil Hospital as an apothecary assistant after gaining his licentiate in 1895, but in February 1897 he was appointed house surgeon to the AMH, replacing Dr. Chung Boon-chor, who had held the post until his transfer to the TWH as its first resident surgeon. His brother U I-kwai also took on the job of student apothecary at the GCH and enrolled in the HKCM in 1899, but unfortunately he did not finish his course. Tragically, at the start of a most promising career, U died of plague on 24 March 1898. It had been assumed that he was infected in the course of his duties, but at an interview given by Mr. Woo Yan-tak, his nephew, Mr. Woo told the author that U had seen a rat run across the room and stepped on it instinctively to stop it in its tracks. Unfortunately, this must have caused some of the fleas from the plague-infected rat to jump onto him and thereby transmit the disease to him. The moral of this story surely should be never to try to kill a rat by stepping on it. U was survived by his wife, a son (Woo Wai-tak or Arthur Woo as he was commonly known), and four daughters. U I-kai’s wife was a nurse-midwife (胡王氏) who was trained at the Nethersole and Alice Memorial Maternity Hospitals. She was listed as being employed as a nurse in the GCH in 1901, which was quite exceptional in those days since all the qualified nursing staff in the government service then were expatriate nurses, but it may have been a special gesture on the part of the GCH staff, in view of her need to bring up five children on her own after U I-kai’s death. Their son, Dr. Arthur Woo, trained in medicine in London, became a prominent doctor in Hong Kong, and remained closely associated with the Alice Memorial and Nethersole Hospitals, serving as their medical superintendent during the difficult period throughout the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. U’s daughter Dr. Katie Woo was also well known in Hong Kong as an educator, and as the founding principal of St. Paul’s Girls’ College, later to become St. Paul’s Co-educational College.

Wong Sai-yan (LMSH 1895) Like Kwan and U, Wong Sai-yan came from a family closely associated with the early Protestant missionaries to China. His father, the Reverend Wong Him-yu (王謙如) was an ordained minister of the Rhenish Mission in Hong Kong, and his grandfather Wong Yuen-sum (王元深) was the first member of the family to be converted to Christianity by the missionary Karl Gützlaff. Wong Yuen-sum had assisted Gützlaff in spreading the Christian faith among his countrymen, which exposed him to much persecution, and the family had to escape to Hong  Kong.29 The history and achievements of the many descendants of Wong Yuen-sum are recorded in the Wong and Wang Chronicles, an anthology

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 59

of writings by the family members collected by Katherine Wong.30 A younger son of Wong Yuen-sum, Rev. Wong Yuk-cho (王煜初) became the pastor of the independent Chinese church associated with the LMS, the To Chai Church, which was built next to the AMH on the same plot of land purchased by the LMS. That branch of the family also had several members study in the HKCM, and we will hear more about them later. Wong was present at the wedding ceremony of classmate Kwan King-leung, which was officiated by the Reverend John Chalmers of the LMS while they were still students at the college, and his name together with that of Sun Yat-sen are recorded as witnesses on the marriage certificate issued to Kwan. Unlike Kwan King-leung and U I-kai, who managed to secure employment at the Alice Memorial and Nethersole Hospitals, Wong had to go overseas for employment on graduation. In a report of the presentation of diplomas ceremony of the HKCM on 9 April 1895, the Hong Kong Telegraph tells us, ‘Mr. Lau Sz Fuk and Mr. Wong Sai Yan, . . . have been appointed to excellent billets under the Government of Selangor at $75 a month each to begin with.’31 Also mentioned in an obituary of his father, the Reverend Wong Him-yu, Wong Sai-yan was said to have practised in Kuala Lumpur, the capital city of Selangor.32 In 1903 he returned to Hong Kong and worked as a ship’s surgeon for twenty years, plying the route between Singapore and Hong Kong. In a biography written by his son, Dr. Wong Tze-chuen in the Wong’s and Wang’s Chronicle,33 we are told that he founded several Chinese newspapers in Canton and was a founding member of the Red Cross in Canton. He also translated his former teacher James Cantlie’s book The Red Cross First Aid Primer into Chinese, which was published in Canton, and wrote many popular medical writings. Like U I-kai, Wong’s wife, Chan Fung-yeung, was a midwife trained at the Alice Memorial Hospital who later worked for the Hong Kong government. Wong had twelve sons and daughters, his third son, Wong Tze-chuen, later entered the HKCM in 1911 and graduated from the University of Hong Kong with an MBBS in 1917. Although initially Wong Sai-yan had to go to the Malay States to find employment, and later served as a ship’s surgeon, later in his life he was able to contribute to the advancement of medicine in the mainland of China through his writings and educational work. Together with Kwan King-leung, who practised for a short period in mainland China, they were examples of those among the group of earliest graduates who were able to fulfil, in part at least, the expectations of the founders of the college in contributing to development of Western medicine on the Chinese mainland.

Lau Sz-fuk (LMSH 1895) From the intake of twelve students in 1887, six were able to graduate, and Lau was the last member of this group. As mentioned earlier, the Hong Kong Telegraph tells us that, together with Wong Sai Yan, he had been appointed

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to ‘an excellent billet’ by the government of Selangor in Malaya, at a salary of $75 per month.34 Unfortunately, the next piece of information we have about him was not so joyous. In the roll of licentiates of the college published in 1910, it was reported that he had died in 1904, only nine years after graduation. Other than these facts, little else was known about Lau’s career. It was a sign of the prevalence of life threatening disease of those times that out of the six earliest graduates who entered the HKCM in 1887, two had died within three and nine years after graduation, respectively.

Other Early Pioneers There were five other graduates of this period before the turn of the century who made up the early pioneers. Many of them initially took on temporary jobs as ship’s surgeons or went overseas to neighbouring British colonies or countries of South East Asia to practise. Other than jobs as house surgeons for the Alice Memorial (AMH) or Nethersole hospitals (NH), positions which were severely limited, employment for them in Hong Kong was almost non-existent.

Wong I-ek (LMSH 1895) Wong entered the HKCM in 1890 from the Anglo-Chinese school in Foochow (now Fuzhou), China, and graduated five years later with high distinction. According to the roll of licentiates published by the college in 1910, he was said to have been in Perak, Federated Malay States, in 1910. We do not have more information on his career there.

Chan Kun-shing (LMSH 1898) A little more is known about Dr. Chan Kun-shing. Like U I-kai, he started his student life in 1893 while at the same time employed as a student apothecary at the GCH until his graduation in 1898. A brilliant student who graduated with distinction, he was house surgeon to the Nethersole Hospital from 1898 to 1899 before he left Hong Kong in 1899 to join the famous physician Dr. Lim Boon-keng as his assistant in Singapore. Dr. Lim was well known as the first Queen’s Scholar from the Straits Settlements and the first Chinese from Singapore to have been trained in medicine in Edinburgh (graduating with an MBChB in 1892 with first class honours). He has often been compared with Ho Kai as among the first of Chinese from Asia to obtain training in medicine abroad. He was a highly successful medical practitioner and was active in public service, having been appointed to the Legislative Council of Singapore in 1895. He must have been glad to have the assistance of Chan in manning his practice during this busy period of his life.35

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 61

After a few years in Singapore, Chan Kun-shing relocated to Penang. In Wu Lien-teh’s autobiography, Plague Fighter, Wu mentioned that when he started practice in Penang late in 1904, there were only three other Chinese doctors of Western medicine in Penang, Chan being one of them.36 Chan became a prominent member of the Penang Chinese community and worked with Wu Lien-teh as members of the Anti-Opium Society in Penang.37 We can see, therefore, that Wong, Lau, and Chan, three graduates of this period had to follow the footsteps of Kong Ying-wah and Wong Sai-yan to seek work and to develop their careers in the neighbouring South East Asian cities where Chinese people had emigrated to. Some like Chan settled in their adopted countries and had successful careers, whereas others were less fortunate. The last three graduates of this first decade all obtained their diplomas in 1899. They were Ho Nai-hop, Kwong Ngai-leung, and To Ying-fan, also known as Coxion To. As we shall see, two were able to make a career for themselves in Hong Kong, and only one of them had to seek work in the Federated Malay States. This change to the bleak employment situation described earlier did not come about as a planned medical development strategy; rather, it was more through a force of circumstances. In 1898 a stretch of land to the north of the Kowloon Peninsula, later to be called the New Territories (NT), was leased to Britain for ninety-nine years, and on that account, the Hong Kong government had to set up a medical outpost in Taipo, which was then the administrative centre for the NT. As there were insufficient expatriate medical officers to staff this outpost on a permanent basis, the first ‘Chinese medical officer’ ever to be appointed to the government medical service was to emerge in 1899, stationed in Taipo.

Ho Nai-hop (LMSH 1899): First Chinese medical officer in the Hong Kong Government Medical Department Ho Nai-hop graduated with a good academic record, having obtained an honours grade in six out of twelve professional examinations. As a senior student, he had already been rendering useful service doing house-to-house visitations during the smallpox epidemic of 1898. The lease of the New Territories to Britain in 1898 opened up a new and much larger area of land under British administration. But roads were poorly developed and travel took much longer then than now, so it was necessary to appoint a medical officer to be stationed at Taipo, to look after the police and other government civil officers stationed there. Serendipitously, this led to the creation of the first Chinese medical officer post in the Hong Kong government. Ho was appointed Chinese medical officer for the NT on graduation in 1899. He was stationed at Taipo from 1900 until his resignation in 1902. According to the PCMO, Dr. Atkinson, in his report for 1900, Ho’s duties were mainly to attend to minor ailments

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such as mild attacks of fever, which were affecting the civil staff and police. However, he was also allowed to provide free treatment to any of the villagers who sought his help, and to carry out vaccinations.38 He was therefore the first government-employed Chinese medical officer to provide government-funded medical services to the local Chinese population. By 1901, the following year, the report from the PCMO shows that his duties had increased, as Dr. Atkinson had to recommend an additional medical officer for the NT, one to be stationed in the west of the NT, such as Yuen Long or Ping Shan, because ‘the work is much too arduous for one, the distances he has to travel are very great, and it is practically impossible for him to do justice to the large resident population; in addition, he can never get away on leave.’ This was a very good example of where, once a service was provided, the need for such services and for additional personnel would become apparent. It was also a good recommendation for the employment of more licentiates of the college by the government. Records do not show what post Ho Nai-hop went to after 1902, but by 1908 he was listed in the Government Gazette as being in private practice in Hong Kong, so the experience of his work in Taipo must have helped establish his subsequent career.

To Ying-fan (LMSH 1899) Dr. To Ying-fan, also known as Coxion To, graduated just as Chan Kun-shing had left the Nethersole Hospital, so he took over his post of house surgeon there. After the departure of Dr. Wan Man-kai from the AMH in 1901, his post of house surgeon became vacant, and To was transferred to the AMH. Altogether he served the AMH and its affiliated hospitals and dispensaries for twenty-three years, with another seven years in a voluntary capacity, the longest period of all the HKCM graduates. He had served first as house surgeon to the NH (1899–1901) and afterwards house surgeon to the AMH (1901–1916). It was in 1910, during the period when To was house surgeon, that the first X-ray machine was set up at the Ho Miu Ling Hospital, one of the first in Hong Kong.39 This might have triggered his interest in X-rays, an interest he later passed on to his son Dr. Ernest To. After the AMH at 75–77 Hollywood Road was closed as a hospital, the premises were used for outpatient services, and To continued to serve in the Alice Memorial Hospital’s dispensary and outpatients department. The AMH building was sold to the Wing On Company in June 1921, and was finally pulled down in 1922. The AMH outpatient department and dispensary was relocated to 72A Hollywood Road, opposite to the old hospital site.40 Dr. To continued to serve in a voluntary capacity as medical officer in charge there. When the AMH was rebuilt and reopened on Bonham Road in 1929, the outpatient department on Hollywood Road was closed down, and To finally ended his association with the hospital.41 It appeared that when To was working on a

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 63

voluntary capacity for the AMH outpatients department, he was able to carry out a private practice of his own at the same time. Dr. To had a successful private practice and owned a beautiful villa on Sassoon Road, which was built on a high position with a view onto the Lamma Channel, not far from the present campus of the University of Hong Kong’s Li Ka Shing Medical Faculty in Pokfulam, on the south-western part of the island of Hong Kong.42

Kwong Ngai-leung (LMSH 1899) As a student, Kwong had served for a brief period in 1896 as acting house surgeon to the NH, on the departure of Kwan King-leung. He had also rendered special service in connection with the smallpox epidemic in February 1898 as a dispenser at the Kennedy Town Infectious Disease Hospital and on the hospital ship Hygeia.43 He also helped at the Plague Hospital in Kennedy Town as an assistant during the plague epidemic in 1898.44 Despite these many contributions to the medical services as a student, it appeared that there was still no opening for him in Hong Kong after graduation. The last of this group of pioneers, Kwong was said to be in Selangor, Federated Malay States, in the roll of licentiates of 1910. Unfortunately, little else is known of his career there.

Against the Odds These early pioneers overcame the difficulties of not being able to obtain employment in Hong Kong by perseverance and waiting for opportunities as they came along, such as employment as house officers in their training institutions, but often taking the courageous step of moving overseas to forge their careers in foreign lands, in the Straits Settlements or other British colonies, in rare cases, working inside China or in Macau, or working as ship’s doctors. It was only towards the end of the century that the first opportunity arose for employment by the local government, but even then it was only a single position. Given such a situation, it would be fully justified to ask why these young people with such a good education and (for those times) a rare and highly valuable command of the English language would want to enter into five years of training for an uncertain career with such meagre prospects? Their classmates with similar language abilities would often be offered good employment opportunities even before they finished secondary school, jobs with the trading companies or in government service as clerks or interpreters/translators with a steady income or even joining the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service. When we consider that the HKCM’s course would take five years of hard study, and they even had to pay a fee of $50 per year for the course, without any certainty of employment afterwards, what sort of people would take such a step?

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The clue may be found by looking at the background of these early students. Both Sun Yat-sen and Kong Ying-wah had returned to Hong Kong to study after a period of residence overseas. Of the forty-seven students who had entered the college between 1887 and 1899, there were seven who had returned from studies overseas (four did not complete their studies). We have already mentioned the three graduates of this period who came from early Hong Kong Christian families, whose members would likely have been exposed to a greater Westernizing influence in their contact with Western missionaries. At least five other students who entered the college during this period were also known to be from Christian families. We may surmise that for them, there would have been greater encouragement from parents and other family members to enter into what was seen as a noble profession that could help those in suffering, even if it meant a sacrifice in monetary rewards and lucrative business opportunities. It appears that there was a strong association with greater exposure to Western influences in family records of many of these students. Another theory has been put forward that Sun Yat-sen was attracted to study in Hong Kong as it gave him greater freedom to explore ideas and talk about reform of the country and overthrow of the ruling emperors, but this does not explain why he had already chosen to enter into medical studies in Canton before he transferred to Hong Kong. It is difficult to ascertain when Sun Yat-sen made the firm decision to forsake his medical career for the full-time work of political reform and revolution, and perhaps it would be futile to be dogmatic on this point. For Chan Siu-pak, another student of the period who later joined the revolutionary group, the ability to be near those who shared his interest in the development of his country could arguably be a more valid reason for his entering the college, since he left as soon as Sun Yat-sen completed his studies. Of the eleven graduates of this period, seven (63.8%) had to go outside Hong Kong initially to further their careers in medicine. They were Sun Yat-sen, Kong Ying-wah, Wong I-ek, Lau Sz-fuk, Wong Sai-yan, Chan Kun-shing, and Kwong Ngai-leung. In addition to the above seven, Kwan King-leung also spent some time working on the Chinese mainland before returning to Hong Kong to set up his practice. Kong Ying-wah and Chan Kun-shing were known to have made their careers and settled in their newly adopted countries, Sandakan in Borneo and Penang in the Straits Settlements respectively. Wong I-ek, Lau Sze-fuk, and Kwong Ngai-leung all went to the Federated Malay States, but regrettably, Lau died in his early years. At the senate meeting of the college on 21 July 1899, a letter was read out by the secretary ‘showing a large demand for graduates of the College in the Straits Settlements’. This was before the establishment in Singapore in 1905 of the Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States Government Medical School (later to become the Edward VII College of Medicine in 1921), so there were no opportunities for medical training in the Straits Settlements at that time.45 Nevertheless, the letter read out at the senate meeting would still have been a testimony to the positive contributions

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 65

made by those graduates who had gone out to serve there. Although U I-kai was able to find employment in Hong Kong, unfortunately he also died young. Only three out of the eleven (Kwan King-leung, Ho Nai-hop, and Coxion To) were able to establish their careers in Hong Kong and become successful private practitioners.

Achieving a Breakthrough From modest beginnings and against the odds, these early pioneers forged a career path for themselves, although we do not have complete pictures of the subsequent careers of some. There were some who became well-known and respected doctors, and helped to start the change in public opinion towards Western medicine. At the same time, driven by necessity rather than by design, about twelve years after the start of the HKCM, and before the nineteenth century was drawing to a close, a breakthrough was achieved when for the first time, a graduate of the college was recruited into government service to meet special needs (i.e., manning an outpost in the New Territories). Ho was to achieve another first, that of providing government-funded Western medical service for the New Territories’ indigenous Chinese residents. Not long after the first appointment was made, the PCMO recommended the addition of another such Chinese medical officer post for the NT the following year. It  was a measure of acknowledgement by the authorities in Hong Kong of their good training and usefulness, albeit a somewhat belated one. At the same time, we have to admit that the very fact that these licentiates were available provided a powerful incentive for the government to recruit them into public service, rather than to have to provide for more expatriate medical officers at a much higher salary. As we shall see, the twentieth century brought with it a much greater scope for service in the Hong Kong public sector for the college graduates.

Notes 1. Cantlie’s speech at the first graduation ceremony is recorded in the article ‘College of Medicine for Chinese. Presentation of diplomas by Sir William Robinson’, The China Mail, 23 July 1892. 2. ‘The Medical Registration Ordinance No. 6 of 1884’, Hong Kong Government Gazette, 10 April 1884. 3. ‘Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Medical Department of the Colony, with Appendices, 1895’, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1895, 549. 4. ‘List of Chinese Medical Practitioners Trained in Western Medical Science Authorized to Grant Death Certificates’, Hong Kong Government Gazette, No. 850, 10 July 1908. 5. Jean Cantlie Stewart, The Quality of Mercy: The Lives of Sir James and Lady Cantlie (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983), 62.

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6. 鄭子瑜,〈總理老同學江英華醫師訪問記〉,《大風半月刊》第 71 期, 1940 , 頁2251–53。 7. Ibid. The relevant excerpt is reproduced in full below: 一八九二年,余與孫總理同時畢業於雅麗氏醫院,余年廿一歲, 孫總理年廿八。同班三十餘人,僅吾二人及格而已。畢業後,因 英政府未有位置,時香港總督羅便臣馳書北京英公使,托其轉 薦於北洋大臣李鴻章,謂孫先生與余兩人識優學良,能耐勞苦, 請予任用。李覆書云可來京候缺,每人暫給月俸五十元,並欲授 吾 二 人 「 歛 命 五 品 軍 牌 」。 孫 總 理 以 為 潛 身 京 都 , 運 動 諸 人 臣 反 滿計,允即前行。吾二人遂偕康德黎師上廣州,請英領帶見兩廣 總督德壽領牌,然後晉京,以免惹起清政府之忌。詎德壽諸多為 難,欲吾二人填寫三代履歷,方准領得。孫總理氣怒而返港;余 亦勸其莫輕易進京,以免身危,遂不果。自是孫總理愈不滿於清 吏,而反滿之心益決。此事外人知之者絕鮮,孫總理亦不喜對 人言。 8. 黄宇和,《三十歲前的孫中山:翠亨、檀香、香港 1866–1895》 (香港:中華書 局,2011)。 9. James Cantlie and C. Sheridan Jones, Sun Yat Sen and the Awakening of China (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1912), 31. 10. Sun Yat-sen, Kidnapped in London: Being the Story of My Capture by, Detention at, and Release from the Chinese Legation, London (Bristol: J. W. Arrowsmith, 1897), 11–12. 11. For more information on Dr. Wan Tun-mo, see Faith C. S. Ho, ‘Graduation certificate of Dr. Wan Tun Mo’, in Footprints of Medicine: From the Collections of the Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences, Wong Tai-wai (editor-in-chief) (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, 2016), 36–42. 12. Sun Yat-sen, Kidnapped in London, 62–82. 13. An English translation of many of Sun Yat-sen’s writings, including his ‘Three Principles’ theory, is available in Prescriptions for Saving China: Selected Writings of Sun Yat-sen, ed. Julie Lee Wei, Ramon H. Myers, and Donald G. Gillin (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press Stanford University, 1994). 14. 鄭子瑜,〈總理老同學江英華醫師訪問記〉,《大風半月刊》第 71 期, 1940 , 頁2251–53。 15. 羅香林,《國父之大學時代》,增訂臺灣二版(臺北:臺灣商務印書館,1967), 頁34。 16. 鄭子瑜,〈總理老同學江英華醫師訪問記〉,頁2251–53。 17. ‘Report of the Alice Memorial and Affiliated Hospitals, 1897’, in London Missionary Society/CWM Archives, SOAS. 18. 關肇碩、容應萸,《香港開埠與關家》 (香港:廣角鏡出版社,1997),頁13。 19. Ibid. 20. ‘List of Persons Authorized to Sign Death Certificates’. Hong Kong Government Gazette, No. 850, 10 July 1908. 21. 關肇碩、容應萸,《香港開埠與關家》,頁14。 22. Timothy David Woo, To Spread the Glory: The Woo Family Register (Hilo, HI: Transcultural Press of the East and West, 1977), 70–73.

The Early Pioneers (1892–1899) 67

23. ‘Report of the Government Analyst for the Year 1886’, in ‘Enclosure 3 of the Report of the Colonial Surgeon for the Year 1886’, presented to the Legislative Council on 8 July 1887, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1887, No. 31/87, 438. 24. See, for example, Dr. Ayres’ last report as colonial surgeon for the year 1896, when he referred to U I-kai’s nine years of excellent service as student apothecary and later as Chinese apothecary assistant to the Government Civil Hospital, and his regret for the loss of his services to the Nethersole Hospital. Hong Kong Legislative Council Sessional Papers, 1897, No. 25/97, 416. 25. Minutes of the 14th Meeting of the Senate, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 22 May 1891. 26. ‘Appendix A: Evidence Given by Dr. Ayres’, in ‘Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Medical Department of the Colony, with Appendices’, 1–10. Papers laid before the Legislative Council on 23 May 1895, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1895, 549. 27. ‘Appendix A: Evidence Given by Dr. Atkinson’, in ‘Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Medical Department of the Colony, with Appendices’, 61–74. Papers laid before the Legislative Council on 23 May 1895, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1895, 549. 28. ‘Registrar General’s report for 1895’, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1895, 389–416. 29. Catherine Wong, The Wong’s and Wang’s Chronicle (Hong Kong: privately published, 2001), 16–21. 30. Ibid. 31. ‘The College of Medicine for Chinese’, Hong Kong Telegraph, 9 April 1895. 32. Christian Literature Society, Shanghai, ‘Portrait with Biography Wang Chieu-ju’, The Chinese Christian Review 16, no. 4 (April 1908). 33. Wong, Wong’s and Wang’s Chronicles, 191. 34. ‘The College of Medicine for Chinese’, Hong Kong Telegraph, 9 April 1895. 35. Lim was a supporter of Sun Yat-sen and his revolutionary cause. In 1919 he was honoured by the University of Hong Kong with an honorary degree of doctor of laws. He became the president of Amoy University (now Xiamen University) in 1921. Lim Boon Keng was the father of Dr. Robert Lim Kho-Seng, who was professor of physiology at the Peking Union Medical College from 1924 to 1938, as recorded in Ferguson Mary, China Medical Board and Peking Union Medical College: A Chronicle of Fruitful Collaboration, 1914–1951 (New York: China Medical Board of New York, 1970), 236. 36. Wu Lien-teh, Plague Fighter: The Autobiography of a Modern Chinese Physician (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1959), 232. 37. Tan Kim Hong, The Chinese in Penang: A Pictorial History (Penang: Areca Books, 2007), 87. 38. J. A. Atkinson, ‘Report of the Principal Civil Medical Officer for the Year 1899’, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1900. 39. Michael Hing Man Ho, When Science and Compassion Meet: A Turning Point in the History of Medicine in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, 1997), 6. 40. ‘Report of the Alice Memorial and Affiliated Hospitals, Hong Kong, in Connection with the London Missionary Society for the Year 1922, Hong Kong’. CWM/LMS

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Archives, SOAS. See also 羅香林,《國父在香港之歷史遺蹟》 (香港:香港大學出 版社,2002),頁15。 41. E. H. Paterson, A Hospital for Hong Kong: The Centenary History of the Alice Ho  Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital (Hong Kong: Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital, 1987), 70. 42. As related to the author by Ms. Wilhelmina Wu, Dr. Coxion To lived at 40 Sassoon Road, Pokfulam, Hong Kong, not far from where her family lived. 43. Minutes of the Senate Meeting, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 21 February 1898. 44. Minutes of the Senate Meeting, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 20 September 1898. 45. J. S. Cheah, ‘Approaching 100 Years of Medical and University Education in Singapore’, Singapore Medical Journal 44, no. 1 (2003), accessed on 9 July 2016, http://www.sma.org.sg/smj/4401/4401e1.pdf.

Chapter 5

Decade of Change (1900–1909)

The First Decade of the Twentieth Century and the Second Batch of Graduates of the Hong Kong College of Medicine The first decade of the twentieth century was an important period for the development of Western medicine both in Hong Kong and in China. For society at large, these years also witnessed many significant changes in Hong Kong and on the Chinese mainland. In the political arena, they marked the final declining years of the Manchu dynasty and the end of the Chinese imperial era. The throne weakened and crumbled in the face of internal unrest and repeated humiliating defeats in encounters with foreign powers that had started in the previous century, so with the arrival of the twentieth century, the movement for change gathered increasing momentum, whether it was to be achieved by reform or by revolution. Sun Yat-sen, the first graduate of the Hong Kong College of Medicine (HKCM), had abandoned his medical career and led the first attempted Canton uprising to overthrow the Qing government in 1895, which unfortunately had to be aborted at the eleventh hour, although that still could not save the first martyrs of the revolution. After being banished from the mainland and Hong Kong, he continued to lead the revolutionary movement from overseas, and nine more armed uprisings followed between 1900 and 1911. Demands for reform were similarly becoming more insistent, and with the dawn of the new century, a last-ditch attempt was made by the Qing government to put many of these into place. One of the most significant of these was the abolition in 1905 of the long-held tradition of formal nationwide examinations for entry into the civil service, the so-called gentry ruling class, which focused chiefly on learning based on the Chinese classics. An attempt was made to broaden the scope and purpose of education, so it could no longer be viewed as chiefly a means to obtain a position in the hierarchy of government officials through success in the court examinations. More young people were also travelling overseas and returning with new ideas for the modernization of China.1 The Boxer Rebellion and the subsequent quelling of the uprising by a coalition of foreign powers in 1900, with the punishing indemnities imposed on the empire in compensation for foreign losses, also indirectly led to some changes

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in the field of education in China. Some countries had chosen to direct the collected Boxer indemnities towards the founding of universities and colleges modelled after the Western tradition, and these were starting to spring up in different cities inside China. In the field of medical education, through the united efforts of different foreign missionary societies working with local leaders, Union Medical Colleges and Universities and Union Hospitals were also established in different parts of the country, including Peking (1904), Hankow (1908), Tsinan in Shantung (1909), Chengdu in Szechuan (1910), leading to better-organized medical schools for the training of Chinese doctors.2 St. John’s University Medical College in Shanghai, which had started as the medical department of St. John’s College in 1896, became incorporated in 1906 as a university, and was able to confer MD degrees, bringing the standards of the course to an international level as a result.3 The twentieth century was therefore ushering in a new era of medicine for China, alongside the many other reforms that were going on. Although still far from meeting the need, there were new initiatives being put into place for training of Chinese practitioners of Western medicine in the country, at a standard that was approaching those in Western countries.

Demographic changes in Hong Kong The ripple effect of these changes inside China, reflecting a rising tide of new thinking, inevitably extended into Hong Kong, although Hong Kong itself was also undergoing changes of its own. By the turn of the twentieth century, Hong Kong was no longer just a temporary place of residence for men to make a living, or to make a fortune, leaving their wives and children behind in their home villages; instead, Chinese were starting to settle down in the city as families, and to consider Hong Kong as home. This is borne out by the statistics shown in Table 5.1, based on figures from the government censuses of 1891, 1901, and 1911. Demographic changes between 1891 and 1901 were slow, but between 1901 and 1911, not only was there a rapid rise in total population from 283,905 to 453,739, a rise of almost 60 per cent as compared to the 30  per cent in the previous ten years, but the most impressive increase was in the number of the female Chinese population, which rose a remarkable 110 per cent between 1901 and 1911, compared to 21 per cent in the previous ten years. The male to female ratio for the Chinese population stood at 2.7:1 in 1901, whereas by 1911 it had decreased to 1.85:1, which strongly supports the fact that there were more Chinese families settling in Hong Kong during that decade. There was a similar trend for the non-Chinese population as well, but it was not nearly as significant as for the Chinese. The educational background and outlook of the Hong Kong Chinese population was also changing, resulting in a community that was more receptive

288,827

 88,500 (44.18%)

1911

Increase from 1901 to 1911

 81,621 (109.98%)

155,837

 74,216

 61,301

Female

167,121 (60.87%)

441,664

274,543

210,926

Total

Chinese Population

1.85:1

2.70:1

2.44:1

M:F ratio

Male

7,324

5,835

4,462

1489 (25.52%)

* Based on Census Reports, Sessional Papers 30/1891, 39/1901, 17/1911.

200,327

1901

Male

149,625

1891

Year of Census

Table 5.1 Demographic changes in Hong Kong from 1891 to 1911*

1224 (34.70%)

4,751

3,527

2,548

Female

2713 (28.98%)

12,075

 9,362

 7,010

Total

Non-Chinese Population

1.54:1

1.65:1

1.75:1

M:F ratio

169,834 (59.82%)

453,739

283,905

217,936

Total Population

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to Western influences. Jung-fang Tsai’s book Hong Kong in Chinese History, Community and Social Unrest in the British Colony, 1842–1913 had this to say: During the years from the mid-1880s to the 1900s a younger generation of merchants, businessmen, professionals, and new intelligentsia emerged in Hong Kong, a generation more Western oriented than the old elite and more inclined to innovations and new commitments. .  .  . Although still bound to many Chinese ideas, values, and customs, the new intelligentsia was also ready to challenge some parts of Chinese culture and tradition.4

Changes in Employment Opportunities for the HKCM Graduates Having briefly outlined the background changes to Hong Kong society, we are now able to turn more specifically to the events and changes occurring in Hong Kong that led to the improvements in employment opportunities for the HKCM graduates. Twenty-eight students graduated from the college during the first decade of the twentieth century. A list of their names in chronological order according to their date of graduation is given in Appendix 2. The most significant change for this group, in contrast to the earlier decade, was that, instead of having to find work mainly outside of Hong Kong, paid positions gradually became available for the licentiates in different organizations within Hong Kong itself, and there were even opportunities for engaging in private practice. Besides the general changes to Hong Kong society as a whole, there were also major events and specific developments that led to the emergence of these opportunities, as will be described below. In addition, the simple, compelling fact of the availability of this group of trained Chinese doctors right on the doorstep also stimulated the creation of posts by government to utilize this valuable manpower for the public good.

HKCM licentiates bound to serve the government after graduation in return for a financial grant to the college At a meeting on 3 September 1900 of the court of the HKCM, a motion was passed to request from the Hong Kong government a regular yearly grant to the college, in return for which the graduates of the college would be bound to serve the government, if required, for a period of three years after graduation in any medical or sanitary capacity, with or without private practice being allowed at the same time. The Honourable Ho Kai also pointed out, that ‘by means of these diplomates, so bound, it would be easy for the Government to carry out the proposals repeatedly made for the establishment of dispensaries in the Colony, and again recently recommended by the Sanitary Board.’ No doubt this was seen as a win-win situation for the college, since it was not only a promise of a government subvention but also a means to help the college graduates to

Decade of Change (1900–1909) 73

enter into the public healthcare system, and at the same time to start provision of such services to the Chinese population. Minutes of the meeting of 9 July 1901 of the court of the HKCM recorded a welcome reply from the colonial secretary in Hong Kong, which stated that the Colonial Office in London had approved the yearly sum of $2,500 for payment of honorariums to the teaching staff of the college, and a further vote of $2,500 in aid of dispensaries in connection with the college. This decision certainly reflected a change in mind-set on the part of the Hong Kong and the British home governments from their original negative attitude towards the employment of the graduates. Records do not show how strictly this requirement for service in a public position after graduation was enforced by the Hong Kong government. The college, however, did take this requirement seriously, as minutes of the court meetings indicated, since each instance of waiving of the requirement for overseas students had to be approved by the court. Whether the more enlightened attitude of the new governor, Sir Henry Blake, as compared to his predecessor, Sir William Robinson, might have contributed to the new attitude towards the HKCM is a matter of conjecture. Some other possible background factors leading to this change and the movement for starting public dispensaries will be explored in the following sections.

Changes as a result of the plague outbreaks The bubonic plague outbreaks in Hong Kong, starting in 1894 and persisting for over thirty years are recognized as one of the most important external factors in bringing about a change in how Western medicine and Western ideas of public health were viewed in Hong Kong, both by the local Chinese and the government officials. No longer could the colonial government ignore the need to improve public health facilities for the Chinese population of Hong Kong. The need to promote greater acceptance of ‘Western’ public health measures and medical care was also seen to be a necessary part of this process, if epidemics of disease were to be properly controlled. As a result of the Commission for Enquiry into the Medical Department following the plague of 1894, a new post of medical officer of health was established in 1895 to look after the public health services for the colony.5 The appointee, Dr. Francis Clark, was recruited almost immediately into the honorary teaching staff for the HKCM. In fact, the following year, after the departure of James Cantlie, he took on the important job of dean of the college for the remaining period of its existence, a period of nineteen years from 1896 to 1915. He became not only a strong advocate for public health promotion and education in Hong Kong but also for creating employment openings for the college licentiates. The fact that successive colonial secretaries, Sir James Haldane Stewart Lockhart and later Sir Henry May, were elected rectors of the college (in October 1895 and July 1902, respectively) would

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also have helped to provide another (often behind the scenes) advocate for the college in the higher echelons of government, above the petty politics that often engulfed the medical and sanitary departments. HKCM’s graduates, and even its senior students, were officially recruited at times of crises generated by the recurrent plague outbreaks to assist the government in various capacities in fighting the scourge. In 1901, when the plague recurred with great severity, Lee Yin-sze, a senior medical student, was appointed assistant ward master at Kennedy Town Infectious Disease Hospital for four months, while Ho Ko-tsun, also a student, was appointed assistant to the resident surgeon at the Tung Wah Hospital to assist in plague work.

The first government bacteriologist and the Bacteriological Institute The plague outbreaks led to other changes. In order to help in plague control and to minimize the dire consequences the recurrent plague outbreaks exerted on the economy of Hong Kong as a major trading port, the then-governor Sir Henry Blake persuaded the Colonial Office to send out a bacteriologist to Hong Kong with the promise that a bacteriological institute would be built for his laboratory work. Up until then, there was no such laboratory in the whole colony. Thus, the first government bacteriologist, William Hunter, arrived in Hong Kong from London in February 1902. Three HKCM graduates of that year (Lee  Yin-sze, Chan Fai-kwong, and Ho Ko-tsun) were assigned to work with the government bacteriologist as his assistants, mainly in plague control work between 1902 and 1904. The next year, 1903, two senior students of the college, Fung Chi-ming and Peter Quincey, also served as assistants to the government bacteriologist, especially in carrying out dissection of rats collected from various districts of Hong Kong for plague surveillance. The promised Bacteriological Institute (BI) with facilities designed by Hunter was officially opened in 1906, and in 1909 Chan Tsun-kon (LMSH 1908) was appointed to the first permanent bacteriological assistant post at the BI, in what could be considered the first training position for bacteriology and pathology in Hong Kong. Chan Tsun-kon had initially worked on the railroad after graduation in 1908, but was transferred to the BI in April 1909. He worked at the BI for almost two years, and had been commended for his work there, but he resigned this promising position in 1912 to enter the service of the provisional Canton government as a bacteriologist. Even as recently as 1906, it had been considered necessary to recruit an assistant bacteriologist from Britain in order to assist the government bacteriologist in supervising the work of the BI. However, when Dr. C. M. Heanley, the assistant bacteriologist, resigned his post in 1909 to start his own practice as a private bacteriologist in Hong Kong, government medical officers recommended employing a

Decade of Change (1900–1909) 75

graduate of the HKCM to be the bacteriological assistant, instead of finding a new recruit from Britain, ostensibly in order to save on expense.

The Chinese public dispensary movement After the control of the 1894 plague outbreak, a commission of enquiry was convened to report into the Government Medical Department,6 with Dr. James Cantlie as one of its members. The question of starting government-funded public dispensaries for providing outpatient medical services to the Chinese population was raised by the commission, with the suggestion that a graduate of the HKCM could be put in charge of these dispensaries and given a certain quota of medicines to dispense to the patients coming for treatment. Unfortunately, the scheme not only received no support but instead attracted a great deal of criticism from the government medical officers who gave evidence at the enquiry, these officers alleging that it was impossible to prevent the Chinese licentiates from taking advantage of the free medicines made available for the dispensaries to be used for their own private purposes. Thus the scheme was not steadfastly pursued by the government, although there might have been some pilot schemes started, including the dispensaries in the newly acquired New Territories, as mentioned in the previous chapter. However, this negative response from the Government Medical Department did not stop the Registrar General (the title of this post was changed to Secretary for Chinese Affairs in 1913)7 to work with enlightened and public-spirited members of the Chinese community, such as Ho Kai and Tso Seen-wan, a London-trained Chinese solicitor, to start public dispensaries in the heavily Chinese populated areas of Hong Kong and Kowloon. These dispensaries were not part of the Government Medical Department, but were placed under the management of a Chinese public dispensary (CPD) committee formed by local Chinese community leaders, including the Chinese members of the Sanitary Board, and chaired by the registrar general himself. It was highly likely that the dean of the college, Dr. Francis Clark, who was also the government medical officer of health, would be highly supportive of these initiatives by the registrar general, perhaps even one of the prime movers. As administrator of the Government Midwifery Service, he was able to mobilize trained Chinese midwives to be based at the dispensaries and to attend to domiciliary deliveries in their neighbourhood, thus boosting their usefulness and appeal to the community. The CPD committees were successful in fundraising for the building of the premises (while land was provided free by the government), as well as providing for medicines and other public health services including vaccinations. Some very innovative services provided were those of ‘lecturers’ whose job it was to propagate the knowledge of public health measures according to Western practice to the neighbouring community, and

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to extol their advantages.8 With this support from the Chinese community, only a minimum subvention was required from the government (from funds provided through the registrar general, and not through the Medical Department) to keep the dispensaries going. So it was that the first CPD was opened on First Street in Sai Ying Pun, followed by others in Queen’s Road East in Wanchai and Kau U Fong in Central, which were all under the auspices of the Chinese Public Dispensary Committee chaired by the registrar general, with Ho Kai as vice chair. Later, CPDs were also established in Kowloon (in Yaumati, Hunghom, and Kowloon City) and in Shaukiwan in the eastern part of Hong Kong. Each was manned by a licentiate of the HKCM, Dr. Ho Ko-tsun (LMSH 1902) in the Eastern District (Wanchai) dispensary, Dr. Ma Luk (LMSH 1905) in the Western District (Sai Ying Pun) dispensary, To Ying-kwan (LMSH 1905) in the CPD in Kau U Fong in Central, Lee Yin-sze (LMSH 1902) the dispensary in Yaumati, Au Sze-cham (LMSH 1905) the dispensary at Sai Ying Pun, and Kwan King-hung (LMSH 1907) the CPD in Wanchai.9 Through the CPD system, the licentiates were able to provide valuable medical outpatient services to the Chinese population residing in their immediate surrounding district. Serious cases were transported to hospital by ambulance, and deaths were certified, with the bodies transferred to the public mortuaries. The CPD in Sai Ying Pun was rebuilt in 1909 on Third Street, and was distinguished by the fact that it had a small district plague hospital on the first floor (see Figure 5.1), while the dispensary occupied the ground floor. This building is now still standing.10 When a patient was brought into the dispensary with suspected plague, the attendant doctor would be asked to examine the patient and, if the diagnosis was confirmed, to admit these patients to the hospital under their care, without the need for transferring them to the special plague hospitals in Kennedy Town. This was one of the innovative measures started by Governor Blake to address the problem of ‘dumping’ of dead bodies or of seriously ill patients on the streets, which was much too common. It also had the effect of encouraging family and friends to bring the sick to be seen and cared for in a facility that was close by, where they could visit, without the stigma or terror conjured up by admission to the special plague hospitals outside the city areas. Similar district plague hospitals were to be established at the Hunghom and Kowloon City dispensaries, and later at the Eastern District (Wanchai) dispensary, though not necessarily built to the same standard as the one at Sai Ying Pun. All of these district plague hospitals were established with public subscriptions from the Chinese community. The CPDs also served as centres for promoting public health, for providing maternity and child health services, including vaccinations for children, as well as registration of births. As mentioned, there were also personnel engaged specifically to provide public education in health matters to the Chinese. All these activities were making inroads into generating

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Figure 5.1 The newly built Chinese Public Dispensary and Plague Hospital on Third Street in Sai  Ying  Pun, located opposite to the headquarters of the Basel Mission, Hong Kong. Photograph taken circa 1909. Source: Basel Mission Archives, Mission 21, Basel.

trust and familiarity with Western medicine and public health measures among the local population, including most importantly, its womenfolk. Having a Chinese doctor and Western-trained Chinese midwives at the dispensaries undoubtedly was a key asset in this respect. In the following decade, the maternity services provided by government midwives stationed at the dispensaries proved so popular that it was deemed necessary to add a maternity hospital to some of them, at first at the Eastern CPD at Stone Nullah Lane in Wanchai, and later in 1922, to the Western District dispensary in Sai Ying Pun (the hospital came to be known as the Tsan Yuk Hospital), thus expanding their sphere of service. The Western-trained Chinese midwives who were providing a domiciliary maternity service, backed up by the Chinese doctors at the dispensary, were able to demonstrate convincingly to the womenfolk how their ability and skills could assist them not only in childbirth but also in bringing up their babies and children with a lower mortality and with better health. The start of the maternity hospitals attached to the dispensaries allowed for training of more midwives as well as giving a safe place for the mothers to give birth when domiciliary deliveries were not feasible. With time, some of these facilities were to be taken over by the government and absorbed into the Government Medical Department, as in the case of the Tsan Yuk Hospital in 1934. Even as late as 1936, Dr. Chung Yik-sun (LMSH 1907) was listed in the Government Gazette11 as serving in the CPD, Hunghom, probably in addition to his private practice in Kowloon. Dr. Ho Ko-tsun (LMSH 1902) was in charge of the public

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dispensary and attached midwifery hospital at Stone Nullah Lane in Wanchai even up to the 1950s, as will be recounted in Chapter 9.

Reform at the Tung Wah Hospital as a result of the 1894 plague outbreak Another major change to the medical services as a result of the plague outbreak of 1894 was the outcome of a review of the Tung Wah Hospital (TWH). A  government commission of enquiry was set up in 1896 into the working and organization of the TWH, with much criticism being levelled at the hospital for its poor management, inadequate levels of sanitation and cleanliness, deficiencies in the treatment of many conditions, especially those requiring surgery, and poor control and management of infectious disease, such as had occurred during the 1894 plague outbreak.12 Instead of closing the hospital as had been advocated by some of the government medical officers who gave evidence at the enquiry, a compromise was reached with the directors. It was agreed that a full-time resident surgeon trained in Western medicine would be employed by government to be stationed at the hospital, who would examine patients as they were admitted, to detect cases of infectious disease requiring isolation, and at the same time to allow all patients admitted to have a choice to be treated according to Western methods or by traditional Chinese methods. Dr. Chung Boon-chor, a Eurasian who grew up in Hong Kong, spoke several Chinese dialects, who had worked for eight years as resident house surgeon at the AMH, was appointed by the government to the TWH as its first resident surgeon in December 1896. Chung had been one of the students of the Central School in Hong Kong who were sent for training at the Viceroy’s (i.e., Li Hung-chang) Hospital Medical School in Tientsin under Dr. John Kenneth MacKenzie of the LMS. He was eminently suited for the post, well experienced in hospital work, and was acceptable to the directors as he was Chinese in name and appearance. Not long after transfer, he was soon performing operations within the TWH. In 1899 he presented to the Hong Kong Medical Society a patient upon whom he had performed an amputation, the first major operation to be performed at the TWH.13 It was a pleasant surprise for the governmentemployed doctors to report a steady increase in the number of TWH patients choosing to be treated by Western methods (see Table 5.2) so that by 1903, seven years after Western medicine was introduced into the hospital, 50 per cent of the patients admitted had opted voluntarily for Western treatment.14 After this turning point in 1896 TWH not only had a part-time inspecting doctor from the Government Medical Department but also had a Westerntrained doctor on its full-time staff as resident surgeon, and thereafter became open to employment of licentiates of the HKCM. In 1901 Ho Ko-tsun, as a senior student at the HKCM, was appointed to assist Dr. Chung at the TWH because of a severe outbreak of plague that year. Because Chung became ill

Decade of Change (1900–1909) 79

Table 5.2 Number of inpatients at the Tung Wah Hospital treated by Chinese methods and by Western methods* Year

Total inpatients

% treated by Chinese methods

% treated by Western methods

1898 1899 1901 1902 1903 1904 1906 1907 1908 1909

2,442 2,047 2,146 2,117 2,254 2,172 2,687 3,518 3,245 3,433

77 73 70 68 48 53 47 49 50 50

23 27 30 32 52 47 53 51 50 50

* Based on figures in the Report of the Inspecting Medical Officer of the TWH, forming part of the Annual medical report by the Principal Civil Medical Officer. Papers laid before the Legislative Council, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1898 to 1909.

and was on sick leave from 19 August to 17 December of that year, Ho was appointed acting house surgeon during that period.15 Unfortunately, Dr. Chung continued to have repeated absences due to ill health and died in November 1902 at the young age of 35. During his absences, Ho Ko-tsun continued to stand in for him until after Dr. Chung’s death when he was replaced as resident house surgeon by Dr. Jew Hawk, a graduate of the University of Oregon in the United States. It was not until 1908 that graduates of the HKCM were given more permanent appointments at the TWH; when Dr. Leung Chik-fan (LMSH 1908) was appointed as a second resident surgeon at the hospital. In September 1910, on the resignation of Dr. Jew Hawk, Dr. To Ying-kwan (LMSH 1905, MBChB, Edinburgh, 1917) was appointed in his place. Thereafter, it was not considered necessary for an overseas graduate to fill the post and locally trained doctors were able to serve as resident surgeons at TWH. Senior students of the college also continued to work as assistants to the resident surgeon up to the time when the college was amalgamated with the university.

