Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists 9789634292982

Table of contents :
Introduction 7
I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories. Some New Approaches 27
II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras: The Order of Chaos, the City of Darkness and the
Iconography of Beginnings 50
III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia in the 3rd – 4th centuries A.D.: Reinterpreting the Evidence 68
IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization as a Historical Process in the 3rd – 5th century A.D. Pannonia. Can the Written and Archaeological Sources be Considered Together? 88
V. Ascetic Christianity in Panonian Martyr Stories? 117
VI. Aspects of 4th Century Christian Identity in Late Roman Province Valeria 124
VII. Early Christianity in Hungary: a New Research Project 136
VIII. Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016 147
Papers published in this volume 157
List of Figures 159
Abbrevations, Sources, Bibliography 167

Citation preview

Levente Nagy Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists

University of Pécs, Center for Ecclesiastical Studies

Pécs, 2019

Levente Nagy

Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists

Levente Nagy

Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists

Pécs, 2019

Editor: Tamás Fedeles Copy editor: István Kovács

Supported by: EFOP 3.4.3-16-2016-00005

© Nagy, Levente © University of Pécs, Center for Ecclesiastical Studies

Contents

Introduction ................................................................................................................ 7 I.

Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories. Some New Approaches ................................................................................. 27 II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras: The Order of Chaos, the City of Darkness and the Iconography of Beginnings .......................................................................... 50 III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia in the 3rd – 4th centuries A.D.: Reinterpreting the Evidence .................... 68 IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization as a Historical Process in the 3rd – 5th century A.D. Pannonia. Can the Written and Archaeological Sources be Considered Together? ........................................................................................................ 88 V. Ascetic Christianity in Panonian Martyr Stories? .................................. 117 VI. Aspects of 4th Century Christian Identity in Late Roman Province Valeria .......................................................................................... 124 VII. Early Christianity in Hungary: a New Research Project ....................... 136 VIII. Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016 .............................................................................. 147 Papers published in this volume ........................................................................... 157 List of Figures ......................................................................................................... 159 Abbrevations, Sources, Bibliography ................................................................... 167

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Introduction

In memoriam Marianne Sághy Readers can meet ghosts, spirits of the dead, undiscovered mysterious religious ceremonies of victorious gods like Sol Invictus Mithras (who became defeated demons during the era of Christian emperors), martyrs as superstars of the late antique period, early Christian finds from hidden magazines being published by archaeologists, and last but not least the pagan and Christian human fates and the multicultural diversity of various identities on these pages. The antique Greek-Roman religions, evolved over centuries, were often referred to as pagan by ancient Christians. The archaic and classical Greek traditions of mythology were well known narratives depected on wall paintings, mosaics, reliefs, sarcophagi, small artefacts in both Hellenistic and Roman periods up to late antiquity. Terrible Hades and his wife, Persephone dwelled in their underground palace since the narratives of the great bestsellers of the archaic period, the Odyssee and the Theogony of Hesiod as they are shown on red figure apulian craters made in the 4th century (fig. 1.). The souls of the dead (psychai in greek, free souls according to cultural anthropologists) left their former bodies for the realm of Hades in the mythical navigation expert’s, Charon’s boat, as it is represented on a white ground lekythos made in Athens in the 5th century B.C. (fig. 2.). There are plenty of narrative historical sources and literary works on stories about ghosts and spirits of the dead, some ghost stories from the Antiquity are analysed in Chapter 1 of this e-book with the help of literary sources, inscriptions and archeological aspects, showing the elementary significance of the concept of death, burial and souls of the dead in the ancient Greek-Roman society. Not really all kinds of souls had to live a sad, sorrowful afterlife in the realm of Hades: the mystery cult of Demeter and Persephone in the sanctuary district of Eleusis near Athens has been developed since the end of 7th century B.C. It offered a more optimistic view of afterlife for the initiates. Written sources, inscriptions found in the sanctuary and archeological finds and depictions reveal a glad and joyful existence for the believers of the mysteries in their earthly life and in the underworld as well provided by the Eleusinian goddesses like Demeter,

