Vocabulario quechua para Catalina II La Grande de Rusia (1788)

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Quechua for Catherine the Great: José Joaquín Ávalos Chauca’s Quechua Vocabulary (1788) Author(s): Sabine Dedenbach‐Salazar Sáenz Reviewed work(s): Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 72, No. 2 (April 2006), pp. 193-235 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/507165 . Accessed: 18/03/2013 08:53 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

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QUECHUA FOR CATHERINE THE GREAT: JOSÉ JOAQUÍN ÁVALOS CHAUCA’S QUECHUA VOCABULARY (1788) Sabine Dedenbach-Salazar Sáenz Bonn University The eighteenth century has become known for its decreasing interest in and even its intentions to restrict the use of the Amerindian languages by the authorities in the Americas. However, overseas there was interest in indigenous languages, directed toward the multiplicity of human languages and their comparison more than toward the description of individual languages. Thus, in Russia, Catherine II founded an initiative to find universals in the world’s languages. The Quechua vocabulary presented here was composed because of this and is one of only a few eighteenth-century manuscripts on Southern Peruvian Quechua which can be dated (1788); it is kept in the Archivo General de Indias, Seville. This paper presents a transcription of and a short analytic comment on this Quechua vocabulary, which is an important document because it gives us information about how an eighteenth-century Peruvian Quechuist saw the linguistic situation in the Andes and because through the lexical entries it offers phonological material which can help us gain more knowledge of a linguistically rather scarcely documented period. [Keywords: Quechua vocabulary, eighteenth century, Peru]

1. Introduction. The eighteenth century has become known for its decreasing interest in the Amerindian languages and its intentions even to restrict their use. This is reflected in a number of laws and regulations, but also in the fact that very few new works in, for example, Quechua were printed during that century, and the fact that the Lima University Chair for Quechua was abolished.1 However, parallel to this official line, a certain flourishing of the Quechua language throughout the eighteenth century can be noted. In the Andes, sermons were written, texts of dramatic works were circulated and plays performed on stage, and some mestizos defended the Quechua language. In Southern Peruvian Quechua,2 though, few new works were created, 1

“El mantener el idioma de los indios es capricho de hombres, cuya fortuna y ciencia se reduce a hablar aquella lengua, que también la aprende un niño; es contagio que aparta a los indios de la conversación de los españoles: es peste, que inficiona los dogmas de nuestra Santa fe . . . Es dar motivo a que no formen concepto de la Divina Magestad, ni de la del Rey de la tierra, ni den valor a los preceptos de sus justicias mayores, ni a lo que les predican o reprehenden los párrocos” (Nos Don Francisco Antonio Lorenzana, Arzobispo de Mexico . . . 6/10/1769:9– 10, Archivo General de Indias [AGI], Indiferente 1312, published in Konetzke 1964:97–98). 2 Southern Peruvian Quechua comprises Torero’s Quechua II C dialects, i.e., all Quechua varieties spoken from Ayacucho to the south. Ayacucho Quechua is spoken in the Departamentos Apurímac (West of Abancay), Ayacucho, Huancavelica, and in the Argentinian province of

[IJAL, vol. 72, no. 2, April 2006, pp. 193–235] ç 2006 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. 0020–7071/2006/7202–0002$10.00

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although older ones were reprinted; however, the theatrical manuscripts lack exact dates, so it is difficult to situate them unequivocally in the eighteenth century.3 There was also an interest in indigenous languages overseas, directed toward the study of the multiplicity of human languages and their comparison, more than simply toward the description of individual languages. In Italy, the expelled Jesuits, and among them especially Hervás y Panduro, dedicated much work to comparative linguistic study, and in Russia, Catherine II (who reigned from 1762–1796) showed an intense interest in the comparison of the world’s languages. Given the state of Quechua studies in the eighteenth century, a vocabulary which was composed because of Catherine II’s initiative and is one of few manuscripts on Southern Peruvian Quechua which can be contextualized, dated (1788), and located (Archivo General de Indias [AGI], Seville) is certainly of interest.4 This paper presents a transcription of and short analytic comment on this Quechua vocabulary. It is an important document because it gives us information about how an eighteenth-century Peruvian Quechuist saw the linguistic situation in the Andes and, above all, because through the lexical entries it offers phonological material which can help us gain more knowledge of a scarcely documented period. Thus, I hope that this contribution will make the material referred to accessible for further study; I also try to show how we can use these data in historical ethnolinguistics, an acaSantiago del Estero. Cuzco Quechua is the variety spoken in the Peruvian Departamentos Apurímac (East of Albancay), Arequipa, Cuzco, Puno, and Moquegua, and most of its characteristic features (see below) are also present in Argentinian Jujuy Quichua as well as Bolivian and Chilean Quechua (Dedenbach-Salazar Sáenz et al. 2002:xiii and Mannheim 1991:113–14). 3 For attitudes toward Quechua in the eighteenth century, see Konetzke (1964), Solano (1991), Clément (1993). See re-editions such as Torres Rubio’s Quechua grammar and dictionary (1619) which received an appendix of a non-Southern (Chinchaysuyu) variety and some changes in the vocabulary (Torres Rubio and Figueredo 1700 and Torres Rubio, Figueredo, and Anonymous Jesuit 1754), and the re-edition of the Tercero Catecismo (1773). Thus there are few texts published in the eighteenth century and even fewer original ones, but also only a limited number of manuscripts. It is interesting that in the same century several works were written in what is now Ecuador (Nieto Polo del Águila [1753] 1927, Velasco [ca. 1788] 1964, the anonymous grammar [18th century] published by Dedenbach-Salazar Sáenz 1993, and Romero [1725] 1999). For an overview of what is known and located of eighteenth century Quechua (and Aymara) works, see Rivet and Créqui-Montfort (1951, vol. 1:135–221). 4 The document originally comes from Indiferente General 1342 and is now filed with Mapas y Planos, Escritura y Cifra (EC), 35-44 (which contains all the language materials collected at the time). The Quechua document is number 40 of Escritura y Cifra. Description in the AGI: “AGI, Indiferente General, legajo no. 1342, documento 14: Carta del Virrey del Perú, Caballero de Croix*, a Dn. Antonio Porlier **, diciéndole remite traducidas en lengua índica las palabras castellanas que con Real Orden de 13 de Noviembre de 1787, see le dirigieron para este efecto [here as Appendix A] y que acompaña una (14a) lista de libros que por separado y en otro cajoncito de madera dirige en esta propia ocasión. Lima 28 Febrero 1789. = 2 hoj. [Appendix B]. Contiene

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demic area which is gaining increasing importance in the field of Andean studies.5 2. The Archivo General de Indias’s indigenous languages collection and Catherine II’s project on the languages of the world. In order to please the Russian czarina, the king of Spain asked the viceroys of his colonies to obtain a translation of a word list she had provided into all important languages of the Spanish dominions. At the request of a royal decree (real orden) from the king of Spain, these lists were to be produced by the “best instructed and practiced persons in the languages of these territories.” The correspondence on this matter is accompanied by a list of the books (grammars and dictionaries) which were also to be sent and a list of 433 Spanish words to be translated.6 además (14a) Lista [duplicada] de los libros que remite = 2 hoj. + 2 hoj.; (14b) Traducción de las voces castellanas al quichua. 8 hoj. (ESCRITURA Y CIFRA, 40 [Appendixes C–E below]); (14c) Traducción de las voces castellanas al aymará. 8 hoj. (ESCRITURA Y CIFRA, 41).” *Teodoro de Croix was the thirty-fourth viceroy of Peru from 1784 to 1790 (from José Toribio Medina, Diccionario biográfico colonial de Chile [1906] in Herrero and Aguayo 1986, I, 245, 105–14). **Antonio Porlier y Sopranis, Marqués de Bajamar (1722–1813), was a member of the Audiencias of Charcas and Lima and of the Consejo de Indias before becoming Secretary of State in 1787 (from Agustín Millares Carlo, Ensayo de una bio-bibliografía de escritores naturales de las Islas Canarias [1932], in Herrero and Aguayo 1986, II, 729, 14–30). 5 See, for example, the studies by Husson (1985) and Mannheim (1991) as well as Itier (1995) and Dedenbach-Salazar Sáenz and Crickmay (1999). 6 “Real Orden Señor Presidente de la Audiencia de Guatemala = El señor Conde de Floridablanca me ha pasado el oficio siguiente. Excelentissimo señor = Con el fin de satisfacer los deseos que ha manifestado la Emperatriz de Rusia, he hecho uarios encargos para adquirir los Libros que contiene la adjunta Lista numero primero, pero aunque espero lograr algunos de ellos no tengo aun certidumbre y assi pido á Vuestra Exelencia que pues es cosa en que el Rey quiere complaser á dicha soberana, de [dé] Vuestra Exelencia comicion á las Personas que tenga por conueniente en las dos Americas para que adquieran con la posible brevedad y remitan uno ó dos exemplares de cada obra procurando al mismo tiempo el que se embien con igual prontitud traducidas en todos los Idiomas que se pueda de aquellos Paises las vozes que contiene el adjunto Papel Numero segundo indicando la ortografia que se haya seguido para expresarlas. Dios guarde á Vuestra Exelencia muchos años San Ildefonzo nueve de Octubre de mil setecientos ochenta y siete = El conde de Floridablanca = Señor Don Antonio de Porlier = Y siendo la uoluntad de su Magestad que con la brevedad posible se practiquen las mas exquísitas diligencias para el logro de las obras que se expresan en la copia numero primero y la traduccion de las vozes que comprehende la del numero segundo ualiendose de las Personas mas instruidas y practicas en las Lenguas de ese Territorio; lo prevengo á V.S. de su Real orden y que remita a mis manos uno ó dos exemplares de aquellas si se encontrasen. Dios guarde a Vuestra Señoría muchos años. San Lorenzo trese de Noviembre de mil setecientos ochenta y siete = Antonio Porlier” (AGI 1787–92, no. 45, Año de 1790, Testimonio, fol. 4v–54 [underlining by SDS]). The model list can be found in the same document (AGI 1787–92, no. 45, Año de 1790, Testimonio, fol. 1v– 4r). Some of the word lists are accompanied by further linguistic studies