Resident posts in the Alice Memorial and Affiliated Hospitals Since the AMH and its affiliated hospitals were the training hospitals for the college, it was natural that the posts of resident surgeon for these hospitals would be filled by the HKCM graduates. Besides the initial appointment of Dr. Chung Boon-chor to the post of house surgeon at the AMH from 1888 to 1896 (when the HKCM graduates were not yet available), there was only

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one other instance when these posts were not occupied by a graduate of the college. The appointee, Dr. Wan Man-kai (like Chung, also a graduate from the LMS-operated Viceroy’s Hospital Medical School in Tientsin) had come from the Pok Tsai Hospital, the Medical Missionary Society Hospital in Canton, to Hong Kong. Dr. Wan had helped Sun Yat-sen in his abortive Canton uprising of 1895, and therefore was obliged to leave the city. He served in this capacity initially at the NH (1896–1898) and then at the AMH (1898–1901). After this period of hospital service, Dr. Wan set up his own private practice in D’Aguilar Street in Central and became a renowned and highly respected doctor in Hong Kong. Dr. Kwan King-leung, who was the first HKCM graduate to occupy the post of resident surgeon at the NH when it opened in 1893, left by 1896 for service in China. He was followed in succession by other senior students and graduates. Kwong Ngai-leung, as a senior student, in an acting capacity (1896), Dr. Wan (1896–1898) as mentioned above, Dr. Chan Kun-shing (1898– 1899), Dr. To Ying-fan (1899–1901), Dr. Tan Yeu-wee (1902), Dr. Ho Ko-tsun (1903–1905), Dr. Chan Hin-fan (1907–1908), and Dr. Lee Ying-yau (1909). Except for Dr. Wan, all those mentioned were graduates of the HKCM. The corresponding post at the AMH was vacated by Dr. Chung Boon-chor in 1896 when he joined the TWH, and was then filled by U I-kai (LMSH 1895) until his death in 1898. Afterwards, it was occupied by Dr. Wan initially (1898–1901), then by To Ying-fan (Coxion To) from 1901 until 1922, when the AMH premises in Hollywood Road were sold and pulled down. Two new additions were made to the group of hospitals affiliated to the AMH during this decade. The Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital (AMMH) was opened in 1904 following the appointment of the first lady doctor to Hong Kong, Alice Sibree of the LMS. She was instrumental in starting the training of qualified nurses in midwifery at the NH and the AMMH. It is probable that training in midwifery was also extended to the students of the college, as the students were required to attend at least twelve deliveries under supervision before they could graduate. The Ho Miu Ling Hospital, another affiliated hospital, was opened in 1906 at Breezy Path, and house surgeons serving the NH, such as Chan Hin-fan (LMSH 1906), also served as house surgeons to the Ho Miu Ling Hospital. While serving in the Alice Memorial and its affiliated hospitals, the graduates not only built up their medical and surgical experience and skills, they also provided essential hospital and outpatient services to Chinese patients, as they were the only hospitals of Western medicine at the time that primarily served the Chinese population. As doctors of Chinese descent, they would have helped tremendously to build up the confidence of the Chinese population of Hong Kong in Western medicine, especially in being able to communicate with the patients in their own language. The resident doctors also helped to supervise and to teach the students of the college who were in training in these hospitals.

Decade of Change (1900–1909) 81

Other Medical Posts in the Government Service Government dispensary at Taipo Meanwhile, more posts in government service were also starting to become available. For the post of Chinese medical officer at the government dispensary at Taipo (as mentioned in the previous chapter), after Dr. Ho Nai-hop left in 1902, he was followed by Dr. Lau Lai (LMSH 1902), who occupied this post until 1907. A copy of Lau’s report for the year 1906 (Figure 5.2) shows the increasing range of services that this dispensary was to offer. After Dr. Lau left to enter into private practice in Hong Kong, the post was taken up by Dr. Li Ho-ching (LMSH 1907) from 1907 to 1909, and then by Dr. Benjamin Wong Cheong-lam (LMSH 1909), who was appointed to the post in 1910.

Figure 5.2 Report of the Medical Officer at Taipo, 1906. Source: Hong Kong Government Gazette, 12 July 1907. Reports on the Health and Sanitary Condition of the Colony of Hongkong for the year 1906.

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The Kowloon–Canton Railway This period also saw the beginning of the construction of the Kowloon–Canton Railway. Planning started for the Hong Kong section of the railway in 1905, and construction of a tunnel for the railway through the Kowloon ranges was started in 1906.16 The Hong Kong section was completed and officially opened on 1 October 1910, although train services from Kowloon to Canton did not start to operate until 1913. While this was being built, thousands of labourers were employed along the tracks and in digging the tunnels, and malaria and work-related injuries were striking down the workforce in large numbers. The government railway medical officer appointed for this project required assistants for this work, and this was supplied by senior students and graduates of the college. Chan Hin-fan was appointed as Chinese medical officer (resident at the North Face camp of the tunnel near Shatin) in 1906, soon after his graduation from the HKCM that same year.17 He left to take up appointment as house surgeon to the Nethersole Hospital in 1907 and was replaced by P. D. R. Naidu (while still a student)18 and Lam Yun-hae in 1908 (while still a student). Chan Tsun-kon took up the post as assistant railway medical officer at Taipo Kau in 1908 after his graduation but left on 5 April 1909 when he was transferred to the Bacteriological Institute. He was replaced by Lam Yun-hae, who remained until the end of June when the post was abolished. Chinese and Indian labourers working near the Taipo section who were sick or injured were then allowed to avail themselves of the services of the government dispensary at Taipo, which was staffed by a graduate of the college, as mentioned earlier.

Commendation from the Government A hint at a change in attitude of the government towards the HKCM may be seen in the words of the governor, Sir Matthew Nathan in his report in the Blue Book for 1905 (included in the Hong Kong Sessional Papers for 1906), under the category of ‘Institutions recognized and encouraged but not to any considerable extent supported by Government’: The Hongkong College of Medicine .  .  . is of great value in spreading a knowledge of Western medical science among the Chinese; and in addition to the employment of certain of the licentiates in the public service, the senior students have frequently been made use of for various purposes during epidemics.19

A few years later, a similar statement of endorsement can be found in the Hong Kong Government Administrative Reports for the Year 1909, mentioning the contributions of the college licentiates to the medical work of the government departments as follows:

Decade of Change (1900–1909) 83

Most of the Licentiates have settled in the Colony, and are exerting a most useful influence in the direction of displacing the native medical methods and popularising Western medical and sanitary knowledge, while a considerable number of them are employed as resident surgeons in the hospitals for Chinese, as medical officers in charge of the Public Dispensaries, and as assistant medical officers on the railway works.20

The tone of these reports show a major shift from that of comments made by government medical officers on the graduates of the college years earlier in 1895, when an enquiry was made into the Medical Department following the plague outbreak of 1894.21

Efflux of Students Seeking Medical Training in Overseas Universities This decade was also characterized by another trend not seen earlier: the beginning of an efflux of students or new graduates of the college moving overseas to obtain university degrees and registrable qualifications in medicine; the majority went to the University of Edinburgh in Scotland. The first HKCM licentiate to start this trend was Wang Chung-yik, who graduated in January 1908 and left immediately afterwards for Edinburgh without working in Hong Kong. Dr. Wang was the youngest son of the Reverend Wang  Yuk-cho, who was the pastor of the To Chai Church affiliated to the LMS, situated adjacent to the AMH. The fact that he already had three brothers in Britain at the time was likely a contributing factor to his decision to move to Britain so soon after graduation.22 He was soon followed by his classmate and friend, Li Shu-fan, who graduated a few months later, in August 1908. Li stayed in the same lodging as Wang at Warrender Park Road, which was separated from the university only by a meadow. Figure 5.3 shows the house, which is still much the same nowadays as when many of the students from the college had stayed there. The landlady, Mrs. Ritchie, ‘was as devoted to her young lodgers as a mother hen to her chicks’,23 and it is therefore not surprising that many other students besides Wang and Li were also to be drawn to her lodgings in later years. Wang was the trailblazer, and successfully applied to the University of Edinburgh to have his time of study for a MBChB degree shortened through recognition given to the studies he had undertaken in Hong Kong. After Li Shu-fan arrived in August, he was also able to obtain a similar concession. The senate of the HKCM received the welcome news about these concessions at its meeting of 12 September 1908. At the same time, it was informed that (1) the Joint Board of Preliminary Examiners for the Scottish Universities had exempted Wang and Li from the preliminary examination; (2) the General Medical Council had retroactively dated their medical registration in England as students to the beginning of their medical curricula in Hong Kong; and

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Figure 5.3 The house at Warrender Park Road, Edinburgh, where many of the HKCM graduates lodged when studying at Edinburgh University.

(3) the Joint Board for the Triple Qualifications (Edinburgh and Glasgow) had granted them the right to enter for the final examination for that qualification as soon as they cared to do so, without passing the earlier professional examinations. Undoubtedly, this was an important first step in the recognition given by overseas institutions to the HKCM training. What is more, the dean of the Edinburgh Medical School encouraged the HKCM to apply to the General Medical Council for formal recognition of its courses. The college received the good news from the General Medical Council in England in July 1909 that the preliminary examination of the college was recognized by them, subject to two conditions, which they accepted without much trouble.24 Subsequently, both Wang and Li graduated MBChB in 1910 from the University of Edinburgh after completing the minimum period of two years of study. In the following years, both carved out exceptionally distinguished careers, although in quite different spheres, and their stories will be recounted in greater detail later. Also during this decade, a number of students left the college before graduation to complete their medical studies overseas, where they could obtain a university degree that would be recognized for registration with the

Decade of Change (1900–1909) 85

Hong Kong Medical Council. This included Wang Chung-yick’s elder brother, Chung-hing  Wang, who entered the HKCM in 1901 and left in 1903 to join the medical course at the University of Edinburgh, graduating in 1911; Ng Tin-po who entered the HKCM in 1905, also left to complete his studies in Edinburgh, obtaining his MBBS in 1916. Two other students who entered in 1909, Lee Ying-chuen and Edward Lau, also left for studies at Edinburgh University, graduating in 1917 and 1915, respectively.

Academic Appointments Taken Up by Graduates of This Decade Of those HKCM students who graduated between 1900 and 1909, three were appointed to academic positions, including two who contributed to development of institutions in China for training Chinese in Western medicine.

Dean of the Kwong Wah Medical College (光華醫學院) in Canton Chan Hin-fan (LMSH 1906) was the first HKCM graduate to have accepted a full-time academic appointment. Chan had graduated from the medical school attached to the Pok Tsai Hospital in Canton before he enrolled at the HKCM in 1901. He finished his five-year course at the HKCM in 1906 and initially worked as a ship’s doctor. He then joined the Kowloon–Canton Railway as Chinese medical officer, leaving in 1907 to work in the NH as resident surgeon. In 1909 he was invited to take up the deanship at the new Kwong Wah Medical College, which was started by a group of Chinese medical doctors in Canton, many of whom had been formerly associated with the Pok Tsai Hospital, his other alma mater. The special feature of this medical school as distinct from other schools in Canton was that it was started, entirely supported, and staffed by Chinese doctors trained in Western medicine. By 1929 it had grown to a faculty of thirty-three with 292 students enrolled, and by 1935 had produced 426 medical graduates.25 When the Japanese forces occupied Canton, Chan  Hin-fan returned to Hong Kong, and in 1941 he was listed in the Government Gazette as being in private practice in Nathan Road in Kowloon.26 In 1953 the Kwong Wah Medical College was amalgamated with two other medical schools in Canton to form the Zhongshan Medical College, which has now been renamed the Sun Yat-sen University of Medical Sciences.27

Professor of pathology at the University of Hong Kong Wang Chung-yik (LMSH 1908) has already been introduced as the first of the college licentiates to go overseas to obtain a medical degree in a university. After gaining the MBChB from the University of Edinburgh in 1910 he was also the first to obtain a doctorate degree, MD (Edinburgh) in 1915, with the award of a gold medal. He was also the first person of Chinese descent to

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be appointed to a full-time chair in the University of Hong Kong. After a period of research and clinical laboratory work at the laboratory of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh from 1913 to 1919,28 Wang accepted appointment as HKU’s first full-time professor of pathology, and the first alumnus to be appointed to a chair in its medical school (acknowledging the medical faculty of the university as a direct continuation of the College of Medicine). He occupied the chair from 1920 until his untimely death in 1930. His story will be told in greater detail in Chapter 9.

Dean of Kung Yee Medical College (公醫醫學院) Li Shu-fan (LMSH 1908) had an illustrious career covering many fields, including a stint as dean of a medical college in Canton. After obtaining his medical degree at the University of Edinburgh, he studied for the diploma in tropical medicine and hygiene at the same university, graduating in 1911. Li was then given an appointment by the Manchu government in China to assist Dr. Wu Lien-teh (伍連德) in plague control in Manchuria, a career that was abruptly cut short even before it started by the change in regime in 1911. Instead of working on plague control, Li joined Sun Yat-sen’s camp and after establishment of the revolutionary government in Canton, Li became minister of health (also known as the Health Commissioner) in that government. It was the first time in the history of China that a minister of health had been appointed, and Li did much pioneering work in organizing the public health services of the Kwangtung (now Guangdong) province.29 After two years the changing political situation led to the collapse of the Canton government and Li returned to Hong Kong and entered into private practice. He went back to Edinburgh in 1921 to study for the fellowship of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, which he obtained in 1922. After this, Li was invited by the privately run Kung Yee Medical College in Canton to take up the deanship and the chair of surgery at the college. He served in this capacity from 1923 to 1925 and helped to raise funds for new facilities of the college. In 1925, Kung Yee Medical College was taken over by the Nationalist government and became the Medical Faculty of the National Chung Shan University, and Li returned to Hong Kong to resume his private practice. He was then asked to help in the reorganization of the private Yeung Wo Nursing Home, later to be known as the Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital. He managed to turn around the fortunes of the hospital and became an immensely successful surgeon, while also holding the post of medical superintendent. Some of his later achievements and public services are related in Chapter 8. Dr. Li also wrote an autobiography that describes many of the exciting exploits in his eventful life.30 In 1961, he started the Li Shu Fan Foundation to share his success with those less fortunate, supporting medical education and other worthwhile projects.

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Other Examples of Service on the Chinese Mainland Other than Chan Hin-fan and Li Shu-fan, as described above, there were several other HKCM licentiates of this period who served on the Chinese mainland. Brief accounts of their careers are given below.

Peter Quincey (LMSH 1903) Peter Quincey had an interesting family background. His father, William Quincey, was said to have been brought up by General Charles Gordon, who, before his period in Sudan, had served for a while in China as head of the ‘Ever Victorious Army’, which was helping the Chinese imperial government to fight the Taiping rebels. William Quincey was Chinese, a native of Quansan (now Kuanshan, in Jiangsu province)—hence the name Quincey, which he adopted after Gordon brought him to England. In 1870, William Quincey returned to Hong Kong and joined the Hong Kong Police Force, where he later became the first Chinese person to ascend to the rank of inspector. In 1898 William Quincey moved to the Chinese mainland, and helped to set up several police academies, first in Shanghai and then in China’s north.31 Thus, when Peter Quincey, his third son, graduated from the HKCM, he went up to China to join his father and brothers. In 1910 Peter Quincey became resident surgeon of the newly opened Chinese Public Hospital in Shanghai, which specialized in epidemic diseases; possibly his work as assistant to the government bacteriologist in Hong Kong, as mentioned earlier, had given him the necessary experience to take on this role. When Shanghai was faced with a plague outbreak in 1911, Quincey was appointed head of the Chapei Plague Prevention Corps, and in that capacity, he attended the famous International Plague Conference held in Mukden (then capital of Manchuria and present-day Shenyang) in April 1911, which was the first international medical conference held on Chinese soil, hosted by the Qing government and chaired by Wu Lien-teh.32 Quincey eventually returned to Hong Kong and entered into private practice.

Lee Ying-yau (LMSH 1905) Lee Ying-yau also served on the Chinese mainland after graduation. He joined the Peiyang Army Hospital (北洋營口陸軍醫院)33 in Tientsin and worked there for two years before returning to Hong Kong. He then served in the Chinese public dispensary in Kowloon and started a private practice at 315 Nathan Road where he also provided maternity services. He delivered babies for the Tanka women on their boats moored in the Yaumati waterfront, which was close to his clinic. Dr. Lee was one of the earliest of the HKCM licentiates to start a private practice in Kowloon. After two of his sons, Drs. Lee Sui-hung and Lee Sui-luen, graduated in medicine from the University of Hong Kong

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in 1939 and 1942, respectively, they set up a family group practice together, where Dr. Lee practised until he reached the ripe age of 80. Lee’s father had been one of the six original members of the Methodist Church in Hong Kong, and Lee was a keen supporter of the church and its evangelistic and educational activities.

Kwan King-hung (LMSH 1907) Kwan King-hung was the younger brother of Kwan King-leung (LMSH 1893). He had studied at the Peiyang Medical College in Tientsin, graduating in 1901 before entering the HKCM. After a period of service with the Chinese public dispensary in Wanchai, he returned to northern China in 1909 to work as a medical officer to the Peiyang mining company and later the railways.34 He returned to Hong Kong in 1915 to continue his work with the public dispensaries and also entered into private practice.

Chan Tsun-kon (LMSH 1908) After a period as a ship’s surgeon and as assistant railway medical officer at Taipo Kau, Chan Tsun-kon joined the Bacteriological Institute in 1909 as a bacteriological assistant, as mentioned earlier in this chapter. After the successful revolution to topple the Qing dynasty, he resigned his promising career in the Hong Kong government in February 1912 to work for the provisional government of Canton as a bacteriologist joining Li Shu-fan’s team. Unfortunately, that government was not to last long, and he had to take up the work of a ship’s surgeon from 1915 to 1919. He returned to Hong Kong in 1919 and entered into private practice in Kowloon. Where opportunities presented themselves, the graduates of the college were clearly willing to serve on the Chinese mainland. Some even gave up promising posts in Hong Kong to work on the mainland after the establishment of the republic, in positions where their training could be put to good use. Unfortunately, because of the unstable social and political conditions in China in the early years of the republic, most of them eventually had to return to Hong Kong to continue their careers.

The Emergence of Chinese Doctors in Private Practice Among the earliest Chinese practitioners to enter into private practice in Hong  Kong, two of the most prominent would be Wan Man-kai and Kwan King-leung. Kwan was said to have started his practice in 1897, and Wan probably in 1901. Both had worked at the Alice Memorial or Nethersole hospitals as house surgeons and had practised inside China before they started in private

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practice in Central in Hong Kong. Both had the benefit of being part of a wellknown and well-connected family who had been residents of Hong Kong for several generations, and this might have given them the added confidence to be pioneers in setting up their private practices in Central. By 1908 many other licentiates of the college had joined them, as shown in the Government Gazette of July 10 1908. In that year, under a new rule, a list was published of practitioners of Western medicine resident in Hong Kong who, although not included in the medical register, were authorized to sign death certificates. Later this list was to be known as Part Two of the medical register. Among those listed in 1908, the HKCM licentiates who were recorded as in private practice in Hong Kong included: Kwan King-leung (LMSH 1893), Wong Sai-yan (LMSH 1895), and Ho Nai-hop (LMSH 1899); all three were graduates of the nineteenth century. Also included in the 1908 list were later graduates, including Ho Ko-tsun (LMSH 1902), Au Sze-cham (LMSH 1905), Chung Yik-sun (LMSH 1907), Ho Nai-tsun (LMSH 1907), and Lim Shin-thwin (LMSH 1908). In the following year, 1909, the gazette additionally included the following four HKCM graduates as being in private practice: Lau Lai (LMSH 1902), Lam Tsz-fung (LMSH 1909), Lai Tsui-lan (LMSH 1909), and Benjamin Wong (LMSH 1909). Therefore, by 1909 twelve licentiates of the HKCM, out of a total of thirty-nine, were already listed as being in private medical practice in Hong Kong, some of whom had graduated only within that same year. In addition, there could have been others who were in part-time practice, combined with a public appointment, as, for example, in the Chinese public dispensaries. Considering the fact that the population of Hong Kong in 1909 was 428,888, of which 408,409 were Chinese,35 this theoretically provided at least one Chinese private practitioner for every 35,740 members of the Chinese population. Although this would be grossly inadequate by today’s standards (at  the end of 2013, there was one doctor for every 547 persons in Hong Kong),36 the very fact that the community could support even this number of Chinese doctors whom they had to pay to consult provides good objective evidence of the increasing acceptance of Western medicine by the local Chinese population, and to a growing demand for such services. In fact, the prominence of some of these early practitioners who were licentiates of the college was acknowledged through their inclusion in the landmark 1908 publication Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports of China, where it was mentioned that ‘with the establishment of the Hong-kong College of Medicine for Chinese the new state of affairs was inaugurated, and there is now a corps of thoroughly qualified Chinese medical men with extensive private practices in Hong Kong.’37 The biographies and photographs of five Chinese doctors were included among those of other ‘prominent members of the Chinese community in Hong Kong’, like Robert Ho Tung, Ho Kam-tong, and other successful businessmen; four were licentiates of the HKCM—

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Kwan King-leung (also known as Kwan Sum-yin), Ho Ko-tsun, Ho Nai-hop, and Coxion To—and the fifth, Dr. Wan Tun-mo, had been a resident surgeon at the AMH and Nethersole Hospital, and one of their teachers. That this could be achieved within a period of twenty-one years from the start of the college in 1887 is a feat well worth noting. One of the most enterprising among the graduates of this decade who went into private practice was Dr. Ma Luk (LMSH 1905), also known as Dr. Ma Luk-sun. Dr. Ma built up a successful practice as a college licentiate, without the need to acquire further qualifications to raise his status. He was certainly ahead of his time in building up a large group practice in Central, calling his clinic the ‘Ma Luk Sun Hospital’, and eventually relocated his practice to the prestigious King’s Theatre Building at the corner of Queen’s Road Central and Wyndham Street. Dr. Ma’s story will be told in greater detail in Chapter 9.

Career Opportunities for Non-Chinese Graduates For those non-Chinese graduates who could not return to their places of origin and wished to find employment in Hong Kong, there was an extra hurdle that they had to face. They could not take advantage of the exemption indicated in the Medical Registration Ordinance of 1884, whereby they could practise as Chinese medical practitioners in Hong Kong without being registered. It would also have been difficult for them to obtain appointment in public positions where fluency in the Chinese language would have been required. There were two such graduates of this decade in this situation: Henry Phillips (LMSH 1906) from Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), and Eugene Lionel de Souza (LMSH 1905) from Goa, which was then a Portuguese territory in India.

Henry Phillips (LMSH 1906) Henry Phillips had attended the Ceylon Medical College before entering the HKCM. After graduation from the college he did not return to Ceylon but obtained a position in Kuala Kubu Baru in Selangor, about 70 kilometres north of Kuala Lumpur in the Federated Malay States. Registration was not a requirement for medical practice there at that time. According to Dr. Mano Arumanayagam, his grandson, he worked mainly among the British planters on the rubber plantations. Unfortunately, excessive alcoholic consumption led to cirrhosis of the liver, and Dr. Phillips died at the relatively young age of 47. His wife, a Tamil from Ceylon and twenty years his junior, returned with their 7-year-old son to live in Ceylon after his death.

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Dr. Eugene Lionel de Souza (LMSH 1905) Dr. de Souza did not return to his homeland of Goa either, and took on the work of a ship’s surgeon to avoid the problem of practising as a non-Chinese without a registrable Hong Kong qualification. After the start of the University of Hong Kong, he had registered as an advanced student in an attempt to get his MBBS qualification, but unfortunately he failed quite a few times in his final examinations for the degree. By 1914, however, licentiates of the college had been given retroactive recognition and were allowed to practise in Hong Kong under the amended Medical Registration Ordinance of 1914, irrespective of nationality. It appears that Dr. de Souza did carry on a private practice in Hong Kong. With some persistence, he was finally successful in obtaining the HKU degree in 1924. According to Francis Ozorio, the nephew of Dr. F.  M.  G.  Ozorio, although Dr. de Souza was originally from the Portuguese territory of Goa, and spoke Portuguese, he was not believed to be as accomplished a doctor or as popular among members of the Portuguese community in Hong Kong as Francis’s uncle Dr. Filomeno Ozorio had been.

Other Graduates Leaving for Work outside Hong Kong In contrast to the first decade of graduates, where seven out of eleven (63.8%) had to leave Hong Kong to find work, during this second decade, the number of graduates who went overseas to work numbered only five out of a total of twenty-eight (approximately 18%). This is not counting those described earlier in this chapter who went for further medical training overseas or who served in China. In fact, of the five, two were originally from Singapore, Tan Yeu-wee (LMSH 1903) (who returned to Singapore), and Wee Ket-chong (LMSH 1906) (who had already worked as a dresser and dispenser in Negri Sembilan for some years before joining the HKCM)38 returned to Selangor to work. The case of Dr. Henry Phillips who was originally from Ceylon has already been described above. As for the two remaining students, both graduated in the early years—Wong Wan-on graduated in 1900, and Tee Han-kee (who came from Foochow) graduated with distinction in 1902. Wong went to Singapore, while Tee, on being presented for his licentiate diploma by the dean, Francis Clark, was singled out as the student with the highest marks who ‘proceeds at once to an official position in . . . Manila, while the services of the remaining four were being retained by the government, one for a dispensary in Wanchai where he had already commenced work and three as medical assistants for plague and for bacteriological duties. The students therefore who were still pursuing their studies need have no misgivings, for they received many more applications for their services than they are able to fill.’39 Considering this remark from the dean, and with all the changes described in this chapter, we  can safely conclude that Tee went to Manila because he had been offered an attractive

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position there, not because he could not find employment in Hong Kong. For this decade, therefore, there was only one student (Wong Wan-on) coming from a Hong Kong school who went overseas to work after graduation (in 1900), and he was the earliest to graduate among the group. This chapter outlined the many changes that led to the opening of a diverse range of career opportunities for the HKCM graduates of this second decade. Contrary to the other two chapters describing the graduates’ careers, it does not give a separate account of the careers of all the graduates, one by one. For most of them, their stories are integrated with the account of the changes that were taking place. For readers who might wish to follow the careers of individual graduates of this period, Appendix 2, which gives a list of the graduates, and the summary given in the biographical index at the end of the book may provide a snapshot and may be useful as a reference.

Conclusions The first decade of the twentieth century was a definite turning point in bringing about a change to the career prospects of the HKCM graduates. They no longer had to leave for other shores to find work but were mostly employed in various capacities within Hong Kong, with a few also in mainland China, actively practising their profession in the private and public sector, contributing their skills to the community, and even engaged in teaching those that follow in their footsteps. The rapid pace of change within a decade is nothing short of amazing, and is no less impressive than the pace of development in Hong Kong in more recent times. The presence and contributions of these early doctors were to make an impact on the whole medical scene in Hong Kong, a topic that will be further reviewed and expanded on in subsequent chapters.

Notes 1. For a concise review of this period of reforms in China, see John K. Fairbank and Merle Goldman, China: A New History, 2nd enlarged ed. (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1998), 241–49. 2. K. Chimin Wong and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine, 2nd ed. (Shanghai: National Quarantine Service, 1936), 538–54, 637. 3. Ibid., 549–50. 4. Tsai Jung-fang, Hong Kong in Chinese History: Community and Social Unrest in the British Colony, 1842–1913 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 97–98. 5. ‘Report of the Medical Committee Appointed by H E the Governor to Inquire into the Medical Department of the Colony’, paper laid before the Legislative Council meeting of 23 May 1895, in Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1895, 549. Also reported in Hong Kong Government Gazette, 25 May 1895, but without the appendices

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6. Ibid. 7. See the first report of the secretary for Chinese affairs for 1913, in Hong Kong Administrative Reports 1913, Appendix C. 8. ‘Chinese Public Dispensaries’ in Report of the Registrar General for the year 1907, Hong Kong Sessional Papers for 1908, 13/1908, 181–217. It was mentioned in the report that ‘a series of three lectures given at the theatres by Mr. Fung Wah-Chun, Mr. Lau Chu-Pak and Mr. Ho Kam-Tong did much to make the object of the dispensaries known to the public, and resulted in large increase in the work. . . . A Mr. Yeung was engaged to deliver street lectures on the benefits of the dispensaries and on sanitation: these have proved very successful and have been very well attended.’ 9. List of persons authorized to sign death certificates, Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1908–1936. 10. See ‘Station 15’ in Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, The Taipingshan Medical Heritage Trail (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, 2011), 42–43. The Chinese name of the hospital shown in the photograph may be translated as ‘Convenience Hospital’, which was the euphemism used commonly at that time to refer to a place of refuge for the dying. (Remnants of such ‘Convenience Hospitals’ may still be found in Tai O on Lantau Island, and in Cheung Chau.) 11. List of persons qualified to sign deaths certificates, Hong Kong Government Gazette, Notification No. 428, 8 May 1936, 506–7. 12. ‘Report of the Commission to Report on the Workings and Organization of the Tung Wah Hospital, 17 October 1896’, Hong Kong Sessional Papers laid before the Legislative Council, 1896. 13. Minutes of a meeting of the Hong Kong and China Branch of the British Medical Association held on 28 March 1899 at the Government Civil Hospital. 14. For a fuller account of the transition from traditional Chinese medicine to Western medicine at the Tung Wah Hospital, see Yang Xiangyin, ‘Colonial Power and Medical Space: The Transformation of Chinese and Western Medical Services in the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, 1894–1941’ (PhD diss., Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007). 15. J. C. Thomson, ‘Report of the Inspecting Medical Officer for the Tung Wah Hospital for the Year 1901’, Hong Kong Government Gazette, 25 July 1902, 1462. 16. Geoffrey Robley Sayer, Hong Kong, 1862–1919: Years of Discretion (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1975), 92. 17. J. C. Thomson, ‘Report of Railway Medical Officer for the Year 1906’, in ‘Annex H of Medical and Sanitary Reports 1906’, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1907, 457. 18. J. W. Hartley, ‘Report of the Medical Officer to the Kowloon-Canton Railway for the Year 1907’, in ‘Annexe G of the Reports of the Health and Sanitary Conditions of the Colony of Hong Kong for the Year 1907’, supplement to the Hong Kong Government Gazette, 17 July 1908. 19. Hong Kong Sessional Papers for 1906, No. 10; Report on the Blue Book for 1905, 113. 20. Hong Kong Government Administrative Reports for the Year 1909, report on the Blue Book for 1909, laid before the Legislative Council on 4 August 1910. 7. Institutions not supported by the government, 18.

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21. ‘Report of the Medical Committee (with Appendices)’, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1895, 549. 22. Catherine Wong, The Wong’s and Wang’s Chronicle (Hong Kong: privately published, 2001), 173. 23. Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon (London: Victor Gollancz, 1964), 28. 24. A favourable reply was received from the GMC and reported to the Court at its meeting of 27 July 1909, wherein the Court also accepted the conditions imposed by the GMC, i.e., that all subjects of examination be passed at one time, and that the examination be conducted by a regularly appointed board of examiners. 25. Wong and Wu, History of Chinese Medicine, 626. Also 潘拙庵口述,伍錦整理, 〈私立廣東光華醫學院史略:光華醫學院創立原因及籌建經過〉,《廣州文史》 第二十六輯 (2008) http:/www.gzzxws.gov.cn/gzws/gzws/ml/26/200809/t20080917_ 8951_1.htm. 26. List of persons authorized to sign death certificates. Hong Kong Government Gazette, Notification No. 558, 9 May 1941, 732. 27. In 1953 three Canton medical colleges were amalgamated to form the Zhongshan Medical College. These were: (1) Kwong Wah Medical College; (2) Lingnan University Medical School, which took over the South China Medical College affiliated with the Pok Tsai Hospital in 1930; and (3) National Chung Shan University Medical School (國立中山大學醫科學院), which had taken over the Kung Yee Medical College in 1925. The Kung Yee was established in 1909 by a group of Chinese, with Dr. Paul Todd as the first dean. Zhongshan Medical College is now renamed the Sun Yat-sen University of Medical Sciences. 28. Faith C. S. Ho, ‘Hong Kong’s First Professor of Pathology and the Laboratory of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh’, Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh 41 (2011): 67–72, doi:10.4997/JRCPE 2011.114 29. Li Shu-fan, ‘Sanitation in South China’, China Medical Journal 26 (1913): 226–31. 30. More information on the career and life of Li Shu-fan can be obtained from his autobiography, Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon. In his personal life, Li was also an unusually colourful personality. He gained a reputation as a maverick hunter of wild game, a hobby he indulged in on several continents. He owned two beautiful mansions; one on the Peak was surrounded by a beautiful rose garden, which was extremely rare in Hong Kong. 31. Colin N. Criswell and Watson Mike, The Royal Hong Kong Police, 1841–1945 (Hong Kong: Macmillan, 1982), 89–91. Additional information may also be found in Rudi Butt, ‘Inspecteur Quincey and His Master Dramatist Son’, Hong Kong’s First (blog), http://hongkongsfirst.blogspot.com/2012/12/inspecteur-quincey-andhis-master.html. 32. Wu Lien-teh, Plague Fighter: The Autobiography of a Modern Chinese Physician (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1959), 39. 33. Information from the printed account of Dr. Lee’s life, used in his funeral service at the Kowloon Methodist Church on 4 April 1970, provided by Dr. Lee’s family to the author. 34. 關肇碩、容應萸,《香港開埠與關家》 (香港:廣角鏡出版社,1997),頁14。 35. Sayer, Hong Kong 1862–1919: Years of Discretion, 139.

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36. Information Services Department, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government, Hong Kong: The Facts. Public Health. The GovHK website, accessed 6 June 2014. http://www.gov.hk. 37. Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartwright, eds., Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong  Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports of China (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing, 1908). 38. Minutes of the Senate Meeting of the HKCM, 4 November 1902. 39. ‘Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese: Presentation of Diplomas’, The Hong Kong Telegraph, 28 August 1902.

Chapter 6

Two Events That Shaped the Final Years

The final decade in the life of the Hong Kong College of Medicine (HKCM) opened with two highly significant events that were to have a major, immediate, and long-term impact. The first event, the start of a university in Hong Kong, with the incorporation of the HKCM into the scheme to become its medical faculty, was naturally a defining moment for the college, forever changing its course and its status. The second event, the successful overthrow of the last dynasty of the Chinese empire and the establishment of a republic in 1912, was of momentous significance for all Chinese, forever changing the future course of the whole country. Besides affecting the future of medical education, which would have a significant impact on the college, its overall influence on all aspects of life in Hong Kong and on its institutions was inescapable. Although both events should have been cause for celebration for the college, we find that, at the time when they took place, the situation was not as straightforward as might have been expected. This chapter takes a look at these two events and how they affected the college’s final years, before we turn to examine the careers of the last batch of graduates.

The University Scheme There should have been little cause for doubt that the transition from college to university would be a major step forward, to be welcomed by all involved. The college had been seeking greater support from the Hong Kong government all along. It had been working hard towards raising its status and the standard of it facilities and teaching in order to bring the college to a standard comparable to other medical schools in the Western world. And did it not feel it deserved greater recognition for its pioneering role in training Chinese practitioners of Western medicine to serve the people of Hong Kong and beyond? Besides, it was well known that Governor Lugard had in mind for his university scheme the objective of aiding the modernization of China, through providing training of professionals and technocrats right on its doorsteps. This would be in keeping with the HKCM’s own vision from the time of its inception, that of training medical professionals to bring the benefits of Western science to the whole of China. For the college to become part of a university scheme that was

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initiated at the highest level of government would mean all those aspirations mentioned could be easier to realize, but there would also undoubtedly be a greater potential for future development. Yet, as events played out, the amalgamation of the college into the university was a long and troubled process. The idea of a university for Hong Kong had been raised earlier, but had not been given serious consideration by former governors until the arrival in 1907 of Sir Frederick Lugard (1858–1945). Lugard was heard publicly promoting this idea when he spoke at a prize-giving ceremony at St. Stephen’s College in January 1908. He saw the scheme as an opportunity for exploiting the special situation of Hong Kong to extend British influence in the Far East, and to demonstrate Britain’s willingness, as a friendly foreign power, to contribute to the modernization of China by the training of Chinese youths who would possess the skills that it needed.1 The establishment of the university was to become the crowning achievement of his governorship (1907–1912). After the announcement of support for the scheme was made, the idea was given much impetus by a generous response from a Parsee merchant-philanthropist, Hormusjee Mody, who offered to provide $150,000 for a building and $30,000 for an endowment for the university. In line with many precedents for this type of project, the government was requested to provide, free of charge, a suitable piece of land for the building. Lugard, being the experienced colonial administrator that he was, realized immediately that the situation required timely action and that it was of strategic importance to have the College of Medicine on board as part of this scheme. At a meeting on 18 March 1908 to announce the donation for the project to the leaders of the community, Lugard said, ‘My first impression was that it was essential that the Hong Kong College of Medicine should be amalgamated with any scheme for a university, and should not exist as it were as a rival.’

Initial approaches made to the Hong Kong College of Medicine Lugard’s candid assessment of the situation was for good reason. The HKCM, after twenty-one years of patient endeavour, had not only come of age; it had the results to show for it, having produced more than thirty doctors who were serving the people of Hong Kong and overseas, and hence had achieved a certain level of recognition by the community. The HKCM had also become an incorporated organization in 1907. Its efforts to achieve recognition by the General Medical Council (GMC) in England had just passed the first hurdle in 1908, when its preliminary examination was recognized. After previous failed attempts to establish the college’s own premises, it had finally succeeded in persuading government to allocate two plots of land within the Taipingshan resumed area (across the road from the then Bacteriological Institute, now the Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences) for it to build its teaching facilities. A fundraising campaign had just been started with good support from

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the local Chinese community, and a sum of $50,000 had been donated by a Mr. Ng Li-hing to construct two college buildings on the plots of land granted by the government. Several properties from the estate of a Mr. Tang Chuk-kai had been bequeathed to the college to fund the future maintenance expenses, and there were even efforts afoot by a committee led by Manson and Cantlie to fundraise in England for the college endowment. By contrast, the university scheme was still only in the pipeline, and with no guarantee of support other than promise of an initial seed fund. Could the proposed university include a medical school within its scheme, as Lugard had hoped, if the college was to go ahead with its plans and to operate as a rival? Hence, before he made any public announcements, Lugard’s first step was to extend an invitation to the HKCM to drop its own development plans to become part of the larger university scheme. A special meeting of the court of the HKCM was convened on 14 February 1908 to discuss the governor’s proposal. It was hardly surprising that the court considered amalgamation with the university scheme an attractive proposition, given what has been mentioned already on its evident advantages, but at the same time it was aware that the project of establishing a university was far from assured, whereas the college was just about to embark on its own strategic development, which had already received funding support in full. The court was therefore mindful of not losing the momentum for this development in favour of a scheme that was far less certain of success. These considerations inevitably coloured the court’s ideas of what this incorporation might mean in practical terms, and these ideas did not quite match what was envisaged by the proponents of the university scheme. For example, the college’s initial reply to the governor proposed that it should be named a ‘College of Medicine’ of the university and that the college should continue to carry out its building programme, a contract for which had just been awarded, and the university was welcome to consider using a nearby plot at Taipingshan for its own buildings.2 The idea of the college going ahead with its own buildings and the suggested site for the university building was understandably not acceptable to Lugard or the donor, on the basis that the site did not provide sufficient room for the grand scheme that the donor had in mind, nor did it provide room for future expansion. An alternative larger site at the junction of Bonham and Pokfulam Road was proposed for building the university. The court’s view, however, was that this location was too inconvenient for the students, so quite early on the negotiations reached this first impasse.

Lugard and May At this stage, it might be interesting to note that the rector of the college at the time (and the person who was chairing the court meetings) was Francis Henry May, the colonial secretary, and he was credited by Ho Kai as having

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taken an active part in promoting the college building project,3 most likely through expediting the award by the government of the two plots of land in the Taipingshan district for this purpose. Having brought about this long-wishedfor development, the rector might not have been overenthusiastic about giving it up altogether, with all his efforts being overshadowed by the larger scheme for the university. Besides, it has been intimated that in his capacity as colonial secretary May was not getting along that well with his new superior. The accounts of these tensions have been well reported in Bernard Mellor’s biography of Frederick Lugard, where he gives Lugard’s account of the situation in a letter to his brother soon after his arrival in Hong Kong: Lugard found himself ‘much in his [May’s] hands, indeed no more than a puppet’, he told his brother. ‘I can address no-one except through him and he resents my speaking to anyone on official subjects unless he is present.’ But as he admitted, ‘the object is to get the Colony governed as well as we can, I am not here to assert myself [italics in original] and my opinions in order to prove that I am the Governor.’4

As we shall see, this aspect of Lugard’s personality, as shown in the last sentence quoted, was to characterize the manner in which he conducted the whole process of establishing the university. Mellor was to add: Firmly embosomed by local affairs and with powerful local friends, May was the main obstacle to his finding projects which he might call his own, projects in which he could make the kind of contribution to the community that would mark the administration as his. In a rueful note on the lack of such projects, he complained to his brother that only ‘occasionally I find a thing to do “on my own”.’

The university scheme was one such project. Ho Kai, who was on the Legislative Council as well as the court of the HKCM, and also a long-time associate of May, would no doubt have assessed the situation well. On the day before the court was to meet again to discuss the issue of a site for the new university, he came to the rescue by convening a meeting of past and present students of the college at his office, where a resolution was unanimously passed to approve the site preferred by the donor for the proposed University of Hong Kong (i.e., at the junction of the Bonham and Pokfulam Roads).5 When this resolution was conveyed to the meeting of the court as a fait accompli, reluctantly perhaps, the rector had to concede to this view. The court of the HKCM eventually came to an agreement with the donor of the university for all the buildings of the university to be located at the Pokfulam site, to be funded by the donor, including those for the medical faculty (the name finally agreed to for the continuation of the college). Later, it was confirmed that the donor for the college buildings, Ng Li-hing, had agreed to this change and also graciously agreed to redirect his original building fund of $50,000 to add to the university’s endowment instead. One

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way that his donation would be acknowledged by the university was in the form of an annual prize for the student with best performance in the anatomy examinations. (The Ng Li Hing Prize in Anatomy still exists today). So, with this initial hurdle of securing cooperation of the college overcome, Lugard was able to call a meeting at Government House to announce the scheme on 18 March 1908, and to form a committee to consider the project. Henry May remained ambivalent in his approach to the scheme, and continued to provide a pragmatic voice of caution throughout the early period of planning for the university, as recorded in Lugard’s account of this history.6 In late 1910, not long after the ceremony for the laying of the university’s foundation stone, May was appointed governor of Fiji, and did not return to Hong Kong until he was to succeed Lugard as governor of Hong Kong in July 1912, after the university was officially opened in March of that year. While he was away, May apparently still occupied the rector’s post at the HKCM, with Ho Kai deputizing for him as rector’s assessor. On his return, May resumed the role of rector for the remaining period of the college’s existence, while, as governor of Hong Kong, also holding the position of the chancellor of the university at the same time. He personally chaired all the meetings of the HKCM court from August 1912 until its last meeting in January 1915, when it was declared that all the work of the college was completed and all its records would henceforth be handed over to the university. Never before then had a governor of Hong Kong held the post of rector of the college, personally heading the body actually managing the college’s affairs. In doing this, May was providing an acknowledgement of the legitimate role of the HKCM, and his continued personal involvement in its governance, even after the opening of the university, perhaps reflected a loyalty and a genuine appreciation of an institution that he had helped to build up over thirteen years (1902–1915).

The committee for the university To return to Lugard’s story, and to his fine diplomacy and clear-headed analysis of the situation, we return to the meeting of 18 March 1908, where Lugard went on to demonstrate his sympathies with the college’s position and to mark out a course of action for the university scheme. As reported in the South China Morning Post the next day, Lugard was to say: They [the court of the college] rightly feel that they have for years past been labouring to attain an object which at last they find to be on the verge of attainment, and they naturally do not wish to jeopardise the results of their labours by being associated with a scheme which does not offer an equal assurance of success. In other words the College of Medicine has sufficient money for the buildings it requires and sufficient funds, and promise of help, to enable it to at once utilise these buildings to the full when erected. Has the projected University any similar assurance?7

Two Events That Shaped the Final Years 101

A valid question indeed. The governor then went on to admit that the Hong Kong government would not be in a position to promise any financial assistance to the future running of the university. Thus, he outlined the necessity for establishing a subcommittee to carry out a realistic costing of the likely expenses and to examine whether the promised funds would be sufficient to build and maintain the university, in other words, for a detailed feasibility study before taking the final step of accepting Mody’s donation. A less visionary governor might not have bothered to go this far. Fortunately, there was sufficient enthusiasm and commitment for establishing a university for Hong Kong, from both the governor and others (especially many Chinese leaders) present at the meeting, for the proposal to go ahead. A subcommittee to study the costs was formed then and there, with Sir Paul Chater, ‘the clear-headed businessman’, as chair, senior officers of the relevant government departments, and two members of the HKCM court (Dr. Ho Kai and Dr. John Thomson) invited as members. The subcommittee set to work energetically, notwithstanding moments when the scheme seemed to hit insurmountable obstacles, leading to the final bombshell report that the project of a university was impracticable ‘with the funds in hand or in sight at the present moment’.8

Further fundraising As the story that followed has been chronicled before by other writers and historians interested in the early history of the University of Hong Kong,9 in addition to Lugard’s personal account in his written record of the history of the project,10 many of the details will not be repeated here. It will suffice just to point out a few facts that are pertinent to our story. Although a great deal of the government’s human resources were brought to bear in promoting the scheme, the one aspect that not even the governor could control was raising enough funds to make the university a sustainable enterprise, since local government revenue would not be sufficient to support the running costs, and there was no prospect of help from the ‘Home’ country. Various modifications of the scheme were broached as practical alternatives, but Mody was firm in his conviction that he would not be satisfied with anything less than a full-blown university worthy of its name, nor would he allow the building to go ahead without a sufficient sum having been raised first as an endowment, to ensure that the magnificent building he was to donate would not become a white elephant. For Mody, it was a take-it-or-leave-it situation. Under the circumstances, the only option was an urgent fundraising exercise launched by the ‘Committee for the University’, to try to beat the six-month deadline set by the donor to reach the required target of $1.25 million for the endowment fund, together with funds for furnishings and equipment. Lugard had initially hoped to raise sufficient support among the European merchant community in Hong Kong to collect a substantial endowment, but despite all his efforts this did not materialize.

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On the other hand, Ho Kai and other Chinese members of the Hong Kong community appeared to have been, right from the start, truly and strongly behind Lugard in his proposal, although their motives may not have been identical to those of the governor himself. Again, Ho Kai came to the rescue by proposing the formation of a Chinese fundraising subcommittee comprising 100 prominent members of the Chinese community, with himself as chair. The members consisted of many who had transferred their support from fundraising for the HKCM to help fundraise for the university. On the committee was a past student of the HKCM, Chan Siu-pak, one of the infamous ‘four bandits’ known for their revolutionary fervour, who were immortalized in the photo taken with Sun Yat-sen. Being a newspaper editor and well grounded in the Chinese classics, he helped to translate Lugard’s appeal into Chinese, which was distributed widely. (More information on Chan will be found in Chapter 9). In the end, this subcommittee managed to raise the sum of $198,000 from several hundred Hong Kong Chinese residents and Chinese businesses, as  well as substantial contributions from Chinese living overseas. Added to the $200,000 contributed by the viceroy of Canton (H. E. Chang Jen Chun), and also $13,608.39 from the Chinese government, it was noteworthy that the contributions from the Chinese community (living in Hong Kong and overseas) exceeded the total amount contributed from non-Chinese sources.11 The latter were represented by the European community in Hong Kong, Hong Kong residents of other nationalities, subscriptions collected from a small number of British firms and old China hands in England, the largest amount coming from a single source, John Swire & Sons. This enabled the target for the endowment, plus an amount for furnishings and equipment to be reached by Mody’s deadline of June 1909 so that the building work could go ahead in earnest, with the foundation stone laid on 16 March 1910. By then, a total of $1,384,484 had been raised for the university scheme, with $671,829.73 coming from the Chinese donors and $610,644.04 coming from non-Chinese sources.12 An ordinance to establish the university was subsequently passed in 1911.