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Persephone and Ploutos, who were represented on the great cultic image found in the great assembly hall (Telesterion) of the initiates (fig. 3.). Dionysos, a typical victorious god of grape and wine, drunkenness and blissful joy was extremely popular in archaic and classical Greece and Italy until late antiquity (fig. 4.). He was able to descend uninjured into the underworld, so he was also able to offer happy afterlife existence to his believers. The so-called Orphic gold tablets found in graves in southern Italy, Greece, Macedonia and Crete in late classical and Hellenistic times offered secret passwords to the souls of the dead for the sake of a kind of lucky existence in the netherworld. The passwords can be connected to the terminology of Eleusinian and Orphic-Dionysiac mysteries (fig. 5.). After the foundation of Alexandria by Alexander the Great in Egypt, the cult of great victorious gods of Alexandria, Isis, Sarapis and Osiris of Graeco-Egyptian origin, established in the Ptolemaic kingdom by Ptolemaius I, became widespread in the Mediterranean world and in Italy by the early Imperial period. The seemingly ancient, exotic, esoteric wisdom of the Egyptian priests (held also as magicians) evoked the wide-spread popularity of orientalising Isiac public rituals and secret mysteries (fig. 6.), offering happiness for initiates on earth and after their death as well. New mysteries of another orientalised (Iranised) god, Mithras, the Invincible Sun arised at the end of the 1st century A.D. in Italy and in the Roman provinces. New cave-like sancutaries were built throughout the empire, furnished with new cult images (bullkilling Mithras), altars, frescoes, mosaics, reliefs with a newly established Mithraic iconography. In the last third of the 20th century, the secret meaning of the bullkilling Mithras image (taurochthony), like on the famous painting in the Barberini mithraeum in Rome (fig. 7.) could be deciphered as a kind of star talk. The Mithraic representations of well-known Greek-Roman gods and other human figures and animals were interpreted as stars and planets on the starry sky. Mithras, the invincible Sun (this epitheton is well known from inscriptions) was associated with the Sun, the bull with the Moon, and the taurochthony itself with a lunar eclipse with a complex cosmological and cosmogonical meaning. There were seven grades of initiation in the mysteries (corax, nymphus, miles, leo, perses, heliodromus, pater) with their own symbols and – presumably – their own rites of initiation. They are shown on the famous mosaic floor of the Felicissimus mithraeum in Ostia (fig. 8.). Cross-cultural contacts among the orientalising mystery cults and their connections with ancient Greek philosophical concepts are relevant for students of ancient religions. A good example is the famous relief of two lovers, Eros and

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■ Introduction ■ Psyche in the wall of the mithraeum of Capua (fig. 9.), interpreted as a nymphus initiation symbol showing the permeation of love and fertility on earth evoked by Venus, tutelar goddess of the nymphus initiation grade. The story of Eros and Psyche is, however, a central motif in the Golden Ass, a novel of the platonist philosopher, Apuleius, interpreted in that context as the symbol of the soul seeking for happiness and being in love with Eros, who was a great demon in the philosophic work, Symposium of Plato. The protagonist of the novel, Lucius regains his blessed beatitude from Isis after his initiation to her mysteries. The secret role of Eros and Psyche in the Isiac cult can be observed in the Iseum of Savaria, statue fragments of Eros and Psyche have been found in the sanctuary. We have no clear records about the initiation ceremonies of the Mithraic mysteries except the vague statements of writers like Porphyry or Tertullian. Reconstruction efforts had to be based not only on available literary sources, but on inscriptions and archeological finds, like a 2nd century vessel from the mithraeum of Mogontiacum, depicting two details of initiation ceremonies with the participation of the miles, heliodromus and pater (fig. 10.). Chapter 2 of this e-book tries to reconstruct some secret cosmological aspects of the mysteries, based on many relevant literary sources, inscriptions and archaeological records. In my work I use the broadest chronological classification of late antiquity (between 3rd–8th century A.D.), but there are other terminologies for that period as well (late Roman, early Medieval, early Bizantine, etc., see fig. 11.). Late antiquity was the period, when – both in the works of Christian writers and in the imperial decrees after the Constantinian turn – antique Greek-Roman religions became malevolent demonic superstitions, antique culture became pagan and victorious gods like Sol Invictus Mithras became defeated demons. Chapter 3 of this e-book, which was originally a conference paper at the Symposium Peregrinum international conference about Mithraism in Tarquinia and Marino, tries to explain this process through the investigation of the fate of the Mithraic sanctuaries in the 4th century in the Pannonian provinces. In October 2016, the Church Historical and Archaeological Working Committees of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Center for Ecclesiastical Studies at the University of Pécs and the Department of Archaeology at the same University hosted a conference with the title „Christianisation: Identity, Mobility, Continuity.” The opening paper of mine at the conference, Chapter 4 of this e-book, examined the possibilities and limitations of the interpretation of the Christianization as a historical process in the Pannonian provinces, based partly on written scources and partly on archaeological data. The methodological questions raised in the study are closely related to the scientific objectives of the

