Wales in the early Middle Ages 9780718512354, 9780718511630

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
Preface (page ix)
List of illustrations (page xi)
Acknowledgements and conventions (page xiii)
Introduction (page 1)
1 Land, Landscape and Environment (page 5)
2 Economy (page 31)
3 Social Ties and Social Strata (page 59)
4 Secular Politics (page 85)
5 Kings, Law and Order (page 121)
6 The Church--Institutions and Authority (page 141)
7 Christianity and Spirituality (page 169)
Epilogue (page 194)
Appendix: The Source Material (page 198)
Abbreviations (page 219)
Notes (page 222)
Bibliography (page 247)
Index (page 255)

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STUDIES IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF BRITAIN

General Editor: Nicholas Brooks

Wales in the Early Middle Ages

Wales in the Early Middle Ages Wendy Davies

Leicester University Press 1982

First published in 1982 by Leicester University Press First published in 1982 in the United States of America by Humanities Press Inc., Atlantic Highlands, NJ 07716, and also distributed by them in North America

Copyright © Leicester University Press 1982 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Leicester University Press. Designed by Douglas Martin Set in Compugraphic Trump Mediaeval by A.B. Printers Limited, 71 Cannock Street, Leicester Printed and bound in Great Britain by The Pitman Press, Bath

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Davies, Wendy Wales in the early Middle Ages. — (Studies in the early history of Britain) 1. Wales — History — to 1536

I. Title II. Series 942.9 DA714

ISBN 0-7185-1163-8 ISBN 0-7185-1235-9 Pbk

Contents Foreword vii

Preface ix List of illustrations xi Acknowledgments and conventions xiii

Introduction 1

1 Land, Landscape and Environment 5

2 Economy 31 3 Social Ties and Social Strata 59

4 Secular Politics 85 5 Kings, Law and Order 121 6 The Church — Institutions and Authority 141

7 Christianity and Spirituality 169 Epilogue 194 Appendix: The Source Material 198

Abbreviations 219

Notes 222 Bibliography 247

Index 255

Foreword

The aim of the Studies in the Early History of Britain is to promote works of

the highest scholarship which open up virgin fields of study or which surmount the barriers of traditional academic disciplines. As interest in the origins of our society and culture grows whilst scholarship yet becomes ever more specialized, inter-disciplinary studies are needed more urgently, not only by scholars but also by students and by laymen. The series will therefore

include both research monographs and works of synthesis, and also collaborative studies of important themes by several scholars whose training and expertise has lain in different fields. Our knowledge of the early Middle Ages will always be limited and fragmentary, so progress will only be made if the work of the historian embraces that of the philologist, the archaeologist, the geographer, the numismatist, the art historian and the liturgicist — to

name only the most obvious. The need to cross and to remove academic frontiers also explains the extension of the geographical range from that of the previous series of Studies in Early English History to include the whole island of Britain. The change would have been welcomed by the editor of the earlier

series, the late Professor H.P.R. Finberg, whose pioneering work helped to inspire, or to provoke, the interest of anew generation of early medievalists in

the relations of Britons and Saxons. The approach of the new series is therefore deliberately wide-ranging, and will seek to avoid being unduly insular. Early medieval Britain can only be understood in the context of contemporary developments in Ireland and on the Continent. Wendy Davies here inaugurates a series of regional volumes covering the

country. Leading scholars have each been invited to provide a brief but comprehensive and up-to-date synthesis of the settlement and history of one of the main regions of early medieval Britain. Whatever the particular special interests of the authors, each volume will seek to provide the layman with a well-illustrated and critical introduction to the history of his own region. Wales presents particularly challenging problems to the early medievalist.

Archaeology and place-name studies are still in their infancy whilst the historical and legal sources present acute problems of interpretation which are only just beginning to be tackled. No-one can hope to achieve a definitive study for many years to come, but it has been my privilege to allow Dr Davies the space to respond to the urgent need for a critical modern interpretation of early Welsh history that is aware of the dangers of the myths perpetuated by late sources.

University of St Andrews, September 1981 N. P. Brooks

For John and Hilda

Preface

Despite the difficulty of its subject, I have enjoyed writing this book for two principal reasons. Firstly, I found it unexpectedly enjoyable to write with the

primary intention of communicating, rather than using writing itself as a means of investigation; I hope, therefore, that the book is intelligible to people who have no knowledge of any medieval history and no knowledge of

any Welsh history, though I also hope that it may contain something of interest for the specialist. Secondly, I have particularly enjoyed talking to the people on whose expertise I have leaned and the opportunity to think hard about their work. I owe a debt of gratitude to many, therefore, for their time and patience in answering my questions and for their generosity in informing me of work in progress, and I should especially mention the staff of all the Archaeological Trusts of Wales in this respect. I am also extremely grateful

for the conversations and arguments that I have had with two sets of students: those who studied early medieval Wales in the University of Birmingham between 1973 and 1977 and those who listened to my lectures in

the University of Cambridge in 1977 and 1978. The stimulus of teaching forced me to confront problems I should have preferred to avoid, and I was fortunate in having students of exceptional vigour and critical ability. Of the

many individuals who have helped, I should particularly like to thank Nicholas Brooks for asking me to write this book, and Leicester University

Press for undertaking to publish it; Sally Bergin and Nazneen Razwi, at University College, London, for typing and coping so admirably with the torture of my own typescripts; Wyn Evans, Heather James, Morfydd Owen

and David Rollason, for commenting generously and constructively on particular chapters; and Tom Davis and Chris Wickham for undertaking the labour of reading and criticizing the whole work. Though I would not wish to associate any of them with the errors and idiosyncracies of my approach, their help has been invaluable. I would finally extend my thanks to John and Hilda Padel for their great generosity and support during the years that I have been writing the work.

Bucknell, September 1980 Wendy Davies A considerable number of valuable books, articles and reports has been published since this book first went to press in the autumn of 1980. These include some essential source studies: K. Hughes, ‘The A text of Annales Cambriae’, in idem, Celtic Britain in the Early Middle Ages {1980}, 86-100;

J-C. Poulin, ‘A propos du diocése de Dol’, Francia, vi {1978}, 610-15; H. Guillotel, ‘Les origines du ressort de l’évéché de Dol’, Mémoires de la Société d’Histoire et d’Archéologie de Bretagne, tiv (1977), 31-68; A. Peden,

‘Science and philosophy in Wales at the time of the Norman Conquest’, Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies, u (1981), 47-72. There is an easily

x Wales in the Early Middle Ages

available new translation of Annales Cambriae in Nennius, ed. and trans. John Morris (1980), 45-9. Recent archaeological work in Wales is briefly summarized in Archaeology in Wales, x1x (1979) and xx (1980): reports on Bayvil, Bryn-y-Castell, Dinorben, Gaerwen (=Cae Capel Eithin), Hen Domen, Llandough, Llanrhos and Rhuddlan are of particular interest. Charles Thomas has also produced A Provisional List of Imported Pottery in postRoman western Britain and Ireland (Institute of Cornish Studies, 1981). There has, as always, been less comment on particular historical problems, but the institutions of the Welsh church are discussed by K. Hughes in ‘The Celtic church: is this a valid concept?’, Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies, 1 (1981),

1-15, and many aspects of late Romano-British Christianity and its relationship to the British church of the fifth and sixth centuries are discussed

by Charles Thomas in Christianity in Roman Britain to AD 500 (1981). Finally, although Wales is peripheral to most of the material in D. Hill, An Atlas of Anglo-Saxon England (1981}, it includes many useful maps of developments on the eastern side of Offa’s Dyke, developments which are often pertinent to the course of Welsh history.

List of illustrations

1 Territorial divisions of modern Wales xiv 2 Wales: solid geology 4 3 View of an upland glaciated valley near Rhayader 6 4 Mean dates for the growing season and air frosts, 1911-40 8

5 Wales: relief 10

6 Travelling times in Wales in the early Middle Ages 15 7 Roman roads in Wales 17 8 Sites with material suggesting defensive or domestic use in the early Middle Ages 20

9 Dinas Powys: plan 23 10 Caergybi: plan 25 11 The enclosure and church at Eglwys Gymyn 26 12 Pant-y-saer and Cefn Graeanog: plans 28

13 Gateholm Island 29

14 Wales: generalized map of soil types 32 15 Early fields and dwellings west of Garreg Fawr 36 16 Contoured survey of Field A at Hen Domen, showing a pre-Conquest

field system 37 ,

17 Hendre and hafod in Caernarfon 40 18 A pair of hypothetical Welsh multiple estates 43 19 The territorial framework of Trefwyddog, Carmarthen 45 20 The Hywel Dda penny 54 21 The distribution of British and Irish finds of imported pottery of the fifth to seventh centuries 56 22, Some possible pre-urban nuclei 58 23 A page from Rhigyfarch’s Psalter 61 24 A record of manumission in Wales, added to the Lichfield Gospels in the ninth century 65 25 Viking raids on Wales 66 26 A six-generation patrilineal kindred 72 27 The Llantrisant stone 75 28 Maenor Meddyfnych and its constituent trefi 77 29 Regions named in pre-twelfth-century sources 83

30 Roman Wales 86

31 Indications of Irish settlement in Wales 88 32 Known kingdoms of early Wales 91 33 The Llangadwaladr stone 92 34 Kings of the South-East in the sixth and seventh centuries 93 35 The Castelldwyran stone 96 36 Places associated with early Welsh kingdoms 97 37 Places associated with the family of Cynddylan 100 38 The known kingdoms of early Wales, with some possible additions 101

xl Wales in the Early Middle Ages 39 Intrusive dynasties in the South-East in the tenth and eleventh centuries 103 40 The expansion of Gwynedd in the late ninth century 105 41 The royal dynasties of Gwynedd and Dyfed 106 42 Offa's Dyke on Spring Hill 109

43 The pillar of Elise 111 44 The Llanynys cross 115 45 Scandinavian place-names in Wales 118 46 Part of a free-standing pillar cross from Penmon 119 47 Segmentation in Gwynedd and Dyfed 124 48 A Welsh record of dispute settlement from the Lichfield Gospels 133 49 The well-evidenced religious foundations of early Wales 142 50 Religious foundations in the South-East 144

51 The Nevern Cross 147 92, The religious site at Burry Holms 150 53 The bishoprics 159

54 Dedications to Teilo and Cadog in south Wales 163

55 The Llanlljr stone 165 }

56 Gateholm Island with Skomer Island on the horizon 166

5/ Cannington cemetery 170

58 A calendar from ?Monmouth 175 59 The Llangwnnadl bell 179 60 Some special graves at Cae Capel Eithin, Gaerwen 181 61 Fragment of a sculptured cross slab from St David's 183 62, The ‘judgment day’ stone from Llanlleonfel 186 63 The Ramsey Island inscription 189 64 The site at Llandough: plan 189 65 The site at Llandegai: plan 190 66 Cist grave at Y Gaer, Bayvil 191

Acknowledgments and conventions

I have used the term ‘pre-Conquest’ in this book to refer to the period before the first Norman onslaught, and the term ‘Conquest’ to refer to the period of initial Norman success, that is between c.1070 and 1093. ‘Pre-Conquest’, therefore, is loosely used of Wales before the Norman impact and not, as it might be, of Wales before it was completely over-run. I have used the term ‘early medieval’ to refer to the total period covered in the book, that is the

fifth to the eleventh centuries, inclusive. Unless otherwise indicated, or noted in the Bibliography, all references to texts are by page number of the edition or translation. The names of places have been spelled in their modern Welsh forms, as listed by the late Professor Richards in Welsh Administrative and Territorial Units (1969), except where an English form — like Cardiff or Carmarthen — is so common that to use the Welsh would cause unnecessary confusion to the English reader; name forms quoted from texts, i.e. not modernized, have not been italicized, for ease of reading. The modern county names — Dyfed, Gwynedd, Clwyd, Powys, Glamorgan, Gwent, especially —

are sometimes useful, but they cover very large areas and are often not sufficiently precise in defining locations; the pre-1974 English counties are smaller, and familiar to most people, and provide a more immediate means of reference. I have therefore often used these to indicate approximate area, but have sometimes also used the even smaller areas of the Welsh administrative units — commotes and cantrefs — where this appeared to be more helpful. The extent and location of these varying terms of reference are indicated on the maps overleaf. The author and publishers wish to thank all those who have kindly given

permission for illustrations to be reproduced, as cited in the captions; particular thanks are due to the University of Wales Press for assistance in obtaining material for reproduction from V.E. Nash-Williams’s The Early Christian Monuments of Wales, to A.G. McCormick, who drew the maps and diagrams, and to Terrence James for providing many of the photographs.

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Introduction

It is not possible to write a history of early medieval Wales that will stand up

to the requirements of modern scholarship. Interesting though the subject matter is, the available source material is quite inadequate to resolve the simplest problems, and it is no longer acceptable to take material written at a late date and project its implications backwards over several centuries. There

is very, very little written material that survives from the pre-Conquest period, and that which does survive is often corrupt and fragmentary; there may well be more physical evidence that is relevant, to be recovered by excavation and by analysis of the landscape, but work on these areas is still in its early stages. Any history, therefore, becomes more of an exercise in speculative imagination than a sober, well-documented analysis, however rigorous the writer might attempt to be. The exercise is, nevertheless, worth undertaking: some questions have to be asked, and even if no-one can be sure of the answers the act of asking them is not without its value. There is, moreover, a point in writing a history that indicates, and even emphasizes, the uncertainties and the lacunae: it is useful to be aware of what we do not know, to pare away accumulated traditions and unquestioned assumptions and to isolate that which may be said with some certainty amidst the mass of suppositions. In writing this book, however, I have also tried to note the

content of the later law tracts where thematically relevant. This is not because I consider them acceptable as pre-Conquest evidence but because I think it is valuable to weigh their import against the unelaborated earlier fragments. They are noted, therefore, for essentially comparative reasons: the comparison is often instructive. It is necessary, then, to be vigilant about the source material available, and the use made of it, and in all cases I would ask the reader — by reference to the Appendix — to balance the interpretation I have put upon the surviving fragments against a sober assessment of their nature and limitations. I have for this reason given references to English translations where they are available.

It is a good time to consider old assumptions and ask new questions, although it is probably too soon for any effective synthesis, for in the past generation, and in particular in the past ten years, exceptionally valuable new work has been undertaken in three particular fields, work that is still in progress. Archaeological investigation must provide the greatest opportunity for increasing the corpus of knowledge of the early medieval period, and, with

the establishment of the Archaeological Trusts for the new administrative counties in the mid-1970s, alongside those archaeologists already working in

Wales, the work of systematic collection and recording has received a considerable stimulus. There is every reason to expect a steady flow of new material in the future, in addition to more sophisticated analysis of the extant

corpus. The second field of development lies in the very difficult area of Welsh law already mentioned, in the studies which have been undertaken by a group of scholars working together for the past 20 years or so, often supported

2, Wales in the Early Middle Ages

by the Board of Celtic Studies. Here the problems are quite different, for they concern the understanding and isolation of different strata within generations of accumulated practice, all recorded relatively late in the Middle Ages. Much of this material must have a relevance for the pre-Conquest period in Wales — and hence my concern to note its essential content — but it has always been difficult to define the appropriate parts. The very close textual studies which are now being undertaken — though they obviously have great relevance for

the late medieval period too — may well succeed in defining a corpus of material of considerable significance in understanding the social and political structure of pre-Norman Wales. Lastly, and more miscellaneously, the range of detailed textual and linguistic studies of early medieval sources that has been published during the past ten years is beginning to transform the subject. Such work makes it possible to begin to understand the few sources that do survive; without them, one could not begin — or begin again — the business of interpretation.

This book is about Wales between the termination of Roman political control of Britain in the early fifth century and the beginning of Norman conquest in the late eleventh century. Though a period of quite exceptional obscurity, it would be possible to write much more on and make much more of the political history of this period than I have done, even allowing for the source problems. Questions other than the political are equally important, however, and require equal treatment in a general work. The reader who requires a political framework should therefore turn to chapter 4, but I have preferred to give a different sort of overall framework to the problems here considered.

Such Roman military garrisons as remained in Wales after the second century, which were not many, appear to have been withdrawn by the late fourth century and the formal contacts of central Roman government with the provincial administration of Britain appear to have ended in the first decade of

the fifth century. Membership of the Roman Empire left an uneven impression on Wales, however, and by the fourth century the character of the South-East — with its many villas and well-worked estates — was in many

respects distinct from the rest of Wales. This Roman background, and in particular the experience of having been part of a wide network of economic relationships, continued to mark the South-East, conditioning development over the next three centuries in particular. By the eleventh century, however,

the distinction was much less clear. Indeed, one of the most interesting trends of the early medieval period as a whole is the gradual loss of these distinctive characteristics. The Normans conquered England in 1066 and the Norman conquest of Wales began within four years of this. Unlike the conquest of England it was an extremely piecemeal affair with no centralized direction, which began from the strongpoints of Chester, Shrewsbury and Hereford in the marches and which was conducted independently by different Norman lords. Although much of Wales appeared to be in Norman hands by the early 1090s, there was a revolt in north Wales in 1094, which spread to the South; as a consequence the Normans effectively withdrew from the North in 1098, thereby ensuring

north Welsh independence until the Edwardian conquest of the late

thirteenth century. The marches, the South-East and much of the

Introduction 3 South-West — all termed the March of Wales — remained largely under Norman political control, however, though it was a control exercised by many lords in many independent lordships. Conflict over the extent of the March and conflict between the immigrants and the Welsh supplied much of the political interest of the twelfth century, for the bounds of the March and the relationships between leaders were by no means fixed by the progress of the initial conquest. The conquest of Wales, therefore, was something which took more than 200 years to complete. The period between Roman Empire and Norman Conquest is a long one and must contain many of the determinants of the character of Wales — Welsh Wales — in the better-documented struggles of the central and later Middle Ages. I have tried to make clear what hints of this pre-Conquest development are contained in the all too few and fragmentary early medieval sources, and |

have tried to make the character of these sources clear in the Appendix. Political and social developments, however, did not happen in a vacuum and were themselves conditioned by the physical shape of Wales. Though it is important that as historians we are always aware of the nature of the available

sources, we should also remember the immense influence of land and landscape on society, religion and politics, as well as on economy. It is proper to begin, therefore, with the land itself.

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1 Land, Landscape and Environment

The land of Wales is dominated by the mountains which form its core; hence,

the peaks and the plateaux which delight the modern tourist have conditioned and continue to condition economic exploitation, communications and political development. The good arable lands, the areas which attract most settlement, are largely coastal and are in effect isolated from each other by the mountains. Modern geographers, therefore, conceive of Wales as a central mountainous heartland, surrounded by the coastal regions of the North-West and Anglesey, the West, the South-West, the Vale of Glamorgan and Gower, and also by the borderlands which were always more or less open to English influence — northern, middle and south-eastern.’ Wales is also a land of old, hard rocks: the oldest — in Anglesey and Llyn — are now somewhat worn down; the next oldest, Cambrian — in Meirionydd and Arfon — are hard grits which produce rugged outcrops; placed against them are the Ordovician then Silurian strata which cover more than half of Wales, curving round from Denbigh, through Radnor, to Pembroke, with

stretches of volcanic rock piled up among them — in the North-West especially, the South-West and round Builth. To the south, in Brecon, lie the newer belts of Old Red Sandstone and then the carboniferous rocks which include the coalfield — sands, grits and limestones. Only in the Vale of

Glamorgan and the north-eastern borders do we find the newer Mesozoic . sandstones and deposits of limestone (see fig. 2)?. The north-east/south-west folding of the old rocks, pushed against the oldest in the North-West, remains a dominant influence on communications. The land is not merely old. More than a quarter of Wales is over 1,000 feet

high and there are no vast stretches of lowland as there are in England. Giraldus Cambrensis, travelling in the late twelfth century, reacted strongly

to the peaks of north Wales: ‘This territory of Cynan, and especially Meirionydd, is the rudest and roughest of all the Welsh districts. The mountains are very high, with narrow ridges and a great number of very sharp peaks all jumbled together in confusion. If the shepherds who shout to each

: other and exchange comments from these lofty summits should ever decide to meet, it would take them almost the whole day to climb down and up again’.’ In fact, it is the series of depositions of the old rocks which has largely determined the variations in the present upland structure. Indeed, though the volcanic rocks do form peaks and protrusions, much of the mountain area consists of high rounded plateaux, punctuated by trough-like valleys carved out by glaciation at a considerable altitude. Other, deeper valleys project into the central massif, however, and their rivers — the Severn, the Wye, the Tywi, the Teifi, the Usk, the Dee — run for long distances to the sea, dropping hundreds of feet from the central watershed. Giraldus, therefore, contrasted with.the summits of the Black Mountains ‘the deep vale of Ewias, which is shut in on all sides by a circle of lofty

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average ral IN : 1e 1n ins,yaexperiencin year. Snowdoni gles in the o . onia and the B B rder of 30 amuch eacons, by OV year. Modern, English, ancontr 1 rainf é , get over 90 ins lower and .averages } popularly regarded nd over 1n .asas.heav }is mass, MoO 1 Yr O re rain falls i in the Euro an S. Unlike rain ove fore r :rainfall ales a 1j§istnere:th ely ;dry; i e spring Talntalt 1S neverth shadow. . . , SO theey borderlan . nfalle — liketnatAn — ] 1e ]

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local f climatic indu by purely cal features; though parts variation of the d ariation induced today th O Tots ave . broad distincti betw rcticaClimate e ; .tween upland fact, the that inland vall owland is modifi n alleys are subj ified by the ubject to fo1soYOs 10ns while hi ignt-time perature V 1' . me high vall arly morning and late even: dd r shading in the owland. efore cool at the rate of the All of this is significa significant because of 1 ff uccess with which tivated. Most ich th t cy can be cultiv *

grown, and on the S . p e range of crops

1

1 Land, Landscape and Environment 7

food crops need sufficient warmth for the seed to germinate, sufficient moisture to assist growth, and a long enough growing season to ripen. Professor Le Roy Ladurie, citing Slicher van Bath, has demonstrated how

specific is the range of variations that produces ideal wheat-growing conditions: late September — damp; October, November to 20 December — rather dry, not too mild; 21 December to the end of February — rather dry, no strong wind, no frost below —10°; March — no frost after germination has begun; April — regular rain, sun; May to 15 June — rain, warmth but not too hot; 16 June to 10 July — cool, cloudy, not too much rain; late July, August, early September — dry, warm, sunny but not too hot.*® He argues that the critical factor in successful production is rainfall: too much means disaster. In some areas of Wales, and certainly at higher altitudes, the summer is too short to provide an adequate growing season while even in the lowlands there is often too much rainfall and too little heat to guarantee an adequate ripening of cereals. All crops do not have the same requirements, however, and oats,

barley and rye will grow successfully at much higher altitudes than will wheat.’ The length of the growing season, moreover, varies not just in relation to altitude and proximity to the sea but also in relation to purely local factors. Maps of first and last frosts, and of the start of the modern growing season, are notable therefore in emphasizing the exceptionally fortunate position of St David's, and the only slightly less fortunate position of Gower, the Vale of Glamorgan, Llyn and Anglesey (see fig. 4).° We should expect the early medieval climate to be much as that of today, though warming somewhat towards the year A.D. 1000 and noticeably more

so in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the so-called ‘little climatic optimum’.’ The suggestions are that the annual temperature variation may have been slightly greater: winters were a little colder than at present c.850 and not much warmer by the twelfth century. Great frosts are characteristic of European winters between the fifth and tenth centuries, and the skates found in Viking levels in York may give some human meaning to the relative figures. '° Temperatures had probably dropped at the outset of our period from

the more favourable climate of Roman times. These centuries also seem to have seen an increase in rainfall, and floods were particularly noticed by Europeans in the late fifth and sixth centuries.'’ Hence, the climate of early

medieval Wales probably experienced two major changes — a drop in temperature and increase in rainfall at the start, to levels below those of the present; and a gradual warming, intensifying at the very end, to levels above the modern.

The temperature changes of the fifth and sixth centuries must have shortened the growing season in some areas and may have provoked some abandonment of mountain arable. Indeed, it has been suggested that the ‘serviceable upland’ of lowland England lay exhausted by c.600, and we may imagine some comparable deterioration for Wales.’? At the other end of the

period, by contrast, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, evidence of cultivation has been noted in upland areas of Wales. It may well be, then, that productive capacity experienced a sharp downward jolt at the opening of our

period but that gradually over several centuries conditions became more favourable until, by 1200, they were better than those of today. Indeed, in work which has been carried out at Cefn Graeanog at the north-eastern end of

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Figure 5. Wales: relief (after W. Rees, An Historical Atlas of Wales, 1959, pl.3).

character again and again. The narrow strip along the northern and northwestern coasts broadens into the windswept, enclosed pastures of the Llyn peninsula and extends over much of Anglesey; both Llyn and Anglesey have their stony outcrops and both have their milder, sheltered parts, but the predominant impression is of a rather bare lowland. South of the Dyfi estuary the coastal strip broadens again to form the western coastlands, an area oi more trees, more settlements and more use, and these in their turn extend south into the peninsula of Pembroke and Carmarthen. Here, in the extreme West by St David's, the land is bare and windswept like Llyn, also largely enclosed, with the Presely Mountains jutting out to the north; over much of the peninsula, however, the land seems lush: woods and trees, undulating hills and mixed farming are characteristic, and the dense network of roads anc settlements bears witness to centuries of use by man. Moving east round the

1 Land, Landscape and Environment 11 coast the mountain nears the Channel again by Swansea and Neath, leaving the long-used lands of Gower projecting into the sea and effectively separating South-West from South-East. The coastal strip gradually broadens into the highly fertile lowlands of the Vale of Glamorgan, again enclosed and given over to mixed farming, while in the East beyond Cardiff a ‘westward thrusting tongue of the English lowland’ forms the undulating hills and fields of Gwent and Ergyng {south-west Hereford}. Here too, as in the South-West, the land is much used and much settled. From Gwent northwards along the marches, the traveller moves through the flatter arable lands of north Hereford into the enclosed, sheltered, hilly, pastoral country of the middle borderlands, and

finally into the less extensive lowlands of the North-East, which turn eastwards towards the Cheshire plain, before reaching the coast again. The modern landscape is both a useful and a misleading pointer to that of the early medieval period. Over much of the mountain heartland, with its few and isolated settlements and its rare enclosures, the modern aspect bears some relationship to that of 1,000 years ago, but the nature and extent of the vegetation would almost certainly have been different. The natural mixed deciduous woodland — birch, alder, oak — may well have extended up to a height of 2,000ft, except on ill-drained or steeply sloping land, and except in the places where neolithic, bronze age and iron age man, and Roman military requirements and forest management, had cleared it. The modern upland landscape, dominated by grass and conifers, has been largely determined by

the twin agents of sheep and the Forestry Commission. The planting of conifers has been an essentially twentieth-century development — but it has the virtue of indicating how high trees can grow; extensive grazing by sheep

did not begin until the thirteenth century and has caused considerable limitation of the available vegetation. The early medieval upland landscape, therefore, would have had fewer uninterrupted, broad expanses of grass, would have been more mixed in its vegetation, with patches of scrubby woodland, but would have had as comparably few settlements as today.'? The Domesday surveyor of north Wales accordingly commented that most of Rhos and Rhufoniog was ‘wood and moor’ and could not be ploughed.'? The banks and hedges, the roads and buildings of the modern coastlands, on the other hand, are almost invariably the product of man’s efforts in the centuries

after the Norman Conquest. We should attempt to envisage for the early medieval period a landscape in those areas with fewer roads and settlements, far fewer permanent enclosures, and — of course — more trees.

The closest we can come to sustained description of the early medieval landscape are the comments in the works of Giraldus Cambrensis, a man from Wales and travelling about Wales in the late twelfth century, a century after the first Norman incursion, although much of the earlier poetry of Canu

Llywarch Hen betrays an intense awareness of landscape and alludes to it frequently. Giraldus will have us believe that ‘The island of Anglesey is an arid stony land, rough and unattractive in appearance. It is rather like the

cantref of Pebidiog, round St David's, to look at, but in its natural productivity it is quite different. The island produces far more grain than any other part of Wales. In the Welsh language it has always been called ‘‘'Mon mam Cymru’’, which means ‘‘Mona the Mother of Wales’’. When crops have

failed in all other regions, this island, from the richness of its soil and its

12. Wales in the Early Middle Ages abundant produce, has been able to supply all Wales’. He adds: ‘I must not fail to tell you about the mountains which are called Eryri by the Welsh and by the English Snowdon, that is the Snow Mountains. They rise gradually from the land of the sons of Cynan and extend northwards near Degannwy. When looked at from Anglesey, they seem to rear their lofty summits right up to the clouds. They are thought to be so enormous and to extend so far that, as the

old saying goes: ‘‘Just as Anglesey can supply all the inhabitants of Wales with corn, so if all the herds were gathered together, Snowdon could afford sufficient pasture’’ ’.”° In the South-West, on the other hand, he emphasizes

the prominence of the town of Carmarthen, surely one of the significant nucleated settlements of pre-Norman Wales, even before the building of the

castle and the English, Norman and Flemish settlement of the twelfth century: ‘This ancient town is enclosed by brick walls, parts of which still stand. It is situated on the noble river Tywi, and surrounded by woods and

meadowlands. To the east lies Cantref Mawr... a safe refuge for the inhabitants of South Wales, because of its impenetrable forests’.?! Later he goes on to describe Pembroke as the most attractive part of the most beautiful part of Wales, at once rich in wheat and fish.” Men writing between the fifth and eleventh centuries dwelled much more

briefly upon their natural surroundings. The poet of Armes Prydein in the early tenth century commented on the contrast between forest and plain, hill and dale, and 400 years earlier Gildas had described the ‘wide plains and agreeably set hills and mountains’, the ‘high hills and dense forests’ of the land of Britain.” References to the large expanses of mountain are, in fact, rare, apart from the ‘white hilltops’ and ‘gray mountain tops’ of Powys in Canu Llywarch Hen; this must reflect the fact that most people neither lived in nor travelled through the mountains; they kept to the coastal lowlands.”* A sense of the forest is much more evident. ‘Dense oak tops’, ‘grass and trees’, ‘field and forest’ are the local images of the poems, and earlier the woods and dense forests of Gildas had been clear enough.” The eleventh- and twelfthcentury Saints’ Lives sustain the picture: a wolf-infested forest was thought to have surrounded St Tatheus at Caerwent; the valley near St David’s was woody, like that found by St Illtud; I]ltud had come upon a thick wood with

wild animals in it, and an ‘unfelled’ wood near Llantwit Major; St Cadog would send his monks to the woods to fetch timber while the approach of King Rhun was enough to send men of the locality off to the woods to hide. ”°

The Cheshire Domesday reveals the incidence of plenty of woodland in Clwyd, and a preponderance of wood and moor in Rhos and Rhufoniog as noted above.?? Much earlier, St Samson had to make his way through a frightening forest, quite possibly the ‘impenetrable forest’ of Giraldus’s Cantref Mawr.”* In the South-East the message is specified and localized by

the evidence of the Llandaff charter boundaries in the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries: here the bounds of estates commonly run through small woods and copses, giving the impression of a landscape of partly cleared, patchy woodland rather than dense forest.”” The Cefn Graeanog pollen evidence from north-west Wales would indicate the same. We must suppose,

therefore, large stretches of forest in some areas; and patchy woodland in others. In both cases, a much more wooded landscape than the present. When Illtud found the ideal spot for his monastic settlement there were ‘no

1 Land, Landscape and Environment 13 mountains or infertile wilderness but a fertile open plain’ and a pleasing river. Outside the mountains, however, land without settlements was often seen as bad land. Around the plains were bogs and marshes, thickets of reeds and no dry ground, valleys covered with thorns and thistles.’*® The people who went to hide from their enemies in the woods had ‘secret caves... heaths and thorny

thickets’. *! :

The flora (and fauna} of early medieval Wales are sometimes specified in poems and narratives. Cuckoos sing from the ‘ivy-covered branch’, while eagles hover about the estuaries; jays and crows and thrushes appear, if less romantically; stags and wolves were among the wild animals in the unsettled places. ?? Oak and ash, alder and holly, apples and broom and meadowsweet adorn the hills and valleys; there is brown and black heather in winter; reeds cluster in the ill-drained valleys — defeated heroes fell ‘like rushes’. *? Images of growth abound in the invective of Gildas, emphasizing the nearness of the

natural world. Apart from the references in literature, some sources are concerned to list and detail available resources. Eleven species of highly valued tree are named in the laws: alder, apple, ash, beech, crab, elm, hazel, oak, thorn, willow and yew, though we know that beech was only common in the South and on the English border. The pine characteristic of the prehistoric period appears to have died out by the time that the laws were recorded, while sycamore, known to have been introduced at some point in the Middle Ages, does not appear yet.** In the South-East, charter boundaries again specify

ninth-, tenth- and eleventh-century trees and bushes: apple, ash, broom, gorse, hazel, thorn and willow. ** The excavations at Cefn Graeanog produced evidence of flag iris, foxglove and cow parsley as well as a range of deciduous trees comparable to the modern one. ** The list seems long and varied, though in fact the native flora of Wales is not generally regarded as a rich one.