Agreement between the university and the Hong Kong College of Medicine Despite the building work proceeding and the passing of the University Ordinance, progress with the scheme for amalgamation with the college was not as smooth sailing as hoped for. Negotiations with the college on the terms of the formal agreement to be signed by the two parties turned out to be a long, drawn-out process. From the point of view of the college representatives, there was a strong sense of responsibility for ensuring that the interests of all HKCM students were fully taken care of, and the contributions of its teachers given appropriate recognition. But on the side of officialdom, there appeared

Two Events That Shaped the Final Years 103

to be a certain degree of impatience and perhaps even of high-handedness in its approach. An early version of the agreement now in the care of the Hong Kong University Archives tells an interesting story. It bears the seal of the university solicitors, Deacon, Looker & Deacon (see Figure 6.1) but although it was sealed and delivered, it was never signed. The contents of the final signed agreement were substantially different from this early version, whereas the wording in the unusual unsigned but

Figure 6.1 The first page of a sealed but unsigned agreement between the College of Medicine and the University of Hong Kong. Source: Hong Kong University Archives.

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sealed version was identical to the words used in Schedule 3 of the University Ordinance, which unfortunately the two parties had failed to reach agreement on. Hence the ordinance had to stipulate that the university could ‘enter into an agreement with the Hong Kong College of Medicine under the seal of the university in the terms set out in the 3rd schedule, or in such other terms as may be approved [italics added] by the Court of the University and the Court of the said College, for the incorporation of the said College in the University, and for taking over its property, liabilities and engagements.’ One wonders how an agreement could be prepared for signature by the university solicitors, already sealed, with full expectation that it would be signed, but without the courtesy of sending the draft agreement to the college for its comments and approval first. This episode was but one sign of a failure of communication between members of the negotiating teams representing the two parties; it was also a reflection of the different viewpoints taken by the two sides and their legal representatives. From the start, there were undercurrents of personality differences and prejudices running through the process. Government officials had prestige and influence on their side, and perhaps wanted to steamroller the decisions through, thinking that the college was unnecessarily demanding, perhaps even pretentious in its approach. On the side of the college were a group of people who rightly felt that they deserved the respect due to those who had the most experience in running a tertiary educational institution in Hong Kong, best able to make a success of the launching of the medical faculty-to-be, a success which they were equally determined to bring about. Even though the ‘University Committee’ had the governor himself as chair, together with the director of education, the registrar general, other government officers and members of the Legislative Council, with access to expert advice from a wide variety of sources, that did not make their experience in organizing a university with a medical faculty superior. By standing their ground and insisting on being heard, the college representatives sought to protect the future medical faculty, as well as the HKCM, and performed their duty to look after the interests of its staff and students, and to ensure all the efforts over the past twenty years or more were not expended in vain. Finally, after a great deal of exchange of views, an agreement was reached on the terms of amalgamation, stipulating that the medical faculty would be recognized as the premier faculty of the university, the college would stop teaching as soon as the university could commence its own teaching programme, but could continue to conduct examinations and award its licentiate diploma for five years after the university was declared open. Those students who could not or did not wish to transfer to the university would be allowed to attend the university classes, but would take the examinations of the college. All the property of the HKCM, including its scholarships and teaching equipment, would be transferred to the university. All the funds donated to the college would be

Two Events That Shaped the Final Years 105

transferred to the university, but the college would have the first call on the use of those funds for the running of its examinations. Members of the court of the HKCM would be made life members of the university court. Finally, all the teachers of the college would be given lectureships in the subjects that they were teaching, until such a time as those subjects were not required, or the university was able to recruit full-time staff to be responsible for them. Arrangements concerning the status of the students who were transferred to the university were also worked out in detail and will be described in the next section. It must have been with a sigh of relief that in the end an agreement was reached and eventually signed on 15 March 1912, although it must have been a disappointment that this could not have been done before the official opening of the university on 11 March 1912. These delays meant that there was no opportunity to plan any formal ‘handing over’ ceremonies or similar occasion for mutual congratulations to be exchanged in public, either before or during the opening ceremony of the university in March 1912. It is pleasing to note however that this final agreement bore both the seal of the university and the HKCM, and was said to have been passed on to the university’s solicitors for safekeeping.13

How amalgamation with the university affected the college students Whether the students of the HKCM were aware of the conduct of all the hard negotiations on their behalf, we cannot tell. It is possible that, for them, what mattered was that life was just beginning an exciting new chapter when at last the university was ready to take in its first students. On Saturday, 14 September 1912, the spacious university campus on the western edge of the city at the junction of Bonham and Pokfulam Road was thrown open to the medical students first, as they were required to enter into residence early, in preparation for the start of their teaching session that month. (Engineering students were to follow later in October as their teaching did not start until then.) At that time, both the teaching rooms and residential quarters for the students were accommodated in the main building of the campus, a brand-new building of impressive grandeur, suitably matching the noble aspirations of its founders. Altogether, nine college students who had yet to complete their studies were transferred to the new faculty to continue their course as university students, with their seniority recognized. In addition, two graduates who had already obtained their licentiate diplomas in 1912 also enrolled in the university course as ‘advanced students’, eligible to be awarded the MBBS degree after not less than two academic years of study. Only those entering the HKCM before 1910 were given an option to choose whether to continue their studies as college students after 1912 or to transfer

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to the university, assuming the status of university students. If they chose to transfer to the university, they had to give up their chance to obtain the college diploma. Two students who entered the college in 1909 who transferred to the university fell into this category. Those who entered the HKCM after March 1910 were not given a choice, and it was mandatory for them to be transferred to the university to complete their studies.14 There were seven students who fell into this category. The date of March 1910 could have been chosen because an announcement had been made in the calendar of the HKCM for 1910 concerning the amalgamation of the HKCM with the university, and therefore all students would have been duly notified of this plan by that date. It was also in March 1910 that the HKCM was informed by the General Medical Council that its preliminary examination was accepted by them for admission into British universities and therefore the College students could be considered as matriculated students.15 For the four students who had entered the college before March 1910 who chose to remain as college students, a special arrangement was made for them to attend classes at the university from September 1912, together with the other students, and they were permitted to subsequently take the HKCM licentiate examinations, but not the university degree examinations. In the end, the four students falling into this category graduated with the LMSH, two in 1913 (Song Chong-chai and Chan Shui-ye) and two in 1915 (P. D. R. Naidu and A. S. Tuxford). When the university first opened for classes in September 1912, only one full-time teacher had been employed at HKU who could participate in teaching of medical students. He was a member of the engineering faculty, Mr.  T.  H.  Matthewman, who taught physics and practical chemistry. All the other subjects were taught by part-time lecturers, the vast majority being those who had previously been teaching the same subjects at the HKCM. The university, in accordance with the terms of the agreement with the college, appointed all these HKCM teachers as lecturers in their respective subjects.16 Table 6.1 shows the list of these teachers. Over a period of years, the university was able to bring in more full-time teachers, gradually replacing the part-time teachers. In October 1913, a chair of physiology was established; in January 1914, Professor Kenelm H. Digby was appointed to the first chair of anatomy. The Government Civil Hospital (GCH) was opened to HKU students in 1914, and posts of honorary clinical lecturer in medicine, surgery, and obstetrics were established in the hospital from 1 July 1914 with a number of beds assigned to the incumbents, to be used for teaching purposes in connection with the university. The honorary posts were filled by part-time staff who were in private practice, Drs. Aubrey and Forsyth from Gregory Jordan’s firm taking the posts in medicine and obstetrics, respectively, and Dr. E. Martyn Lobb from Cantlie’s old firm taking the post in surgery. It was not until 1920 that a full-time professor of pathology was in post, and not until 1922, when the Rockefeller Foundation provided endowments to

100

50

100

100

50

Practical Physiology (Histology)

Materia Medica and Therapeutics

Pathology and Bacteriology

Practical Pathology and Bacteriology

3 hours a day

Physiology

Practical Anatomy

100

Anatomy

Dr. H. Macfarlane

Dr. H. Macfarlane

Dr. O. Marriott

Dr. Dalmahoy Allan

R. A. Belilios

C. M. Heanley

G. H. L. Fitzwilliams

A. H. Crook (declined)

100

Mr. T. H. Matthewman

Biology

50

Practical Chemistry

A. C. Franklin

Mr. T. H. Matthewman

100

Chemistry

Appointed lecturer in HKU in 1912†

Physics

No. of lectures/ sessions

Subject

government bacteriologist

government bacteriologist

PP (Stedman, Harston, Marriott & Martyn Lobb)

PP (Fitzwilliams, Dalmahoy Allan & Coleman)

PP

private pathologist/bacteriologist

PP (Fitzwilliams, Dalmahoy, Allan & Coleman)

Queen’s College, later headmaster

HKU

HKU

apothecary, Government Civil Hospital

Regular employment

Dr. D. Allan

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

1905

1904

1910

1908

1908

1908

1912

1907

1907

1909

Year of first appointment in the HKCM*

(continued on p. 108)

Dr. W. B. A. Moore

Dr. W. B. A. Moore

ditto

Appointee in the HKCM in 1912**

Table 6.1 Names of lecturers appointed for the Faculty of Medicine, HKU, in 1912, and the lecturers for the same subjects as shown in the HKCM calendar for the year 1912

100

100

100

100

50

13

Midwifery and Gynaecology

Surgery

Clinical Surgery

Medicine

Clinical Medicine

Tropical Diseases

Dispensing and Vaccinating

Dr. I. E. Mitchell

Dr. G. Jordan

Dr. C. W. McKenny

Dr. Dalmahoy Allen

Dr. I. E. Mitchell

W. V. M. Koch

Charles Forsyth

Francis Clark

Dr. W. W. Pearse

Appointed lecturer in HKU in 1912†

MS, AHMLN Hospital

PP (Jordan, Forsyth & Aubrey)

medical officer Hong Kong government inspector TWH

PP (Fitzwilliams, Dalmahoy Allan & Coleman)

medical superintendent AHMLNH

medical officer Hong Kong government

PP (Jordan, Forsyth, Aubrey)

medical officer of health

assistant medical officer of health

Regular employment

ditto

1909

1896

1909

P. James Kelly

Francis Clark

1910

1909

1905

1896

1903

Year of first appointment in the HKCM*

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

Appointee in the HKCM in 1912**

** From the Calendar of the HKCM for 1912.

* Based on Appendix III, in Evans, Dafydd, Constancy of Purpose, 1987.

† From the minutes of the 13th meetings of Council, HKU, 12 July 1912 and 19 July 1912.

Key to abbreviations: MS = medical superintendent. PP = private practice, followed by the firm in brackets. Ditto = same person as in Column 3 (appointed lecturer in HKU).

50

100

Medical Jurisprudence

50

No. of lectures/ sessions

Public Health

Subject

Table 6.1 (continued)

Two Events That Shaped the Final Years 109

fund three clinical chairs, that the university was able to appoint full-time professors for medicine, surgery, and later in obstetrics and gynaecology. The story of the further development of the university is not the aim of this volume, but it should be pointed out that the work of the university medical faculty in its early years was very much a continuation of the work of the college, and hence the foundation laid by the college was essential to its success. Looking back, the incorporation of the HKCM into the university marked the culmination of efforts of the faithful and visionary group who had started medical education in Hong Kong. The amalgamation of the college into the university fulfilled their long-held wish to elevate the status of the college, to provide better physical facilities for teaching, and to improve the prospects for the student population as a whole.

Recognition by the British General Medical Council (GMC) A good indication of the elevation in status was the recognition extended by the GMC in September 1913 to the university’s MBBS degrees,17 so its graduates were immediately registrable with the GMC after obtaining the Hong Kong qualification without the need for further examination. This put the University of Hong Kong’s medical degree on a par with those of universities in Britain, and indeed even internationally. This was exactly what the HKCM had been working towards for a long time. It was inconceivable that since the university medical students during 1912–1913 were taught by the same people, and at the same hospitals, and most probably taught the same lectures as had been delivered to the students of the college, the mere fact that the classes were held in a different building and under the auspices of a university, would suddenly lift the standard from one that was not recognized as acceptable for independent practice to one that was recognized. The first-hand witness of one of those who entered the university as an advanced student when it opened in 1912, Dr. George Harold Thomas, would confirm this situation in the reminiscences which he wrote in 1950: The course of study prescribed for Advanced Students was:– Practical Anatomy (dissections) for six months (held in a separate room at the Victoria Public Mortuary); attendance of lectures on Public Health, Midwifery, Medicine and Surgery (including Operative Surgery). I regret to say that these two years were a mere formality. The University was only just born, and there were no new facilities or new equipment. The lecturers were practically the same; only the set lectures had to be given at the University. We attended the same hospitals. It was only from 1914 onwards that the Medical School became better and better as the years rolled by.18

One should note that in 1913 the university had only finished one year of its first five-year medical course, and it would not have been possible for the

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GMC to assess its standard if it was starting a medical school from scratch. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that to a great extent the GMC had based its assessment on the fact that the HKCM, with its long history, was well known to it, and had with steadfast purpose gradually upgraded its curriculum and facilities towards the standard required by the GMC. These upgrades had occurred in its entrance requirements, in the range of subjects taught, in the provision of laboratory facilities for teaching chemistry (at Queen’s College) and for practical pathology and physiology (at the Bacteriological Institute) and for teaching in practical anatomy (through dissecting cadavers at the public mortuary), and in expanding clinical teaching to the Tung Wah Hospital, thus increasing the total beds available for teaching purposes and providing wider clinical exposure to the students. After the amalgamation of the college with the university, the medical course that had been developing over twenty-five years now had the permanent facilities and resources of a university to support it, so the recognition of the degree was awarded easily. Any credit that goes to the college’s efforts would therefore be well deserved. In fact, one might say that the GMC recognition had been awarded to the combined HKCM and HKU institution rather than either of them alone. After the recognition awarded by the GMC, the Medical Registration Ordinance of Hong Kong (1884) was amended to stipulate that ‘any person who holds any degree in medicine and surgery granted by the University of Hong Kong’ would be entitled to be registered under the provisions of the ordinance. At the same time, under the same amendment No.  31 of 1914, a  clause was added specifically to allow ‘every present and future licentiate of the Hong Kong College of Medicine to practise medicine and surgery and to demand and recover reasonable charges in respect of such practice’,19 thus giving retroactive recognition to the status of the licentiate diploma and simultaneously providing recognition to the university medical degree.

Impact of the Fall of the Last Chinese Imperial Dynasty The second event, the establishment of the Chinese Republic, obviously had a far-reaching impact on Hong Kong as a whole, and not just on the HKCM or the new university. Hong Kong, with its close business, family, and cultural ties with the Chinese mainland, especially with the neighbouring Guangdong province, could not avoid being affected by both the negative and the positive influences that the new republic was to bring. On the negative side, there were the widespread disturbances and prolonged political and social instability as well as the arousal of anti-foreign sentiments, sometimes accompanied by violent actions, that followed the change in government. On the positive side, the republic opened the way for fundamental reforms to be introduced into China. From the point of view of our story, the most significant outcome was its vast influence on the development of Western medicine and medical education

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in the whole of greater China, and hence Hong Kong’s part in this effort. The special role of the college in introducing science and scientific medicine into the whole of China, as envisaged by its founders, would now require a rethink and readjustment. The final events leading to the end of imperial rule and establishment of a Chinese republic occurred towards the end of the long gestation period of the university, only two months before the university’s opening ceremony in March 1912. Just as the announcement of the university scheme came abruptly, with little time allowed for pondering a response, so also news of the successful revolution to topple the Manchu government also came rather suddenly and unexpectedly. From the successful Wuchang uprising in October 1911 to the declaration of the establishment of the republic, it was a matter of less than three months. How did Hong Kong and the HKCM respond?

Sun Yat-sen and his Hong Kong links Turning to a more personal aspect of the story, we must remind ourselves that the Chinese Republic was started with a Western-trained Chinese physician at the helm, someone who had in fact been trained at the College of Medicine for Chinese in Hong Kong. It is therefore surprising to find no records of any celebrations in the college itself on the establishment of the new republic in January 1912, despite its links not only with Sun Yat-sen but also with many other college alumni. Instead, we find that there was a remarkable silence in the official records of the HKCM about this event, and significantly, we also find no mention of the association between the provisional president and the HKCM by any of the local papers.20 To understand the reason for this silence, we might have to look into the political manoeuvrings that were going on behind the scenes in the political arena, involving the British government and those still clinging to power in Peking during this period.21 The Hong  Kong government was under strict instructions not to allow any public show of support to the revolutionaries and the cooperation of the Chinese leaders such as Ho Kai was sought in sticking to this policy.22 There had been only one special, spontaneous, and short-lived outburst of celebrations in Hong Kong in November 1911 in response to the news that Peking had fallen (news that later was confirmed to be false), which amazed everybody, and one which even Governor Lugard was reluctant to interfere with because of its exuberance and spontaneity.23 The situation was to change later that month, as celebrations gave way to disorder, thought to be due to unruly elements said to be entering Hong Kong from Canton, inciting anti-foreign acts and attacks on the police. As this disorder and violent behaviour continued for some months, it was not surprising that public celebrations were not allowed, and amendments had to be made urgently to the Peace Preservation Ordinance to give the magistrates greater powers for punishment of violent offenders.24

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Even though public display was suppressed, other means of defiance indicating support for the revolutionaries were being manifested in more subtle ways. An account is given by Gwenneth and John Stokes of the response of the boys of Queen’s College to the final stages of the revolution: On the surface, Queen’s College appeared to pay little attention to the upheavals in China. The British Government had declared that the British Colony must remain neutral in the struggles between the revolutionaries and the Manchus; it was not Britain’s policy to interfere in a purely internal dispute. Sir Frederick Lugard was determined that this instruction be obeyed to the letter. . . . But though the boys of Queen’s College glued their eyes to their books the Revolution affected them in more than one way. Most obvious was the effect on hair styles. Many Hong Kong Chinese had cut off their queues before China was freed from the Manchu yoke. Now the remaining queues disappeared almost overnight.25

Although we cannot find any written records of the thoughts going through the minds of the HKCM students or alumni on that New Year’s day when Sun  Yat-sen was sworn in as provisional president of the Chinese republic, it would not be too far-fetched to imagine private celebrations, and a feeling of pride, possibly even jubilation, in particular for those who had studied with Sun, worked with him in the hospitals, heard him talk about revolution after class, and supported him with funds and, for some, action over so many years. Even today, the debate continues regarding the credit Sun should receive for the success of the revolution, but there is no doubt as to his significant contribution, his perseverance and personal sacrifice in this daunting and prolonged task. In the first few days of 1912 it was evident that the political situation in China was far from stable, and Sun’s ability as a politician and statesman was untested, and therefore Yuan Shikai, with his hold on the northern provinces and the monarchy on his side (even though holding only nominal power), was still considered a safer ally by many foreign powers. There were, however, some hints of optimism gleaned from the local papers. An editorial in the China Mail of 30 December 1911 put it this way: We have yet to see whether he [Sun] has the makings of a great administrator or whether he and the men whom he will call into council can weld the inchoate mass of the Chinese clans and provinces into a coherent whole. But whether he succeeds or not, China will never go back to its old position of isolation and hostility to the outer world, and in this men see hope for the future.

We can therefore understand how it was not politically expedient at the time to claim any credit for nurturing the first president of a Chinese republic by publicizing the fact that Sun had been a student at the HKCM. It was only many years later that the students of the university could make a public display of their support for the revolutionary hero, when Sun Yat-sen paid a visit to the

Two Events That Shaped the Final Years 113

university and gave a speech hosted by the students’ union at the Great Hall. In that speech on 20 February 1923 Sun would publicly say that he felt he was coming ‘home’ and that it was in Hong Kong that he got his revolutionary ideas. As things turned out, Sun Yat-sen was to abdicate his provisional presidency only a few weeks after his inauguration in favour of Yuan Shikai in order to ensure Yuan’s support for the republic, and to avoid further conflict; this was announced shortly after the abdication of the last emperor, Pu Yi, on 12 February 1912. Despite the change of leadership at the top, the republic had been established, and as the editor of the China Mail had commented, there was no turning back.

Significant milestones in medicine in China after the establishment of the Republic Among the many changes that followed, those in the medical arena were especially significant for the HKCM. In 1913 a presidential mandate was issued authorizing the dissection of dead bodies, which removed one of the major hurdles (of that period) to the scientific pursuit of medical education and research on the Chinese mainland. In 1914 graduates from well-recognized schools of Western medicine in China and overseas formed the National Medical Association, and the National Medical Journal was started. A presidential mandate was promulgated in September 1915 recognizing the practice of Western medicine as the proper standard of medical practice in the whole of China.26 This was reported and discussed in an editorial in the National Medical Journal in June 1916: We are pleased to note in the lengthy Presidential Mandate on Requirements of Officials issued on 30th September, 1915, that western medical science is at last officially recognised by the Central Government. . . . The absence of any reference to old native methods of medical practice is significant. We take this to mean that the out-of-date system adopted by the quack and bone-setter, including needling, acupuncture, etc. will not be tolerated in future by the authorities.27

Unfortunately, the writer of the editorial had grossly underestimated the strength of the organized opposition to this policy, which was almost impossible to implement. In fact, traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) remained popular with the majority of the Chinese population, and TCM practitioners carried on their work throughout the republican period and beyond. Nevertheless, the official policy did give major impetus to developing Western medicine and public health services in China. The emergence of a modern Chinese nation that finally embraced scientific medicine, officially promoted as a national system without apology, meant a fundamental realignment in thinking for all educated Chinese.

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Figure 6.2 The National Medical Journal front page editorial on the ‘Official Recognition of Western Medicine’, 1916. Source: Hong Kong University Library, Special Collections.

Between 1911 and 1920, following on the many earlier attempts at less formal types of medical training,28 more substantial medical colleges were established, including the Union Medical College in Tsinan in 1911, later to become the School of Medicine of Shantung Christian University (the Cheloo University), the West China Union University Medical College in Chengdu in 1914, and the famous Peking Union Medical College (PUMC) in 1919. The latter originally opened in 1906 as the Lockhart Union Medical College of Peking, which was run by the united efforts of several missionary societies. In 1914, soon after the establishment of the republic, the Rockefeller Foundation of New  York established a commission to study and report on conditions of public health and medicine in China.29 The report recommended that in the light of the great need and opportunities, the Foundation should undertake medical work in China, and in 1915, it took over and reorganized the Lockhart Union Medical College into a medical school, PUMC, widely recognized to be of the highest standard, comparable to the best in the Western world. The Foundation also established a number of fellowships for Chinese doctors to undergo further studies in America and Europe, and we will later relate how one of the Hong  Kong graduates was able to take advantage of this award. Many new hospitals were also built in China’s major cities during this decade.30 With the new-found openness towards modern medicine, and the many opportunities arising from the new developments just described, what was their impact on the graduates of the HKCM, especially the new graduates of this period? Did the intended strategic role of Hong Kong in providing Chinese doctors trained in Western medicine for the whole of China need any review and readjustment? Undoubtedly, this would affect not only the HKCM but also its successor, the Medical Faculty of the University of Hong Kong, but these questions were not to be answered for some time.

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HKCM graduates who served in China immediately after the establishment of the republic In the immediate aftermath of the revolution that established the republic, there were pressing needs that graduates of the college were called upon to meet. As related earlier, most notable of those who participated in this initial phase of nation-building was Dr. Li Shu-fan (LMSH 1908), a member of the revolutionary organization the Revive China Society (興中會) who became the minister of health in the Canton government in 1912. He had made a promising start to instituting public health services in the province (see Chapter 5). Dr. Ho Ko-tsun (LMSH 1902) had also been appointed vice minister of health of the Canton government after the establishment of the republic,31 but both of them had to return to Hong Kong later because of the changing political situation. Dr. Ma Luk (LMSH 1905) was another licentiate reported to have helped in promoting the work of the Red Cross in Canton, canvassing for funds for treatment of soldiers wounded in the fighting,32 but there was no indication that he relocated to the mainland to work for any period of time. In Chapter 5 it was mentioned that Dr. Chan Tsun-kon (LMSH 1908) had trained at the Bacteriological Institute as a bacteriological assistant, but he resigned this promising position in 1912 to enter the service of the Canton government as a bacteriologist and the third member of the worthy trio of college graduates serving in the health ministry of Guangdong. Regrettably, he also was unable to continue his bacteriological work there for long. These and other examples reflect the genuine willingness of graduates of the HKCM to serve inside China at its time of need, but often the actual situation on the ground did not permit them to do so, or made it very difficult for them to be effective in their work. If we consider the total number of graduates from the HKCM that went into China to work in the new republic on a more permanent basis, we have to admit that the number was remarkably small. It may be queried whether the new initiatives for training doctors inside China itself were already sufficient and Hong Kong’s help was not required. But in a country as huge as China, the necessary number of doctors would far exceed the small number available at the time. It is difficult to find accurate figures for the actual number of Western-trained doctors in China during that period, but we can take some reference from figures given below. In 1914, the Rockefeller Foundation report, Medicine in China, indicated that there were probably only forty-five to fifty-five Chinese doctors who had been trained in Europe or the United States who were working in China. There were a few other Chinese doctors that had been trained in Japan, or in the earlier medical schools inside China, but in the view of the Rockefeller report, they were not considered to have reached the required standard to be considered fully qualified practitioners.33 The Medical Missionary Association of China had a membership of around 400 medical

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missionaries in China in 1910.34 Another estimate of the numbers was given by the editor of Caduceus in 1922, although he did not state his source: A striking instance of the unsatisfactory state of medical science in China at the present day is shown by the fact that while Great Britain with a population of forty millions [sic] has 50,000 qualified doctors, and Japan with a population of fifty millions [sic] has 100,000 qualified doctors, China with a population of four hundred millions [sic] has only 5,000 men trained in western medicine.35

If we use the above figures for comparison, in 1922 Great Britain had one medical doctor for 800 persons and Japan one for 500 persons, whereas China had one doctor for 80,000 persons. Thus, graduates from Hong Kong could have filled an important role, in starting important services inside China. But this was not to be realized to any significant degree despite the vision of the founders both of the college as well as the university. The reason was mainly owing to the small number of graduates produced, compounded by difficulties due to the troubled social and political conditions in the mainland during this period. In the early years following the establishment of the republic, there was no central government that could unify the nation and provide a semblance of law and order. Instead, China was ruled by a number of warlords who each carved up their own territory, and there was frequent fighting and extortion of the common people, which led to a great deal of unrest. Although Hong Kong was not altogether insulated from the effects of these political and military upheavals inside the mainland, it did maintain its peace and, on the whole, its law and order. In the ensuing decades, the population of Hong Kong continued to grow, and the demand for Western-trained doctors increased locally, as more people began to embrace Western ideas and accepted modern methods of medical treatment. With all these factors working together, the trend was for most of the graduates of the HKCM to remain in (or return to) Hong Kong, and indirectly this meant a greater concentration of the workforce to contribute to the development of medical and health services in the city itself. Whether this concentration of manpower within the city was to be of greater strategic significance over the long term will be explored later. For the moment, with the account of these two important events as background, we need to return to the narrative of the careers of the graduates of this last decade.

Notes 1. For a more complete account of Lugard’s thoughts about the objectives and benefits of the university scheme, see Bernard Mellor, Lugard in Hong Kong: Empires, Education and a Governor at Work, 1907–1912 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1992).

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2. Minutes of the 60th meeting of the Court, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 14 February 1908. 3. Minutes of the 80th meeting of the Court, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 28 December 1910. 4. Bernard Mellor, ‘Big Subjects and Solemn Things’, in Lugard in Hong Kong, 15–24. 5. Minutes of the 62nd Meeting of the Court, Hong Kong College of Medicine, held on 4 March 1908. 6. Frederick J. D. Lugard, ‘Hong Kong University: Objects, History, Present Position, and Prospects, with Appendices Containing Estimates of Revenue and Expenditure, and Plans of Buildings, etc.’, reprinted with speeches delivered at the Ceremony of Laying the Foundation Stone on 16 March 1910 (Hong Kong: Noronha, 1910), 9–10. 7. South China Morning Post, Thursday, 19 March 1908, from a copy of the extract appended to the minutes of the meetings of the Court of the HKCM, March 1908. 8. For a complete account of the history and development of the university scheme, together with extracts of letters from correspondents which recorded the reasons for their support, as well as a record of the names of donors to the Endowment Fund, see Chapters 1–3 by Frederick Lugard in ‘Souvenir Presented by Sir Hormusjee N Mody and the Committee of the Hong Kong University, to Commemorate the Laying of the Foundation Stone of the Hong Kong University Building by His Excellency Sir F. J. D. Lugard, K.C.M.G., C.B., D.S.O., Governor of Hong Kong, on Wednesday 16th March 1910. Reprinted with Speeches at the Ceremony and Illustrations’ (Hong Kong: Registry, University of Hong Kong) (hereafter referred to as ‘Souvenir’). 9. Many previous writers and historians have chronicled the series of events leading to the establishment of the University of Hong Kong, and how the college was incorporated into it as its medical faculty. They include: Lindsay Ride, ‘Fifty Years of Medical Education in Hong Kong’, Caduceus 16, no. 2 (May 1937): 57. Lindsay Ride, ‘The Antecedents’, in The University of Hong Kong: The First 50 Years, 1911–1961, ed. Brian Harrison (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1962), 5–22. Dafydd Emrys Evans, Constancy of Purpose: An Account of the Foundation and History of the Hong Kong College of Medicine and the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Hong Kong 1887–1987 (Hong  Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1987). Peter Cunich, ‘The Hong Kong College of Medicine 1887–1915’, in A History of the University of Hong Kong, vol. 1, 1911–1945 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012). 10. Sir Frederick J. D. Lugard, Hong Kong University: Objects, History, Present Position and Prospects, with Appendices Containing Estimates of Revenue and Expenditure, and Plans of Buildings, etc. reprinted with speeches delivered at the ceremony of laying the foundation stone on 16 March 1910 (Hong Kong: Noronha, 1910), part of ‘The University of Hong Kong, Early Records 1908–1910’ from the registry of the University of Hong Kong.

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11. The exact figures collected vary in different accounts, but all of them showed a higher total from Chinese sources when compared to non-Chinese sources. For example, see the analysis of the support from various sectors, including the Chinese and the European community, given by Alfred H. Y. Lin in his chapter ‘The Founding of the University of Hong Kong: British Imperial Ideals and Chinese Practical Common Sense’, in An Impossible Dream: Hong Kong University from Foundation to Re-establishment, 1910–1950, ed. Chan Lau Kit-ching and Peter Cunich (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 2002), 1–21. Dr. Lin based his figures on the ‘list of subscriptions to the Endowment Fund’ compiled by the registrar general and published by the university itself in 1911. He also gives an insightful analysis on the real motive behind ‘Swire’s magnificent display of generosity’. 12. Lugard, ‘Souvenir’, Appendix V. Statement of the Endowment Fund on 11 March 1910. 13. As recorded in the minutes of the 8th meeting of the Council of the University of Hong Kong held on 22 March 1912, item 6. The registrar reported that the seal of the university was duly affixed to the agreement with the College of Medicine upon Friday, 15 March 1912, and that the agreement was in the custody of the university solicitors. 14. Agreement with the Hong Kong College of Medicine (Signed 15 March 1912). Copy available in the University Archives, University of Hong Kong. 15. The Court of the HKCM had received a letter from the UK General Medical Council in March 1910, informing it that the college’s preliminary entrance examination had been recognized by the British General Medical Council as equivalent to the Oxford Senior Local examination, and therefore had included the college examination on its list of examinations qualifying for entry into UK universities. Thus, in the agreement made between the HKCM and the University of Hong Kong, students admitted to the college after March 1910 were considered matriculated students, and were transferred to the university as undergraduates without further examination. 16. Minutes of the 13th Meeting of Council, HKU, 12 July 1912. 17. Lindsay Ride, ‘Fifty Years of Medical Education in Hong Kong’, 57. 18. Thomas George Harold, ‘Reminiscence’, The Elixir: Hong Kong University Medical Society Magazine (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Medical Society, 1950), 38–40. 19. Before 1914, HKCM licentiates were able to practise under Clause 2 of the original Medical Registration Ordinance of 1884 that stated: ‘This Ordinance shall not operate to limit the right of Chinese practitioners to practise medicine and surgery or to receive demand or recover reasonable charges in respect of such practice.’ Under amendment No. 31 of 1914, the revised wording of Clause 3 (1) removed any ambiguity in the original Clause 2 as follows: ‘Nothing in this Ordinance shall be deemed to affect the right of any Chinese person to practise medicine or surgery according to purely Chinese methods and to demand and recover reasonable charges in respect of such practice: Provided that such person does not take or use any name, title or addition calculated to induce any one to believe that he is qualified to practise medicine or surgery according to modern scientific methods.’ 20. See, for example, reports and editorials in Hong Kong Telegraph of 2–3 January 1912; The China Mail, 30 December 1911 and 2 January 1912.

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21. For an account of the political manoeuvres during this period that explains the official policy, see Chan Lau Kit-ching, Anglo-Chinese Diplomacy in the Careers of Sir John Jordan and Yuan Shih-kai 1906–1920 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1978). 22. For an account of the negotiations going on behind the scenes between Lugard and the leaders of the Chinese community in Hong Kong regarding suppression of any public displays of celebration at the establishment of a republican government in Canton, see Fung Chi Ming, ‘Governorships of Lugard and May: Fears of Double Allegiance and Perceived Disloyalty’, in Colonial Hong Kong and Modern China: Interaction and Reintegration, ed. Lee Pui-tak (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005), 69–88. 23. Dispatch from Lugard to Viscount Lewis Harcourt (secretary of state for the colonies at the time), 21 November 1911, CO 129/381, that described the following scene: ‘The occasion of the most amazing outburst which has ever been seen and heard in the history of this colony .  .  . The entire Chinese population appeared to become temporarily demented with joy. The din of crackers . . . was deafening and accompanied by perpetual cheering and flag-waving – a method of madness most unusual to the Chinese. The cracker-firing was contrary to law but was so spontaneous and absolutely ubiquitous throughout the Colony that it would have been impossible to check it.’ This unusual display was also given extensive coverage and comments in the Hong Kong newspapers the following day, see for example, The China Mail, 7–8 November 1911. 24. Peace Preservation Amendment Ordinance, Hong Kong Hansard, 30 November 1911, 243. 25. Gwenneth and John Stokes, Queen’s College: Its History, 1862–1987 (Hong Kong: Queen’s College Old Boys Association, 1987), 72–73. 26. Wong K. Chimin and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine, 2nd ed. (Shanghai: National Quarantine Service, 1936; Taipei: Southern Materials Center, 1985), 600; see also Wu Lien-teh, ‘Medical Progress in China since the Republic’, Lancet 196 (1920): 1203–4. 27. Editorial, ‘The Official Recognition of Western Medicine’, The National Medical Journal of China 2, no. 2 (1916): 1. 28. Faith C. S. Ho, ‘The Beginning of Medical Education in Hong Kong 125 Years Ago  .  .  . Its Unique Features in Comparison with Similar Efforts in China’, Hong Kong Medical Journal 18 (2012): 544–50. 29. China Medical Commission of the Rockefeller Foundation, Medicine in China (New York: Rockefeller Foundation, 1914). 30. Wong K. Chimin and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine, 647–55. 31. Gerald Hugh Choa, ‘A History of Medicine in Hong Kong’, in Hong Kong Medical Directory (Hong Kong: Federation of Medical Societies of Hong Kong, 1974), 12–26. See also obituary of Dr. Ho in Wah Kiu Yat Po, 7 June 1953. 32. 《華字日報》,1912 年 1 月 25 日。 33. China Medical Commission of the Rockefeller Foundation, Medicine in China. 34. China Medical Missionary Association, ‘Triennial Conference 1910: Secretary’s Report’, China Medical Journal 24 (1910): 143. 35. Ng Cheong Yew, ‘Notes and Comments Written by the Editor’, Caduceus 1, no. 1 (April 1922): 7.

Chapter 7

Culmination of Efforts (1910–1918)

The Third Batch of Graduates and the Final Years During the second decade of the twentieth century, there were twenty-one students of the Hong Kong College of Medicine (HKCM) who graduated, either with the college’s licentiate diploma or the MBBS degree, or both. Although the college ceased its teaching in September 1912 when the University of Hong  Kong (HKU) admitted its first students, it continued as an examining body, and awarded its last diplomas in 1915, the year that it formally ended its existence. However, the last member of the group of nine students who transferred from the HKCM to the university in 1912 did not graduate until 1918; thus, the year 1918 marked the completion of the medical training of all sixty HKCM students who successfully finished their course. For the twenty-one students who graduated between 1910 and 1918, one might query whether the later subgroup who were awarded with only the university MBBS degree should be included as ‘graduates’ of the HKCM, as they did not obtain its licentiate diploma. One might even ask whether this latter group shared the same degree of identification with the college as their earlier counterparts. However, when questioned about this possibility in an interview, Mrs. Dorcas Hu, daughter of Dr. Chau Wai-cheung, a MBBS graduate from the college, pondered in silence for a moment, and then offered a thoughtful and strangely revealing answer that, in her recollection, the question of identity did not seem to have entered the consciousness of this early group of doctors, as they viewed the medical faculty as merely a continuation of the college and did not think of them as different organizations. Rather, if there were any distinctions, she remarked, it was between those doctors who had gone overseas to study after obtaining their LMSH or MBBS and those who did not, as the former group were often regarded as having a higher standing. There are good reasons for including these MBBS graduates in this narrative. This group had started their medical education at the college, some for up to three years, and it is highly likely that they had already established a kinship with the more senior graduates of this decade. The last batch of teachers of the HKCM were almost without exception the first teachers of the Faculty of Medicine at the university; the dean of the college was also dean of

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the faculty for the first three years; clinical teaching was still carried out at the Alice Memorial and its affiliated hospitals and the Tung Wah Hospital (TWH) as before, so continuity between the college and the faculty was manifested in every way. Thus, the inclusion of this latter group would be useful, especially when assessing the impact of the HKCM, since its influence was carried on into the early university years. For the sake of comparison however, we will give an account of the careers of these two subgroups separately (i.e., those who obtained the HKCM licence, with or without the MBBS degree later) and those who graduated only with the MBBS degree. There were twelve in the first group and nine in the latter. Among the first subgroup were eight who were able to pass their college examinations by August 1912 (i.e., before the opening of the university), and of these, two who graduated with LMSH in 1912, George Harold Thomas and Filomeno Maria Graça Ozorio, chose to continue their studies in HKU as advanced students immediately after it opened. In 1914, after two years, they passed their degree examinations to also graduate with the MBBS. One student, Wan Chik-hing, who graduated with LMSH in 1911, elected to go to the University of Edinburgh to obtain his MBChB degree, without waiting a year for the university to start its enrolment. The other five who obtained their licentiate diploma before the start of the university were: Lam Yun-hae, Wong Ka-cheung, Tam Chong-wa, Wang Pak-fu, and Juan Arreglado. There were four who obtained the college licentiate diploma after the opening of the university. They were Chan Shui-ye, Song Chong-chai, Alfred Stanley Tuxford, and P. D. R. Naidu. We will examine the careers of this group of HKCM licentiates first.

Careers of the Final Batch of Licentiates Among this group of twelve licentiates who graduated between 1910 and 1915 were eight local students who came to the college from the well-known and well-established schools of that time: Queen’s College (5), Diocesan School (1), St. Paul’s College (1), and St. Joseph’s College (1). There was one from Foochow (Fuzhou), China, and three who joined from overseas. For the local students, it is likely that the secondary education they received, and their family backgrounds, would have been more favourable compared with students in the early days of the college. The population was also expanding into Kowloon, and in October 1911, a branch of the Tung Wah Hospital was opened in Yaumati in Kowloon, named the Kwong Wah Hospital. It had the same system as in the TWH in that patients were given a choice of being attended to by Chinese or Western-trained practitioners. It was therefore another institution that offered opportunities for employment to the college graduates. The careers of individual members of this subgroup are described briefly below to give a general overview, while more detailed accounts of some will be given in a later chapter.

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Lam Yun-hae (LMSH 1910) As a senior student, Lam had worked with the Kowloon–Canton Railways at their Tai Po depot in 1908. He joined the TWH after graduating in 1910 as an assistant resident medical officer, working with Dr. To Ying-kwan, who was appointed resident surgeon after the resignation of Dr. Jew Hawk in August that year. During that year, TWH had already around 50 per cent of patients choosing to be treated by Western medicine, out of 3,868 admissions. In 1911 he was said to be in private practice at 140 Queen’s Road Central. His practice changed to Kowloon City in the 1930s.

Wong Ka-cheung (LMSH 1910) Also known as Wong Chi-min or Wong Kat-man, Wong came from the notable Wong and Wang family, being the youngest son of Rev. Wong Him-yue. He was the younger brother of Wong Sai-yan (LMSH 1895), cousin to Wang Chung-yik (LMSH 1908, MBChB, Edinburgh, 1910), and Wang Chung-ching (MBChB, Edinburgh, 1910). Wong worked as a ship’s surgeon for a brief period after graduation and then went into China to work in Shanghai. He was one of the rare HKCM graduates who spent almost his entire working life in China; in his case, it was a career spanning more than fifty years. Among his many contributions to the medical profession, he started the first Museum of Medical History in China, which housed many relics of Chinese medicine, and became a noted medical historian. Dr. Wong’s story will be told in greater detail in Chapter 9.

Tam Chong-wa (LMSH 1911) Tam’s immediate employment after graduation is not known, but by 1916 he was known to be in private practice in Hong Kong.

Wan Chik-hing (LMSH 1911) Wan had also come from one of Hong Kong’s earliest Christian families, the descendants of which, as we had already noted, made up quite a few of the college students. His father died when he was young, and he was brought up in the home of his grandfather, Wan Ching-kai (溫清溪), who had been involved in starting three early churches in Hong Kong: the To Chai Church affiliated to the London Missionary Society (which was on Hollywood Road, next to the Alice Memorial Hospital); the Congregational Church led by Rev. Charles Hager, where Sun Yat-sen was baptized; and later the Rhenish Church on Bonham Road.1 Wan left Hong Kong soon after graduation to proceed to the University of Edinburgh to enrol in the MBChB course. He graduated in 1914 and went on to take the diploma in tropical medicine and hygiene of the same

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university, and the diploma of public health of the University of Cambridge in 1916. His daughter-in-law recalled during an interview with the author that Wan had also spent some time in Germany to further his studies, and that he had specialized in surgery of the ear, nose, and throat. He was elected fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh in 1922. Returning to Hong Kong, he entered private practice and had his surgery in China Building on Pedder Street from 1925 to 1941. The trend had already been started by then that renowned physicians and surgeons established their offices in a number of upmarket office buildings in Central, and at that time, China Building on Pedder Street was one of them. Wan was a shareholder and board member of the Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital and served in the St. John’s Ambulance brigade. He married the sister of Liu Chung-hoi (廖仲愷), who was an ally of Dr. Sun Yat-sen in his revolutionary activities.

George Harold Thomas (LMSH 1912) G. H. Thomas was another remarkable personality among the graduates of the college. He worked at the TWH as Chinese resident surgeon after graduation from the HKCM, while at the same time attending lectures at HKU as an advanced student. After finishing this course and passing his examinations in 1914, he had the distinction of being the first student to graduate from the University of Hong Kong. He continued working as a Chinese medical officer at the TWH and later at other hospitals of the Government Medical Department. During a long career spent entirely in the public sector, he served at various times in almost all the government hospitals, including the Chinese lunatic asylums besides the Tung Wah and Kwong Wah Hospitals. There were many other distinctions and ‘firsts’ that came his way throughout his eventful life. After retirement from government, he continued working for the TWH, altogether giving sixty years of service to the hospital. A more detailed and personal account of Dr. Thomas will be given in Chapter 9.

Wong Pak-fu (LMSH 1912) Wong qualified in 1912 and entered into private practice immediately.

Juan Arreglado (LMSH 1912) Juan Arreglado came from the Philippines to join the HKCM in 1905 and graduated with the LMSH in 1912. He had been a medical student of the University of Manila before he entered the college. There is no record of his subsequent career, and there was no indication that he had practised in Hong Kong. It is most likely he had returned to the Philippines upon graduation.

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Filomeno Maria Graça Ozorio (LMSH 1912) (MBBS 1914) Dr. Ozorio had, together with G. H. Thomas, proceeded to join HKU as an advanced student immediately after obtaining his LMSH. He entered private practice soon after finishing his degree course at HKU, practising mainly in Hong Kong’s Central District. At the time of his graduation, he was the only doctor coming from the Portuguese community of Hong Kong and became the family doctor for almost all of them. He was popular and extremely successful and was on the board of St. Paul’s Hospital as well as president of the Portuguese Club Lusitano. Dr. Ozorio’s story will also be told in greater detail in Chapter 9.

Chan Shui-ye (LMSH 1913) Chan was known to have served at the Tung Wah Smallpox Hospital in Kennedy Town after graduation in 1913.2 He occupied the post of senior medical assistant at the TWH in 1914. He later entered into private practice, and in 1936 his practice was listed as being in Nam Kok Road, Kowloon City.3

Song Chong-chai (LMSH 1913) Song came from the Anglo-Chinese School in Foochow, China, and initially entered the HKCM in 1891, but for unknown reasons, he had left before graduating. He subsequently re-entered the college in 1908, graduating with the LMSH in 1913. After graduation, Song stayed in Hong Kong and worked first at the TWH as a junior resident surgeon and from 1915 to 1919 was listed as being in private practice in Hong Kong, according the Government Gazette lists of those qualified to sign death certificates. His subsequent career is not known, nor whether he returned afterwards to serve inside China.