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ research group „Late Antique – Early Medieval Christianization” at the Institute of History of the University of Pécs, established in 2017. In the beginning of the 3rd century A.D. an independent Christian iconography appeared in the Roman art of the imperial period with biblical scenes and symbols, which evolved in the course of the century in the West (in the burial chambers of the catacombs in the city of Rome) and in the East (in the baptistery of the domus ecclesiae in Dura Europos, fig. 12.) respectively. The biblical images ordered by the new „customers” of Christian iconography depict hope, redemption, salvation, happiness, eternal life in the context of a new Christian lifestyle. Many elements of the “pagan” culture, however, were in versatile relationship with Christianity becoming unstoppable by the end of the 4th century in the Roman Empire. This relationship cannot be restricted to 3rd–4th century imperial decrees of intolerance, to persecutions and to pagan-Christian religious controversies. Stories, thoughts and relationships read in the works of Greek philosophers and antique writers were used by Christian intellectuals in their struggle against “pagan” religions, depending on their cultural and rhetorical skills, on their temperament and on their biblical knowledge. Early Christian iconography itself, which appeared seemingly suddenly in the beginning of the 3rd century, used various elements and compositions of antique mythological representations to create new types of biblical representations and new symbols that are still found around us. Antique mythological stories, like the labours of Hercules could appear continuously in Christian context as well, like the famous Hercules depictions in the burial chamber N of the Via Latina catacomb in Rome (fig. 13.) surrounded in adjacent burial chambers by Christian imagery. Besides (moreover gradually instead of) mythological heroes like Hercules, Chrisian martyrs, who died for Christ and got therefore immediately into Paradise, became both popular superstars and powerful patrons of late antique society. Martyrs are not only patrons as mediators in Heaven at the throne of God, accepting prayers of sinners on Earth, but they could be also intimate heavenly friends who are able to advance or facilitate salvation for the sake of ordinary Christians. The famous painting of the burial chamber of Veneranda in the Domitilla catacomb in Rome depicts the dead woman with her girlfriend, Petronilla martyr, who introduces her into the garden of Paradise (fig. 14.). The cult of the martyrs became gradually public affair in the course of the 4th century A.D. throughout the Roman Empire, especially during the pontificate of Pope Damasus, when masses of pilgrims visited the graves of martyrs rediscovered by the pope in various catacombs. Another famous painting of the burial chamber Nr. 3. of the SS. Pietro e Marcellino catacomb from the end of the century depicts