‘The effect of man on the landscape is much less noted than its natural aspects. Cattle do not seem to have wandered freely and were usually in their stalls; ploughing and furrows broke up the view of grass; dykes and ditches were dug; stones and cairns and crosses were erected — sometimes above isolated burials. When Llywri was murdered a standing stone was placed to mark the spot where he was buried, supposes the author of the Life of Cadog; Maen Gwyddog, ‘the stone of Gwyddog’, was used as a boundary marker in the area of Llandeilo Fawr in the ninth century; other stones, and cairns too,

were often used on property boundaries in the South-East, especially in coastal parts.*” In lowland areas of the South and of the extreme North-West the numbers of inscribed tombstones are high, and they must have formed a distinctive feature of the landscape. Some are monumentally large, and stood alone at the roadside, to be utilized as boundaries, like the 12ft Maen Madog standing on the Roman road Sarn Helen in southern Brecon; or the 6ft Maen Serth standing on a ridge at a height of nearly 1500ft in Radnor. ** By the tenth

and eleventh centuries, it is reasonable to suppose’some gathering of these into churchyards, but before that many may well have been freestanding; *’ by that period churches themselves may have been notable here and there, like those occasionally noticed in the bounds of the Llandaff charters. *® The most striking buildings, however, must have been Roman ruins, for since we now find churches built within and near old Roman forts at Caerhun, Llanbeblig and (?) Caergybi, the source of stone must have survived throughout the early

14 Wales in the Early Middle Ages Middle Ages. Giraldus’s comments on the walls of Carmarthen have already

been quoted, and he became eloquent on the remains still surviving at Caerleon in the twelfth century: Caerleon is the modern name of the City of the Legions... . It was constructed with great care by the Romans, the walls being built of brick. You can still see many vestiges of its one-time splendour. There are immense palaces, which, with the gilded gables of their roofs, once rivalled the magnificence of ancient Rome.... There is a lofty tower, and beside it remarkable hot baths, the remains of temples and an amphitheatre. All this is enclosed within impressive walls, parts of which still remain standing. Wherever you look, both within and without the circuit of these walls, you can see constructions dug deep into the earth, conduits for water, underground passages and airvents. Most remarkable of all to my mind are the stoves, which once transmitted heat through narrow pipes inserted in the side-walls and which are built with

extraordinary skill.“ -

Appropriately, recent archaeological work has suggested that the baths remained roofed until the twelfth or thirteenth century. Contemporary settlements, on the other hand, might have an air of impermanency: when Cadog went away from Llancarfan, his first buildings fell down. And the poet of Canu Llywarch Hen looked sadly at the deserted and overgrown settlement of Urien: nettles, grass, brown stalks, brambles, thorns and dock leaves thrive; a pig roots in it; a chicken scratches round it. *

Travel and Communications

With so much land dominated by mountain, travelling across and about Wales has always been problematic and the north-east/south-west folding to which the old rocks were subjected after their deposition has determined much of the character of the natural communications of the North and the West. Even today it is a standard joke that meetings of representatives of the five colleges of the University of Wales — Bangor, Aberystwyth, Lampeter, Swansea and Cardiff — take place on Shrewsbury station, the easiest place for

all to reach, and there is more than a little truth in this. Even by car, the journey from Bangor to Cardiff or Carmarthen remains lengthy for the distances involved. Such problems — essentially the difficulty of crossing the mountain — were undoubtedly felt in the early medieval period and clearly

contributed to the relative isolation of different parts of the country, a circumstance which had its own political consequences. The later writers of Saints’ Lives made a point of commenting that a journey was ‘prosperously accomplished’, an implicit recognition of the risk involved, while the earlier writer of the Life of Samson dwelt upon the fatigue of the journey undertaken

by Samson’s parents when they went to visit Librarius, and the fears provoked by the huge forests through which Samson and his companions had to travel — in the South — to visit his father.*? The short scenes of daily life by which the compiler of the Colloquy taught his lessons include a number of

1 Land, Landscape and Environment 15 comments on the problems of travel: ‘light a fire ... for us and do it quickly, because I am weak and tired from the labour of the journey or from walking and with the very long and dirty way; marshes and dung abound there, and it is a very difficult and hard journey. ...Rise friends and awaken from your accustomed sleep; put on your belts and in the morning let us go out on the road, for the road is long and the day is short. One person asks you on which road we shall go, and another says: ‘‘I am experienced, follow me, because I know the road and its short cuts; there’s no need to ask anyone’’’. And after more discussion of the need to find the right way and know the short cuts, the talkers move to the problems of the robbers who might be lying in wait.** The importance of knowing the way is amusingly illustrated by the tale of the thieves who stole a herd of pigs, but lost their way and kept returning to the point from which they had started.** Dirt, direction, robbers, all hampered the traveller, though this did not seem to deter a great many people from

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16 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

undertaking the hazards; Gildas commented on the willingness of clerics to undertake long journeys in the sixth century, even overseas if they failed to purchase office at home. ** Travelling took time. Teilo and Padarn each took three days to get to St David's, presumably from Llandeilo Fawr and Llanbadarn Fawr respectively; the long journey to the river Usk made by David and Teilo and Docgwin caused Lifris to comment on their fatigue; but some miraculous ‘wooden horses’ could get to Neath and Brecon and back from Llancarfan in a day — truly a wonder. *’ In the twelfth century Giraldus said it took eight days to travel from Anglesey to Portskewett — north-west to southeast — and his own preaching tour round the perimeter of Wales took nearly two months (see fig. 6}."8

Long journeys meant that provision for hospitality was essential. The Cadog charters detail the acquisition of lands by the monastery at Llancarfan,

and installation of stewards who were to manage them, for the explicit purpose of providing entertainment and hospitality for the community while travelling, and it is reasonable to suppose that similar measures were taken by other major religious houses. When comparable provision had not been made, then the traveller was dependent upon the hospitality offered by the people he met. The travellers of the Colloquy hasten on to the next villa, where they know they will be able to get beer; and the obligation of giving food, drink and more to the pilgrim is made explicit in this text. Germanus and his party, on the other hand, were refused hospitality by the wicked Benlli, and had to accept that of a poor householder who was his servant; the Lives of Il]tud and Tatheus both envisage the possible refusal of hospitality to strangers, for they stress that their respective saints were always generous with it.*? Apart from the hospitality owed to the owners of property and kings there appear to have been no regular institutions of support for others, though the strength of the moral obligation to provide for those who needed it is indicated both by the special consideration afforded to the needy who had stolen because they failed to get alms and by Giraldus’s observation that ‘no one begs in Wales. Everyone’s home is open to all, for the Welsh generosity and hospitality are the

greatest of all virtues. They very much enjoy welcoming others to their homes. When you travel there is no question of your asking for accommodation or of their offering it: you just march into a house and hand over your weapons to the person in charge’. Means of travel are only briefly indicated. The traveller of the Colloquy above went on foot, and this must have been the normal method for all those of moderate means. Horsemen came to fetch St Samson to attend his father, and he made the journey back by horse and cart; Asser went from Sussex to St David’s on horseback, while the kings of the Lives invariably moved about in the same fashion. Ox carts were sometimes used to move goods around.°! There must have been some roads, and presumably the network of Roman roads remained in use for some period. This was quite clearly so in the South-

East, where there are charter references right through until the eleventh century to properties which lay not only on local roads but on the main road, the fordd mawr; the properties thus defined are sometimes located beside the course of what we know to have been Roman roads.* By the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, however, there were changes: Rhigyfarch’s monks of the South-West dug out a road to make access easier; Llancarfan was ‘impassable

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before Cadog cut paths’; while the routes taken by Giraldus in the twelfth century suggest that many Roman roads had lost their value by that time. *3 Crossing rivers was no easy problem: fords were used wherever possible, like the ford over the Usk where the meeting between Arthur, Ligessog and others took place, and like the many fords mentioned in the charter boundaries of the Liber Landavensis. “* But the river Taff could sometimes only be crossed

by boat, and even Giraldus went by boat on parts of the western coast, crossing the Dyfi in this way and rowing across the two branches of the river Mawddach.* At times, rivers were totally impassable; Cadog’s clerk could

not contrive to cross the river Neath until the waters had gone down; Giraldus detailed other dangers:

We set out once more and, not far from Margam, where the twin hazards of a sandy shore and an incoming tide begin, we crossed the

18 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

ford over the river Avon... . As we approached the Neath, which is the most dangerous and difficult of access of all the rivers of South Wales, on account of its quicksands, which immediately engulf anything placed upon them, one of our pack-horses, the only one possessed by the writer of these lines, was almost sucked down into the abyss... In the end it was pulled out with some difficulty, thanks to the efforts made by our servants, who risked their lives in doing so, and not without some damage done to my books and baggage. He goes on to tell how they ignored the advice of their guide, so scared were they that they hurried where caution should have prevailed, and eventually crossed the river itself by boat, since the fords changed with every monthly tide and could not be located after a heavy fall of rain.°* He later mentions the wicked priest — employed by the bishop of St David's as a guide for crossing the river — who rushed off through it and refused to return until reinstated in a lost chaplaincy and financially compensated. Local guides were essential at problem spots like Neath, and presumably at the quicksands by Coleshill in

the North-East.*’ Bridges were known, however: Giraldus occasionally mentions them — as he does north of the Dyfi — and we apparently have remains of a pre-Conquest footbridge along the shore at Barmouth; occasionally we find references to bridges in charters, as at Llandenni, Aber-carn and

Llanmelin in the South-East, though fords are much more frequently mentioned. *®

Travel by sea, of course, was a different matter, for in many ways the easiest method of communication was by sea rather than land. Any glance at a settlement map will indicate the coastal distribution of the greater number of Welsh settlements both then and now, for settlement itself was easier in the coastal perimeters than in the mountain heartland. Monastic sites like St David's, Penally and Clynnog look seawards rather than inland. We often, therefore, hear of ships: ships that sailed to Ireland and ships that sailed to

Gaul.*? The routes are regular, unremarkable to the commentators; and abbots had their harbours.°’ Ships were also associated with enemies, from the warships of the Saxon enemy who attacked Britain in the fifth century to the pirate fleets of Vikings that harried the coasts of Wales in the ninth anc tenth centuries, and it was envisaged that the English might one day be driven

back to the sea.* We hear of small boats — skiffs stopped with pitch, coracles, boats constructed of timber and hides.*? Though small — Illtud’s was rowed by two people — they might nevertheless make the crossing to Ireland, as we know from quite different contexts: most striking is the famous case of the three Irishmen who arrived at King Alfred’s court in the late ninth century, having set out from Ireland in a small boat without oars. Giraldus described a type of coracle commonly in use within Wales, made of withies, pointed in front but rounded in a sort of triangular shape, left bare inside but covered outside with untanned animal skins, carried on the man’s back when he went home from the river.* Rowing was not the only source of power, for

the masts and sails and canvas of the ships coming into harbour are as frequently mentioned and the eleventh-century poem of Ieuan ap Sulien uses an extended image of the ship, its sails and oars. * Though the oars might be used (Cadog’s monks rowed from Barry to Holm}, saints and sailors would

1 Land, Landscape and Environment 19 more usually wait upon the wind before they began any long journey, and were accustomed to the delay that that might impose.°* These masted ships must have been larger than the skiffs and coracles, though there is nothing local which gives us any useful indication of size. Settlement

The predominantly coastal nature of Welsh settlement has already been noted, but it is very difficult to make precise and localized comments about

the early medieval period. If we are right in assuming that some named religious communities occupied sites somewhere in the vicinity of their still surviving churches — St David's, Llanbadarn, Llandudoch (St Dogmaels), Bangor Fawr, Clynnog, Llanelwy (St Asaph}, Welsh Bicknor, Llantwit, Llancarfan, Penally and so on — then it is possible to make some observations about the topographical characteristics of religious settlement sites: they are lowland, within reach of tidal waters, often sheltered from the sea but with

access to it, on valley sides or alluvial cones {like Llanbadarn) or river terraces, avoiding damp valley floors.°’ Evidence of a different and more localizable type comes from archaeology, which indicates, firstly, the occupation of hilltops like Dinas Powys and Dinas Emrys at least in the first half of the period, an observation also made by Gildas in the sixth century and a practice presumably conditioned by defensive considerations; secondly, the continued occupation of some Roman sites, like Caerwent and (?)Caernarfon;

thirdly, the possible use of some southern cave sites for habitation; and fourthly, the continued occupation of hut groups from the late Roman period

until the sixth or seventh centuries. The latter are often to be found at relatively high altitudes, on hill slopes and plateaux, and are especially characteristic of the North-West.°® However, whereas in the North-West there is much to suggest the continuity of occupation of domestic sites from the late Roman period, with changes occurring in the seventh century, in the much more heavily Romanized South-East there are factors which suggest some shift in settlement sites began already in the late Roman period but was not complete until the eighth century.* Climatic change and the consequent break in cultivation of some upland arable may well have occasioned the abandonment of some sites. All of this constitutes useful evidence about the nature and distribution of settlement in Wales in the early Middle Ages, but it does not provide enough to warrant generalizations about it. The distribution of inscribed stones, for example, must to some extent be representative of

settlement patterns: it is not unreasonable to suppose that it broadly represents areas that were inhabited, but it is perfectly clear that it is useless as a precise indicator, since many stones have been moved from their original positions, and since the communities of some areas did not adopt the practice of erecting them. Whether or not settlement was dispersed or nucleated is as important a question as that of density and topography, and almost as difficult to resolve.

It is a commonplace fact that modern Welsh rural settlement consists of hamlets and isolated farmsteads rather than the nucleated villages which characterize much of the English countryside. This is certainly true of many

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areas today, and is an observation also made by Giraldus in the twelfth : century: ‘They do not live in towns, villages or castles, but lead a solitary existence, deep in the woods. It is not their habit to build great palaces, or

vast and towering structures of stone and cement. Instead they content them- | selves with wattled huts on the edges of the forest, put up with little labour or

. expense, but strong enough to last a year or so’.”” However, there are several

indications to the modern scholar that — though the contrast with England ,

was probably marked, and though there is little in the surviving fabric that would suggest ‘towering structures’ and large towns in early Wales — the notion that there was no nucleated settlement at all is quite unreasonable. Both royal courts and religious establishments represent specialized but nucleated communities. The royal court with its collection of houses and tents, with other dwellings in view nearby; the huge households attributed to

saints Cadog and Illtud, with workers, soldiers, dependent women and

1 Land, Landscape and Environment 21 children — all of these indicate agglomeration of dwelling units.’! Moreover, there are suggestions of some increasing tendency towards nucleation in other

contexts in the eleventh- (and twelfth-} century lowlands. The settlement ‘round the church’ recorded in the Life of Gwynllyw, of Newport, has

parallels in the south-eastern charter material, which also implies the attraction of settlement to churches at the same time.” Of course, as Professor Bowen has pointed out, a high percentage (nearly a half) of churches bearing Celtic dedications still do not act as a focus for nucleated settlement,

the greater proportion of these lying in lowland Wales, though there is a tendency to nucleation round them in the eastern borders and western and southern coastal fringes.” But, apart from nucleation in association with churches, Lifris wrote of an urbs and an oppidum visited by St Cadog in such a

way as to imply that he had nucleated settlements in mind rather than fortifications — a return to the classical usage, in fact.”* Moreover, if the law tracts are correct in suggesting that the working of some estates was carried

out by bond men, living in bond settlements, then the implication is the same, as G.R. Jones has recently argued; changes from this pattern in the late

medieval period might explain the isolated of some proportion of the churches. * Though we may suppose isolated and unostentatious settlement

very common in Wales, it is increasingly likely that there was some nucleation as well.

Some indication of the size of settlements might be gathered from consideration of the ‘hut groups’ so characteristic of north-west Wales. Arguing on the assumption that each individual needs 100sq.ft. of roofed space, it has been suggested that some hut groups may have housed 5-9

individuals and others between 10 and 20." Nearly 50 years ago, the excavator of the Romano-British site at Rhostryfan suggested there may have been 3 or 4 people per hut there, and the figure of 5 per hut is commonly cited. Attempts to calculate population from these surviving monuments are surely

hazardous: since population size and density can itself affect settlement patterns, we surely cannot argue about the size from observation of the pattern without knowing the density.’ It is pointless to guess at population levels in terms of precise numbers, and even more pointless to speculate whether the smaller hut groups represent the residences of nuclear families,

the larger those of extended families. It may have been so, but other explanations are possible — nuclear families with dependants, or associations of nuclear families, or families that could afford more accommodation per person. Written sources do give some indication of the size of residential groups, although it would be difficult to interpret hut group evidence in the light of it. The indications of household and family size that can be found in the written sources are too few and too fragmentary to resolve the problem, though they are of some interest. Apart from heroic notions of the leader, surrounded by his retinue, dependants and supporters in his hall, the greater number of such references imply that the nuclear family of parents and children represented the normal household unit, as may also be implied by the law tracts when it is

specified that the paternal home should be inherited by the youngest son (though, equally, some co-residence of brothers is implied).’* Hence, the poor

householder of the Historia Brittonum lived with his nine sons; the richer

22. Wales in the Early Middle Ages

satraps Baia of the Life of David lived with his wife and their household; a steward of the Life of Cadog lived with his daughter.°* The writers of the prose tales, on the other hand, sometimes envisaged the co-residence of a wider family group: Branwen and her brothers, and Manawydan and his cousin; even Gildas seems to imply the co-residence of a priest with his mother and sisters, and it would be possible to read the Colloquy as implying the same for grandfather, aunt and son.* This evidence is interesting but not decisive, except for making the obvious point that the households of rulers would tend to be larger. We cannot therefore make any generalizations about the size of settlements in the pre-Norman period. However, thanks to the archaeologists of the past generation and to the systematic work being undertaken at the present, it is possible to begin to say

something about some specific settlements. The written sources are consistent in supposing there to have been forts and fortified places throughout the period, and in associating them with the holders of political power — nobles and rulers. According to the Historia Brittonum, both the rulers Benlli

and Gwrtheyrn had their citadels, strongly defended, though Gwrtheyrn failed in his attempts to construct a citadel (arx) in Snowdon, despite the ‘carpenters and stone masons’ he imported for the purpose. The context of the

description, in both cases, associates the citadel with the seat of political domination.* The writer of the Life of Carannog similarly described the arx

of Cadwy, with its hall and people, while Rhigyfarch made much of the wicked Irishman Baia who came into conflict with St David in west Wales, fulminating amidst the ramparts of his citadel. In 822, moreover, the citadel of Degannwy, at the mouth of the river Conwy — arx Decantorum — was destroyed by the Saxons, as a result of which the region of Powys fell into

their power; the implication is that the citadel was essential to the main-

tenance of the political integrity of Powys, and the symbol of its independence.” Precisely what was involved in its destruction is not specified, but the Annals record the burning of it ten years earlier and we may

therefore assume some easily fired wooden buildings within and possibly wooden ramparts round the defences. Unfortunately excavation did not reveal any traces of structures that could definitely be associated with this period. *? The most telling of all written references, however, is the ninth- or tenth-century poem written in praise of the fortress of Tenby, Dinbych, that is ‘small fort’:

There is a fine fortress on the broad ocean, A mighty stronghold, sea-girt.... There is a fine fortress on the ninth wave, Fine are its men when taking their ease. They make merry without reviling.... There is a fine fortress on the promontory,

Graciously each one there receives his share... I know at Dinbych — pure white is the sea-gull — The companions of Bleiddudd, lord of its court. My custom it was on New Year's Eve To sleep beside my prince, the glorious in battle, And wear a purple mantle, and enjoy [every] luxury,

1 Land, Landscape and Environment 23 So that I have become the tongue of Britain’s bards. There is a fine fortress on a height, Lavish its feasting, loud its revelry. Beautiful all round it, that fort of champions, Is the flying spray: its wings are long! * A number of forts have produced some evidence of habitation in the early medieval period. These are literally forts — defended hill tops often wholly or partially re-using earlier sites of the iron age. The most completely investigated is the hill-fort at Dinas Powys, near Cardiff (see fig.9). Here a couple of

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SS) ESS CEEeeSRE SSR SEISeee GBB Arae ESnee aeter httesSEge eeeQS COR ISR UR SSS SS Rigen RP oh nae RR ORS No RIN SRSRR PNR SS CoreCERN er OR eR eee LR SE RS FSECC AR gE NRC SERS IA EC SREB eeeOn FI ORR eo REIS RE TERRORS RAPES Sr ae Meee eee ee eee eeSORES eee eeeSRE eeccee een ee eSIRR age CUS gece thaene NUN Oe os Seen 7EE etSn Sate ae tac ODL inifeck SMES 62S ES se — ERD SPERMS OM SCHEIN OnE REA ICRRS I oar CRS SE ERG RRR TEST CSE RG SEO Ir SOT age, Se SaSRR eSee OR Nata 2s RSS SEORR a oe eeeCRS ie COE ce Cn inanit) aa ERC SN CTE SORES RE ESSSSG RS ARES SS TRESS USERS SSC Ge AOC RRS RSE ET ee POMEERRSSIAES EDN TSO RNA ERS ER SE

ee SRE SSS SN SANS SSR EET SE ESR SE, a SINE SSS ERA RG RSE MA Bo Roi SERS OMEN, Fact a a ER EB NEE Sy Cg RENEE BSE RRS PSR SUSE Sean PER eggs! TS ARR SLESos En et een mod. Bega eS as SARIS RERES SCRE RE SS Nig Mic te ntti YEA Scag SER ORR ge Soe at AGRON ooeySSR gta ORE DMS Sal, SSegg SERED wot Saree theT:eR .aeosEIEN conOEMea SSR. Muses Sa REE ES SS ER CORRS SD EES Ly NSSRR EAS SRS SERA oils getsenc SS MNS ROR NGEta SSSI ARRTO AS BR Sra SR DR RES ER UeTAS a a a ne ge RE gs senting Teh ay BR rn eg RS oreReha ei rE Slane SM SRR RT oe TO ate sy oeGe BRO oewy Manne AUR ota '

SOR Cea UERU RRS CRSSE aan SSS PREISSR MaRS ARM gc GR ee ee GRR ah, AMRUR ag PR i ae eee OUT, A 2 AAI ye cesStBR RRS A ott has Sn. SESS TR Mt ue Rg Soe QPS SSPE ISSRE ar ci kc RE!

Oxen were kept for ploughing, and as beasts of burden, as were asses occasionally; while horses more usually appear to have been kept for the transport of persons rather than goods.” The distinction sustained between ‘best’ and other horses in the Llandaff material, however, may suggest that some horses were used for agricultural work. *? Two yoked oxen were used to

fetch timber at St David’s, while David himself did not hesitate to take a horse if making an errand on monastic business. The evidence which we have is inadequate to suggest any regional chronological variations in the practice of animal husbandry, but such as there is clearly indicates that cattle were a more significant source of meat and milk products than sheep at all periods. References to cattle are much more common:™ it is the image of the cow in the corn which is so frequently invoked, not the sheep or the pigs; it is cattle disease which has serious consequences; it is in terms of cattle that values are sometimes assessed and payments and/or compensation actually made;* the Dunsaete Ordinances are concerned, essentially, with procedures for tracing stolen cattle; it is cattle raiding, not sheep raiding, which forms the stuff of heroic poetry. All of this indicates a standard of reference which underlines the importance of cattle in the total agrarian economy. It is, perhaps, notable

that sheep appear as single items in transactions. Pigs were honourably mentioned and the writer of the prose tale ‘Math’ commented that their flesh

actually tasted better than that from cattle.*’ For what it is worth, the Dunsaete Ordinances valued a mature horse at 30s., an ox at 30d., a cow at 24d., a sheep at 12d., a pig at 8d. and a goat at 2d.** The analysis of midden material at Dinas Powys provided 61 per cent of pig bones, 20 per cent of cattle and 13 per cent of sheep; these were food bones and the proportions should not therefore be taken as an indication of total stock in the area. ** The relative proportion of pig to sheep is particularly notable, however. There is some evidence about the care of animals. The pigs had their swineherds and would feed on acorns in woodland, as in mid-Wales at the time of

the Domesday Survey, or indeed on scrub and thorns.® Sheep and cattle might also have their proper herdsmen, and their pastures were of prime importance, their separate and specific function identifiable, though the

implication of the lowland evidence at least is that they were not permanently enclosed: in the Life of Illtud an evil steward offended the community by enclosing some of the pasture. Ieuan of Llanbadarn noted the suitability of the mountain slopes of Pumlumon in the eleventh century.” Sometimes cattle might be pastured at some distance from the settlement, as Ieuan presumably implied, at other times near at hand, to be brought in at night. Both possibilities seem to be envisaged by the cryptic comment of

Gildas on the suitability of the mountain for ‘alternate’ pasturage, for he appears to have had the later attested practice of transhumance in mind. In

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Figure 17. Hendre and hafod in Caernarfon (after E. Davies, ‘'Hendre and hafod in Caernarvonshire’, Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., xt, 1979, fig.5).

Wales the prominence of settlements associated with this practice — lowland hendre (principal settlement) and upland hafoty (summer pasture house} — indicates that seasonal transhumance was characteristic of the late medieval and modern periods (see fig.17}. It has been argued that some of the so-called ‘hut groups’ of the North-West may have performed a comparable function in iron age, Roman and very early medieval times, with the same implication of

transhumance to both long-distance and nearer pastures: some of the hut groups are of such small size that it is difficult to envisage permanent settle-

ment therein.* The same practice is implied within the multiple estate, where such were to be found in the early medieval period.*? Of course, all transhumance pastures were not necessarily on mountain sides, as is clear in Anglesey, and we should not forget the use of lowland riverside grazing in summer as appears to have happened in Somerset and Oxfordshire, on lands that were wet and ill-drained in winter. Seasonal transhumance, therefore, does not only occur in the uplands; and the suggestion that it was common — utilizing upland or lowland — in the early medieval period is a reasonable one and does not conflict with the written indications. It remains true, however, that there is a break in the settlement type — hut group to platform house —

and this points to at least some change in practice; in any case, it remains

unlikely that the practice of transhumance was as widespread and as characteristic of the upland mass as it was with the development of sheep-

2 Economy 41 runs in the late medieval period. Some transhumance might be expected in our period, therefore, but not as much as later. In winter the cattle got thin, says the poet of Canu Llywarch Hen, and these were presumably the cattle that stood waiting in their stalls.© If they got thin, they were clearly not slaughtered; and even if the ages of most of the animals eaten at Dinas Powys were young, they still imply some overwintering.°* In winter they were sustained, presumably, on hay, the product of the meadow lands that are occasionally if infrequently mentioned, the guertland, ‘green enclosure’, of the glosses. ° Storage of food for the long nights of winter was obviously essential for survival. The stuffs that are most commonly specified as renders due to landlord or king are beer, bread, flesh and honey — both beer and bread being grain products — and very occasionally milk products like cheese or butter. Salt is

notably absent, and was noted amongst the wonders of the Historia Brittonum.® It is to be presumed that these represented the easily storable as well as the easily transportable products. The use of honey in the making of beer and bragget and mead — the beverages of poets and heroes®’ — was probably as significant, if not more so, than as a general sweetener and it was hence regarded as a very valuable commodity. Honey, therefore, is a constant

element in many specified renders; jars of it were stored and guarded in monastic enclaves; the law tracts note the value of swarms, hives and wax.” The tending of hives indicates that honey was not merely gathered from the woods and that bee keeping was therefore a further aspect of early medieval animal husbandry. Subsistence and Surplus

If most people lived on the land and from the land they did not do so in the same ways. Some worked it, some merely ate its products or distributed the fruits of their properties to their supporters. The basis — and almost the entire nature — of the economy may have been agrarian, but this does not mean that it worked equally for all men or that the allocation of resources was anything

other than uneven. The very existence of rents and renders — the beer and bread and flesh and honey that had to be returned once or twice a year — indicates that some of the land was worked as estates by tenants who gave their labour for the benefit of ‘owners’. Whether or not land, the fundamental resource, was in short supply is difficult to tell; the story of King Meirchion preserving waste for hunting when it would have been better turned over to cultivation suggests that by the twelfth century there may have been some land shortage.” There is little in previous periods which might argue for the same; and the possibility is high that there was no land shortage until the period of the Norman Conquest. Shortage of labour is much more likely to have been the characteristic scarcity. Though it is quite impossible even to make guesses at demographic change nothing suggests that the population of Wales in the early medieval period was anything other than. exceptionally

small; indeed after the recurrent plagues of the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries the population level is likely to have suffered major crises, and, as in the rest of Europe, to have dropped. What use was land without the hands

to work it or the time to tend the cattle? Unenclosed pastures demanded

42 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

labour that might not have been as arduous as some but was nevertheless as time-consuming. The crucial importance of labour — and contemporary

awareness of this — is epitomized in the line of the tenth-century poem Armes Prydein cited above: ‘many deaths mean want’.” If the population was reduced, then someone had to starve. Labour, therefore, and the control of it,

was fundamental to the working of the economy and to the institutions devised to sustain it. Ancillary to the fundamental resource of labour is that of tools — the means by which labour can be saved and effort can be directed more efficiently. The writer of the tenth-century Colloquy had no doubts about the value of tools, which he classified generically as ‘benefits’, and the very long list of tools which follows — axe, billhook, adze, spade, and so on — includes vernacular equivalents for all items.”? Rhigyfarch presented his monks setting to with mattock, hoe and saw; and cutting a way for a new road with a two-edged axe. Ploughs, as we have seen, were common and seem to have been drawn by yoked oxen, and the natural resources of iron were certainly being mined in

Clwyd by the time of the Domesday Survey.” Whether or not there were technological improvements or developments within the period is impossible to say; there are certainly no hints, even, of anything that might qualify as technological revolution. Though one may suppose, then, a good range of iron

hand tools, the burden of manual labour remained.

There are many indications that the exploitation of much of the land was organized through a framework of large estates. We know of estates in the South worked by dependent peasants and we know of slaves. This does not exclude the possible existence of the free peasant proprietor, or of smaller units of exploitation than the estate, but the evidence allows no comment. We know from the Llandaff charters that much of the South-East — certainly its cultivable lands — was exploited as estates of some considerable size. The smallest were in the order of 40 acres (and these were exceptionally small}; the largest in the order of 6,000 acres {exceptionally big); most sizes fell

between 100 and 1,000 acres. Slaves and dependants were sometimes alienated together with an estate when it was granted away to anew owner. A single tenant farmer sometimes had sole responsibility for the return of rent for such an estate; in such cases he performed, presumably, as some sort of managing tenant. The indications are of extreme tenurial complexity, with owner, tenant farmers and workers all being supported from the larger estates at all times between the sixth and eleventh centuries. The charters attached to the Vita Cadoci are particularly interesting in that they specify the number of people to whom payments might be made in order to secure a grant or sale;

hence, the acquiescence of some tenants as well as owners was necessary before a sale was completed, since tenants might well have hereditary rights in properties as well as hereditary obligations. In all of this it is perfectly clear that these properties were not worked by the single nuclear family; indeed,

continental analogy might suggest that the ‘average’ estate — the commonest, three modii, size (in the order of 120 acres) — supported a working population of between 30 and 40 people. Though there was certainly some tendency for the early, very large estates of 1,000 acres or more to split into

smaller units after the eighth century the units still remained large, relatively, rarely dropping below the standard size.

2 Economy 43 We do not know much about slaves beyond the fact of their existence, but their very existence may well explain why we have no evidence of labour service in pre-Conquest Wales; though units of ownership and exploitation were large, work appears to have been done either directly by the slave or indirectly by the tenant who had freedom to choose how he might dispose of his labour from day to day. We know very little of the organization of work on

an estate or of the relation of work pattern to settlement, although the implication of changes in terminology in the eighth century would suggest that the new smaller estates depended upon one focal settlement, the tref or villa. The residence therefore gave its name to the whole unit — Villa Dewi filii Tust, Villa Cynog (Cynog’s villa, Dewi ab Iust’s villa), and so on — now defined in relation to the settlement.” In recent years much has been written not merely on the early Welsh estate, but on the ‘multiple estate’, the term used by G.R. Jones to refer to the grouping of estates for the better utilization of available resources. The model of the multiple estate is taken from Welsh law tracts of the twelfth century and later where it has an essentially fiscal and administrative import. Hence, according

to the north Welsh tracts, there were four trefi (usually translated ‘townships’) in every maenor; twelve maenolau plus two trefi in every commote; and two commotes in every cantref (hundred), which therefore consisted of a hundred trefi. The two supplementary trefi in every commote were reserved for the use of the king, and in addition he received an annual food-rent (gwestfa) from each free maenol (eight per commote) and a summer and winter food-gift (dawnbwyd) from each servile maenol, as well as some more or less onerous services such as building works, carting and hospitality.

This is, of course, a highly schematized model {and the numbers of constituent units vary in the tracts from different regions}, but it provides for

a perfectly rational scheme by which the king not only ensured his own MAENOR FRO os

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44 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

support but guaranteed tor himself some income from every part of the land.