Pala Dara Raj Naidu (LMSH 1915) P. D. R. Naidu came from Tampore, India, after several years of medical study there, and entered the HKCM in 1904. Naidu served as an assistant to the railways medical officer at North Face camp, Beacon Hill tunnel, in 1909 while a senior medical student, and was later assistant to the medical officer for the New Territories in 1913–1914. It appears from these positions that he was performing a useful duty with paid employment, and perhaps this might explain why he took so long to finish his studies, as it was to be eleven years before he was to complete the course, graduating in 1915 as the last student to be awarded the college licentiate diploma. One additional reason might have been that, were he to have completed the course earlier, he would still not have been able to practise in Hong Kong under the loophole in the Medical

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Registration Ordinance, which allowed Chinese doctors to practise medicine and surgery without being registered. Though, as a graduate of the college, he could not enter into independent private medical practice as he was not Chinese, as a senior student he was allowed to be an assistant to the government medical officers. In 1914 the licentiate qualification was given retroactive recognition by the Hong Kong government through an amendment in the Medical Registration Ordinance, and therefore non-Chinese could also practise with the LMSH qualification. Dr. Naidu married a nurse and qualified midwife, Lam Pei Yi Kwu (林批二姑), who was one of the first to be trained at the Nethersole and the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital, later to become well known for her midwifery skills. Naidu remained in Hong Kong after obtaining his LMSH and started his own practice at 3 Gresson Street in Wanchai, establishing a clinic as well as a place for attending to deliveries in partnership with his wife. The couple served many of the boat population berthed in the typhoon shelter on the Wanchai waterfront, and the whole family lived above the clinic.4 Dr. Naidu was also active among the Indian community and helped to solicit from the Hong Kong government a piece of ground in Happy Valley to be used as a Hindu cemetery. The couple had three daughters, and one of them, Phoebe, taught at St. Stephen’s Girls’ College. His son, Timothy Naidu, graduated from HKU medical faculty in 1937 and later worked in London, where he was popular as a general practitioner, serving the Chinese community in the East End of London since he was able to speak several Chinese dialects.

Alfred Stanley Tuxford (LMSH 1915) Born in 1875, Tuxford attended school in Norwich in England and arrived in Hong Kong in 1906 to take up appointment as manager of Lazarus & Co., an optical shop on Pedder Street, with a head office in Calcutta and branches in London, Shanghai, and Hong Kong.5 He enrolled in the HKCM in 1909 at the age of 34, and obtained his licentiate in 1915 alongside Dr. Naidu as one of the two last students of the college. In 1914, when Dr. E. Martyn Lobb, a private practitioner, was appointed honorary clinical lecturer in surgery by HKU and honorary visiting surgeon to the Government Civil Hospital, he served for six months as a dresser in Dr. Martyn Lobb’s unit which was assigned to the university lecturer for teaching purposes. This would have given him some useful clinical experience before he took the final examinations for the LMSH. Dr. Tuxford is believed to have practised medicine in Hong Kong after graduation in 1915, even though he could not become a fully registered medical practitioner. In that way, he was in a similar situation to Dr. Naidu. He must have taken an active part in the Medical Society of HKU, as he presented a paper to the society entitled ‘Psycho-therapeutics’ during this period.6 He left Hong Kong with his family around 1926 for either Singapore or Australia.7 In Professor Lindsay Ride’s chapter, ‘The Test of War’, in Hong Kong University:

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The First 50 Years, edited by Professor Brian Harrison, Ride related this sad story: ‘Another graduate of 1914 [sic], Dr. A. S. Tuxford, after much inhuman treatment, survived to enjoy the peace for only a short time. He died in 1948 aged 73.’

HKCM Students Who Graduated with MBBS This second subgroup comprised nine students who entered the university on transfer from the HKCM in 1912, all of them graduating with the MBBS degrees between 1914 and 1918. With the award of the MBBS degree, they became immediately registrable under the Medical Registration Ordinance of Hong Kong as well as under the General Medical Council of Britain, and thereby gained an internationally recognized qualification. Although theoretically they were qualified to serve in the government institutions, in fact there were few openings for them, and even when employed by the government, they were given different terms of employment and different titles from the expatriate doctors. Except for one or two notable exceptions, the careers of these first university medical graduates were not too different from the licentiates of the college that immediately preceded them. This was therefore similar to the situation regarding their training, which was almost the same as the licentiates of that decade. The careers of this last group are briefly described below.

Chak Chiu-hung (MBBS 1914) On graduation, Chak served as house surgeon to the Ho Miu Ling and Nethersole hospitals from 1914 to 1915. He subsequently entered private practice first in Tung Street in the Taipingshan district (1915–1923), and subsequently at 104 Queen’s Road Central.

Cheah Tiang-eam (MBBS 1916) Cheah had come to Hong Kong in 1910 from St. Xavier’s College in Penang, and initially remained in Hong Kong after graduation in 1916, working as house surgeon in the TWH and as Chinese medical officer at the Government Civil Hospital from 1916 to 1918. According to one source, he was said to have worked in Johore in the Malay States,8 but was listed as serving at the Government Civil Hospital in Hong Kong from 1932 to 1933.9 He later entered private practice in Hong Kong.

Chau Wai-cheung (MBBS 1916) Chau was appointed house surgeon at the Ho Miu Ling and Nethersole hospitals on graduation in 1916. After that, he served in government as assistant

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medical officer for the New Territories from 1917 to 1918, based at Taipo. Dr. Chau entered private practice in 1919, at first at Queen’s Road Central, and then Des Voeux Road Central. He became a well-known and well-respected practitioner, being elected chairman of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association three times in 1927, 1933, and 1939. After the Japanese occupation, he practised from his home at 33 Leighton Hill Road, Happy Valley. More information on Dr. Chau and his career will be provided in Chapter 9.

Wong Hing-chuen (MBBS 1916) Wong had entered the college from Queen’s College in 1909. After graduation he was known to have started in private practice at 16 Wing Lok Street, Central, later moving to Des Voeux Road, Central.

Lim Chong-eang (MBBS 1916) Lim came from St. Xavier’s Institution, Penang, and entered the college in 1912 with a scholarship. He was one of the most distinguished graduates of this period. He joined the Hong Kong government service initially, working at the Government Civil Hospital and the Bacteriological Institute in 1917. He then left for Peking (now Beijing) intending to work with Dr. Wu Lien-teh at his newly opened Peking Central Hospital. Dr. Wu was also from Penang and had been acquainted with Lim from his Penang days.10 Lim was fortunate to be awarded a Rockefeller scholarship to train in bacteriology and public health at Johns Hopkins Hospital in the United States, also taking his diploma in tropical medicine in Liverpool, England. After returning to China, he worked at the Peking Union Medical College, and was appointed professor of microbiology in 1930. More information on Dr. Lim’s career will be provided in Chapter 9.

Wong Tsz-chuen (MBBS 1917) Wong was the son of early HKCM graduate Wong Sai-yan (LMSH 1895) and nephew of Professor Wang Chung-yik (LMSH 1908), being a member of the notable Wong and Wang family that had five members who studied at the college. He worked as house surgeon to the Ho Miu Ling and Nethersole Hospitals after graduation from 1918 until 1921. When Coxion To was on leave during 1922 and 1923 he also acted for him as house surgeon to the Alice Memorial Hospital and to the Alice Memorial Hospital Dispensary. He entered into private practice with Dr. Ma Luk’s group, joining his practice at Queen’s Road Central, and later at the King’s Theatre Building at the corner of Wyndham Street and Queen’s Road. He became well known as an obstetrician and gynaecologist, assisted in the midwives-training programme at the

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Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital, and was appointed by the governor to serve on the Midwives Board from 1933 to 1939.

Wong Siong-cie (MBBS 1917) Wong Siong-cie came from the Anglo-Chinese College in Foochow (now Fuzhou), and probably returned to China after he graduated as he was listed as ‘absent from Hong Kong’ in the list of registered doctors in the Government Gazette. In 1939 he had returned to Hong Kong, possibly because of the hostilities with Japan, and was in private practice. The Hong Kong qualification had given him this option when he had to escape from the calamities of war in his home province.

Wong Kwok-kun (MBBS 1917) Wong was the last (128th) student to enrol in the college in 1912. As related by Dr. Wong’s children at an interview with the author, his mother had died when he was young, and he came to Hong Kong from his native village in Sanwui, Kwangtung (now Guangdong), when he was about eight or ten years old, to live with relatives. Despite the fact that they were not well off, they supported his schooling, and he received his secondary education at Queen’s College. In return, as a teenager he helped them by sweeping floors and slept on wooden planks. Living in Shaukiwan on the eastern tip of Hong Kong Island, he walked to HKU at West Point for classes every day. Having come from a humble background, it was fortunate that the agreement between the HKCM and the university allowed those who transferred to the university from the HKCM to pay the same fees as they were paying at the HKCM for the whole of their university course, instead of the regular university fees. Since the university was charging fees of $300 per annum, and extra for use of the laboratory, whereas the college charged only $120 per annum, this would have been a distinct advantage. Dr. Wong was also awarded a scholarship from the Canton government. After graduation, Wong first worked as house surgeon at the Ho Miu Ling Hospital from 1918 until 1920, and then joined the Kwong Wah Hospital from 1921 until 1923 as Chinese resident surgeon. After that, he entered into private practice, initially at 39A Queen’s Road Central (1924–1927). He then worked as an assistant to Dr. Lee Ying-yau who, as mentioned earlier, had a practice in Kowloon, probably before starting his own practice at 337 Nathan Road in Yaumati. His clinic was on the first floor, and his home was on the two floors above. He also worked until the mid-1930s in the Shamshuipo Chinese public dispensary and the Tai Po Road Maternity Home at the same time as carrying on his private practice. At some stage, Dr. Wong Siong-chee had joined his practice as a partner, possibly when he returned to Hong Kong in 1939.

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The author remembers consulting Dr. Wong as a patient in his Nathan Road clinic during her school years. His soft-spoken and gentleman-like manners always left a big impression, and together with his wife, the couple were also family friends. Dr. Wong was an active member of All Saint’s Church in Homantin, which is now All Saint’s Cathedral. After retiring, Dr. Wong moved with his wife to Sydney, Australia, in 1968 to join their son and daughter. He died in 1976, aged 83.

Cheung Wing-tai (MBBS 1918) Cheung entered the HKCM from Queen’s College in 1912, and entered into private practice after graduation, joining the practice of Dr. Ma Luk at 58–60 Queen’s Road Central from 1919 to 1928. He later moved to 45 Queen’s Road Central and practised there from 1929 to 1965, except for an interval during the Japanese occupation. It is notable that among this group all six MBBS graduates from Hong Kong schools entered into private practice in Hong Kong, a few immediately after graduation and others after a brief period working as house surgeons in the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole group of hospitals or the Tung Wah group of hospitals. Although one (Chau Wai-cheung) worked in the New Territories in a government dispensary, medical officer appointments at the Government Civil Hospital were still not available to them, despite qualifying with the MBBS degree. Only Cheah Tiang-eam and Lim Chong-eang (both from Penang) were known to have been given appointments at the GCH after graduation. It would be difficult to judge whether this was in any way related to their being from overseas. George Harold Thomas worked at the TWH as resident surgeon, which was a post funded by the government, but he was not posted to other government hospitals until 1928, fourteen years after graduating with the MBBS degree. During the period in which Thomas worked in the Tung Wah Hospital or in government service, his title remained as ‘Chinese medical officer’ for over twenty-five years, right up to the immediate pre-war period of 1939, when he was promoted to ‘Chinese Medical Officer, Senior Grade’. Of all the fourteen graduates of this decade who entered the HKCM from local schools, only George Harold Thomas and Wong Kat-man did not enter into private practice in Hong Kong. Wong Kat-man had gone to the Chinese mainland early on and built his career there. Three other early MBBS graduates had come from schools outside Hong Kong. Now that their qualifications allowed them to be fully registrable with the GMC and recognized internationally, it might have facilitated their return to their home countries to develop their careers. Wong Siong-cie was known to be absent from Hong Kong for a period, and may have returned to Foochow in China, but he was later known to have returned to Hong Kong to

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enter private practice. As for the other two students who were from Penang, neither of them returned to practise there. Cheah initially worked at the GCH in Hong Kong but was said to have been in Johore in the Malay States at some stage of his career. In 1932 he returned to a post at the GCH, and subsequently entered private practice in Hong Kong. Lim was to develop his career in academic medicine in China after receiving a period of training in Hong Kong, the United States, and England, aided by the award of a Rockefellor Fellowship. Here we see a new trend for this last decade of the story. Instead of Hong Kong graduates having to seek employment in neighbouring Asian countries because there were no openings for them locally, as was true of the first batch of graduates at the end of the nineteenth century, the situation was now reversed, with students from other countries coming to Hong Kong to study medicine and finding career opportunities in Hong Kong and China, including setting up private practice in Hong Kong. Of the seven students among this last batch who were admitted from overseas schools, five were known to have entered private practice in Hong Kong at some time in their careers. The two exceptions were Juan Arreglado from the Philippines, and Lim Chong Eang from Penang. It was undoubtedly true that there was an increasing demand for the services of Chinese doctors in private practice in Hong Kong in the early part of the twentieth century. However, the fact that so many of the HKCM graduates did choose this career path should not be construed to be a choice made simply out of desire for monetary rewards, as has been suggested by some historians. Posts within the public hospital system for young doctors were meagre and career advancement almost non-existent at that time, so private practice was the most feasible option. It also met a real need. The small number of Chinese and government public dispensaries was certainly not sufficient to cater for the needs of the increasing population. In almost every known instance, these early private practitioners had treated those patients who were unable to pay, without fee. As related by Dr. Dolly Wong, daughter of Dr. Benjamin Wong, her father would often go on board the boats of the floating population in the Yaumati typhoon shelter to deliver their babies. The patients often paid for the services rendered by her father with a laisee (red gift) packet. On opening it, sometimes he would find only 10 cents inside. In the next chapter, we will examine in greater detail how members from all three decades, from 1892 to 1918, contributed to the community of Hong Kong in their voluntary capacities and in public service.

Notes 1. 李志剛,《香港教會掌故》 (香港:三聯書店,1992),頁104–6。 2. List of persons authorized to sign death certificates. Hong Kong Government Gazette, 20 June 1913.

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3. List of persons authorized to sign death certificates. Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 May 1936. 4. Ms. Mary Naidu, daughter of Dr. P. D. R. Naidu, interview with author, February 1998. 5. ‘Tuxford Alfred Stanley 1906–1926’, Biographical Dictionary of Medical Practitioners in Hong Kong 1841–1941, accessed on 13 March 2014, http://hkmd1841–1941. blogspot.hk. 6. As recorded in ‘List of Papers (1914–1921)’, Caduceus 1, no. 1 (April 1922). 7. ‘Tuxford Alfred Stanley 1906–1926’, Biographical Dictionary of Medical Practitioners in Hong Kong 1841–1941, accessed on 13 March 2014, http://hkmd1841–1941. blogspot.hk. 8. Peter Cunich, A History of the University of Hong Kong, Vol. 1: 1911–1945 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012), 240. 9. List of persons qualified to practise medicine and surgery, Hong Kong Government Gazette, 6 May 1932. 10. Wu Lien-teh, Plague Fighter: The Autobiography of a Modern Chinese Physician (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1959), 466.

Chapter 8

Other Contributions to Society

In considering the contributions of the graduates of the Hong Kong College of Medicine (HKCM), the previous chapters focused on the type and location of the work they did, at the same time touching on some of the major societal changes during the same period and how they affected their career prospects. As this group of young doctors turned into mature adults, and their professional standing became well established, they took on leadership roles in the community and became a new class of elites in Hong Kong, one which was not based on business success or links with foreign trading firms, such as the compradors (買辦) of old. This was not surprising, since the HKCM was the first institution in Hong Kong that provided education at a tertiary level, in a discipline that was based on modern scientific concepts and skills. Added to the Western scientific mindset that underpinned their training, the graduates were exposed to a different set of cultural values, and a demand for high ethical standards, while being imbued with a deep sense of duty to community and country. As these doctors became respected medical professionals, many were called on to engage in a wider sphere of public service, serving in government boards and long-established organizations. They also helped to start new movements and institutions that fitted into Western traditions but also had a distinct Chinese character within a Hong Kong context. This chapter looks at some of these other areas that they were to contribute to Hong Kong society.

The Start of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association (香港中華醫學會) As far back as 1845, the China Medico-Chirurgical Society had been established in Hong Kong to bring together the ‘medical brethren in China’ for the sake of giving and receiving information on medical and surgical subjects.1 The society existed for only two years and became the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1847. The Hong Kong Medical Society, with similar objects, was started by Patrick Manson in 1886, and after his departure from Hong Kong in 1889 Gregory Jordan succeeded in 1890 in persuading the British Medical Association (BMA) to recognize it as its Hong Kong and China

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branch. As the Hong Kong branch of the BMA, it is still in existence up to the present day. During the early decades of the twentieth century, membership of the Hong Kong branch of the BMA was still very much made up of expatriate members of the local medical profession. With the emergence of an increasing number of Chinese doctors practising medicine in Hong Kong, there was a need to start an association that might be more in tune with the areas of interest of these local doctors, and to represent them in professional matters. Back in 1908, the editor of Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports of China had already recognized that Dr. Kwan King-leung, also known as Kwan Sum-yin, ‘has the distinction of being the Chinese medical practitioner of longest standing in the Colony’.2 Indeed, he was the third graduate of the HKCM after Sun Yat-sen and Kong Ying-wah, but these two gentlemen were both occupied with work outside Hong Kong. So it was Dr. Kwan who invited all the Chinese doctors in Hong Kong in 1920 to a dinner at the To Yuen (桃園) Restaurant in West Point, to discuss the formation of such an association.3 As a result, the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association (HKCMA) was formed, with Dr. Wan Tun-mo, also known as Wan Man-kai (尹文楷), elected the first president, Kwan as the vice president, and Wong Chung-hing (王寵慶) (who had left the HKCM to complete his medical studies in Edinburgh University but had returned to Hong Kong to enter into private practice), as secretary and treasurer. Dr. Wan Tun-mo was born and grew up in Hong Kong and was one of the government scholars from the Central School sent to the viceroy’s (Li Hung-chang’s) Hospital Medical School in Tientsin to train in medicine in 1884, before the HKCM was started. We have already briefly recounted his career in Canton and in Hong Kong in earlier chapters. His seniority was widely recognized by all, but, in addition, he was well respected as a doctor and was a remarkable person who had, even at a young age, produced and translated into Chinese a number of medical books while he was working in Canton. Following on from Dr. Wan, in the first ten years of the HKCMA, six graduates of the HKCM—Dr. Kwan Kingleung, Dr. Ho Ko-tsun, Dr. Li Shu-fan, Dr. Chau Wai-cheung, Dr. Benjamin Wong Cheong-lam, and Dr. Au Sze-cham—were to serve as presidents or vice presidents of the association. The main objects of the association were to promote goodwill and friendly relations among graduates of ‘scientific’ medicine in Hong Kong, and to work for the advancement of medical science. Regular scientific meetings and social gatherings were organized. The HKCMA started to gain the recognition of the Hong Kong government as an organization that represented Hong Kong’s doctors, and from 1928 were able to nominate representatives to sit on the Medical Board and the Midwives Board, similar to privileges extended to the Hong Kong branch of the BMA; later, this expanded to other professional boards and advisory committees for many government agencies. In 1948 the

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association started to publish a regular bulletin, in which many scholarly articles, especially those with a local interest, were published. This bulletin was continued as the Hong Kong Medical Journal in 1995. As mentioned in Chapter 6, the National Medical Association (NMA) had been formed in China in 1914, and in 1929 a branch of the NMA was formed in Hong Kong. In 1932 this branch of the NMA and the HKCMA were to merge together, retaining the name Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association, but also existing as a branch of the national association. The association worked closely with the parent organization in China, and did much in the area of humanitarian aid on the Chinese mainland during the Japanese invasion, by sending in ambulances, maintaining Red Cross units, and also sending its members to work inside war-torn China. After 1950 the HKCMA was to become an independent organization again, and in 1970, it changed its name to the ‘Hong Kong Medical Association’ (HKMA). The HKMA now has over 10,000 members.

Start of the Yeung Wo Nursing Home, Later to Become the Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital (養和醫院) Not long after the start of the HKCMA, the council turned its attention to the need for a private hospital in Hong Kong into which Chinese doctors could admit their patients for hospital treatment. In their account of the history of the HKCMA, Dr. Chau Wai-cheung and Dr. Tseung Fat-im (蔣法賢) explained how ‘the racial discrimination made palpable [against Chinese medical practitioners] in certain private hospitals at the time the Association was inaugurated acted as an effective incentive to our colleagues to organize a Chinese private hospital or nursing home’.4 As an outcome, the Yeung Wo Nursing Home was started in a defunct amusement park in Happy Valley called the Happy Retreat, and was incorporated in 1922 with twenty-eight beds and a staff of five nurses.5 It was the first private hospital established for and managed by the Chinese doctors of Western medicine in Hong Kong. Almost all the HKCM graduates then practising in Hong Kong were involved and many became part of the governing body of the hospital. Figure 8.1 shows a photograph of the board of directors together with guests in front of the nursing home, believed to have been taken around 1922, with at least eight graduates of the HKCM present. The first board of directors in 1922 included Dr. Ho Ko-tsun (LMSH 1902) as chair, Dr. Kwan King-leung (LMSH 1893), Dr. Benjamin Wong (LMSH 1909, MBBS 1918), Dr. Jew Hawk (MD, Oregon), Dr. Ma Luk (LMSH 1905) and Dr. T. P. Ng (entered HKCM 1905; MBChB, Edinburgh, 1915), all but Dr. Jew being former students of the HKCM. Another former student, Dr. Chau Wai-cheung (MBBS 1916) took over as chair of the board of directors in 1923, but after a landslip that year, the hospital had to be closed for sixteen months and its financial position became untenable. In 1926 Dr. Li Shu-fan

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Figure 8.1 Members of the Board of the Yeung Wo Nursing Home and Guests. Picture taken in front of the original block of the Nursing Home, circa 1922. Courtesy of the Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital. The following HKCM licentiates and former students are shown in the photo. From left: Dr. Li Shu-fan (2nd left), Dr. Wong Kwok-kun (5th left), Dr. Au Sze-cham (7th left), Dr. Benjamin Wong Cheong-lam (10th left), Dr. Li Ying-yau (11th left), Dr. Ma Luk (13th left), Dr. Ho Ko-tsun (14th left), Dr. Kwan King-leung (16th left).

(LMSH 1908, MBChB, Edin, 1910) was invited to take up the management of the hospital. He was able to reorganize it and bring it back into solvency, and from then on, the hospital has gone from strength to strength. A nurses’ training school was also started in the hospital in 1927, and Dr. Wong Tsz-chuen (entered HKCM 1911, MBBS 1918) later helped with training of midwives in the midwifery school, which was started in 1934. Dr. Li Shu-fan oversaw the development of the surgical services in the hospital and continued as its medical superintendent and chair of the board until his death in 1966. It has continued to be associated with the Li family ever since, and has undergone much rebuilding and expansion of its services. The Chinese name (養和醫院) has persisted to today, but it is now known by the English name Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital, one of the most popular, well-equipped, and successful private hospitals in Hong Kong.

Start of the Tsan Yuk Hospital (贊育醫院) The old Tsan Yuk Hospital situated on Western Street in Sai Ying Pun was started in October 1922, originally under the auspices of the Chinese Public

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Dispensary Committee, to provide maternity services to the Chinese population and to train midwives. As described in Chapter 5, the Chinese public dispensaries were largely manned by graduates from the HKCM. The hospital was built by public subscription, notably from the merchants’ guilds active in the district, which was a sign of the strong support it received from the community it aimed to serve. It was originally operated as an extension to the Western District Chinese public dispensary (CPD) on Third Street, which was adjacent to the hospital and had provided domiciliary midwifery services to the neighbourhood since 1909. Dr. Ma Luk (LMSH 1905), who had worked at the earlier Western District CPD, was one of the key supporters to the start of the Tsan Yuk Hospital. In 1934 the hospital was turned over to the government by the CPD Committee to operate as a government maternity hospital and training centre, working in association with the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology of the University of Hong Kong. It was enlarged and its role expanded to include training of medical students and postgraduate training of specialist doctors. It was extremely popular with mothers, and at its peak, over 10,000 babies were born at the hospital in one year.6

The Sanitary Board, Urban Council, and Legislative Council The Sanitary Board and Urban Council The Sanitary Board was established in 1883 as a quasi-municipal body to advise on sanitation, housing, and other public health matters of the colony. It had been started through a recommendation of the sanitary engineer Osbert Chadwick after a visit to Hong Kong in 1881. The Sanitary Board in its early days was often critical of the lack of real power given to it, as its recommendations could often be ignored by the government, but now and then it did nevertheless perform important roles, such as supporting measures for the control of the plague outbreak of 1894. Patrick Manson, James Cantlie, and Ho Kai had all been members of the Sanitary Board in its early days, but they were all appointed members. Starting from 1888, there were two ‘unofficial’ or non-government members on the board who were elected by ratepayers of Hong Kong who were on the jury list of that year, and it was to one of these positions that Dr. F. M. G. Ozorio (LMSH 1912, MBBS 1914) was elected to in 1916, and then from 1919 to 1922. Later, from 1932 to 1935, Dr. Li Shu-fan (LMSH 1908) also successfully ran for elected membership of the board. After the Sanitary Board became the Urban Council in 1936, Li became an appointed member of the council, and the scope of its work was increased to include management of libraries, museums, public parks, and other recreational facilities. The Urban Council and its counterpart for the New Territories, the Regional Council, were abolished in 1999 and its responsibilities were taken up by two government departments, the Food and

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Environmental Hygiene Department and the Leisure and Cultural Services Department.7

Legislative Council Dr. Li Shu-fan, with his impressive record of public service, was appointed Chinese member of Hong Kong’s Legislative Council from 1937 to 1941. He was the only graduate of the HKCM to have achieved this distinction. It was considered one of the highest honours to be given to members of the community to be among the group involved in the passing of Hong Kong’s laws. All appointments were either ex officio or made by the governor at that time. It was not until 1995 that the Legislative Council became a fully elected body, taking on the work of a more representative legislative assembly.

St. John’s Ambulance Brigade, the Red Cross, and Other Humanitarian Work The St. John’s Ambulance Brigade was an organization to which many graduates of the HKCM contributed to as volunteers over many years. Whether this had something to do with the enthusiasm for ambulance service that James Cantlie had passed on to his students in the early years when he was teaching at the college we cannot be sure, but the tradition of involvement with first aid, ambulance services and the humanitarian work of the Red Cross was a strong one that persisted throughout the life of the college onto the university years. It was mentioned in Chapter 4 that Dr. Wong Sai-yan, one of the first batch of students at the college, was a founding member of the Red Cross in Canton, and also translated a copy of a first-aid primer written by Dr.  Cantlie into Chinese, which was published in Canton. Dr. Ma Luk had also done work for the Red Cross in Canton, in the aftermath of the revolution to overthrow the Qing dynasty. He served as district officer of the St. John’s Ambulance Brigade in its New Territories Medical Benevolent Branch from 1936 to 1939, and was also on its finance committee. This would have been during the period of the Japanese invasion of China when Hong Kong doctors were much involved in supplying first-aid materials as well as volunteering for humanitarian work on the mainland. Dr. Li Shu-fan also served on the same branch as a district surgeon and member of the finance committee, medical subcommittee, and executive committee. Dr. Wong Tsz-chuen was a division commander of the St. Peter’s Club division in 1930, of the King’s College Present Boys and Old Boys’ division in 1936 and 1939, respectively. Wan Chik-hing also served as a divisional surgeon in the King’s College Old Boys division from 1936 to 1939. Benjamin Wong Cheong-lam was divisional surgeon of the Kowloon division in 1930 and was awarded a certificate recognizing his work with the Red Cross and the St. John’s Ambulance Brigade during the Second

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World War (see Figure 8.2). Dr. Ho Ko-tsun and Dr. George H. Thomas, who remained in Hong Kong during the period of the Japanese occupation, were commended for their ‘courage and devotion to duty’ during the difficult occupation period, and received the honour of the OBE for their work.

Figure 8.2 Certificate issued by the British Red Cross and the Order of St. John of Jerusalem to Dr. Benjamin Wong for his wartime service in the work of these organizations. Courtesy of Dr. Dolly Wong, daughter of Dr. Benjamin Wong.

The Chinese Club (華商會所) and Leisure and Sporting Associations The Hong Kong Club was an exclusive gentleman’s club for members of the European community started in 1846, and was not open to Chinese until the 1970s. There was also a Club Lusitano for the Portuguese started in 1866, of  which Dr F. M. G. Ozorio (LMSH 1912) had been president, so leaders of the Chinese community got together to form the Chinese Club. Dr. Kwan King-leung again was one of the leading spirits in this venture and helped much in the raising of the necessary funds for a clubhouse. The club was opened in 1897, with Sir Robert Ho Tung as its first chair (Eurasians were also welcome as members). Other prominent members of the Chinese community

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were to follow as chairs, including Dr. Kwan and Dr. Ma Luk among the HKCM graduates. The club was not only for social gatherings but also hosted talks by visiting dignitaries, and like the Hong Kong Club, many important matters were discussed and decided on in the premises. The present clubhouse building situated on Connaught Road facing the harbour in the Central District was rebuilt and opened in 1967 and the Chinese Club is still a popular place to meet. Many of the graduates were also involved with starting or promoting other public social, recreational, and sporting clubs. The Chinese Recreation Club (中華游樂會), started by Ho Kai and others in 1912, had as its committee members Dr. Ho Ko-tsun, Dr. To Ying-kwan, and Dr. Ho Wing-ching. Dr. Li Shu-fan was president of the South China Athletic Association (南華 體育會) in 1939.

Contributions to Church and Charitable Organizations Many of the graduates had come from Christian families and were among the early members of the various Churches in Hong Kong. Quite a few of the graduates took up responsible positions in their churches. Li Ying-yau was an elder in the Methodist Wesleyan Church in Kowloon, while Wong Tsz-chuen was an elder of the Rhenish Mission Church on Bonham Road, Hong Kong. Chau Wai-cheung was a deacon of the St. Mary’s Church in Happy Valley and the treasurer of the Hong Kong Anglican Church Body, while Wong Kwok-kun was a member of the same body and served in the All Saints’ Church in Homantin, Kowloon. Many also contributed to various charitable organizations. For example, Dr. Chau Wai-cheung served on the board of the Po Leung Kuk, the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, and the Ebenezer School for the Blind, and also was an honorary member of the governing committee of the St. Christopher Home (orphanage) in Tai Po. Dr. Li Shu-fan served in the Young Men’s Christian Association, Hong Kong Society for the Protection of Children, Chung Sing Benevolent Society, and Rotary Club. Filomeno Ozorio was a staunch supporter of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul.

Contributions to Reform and Social Movements The Anti–Mui Tsai Society (反對蓄婢會) One of the more unusual social movements that many graduates participated in was the Anti–Mui Tsai Society,8 a movement for the abolition of the mui tsai system, which was a Chinese custom of buying young girls from poor families to take into the adopted family as servant girls called mui tsai (妹仔), which sometimes resulted in exploitation and abuse. There were eight graduates and

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former students of the HKCM who joined the committee’s work from 1921 to 1933; they included Chau Wai-cheung, Ma Luk, Ng Tin-po, Benjamin Wong, Wong Tsz-chuen, Wong Chung-hing, Cheung Wing-tai, and Wong Kwok-kun. The work of the movement met with a good deal of opposition from the more traditional leaders of Hong Kong’s Chinese community, including members of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, who argued that the practice of keeping mui tsai was part of the Chinese way of life, and was a charitable way of providing a home to girls from poor families.9 The Chinese members of the abolition movement were therefore put in a difficult position. On the one hand, they were criticized for upsetting a long-held Chinese custom, with repercussions coming from the Hong Kong government itself, which had tolerated the custom for many years based on advice from its Chinese elite advisors. On the other hand, they had come to espouse the more liberal views of promoting the rights of women and girls, protecting them from slavery and exploitation, and protecting the image of the Chinese nation by not condoning slavery. It was another sign of the cultural differences that were developing in different sectors of Hong Kong society in the early decades of the twentieth century, of which the graduates of the college in general represented a more progressive group.

The ‘Cutting the Queue but Retaining Chinese Dress Association’ (剪髮不易服會) Another of the more unusual movements that Kwan King-leung started together with friends was that of the ‘Cutting the Queue but Retaining Chinese Dress Association’. This was as much a social movement as one to make a political statement for rejecting the sign of servitude to the Manchus in cutting off the long braided hair for men, called a ‘queue’ or pigtail, while still retaining Chinese traditional costume as a sign of nationalistic pride. When the association was officially launched in November 1910 at the Chinese Club, Dr. Kwan invited his father, Kwan Yuen-sum, together with five other prominent ‘elders’ of the Hong Kong community (六老), to the occasion to show their support and to join the association. Three out of the six ‘elders’ were fathers or grandfathers of former students of the HKCM. Maybe it was because of his association with this movement that we often see Dr. Kwan appearing in group photos in Chinese-style dress, in contrast to his contemporaries who had changed to Western-style clothing. Other graduates who moved wholesale to Western costume would usually cut their queues and adopt Western-style dress at the same time. The above account is but a snapshot of the many ways this group of graduates were to assume leadership roles in the Hong Kong community, apart from their professional work. Together with influencing changes in attitude towards

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medicine, they were also on the forefront of change towards a more modern and liberal society in Hong Kong as a whole.

Notes 1. H. A. Rydings, ‘Transactions of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society 1845–46’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch 3 (1973): 13–27. 2. Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartwright, ed., Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong  Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports of China (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Co. Ltd., 1908), 180. 3. Chau Wai Cheung and Tseung Fat Im, ‘The Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association’, The Bulletin of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association, Inaugural Issue, vol. 1.1 (April 1948): 7–12. See also Philip W. C. Mao, ‘A History of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association’, Journal of the Hong Kong Medical Association (1995): 46–50. 4. Ibid. 5. Li Shu Pui, Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital 75th Anniversary 1922–1997 (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital, 1997). 6. Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, ‘Tsan Yuk Hospital (1922– present)’, in Plague, SARS, and the Story of Medicine in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2006), 110. 7. For an account of the history of the Sanitary Board, see Y. W. Lau, A History of the Municipal Councils of Hong Kong, 1883–1999: From the Sanitary Board to the Urban Council and the Regional Council (Hong Kong: Leisure and Cultural Services Department, 2002). 8. A survey carried out in 1921 showed there were 8,653 mui tsai in Hong Kong for a population of around 600,000, or a ratio of one mui tsai for every seventy persons. See 麥梅生,《反對蓄婢史略》 (香港:香港反對蓄婢會,1933)and 楊國雄編, 〈道不盡的「妹仔」賣身史:兩本蓄婢專書〉,《舊書刊中的香港身世》 (香港: 三聯書店(香港)有限公司,2014),頁49–57。 9. For a more comprehensive review of the controversies surrounding this movement and the passing of ‘an ordinance to regulate certain forms of domestic service’ in 1923, see Carl T. Smith, A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Co., 1995), 240–65.

Chapter 9

Some Unusual and Some Outstanding Personalities

Kwan King-leung (LMSH 1893) Kwan King-leung (1869–1945), also known as Kwan Sum-yin, was the seventh son of Kwan Yuen-cheong, who is believed to be the first Western-trained Chinese dentist. The Kwan family had a long association with the London Missionary Society (LMS) from its earliest days of working in China. Kwan King-leung’s grandfather Kwan Yat (關日), was one of the LMS’s earliest converts to Christianity through the work of Leung Fat (梁發), having been baptized by him in 1832. Leung Fat had been ordained by Robert Morrison, the first Protestant missionary to China, as the LMS’s first Chinese evangelist. After Hong Kong was ceded to the British, Kwan Yat brought his family to Hong Kong to escape persecution in China, and sent his son Yuen-cheong to study in the Anglo-Chinese College, which had been transferred from Malacca to Hong Kong by Rev. James Legge. Kwan Yuen-cheong helped in the printing press of the LMS in Hong Kong, which was in the same building as the Anglo-Chinese College, but later changed to a career in dentistry. The Kwan family were members of the independent Chinese church affiliated with the LMS, the To Chai Church, which was built on the plot of land next to the Alice Memorial Hospital (AMH). The story of the large extended Kwan family is told in the book 香港開埠與關家 (The Kwan family and the early development of Hong Kong).1 The book also records that Kwan King-leung’s mother, Mrs. Kwan (née Lai) had been adopted and brought up by a colourful early Hong Kong personality, Daniel Richard Caldwell,2 who married a Chinese lady called Mary Ayow, who later became a member of the To Chai Church. Having grown up in the Caldwell household, Mrs. Kwan was a fluent speaker of both English and Cantonese, something extremely rare for women of those times. She acted as matron to the AMH in the early years from 1887 to 1891, before the first trained nurse, Mrs. Helen Stevens, was sent out by the LMS in 1891. Mrs.  Kwan was a quick learner. She was able to act as interpreter to the volunteer doctors who served the hospital and would have been there during the first three years that Kwan King-leung studied at the college. Kwan was a close friend of Sun Yat-sen,

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a fellow student in the college, and was said to have shared a dormitory with him at the AMH. As related by Dr. Kwan Siu-shek, the co-author of the book on the Kwan family, his uncle, Kwan King-leung, had arranged for the famous photograph of the ‘Four Bandits’ to be taken on the first-floor verandah of the AMH, and it was Sun’s idea to ask Kwan to join them in the photo even though he was not one of the four. Leung did not take part in Sun’s revolutionary activities but supported them with funds. When Sun left his medical practice in Macau to relocate to Canton, he was said to have left his medical books and some of his medical instruments with Kwan to keep on his behalf. Kwan’s first wife, Lee Yuet-ngor was from Hawaii, and was introduced to him by Sun. They were married by Rev. John Chalmers of the LMS during the time he was studying at the HKCM, with Sun and Wong Sai-yan, both classmates at the college, acting as witnesses, as shown by their signatures on the marriage certificate, a copy of which is on display at the Sun Yat-sen Museum in Hong Kong. At the wedding banquet, Kwan’s fellow students, including Sun, were said to have played many good-natured pranks on him, as was the usual custom for friends of the bridegroom. After graduation, Kwan became house surgeon to the newly opened Nethersole Hospital and served in that capacity for two years. It was probably during this period that the photograph shown as Figure 2.2 in this book was taken. In 1895 he went to China to join his elder brother working at Chinkiang (now Zhenjiang), in Jiangsu province, working as a medical officer for the naval personnel manning the fortresses along the Yangtse river. He returned to Hong Kong in 1897, and would have been one of the first to have set up in private practice in Hong Kong as a Chinese practitioner of Western medicine. Writing in 1908, more than ten years later, the editor of Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports of China, had already recognized that Dr. Kwan King Leung ‘has the distinction of being the Chinese medical practitioner of longest standing in the Colony’.3 His clinic initially was at 18A Stanley Street, but later he moved to 74 Queen’s Road Central. Dr. Kwan was involved in many organizations and social movements in Hong Kong which are recorded in the previous chapter. His second wife, Kong Yau-mui, and his elder sister, Kwan Tai-ku, had both been among the earliest registered midwives in Hong Kong, and most likely received their training at the Nethersole and Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital. Their names appeared on the first list of registered midwives issued in 1913, both of 1 Castle Road. The name ‘Tai Ku’ was a popular and respectful way to address these early midwives and refers to the eldest daughter of the Kwan family. Dr. Kwan’s son, Dr. Kwan Siu-yee, was a MBBS graduate of the University of Hong Kong (HKU) in 1939, and obtained his MS in 1949. He worked as a surgeon at Queen Mary Hospital after the Japanese occupation, and later as a surgeon in private practice in Kowloon.

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Ho Ko-tsun (LMSH 1902) Ho Ko-tsun was Sir Kai Ho Kai’s nephew, the son of his elder brother. He  attended Queen’s College and entered the HKCM in 1896, graduating with a good academic record in 1902. Even before graduation he had been appointed a public vaccinator in 1901, and during the plague epidemic of that year, he assisted Dr. Chung Boon-chor at the Tung Wah Hospital to help with the extra work on account of the plague. On graduation, the government bacteriologist Dr. William Hunter had just arrived in Hong Kong, and Ho became a laboratory assistant to Dr. Hunter. The Bacteriological Institute had not been built yet, but there was a tremendous amount of work to be done in plague control through the examination of rats in the public mortuary on Hill Road, up to several hundred rats a day. In 1903 he returned to hospital work as a house surgeon at the Nethersole Hospital. It was at the time when the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital was being built and Dr. Alice Sibree, the first lady doctor and female medical missionary to work in Hong Kong, was starting the training of midwives at the hospital. It is highly probable that Dr. Ho would have been able to gain experience in maternity work through working with Dr. Sibree, which would have stood him in good stead in later years. In 1907 he joined the Eastern Public Dispensary in Wanchai, which was then at 205 Queen’s Road East. This was just a small ground-floor shop that was too cramped for the work of the dispensary, so he lobbied for a bigger facility that was built in 1911 in nearby Stone Nullah Lane. In 1911–1912, immediately after the establishment of the Chinese republic, Dr. Ho had spent some time as vice minister of health in the Guangdong provincial government, but as was mentioned in Chapter 6, he had to leave the post when that government was no longer functioning and returned to Hong Kong. He continued his work at the Eastern Public Dispensary, where, realizing the need for improvements to the maternity services provided by the dispensary in order to reduce the high infant mortality rate, he proposed the building of a maternity hospital attached to the dispensary. This was eventually opened in 1919. Dr. Sibree was to assist him in supervising the midwives at the hospital. It was the success of this venture that led to the building of the original Tsan Yuk Maternity Hospital attached to the Western District Public Dispensary at the corner of Western Street and Third Street in Sai Ying Pun, which opened in 1922. As the second maternity hospital to be managed by the Chinese Public Dispensary Committee, it was larger and better equipped than the Wanchai maternity hospital and Dr. Sibree turned her energies to the training of student midwives at the Tsan Yuk Hospital, which later became the main obstetrics teaching hospital for Hong Kong. Ho Ko-tsun was to remain at the Stone Nullah Lane Dispensary and maternity hospital until his retirement in 1949. In 1930 the Wanchai maternity hospital had twenty-two beds. There were 815 deliveries in that year with only

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one maternal death.4 In comparison, we might note that in the same year, as reported in the medical and sanitary section of the same Hong Kong administrative report for 1930, the Tsan Yuk Hospital with forty-six maternity beds had 1,251 deliveries and two maternal deaths, and the Victoria Hospital for Women and Children in Barker Road with thirty-two beds delivered 69 babies with no maternal deaths.5 From these figures, we can see that the workload in the Wanchai maternity hospital was the highest of the three. Dr. Ho lived on the top floor of the dispensary building, the maternity section occupying the first floor, and general outpatient services were on the ground floor. Vaccinations (sometimes in the form of mobile vaccination stations) and other maternal and child health services were provided to the public free of charge. During the time of the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong from December 1941 to August 1945, he remained in the post despite meeting with great difficulties and a lack of funding. He was to use his own funds to provide for the service during those times. After the war, he was awarded the OBE (Order of the British Empire) for his services to the community, particularly during the wartime period. Dr. Ho was extremely popular with the residents of the Wanchai neighbourhood. This was evident from the newspaper reports on the occasion of his being awarded the OBE, from the reports of his retirement in 1949, and of his death in 1953.6 The Wah Kiu Yat Po reported that the Wanchai residents had lobbied the government in support of allowing Dr. Ho to stay at the Stone Nullah Lane Dispensary’s living quarters even after retirement; this was a telling sign of their appreciation of him as a person, and of the services he had tendered to their community. In an indirect way, it was also a testament to his frugal lifestyle, and the fact that he had never amassed a fortune in his lifetime. In 2008, fifty-five years after Dr. Ho’s death in 1953, the author interviewed a long-time resident of Stone Nullah Lane, a stone’s throw from the site of the old Eastern District Dispensary where Dr. Ho worked. This elderly gentleman, a Mr. Yam, remembered Dr. Ho well from his childhood days. He was born at the dispensary himself, and was fond of the cough mixtures which Dr. Ho prescribed as he liked their sweet taste. He also remembered his father helping Dr. Ho at his roadside vaccination stations, the laisee packs he would hand out to the neighbourhood children at Chinese New Year, and also the popularity of his maternity clinics, especially as they were free, and the majority of his patients were not well-off.

Ma Luk (LMSH 1905) Dr. Ma Luk, also known as Dr. Ma Luk-sun, was a colourful and somewhat larger-than-life personality. Dr. Ma was born in Hong Kong where his father had worked as a goldsmith. He attended St. Paul’s College and entered the HKCM in 1898. In his professional life, Dr. Ma was unique in a number of ways. As mentioned in Chapter 3, it was stated in his obituary that he had

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the rare distinction of being the first Chinese doctor employed (in 1908) by one of Hong Kong’s private expatriate group practices, in his case, set up by Dr. Gerard Fitzwilliams and Dr. James Dalmahoy Allan.7 It is not clear how long he remained in this post. It was more certain that he worked at the Tytam Waterworks and the Chinese Public Dispensary (CPD) at West Point (Sai Ying Pun),8 and he continued being associated with the CPDs until 1935. Such CPD appointments could be held on a part-time basis with private practice allowed. Some of his public services, including his involvement with the Red Cross on the mainland during the time of the early republican period, has been mentioned in an earlier chapter. Dr. Ma was an entrepreneur, starting his private medical practice at Queen’s Road Central and gradually expanding it by taking in assistants and partners, eventually to name his clinic the Ma Luk Sun Hospital (馬祿臣醫院) with a branch in Nathan Road in Kowloon. It was one of the first large group practices manned by local Chinese graduates. His partners included Dr. Wong Tsz-chuen and Dr. Cheung Wing-tai, who had both been students at the HKCM, though graduating from the University of Hong Kong (HKU). There was a strong emphasis on gynaecology and obstetrics in Dr. Wong’s practice. At its peak, he had four partners joining him, as shown by the names printed on the front of the paper bag container for medicines issued by the hospital, shown in Figure 9.1. Dr. Ma Chiu-ki, whose name appears on the bag, was his nephew who graduated in medicine from HKU in 1919. His ‘hospital’ was also furnished to impressive standards (see Figure 9.2), with the ‘cross’ motif being incorporated into its décor on the panelling and the chairs, similar to the ‘logo’ shown on the medicine bag. While there was a definite air of modernity, nevertheless there was a pandering to Chinese habits

Figure 9.1 Paper bag for containing medicines issued by the Ma Luk-sun ‘Hospital’. Courtesy of Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, donated by Ms. Man Chui Wah.