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■ Introduction ■ the enthroned Christ, Christ once more (as the lamb of God), St. Peter and Paul (great patrons of Rome) and four martyrs venerated in the catacomb: Petrus, Marcellinus, Tiburtius and Gorgonius (fig. 15.). In recent years, international research has intensified its interest in the Pannonian afflictions of the passion stories of Pannonian martyrs and in the religious-cultural identity of the Christian communities engaged in the cult of the martyrs. The passion stories of the Pannonian martyrs executed in the Great Persecution of 303–304 represent an important source not only for Early Christian hagiography, but also for Church history in Pannonia. These hagiographical accounts are part of the great wave of late Roman literary production about the martyrs, constructed around well-known hagiographical topoi. The precise date of the martyrs’ death is usually given, because the day of the martyrs’ ’heavenly birthday’ was extremely important for the community who celebrated her heroes as saints. The archaeological identification of the cult of martyrs is possible (thanks to luckily found inscriptions), the sites of martyr cult can be searched with archaeological topographic methods, too. The passion stories of the Pannonian martyrs Syneros and Pollio promote ascetism, a popular Christian ideal, which became popular in southern Pannonia in the second half of the fourth century. Chapter 5 of this e-book analyses the various aspects of Christian ascetism promoted by great thinkers of the Catholic Church at the end of the 4th century in order to better understand that kind of Christian way of thinking in the examined region. In November 2015, the first international conference on Archaeology of Identity/Identities was held in Pécs (for the first time in Hungary), organized jointly by the Archaeological Working Committee of the Pécs Regional Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the Department of Archaeology of the University of Pécs, the Christian Heritage Research Center of the Diocese of Pécs and the Insitute of Classical Archaeology of the University of Vienna. My paper, Chapter 6 of this e-book, uses the specific methodology of the archaeology of identity and of Christian archaeology examining the forms of Christian identity in an environment (Valeria province in the 4th century) where – in the absence of written sources and inscriptions – only the archaeological finds and figurative representations can be used to detect diverse individual and collective identities. In 2010, the Department of Archeology at the University of Pécs successfully started the M.A. specialisation of Early Christian archaeology – the only program in Hungary of this kind. The joint research project of the Department of Archeology and the Institute of Classical Archeology of the University of Vienna – Austrian Academy of Sciences with the title Frühes Christentum in Ungarn

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ and the first results of the project were demonstrated by two studies, showing the relationship and special features of early Christian archeology in Hungary, too. Chapters 7 and 8 of the e-book introduces the first results of this research in the context of early Christian archeaology in Hungary in the recent years. The chapters of this book were originally published between 2012 and 2018. There is a paper in addition, Chapter 3, published only in this volume. All these writings were originally written and published in connection with the scholarly workshop of the University of Pécs. The volume of the book is closed by a large bibliography that allows the volume to be used as a kind of a seminar manual. I wish every reader a good read, and pleasant adventures in the world of the antique and late antique literature, history, religion, church history and archaeology! Christmas 2018 Levente Nagy

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■ Introduction ■

Figures

Fig. 1. Orpheus in the Underworld in front of the palace of Hades and Persephone. Apulian red figure crater, Unterwelt Painter, 2nd half of the 4th c. B. C. München, Antikensammlung und Glyptothek (taken from Bowden 2010. 169.)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 2. Athenian white ground lekythos with the representation of Charon and Hermes Psychopompos in the companion of a dead woman. Sabouroff Painter (Sabouroff Painter and R-Group, 3rd quarter and end of the 5th century B.C.) (taken from Andronikos 1979, 67. fig. 46.)

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■ Introduction ■

Fig. 3. The cult image of the Telesterion of the Demeter sanctuary in Eleusis, with the representation of Demeter, Persephone and Ploutos, 5th c. B. C. (taken from Andronikos 1979, 74. fig. 59.)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 4. Ritual in honour of Dionysos, attic red figure stamnos from Nocera. Deinos Painter, last third of 5th c. B.C. Naples, Museo Archeologico (taken from Franciscis no date. 64.)

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■ Introduction ■

Fig. 5. So called orphic gold sheets: Hipponion, Thurioi, Pharsalos, end of 5th century – 4th century B.C. (taken from Bowden 2010. 171.)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 6. Wall painting from the Iseum of Herculaneum with the representation of an Isiac morning ritual (taken from Wikimedia commons)

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■ Introduction ■

Fig. 7. Wall painting from the Barberini Mithraeum, Rome, with the representation of the Taurochthony, CIMRM 389 (taken from www.tertullian.org/rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=cimrm389)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 8. Mosaic representation of the Mithraic grades of initiations from the Felicissimus mithraeum of Ostia, V, IX, 1. (taken from Clauss 2000. 47, fig. 9.)

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■ Introduction ■

Fig. 9. Relief representation of Eros and Psyche from the mithraeum of Capua at the place of the arrival of the souls to Earth according to the secret sacral topography of the sanctuary (taken from www.pompeiiinpictures.com/pompeiiinpictures/Temples/ Santa%20Maria%20Capua%20Vetere%20 Mithraeum.htm)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 10. Cultic vessel (Wetterau ware) from the mithraeum of Mogontiacum with the representation of Mithraic initiation scenes: miles and pater, miles, Cautes, Cautopates and Heliodromus (taken from Bowden 2010. 174.)