Moreover, whereas the maenol is the essential fiscal unit — the unit in relation to which food-rents were assessed and paid — the tref is the essential working unit (both settlement and land) upon which each maenol is constructed (see fig.18}. Now, it is quite clear that this scheme is relevant to royal exploitation in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Wales. The problems lie in its application to the pre-Conquest period. G.R. Jones, in a series of stimulating and valuable papers, has argued that the maenol (or its southern variant maenor) of the law

tracts is but a late manifestation of the multiple estate which had been characteristic of Welsh agrarian organization since at least the seventh century and probably since the Roman period. That is, he suggests that the land was typically exploited in large tracts, of 12 square miles and more, which consisted of a number of component units, trefi, which constituted both the focal settlements and the land worked from those settlements, and in relation to which the servile population made their renders. With such relatively large units of exploitation something like self-sufficiency could be achieved: with upland and lowland included within the bounds, there might be summer and winter pastures, as well as the woodland, meadow and arable necessary to a mixed farming economy; each maeno/ would have its central administrative focus (I/ys or court) and its religious focus (Jan or church};

each maeno! could provide for the protection of its population in a wellknown fortifiable place, to which resort could be made in times of need. ”® G.R. Jones has been able to demonstrate from pre-Conquest evidence that

maenolau (large estates) existed in the South; that on the evidence of the Lichfield marginalia, no.3 and 4, trefi which were the constituents of larger units might be alienated, like Trefwyddog near Pumsaint; that groups of trefi might be jointly administered, like the groups of 13 and 14 uillae in Domesday Gwent; and that a summer and winter render might be demanded,

as instanced once in the Trefwyddog case (see fig.19}.’7 The maenor of Meddytfnych (which includes modern Llandybie) is mentioned in the sixth of

the Lichfield marginalia, in the ninth century; its perambulations indicate

that its extent was only slightly less than that of the modern parish of Llandybie, and that it included upland and lowland; and its reference to ‘Gwaun Henllan’, ‘the meadow of the old church’, suggests a religious settle-

ment within its bounds (see fig.28]. Its size would suggest that there must

have been more than one settlement within it, and certainly in the late medieval period the parish included seven trefi.’* G.R. Jones has also made a

reasonable case both for the identification of some such estates, like the manor and hundred of Aberffraw and the manors within the commote of Caeo, on the basis of later administrative topography, and also for the identification of their principal secular and religious and defensive foci, on a similar basis. The location of a fourteenth-century lord's court (Ilys) at the farm of Dinorben, coupled with reference to the hearth of Dinorben in the

tenth-century ‘Stanzas of the Graves’ and with possible post-Roman occupation of the nearby hill-fort of Dinorben (Parc-y-meirch]}, suggests that this neighbourhood may have housed the seat of aristocratic power — the secular focus — for many centuries. It therefore seems quite clear that groups of trefi, farms, were sometimes associated, for administrative and/or proprie-

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herdsmen, would suggest that some peasants specialized in such work and were accustomed to spend the greater part of their time in caring for animals. It would be unreasonable to suppose that they did this absolutely exclusively — particularly in winter — but they may well have done so for much of the time. Hence the poets of ‘Etmic Dinbych’ and Canu Llywarch Hen had their cowherds and shepherds; and much more frequently Lives, charters and the Historia Brittonum specify both function and occupation of pig-keeping —

perhaps for the obvious reason that pigs tend to have been pastured in unenclosed and often uncleared land. Pigs needed a constant watch.!” The second area of specialization is in the variety of dependants of specialized function resident at and working for lordly centres, both lay and monastic. The Vitae often mention the servants of the saints, the peasantry employed by the monasteries to serve, work for and run errands for monks; their duties were doubtless many and varied but they were distinct in their occupations in being servants.''® Some agents of lordly centres had more specialized jobs: the

procurators, stewards, meiri, agents, who collected renders for their employers and organized their business for them.'!’ Some jobs within monasteries (and presumably at kingly lay centres of some pretension) were also more specialized. We often hear of cooks, and occasionally of bakers,

butchers and cellarers, people who were specifically concerned with the storing and preparation of food.'’? We sometimes hear of doorkeepers.'® Again, doubtless these people did not spend their whole time baking or cooking — and they may have been monks — but they may well have spent a

good part of it in such activities. Notably, they only appear in association with centres of consumption, that is with centres of wealth.

The Exchange of Goods and Services

In a developed modern industrial economy such as our own in Britain the means of supporting life are many and complex. Few people have direct contact with the land; standard of living is high, which means that the

2 Economy 51 acceptable minimal level of consumption is relatively high and our definition of necessities includes a great range of goods and services; most people, there-

fore, sustain life by concentrating their skills, labour and resources in one area and exchanging the products of that activity for the range of necessities that they demand. Transactions in which they engage as a consequence are often purely commercial: they buy food; the act of buying it is neither an aspect of some other relationship nor an obligation to continue the relationship. Other and earlier societies often viewed the business of acquiring necessities as part of a wider social relationship, part of the continuing necessary reciprocity without which communities could not hope to survive. The commercial transaction was not the only way of acquiring goods; the idea of sale was not always prominent as a means of acquiring things. We have seen that in early Wales direct contact with the land and with food production was far more common than in modern industrial societies and far more common than any other activity, and that specialization of occupation

was relatively rare until the late eleventh century and almost entirely associated with estate centres before that. Even specialization took place in a predominantly agrarian context, for predominantly agrarian reasons. It would scarcely be controversial to conclude that the range of goods and services available was far smaller than in the modern case; and that basic necessities were fewer. It is quite clear from the range of written material that survives from Wales in this period that the economy was not so simple that there was no exchange of goods between individuals and communities; every group did not entirely provide for its own needs though the circulation and distribution of goods was sometimes effected by means other than commercial exchange. One means was by raiding — cattle raiding in particular is noted in the heroic

poetry — though such means are relatively infrequently evidenced." Another was by sale; another by payment for specified services; another by

exchanges at an agreed rate. Most notable, however, is exchange accomplished by means of gift. Clearly the ideology of gift conditioned the reporting of many transactions. Men received gifts at feasts; gifts came from

God; gifts were given to secure friendships; renders due annually from certain properties were described in terms of gift;'!® a successful attack upon

the English was viewed by the attackers as a gift to their enemies.!!’ The heroic ethic announced by the poetry depends essentially upon the notion of gift: warriors were attracted to a leader, fought for him, received their gifts of

gold, weapons and lands. Generous gift-giving would bring throngs of supporters, therefore, and the distribution of goods depended upon the successful military relationship as much as upon the successful military expedition.''® The ethic is still evoked in the twelfth-century Life of Iltud, in which the soldier is attracted to Arthur's court and seeks and gets rewards. !” Gifts from lord to man are another expression of the notion, and Rhun’s gifts to Cadog, as supposed by Lifris in the late eleventh century, must imply a similar relationship.'”° The gifts are not merely an expression of thanks for the war well fought; they are equally the symbol of the relationship that will continue between lord and man, which is a relationship of dependence. In one of the charters attached to the Vita Cadoci, for example, renders given were described as being in recognition of societas (partnership} and subjection. !”!

The reciprocity of the relationship, however, is underlined by the poetic

52, Wales in the Early Middle Ages

stress on deserving and meriting the gift: ‘he merits no feast-gift who is ignorant of this’; and ‘in return for mead in the hall among hosts’. Deserving one’s mead is a constant theme. '” It is extended into the poet’s comment on death: the warrior ‘got his dues’. !” Gift-giving was not restricted to the military context. God sent gifts and clerics gave gifts to each other; David's three gifts of the stag, fish and swarm of bees each had its own symbolic meaning as well; the laity took gifts to the

altar, to monks, to hermits from whom they sought advice.!** Gifts were customarily given at childbirth; and gifts were given normally to monasteries

when a child was handed over for monastic upbringing.' Occasionally bodies were also given, for burial.'*° Gifts were exchanged in acknowledsment of reconciliation of a dispute. ’”’ It is presumably in this context that we must also see the donation of lands to monasteries, as is evidenced on a large scale in the South-East from the eighth century especially. ’’® Gifts might also be given to other interested parties on the occasion of such donations: to the king that he might ratify them; to others for their good will. Hence, whea Gwregynnyf bought Reathr from King Meurig he gave horses to Cyngen and his son, a sword to Andres, the value of four cows to the king’s son, an ox to his foster-father, and a cow to the king’s agent.'”? We should perhaps understand

the alienation of property, which, unlike wealth, was traditionally an

inalienable resource, in the context of the ethic of reciprocity, the acknowledgment of a relationship between God and man.

The fact that the ideology of the gift extends over a range of sources indicates that it was not merely a poetic image. Gift-giving would appear to have been a real aspect of relationships and exchange mechanisms. But giftgiving was not the only means of and attitude to exchange. The perpetual

labour of the slave of the Colloquy merited a reward, his wages; the association between labour and payment is explicit.'% When Llancarfan granted sanctuary to anyone, then a ‘payment’ of a ewe with a lamb, or 4d., was expected: even this arrangement was reciprocal, as goods were to change hands in recognition of the service performed.'*! The approach, however, is

nearer to the modern one, nearer to the commercial transaction which terminates the relationship; the person who sought sanctuary might be an outsider, one with whom there was no previous or current relationship. The

pirates who helped in political struggles might receive treasure for their assistance, as did those of 1088 who helped Rhys ap Tewdwr.'!” The man with a torn eye might expect income from displaying it: he could expect a ‘reward’ from the passers-by with whom he had no relationship.'*”

The ideology of exchange was developing by the tenth and eleventh centuries. The Colloquy’s pilgrim journeying in foreign parts entered into negotiations in order to find his means of support: ‘Let’s do an exchange over food and drink.... give me food... and I'll give you silver, gold, bronze’.'** The notion of exchange is there; the machinery of payment is there; the notion of

payment is not there. A century or more later there were merchants who ‘exchanged’ wares at the river mouth and merchants from Wales may have been present at the battle of Clontarf in Ireland in 1014, since merchants from ‘Britain’ are distinguished from Saxons and Franks.'** Sale and purchase, both notionally and actually, are evidenced infrequently but consistently throughout the whole period. Other machinery did not displace this. Gildas therefore

2 Economy 53 complained of those who would purchase the priestly office; indeed of those who would sell all that they had so that they could make journeys if they could not buy office locally.'** (Journeys required money or exchangeable goods because of travel outside the known community.) The warriors of The Gododdin gave their lives in ‘payment’ for their feast of mead; though the ideology of gift is so strong in this poem, the ideology of sale is not absent. !’ For the poet of Canu Llywarch Hen deceit was viewed as sale; for the drafter of eighth-century charters some exchanges of land were sale; for Lifris, Cadog had to pay the price for land, and Gildas had a bell that he would not sell; a stone was bought so that a memorial might be erected in eleventh-century Glamorgan; the craftsmen of the Mabinogion made their goods for sale. !** It is not merely the idea of sale that is evidenced; some transactions took place that may reasonably be described as ‘sale’. Goods were exchanged for a price,

with apparently no attendant obligations or relationship. Hence, a Gospel Book was purchased before being handed on to Llandeilo Fawr; freedom was purchased by slaves in the same area in the ninth century; land was bought and sold in the South-East and so was fiscal immunity in the eighth century, and once in the early tenth; a share in fishing rights was purchased some time before the late eleventh century. !” In many of these cases the price is stated. The Gospel Book cost a best horse; freedom for four men cost 4lb. 80z., presumably of silver; fishing rights cost a sword, and a horse plus trappings; the price of land varied; three cows were the price of fiscal immunity. Swords, clothing, horses, dogs, hawks and horns were all used as payment for land, and once, round about 740, a Saxon female slave was included. Clearly no consistent, handy medium of exchange was in use, and this might suggest that the number of such transactions was

very limited. Sales cannot have been too rare and unusual an occurrence, however, for sometimes notions of worth were stated. The Llandaff charters include details of sales in which values were expressed both in terms of cattle

and in terms of silver. One and a half unciae of land at Wonastow, near Monmouth, changed hands for a horse worth 12 cows and another worth 3, a hawk worth 12 and a hunting dog worth 3; another uncia changed hands at

about the sdme time for a hawk worth 12 cows, 2 horses worth 6 cows, a scripulum (unexplained) worth 12 cows, a horn worth 6oz. of silver, and some unvalued red linen. The very existence of the cattle standard indicates that the communities of the South-East (and all this material comes from the South-East alone) had a notion of value in relation to exchange; price, and therefore sale, was a meaningful concept; and it is notable that the objects of exchange tend to have had a consistent valuation, though those in the Cadog charters have a greater variation. Best horses were worth 12 cows, others worth 3 or 4; swords were worth 12; dogs about 3; and so on. The cattle standard continues .in the secular prose tales and Vitae: the golden apple worth 100 cows; the optimas/breyr worth 450 cows, where the stated value relates to compensation not sale. '*® (The secular tales also go on to give stag

values and money values.) The English ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’ cites values in shillings and pence — 30s. for a horse, 30d. for an ox, 12d. for a sheep; these too are compensation not sale values, and their statement in shillings presumably reflects English usage, the language of the record. '*!. The Welsh use of ounces of silver as a guide to some values indicates that

54 Wales in the Early Middle Ages they were not unaware of the convenience of precious metals for purposes of exchange. The Life of Samson, already in the seventh century, announced the

handing over of silver rods as a gift and there are some indications in the Llandaff material that the use of precious metals increased in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Hence, compensation for damage began to be assessed in

terms of silver and gold and references to payment in such metals increased.'*? Samson’s silver rods, values expressed in ounces, and compensations expressed in pounds would all suggest that though the use cf metal may have increased, it was measured by weight rather than as coin until an extremely late date. References to gold, silver and brass in the Historia Brittonum and the Colloquy indicate that some writers were aware — even in north Wales — of coin and its possible varieties, but this is no indication of its use as currency.'*? There is no evidence that any coin was minted in Wales before the Norman Conquest; even the single extant Hywel Dda penny ({fig.20} was minted at an English mint at Chester. An imitation

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? }aa2 Pog tp Se 47JsweSE eae neGa ae alles y PeeAe,Bit 57 ae Se tae, es Aogee eee: pone” Be ar 8eegfda 63ete Boee « How far were the regional names indicative of administrative units? /°°

Most of these questions cannot be answered at present, but everythirg would indicate that the answer is not simple, and that there was no necessary coincidence between the self-awareness of a local community, the extent ofa king's control and the terms of territorial designation. Boundaries of political units certainly fluctuated. Did the boundaries of local associations fluctuate too? There was an awareness of groups and associations outside the family and the warband, apparently a growing awareness; it is attractive to suppose — though unproven — that the growing awareness, rather than contributing to the political development of pre-Norman Wales, created tensions which did not always coincide with kingly ambitions — and which prevented the significant consolidation of any political machine in this period.

4 Secular Politics Whatever the correlation between kingdom and population group, the attributes of lordship — leadership and dependants — were most commonly associated with kings in the vernacular sources, and the privilege inherent in early Welsh social stratification is most clearly demonstrated by the powers, activities and very existence of kings and their families. Indeed, the Welsh word for king — brenin — is etymologically related to braint, ‘privilege proper

to status’, and originally seems to have meant ‘the privileged one’ (and ‘freeman’ in its legal sense.}' Control of dependants gave kings their capacity

for political action, a control supported by access to economic resources.

: Though partly shared with clerics and nobles, it was the kings themselves |

who dominated political life.

Wales was not a single political unit in the early Middle Ages and the pattern of political development within and between kingdoms — as also between ecclesiastical ‘provinces’ or spheres — is an extremely complex one.

It is difficult to grasp, difficult to unravel, difficult to present. To force the pattern into some coherently-unfolding story is to falsify and mislead, for there was no gradual development towards a consolidated kingdom nor

towards increasing governmental and administrative sophistication, as in

nearby England. Two things immediately strike the twentieth-century observer, from the distance of 1,000 years and more: firstly, whatever the complexities of their relationship, there were a few continuously prominent

kingdoms, the hearts of which lay in the dispersed and more easily exploitable areas of lowland. The Llyn peninsula and the island of Anglesey in the North-West, the corresponding peninsula of the South-West, and the rich lands of Gwent and the Vale of Glamorgan in the South-East were a constant focus for political activity, while the lowlands of the North-East and middle borderland had a conspicuous role in the early period. Secondly, the kingdom of Gwynedd, anchored in the North-West, has a prominence which seems to surpass all others. This is partly because Gwynedd was the last part of Wales to be conquered by the English, and as such was considered the centre of resistance and hence of Welsh political identity. But it is also because the kings of Gwynedd often acted outside their own kingdom and sometimes made claims to some wider hegemony. Though our evidence is fragmentary, both observations offer some clue to understanding the nature and complexities of political activity in early medieval Wales. In the long span of political development, the contrast between the South-East and other parts of Wales was not so stark as it was in some other respects, and it is a contrast which was almost entirely removed by the eleventh century. The Fifth-Century Hiatus

In the Roman period, Wales had been part of a large Empire whose central government had followed the person of the Emperor whether he was in Rome,

86 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

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SOs. Sgnen greSR SESE Fc Loa eeTR EeSES RS RO aS=SESS ae vt wis ope y3 Byyteos Asoe seSR SSOP agai apna eee eR ei eS eS eg Rte MERA crane. “Wier DL ta sat ES can, ERS, ee eees Sah aSEU ERM Ra : eae Ro EE tea ce gee enEro RES Rs “Eek. tyRor ; REEF Sa es Stee eat ss aseee oeeeme eee RRCeee Seesge Sees Te eae*TRSRS Tai aay €en eee ¥“Seer SSEr RRR = ‘SS “SSSN ee. Sl ae AR ES og CER RRS ayRY ae Ng eCee oR RR Sgge SEoe RAR co aa Seo SIRs SYDRE oe 2aNt 2 ARE Ey SQ Sh SE an SkSRS a SH So RR Fae BehteOSS ee ere wt Qe. ees. Oe & Ee SeSC gh ae ee ee Se eS Lae+s eRe SSeh eres Se Se eS Ce ee ee eter Eeaea ee ogSS EENae: SEEN Some part of the practices recorded in the extant texts must have had an earlier relevance and application. The problem lies in establishing what part. At present there is no easily available method of disentangling the later trom the earlier and this means that the law texts as such are not useful as evidence for the pre-Conquest period.

It might be expected that even if we have no secular legislation some ecclesiastical legislation might survive since, in ecclesiastical matters, Wales

belonged to a wider European association. Canons from church councils survive from many parts of early medieval Europe and it is notable that Ireland produces a particularly rich collection in the eighth-century ‘Collectio Canonum Hibernensis’.’* Unfortunately no Welsh canons survive (the socalled ‘Canones Wallici’ are of Breton origin} but there is some ecclesiastical material which belongs in an associated category. This is the group of four

short Latin penitentials which prescribe penances for sins committed: the ‘Preface on Penance’ attributed to Gildas, the ‘Book of David’, and the decrees from the ‘Synod of North Britain’ and the ‘Synod of the Grove of

Victory’. In fact neither date nor provenance can be ascertained with precision; the texts occur in two continental compilations of (largely Irish) penitential material of the ninth and tenth centuries respectively, Cambrai MS 625 and Paris, Bibl.Nat.Lat.3182, the latter of Breton origin.’’ The suggestion that these are sixth-century texts is entirely reasonable since they lack many of the characteristics and the severity of the more developed Irish penitentials of the late sixth and seventh centuries.** The suggestion that they are Welsh rests essentially on their association with saints Gildas and David and with synods celebrated in the St David's tradition; it is also a reasonable suggestion, but remains quite unproven. One remaining piece of legal material comes from an English source, the early twelfth-century collection of Anglo-Saxon laws in Corpus Christi College Cambridge MS 383. This is a short Anglo-Saxon tract, of nine clauses,

which details an agreement made between the Welsh and the people called

Appendix: The Source Material 205

Dunsaete and is hence known as the ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’. It is concerned almost entirely with arrangements for the pursuit of stolen cattle across the lands of one or the other group, and therefore has something of the character of a border treaty; it also, however, provides arrangements for an Englishman travelling on the Welsh side, and vice-versa, and modifies the

penalties for killing. Since it refers both to the ‘Wentsaete’ (i.e. the inhabitants of Gwent} and to the West Saxons it is reasonable to suppose that

it relates to arrangements made for the south-eastern borderlands; it was dated by Liebermann to the tenth century, on grounds of content and likely historical context. It is quite possible that it emerged as a consequence of King Athelstan’s agreement with the Welsh on the river Wye in 927 but there is no conclusive evidence of this.” 3 Narrative Sources There are a number of narrative sources which in some sense provide surveys

of the past in early Wales. The only history is the history of the Britons (Historia Brittonum) attributed to one Nennius in a prologue attached to the

text in some of the later manuscripts of this work; the attribution has no authority earlier than the mid-eleventh century, as David Dumville has demonstrated.*® The original work was put together in 829 and survives in about 40 manuscripts, including BL Harleian MS 3859, along with Annales Cambriae and the genealogies;*’ none of the manuscripts is earlier than the eleventh century.*? Though it is clearly intended to provide a survey of the past history of the British it is an ill-synthesized and ill-digested work; the compiler gathered together and transcribed more or less relevant documents of very different types. Its contents, therefore, are very varied, and may be briefly indicated as follows: cc.1-6,,computistical work on the six ages of the world; cc.7-30, survey of the geography of Britain, origins and ancient history of the British, with recurrent interest in chronological computation (ch.16

especially}, and some in European and biblical genealogy (cc.17, 18}, concentrating on the Roman period from ch.19; cc.31-50, the arrival of the English and the inter-relationships of Hengest, Gwrtheyrn and St Germanus; cc.51-5, St Patrick in Ireland; ch.56, Arthur's battles; cc.57-61, genealogies of the early English kings, interspersed with some historical notes of their deeds

in northern Britain; cc.62-5, regnal list of late sixth- and seventh-century

English kings, together with notes of events in north Britain; ch.66, computations and list of cities of Britain; cc.67-76, the wonders of Britain and

Ireland. The varied nature of this work is obvious even from a brief description of contents, though it would be reasonable to point out some consistent interest both in the recording of genealogical material, English, Welsh, biblical and other, and also in chronology (of which genealogy is presumably an aspect};*? hence, the whole work is marked by computations which attempt to state the passage of time between events: ‘From the birth of Christ until the coming of Patrick to the Irish there are 405 years. From the death of Patrick to the death of St Brigit, 60 years. From the birth of Columba

to the death of Brigit there are four years’, and so on. These are very occasionally related to a fixed point such as the birth of Christ, but more

206 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

usually they are not; in many cases, the computation can now be demonstrated to be inaccurate.** Two other aspects of the compilation require comment: the chapters dealing with St Germanus (and to a lesser extent St Patrick) are distinguished by their exceptionally fabulous nature and involve much telling of wondrous tales; the chapters dealing with the English

in north Britain are, by contrast, extremely terse both in their sentence structure and in their content. It is this latter material which has a close relationship with the seventh- and eighth-century section of Annales Cambriae, the material acquired by St David’s from some north British source, and it is to be presumed that the compiler of the Historia Brittonum acquired his material for these chapters from the same or a nearby place. Like the Annals, it appears to derive from northern records of the seventh or eighth

century.* It is impossible, therefore, to generalize about the value of the Historia Brittonum. On the one hand it provides first-hand evidence of the attitude to history writing of a Welshman of the early ninth century. On the other it presents us with edited documents of varying dates and provenances whose origins are not yet sufficiently understood; at the least, however, the latter indicates some of the materials that were available to the historian in the early ninth century. A different type of narrative source, which nevertheless contains some survey of past history, is the work usually known as ‘The Ruin and Conquest of Britain’, by Gildas (De Excidio Britanniae). Though the work only survives in a tenth-century Canterbury manuscript {BL MS Cotton Vitellius A vi) and in two later manuscripts, it is quite clear from other evidence that Gildas was a cleric who lived in the sixth century; moreover, style and name-forms in the work would indicate a sixth-century date; it was being quoted already in the

early eighth century, and substantial extracts are quoted in a ninth-century Breton manuscript. ** There is therefore every reason to suppose this a sixthcentury work, and arguments based upon internal evidence — essentially references to the contemporaneity of named individuals — would suggest a date of composition between 534 and 549, i.e. round about 540;°*’ there is no real reason to question the attribution to Gildas. This work is not designed to be a history. It is, rather, a long moral tract, whose purpose is to warn the British contemporaries of the writer that they were doomed to destruction if they did not mend their ways. It is full of biblical quotations; it is written in the language of outrage. ** Though the concern of the writer was the present and the future, he prefaced his main argument with an account of Britain, of the Roman past and of the coming of the Saxons, by way of explanation of contemporary political relationships (cc.1-26], and this therefore provides some evidence of early sixth-century historical perspective in Britain. We do not, however, know where the work was written. In later tradition Gildas was associated with north Britain and it is not impossible that the work comes from those parts. If so, it is perfectly clear that the writer was wellacquainted with Wales for most of his named contemporaries who can be identified were Welsh. Where this was written is irrelevant to our purposes, therefore, for the writer clearly had access to Welsh information. Moreover, its greatest value to us lies precisely in the comments that Gildas had to make upon his contemporaries; but the historical survey supplies a curious, and occasionally amusing, insight into sixth-century attitudes to the past. The

Appendix: The Source Material 207 view of the present may be biased and extreme, but it is only rarely that we have anything so personal from early medieval Wales and it is therefore of

considerable value. ,

A third type of narrative source is the corpus of Lives of Welsh Saints. These have a pseudo-biographical form and purport to record the life, deeds and death of the saints who are their subjects, and the miracles that were performed by the saints in life and in death. Though the form is biographical, they include very little straightforward detail on the lives of their subjects and are largely composed of wondrous tales, most of which appear incredible to the modern reader and some of which appear distasteful. They belong to a genre of writing which was extremely common in Christian Europe and share the characteristics of that genre, although the types of miracle performed and the characters of the saints have their own distinctive qualities. ”? The Welsh corpus is very late in date and no Welsh Lives survive from periods before the eleventh century; much of the material in the Historia Brittonum, however, has a hagiographical character and may have been derived from an early Life of St Germanus.‘*° Though the texts were written down in the eleventh and twelfth centuries they purport, in the main, to deal with very much earlier periods; this distant past is not usually precisely dated, but it is clear that the sixth and seventh centuries are intended because of the introduction of sixthcentury characters such as Maelgwn of Gwynedd. Occasionally they refer to later chronological contexts by instancing miracles performed at the tombs of the saints in the lifetime of other known and dated persons. Now, in most cases we do not even have corroborative evidence of the existence of these Saints and it is perfectly clear that the Lives do not supply us with any factual

record of sixth- and seventh-century events; there are far too many chronological and logical inconsistencies for credibility. In some cases it is not impossible that some aspect of the material written down in the eleventh and twelfth centuries had an earlier origin; a tale may have been repeated over several generations before being recorded; an event may have taken place, may have been remembered, may have become the subject of an elaborated story. If so, in most cases such aspects are not definable and the principal relevance of this corpus of material is therefore for the periods in which it was written down and not for the periods to which it purports to relate. It tells us much about attitudes and something about incidentals in the eleventh and

twelfth centuries: since so much of it is anecdotal, we can acquire detail about agrarian practice, or court procedure, or royal officers, quite apart from its more obvious value as evidence for moral attitudes and belief systems.

The main early collection of Welsh Saints’ Lives, for there are many versions and variations produced in late medieval and modern periods, *! is that contained in BL MS Cotton Vespasian A xiv, copied round about 1200, quite probably at Gloucester but drawing upon a Monmouth collection.”

This includes copies of a number of Lives, as well as an ecclesiastical calendar, a Cornish glossary and the text ‘De Situ Brecheniauc’. There are also three Lives (of Teilo, Dyfrig and Euddogwy} in the Book of Llandaff, written in a hand of the 1120s or 1130s. Whether or not they contain any

earlier material and whatever the date of the surviving manuscripts, it is perfectly clear that most of these Lives were compiled in the twelfth century at a time when the Welsh church was coming under new influences. They are

208 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

not strictly relevant, therefore, to the subject matter of this book. Two, however, belong to the late eleventh century, from a time just before and just when south Wales was receiving the Norman impact. They are therefore of exceptional importance for the very latest pre-Conquest period. These are the Lives of Cadog (Vita Cadoci) and of David or Dewi (Vita S.Dauid). The Life of Cadog was written by Lifris, son of Bishop Herewald of Llandaff

and archdeacon of Glamorgan, at some date between 1061 and 1104 and probably in the 1070s or 1080s rather than later. Lifris was also master (magister) of Llancarfan, the principal house of St Cadog.*? Lifris’s work is represented by cc.1, 4, 6-17, 19, 21-31, 33-39, 44? of the printed text of the Vita Cadoci, many of the rest being interpolations made in the Vespasian manuscript from a later Life of Cadog by Caradog. There are strong arguments for cc.40-44', 53-4, 69-70 of the printed text being of eleventh-century origin also; and cc. 55-68 are charters. ** The Life of David was written by Rhigyfarch

of Llanbadarn Fawr round about 1095. His father had been bishop of St David’s twice, and it is clear that the family had sustained hereditary interests in both houses. * I have sometimes cited the later Lives for their twelfth-century perspective on the past. Most of them cannot be precisely dated or provenanced, but the following suggestions were made by Wade-Evans: the Life of Brynach (Vita Bernacii), late twelfth century, from Nevern or a close associate; the Lives of Carannog (Vitae Carantoci I, II), early twelfth century, from Llangrannog ora close associate; the Lives of Cybi {Vitae Kebii I, II), before the late twelfth

century, possibly from Llangybi in Gwent; the Life of Gwynllyw (Vita Gundleii), round about 1130, from Newport; the Life of Illtud (Vita Htutil, round about 1140 or later, possibly from Llantwit Major; the Life of Padam (Vita Paterni), about 1120, from Llanbadarn Fawr; the Life of Tatheus (Vita Tathei)}, after 1130, from Caerwent; the Life of Winifred (Vita Wenefrede}, from the thirteenth-century manuscript BL Cotton Claudius A v, 1135-8, from Tegeingl. * There are some Breton Lives of an earlier date which relate to Wales and these are considered under the section dealing with non-Welsh sources. A final narrative source, of yet another type, is supplied by two of the works

of Giraldus Cambrensis. In 1188 Giraldus travelled round the perimeter of Wales with Archbishop Baldwin on a preaching tour. He wrote an account of

their journey, which includes much topographical description and many anecdotes both of the adventures they had and of stories about Wales that they heard as they went on their journey. This was published in three versions, of which the first is supposed to have been ready in 1191 (Journey through Wales, 63-209). He also wrote a ‘Description of Wales’, an early

ethnographic work which attempts to describe the good and _ bad characteristics of the Welsh, their habits and lifestyle. The first version of this appears to have been prepared in 1193 or 1194 (Journey through Wales, 21174). These are quite obviously works of the late twelfth century, pertinent to that century. They are, however, the closest we can get to a description of the

land and people of Wales in the early medieval period and are therefore worthy of some attention. They are, in any case, full of detail and written with great liveliness and vigour.

Appendix: The Source Material 209

4 Poems and Stories

The notes in the northern section of the Historia Brittonum include references to the poets who flourished in the late sixth century and it is their names that have been attached to late medieval collections of poems of varying dates, Aneirin and Taliesin especially. Most of the poetry attributed to Taliesin, therefore, has nothing to do with the sixth-century poet Taliesin. This particular case highlights the general problem for a historian who wishes to take note of the poetry. It would be simpler to treat them as a strict scholar of literature might do, that is as texts without chronological context, works of art that stand alone — outside context — as works of art. In some real sense they are timeless: many can still communicate to twentieth-century man; and many are the product of repetition over several generations, being slightly re-fashioned with each repetition, and so belong to no one period. If they are in any sense the product of the early medieval period, however, the historian cannot afford to ignore them; they say something about attitudes and values,

something about mental culture; they may occasionally note events, procedures, institutions, behaviour. The problems of dating are intensified, the above problems apart, for they survive in manuscripts of the thirteenth century and later; and being almost entirely in the vernacular, their assessment also depends on consideration of the problems of linguistic change. There can be.no doubt of the early date of the two Welsh poems in the

Juvencus manuscript, Cambridge University Library Ff.4.42. They are inserted into a ninth-century Welsh manuscript in a hand which is no later than the tenth century; the three stanzas of the first are clearly of ninthcentury date, and the nine of the second slightly later.*’ There is also no doubt of the (later) date of the Latin poems written by Rhigyfarch, author of the Life of David, and of those written by his brother Ieuan, between 1085 and

1091, including one in Welsh, into the Corpus Christi College Cambridge manuscript of Augustine's De Trinitate {MS 199}. Rhigyfarch wrote three poems, a short one on the Psalter, c.1079, in Trinity College Dublin MS 50; the well-known lament on the coming of the Normans, c.1094/5; and a humorous verse on a harvest eaten by mice; both of the latter are in BL MS Cotton Faustina C i. Ieuan wrote a number of two-line verses, an introductory invocation and a long poem about the life and family of his father, all in

Corpus Christi College Cambridge MS 199. * . The rest is more complex. The corpus of vernacular poetry includes three main groups that were identified by Sir Ifor Williams as being of ultimately early origin, the songs of Aneirin, Taliesin and Llywarch the Old respectively (Canu Aneirin, Canu Taliesin, Canu Llywarch Hen). From the mass of later attributions, he identified in the so-called ‘four ancient books of Wales’, the Book of Taliesin, the Book of Aneirin, the Red Book of Hergest, and the Black Book of Carmarthen, a relatively small corpus of late sixth-/seventh-century date in the first two cases and ninth-century date in the third. *? The subject matter of the first, a series of elegiac rhyming stanzas, more than 1,000 lines long, concerns the disastrous expedition to Catraeth (probably Catterick} of the late sixth century and forms the long poem known as The Gododdin. °° (There are some interpolated stanzas which do not form a part of this poem.] It occurs in the Book of Aneirin, Cardiff MS 1, of the mid-thirteenth century,

210 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

in two versions: A has thirteenth-century orthographic characteristics, while B, which is shorter, has Old Welsh orthographic features {i.e. of the ninth,

tenth or eleventh century). The subject of the second collection, which consists of 12 short separate poems, concerns a number of late sixth-century heroes of north Britain and their battles, and one — Cynan — of Wales. They occur in the Book of Taliesin, NLW.Peniarth MS 2, of the later thirteenth century. The subject matter of the third mostly concerns the misfortunes of another family of northern origin, Llywarch and his sons, localized in midWales, though some stanzas deal with the northern hero Urien. With it are associated the stanzas known as ‘Canu Heledd’, which treat of another ousted family, localized in Shropshire and east Wales. These are poems of a different type, mostly three-line englynion, sometimes described as saga poetry, on account of the suggestion that they constituted the dialogue element in an unwritten prose narrative, thus dramatizing it. These occur in the Black Book of Carmarthen, NLW Peniarth MS 1, of c.1200, the earliest of the medieval collections, and in the Red Book of Hergest, Jesus College Welsh MS cxi, of the late fourteenth century. Much of this material, therefore, though written

in Welsh, has subject matter which centres on north Britain, like the Cunedda tradition of the Historia Brittonum, and some of the genealogies. The problems are these: the grounds for ascribing a sixth-/seventh-century

date to Canu Taliesin and Canu Aneirin rest upon their historical and geographical consistency; upon the fact that their language was clearly archaic in the thirteenth century, and that some of their orthographic characteristics were Old Welsh; upon their unusual and complex metres.» The grounds for attributing Canu Llywarch Hen to the ninth century depend on form and content rather than language and orthography.” The orthodcx

view is that the earlier poems were orally transmitted for at least two centuries, then written down and copied; the present texts therefore contain both oral and scribal corruptions, and some interpolations are obvious. It is

proposed, then, that they are at the least an amalgam of sixth- to ninthcentury material, and possibly sixth- to eleventh-century. No-one, therefore,

really suggests that they were unchanged since the late sixth century, although it is customary to refer to them as late sixth-/seventh-century poems; (hence, K.H. Jackson can comment that though he makes no claim that ‘the Book of Aneirin is the ipsissima verba of Aneirin as they stand’ it is ‘a modernised and corrupted version of them which nevertheless preserves the essential character and contents, and broadly speaking {my italics] the wording, of his work’, and T.M. Charles-Edwards writes that ‘the historical arguments suggest that the poem is the authentic work of Aneirin... but that we cannot... establish the wording of the original’).°? Whatever the date of origin of these poems, therefore, they cannot possibly be used as evidence of

anything earlier than the ninth century; there remains, in any Case, considerable chronological insecurity. The original date of these and Canu Llywarch Hen, and the circumstances of their transmission, are in any case disputed: some modern scholars have recently pointed out that there is no

linguistic argument against a ninth- or tenth-century date and no palaeographic argument against a ninth-, tenth- or eleventh-century date.” The matter remains exceptionally uncertain in many respects.