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As a consequence of the activities which followed the decree, several word lists are preserved in the Archivo General de Indias (AGI 1787–92): on languages of the Philippines, Quechua and Aymara of the Andes, “Sáliba” (Sálivan) of the Orinoco,7 and from Middle America: the Mayan languages “Kiche”/“Quiche” (K’iche’), “Cacchiquel”/“Cacchi” (Kaqchikel), “Sutuhil” (Tz’utujil), “Poconchi” (Poqomchi’), “Pocoman” (Poqomam), “Chol,” and “Mam,” as well as “Subinha” (Subinhá, probably consisting of Tzeltal and Tojolabal); the Otomanguean “Pupuluca” (Popoloca) and the Mixe-Zoquean “Zoque” of Mexico, the Chibchan “Cabecara” (Cabécar), “Viceyta” (Viceíta or Bribri), and “Terraua” (Térraba or Tiribí) of Costa Rica, The “Jicaques (= Lean y Mulia)” (Jicaque) of Honduras, and “Zotul,” “Tzendal” (Tzeltal?), “Chanabal,” and “Chapaneca.”8 All of this material dates from the last two decades of the eighteenth century. What was the motivation for the production of these vocabularies? Catherine the Great, a highly cultured and educated woman, planned the production of a universal and comparative dictionary of all the languages of the world, hoping to find a primitive, original language. Having created a basic word list, she put Hartwig Ludwig Christian Bacmeister (1730–1806), a teacher and school inspector in St. Petersburg, who was active in many intellectual fields such as translation and linguistics, in charge of the realization of this project. He appealed to the scholars of the world for help in collecting language material. As can be seen in the AGI documentation, Catherine had also asked the king of Spain for his collaboration (see above). Later, Peter Simon Pallas (1741–1811), a distinguished scholar, professor of natural history, and member of the St. Petersburg Academy, became responsible for the project, and the first edition of the comparative dictionary (grammars) of the respective languages, as asked for in the royal decree, as well as catechetical texts. The materials from the Peruvian viceroyalty, however, consist of a Quechua and Aymara word list only and do not include—although they are announced—a Quechua grammar or a further list and two grammars for the Chilean language (most probably Mapudungun [Mapuche], which used to be called “araucano” in colonial times) (AGI 1788–89). For a description and location of these materials and others of the “Russian collection,” as well as a summary of their origin and history, see Klein and Klein (1978). See also Adelung ([1815] 1976) and Epp (1984) for Catherine’s project. I have not been able to find the royal decree in question, either in the Indiferentes 1625 and 1626 which contain reales órdenes by Carlos III and Isabel la Católica, or in the inventories of reales cédulas which are mentioned by Muro Orejón (1957–58) as existent in the AGI and which refer to the year 1787. I have also consulted the books of Indiferente 513, 533, 535, 545, 546 which contain reales órdenes, cédulas, and decretos. 7 See Tovar and Larrucea de Tovar (1984:161–62). 8 The names of the languages are written here (in quotation marks) as they appear in the AGI documents. Except for the last four, they are all mentioned by Campbell (1997) (in parentheses).

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appeared in 1786.9 But it was only in the edition produced by Theodor Yankievich de Mirievo (1741–1814, chief school inspector) in 1790–91 that some Amerindian languages were represented, including “Maipurisch, Mexikanisch, Peruanisch, Surinamisch (Arawakisch, Kreolisch, Saramakisch, Tamanakisch) Suwazkisch” (Adelung [1815] 1976:99).10 It is unlikely that Yankievich would have been able to use the material (or a copy thereof ) which is now in the AGI in Seville, because the letter accompanying the Quechua vocabulary is dated 1789 and Yankievich’s book was published in 1790–91. That he used another source is also clear from the entries themselves: the word “tanta,” “Tahta,” for example, is written with a simple {t} and not with the double consonant, “ttanta,” as it is written by Ávalos (Yankievich 1790–91, vol. 1–2:163; Ávalos 39311).12 From these dates, it is also clear that the word list asked for in the penultimate decade of the eighteenth century was a second list (the first containing 200 words) destined to be used in a continuation of the project. At present, it is not known why these materials were kept in Spain and not sent on to Russia.13 Alexander I, Catherine’s successor after her son Paul, was persuaded to provide the money for an extended edition of the vocabulary, of which Adelung (1768– 1843), director of the Asian Museum in St. Petersburg and a renowned philologist, was in charge (cf. Adelung [1815] 1976). The final collection is still said to be kept in the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg (Fajnstejn 1990). 9

The information in this paragraph is drawn from a letter of Catherine quoted by Adelung ([1815] 1976:40), from Pallas (1786, vol. 1: Avis au public [p. 4]), Fajnstejn (1990), Gulya (1974:263–64), Haarmann (1976:[xi–xiii]), Lauch (1969:22–33), and Alexey Bogolubov, Coordinator of the International Book Exchange at St. Petersburg Hermitage, personal communication. See Lauch (1969:11–23) for a critical evaluation of Catherine’s absolutist reign. 10 See Kaltz (2005:chap. 1) for a summary of the history and contents of the dictionary editions. 11 The numbers refer to those I have added to the vocabulary in Appendix E. 12 Material on the Peruvian languages was provided by Murr who sent Bayer’s works on Aymara to Russian (Fajnstejn 1990 [I would like to thank Karl Gräwe for translating Fajnstejn’s article for me]; for Bayer, see Rivet and Créqui-Montfort 1951, I:173–76). Fajnstejn also quotes a letter written by a Spanish diplomat who, in answer to Catherine’s request, says that he found a Spanish officer who was born in Peru and spent his childhood there and who translated the words in collaboration with a member of the Russian embassy. 13 Alexey Bogolubov was kind enough to show me Catherine’s library in St. Petersburg Hermitage in 1994, but according to him no papers referring to these Amerindian languages, or copies thereof, are deposited there. Neither does Adelung mention them. As to Spain, following the Revolution in France, an increasing opposition against any kind of innovation is noticeable on the Peninsula at the end of the eighteenth century. Moreover, the war against England in 1796 led to an economic crisis and competing ideologies within Spain (Morales Moya 1998:114–27). It is therefore possible that due to Spain’s internal problems, the papers were simply forgotten.

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3. José Joaquín Ávalos Chauca—the author and his Quechua vocabulary. The document discussed here consists of a letter from the viceroy of Peru, Teodoro de Croix, to Antonio de Porlier, the secretary of state (Appendix A), and a list of accompanying books (Appendix B). These are followed by an introductory essay from the author of the Quechua vocabulary in which he offers some comments on the languages and dialects of the Peruvian viceroyalty (Appendix C) as well as his observations on Quechua orthography and pronunciation (Appendix D). He concludes with the vocabulary itself (Appendix E). The handwriting is the same throughout these texts (Appendixes C–E) and is consistent with the signature of José Joaquín Ávalos Chauca. We can therefore assume that it is the original manuscript. As to the person of the author, he himself says that he is “capellan”14 ‘chaplain’, and that Quechua is the language of his “profesion è inteligencia” (Appendix C, fol. 2r).15 José Eusebio de Llano Zapata, a Peruvian creole who lived in the eighteenth century and was a great naturalist and writer, discusses indigenous scholars he knew, men who obtained university degrees and were ordained priests. He writes: Today there are several other [Indian priests] no less learned than the two already mentioned. Among them, Don Joseph de Abalos has an incredible ability. When he was eighteen years old he defended public theses of Philosophy and Theology in one of the most famous colleges of Lima (the Pontificia Universidad de San Ildefonso). At fourteen he knew with perfection the Latin language and literature, rhetoric, biblical and secular history and had more than a passing knowledge of Canon Law, since he could repeat wordby-word the decrees of the Sacred Council of Trent.16

The presbítero “Dr. José Joaquín Ávalos Chauca (1733–?)” was professor of Quechua at the University of Marcos in Lima from 1780 until 1784 (Meneses 14

There is no single understanding of the office of a “capellán” in the eighteenth century, as can be seen when consulting the Diccionario de Autoridades ([1729, II] 1990, I:140–41): (a) “El que goza renta Eclesiástica por razón ò titulo de Capellanía”, (b) “el Sacerdote que assiste à decir Missa en la Capilla . . .”, (c) “Capellán de altar. El que canta las Missas solemnes en la Capilla Real . . .”, (d ) “Capellanes de Choro. Cierto número de Sacerdotes que hai en las Iglésias Cathedráles y Colegiáles, los quales entran en el Choro . . .”, (e) “Capellán de Honór. El que dice Missa privada à las persónas Reales, . . .”, (f ) “Capellán del Rey, . . . El que goza Capellanía por nombramiento del Rey . . .”, (g) “Capellán mayór. Se llama la cabéza de la Comunidad de Capellánes . . .”, (h) “Capellán mayor de los Exercitos. . . . el que tiene facultad de conocer de las cáusas de los soldádos . . .”, (i ) Capellán mayór del Rey. El Preládo que tiene la Jurisdicion espiritual y Eclesiástica en Palácio. . . .” It is therefore possible that our author was “capellán de capellanía,” “de capilla,” or “de coro.” 15 There is nobody of this name listed among the caciques’ sons who attended the “Colegio de los Caciques” founded by Francisco de Borja in Lima (Colegio de Caciques 1923:800–829, años 1618–1802). 16 He continues: “Other Indians are thus trained in other colleges and universities, where they are instructed in all the disciplines in the same manner as the Spaniards, and they win academic awards. These awards are given, regardless of personal conditions, to those who are outstanding

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Morales 1982:241). Considering Ávalos’s broad knowledge and his remarks about the Lima Councils (Appendix C, fol. 1r), the man described by Llano Zapata and named as Quechua professor was probably the author of the vocabulary.17 Also, the author’s mother’s surname seems to be an indigenous American rather than a Spanish name. However, the author does not consider himself an Indian at all because he speaks of the “Indians” in a distanced and detached manner (e.g., Appendix D, fol. 3r). The data of the vocabulary itself also provide information on the author as well as on his knowledge of Quechua. Most of the Quechua words Ávalos has in his list are also found in the works of González Holguín ([1607] 1975; [1608] 1989),18 whose books the author must have known. However, González Holguín’s dictionary is very comprehensive and so it is to be expected that most words will be found in his book. That Ávalos did not copy all the Quechua words from González Holguín is clear from a number of entries in his list, especially complex words or compounds, which are not present in González Holguín’s dictionary in exactly the same form (for example, 123, 129, 202, 271, 366, 410). Thus, “vischuicúpui,” the translation of “echar” (129), consists of wischu- ‘throw (away)’, the modal suffixes19 -yku, intensifying or attentive, and -pu, beneficiary (can also denote a negative effect

in merits and dedication in their own faculties. If up to the present time we have not seen some Indians as professors and chair-holders in the schools and colleges, it is due to the fact that after finishing their studies they withdraw to serve the Church in the ministry of pastors and confessors. . . .” (Llano Zapata [ca. 1761] 1904:4–5, quoted and translated by Martín and Pettus 1973:88; cf. Martín 1973:47). For a sketch of attitudes toward indigenous education throughout the colonial period, see Wood (1986:16–22). 17

According to the “Preliminar” to the Spanish 1904 edition of Llano Zapata’s book, this edition is based on the copy from 1761 which the author had given to King Carlos III and which—in 1904—was presented to the “Biblioteca de Lima.” With respect to the author of the vocabulary, José Ávalos, this means that a period of 27 years would have passed between Llano Zapata’s mention of Ávalos and the composition of the vocabulary. It is therefore not unreasonable to suppose that the Ávalos mentioned by Llano Zapata and our Ávalos Chauca are the same person. 18 Diego González Holguín (1552–1618) was a Spanish Jesuit who lived for almost 20 years in Cuzco and dedicated much of his life to the study of the Quechua language. His grammar and dictionary are still today among the most comprehensive that exist on the Quechua language (see Dedenbach-Salazar Sáenz [forthcoming]). 19 These verb derivational suffixes modify or change the meaning of the verb and can also influence the subject or object of the action. The term “modal” was first used by Solá (1967:sec. 5.21, pp. 5–18) and Parker (1969:63). When a verb stem receives such a modal suffix, the meaning of the verb can become different from the meaning of the original verb stem plus the meaning of the modal suffix. This is especially frequent when more than one modal suffix occurs. See González Holguín ([1607] 1976, 1. III, cap. II, del aumento de verbos). Cusihuamán (1976:sec. 7.1, derivación verbal, sufijos formativos), and Hoggarth (2004: sec. 3.2, verb derivation: modifiers) for Cuzco Quechua verb derivation (modals). It should be noted that -mpu is characteristic of Cuzco but not of Ayacucho Quechua.