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Fig. 11. Summary of the various periodisations of Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (taken from Syrbe – Heinrich-Tamáska 2016. fig. 3.)

■ Introduction ■

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 12. Wall painting from the baptistery of the domus ecclesiae in Dura Europos, reconstructed at the Yale University, New Haven (taken from Spier 2007. 4, fig. 2.)

Fig. 13. Hercules with Cerberus and Alcestis from cubiculum N of the Via Latina catacomb, Rome (taken from Ferrua 1991. 137.)

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■ Introduction ■

Fig. 14. Wall painting from the Veneranda cubiculum of the Domitilla catacomb, Rome: Veneranda with her martyr girl-friend, Petronilla (taken from Fiocchi Nicolai – Bisconti – Mazzoleni 1999. 130.)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 15. Wall painting from cubiculum Nr. 3 of the SS. Pietro e Marcellino catacomb, Rome: Jesus Christ, Peter, Paul and four martyrs besides the lamb of God: Petrus, Marcellinus, Tiburtius, Gorgonius (taken from Fiocchi Nicolai – Bisconti – Mazzoleni 1999. 131.)

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I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories Some New Approaches

Introduction The stories of revenants, ghosts, spirits of different kind are popular not only in recent fictions, but in Greek Antiquity as well. Homer’s Iliad has the oldest ghost story in Greek literature: the ghost of Patroclus begs Achilles for immediate funeral in order to reach the underworld.1 This type of ghosts described often in later ancient literature looks like easy, smoke-like untouchable shadow preserving the physiognomy of the deceased (fig. 16.). Soul-concepts used by ethnologists can be interpreted in archaic Greek context as well: various aspects of the life-soul (thymos, inenos, noos) clearly differ in the Homeric epic from the psyche identified with the free-soul (fig. 17.), which carries the former personality of the dead deprived of his/her life-soul (force of life).2 This type of soul can be identified with the ghost of the dead returning to Earth sent by gods in order to deliver a message to the Living, or it is a warning apparition for the sake of ordinary burial.3 1 2

3

Hom. Il. XXIII. 6–108. Bremmer 1983. 19–21.; 61–69.; 73–124., with further sources and literature, recent summaries: Ogden 2004a. 219–225.; Burkert 2011. 299–301. Good illustrations and approaches of the ancient Greek descriptions and depictions of souls can be found in Vermeule 1979. 1–41., 118–126. My publications about ancient and early Christian afterlife-concepts were supported by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences with the Research Stipendium János Bolyai. In his monograph about dreams and visions in the historiography of the Roman imperial period, Gregor Weber distinguished five types of dreams according to ancient sources: the dream to be interpreted (oneiros), dream of divination (chrematismos), vision during sleep (horanta), vision during having a rest in daytime (enhypnion) and vision interpreted as illusion (phantasma) (Weber 2000. 497–502). These categories can be mixed with each other in ghost stories. The same problem is with the six main categories of the dream apparitions, pagan gods (a), Christian god (b), “supernatural” male and female apparitions, like Furies and ghosts (c), the emperor himself, dead or alive (d), members of the imperial family (e), other persons, like dead victims of the emperors (f). (Weber 2000). The ghost, as a returning dead can be however find in groups a, c, d, e and f as well, independently from the situation of the apparition (dream or vision).