There are other poems which are also generally agreed to be of pre-

Appendix: The Source Material 211

Conquest date, though occurring in later manuscripts. These include the lament for Cynddylan, assigned a date in the early seventh century on linguistic and orthographic grounds (‘Marwnad Cynddylan’}, ** and nearly 100

englynion {mostly three-line stanzas} on the graves of the noble warriors of the past, dated by their latest commentator to the ninth or tenth centuries, on grounds of their language and metrical patterns (‘Stanzas of the Graves’}. The largest group (73} is to be found in the thirteenth-century Black Book of Carmarthen, though there are others in the Red Book of Hergest and NLW Peniarth MS 98B, a copy of a sixteenth-century manuscript. There is also an interesting poem in the Book of Taliesin which Sir Ifor Williams has ascribed to the ninth or tenth century on grounds of its language; it is called ‘Etmic Dinbych’, The Praise of Tenby, and is a poem of some 67 lines in praise of the

fort at Tenby and its lord.** Another interesting poem from the same collection belongs to the same period, and probably more precisely to the years round about 930 when the English Athelstan was establishing himself in Cornwall, reaching agreement with the Welsh kings on the river Wye and probably making demands for tribute.*’ This is the poem called Armes Prydein. It is a longer work of nearly 200 lines which not merely calls upon the Welsh and their allies to unite against the English but prophesies that the day will come when the English will be expelled from the land of Britain for

ever. Other prophetic poems ascribed to the poet Myrddin could be of comparable date. ** Armes Prydein is dated not only on linguistic grounds, but

on grounds of content, context and orthography, and its commentators produce one of the more convincing range of suggestions in the great range of chronological insecurities that surround early Welsh poetry. * The vernacular literary tradition of medieval Wales includes not merely poems but prose works. Though the earliest of these contain references to archaic institutions and are almost certainly the product of some oral storytelling tradition, they equally certainly belong in the form in which they are written down to the century of Norman contact. They are therefore, strictly speaking, outside the period of interest of this book. I have occasionally, how-

ever, averted to their contents and it would be foolish to ignore their existence.

The earliest of the prose tales appear to be those known as the ‘Four Branches of the Mabinogi’, popularly The Mabinogion, and the separate tale of ‘Culhwch and Olwen’. In fact, the date of their composition is much disputed between c.1060, Sir Ifor Williams’s preferred suggestion, and the date of the manuscripts into which they are copied. T.M. Charles-Edwards, for example, has recently argued for a date between 1050 and 1120, though E.P. Hamp has even more recently pointed out that arguments based on linguistic

and phonological archaisms are irrelevant for dating purposes.* The Four Branches occur complete in the White Book of Rhydderch (early fourteenth-

century) and the Red Book of Hergest, and include the separate tales of ‘Pwyll’, ‘Branwen’, ‘Manawydan’ and ‘Math’. ‘Culhwch ac Olwen’ occurs in the same manuscripts and is generally agreed to be the earliest of all the tales. These are stories of magic and of wonders, of giants and the other world. In

‘Culhwch’, Culhwch has to complete tasks before marrying Olwen, the giant’s daughter; in performing them he has a great variety of adventures. In the Mabinogi, ‘tales of youth’, though the hero Pryderi appears in all four of

212 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

the Mabinogi tales, giving some semblance of unity, they are really Subsequent discoveries, of which there are a few, have been published in volumes of Archaeologia Cambrensis.** There are over 400 of these stones, broadly classified as follows: Group I, simple inscribed stones of the fifth to seventh century, of which there is a large con-

centration in the north-western and south-western peninsulas; Group II, cross-decorated stones of the seventh to ninth century, usually without words, particularly concentrated in the South-West; Group III, sculptured crosses and cross-slabs of the ninth to eleventh century, of which there is a greater concentration in the South-East than elsewhere; Group IV, transitional Romanesque monuments of the eleventh to thirteenth century, of which there are only 26 examples. The dating of the monuments of Group I is more open to question than that of the other groups because of the relative simplicity and paucity of identifying characteristics of the crosses inscribed upon them. (There are very few of any group in the North-East.) The language of the inscriptions is nearly always Latin, though the famous Group II stone from Tywyn (no.287} is inscribed in Welsh. * Though the actual language is

commonly Latin, an Irish script, known as ‘ogham’, is sometimes used on stones of Group I. The messages vary from a simple name in the genitive, implying ‘[This is the stone] of N’ to the exceptionally long passage on the

pillar of Elise, which includes narrative and genealogy besides its commemorative message (no.182), to the record of a transaction inscribed on a stone from Merthyr Mawr (no.240}. The range of information that may be gleaned from them is therefore much greater than might be expected from a simple collection of tombstones. Moreover, the decorated sculptures reveal a range of artistic influences — Scandinavian and English in particular — which bears witness to cultural contacts in the later centuries, while aspects like the

form of script and type of commemorative formula — Gaulish and African/Spanish in particular — perform a similar function for the earlier centuries. The significance of these monuments cannot be over-emphasized. Other standing monuments which belong to this period are hard to find. The greatest single item is the earthwork known as Offa’s Dyke, which runs virtually along the entire border of Wales and is still impressive in its height in most of its stretches. The construction of the work was already being attributed to the eighth-century English king Offa in the late ninth century, and in the absence of any other suggestion there is no good reason to question it. The Dyke has formed the subject of an important monograph by Sir Cyril

Fox, but work at present being undertaken by a new generation of archaeologists may well refine old ideas and will certainly add to our understanding of it. *

218 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

Apart from Offa's Dyke, there are earthworks and hut groups, many of which may belong to the early medieval period — or have been occupied then — but which cannot be associated with any precise period of construction or

occupation, either because they have not been investigated or because investigation has produced insufficient evidence of date. I have noted above, where relevant, those which may be assigned to early medieval contexts. *’ The volumes produced by the Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical

Monuments, Wales and Monmouthshire, published with reference to pre1974 counties, attempt to note and describe all existing monuments, of all periods, with dating where known, and they therefore provide some guide to the possibilities. There is no published survey of the known early medieval monuments. Understanding of these has often been considerably extended by excavation and there can be no doubt that the work of archaeologists, both now and in

the past generation, does more to increase the corpus of available early medieval material than that of any other branch of scholarship. Recent sophistication of techniques, like the use of radio-carbon dating, has a particular significance for the early medievalist since it can refine and define chronological contexts in the absence of artifacts. Developments in techniques of soil and mollusc analysis offer the possibility of totally new insights into the changing landscape and economy, in addition to the familiar areas of the development of settlement, burial and religious sites. There is no general guide to the archaeology of early medieval Wales and no comprehensive guide to the archaeology of all periods, although guides to the modern administra-

tive counties are planned. Annual reports, though brief, are, however, produced both in the periodical Medieval Archaeology and in the Report of the

Council for British Archaeology {CBA]) Group 2, entitled Archaeology in Wales; fuller accounts can be found in Archaeologia Cambrensis and the archaeology section of the Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, in addition to those in the several local periodicals. Regular scanning of these reports at least permits acquaintance with new material and developments and is the best method of acquiring such knowledge at present.

tL e Abbreviations

Note Places of publication are given only for works published outside the United Kingdom. In abbreviating less frequently cited periodicals the commonly accepted usage of Soc. for Society, J. for Journal, Trans. for Transactions etc. has been followed. Other abbreviations are listed below.

AC Annales Cambriae. Text to 954 in E. Phillimore,

‘The Annales Cambriae and Old Welsh genealogies’, Y Cymmrodor, 1x (1888), 152-69; thereafter in Annales Cambriae, ed. J.. Williams ab Ithel (Rolls Series, 1860}. Translated by A.W. Wade-Evans, Nennius’s ‘History of the Britons’ (1938), 84-101. References here are by year of entry: i.e. AC 869 means AC sub anno 869.

AgHR Agricultural History Review Arch. Camb. Archaeologia Cambrensis

Armes Prydein Armes Prydein, ed. 1. Williams, trans. R. Bromwich (Dublin, 1972)

ASC The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, trans. and ed.

D. Whitelock with D.C. Douglas and S.I. Tucker (1961}. References are by year of entry in this edition.

BAR British Archaeological Reports, British Series

BBCS Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies

BL British Library ‘Book of David’ ‘Excerpta Quedam de Libro Dauidis’, in The Irish Penitentials, ed. L. Bieler (Dublin, 1963), 70-3. References are to clauses of the work.

‘Branwen’ Mabinogion, 25-40, and Branwen Uerch Lyr, ed. D.S. Thomson (Dublin, 1961)

Bromwich, TYP R. Bromwich, Trioedd Ynys Prydein (1961). References are by triad numbers.

BT Brut y Tywysogyon, Red Book of Hergest Version,

ed. and trans. T. Jones (1955); Brut y Tywysogyon, Peniarth MS 20, ed. T. Jones (1941); Brut y Tywysogyon, Peniarth MS 20 Version, trans. T. Jones (1952). References are to years A.D.

CBA Res. Rep. Council for British Archaeology Research Report

Canu Aneirin Canu. Aneirin, ed.I. Williams (1938); trans.

K. Jackson, The Gododdin (1969). References are to the stanzas of the translation.

‘Canu Heledd’ Canu Llywarch Hen, 33-48; trans. J. Clancy, The Earliest Welsh Poetry (1970), 79-86. References are to page numbers of the translation.

Canu Llywarch Hen Canu Llywarch Hen, ed. I. Williams (1935); trans.

J. Clancy, The Earliest Welsh Poetry (1970), 65-78, 92-7, and also P.K. Ford, The Poetry of Llywarch Hen (Berkeley, Cal., 1974). References are to page

numbers of Clancy's translation. : Canu Taliesin Canu Taliesin, ed. 1. Williams (1960); edition (but not poems} translated by J. Caerwyn Williams (Dublin, 1968); poems partly translated by J. Clancy, The Earliest Welsh Poetry (1970), 23-32,

220 Wales in the Early Middle Ages and no.I by ILI. Foster in Prehistoric and Early Wales, ed. I.Ll. Foster and G. Daniel (1965), 229-30. References are to numbers of the poems in Williams's edition.

Colloquy ‘De Raris Fabulis’, Oxford, Bodleian MS 572, in Early Scholastic Colloquies, ed. W. Stevenson (1929), 1-11.

‘Culhwch’ . Mabinogion, 95-136; and J.G. Evans (ed.}, The White Book Mabinogion (1907), 226-54.

Davies, Early Welsh W. Davies, An Early Welsh Microcosm (1978). Microcosm

De Excidio Britanniae Gildas, The Ruin of Britain, ed. and trans. M. Winterbottom (1978); and in Chronica Minora Saec. IV. V. VI.VH, tll, ed. T. Mommsen (MGH AA xiii, Berlin, 1898), 1-110.

ECMW V.E. Nash-Williams, The Early Christian

Monuments of Wales (1950). HG Harleian Genealogy Hist. Brittonum Historia Brittonum in Chronica Minora Saec. IV. V. VI. VII, Il, ed. T. Mommsen {MGH AA xiii, Berlin, 1898), 111-222; trans. A.W. Wade-Evans, Nennius’s ‘History of the Britons’ (1938), 35-84, 114-21.

Hist. Ecclesiastica Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, ed.

C.Plummer (1896]; Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. and trans. B. Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (1969).

Journey through Wales Gerald of Wales, The Journey through Wales, The Description of Wales, trans. L. Thorpe (1978); and Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, V1, ed. J.F. Dimock (Rolls Series, 1868}.

Lib. Land. The Text of the Book of Llan Dav, ed. J.G. Evans with J. Rhys (1893). References are by charter number, which are also the page numbers of this edition.

Life of King Alfred Asser’s Life of King Alfred, ed. W.H. Stevenson (1904)

Llyfr Blegywryd Cyfreithiau Hywel Dda yn 61 Llyfr Blegywryd, ed. S.J. Williams and J.E. Powell {1942}; The Laws of Hywel Dda (The Book of Blegywryd), trans. M. Richards (1954]. References are to the page numbers of the translation.

Mabinogion The Mabinogion, trans. G. and T. Jones (1949}; and Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi, ed. I. Williams {1951). References are to page numbers of the translation.

‘Manawydan’ Mabinogion, 41-54.

‘Math’ Mabinogion, 55-75. ‘Marwnad Cynddylan’ Canu Llywarch Hen, 50-2; trans. J. Clancy, The Earliest Welsh Poetry (1970), 87-9. References are to the translation.

Med. Arch. Medieval Archaeology

‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’ Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. F. Liebermann {3 vols., Halle, 1903-16}, I, 374-9;trans. in B. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, 1 {1840}, 353-7. References are to clauses of the tract.

NLW National Library of Wales

‘Preface on Penance’ ‘Praefatio Gildae de Poenitentia’, in L. Bieler, The Irish Penitentials (Dublin, 1963), 60-5. References are to clauses of the work.

PPS Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society

‘Pwyll’ Mabinogion, 3-24.

Abbreviations 221

RCAHMW Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments in Wales

RCAHMW Anglesey RCAHMW, Inventory of Ancient Monuments in Wales and Monmouthshire, Anglesey (1937)

RCAHMW Caernarvon RCAHMW, Inventory of Ancient Monuments in Wales and Monmouthshire, Caernarvonshire (3 vols., 1956-64}.

RCAHMW Glamorgan RCAHMW, Inventory of Ancient Monuments in Wales and Monmouthshire, Glamorgan, I pts 1 and 3 (1976}.

RCAHMW Radnor RCAHMW, Inventory of Ancient Monuments in Wales and Monmouthshire, Radnor (1913)

VCH Hereford Victoria History of the County of Hereford, I, ed. W. Page (1908}.

V. Bernacii Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 2-14. V. Cadoci Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 24-140. V. Carantoci Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 142-8. V. Gundleii Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 172-92. V. Ututi Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 194-232. V. Kebii Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 234-50.

V. Machutis ‘La plus ancienne vie de S. Malo’, in F. Lot, Mélanges d’histoire Bretonne (Paris, 1907), 294-329.

V. Paterni Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 252-68. V. Pauli ‘Vie de S. Paul de Léon en Bretagne’, ed.

C. Cuissard, Revue Celtique, v (1881-3), 413-60.

V. Samsonis La Vie de S. Samson, ed. R. Fawtier (Paris, 1912}, trans. T. Taylor (1925). Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae et Genealogiae, ed. A.W. Wade-Evans (1944).

V.S. Dauid Rhigyfarch’s Life of St David, ed. J.W. James (1967}; trans. A.W. Wade-Evans, Y Cymmyodor, xxiv (1913), 1-73.

V. Tathei Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 270-86.

V. Wenefrede Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae, 288-308.

Notes

1 Land, Landscape and monograph forthcoming, to be

Environment published by the Cambrian Archaeological Association.

1. E.G. Bowen (ed.}, Wales, a Doubts have been expressed about Physical, Historical and Regional the date of the last phase of

Geography (1957), 267-9. occupation of this site, since it 3. Journey through Wales, 182. and the interpretation of the

2. Ibid., 19-28. produces no post-Roman material,

4. Ibid., 96f. changes in fossil fauna is 5. D.Thomas (ed.}, Wales, a New controversial. I am most grateful

Study (1977), 36-59. The point was to Mr White for discussing the emphasized by J.A.Taylor in his matter with me. (At Tregaron, on

survey of the evolution of the the other hand, there appear to

physical environment of Wales at have been centuries of unbroken a conference on the making of the pastoral use before change to Welsh landscape held in Cardiff in arable in the late twelfth century:

March 1980. J.Turner, ‘The anthropogenic

6. E.Le Roy Ladurie, Times of Feast, factor in vegetational history’, Times of Famine: A History of New Phytologist, txm {1964},

Climate since the Year 1000 73-90.

(1972), 290f. 14. Canu Llywarch Hen, 76f.

7. Cf. P.J.Ucko, R.Tringham and 15. Ibid., 95f. G.W.Dimbleby {eds.}, Man, 16. AC 1047.

Settlement and Urbanism (1972), 17. Canu Aneirin, B4; V.Cadoci,

239, ch.44; V.S.Dauid, ch.38; V.ltuti,

8. Thomas, op. cit., 57f. ch.13; V.S. Dauid, cc.33, 34.

9. J.Taylor, ‘The role of climatic 18. Thomas, op. cit., 59-65; Taylor,

factors in environmental and op. cit., 14-19. The classic view is cultural changes in prehistoric that an originally dense post-

times’, in The Effect of Man on glacial forest cover — containing the Landscape: The Highland oak, alder, birch, elm, pine — was Zone, ed. J.G.Evans, S.Limbrey gradually virtually eradicated by and H.Cleere (CBA Res.Rep.11, the effects of prehistoric

1975}; H.H.Lamb, Climate, agriculture and/or climatic

Present, Past and Future, I (1977), change, while there was

402, 424-40. subsequently some reversion in

10. H.H.Lamb, Climate, Present, Past the ‘dark ages’. (Controversy and Future, 1 (1972), 236; I, 424, persists over whether man or

428. climate was more significant in

11. Ibid., U, 427. determining vegetational change.) 12. P.J.Fowler, ‘Lowland landscapes: Hence, the great elm decline culture, time and Personality’, in beginning c.3000 B.C. is the most

The Effect of Man on the noted of the changes and generally

Landscape: the Lowland Zone, ed. preceded fluctuation of the other

S.Limbrey and J.G.Evans (CBA species. Elm decline was

Res.Rep.21, 1978}, 5; Taylor, op. accompanied by pine decline, for

cit. example, at Tregaron in the Teifi

13. Britannia, 1x (1978), 406f. A fuller valley; and at an elevation of 1575

report was delivered by the feet at Lake Glaslyn north of

excavator, Richard White, at the Pumlumon pollen analysis would Society of Antiquaries, London, in indicate relatively open and December 1979 and there is a variably extensive woodland cover,

1 Land, Landscape and Environment: notes 223 dominated by oak, alder and hazel 96; Canu Aneirin, A26, B38, A62, — with subsidiary elm, pine, birch B17; ‘Canu Heledd’, 79; V.Cadoci, and lime. Recent work in Wales, ch.8; V.S.Dauid, ch.38; ‘Math’, however, has suggested that there 68; Canu Llywarch Hen, 94, 97;

may well have been considerable Canu Aneirin, A5/.

regional variation in original forest 34. W.Linnard, ‘Trees in the Law of

cover: hence, there was more alder Hywel’: paper delivered at the

in the North than in the South- Welsh Law Colloquium, Bangor,

West; and the absence of large tree March 1979; cf. Linnard, thesis,

stumps in the peat may indicate 43-51.

no original forest cover in some 35. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

areas (A.G.Smith and J.Taylor at 30.

the Cardiff meeting of the Society 36. R.White, ‘Cefn Graeanog’: lecture

for Landscape Studies, March delivered to the Society of

1980). These variables, together Antiquaries, London, December

with the variation in the rates of 1979.

man’s activity, therefore, make it 37. Canu Llywarch Hen, 77; V.Cadoci,

very difficult to generalize about cc.24, 43; V.S.Dauid, ch. 38;

forest clearance in the early V.Cadoci, ch.21; Lib. Land., xlv; medieval period. There is an Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

admirable survey of the range of 30.

variables in W.Linnard, ‘The 38. ECMW, passim and no.73, p.407;

history of forests and forestry in see below, p.217.

Wales up to the formation of the 39. See below, pp.218f. Forestry Commission’ (Ph.D. 40. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

thesis, University of Wales, 1979}, 32.

1-55. 41. Journey through Wales, 114f.;

19. H.C.Darby and I.S.Maxwell (eds.}, personal comment from Jeremy

The Domesday Geography of Knight.

Northern England (1962), 390. 42. V.Cadoci, ch.12; Canu Llywarch

20. Journey through Wales, 187, 194. Hen, 69.

21. Ibid., 139. 43. V.Samsonis, cc.3, 26. 22. Ibid., 150f. 44. Colloquy, cc. 19, 23. 23. Armes Prydein, 1.87; De Excidio 45. V.Iltuti, ch.23.

Britanniae, cc.3, 25. 46. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.6/7.

24. Canu Llywarch Hen, 92, 93. 47. V.S.Dauid, ch.44; V.Cadoci, cc.22,

25. Ibid., 92; I.Williams, The 24.

_ Beginnings of Welsh Poetry, ed. 48. Journey through Wales, 220. and trans. R.Bromwich (1972), 49. V.Cadoci, ch.58; Colloquy, ch.15;

101f.; Canu Taliesin, Il. Hist. Brittonum, cc.32, 34;

26. V.Tathei, ch.16; V.S.Dauid, ch.35; V.iltuti, ch.11; V. Tathei, ch.17. V.ltuti, cc.4, 6, 13; V.Cadoci, 50. See below, p.165f; Llyfr

cc.12, 24. Blegywryd, 113; Journey through 389f. 51. V.Samsonis, ch.26; Life of King

27. Darby and Maxwell (eds.}, op. cit., Wales, 236f.

28. V.Samsonis, ch.26. Alfred, ch.79; V.Ituti, ch.21; 29. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, V.Cadoci, prol., ch.12.

(1979), 143f. 30f.

28-32; idem, The Llandaff Charters 52. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

30. V.Jtuti, ch.6; ‘Manawydan’, 43; 53. V.S.Dauid, ch.41; V.Cadoci, ch.9. V.Cadoci, cc.7, 8; V.Iltuti, ch.20. 54. Ibid., ch.22; Davies, Early Welsh

31. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.11, 20; Microcosm, 30.

cf. V.iltuti, ch.19, and V.Cadoci, 55. V.Cadoci, ch.28 (Giraldus forded ch.24. the river Taff: Journey through 32. Canu Llywarch Hen, 75, 92, 97; Wales, 121); Journey through

Canu Aneirin, B39, A3, B36; Wales, 182.

V.S.Dauid, ch.38; Hist. 56. V.Cadoci, ch.44; Journey through

Brittonum, prol.; V.Cadoci, ch.62; Wales, 130. V.Tathei, ch.16; V.Hltuti, ch.18. 57. Ibid., 196.

33. Canu Llywarch Hen, 92, 93, 94, 58. Ibid., 182; CBA Group 2 Report,

224 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

xv (1975), 65; Davies, Early Welsh Saints, 146-59.

Microcosm, 30. 74. V.Cadoci, cc.1, 21, 41.

59. V.S.Dauid, cc.37, 39, 45; 75. See below, pp.43-6; G.R.Jones, V.Cadoci, cc.10, 27; V.Htuti, ‘Post-Roman Wales’, in The

ch.24; V.Gundleii, ch.12; cf. Hist. Agrarian History of England and

Brittonum, ch.52. Wales, I pt 2, ed. H.P.R.Finberg

60. V.S.Dauid, ch.39; V.Cadoci, ch.22; (1972), 339, 341f.; Professor Jones

V.Htuti, ch.24. emphasized his point in a paper

61. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.23 (cf. read to the Cardiff meeting of the Canu Aneirin, B3}; AC 1044, 1052, Society for Landscape Studies,

V. Gundleii, ch.12. March 1980.

62. Armes Prydein, 1.161. 76. C.A.Smith, ‘A morphological

63. V.Cadoci, ch.10; V.Htuti, ch.22; analysis of late prehistoric and De Excidio Britanniae, ch.19; Romano-British settlements in

V.Kebii, ch.15. north-west Wales’, PPS, Lx (1974},

64. Journey through Wales, 252. 157-69.

65. Canu Llywarch Hen, 96; De 77. Cf. the valuable comments of

Excidio Britanniae, ch.25; P.Smith in Ucko, Tringham and V. Tathei, ch.3; V.Gundleii, ch.12; Dimbleby, op.cit., 409. V.Cadoci, ch.22; V.S.Dauid, ch.3; 78. Llyfr Blegywryd, 77.

M.Lapidge, ‘The Welsh-Latin 79. Hist. Brittonum, ch.34; poetry of Sulien’s family’, Studia V.S.Dauid, cc.16, 17; V.Cadoci,

Celtica, vit-1x {1973-4}, 68-106. ch.23.

66. V.Cadoci, ch.29; V.S.Dauid, cc.3/, 80. ‘Branwen’; ‘Manawydan’, 41; De

39. Excidio Britanniae, ch.66;

67. E.G.Bowen, The Settlements of Colloquy, ch.14.

The Celtic Saints in Wales (2nd 81. Hist. Brittonum, cc.34, 40; cf. edn 1956}, 104-17, 125, 128, 131- Jones, op.cit., 359-64. 6; see further below, pp.25f. 82. V.Carantoci, 1.4; V.S.Dauid, 68. L.Alcock, Dinas Powys (1963), 26- cc.16-17; AC 822. 34, 65f.; De Excidio Britanniae, 83. L.Alcock, ‘Excavations at

ch.25; W.Davies, ‘Roman Degannwy Castle,

settlements and post-Roman Caernarvonshire, 1961-6’, Arch.]., estates in south-east Wales’, in cxxIv (1967), 190-201.

The End of Roman Britain, ed. 84. ‘Etmich Dinbych’ in Williams, op. P.J.Casey (BAR 71, 1979), 154; cit., 163ff.; 11.11f., 19-21, 33-40,

L.Alcock, ‘Dark age objects of 48-51.

Irish origin from the Lesser Garth 85. Alcock, Dinas Powys; for a more

Cave, Glamorgan’, BBCS, xvii recent view on the provenance of (1958-60), 221,.226; idem, ‘Pottery imported wares see C.Thomas,

and settlements in Wales and the ‘Imported Late Roman March, A.D.400-700', in Culture Mediterranean pottery in Ireland and Environment, ed. I.L\.Foster and western Britain: chronologies and L.Alcock (1963)}, 298f.; and implications’, Procs. Royal A.H.A.Hogg, ‘Native settlement in Irish Academy, ixxvi, C(1976},

Wales’, in Rural Settlement in 945-55.

Roman Britain, ed. C. Thomas 86. Hist. Brittonum, ch.42; Alcock,

(1966), 38; Britannia, 1x (1978), Dinas Powys, 65f.

406f; cf. L.Laing (ed.}, Studies in 87. W.Gardner and H.Savory,

Celtic Survival {1977}, 57-60; Dinorben (1964), 13f., 99; but cf.

RCAHMW Glamorgan, I pt 1, 15-20. Alcock, ‘Pottery and settlements’,

69. Davies, ‘Roman settlements’, 300.

153-61. 88. E.G.Bowen and C.A.Gresham,

70. Journey through Wales, 251f. History of Merioneth I (1967),

71. ‘Manawydan’, 43; V.Gundleii, 164f.

ch.1; V.Cadoci, ch.24; V.Htuti, 89. BBCS, xxvui (1978-80), 319f.

ch.11. 90. See Laing (ed.}, op. cit., 57-60;

72. V.Gundleii, ch.15; Davies, Early Jones, op. cit., 293. Professor Jones

Welsh Microcosm, 123. has also pointed to the re-use of

73. Bowen, Settlements of the Celtic Roman sites in the late medieval

2 Economy: notes 225 period as the centres of estates, Canu Llywarch Hen, 69; Canu like the henllys of the maerdref of Aneirin, Al5, A52etc. Meliden, which sits above Roman 106. ‘Canu Heledd’, 82-4. remains; such cases may increase 107. ‘Culhwch’, 97f., 110; ‘Pwyll’, 5f. the likelihood of the continuous 108. Colloquy, ch.19. use of some sites since Roman 109. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.27; Hist.

times, though it clearly does not Brittonum, cc.37, 46.

necessarily imply this: G.R.Jones, 110. ‘Culhwch’, 111; ‘Pwyll’, 5f.;

‘The pattern of settlement on the V.Cadoci, prol., ch.1; V.Gundleii,

Welsh border’, AgHR, vin (1960}, ch.3.

66-81. 111. Canu Aneirin, A36; ‘Culhwch’,

91. Davies, ‘Roman settlements’, 154. 111, 113, 122; V. Tathei, ch.11. 92. Idem, Early Welsh Microcosm, 112. ‘Preface on Penance’, 1; ‘Book of

136. David’, 11; Colloquy, cc.17, 22;

93. V.Cadoci, ch.35. ‘Math’, 63; cf. Journey through

94. Ibid., cc.12, 21, 8. Wales, 237.

95. R.White, Early Christian Gwynedd 113. Canu Llywarch Hen, 96;

(1975), 10. 'Marwnad Cynddylan’.

96. H.M.Taylor and J.Taylor, Anglo- 114. ‘Culhwch’, 108, 109; V.S.Dauid,

Saxon Architecture (1965), II, ch.28; ‘Pwyll’, 5f.; Canu Aneirin,

497-9. A87; V.Paterni, ch.25; V.Cadoci, 97. See further below, pp.190f; cf. cce.17, 1, 34. C.Thomas, The Early Christian 115. ‘Canu Heledd’, 85. Archaeology of North Britain 116. V.Cadoci, ch.5; ‘Culhwch’, 110f.; (1971), 51-68; I am indebted to the Colloquy, ch.1; ‘Pwyll’, 5f.; Rev. Wyn Evans for many helpful Journey through Wales, 235. discussions on early Welsh church 117. ‘Culhwch’, 110, 112, 116, 117;

sites; the observations on the ‘Math’, 70; Colloquy, ch.19. significance of Eglwys Gymyn are 118. journey through Wales, 238.

essentially his. 98. Journey through Wales, 252; see

above, p.20. 2 Economy

99. V.Ituti, ch.8; V.Gundleii, cc.11,

15. 1. ‘Math’,68; V.Cadoci, ch.48.

100. Smith, ‘A morphological analysis’; 2. AC 537, 547, 682, 989, 994; De

idem, ‘Late prehistoric and Excidio Britanniae, ch.22; Hist. Romano-British enclosed Brittonum, ch.64; BT 987, 989,

homesteads in north-west Wales’, 994; V.Cadoci, ch.7; cf. V.Cadoci, Arch. Camb., cxxv1 (1977); Smith ch.11 and V.ltuti, ch.24. refers to his excavated examples 3. Canu Taliesin, X; cf. V.Cadoci, by numbers (C828 and C1173) but ch.30 and De Excidio Britanniae, gives no key — the latter is clearly ch.16. Cae’rmynydd. See further below, 4. Canu Aneirin, B4; V.Gundleii,

p.36. ch.11.

101. A.H.A.Hogg, ‘Native settlement in 5. Canu Taliesin, I, Il; De Excidio

Wales’, in Thomas (ed.}, Rural Britanniae, ch.19.

Settlement, 37f. 6. ‘Manawydan’, 43f.; V.Cadoci, 102. See above, n.13. ch.21. 103. Bowen and Gresham, op. cit., 146; 7. Ibid., ch.36. see above, n.68; RCAHMW 8. E.G. Bowen (ed.}, Wales, A

Glamorgan, I pt 1 {1976}, 15-21. Physical, Historical and Regional

104. J.L.Davies, D.B.Hague and Geography (1957), 112, 113. A.H.A.Hogg, ‘The hut-settlement 9. See above, pp.6-9.

on Gateholm, Pembrokeshire’, 10. See above, p.11.