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on the person acted upon) or definitive, and the basic unspecific nominalizer -y used for the infinitive; so this complex verb forms implies ‘throw (someone or something) out or away in an abrupt manner’. “Huairanpucúmui,” given as the translation of “ventilar” (202), derives from wayra- ‘to be windy’ and -npu (-mu-pu), -ku pseudo-reflexive or reflexive, and -mu directional (obligatory with weather conditions if they affect the speaker), literally ‘to be windy’, implying ‘a strong wind blowing here’. These examples show that Ávalos was familiar enough with the Quechua language to use such idiomatic expressions, either through his own (near-)native-speaker knowledge or because of intensive studies. Particularly in Ávalos’s grammatical observations, it becomes clear that he consulted González Holguín, as is shown in the case of his explanation of the inclusive and exclusive plural forms (105–6). His explanation is very similar and his example (105–6) identical to that given by González Holguín ([1607] 1975:1. I, cap. VII, fol. 11r): y este plural se dize inclusiuo porque los que hablan incluyen a si y a aquellos a quien hablan, como, ñocanchic runa, nosotros los hombres, ñocanchic caricuna, nosotros los varones, si no ay ninguna muger, mas si la ay, ya este plural ñocacnhic [sic] caricuna, no conuiene a todos, ni incluye a todos; antes excluye a las mugeres que alli ay, y assi no se puede dezir ñocanchic, que es inclusiuo, sino el otro plural ñocaycu, que es exclusiuo, como hablando hombres con mugeres dizen excluyendolas a ellas ñocaycu caricuna, nosotros los varones, . . . (cf. 1. II, cap. II, fol. 27r–v).

On the lexical level, there are also strong similarities, for example, when both Ávalos (12) and González Holguín ([1608] 1989:493) explain ‘virgin’ as ‘a woman not known by a man’. The author of the vocabulary is very much aware of the differences in Spanish and Quechua, for example, when he observes that there is not one verb for ‘carry’ but many, according to the “modes of this action” (126– 128). Of course, the fact that all these and many more verbs for llevar ‘take’ are found in González Holguín may show that here again Ávalos consulted that work, but he still makes his own conclusive observation about this semantic domain. He also states that there is no verb ‘have’ in Quechua and suggests the possessive construction with -yuq, meaning ‘the one who has or owns’, as a way to express this verb (90). In González Holguín’s dictionary ([1608] 1989:678), the basic expression given for ‘have’ is a construction with the bipersonal conjugation, “capuhuanmi,” which can be translated as ‘it exists for me, to my advantage’; in this case, then, Ávalos seems to refer to his own knowledge rather than to González Holguín, although in the latter’s grammar ([1607] 1975: 1. III, cap. I, s23, fol. 105v) -yuq is also explained as ‘have’.

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4. The linguistic situation in the Andes according to Ávalos. Ávalos distinguishes four general languages as such: Quechua, Aymara, Chimu, and the language of Chile, as opposed to varieties which cannot be said to be languages in their own right and which are different from each other mainly in their vocabulary and pronunciation. He counts among the latter group what he calls Chinchaysuyu, which he sees as differing from Quechua “in a slight variation of the modes and phrases of explaining oneself and in the corruption of some words and in the form of construction” (Appendix C, fol. 1r), i.e., it shows grammatical and lexical peculiarities. It is interesting that for him, as for the Third Lima Council20 (on which he may base his judgment), the variety called Chinchaysuyu was a “corrupt” form of Quechua. Furthermore, he mentions Cauqui as a language spoken in only a few villages which he locates in Yauyu (Yauyos, province in the Dept. of Lima), Yaulli (probably the Yauli province in the Dept. of Junín21), and other, unspecified places. So far, there is not much documentation with respect to the historical distribution of the Cauqui language,22 and Ávalos provides us with additional information about where it was spoken during the colonial era. In the twentieth century, Hardman (1978:147– 48) found only a few Cauqui speakers in the district of Tupe, province of Yauyos. If Cauqui was also spoken in Yauli in the eighteenth century, it suggests historically a larger area covering parts of the Departamentos Lima and Junín. Ávalos points out that the speakers frequently used a mixed form of language, which seems to have consisted of Cauqui and Quechua. According to Ávalos, Quechua in his time was spoken in the province of Cuzco and the surrounding areas, Aymara in “the region which carries its [the Aymara language’s] name” (which would be Aimaraes in the Dept. of Apurímac), although further on he specifies the Aymara area as “close to the line that divides this viceroyalty [i.e., Peru] from the one of Buenos Aires.” The Chimu language is spoken on the coast from Lambayeque to Piura and is seldom used in religious instruction because the indigenous population has learned Spanish well. Finally, he mentions the language of Chile spoken “by the Indians of that kingdom” (Appendix C). This sketch of the Andean languages shows that Ávalos was aware of the linguistic situation, although the farther away the languages he talks about 20

Doctrina Christina ([1584/85] 1985:fol. 74r). Stiglich (1922:1173); see also n. 2, p. 262 of “Entrada y misión a los Andes de Jauja en 1602.” For a historical study, a vocabulary, and a grammatical sketch (the latter two from a manuscript by Pablo Patrón), see Matos (1956). 22 Cauqui belongs to the Aru language family, of which Aymara is the most widespread member. See Torero (1970:238– 43) for the distribution of the Aru languages in the early colonial period and Adelaar and Muysken (2004:chap. 3.3) for an overview of the present situation of what they call the Aymaran languages (also called the Jaqi language family). 21

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are spoken, the less he knows about them and their distribution. Ávalos also shows good knowledge of the Church’s linguistic policy and refers to the decrees of the Second and the Third Lima Councils (1567 and 1582–83, respectively) which introduced the instruction of the Christian doctrine in Quechua and Aymara (Appendix C, fol. 1r). On the whole, Ávalos’s knowledge of the linguistic situation in Peru, his remarks about the Church Councils’ policy regarding Indian languages, as well as how he explains and presents the Quechua language, show that he must have been a competent scholar and probably also a speaker of the language. 5. The composition of the vocabulary. The vocabulary, which with respect to the Spanish terms to be translated is identical in all the languages included in the AGI section (except in Sáliva), is organized according to what one might call semantic fields, such as religion, family, body, senses, basic verbs and adjectives, colors and numbers, metals and minerals, plants and animals, astronomical and meteorological phenomena, government and war-related terms. It also comprises function words such as personal and interrogative pronouns, temporal and spatial adverbs, and the conjugation in the present and past tense. In Ávalos’s vocabulary, abstract nouns and states are formed with the help of the basic unspecific nominalizer -y, for example, in “cusícui,” “gozo” (96), “nanácui,” “dolor” (98) (most of them found as such also in González Holguín’s dictionary). This suffix is also used to mark the infinitive, e.g., “coi,” “dar” (132).23 Loanwords are marked with an asterisk and some of them are adapted to Quechua word structure, as Ávalos explains in his introduction: “It is actually true that they use them, clothing them—to put it this way—with Indian dress, that is, adapting their pronunciation to the dialect and sound of their language” (Appendix D, fol. 3v). Examples of this way of ‘clothing them with Indian dress’ are “cap-ra” (319) for cabra as well as Spanish–Quechua composites, such as “vuas-mallqui,” “viña” (291), literally ‘grapes(Spanish)tree(Quechua)’, or “acllasca-trigo,” “trigo escogido” (296), literally ‘selected(Quechua)-wheat(Spanish)’, both adapted to Quechua syntax in that

23 It is interesting that Ávalos is the first author to use the so-called infinitive suffix to mark the basic verb form as a dictionary entry. All colonial lexicographers use the first-person singular for this purpose (the latest being Torres Rubio, Figueredo, and Anonymous Jesuit 1754 and Velasco ca. 1788); it is only in Middendorf ’s Quechua–German dictionary of 1890 and in the 1905 Vocabulario políglota incaico that the same usage Ávalos has can be found. Of course, with no other dictionaries available, we cannot be certain when this infinitive marker became established or if Ávalos introduced this innovation.

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the qualifier precedes the noun. Another example shows how the word accent shifts in order to conform to Quechua rules: “batéria” (399).24 6. Orthography and conclusions about Quechua phonology. In the Southern Peruvian Quechua dialects, some particular allophonic and phonemic features developed during the eighteenth century. This is the case with syllable-final weakening of /p/ > [x]25 and /ch/ > /s/ in the Cuzco variety. Cuzco Quechua also substituted syllable-final /w/ with /y/. A complex sibilant system was replaced by a single sibilant in the whole area of Southern Peruvian Quechua. A phenomenon typical of the Cuzco variety, a series of aspirated and glottalized stops apart from the plain plosives, can, however, be observed as early as 1584 (Doctrina Christiana [1584] 1985: “Annotaciones,” fol. 75r) and came almost certainly from Aymara (Torero 1998:620).26 With respect to Ávalos, it is evident—from what he says about where Quechua is spoken (see above) as well as from his description of the sound/orthographic system he uses—that he tries to describe Cuzco Quechua. Thus he makes it clear that certain sounds pronounced “with force” or “softness and simplicity” change the meaning of a word. The example he gives is “ttanta” ‘bread’ (modern Cuzco Quechua t’anta) vs. the “simple” form meaning ‘assembly’ (modern Cuzco Quechua tanta27) (Appendix D, fol. 3r); there are further examples in the vocabulary itself, such as “pacha” (234) ‘time’ (modern Cuzco Quechua pacha) vs. “ppacha” (376) ‘clothes’ ( p’acha). A comparison of Ávalos’s Quechua orthography to those of González Holguín (1608), Torres Rubio (1619), Torres Rubio and Figueredo (1700), and Torres Rubio, Figueredo, and Anonymous Jesuit (1754), all of which describe Cuzco Quechua, shows that Ávalos does not follow any of these authors consistently; instead, he seems to make up his own rules. If he was not a native Quechua speaker, he may have tried to apply a certain linguistic logic (as did the other Spanish authors), perhaps based on extant studies and 24

The only entries which are not loanwords but which are marked as such by the author are “vpiai” and “vinayacui” (“beber” and “nutrir” respectively; 122, 123). 25 /q/ is realized as [x] only in syllable-final position in Cuzco Quechua, in all other positions as a stop: [q]. Also, the fricativization of /q/ > [x] in syllable-final position in Cuzco and of /q/ > /x/ in general in Ayacucho Quechua must have occurred during the past three centuries. 26 See Mannheim (1991:chaps. 7, 8, 9) for a detailed analysis of the phenomena mentioned in this paragraph. 27 And there is yet a third member of this minimal pair: thanta ‘rag’. The modern Cuzco equivalents are taken from Lira (ca. 1967), but I have adapted their orthography to the modern official alphabet.