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Figure 9.2 The Interior of the Ma Luk Sun ‘Hospital’. Courtesy of Dr. Ma Ying Ping, grandnephew of Dr. Ma Luk.

with the provision of a spittoon in the waiting room, as can be seen in the photograph. In 1936 he moved his practice to the upmarket King’s Theatre Building (replaced now by the Entertainment Building) at the corner of Queen’s Road and Wyndham Street. Dr. Ko King-fun (MBBS 1928), another nephew, and later his son, Dr. Ma Chiu-chong (MBBS 1939), joined his practice there. Dr. Ma’s private life was also legendary. He was a Freemason, which is rare among Chinese, and was said to have married at least five times. His fifth wife, Lilia, was from the Hunan province in China. She led a delegation of forty ladies of Hong Kong high society on a high-profile trip to twenty cities in China in 1956, meeting with Madam Zhou Enlai. Dr. Ma had accompanied his wife, and when they reached Beijing she had taken him to visit Chairman Mao Zedong, the event being reported in all the Hong Kong newspapers.9

Wang Chung-yik (LMSH 1908; MBChB Edin 1910) Professor Wang Chung-yik was certainly outstanding among the graduates of the HKCM. Like many of the college students of the earlier period, he came from a large Hong Kong family with many links to the work of Christian missionaries in Hong Kong and southern China. His grandfather was an itinerant preacher who also distributed Chinese medicines, and his father was an ordained minister for the Chinese church in Hong Kong associated with the LMS, the To Tsai Church on Hollywood Road, next to the Alice Memorial Hospital. The chronicles of the family give a good account of the activities and achievements of the many generations and branches of the Wong and Wang family.10 In addition, it also documents the many links through marriage to

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other Hong Kong Christian families, including the families of other students who attended the HKCM. Wang Chung-yik was the youngest son of the Reverend Yuk-cho Wang. His father died when he was fifteen, and it was mainly his grandfather and his elder brothers who cared for him. He went to Queen’s College and entered the HKCM in 1903, graduating in 1908. He obtained honours in six of the twelve subjects in his professional examinations, to his dismay, just short of what was required to qualify with distinction. On reaching Edinburgh, where his elder brother Wang Chung-ching (王寵慶) was already studying at the University of Edinburgh, his prior studies in Hong Kong were recognized in part by the university, so he was required only to take some of the courses and was able to obtain his MBChB degree in 1910, after only two years of study. He was the first licentiate to achieve this recognition for the college course, and was able to blaze the trail for other HKCM graduates to follow him, such as Li Shu-fan who joined the University of Edinburgh a few months after he did. Unlike Li, he remained in the United Kingdom for some additional years after graduation, gaining further qualifications in public health, in tropical medicine, and in comparative pathology. In 1913 he joined the laboratory of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh and embarked on his studies on tuberculosis in the Scottish population, focusing on the comparison between bovine and human tuberculosis. In 1916 he was awarded a gold medal for his MD thesis, ‘A Study in Some Phases of Tuberculosis, with Special Reference to the Incidence of Bovine Infection and the Question of Latency and Prevalence of the Disease’. When the superintendent of the laboratory was called up for military duties during the First World War, C. Y. Wang was appointed interim superintendent of the laboratory with responsibility for reporting on the clinical specimens sent to the laboratory by local practitioners as well as its public health and research work. This provided him with valuable experience in many aspects of laboratory medicine, both for clinical diagnosis and in research. A previous paper provides more details on this aspect of his career.11 The crowning period of his career came with his appointment to the Foundation Chair of Pathology at the University of Hong Kong in 1919. He was the first person of Chinese descent to be appointed to a full-time chair at the university, although the appointment was not made without controversy on this account.12 He was also the first alumnus of the university (acknowledging the HKU Medical Faculty to be a direct continuation of the College of Medicine) to be appointed to a chair in his alma mater. Unfortunately, the decade in which he worked—from 1920 to 1930—was a period of political and social unrest on the mainland, with strikes that spilled over into Hong Kong. It was a period of economic hardship, and the university finances were not sufficient to sustain the growth that was required to keep pace with its necessary developments. Wang worked extremely hard, and was highly regarded by his colleagues and students. He occupied a newly constructed building funded

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by donations, housing the School of Pathology and the School of Tropical Medicine. He had to build up his department from scratch, which included planning for much-needed laboratory research facilities, and starting a collection of pathological specimens for teaching purposes. His two years of working at the Bacteriological Institute as acting government bacteriologist would have been useful to him in this regard, as in this capacity, he would also have had to handle the post-mortem examinations at the Public Mortuary and had access to specimens which could be used for teaching. He was extremely conscientious as a teacher, as well as in his clinical diagnostic work for the Government Civil Hospital university units, and also in the work he did as the acting government bacteriologist. Despite this heavy workload, he produced a textbook for students entitled Handbook of Pathology, which was published in 1925 (see Figure 9.3), as well as contributing articles to the Lancet on aspects of laboratory testing, and to the Caduceus, the journal of the Medical Society of the University of Hong Kong. Wang had continued his research interest in tuberculosis, but for the experimental laboratory work that was required for his research he had to first upgrade the facilities at the newly built School of Pathology building with extra accommodation on the roof, to a standard that was acceptable for work using laboratory animals. Unfortunately, although he had finally received funding for such facilities, they were not ready until it was too late for him to make use of them.

Figure 9.3 Handbook of Pathology (1925), a textbook for students by Professor C. Y. Wang. Donated by Dr. Ian Wang. Courtesy of Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society.

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Wang had succumbed to tuberculosis, the disease he had studied throughout his working life. When he could no longer speak on account of tuberculosis affecting his larynx, he wrote down his lectures and asked an assistant to read them out for him. He died of the disease at the young age of 42.13 On 15 December 1930, after a service in the Great Hall of the university (see Figure 9.4), a solemn procession of family, colleagues, and students made their way on foot from the university campus to the Pokfulam Christian Cemetery, where the vice chancellor delivered a poignant graveside eulogy before his burial. He was to say, ‘You gave up your life to the science and art of medicine in one of its most vital aspects. You saved others, yourself you could not save.’ The eulogy and Professor Wang’s textbook is now on display at the Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences. Professor Wang married a Scottish lady, Florence Folkard, and they had two sons, both of whom followed in their father’s footsteps in graduating from the University of Edinburgh, one in medicine and one in chemistry. Both the late Dr. Ian Wang and Dr. Hastings Wang and other members of the family had graciously supported this project to document the history of the HKCM and its graduates, which included four members of the Wang and Wong family, by providing information and photographs.

Figure 9.4 Funeral Service for Professor Wang Chung-yik at the Great Hall of the University of Hong Kong (1930). Source: Hong Kong University Archives.

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Benjamin Wong Cheong-lam (LMSH 1909; MBBS 1918) Like many of the other doctors who graduated from the HKCM, Benjamin Wong’s family also had an interesting history. According to his daughter, Dr. Dolly Wong, Benjamin Wong’s father, Wong Yun-sang, had gone to the West Indies as an indentured labourer, but came back to Hong Kong with a small fortune. He owned a big house in Kowloon City with stained-glass windows surrounded by a garden with a tennis court, and Dolly had vivid recollections of staying there as a child. Later, the compound was turned into St. Theresa’s Hospital (now a large modern private hospital in Kowloon). A hospital building was erected on the grounds, while the old house was also put to use. Later on, this old building was demolished to make room for a new hospital block, but the picture of an old building still shown on a banner on the St. Theresa’s Hospital website is most likely of this building. Benjamin’s mother, Woo Gaing-wan, was the sister of another HKCM graduate, Dr. U I-kai (LMSH 1894), and was a keen Christian who played the organ at church. She encouraged her children and grandchildren to play Western musical instruments, and the Wong family could put together an orchestra at home, made up only of family members. The whole family atmosphere was quite Westernized; Benjamin’s mother used to ride a bicycle and wore Western-style dress which was quite unusual in those days. Often, English was the language spoken at home, and Dr. Wong liked to play poker and always read the English and not the Chinese newspapers. Dr. Benjamin Wong told Dolly this story about how he had been put off having a traditional Chinese education. When he was a small boy, he was studying in a traditional Chinese ‘village-type’ school with a very strict teacher. Once when he was late for class, the teacher took hold of his ‘pigtail’ (his queue) and beat him with it. From that day on, he did not want to go back to the school anymore, and was sent to an English school instead. That was how he was put into the Diocesan School and became a classmate of George Harold Thomas, and they remained good friends ever since. (It is interesting to note that because Thomas had to leave school to go out to work when he was fourteen, he entered the HKCM later than Benjamin Wong and got his LMSH three years later than he did, although he caught up by getting his MBBS four years earlier than Wong.) Later, Benjamin’s daughter Dolly was to be a classmate of G. H. Thomas’s son Osler at HKU medical school, and they often joked about this coincidence. On graduation from the HKCM in 1909, Benjamin Wong first worked as a Chinese medical licentiate at the government dispensary in Taipo, following in the footsteps of Ho Nai-hop, Lau Lai, and Li Ho-ching. He recalled that in order to see a patient at times he had to ride on a mule to reach the villages, followed invariably by the dogs from the village. His daughter was to relate that, from as long ago as she could remember, dogs were always in the home as part of the family. On leaving Taipo, Dr. Wong worked as a house surgeon at the Ho Miu Ling and Nethersole Hospital from August 1912 to February

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1914. He then took up the job of resident doctor (Western medicine) in the new Kwong Wah Hospital (KWH) in Kowloon. He remained in that post for seven years from 1914 to 1921, and during that time he was able to enrol as an advanced student at HKU and was awarded the MBBS degree in 1918. The study requirements of advanced students are described in the section on Dr. F. M. G. Ozorio. Since Dr. Wong was working at the KWH, he would have been exempted from attending medical and surgical clinics in his second year of study. It appears that he was also able to engage in private practice from 1915 onwards, and from 1917 to 1921 he was practising at 297 Shanghai Street in Yaumati, Kowloon. With all these concurrent commitments, it is perhaps not surprising that the Tung Wah Hospital Board had now and then to issue reminders to their doctors of the regulations governing their duties at the group hospitals.14 After leaving KWH, Dr. Wong was engaged in full-time private practice as a general practitioner. In 1930 he had a practice both in Hong Kong at 72 Queen’s Road Central, and also at 466 Nathan Road in Kowloon, but from 1933 his practice was restricted to Nathan Road in Kowloon. He was extremely busy, as was the case with all the doctors engaged in general practice during this period, as there were few doctors, and those available had to attend house calls, deal with minor surgery, and deliver babies as well. His daughter Dolly recalls that the family saw little of him except at weekends, when he would sometimes take them on trips out to the New Territories where they would enjoy sampling the chicken drumsticks from the hawker cooked-food stalls at Taipo Market. There was one occasion when, as a child, Dolly developed a big boil on her leg, and her mother, worried that she might not be able to get her husband to attend to her, went to get some ointment from an herbalist to put on the boil, but when that made her leg more inflamed, there was a big row between mother and father; it was something she never forgot. Looking back, she realized how this episode shows the little spare time her father had, so that even his wife tried not to bother him with his children’s problems. Many of Dr. Wong’s contributions in other areas of public service have been mentioned in the previous chapter. He was always supportive of many of the projects started by his alumni and other medical colleagues. In fact, not only were the alumni good friends for life, many became related by marriage as well. This included Cheung Wing-tai (MBBS 1918) who married the younger sister of Benjamin Wong’s wife, Chan Sau-king; Chau Wai-cheung (MBBS 1916), whose grandson married a grand-niece of Benjamin Wong; Wan Man-kai (graduate of Viceroy’s Hospital Medical School, Tientsin), whose son married Benjamin Wong’s daughter; Jew Hawk (MD, Oregon) whose daughter married Benjamin Wong’s nephew. This was in addition to Benjamin Wong’s mother being a sister of U I-kai. Dr. Wong and Dr. Chau Wai-cheung (as related later in this chapter) are good examples of different attitudes adopted towards the Western influences

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that prevailed in Hong Kong in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (see Chapter 10). There were some like Benjamin Wong who fully espoused Western ways and lifestyles, whereas others, while receiving a similar Westerntype scientific education, would retain many features of their Chinese cultural roots as well. Perhaps this should not come as a surprise, since diversity of lifestyles and values was the accepted norm, and the HKCM graduates should not be stereotyped.

Wong Ka-cheung (LMSH 1910) Also known as Wong Kat-man (or spelled as Wong Chimin), Dr. Wong was an exception among the HKCM graduates in that he spent most of his career in mainland China, a distinction he shared with Dr. Lim Chong-eang (see later section). He was a pioneer in his area of special interest, medical history of China, including both traditional Chinese and Western medicine. Wong Kat-man was the son of the Reverend Wong Him-yue, referred to already in the earlier account of Dr. Wong’s elder brother, Wong Sai-yan (LMSH 1895). Together with Professor Wang Chung-yik and Dr. Wong Tsz-chuen (son of Wong Sai-yan), four direct descendants of Wong Yuen-sum (Dr. Wong’s grandfather) were licentiates of the college. After graduation in 1910 he first served for a period as a ship’s surgeon for the Foreign Merchant’s Ferry Company,15 and travelled as far as North and Central America. He then took up the post of Director of the Shanghai Epidemic Prevention Hospital in 1911, and after another brief period as a ship’s surgeon he was appointed chief medical officer of the Shanghai-Hangzhou-Ningpo Railway Bureau from 1915 to 1930. After this, he spent some years in private practice while pursuing his research in medical history. It was during this period that the large volume on History of Chinese Medicine: Being a Chronicle of Medical Happenings in China from Ancient Times to the Present Period, written in English by Dr. Wong together with Dr. Wu Lien-teh, was published in 1932.16 This work deals with the history of Chinese medicine from ancient times, right up to the development of modern medicine in China, and is a rare and major source of reference on the subject in the English language. A second edition was issued in 1936. In 1935 Dr. Wong founded the Chinese Medical History Society and was elected chair. He went on to establish the Museum of Chinese Medical History under the Chinese Medical Association in 1938, holding the position of curator for thirty-four years until his death in 1972. In 1937 Dr. Wong was invited to take up the post of general secretary of the Chinese Medical Association (CMA) in Shanghai, a position he served with distinction. The CMA was formed in 1932 from the amalgamation of the National Medical Association (formed in 1915) with the China Medical Association, which evolved from the China Medical Missionary Association started in 1887. The CMA took on the role of the two previous bodies and thus combined their

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work in providing a forum for medical doctors in China (both Chinese and foreign nationals with a combined membership of 1,500) to come together to discuss matters of professional interest, making recommendations on policy, publication of journals and coordination of other publications, translation of medical textbooks, medical terminology, and research. In 1934 membership of the association was reported to number 2,039.17 Its headquarters was in Shanghai, where it published the Chinese Medical Journal, a continuation of the China Medical Journal and the National Medical Journal combined. Dr. Wong was editor for the English edition of the Chinese Medical Journal, following on from Dr. Lim Chong-eang. As curator of the CMA’s Museum of Medical History, he made great efforts in collecting valuable historical artefacts relating to Chinese medicine for exhibition and display. It was the first museum of medical history in China, and since 1959 has been transferred from the CMA to the Shanghai College of Chinese Traditional Medicine. It is now housed in a modern building belonging to the college in the Zhangjiang high-tech district of Pudong, Shanghai, and is open to the public. It is highly likely that many of the interesting and valuable historical items currently on display were collected by Dr. Wong. During the Sino-Japanese War years, Dr. Wong remained in Shanghai, single-handedly managing all the affairs of the CMA, while members of the board had mostly retreated into Free China. Thus, he was able to protect the collection of valuable books and other materials of the association. Wong made many other selfless contributions to the medical community and to charitable organizations, and was also an active member of a number of church bodies, especially in the area of church music. He personally wrote and composed a large number of Chinese hymns. In 1950 he published a book, Lancet and Cross,18 describing the life and work of fifty medical missionaries to China. Altogether, he was said to have published more than 100 articles and monographs on aspects of medical history in China.19 Dr. Wong, together with his wife, his son and two daughters, and their families remained in China from 1950 until his death in 1972. He suffered a great deal during the Cultural Revolution, but always remained humble and dedicated to his work and his country. He is buried in the Revolutionary Cemetery in Shanghai.

George Harold Thomas (LMSH 1912, MBBS 1914) Although Dr. Thomas was probably one of the best known among the graduates of the college and of the University of Hong Kong, as a person he was something of an enigma at the same time. One of the mysteries was how he got his family name, Thomas, and a common misconception, entrenched in writing, was that he was Eurasian, even though in appearance he was thoroughly Chinese. In fact, his son, Dr. Osler Thomas was adamant in insisting that his father was full-blooded Chinese, and his real surname was Tam (譚 in

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Chinese). He provided the following explanation. George Harold Thomas had been adopted by a Mr. Tam from Hoi Ping in the Kwangtung province, who had gone to work in the gold fields of America and made a fortune. He returned to China to get married, but his first wife had not borne him any children, so the elder Tam adopted two boys for his wife to bring up as her own, George being one of them. Osler Thomas insisted that though he never actually discussed the details with his father, he could not in any way imagine that a Chinese man would adopt a Eurasian boy for his barren wife to bring up as her own. However, George’s father had wanted him to have a Western education, and when enrolling him into the Diocesan School, he had used the English sounding equivalent, Thomas, for his Chinese name 譚嘉士 as his surname because many of the boys in the school were either Europeans or Eurasians. Later, George’s father married again, and his stepmother had two children of her own. It appeared that after his stepmother produced a son, all attention was placed on this son, and the adopted sons were neglected. Some of his recollections of his childhood, which he shared during his retirement speech in 1950 (a copy of the typescript having been kindly provided to the author by Dr. Osler Thomas), are reproduced below: At the age of fourteen I left school [the Diocesan Boys School] because financial support was no longer available, and I stepped out into the open world parentless and penniless. I obtained a clerical job at $18 a month; the next at $25, and the third in a bank at $40. One day while perched up on one of those high stools monotomously [sic] adding up figures, I gazed around at my fellow clerks. The senior clerk was already bent and grey in the long service of the bank, and his salary was $200.—My heart was heavy as I pictured myself sitting at his desk 40 years hence. I then made a decision. I must become a doctor, and a missionary doctor, if possible. At the earliest opportunity I sought the advice of my Sunday School Superintendent Dr. John Christopher Thomson, who was also the Secretary of the Hong Kong College of Medicine. Through his influence I became enrolled as a student in the College of Medicine. That was in March 1907, and I was then 17.

Dr. Thomas went on to describe how he first entered the Tung Wah Hospital establishment after he graduated from the HKCM: A few months after graduation in 1912, I had to make another decision whether to join a missionary hospital in the Interior, or take up government service as a permanent career, for at that time the government post of Resident Surgeon to the Tung Wah Hospital was about to become vacant. That post was a much coveted one, and there were numerous other applicants, all Licentiates of the College of Medicine and much senior to me. Through the strong recommendation of Dr. Koch, then superintendent of the Government Civil Hospital and lecturer in Surgery at the College, my name was submitted by Government as its nominee to the

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Board of Directors of the Tung Wah Hospital for confirmation. The Board of Directors in those days was a very august and venerable body; and when the elderly and conservative members of the Board saw a comparative youngster walk into their Board meeting for an interview, they must have received a shock. However, they pitied my dejected look and approved me after lecturing me at length on the nature of my duties, and exhorted me to observe strictly the regulations of the hospital which, at that time, numbered several hundred.

Thus began Dr. G. H. Thomas’s long association with the Tung Wah Hospital (TWH). While working as the resident surgeon at the hospital, he registered as an advanced student at HKU, graduating with an MBBS after two years of study. He continued as a Chinese medical officer at the TWH until 1928, when he was appointed to the Government Civil Hospital (GCH) and the Chinese Lunatic Asylum as assistant to the medical officer in charge. In the archival records of the government psychiatric service, a large number of the patients who needed admission to the mental hospitals at Eastern Street and High Street in Sai Ying Pun, had been brought to him by the police, examined by him and certified for admission. Between 1938 and 1939 he was assigned to Queen Mary Hospital, Tsan Yuk Hospital, Kwong Wah Hospital, and then returned as superintendent to the Tung Wah Hospital in December 1938. During the period of the Japanese occupation when the government hospitals were commandeered by the Japanese army, only the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole hospitals and the TWH remained accessible to the civilian population of Hong Kong. Despite much hardship, with shortage of medicines and even of food for the patients and the staff, the hospital remained open from 1941 to 1945, although with the rising price of Chinese herbal medicines the hospital had to close down its outpatient clinics providing Chinese medical treatment and only maintain its Western medical outpatient services.20 Dr.  Thomas remained in post throughout the period, and was awarded the OBE in 1946 for his ‘devotion to duty’ during this difficult time. In the immediate post-war years from 1947 to 1949, with many of the expatriate doctors having to return home to recover from periods of internment during the war, Thomas was the first Chinese to rise to the rank of deputy and then acting director of medical and health services in the government. Upon retirement from government service, he returned to the TWH to take up fulltime employment there from 1949 to 1972; it was the institution that he had given the best and longest years of his working life to. G. H. Thomas was a skilful and quick surgeon, who was reputed to be able to finish an appendectomy in 10 minutes flat. Maybe this speed had something to do with the scarcity of anaesthetists at that time, so operations had to be finished quickly. He had to teach some of the hospital orderlies to administer ether anaesthetics for him. When necessary, he would induce anaesthesia on the patient at the start himself, before he began operating, while the orderly

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maintained the ether anaesthesia for him afterwards.21 Kindness and compassionate care for the poorer class of patients that made up the majority of TWH’s clientele was a signature of his career, and a former student, Dr. Gordon Low OAM, (MBBS 1958), now a retired surgeon, related this story to the author: When I was a medical student in the 1950s, Dr. Thomas taught us in the surgery outpatient clinics. A patient who had cancer involving both breasts came to the clinic for treatment. She was at a late stage of the disease, the cancer had eroded a large area of her chest and was issuing a foul smell. The clinic surgeons told her there was nothing they could do for her, but Dr. Thomas quietly mentioned to her that she could go to the Tung Wah Hospital and he would help her there. In fact, he understood how miserable life would have been for the patient, who would most likely have been treated as an outcast, and, with an operation to remove as much of the obnoxious cancer as possible, even if it did not cure her completely, it would mean all the difference to her quality of life and being accepted by her family during a time when she most needed their care and sympathy. This episode made a strong impression on me.

During the sixty years of his medical career, Dr. Thomas created a number of ‘record firsts’, as his biographers are fond of pointing out: as the first graduate of the University of Hong Kong in 1914; the first MD graduate of HKU in 1920; the first senior grade Chinese medical officer to be appointed in the government medical service in 1939, when he was superintendent of the TWH; the first Chinese to be appointed deputy director and acting director of Medical and Health Services from 1947 to 1949; and the first to be awarded fellowship of the Royal College of Surgeons of England in a ceremony outside London, in 1961. The fact that Dr. Thomas’s name crops up so often in any history of medical services in Hong Kong is not due to these firsts but rather to the scope of his involvement in all aspects of public medical services in Hong Kong, and to his complete dedication to the profession, a reputation enhanced perhaps by his eccentricities and his kindness. From the start of his career he had taken on teaching for the students of the HKCM and of HKU at the Tung Wah Hospital. He was a lecturer for HKU in almost all the subjects in the medical curriculum, filling in gaps whenever there was a need. In the words of the public orator on the occasion of the university awarding him the honorary degree of LLD in 1961: ‘From 1915 to 1918, and again from 1936 to 1937, he  was teaching pharmacology, vaccination and anaesthetics; from 1919 to 1921, obstetrics; in 1922, tropical medicine and parasitology; in 1925, ophthalmology; in 1938, mental diseases; and lastly in the early fifties, a year’s demonstrating in anatomy, and two years’ lecturing in clinical surgery. To this academic kaleidoscope he could well add philosophy; there is no cause for doubting this Thomas’s ability to lecture on his own brand of Thomism.’

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There were also the extracurricular activities that he was involved in. As a youthful teacher for the young university medical faculty, he was in close touch with the students. In 1914, together with Professor Digby, the newly appointed professor of anatomy, he was to start the Medical Society of the university, to which all the students, graduates, and teachers would be admitted as members. The two were reckoned to be the ‘fathers’ of the society. He became its first secretary. The society held regular meetings at which scientific papers were presented and hosted formal annual dinners. In 1922 the journal of the society was started and given the name Caduceus. By that time, he had been elected vice president. In 1920, Dr. Thomas married a Eurasian lady, Nora Gourdin, and had a family of four boys whom he named Osler Lister, Huxley Tyndall, Kelvin Einstein, and Berkeley Spencer. That might give readers some idea of his wide interests covering the fields of medicine, natural history, physics, and philosophy. He had an immense curiosity and was an avid reader, an amateur astronomer, and a collector of many types of specimens. He also had a big collection of different versions of the Bible. But, as his son Osler reminisced, he admitted with a tinge of sadness that his father was someone who, despite the fact that he was constantly seeking, still failed to find what he was looking for, right up to the time of his death. Together with his consistent modest opinion of himself, and the frequent underrating of his own abilities, it is not surprising that G. H. Thomas would tell others the education he received at the HKCM was not up to the standard that he would have considered adequate. And yet there was no doubt that that education had given him a sound preparation for his subsequent career—his patients benefitted from his care, his superiors were profuse with their praise for the excellence of his work, his students respected him, his alma mater was to award him with an honorary doctorate, and the Royal College of Surgeons of England made him a fellow of the college without examination. One wonders whether this was good enough proof of the worthiness of the educational institutions that had nurtured this doctor.

Filomeno Maria Graça Ozorio (LMSH 1912, MBBS 1914) Dr. Ozorio was the only graduate of the HKCM who came from the Macanese Portuguese community of Hong Kong. Macau, a small area on the Pearl River Delta of China, 64 kilometres west of Hong Kong, had become a permanent Portuguese settlement in 1557, and a special group of Macanese of usually mixed (often Portuguese and Chinese) descent had grown up in the Portuguese colony. When Hong Kong was annexed by the British in 1841, many of the large trading companies moved from Macau to Hong Kong, and some of the Macanese Portuguese came with them to seek work in Hong Kong. They were usually fluent speakers of Portuguese, Cantonese, and English and therefore were especially useful in the employ of many of the big companies

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started by the British, which had a large number of Chinese staff. In time, they were to form a small but closely knit community in Hong Kong, numbering 2,609 in the year 1921, according to that year’s census report. Filomeno Ozorio was born in Hong Kong to such Portuguese parents, Heliodoro Ozorio and Ismailia Graça, and had an unusual upbringing, his father having died when he was about four years old, with his mother’s death following a few months later. This left the family of three young boys and one infant girl to be brought up in the home of a maternal uncle, Francisco Graça. Uncle Francisco owned a flower shop on Wyndham Street in Central, and sold not only flowers but also seeds to supply to residents who had large private gardens at the time. His business was doing well, and, being a bachelor, he lived with several of his unmarried sisters in a large house.

Figure 9.5 Dr. F. M. G. Ozorio (back row, fifth from right) standing behind his uncle Francisco (seated), and other members of the extended family. Courtesy of Mr. Francis Ozorio.

Quite early on, Francisco identified Filomeno as the member of the Ozorio clan with the best academic potential and supported him not only through schooling at St. Joseph’s College but also through medical studies at the HKCM. Filomeno entered the college in 1907 and graduated in August 1912, just before the HKCM was to stop its teaching on the opening of HKU. He then decided to continue as an advanced student at the university so he could obtain the MBBS degree with two more years of study. In fact, the two years did not require students to be fully occupied with studies. According to the university regulations, in the first year, advanced students needed only to attend a

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number of lectures in public health, midwifery and gynaecology, and tropical medicine, and demonstration sessions in anatomy and pathology. In the second year, students were required to attend lectures and demonstrations in clinical medicine and clinical surgery, ‘but may be exempted from these attendances if he is employed as medical officer or assistant medical officer to any public hospital or public dispensary in the colony which is under the control of a registered medical practitioner recognized by the University Council’.22 There is no record that Ozorio took up paid employment as a medical officer or assistant medical officer at any of the Hong Kong public hospitals during this period, as his classmate George Harold Thomas had done at the Tung Wah Hospital, so we assume that he had attended lectures and demonstrations in clinical medicine and clinical surgery either at the Tung Wah hospital or the Alice Memorial and affiliated hospitals during his time as an advanced student. When the Government Civil Hospital was made available for teaching university students in 1914, he did serve as a dresser in the surgical unit under Dr. Martyn Lobb, the honorary lecturer in surgery, from July to September 1914, together with two other students, Chak Chiu-hang and A. S. Tuxford. He passed his final examination for the MBBS in December of that year with a distinction in medicine. The Government Gazette announcement of those qualified to sign death certificates showed Ozorio’s name on the list in August 1912, after he had obtained the HKCM licentiate diploma, indicating that he was in private practice at that time, but this cannot be substantiated. After he had been awarded his MBBS, he did enter into private practice at Queen’s Road Central and later at Des Voeux Road Central, the fashionable district even then for doctors to set up practice. Dr. Ozorio’s nephew, Francis Ozorio, tells his story about Tio Meny (Uncle Filomeno) with pride, how he, the only Portuguese doctor to be practising in Hong Kong at the time, was the family doctor for the entire Portuguese community. Besides general practice, he also performed a lot of surgery. We can imagine how busy he must have been. In time, he was to become a wealthy person, and lived in a big house at the junction of Austin Avenue and Kimberley Road in Kowloon. He became a leader of the Portuguese community; the president of the Portuguese Club, Club Lusitano; a committee member of the St.  Joseph’s College Association; a staunch supporter of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul; and on the board of a number of the private hospitals run by Catholic nuns, including St. Paul’s Hospital in Causeway Bay. As mentioned in an earlier chapter, he ran successfully three times for one of the two positions on the Sanitary Board which were elected by Hong Kong’s ratepayers who were on the list of jurists, and was said to have had strong support from the Chinese electorate. As mentioned in his obituary published in the South China Morning Post on 15 February 1937, Dr. Ozorio was the youngest person to have served on the Sanitary Board; he was only 24 years old when he was first elected in 1916, having run successfully against Professor Earle of HKU.23

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Filomeno Ozorio married Camilla Castro, who bore him three children, before she died of consumption at an early age. Later he was to remarry Ruth Baretto, who bore him a daughter who was less than one year old when Filomeno died. The circumstances around his death, when he was only in his forties, were rather tragic, as he was thought to have taken an overdose after having been diagnosed with inoperable cancer. His death in 1937 was a shock to the whole Portuguese community and the funeral was attended by a very large gathering. Fortunately, by that time, he had taken on a young assistant in his practice, Dr. António Paulo Guterres, a graduate of the HKU (1930) who was also a member of the Portuguese community of Hong Kong. Dr. Guterres took over his practice on his untimely death. Francis Ozorio’s elder brother, H. P. L. Ozorio, was said to have been inspired by his uncle, Tio Meny, to take up a medical career. He graduated in medicine from HKU in 1939, and information about his work with the British Army Aid Group during the Pacific War can be found in the book Dispersal and Renewal.24 After the war, H. P. L. Ozorio became a well-known anaesthetist after training in the specialty in London.

Chau Wai-cheung (MBBS 1916) Dr. Chau Wai-cheung, like many other HKCM students, came from a Christian family going back several generations. His great-grandfather was a practitioner of traditional Chinese medicine from the Tung Koon district of Kwangtung province; he was the first in the family to be converted. Dr. Chau’s grandfather, Mr. Chau Lai-tong (周厲堂) became a Methodist minister, and it was he who brought his family from Canton to live in Hong Kong. Dr. Chau’s father, Mr. Chau Ching-chuen (周清泉), married the sister of Dr. Wan Man-kai, and the couple opened a school together on Caine Road. He was an elder in the Methodist Church and was present at the laying of the foundation stone of the Methodist Church in Wanchai in Hong Kong. Dr. Chau was born in Hong Kong and attended Queen’s College, thus acquiring an English education. According to his daughter, Mrs. Dorcas Hu, he was much influenced by his uncle, Dr. Wan Man-kai, and this inspired him to take up studies in medicine at the HKCM after finishing school. He graduated with the HKU MBBS in 1916 and first took up appointment as house surgeon at the Ho Miu Ling and Nethersole hospitals. In February 1917 he joined the government service as an assistant medical officer for the New Territories, and was posted to Taipo, taking up residence at the new government dispensary that was opened at Tai Po Market, adjoining the railway station. The dispensary treated 1,402 people during the year 1917, compared to 393 in the previous year. Government midwives had by that time also been posted to the Taipo dispensary, and when they encountered any problems they could not handle, they would call in Dr. Chau to assist.

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In 1923 Dr. Chau wrote in the journal of the HKU Medical Society, Caduceus, of his experience in two such cases of difficult labour that he encountered while working in Taipo. One patient lived in Sheung Shui and Chau was called out to attend to her at her home, which was a small hut with a mud floor covered by excreta from fowl and pigs. The patient had a retained (adherent) placenta for three days after delivery with copious loss of blood before he was called as a last resort, and he had to manually remove the placenta piecemeal with the patient under chloroform anaesthesia administered by a midwife who had accompanied him. Fortunately, the patient survived. The second one was not as fortunate as she had obstructed labour due to a contracted (smaller than normal) pelvis. After failure of forceps delivery twice, with the forceps breaking into pieces after the second attempt, and in the absence of any instrument for performing craniotomy (removal of the head of the dead foetus) since the instruments were not available in the whole of the New Territories or in Kowloon, the patient was transferred to the Government Civil Hospital in Hong Kong but died after a caesarean section was performed to remove the dead baby. Although these accounts do bring out the deficiencies in the medical facilities available at the time, it also gives some indication of the type of heroic work an assistant medical officer had to attend to.25 After leaving government service the next year, Dr. Chau entered private practice in 1919, at first at Queen’s Road Central and then Des Voeux Road Central. He quickly built up a busy practice. Dorcas, his daughter remembered that he would seldom return home before 9 p.m. and had to have a bath before dinner, and so there were few evenings when his children could enjoy his company. Sunday lunch was a family affair, but even then they would sometimes have to wait until 3 p.m. before father would show up. During the Battle of Hong Kong when the Japanese was invading the island, Dr. Chau served as a member of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps in the ambulance division. The car he was travelling in was caught in crossfire when it stalled, and bullets whizzed through it. One travelled through his left lung, fortunately missing his heart, while his colleague Dr. Philip Mao sitting in the back seat had a bullet graze his head. Another occupant of the car, Luke Lim, a final year medical student, was killed. Dr. Chau and Dr. Mao were taken to the Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital where Dr. Kenneth Hui operated on him and managed to save his life. Initially, Dr. Chau continued his practice, but when he learned that the occupying forces were going to conscript Hong Kong doctors to work for them, he escaped into Free China. Later, the family joined him in Kweilin in 1943, where Dr. Chau offered his services as a doctor and Mrs. Chau did needlework making souvenirs out of parachute cloth materials in order to earn extra money to support the family. After the war, the family returned to Hong Kong and he practised from his home at 33 Leighton Hill Road, Happy Valley, not far away from the Hong Kong

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Sanatorium & Hospital where he admitted his patients when they required hospital treatment. Dr. Chau’s clinic was on the ground floor, while the family lived on the floor above. Many of his patients were also his neighbours and long-time friends, and it would have been very much what is now called a family practice. In his post-war years, Dr. Chau managed to engage in a special hobby that was most likely due to the influence handed down to him by his teacher father, a love of Chinese culture and literature. He gathered together a group of people with similar interests in poetry, adopting the Chinese name 璞社, who would meet in his home during Chinese festivals, when they would enjoy drinks and a meal together while composing poetry by each person taking turns to match a verse composed by another. A collection of these verses composed by the group of poets has now been donated by Dr. Chau’s family to the Chinese University of Hong Kong. A sample of Dr. Chau’s poetry in his own script is shown in Figure 9.6. Dr. Chau was involved in a large number of professional and public duties, accounts of which have been given in the previous chapter.

Figure 9.6a–d Poem composed by Dr. Chau Waicheung, in his own calligraphy (4 pages). Courtesy of Chinese University of Hong Kong Library.

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Lim Chong-eang (MBBS 1916) Dr. Lim came from Penang in the Strait Settlements to study at the HKCM in 1912. He was said to have been offered a place at Oxford University, but because of family objections he could not take up the offer and instead came to study medicine at the HKCM in Hong Kong.26 That same year, he was transferred to the University of Hong Kong and graduated with MBBS in 1916. Immediately after graduation, he was employed at the Government Civil Hospital, and was assigned to the Bacteriological Institute to train with Dr. Harold Macfarlane from 1917 to 1918. He was recruited by the famous plague fighter Dr. Wu Lien-teh, to work with him at the Peking Central Hospital, which was then being built as a model modern civil hospital financed and controlled by private Chinese citizens.27 Dr. Wu had been the classmate of Lim’s elder brother when they studied in Penang, and Lim gave up his prospects in Hong Kong and took up the challenge to go to Peking as Wu’s assistant at the hospital. The new hospital was officially opened in January 1918. Unfortunately, Dr. Wu was ousted from his job as medical director of the hospital soon after the opening, a scheme that he had put his whole heart into designing and building.28 Fortunately, that was the time when the new Peking Union Medical College (PUMC) was being built, and the Rockefeller Foundation had set up a number of fellowships for Chinese doctors to go overseas for training. Lim applied for and was able to secure a three-year Rockefeller Fellowship to go to the States for further training at the Johns Hopkins Hospital in bacteriology, immunology, and public health. He gained a doctorate in public health at Johns Hopkins, and during that period he also spent one year at Liverpool in 1920 to train at the School of Tropical Medicine to get his diploma. In 1922, he returned to China to join the PUMC, first as a lecturer in bacteriology, followed by a promotion to associate professor in 1927 and full professor in 1930, as well as head of the Department of Bacteriology. In 1937, following the reorganization of the PUMC, he was appointed as the first Chinese academic dean of the PUMC. He held this post for three years. In 1940 he was sent again to the United States to study medical education. The 1920s and 1930s were seminal times for the training of young, capable Chinese doctors to take up responsible positions in China, which included periods of overseas training. It is said that Lim personally encouraged and facilitated such training for over 100 young doctors who became leaders of the profession in China.29 Lim was active in research and produced a Laboratory Manual in Bacteriology and Immunology in 1935, published by the PUMC. To contribute to the needs of the Sino-Japanese war, he also translated a primer in first aid into Chinese, published by the Chinese Red Cross in 1937. He was also editor of the English edition of the Chinese Medical Journal from 1932, and became president of the Chinese Medical Association in 1935.

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Lim delivered his presidential address in Chinese at the third Conference of the Association held in Canton from 1 to 8 November 1935. In conclusion, he expressed his hope that: The record of one hundred years we are now celebrating [since the opening of the Canton Hospital by Dr. Peter Parker and the beginning of scientific medicine in China] will be eclipsed by the achievements of the next decade, and that the medical profession which has supplied this land with the father of the Chinese Republic, will take the leadership in the medical and public health reconstruction of this country.30

It was a belated but still significant public recognition of the link between the medical profession and the establishment of the Chinese republic, through the person of Sun Yat-sen, whom Lim would have regarded as an alumnus. Lim remained in Peking during the time of the Japanese occupation even though the PUMC was closed, and also after the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949 until PUMC was taken over by the government in January 1951.31 Lim stayed on in Peking and according to Wu Lien-teh, he was appointed professor of public health at Peking University.32 He was also consultant editor of the English edition of the Chinese Medical Journal. In 1988 a Chinese Medical Association Lim Chong Eang Foundation was set up in his honour, to provide support for medical personnel to receive training overseas. He died a few months later in October 1988, aged 97. Among the students who had studied at the college, Lim was the only one who was awarded a Rockefeller fellowship for postgraduate training in both the United States and England. He had the ability and the dedication to make full use of this training after his appointment to the PUMC, to the benefit of many young doctors who came after him, and to the nation, suitably fulfilling the aims and aspiration of the founders of the HKCM. The early medical training in Hong Kong had prepared him to seize the opportunity of working in Peking, and for his subsequent postgraduate training; it was the first step in a truly distinguished career.

Chan Man-shiu (Entered January 1890, Left July 1892) Although Chan Man-shiu, also known as Chan Siu-pak, did not graduate from the HKCM, he was undoubtedly an unusual personality among all those who studied at the HKCM, especially in his close association with Sun Yat-sen in his revolutionary activities, being one of the ‘four bandits’. He is an interesting case study on whether the college had contributed in any way to nurturing revolutionary thoughts in its students, and to examine whether those like Chan were really serious in their study of medicine. So we close this chapter by giving a short account of his life, especially of what is known of his period of study at the HKCM.

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Chan was born in 1869 and grew up in a family that was steeped in the oldstyle Chinese scholarly background. At the age of 6, he was enrolled in a traditional Chinese school, learning the Chinese classics as well as other subjects which mark out the scholar, like ‘music, chess, calligraphy, and painting’ (琴棋 書畫). His uncle, Chan Mung-nam (陳夢南) had a big influence on the young Chan. The elder Chan had originally embarked upon the usual examination system career pathway for entry into the imperial civil service, but once, when he was in Canton for an examination, he wandered by chance into a Baptist church where he heard the gospel message and was converted. Subsequently, he blended his Christian faith with an active interest in all things Western, but retained a firm adherence to his Chinese cultural roots. He often brought materials from Canton to give to his nephew to introduce him to the ‘new learning’ from the West. When a new Anglo-Chinese College (格致書院) was opened in Canton in 1888 by the Reverend Andrew Happer, Chan, with the encouragement of his uncle, enrolled in the college as its first student. The college taught English and aimed to introduce to its students all aspects of Western learning, including scientific subjects. He was converted to Christianity during this period. In 1889, while studying at the Anglo-Chinese College, Chan planned to visit Hong Kong. When the Reverend Au Fung-chi (Sun Yat-sen’s former mentor and Chinese teacher), who was a family friend, learned of this, he gave Chan a letter of introduction to meet with Sun Yat-sen, who was studying at the HKCM at that time, as being someone with like-minded ideas that he would be interested to meet. They became fast friends, and Sun was able to entice Chan to join him in Hong Kong as a student of the college in 1890. The story of how he was granted admission to the college on the spot by the dean, James Cantlie, almost without him being aware of it, is told by Chan in his biography.33 He was visiting Sun and the two were having a conversation when Sun told him he had to leave to attend class. Soon, Sun returned telling Chan that the Dean wanted to see him. Chan initially protested that he did not know Dr. Cantlie, but was pulled along by Sun to the interview. When he met Cantlie, he was greeted by the word ‘Welcome’, and with that simple gesture, he was admitted to the college. Sun and Chan were said to have shared a dormitory at the AMH and spent a lot of time discussing the situation of the country. At the same time, they were noted to be active and playful students, even a little rowdy, causing the Reverend Wong Yuk-cho of the To Chai Church next door to raise a complaint not a few times.34 The two of them, together with two other friends, Yeung Hok-ling and Yau Lit, became known as ‘the Four Bandits’, as the four spent a great deal of time discussing reform and ways to bring down the Qing government. The most famous photograph of Sun and the other members of the Four Bandits were taken on the verandah of the first floor of the Alice Memorial Hospital, according to classmate Kwan King-leung, who also appears in the photo.

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When Sun graduated in 1892 Chan left the college at the same time, and continued to help him at first with establishing his medical practice, and later in planning and engaging in revolutionary activities, including the first attempted Canton uprising in 1895. He accompanied Sun in his escape to Japan after the failure of this uprising, but he later returned to man the base of activities in Hong Kong and to start the Hong Kong branch of the Revive China Society (Xingzhonghui [興中會]), since Sun was banned from staying in the colony. As Chan was an excellent Chinese scholar, he was also asked by Sun in 1899 to start and assume the post of chief editor of a newspaper in Hong Kong called the China Daily (中國日報), which had its offices at 24 Stanley Street35 (where the present Luk Yu Tea House is situated), which became a mouthpiece for the revolutionary group. One might query whether Chan was ever serious as a medical student and whether he was at the college just to be near to Sun so they could collude on their plans for reform and revolution. However, a clue may be obtained from looking at one of the examination papers that he wrote in anatomy, which are among the Cantlie papers stored in the Wellcome Library in London.

Figure 9.7 Anatomy examination paper submitted by Chan Man-shiu (Chan Siu-pak). Source: Wellcome Library, London.

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A careful study of the answer he wrote on that occasion would show that not only did he have a reasonably good command of English, his knowledge of anatomy was also quite acceptable, and might arguably even exceed the standard achievable by some of our more recent students with their crowded curriculum and less time to devote to this subject. Besides, he was also a joint recipient of a physiology prize, presented at the college’s first graduation ceremony in 1892. If he had stayed at the college, it was quite possible that he would have graduated to be a medical doctor of some distinction. When Ho Kai was helping to raise funds for starting the University of Hong Kong in 1910, he asked Chan to join the Chinese fundraising committee. Chan was responsible for translating Lugard’s appeal and his substantial introduction to the university into Chinese for fundraising among the Chinese supporters. After the successful uprising in October 1911 in Wuchang, Guangdong province also declared independence from the Manchu government in November, and for a brief period Chan accepted a post in the foreign ministry in the military provincial government. Once Sun Yat-sen was sworn in as the provisional president, he retired from politics, taking up a new career in business in the communications field. One can surmise what he might have learned during the two and a half years at the HKCM. He would have learned basic scientific subjects like anatomy and physiology, botany, and materia medica, and developed a deeper appreciation of the scientific method, building on his Anglo-Chinese College days in Canton. He would also have had access to the many other books on philosophy, natural, and social sciences that Sun and others were reading, and more opportunities to engage in discussions and discourse on matters of national significance. Through attendance at classes given in English, he would have had a chance to polish his skills in the language as well. All these would have helped him in his later writings, in his dealing with foreign nationals during his travels on behalf of the revolutionary organizations that he helped to start and organize, and to broaden his outlook. Perhaps, as Dr. Sun admitted when he spoke to the students on his visit to the University of Hong Kong on 20  February 1923, living in the relatively peaceful and orderly environment of Hong Kong opened his eyes to what was possible within a society that was governed by the rule of law. Cantlie was said to have not only given his students a wide knowledge of Western science, including the work of Harvey, Jenner, Hunter, Darwin, and Lister, but also taught his students cricket ‘as an example of twoparty government’;36 his ambulance drills and first aid classes would have been useful in the thick of revolutionary uprisings. Chan may not have completed his course at the HKCM, but he was not there just as an excuse to be in Hong Kong and plan revolution; his time as a student at the college would certainly have contributed to his intellectual development as a scholar and a revolutionary.

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Notes 1. 關肇碩、容應萸,《香港開埠與關家》 (香港:廣角鏡出版社,1997)。 2. For a good account of the exploits of Daniel Richard Caldwell, see Christopher Munn, Anglo-China: Chinese People and British Rule in Hong Kong 1841–1880 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press; 2009). See also Carl T. Smith, Chinese Christians, Elites, Middlemen and the Church in Hong Kong, 2nd ed. (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005), 199–200, for an account of the Caldwell household. 3. Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartwright, ed., Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong  Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports of China (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing, 1908), 180. 4. ‘Report of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for the Year 1930’, Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1930, Appendix C, C7. 5. ‘Medical and Sanitary Report for the Year 1930’, A. R. Wellington, Section V: Maternity and Child Welfare 53–56, in Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1930 Appendix M. 6. See articles in the Wah Kiu Yat Po, dated 5 September 1949 and 7 June 1949. 7. Obituary published in the South China Morning Post on 5 February 1963. 8. List of persons qualified to sign deaths certificates, Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1908. 9. See, for example, South China Morning Post and the Hong Kong Telegraph, 16 May 1956 and 17 May 1956. 10. Catherine Wong, The Wong’s and Wang’s Chronicle (Hong Kong: privately published, 2001). 11. Faith C. S. Ho, ‘Hong Kong’s First Professor of Pathology and the Laboratory of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh’, Journal of Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh 41 (2011): 67–72. doi:c10.4997/JRCPE 2011.114 12. Ibid. 13. ‘Obituary: Chung Yik Wang’, Caduceus 10 (1931): 1–2. 14. See, for example, minutes of the Board of the TWH, 1920–1921, 4 December Meeting, 2–3. 15. Much of the details of Dr. K. M. Wong’s career is taken from Catherine Wong, The Wong’s and Wang’s Chronicle, 227–29; and from 劉蜀永編,《一枝一葉總關情》 (香港:香港大學出版社,1993),頁145–50。 16. Wong K. Chimin and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine, 2nd ed. (Shanghai: National Quarantine Service, 1936; Southern Materials Center, Taipei, 1985). 17. Ibid., 781. 18. Wong K. Chimin, Lancet and Cross: Biographical Sketches of Fifty Pioneer Medical Missionaries in China (Shanghai: Council on Christian Medical Work, 1950). 19. 劉蜀永編,《一枝一葉總關情》,頁145–50。 20. 丁新豹,〈日佔時期的東華三院〉,載《善與人同:與香港同步成長的東華三院 (1870–1997)》 (香港︰三聯書店,2010),頁243–60。 21. From a speech given by Dr. Philip Mao on 19 April 1961, at a dinner to celebrate the award of honorary degrees by the University of Hong Kong to five members of the medical profession, including Dr. Thomas. A copy of the speech was provided to the author by Dr. Osler Thomas.