Arch. Camb., cxx (1971), 102-24; 11. V.S.Dauid, ch.18; see above, p.13. CBA Group 2 Report, xu (1972}, 12. §.Limbrey and J.G.Evans (eds},

40f.; see further below, p.143. The Effect of Man on the

105. ‘Etmich Dinbych’ and the three Landscape: The Lowland Zone ninth-century Juvencus englynion (CBA Res.Rep.21, 1978], 82. in Williams, op. cit., 163ff., 90; 13. V.lltuti, cc.8-10.

226 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

14. ‘Culhwch’, 104, 118; ‘Pwyll’, 3; late prehistoric and Romano-

‘Math’, 69; ‘Manawydan’, 42f.; cf. British settlements in north-west V.S.Dauid, ch.2, V.Kebii, ch.17, Wales’, PPS, Lx (1974), 165f.; see

V.Cadoci, ch.19. above, p.27. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 23-7, 119-25. 35f. 37. RCAHMW Radnor, 114; Arch.

15. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.19; 36. Bowen and Fowler (eds.}, op. cit.,

16. Canu Aneirin, A87. Camb., cxvi (1967), 57-60.

17. V.Cadoci, ch.24; Davies, Early 38. Med. Arch., xv (1971), 58-72. Welsh Microcosm, 36; H.C.Darby 39. ‘Culhwch’, 114. and I.S.Maxwell (eds.], The 40. Canu Aneirin, A43; De Excidio Domesday Geography of Northern Britanniae, cc.3, 16; V.Cadoci, England (1962), 361f., 384, 389; cc.11, 43, 48; V.Ututi, ch.24; H.C.Darby and I.B.Terrett (eds.}, V. Kebii, ch.10; Colloquy, ch.5;

The Domesday Geography of Hist. Brittonum, pref.

Midland England (1954), 141f. 41. V.Cadoci, ch.64; V.S.Dauid, ch.12. 18. Lib. Land., 174b, 183a, 225, 234, 42. Richard White, at the Society of

257; Davies, Early Welsh Antiquaries, December 1979.

Microcosm, 36. 43. Bromwich, TYP, 26; V.Gundleii,

19. Journey through Wales, 93, 173, cc.6, 15; V.Cadoci, ch.7;

195, 198; cf. ‘Manawydan’, 42 and ‘Culhwch’, 105; Journey through V.S.Dauid, ch.2. Wales, 233.

20. Colloquy, ch.25; V.Jituti, ch.10. 44. V.S.Dauid, 12; V.Cadoci, ch.9.

21. V.S.Dauid, cc.2, 39, 43; 45. ‘Preface on Penance’, 26; V.Kebii,

‘Manawydan’, 42. ch.9; V.S.Dauid, ch.22. Cf. Canu

22. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.3; Llywarch Hen, 72, 77; Canu V.Cadoci, ch.9; Journey through Aneirin, A25, Bl, B37.

Wales, 93, 102£., 187. 46. W.Stokes, ‘The Welsh glosses and 23. V.Cadoci, ch.8; Canu Aneirin, verses in the Cambridge Codex of

A40; V.Htuti, cc.9,10. Juvencus,’ Trans. Philological Soc.

24. BT 1022, 1063; Armes Prydein, (1860-1), 213; Canu Aneirin, B37. 1.36; cf. Llyfr Blegywryd, 74. 47. ‘Culhwch’, 114; V.Gundleii, ch.4; 25. ‘Manawydan’, 54; Journey through V.S.Dauid, cc.12, 22; V.Cadoci,

Wales, 93, 102, 194. ch.12; ‘Canu Heledd’, 82.

26. ‘Preface on Penance’, 1; Colloquy, 48. Canu Llywarch Hen, 76.

ch.5. 49. V.S.Dauid, cc.12, 67; Stokes, op.

27. L.Alcock, Dinas Powys (1963), cit., 210; V.Iltuti,'ch.24; Hist:

34-42. Brittonum, pref.; V.Cadoci, cc.7,

28. ‘Preface on Penance’, 1, 22; ‘Book 11; V.Paterni, ch.28.

of David’, 11; V.Cadoci, cc.19, 24, 90. ‘Canu Heledd’, 82; ‘Culhwch, 114.

28, 29; see below, p.151. 51. Canu Llywarch Hen, 70; De

29. V.Samsonis, ch.16. Excidio Britanniae, ch.17.

236f. 63.

30. Colloquy, cc.5, 6. 52. Bromwich, TYP, 45; V.S.Dauid,

31. Journey through Wales, 233, 235, cc.16, 35, 40; V.Cadoci, cc.33, 4],

32. See above, p.21. 53. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

33. A.H.A.Hogg, ‘Native settlement in 53f.

Wales’, in Rural Settlement in 54. V.Kebii, ch.10; ‘Ordinance of the

Roman Britain, ed. C. Thomas Dunsaete’, passim; V.Cadoci, cc.1, {1966}, 32; N.Johnson, ‘Location of 22, 24, 52, 62, 65; Canu Taliesin,

pre-medieval fields in I; V.Uituti, ch.20; Bromwich, TYP,

Caernarvonshire’, in Early Land 46; Canu Llywarch Hen, 91, 94; Allotment in the British Isles, ed. V.S.Dauid, ch.16; Canu Aneirin, H.C.Bowen and P.J.Fowler (BAR B30, A39; V. Bernacii, ch.10;

48, 1978}, 127-32. ‘Canu Heledd’, 85; BT 987.

34. C.A.Smith, ‘Late prehistoric and 55. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

Romano-British enclosed 53f.; V.Cadoci, ch.22.

homesteads in north-west Wales’, 56. Ibid., ch.50; Lib.Land., xlv; cf. De

Arch. Camb., cxxvi (1977), 38f. Excidio Britanniae, cc.16, 19; 35. Idem, ‘A morphological analysis of V.S.Dauid, ch.16.

2 Economy: notes 227 57. Canu Llywarch Hen, 69, 70; Lib. 74. V.S.Dauid, cc.22, 41; Darby and

Land., xlv; V.Cadoci, ch.8; Maxwell (eds.}, op. cit., 388. ‘Culhwch’, 95, 106, 131; 75. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, Bromwich, TYP, 26; ‘Math’, 56; 32-50. V. Tathei, ch.16; V.Ituti, ch.23. 76. Jones, ‘Post-Roman Wales’, 281-

58. ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’, 7. 382; idem, ‘Multiple estates and 59. L.Alcock, Dinas Powys (1963), early settlement’, in Medieval 192; idem, ‘Dry bones and living Settlement, ed. P.Sawyer (1976},

documents’, in The Effect of Man 15-40.

on the Landscape: the Highland 77. Jones, ‘Post-Roman Wales’, 312-

Zone, ed. J.G.Evans, S.Limbrey 18.

and H.Cleere (CBA Res.Rep. 11, 78. Ibid., 308-11.

1975), 117-22. 79. W.Davies, ‘Land and power in

60. V.Cadoci, ch.8; V.Tathei, ch.16; early medieval Wales’, Past and Canu Llywarch Hen, 70; Darby Present, Lxxx1 (1978), 12-15, 21f. _ and Terrett (eds.}, op. cit., 158. 80. V.Cadoci, cc.55, 56, 59, 62; Lib.

61. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.3; Land., xlv, 20a; Jones, V. Bernacii, cc.10, 11; V.Cadoci, ‘Post-Roman Wales’, 300-2, 312; cc.12, 30; V.wtuti, ch.20; Darby and Terrett (eds.}, op. cit., M.Lapidge, ‘The Welsh-Latin 53-5, 110f., 157; Darby and

poetry of Sulien’s family’, Studia Maxwell {eds.}, op. cit., 389f. Celtica, vi-1x (1973-4), 84, 11.61f. 81. A.J.Robertson (ed.), Anglo-Saxon

62. The point was made by Richard Charters (1939), 207, 454; it is, of Kelly at the Society for Landscape course, very difficult to establish if Studies Conference, Cardiff, the areas compared here are really March 1980; see E.Davies, ‘Hendre comparable: one would expect the.

and hafod in Caernarvonshire’, average tref to be of the order of Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., Xt 125 acres and the average hide to

(1979), 17-46; M.Richards, ‘Hafod be of the order of 120 acres, but and hafoty in Welsh place-names’, massive variations are possible. Montgomeryshire Collins, tv 82. ECMW, nos.116, 255;

(1959-61), 13-20. V. Carantoci, 1.4, 5; V. Bernacii,

63. G.R Jones, ‘Post-Roman Wales’, in ch.15; BT 1022. The Agrarian History of England 83. Hist. Brittonum, ch.32.

and Wales, I pt 2, ed. 84. See below, pp.59f.; Canu Taliesin, H.P.R.Finberg {1972}, 288, 294f.; X. see further below, pp.43-7. 85. Hist. Brittonum, cc.52, 65;

64. Limbrey and Evans (eds.), op. cit., V. Paterni, cc.16, 17; V.Gundleii,

37, 89. ch.15; V.Cadoci, ch.24.

65. Canu Llywarch Hen, 94, 96. 86. Canu Aneirin, A73.

66. Alcock, ‘Dry bones and living 87. T-.Jones, ‘The Black Book of

documents’. Carmarthen ‘'Stanzas of the

67. Colloquy, ch.2; cf. V.Htuti, ch.13. Graves’’’, Procs. British Academy, 68. See below, p.46; cf. V.Gundleii, Lit (1967), no.60; V.Cadoci, ch.7. ch.15; Hist. Brittonum, ch.68. 88. British Numismatic J., xx1x

69. Canu Llywarch Hen, 94; (1958-9], 255-8; J.D.A.Thompson,

I.Williams, The Beginnings of Inventory of British Coin Hoards, Welsh Poetry, ed. and trans. A.D.600-1500 (1956), no.131; and R.Bromwich (1972), 90; Canu Archaeology in Wales, xix (1979),

Aneirin, A60; Canu Taliesin, VII. 36.

70. V.S.Dauid, ch.43; V.Paterni, ch.4; 89. Canu Taliesin, II. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.25; 90. V.S.Dauid, ch.22; V.Bernacii,

Canu Llywarch Hen, 96; Hist. ch.1; De Excidio Britanniae, cc.32,

Brittonum, ch.30; Stokes, op. cit., 66.

237; V.Samsonis, ch.35; Llyfr 91. Canu Llywarch Hen, stanzas 134,

Blegywryd, 63. 135 in the translation by P.K.Ford, 71. See above, p.33f. in Ford, The Poetry of Llywarch 72. Armes Prydein, 1.36; see above, Hen (Berkeley, Cal., 1974}.

92. ‘Canu Heledd’, 85; Canu Taliesin, 73.p.34. Colloquy, ch.7. I, IV, V.

228 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

93. BT 1022; Armes Prydein, 1.2. 123. Ibid., B40.

94. Colloquy, ch.4. 124. V.S.Dauid, cc.2, 22, 33, 48; Canu 95. ECMW, no.33; Lapidge, op. cit., Aneirin, A33; V.Samsonis, ch.3. 86, 11.121-3; Canu Aneirin, A33; 125. V.S.Dauid, ch.5; V.Samsonis,

V.Cadoci, ch.69; ‘Canu Heledd’, ch.9.

85. 126. Lib. Land., 146; V.Cadoci, ch.66.

96. Hist. Brittonum, ch.30; V.Cadoci, 127. Lib. Land., xliii.

cc.5, 8, 24, 65. 128. V.Cadoci, cc.56, 59, 60, 61, 62,

97. Canu Aneirin, passim; Hist. 64, 65, 66, 67, 68; Lib. Land., Brittonum, pref.; ‘Pwyll’, 17; xliii, xlv; Davies, Early Welsh ‘Branwen’', 31; ‘Math’, 57; Microcosm, 50-9. V.Cadoci, cc.62, 65; RCAHMW 129. V,Cadoci, cc.62, 65.

Caernarvon, I, \xix. 130. Cbiloquy, ch.27.

98. Hist. Brittonum, cc.25, 30; cf. De 131. V.Cadoci, ch.50.

Excidio Britanniae, ch.66. 132. BT 1088.

99. V.S8.Dauid, ch.12. 133. V.Cadoci, ch.36. 100. Lib. Land., 151b. 134. Colloquy, ch.16.

101. Alcock, Dinas Powys, 44-7; 135. V.Gundleii, ch.13; W.M.Hennessy

Richard White, Society of (ed.}, Annals of Loch Cé (Rolls

Antiquaries, December 1979. Series, 54, 2 vols., 1871), 1014.

102. V.Cadoci, cc.27, 55; Davies, Early 136. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.66, 67.

Welsh Microcosm, 53f. 137. Canu Aneirin, A31.

103. Llyfr Blegywryd, 41, 106. 138. Canu Llywarch Hen, 94, Davies, 104. Alcock, Dinas Powys, 47-9. Early Welsh Microcosm, 51-4; V.

105. V.Samsonis, ch.3. Cadoci, ch.27; ECMW, no.253;

106. V.Cadoci, ch.35. ‘Manawydan’, 44f.

107. Canu Aneirin, A18. 139. Lib. Land., xliii, xlvi; Davies,

108. V.Cadoci, ch.35; Hist. Brittonum, Early Welsh Microcosm, 51-4;

' ch.40. V. Cadoci, cc.24, 55, 60, 65, 69.

109. Williams, op. cit., 164; Canu 140. ‘Culhwch’', 97; V.Cadoci, ch.69;

Llywarch Hen, 66; Bromwich, see below, p.55.

TYP, 26; Lib. Land., 127a; Hist. 141. ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’, 7. Brittonum, ch.50; V.ltuti, ch.23; 142. V.Samsonis, ch.3; Davies, Early

V.Cadoci, ch.8; V. Tathei, cc.14, Welsh Microcosm, 59-61.

16. 143. Hist. Brittonum, cc.25, 30;

110. Bromwich, TYP, 44; V.S.Dauid, Colloquy, ch.4.

ch.37; V.Paterni, ch.31; V. ltuti, 144. British Numismatic ]., xvu

ch.8; V.Cadoci, ch.1. (1923-4), 305.

111. V.S.Dauid, ch.38; V.Cadoci, cc.24, 145. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

43, 58, 62, 65; V.Ututi, ch.24; 60; R.H.M.Dolley, The Hiberno-

Stokes, op. cit., 222. Norse Coins in the British

112. ECMW, no.149; Bromwich, TYP, Museum (1966], no.3, 70,99, 117, 44; V.S.Dauid, ch.38; Colloquy, 143, 153; Thompson, op. cit., ch.5; De Excidio Britanniae, ch.19; no.10, 32, 131, 305, 306; Arch.

V.Samsonis, ch.16. Camb., cx1x (1970), 75-8;

113. V.Cadoci, ch.1; Colloquy, ch.5. H.R.Loyn, The Vikings in Wales

114. Canu Taliesin, I, II. (1976), 14. 115. ‘Pwyll’, 9. 146. Stokes, op. cit., 223. 116. V.Cadoci, ch.63. 147. AC 989; BT 989.

117. Canu Aneirin, A73. 148. V.Cadoci, cc.27, 50; V.S.Dauid, 118. For example: Canu Llywarch Hen, ch.30; Darby and Terrett (eds.},

70; Canu Aneirin, B4, B38, A4, op. cit., 53-5, 110f., 157.

A26; Canu Taliesin, I, Ill, V; Hist. 149. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.3; Hist.

Brittonum, ch.65. Brittonum, ch.9. 119. V.iltuti, ch.2. 150. Ibid., ch.52.

120. Canu Taliesin, IV, VII; V.Cadoci, 151. L.Alcock, ‘Pottery and settlements

ch.24. in Wales and the March,

121. IJbid., ch.63. A.D.400-700’, in Culture and

122. Williams, op. cit., 164, 1.44; Canu Environment, ed. I.L].Foster and

Aneirin, A31, B13, B34. L.Alcock (1963), 297-9; idem,

3 Social Ties and Social Strata: notes 229 Dinas Powys, 49-54; Arch. Camb., 6. V.Cadoci, ch.21; ‘Pwyll', 14;

; Lxxxul (1927), 191f. ‘Manawydan’, 51; BT 1022.

152. I.Williams, ‘'Glosau Rhydychen: 7. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.34;

mesurau a phwysau’, BBCS, v Canu Taliesin, III; V.Cadoci,

(1929-31], 226-48. cc.8,69.

153. Bromwich, TYP, 37; V.Bernacii, 8. See above, pp.5If.

ch.3; V.Jltuti, cc.13, 15; V.Cadoci, 9. See below, pp.164-6. ch.10; V.Gundleii, ch.13; Davies, 10. V.Ituti, ch.24; De Excidio

Early Welsh Microcosm, 61. Britanniae, ch.66, 67.

154. Loyn, op. cit., 12-15, 17-21; 11. Cf£. Llyfr Blegywryd, 81, 96; Thompson, op. cit., no.32; see A.W.Wade-Evans, Welsh Medieval

further below, pp.117-20. Law (1909), 204.

155. Hist. Brittonum, ch.40; 12. Llyfr Blegywryd, 59; cf. Wade-

Bromwich, TYP, 43; V.S.Dauid, Evans, op. cit., 246. ch.41; V.Cadoci, ch.24. 13. V.S.Dauid, ch.5; Lib. Land., 121;

156. Colloquy, ch.4. see further below, p.138.

157. V.S.Dauid, ch.12. 14. Lib. Land., 233. 158. V.Cadoci, ch.59. 15. Hist. Brittonum, ch.63; Colloquy, 159. ‘Manawydan’, 43ff. ch.24; V.S.Dauid, ch.53; 160. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.3, 19, 24, M.Lapidge, ‘The Welsh-Latin

2.6. poetry of Sulien’s family’, Studia

161. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, Celtica, vim-1x (1973-4), 86,11.124f.

61f.; cf. V.Cadoci, ch.1 — 16. V.Samsonis, ch.6; Hist. Meuthi’s oppidum. W.Davies, Brittonum, pref.; AC 1047. . ‘The Latin charter tradition in 17. V.Cadoci, prol.; ‘Pwyll’, 20. western Britain, Brittany and 18. V.Cadoci, ch.13.

Ireland in the medieval period’, in 19. V.Gundleii, ch.1; V.Paterni, ch.2;

Ireland and Europe, ed. V.Ututi, ch.1; V.Cadoci, pretf.,

D.Dumville, R.McKitterick and prol.; Canu Lilywarch Hen, 73; D.Whitelock (1982), 258-80; ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’, 5;

T.James, Carmarthen, an Lapidge, op. cit., 84, 1.86f.

Archaeological and Topographical 20. ‘Culhwch’, 96; V. Wenefrede,

Survey (1980), 20f. ch.10.

162. BT 1056; AC 866; Hist. 21. V.Samsonis, ch.6.

Brittonum, cc.10, 49; V.Paterni, 22. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

ch.28. 108-16; Lib. Land., xliii.

163. CBA Group 2 Report, x1x (1979}, 23. Journey through Wales, 221. 39; Med. Arch., xvu (1973), 73. 24. Ihave benefited from the

164. Hist. Brittonum, ch.25; V.Cadoci, discussion of these points in

cc.21, 41; V.Gundleii, ch.15; Thomas Charles-Edwards’s

Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, O'Donnell lectures in Oxford,

62. 1979, on concepts of freedom.

165. G.Duby, The Early Growth of the 25. Journey through Wales, 251. European Economy (1973; trans. 26. H.C.Darby and R.Welldon Finn

1974), 120-54. (eds.}|, The Domesday Geography of South-West England (1967), 317-21, 364-73.

27. V.Carantoci, 1.4; V.S.Dauid, ch.17;

3 Social Ties and Social Strata V. Cadoci, cc.7,33; T.M CharlesEdwards, ‘The seven bishop-

1. See above, pp.41-7. houses of Dyfed’, BBCS, xxiv

2. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.66; (1970-2), 253f.

V.Samsonis, ch.30; V. Cadoci, 28. I.Williams, The Beginnings of prol., ch.14; V. Tathei, cc.4, 7; see Welsh Poetry, ed. and trans.

above, pp.46-9. R.Bromwich {1972}, 164, 1.24; 3. ‘Canu Heledd’, 85f. Armes Prydein, 1.34. |

4. Hist. Brittonum, ch.32; V.Cadoci, 29. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

ch.1. 43, 180f.; Lib. Land., 218.

5. V.S.Dauid, cc.34, 56; V.Cadoci, 30. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

prol.; V.Ututi, ch.11. 43.

230 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

31. Lib. Land., xlvi. Juvencus’, Trans. Philological Soc.

32. F.L.Attenborough (ed.), The Laws (1860-1), 234; ECMW, no.229; cf.

of the Earliest English Kings Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

(1922), 84-6, cl.43. 111; T.M. Charles-Edwards, ‘Some

33. Colloquy, ch.27. Celtic kinship terms’, BBCS, xxiv 34. See above, p.55. (1970-2), 105-22; idem, ‘Nei, 35. V.Cadoci, ch.1; V.S.Dauid, ch.37; keifn, and kefynderw’, BBCS, xxv V. Tathei, ch.16. (1972-4), 386-8; D.Dumville,

36. See G.RJones, ‘Post-Roman ‘Sub-Roman Britain: history and

Wales’, in The Agrarian History of legend’, History, txu {1977}, 182. England and Wales, I pt 2, ed. 57. V.Cadoci, ch.26; Bromwich, TYP,

H.P.R.Finberg (1972), 299-308, no.81; V.Ututi, ch.1; Canu

320-49, for a useful recent Taliesin, I, VI; ‘Canu Heledd’, 80, summary of different types of 84; see above, pp.202f.

tenure. 58. V.Bernacii, ch.1; cf. Journey

37. V.Cadoci, ch.7. through Wales, 251, cited above;

38. Ibid., ch.6. see below, p.58. 39. Ibid., cc.22, 34. 59. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.18;

40. Canu Aneirin, B20, B31. V.Cadoci, ch.21; Hist. Brittonum,

41. Ibid., B26. ch.34; see below, p.74.

42. Ibid., B30, A2, B39, A65, Al6; 60. See above, p.73.

Canu Taliesin, IV; ‘Canu Heledd’, 61. Lib. Land., 127b.

83f.; Williams, op. cit., 164, 62. V.Samsonis, cc.2, 29; V.Cadoci,

11.34-36. cc.56, 57, 68; Lib. Land., xlvi;

43. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.27; Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 55.

112-16; AC 768; V.S.Dauid, cc.16, 63. See below, pp.123f.

19; cf. T.M. Charles-Edwards, 64. V.Samsonis, ch.6; Hist. ‘The date of the four branches of Brittonum, ch.38; ‘Canu Heledd’, the Mabinogi’, Trans. Hon. Soc. 84; V.Cadoci, prol., cc.6, 14, 28. Cymmrodorion (1970}, 276f. on 65. ECMW, nos.26, 32, 183, 284, 33.

‘submission’. 66. Cf. Llyfr Blegywryd, 53, 45, 77,

44. V.Iltuti, ch.2; V.Cadoci, cc.8, 16, 47; Wade-Evans, op. cit., 185-7,

19, 22, 23. 233f., 199.

45. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 67. V.Cadoci, cc.69, 70; Lib. Land.,

114. xliii; ECMW, no.284; Davies,

46. V.Samsonis, ch.1; Canu Taliesin, Early Welsh Microcosm, 111. VII, VIII; V.Cadoci, prol. 68. V.Cadoci, cc.56, 59, 62, 65, for

47. Canu Aneirin, B4. example.

48. See below, p.127. 69. V.Cadoci, ch.62; hence, BT 986,

49. Canu Taliesin, V. V. Cadoci, ch.6; Lib. Land., xliii: 50. Canu Aneirin, A28; Journey 70. Cf. Llyfr Blegywryd, 77; Wade-

through Wales, 261. Evans, op. cit., 199.

51. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.28; 71. Armes Prydein, 1.14; V.Cadoci,

V.Samsonis, ch.6; V.Cadoci, cc.56, 59, 61; Davies, Early Welsh ch.65. Microcosm, 55. 52. ‘Canu Heledd’, 86. 72. V.Samsonis, prol., cc.2, 40, 14; 53. ECMW, no.33; Lib. Land., xliii; Life of King Alfred, ch.79; cf. V.Cadoci, cc.26, 27; Davies, Early Journey through Wales, 253.

Welsh Microcosm, 111; 73. V.Cadoci, pref.; V.Gundleii, ch.1,

V.Gundleii, ch.1. V.Cadoci, ch.68.

54. See, for example, Llyfr Blegywryd, 74. See below, pp.123f. 45, 77, 67; Wade-Evans, op. cit., 75. See above, pp.43-6.

199, 235-42; D.Jenkins and 76. Journey through Wales, 80, 128, M.E.Owen (eds.}], The Welsh Law 193, 261.

of Women (1980), 436. 77. Lib. Land., 180b, 274, 152;

55. Colloquy, ch.14. V.Cadoci, cc.15, 57; Hist.

56. BT 1075, 1078; V.S.Dauid, th.14; Brittonum, ch.57.

W.Stokes, ‘The Welsh glosses and 78. V.Cadoci, cc.28, 55, 60, 65, 69;

verses in the Cambridge Codex of Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

4 Secular Politics: notes 231

43-59. Williams, op. cit., 166, 1.65;

79. ‘Manawydan’, 41. V.8.Dauid, ch.4; Canu Aneirin, 80. ‘Culhwch’, 112; V.Cadoci, ch.25; Al9, A73; AC 848, 902; V.Cadoci, V.Samsonis, ch.1. cc.7, 13, 23, 24, 41, 46, 69; Canu 81. ‘Pwyll’, 12; Hist. Brittonum, Taliesin, I; Hist. Brittonum, cc.14,

ch.37. 48, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74; H.C.Darby

82. ‘Book of David’, 6; V.Htuti, ch.1; and 1.B.Terrett (eds.), The V.Gundleii, ch.2; ‘Culhwch’, 112; Domesday Geography of Midland Canu Aneirin, A9; Jenkins and England (1954), 157; H.C.Darby

Owen (eds.}, op. cit., 69-90. and I.S.Maxwell (eds.}, The 83. Cf. Hist. Brittonum, ch.63; De Domesday Geography of Northern

Excidio Britanniae, ch.35. England (1962), 386f.; V. Pauli,

84. Journey through Wales, 263. ch.1.

85. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.28, 35. 102. Canu Taliesin, 1V; Canu Aneirin,

86. ‘Marwnad Cynddylan’; ‘Culhwch’, B8, B21, Al5 etc.

95; ‘Pwyll’, 17; V.Cadoci, ch.14. 103. BT 984, 1047, 1075; Davies, Early

87. Jenkins and Owen (eds.}, op. cit., Welsh Microcosm, 108-10; cf.

79-81. Charles-Edwards, ‘Some Celtic

88. Canu Aneirin, B11; De Excidio kinship terms’, 116-22; M.Richter, Britanniae, ch.32; V.S.Dauid, Giraldus Cambrensis. The Growth ch.56; cf. Jenkins and Owen (eds.}, of the Welsh Nation (1972), 61-86; op. cit., 21. idem, ‘The political and 89. ‘Culhwch’, 95; De Excidio institutional background to

Britanniae, ch.6; V.Ituti, ch.26; national consciousness in

V.Cadoci, ch.1; V.Samsonis, cc.6, medieval Wales’, in Nationality .

14; V.S.Dauid, ch.39; cf. and the Pursuit of National

E.Phillips, ‘Modrydaf’, BBCS, xxv Independence, ed. T.W.Moody

(1972-4), 119f. (1978), 38f.

90. V.Samsonis, ch.1; Hist. 104. Lapidge, op. cit., 82-4; 11.54, 57,

Brittonum, cc.10, 46. 61-8.

91. Cf. Llyfr Blegywryd, 45, 65; Wade- 105. Stokes, op. cit., 212.

Evans, op. cit., 185f., 192f.; 106. See below, p.132.

Jenkins and Owen (eds.}, op. cit., 57.

92. Lib. Land., 186a, 223, 257.

93. Ibid., 259, 261. 4 Secular Politics

94.42. Attenborough (ed.}, op. cit., 84, cl. 1. T.M.Charles-Edwards, ‘Native

95. BT 1078; cf. AC 880. political organisation in Roman

96. ‘Manawydan’, 44. Britain and the origin of MW

97. Canu Taliesin, III. brenhin’, in Antiquitates

98. Hist. Brittonum; Armes Prydein; Indogermanicae, ed. M.Mayrhofer,

AC 754, cf. 768, 784, etc.; W.Meid, B.Schlerath and

J.F.Kenney, Sources for the Early R.Schmitt (Innsbruck, 1974), 40-4;

History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical see above, p.62.

(Columbia, 1929), 556. 2. A.H.M.Jones, The Later Roman

99. Hist. Brittonum, prol., cc.42, 62; Empire, 284-602 (4 vols., 1964}, I,

V.S.Dauid, ch.58; V.Gundleii, 366-522, IiI, 382; S.Frere,

ch.11; V.Paterni, ch.2; V.Cadoci, Britannia (1967), 210f.; R.Reece

ch.27. and C.Catling, Cirencester (BAR

100. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.4, 14, 12, 1975); A. McWhirr (ed.), The 19, 25, 26 etc.; ECMW, no.103 (it Archaeology and History of should be noted, however, that the Cirencester (BAR 30, 1976}. date of this inscription has been 3. Frere, op. cit., 210-15. seriously questioned: R.B.White, 4. V.E.Nash-Williams, The Roman

Arch. Camb. (forthcoming). Frontier in Wales (2nd edn 1969,

101. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, ed. M.Jarrett), 73f.; cf. T.James, 88f.; Journey through Wales, 77, Carmarthen, an Archaeological 183ff.; ECMW, nos. 87, 126; BT and Topographical Survey (1980),

848, 934, 984, 1022, 1075; 5-12.

232 Wales inthe Early Middle Ages

5. G.Simpson, Britons and the 23. V.Samsonis, cc.1, 6.

Roman Army (1964); idem, 24. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, ‘Caerleon and the Roman forts in 77, 93; Lib. Land., 121, 122, 123, Wales in the second century A.D.’, 166. 2 parts: Arch. Camb, cx1 (1962}, 25. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

103-66; cxm (1963), 13-76. 76, 77, 79, 94; Lib. Land., 72a-76b,

6. Frere, op. cit., 356; Nash- 15la, 161-164.

Williams, op. cit., 59-64, 85-8, 26. AC 613; Hist. Ecclesiastica, I1.2. 70-3, 135-7, 56-9, 22-8; Simpson, 27. Canu Taliesin, I. Britons and the Roman Anny, 28. The genealogy of the Powys kings

163-7. preserved on the Pillar of Elise

7. Frere, op. cit., 286; Nash- (Bartrum, op. cit., 2) does not

Williams, op. cit., 63; G.R.Jones, associate the line with Cadell; it is

‘Post-Roman Wales’, in The therefore clear that not all Powys Agrarian History of England and historians of the ninth century Wales, I pt 2, ed. H.P.R.Finberg wished to classify the family as

(1972), 313-20. Cadelling. There are several

8. Frere, op. cit., 361. possible explanations for the

9. W. Davies, ‘Roman settlements omission — variant tradition,

and post-Roman estates in south- desire to avoid the servile origin of east Wales’, in The End of Roman the line implied by Hist. Britain, ed. P.J.Casey (BAR 71, Brittonum, cc.32-5, alternative

1979), 153-6. interests — but it remains true

10. L. Alcock, Dinas Powys (1963}, that descent from Cadell remains 61; C.Thomas, ‘Irish settlements the most common attribution in in post-Roman western Britain’, the ninth century and later. Cf. J. Roy. Institution Cornwall, vi D.Kirby, ‘Welsh bards and the (1972}, 251-74; M.Richards, ‘Irish border’, in Mercian Studies, ed. ' settlements in south-west Wales: a A.Dornier ((1977), 36f. topographical approach’, ~ 29. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, J. Roy. Soc. Antiquaries Ireland, xc 80, 88; Lib. Land., 146, 154, 167.

(1960), 133-62. 30. Life of King Alfred, ch.80; AC 848,

11. ECMW, no.138; M.Miller, 895.

‘Date-guessing and Dyfed’, Studia 31. Hist. Brittonum, ch.49. Celtica, xu-x1u (1977-8), 36f. 32. Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 9, 10, 2; cf.

12. A.Hood (ed. and trans.}, St Bromwich, TYP, lxxxvii, on the

Patrick, His Writings and Brittonic gods from whom Muirchu’s Life (1978}; dynasties claimed descent.

P.C.Bartrum ({ed.}, Early Welsh 33. M.Biddle, ‘The development of the

Genealogical Tracts {1966}, 4. Anglo-Saxon town’, Settimane di

13. Hist. Brittonum, ch.62. Studio del Centro italiano di Studi 14. Frere, op. cit., 352; J.Morris, The sull ‘alto medioevo, xxi (1974),

Age of Arthur {1973}, 66; 205-12.

L.Alcock, Arthur’s Britain (1971), 34. ASC 577. The manner of reference

125-9; M.Miller, ‘The foundation- does not make it clear whether the

legend of Gwynedd in the Latin kings were kings of the cities or texts’, BBCS, xxv (1976-8), 515- simply involved in the engagement 32; cf. alternatively D.Dumville, by which the cities were lost. ‘Sub-Roman Britain: history and 35. A.W. Wade-Evans (ed.}, Vitae

legend’, History, tx (1977), 181f. Sanctorum Britanniae et

15. See above, pp.22-4. Genealogiae (1944), 274-8.

16. K.H.Jackson, Language and 36. Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 4, 9f.

80 esp. and Dyfed’.