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TABLE 1

González Holguín 1608 (p.) atoc/atok (37) kari/ccari (136/688) carppa/carpa (50/681) curu (56) ritti (riti ) (318) ttanta (337) vssuta (359) mizqui (mizqqui ) (244) ciça (82) çua (86)

Torres Torres Rubio and Rubio Figueredo 1619 (s.v.) 1700 (fol.) atoc atoc (83r) cari cari (84r)

Torres Rubio et al. 1754 (fol.) atoc (75v) ccari (77r)

Ávalos 1788 (no.) attocc (330) ccari (16)

Cuzco 20th century atuq qhari

carpa

carpa (84r)

carpa (77r)

ccarpa (357)

karpa

curu riti

curu (85r) riti (95r)

curu (78v) ritti (99r)

ccuru (307) ritti (211)

kuru rit’i

tanta vssuta misqui

tanta (96r) vssuta (97v) misqui (91r) çiça (87r) çua (87r)

ttanta (101v) vssuta (105r) miscqui (91v) çiça (82v) çua (83r)

ttanta (393) vsutta (379) mizqui (313)

t’anta usut’a misk’i

siza (283) zua (395)

sisa suwa

çiça çua

on what he heard from Quechua speakers. This would also have been the case if he was a native speaker of a Quechua dialect other than Cuzqueño. If we assume that he was a native speaker of Cuzco Quechua, in addition to the mentioned linguistic considerations, he may have written the sounds to reproduce as closely as possible what he thought he pronounced. Table 1 shows some examples of the usage of the stops and sibilants. Although in his introduction Ávalos discusses and gives examples of typical Cuzco Quechua features such as glottalization and aspiration, in the vocabulary itself both glottalization and aspiration, as well as /k/ and /q/, are (inconsistently) presented as double consonants and not with any additional devices (such as González Holguín uses, for example, in the case of the letter {k}). It seems plausible that Ávalos knew and wanted to present Cuzco Quechua, but that he was not quite able to manage the complexity of the stops. Thus he uses {pp} for both glottals and aspirates (“ppacha” [376], p’acha in modern Cuzco Quechua ‘clothes’; “ppuru” [344], phuru ‘feather’). Neither González Holguín28 —nor any of the other colonial authors— is completely consistent, but Ávalos seems to choose his own way of 28 However, I was not able to consult a copy of the original 1608 edition, so I used the 1989 edition instead. Neither this nor the 1952 edition on which it is based are facsimiles. This must be taken into account, especially when discussing the spelling of particular words.

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writing, independent from them. González Holguín, for example, has “ppacha” (1989:691), “ppachha,” “pacha” (1989:270), Ávalos “ppacha” (376) (for modern Cuzco Quechua p’acha). We find “ppuc-ru” ‘pit’ (Ávalos 257, 258) but “pukru” (González Holguín 1989:293), “vsutta” ‘sandal’ (Ávalos 379) vs. “vssuta” (González Holguín 1989:359), usut’a (modern Cuzco Quechua); “attocc” ‘fox’ (Ávalos 330) vs. “atoc/atok” (González Holguín 1989:37), atuq (modern Cuzco Quechua). I would, however, like to suggest that this apparent inconsistency about glottalization and aspiration in Ávalos’s list and also in the sources throughout the centuries (see table 1) may not be due entirely to the authors’ confusion; it is possible that it shows the instability of these sounds as phonemes until as late as the end of the eighteenth century. Throughout his Spanish text, Ávalos uses primarily modern orthography also with respect to the sibilants.29 He uses the same letters for the Quechua sibilants as he does in his Spanish words which contain sibilants, and his use of the sibilants in Quechua is to a certain extent consistent in itself. There is no {ç}.30 All of the words that sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Quechua sources wrote with this letter are, in his Quechua words, written either with {z} or {s}, apparently both used interchangeably, with a tendency to use {z} more often than {s}. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century syllable-final {z} is always represented as {s} by Ávalos.31 In Ávalos, there is no {ss}, as González Holguín writes it, but the fact that the Third Lima Council texts from 1584/85 do not use {ss}32 leaves it an open question whether Ávalos copied an old orthography (as in the Council texts) or used a new one (postGonzález Holguín). Today, Southern Peruvian Quechua has only one sibilant left. So, on the whole, Ávalos’s usage of a simpler system of sibilants than

29 With a few exceptions, such as “trage,” “extrangeras,” “muger,” “trabaxo,” and in some cases {y} instead of {i}, as in “bayle,” as well as alternating {qua} and {cua} in “quando/ cuando.” At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Real Academia Española simplified most of these orthographies which no longer represented sound distinctions, but people still continue to write some of the older forms (Lapesa 1985:421–24). 30 In the first half of the eighteenth century, the Real Academia Española abolished the letter {ç} and introduced the distribution of {c} with front vowels and {z} with back vowels, still valid (Lapesa 1985:422). 31 González Holguín (1989:51) “cauça-” becomes Ávalos (146) “cáuza-,” “vicça” (1989:351) becomes “vicza” (45), “çua” (1989:86) becomes “zua” (395), “çapa” (1989:673, s.v. sombria cosa) becomes “sapa” (218), “yzccon” (1989:370) becomes “yscon” (456), “cazco” (1989:620 s.v. pecho) becomes “casco” (44). See Mannheim (1991:166–67, table 7.3) for a list of the sibilant-containing words in different colonial sources and a detailed discussion of the sibilant problem (1991:153–76). 32 Mannheim (1991:170–71, table 7.4).

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that found in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century sources shows that his material fits chronologically between seventeenth-century and modern usage.33 However, some other phonological features of Ávalos’s work seem to reflect a slightly earlier stage (i.e., before the eighteenth-century changes), as can be seen in the accusative form “-cta” (417, not -ta, as in modern Quechua), the semi-consonant diphthong “punchau” (430– 432), “vauque” (8) (not punchay, wayqi ), the syllable-end affricate “pichca” (451, not pisqa), and the final stop in “ñocanchic” (105, not ñuqanchis), assertative “-m” (435, 439) and “-n” (436, 437), not just -n, as in modern Cuzco Quechua, as well as genitive “-p” in “apup” (411, not -pa as in modern Ayacucho Quechua or -q [-x] as in modern Cuzco Quechua). According to Mannheim (1991:150–52), these changes occurred gradually throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. However, it is not possible to date exactly the Ollanta manuscripts which Mannheim uses as his main data base, so Ávalos, in his seemingly more conservative usage,34 may well be in line with his contemporaries, i.e., the changes may have occurred only toward the end of the eighteenth century.35 7. Final remarks. With respect to the author of the vocabulary, the preceding observations show that he was aware of the Quechua sound system of his time and probably did not simply copy older sources—not surprising when we take into consideration that he taught Quechua at the university.

33

Only one word is not given in its modern form with initial {s} but instead with initial {h}: “hacha” (247, 273, 276, 279). González Holguín (1989:74: “çachha, o hacha”) still offers both; today hacha is used in Central Peruvian dialects (e.g., in Parker and Chávez 1976:60) but not in the Southern Peruvian ones, which have sacha. 34 It is improbable, in my opinion, that Ávalos would have written “apup” if it was actually being pronounced /apuq/ [apux] and “vauque” if it was pronounced /wayqi/. (The opening of the vowels which accompany postvelar consonants is an allophonic phenomenon; there are only three phonemic vowels—/a/, /i/, /u/—in Quechua.) This would have meant that he either did not know Quechua and only consulted old grammars or that he chose a highly conservative, etymological orthography. 35 It is interesting that the Tercero Catecimo, republished in 1773, shows virtually the same changes in the sibilants and the same conservatism in the syllable-end stops and in “-cta,” a further indication that the AGI vocabulary reflects the changes of its time. I would suggest, however, that we be cautious with this kind of conclusion because in order to be definitive we would need to be sure that eighteenth-century published works did not use old orthographies. Furthermore, we would also need an exact comparison with the development of the (Latin American) Spanish sound system in relation to its orthography in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Only then could we be sure that Quechua writing in the eighteenth century does not use an archaic orthography and/or simply reflect the Spanish conventions but is the Quechua language’s own development.

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Certain inconsistencies may be due to the difficulty even a native speaker might have in recognizing and describing systematically the sound system of his mother tongue. However, it is also possible that Ávalos was from Southern Peru, but not from Cuzco, and therefore did not have in his own dialect the typical Cuzco aspirated and glottalized stops and other features peculiar to that variety; it would therefore have been very difficult for him to describe them adequately. Another scenario would be that Ávalos was not a native Quechua speaker at all; however, his inclusion of a number of idiomatic expressions as well as the usage of an orthographic system of his own makes this rather improbable, unless—as a nonnative speaker—he had studied the language very thoroughly. With respect to the development of Southern Peruvian Quechua, the materials examined here are a useful piece in the chronological mosaic because this is a dated source, as opposed to the frequently used theatrical manuscripts. However, some caution is necessary because, especially with respect to his glosses, Ávalos obviously makes extensive use of González Holguín’s work. Ávalos’s reference to González Holguín thus shows that even more than 150 years after the latter’s works were published, they were still used in the study of the Quechua language. With the publication of Ávalos’s vocabulary, old questions are raised again, and although the data he provides help us understand more of eighteenth-century Quechua, these questions also create new ones, for example, about the glottalization and aspiration process of Cuzco Quechua and about what a changing orthographic usage really implies: changes in Quechua, the reflection of changes in Spanish, or just an idiosyncratic way of writing. I hope that with the publication of Ávalos’s vocabulary I have shed some further light on eighteenth-century Quechua, having tried to cope with his data and their analysis—to quote Ávalos (Appendix C, fol. 2r)—“in the best way my small talent permits, in the Quechua language, which is my profession and understanding.” Appendixes A–F contain transcriptions of the documents in Mapas y Planos: Escritura y Cifra 40.36

36 This document is followed by a presentation and vocabulary of the Aymara language (Mapas y Planos, Escritura y Cifra 41). Both documents are preceded by a cover sheet which assigns them to the section Indiferente General, Legajo no. 1342, Documento 14, where they were kept before they were transferred to Mapas y Planos, Escritura y Cifra. The documents presented below are written in three different hands: Appendix A by one hand, Appendix B by another one, and Appendixes C–E by a third one which seems to belong to Ávalos Chauca himself, who signs it.