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Ulysses performs a direct necromancy to meet the soul of the blind seer, Tiresias, who knows how to go home to Ithaca (Fig. 18.).4 Necromancy for the sake of divination is not only a fictive topic of ancient literature: Greek nekyomanteia are well-known from written sources (fig. 19.), two of them in caves could be investigated with methods of archaeological topography as well (Heraclea, figs. 20-21, Tainaron).5 According to Herodotus, Periander let his dead wife, Melissa, evocate in the archaeologically still not identifiable nekyomanteion near Ephyra in Thesprotia (at the place of the necromancy of Ulysses as well).6 As the ghost expressed being cold, the tyrant let burn the most beautiful clothes of Corinthian women for her on a pyre.7 Greeks believed not only in weak, smoke-like harmless souls as ghosts, but also in spirits able to leave their eternal dwelling-places (the graves) in order to do any harm against human beings as well. Sonic heroes could belong also to them (mythological persons with more power than humans, but with lower status than gods in divine hierarchy), some of them had divine parents, others were regarded as founders of some Greek poleis, venerated at their real and fictitious graves.8 The most aggressive heroes defended their city vehemently in case of danger,9 others tended to be constantly angry with people, doing harm and making fear, until they were expiated by the community of the city with gifts and offerings.10 The demon in Homeric epic is a supernatural force, affecting people from an unexplained reason,11 demons, however, as intermediate beings between mankind and gods were examined seriously from a philosophical-scientific point of view only since the works of Plato.12 Hesiodus knew already in the 7th century BC about demons (phylakes), who would have been invisible ghosts of people died in the Golden age, and they had been sent by Zeus throughout the world as observers of their sins (i.e. wrong behaviour).13 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Hom. Od. XI. For the Hittite analogies of the Nekyia is fundamental till today: Steiner 1971. 265–283.: detailed analysis of the necromancy of Ulysses: Ogden 2004a. 163–165.; 168–178. Ogden 2001. 167–195.; Ogden 2004a. 29–42. Her. V. 92. According to recent interpretation of archaeological sources, the “nekyomanteion” near Ephyra in Thesprotia is in fact a Hellenistic farmhouse: Ogden 2004a. 17–21. Analysis of the story: Ogden 2004a. 54–60.; Ogden 2004b. 485–487. Mazarakis 1999. 9–36.; Burkert 2011. 311–317. Plut. Thes., Rom., Kim. 35. 8.; Paus. I. 15. 3.; Her. VIII. 38–39.; for the partly heroised ghosts at the battlefield of Marathon: Ogden 2004a. 13. Paus. VI. 6, 7–11; VI. 20, 15–19; IX, 38, 5. Hom. Il. III. 420: XV. 467–468.; Od. XVI. 64.; Hes. 314.; Burkert 2011. 277–279. Plat. Symp. 202 E. Hes. 121–126., 252–255.; Burkert 2011. 278–279.

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■ During the 6th–5th centuries BC, due to the new afterlife-concepts of the Eleusinian mysteries and orphic lore, a kind of unification process of the ancient double soul-concept (life soul, free soul) can be observed. The thymos is getting to be unified with the psyche, whose meaning has been changed into the direction of modern soul-concepts: psyche is not only the expression for the free soul leaving the body, but for the soul itself.14 Secret initiation rites of the mystery religions provided a possibility for a happy afterlife of the soul in the realm of Pluto-Hades and Kore-Persephone, or of Dionysos respectively, in the Elysian Fields open earlier, in the time of Hesiodus, only for a couple of heroes. The socalled orphic golden leaves of the Late Classical-Hellenistic period known from several graves of South-Italy. Thessaly. Macedonia and Crete can be ordered into six main types (A-F). The texts reflecting secret lores of various mystery religions deal with certain secret passwords for the souls to avoid dangers in the Hades and to come into the realm of their happy eternal existence.15 Metempsychosis can be observed already in the philosophical system of Pherekydes of Syrus, in the middle of the 6th century, having a significant role in the contemporary “Orphic” and Pythagorean teachings: the souls of “sinners” (= people infected by pollution because of their crimes or wrong behaviour) must return to Earth incarnated into a new body.16 The origin of this concept (genuine Greek idea,17 or the Greek adaptation of the well-known doctrine coming from India through the Persian Empire?) is still uncertain.18 According to the first six columns of the Derveni papyrus dealing with the cult of the dead, Furiae and demons standing in the way of the souls of the dead are also called souls.19 These beings, like the phylakes of the probably really orphic golden leaves of Type B, giving a drink from the water of Memory,20 can be better identified with the phylakes described by Hesiodus, than another Oriental or Persian ghosts or