History in Early Britain (1953), 78- (no.2}; see Miller, ‘Date-guessing

17. ECMW, 3-10. 37. Hist. Brittonum, ch.49.

19. Ibid., ch.33. 93-5.

18. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.31. 38. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

20. Hist. Ecclesiastica, I.1; cf. 1.20. 39. Lib. Land., 146, 154, 167;

21. ECMW, no.13. V.Cadoci, prol.; ‘De Situ 22. Ibid., no.138. Brecheniauc’, Bartrum (ed.}, op.

4 Secular Politics: notes 233

cit., 14-16. 65. AC 844; Bartrum (ed.), op. cit., 9

40. Lib. Land., 77, 125a, 125b, 127a, (no.1). There is some disagreement

127b; ECMW, no.138; Journey between this and the later

through Wales, 223. genealogies; see Bartrum ({ed.}, op.

41. ECMW, no.13; Journey through cit., 151, for discussion of the Wales, 223; M.Miller, The Saints problems.

of Gwynedd (1979}, 1-3. 66. Ibid., 46 (no.17}.

42. ECMW, no.182; AC 822; cf. 67. Ibid. (nos.17, 18), 151; AC 854, Journey through Wales, 223; see 871; W.M.Hennessy (ed.}, Annals

above, p.94. of Ulster (Rolls Series, 2 vols.,

43. See above, p.94. 1887), 855, 876, 877; Journey 44. AC 816 (MS C); BT 816. through Wales, 221f.

45. V.Cadoci, cc.41, 44; J.E.Lloyd, A 68. Life of King Alfred, ch.66. History of Wales, from the Earliest 69. AC 877, 880, 894, Life of King

Times to the Edwardian Conquest Alfred, ch.80.

(1911), 281f.; ECMW, no.272; 70. AC 903; Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 9

Jackson, op. cit., 355. (nos.1,2); cf. D.Kirby, ‘Hywel

46. D.Dumville, ‘The Anglian Dda: Anglophil?’, Welsh

collection of royal geneaologies Hist. Rev., vitt (1976-7), 1-13. and regnal lists’, Anglo-Saxon 71. AC 986, 999, 1000.

England, v (1976), 30f. 72. AC 1039; Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 47. AC 798. 47 (no.27). 48. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.32; 73. AC 1055, 1063; ASC 1052/3,

Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 10. 1063; H.C.Darby and I.B.Terrett 49. Canu Llywarch Hen, 79-86. (eds.}, The Domesday Geography

50. Ibid., 79, 82, 84, 86. of Midland England {1954), 142-6.

51. Ibid., 79-86. 74. ASC 1063; BT 1075; see also 52. Journey through Wales, 223. A.Jones ({ed.), The History of

53. ‘Marwnad Cynddylan’. Gruffydd ap Cynan (1910);

54. Stanza 111 (Canu Llywarch Hen, D.Simon Evans (ed.), Historia ed. I.Williams, 1935, 48); see Gruffudd vab Kenan (1977) (Welsh

W.Davies and H.Vierck, ‘The edition).

contexts of Tribal Hidage: social 75. AC 814; Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 9

aggregates and settlement (no.2).

patterns’, Friihmittelalterliche 76. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

Studien, vi (1974), 236-9, for a 97.

brief discussion of Mercia and the 77. AC 1018, 1022, 1023; Bartrum

Wrekin. Bartrum, op. cit., 12 (ed.}, op. cit., 47 (no.27).

(no.25}; cf. the similar comments 78. AC 1033. of William of Malmesbury, cited 79. AC 1045, 1046. by Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 128. A 80. AC 1022, 1023, 1049, 1073.etc.; ~ Morfael and Rhiadaf occur in the BT 1039, 1044, 1049, 1052 etc.

later genealogies of ‘Bonedd yr 81. AC 1055.

Arwyr’, Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 85; 82. Lloyd, op. cit., 400-46.

while there is a ‘Caranfael’ in HG 83. Ibid., 402ff. no.24, ibid., 12; such occurrences 84. W.de Gray Birch, Cartularium

can really have no value as Saxonicum (3 vols., 1885-93},

evidence, however. no./02; ASC 916.

55. It should not be forgotten that 85. Lib. Land., 237b; Davies, Early ‘Marwnad Cynddylan’ does refer Welsh Microcosm, 184. to Cynddylan as ‘Cadelling’. 86. Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., 45 (no.8).

56. See below, p.112. 87. Lloyd, op. cit., 397, 402. 57. See below, p.114. 88. AC 760, 778, 784.

58. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.33. 89. Life of King Alfred, ch.14.

99. Hist. Brittonum, ch.62. 90. C.Fox, Offa’s Dyke (1955); D.Hill, 60. See above, p.92. ‘Offa’s and Wat’s Dykes — some 61. Hist. Ecclesiastica, 1.20, Ill.1. exploratory work on the frontier

62. AC 754. between Celt and Saxon’, in 63. See above, p.82. Anglo-Saxon Settlement and

64. Wade-Evans (ed.}), op. cit., 72-8. Landscape, ed. T.Rowley (BAR 6,

234 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

1974), 102-7. 116. ECMW, nos.65, 180, 181, 190; 91. ECMW, no.182. Arch. Camb., cv1 (1957), 109-16, 92. Bartrum (ed.), op. cit., 46 (no.18)}. 117. D.Dumville, England and the

93. W.Davies, ‘Land and power in Celtic World in the Ninth and early medieval Wales’, Past and Tenth Centuries (forthcoming

Present, Lxxxi (1978), 3-23. 1982).

94. BT 949, 1022, 1063. 118. AC 853, 876; Hennessy (ed.}, op.

95. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, cit., 855, 876; BT 855, 877; cf.

93. A.P.Smyth, Scandinavian Kings in Brittonum, ch.64. 94, 265.

96. Hist. Ecclesiastica, i1.20; Hist. the British Isles, 850-880 (1977),

97. N.Chadwick, ‘The conversion of 119. Life of King Alfred, ch.54; AC 895;

Northumbria’, in N.Chadwick et ASC 914; AC 902; BT 918.

al., Celt and Saxon {1963}, 148f. 120. Journey through Wales, 163. 98. AC 760, 849; Life of King Alfred, 121. AC 989; 972, 979, 982, 987, 988,

cc.78, 80; AC 798; BT 816; AC 999, 1001. 877; ASC 830, 853. 122. Ibid., 1039, 1042, 1044; ASC 1049, 99. BT 823; AC 822; Bartrum (ed.}, 1055.

op. cit., 2. 123. AC 1071, 1078; BT 1091;

100. Lib. Land., 192. H.R.Loyn, The Vikings in Wales

101. ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’, 6. (1976).

102. ‘subdiderat imperio...utdominium 124. See above, pp.54f.; Loyn, Vikings

et defensionem ab eo pro inimicis in Wales, 14.

ch.80. (1977), 53.

suis haberent’, Life of King Alfred, 125. Idem, The Vikings in Britain

103. ‘regis dominio...subdidit...ut in 126. Amnmes Prydein, 11.9-11. omnibus regiae uoluntati sic 127. BT 992; ASC 1055; AC 1056.

oboediens esset’, ibid. 128. Loyn, Vikings in Wales, 8-10.

104. ASC 893. 129. B.G.Charles, Old Norse Relations

105. Life of King Alfred, ch.7. with Wales (1934); idem, Non-

106. ASC 916, 918, 927. Celtic Place-Names in Wales

107. William of Malmesbury, De Gestis (1938); Loyn, Vikings in Wales;

Regum Anglorum, ed. W.Stubbs idem, Vikings in Britain, 149f., (Rolls Series, 90, 2 vols., 1887-9], M.Geiling, W.F.H.Nicolaisen,

1.148. M.Richards, The Names of Towns

108. Caer Geri: Cirencester; Aber and Cities in Britain (1970}, 135,

Peryddon: probably near 178.

69-72. 303, 360.

Monmouth; Armes Prydein, I. 130. ECMW, 27-47; nos.37, 38, 190, 109. Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, ed. B.Thorpe (2 vols., 1848-9), 1.142f.; ASC 972,

973. 5 Kings, Law and Order

110. Lloyd, op. cit., 353. Also ‘Worgeat’ | in 928 and 932, presumably 1. BT 1078.

‘Gwriad’; this might possibly refer 2. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.27.

to the Gwriad who was father of 3. Canu Aneirin, B14. Nowy, active in Gwent c.950. 4. Canu Taliesin, Il, 1.20.

lll. ASC 1056. 5. Canu Taliesin, VU, 11.9, 10. 112. AC 943, 951, 967, 983, 1011; BT 6. Canu Taliesin, I, 1.15.

978. 7. V.ituti, ch.2; V.Gundleii, ch.1. 1055. ch.34; see further 114. ASCBritanniae, 1049. above, p.60.

113. AC 983, 993, 1056; ASC 1046, 8. Canu Taliesin, Ill, 1.26; De Excidio

115. W.Davies, The Llandaff Charters 9. See above, pp.47f.

(1979), 145f.; idem, ‘The 10. V.Cadoci, cc.1, 39, 41, 44, 69,

orthography of personal names in V.iltuti, cc.8-10, 17, 25; cf. Hist. the charters of Liber Landavensis’, Brittonum, ch.32.

BBCS, xxvii (1978-80), 554; Arch. 11. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.34.

Camb., cxxvm (1978), 124f. 12. Canu Taliesin, VII, 1.6.

5 Kings, Law and Order: notes 235

13. V.Gundleii, ch.1. Arch. Camb., xiv, 3rd ser. (1868), 14. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.21. 336-8; Davies, Early Welsh

15. ‘Branwen’, 35; cf. D.Jenkins and Microcosm, 50f., and passim; cf. M.E.Owen (eds.), The Welsh Law M.Miller, The Saints of Gwynedd

of Women {1980}, 43. (1979), 114f.

16. Canu Aneirin, B4; cf. ‘Culhwch’, 48. V.Cadoci, ch.62.

97. 49. See below, pp.132f., and Davies,

17. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.33. Early Welsh Microcosm, 103-5. 18. Hist. Brittonum, cc.62, 35. 50. Lilyfr Blegywryd, 72-5;

19. See above, pp.110f., for references, A.W.Wade-Evans, Welsh Medieval

illustration and text. Law (1909), 204-8, for example. 20. Hist. Brittonum, ch.29. 51. V.ituti, cc.9, 10, 18.

21. Canu Taliesin, IX, 1.20-1. 52. Hist. Brittonum, cc.38, 42, 46. 22. BT 1022; V.Tathei, ch.1, for 53. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.27;

example. Canu Taliesin, XII, 1.21; V.Cadoci,

23. See above, pp.104-7. ch.22; V.tuti, ch.17; V.Gundleii, 24. V.Cadoci, pref. ch.14. 25. V.Gundleii, ch.1. 54. Hist. Brittonum, cc.21, 30, 57; 26. See above, pp.98f. ‘Culhwch’, 131. Cf: Bromwich, 27. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, TYP, no.51 — though this is

102. | probably a very late Triad based on

28. See above; see also D.O’Corrain, Geoffrey of Monmouth. ‘Trish regnal succession’, Studia 55. V.Cadoci, cc.22-6, 69.

Hibernica, xt (1971}, 7-39. 56. See above, p.116; ‘Ordinance of 29. See D.Binchy, Celtic and Anglo- the Dunsaete’, 9; AC 1087. Saxon Kingship (1970), 25-30; 57. Llyfr Blegywryd, 72-4; Wade-

D.Dumville, 'The aetheling: a Evans, op. cit., 204-8, for example;

study in Anglo-Saxon see G.R.Jones, ‘Post-Roman

constitutional history’, Anglo- Wales’, in The Agrarian History of Saxon England, vin (1979), 1-34. England and Wales, I pt 2, ed. 30. V.Cadoci, pref.; V.Carantoci, II.4. H.P.R.Finberg (1972), 299-302; see

31. ‘Culhwch’, 99. above, pp.43-7.

32. ‘Branwen’, 30; V.Cadoci, ch.22; 58. V.Bernacii, cc.14, 15; V.Tathei,

Hist. Brittonum, ch.37. ch.9; V.Paterni, ch.31, V.Ututi, 34. See below, pp.132-4. 59. V.Cadoci, cc.55, 62, 64, 68.

33. See above, pp.82f. cc.10, 17.

35. ‘Preface on Penance’, 23. 60. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 36. V.S.Dauid, ch.64. 101.

37. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 61. See above, p.55.

133f.; Lib. Land., 237b. 62. V.Jltuti, ch.17; V.Cadoci, ch.69;

38. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.66-7. V.Bernacii, ch.11; ‘Math’, 55, 60; 39. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, ‘Branwen’, 26. 130f.; Arch. Camb., xiv, 3rd ser. 63. V.Cadoci, ch.25; VCH Hereford,

(1868), 336-8; V.Ztuti, ch.17. 311. W.Davies, 'Braint Teilo’,

40. For example, De Excidio BBCS, xxvi (1974-6), 123-37. Britanniae, ch.33; Hist. 64. V.Samsonis, ch.6; Hist. Brittonum, cc.45, 46; Canu Brittonum, ch.33; Colloquy, cc.22, Taliesin, IV, 11.17, 18; V.Cadoci, 24; Bromwich, TYP, 13; ‘Pwyll’,

ec.8, 22. 4; ‘Branwen’, 26; V.Htuti, cc.17,

41. Canu Taliesin, V, 11.5-8. 20; Canu Aneirin, B29; Canu 43. Hist. Brittonum, ch.33. 1.18. See also Jones, op. cit., 373-5;

42. V.Cadoci, ch.24. Llywarch. Hen, 72; Armes Prydein, | 44. J.E.Lloyd, A History of Wales, BBCS, xxv (1972-4), 14-19. from the Earliest Times to the 65. ‘Branwen’, 32, 33. Edwardian Conquest (1911), 339. 66. Colloquy, ch.24; see fig.1.

45. See above, p.114. 67. V.Gundleii, ch.1; V.Cadoci, ch.69; 46. V.Cadoci, cc.22, 23, 24, 25, 69; ‘Branwen’, 29, 32. V.Gundleii, ch.13. 68. It is usually considered that the 47. For example, V.ltuti, ch.8; commote had a much later origin V.Kebii, ch.8; V.Tathei, ch.6; than the cantref (see Lloyd, op.

236 Wales in the Early Middle Ages cit., 300f.), on grounds of absence 81. ‘Preface on Penance’, 6; ‘Sinodus

of reference to it in sources of pre- Aquilonalis Britaniae’, in The Irish

1100, and that it was a sub- Penitentials, ed. L.Bieler (Dublin,

division of the cantref made for 1963) 66, cl.3; ‘Sinodus Luci convenience and efficiency in the Victorie’, ibid., 68, cl.1. early Norman period; that cantref 82. V.Cadoci, cc.8, 25.

and commote had the same 83. Hist. Brittonum, ch.33;

essential administrative function, ‘Manawydan’, 51; V.Cadoci, ch.33. at different periods, but that the 84. ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’, 1, 2. cantref had a much earlier non- 85. V.Cadoci, ch.69; ‘Stanzas of the

administrative origin and Graves’, 128. significance. See above, pp.82f.; 86. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.27; VCH Lib. Land., 255; BT 1075; Hereford, 310. V.Cadoci, pref., ch.69; Hist. 87. ‘Sinodus Luci Victorie’, cl.4;

Brittonum, ch.14; cf. T.M. V.Cadoci, cc.43, 69; VCH

Charles-Edwards, ‘The seven Hereford, 310; Davies, Early Welsh bishop-houses of Dyfed’, BBCS, Microcosm, 111; Lib. Land., 249b,

xxIV (1970-2), 251f., for 263. suggestions on the pre-Norman 88. ‘Book of David’, 7, 11; V.Paterni, cantrefs of Dyfed. ch.31; V.Cadoci, cc.21, 22.

69. ECMW, no.103 (but see above, 89. ‘Stanzas of the Graves’, 130,

p.82); De Excidio Britanniae, stanza 62; V.Cadoci, ch.22.

ch.26; this reading of the stone 90. Lib. Land., 237b, 233; Armes

has, however, been seriously Prydein, 11.141-4.

questioned — see R.B.White, Arch. 91. ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’, 5;

Campb., forthcoming. V.Cadoci, cc.22, 69; see above,

70. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, pp.76, 80.

108-15; V.Cadoci, ch.68; VCH 92. Lib. Land., 186a, 223.

Hereford, 311. 93. Liyfr Blegywryd, 24f., 29; Wade-

71. Lib. Land., xliiif.; cf. Canu Evans, op. cit., 147, 191-3. Llywarch Hen, ed. I.Williams 94. ‘Pwyll’, 4. (1935), 42, stanza 75. 95. V.Cadoci, cc.22, 23, 24, 25, 69; 72. Hist. Brittonum, ch.45; Colloquy, cf.cc. 33, 50.

ch.24; ‘Culhwch’', 96; ‘Branwen’, 96. V.§.Dauid, ch.57.

34;Bromwich, TYP, 1, 92; 97. Lilyfr Blegywryd, 54; Journey ' V.S.Dauid, ch.57; V.Carantoci, through Wales; 254; Davies,

1.4. — ‘Braint Teilo’, 128.

73. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.26, 27, 98. See above, pp.132f.

33 etc. 99. ‘Book of David’, 7, 11; V.Cadoci,

74. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, ch. 57; Davies, Early Welsh 112; Bromwich, TYP, 54; Canu Microcosm, 112. Taliesin, 1; ‘Branwen’, 30; 100. ‘Sinodus Luci Victorie’, 5; V.Cadoci, cc.1, 16, 23, 24, 25, 26, V.Cadoci, ch.33, 34; Davies, Early

53, 69; V.Ututi, cc.25, 26; Welsh Microcosm, 133. V.Gundleii, ch.12. 101. Davies, ‘Braint Teilo’; V.Cadoci, 75. Bromwich, TYP, 54, cf.53; ~ ch.34; cf. ch.16. See V.Ututi, ch.25; V.Gundleii, ch.12; D.Stephenson, Thirteenth-Century Journey through Wales, 257. Welsh Law Courts (1980), on |

76. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.27; thirteenth-century judges.

‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’; 102. V.Cadoci, ch.22. T.Jones, ‘The Black Book of 103. Lib. Land., 218. Carmarthen ‘‘Stanzas of the 104. V.Cadoci, ch.37; V.Gundleii, Graves’’’, Procs. British Academy, ch.16. Lin (1967), 128, stanza 59; 105. V.Cadoci, cc.33, 34, 53, 54, 69.

V.Cadoci, cc.1, 8; V.Paterni, 106. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

ch.31; V. Tathei, cc.13, 16. 109; cf. ‘Manawydan’, 44, where >

77. V.Cadoci, ch.24. prisons for those who disturb the 79. V.iltuti, ch.23. V.Gundleii, ch.14; V. Tathei, cc.8, 78. ‘Ordinance of the Dunsaete’, 1. peace by fighting are mentioned.

80. Colloquy, ch.23. 17.

6 The Church — Institutions and Authority: notes 237

107. V.Cadoci, ch.69. 141-3; O.Chadwick, ‘The evidence 108. Canu Aneirin, B37, Al8, A39; of dedications in the early history

V.Cadoci, ch.53; cf. ch.8. of the Welsh church’ in

109. See above, p.132. N.Chadwick et al., Studies in

110. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.5; Early British History (1954), V. Cadoci, ch.53; V.Gundleii, cc. 1, 173-88.

14. ll. V.Gundleii, ch.8; V.Paterni, ch.14.

111. Davies, ‘Braint Teilo’, V.Paterni, 12. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.34;

ch.26. ‘Preface on Penance’, 1, 2, 3; ‘Sinodus Aquilonalis Britanniae’, in The Irish Penitentials, ed.

6 The Church — Institutions and L.Bieler (Dublin, 1963), 66, cl.1;

Authority cf. ‘Book of David’, 10.

13. See K.Hughes, The Church in

1. See further W.Davies, ‘The Celtic Early Irish Society (1966), 17-35; Church’, J.Religious History, vul N.Chadwick, ‘Intellectual contacts

(1974-5}, 406-11. between Britain and Gaul in the

2. See p.143 for charters. fifth century’, in N.Chadwick et

3. H.M.Taylor and J.Taylor, Anglo- al., op. cit., 254.

Saxon Architecture {1965}, 497-9. 14. ‘Marwnad Cynddylan’; Hist.

4. T.M.Charles-Edwards, ‘The seven Ecclesiastica, 11.2; V.Cadoci, cc.55, bishop-houses of Dyfed’, BBCS, 56, 61, 63, 64, 67, 68; Life of King

XxIV (1970-2), 251-2, 262; Alfred, ch.79.

D.Knowles and R.N.Hadcock, 15. Hughes, op. cit., 39-64. Medieval Religious Houses, 16. V.Samsonis, cc.20, 38, 40-2, 50, England and Wales (2nd edn 1971}, 52, 59. 476, 477; J.E.Lloyd, A History of 17. V.Cadoci, cc.58, 63. ,

Wales, from the Earliest Times to 18. V.Pauli; Hughes, op. cit., 69-72; the Edwardian Conquest (1911), Analecta Bollandiana, Lxxim {1955}, 150; ECMW, nos. 326-34, 391-4; 197-213, 289-322; see W.Davies, J.M.Lewis, ‘A survey of the early ‘The Latin charter tradition in

Christian monuments of Dyfed western Britain, Brittany and

west of the Taf’, in Welsh Ireland in the early medieval

Antiquity, ed. G.C.Boon and J.M. period’, in Ireland and Europe, ed. Lewis (1976), 185f.; J.L.Davies, D.Dumville, R.McKitterick and D.B.Hague, and A.H.A.Hogg, ‘The D.Whitelock {forthcoming}. hut-settlement on Gateholm, 19. See Hughes, op. cit., 29-35, 71-4; Pembrokeshire’, Arch. Camb., cxx K.H.Jackson, Language and

(1971), 102-10; D.B.Hague, History in Early Britain (1953), ‘Grassholm’, CBA Group 2 Report, 122-48; D.Greene, ‘Some

xu (1972), 40f.; RCAHMW linguistic evidence relating to the Anglesey, 141-4; D.B. Hague, British church’, in Christianity in

‘Some Welsh evidence’, Scottish Britain, 300-700, ed. M.W.Barley Arch. Forum, v {1973}, 17-35; cf. and R.P.C.Hanson (1968), 75-86;

_ €.Thomas, The Early Christian W.Davies, ‘The Latin charter

Archaeology of North Britain tradition’.

(1978), 68; C.W.Johns, ‘The Celtic 20. Lewis, op. cit.; R.B.White, Early

monasteries of north Wales’, Christian Gwynedd (1975}, 7; Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., XxX Thomas, op. cit., 50f., 67f., 138f.

(1960}, 14-43. 21. Life of King Alfred, ch.79; Lib.

5. See E.G.Bowen, The Settlements Land., xlvi; Davies, Early Welsh of the Celtic Saints in Wales (2nd Microcosm, 135f. edn 1956), 104-17, 126, 139 etc. 22. Ibid., 125-8. 6. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 23. Journey through Wales, 262-4, for

121-4. example.

7. Ibid., 140f. 24. V.S.Dauid, ch.20; J.Conway

8. Lib. Land., 72a, 73a, 161, 162a. Davies, Episcopal Acts and 9. See Bowen, op. cit., passim, and Cognate Documents relating to

see further below, pp.162¢. Welsh Dioceses, 1066-1272 (2

10. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, vols., 1946-8}, 493-537.

238 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

25. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, V.S.Dauid, ch.10, 29, 35, 38.

155. 58. V.Cadoci, ch.24. 259. 60. See below, p.158. 27. Hist. Ecclesiastica, 11.2; Bromwich 61. Cf. V.Samsonis, ch.36; V.Cadoci, TYP, no.90. cce.l, 7, 28. 28. V.Gundleii, ch.8; V.Wenefrede, 62. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.1; ch.19; V.Cadoci, ch.1; V. Pauli, ECMW, no.33. ch.7. 63. Lib. Land., xlvi. 29. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 64. Life of King Alfred, ch.79. 26. Charles-Edwards, op. cit., 256, 59. V.Pauli, ch.4; V.iltuti, ch.14.

125, 128. 65. V.Samsonis, cc.14, 16, 40.

30. De Excidio Britanniae, cc. 21, 28, 66. V.Cadoci, ch.59.

32, 34, 66, 67. 67. See Conway Davies, op. cit., 31. ‘Preface on Penance’, 1. 493-537. 32. V.Samsonis, ch.36. 68. Journey through Wales, 262-4. 33. Ibid., ch.16. 69. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

34. Ibid., ch.30. 128-30.

35. Ibid., cc.21, 30. 70. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.66. 36. Ibid., cc.7-16. 71. ECMW, nos.33, 46, 83; Lib. Land., 37. Ibid., cc.20-1, 33, 36. xlv-vi; Davies, Early Welsh

38. Ibid., cc.40-1. Microcosm, 125f.; Colloquy, ch.5; 39. Hist. Ecclesiastica, 1V.27-30; V.S.Dauid, cc.9, 64.

Adomnan’s Life of Columba, ed. 72. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, A.O. and M.Anderson {1961}, 109- 126f. I am grateful to the Rev. 11; K.Hughes and A.Hamlin, The Wyn Evans for pointing out to me Modern Traveller to the Early Irish that presbiter and sacerdos are

Church (1977), 23, 25. glossed by different vernacular

40. V.Samsonis, ch.15, 21, 24, 30, 36, terms in the Old Cornish

45. Vocabularium Cornicum.

41. Ibid., cc.45. 73. Journey through Wales, 161-3.

42. Journey through Wales, 96-8. 74. See L.Fleuriot, ‘Les évéques de la

43. Bromwich, TYP, no.90. ‘Clas Kenedyr’’, évéché disparu de 44. V.Carantoci, 11.4; V.Bernacii, cc.4, la région de Hereford, Etudes 6,9; V.Kebii, cc.10, 15; V.Htuti, Celtiques, xv (1976-7), 225-6; cc.7, 9, 11, 16, 18; V. Tathei, cc.1, reference to the death of Bishop 12; V.Paterni, cc.3, 5; V.Gundleii, Cynog (associated with Brecon},

ch.6. AC 606, may be a tenth-century

45. V.Cadoci, cc.8, 11, 12, 19, 53. acknowledgement of the existence 46. V.S.Dauid, cc.12, 14, 20, 21, 28. of this bishop’s seat.

47. Ibid., ch.29. 75. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

48. Ibid., cc.21-30. 149-59. 49, Ibid., cc.4, 9, 17, 31, 34, 56. 76. AC 809; BT 944; R.I.Best and

50. RCAHM Anglesey, 141-4; Hague, H.J.Lawlor (eds.), The Martyrology ‘Some Welsh evidence’; Med. of Tallaght (Henry Bradshaw Soc. Arch., xiv (1970), 171f.; RCAHM 68, 1931}, 70. Glamorgan, I pt 3, 14f.; see above 77. The document recording

pp.28f. Maelgwn’s grant to Lilanelwy is

51. V.S.Dauid, ch.24; V.Tathei, ch.15; likely to have a pre-Conquest

V.Cadoci, cc.8, 27, 48, 63. origin; Arch. Camb., xiv, 3rd ser. 52. V.S.Dauid, ch.20; V.Bernacii, (1868), 336-8; see Davies, ‘The

ch.6; V. Wenefrede, ch.7; Latin charter tradition’, and cf. AC

V. Cadoci, cc.8, 9, 12. 612. ch.8; V.Paterni, cc.14, 24. ch.44.

53. Ibid., ch.21, 58, 63; V.Gundleii, 78. V.Paterni, ch.20; V.S.Dauid, 54. V.Samsonis, cc.16, 34; Lib. Land., 79. Cf.Davies, Early Welsh

xivi; V.Cadoci, cc.58, 65, 68. Microcosm, 146-8.

55. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 80. See Charles-Edwards, op. cit.

127f. 81. Life of King Alfred, ch.79.

56. Colloquy, ch.5. 82. V.S.Dauid, cc.46, 49, 53;

57. V.Cadoci, cc.12, 33, 49, 50; Bromwich, TYP, p.229 and no.1;

7 Christianity and Spirituality: notes 239 Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 112. V.iltuti, ch.12.

149. 113. V.Cadoci, cc.48-50, 51.

53, 56, 57. ch.24.

83. V.S.Dauid, cc.15, 16, 42, 49, 50, 114. See above, pp.33f.; V.Cadoci, 84. See Conway-Davies,op. cit., 190- 115. V.Cadoci, ch.22; V.Htuti, ch.15;

232; M. Richter, Giraldus Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

Cambrensis (1972). 61.

85. Cf. Charles-Edwards, op. cit., 257; 116. Ibid., 48-50; V.Cadoci, cc.55, 62.

see below, pp.200f. 117. See above, p.137.

86. V.Gundleii, ch.5; V.Tathei, ch.6; 118. V.Cadoci, ch.22; see Davies,

V.ituti, ch.7. ‘Property rights’, for further

87. V.Paterni, ch.14; V.Ututi, ch.10; discussion.

cf. V.Cadoci, ch.37. 119. V.S.Dauid, ch.57.

88. V.Paterni, ch.30; V. Tathei, ch.6. 120. Lib. Land., 217, 218, 239, 259,

89. V.Paterni, cc.24, 27. 261, 271.

90. V.Samsonis, cc.13, 15, 34, 43, 44. 121. Lib. Land., 237b. 91. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 122. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.21;

133f. V.Gundleii, ch.14.

92. ‘Preface on Penance’, 4. 123. V.Cadoci, cc.7, 16, 23, 24, 30.

93. V.Jituti, ch.19. 124. V.Kebii, ch.13; V.Cadoci, cc.35, 94. V.Samsonis, cc.38, 40. 69; Hist. Brittonum, cc.47, 54.

95. V.Cadoci, cc.10, 11, 12, 17, 21, 125. V.S.Dauid, ch.64; V.Ituti, ch.19. 24, 35, 36, 37, 54; see further W. 126. Life of King Alfred, ch.79; see

Davies, ‘Property rights and above, p.107. property claims in Welsh Vitae of the eleventh century’, in 7 Christianity and Spirituality

Hagiographie, cultures et sociétés,

ed. E.Patlagean and P.Riché (Paris, 1. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.4.

1981), 515-33. 2. Hist. Brittonum, ch.31.

96. V.Cadoci, ch.58. 3. Ibid., cc.32, 35, 52.

97. V.S.Dauid, ch.13; V.Paterni, ch.27. 4. V.Cadoci, ch.26; V.Carantoci, 1.2.

98. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 5. V.S.Dauid, ch.16.

139-41. 6. Bromwich,TYP, no.37R. rights’. 7 P.A.Rahtz, ‘Late Roman 100. See G.H. Doble, The Saints of cemeteries and beyond’, in Burial 99. Ibid., 141-6; Davies, ‘Property 7. §.Frere, Britannia (1967), 331-4;

Cornwall (1923-44, repr. in 5 in the Roman World, ed. R.Reece

vols., 1960-70), passim. (CBA Res.Rep. no.22, 1977}, 53101. Bowen, op. cit., 33-103. 64; J.Myres, ‘Pelagius and the end

102. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, of Roman rule in Britain’, ].Roman

150-1. Studies, L (1960), 21-36;

103. ECMW, nos.116, 124. C.J.S.Green, ‘The significance of 104. Lib. Land., 164, 169b; V. Tathei, plaster burials for the recognition ch.6; V.Ututi, ch.25. of Christian cemeteries’, in Reece 105. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, (ed.J, op. cit., 50-2; 37f.; idem, ‘Unciae: land W.Liebeschutz, ‘Did the Pelagian measurement in the Liber movement have sociai aims?’, Landavensis’, AgHR, xx1 (1973), Historia, xu (1963), 227-41;

111-21. J.Morris, ‘Pelagian literature’, Colloquy, ch.5. (1965), 25-60. 107. V.Cadoci, cc.7, 24; V.Pauli, ch.4; 8. P.Rahtz and L.Watts, ‘The end of 106. V.Cadoci, ch.30; V.Ituti, ch.23; ]. Theological Studies, n.s. Xvi

etc. Roman temples in the west of

108. See above pp.42,67f.; V.Cadoci, Britain’, in The End of Roman cc.24, 43, 58; V.Ututi, ch.24. Britain, ed. P.J.Casey (BAR 71, 109. V.Cadoci, ch.58; Lib. Land., 264b; 1979), 183-210; N.Chadwick,

Colloquy, ch.5. ‘Intellectual contacts between

110. See above, pp.46f. Britain and Gaul in the fifth

111. V.Cadoci, cc.23, 43; Davies, Early century’, in N.Chadwick et al.,

Welsh Microcosm, 128. Studies in Early British History

240 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

(1954), 189-263; Rahtz, ‘Late tradition in western Britain,

Roman cemeteries’, 55f.; Brittany and Ireland in the early

M.W.Barley and R.P.C.Hanson medieval period’, in Ireland and (eds.), Christianity in Britain, 300- Europe, ed. D.Dumville, 700 {1968}, esp. 75-92; C.Thomas, R.McKitterick and D.Whitelock

‘Imported Late Roman (forthcoming); P.C.Bartrum (ed.},

Mediterranean pottery in Ireland Early Welsh Genealogical Tracts and western Britain: chronologies (1966}, 14-16. and implications’, Procs. Royal 31. G.S.M.Walker (ed.}, Sancti Irish Academy, Lxxv1,C (1976}, Columbani Opera (Scriptores 245-55; ‘Marwnad Cynddylan’. Latini Hiberniae, Dublin, 1957}, 8; 9. ECMW, 4-16; C.Thomas, The Best and Lawlor (eds.}, op. cit., 13, Early Christian Archaeology of 20, 35, 70; W.Stokes (ed.}, The

North Britain (1971), 10-47. Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee

10. M.Miller, The Saints of Gwynedd (Henry Bradshaw Soc. 29, 1905},

{1979}, 11, 119. 38, 80; Analecta Bollandiana, Lxxtu

11. See below, pp.180-2. (1955), 206-11.

12. Canu Aneirin, A20, A29; Hist. 32. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

Brittonum, ch.33. 132; AC 454, 457, 521, 718; Hist.