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APPENDIX A Letter from the Peruvian Viceroy to Antonio Porlier 1[fol. 1r] [left column:] N. 66 El Virrey del Perù37 Remite traducidas en la lengua yndica las palabras castellanas que con Real Orden de 13 de Noviembre de 1787 se le dirixieron para este efecto, y acompaña una lista de los libros que por separado en un caxoncito de madera dirixe en esta propia ocasion. P38 [main text:] Excelentísimo Señor Luego que recivi la Real Orden de 13 de noviembre del año pasado de 787 libré quantas providencias me parecieron conducentes à fin de recoger uno, ò dos exemplares de cada vno de los libros, contenidos en la lista que con el numero primero se me acompañaba, y que se tradujesen en quantas lenguas yndicas fuese posible las palabras de la lista n.o 2.o De resultas de esta extrechas providencias, hè conseguido los libros que comprehende la adjunta lista, y remito en esta propia oca-[fol. 1v]sion en un caxoncito de madera forrado en lienzo, y rotulado a Vuestra Excelencia. De ellos algunos no son de los pedidos, pero como conciernen à un mismo obgeto, y pueden dar luz en la materia, me hà parecido combeniente dirigirlos. Ygualmente remito à Vuestra Excelencia traducidas en las lenguas quechua, y aymara las palabras castellanas de la lista n.o 2.o, habiendose verificado esto en el mejor orden, y metodo que hà sido posible para su mayor claridad; como reconocerá Vuestra Excelencia por las mismas traducciones que originales le acompaño, para evitar el que en las copias de ellas, se omitiese alguna puntuacion, ò letra que hiciese va-[fol. 2r]riar el significado de la diccion. En la propia forma, y segun vaya reciviendo, remitire à Vuestra Excelencia las demas traducciones que tengo pedidas en otros varios ydiomas; lo que participo à Vuestra Excelencia por ahora en contestacion à la Real Orden citada. Dios guarde à Vuestra Excelencia m.s a.s Lima y febrero 28 de 1789 Excelentísimo Señor El Cavallero De Croix [bottom line:] Excelentísimo Señor don Antonio Porlier. 37 As to the transcription conventions, spelling, accents, and punctuation have been maintained as in the original, but the word limits and the use of initial word capitals have been adapted to modern usage. Abbreviations have been completed according to modern orthography where possible. 38 Each of the following documents also has “N. 66” and “P” written at its left margin.

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APPENDIX B List of Books [fol. 1r] Razon de los libros que se dirigen al Excelentísimo Señor don Antonio Porlier secretario de Estado, y del Despacho de gracia, justicia, y materias eclesiasticas de Yndias, por el Virrey del Perù don Teodoro de Croix, en cumplimiento de la Real Orden de 13 de noviembre del año pasado de 1787. A saver. La gramatica quichuana del Padre Diego González Holguín, impresa en Lima en 1607 en 4.o con el lexicon quichuanum del mismo autor, impreso en Lima en 1608 en 4.o reunidos ambos en vn tomo. La gramatica aymarà del Padre Ludovico Bertonio reimpresa en la Provincia de Chucuyto el año de 1612 en 8.o por duplicado. El vocabulario de dicha lengua aymarà por el mismo autor en 4.o Gramatica y diccionario de la lengua moxa, por duplicado Ydem de la lengua chilena por duplicado. Nueva ediccion [sic] de la gramatica quichuana del Padre Torres Bubio [sic: for Rubio], hecha en Lima el año de 1754 en 8.o La doctrina christiana, formada, ò traducida en lengua quichua por el lizenciado Bocanegra en 4.o Los evangelios con los sermones del Dr. [fol. 1v] Davila en folio.39 3 9 Lima y febrero 28 de 1789. Varea

39

These works are the following: González Holguín, Diego: Gramatica y arte nveva de la lengva general de todo el Peru, llamada lengua qquichua, o lengua del Inca. Francisco del Canto: Los Reyes [Lima], 1607. Vocabvlario de la lengva general de todo el Perv llamada lengua qquichua o del Inca. Francisco del Canto: Los Reyes [Lima], 1608. Bertonio, Ludovico: Arte de la lengva aymara, con vna silva de phrases de la misma lengua, y su declaracion en romance. Francisco del Canto: Juli, Prouincia de Chucuyto, 1612. Vocabvlario de la lengva aymara. Francisco del Canto: Juli, Prouincia de Chucuyto, 1612. Probably Marbán, Pedro: Arte de la lengua moxa con su vocabulario y cathecismo . . . , Lima, 1701 (from Tovar and Larrucea de Tovar 1984:131). Either Valdivia, Luis de: Arte y gramática general de la lengva qve corre en todo el Reyno de Chile, con vn vocabulario, y confessonario [sic]. Lima: Francisco del Canto, 1606; or Febrés, Andrés: Arte de la lengua general del reyno de Chile, con un diálogo chileno-hispano muy curioso: a que se añade la Doctrina Christiana, . . . y por fin un vocabulario hispano-chileno, y un calepino chileno-hispano mas copioso. Lima: Calle de la Encarnación, 1765. It

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APPENDIX C Explanatory Letter by José Joaquín Ávalos Chauca [fol. 1r] Excelentísimo Señor Me manda Vuestra Excelencia en conseqüencia de un Real Orden que se le ha comunicado por el Ministerio sobre que se viertan en los ydiomas que usan los yndios naturales de las provincias sujetas à este Virreynato las dicciones contenidas en la Lista N.o 2.o que se me ha remitido por la Secretaria de Cámara, tome à mi cargo este cuidado; dàndole à Vuestra Excelencia de antemano razon de quales son estos idiomas, para desempeñar con la exactitud debida un encargo tan respetable y circunstanciado. Y deseando satisfacer este mandato, con que Vuestra Excelencia se sirve honrarme, he procurado examinar con la prolixidad correspondiente, en què idiomas se explican en el dia los yndios de estas provincias. En fuerza de mi diligencia he llegado à entender, que las que pueden llamarse con propriedad lenguas diferentes, para el efecto que se solicita solamente son la general del Perù, que llaman quechua, la aymarà, la chimu, y la de Chile; porque estas en la realidad se distinguen, no menos en la expresion de las voces, que en el dialecto, y fabrica de la oracion. Pues aunque es cierto, que algunos pueblos usan la que llaman chinchaysuyu, otros la que nombran cauqui, y muchos varias lenguas inominadas: estas no merecen el nombre de lenguas diferentes de la quechua; pues la chinchaysuyu, casi no se distingue de ella, sino en una corta variacion de los modos y frases de explicarse, y en la corrupcion de algunas dicciones, y forma de la construccion. La cauqui pura, apenas se habla en tal qual pueblo de las provincias Yauyu, Yaulli, y otras; explicandose sus naturales comunmente en la general corrompida, como la antecedente: de manera que los que hablan la quechua, con gran facilidad entienden este genero de [fol. 1v] idioma mixto. Esta variedad, y otra que proviene de la diversa pronunciacion de las dicciones, y de las letras, tanto vocales, como consonantes, hace parecer diferente un mismo idiomas [sic] en diversos lugares; y es por lo que dixe, no deberia calificar de varias, en el rigor de esta palabra, las lenguas que oy usan los yndios en el distrito de este Virreynato. Solo restan pues las lenguas quechua, aymarà, chimu, y [de] Chile en razon de idiomas verdaderamente diversos. Las dos primeras, aun desde que fueron sujetos estos reynos à la dominacion española, se consideraron idiomas diferentes, y su inteligencia de la mayor importancia; asi por ser la quechua, general en todo el Perù, y la ayis rather improbable that it could have been Havestadt, Bernard: Chilidúgu sive Res chilenses. Typis Aschendorfiansis: Monasterii Westphaliae, 1777. Torres Rubio, Diego de/Juan de Figueredo/Jesuita anónimo: Arte, y vocabulario de la lengua quichua general de los indios de el Perú. Lima: Imprenta de la Plazuela de San Christoval, 1754. Pérez Bocanegra, Ivan: Ritval formvlario, e institvcion de cvras,. . . . Lima: Geronymo de Contreras, 1631. Ávila, Francisco de: Tratado de los Evangelios, qve nvestra madre la iglesia propone en todo el año. . . . 2 vols. [Lima, 1646– 48].

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marà usual y propria de la region que lleva su nombre, habitada de muchas gentes: como porque su dialecto, siendo mas culto y expresivo, fue mas facil instruir à los yndios que las hablaban, explicándoles en ellas los mysterios de la fé cathólica con mayor propriedad y decoro. Por lo què el 3. Concilio Provincial Limano del año de 1582. en el Cap. 3. de la Accion 5. en conseqüencia de lo decretado en la Sesion 2. Cap. 26. del 2.o Provincial celebrado en 1567. manda, que aprobado el Cathecismo, y Confesionario dispuesto de orden de este Concilio en ambas lenguas quechua, y aymarà, se encomiende à los párrocos de yndios ùsen de ellos en la administracion del sacramento de la penitencia, è instruccion de la doctrina christiana;40 como en efecto empezò à practicarse, y aun oy se observa en estas provincias. La lengua chimu se habla en la provincia de Lambayeque, hasta los términos de la de Piura; ella es enteramente diversa de las dos mensionadas, y de las demas que se hablan en las serranias, asi en las voces, como en el dialecto; y su pronunciacion es sumamente dificil, asemejandose mucho à la lengua mexicana. Ygnoro si de ella se haya compuesto arte, ò algunas traducciones, como se han hechos [sic] de las dos referidas. Lo cierto es, que para el efecto de cathequizar à los yndios, y aun para el trato civil, es casi de ningun uso; porque en esta costa, por la freqüente versacion con los españoles, han aprendido los yndios el idioma castellano con tal perfeccion, que lo hablan, y entienden, como si les fuera nativo. [fol. 2r] La lengua de Chile hablan los yndios de aquel reyno. Nada tiene ella comun con los idiomas de este; porque no habiendo los yncas sujetado enteramente aquellas naciones à su imperio, no pudieron introducir en ellas el uso de la lengua general del Perù, como practicaban en sus conquistas, por una maxima política, utilisima al gobierno. De todo resulta, que en el distrito de este Virreynato solo se usan entre los yndios las quatro referidas. La primera en la provincia del Cuzco, y sus comarcanas; la segunda en algunos pueblos que oy estan cerca de la raya que divide este Virreynato del de Buenos Ayres; la tercera en Lambayeque, y pueblos de la costa, desde esa provincia, hasta la de Piura; y la quarta en el reyno de Chile. Es lo que puedo decir à Vuestra Excelencia cerca del primer artículo que contiene su superior mandato. En lo que toca à la traduccion de las dicciones contenidas en la lista, solo puedo encargarme de hacerla, del mejor modo que me permita mi corto ingenio, en la lengua quechua, que es la de mi profesion è inteligencia.