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22. Minutes of the 15th Meeting of the Council, Hong Kong University, held on 12 August 1912. 23. As quoted in Barnabas H. M. Koo, The Portuguese in Hong Kong and China: Their Beginning, Settlement and Progress to 1949, vol. 2 (Macau: University of Macau and Instituto Internacional de Macau, 2013), 107–8. 24. Clifford Matthews and Oswald Cheung, ed., Dispersal and Renewal: Hong Kong University During the War Years (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1998). 25. Chau Wai Cheung, ‘Two Cases of Difficult Labour’, Caduceus 2, no. 1 (1923): 44–45. 26. 劉蜀永編,《一枝一葉總關情》,頁30–34。 27. Wu Lien-teh, Plague Fighter: The Autobiography of a Modern Chinese Physician (Cambridge: W Heffer & Sons, 1959), 460–66. 28. Ibid., 465. 29. 劉蜀永編,《一枝一葉總關情》,頁32。 30. Wong and Wu, History of Chinese Medicine, 781. 31. Mary E. Ferguson, China Medical Board and Peking Union Medical College: A  Chronicle of Fruitful Collaboration, 1914–1951 (New York: China Medical Board of New York, 1970), 226. 32. Wu Lien-teh, Plague Fighter, 466. 33. 李敖,〈香港第一個西醫大學:香港西醫書院 (College of Medicine for Chinese, Hong Kong) 〉,載《孫逸仙和中國西化醫學》 (北京:中國友誼,1999)。 34. Ibid., 139–62. 35. 羅香林,《國父在香港之歷史遺蹟》 (香港:香港大學出版社,2002),頁31。 36. Jean Cantlie Stewart, The Quality of Mercy: The Lives of Sir James and Lady Cantlie (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983), 46.

Chapter 10

Conclusions

Although this story revolves around a group of people, the institution that linked them together and the place where it all happened are also important players in the story. In drawing our lessons from the stories, we cannot separate the people and the institution from the place. The key people are those who taught, studied, and graduated from the institution, the Hong Kong College of Medicine (HKCM), at a significant period in the development of a small but unique place called Hong Kong. In concluding, we hope to be able to recap and to review: first, whether the institution was able to achieve the objects for which it was established; second, how it was able to achieve it; and last, the wider benefits and implications of what was achieved, particularly for Hong Kong.

Bringing Western Medicine to Chinese The Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese was started with the lofty aim of bringing Western medicine and medical science to Chinese in Hong Kong and the whole of China. The aims of the HKCM’s founders were spelled out eloquently in the dean’s inaugural address, which is reproduced in full in Appendix 1. From the speech, the founders made it clear that they were embarking on a mission to equip a small band of men to take the benefits of Western medicine to the Chinese people—not only in Hong Kong, but for the whole of China.1 Looking at the record of what the graduates of the college did, as recounted in the previous chapters, we can say with confidence that the HKCM graduates did succeed in bringing Western medicine to the Chinese people, particularly those residing in Hong Kong. By their personal efforts, whether through their pioneering work in the early hospitals and dispensaries, in the remote outposts of the New Territories, along the railway lines under construction, working in the laboratory, delivering babies on floating homes, in medical teaching and academic work, or as private practitioners in the centre of town, they had not only brought relief to suffering for many individuals, they also succeeded in breaking down cultural barriers and generating confidence in Western medicine among the community as a whole. Throughout the several decades when their influence was most felt, they helped to change attitudes among the Chinese

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in Hong Kong to the acceptance of Western ideas of hygiene and prevention of disease, and Western methods of treatment for disease. At the same time, they also changed the attitude of the Hong Kong government towards providing health services to the Chinese population, and towards the employment of Chinese practitioners of Western medicine. Of course, they could not have done all this alone. As we mentioned at the beginning, the teachers and senior officers of the HKCM, together with the staff of the Alice Memorial and its affiliated hospitals, also made great personal efforts in promoting the objects of the college. The population of Hong Kong was also gradually evolving into a more pluralistic society that welcomed new advances. But the graduates themselves were the public face of this endeavour, in direct contact with the people of Hong Kong whom they were serving and the key to its success. Through all these efforts, they were able to lay the foundations of Hong Kong’s present medical and health services. Improving the health of the whole community was fundamental to the continued economic development of the city, so as to reach its status as the major centre for international commerce that it is today. This was especially important for a trading port, as it was essential to prevent epidemics that imposed unwelcome quarantine restrictions on the free movement of goods and people, which was part of the lifeblood of the city. This contribution to Hong Kong by the HKCM through its graduates would unlikely be challenged, and we can safely say that the college had achieved a breakthrough in bringing the benefits of Western medicine to Chinese in Hong Kong.

Bringing Western Medicine to China If we have to assess in quantitative terms how much the graduates had achieved of that greater object that the founding dean, Patrick Manson, had challenged them to do, in improving the health of the huge populace in China and in helping with the modernization of the country, we would have to admit that it was not substantial. As originally envisaged, it was perhaps too ambitious a scheme for a small institution, as their numbers were small and China is a vast country. This does not mean, however, that the college failed entirely. The accounts that have been given in earlier chapters do indicate many genuine attempts to bring the benefits of Western medicine to China, starting with the first two graduates, Sun Yat-sen and Kong Ying-wah, who, with the encouragement of their dean, James Cantlie, offered their services to Viceroy Li Hung-chang but were not able to overcome the bureaucratic barriers that were put in their way. Later on, with the establishment of the Chinese Republic, there were others like Li Shu-fan and Chan Tsun-kon who left promising positions in Hong Kong to work in the mainland either in government positions or in medical schools, but were later compelled to leave by changes in the political scene. We might also take note of the later successful integration of Wong Kat-man and Lim Chong-eang into important positions in the medical

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profession and in medical education inside post-Manchu China, even up to the period where they had to suffer the vicissitudes of the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s. Their small number and the special social and political situations at the time tended to obscure the significance of their efforts. Those individuals gave their best through their skills and hard work in spite of the unfavourable conditions, and the seeds sown by their efforts may still bear fruit in a way we are not yet able to imagine. None of those who toiled in China were to achieve vast personal wealth or fame. In the case of Sun Yat-sen, the college’s most famous son, it cannot be said that fame was what he aimed for, and despite collecting millions in the form of donations for his cause, no one has denied that Sun died without a personal fortune. Different historians may give different evaluations of his achievements, but it has to be admitted that, whatever shortcomings he had as a political theorist or even as a revolutionary or political leader, he undoubtedly inspired many to make tremendous personal sacrifices for the country, and furthered the cause of the modernization of China. For the other licentiates who followed with their less spectacular careers, by their simple everyday deeds they were adding to the building up of a society that was not afraid of embracing new advances that would bring health and other practical benefits to the people around them, and to the country as a whole. Looked at from another angle, the difficulties and barriers encountered by the college licentiates that prevented them from working inside China led instead to spreading the benefits of their training to other countries in the region where Chinese people had moved to, such as Singapore and the Federated Malay States (which helped to stimulate the start of local medical colleges in those places). Later, it led to a significant concentration of talent and manpower within Hong Kong itself. It could be said that China’s loss became Hong Kong’s gain. The loss, however, may not be forever. The building up of a world-class medical and health system in Hong Kong that followed on from the early beginnings initiated by the college, and the development of centres of learning and research within the city would still be a potent force to contribute to the process of the continued modernization of China, as we will come back to later in this chapter.

Other Benefits Brought About by Western Medicine It was also a clear object of the HKCM at the start that, together with medicine, there would be other benefits that would follow. As enunciated in the dean’s inaugural address, he stressed the importance of introducing science to China through the medium of medicine: Medicine might be called the mother of the sciences; from her have sprung anatomy, physiology, botany and biological science in general; besides

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much of chemistry and a host of subsidiary sciences. As these followed her in Europe, so will they follow her in China. It would be hopeless to introduce them on their own merits, but they can be smuggled in with medicine.2

But acquisition of scientific knowledge alone might not be what he had in mind. Equally important would be the introduction of the important attitudes that science brings.

Introducing Science and Ethics along with Medicine Western medicine, like traditional Chinese medicine (TCM), has a long tradition; its roots can be traced back to the teaching of Hippocrates and Galen, working in Europe in the fifth century BC and the second century AD, respectively. In those times, Western medicine and TCM shared quite a few similarities—for example, in their views that disease originates from an imbalance of certain humours and the use of herbal remedies. The major divergence in the two traditions did not start until revolutionary scientific discoveries were made, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, following the Renaissance in Europe.3 In the realm of TCM we cannot find a comparable development. Thus, modern Western medicine is usually equated with the adoption of scientific methods. Medical education in Hong Kong brought into existence a group of Chinese physicians who embraced not only the science but also the philosophical traditions and ethics of Western medical practice. One may argue that what distinguishes modern Western medicine from other traditional systems of medicine is not merely (perhaps not even mainly) the adoption by Western medicine of a scientific method in the study of disease and its treatment but, more significantly, a basic philosophical approach to evaluating knowledge that science requires, and the accompanying ethics of practice that underpins the disciplines of science and medicine. Implicit to ‘science’ is a culture of sharing knowledge as the accepted norm; a commitment for one’s findings to be made public (e.g., no secret remedies proudly kept in the family) and to be made available for criticism and validation by others; willingness to admit errors and to discard theories that go against the available evidence; and the emphasis on evidence for guiding practice. By inculcating these attitudes in the training of doctors, a fundamental transformation of the ethos of the profession also follows. These attitudes are the prerequisite to advancing scientific learning, and need to be firmly rooted for any community to be able to contribute to the worldwide expansion of useful knowledge in scientific medicine. If we examine the Hong Kong of today, it can be acknowledged that such a culture has taken root within its medical profession in general, a cultural transformation building on the foundation of its early institutions of learning. As a consequence, Hong Kong can claim to be a centre for advancing the frontiers of modern medical science, and not just for

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the delivery of high-quality medical care. At least some of the credit should go to the HKCM for laying the foundation for this transformation. Manson’s wish has at least in part come true.

Social and Cultural Changes Introduced along with Western Medicine The HKCM had provided the foundation for the development of Hong Kong’s advanced medical and health services and for its contributions to scientific achievements in medicine. But the impact of the college graduates on Hong Kong did not end there. They were among the earliest of a new class of elites, of a different genre from the compradors of old who acted mainly as go-betweens for the European traders and their Chinese staff and business associates. The new group, as represented by the college graduates, was educated not just with a working knowledge of English, but was able to master the language to the extent of continuing their lifelong education, and interaction with the global community, in that language. They were receptive to new ideas, moving in and out of European society at ease, but remained firmly part of the Hong Kong Chinese community. Even though some of the graduates of the college adopted Western lifestyles and pastimes more than others (e.g., playing poker and reading English newspapers), virtually all identified themselves as Chinese and supported Chinese institutions in Hong Kong as well as on the mainland with passion and commitment. They adapted (rather than copied) Western institutions like the Hong Kong Club or the Hong Kong Branch of the British Medical Association to a Chinese version that best suited their needs and started other institutions that specifically targeted Chinese interests, like the ‘Cutting The Queue But Retaining Chinese Dress Association’. They engaged in public service in Hong Kong alongside Westerners, took up leadership roles in their churches on equal terms with Western pastors and missionaries, and immersed themselves in institutions that were established along Western traditions like the St. John’s Ambulance Brigade, and supported their compatriots in mainland China with their humanitarian activities under the banner of local branches of international organizations such as the Red Cross. Without necessarily being conscious of the fact, they were the pioneers of a new generation of crosscultural advocates who were to characterize Hong Kong.

Embracing Western Culture or Cultural Imperialism? In considering these cultural changes described above, we may need to look more closely at another aspect modern medical historians have highlighted. The social aspects of medical history have received a great deal of attention from scholars in recent years, including the study of the social and cultural

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aspects of colonial expansion, and how it relates to medicine.4 As declared by Roy Macleod in his introduction to the book Disease, Medicine and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion,5 ‘Western medicine as we know it, is a cultural force. At the same time, it has become a culture in itself. For these reasons, the interplay between medicine and culture, today figures prominently on the research agenda of modern medical history. . . . Nowhere is the reciprocal process more evident than in the history of western medicine transmitted overseas . . . “medical imperialism”, in the colloquialism of our day, . . . implies the extension of western cultural values to the non-western world.’6 Others have also proposed that since ‘medical training provided the first, sometimes only exposure of the colonized elite to science’; it also shaped anti-colonialism and nationalism, as shown in the predominance of medical personalities in postcolonial development of former colonies, such as India or the Philippines.7 One has to admit that the start of a school of Western medicine targeted at recruiting students from a nineteenth-century Chinese community to introduce something distinctly Western to an Eastern society could be seen as an attempt to replace that society’s own culture with something quite foreign. The changing of that society’s attitudes, building confidence in a different system despite centuries-old customs and beliefs traditionally held by the community, certainly amounts to a major cultural shift. But should this be equated to cultural imperialism? Even though the definition of imperialism is still a matter of debate, it carries with it the idea of one group using its position of power to impose its culture on another group that is in a less favourable position. Although this is not the main theme of this story, it may be useful to consider briefly whether the motivation for starting the HKCM fits in with current notions of cultural imperialism. We have already noted that at the time the HKCM was started, the government of the day had little interest in providing Western medical services to Chinese in Hong Kong, let alone Western medical education for Chinese. In fact, the first institution in Hong Kong that received government support to specifically provide medical care to the Chinese population was the Tung Wah Hospital (TWH), and this ‘Chinese Hospital’ was established to provide TCM services rather than Western medical services. Even after the outbreak of bubonic plague in 1894, when a commission of enquiry into the TWH had recommended, and the TWH Board was persuaded to accept, the placing a government-funded resident surgeon qualified in Western medicine on its staff, this service was still to be offered on a voluntary basis.8 The only exception was in cases where there was clear danger to public safety involved (e.g., in the management of patients diagnosed with the plague). This lack of coercion and rather passive approach the authorities had taken to the provision of Western medical services to Chinese in Hong Kong had been well documented. If there was any element of cultural imperialism involved in promoting Western

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medicine to Chinese in Hong Kong, it certainly did not originate from the colonial government itself. But what about the small band of volunteer medical and other professionals who had started the college? Were their actions tainted with imperialistic intentions? One has to admit that some of the characters who featured in this story more than others could have been motivated by imperialistic ideas. Frederick Lugard, who established Hong Kong’s first university was quite forthright in advocating for the spread of British influence in the Far East through his university scheme, and might have qualified best for this label; after all, he was a career servant of the British Empire, and that was his job. But that does not mean that imperialism was necessarily the only motivation for his actions. Nor does it mean that others who joined him in his projects necessarily shared his imperialistic motivations. Recently, the label of ‘imperialist’ has also been placed on Patrick Manson;9 as some historians have painted him and much of his actions as having been motivated by imperialistic motives, even going as far as labelling the specialty of ‘tropical medicine’, which he is credited with founding, as an imperialistic concept. However, that referred mostly to the period of his life when he was working in London, after he left Hong Kong. Although the description of Manson as an altruistic hero by some of his biographers may have been a little overdone, it is entirely reasonable to believe that, for his earlier career in China and Hong Kong, he was basically very much a physician (albeit one with a bent for scientific research), someone whose mission was to relieve suffering and pain. It was obvious that in being surrounded by these states of humankind all around him during his long sojourn in China, and knowing the inadequacy of the help at hand, he was genuinely moved to bring the benefits of Western science to provide relief from disease, suffering, and economic backwardness that poor health and inadequate medical facilities are inevitably associated with. In the case of James Cantlie, we know from his biographers that he had a long interest in medical education starting from his career at the Charing Cross Hospital Medical School in London, and it was something that he enjoyed doing. It was very much with this in mind that he had thrown himself wholeheartedly into helping to start the medical school that Manson and others had already subscribed to. We also know from the speech he gave at the first prize-giving of the college in 1888, exactly one year after Manson’s inaugural speech, that he felt that bringing science to the Chinese people was a moral duty, and urged: the people of the British Empire to see the importance of having a medical and scientific educational establishment in Hong Kong; to consider this attempt to introduce science amongst the Chinese as a civilising agency of primary importance and to look upon it as their moral duty to extend the advantages science has brought themselves. . . . Will not the people of the Western Empire send an emblem of peace to this ancient people instead of

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implements of war, will they not send the blessings of modern research for the alleviation of human suffering.10

We may detect in both Cantlie and Manson a firm belief in the superiority of Western science, and possibly of Western civilization as a whole, but their main motivation for sharing Western science was because of the benefits which they both knew science could bring, plus whatever goodwill this might engender between the Chinese and the British peoples, rather than as a tool for dominance. Certainly Cantlie was keen not only to share his scientific knowledge with his students but also his values stemming from his cultural background, which is something no one can avoid. As noted earlier, his biographer even remarked that he taught the HKCM students how to play cricket as an example of two-party government!11 He was also keen to impart to his students his long-held interest in first aid and ambulance service, and certainly started this training in Hong Kong. This may again be a foreign notion, but it was also considered part and parcel of the humanitarian work of a doctor. What can we say about Ho Kai, Francis Clark and the many others, who were also intimately involved? It was obvious that Ho Kai, even though he was a loyal Hong Kong citizen, was no blind follower of British traditions.12 He had very much the interests of the whole of China at heart and wrote a great deal on the need for reform. In supporting the start of the HKCM and later of a university in Hong Kong, he could see the benefits they would bring to Hong Kong as well as China, quite apart from whatever imperialistic intentions that Lugard had openly advocated. So the many people (of various nationalities) who were involved in the college and in the later university might have been united in their efforts but should not be lumped together in their intentions. Recent historians of Hong Kong have also been quick to point out that Hong  Kong as a colony was far from comparable to other colonies resulting from European expansion in Asia, including its settlement colonies like Australia, and had its own unique features. In the case of Hong Kong, neither the view of a forced imposition of Western ideas on the Chinese population nor the view of a complete non-interventionist approach could be considered entirely accurate. Instead, there was a great deal of interaction between the Westerners and the local population that formed the majority group. This interaction between the cultures paved the way to the creation of a slowly emerging Hong Kong identity.13 The Chinese population of colonial Hong Kong very much helped shape the cultural landscape of Hong Kong, in the same way that Chinese entrepreneurs in Hong Kong helped shape its commercial success. Nor were the Chinese population a homogeneous group. As pointed out by Carroll, ‘Colonies were not just about exploitation; they were also about how people learned to work within the cracks.’14 So even though acknowledging the fact that the imparting of medical knowledge carried with it a lot of cultural baggage, this did not necessarily add up to

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cultural imperialism. This study of this group of professional elites who graduated from the HKCM could be seen to provide additional material to help us understand how Hong Kong’s unique identity slowly came into being. Hong Kong can therefore rightfully take pride in its role as a meeting place for things East and West, and in the case of medicine, the many practical and lasting benefits that Western medicine brings should be a justifiable cause for celebration. We have seen how improbable it would be that the students of the HKCM were merely unwittingly exploited to achieve the aims of others. As has been pointed out in earlier chapters, there were plenty of other more lucrative careers available at that period for Chinese youths in Hong Kong who had a good command of the English language. Conversely, the HKCM students had to undergo a five-year course at their own expense to obtain a qualification that did not guarantee any firm prospects at its conclusion. If they and their families had not been convinced of the merits of what they were doing, why should they have embarked on such a course of study?

Pluralism and Nationalistic Pride This account of the graduates of the HKCM also provides examples to show they were by no means a homogeneous group. Among them, it was only the rare exceptions that went on to become revolutionaries and national heroes (as in the case of Sun Yat-sen, who was totally dedicated to his work for the Chinese nation). For many others, we have seen how their loyalties were both to Hong Kong and to China. Where opportunities arose for them to be of help to China, quite a few of them willingly offered their services in the mainland, for shorter or longer periods. For the majority, they were content to be of service to their compatriots in Hong Kong and to contribute to the welfare of the city (although they might have contributed to the revolutionary or national cause in other ways). Their heterogeneity was also reflected in their very different interests and hobbies, as individual members of the group showed distinct differences in their lifestyles (and even mode of dress) that reflected their Chinese roots and culture, as well as aspects of the West that they personally embraced. Indeed, we have also seen how the group was able to spearhead the development of institutions and associations that were very much focused on specific needs of the Chinese community in Hong Kong and on the mainland. From the graduates’ point of view, did they consider themselves to be unwitting tools or passive agents in the process to inculcate Western ideas in the Chinese race to the ultimate benefit of a culture other than their own? Or did they embrace their new profession with full conviction that this was the way of advancement for their country and its people? One should not expect all the graduates to have been consciously motivated by these high ideals, and many of them may have held more mundane ambitions. Nonetheless, they would have shared the conviction that what they had learned and what they were doing

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was of real benefit to their countrymen, and many educated persons in China would have shared this view. Besides, the fact that they embraced Western learning and ideas did not necessarily mean it would be followed by discarding of their Chinese heritage. Whether they were engaged in Western medical practice or in TCM practice should not be a matter of national pride, nor should this influence their choice. Science demands a pursuit of truth that transcends national boundaries and cultures, and real science cannot serve other ulterior motives. In the same way, the practitioner of scientific medicine aims to embrace whatever is the best for the patient, without reference to race or nationality or tradition. It should not be forgotten that, among the graduates, there were also representatives of the smaller ethnic communities of Hong Kong, such as the Portuguese and the Indian communities. All were able to find their place and their own niche in Hong Kong while sharing similar aims in bringing the benefits of Western medical science to the local community.

Could the University of Hong Kong Have Been Started without the College, and Brought about the Same High Standard of Medicine in Hong Kong Today? The existence of the HKCM was only for a short period of twenty-eight years, and although it laid the foundation, its seminal work had to be continued and consolidated by the institution that it had been incorporated into, the University of Hong Kong. This being so, we need to also ask whether the nowcentury-old University of Hong Kong could have delivered such an outcome as mentioned in the previous paragraphs on its own, without the help of its antecedent, the College of Medicine? But before we attempt to answer this question, we may even have to ask another question first: Could the university have even been started when it did if the College of Medicine had not agreed to amalgamate with it? For this we can take a clue from the mastermind of the university himself: Sir Frederick Lugard, who wrote the following for the ‘Souvenir’ distributed at the university’s foundation stone–laying ceremony on 16 March 1910: Though the moment seemed inopportune—owing to the serious trade depression which has affected the Colony for the past two years—for launching a scheme involving the collection of a large capital, it will be seen from the account given of the history of the project that there were two reasons which forced it to the front. a) Mr. Mody’s offer to erect the buildings was one which if refused was not likely to recur. b) The Hong Kong College of Medicine was about to build at once on a site which admitted of no extension. If it carried out this intention, amalgamation with the University would be practically impossible, and

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the project of establishing a University—shorn of one of its principal objects, viz. the teaching of medicine—would have been relegated to the distant future, probably never to be realised.15 [Italics added]

The phrase ‘relegated to the distant future, probably never to be realised’ is critically important. Lugard was correct in his assessment that without the Faculty of Medicine it would have been very unlikely the university project could have been realized; at very least, it would have been ‘relegated to the distant future’. And if the founders of the university imprudently tried to start with its own separate medical faculty in 1912, in competition with the college, the presence of two medical schools competing with each other within a small community such as Hong Kong at the beginning of the twentieth century would have led to a costly waste of resources and continued weakness of both institutions without the chance of gaining the standards that were required for real progress. That this competition should be avoided at all costs was something that Lugard was well aware of, as we had related in an earlier chapter. Besides, without the stated aim of amalgamating with the HKCM, would the university committee have been able to harness the full-hearted support of people like Sir  Kai Ho Kai leading the large group of Chinese benefactors, which comprised the 100-strong Chinese fundraising committee, quite a number of whom had been involved in fundraising for the college already? Without the contribution from this group, the target for the size of the endowment that had to be reached for Sir Hormusjee Mody to commit the promised funds for the university building would not likely have been met.16 If the university proposal had failed to materialize in 1912 and Hong Kong had to wait for another attempt to start a university ‘in the distant future’, say twenty years later in 1932, what would have been the outcome? Not only might there not have been a willing donor for the building, as Lugard cautioned in the first paragraph quoted above, but also the situation in China would have been so much different in 1932 that the impetus for starting a university in Hong  Kong to help in China’s modernization would have carried much less weight. Besides, there would not have been sufficient time to build a solid foundation for the university before the advent of the Japanese hostilities within the same decade. This would in turn have meant that there would be a much weaker basis for Hong Kong’s post-war development and expansion, or for coping with the massive influx of refugees swelling the population and putting so much additional demands on its healthcare services during those times. The fact that Western medical education started in Hong Kong when it did in the latter part of the nineteenth century was of strategic importance to maximizing its impact. It gave Hong Kong the necessary time to develop this important process, in time for meeting the challenges of the twentieth century. It provided the basis on which the university could build its medical faculty on a much stronger footing, rather than starting from scratch. Besides, the presence in Hong Kong of such heavyweights as Manson and Cantlie gave

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the college the head start that it needed, galvanizing support from the community to get it going with a reasonable hope of success. At the same time, the college licentiates had acted as trailblazers to stimulate the government to develop its medical services to make use of the available manpower, which in turn provided the opportunities for the graduates to remain in Hong Kong to serve the local Chinese community, and to help in the process of transforming Chinese attitudes towards Western scientific medicine. Thus, despite whatever deficiencies one might point out in the college curriculum, or in the lack of full-time teachers, in the less-than-optimum standard of teaching accommodation, or the standard of research and academic excellence, the timing of the start of the educational process was probably of equal if not greater importance, and the College of Medicine was there to perform this role at a strategic time. By the time of its amalgamation with the university, it had already done much of the necessary groundwork to prepare the way for the university to take the process to the next step of its development, international recognition and academic standing.

Western Medicine and Chinese Medicine The success of the graduates from the HKCM in popularizing Western medicine in Hong Kong had spearheaded the increase in provision and utilization of such services, in both the public as well as the private sectors. How did this affect the role of the TCM practitioner and the use of TCM services in Hong  Kong? The idea had often been broached that the ‘ascendancy’ of Western medicine had led to the decline of Chinese medicine, but is there evidence to support this? Unfortunately, there are few scholarly studies of these aspects covering the early period when Western medicine was introduced to the Hong Kong Chinese population. However, if we take a look at the increasing number of TCM practitioners practising in Hong Kong from 1901 to 1931 as shown in government census reports (see Table 10.1),17 the answer to this question would be a resounding ‘no’. These statistics are, of course, far from perfect, as they depend purely on how many persons claimed to be medical doctors when census officers visited them on the night the census was carried out. Perhaps the period chosen might have been too early to detect a significant impact of Western medicine on TCM. Nevertheless, common knowledge would support the view that despite the increasing availability of Western medical services in Hong Kong throughout the twentieth century, adding many new and necessary improvements from public health to hospital care, and from acute to rehabilitative medicine, it did not replace the use of Chinese medicine by many of its citizens.

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Table 10.1 Comparison of the number of Chinese practitioners of medicine and non-Chinese medical practitioners for 1901, 1911, 1921, and 1931* Census Year 1901 1911 1921 1931

Chinese Population

Non-Chinese Population

Occupation listed in census as: ‘Medicine’ or ‘Doctor’

Occupation listed in census as: ‘Medicine’ or ‘doctor’

431 (M: 410; F: 21) 719 (M: 649; F: 70)

26† 28†

Doctor (Chinese practice)

Doctor (Western practice)

979 (M: 932; F: 47) 1,480 (M: 1,424; F: 56)

28 (M: 28; F: 0) 242 (M: 227; F: 15)

* Based on the following published Reports of the Census of the Colony: 1901: Hong Kong Government Gazette, published on 28 September 1901, pp. 1697–700. 1911: Sessional Papers No. 17/1911, pp. 47–50. 1921: Sessional Papers No. 15/1921, pp. 206–17. 1931: Sessional Papers No. 5/1931, p. 183. Notes: 1. M = male, F = female, † = no breakdown into male or female 2. Only in the 1921/1931 census is there a breakdown of doctors into Chinese practice and Western practice.

The two medical systems had always operated side by side, and people were free to choose which type of practitioner they wished to consult—or both, which they frequently did. The Medical Registration Ordinance of 1884 had from the beginning specifically indicated that it did not apply to the practitioners of traditional medicine and they were not to be regulated by it. This left the TCM practitioners entirely free to pursue their practice, providing they did not claim to be practising Western medicine and did not exceed the boundaries of the treatments they were qualified to prescribe. Nevertheless, it has to be acknowledged that over time Western medicine services did develop to take on the position of the mainstream system in the public healthcare sector in Hong Kong, and receives enormous subsidies from the public purse. This has underpinned the development of Hong Kong’s present highly successful public medical and health services. At the same time, the continued popularity of Chinese medicine (CM), mainly self-funded, has also to be recognized. This leads to the question: Should there be expenditure of public funds in the provision of CM services? If this was to be the case, how should the efficacy of these services be assessed, and would there be a necessity to re-examine the role of the CM and the WM practitioner in the overall provision of healthcare services in Hong Kong? As Hong Kong prepared to return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, consideration was given to establishing a system of registration of Chinese medicine

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practitioners and to regulate the use of Chinese medicines. A working party was set up to study this initiative in 1989, with public consultations conducted, and a report submitted in 1994. This culminated in the enactment of the Chinese Medicine Ordinance in 1999 and the establishment of the Chinese Medicine Council of Hong Kong (香港中醫藥管理委員會) and a Chinese Medical Practitioner (CMP) Board the same year, which mirrored the corresponding organizations for Western medical practitioners. This gave official recognition to those CMPs who are listed on the register of the council.18 As of September 2016, there were 7,043 names on the list of registered CMPs, and another 2,650 on the list of listed (provisionally registered) CMPs published in the website of the Chinese Medicine Council.19 University degree courses providing training of Chinese medicine practitioners are now provided in three of Hong Kong’s universities, with the assistance of public funds. A system of regulation of the manufacture and sale of Chinese medicines and registration of proprietary Chinese medicines has also been established and put into place under the provisions of the same ordinance. These regulatory processes are innovative measures in the promotion and control of the standards of TCM practice, and have led to elevating the status of the CM practitioner. The Chinese medicine division of the government department of health, which provides administrative and other support to the regulatory authorities, has been appointed a WHO collaborative centre for traditional medicine since 2012. This is a significant recognition of Hong Kong’s pioneering work in the emerging field of regulation and public policy development for traditional medicine systems worldwide. As a sign of the development of public support for government-funded CM services, a new public hospital that offers TCM as the primary mode of treatment, with Western medicine in a supportive role, is now under planning. From a cynic’s point of view, this development could be seen as a symbolic reversal of the decision made more than 100 years ago to require the Tung Wah Hospital to abandon its practice of providing only TCM and allowing Western medicine to gain a foothold in its halls. To take a more positive view, it may be seen as a further sign of Hong Kong’s pioneering role, in providing a facility where further studies can be made to examine how the two systems of medicine could complement each other, the strengths of each discipline being utilized in the best interests of the patient. Western medicine has evolved to focus more attention on curing disease, and often left the healing process and restoration of health to nature, whereas Chinese medicine had traditionally focused more on restoring or promoting health and, with rare exceptions, left the process of curing disease to nature. Whether both these emphases could be equally extended to the sphere of hospital care would be a matter for further careful study. Such innovative approaches to making a choice of whether to use Western or Chinese medicine, or both, in treating a patient, possibly at

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different stages of the disease, could certainly benefit from more controlled scientific studies to assess the risks and to verify their efficacy. The status of Chinese medicine as an officially recognized medical system in Hong Kong is now well established, and there is undoubted popularity for using Chinese medicine, especially in promoting health within an increasingly stressful society. It would now seem to be superfluous to speak about ascendancy or decline of either system. Both systems of health care (WM and CM) might each have their strengths and merits that can be identified and applied in a collaborative or even in an integrated manner. Whether the pioneering role of early HKCM graduates in promoting WM (which was then of vital importance to the development of a healthy city) could be followed by a period of further consolidation by Hong Kong’s medical professionals in the present century, by promoting carefully studied collaborative use of WM and CM, remains a big challenge. There is room for optimism that Hong Kong might again be in a strategic position to rise to this challenge. The city holds a number of advantages, including (1) the existence of a legal framework for regulation of the two medical disciplines across the territory, with an equal status for practitioners from both disciplines; (2) the successful promotion of dialogue and understanding between practitioners of both disciplines and an emerging willingness to try out collaborative projects in patient care; and (3) the receptiveness of the Hong Kong patient population to such innovative measures.20 Moreover, in the author’s view, the fact that in Hong Kong, Chinese medicine refers to Traditional Chinese medicine, and any watered-down versions where there is a mishmash of elements of WM and TCM has so far not been officially condoned, is another major advantage. This would provide an important and probably only basis for a sound assessment of the merits of each of the systems.

Summing Up We have seen how the Hong Kong College of Medicine, by training a small group of Chinese doctors of Western medicine more than 100 years ago, and through the subsequent work of these doctors, has contributed to the transformation of the city of Hong Kong. This transformation was most evident in the development of modern medical services for the Chinese population, laying the foundation for major improvements to the health of the community, and for significant economic and cultural developments to take place. It was a good example of how combining the strengths of the science of the West with the culture of the East could bring lasting practical benefits. The college existed for only twenty-eight years and voluntarily gave up its existence as a separate entity in order to help in the creation of its successor, into which it became incorporated. The college’s strategic role was in helping to start this process of transformation at an opportune time, and then also to stop at an appropriate

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time so that the work could be continued with wider support and on a grander scale by the university that succeeded it. As for the bigger objective of the college founders for Hong Kong to contribute to the modernization of China through introducing science and medicine, we should also look towards the future with hope. The world is now a place that is much different from that of the late nineteenth or early twentieth centuries. Even so, the vision of those who started the college can still be a source of inspiration. Hong Kong has progressed by leaps and bounds and is now one of the major metropolises of the world. The infectious diseases that so plagued the city in the past, requiring Western medicine and Western public health measures to tackle, have been largely controlled and has now given way to newly emerging diseases, and chronic non-communicable disorders that Western medicine is yet to find a cure for. Hong Kong has over the last 100 years or more developed a strong foundation in scientific research and a strong contingent of researchers with solid experience and expertise, and with well-established international collaborations. The application of their skills to the study of these present day medical problems has already shown good results, and will undoubtedly progress further. Hong Kong is still a place where the cultures and the learning of East and West meet. While capitalizing on the areas of strategic strength in our community, and with the new opportunities that the present era brings, there is potential for many more innovative avenues for Hong Kong to contribute to the continued development of China, way beyond the dreams of the small group that founded the Hong Kong College of Medicine. It remains to be seen how far these dreams will be realized.

Notes 1. See Appendix 1, the Dean’s Inaugural Address. 2. Ibid. 3. For an introduction to the history of scientific advances in medicine, see Roy Porter, ‘Medical Science’, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of Medicine, ed. Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 154–201. For a brief account of the works of Hippocrates and Galen, see Sherwin B. Nuland, Doctors: The Biography of Medicine (New York: Vintage Books, 1995). 4. See, for example, Roy Macleod and Milton Lewis, eds., Disease, Medicine and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion (London and New York: Routledge, 1988); Roy Macleod, ed., ‘Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise’, Osiris, Second Series, vol. 15 (2000), 1–296. Warwick Anderson, Colonial Pathologies: American Tropical Medicine, Race and Hygiene in the Philippines (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2006). Yip Ka-che, Disease, Colonialism, and the State: Malaria in Modern East Asian History (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009); and Robert  Peckham and David M. Pomfret, eds., Imperial Contagions: Medicine, Hygiene, and Cultures of Planning in Asia (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013). 5. Macleod and Lewis, Disease, Medicine and Empire, 1–2.

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6. Ibid. 7. Warwick Anderson and Hans Pols, ‘Scientific Patriotism: Medical Science and National Self-fashioning in Southeast Asia’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 1 (2012): 93–113. 8. ‘Report of the Commission to Report on the Workings and Organization of the Tung Wah Hospital, 17 October 1896’, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1896. 9. See Douglas M. Haynes, Imperial Medicine: Patrick Manson and the Conquest of Tropical Disease (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001) and 李尚仁,《帝國的醫師:萬巴德與英國熱帶醫學的創建》 (台北:允晨文化, 2012)。 10. ‘The College of Medicine for Chinese – Opening of the Winter Session and Distribution of Prizes’, Daily Mail, 1 October 1888. 11. Jean Cantlie Stewart, The Quality of Mercy: The Lives of Sir James and Lady Cantlie (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983), 46. 12. See John M. Carroll, ‘Nationalism and Identity: The Case of Ho Kai’, in Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2007), Chapter 5. 13. For a wider discussion on the interaction between British colonials and Chinese elites in Hong Kong, see Carroll, Edge of Empires. See also Ngo Tak-wing, ed., Hong Kong’s History: State and Society under Colonial Rule (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), and Lee Pui-tak, ed., Colonial Hong Kong and Modern China: Interaction and Reintegration (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005). 14. Carroll, Edge of Empires, 10. 15. ‘Souvenir presented by Sir Hormusjee N. Mody and the Committee of the Hong Kong University to commemorate the laying of the foundation stone of the Hong Kong University building by His Excellency, Sir F. J. D. Lugard, K.C.M.G.C.B., D.S.O., Governor of the Colony on Wednesday 16th March 1910.’ From the Registry of the University of Hong Kong. 16. ‘Souvenir’, Appendix V. Statements of the Endowment Fund on 11 March 1910. 17. From the information on the occupations of the Chinese and non-Chinese population, contained in the reports on the Census of the Colony for 1901 (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 28 September 1901, 1697–1700); 1911 (Hong Kong Sessional Papers, No. 17/1911, 103 [No. 42–53]); 1921 (Hong Kong Sessional Papers, No. 15/1921, 206–17) and 1931 (Hong Kong Sessional Papers, No. 5/1931, 188). 18. For an account of this historical development, see ‘Development of Chinese Medicine in Hong Kong’, Chinese Medicine Division, Department of Health. HKSAR. Last modified 6 January 2016, http://www.cmd.gov.hk/html/eng/aboutus/ development.html. 19. ‘Regulation of Chinese Medical Practitioners’, Chinese Medicine Council of Hong Kong, accessed on 21 September 2016, http://www.cmchk.org.hk/cmp/eng/ #main_rcmp09.htm. 20. Based on discussions with the assistant director, Chinese medicine division, Department of Health, Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. February 2017.

Appendix 1

The Dean’s Inaugural Address at the Opening of the College of Medicine for Chinese, Hong Kong1

Delivered in the City Hall on the 1st Oct. 1887, at a largely attended public gathering—H.E. the Acting Governor in the Chair Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen: The Senatus of the Hongkong College of Medicine for the Chinese has asked you to meet us for these reasons:– 1. That we may announce the fact that a school of medicine has been established in Hongkong. 2. That we may have an opportunity of explaining to those interested in such matters the object, constitution, and plans of the school; and, 3. That we may enlist your sympathy and, at the same time, gain through you publicity for what we believe is an important movement. In virtue of my office as Dean of the College, I am spokesman for my colleagues. Although Hongkong has been a Crown Colony since 1841, and its population and prosperity have steadily and rapidly increased; and although hospitals for the treatment of the Chinese have been for years established and are flourishing in nearly all of the Treaty Ports and in many other towns of the Empire, yet, in Hongkong, which ought to be a centre of light and guidance to China in all matters pertaining to civilization, it was not until this year that a Hospital devoted to the treatment of Chinese on foreign principles was opened. It is true that before this there were hospitals of a sort. But the Tung Wah Hospital, according to European notions of what a hospital ought to be, is not up to the proper standard and is, by its constitution and the spirit of many of its directors and supporters, closed to European methods of cure and administration; and the Government Civil Hospital, besides having associations of a kind not pleasing or attractive to the native mind, is too rigidly foreign in its ways and discipline to suit the great majority of the sick Chinese. Attempts have been made from time to time to supply what was felt to be a public want, but it was not until February this year that they were consummated. As soon as the Alice Memorial Hospital was opened, its erection received its justification; the beds were at once filled and crowds of out-patients came for treatment. Its success was established within a month of its being opened. In this Hospital the care of the sick devolves on four of the civil practitioners of the town, on a native house-surgeon, and on a staff of dressers or students. To qualify the latter

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properly to discharge their duties, they require a certain amount of teaching. If we have to teach a few, we may as well teach a larger number. The same staff and time will do for 60 as is required for 6. Hence has arisen the idea of forming a school of medicine within this Hospital, with these medical men and these students or dressers for a nucleus. The practice of the Hospital is amply sufficient for educational purposes; but as the task of teaching medicine and the associated sciences would be too much for four men, who have other duties to attend to, they have associated with them other teachers, each of whom has a special subject to attend to, one which his previous training and his tastes qualify him to teach. In order to enable them to receive instruction in English, a preliminary knowledge of that language is demanded of the students. In this respect most of them have qualified in the Government Central School. There appears to be little difficulty in getting students; they are already numerous enough to form a respectable-sized class. After a four or more years’ course of study, those who come up to a certain standard of proficiency, as tested in written and oral examinations, will receive the licence or certificate of the College qualifying them to practice in its name. The Government of the College will be carried on by the Rector, who hereafter is to be elected annually by the students; a General Council of all teachers and graduates (or as many of them as can) who will meet once a year to discuss and decide matters of general interest affecting the College; a Senatus, composed of the whole of the teaching staff, which will arrange the curriculum and the details of the teaching plans; and a Court, composed of the Rector, a representative of the Senatus, a representative of the Alice Memorial Hospital, the standing legal Counsel of the College, the Dean and a Secretary; these will form the executive. Such, then, briefly, is the origin, and constitution of the College. The object of it, of course, is the spread of medical science in China, the relief of suffering, the prolongation of life, and, as far as hygiene can effect this, the increase of comfort during life. The desirability of this passes without question; but I can conceive that there may be objectors to Hongkong saddling itself with the task. They may say, why has the attempt not been launched in Chinese territory,— in Peking, Tientsin, Shanghai, Canton, or some or all of these or other centres of Chinese life? Well, attempts at medical teaching have been made and are being made at these and other great towns, but hitherto their success has been very partial indeed; and, principally, for the reason that at these places the teachers are too few in number—only one, or two, or at most three—a number quite inadequate for such an undertaking, even if backed by enthusiasm and health. That individual teachers have worked very hard and done a very great deal in this sort of work is true. It is only necessary to recall Dr. Hobson’s admirable labours; or to point to Kerr in Canton, Mckenzie [sic] in Tientsin, Myers in Formosa, and many others, less known but none the less noble, to prove that

Appendix 1 191

there is no lack of effort. But the effort is individual and not organized. Each little school depends on the health, the energy, the caprice, or the life of one man. Its work may, therefore, be interrupted at any moment and the immature results dissipated. I have known in my time one, or two, or perhaps three men who have thus devoted themselves to medical teaching and medical work among the Chinese, and who to me are the noblest types of humanity. Medical Sir Galahads they are; men who have buried themselves in some wretched inland town, surrounded by squalor, filth and disease, and there, away from all the comforts they had grown accustomed to, away from companionship, human sympathy and encouragement, have silently, steadily, and more or less successfully pursued their lofty ideal. Such men are careless of praise, they rather shrink from it; they are silent about their deeds for the most part, or say little or as little as possible in reports. When I have met them and seen or heard of their work, of course I could not help admiring their characters and recognizing the heroic in them, but my thought was ‘the pity of it’. No good man lives in vain, and no good act is forgotten, but it is a pity to see energy, knowledge, talents and such power as is diffused by a noble character wasted or at most half utilized, frittered away in individual and unorganized effort. Now-a-days to do effective work even Sir Galahads must fight in disciplined squadrons. Further, it is not only necessary to have an organized and numerous staff of teachers; but to have also a suitable and extensive recruiting ground for students. These students must have a preliminary knowledge of some European language. To teach European science, a European language must first to be mastered. Translations are not sufficient; they are good in their way and as far as they go, but are miserably insufficient in number and extent. In science, current literature is everything; current literature is not translated, only some of the classics which pass rapidly out of date. In this matter of Medical Education it may also be asked: Why has the Chinese Government not taken it in hand? I do not know. It is sufficient that it has not, and as far as can be seen is not likely to. Now in Hongkong, it has been found quite feasible to get a sufficiently large teaching staff together; and that best institution in the Colony—the Central School—provides us with any number of lads educated in English for students. Here, too, the work of teaching and the fruits of it are away from official caprice and the dangers of persecution, official or popular, that at any time might overthrow a school in China. Here we can receive official protection without interference and, under the aegis of the British flag, science and philanthropy may work and live fearing no man. We—the Senatus—think, and I trust you and the public generally will agree with us, that the present is the opportunity for Hongkong to take up a manifest and long-neglected duty; to become a centre and distributor, not for merchandise only, but also for science. I do not doubt our ultimate success, and when we succeed we shall confer a boon not only on China, but at the same time

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add to the material prosperity of this Colony. For with a large and successful school or college, such as we see in our mind’s eye, other things follow. There is many a town in Europe which lives and flourishes entirely in consequence of its being an educational centre, and that, centuries after the commercial or political reasons for its existence have passed away. I do not suppose the sceptre of commerce will ever pass from Hongkong, but her importance and her glory will be greatly enhanced when she becomes a centre for science and letters. He who gives is blessed as well as he who gets. Hongkong may give science and China may get it; but, depend upon it, the receiver will not fail to recompense the donor in many ways and many-fold. We anticipate that difficulties will attend our steps. I do not know the early history of the Central School, but I feel sure it must have had its struggles. We are prepared for troubles, but together we mean to work, and if twelve men with one object steadily in view, and that a good one, cannot give it a lift, we are mistaken. Our principal troubles will not be so much in the teaching of students as in their management and discipline while with us, and in the placing of them afterwards, when their education, as far as we are concerned, is finished. It is hard to say what sort of a being the Chinese Bob [sic] Sawyer will prove to be, and we may have trouble in managing and repressing him. But when he has qualified and has left us, then his real troubles will commence, and it is hard to say how he will take them or what will become of him. A few may find employment in Hongkong, some of them perhaps in connection with the Government—those will have a comfortable time enough; others may find situations in the Chinese public services, but the bulk will have to struggle for themselves into private practice in the towns of the Empire. It is principally on these last that the burden of the fight will fall. For, single-handed, each will have to cope with what we, in our conceit, call native prejudices. They will have to fight, also, the vested interests of the native profession; and, it is quite possible, they may be made the butt, if at any time official or national feeling should be raised against foreigners. I can see quite well that many will succumb, and give up their profession for something less arduous and less dangerous and perhaps more lucrative. A few will be faithful. These good men and true will be an ever-increasing army. We will look to them to reform medical practice in China and be the pioneers of science. This is our hope. It is a far-reaching ambition and carries many things with it besides the purely medical. I can conceive no grander position or opportunity for any man to have than that we offer to each of our students. At his back the whole of European science, before him 300,000,000 to whom to give it. Such a position must fire the ambition of some of them. It is most strange that no great man or great men have arisen for this work. He and they will come. The old Greek cities used to boast of their great men, and claim them with jealous care. Let us hope that in the new and greater China of the future, when the learned dispute of their