13. V.Gundleii, ch.2; V.Paterni, ch.1; Brittonum, cc.16, 32, 48, 50, 55, V.Cadoci, pref.; V. Tathei, ch.1. 65, etc.; Colloquy, cc.15, 16, 19,

14. V.Cadoci, cc.26, 39. 23; V.Cadoci, cc.10, 26, 27; Armes Welsh Poetry, ed. and trans. 35-7, 40.

15. I.Williams, The Beginnings of Prydein, 1.25; V.S.Dauid, cc.3,

R.Bromwich (1972), 101f. 33. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 16. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.21, 22, 132; Hist. Brittonum, cc.33, 52,

24. 94; Armes Prydein, 11.41, 98; Canu ch.24. V.Cadoci, cc.1, 8; V.Htuti, cc.7, 18. Canu Aneirin, B5, B6, Al8g. 16, 18; V. Tathei, ch.6. 17. Hist. Brittonum, ch.45; Colloquy, Aneirin, A29; V.S.Dauid, ch.2;

19. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.28, 66, 34. S Harris, ‘The Kalendar of the

67. Vitae Sanctorum Wallensium’,

20. Colloquy, ch.19. ].Hist.Soc:'Church in Wales, m

21. V.S.Dauid, cc.4, 9, 17, 18, 31, 32, (1953},-3-53; see below, p.214.

34 etc; see above, p.154. 35. Armes Prydein, 11.139, 140;

22. See above, p.168. V. Cadoci, .ch.35; V.Htuti, ch.10;

23. Armes Prydein, 11.105f. V.Gundleii, ch.14; V.S.Dauid, 24. ‘Book of David’, 10; De Excidio ch.57, etc. Britanniae, ch.35; ECMW, no.32; 36. See above, p.137. Lib. Land., xliii, xlv; Armes 37. Lib. Land., xliii.

Prydein, 11.139f. 38. Lib. Land., 144, 164, 187.

25. Hist. Brittonum, ch.54; 39. Lib. Land., 73a.

V.S.Dauid, ch.17. 40. Lib. Land., 162a.

26. V.S.Dauid, ch.11; V.Cadoci, cc.13, 41. V.Cadoci, ch.31; V.S.Dauid, ch.1;

24, 34, 46; De Excidio Britanniae, V.Gundleii, ch.11.

cce.1l, 12. 42. See above, pp.151-3.

2/7. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, 43. Journey through Wales, 189. 132; A.W.Wade-Evans (ed.], Vitae 44, V.S.Dauid, cc.41, 43.

Sanctorum Britanniae et 45. V.Cadoci, cc.7, 29. Genealogiae (1944), passim. 46. Hist. Brittonum, cc.32-4, 40, 47, 28. V.Samsonis, cc.9, 12, 20, 23, 24; 48, 71. V. Machutis, ch.1; V.Pauli, ch.3; 47. Ibid., cc.26, 32.

R.I.Best and H.J.Lawlor (eds.}, The 48. V.Cadoci, ch.39.

Martyrology of Tallaght (Henry 49. Ihave confined my examples to Bradshaw Soc. 68, 1931), 35, 70. the eleventh-century Lives of 29. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, Cadog and David; there are many

131f. comparable examples from the

30. ECMW, no.239; Arch. Camb., xiv, twelfth-century Lives, though

3rd ser. (1868), 336-8 (see there are also noticeable

W.Davies, ‘The Latin charter differences in emphasis which

7 Christianity and Spirituality: notes 241 reflect some changing attitudes in Thomas, Early Christian

that century. See W.Davies, Archaeology of North Britain, 62f. ‘Property rights and claims in 69. D.B.Hague, ‘Whitesands Bay’,

Welsh Vitae of the eleventh CBA Group 2 Report, x {1970},

century’ in Hagiographie, cultures 27f.; Arch.]., cx1x (1962), 335. et sociétés, ed. E.Patlagean and 70. Arch. Camb., vu, 6th ser. {1907},

P.Riché (Paris, 1981), 515-33. 267-76; J.M.Lewis, ‘A survey of 50. V.S.Dauid, cc.7, 11, 51; V.Cadoci, the early Christian monuments of cce.14, 21, 26; Hist. Brittonum, Dyfed west of the Taf’, in Welsh

ch.54. Antiquity, ed. G.C.Boon and

51. V.Cadoci, cc.7, 12, 28, 29, 31; J.M.Lewis (1976), 192; cf.

V.S.Dauid, cc.13, 33, 35. Thomas, Early Christian

52. V.Cadoci, cc.6, 11, 29; V.S.Dauid, Archaeology of North Britain, 70f.,

ch.33. 73, 168-73, 144; CBA Group 2

53. Hist. Brittonum, ch.32. Report, 1x {1969}, 30.

54. V.Cadoci, cc.8, 12, 29, etc. 71. V.S.Dauid, ch.39; V.Cadoci, cc.35,

55. V.Cadoci, ch.1; V.S.Dauid, ch.8, 36.

etc. 72. ‘Sinodus Aquilonalis Britaniae’, in

56. F.Jones, The Holy Wells of Wales The Irish Penitentials, ed. L.Bieler (1954), 49f., 142f., 151, 179, 182; (Dublin, 1963}, cl.3, 4; ‘Sinodus RCAHMW Caernarvon, 205f.; Luci Victorie’, ibid., cl.6; cf. RCAHMW Anglesey, 123; cf. T.M.Charles-Edwards, ‘The social S.Victory, The Celtic Church in background to Irish peregrinatio’,

Wales (1977), 79f., pl.IV. Celtica, x1 (1975-6}, 43-59.

57. V.Cadoci, cc.21, 27, 31, 34; 73. V.Samsonis, ch.37; J.F.Kenney,

V.S. Dauid, ch.48. Sources for the Early History of

58. V.Paterni, ch.11; Williams, op. Ireland: Ecclesiastical (Columbia, cit., 189, 181ff.; cf. Victory, op. 1929), 556; Lewis, op. cit., 181; cf.

cit., 76-88. P.O’Riain, ‘The Irish element in xliii-vii. Irish Antiquity, ed. D.O'Corrdain

59. V.Cadoci, cc.34, 55-69; Lib. Land., Welsh hagiographical tradition’, in

60. V.Tathei, ch.13; V.S.Dauid, ch.6. (forthcoming); M.Lapidge, ‘The

61. V.Cadoci, ch.39. Welsh-Latin poetry of Sulien’s 62. Ibid., cc.39, 40. family’, Studia Celtica, vit-1x 63. Ibid., cc.35, 36, 37, 44, 50; (1973-4), 84-7. V.S.Dauid, ch.39. 74. AC 854, 885, 928; BT 682, 975.

64. BT 1089; V.ltuti, ch.22; Hist. 75. Colloquy, cc.15, 16, 19; V.Cadoci,

Brittonum, ch.71. cc.26, 27, 32, 35:

65. Victory, op. cit., 81. 76. V.S.Dauid, ch.44; V.Kebii, 1.3;

66. V.S.Dauid, ch.18; V.Cadoci, ch.46; V.Paterni, ch.20; V.Cadoci, cc.14,

Thomas, Early Christian 26, 32.

137-41, 143f. BT 1081. .

Archaeology of North Britain, 89, 77. V.Cadoci, cc.31, 36, 42; AC 1079;

67. R.B.White, ‘Excavations at Arfryn, 78. AC 453, 665, 768; Hist.

Bodedern, long-cist cemeteries and Brittonum, ch.63. the origins of Christianity in 79. YV.Cadoci, pret.; V.Tathei, ch.17; Britain’, Trans. Anglesey Ant. Soc. AC 1047. and Field Club (1971-2), 19-51; 80. Harris, op. cit.; H.J.Lawlor (ed.), idem, Early Christian Gwynedd The Psalter and Martyrology of (1975}, 7; idem, ‘New light on the Ricemarch (Henry Bradshaw Soc.

origins of the kingdom of 47, 1914).

Gwynedd’, in Astudiaethau ar yr 81. V.Cadoci, ch.35; V.S.Dauid, cc.34,

Hengerdd, ed. R.Bromwich and 49. V.Wenefrede, ch.29.

R.B.Jones (1978), 350-5; Thomas, 82. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.25. Early Christian Archaeology of 83. - ECMW, no.301; Canu Taliesin, X,

North Britain, 64. for example.

68. Rahtz, ‘Late Roman cemeteries’, 84. Hist. Brittonum, ch.54; Armes

56-9; C.Houlder, ‘The henge Prydein, 1.105; V.Paterni, ch.29. monuments at Llandegai’, 85. V.S.Dauid, cc.5, 62; V.Cadoci, Antiquity, x_u (1968), 217, 221; cf. ch.37.

242, Wales in the Early Middle Ages

86. V.Samsonis, ch.2; V.Gundleii, 8, 67£.; idem, ‘The evidence from

ec.12, 13; BT 1091. North Britain’, in Barley and 87. Canu Aneirin, B40. Hanson (eds.}, op. cit., 107; idem, 88. V.Samsonis, ch.22. ‘An early Christian cemetery and 89. Ibid., cc.18, 41; V.S.Dauid, ch.62. chapel on Ardwall Isle, 90. Canu Taliesin, Ill, Hist. Kirkcudbright', Med. Arch., x1

35). pp.19-21.

Brittonum, cc.52-4, 63, 65 (cf.33, (1967), 165-77; see above,

91. ‘Culhweh’, 95; ‘Pwyll’, 20; 108. Arch. Camb., vin, 6th ser. {1908}, V.S.Dauid, ch.7; ‘Math’, 62f., 242-57; ibid., xvim, 6th ser. {1918}, V.Ututi, ch.1; V.Cadoci, cc.1, 4. 174-6; ECMW, nos.301, 326-34;

92. ‘Pwyll’, 20; ‘Math’, 68; cf. Lewis, op. cit., 187.

V.Cadoci, ch.1; cf. Hist. 109. C.A.R.Radford, ‘St Justinian’s

Ecclesiastica, 11.2. Chapel’, Arch.]., cx1x (1962), 335;

93. Canu Llywarch Hen, 67, 68; Canu Hague, op. cit.; Lewis, op. cit., Aneirin, B2, B34, Al, A12, Al5, 186; J.F Jones, ‘Llanllwni A40; Canu Taliesin, X; V.Cadoci, ‘crouched burial’’’, Carmarthen ch.39; V.S.Dauid, ch.65; T.Jones, Antiquary, cx1 (1961), 207; ‘The Black Book of Carmarthen D.B.Hague, ‘Some Welsh ‘'Stanzas of the Graves'’’, Procs. evidence’, Scottish Arch. Forum, v British Academy, tut (1967}, 97- (1973), 29-34.

138. 110. Arch. Camb., cxxm {1973}, 147-53;

94. Iam grateful to Mr G. Williams of CBA Group 2 Report, xvi {1976}, the Dyfed Archaeological Trust for 44. Houlder, op. cit., 221; CBA pointing out that some of the long Group 2 Report, x1x {1979}, 35; cist burials at Llanwnwr and at Arch. Camb., cx1x (1970), 68-70;

Caerau, St Dogmaels, were Lewis, op. cit., 187; cf. Arch.

reputed to have contained ashes. Camb., xx1 (1847), 30-4; CBA

95. ‘Marwnad Cynddylan’. Group 2 Report, v {1965}, 23;

96. Hist. Brittonum, cc.71, 73, 74; Arch. Camb., cxx (1971), 49.

Jones, ‘Stanzas of the Graves’, 111. Personal comment from Jeremy stanzas 1, 10, 33, 67; cf. ‘De Situ Knight; V.Gregory {forthcoming|. Brecheniauc’, Bartrum (ed.}, 14- CBA Group 2 Report, x1x {1979},

16. 55; Glamorgan Gwent

97. ‘Canu Heledd’, 86; Jones, ‘Stanzas Archaeological Trust Report, 1978-

of the Graves’, stanzas 51, 63; 9, 356.

Canu Llywarch Hen, 68; Canu 112. Arch. Camb., cxxx1 (1926}, 1-35;

Aneirin, Al, AS; 'Culhwch’, 95; Dyfed Archaeological Record,

cf. V.Cadoci, ch.28: ‘Carn PRN2096-7; F.Lynch, ‘Report on

Tylywai’. the re-excavation of two Bronze

98. ECMW, nos. 62, 101, 287. Age cairns in Anglesey’, Arch.

99. De Excidio Britanniae, ch.24; Hist. Camb., cxx {1971}, 46-9; White, Brittonum, ch.44; V.Iltuti, ch.22; ‘Excavations at Arfryn’, 25-32.

V.Cadoci, ch.21. 113. CBA Group 2 Report, x1x (1979),

100. V.Bernacii, ch.16; V.Gundleii, 35; Houlder, op. cit., 216, 221.

ch.10; V.Paterni, ch.28; V.Tathei, 114. De Excidio Britanniae, cc.66, 1(7. cc.13, 17; V.Cadoci, cc.36, 38. 115. Canu Aneirin, A33; V.Gundleii,

101. Ibid., cc.28, 53. ch.15; V.S.Dauid, ch.5.

102. Ibid., ch.66; Lib. Land., 121, 146; 116. V.Cadoci, cc.57, 58, 65; W.Davies,

Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm, The Llandaff Charters (1979), 139.

132. 117. Lib. Land., xliii.

103. V.Cadoci, ch.53. 118. ‘Sinodus Luci Victorie’, Bieler

104. ECMW, no.78. (ed.}, op. cit., 68, cl.1-8; ‘Book of 105. See above, p.182; ECMW, no.16/. David’, 10. 106. Ibid., nos.73, 67a, 159; see 119. V.Gundleii, ch.6; ‘Pwyll’, 19; L.Alcock, Arthur’s Britain (1971), V. Wenefrede, ch.30.

247-8; see above, pp.110f£., for - 120. Lib. Land., 180b, 189, 244, 267;

Elise’s pillar. Davies, Early Welsh Microcosm,

107. See Thomas, Early Christian 133f.

Archaeology of North Britain, 50- 121. V.Cadoci, cc.53, 54, 57, 67.

Appendix — The Source Material: notes 243

Appendix — The Source Material P.Sawyer and I.Wood (1977), 72104; see Bartrum (ed.}, op. cit., for comprehensive treatment.

1. See below, p.202. 20. M.Miller, ‘Historicity and the 3. See below, p.213. Northcountrymen’, BBCS, xxvi 4. See below, p.213. (1974-6), 255-80; idem, 5. See below, p.217. ‘Date-guessing and pedigrees’,

2. See below, p.213. pedigrees of the

6. K.Hughes, ‘The Welsh Latin Studia Celtica, x-x1 (1975-6), 96Chronicles: Annales Cambriae and 109; idem, ‘Date-guessing and

related texts’, Procs. British Dyfed’, Studia Celtica, xu-x1 Academy, Lx (1973), 3-28; {1977-8}, 33-61; idem, ‘The

M.H.Davies, ‘A palaeographical foundation-legend of Gwynedd in and textual study of the text of the the Latin texts’, BBCS, xxv Annales Cambriae in BL Harley (1976-8), 515-32. MS 3859’ {M.A. thesis, University 21. Bartrum (ed.), op. cit., 1-3.

of Wales, 1978), 18, 53. 22. A.Owen (ed.), Ancient Laws and 7. K.Jackson, ‘On the northern Institutes of Wales {1841}, for the British section in Nennius’, in corpus of texts; Llyfr Iorwerth, ed. N.Chadwick et al., Celt and Saxon A.R.Wiliam (1960); A.W. Wade(1963), 20-62; M.Davies, op. cit., Evans, Welsh Medieval Law

31f., 36, 47. (1909), Llyfr Blegywryd; see

8. D.Dumville, ‘On the north British J.G.Edwards, ‘Studies in the Welsh section of the Hist. Brittonum’, laws since 1928’, Welsh Hist. Welsh Hist. Rev., vin (1977}, 345- Rev., special volume {1963}, 1-18.

54, against this view, is not 23. H.D.Emanuel, ‘The Latin texts of

convincing. the Welsh laws’, Welsh Hist. Rev.,

9. W.Davies, ‘The Latin charter special volume (1963), 25-32; tradition in western Britain, idem, The Latin Texts of the

Brittany and Ireland in the early Welsh Laws (1967); D.Huws, The medieval period’, in Ireland and Medieval Codex (1980), 14; idem,

Europe, ed. D.Dumville, ‘Leges Howelda at Canterbury’,

R.McKitterick and D.Whitelock National Library of Wales J., x1x

(forthcoming). (1975-6), 341f.

10. W.Davies, The Llandaff Charters 24. See above, p.132; Emanuel, ‘The (1979); idem, ‘Liber Landavensis: Latin texts’, 30, equally shows the

construction and credibility’, immediacy of the thirteenth-

Eng. Hist.Rev., Lxxxvi (1973), 335- century context.

51, for a summary. 25. T.M.Charles-Edwards, ‘The seven

11. Davies, ‘The Latin charter bishop-houses of Dyfed’, BBCS,

tradition’. xxIv (1970-2), 247-62; cf. idem,

12. Printed in Lib. Land., xliii-vii; see ‘The date of the four branches of

Davies, ‘The Latin charter the Mabinogi’, Trans. Hon. Soc.

tradition’, for dating. Cymmrodorion (1970), 267, on

13. National Library of Wales J., 1 obsolete law in the Mabinogi.

(1941-2), 11. 26. H.Wasserschleben (ed.}, Die

14. J.Leland, Itinerary (repr.1964), Irische Kanonensammlung (2nd

IV.168. edn, Leipzig, 1885); K.Hughes,

15. H.Ellis (ed.}, Registrum vulgariter Early Christian Ireland:

nuncupatum ‘The Record of Introduction to the Sources (1972),

Caernarvon’ (1838}, 257. 67-95.

16. Arch. Camb., xiv, 3rd ser. (1868), 27. L.Bieler (ed.), The Irish

336-8; see Davies, ‘The Latin Penitentials (Dublin, 1963}, 3.

charter tradition’, for discussion. 28. See K.Hughes, The Church in

17. See above, pp.200f. Early Irish Society (1966), 43f. 18. P.C.Bartrum (ed.), Early Welsh 29. See above, p.114.

Genealogical Tracts {1966}, 9-13. 30. D.Dumville, ‘'‘'Nennius’’ and the

19. D.Dumville, ‘Kingship, Hist. Brittonum’, Studia Celtica, genealogies and regnal lists’, in X-x1 (1975-6), 78-95. Early Medieval Kingship, ed. 31. See above, pp.200-3.

244 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

32. We await Dr Dumville’s critical 42. K.Hughes, ‘British Museum MS edition of Hist. Brittonum for a Cotton Vespasian A.xiv (‘Vitae

full appreciation of the range of Sanctorum Wallensium’): its manuscripts and textual history of purpose and provenance’, in

this work. N.Chadwick et al., Studies in the

33. See D.Dumville, ‘Sub-Roman Early British Church (1958), 183-

Britain: history and legend’, 200.

History, txu {1977}, 176f. 43. W.Davies, ‘Property rights and 34. Idem, ‘Some aspects of the property claims in Welsh Vitae of

chronology of the Hist. the eleventh century’, in

Brittonum’, BBCS, xxv {1972-4}, Hagiographie, cultures et sociétés,

439-45. : ed. E.Patlagean and P.Riché (Paris,

35. Jackson, op. cit., pace Dumville, 1981), 515-33; H.D.Emanuel, ‘An ‘On the north British section of analysis of the composition of the

the Historia Brittonum’. ‘Vita Cadoci’’’, National Library

36. F.Kerlouégan, ‘Le Latin du De of Wales J., vit (1951-2), 217-27; Excidio Britanniae de Gildas’, in cf.C.N.L.Brooke, ‘St Peter of Christianity in Britain, 300-700, Gloucester and St Cadoc of ed. M.W.Barley and R.P.C.Hanson Llancarfan’, in Chadwick et al., (1968}, 151-76; K.H.Jackson, Celt and Saxon, 258-322, and Language and History in Early D.Kirby, ‘A note on Rhigyfarch’s Britain (1953), 40; Dumville, Life of David’, Welsh Hist. Rev.,

‘Sub-Roman Britain’, 183f. Iv (1968-9}, 292-7.

37. M.Miller, ‘Relative and absolute 44. See above, p.202. publication dates of Gildas’s De 45. J.W.James in V.S.Dauid, xi; see Excidio in medieval scholarship’, above, pp.156f. BBCS, xxvi (1974-6), 169-74; but 46. A.W.Wade-Evans (ed.], Vitae

see now T.D.O’Sullivan, The De Sanctorum Britanniae et

Excidio of Gildas, its Authenticity Genealogiae (1944), xi-xvi. and Date {Leiden, 1978), who 47. I.Williams, The Beginnings of dates it some 20 years earlier. The Welsh Poetry, ed. and trans. authenticity of the work has been R.Bromwich (1972), 89-121. questioned, principally by Wade- 48. H.J.Lawlor (ed.}, The Psalter and Evans and Grosjean among modern Martyrology of Ricemarch {Henry scholars, and largely on grounds Bradshaw Soc., 47, 1914}, 121-3;

that De Excidio is really two Williams, Beginnings of Welsh

works; these arguments have been Poetry, 181-9; M.Lapidge, ‘The amply countered by Kerlouégan Welsh-Latin poetry of Sulien’s

and O’Sullivan. See family’, Studia Celtica, vim-1x

A.W.Wade-Evans, Welsh Christian (1973-4], 68-106.

Origins (1934), 291-2; P.Grosjean, 49. See also Williams, Beginnings of

‘Remarques sur le De Excidio Welsh Poetry, 41-69, 122-54.

attribué a Gildas’, Archivum 50. See K.H.Jackson, The Gododdin Latinitatis Medii Aevi, xxv (1955}, (1969), 3-67, 86-91.

164-87. 51. I.Williams, Lectures on Early

38. Michael Winterbottom’s Welsh Poetry (Dublin, 1944};

comments on the style of Gildas idem, Beginnings of Welsh Poetry, are very helpful: Gildas, The Ruin 41-9; Jackson, Gododdin, 86-91;

of Britain, ed. and trans. T.M.Charles-Edwards, ‘The

M.Winterbottom {1978}, 5-9; cf. authenticity of the Gododdin: an Winterbottom, ‘The preface of historian’s view’, in Astudiaethau Gildas! De Excidio’, Trans. Hon. ar yr Hengerdd, ed. R.Bromwich Soc. Cymmrodorion (1974-5), 277- and R.B.Jones (1978}, 44-71.

87. E.P.Hamp, ‘On dating and

39. See above, pp.177f. archaism in the Pedeir Keinc’, 40. See above, pp.205f. Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion

41. See S.Baring-Gould and J.Fisher, (1972-3), 98, in a different context, The Lives of the British Saints {4 is very good on the metrical vols., 1907-13}, for an insight into problems of incorporating

the range. archaisms.

Appendix — The Source Material: notes 245

52. Williams, Lectures; idem, Charles-Edwards, ‘The date of the

Beginnings of Welsh Poetry, 122- four branches of the Mabinogi’; 54; A.O.H.Jarman, ‘Saga Poetry — Hamp, ‘Mabinogi’, etc. the cycle of Llywarch Hen’, in A 62. Bromwich, TYP. Guide to Welsh Literature, I, ed. 63. W.M.Lindsay, Early Welsh Script A.O.H.Jarman and G.R.Hughes (1912), 26-9; Dr D.Dumville at the {1976}, 81-97, is very good on the Celtic Congress, Penzance 1975. significance of the shame motif; 64. See Lindsay, op. cit.; Jackson,

cf. Charles-Edwards, ‘The Language and History in Early

authenticity of the Gododdin’, 54- Britain, 42-59; T.A.M.Bishop, ‘The

61, on its absence. Corpus Martianus Capella’, Trans.

53. Jackson, Gododdin, 90; Charles- Cambridge Bibliographical Soc., 1v Edwards, ‘The authenticity of the (1964-8], 257-9.

Gododdin', 66. 65. W. Stokes ‘The Welsh glosses and

54. D.Dumville, ‘Palaeographical verses in the Cambridge Codex of considerations in the dating of Juvencus’, Trans. Philological Soc. early Welsh verse’, BBCS, xxvii (1860-1), 204ff.; Bishop, op. cit.,

(1976-8}], 246-52; D.Greene, 258.

‘Linguistic considerations in the 66. W.Stokes, ‘The Old Welsh glosses

dating of early Welsh verse’, on Martianus Capella, with some

Studia Celtica, vi (1971), 1-11, cf. notes on Juvencus-glosses’, K.H.Jackson, ‘Some questions in Beitrdge zur vergleichenden

dispute about early Welsh Sprachforschung, ed. A.Kuhn, vil literature’, Studia Celtica, vul-1x (1873), 385ff.; Bishop, op. cit.

{1973-4}, 1-32. 67. Stokes, ‘The Welsh glosses and

55. Cfé£. Jackson, Gododdin, 62. verses in the Cambridge Codex of 56. Williams, Beginnings of Welsh Juvencus’, 234ff.; R.W.Hunt, St

Poetry, 155-72. Dunstan’s Classbook from

57. See above, p.114. Glastonbury: Codex Bibl. Bod. 58. Bromwich, TYP, 471-2; Oxon. Auct.F. 4.32 (Umbrae

Bromwich’s note in Williams, Codicum Occidentalium, 1961).

Beginnings of Welsh Poetry, 125; 68. Personal comments from Dr A.O.H.Jarman, ‘Early stages in the M.Parkes and Dr D.Dumville.

development of the Myrddin 69. I.Williams, ‘Glosau Rhydychen: legend’, in Bromwich and Jones mesurau a phwysau’, BBCS, v

(eds.}, 326-49. (1929-31), 226-48; idem, ‘Notes on

59. Armes Prydein, xii-xx. Nennius’, BBCS, vir {1935}, 380-3; 60. T.M.Charles-Edwards, ‘The date of Lindsay, op. cit., 7. the four branches of the 70. I.Williams, ‘The. Computus Mabinogi’, Trans. Hon. Soc. Fragment’, BBCS, m {1926-7}, Cymmrodorion (1970), 263-98; 256f. Hamp, ‘On dating and archaism in 71. S.Harris, ‘The Kalendar of the

the Pedeir Keinc’, Trans. Hon. Vitae Sanctorum Wallensium’,

Soc. Cymmrodorion {1972-3), 95- J. Hist. Soc. Church in Wales, 1

103; cf. idem, ‘Mabinogi’, Trans. (1953), 3-53. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 72. Hughes, ‘British Museum MS

(1974-5), 243-9, etc. Cotton Vespasian A.xiv’, 183-7.

61. W.J.Gruffydd, Math vab 73. Lawlor {ed.}, op. cit.

Mathonwy (1928); idem, Rhiannon 74. D.Whitelock, The Genuine Asser

(1953]; P.Mac Cana, Branwen, (1968}; H.C.Darby and

Daughter of Llyr (1958); I.S.Maxwell (eds.}, The Domesday R.Bromwich, ‘The character of the Geography of Northern England early Welsh tradition’, in (1962); H.C.Darby and I.B.Terrett

N.Chadwick et al., Studies in {eds.}|, The Domesday Geography Early British History (1954), 83- of Midland England (1954). 136; R.S.Loomis (ed.}, Arthurian 75. Hughes, Early Christian Ireland,

Literature in the Middle Ages 99-162; A.P.Smyth, ‘The earliest (1959), 31-43; K.H.Jackson, The Irish annals: their first International Popular Tale and contemporary entries, and the Early Welsh Tradition (1961); earliest centres of recording’,

246 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

Procs. Royal Irish Academy, Lxxu, Soc. Antiquaries Ireland, xc

C (1972), 1-48. (1960), 133-52; idem, ‘Early Welsh

76. Wasserschleben {ed.}, op. cit.; territorial suffixes’, ].Royal Soc. R.I.Best and H.J.Lawlor (eds.), The Antiquaries Ireland, xcv (1965),

Martyrology of Tallaght {Henry 205-12; idem, ‘Ecclesiastical and

Bradshaw Soc. 68, 1931); W.Stokes secular in medieval Welsh (ed.J, The Martyrology of Oengus settlement’, Studia Celtica, m1 the Culdee (Henry Bradshaw Soc. (1968), 9-18; idem, Welsh 29, 1905]; Hughes, Early Christian Administrative and Territorial

Ireland, 67-95, 205-9. Units {1969}; idem, ‘Places and

77. See above, pp.207f. persons of the early Welsh

78. J-C.Poulin, ‘Hagiographie et church’, Welsh Hist. Rev., v Politique. La premiére vie de (1971), 333-49; M.Gelling, .

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79. F.Duine, ‘La vie de S.Samson, By Britain, ed. W.Nicolaisen (1970). propos d’un ouvrage récent’, 82. Jackson, Language and History in

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Index For ease of reference by non-Welsh readers this index is arranged in English alphabetical order; Welsh dd, 11, rh are each therefore treated as two separate letters. Pre-1974 county names have been used for identification throughout.

abbots, 149, 155, 156, 160 barrows, bronze age, 190f.

powers of, 148, 162-4 Baschurch, Shrops., 99f., 100 (fig.}, 142

see also monasteries (fig.}

Aberdaron, Caern., stone from, 187 Bayvil, Y Gaer, Pemb., 190f. (fig.} Aberffraw, Ang., 20 (fig.}, 24, 44f., 97 bee-keeping, 34, 41

(fig.}, 98 Bellimoor, Her., church at, 144 (fig.},

administration, of kingdoms, 131-4 145

Aelfgar, of Mercia, 115 bells, holy, 179

Aethelbald, king of Mercia, 113 Beuno, St, 163, 174 Aethelflaed, of Mercia, 108, 114 bishops, 157f., 169 Ahlstan, Bishop, ring of, 48, 60 authority of, 160-2, 163f., 168 Alfred, king of Wessex, 106, 1136. seats of, 143, 149, 157-60

almsgiving, 191f. see also archbishops, Cyfeilliog,

Anarawd ap Rhodri, king, 106, 107 Cynog, Dyfrig, Herewald,

(fig.}, 115, 124 (fig. | Sulien

Aneirin, see Canu Aneirin bishop-houses, 142, 159 (fig.}, 160, 204 Anglesey (M6n}, 5, 7, 11, 33, 54, 85 Bistre, Flint, 46

attacks on, 116, 119f. Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, king, 45, 124 (fig.), political control of, 104f., 119f. 128

animal husbandry, 39-41 bondmen, 46, 68, 129

annals, 200-1, 206 bonheddig, 63, 81 , Irish, 201, 215 Book of Chad, see Lichfield

arable, see farming boundaries, property, 13, 37, 201 archbishops, 160f., 171 braint, 62, 73, 85

Arfryn, Bodedern, Ang., 150, 181f., 188 ‘Braint Teilo’, 62, 138f., 204;

Ariconium, 17 (fig.}, 86 (fig.), 95 see also law

Armagh, monastery of, 161 Brecon, 15 (fig.); see also Brycheiniog, Armes Prydein, 2.11 Y Gaer Arwystli, 82f. (fig.} breyr, 62 asceticism, 146, 148, 151-4, 176; see Brigit, St, 174 also hermits Bristol, Glos., 56, 117 assault, legal offence of, 136, 168, 192 Brittany, 148, 151, 161, 192, 214f.

assemblies, consultative, 132-4 bronze age monuments, 190f.

Asser, biographer of King Alfred, 77, Brut y Tywysogyon, 201

196, 214f. Brychan, children of, 174

Athelstan, king of England, 114, 205, Brycheiniog {Brecon}, 82f. (fig.}, 116

211 kingdom of, 91 (fig.), 94, 96f., 101 (fig.J, 108, 113f.

Bacon Hole, Glam., 20 (fig.}, 28, 152 Bryn-y-Castell, Mer., fort at, 20 (fig.},

Bangor, in Arfon, Caern., 54, 56, 174 24 bishops of, 142 (fig.), 143, 159f. buildings

(fig.} medieval, 25-9

Bangor-on-Dee (Bangor Is-coed}, Flint, Roman, 13f. monastery at, 142 (fig.}, 143, 145, Builth, 82f. (fig.)

150 kingdom of, 91(fig.J, (fig.), 94, 97 (fig.}, baptism, 185 101 108 Bardsey Island, 118 burial practice, 27, 169-71, 185-91; see monastery on, 142 (fig.), 143 also cemeteries, graves

256 Wales in the Early Middle Ages Burry Holms, Glam., church at, 142 cemeteries, 170, 181f., 187-91 (fig.}, 143, 144 (fig.), 150 (fig.),155, long cists, 149, 188, 190f.