40

With respect to the Second Lima Council, Ávalos seems to get the chapter wrong. It is in the second part, paragraph 2, that an authorized catechism for the indigenous population is asked for (Vargas Ugarte 1951:24) and this section is referred to in the Third Council documents (Lisi 1990:124). But as there are different manuscripts of the proceedings of the Councils, it cannot be conclusively said that Ávalos is wrong. The Third Lima Council’s Accíon 5, cap. 3, “Acerca del confesionario,” is on the confessionary that has to be translated into Quechua and Aymara and will be given to the parish priests together with the catechism (Lisi 1990:224/225). Ávalos probably (also) means Acción 2, cap. 3, “De la redacción y edición de un catecismo,” which is a detailed instruction to produce an authorized catechism in indigenous languages to be used to teach the Indians the Christian doctrine (Lisi 1990:124/125).

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Dios guarde la importante vida de Vuestra Excelencia m.s a. Lima, septiembre 3. de 1788. Excelentísimo Señor Beso la mano [?] de Vuestra Excelencia Su mas obediente siervo y capellan Josè Joaquin Avalos Chauca. [lower left margin:] Excelentísimo Señor don Teodoro de Croix.

APPENDIX D Ávalos Chauca’s Explanation of Quechua Orthography and Pronunciation [fol. 3r] Ha prevenido prudentisimamente el Real Orden, se indique en la traduccion de las dicciones contenidas en la lista N. 2. la ortografia que se haya seguido para expresarlas. Advertencia tan importante en el asunto; que sin ella, ademas de no mostrarse la propriedad con que deben pronunciarse las voces, se expondria à equivocaciones muy considerables su inteligencia: pues: aunque los yndios ignoraron el arte de explicarse por letras, ó caracteres que expresan la pronunciacion de las palabras, variaron de ordinario la significacion de ellas con solo el modo mas ò menos fuerte de la pronunciacion. Asi esta diccion Ttanta, pronunciada la primera T. con fuerza, significa Pan, y articulada con suavidad y sencillez, significa congregacion ò junta de personas. Baste este exemplo para justificar la necesidad dè expresar con los caracteres la diferencia de las voces. En esta inteligencia se debe advertir, que aunque los yndios no conocen en su idioma general, ò lengua quechua la pronunciacion de las letras B.D.F.G.J.L. sencilla, y X; pero usan de otras articulaciones que justamente equivalen à estas letras: Cc, Qq. Tt. Vu. Ch. Th; reconociendose, que la fuerza con que se pronuncian las unas, y el diverso sonido de las otras conduce à distinguir las significaciones. Asimismo se debe notar, que no haciendo uso de la L. sencilla, siempre la usan doble, con el mismo sonido que en español pronunciamos esta letra doblada: como al contrario jamas pronuncian la R. doble, ò aspera, sino siempre suave y simple, ya sea en el principio, ya en el medio de la diccion: Que ninguna consonante hiere à otra; y asi se pronuncian como separadas en las dicciones donde concurren. Asi no se pronuncia Ricra, sino Ric-ra: Que ninguna diccion tiene acento agudo [fol. 3v] en la ùltima silaba, sino todas le tienen en la penùltima: à excepcion de las dicciones que acaban en dos vocales, las quales tienen el acento en la antepenúltima; asi se pronuncian estas voces Mícui, Múnai. Como las palabras son expresiones de las ideas, y estas no se pueden tener, sino de las cosas conocidas; no pudieron las gentes de este payz formar concepto de muchas cosas de que no tubieron noticia; ò porque ellas no se presentaron à sus sentidos como fueron las que no existieron en este continente, y vinieron à èl por el comercio con la Europa; ò porque careciendo de arte de pensar, y los principios de la religion ver-

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dadera, no pudieron elevar la mente à las abstracciones, y otras operaciones de espíritu que piden consideraciones sublimes, y reflexiones hechas con método y arte: por cuya razon no les pudieron dar nombre, ni expresarlas en su idioma. Sin embargo ya la comunicacion con los españoles, y la necesidad de oir, y entender el cathecismo les ha hecho adoptar muchas voces extrañas, significativas de cosas que ignoraron, enriqueciendo con ellas su idioma, como ha acontecido à todas las naciones del mundo, aun las mas cultas. Bien es verdad que usan de ellas, vistiendolas, por decirlo asi, al trage indiano, ésto es, reduciendo su pronunicacion al dialecto y sonido de su idioma. Asi dicen Caüallo por Caballo, Ceüolla, por Cebolla, Üaca [written with a capital V with dieresis], por Baca. Y aun en algunas ya han admitido el uso de las letras que no pronunciaban; asi dicen Dios, Trigo, sin embargo de serles desconocidas la D y la G. Estas voces extrangeras, que ya estan adoptadas en el idioma indiano, iran notadas en la traducion con esta señal (*) para distinguirlas de las genuinas y proprias de esta lengua. Con esta breve nota entro y en la traduccion.

APPENDIX E The Vocabulary according to the Manuscript41 [fol. 4r / col. 1] 1

Dios

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Padre Madre Hijo Hija Hermano Hermana Marido Muger

con con con con

respecto respecto respecto respecto

por el sexo

al padre à la madre al padre à la madre

Este nombre sacrosanto pudiera quizà traducirse por el de Pachacamac, que propriamente significa Hacedor, Conservador, y Alimentador del Vniverso. Pero siendo este asunto tan delicado en la religion, los autores que han compuesto cathecismos, y otras obras sagradas, se han abstenido justamente del uso de esta voz para significar la divinidad, tomando la castellana. Dios [no tiene *] Yaya Mama Churi Vuauua Vsusi Vuauua Vauque Pana Coza Huarmi

41

In the transcription, the Quechua entries have been numbered for easier reference. For an alphabetic ordering of the Quechua entries, see Appendix F.

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Consorte del marido: se le debe añadir la particula posesiva que corresponde à la persona de este. Mia Tuya Suya 12

Huarmii Huarmiiqui Huarmin

Doncella No hay una diccion que corresponda à esta voz. Asi significa esta ca[fol. 4r/2]

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

lidad mugeril por una circumlocucion que la da à entender: Muger, à quien no ha llegado varon Mozo Niño Hombre por la especie por el sexo Gentes Cabeza Cara Nariz Narices Ojo Cejas Pestañas Oreja Frente Cabellos Mexillas Boca Garganta Labio el superior el inferior Diente Lengua Barba parte inferior del rostro el pelo de ella Cuello Hombro Codo

Manam ccarip recsiscan huarmi Huayna Huarma Runa Ccari Runa-runa Huma Vya Cenca Cenca-cuna Ñaui Qquesip-ra Zap-ra Rinri Matti Chuccha Ccacclla Simi Ccuncca Cip-ri Virpa Quiru Ccallu Ccaqui Zuncca Ccuncca Ric-ra Chuchuch

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Mano Brazo Dedos Uñas Pecho Vientre Espalda Pie

Maqui Maqui Ruccana Sillu Casco Vicza Huasa Chaqui

[fol. 4v/1] 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

Rodilla Corazon Estomago Sangre Leche Piel Carne Hueso Oido la oreja el sentido Vista Ver Gusto Olfato Oler acto del sentido despedir olor Tacto Voz Hablar Razonamiento Palabra Nombre Gritar Grito Ruido Ahullido Llorar Reir Cantar Estornudar Temblar Suspirar Bostezar Silvar Echarse

Concor Sonco [sic] Yahuar Ñuñu Ccara Aicha Tullu Rinri Vyarina Ricuna Ricui Mallina Mutquina Mutquii Asnai Llamcana Ccuncca Rimai Chayaqquen-simi Simi Sutti Hapllaicáchai Hatun-ccuncca Huáccai Huaccainin Huáccai Acii Táquii Hachícui Cúyui Anchii Haniaíllii Huichichíchii Cirícui

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216

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Pára (tu) Yr Vé (tu) Véte Dormir Sueño (gana de dormir) Saltar

Sayácui Rii Rii Purii Púñui Puñanáyai Pahuarícui

[fol. 4v/2] 90

91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105

Tener

Correr Baylar Amar Amor Gozoso Gozo Tristeza Dolor Pena Trabaxo Perezoso Yo Tu Aquel Nosotros Este pronombre se dice de dos modos; que es necesario distinguir bien. Quando en el contexto de la oracion se incluye à la

no hay un verbo que lo signifique. Pero se expresa mui bien con esta partícula yoc añadida al nombre que significa la cosa tenida, y el verbo cai, que significa ser. Por exemplo: Tengo plata; se dice con elegancia: Collquiyoc cani: que es lo mismo que: soy poseedor de plata. Huairacáchai Túsui Múnai Múnai Cusicuillam Cusícui Llaquícui Nanácui Putiimánai Ñacarícui Qquellacuc Ñoca Cam Chàcai

[fol. 5r/1] persona, ò personas, con quienes se habla; se ha de decir

Ñocanchic

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107 108 109 110 111 112 113

114 115 116 117 118

Asi cuando, hablando un varon con otro le dixera: Nosotros los hombres: deberia decir: Ñocanchic ccari. Pero si la persona con quien se habla, no puede incluirse en la misma razon, ò calidad; entonces se ha de decir Como si hablando ellos con una muger dixeran: Nosotros los hombres, habian de decir: Ñocaicu ccari Vosotros Aquellos Ser Yo soy Tu eres El es Nosotros somos Se varia baxo la misma advertencia hecha en la diccion Nosotros; y asi se dice Vosotros sois Aquellos son Fuè Comer

Ñocaicu Camquichic Chaicuna Cai Cani Canqui Can

Canchic, ò Caicu Canquichic Can, ò Cancu Carcan Mícui

[fol. 5r/2] 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126

127

Yo como Tu comes Aquel come Beber Nutrir Tomar Sacudir (Golpear) Llevar No hay un verbo que signifique esta accion indeterminada: sino otros tantos verbos, quantos son los modos de esta accion. Por eso. Llevar à cuestas Llevar en brazos

Micuni Micunqui Micun *Vpiai *Vinayacui Hatallii Maccai

Apai Márcai

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218

128

129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146

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Levar [sic] en andas Y asi se varía el verbo de muchos modos: sobre que se deben consultar los diccionarios. Echar Desgarrar Verter Dar Dà (dà tu) Cortar Ocultar Fuerza Facultad Poder Parir Familia Los parientes Los criados Matrimonio respecto del varon à la muger: de la muger al varon Nupcias Viuda Vivir

Huántui Vischuicúpui Nacarcárii Híchay Coi Coi Cúchui Pácai Callpa Atípai Atípai Huáchai Ayllomacicuna Yanacuna Huarmiyácui Cozayácui *Nupcia-cuna Ycma Cáuzai

[fol. 5v/1] 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166

Vida Cuerpo Estatura Espíritu Alma Morir Muerte Viejo Joven Grande Pequeño Alto Baxo Frio Caliente Ardiente Sano Bien (adverbio) Bueno Dichoso