14 15 16

17 18 19 20

For this process, see Anakreon fig. 4; Simonides, frg. 85 B.; inscriptiones Graecae, XII 9, 287.; Dodds 1951. 138.; Bremmer 1983. 541–52., 68–69.; Burkert 2011. 446–447. The best typology of the “Orphic” tablets is in my opinion Cole 2003. 193–217.; another approach: Bernabé–San Cristobal 2008. 6–7. For striping problems of interpretation of this concept based on different kinds of orphic sources and Platonic works: Bernabé–San Cristobal 2008, 179–205 regarding all golden leaves as Orphic, so does Instone 2009. 69., 73.; more careful is Burkert 2011. 444–445. Nilsson 1941. 657–658. West 1971. 61–62.; Burkert. 2011. 445. Betegh 2004. 86–88.; Bernabé–San Cristobal 2008. 35–36., 207–208.; Instone 2009. 78. See Plat. Krat. 398 B.; Pol. 468 D–469 B.; Most 1997. 31–32.; Tsantsanoglou 1997. 93–128.; Betegh 2004. 87–88; Bernabé–San Cristobal 2008. 207–208. emphasizing — rightly —the fundamental differences between the golden leaves and the texts of the Book of Dead in Egypt.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ demons, in spite of the fact, that the text mentions magoi as religious specialists performing lustration rituals.21 The Mesopotamian origins of some of the archaic Greek concepts of ghosts and demons, and the strong connections between Greek specialists performing lustration rituals and Mesopotamian priests (ašipu) working with incantations are not so obvious today, as Walter Burkert believed in the 1980s.22 The Mesopotamian origin of the story about Gello, the dangerous virgin ghost-girl killing children is still possible (see the commentary of the proverb “loving children more than Gello”).23 The Platonic philosophy regards the ghosts as souls who were bound completely to their body, i.e. to material pleasures, passions and desires, so they cannot return to their divine home and they remained invisibly in the air until they are born again in a new body.24 The ghosts of the dead lived — according to Roman religion — in the eternal darkness together with various another underworld gods and spirits of not human origin (Dii Manes), but they were also gods, expiated during the feasts of the dead with food and drink sacrifices.25 Dii Parentes, the masses of the ghosts of ancestors living in the underworld without any individual identity, began to be individualised in the 1st century B.C. probably due to the penetration of Greek afterlife ideas in Roman religious mentality: dedications like D.M. + genitivus appear on inscriptions and in written sources.26 The cult of the dead ancestors was not neglected because of the fear from returning ghosts as mentioned in the Fasti of Ovid in context of the description of the Parentalia feast (13th–21st February). There were other days in the Roman calendar as well, when ghosts could appear on Earth (lemuria in May, mundus patet on 24th August, 5th October and 8th November), fed with food and drink and expelled with magical apotropaic rites.27 The widespread fashion of the cult of the dead and the funerary meals performed in the postulated presence of the spirits of the ancestors are well documented by several archaeological observations in Early Imperial times. Graves with libation pipes for feeding the hungry and thirsty dead are well known in Italy and the western provinces.28. It is, however, hard to decide whether these graves are 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

Betegh 2004. 78–89. Burkert 1984. 57–65.; 80–83. Sapph. Frg. in Zenob. 178 3.; Nagy L. 2006. 20–21. See Plat. Phaid. 81 Ec Pol. X. 614 B; Phaid. 248 C. Varro, Ant. rer. div. frg. 210; Cic. De leg. II. 9; II. 22; Lindsay 1996. 274–275; Nagy L. 2004. 69–74.; Nagy L. 2006. 18–20.; Kolb–Fugmann 2008. 11–12.; Witteyer 2011. 75–77. Nagy L. 2004. 70–71. See for example Ov. Fast. II. 547–566; V. 429–444. Nagy L. 2004. 72–74., with some examples.