Appendix 1 193

great men, not a few may be claimed for Hongkong and for the school to-day inaugurated. No great name is easily made. The task in front of the medical reformer in China is herculean. A successful man in this work will deserve to be called great. There is so much to be cleared away as well as so much to be created. Those who have been, even but a short time, in the country, know what a wretched thing native medical practice is. And no wonder. There is no educational system. It is chosen more as a trade. A man buys two or three books and begins to practice. It is possible that here and there may be a man of great natural talent with special aptitudes who may know something and may at times do good. But the body of the profession, if we may dignify it with such a name, are as ignorant as they are dishonest. The notions on anatomy and physiology are absurd; there is no surgery worthy of the name; medicines they have in superabundance, but there is no knowledge of their actions, of the diagnosis or pathology of disease. Hygiene is unknown. The modern medical literature is for the most part but a slavish copy of older works and the older works but the expression of fanciful theories. We find in them the same spirit of artificial classification, the same love of a ‘system’ that characterized the pre-scientific era in European medicine. For example, as every foreigner soon gathers from his native friends or his servants, every article of food, of drink, and every medicine is classified according as it is considered a heating or cooling thing. In keeping with this, every disease is classified a hot disease or a cold disease. It is evident that a hot disease requires a cooling diet and medicine, and a cold disease a heating diet and medicine. The delightful simplicity of this has laid a very firm hold on the popular mind. It is a style of logic that catches the uneducated. It has a pseudo-scientific air about it that is taking. It enables the layman, he thinks, to argue with his doctor on an equal footing. It is a sort of medical logic that has often filled the pocket of the European quack, and it is equally productive in China. It is one of those touches of nature we meet everywhere and proves the kinship of the whole world. By it European medicine is almost invariably judged. To dodge it, so to speak, I have often practiced a sort of pious fraud. Medicine in aqueous solution is, like water, considered cooling. Quinine in solution would, therefore, he considered suitable in a malarial fever; but not in a malarial neuralgia. One gets over the difficulty in such a case by giving the drug in pill. I cite this as a fair specimen of the rubbish of which native medical theory and practice is made up. Whatever may have been the case in the days when China was young, and the national mind vigorous and independent, there is now-a-days nothing like original observation and thought, nothing but this hot and cold business and such like, a strained reverence for the authority of the ancients, and a persistent effort to make facts tally with fancies. There was a time in Europe corresponding in this respect to the present in China, but it is difficult for us of to-day to understand how the acute and practical Chinese mind clings to and

194

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cherishes such a system. That it does, however, is most true. The glamour of tradition, the national reverence for what has been written, the juggling with words which, when practiced for some time, warps the strongest minds, the conservative spirit of the people, the distrust of what is strange—these and other considerations prop up the rotten tree of Chinese medicine; and it will be many a day, I fear, before the younger, more vigorous and European growth will completely take its place. To remove the old and uphold the new, is the work our students have before them. That European science and other portions of our civilization will be adopted by China is certain; but the rate at which the conversion is to be effected is uncertain. Truth is strong and is sure in the end to prevail; but the when depends on circumstances vastly too numerous and complicated for analysis or description, and most of them beyond the power of any man, or body of men, to control. But there is one thing that has a retarding influence on the spread of the truth, and not an insignificant one either, and one which is within control. I allude to the style in which teachers, preachers, and foreigners generally are in the habit of presenting it. It is too much the habit with us, whether the ordinary lay foreigner or the professional teacher, to carry on our efforts at conviction or conversion in a foolish and insulting manner, anything but calculated to forward the object professed. We swagger before them, and by word and manner say to the Chinese we would have follow us—“You are a pack of fools. All these things you revere are arrant humbug; your ancestral worship, your literature, your talk of filial piety, your parental Government, your hot and your cold business, all and many another thing about you are mere foolishness, superstition and vain words. Whereas, look at us—our steamships, our ironclads, our railways, electric telegraphs, industrial machines, parliamentary government, free press and what not. Is not the contrast in our favour? Are we not gods and you a kind of idiots?” Now, if we think a man is worth converting, it is evident we cannot think him a fool; and, when we make the attempt, in the first place, it is a great mistake as well as a lie to tell him he is a fool; and, in the second place, it is a great mistake to show ourselves conceited prigs. We ourselves would give scant hearing to anyone who scoffed at the things we reverence, who told us our heroes were vulgar robbers, our Shakespeare a writer of bathos, Milton a singer of exploded superstitions, parliamentary government a political fallacy, our industrial system a cunning plan to rob the labourer, a free press a form of mob law. Two men, both equally wise, honest and capable, may have diametrically opposite views on almost any subject not strictly mathematical. Everything depends on the respective stand-points they view it from. As between European and Chinese the principal difference affecting their respective judgments is antecedent education—using the word in its widest sense. Education in this sense is very much a matter of birth, a thing we cannot control. That we are able to understand and see a virtue in our European civilization, is the result entirely of our education; that the Chinese

Appendix 1 195

do not see with our eyes, is the consequence of their education. That we see, is no merit in us individually; that they are blind, is no demerit in them. Too often we commit the vulgar error of confounding ignorance with folly, knowledge with wisdom. Ignorance and knowledge are often accidental, and may call for no blame or praise; folly and wisdom are personal, and the person is answerable for them. There is many a modern empty head who in the matter of knowledge could give Solomon points. Because he is ignorant, call not thy brother a fool. To my way of thinking, if there is any blame in the matter, it lies at our door. For here we have the highest truths, evident as lighthouse to us, and yet we present them so rudely, so unwisely, and in such a clumsy way to the intelligent Chinese, that he will hardly have anything to do with them. I trust our students, when they leave us will bear these things in mind; that they will be careful to avoid offending their countrymen by swagger and supercilious contempt; that they will bear the knowledge they carry with them humbly and show themselves wise and good as well as learned. In this way they and we will get a hearing. High personal character a reputation for wisdom, humility, honesty and kindness, will often do more to recommend our wares than any quality in the wares themselves. No matter how we set about it, our task is one of immense difficulty, and unless I had a thorough faith in the science and art we are to teach, and in its ultimate triumph, I, for one, would not be on the staff of this College of Medicine. Other considerations, too, encourage us and beckon us on. Medicine might be called the mother of the sciences; from her have sprung anatomy, physiology, botany and biological science in general; besides much of chemistry and a host of subsidiary sciences. As these followed her in Europe, so  will they follow her in China. It would be hopeless to introduce them on their own merits, but they can be smuggled in with medicine. Now, medicine has opportunities to spread and advertise itself denied to those others, and when she enters she will bring them with her. Religion does not despise her aid. The wants of the poor and sometimes, though rarely, the fears and despair of the rich give us, doctors, an opportunity denied to others. The poor are everywhere, they cannot pay for their own doctors and they come to us, not because they think very well of us; something, however, they think is better than nothing. Occasionally a rich man, or some of his family, after trying the native faculty in vain, may, in their despair, come to us. And in China, as in Europe, there is a class of people to whom a novelty has an attraction; sometimes these come to us. Just as if a Chinese doctor began to practice in London; he certainly would have a clientele of eccentrics. The wants of the poor, the despair of the rich, the eccentric in human nature—these give medicine her opportunity. Gradually we are making good and extending the footing thus afforded to us. Already in surgical matters, that is in disease whose character and method of cure is more or less manifest, we are already acknowledged superior. But in medical disease, that is in disease whose nature is less apparent, the hot

196

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and cold system still holds the field. In time this too will be ours, but not till by patient demonstration and multiplied proofs the old fancies are proved to be wrong. Then, too, will the subsidiary sciences be accepted. I suppose, however, this is a question of generations, for unless in the case of the most powerful minds, rapid conversion to our ways of thinking about and regarding nature is impossible. It is easier to conquer a kingdom than to convert a parish. The getting rid of inherited ideas is a most difficult thing, and these must be thrown away before the new can enter. For the last hundred years in Europe, the struggle to cast off old fancies has been as vigorous as that to acquire new knowledge. Perhaps it is the most important part of the wonderful activities of recent years. And it is still proceeding. These old clothes are the greatest hindrance to the advance of science. There is nothing science desires so much in her votaries as an empty mind; a tabula rasa on which to marshal facts. The mind should be like the blackboard of the school room before the lesson begins. In Europe, from witchcraft upwards and downwards, there was a huge accumulation of the rubbish of the ages, and there are still many daubs and splatches of tradition and superstition to be wiped out. In China there is not an inch of the board unoccupied by vain tradition, silly theory or superstition. These have to be one by one expunged. Surely this is a work of generations. Our little contribution looks small in contrast to what has to be done. We make it humbly but hopefully. Twenty odd years ago the Taiping rebellion was suppressed. Those of us who were in China then thought that surely now a new era is beginning; and we waited from day to day and year to year for what is called the opening of the country. In imagination we saw a network of railways and telegraphs rapidly spreading itself over the land; hospitals and schools of science rising in the towns; public works going on everywhere; there was to be better government, better food, better clothing, better houses, more security and more comfort for everyone. Everything was to be squared to the foreign model, and we foreigners were to ‘boss’ things generally, making our fortunes the while. The desirability of all this was very manifest to us, and we could not understand why it was not set about immediately. In our disappointment we took to calling the natives names; we called them fools; and we had worse names for their rulers, for we thought them not only ignorant, and unwise, but from highest to lowest traitors and dishonest. By degrees opinion on these points is veering round; mine at all events has veered completely, and I no longer regard people and mandarins as I did when I was half my present age. The fact is, though we thought reform was desirable, the people, those who had to pay for it and whom it most concerned, did not see with our eyes. And their mandarins, whether from policy, ignorance, venality, want of patriotism, or a fear for their own order, would not compel reform. In my opinion the judgment of the people and the action of the government classes was correct. I do not suppose that at first this judgment or this action, or rather inaction, was the outcome of any intellectual operation

Appendix 1 197

of the nature of statesmanship, but we may be pretty sure that they have been the means of consolidating and increasing the strength of the Empire and enabling it gradually to accommodate its huge bulk to the altered circumstances of today. The outcome of it is that China is changing front gradually and all along the line, and while doing so has avoided disintegration, revolution, has compelled respect and has kept foreign fingers out of the pie, until now, when no foreigner dare interfere with her unless prepared to get his fingers well burnt. Whether this wonderful feat has been effected by the skill of the Peking Government, by the sagacity and influence of their foreign advisers, by the elasticity and adaptiveness of the radical principles of the Government, or by that Providence that takes care of the crustacean when it casts its shell, I cannot say. Sure enough the despised Celestial is effecting an unprecedented feat and is passing from ancient to modern, and not a drop of blood has been spilt in the process. There has not been, nor apparently will there be any sudden reform, and therefore no sudden revolution or other cataclysm. The old lines of government that have stood the test of thousands of years are broad enough to take in even railways and telegraphs, iron-clads and machine guns. By degrees what of good we foreigners have to offer will be introduced from above downwards and from below upwards. The Government and governing classes, in order to strengthen their own power over the people and protect them against foreign enemies, are gradually reforming their military system, which includes the introduction of the means of rapid communication and careful management of their revenues. This means the introduction of much more than appears on the face of it. From below upwards, however, will proceed the greatest reforms. From below upwards will spread revolutions in thought, in the way men regard religious, social, scientific and political matters. Slowly at first will be this progress. These cautious, conservative, clever people have to be convinced before they are converted. Time is necessary for this. Until they understand, and understand it in all its bearings, the Chinese will not adopt a new thing. They are in point of sagacity, as well as size, the elephant among nations. They will not make a new step until they are sure the ground they would tread on is firm and reliable. In my opinion they are wise in this. Changes ought to be slowly made, thoroughly digested and thoroughly assimilated before others are undertaken. This the Chinese do. They do not object to change, but they must know all about it first. Slow reform, the outcome of education and conviction, spreading principally from below upwards, is what is going to change the face of this land. And when these reforms are effected and changes made, what to us Europeans will be the consequences? Politically, over three hundred millions [sic] of the most industrious, thrifty, persevering, homogeneous, physically adaptable, clever people, at present hardly a cipher in political calculations, will be no insignificant factor in the combinations of the future. Their numbers, no longer kept under by preventable disease, civil wars, infanticide, or polygamy,

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will rapidly increase, and they will expand in all directions. Perhaps the deadly upas tree of opium will by that time have been uprooted. Minor peoples, Annamites, Siamese, Malays, will go down before them or be absorbed by them; a great homogeneous Chinese-speaking nation will stretch from Siberia to Australia. It requires little of the prophetic to foresee this, the process has already commenced. In those days wise men will again come from the East. The people who gave us the invention of printing will give yet other useful and peaceful arts; the first to use gunpowder will not be backward in the art of war; the discoverers of inoculation will add again to the prevention and cure of disease. Those hundreds of millions will double the recruiting ground of science and may yet give back to Europe more than they got. It seems to me sometimes that we are teaching the Chinese to beat ourselves. However this may be, it appears to us that the duty that at present lies next our hands is this matter of the spread of European Medical Science. I have described, very lamely, I fear, the origin of the movement, our plans, our objects, and our hopes. There is yet one other thing I would allude to before sit down. We have students, we have teachers, we have an organization, and we have a name, but as yet we are, I am sorry to say, without a local habitation. Very soon class-rooms, laboratories, museums and libraries will be required; this means a large building and endowment. In olden times the housing and endowment of letters and science was considered by princes their peculiar care and privilege, as the names of many a King’s College or Queen’s College and other honourable titles testify to this day. In these modern days the princes of the land seem to have other uses for their money, at all events they have, for the most part, abrogated this one of the princely privileges. Nevertheless other princes have taken up what those of the land have laid down, and the princes of commerce and finance have nobly stept into the gap. In America, in England, in our Colonies and in India these generous far-seeing men are doing King’s work, and every year some great lighthouse of learning rises at their bidding to help to illuminate the world. Nor are we without indications that such a man or men are or will yet be found in Hongkong. When he builds and endows us, he will raise a monument to himself more enduring than brass; and, better far than this, he will have done more than his duty; and men will say of him: ‘he deserved well of his country.’ Your Excellency, I am deeply grateful to you for the patience with which you have listened to me, and most of all for your attitude towards this movement ever since it became known to you. Your conduct in this matter is typical of English rule when English rule is at its best—encouraging, perhaps helping, seldom interfering—cherishing the backbone and spontaneity of the people, not breaking nor crushing them out by vexatious ruling and interference. I am equally grateful to you, ladies and gentlemen, for the patient hearing you have given me, and for the countenance your presence here tells me you extend to our plans and our hopes.

Appendix 1 199

Note 1. Reproduced from the printed copy of the ‘The Dean’s Inaugural Address’ attached to the calendar of the College of Medicine for Chinese, 1887, SOAS Archive, CWML A3/2, vols. 1886–7.

Appendix 2

List of Graduates in Order of Year of Graduation, Hong Kong College of Medicine

Number

Name in English

Group One (1892–1899) 1 Sun Yat-sen 2 Kong Ying-wah 3 Kwan King-leung 4 Lau Sz-fuk 5 U I-kai 6 Wong I-ek 7 Wong Sai-yan 8 Chan Kun-shing 9 Ho Nai-hop 10 Kwong Ngai-leung 11 To Ying-fan (Coxion To) Group Two (1900–1909) 12 Wong Wan-on 13 Lau Lai 14 Lee Yin-sze 15 Ho Ko-tsun 16 Tee Han-kee 17 Chan Fai-kwong 18 Tan Yeu-wee 19 Peter Quincey 20 Au Sze-cham 21 Ma Luk 22 Eugene Lionel de Souza 23 To Ying-kwan 24 Lee Ying-yau 25 Henry Phillips 26 Wee Ket-chong 27 Chan Him-fan

Name in Year of Year of Chinese Entry Graduation

Qualification Obtained at Graduation

孫逸仙 江英華 關景良 劉四福 胡爾楷 黃怡益 王世恩 陳觀聖 何乃合 鄺藝良 杜應勳

1887 1887 1887 1887 1887 1890 1887 1893 1894 1893 1893

1892 1892 1893 1895 1895 1895 1895 1898 1899 1899 1899

LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH

黃允安 劉 禮 李賢仕 何高俊 鄭漢淇 陳輝光 陳有慰 王文昭 區斯湛 馬 祿 蘇 沙 杜應坤 李應猷

1893 1896 1895 1896 1897 1897 1900 1898 1899 1898 1902 1900 1900 1903 1902 1901

1900 1902 1902 1902 1902 1902 1903 1903 1905 1905 1905 1905 1905 1906 1906 1906

LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH

韋吉昌 陳衍芬

Appendix 2 201

Number

28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

Name in English

Chung Yik-sun Ho Nai-tsun Kwan King-hung Li Ho-ching Wong Chung-yik Lim Shin-thwin Chan Tsun-kon Lee Sea-foon Leung Chik-fan Lam Tsz-fung Lai Tsui-lan Benjamin Wong

Group Three (1910–1918) 40 Lam Yun-hae 41 Wong Ka-cheung 42 Tam Chong-wa 43 Wan Chik-hing 44 George Harold Thomas 45 Wang Pak-fu 46 Juan Arreglado 47 Filomeno Maria Graça Ozorio 48 Song Chong-chai 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60

Chan Shui-ye Chak Chiu-hung Alfred Stanley Tuxford P. D. R. Naidu Wong Hing-chun Cheah Tiang-eam Chau Wai-cheung Lim Chong-eang Wong Tsz-chuen Wong Siong-cie Wong Kwok-kun Cheung Wing-tai

Name in Year of Year of Chinese Entry Graduation

Qualification Obtained at Graduation

鍾奕信 何乃傳 關景鏗 李可楨 王寵益 林賢水 陳俊幹 李樹芬 梁植芬 林紫封 黎敍蘭 黃菖林

1901 1900 1901 1902 1903 1898 1902 1903 1898 1902 1901 1904

1907 1907 1907 1907 1908 1908 1908 1908 1908 1909 1909 1909

LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH

林潤㬢 王嘉祥 譚長華 溫植慶 譚嘉士 黃伯符

1901 1905 1904 1906 1907 1903 1905 1907 1891/ 1908 1902 1909 1909 1904 1909 1910 1911 1912 1911 1911 1912 1912

1910 1910 1910 1911 1912 1912 1912 1912 1913

LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH LMSH

1913 1914 1915 1915 1916 1916 1916 1916 1917 1917 1917 1918

LMSH MBBS LMSH LMSH MBBS MBBS MBBS MBBS MBBS MBBS MBBS MBBS

奧些路 宋長才 陳瑞儀 翟朝亨

黃慶全 謝長炎 周懷璋 林宗陽 王子傳 黃祥芝 黃國權 張榮棣

Appendix 3

List of Interviewees

Year and Place 1.

1.  2012, Hong Kong

Name of HKCM Graduate Kwan King-leung

2.  1998, Hong Kong 2.

1.  1999, Hong Kong

U I-kai

2.  1999, by phone

Names of Interviewee(s)

Relationship to Graduate

1.  Dr. Kwan Siu-yee

Son

2.  Dr. Kwan Siu-shek

Nephew

1.  Mr. Woo Yan-tak

Nephew

2.  Mrs. Vivian Li

Granddaughter

3.

1997, by phone

To Ying-fan, Coxion

Ms. Philomena Wu

Friend

4.

1. 2000, Vancouver, by phone

Ho Ko-tsun

1. Mrs. Annie Ling (Lau On Shun)

Granddaughter

2. 2008, Melbourne, Australia

2. Mrs. Helen Wong (Lung Wong Yee)

Granddaughter

3.  2008, Hong Kong

3.  Mr. Yam

Resident of Stone Nullah Lane

1.  Dr. Vincent Ma

Grand-nephew

2.  Dr. Ma Ying-ping

Grand-nephew

Ms. Diana Lin

Granddaughter

Dr. Edward Lee

Grandson

5.

1. 2000, over the phone

Ma Luk

2.  2008, Hong Kong 6.

2000, Hong Kong

Lee Ying-yau

7.

2000, Sydney Australia Henry Phillips

Dr. Mano Arumanayagam

Grandson

8.

1.  2003, Hong Kong

1.  Ms. Catherine Wong

Grand-niece

2.  Mr. Andrew Wang

Grandson

Wang Chung-yik

2.  2003, Hong Kong 3.  2010, UK by phone 9.

1999, Hong Kong

10. 2000, Vancouver by phone

3.  Dr. Hastings Wang

Son

Benjamin Wong

Dr. Dolly Wong

Daughter

Wan Chik-hing

Mrs. Wan Leung Kit Sum

Daughter-inlaw

11. 1998, Sydney Australia George Harold Thomas Dr. Osler Thomas

Son

2000, Sydney Australia 12. 2003, Melbourne, Australia

F. M. Graça Ozorio

Mr. Francis Ozorio

Nephew

P. D. R. Naidu

Ms. Mary Naidu

Daughter

2014, Melbourne, Australia by phone 13. 1998, Hong Kong

Appendix 3 203

Names of Interviewee(s)

Relationship to Graduate

Chau Wai-cheung

Mrs. Dorcas Hu

Daughter

15. 2000, Toronto, Canada

Wong Tsz-chuen

Ms. Poon Suet-ching

Niece

16. 1998, Sydney, Australia

Wong Kwok-kun

Mr. Christopher Wong

Son

Mrs. Katie Cheng

Daughter

Year and Place 14. 1999, Hong Kong

Name of HKCM Graduate

2014, Hong Kong

The valuable contribution of all interviewees is gratefully acknowledged.

Selected Bibliography

General Archival Collections Hong Kong government reports and archive holdings Hong Kong Government Administrative Reports, covering years 1879–1939. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkgro/browse.jsp. Hong Kong Government Annual Blue Book, covering years 1871–1940. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkgro/browse.jsp. Hong Kong Government Gazette, covering years 1842–1941. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkgro/browse.jsp. Hong Kong Hansard, covering years 1890–1941. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkgro/browse.jsp. Hong Kong Legislative Council Sessional Papers, covering years 1884–1940. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkgro/browse.jsp.

University of Hong Kong archival papers Lugard, Frederick J. D. ‘Hong Kong University: Objects, History, Present Position, and Prospects, with Appendices Containing Estimates of Revenue and Expenditure, and Plans of Buildings, etc.’ Reprinted with speeches delivered at the Ceremony of Laying the Foundation Stone on 16th March 1910 (Hong Kong: Noronha, 1910), in ‘The University of Hong Kong: Early Records 1908–10’. Hong Kong: Registry, University of Hong Kong. Minutes of the Court, Hong Kong College of Medicine. Hong Kong: Registry, University of Hong Kong, available through University Archives, University of Hong Kong. Minutes of the Senate, Hong Kong College of Medicine. Hong Kong: Registry, University of Hong Kong, available through University Archives, University of Hong Kong. Minutes of the Council, University of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: University Archives, University of Hong Kong. Minutes of the Senate, University of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: University Archives, University of Hong Kong. ‘Souvenir’ presented by Sir Hormusjee N. Mody and the Committee for the Hong Kong University to commemorate the laying of the Foundation Stone of the Hong Kong University Building by His Excellency Sir F. J. D. Lugard, KCMG, CB, DSO, governor of the colony on Wednesday, 16th March 1910. Hong Kong: Registry, University of Hong Kong.

Selected Bibliography 205

The University of Hong Kong: Early Records 1908–10. Hong Kong: Registry, University of Hong Kong.

Other archival collections and specific archival documents Annual Reports of the Alice Memorial and Affiliated Hospitals, from 1887. Archives of the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Charitable Foundation, Hong Kong. Annual Reports of the Kwong Wah Hospital 廣華醫院徵信錄. Archives of the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Hong Kong. Annual Reports of the Tung Wah Hospital 東華醫院徵信錄. Archives of the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Hong Kong. Archives of Charing Cross Hospital Medical School. Archives and Corporate Records Unit, Imperial College, University of London. Archives of Queen’s College, Hong Kong. Cantlie papers. Archives and Manuscripts. Wellcome Library, London. Chronicles of the London Missionary Society. Archives and Special Collections, Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Colonial Office Archives, UK, Series 129 (CO 129). Original correspondence. Hong Kong Special Collections, University of Hong Kong Libraries. Council for World Mission/London Missionary Society Archive Collection in Archives and Special Collections, Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. South China Materials: correspondence, reports, photographs. ‘Hong Kong: Mr. Chadwick’s Report on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, with Appendices and Plans, July 18, 1882’. Colonial Office Record, Eastern No. 38, CO882/4, July 18, 1882. The National Archives, London, UK. Letter from Dr. J Thomson to the Directors of the London Missionary Society, with report on the work of the Alice Memorial Hospital for 1889. CWM/LMS/South China/Reports, Box 2, file 24, Library and archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Library and Archives. Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, Scotland, UK. Library and Archives. School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, University of London. Library and Historic Collections. University of Aberdeen, Scotland, UK.

Major government reports and ordinances ‘Chinese Medical Practitioners Trained in Western Medical Science Authorized to Grant Death Certificates’. In Hong Kong Government Gazette, 10 July 1908, no. 482. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/ hkgro/view/g1908/8717.pdf. ‘Institutions not supported by the Government’. Hong Kong Administrative Reports for the Year 1909, report on the Blue Book for 1909, laid before the Legislative Council on 4 August 1910, 17–18. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkgro/view/a1909/62.pdf ‘Medical and Sanitary Report for the Year 1930’, A. R. Wellington, Section V: Maternity and Child Welfare 53–56, Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1930 Appendix M.

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‘Report on the Census of the Colony’ for the years: 1891 (Sessional Papers 30/1891, 373–395), 1901 (Sessional Papers 39/1901, 1–25), 1911 (Sessional Papers 17/1911, 1–62), 1921 (Sessional Papers 15/1921, 151–232), 1931 (Sessional Papers 5/1931, 87–197). ‘Report of the Registrar General for the Year 1907, 11. Chinese Public Dispensaries’ in Hong Kong Sessional Papers for 1908, 13/1908, 191–92. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkgro/view/s1908/2046.pdf ‘Report of the Commission to Report on the Workings and Organization of the Tung Wah Hospital’. Hong Kong Legislative Council Sessional Papers, 17 October 1896. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/ hkgro/view/s1896/1525.pdf. ‘Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Medical Department of the Colony’. Hong  Kong Legislative Council Sessional Papers, 23 May 1895. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Libraries. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkgro/view/s1895/1457. pdf.

Newspapers (Hong Kong) and newspaper series English-language newspapers China Mail Hong Kong Daily Press Hong Kong Telegraph South China Morning Post

English-language series Jarrett, Vincent H. G. ‘Old Hong Kong’ series of articles from the South China Morning Post 1933–35.

Chinese-language newspapers 華字日報 華僑日報

Theses and Dissertations Fong, Ho Nam. ‘A Comparison of the Colonial Medical Systems in British Hong Kong (1841–1914) and German Qingdao (1897–1914)’. MPhil thesis, University of Hong Kong, 2005. Tam, Wing-kai, Simon. ‘The Development of Western Medical Education in Hong Kong’. 香港與近代西洋醫學. MA thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1983. Tucker, Sara Waitstill. ‘The Canton Hospital and Medicine in Nineteenth Century China 1835–1900’. PhD dissertation, Indiana University, 1983.

Selected Bibliography 207

Yang Xiangyin. ‘Colonial Power and Medical Space: The Transformation of Chinese and Western Medical Services in the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, 1894–1941’. PhD dissertation, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. 楊祥銀,〈殖民權力與 醫療空間:香港東華三院中西醫服務變遷(1894–1941年)〉,歷史課程哲學博士 論文,香港中文大學。

Books and Book Chapters English language Anderson, Warwick. Colonial Pathologies: American Tropical Medicine, Race and Hygiene in the Philippines. Durham: Duke University Press, 2006. Balme, Harold. China and Modern Medicine. London: United Council for Missionary Education, 1921. Bickley, Gillian. The Development of Education in Hong Kong 1841–1897. Hong Kong: Proverse Hong Kong, 2002. ———. The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836–1889). Hong  Kong: David C. Lam Institute for Chinese Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997. Braga, Jose Pedro. The Portuguese in Hong Kong and China: Their Beginning, Settlement and Progress to 1949. Edited by Barnabas H. M. Koo. Vol. 1. Macau: University of Macau and Instituto Internacional de Macau, 2013. Brunero, Donna. Britain’s Imperial Cornerstone in China: The Chinese Maritime Customs Service, 1854–1949. London: Routledge, 2006. Bryson, Mary Isabella. John Kenneth Mackenzie: Medical Missionary to China. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1891. Cadbury, William Warder, and Mary Hoxie Jones. At the Point of a Lancet: One Hundred Years of the Canton Hospital, 1855–1935. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1935. Cantlie, James. Leprosy in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Kelly and Walsh, 1890. (A portion of this monograph was read before the Hong Kong Medical Society, October 1889.) Cantlie, James, and Sheridan Jones. Sun Yat Sen and the Awakening of China. New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1912. Cantlie, Neil, and George Seaver. Sir James Cantlie: A Romance in Medicine. London: John Murray, 1939. Carroll, John M. A Concise History of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2007. ———. Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2007. Chan, Lau Kit-ching. Anglo-Chinese Diplomacy in the Careers of Sir John Jordan and Yuan Shih-kai, 1906–1920. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1978. ———. China, Britain and Hong Kong, 1895–1945. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1990. Chan, Lau Kit-ching, and Peter Cunich, eds. An Impossible Dream: Hong Kong University from Foundation to Re-establishment, 1910–1950. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 2002.

208

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Chan, Wai-kwan. The Making of Hong Kong Society: Three Studies of Class Formation in Hong Kong. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991. China Medical Commission of the Rockefeller Foundation. Medicine in China. New York: Rockefeller Foundation, 1914. Choa, Gerald Hugh. Heal the Sick Was Their Motto: The Protestant Medical Missionaries in China. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1990. ———. ‘A History of Medicine in Hong Kong’. In Hong Kong Medical Directory, 12–26. Hong Kong: Federation of Medical Societies of Hong Kong, 1974. ———. The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai: A Prominent Figure in Nineteenth-Century Hong Kong. 2nd ed. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2000. Chu, Samuel C., and Liu Kwang-ching, eds. Li Hung-chang and China’s Early Modernization. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1993. Criswell, Colin N., and Mike Watson. The Royal Hong Kong Police 1841–1945. Hong Kong: Macmillan, 1982. Cunich, Peter. ‘The Hong Kong College of Medicine 1887–1915’. In A History of the University of Hong Kong, Vol. 1: 1911–1945, 40–73. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012. Dunch, Ryan. ‘Mission Schools and Modernity: The Anglo-Chinese College, Fuzhou’. In Education, Culture, and Identity in Twentieth-Century China, edited by Glen Peterson, Ruth Hayhoe, and Yungling Lu. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press; Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001. Eitel, Ernest. Europe in China: The History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882. Hong Kong: Kelly and Walsh, 1895. Endacott, G. B. A Biographical Sketch-Book of Early Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005. ———. A History of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1964. Evans, Dafydd Emrys. Constancy of Purpose: An Account of the Foundation and History of the Hong Kong College of Medicine and the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Hong Kong, 1887–1987. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1987. Fairbank, John K., and Merle Goldman. China: A New History. 2nd enlarged ed. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1998. Faure, David. ‘The Common People in Hong Kong History: Their Livelihood and Aspirations until the 1930s’. In Colonial Hong Kong and Modern China: Interaction and Reintegration, edited by Lee Pui Tak, 9–37. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005. Ferguson, Mary. China Medical Board and Peking Union Medical College: A Chronicle of Fruitful Collaboration 1914–1951. New York: China Medical Board of New York, 1970. Fung, Chi Ming. ‘Governorships of Lugard and May: Fears of Double Allegiance and Perceived Disloyalty’. In Colonial Hong Kong and Modern China: Interaction and Reintegration, edited by Lee Pui-tak, 69–88. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005. Gordon, Charles Alexander. An Epitome of the Reports of the Medical Officers to the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service: From 1871 to 1882. London: Bailliere, Tindall, and Cox, 1884.

Selected Bibliography 209

Hayhoe, Ruth. China’s Universities, 1895–1995: A Century of Cultural Conflict. Hong  Kong: The Comparative Education Research Centre, University of Hong Kong, 1999. Haynes, Douglas M. Imperial Medicine: Patrick Manson and the Conquest of Tropical Disease. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001. Holdsworth, Mary, and Christopher Munn, eds. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012. Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society. ‘The Evolution of Hong Kong’s Hospitals: Prevention or Cure?’ In Plague, SARS and the Story of Medicine in Hong Kong, 82–84. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2006. ———. Plague, SARS and the Story of Medicine in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2006. Koo, Barnabas H. M. The Portuguese in Hong Kong and China: Their Beginning, Settlement and Progress to 1949. Vol. 2. Macau: University of Macau and Instituto Internacional de Macau, 2013. Lai, Kar-Neng. ‘The Hong Kong College of Medicine’. In Sapientia et Humanitas: A  History of Medicine in Hong Kong, edited by Richard Yu, 32–55. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Academy of Medicine Press, 2011. Lau, Y. W. A History of the Municipal Councils of Hong Kong, 1883–1999: From the Sanitary Board to the Urban Council and the Regional Council. Hong Kong: Leisure and Cultural Services Department, Government of the Hong Kong SAR, 2002. Lee, Pui-tak, ed. Colonial Hong Kong and Modern China: Interaction and Reintegration. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005. Li, Shu-fan. Hong Kong Surgeon. London: Victor Gollancz, 1964. Lin, Alfred H. Y. ‘The Founding of the University of Hong Kong: British Imperial Ideals and Chinese Practical Common Sense’. In An Impossible Dream: Hong Kong University from Foundation to Re-establishment, 1910–1950, edited by Chan Lau Kit-ching and Peter Cunich, 1–21. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Lo, Hsiang-lin. ‘Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the College of Medicine for Chinese in Hong Kong’. This is the author’s draft English translation of his book 國父之大學時代, available in the Hong Kong University Library, Hong Kong. Lockhart, William. The Medical Missionary in China: A Narrative of Twenty Years’ Experience. London: Hurst and Blackett, 1861. Lutz, Jessie Gregory. China and the Christian Colleges, 1850–1950. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1971. Ma, Kan-wen. ‘East-West Medical Exchange and Their Mutual Influence’. In Knowledge Across Cultures: Universities East and West, edited by Ruth Hayhoe, 154–81. Wuhan: Hubei Education Press; Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE) Press, 1993. Macleod, Roy, and Lewis Milton, eds. Disease, Medicine and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion. London: Routledge, 1988. Manson-Bahr, Philip H. Patrick Manson: The Father of Tropical Medicine. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1962. Manson-Bahr, Philip H., and Alfred Alcock. The Life and Work of Sir Patrick Manson. London: Cassell, 1927.

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Marks, E. N. ‘Skertchly, Sydney Barber Josiah (1850–1926)’. In Australian Dictionary of Biography. Vol. 11, 621–22. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1988. http:// www.adb.online.anu.edu.au/biogs/A110638b.htm Matthews, Clifford, and Oswald Cheung, eds. Dispersal and Renewal: Hong Kong University During the War Years. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1998. Mattock, Katherine. Hong Kong Practice, Dr. Anderson & Partners: The First Hundred Years. Hong Kong: Anderson & Partners, 1984. Mellor, Bernard. ‘Big Subjects and Solemn Things’. In Lugard in Hong Kong: Empires, Education and a Governor at Work, 1907–1912, 15–24. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1992. ———. The University of Hong Kong: An Informal History. Vol. 1. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1980. Miners, Norman. Hong Kong under Imperial Rule: 1912–1941. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1987. Munn, Christopher. Anglo-China: Chinese People and British Rule in Hong Kong, 1841–1880. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009. Ngo, Tak-wing, ed. Hong Kong’s History: State and Society under Colonial Rule. London: Routledge, 1999. Nuland, Sherwin B. Doctors: The Biography of Medicine. New York: Vintage Books, 1995. Peckham, Robert, and David M. Pomfret. Imperial Contagions: Medicine, Hygiene, and Cultures of Planning in Asia. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013. Platt, Jerome J., Maurice E. Jones, and Arleen Kay Platt. The Whitewash Brigade: The Hong Kong Plague of 1894. London: Dix Noonan Webb, 1998. Porter, Roy. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Medicine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. ———. The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity from Antiquity to the Present. London: HarperCollins, 1997. Ride, Lindsay. ‘The Antecedents’. In The University of Hong Kong: The First 50 Years, 1911–1961, edited by Brian Harrison, 5–22. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1962. ———. ‘The Test of War’. In The University of Hong Kong: The First 50 Years, 1911– 1961, edited by Brian Harrison, 58–84. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Sayer, Geoffrey Robley. Hong Kong 1862–1919: Years of Discretion. Edited and with additional notes by D. M. Emrys Evans. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1975. Sibree, James. A Register of Missionaries, Deputations, Etc., from 1796 to 1923. London: London Missionary Society, 1923. Sinn, Elizabeth. Power and Charity: The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989. Smith, Carl T. Chinese Christians: Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005. ———. A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Co., 1995. ———. ‘Sun Yat Sen’s Middle School Days in Hong Kong and the Establishment of Alice Memorial Hospital’. In A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban

Selected Bibliography 211

History of Hong Kong, 320–38. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Co., 1995. Stewart, Jean Cantlie. The Quality of Mercy: The Lives of Sir James and Lady Cantlie. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983. Stokes, Gwenneth, and John Stokes. Queen’s College: Its History, 1862–1987. Hong Kong: Queen’s College Old Boys’ Association, 1987. Sun, Yat-sen. Kidnapped in London: Being the Story of My Capture by, Detention at, and Release from the Chinese Legation, London. Bristol: J. W. Arrowsmith, 1897. Sweeting, Anthony. Education in Hong Kong Pre-1841 to 1941: Fact and Opinion; Materials for a History of Education in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1990. Tan, Kim Hong. The Chinese in Penang: A Pictorial History. Penang: Areca Books, 2007. Tsai, Jung-fang. Hong Kong in Chinese History: Community and Social Unrest in the British Colony, 1842–1913. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993. Tsang, Steve. A Modern History of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004. Wei, Julie Lee, Ramon H. Myers, and Donald G. Gillin, eds. Prescriptions for Saving China: Selected Writings of Sun Yat-sen. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1994. Wong, K. Chimin. Lancet and Cross: Biographical Sketches of Fifty Pioneer Medical Missionaries in China. Shanghai: Council on Christian Medical Work, 1950. Wong, K. Chimin, and Wu Lien-teh. History of Chinese Medicine. 2nd ed. Shanghai: National Quarantine Service, 1936. Wright, Arnold, and H. A. Cartwright, eds. Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Other Treaty Ports of China. London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Co. Ltd., 1908. Woo, Timothy David. To Spread the Glory: The Woo Family Register. Hilo, HI: Transcultural Press of the East and West, 1977. Wu, Lien-teh. Plague Fighter: The Autobiography of a Modern Chinese Physician. Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1959. Wu, Yu-lin. Memories of Dr. Wu Lien-teh: The Plague Fighter. Singapore: World Scientific, 1995. Yip, Ka-che. Disease, Colonialism, and the State: Malaria in Modern East Asian History. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009. Yip, Ka-che, Yuen-sang Leung, and Man-kong Wong. Health Policy and Disease in Colonial Hong Kong, 1851–2003. Oxford: Routledge, 2016.

Chinese language 丁 新 豹 著 ,〈 日 佔 時 期 的 東 華 三 院 〉,《 善 與 人 同 : 與 香 港 同 步 成 長 的 東 華 三 院 (1870–1997)》。香港:三聯書店,2010,頁243–60。 李志剛,《香港教會掌故》。香港:三聯書店,1992。 李尚仁,《帝國的醫師:萬巴德與英國熱帶醫學的創建》。臺北:允晨文化,2012。 李金強,《一生難忘:孫中山在香港的求學與革命》。香港:孫中山紀念館,2008。 李敖,〈香港第一個西醫大學——香港西醫書院 (College of Medicine for Chinese, Hong Kong) 〉,《孫逸仙和中國西化醫學》。北京:中國友誼,1999,頁139–62。

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孫穗芳,《我的祖父孫中山》上集。臺北:禾馬文化,1995。 莊政,《孫中山的大學生涯:擁抱祖國、愛情和書的偉人》。臺北:中央日報,1995。 麥梅生,《反對蓄婢史略》。香港:香港反對蓄婢會,1933。 黄宇和,《三十歲前的孫中山——翠亨、檀香、香港1866–1895》。香港:中華書局, 2011。 黄宇和,《孫逸仙:倫敦蒙難真相》。上海:上海書店出版社,2004。 黃雍廉,《是天民之先覺者:陳少白傳》。臺北:近代中國出版社,1983。 楊國雄編,〈道不盡的「妹仔」賣身史:兩本蓄婢專書〉,《舊書刊中的香港身世》。 香港:三聯書店,2014,頁49–57。 劉存寬、余繩武編,《十九世紀的香港》。香港:麒麟書業,1994。 劉蜀永編,《一枝一葉總關情》。香港:香港大學出版社,1993。 劉潤和,〈戰時東華——考驗與超越〉,載於冼玉儀、劉潤和編,《益善行道:東華 三院135周年紀念專題文集》。香港:三聯書店,2006,頁162–81。 羅香林,《國父之大學時代》,增訂臺灣二版。臺北:臺灣商務印書館,1967。 羅香林,《國父在香港之歷史遺蹟》。香港:香港大學出版社,2002年重印。 關肇碩、容應萸,《香港開埠與關家》。香港:廣角鏡出版社,1997。

Bilingual publications Ho, Faith C. S. The Silent Protector: A Short Centennial History of Hong Kong’s Bacteriological Institute《默然捍衛:香港細菌學檢驗所百年史略》. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, 2006. Ho, Michael H. M. When Science and Compassion Meet: A Turning Point in the History of Medicine in Hong Kong《矜憫為懷:香港科學醫療轉捩點》. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, 1997. Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society. Footprints of Medicine: From the Collections of the Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences《杏林鴻爪:香港醫學 博物館藏品選》. Tai Wai Wong (editor-in-chief). Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, 2016. ———. The Taipingshan Medical Heritage Trail《太平山醫學史蹟徑》. Faith C. S. Ho (editor-in-chief). Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Society, 2011. Li, Shu Pui, ed. Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital 75th Anniversary, 1922–1997 《養和醫院七十五週年紀念》. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital, 1997. ———. Reflections at 90: An Autobiography《回顧九十年》. Hong Kong: privately published, 1996. Li, Wai Tat, Walton, ed. History of the Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital, 1922–2007 《養和醫院歷史》. Hong Kong. Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital, 2007. Paterson, E. H. A Hospital for Hong Kong: The Centenary History of the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital《矜憫為懷:雅麗氏何妙齡那打素醫院百年紀念 特刊》. Hong Kong: Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital, 1987. Wong, Catherine, ed. The Wong’s and Wang’s Chronicle《王氏家傳》. Hong Kong: privately published, 2001.

Selected Bibliography 213

Journals English language Caduceus, journal of the Hong Kong University Medical Society, from April 1922. The China Medical Missionary Journal (CMMJ), journal of the China Medical Missionary Association, from 1887 to 1907. It was continued as China Medical Journal from 1907 until 1931, when it was amalgamated with the English edition of the National Medical Journal to become the Chinese Medical Journal (1932–1966). Elixir, publication of the Hong Kong University Medical Society, from 1950. Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, from 1961 to present. Journal of the Hong Kong Medical Association, Hong Kong, 1985–1994 (continued as the Hong Kong Medical Journal from 1995 to present).

Chinese language and bilingual National Medical Journal of China, Shanghai, from 1915, published in English and Chinese editions. The English edition was amalgamated with the China Medical Journal in 1932 to become the Chinese Medical Journal (1932–1966).

Websites Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Christianity. http://www.bdcconline.net/en/stories/ Biographical Dictionary of Medical Practitioners in Hong Kong: 1841–1941. http:// hkmd1841-1941.blogspot.hk/p/welcome.html Chinese Medicine Council of Hong Kong. http://www.cmchk.org.hk/cmp/eng Chinese Medicine Division, Department of Health, Hong Kong SAR. http://www.cmd. gov.hk/ Hong Kong’s First (blog). http://hongkongsfirst.blogspot.com St. Paul’s Hospital. http://www.stpaul.org.hk/internet/index.php/about/history

Selected Journal Articles and Reports English language Anderson, Warwick and Pols Hans. ‘Scientific Patriotism: Medical Science and National Self-fashioning in Southeast Asia’. Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 1 (2012): 93–113. Beebe, Robert C. ‘Our Medical Students’. Chinese Medical Missionary Journal 3 (1889): 1–4. Boone, H. W. ‘Presidential Address: Medical Education for the Chinese’. Chinese Medical Missionary Journal 4 No 3 (1890): 109–14. Chan, M. F., E. Mok, Y. S. Wong, T. F. Tong, M. C. Day, C. K. Y. Tang, and D. H. C. Wong. ‘Attitudes of Hong Kong Chinese to Traditional Chinese Medicine and Western Medicine: Survey and Cluster Analysis’. Complementary Therapies in Medicine 11, issue 2 (June 2003): 103–9.

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Chau, Wai Cheung. ‘Two Cases of Difficult Labour’. Caduceus 2, no. 1 (1923): 44–45. Chau, Wai Cheung, and Tseung Fat Im. ‘The Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association’. The Bulletin of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association, Inaugural Issue, vol. 1.1 (April 1948): 7–12. Cheah, J. S. ‘Approaching 100 Years of Medical and University Education in Singapore’, Singapore Medical Journal 44, no. 1 (2003). http://www.sma.org.sg/ smj/4401/4401e1.pdf. Cheung, Frederick. ‘The Contribution of the Sisters of St. Paul de Chartres in Hong Kong in the Twentieth Century.’ Ritsumeikan Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 23 (2009): 89–98. China Medical Missionary Association. ‘Triennial Conference 1910: Secretary’s Report’. China Medical Journal 24 (1910): 143. Christian Literature Society, Shanghai. ‘Portrait with Biography Wang Chieu-ju’ (王謙如牧師傳、中西教會報) [in Chinese]. The Chinese Christian Review 16, no. 4 (1908). Ho, Faith Chi Suk. ‘The Beginning of Medical Education in Hong Kong 125 Years Ago . . . Its Unique Features in Comparison to Similar Efforts in China’. Hong Kong Medical Journal 18 (2012): 544–50. ———. ‘Hong Kong’s First Professor of Pathology and the Laboratory of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh’. Journal Royal College of Physicians Edinburgh 41 (2011): 67–72. ———. ‘Western Medicine in a Chinese Cultural Setting’. Medicina nei Secoli arte e scienza 21, no. 1 (2009): 321–36. Kerr, J. G. ‘Training Medical Students’. Chinese Medical Missionary Journal 4, no. 3 (1890): 135–40. Li, Shu-fan. ‘Sanitation in South China’. China Medical Journal 27(3) (1913): 226–31. ‘List of Medical Missionaries in China, Corea and Siam’. Editorial. The China Medical Missionary Journal 3, no. 1 (1889): 26–29. Mackenzie, J. K. ‘Medical Education in China’. Chinese Medical Missionary Journal 1, no. 3 (1887): 127–29. Macleod, Roy, ed. ‘Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise’. Osiris 15 (2000), 1–296. Mao, Philip W. C. ‘A History of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association’. Journal of the Hong Kong Medical Association (1995): 46–50. Neal, James Boyd. ‘Medical Teaching in China’. The China Medical Missionary Journal 11, no. 2 (1897): 89–91. Neal, J. B. ‘Training Medical Students and Their Prospects of Success’. Chinese Medical Missionary Journal 4, no. 3 (1890): 129–30. Ng Cheong Yew. ‘Notes and Comments Written by the Editor’. Caduceus 1, no. 1 (1922): 7. ‘The Official Recognition of Western Medicine’. Editorial. The National Medical Journal of China 2/2 (1916): 1–2. Rydings, H. A. ‘Transactions of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society 1845–46’. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch 3 (1973): 13–27. Smith, Carl T. ‘Sun Yat-sen’s Middle School Days in Hong Kong: The Establishment of Alice Memorial Hospital’. Ching Feng XX, no. 3 (1977): 78–94. Thomas, George Harold. ‘Reminiscence’. Elixir (1950): 38–40.