Cáuzai Vcu Sáyai *Espíritu *Alma Huáñui Huáñui Machu Huaina Hatun Húchui Zuni Vra Chiri Ccoñic Rupac Allilla-cainiyoc Allillam Alli Cusiyoc

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167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188

Malvado Mal Estulto Capaz Hermoso Agudo Redondo Círculo Bola Ligero Pesado Duro Fuerte Endeble Delgado Grueso Ancho Presto Lento Blanco Negro Encarnado

Acuilla Mana-alli Vpa Yachaipac Zumac Ñaupiyoc Rumpu Muyu Ccororumpa Manallasac Llasac Anac Cinchi Hiuicac Llañu Racu Químray Vtcalla Allillamanta-puric Yurac Yana Llamca panti

[fol. 5v/2] 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209

Verde Amarillo Azul Sol Luna Estrella Cielo Niebla Nube Arco Yris Rayo Ayre Viento Ventilar Turbonada Vracan Vapor Lluvia Rocío Granizo Trueno

Ccomer Carhua Ancas Ynti Quilla Coillur Hanac-pacha Huapci Ppuyu Ccuichi Yllapa Huaira Huaira Huairan-pucúmui Antai-cónchui Paria-cónchui [sic] Huapci Para Sulla-sulla Chicchi Ccaccaccáccai

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220

210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233

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Relámpago Nieve Frio Elada Yelo Fuego Lumbre Sombra Sombrio Dia Noche Mañana Tarde Oriente Occidente Septentrion Mediodia Verano Ynvierno Otoño Primavera Hora Semana Año

Lliulliú-ñii Ritti Chiri Caza Caza Nina Raurac-nina Llamtu Llamtusapa Púnchau Tuta Pacarin Chisi Yntip-llocsimunan Yntip-yaucunan *Septentrion *Mediodia Rúpai-mita Párai-mita Aimúrai-mita Chirau-pacha *Hora *Semana Huata

[fol. 6r/1] 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252

Tiempo Mundo Tierra Agua Mar Rio Lago Olas Ysla Arena Arcilla Polvo Cieno Montaña Rivera

de rio de lago

Colina Valle Profundidad

Pacha Ticsi-muyu-pacha Allpa Yacu Mama-Ccocha Mayu Ccocha Pocchin Huatta Tiu Llamca-allpa Allpa-ccosni Charan Hacha-hacha Mayu-pata Ccocha-pata Vrco Huailla-pampa Vcu-cay

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253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276

Altura Anchura Longitud Agugero Foza Fozo Cueva Piedra Oro Plata Cobre Hierro Estaño Plomo Sal Cal Veneno Marabilla Verdura Yerba Arbol silvestre fructífero Leña Bosque

Hahuannin Quinrainin Zùni-cainin Vttcu Ppuc-ru Ppuc-ru Máchcai [sic] Rumi Cori Collqui Puca-anta Quíllai Chayanta Titi Cachi Yzcu Miu Vttichic Muya-yuyu Yuyu Hacha Mallqui Yamtta Hacha-hacha

[fol. 6r/2] 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295

Palo Raiz Tronco Corteza Rama Oja Flor Fruto Semilla Baya (fruta) Cebolla Nuez Manzana Encina Viña Llanura Campo Sembrar Trigo (en general)

Cullu Zapi Hachap-chaquin Cara Caclla Rapi Siza Mallquip-rurun Muhu *Vaya *Ceuolla *Nuez *Manzana *Encina *Vuas-mallqui Pampa Pampa Tárpui *Trigo

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222

296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321

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Trigo escogido Avena Abena Cebada Guisantes Animal Pescado Ballena Cangrejo Serpiente Rana Gusano Mosca Mosquito Hormiga Araña Abeja Miel Buey Baca Ternera Oveja Carnero Cabra Cuerno Caballo

*Acllasca-trigo *Auena *Abena *Ceuada *Guisantes Llama Challhua Vallena [no tiene *] Apaucórai [sic] Amaru Ccaira Ccuru Chuspi Huanhua Sisi Vru Huanccoiru Mizqui *Buey *Vaca *Ternera *Ouija *Carniro *Cap-ra Huacc-ra *Cauallo

[fol. 6v/1] 322 323 324

325 326

327 328 329 330 331 332 333

Camello Asno Cerdo A este animal deduciendole el nombre du su gruñido, llaman Perro Gato del mismo modo deducen el nombre de esta bestia, y le llaman Leon Oso Lobo Zorra Liebre Raton Gallina A esta ave, que no conocieron, sino despues de

*Camillo *Asno

Ccuchi Allco

Mizitu Puma Vcumari *Lobo Attocc *Liebre Hucucha

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la venida de los españoles, no pudieron darle nombre en su idioma. Pero hallando cierta proporcion entre el tono que hace el canto del gallo, y el nombre del Ynca Atahuallpa, la acomodaron este nombre, y asi le llaman Gallo Ganzo Pato

Atahuallpa Vrco-atahuallpa *Ganzo Ñuñuma

[fol. 6v/2] 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369

Pichon Aguila Cuervo Codorniz Páxaro Gorrion Golondrina Pluma corta larga Huevo Nido Pastor Arar Arado Carreta Rastrillo Cosecha Límite Casa Chosa Tienda Puerta Hogar Piso Ciudad Villa Seguir Medida Cuchillo Caldero Meza Banco Cuba

Chuchi Ahuancana Suyùntui *Codorniz Pizccu Paucarccori Yanacallhua Ppuru Patpa Runtu Qqueza Michi Yápui Yapuna *Carreta Pacpana Cállcai-pacha Caillan Huaci Chuclla Ccarpa Puncu Concha Allpa Ccapac-llacta Llacta Cátii Tupu Cuchuna Quellai-manca *Mesa Tiyana *Cuba

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224

370 371 372 373 374

375

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Navio Esquife Coche Acarrear Yr en coche Se puede decir en esta lengua, por esta oracion: ser llevado en coche Construir

Marca-huampu Huampu *Coche Astai

Cochepi rampasca cai Pírcai

[fol. 7r/1] 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409

Vestido Pelliza Media Zapato Gorro Faxa Seda Lana Algodon Lino Comida Crudo Cocer Cerveza Vino Azeyte Manteca Pan Dinero Ladron Guerra Soldado Contienda Bateria Arnez Casco Escudo Lanza Miseria Victoria Amigo Enemigo Señor Siervo cautivo en guerra

Ppacha Cara-ppacha *Media Vsutta Chucu Chumpi *Seda Millhua Vttcu *Lino Mícui Hanccu Huaícui Acca *Vino *Azeyte Vira Ttanta *Dinero Zua Auccanácui Cinchi-runa Auccanácui *Batéria *Árnez *Casco Pullcanca Chuqui Vsuc-cai Atírcui Ccochomazi Aucca Apu Piñas

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410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417

comprado Príncipe Rey Guardia Ley Yugo Leer Escribir

Rantisca-runa Ccapac Apup Churin Zápai-Apu Chapatiyac Camachicusca simi *Yugo Quellcacta rícui Quéllcai

[fol. 7r/2] 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447 448 449 450 451 452

Principio Fin Sí No

negando prohibiendo

Ahora Antes Despues Cerca Lexos Aquí Allà Ayer Oy Mañana Hè aquí O (particula disyuntiva) Como Donde Quando Què Quien Con quien Con què Baxo Sobre Sin En Numero Vno Dos Tres Quatro Cinco Seis

Callarícui Ppuchúcai Y . . . Ari Manam Ama Cunam Ñaupa Caimanta Cailla Caru Caipi Chaiman Caina punchau Cunan punchau Ccaya punchau Caimi Cairi Hinam Maipin Maipachan Yma Pim Pihuan Ymahuan Vcupi Hahuapi Nac Pi Haicaccai Huc Yscai Quimza Tahua Pichca Socta

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Siete Ocho Nueve Dies Onze Veinte Treinta Ciento Mil

Canchis Pusac Yscon Chunca Chunca-hucniyoc Yscai-chunca Quimza-chunca Pachacc Huaranca

APPENDIX F The Vocabulary Ordered Alphabetically Quechua Acca Acii Acuilla Ahuancana Aicha Aimúrai-mita Allco Alli Allilla-cainiyoc Allillam Allillamanta-puric Allpa Allpa Allpa-ccosni Ama Ancas Anchii Antai-cónchui Apai Apaucórai [sic] Apu Asnai Astai Atahuallpa Atípai Atípai Atírcui Attocc Aucca

Spanish Cerveza Reir Malvado Aguila Carne Otoño Perro Bueno Sano Bien (adverbio) Lento Piso Tierra Polvo No (prohibiendo) Azul Suspirar Turbonada Llevar à cuestas Cangrejo Señor Oler (despedir olor) Acarrear Gallina Facultad Poder Victoria Zorra Enemigo

Quechua Auccanácui Auccanácui Ayllomacicuna Cachi Caclla Cailla Caimi Caina punchau Caipi Cairi Callarícui Cállcai-pacha Callpa Cam Camachicusca simi Camquichic Can Can, ò Cancu Canchic, ò Caicu Canchis Cani Canqui Canquichic Cara Cara-ppacha Carcan Carhua Caru

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Spanish Contienda Guerra Familia (parientes) Sal Rama Cerca Hè aquí Ayer Aquí O Principio Cosecha Fuerza Tu Ley Vosotros El es Aquellos son Nosotros somos Siete Yo soy Tu eres Vosotros sois Corteza Pelliza Fuè Amarillo Lexos

quechua vocabulary (1788)

Quechua Casco Cátii Cáuzai Cáuzai Caza Caza Ccaccaccáccai Ccacclla Ccaira Ccallu Ccapac Apup Churin Ccapac-llacta Ccaqui Ccari Ccarpa Ccaya punchau Ccocha Ccocha-pata Ccochomazi Ccomer Ccoñic Ccororumpa Ccuchi Ccuichi Ccuncca Ccuncca Ccuncca Ccuru Cenca Cenca-cuna Chàcai Chaicuna Chaiman Challhua Chapatiyac Chaqui Charan Chayanta Chayaqquen-simi Chicchi Chirau-pacha Chiri Chisi Chuccha

Spanish Pecho Seguir Vida Vivir Elada Yelo Trueno Mexillas Rana Lengua Príncipe Ciudad Barba (rostro) Hombre Tienda Mañana Lago Rivera (de lago) Amigo Verde Caliente Bola Cerdo Arco Yris Cuello Garganta Voz Gusano Nariz Narices Aquel Aquellos Allà Pescado Guardia Pie Cieno Estaño Razonamiento Granizo Primavera Frio Tarde Cabellos