188 see also burial cereals, practice, graves production of, 7, 35f., 38f., 46

Cadelling, 94, 101f. (fig.), 122, 232 Ceredigion, 82f. (fig.), 89

n.28, 233 n.55 kingdom of, 91 (fig.), 94, 99, 101

Cadfan, king of Gwynedd, 92, 113 (fig.), 106, 110, 123 Cadog, St, 162f., 174, 179f. Chad, Book of, see Lichfield

Life of, 154f., 165, 202f., 208 charters, 143, 164, 180, 201f.

power of, 168, 177f. after Life of Cadog, 202

relics of, 180 of Liber Landavensis, 201f.

Cadwallon, king of Gwynedd, 92, 113 of Lichfield Gospels, 198, 202; see

Cae Capel Eithin, see Gaerwen also surexit

Caeo, Carm., 44f. (fig.] Chester, 20 (fig.), 54, 56, 58 (fig.}, 94, Caergybi, Ang., 13, 17 (fig.}, 25 (fig.}, 97 (fig.), 117, 118 (fig.)

86 (fig.), 87, 142 (fig.) Christianity, 81

Caerhun (Kanovium}, Caern., 13, 25, beliefs of, 171f.

86 (fig.), 87 conversion to, 169, 185

Caerleon, Mon., 14, 34 moral standards of, 154f., 172f.;

Caernarfon, 20 (fig.), 24, 57, 58 (fig.} see also penitentials Segontium, 17 (fig.), 86-(fig.), 87 rituals of, 184f.

Caersws, Montgom., 86 (fig.}, 87 churches, 155, 164, 180-2, 184, 187f.

Caerwent, Mon., 20 (fig.}, 54, 208 foundation of, 141-8, 177 monastery of, 57f. (fig.}, 142 (fig.}, property of, 164-6

144(fig.J, 164, 190 see also dedications

Venta Silurum, 17 (fig.}, 24, 86 cists, see cemeteries

(fig.}, 87, 95, 190 civitates, Roman, 87, 95

Caldy Island, monastery on, 142 (fig.}, claswyr, 149 143, 145, 148, 151f., 182f., 184, 188 clergy

calendars, ecclesiastical, 174f. (fig.}, income of, 60, 164-6

183, 214 orders of, 157-60, 170

Cannington, Som., cemetery at, 170 powers of, 126, 138f., 167f.

(fig.J, 182 see also archbishops, bishops,

canons, of councils, 204, 215 deacons, priests, property Cantref Mawr, 12 climate, of Wales, 6-9, 19, 32 cantrefi, 43, 132, 235 n68 clothing, 30, 48 Canu Aneirin, 209f. Clynnog, Caern., monastery at, 142

‘Canu Heledd’, 210 (fig.}, 163, 174, 202

Canu Llywarch Hen, 209. coins, 48, 54, 56; see also hoards

Canu Taliesin, 209f. Colloquy {‘De Raris Fabulis’}, 213

Cardiff, Glam., 17 (fig.), 86 (fig.), 87, commerce, see trade

93 commotes, 43, 129f., 132, 235 n.68

Carew, Pemb., cross at, 118 communications, 14-19

Carmarthen, 12, 25, 57f. {fig.) compensation, legal, 80, 126, 136-8, Moridunum, 17 (fig.}, 86 (fig.), 87 168 Carmarthen, Black Book of, see computation, of calendar, 205, 213

manuscripts corn, see cereals

Castell Collen, Rad., Roman fort, 86 Coygan Camp, Carm., 20 (fig.}, 24, 55

(fig.J, 87 crafts, practice of, 49f., 55

Castelldwyran, Pemb., 97 (fig.} crosses, sculptured, 116, 118, 182f.

stone from, 92f., 96 (fig.} (fig.), 187, 196, 217; see also Castlemartin, Pemb., pin from, 55 Llanynys, Nevern, Penmon,

cattle, 39, 46, 53, 59, 135 St David's

caves, medieval use of, 19, 28, 152, 180 ‘Culhwch ac Olwen’, 211

Cedweli, 82f. (fig.) Culver Hole, Glam., 20 (fig.), 28

Cefn Graeanog, Caern., hut group, 7, Cunedda, supposed ancestor of kings, 12, 13, 20 (fig.}, 27, 28 (fig.J, 35, 38, 89, 98f., 104, 123

49 Cuneglasus, king, 99

celibacy, 149, 156f. currency, 54

Index 257 curses, power of, 168, 177f., 180 of Maelgwn Gwynedd, 104-6

Cybi, St, 174 of Rhodri Mawr, 105-7 Life of, 208 of Hywel Dda, 106-8

Cyfeilliog, Bishop, 116 see also descent, families,

Cynan ap Brochfael, 94 genealogies Cynddylan, of Shropshire, 99-102, 113

Cynllaith, 82f. (fig.} Easter, dates of, 161

Cynllibiwg, 82f. (fig.} Edeirnion, 82f. (fig.] Cynog, Bishop, 238 n.74 Edeligion, 123

Edgar, king of England, 114, 164

David (Dewi), St, 148, 204 Edward the Confessor, king, 114 cult of, 163, 173f., 177, 178 Edwin, king in Gwent, 103

Life of, 154, 167, 208; see also Edwin, king of Northumbria, 113

Rhigyfarch Eglwys Gymyn, Carm., 26 (fig.}, 142 dawnbwyd, 43, 46, 129 (fig.}, 143, 150, 190 deacons, 146, 157f. elders, 82, 126, 132-4, 136, 138f. dedications, of churches, 146, 162f. Elfoddw, archbishop, 159-61

De Excidio Britanniae, 206f. Elise, pillar of, 98, 110f. (fig.), 122f., Degannwy, Caern., hill-fort, 20 (fig.), 188, 203, 217

24, 89, 97 (fig.}, 110 Empire, Roman, 2, 85-7, 95, 110, 195

degion, 132f. England, 128, 195f.

Deheubarth, 108 English Deiniol, St, 174 attacks by, 106, 110, 112-16, 137 Déisi, 89, 95 influence of, 108, 112-16, 128

Demetae, 82, 86 (fig.}, 87, 90, 95 Ergyng, 82f. {fig.), 102, 113, 116, 132 dependence, personal, 59, 67-71, 165f. kingdom of, 91 (fig.), 93, 95, 101

of monasteries, 156f., 162-4 (fig. |

descent, 63, 71-3, 123f., 202, 232 n.32; estates, 41-3, 57, 164f.

see also dynasties, families, multiple, 40, 43-6

genealogies ‘Etmic Dinbych’, 211

overking,35f., 196 giving, trade 154 diet, 151,

Diarmait mac Mael na mBo, Irish exchange, of goods, 50-7; see also gift-

Dinas Emrys, Caern., hill-fort, 20 (fig.], families

24,49, 55 clerical, 156f.

Dinas Powys, Glam., hill-fort, 20 (fig.), extended, 72, 74-80, 136

23 (fig.), 35, 39, 49, 55 functions of, 72, 74-6, 78 Din Lligwy, Ang., 86 (fig.} nuclear, 42, 73

hut group, 27, 49 property of, 76f.

Dinorben (Parc-y-meirch), Denb., 20 size of, 74

(fig.}, 24, 38, 44, 86 (fig.}, 89 structure of, 71-4

dioceses, 149, 160 see aiso descent, dynasties,

dispute settlement, 136-9 inheritance, kinship Dixton, Mon., 34, 144 (fig.] famine, 31 Docgwin (Doco}, St, 174 farming Dogfeiling, 82f. (fig.), 100 (fig.) arable, 34-9, 42-6

Domesday Book, 204, 214 pastoral, 34f., 39-41, 50 Drwsdangoed, Caern., 54 fasting, 168

Dublin, 116, 119, 196 fauna, medieval, 13

Dunoding, 89, 98f., 101 (fig.} feasting, 30, 68f.; see also society, ‘Dunsaete, Ordinance of’, 135, 204f. heroic

Dyfed, 82f. {fig.], 116 festivals, religious, 183f.

kingdom of, 91 (fig.}, 92, 97£., 101 feud, 80; see also families, galanas (fig.), 106-8, 110-12, 113f., 123-5 feudalism, 69f.

see also Demetae field systems, 36f. Dyfrig, Bishop, 151 fishing, 33f., 166 Life of, 207 flora, medieval, 13; see also trees

dynasties, 110f., 123f. Forden Gaer, Montgom., Roman fort, of Meurig ap Tewdrig, 102-4 86 (fig.|, 87

258 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

fords, 17f. gwestfa, 43, 129 fosterage, 7Of. Gwrinydd, 82f. (fig.)

furnishings, 30 Gwrthefyr (Vortipor}, 88, 90, 92f., 96

Gwrtheyrn (Vortigern}, 22, 94, 96, 178,

Gaerwen (Cae Capel Eithin}, Ang., 150, 205

181 {fig.), 182, 188, 190 Gwrtheyrnion, 82f. (fig.}, 94, 96

galanas, 72, 76, 80, 136f. gwrthrychiad, 125

Garn Boduan, Caern., hill-fort, 20 Gwynedd, kingdom of, 83 (fig.}, 85, 91

(fig.}, 24 (fig.}, 91-3, 99, 101 (fig.}, 102, 104-7,

Garway, Her., church at, 144 (fig.], 116, 123f., 195

145, 176 archbishop of, 160

Gateholm Island, settlement on, 20 Gwynillwg, 82f. (fig.), 123, 187 (fig.), 28f., 29 (fig.}, 143, 155, 166 Gwynllyw, St, 174, 177

(fig. Life of, 208

gathering, of food, 33

87 halls, 29f., 68f.; cf. llys

Gelligaer, Glam., Roman fort, 86 (fig.}, hafotai, 27, 40 (fig.}

genealogies, 73, 88, 98f., 107 (fig.}, harbours, 18, 55f., 166

123f., 199, 202f. Hen Domen, Montgom., 20 (fig.), 37 of Harleian MS 3859, 89, 92£., 94, (fig.}

98f., 202 hendrefi, 27, 40 {fig.} gentes, 82f. Herewald, Bishop, 157, 208

see also descent, dynasties, Elise herdsmen, 50; see also farming

geology, of Wales, 5f. — - Hergest, Red Book of, see manuscripts Germanus, St, 148, 174, 177f., 205f. hermits, 59f., 150, 152, 156; see also

Life of, 207 asceticism, monasticism

gift-giving, 48, 51f., 57, 59, 192f. hill-forts, 19, 22-4, 95, 152; cf. 44; see

Gildas, St, 148, 151, 174, 204 also Bryn-y-Castell, Coygan,

Life of, 215f. oo, Degannwy, Dinas Emrys, Dinas

see also De Excidio Britanniae Powys, Dinorben, Garn Boduan

Giraldus Cambrensis, 208 Historia Brittonum, 203, 205f., 207,

Glamorgan, Vale of, 7, 32, 85 209

Glasbury, Rad., bishop at, 142 (fig.}, hoards, of coins, 47, 54, 117; cf. storage

144 (fig.}, 158 of treasure

Glastonbury, Som., 100 (fig.} homicide, 72, 136f., 138, 168, 192

glosses, Welsh, 198, 213 honey, 34, 41, 46 Glywysing, 82f. (fig.} hospitality, 16, 43, 130f., 165f. kingdom of, 91 (fig.), 93f., 102-4, hosting, 131

123f., 130, 195 households

see also Morgannwg aristocratic, 30; see also hails

Gododdin, The, 68f., 209. size of, 21

gold, high value of, 48; see also wealth hunting, 33

Gospel Books, 180, 192 hut groups, 19, 21, 23, 27f., 36, 40,

Gower, 7, 32, 82f. (fig.), 103 218; see also Cefn Graeanog, Din

kingdom in, 91 (fig.), 93, 101 (fig.} Lligwy, Pant-y-saer, Penmon Grassholm Island, 20 (fig.}, 29, 143 Hywel ap Cadell (Hywel Dda), king,

graves, 185f. : 106f. (fig.}, 114, 123f. (fig.), 128, 196,

special, 181f. (fig.) 203f.

see also burial practice, cemeteries, penny of, 54 (fig.)

‘Stanzas' see also dynasties

groups, social and political, 82-4 Hywel ap Rhys, king of Glywysing, 102 Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, king, 103,

106-8, 112, 114f., 117, 124 (fig.} Iddon, king of Gwent, 93

106, 108, 117 214

Gruffudd ap Rhydderch, king, 67, 103, Ieuan ap Sulien, 39, 48, 83, 180, 209,

116 Life of, 208

Gwent, xiv (fig.}, 82f. (fig.), 93-5, 103, Itud, St, 163, 164, 174

kingdom of, 91 (fig.), 93, 95, 101 see also Llantwit Major

(fig.} immunities, 167f.; see also nawdd

Index 259 imports 55-7; see also pottery, trade see also Aethelbald, Alfred,

inheritance, 76-8 Anarawd, Atheistan, Bleddyn, by women, 7/7, 78f. Cadfan, Cadwallon, Edgar,

of clerical office, 156f. Edward, Edwin, Gruffudd ap of family property, 76f. Llywelyn, Gruffudd ap of kingdoms, 123-5 Rhydderch, Hywel ap Cadell, of monasteries, 76f., 156f. Hywel ap Rhys, Iddon, Ithel,

inscriptions, see stones, inscribed Maelgwn, Maredudd, Merfyn,

insult, see sarhad Meurig, Morgan, Nowy, Offa,

182, 194degrees Tewdwr Irish kinship, of, 73, 125; annals, 201, 215 see also families

Ireland, 106, 116f., 125, 147, 169, 174, Penda, Rhodri, Rhydderch,

canons, 204, 215

cults, 174, 182 labour, 41-3, 66f., 156, 164f.

influence, 182, 196 service, 43, 68 raids by, 87-9 laity, Christian, 184-93

settlement by, 87f.(fig.), 95 landscape, of Wales, 9-14 ironworking, 49; see also tools language, Welsh, 209-11, 213, 216

Ithel ab Morgan, king, 102 loanwords, 148, 170

Laugharne, Carm., 20 (fig.}, 54

Jerusalem, 183 law, nature of Welsh, 76, 80, 127-9,

jewellery, 48 139f., 203-5, 212; see also assault,

jewel-working, 49, 55 braint, compensation, galanas,

lawyers sarhad, theft

judges, 129, 138f., 168; see also elders, homicide, nawdd, oath-helping,

Juvencus manuscript, 198, 209, 213 law codes, Welsh, 1f., 60-3, 72f., 74-81,

englynion in, 171, 213 129, 131, 138f., 203f., 212 English influence on, 116, 128 Kanovium, see Caerhun lawyers, 139, 212; see also judges Kenderchurch, Her., 142 (fig.), 144 leacht, 182

(fig. learning, 116, 196, 198f., 206, 212f.

bishop at, 158f., 159 (fig.| Lesser Garth Cave, Radyr, Glam., 20

Kenfig, Glam., 20 (fig.), 57, 58 (fig.) (fig.), 28, 88, 152

kindred, see family ‘Liber Commonei’, 198, 213 kingdoms, 98-116 Liber Landavensis, 201f., 204, 207; see administration of, 131-4 also Llandaff emergence of, 90-4 Lichfield, Staffs., 100(fig.), 170, 202 expansion of, 102-12 Gospels (Book of Chad}, 133 (fig.}, extent of, 96-8 198, 202; see also charters, nature of, 110-12, 194f. Llandeilo Fawr, surexit Origins of, 94-6 Lives of Saints, 199, 207f., 215f.; see succession to, 122-5 also Cadog, Cybi, David, Germanus, territorial divisions of, 131f.; cf. Gildas

826. Llanaber, Mer., 101 (fig.]

see also Brycheiniog, Builth, stone fr®m, 98

Ceredigion, Dyfed, England, Hanau, 44, 145, 176 Ergyng, Glywysing, Gower, Llanarthne, Carm., church at, 142 Gwent, Gwynedd, Morgannwg, (fig.}, 143 Powys, Rheinwg, Rhufoniog Llanbadarn, Card., monastery at, 15

kings, 83f., 85, 121 (fig.), 142 (fig.J, 149, 157, 163, 180, elevation of, 122-5 182, 208 functions of, 134-40 bishop at, 159 (fig.), 160 income of, 43f., 46 Llanbeblig, Caern., church at, 13, 25 legitimacy of, 122 Llancarfan, Glam., monastery of, 15 military companions of, 70 (fig.), 35, 58 (fig.J, 142 (fig.), 144

officers of, 131f. (fig.]

powers of, 125-31, 168 family associated with, 157, 208

wealth of, 47f., 60 powers of, 68, 162f., 167f.

260 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

property of, 16, 33, 148f., 165f., villa at, 187

187, 202 Llanwnda, Pemb., 142 (fig.)

Llandaff, Glam., 34, 208 burials at, 188

bishops at, 143, 157, 159 (fig.} Llanynys, Brec., cross at, 115f. (fig.)

monastery at, 144 (fig.), 149 Ilwyth, 82

property of, 162; see also Liber Llyn, 5, 7, 85

Landavensis Ilys, 44; cf. halls

Llanddewibrefi, Card., stone at, 164 Longbury Bank, Pemb., 20 (fig.), 55 Llandegai, Caern., cemetery at, 150, lords, 51, 70, 136

182, 188, 190 (fig.} lordship, 68-71, 80f., 85, 114

Llandeilo Fawr, Carm., 15 (fig.}, 202

bishops of, 143, 156, 159 {fig.) Mabinogion, 211f. monastery at, 144 (fig.}, 149, Maelgwn, king of Gwynedd, 89f., 92,

163, 174f.; see also Lichfield 146, 207; see also dynasties

Gospels maenol (maenor), 43-6, 77 (fig.}

Llandeilo Llwydarth, Pemb., maenor, see maenol bishop-house at, 142, 159f. (fig.} magistratus, 132 Llandeulyddog, Carm., manumission, 64-7; see also slaves bishop-house at, 142, 159 (fig.} manuscripts, 198, 200, 209, 211, Llandinabo, Her., church at, 144 (fig.), 213-15

145, 176 BL Cotton Vespasian A xiv, 207f.

Llandinam, Montgom., church at, 142 BL Harleian 3859, 200, 202, 205;

(fig.}, 143 see also genealogies

Llandough, Glam., settlement at, 142 Black Book of Carmarthen, 209-11 (fig.], 144 {fig.), 187, 189 (fig.), 190 Red Book of Hergest, 209-12

Llandybie, Carm., 44 White Book of Rhydderch, 211

Llanelwy, Flint, 159f., 202 see also Juvencus, Martianus, Llan-faes, Glam., monastery of, 33, 142 Oxoniensis Posterior,

(fig.}, 144 (fig.J, 166 Oxoniensis Prior, St Asaph

Llanfeithin, Glam., burials at, 188 Maredudd ab Owain, king, 55, 67,

Llangadwaladr, Ang., 97 (fig.] 106f., 116, 124 (fig.] stone from, 92 (fig.], 98 markets, 57; see also trade

Llangenau, Pemb., bishop-house at, marriage, 72f., 78f., 156f.

142, 159f. (fig.) Martianus Capella, MS of, 198, 213

Llan-gors, Brec., 97 {fig.), 142 {fig.}, martiria, 181

144 (fig.} martyrologies, 174, 214f. lake, 34 ‘Marwnad Cynddylan’, 211 Llangurig, Montgom., church at, 142 mass, 184f. (fig.}, 143 Meddyfnych, Carm., 44

(fig. ) 150, 163

Llangwnnadl, Caern., bell from, 179 Meifod, Montgom., 26, 142 (fig.}, 143,

Llanlleonfel, Brec., stone from, 186f. meiri, see stewards

(fig.} Meirionydd, 5, 89, 98f., 101 (fig.), 123

Llanllwni, Carm., burials at, 188 meéliores, see elders

Llanllyr, Card., stone from, 164f. (fig.] mercenaries, 115, 120 Llanmerewig, Montgom., enclosure at, merchants, 52, 55, 57

26, 142 (fig.}, 143, 150 Mercia, 100 (fig-}, 108, 113-15, 195, Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant, Denb., 233 0.54

crosses at, 116 Merfyn, king of Gwynedd, 104f., 107

Llansadwrn, Ang., 142 (fig.} (fig.}, 182

stone from, 143, 173, 176 metalworking, 23, 49

Llansadyrnin, Carm., stone at, 182, 188 meudwy, 150, 156; see also hermits,

Llanthony, Mon., monastery at, 153 monasticism

Llantrisant, Ang., stone from, 71, 74, Meurig ap Tewdrig, king, 93

75 {fig.J, 156 dynasty of, 102-4

Llantwit Major, Glam., 34, 208 Michael, St, 174, 177

monastery of, 35, 142 (fig.), 143, Milford Haven, Pemb., 55, 56f., 58

144 (fig.), 145, 148, 151f., 157, (fig.), 117

163 military service, see hosting,

Index 261

mercenaries pasture, see farming

Minchin Hole, Glam., 20 (fig.), 28 Patrick, St, 170, 174, 205f.

miracles, 173, 178-81, 207 peace-keeping, institutions of, 134-40

Mon, see Anglesey peasantry, 42f., 50, 64-8, 81

monasteries penance, 135, 138, 151, 182, 191-3; see composition of communities of, also penitentials

149f., 155-7, 158 Penda, king of Mercia, 113

dependent, 157, 162-4 Pengwern, court of, 100 federations of, 162-4 penitentials, 148, 155, 182, 192, 204 foundation of, 141-8 Penmachno, Caern., stones from, 82, inheritance of, 156f. 132, 187 officers of, 155f. Penmon, Ang., 142 {fig.), 150, 179 physical aspects of, 155 pillar cross from, 119 (fig.}

property of, 162f., 164-6, 174-6 Pennant Melangell, Montgom., church

size of, 150 at, 182, 188 types of, 149-57 Pennarth Fawr, Caern., 54

visitation of, 161 Pentrefoelas, Denb., burials at, 188

monasticism Penychen, 82f. (fig.} origins of, 146-8 perjury, 138, 192

practices of, 149-54 pilgrimage, 182f. rules of, 151, 152f., 154f. place-names, 216 monks, 146, 149, 151, 154, 156-8, 170 eccles, 170° Monmouth, 57, 58 (fig.), 144 (fig.) Hlan, 145, 176

Morgan ab Owain (Morgan Hen}, king, Scandinavian, 118 ({fig.), 196

102f., 114, 124 plague, 31, 41

Morgannwg, 82f. (fig.] poetry, Welsh, 199, 209-11 kingdom of, 103f.; see also population, level of,

Glywysing groups, 4lf., see groups, regions

Moridunum, see Carmarthen Portskewett, Mon., 15 (fig.}, 55 .

Mynyw, 158; see also St David's pottery, imported, 23, 24, 28, 55, 170 poverty, 59f.

nawdd, 137f., 167f., 175f. Powys, kingdom of, 91 (fig.], 94, 99Nennius, see Historia Brittonum 102, 106, 108-10, 113, 122f., 195

Nest, of Powys, 105, 110 preaching, 184f. Nevern, Pembs., 208 Presteign, Rad., church at, 25, 141, 142 cross at, 118, 143, 147 (fig.] (fig.]

Newport, Mon., 56, 57, 58 (fig.), 208 prices, 53 nobility, 62-4, 69, 71, 81, 82; see also Priestholm, see Ynys Seiriol

society priests, 146, 149, 155, 157f., 169, 187;

Nonnita, St, 174, 180 see also clergy

196 privilege, see braint

Normans, conquest by, 2f., 108, 119, prisons, 139

notables, see elders procurators, 155f.; see also

Nowy ap Gwriad, king, 103f. monasteries, stewards production, 31, 49f. oath-helping, 138f. of food, 35-42, 51

occupations, specialization of, 49f., 51 property

Offa, king of Mercia, 108-10 alienation of, 78, 128, 130, 192f.,

Offa’s Dyke, 109f. (fig.), 113, 195, 217 dOL1.

ogham, 87f., 217 function of kin for, 74, 76

Oxoniensis Posterior, manuscript, 213 inheritance of, 76-8, 149, 156f. Oxoniensis Prior, manuscript, 198, 213 monastic and clerical, 163, 164-6, 174-6

Padarn, St, 163, 174, 214 protection, legal, see nawdd

Life of, 208 Psalter of Rhigyfarch, 61 (fig.) staff of, 179f. Pumlumon, 10 ({fig.}), 39 paganism, 169f. Pwllmeurig, Mon., 34, 144 (fig.} Pant-y-saer, Ang., 20 (fig.), 27, 28 (fig.}, 35

262 Wales in the Early Middle Ages

Radyr, see Lesser Garth St Asaph {Llanelwy), Flint

raiding, 127, 129, 134f., 168 bishopric of, 159; see also Llanelwy

English, 196 Red Book of, 202

Viking, 116, 119, 134f. St David's, Pemb., 7, 9, 15 (fig.

Ramsey Island, stone from, 188f. (fig.) archbishops of, 160f.

‘Record of Caernarvon’, 202 attacks on, 116, 120

records, 199-203 bishops at, 142, 143, 156f., 157-61,

regions, Welsh 149, 163 medieval, 82-4 (fig.] monastic community at, 77, 145f.,

modern, xiiif. (fig.] 149, 163 geographical, 5 pilgrimage to, 196 Reinmuc, 98 powers of community of, 167f. relics, of saints, 173, 179-83 school at, 182, 200f., 202, 204,

renders, 41, 46, 57, 129-31, 165f. 214f.

Rheinwg, 82f. sculptured cross from, 183 (fig.} kingdom of, 98 St Elvis, Pemb., burials at, 188

Rhigyfarch, 208f., 214; see also David St Ishmaels, Pemb., bishop-house at,

(Life of}, Psalter 142, 159f.(fig.}, 188

Rhodri ap Merfyn (Rhodri Mawr}, king, St Issells, Pemb., bishop-house at, 142,

105f., 107 (fig.J, 124 (fig.); see also 159f. (fig.}

dynasties St Justinian’s Chapel, Pemb., 143, 150,

Rhos, 12, 38, 82£. (fig.), 98f., 101 (fig.} 182, 188

Rhoscrowdder, Pemb., bishop-house at, St Patrick’s Chapel, Pemb., 143, 150,

142, 159f. (fig.), 190 182, 188

Rhostryfan, Romano-British site, 21 sale, 51-3

Rhuddlan, Flint, 57, 58 (fig.) Samson, St, 71, 76, 148, 151-3, 162,

Rhufoniog, 12, 38, 82f. (fig.) 174, 176, 214

kingdom of, 98, 101 (fig.) Life of, 147f., 151-3, 161, 215

Rhydderch ab Iestyn, king, 103f., 107 sanctuary, 167; see also nawdd

ridge and furrow, 37 sarhad, 62, 72f., 80, 137f., 138 rivers, 10 (fig.}, 33f., 166 Segontium, see Caernarfon

R. Clwyd, 33 segmentation, 124f. R. Dee, 33f. Seisyllwg, 110 R. Severn, 33, 99, 166 settlements, 19-29, 34, 40, 43, 188, 191

R. Tern, Teifi,99. 34 of Gaulish, 90 R. Irish, 87-9 R. Usk, 33f., 57, 116, 166 of Vikings, 117f. R. Wye, 33f., 114 sheriffs, 132 roads, 56 ships, 18, 117, 119f. Roman, 16f. shrines, 180-2

sites Silures, Rome, 182f. 86f. sites(fig.}

Romans, see civitates, Empire, roads, Shropshire, 99-102, 210

Rosina Vallis, 155, 158f. 160f.; see also medieval, 23-7

St David's Roman, 13, 19, 24f., 48, 87, 169, 190, 224 n.90

sacerdotes, 158, 160; see also priests see also settlements

saints slaves, 42f., 53, 64-7, 88 creation of, 176f. penal, 135, 138 cult of, 173-8, 182, 214 smiths, 49f.

local, 174, 177 Snowdon, 12, 34

powers of, 168 society qualifications of, 177f. heroic, 51, 69

see also Beuno, Brigit, Cadog, stratification of, 59, 60-7

Cybi, David, Deiniol, Docgwin, see also labour, lordship, nobility,

Germanus, Gildas, Gwynllyw, peasantry

Illtud, Lives of Saints, Michael, soils, quality of, 32f.

Nonnita, Padarn, Patrick, specialization, see occupations Samson, Teilo, Tysilio ‘Stanzas of the Graves’, 185, 211

Index 263 status, personal, 60-7, 167f., 175f.; see tribute, 114, 129

also braint Trinity, Holy, 171, 174

stones Tywyn, Mer.

stewards, 50, 130-2, 155f., 1656. Tysilio, St, 163

inscribed, 13, 19, 87, 90, 143, 171, church at, 142 (fig.}, 150

186-8, 190, 198, 217; see also stone from, 217

Aberdaron, Arfryn,

Castelldwyran, Llanaber, uchelwyr, 62f., 82 Llanddewibrefi, Llangadwaladr,

Llanlleonfel, Llanllyr, value, standards of, 53

Llansadwrn, Llansadyrnin, Venta Silurum, see Caerwent

Llantrisant, Penmachno, Ramsey Vikings

Island, Tywyn contact with, 117-19, 196

standing, 13, 188 raids by, 54-6, 66f. (fig.], 106,

storage 116f., 119, 134f. of food, 41, 47, 60, 184 settlement by, 117f.

of treasure, 47f., 60; see also Vitae, see Cadog, David, Germanus,

hoards, wealth Gildas, Lives of Saints, Samson

Sulien, Bishop, 157;see also Ieuan ap Vortigern, see Gwrtheyrn

Sulien Vortipor, see Gwrthefyr

surexit memorandum, 132. (fig.); see

also charters of Lichfield Gospels warbands, 51, 68-70, 81, 127 Swansea, Glam., 56f., 58 (fig.}, 117 warriors, 51, 60, 68-70; see also mercenaries

tales, prose, 199, 211f. wealth

Taliesin, see Canu Taliesin distribution of, 50, 59f., 63

taxation, 129-31, 167 monastic and clerical, 166

Teilo, St, 162f., 174, 176 nature of, 47-9, 135

Life of, 207 wells, holy, 179

tenants, hereditary, 41f., 68 Welsh Bicknor, Her. Tewdwr ab Elise, king, 108, 114, 168 bishop at, 158, 159 (fig.) theft, 15, 135f., 182, 192 church at, 142 (fig.], 144 (fig.J, 145

Tidenham, Glos., 34 wergild, 137; see also galanas

tools, 42; see also metalworking Whitford, Flint, cross at, 116, 118

towns, 57f., 171 widows, 79, 151; see also women trade, 51-7, 117, 119f., 166 | William the Conqueror, king, 196 transhumance, 39-41; cf. 44 witnesses, 138, 176, 201f.

transport, 39 women, position of, 78-80

travel, 14-19, 135 woodland, 11-13, 14

treasure, see storage, wealth Wrekin, The, Shrops., 99f., 100 (fig.} trees, 13, 33; see also flora

trefi, 43-6 Y Gaer, Brecon, Roman fort, 24, 87

Trefwyddog, Carm., 44f. (fig.| Ynys Seiriol {Priestholm], monastery Treiorwerth, Ang., burials at, 190 at, 142 (fig.J), 143, 150, 155

triads, 199, 212 Ystrad Tywi, 82f. (fig.}, 110

| |— . , ,7, | 7 an oe Studies inthe

pO ae _ Early History of Britain

7 ,eeGeneral Editor: inNicholas Senior Lecturer MedievalBrooks History a_ ,-

\:

| a a | , University of St Andrews |

Wales in the Early Middle Ages _ As interest in the origins of our society and culture ,

- ? grows whilst scholarship becomes ever more | This new survey offers a comprehensive account of _ specialized, inter-disciplinary studies are needed

i the development of Wales during the period urgently. This new series aims to promote works of between the termination of Roman political control — scholarship which open up new fields of study or ,

i of Britain in the early fifth century and the which surmount the barriers of traditional beginning of the Norman Conquest in the eleventh. academic disciplines. It will include research

| It was during this perod that, despite having no ~ monographs and works of synthesis, and also

| single political identity, with its four principal collaborative studies of important themes; 2 major 3 kingdoms focussed at the corners of the country, - component will be a group of regional volumes — of

, Welsh language, literature and law took its ~ which Wales in the Early Middle Ages is the first distinctive shape to produce a single cultural ~ intended to provide a short but comprehensive , identity — a process emphasized by the construction and up-to-date account of the settlement and

: of Offa’s Dyke as its eastern limit. history of the main regions of early medieval : Based on new analyses of the early source Britain. The first titles in preparation are listed

: material and on the results of recent work, notably below. , ! . in archaeology, the study of law and the analysis of

texts, the book particularly considers the Latin and the Vernacular Languages

assumptions arising from later sources and the in Early Medieval Britain | i accumulated traditions dependent on them, and edited by Nicholas Brooks .

; anterbury |

poses new questions, with some valuable results for 234 x156mm _ 184 pp_ illustrated 0-7185-1209-x i the understanding of economic and political ,

,|

structures as well as social and religious matters. _ The Early History of the Church at | Dr Davies has taken especial care to give Wales its C place in the pattern of European development, for Nicholas Brooks

! it clearly shared characteristics with its 6 ‘Ilustrated . 0-718£-1182-

, contemporary world, both continental and Irish, 234 TSO mam Mustrated - On] TOS“T 192-4

| evenased if its development parallel to neither. The Mildrith Legend:; a. Study in Early as it is on awas wide variety of scholarly sources, the book nevertheless offers a clear and fascinating Medieval Hagiography in England

|

picture of the making of Wales. D. W. Rollason , 234x156mm_ illustrated 0o-7185-1202-4 ISBN 0-7185-1235-9

£9.75 net

| Jacket illustration: Lichfield MS1, p. 218; reproduced

i Cathedral. , by kind permission of the Dean and Chapter, Lichfield