Selected Bibliography 215

‘Two Historic School Buildings Declared Monuments’. Press release of the Government Antiquities and Monuments Office on 2 December 2011, the date on which the building of King’s College was declared a public monument. http://www.heritage. gov.hk/en/online/press2011/20111202.htm Wong, Man Kong. Local Voluntarism: The Medical Mission of the London Missionary Society in Hong Kong, 1842–1923. No. 25 of Working Paper Series, David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Baptist University, 2004. Wu, Lien-teh. ‘Medical Progress in China since the Republic’. Lancet 196 (1920): 1203–4.

Chinese language 潘拙庵口述,伍錦整理,〈私立廣東光華醫學院史略:光華醫學院創立原因及籌建 經過〉,《廣州文史》第二十六輯 (2008)。http:/www.gzzxws.gov.cn/gzws/gzws/ml/ 26/200809/t20080917_8951_1.htm

Biographical Index

For a key to the abbreviations, please see the end of this index. 1. Arreglado Juan. E: 1905. LMSH 1912. ? returned to the Philippines. 2. Au Sze-cham, 區斯湛. E: 1899. LMSH 1905. MO at TWH and Western District Public Dispensary (1909); PP at HK Island. 3. Chak Chiu-hung (also known as Chak Chiu-hang), 翟朝亨. E: 1909. MBBS (HK) 1914. House Surgeon at HMLNH (1914–1915), PP at HK Island. 4. Chan Fai-kwong, 陳輝光. E: 1897. LMSH 1902. Bacteriological Assistant at BI (1902–1903). Died in 1903. 5. Chan Him-fan (also known as Chan Hin-fan), 陳衍芬. E: 1901. LMSH 1906. Ship’s Doctor; MO at Kowloon–Canton Railway (1906); House Surgeon at NH (1907–1909), HMLH (1908); Medical Superintendent Kwong Wah Hospital and Dean of Kwong Wah Medical College, Canton (1909); House Surgeon HMLH (1915–1919); PP at KLN. 6. Chan Kun-shing, 陳觀聖. E: 1893. LMSH 1899. Apothecary’s Assistant at GCH (1897–1898); House Surgeon at NH (1898–1899); Public Vaccinator (1897– 1899); Assistant to Dr. Lim Boon-keng, Singapore (1899–1903?); PP in Penang. 7. Chan Shui-ye, 陳瑞儀 (also known as 陳獸儀). E: 1902. LMSH 1913. MO at TWSH (1913, 1915, 1916–1919, 1935) and TWH (1914); PP at KLN. 8. Chan Tsun-kon (also known as Chan Chun-kun), 陳俊幹. E: 1902. LMSH 1908. Ship’s Doctor (1908, 1915–1919, 1939); AMO at Taipo Kau Station, Kowloon– Canton Railway (1908); Bacteriological Assistant at BI (1909–1912); Bacteriologist in Canton government (1912–1915), China; PP at KLN. 9. Chau Wai-cheung, 周懷璋. E: 1911. MBBS (HK) 1916. House Surgeon at HMLNH (1916); AMO for New Territories, Taipo (1917–1918), PP at HK Island. 10. Cheah Tiang-eam, 謝長炎 (also known as 謝長賢). E: 1910. MBBS (HK) 1916. House Surgeon at TWH (1915–1917); MO at GCH (1916–1918, 1932–1933); in Johore (dates not known), PP in HK. 11. Cheung Wing-tai (also known as Chung Wing-tai), 張榮棣. E: 1912. MBBS (HK) 1918. PP at HK Island. 12. Chung Yik-sun, 鍾奕信. E: 1901. LMSH 1907. MO at Hung Hom Public Dispensary (1936); PP at KLN. 13. Ho Ko-chun, 何高俊. E: 1896. LMSH 1901. Public Vaccinator (1901); Assistant to the Resident Surgeon at TWH (1902); Laboratory Assistant to Government Bacteriologist (1902–1903); House Surgeon at TWH (1903) and NH (1903–1905); MO  at Eastern District Public Dispensary (1907–1911, 1916–1949); College

Biographical Index 217

Tutor at HKCM (1911); Vice-minister of Health, Guangdong 中華民國廣東省衛生 司副司長 (1911–1916); PP at HK Island. 14. Ho Nai-hop, 何乃合. E: 1894. LMSH 1899. MO at Taipo Station (1899–1902); PP in HK. 15. Ho Nai-tsun, 何乃傳. E: 1900. LMSH 1907. PP in HK. 16. Kong Ying-wah, 江英華. E: 1887. LMSH 1892. Worked in Sandakan, Borneo. 17. Kwan King-hung, 關景鏗. E: 1901. LMSH 1907. MO at Eastern Public Dispensary (1908); MO at Peiyang Mining Company (1909), China; MO at Public Dispensary (1915–1921); PP in HK. 18. Kwan King-leung (also known as Kwan Sum-yin), 關景良 (also known as 關心焉). E: 1887. LMSH 1893. House Surgeon at NH (1893–1895); MO at Chinkiang, China (1895–1897); PP at HK Island. 19. Kwong Ngai-leung, 鄺藝良. E: 1893. LMSH 1899. Acting House Surgeon at NH (1896); Dispenser at Kennedy Town Infectious Disease Hospital and Hygeia (1898). In Selangor, Federated Malay States, 1910. 20. Lai Tsui-lan, 黎敍蘭. E: 1901. LMSH 1909. In Canton, 1911; PP at KLN. 21. Lam Tsz-fung, 林紫封. E: 1902. LMSH 1909. PP in HK. 22. Lam Yun-hae, 林潤曦 (also known as 林閏曦). E: 1901. LMSH 1910. MO at Kowloon–Canton Railway (1908) and TWH (1910–1911); PP at HK Island and KLN. 23. Lau Lai, 劉禮. E: 1896. LMSH 1902. Public Dispensary, Wanchai (1902), CMO at Taipo Station Government Dispensary (1903–1907); PP in HK. Died in North Borneo during World War II. 24. Lau Sz-fuk, 劉四福. E: 1887. LMSH 1895. Employment under the government of Selangor, Federated Malay States. Died in 1904. 25. Lee Sea-foon (also known as Li Shu-fan), 李樹芬. E: 1903. LMSH 1908. MBChB (Edin) 1910. DTM&H (Edin) 1911. Fellowship of the Royal College of Surgeon of Edinburgh 1922. Minister of Health in Canton government (1912); Dean of Kung Yee Medical College, Canton (1922–1923); Superintendent of HKSH; PP at HK Island. 26. Lee Yin-sze, 李賢仕. E: 1895. LMSH 1902. Assistant Wardmaster at Kennedy Town Infectious Diseases Hospital (1901); Laboratory Assistant to Government Bacteriologist (1902–1906); MO at Yaumati Chinese Public Dispensary (1908) and (1915–1935); MO at KWH (1911–1914); PP at KLN. 27. Lee Ying-yau (also known as Li Ying-yau), 李應猷 (also known as 李應由). E: 1900 LMSH 1905. House Surgeon at NH (1909); MO at Peiyang Army Hospital, China; MO at Kowloon Chinese Public Dispensary; PP at KLN. 28. Leung Chik-fan, 梁植芬 (also known as 梁植棻). E: 1898. LMSH 1908. MO at TWH (1908–1910, 1915–1926). PP in HK. 29. Li Ho-ching, 李可楨 (also known as 李可貞). E: 1902. LMSH 1907. MO at Taipo Station Government Dispensary (1907–1909). PP in HK. 30. Lim Chong-eang (also known as Lin Chong-eam), 林宗揚 (also known as 林宗陽). E: 1912. MBBS (HK) 1916. Served at GCH and BI (1917); Peking Central Hospital, China (1918); Lecturer (1922–1927), Assistant Professor (1927–1930), Professor of Bacteriology (1930–1937) and Dean (1937–1940) of Peking Union Medical College, China; Professor of Public Health at Peking University, China. 31. Lim Shin-thwin, 林賢水. E: 1898. LMSH 1908. PP in HK.

218

Biographical Index

32. Ma Luk (also known as Ma Luk-sun), 馬祿 (also known as 馬祿臣). E: 1898. LMSH 1905. Acting Resident Surgeon TWH (1903); Resident Doctor, Tytam Tuk Water-works (1905); MO at Kowloon City Public Dispensary (1907) and Western District Public Dispensary, Sai Ying Pun (1908, 1915–1935); worked at practice of Fitzwilliams & Allan, Alexandra Building (1908), PP at HK Island and KLN. 33. Naidu, P. D. R. (also known as Naidu, P. W. R.). E: 1904. LMSH 1915. Assistant to Railways MO 1909; Assistant to MO for the NT (1913–1914); worked at Medical Department, HK (1939); PP at HK Island. 34. Ozorio, Filomeno Maria Graça (奧些路), E: 1907. LMSH 1912. MBBS (HK) 1914. Dresser, GCH 1914; Board Member of St. Paul’s Hospital, HK; PP at HK Island. 35. Phillips, Henry. E: 1903. LMSH 1906. Practised in Perak, Federated Malay States. 36. Quincey, Peter, 王文昭. E: 1898. LMSH 1903. Assistant to Government Bacteriologist (1903–1904); Resident Surgeon at Shanghai Public Hospital (1910) and Head of the Chapei Plague Prevention Corps at Shanghai, China (1911); PP in HK. 37. Song Chong-chai, 宋長才 (also known as 宋俊才). E: 1891. LMSH 1913. House Surgeon at TWH (1913–1914, 1915–1916); PP in HK. 38. de Souza, Eugene Lionel, 蘇沙. E: 1902. LMSH 1905. M.B.B.S (HK) 1924. Ship’s Doctor (1908, 1915–1926, 1927–1934, 1936); PP in HK. 39. Sun Yat-sen, 孫逸仙 (also known as 孫中山 and 孫文). E: 1887. LMSH 1892. PP at Macau (1892) and Canton (1893–1894); Provisional President of the Republic of China (1912). 40. Tam Chong-wa, 譚長華. E: 1904. LMSH 1911. PP in HK (1916–1919). 41. Tan Yeu-wee, 陳有慰. E: 1900. LMSH 1903. House Surgeon at NH (1902). In Singapore, 1910. 42. Tee Han-kee, 鄭漢淇. E: 1897. LMSH 1902. Worked in Manila, Philippines. 43. Thomas, George Harold, 譚嘉士. E: 1907. LMSH 1912. MBBS (HK) 1914. MD  (HK) 1920. House Surgeon at HMLNH (1910–1912); Chinese Resident Surgeon at TWH (1912–1928, 1949–1972) and Superintendent of TWH (1938); Chinese Medical Officer Government of HK at GCH (1928–1939), Chinese Lunatic Asylum (1928), QMH, TYH, and KWH (1938–1939); Chinese Medical Officer, Senior Grade, Government of HK, Superintendent TWH (1939–1947); Deputy and Acting Director of Medical and Health Services (1947–1949); Lecturer at HKU (1922, 1936, 1939). 44. To Ying-fan (also known as Coxion To), 杜應勳. E: 1893. LMSH 1899, House Surgeon at NH (1899–1901) and AMH (1901–1926); PP at HK Island. 45. To Ying-kwan, 杜應坤. E: 1900. LMSH 1905. MBChB (Edin) 1917. MO at Central Public Dispensary (1908) and Eastern Public Dispensary; Resident Surgeon at TWH (1910–1911); MO at Government Civil Hospital, HK (1918–1921); PP at HK Island. 46. Tuxford, Alfred Stanley. E: 1909. LMSH 1915. Dresser, GCH 1914, PP in HK. 47. U I-kai, 胡爾楷. E: 1887. LMSH 1895. Student Apothecary at GCH (1887–1897); House Surgeon at AMH (1897–1898). Died in 1898. 48. Wan Chik-hing, 溫植慶. E: 1906. LMSH 1911. MBChB (Edin) 1914. DTMH (Edin) 1914, DPH (Cantab) 1916. Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh 1922. Board Member of HKSH; Divisional Surgeon at St. John’s Ambulance Brigade; MO at Chinese Maritime Customs, China; PP at HK Island.

Biographical Index 219

49. Wee Ket-chong, 韋吉昌. E: 1902. LMSH 1906. In Selangor, Federated Malay States, 1910. 50. Wong, Benjamin (also known as Wong Cheong-lam), 黃菖林 (also known as 黃菖霖). E: 1904. LMSH 1909. MO at Taipo Station (1910); House Surgeon at HMLNH (1912–1914) and KWH (1914–1921); PP at HK Island and KLN. 51. Wong Chung-yik (also known as Wang Chung-yik), 王寵益. E: 1903. LMSH 1908. MBChB (Edin) 1910. DTM&H (Edin) 1911. DPH (Manc) 1912. BSc (Manc) 1913. MD (Edin) 1915. Research Fellow and Acting Superintendent, Laboratory of the Royal College of Physicians, Edinburgh, 1913–1919; Professor of Pathology at HKU (1920–1930). 52. Wong Hing-chun, 黃慶全. E: 1909. MBBS (HK) 1916. PP at HK Island. 53. Wong I-ek, 黃怡益. E: 1890. LMSH 1895. In Perak, Federated Malay States, 1910. 54. Wong Ka-cheung (also known as Wong Kat-man and Wong Chimin), 王嘉祥 (also known as 王吉民). E: 1905. LMSH 1910. Ship’s Surgeon (1910); Director of the Shanghai Epidemic Prevention Hospital (1911); Chief Medical Officer of the Shanghai Hangzhou Railway Bureau (滬杭甬鐵路管理局主任總醫師) (1915– 1930); Curator of the Museum of Chinese Medical History (中華醫學會醫史博物 館館長) (1938–1972). 55. Wong Kwok-kun, 黃國權. E: 1912. MBBS (HK) 1917. House Surgeon at HMLNH (1917–1920) and KWH (1921–1923); worked at Shamshuipo Chinese Public Dispensary and Taipo Road Maternity Home; PP at HK Island and KLN. 56. Wong Pak-fu, 黃伯符. E: 1903. LMSH 1912. MO at TWH; PP in HK. 57. Wong Sai-yan, 王世恩. E: 1887. LMSH 1895. PP in Kuala Lumpur; Ship’s Surgeon; founding member of Red Cross in Canton. 58. Wong Siong-cie, 黃祥芝. E: 1911. MBBS (HK) 1917. PP at HK Island and KLN (1939–1963). 59. Wong Tsz-chuen, 王子傳. E: 1911. MBBS (HK) 1917. House Surgeon at HMLNH (1917–1921) and AMH (1922–1923); PP at Ma Luk Sun Hospital, HK Island. 60. Wong Wan-on, 黃允安. E: 1893. LMSH 1900. Worked for the government of Singapore.

Abbreviations AMH Alice Memorial Hospital AMO Assistant Medical Officer BI Bacteriological Institute CMO Chinese Medical Officer DPH Diploma of Public Health DTM&H Diploma of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene E Year of Entry (HKCM) GCH Government Civil Hospital HK Hong Kong HKCM Hong Kong College of Medicine (for Chinese) HKU The University of Hong Kong HMLNH Ho Miu Ling and Nethersole Hospital KLN Kowloon

220

KWH LMSH MBBS MBChB MD MO NH NT PP QMH TWH TWSH TYH

Biographical Index

Kwong Wah Hospital Licentiate in Medicine and Surgery, Hong Kong Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery (chirurgiae) Doctor of Medicine Medical Officer Nethersole Hospital New Territories Private Practitioner, Private practice Queen Mary Hospital Tung Wah Hospital Tung Wah Smallpox Hospital Tsan Yuk Hospital

Note on Aliases: The English and Chinese names that appear first on this list are according to the information given in Lo Hsiang-lin’s book 國父之大學時代, unless there was a definite mistake in that book, clearly recognized as a typographical error based on reliable sources that are available to the author, such as information from family members. The names used by Professor Lo were chosen as he based his information on the bound volume containing the roll of students, which had been prepared by the HKCM itself. The aliases shown in this index are those alternative names which appeared in various official reports like the Government Gazette, or in other sources as shown in the references and bibliography sections. It is also possible that some of these aliases were typographical or clerical errors, and not alternative names actually used by the persons themselves, but they are shown in this index for completeness. Note on year of death: This is shown in this index only when it was known that the graduate died within ten years of graduation. There were three graduates in this group.

Index

Page numbers in italics refer to figures and tables. Allan, Dr. James Dalmahoy, 46, 107, 146 Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole (AHMLN) hospitals, ix, 129, 156 Alice Memorial Hospital (AMH), 9, 11, 147, 189, 190; affiliated hospitals, 44–45; and Chinese community, 46; establishment of, 8–9, 10, 31; employed HKCM alumni, 58, 60, 62–63, 78, 127; and HKCM, 20, 33, 143, 166; in HKCM curriculum, 12, 14; and LMS, ix, 32–33; personnel, 56, 58, 59, 142; premises, ix, 20; resident posts, 79–80, 90. See also Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospitals; Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital; Cantlie, Dr. James; dispensaries; Ho Kai, Dr.; Ho Miu Ling Hospital; Nethersole Hospital Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital (AMMH), 44–45, 80, 125, 143, 144 alumni, HKCM. See licentiates, HKCM AMH. See Alice Memorial Hospital Anglo-Chinese colleges, 18, 128, 142, 166, 168 Anti–Mui Tsai Society 反對蓄婢會, 139–40 Arreglado, Juan 121, 123, 130, 201, 216 asylums, lunatic, 42, 156 Atkinson, Dr. J. M. 41, 57, 61, 62 attitudes towards TCM. See medicine, traditional Chinese (TCM): attitudes attitudes towards WM, Chinese: change in, 39; early, 2, 4–5; influence of plague, 73–74. See also Bacteriological Institute; Chinese

public dispensary movement; medicine, Western Au King 區經. See Ortis King Au Sze-cham 區斯湛, 30, 76, 89, 133, 135, 200, 216 Ayow, Mary, 8 Bacteriological Institute (BI): employed HKCM alumni, 82, 88, 115, 127, 149, 164; first government bacteriologist, 74–75; in HKCM curriculum, 12, 110 Belilios, E. R., 7, 9, 19 Belilios, R. A., 107 Blake, Sir Henry, 19–20, 73, 74, 76 ‘Blake scholarships’, 20 British General Medical Council (GMC): recognition of HKCM, 109–110 British Medical Association (BMA), 132–33, 175 bubonic plague. See plague, bubonic Caduceus, 116, 149, 158, 162. See also Medical Society of HKU Cantlie, Dr. James, 30; and AMH, 11, 27; as HKCM dean, 24–25, 27–29, 31, 34, 50, 52, 166, 172; and HKCM founding, 11, 12, 19, 181–82; HKCM fundraising, 19, 20, 98; lectures, 28; medical activities, 19, 45, 54, 75; medical education work, 14, 168, 177–78; and the ‘Peak Hospital’, 45; public service, 75, 136, 137; and Sun Yat-sen, 53, 54 career opportunities for alumni. See employment of licentiates

222 Index

Central School. See Queen’s College Chadwick Report, 43–44 Chak Chiu-hung 翟朝亨, 30, 126, 201, 216 Chalmers, Rev. John, 11, 59, 143; lectures, 33 Chan Fai-kwong 陳輝光, 74, 200, 216 Chan Hin-fan (Him-fan) 陳衍芬, 80, 82, 85, 87, 216. See also Kwong Wah Medical College Chan Kun-shing 陳觀聖, 60–61, 62, 64, 80, 216 Chan Man-shiu 陳聞韶 (Chan Siu-pak), 51, 165–68 Chan Shui-ye 陳瑞義, 106, 121, 124, 201, 216 Chan Siu-pak 陳少白. See Chan Man-shiu Chan Tsun-kon (Chun-kun) 陳俊幹, 74, 82, 88, 115, 172, 201, 216 Chan Yun-ying, 48 Chater, Sir Paul, 101 Chau Wai-cheung 周懷璋, Dr., 126–27, 152–53, 161–63, 201, 216; New Territories, 161–62; post-graduate work, 129; public service, 133, 134, 139, 140 Cheah Tiang-eam 謝長炎, 126, 129, 201, 216 Cheloo University. See Union Medical College of Tsinan (Shantung) Cheung Wing-tai 張榮棣, 129–30, 140, 146, 152, 201, 216 China Medical Association, 153. See also Chinese Medical Association China Medical Missionary Association, 5, 21n10, 115–16, 153; journal, 5 China Medico-Chirurgical Society, 132 Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service (IMCS), 5, 6, 63 Chinese Medical Association (CMA), 153, 164. See also China Medical Association; Lim Chong-eang: foundation Chinese Medical History Society, 153. See also Chinese Medical Association

Chinese medicine. See medicine, traditional Chinese Chinese Medicine Council of Hong Kong 香港中醫藥管理委員會, 184 Chinese Medical Journal, 154, 164, 165 Chinese public dispensaries (CPD), 29, 75–78, 89, 135–36; Eastern (Wanchai), 76, 144; formation, 75–78, 144; Kowloon, 87; New Territories, 43, 75, 129; Shamshuipo, 128; Stone Nullah Lane, 78; Wanchai, 88; West Point (Sai Ying Pun), 77, 146; Western District, 136, 144. See also dispensaries Chinese Public Dispensary and Plague Hospital, 77 Chinese public dispensary movement, 75–78; 93n8 Chinese Public Hospital (Shanghai), 87 Chinese Red Cross. See Red Cross: mainland China Chinese-Western Dispensary (Macau) 中 西醫局. See dispensaries: Macau Chinkiang Hospital 鎮江醫院, 56 Chung Boon-chor, Dr., 35, 58, 78, 79, 80, 144 Chung Yik-sun 鍾奕信, 77, 89, 201, 216 Civil Hospital. See Government Civil Hospital (GCH) Clark, Dr. Francis, 30, 108, 178; and AMH, 31; HKCM dean, 24, 29–30, 34, 75, 91; HKU dean, 29; medical officer of health, 73 Colonial Office, 26, 41, 43, 73, 74 CPD. See Chinese public dispensaries Crow, W. E. (William Edward), 11, 12, 57 curriculum of HKCM, 11–15, 26, 27, 28, 110, 182, 190 Davies, Helen, 35 deans (of HKCM), 11, 24–25, 29, 34. See also Cantlie, Dr. James; Clark, Dr. Francis; Manson, Dr. Patrick degrees earned, 14, 16–17, 48, 216–19 demographic influences, 71, 70–72

Index 223

de Souza, Eugene Lionel, 30, 90, 91, 200, 218 Digby, Professor Kenelm H., 106, 158 Diocesan School, 16, 121, 151, 155 dispensaries: at AMH, 33, 34, 44–45, 62; development of, 7, 72, 75; funding, 73; East-West東西醫局, 53; GCH, 57; LMS, 14; Macau, 53; overseas, 91; in WM training, 14, 29, 34. See also Chinese public dispensaries (CPD); London Missionary Society: dispensaries

181. See Ho Kai, Dr.; Ng Li Hing; John Swire & Sons Fung Chi-ming, 74 Fung Fu, Mr. See ‘Fung Fu’ school ‘Fung Fu’ school (Sai Ying Pun), 17 Fung Wah-Chun, 93n8

Edinburgh Medical School dean and HKCM, 84 education, overseas medical, 83–85 educational background of HKCM students. See licentiates: educational background Eitel, Ernest, 12, 23n36 Ellis Kadoorie School, 16, 17 employment of licentiates, academic, 85–86, 106, 159; assessments, 46–49; failed attempts, 52–53; government, 72–73, 81–83; mainland, 87–88; among non-Chinese, 90–91; overseas, 91–92; private practice, 88–90; prospects and opportunities, 39–40, 72–79; reasons for success, 63–65; resident posts, AMH, 79–80; third decade, 121–26

GCH. See Government Civil Hospital General Medical Council (London), 18, 83, 84, 97, 106 Gerlach, Dr. Johann, 11 Gibson, Dr. Robert MacLean, 33, 34 Government Central School. See Queen’s College Government Civil Hospital (GCH) 162, 189; affiliated facilities, 12, 42–43, 74; establishment, 7, 106; fees, 41; licentiate employees, 57, 58, 60, 107, 125, 126, 129, 130, 149, 156, 164; teaching, 160. See also Government Medical Department; hospital ship (the Hygeia); Kennedy Town Infectious Diseases Hospital; Victoria Hospital for Women and Children Government Medical Department, 61–62, 78, 123; and dispensaries, 75, 77. See Government Civil Hospital (GCH): affiliated facilities graduates of HKCM. See licentiates, HKCM

Faculty of Medicine, HKU, 29, 63, 107, 114, 148, 181; and HKCM teachers, 120; HKCM graduates and, 120; importance of HKCM to, 180–82. See also Li Ka-shing Faculty of Medicine Fitzwilliams, Dr. Gerard, 46, 107, 146, 218 Food and Environmental Hygiene Department. See Sanitary Board Ford, Charles, 12 Forsyth, Dr. Charles, 106, 108 funding for HKCM, 18–20, 98 fundraising: for AMH, 8–9; for HKCM, 97–98; for HKU, 28, 101–2, 168,

Hartigan, Dr. William 7, 9, 11, 27, 45 health services in Hong Kong: government funded (see Government Civil Hospital; port health services; public health work); non-government funded (see AMH; dispensaries; ‘The Peak Hospital’; Tung Wah Hospital). See also private medical practices Heanley, Dr. C. M., 74–75, 107 historical background, nineteenthcentury China, 3–6 Ho, Alice, 8. See also AMH Hobson, Dr. Benjamin 6, 190 Ho Kai, Dr. (何啓): and AMH, 8, 11, 31; associations, 30, 139; and

224 Index

dispensaries, 75–76; HKCM, role and influence, 8, 11, 19, 31–32, 34, 178; HKU, role and influence, 99, 101–2, 168, 181; and revolutionaries, 111; and Sanitary Board, 72, 136; support for Lugard 102. See also Alice Memorial Hospital Ho Kai, Sir Kai. See Ho Kai, Dr. Ho Kam-tong, 89, 93n8 Ho Ko-tsun (Ko-chun) 何高俊, 144–45, 200, 216; and Canton government, 115; post-graduate work, 74, 76, 77–78, 78–79, 80; private practice, 89; public service, 90, 133, 134, 135, 138, 139 Ho Miu Ling Hospital, 44, 62, 80, 128. See also Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospitals Ho Nai-hop 何乃合, 61–62, 90, 200, 217; career, 65, 81, 89, 151. See also Government Medical Department Ho Nai-tsun 何乃傳, 89, 201, 217 Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association 香港中華醫學會 (HKCMA), 127, 132–34; background, 132; bulletin, 134. See Hong Kong Medical Journal Hong Kong Medical Association (HKMA), 134 Hong Kong Medical Council, 85 Hong Kong Medical Journal, 134 Hong Kong Medical Society, 78, 132–34 Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital (養和醫院), 86, 123, 128, 134–35, 162–63. See also Yeung Wo Nursing Home hospital ship (the Hygeia) 42, 63 Ho Tung, Robert, 89, 138 Ho Wing-ching 何永貞, 139 Hunter, William, 74, 144 incorporation, HKCM into HKU, 20, 180–82; agreement, 102–9; committee, 100–101; GMC recognition, 109–10; initial approaches, 97–98; other influences, 102–15; role of Dr. Ho Kai, 31; role of Lugard and May, 98–100

Jackson, Thomas, 20 Jew Hawk 趙學, Dr., 79, 122, 134, 152 Johns Hopkins Hospital, 127, 164 John Swire & Sons, 102, 111n11 Jordan, Dr. Gregory, 9, 11, 30, 33, 43, 46, 106, 132 Kennedy Town Infectious Disease Hospital, 34, 63, 74 Kerr, Dr. John, 53, 190 Kiang Wu Hospital 鏡湖醫院 (Macau), 53 King, Ortis (also known as Au King), 49 King’s College, 16, 17, 137, 198. See Anglo-Chinese School, Sai Ying Pun Kong Ying-wah 江英華, 55–56, 133, 172, 200, 217; employment obstacles, 52, 172; and Sun Yat-sen, 50, 51; work overseas, 61, 64 Kung Yee Medical College (Canton), 86. See also Li Shu-fan; National Chung Shan University: Medical Faculty Kwan King-hung 關景鏗, 56–57, 76, 88, 201, 217 Kwan King-leung 關景良 (Kwan Sum-yin 關心焉), 56–57, 65, 88, 90, 142–43, 166, 200, 217; book, 142; employment, 35, 56–57, 59, 63, 65, 80; mainland China work, 59, 64; private practice, 89; public service, 133, 134, 135, 138, 140; and Sun Yat-sen, 51, 166 Kwan King-sing 關景星, 48, 56 Kwong Ngai-leung 鄺藝良, 61, 63, 64, 80, 200, 217 Kwong Wah Hospital, 121, 123, 128, 152, 156 Kwong Wah Medical College (Canton), 85, 94n27; incorporated into Zhongshan Medical College (Sun Yat-sen University of Medical Sciences), 85 Lai Tsui-lan 黎敍蘭, 89, 201, 217 Lam Pei Yi Kwu 林批二姑, 125 Lam Tsz-fung 林紫封, 89, 201, 217

Index 225

Lam Yun-hae 林潤曦, 82, 121, 122, 201, 217 Lau Chu-Pak, 93n8 Lau, Edward, 48, 85, 89 Lau Lai 劉禮, Dr., 81, 89, 151, 200, 217 Lau Sz-fuk 劉四福, 51, 59–60, 64, 200, 217 lecturers: at Faculty of Medicine, HKU, 106, 107–108, 109, 125, 155, 157; HKCM, 12, 14, 107–8, 155, 164; HKCM alumni, 14, 33–34, 36, 37, 105, 217, 218; public health, 75–76; salary, 15. See also Chalmers, Rev. John: lectures; Thomson, Dr. J. C.: lectures lectures, 14, 28, 93n8, 160. See also Cantlie, Dr. James; lecturers; Thomas, Dr. G. H. Lee Ying-chuen 李應全, 48–49, 85 Lee Ying-yau 李應猷, Dr., 80, 87–88, 135, 139, 200, 217 Lee Yin-sze 李賢仕, 74, 76, 200, 217 Legislative Council, 29, 31, 32, 34, 99, 104, 137. See also Ho Kai, Dr. Leisure and Cultural Services Department. See Sanitary Board Leung Chik-fan 梁植芬, Dr., 79, 200, 217 licentiates, HKCM: classes compared, 147–49; educational background, 16–17, 15–18; first decade, 4–65; numbers, viii; second decade, 69–92; third decade, 120–30 Li Ho-ching, Dr. 李可楨, 30, 81, 151, 200, 217 Li Hung-chang, Viceroy, 18, 21, 52, 78, 133, 172 Li Ka-shing Faculty of Medicine, vi, xi, 63. See also Faculty of Medicine, HKU Lim, Luke, 162 Lim Chong-eang 林宗揚, 127, 154, 164–65, 172–73, 201, 217; foundation, 165 Lim Shin-thwin 林賢水, 89, 201, 217 Li Shu-fan 李樹芬, 30, 83, 217; Kung Yee Medical College dean, 86;

Edinburgh, 83–84, 148; in mainland China, 115, 172; Minister of Health, Canton, 86; Plague control in Manchuria, 86; public service, 133, 134–35, 135, 136, 137, 139 LMS. See London Missionary Society Lobb, Dr. E. Martyn, 106, 107, 125, 160 Lockhart, Sir James Haldane Stewart, 73 London Missionary Society (LMS): and AMH, 8–9, 10, 32, 33–34, 35; dispensaries, 7, 14; and HKCM alumni, 56, 32–33, 59, 78, 83, 122, 142, 143, 147; and Ho Kai, Dr., 31; and hospitals, ix, 7, 32–33, 44–45; support for HKCM, 11, 33. See also Sibree, Dr. Alice; To Chai Church; Viceroy’s Hospital Medical School, Tientsin Lugard, Sir Frederick: on HKCM, 180–81; HKU fundraising, 101–2; reaction to 1911 revolution, 111–12; role in HKU incorporation, 20, 32, 96–101, 177 Macfarlane, Dr. Harold, 107, 164 Ma Luk 馬祿 (also known as Ma Luk-sun 馬祿臣), 30, 145–47, 200, 218; employment, 76; mainland China activities, 115; private practice, 46, 90, 127, 129; public service, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 140 Ma Luk Sun Hospital 馬祿臣醫院, 90, 146, 147 Manson, Dr. Patrick, viii, 2, 6, 36, 181; and Alice Memorial Hospital 9; aspiration for HKCM, vii, 189–98; bringing Western medicine and methods, 172, 174–75, 177–78; dean of HKCM, viii, 24, 25–27; formation of HKCM, 11, 28, 177; formation of HKU, 98; as IMCS medical officer 6; support for Chinese hospitals 7–8; HKU degree, 27; private practice, 7, 11, 45; public service, 28, 132, 136; and Sun Yatsen, 54; teaching, 12

226 Index

maternity hospitals, 42; CPDs, 76, 77, 135–36; HKCM providers, 87, 128, 144, 219; Stone Nullah, 144; Tai Po Road Maternity Home, 128; Tsan Yuk Maternity Hospital, 144, 145; Wanchai, 144, 145. See also Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital; midwifery services Matthewman, T. H., 106, 107 May, Francis Henry, 98–99; role in HKU incorporation, 98–100 medical and health services: governmental, 40–44; Medical and Health Services, 157; nineteenth century, 40–46; non-governmental, 44–46 Medical Board, 22n16, 51, 133 medical colleges, 70, 88, 90, 94n27, 114, 127, 164, 173. See also Kung Yee Medical College; Kwong Wah Medical College; Peking Union Medical College; Peiyang Medical College medical missionaries: activities, 3, 4–5; associations, 7, 21n10, 115 Medical Missionary Association of China, 5, 115, 154; discussion forum, 21n10. See also China Medical Association medical missionary hospitals, 6, 80 Medical Mission Committee (MMC), 7 medical officer of health, 29–30, 44, 73, 75, 108 Medical Registration Ordinance, amendment of 1914, 91, 125 Medical Registration Ordinance of 1884, 7, 50, 51; Clause 2, 50–51; Clause 9, 52; career prospects of Chinese under, 90, 110, 126; WM practice by Chinese under, 50–52, 118n19; and TCM, 183 Medical Society of HKU, 125, 149, 158. See also Caduceus medicine, traditional Chinese (TCM), 4, 174; attitudes, 6, 113; in hospitals, 7, 46–47, 53, 176, 184; registration

exemption, 50–51. See also Kiang Wu Hospital; Tung Wah Hospital medicine, TCM and WM compared, 182–85 medicine, Western (WM): benefits, 171–75; Chinese attitudes (see attitudes towards WM, Chinese); and Hong Kong Chinese, 6–8; and medical education, 3–6; and modernization, 2–3. See also attitudes towards WM, Chinese Methodist churches, 88, 139, 161 midwifery services: government, 75; Midwives Board, 128, 133 Mitchell, Isaiah E., 33, 108 Mody, Sir Hormusjee, 97, 101, 102, 180, 181 mui tsai (妹仔) 139, 140. See also Anti– Mui Tsai Society Museum of Medical History (Shanghai), 122, 154 Museum of Medical Sciences. See Hong Kong Museum of Medical Sciences Naidu, Dr. P. D. R. (Pala Dara Raj), 82, 106, 121, 124–25, 201, 218 National Medical Association (NMA), 113, 134, 153. See also Chinese Medical Association Nethersole Dispensary, 32 Nethersole Hospital (NH), 32, 33, 35, 44, 56, 58, 125, 144; HKCM employees, 60, 62, 82, 88, 90, 126, 127 New Territories: and Chinese medical officer, 61–62, 124, 127, 161, 216; impact of WM services, 65, 171; medical outposts, 65; Regional Council, 136; trips to, 152; St. John’s ambulance brigade branch, 137. See also dispensaries: Chau Wai-cheung: New Territories; Ho Nai-hop Ng Li-hing, Mr., 20, 32, 98, 99 Ng Li Hing Prize in Anatomy, 100 Ng Tin-po (T. P.), 48, 85, 134 NH. See Nethersole Hospital

Index 227

Oxford Senior Local Examinations, 18, 23n36, 118n15 Ozorio, Dr. F. M. G. (Filomeno Maria Graça), 30, 121, 124, 158–61, 201, 218; family, 159; HKU transfer, 121; private practice, 124; public esteem, 91; public service, 136, 138, 139

reports, 36, 65; view of HKCM licentiates, 57–58, 61–62 private medical practice. See individual HKCM alumni public health work, 43–44 public service of licentiates. See individual HKCM alumni

Parker, Dr. Peter, 3, 165 Peak Hospital. See Cantlie, Dr. James: and the ‘Peak Hospital’ Peiyang Army Hospital 北洋營口陸軍醫 院, 87 Peiyang Medical College (Tientsin), 48, 56, 88. See also medical colleges Peking Central Hospital, 127, 164, 217 Peking Union Medical College (PUMC), 67n35, 114, 127, 164 Phillips, Henry, 90, 91, 200 plague, bubonic: deaths, 58; commission of enquiry, 73; epidemic of 1894, 1, 39, 75, 136, 176; epidemic of 1898, 63; epidemic of 1901, 36, 78, 144; epidemic in Shanghai 1911, 87; responses to epidemics, 28, 29, 35, 42, 47, 50, 53; warnings, 44. See also Bacteriological Institute; plague control; Plague Fighter; plague hospitals; Thomson, Dr. John Christopher; Tung Wah Hospital; U I-kai: death plague control and response: Chapei Plague Prevention Corps 87, 218; commission of enquiry, 73–74, 75, 78, 83, 176; international conference, 87; reforms at TWH, 78–79 plague hospitals, 43, 76–77; Sai Ying Pun, 77; Kennedy Town, 63 Pok Tsai Hospital 博濟醫院, 53, 80, 85, 94n27 Port Health Services 43, 45–46 postcolonial history, scholarship, 2, 175–79 premises, HKCM: in AMH, ix, 62–63, 80; move to HKU, 20, 28, 97 principal civil medical officer (PCMO): function, 42–43; re-naming, 40;

Queen Mary Hospital, 143, 156 Queen’s College, 11, 15, 17, 107, 110, 112, 198; as Government Central School, 9, 15, 16, 17, 19, 23n36, 190, 191, 192; and HKCM alumni, 121, 127, 128, 129, 144, 148, 161; as Victoria College, 9, 15–16, 16, 17, 19, 23n36 Quincey, Peter, 74, 87, 200, 218; and plague prevention, 87 Red Cross, 175, 219; HKCM volunteers, 28, 137, 138, 146; mainland China, 115, 134, 137, 164; translation of first-aid primer, 59, 164. See also Ma Luk, Wong Sai-yan Regional Council. See Sanitary Board Registrar General, 57, 75, 76, 104 Resident posts for HKCM students, 79–80 Revive China Society 興中會, 54, 115, 167 Rhenish Mission Church, 58, 122, 139 Robinson, Sir William, 50, 52, 73 Rockefeller Foundation, 106–9; Medicine in China report, 114, 115; scholarships and fellowships, 127, 164, 165 Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, 86, 148 Royal College of Physicians of London, 26 Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, 86, 123 Royal College of Surgeons of England, 157, 158 Sanitary Board, 32, 43, 72, 75, 136–37, 160 School of Tropical Medicine, 26–27, 149

228 Index

seal, HKCM (香港西醫大學堂), 14–15, 15 Secretary for Chinese Affairs. See Registrar General Sibree, Dr. Alice, 80, 144 Sisters of St. Paul de Chartres, 45 Skertchly, Sydney, 12 Society for Tropical Medicine, 28 Song Chong-chai 宋長才, 106, 121, 124, 201, 218 Stedman, Dr. Frederic, 45, 107 Stevens, Mrs. Helen, 35, 142 St. John’s Ambulance Association and Brigade, 28, 123, 137–38, 175; Medical Benevolent Branch, New Territories, 137 St. John’s Ambulance Brigade. See St. John’s Ambulance Association and Brigade St. Joseph’s College, 16, 121, 159, 160 St. Paul’s College, 16, 45, 121, 124, 145 St. Paul’s Hospital, 45, 160 St. Stephen’s College, 16, 97 students, HKCM. See licentiates, HKCM Sun Yat-sen 孫逸仙, 173, 200, 218; and AMH, 52; book, x; and classmates, 50–52, 59, 80, 86, 102, 122–23, 142–43, 165–66; East-West Dispensary, 53; fellow alumni, 165; Hong Kong ties, 111–13; in Macau, 53–54; and teachers, 26; overseas, 64; revolutionary activities, 69, 80, 111–13; and ‘Watson’ scholarship, 19. See also Cantlie, Dr. James; Ho Kai, Dr.; Kong Ying-wah; Manson, Patrick Tai Po Road Maternity Home, 128 Tam Chong-wa 譚長華121, 122, 201, 218 Tang Chuk-kai, 20, 98 Tan Yeu-wee 陳有慰, 80, 91, 201, 218 TCM. See medicine, traditional Chinese Tee Han-kee 鄭漢淇, 91, 201, 218 Thomas, Dr. G. H. (George Harold), 30, 123, 151, 154–58, 201, 218; 160; children, 158; Chinese name (譚嘉

士), 155; ‘firsts’, 157; and HKCM, 109, 155–56; and HKU, 121, 123, 157; OBE, 138; public service, 138, 156, 158; teaching, 157; and Tung Wah Hospital 129, 155–58 Thomson, Dr. John Christopher (J. C.), 35, 33–37, 101, 155; and Government Medical Department, 36; lectures, 33–34, 36–37; and plague outbreaks, 35–36, 39, 42 To Chai Church, 35, 59, 83, 122, 142, 166 To Ying-fan 杜應勳 (Coxion To), 61, 62–63, 80, 200, 218 To Ying-kwan 杜應坤, 76, 79, 122, 139, 200, 218 Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM). See medicine, traditional Chinese Tsan Yuk Hospital 贊育醫院, 77, 135–36, 144–45, 156 Tso Seen-wan, 75 Tso U-him, 48 Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, 129, 139 Tung Wah Hospital (TWH) 30; board, 152; Chinese focus, 176; TCM, 7, 176, 184; in HKCM curriculum, 110, 121; HKCM employees, 44, 46–47, 74, 129, 144, 155–57, 160; hybrid characteristics, 46–47; growth of WM, 7, 12, 44, 79, 176, 184, 189; inpatients, 79; management, 53; post-plague reform 44, 78–79, 176; Yaumati branch, 121. See also Kwong Wah Hospital; Thomas, Dr. G. H. Tung Wah Smallpox Hospital, 124 Tuxford, Alfred Stanley (A. S.), 106, 121, 125–26, 160, 201, 218 U I-kai 胡爾楷, 59, 60, 65, 80, 151, 152, 200, 218; death, 58; postgraduation, 57–58 Union Medical College of Tsinan (Shantung), 114 University of Cambridge, 29, 123 University of Edinburgh: alumni, 33, 60, 86, 150; HKCM licentiate alumni,

Index 229

48–49, 79, 83–86, 122, 134, 148; students from HKCM, 121, 133 University of Hong Kong (HKU): agreement with HKCM, 102–5; appointment to Chair of Pathology, 148; choosing a site, 99; degree recognition, 109–10; departments and schools, 29, 85–86, 136, 148; fundraising (see fundraising); and Government Civil Hospital, 42; graduates. 126–30, 143, 146, 164; HKCM contributions to, 180–82; HKCM transfers to, viii, 59, 146; ordinance, 102; medical society (see Medical Society of HKU); and Tsan Yuk Hospital, 136. See also Caduceus; Clark, Dr. Francis; fundraising; incorporation, HKCM into HKU; Manson, Patrick; Thomas, George Harold Urban Council. See Sanitary Board vaccination efforts, 3, 62, 75, 76, 145; in curriculum, 107, 157; public vaccinator, 144, 216 Viceroy’s Hospital Medical School (Tientsin), 78, 80, 133, 152 Victoria College. See Queen’s College Victoria Hospital for Women and Children, 42, 145 Wah Kiu Yat Po 華僑日報 (newspaper), 55, 145 Wan Chik-hing 温植慶, 121, 122–23, 137, 201, 218 Wang Chung-ching. See Wong Chung-hing Wang Chung-hing. See Wong Chung-hing Wang Chung-yik (C. Y., Wong Chungyik) 王寵益, 147–50, 153, 201, 219; Edinburgh, 83; funeral, 150; Handbook of Pathology, 149 fig 9.3; HKU, 85–86 Wang Pak-fu 王伯符, 121, 123, 201, 219 Wang Yuk-cho. See Wong Yuk-cho

Wan Man-kai. See Wan Tun-mo Wan Tun-mo 尹端模 (also known as Wan Man-kai 尹文楷): alumni marriage connections, 152, 161; career, 53, 62, 80, 90; education, 133; private practice, 88; public service, 133 ‘Watson’ scholarship, 19 Wee Ket-chong 韋吉昌, 91, 200, 219 West China Union University Medical College (Chengdu), 114 Western medicine (WM). See medicine, Western WM. See medicine, Western Wong, Benjamin. See Wong Cheong-lam, Dr. Benjamin Wong, John, 18, 19, 26 Wong Cheong-lam 黄菖林, Dr. Benjamin, 30, 130, 134, 151–53, 201, 219; employment, 81; private practice, 89; public service, 130, 133, 135, 137, 138, 140 Wong Chung-hing 王龐慶 (AKA Wang Chung-ching), 48, 85, 122, 133, 148 Wong Hing-chuen 黄慶全, 127 Wong I-ek 黃怡益, 51, 60, 64, 200, 219 Wong Ka-cheung 王嘉祥 (also known as Wong Chi-min, Wong Kat-man 王吉 民), 120, 122, 153–54, 201, 219 Wong Kwok-kun 黄國權, 128–29, 135 fig. 8.1, 139, 140, 201, 219 Wong Sai-yan 王世恩, 51, 58–59, 122, 127, 143, 201, 219; overseas work, 59–60, 61, 64; private practice, 89; public service, 137 Wong Siong-cie 王祥芝, 128, 129–30, 201, 219 Wong Tsz-chuen 王子傳, Dr., 59, 127–28, 153, 201, 219; private practice, 146; public service, 135, 137, 139, 140 Wong Wan-on 黄允安, 91, 92, 201, 219 Wong Yuk-cho 王煜初, Rev., 35, 59, 83, 148, 166 Woo, Arthur (Wai-tak) 胡惠德, 58 Wu Lien-teh 伍連德, Dr., 61, 86, 87, 127, 153, 164

230 Index

Yeung Wo Nursing Home, 134. See also Hong Kong Sanatorium and Hospital Young, Dr. William, 7, 9, 11, 32