Quechua Chuchi Chuchuch Chuclla Chucu Chunca Chunca-hucniyoc Chuqui Churi Chuspi Cinchi Cinchi-runa Cip-ri Cirícui Cochepi rampasca cai Coi Coi Coillur Collqui Collquiyoc cani Concha Concor Cori Coza Cozayácui Cúchui Cuchuna Cullu Cunam Cunan punchau Cusícui Cusicuillam Cusiyoc Cúyui Hacha Hacha-hacha Hacha-hacha Hachap-chaquin Huhuannin Hahuapi Haicaccai Hanac-pacha Hanccu Haniaíllii

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Spanish Pichon Codo Chosa Gorro Dies Onze Lanza Hijo Mosca Fuerte Soldado Labio superior Echarse ser llevado en coche Dà (dà tu) Dar Estrella Plata Tener Hogar Rodilla Oro Marido Matrimonio (varon) Cortar Cuchillo Palo Ahora Oy Gozo Gozoso Dichoso Temblar Arbol (silvestre) Bosque Montaña Tronco Altura Sobre Numero Cielo Crudo Bostezar

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Quechua Hapllaicáchai Hatallii Hatun Hatun-ccuncca Hichay Hinam Hiuicac Huáccai Huáccai Huaccainin Huacc-ra Huáchai Huaci Huaícui Huailla-pampa Huaina Huaira Huaira Huairacáchai Huairanpucúmui Huampu Huanccoiru Huanhua Huántui Huáñui Huáñui Huapci Huapci Huaranca Huarma Huarmiyácui Huasa Huata Huatta Huayna Huc Húchui Hucucha Huichichíchii Huma Llacta Llama Llamca panti

Spanish Gritar Tomar Grande Grito Verter Como Endeble Llorar Ruido Ahullido Cuerno Parir Casa Cocer Valle Joven Ayre Viento Correr Ventilar Esquife Abeja Mosquito Llevar en andas Morir Muerte Niebla Vapor Mil Niño Matrimonio (mujer) Espalda Año Ysla Mozo Vno Pequeño Raton Silvar Cabeza Villa Animal Encarnado

Quechua Llamca-allpa Llamcana Llamtu Llamtusapa Llañu Llaquícui Llasac Lliulliú-ñii Maccai (Golpear) Máchcai [sic] Machu Maipachan Maipin Mallina Mallqui Mallquip-rurun Mama Mama-Ccocha Mana-alli Manallasac Manam Manam ccarip recsiscan huarmi Maqui Maqui Marca-huampu Márcai Matti Mayu Mayu-pata Michi Mícui Mícui Micun Micuni Micunqui Millhua Miu Mizitu Mizqui Muhu Múnai Múnai Mutquii

SHORT

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Spanish Arcilla Tacto Sombra Sombrio Delgado Tristeza Pesado Relámpago Sacudir Cueva Viejo Quando Donde Gusto Arbol (fructífero) Fruto Madre Mar Mal Ligero No (negando) Doncella Brazo Mano Navio llevar en brazos Frente Rio Rivera (de rio) Pastor Comer Comida Aquel come Yo como Tu comes Lana Veneno Gato Miel Semilla Amar Amor Oler (sentido)

quechua vocabulary (1788)

Quechua Mutquina Muya-yuyu Muyu Nac Nacarcárii Nanácui Nina Ñacarícui Ñaui Ñaupa Ñaupiyoc Ñoca Ñocaicu Ñocanchic Ñuñu Ñuñuma Pácai Pacarin Pacha Pachacc Pacpana Pahuarícui Pampa Pampa Pana Para Párai-mita Paria-cónchui [sic] Patpa Paucarccori Pi Pichca Pihuan Pim Piñas Pírcai Pizccu Pocchin Ppacha Ppuc-ru Ppuc-ru Ppuchúcai Ppuru

Spanish Olfato Verdura Círculo Sin Desgarrar Dolor Fuego Trabaxo Ojo Antes Agudo Yo Nosotros Nosotros Leche Pato Ocultar Mañana Tiempo Ciento Rastrillo Saltar Campo Llanura Hermana Lluvia Ynvierno Vracan Pluma (larga) Gorrion En Cinco Con quien Quien Siervo (cautivo en guerra) Construir Páxaro Olas Vestido Foza Fozo Fin Pluma (corta)

Quechua Ppuyu Puca-anta Pullcanca Puma Púnchau Puncu Púñui Puñunáyai Purii Pusac Putiimánai Qquellacuc Qquesip-ra Qqueza Quellai-manca Quellcacta rícui Quéllcai Quilla Quíllai Químray Quimza Quimza-chunca Quinrainin Quiru Racu Rantisca-runa Rapi Raurac-nina Ric-ra Ricui Ricuna Rii Rii Rimai Rinri Rinri Ritti Ruccana Rumi Rumpu Runa Runa-runa

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Spanish Nube Cobre Escudo Leon Dia Puerta Dormir Sueño (gana de dormir) Véte Ocho Pena Perezoso Cejas Nido Caldero Leer Escribir Luna Hierro Ancho Tres Treinta Anchura Diente Grueso Siervo (comprado) Oja Lumbre Hombro Ver Vista Vé (tu) Yr Hablar Oido (oreja) Oreja Nieve Dedos Piedra Redondo Hombre Gentes

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Quechua Runtu Rupac Rúpai-mita Sayácui Sáyai Sillu Simi Simi Sisi Siza Socta Sonco Sulla-sulla Sutti Suyùntui Tahua Táquii Tárpui Ticsi-muyu-pacha Titi Tiu Tiyana Ttanta Tullu Tupu Túsui Tuta Vauque Vcu Vcu-cay Vcumari Vcupi Vicza Vinayacui Vira Virpa Vischuicúpui Vpa Vpiai Vra Vrco Vrco-atahuallpa Vru

Spanish Huevo Ardiente Verano Pára (tu) Estatura Uñas Boca Palabra Hormiga Flor Seis Corazon Rocío Nombre Cuervo Quatro Cantar Sembrar Mundo Plomo Arena Banco Pan Hueso Medida Baylar Noche Hermano Cuerpo Profundidad Oso Baxo Vientre Nutrir Manteca Labio inferior Echar Estulto Beber Baxo Colina Gallo Araña

Quechua Vsuc-cai Vsusi Vsutta Vtcalla Vttcu Vttcu Vttichic Vuauua Vuauua Vya Vyarina Y . . . Ari Yachaipac Yacu Yahuar Ymahuan Yamtta Yana Yanacallhua Yanacuna Yápui Yapuna Yaya Ycma Yllapa Yma Ynti Yntip-llocsimunan Yntip-yaucunan Yscai Yscai-chunca Yscon Yurac Yuyu Yzcu Zap-ra Zápai-Apu Zapi Zua Zumac Zuncca Zuni Zùni-cainin

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Spanish Miseria Hija Zapato Presto Agugero Algodon Marabilla Hija Hijo Cara Oido (sentido) Sí Capaz Agua Sangre Con què Leña Negro Golondrina Familia (criados) Arar Arado Padre Viuda Rayo Què Sol Oriente Occidente Dos Veinte Nueve Blanco Yerba Cal Pestañas Rey Raiz Ladron Hermoso Barba (pelo) Alto Longitud

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Spanish loanwords: *Árnez *Abena *Acllasca-trigo *Alma *Asno *Auena *Azeyte *Batéria *Buey *Camillo *Cap-ra *Carniro *Carreta *Casco *Cauallo *Ceuada *Ceuolla *Coche *Codorniz *Cuba *Dinero Dios *Encina *Espíritu

Arnez Abena Trigo escogido Alma Asno Avena Azeyte Bateria Buey Camello Cabra Carnero Carreta Casco Caballo Cebada Cebolla Coche Codorniz Cuba Dinero Dios Encina Espíritu

*Ganzo *Guisantes *Hora *Liebre *Lino *Lobo *Manzana *Media *Mediodia *Mesa *Nuez *Nupcia-cuna *Ouija *Seda *Semana *Septentrion *Ternera *Trigo *Vaca Vallena *Vaya *Vino *Vuas-mallqui *Yugo

Ganzo Guisantes Hora Liebre Lino Lobo Manzana Media Mediodia Meza Nuez Nupcias Oveja Seda Semana Septentrion Ternera Trigo (en general) Baca Ballena Baya (fruta) Vino Viña Yugo

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Torres Rubio, Diego de. 1619. Arte de la Lengva Qvichva. Lima: Francisco Lasso. Torres Rubio, Diego de, and Juan de Figueredo. 1700. Arte de la Lengua Quichua. Nvevamente van añadidos los romances, el cathecismo pequeño, todas las oraciones, los días de fiesta, y ayunos de los Indios, el vocabulario añadido, y otro vocabulario de la lengua Chinchaisuyo. Lima: Joseph de Contreras. Torres Rubio, Diego de; Juan de Figueredo; and Anonymous Jesuit. 1754. Arte, y Vocabulario de la Lengua Quichua General de los Indios de el Perú. Que compuso el Padre Diego de Torres Rubio de la Compañia de Jesvs, y añadido el P. Juan de Figueredo de la misma Compañia. Ahora nuevamente corregido, y aumentado en muchos vocablos, y varias advertencias, notas, y observaciones, para le mejor inteligencia del ydioma, y perfecta instrucion da [sic] los parochos, y cathequistas de Indios. Por vn religioso de la misma Compañia. Lima: Imprenta de la Plazuela de San Christoval. Tovar, Antonio, and Consuelo Larrucea de Tovar. 1984. Catálogo de las Lenguas de América del Sur con Clasificaciones, Indicaciones Tipológicas, Bibliografía y Mapas. Nueva edición refundida. Madrid: Gredos. Vargas Ugarte, Rubén. 1951. Concilios Limenses (1551–1772). Vol. 1. Lima: Peruana. Velasco, Juan de. 1964. Vocabulario de la Lengua Índica [ca. 1788]. Introducción: Oswaldo Romero Arteta; versión paleográfica, notas y comentarios de Piedad Peñaherrera de Costales y Alfredo Costales Samaniego. Llacta, año VI, vol. 20. Quito: Instituto Ecuatoriano de Antropología y Geografía y Biblioteca Ecuatoriana “Aurelio Espinosa Pólit.” Vocabulario Políglota Incaico. 1905. . . . Cuzco, Ayacucho, Junín, Ancash y Aymara. Compuesto por algunos religiosos franciscanos misioneros. . . . Lima: Tipografía del Colegio de la Propaganda Fide del Perú. Wood, Robert D. 1986. “Teach Them Good Customs”: Colonial Indian Education and Acculturation in the Andes. Culver City, Calif.: Labyrinthos. Yankievich de Mirievo, Theodor. 1790–91. Sravnitel;nyj slovar; vs®x= qzyko= i nar®hπj, po azbånomå porqdkå raspolo’ennyj. 4 parts in 2 volumes. St. Petersburg. [Cf. http://copac.ac.uk/: “Sravnitelnyï slovar vsiekh iazykov i nariechï ï, po azbuchnomu poriadya raspolozhennyï. An alphabetical arrangement, by T. Yankievich de Mirievo, of the “Linguarum totius orbis vocabularia comparativa” of P. S. Pallas.”]

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