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■ valuable sources of beliefs concerning the afterlife and spirits of the dead, or the whole ritual must be understood as a survival of older traditions without any direct beliefs in ghosts. Iron nails put in cremation burials as remains of the funerary pyre (and not as magic objects of any kind of “Leichennagelung”), so called “Sonderbestattungen” with unusual position of the corpse or deposits of stones on the body, or artefacts like bronze mirrors as ordinary grave-goods (and not magic apotropaic tools) are not connected necessarily to ghost-concepts of the living relatives performing funerary rites.29 Neither topic elements of funerary inscriptions mentioning parentatio and spirits of the dead,30 nor scenic ghost stories in epic literature or history writing are real sources concerning a lively belief in ghosts.31 Authors fond of some kind of Epicurean ideas still popular in early imperial times, laughing at superstitions of the “stulti” (Lucian, Horatius, Lucretius),32 or curse tablets, magic dolls, statues found in funerary areas can be more useful records of ghost-concepts,33 than the stereotypes of the topoi read on inscriptions and in different literary genres. The typology of different kinds of demons, the elaboration of a “scientific.” demonology was the work of platonic philosophers, Xenokrates at first, then mainly Plutarch and Apuleius in the 2nd century AD. According to their demonological system, some of the demons are spirits, intermediate beings between Gods and men (from a hierarchical point of view) of no human origin, who are transmitters of the divine will to mankind. Plutarch thinks such kinds of demons work in different oracles, and during cultic rituals, they accept the sacrifices, votive offerings of the believers instead of the gods.34 Demons can also be ghosts (spirits of the dead). Some demonological systems distinguished demons with good purposes (for example the agathodaimones) and evil spirits doing harm to people. Some of them were able to follow living people wherever they went, like a shadow.35 (Roman religion called protecting demons of a man genii, who were born together with people to whom they belonged (like some kind of life-souls, “birthday-demons”).36

29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

Nagy L. 2001. 140, 152, 154. Witteyer 2011. 83. For example ILS. 7944a.; 7999.; 8199.; 8204.; 8372.; 8374.; 8379.; CLE. 653.; 1583., 1098. Nagy L. 2004. 68–77.; Kolb–Fugmann 2008. 11. Nagy L. 2004. 68–69., 77.; Kolb–Fugmann 2008. 11. Gager 1992. 12–20.; Ogden 2002. 210., 245. Plut. De def. Orac. 414 F–417 B; 431 A–433 E. Nagy L. 2006. 21–25, with further sources and literature; Dillon 1977. 32–33., 111., 318– 319.; Dillon 2004. 123–141. The definition “birthday-demon” was used by Otto 1958. 73.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ The Spirit of the Haunted Athenian House According to the Memorabilia of Valerius Maximus, the death of Cassius (a murderer of Julius Caesar) was predicted in an Athenian house by his kakos daimon, who was a huge, dirty black man with long hair.37 The story of the kakos daimon is similar to another story of Pliny the Younger, in the second ghost story of his famous letter VII, 27: there was a ghost of a dirty old man with long beard, making noise with his chains (a similar representation on the Orestes-sarcophagus from Rome depicts the ghost of Agamemnon as old bearded figure witnessing the revenge of his son for his death, fig. 22.). Athenadorus, the Stoic philosopher (according to written sources there were three philosophers with this name in the Hellenistic period)38 spent the night in the house of bad reputation, he followed the ghost into the court, where there was an unburied corpse found next day bound with chains. After performing ordinary funerary ritual, the apparition disappeared.39 In the famous ghost-scene in the Mostellaria of Plautus, we encoounter an Athenian house again: Tranio told Theopropides a tale about the unburied ghost of Diapontius killed with violence, during the tale the young dramatis personae closed into the house made noises like the ghost in Pliny’s letter. Unfortunately, we can only guess that in the original Greek version (in the Phasma of Philemon, second half of 4th century BC) the ghost scene could be similar like that of Plautus40. The story of the ghost in a haunted house localised in Corinthus with a demon changing his shape and able to kill can be read in the Philopseudes of Lucianus as well, but the philosopher, who dares to spend the night there without any fear, is a Pythagorean.41 Earlier research dealing with ghosts of haunted Athenian houses, first of all Deborah Felton,42 rightly brought the stories of Valerius Maximus, Pliny and Lucianus in connection with each other, but the question of the origin and function of the Roman stories about the ghosts of the Athenian house remained unanswered. The missing link could be in this case the well known, but from this point of view ignored stories of Cicero, in Book I of De Divinatione. Here we can 37 38

39 40 41 42

Val. Max. I. 7.7. The first Athenodorus was the disciple of Zeno, brother of the poet Aratus, the second from Thasus was the house-philosopher of Cato the Younger. The third one from Cana was the teacher of Augustus as well (PWRE). Plin. Epist. VII. 27. 5–6. Plaut. Most. 484–509.; Fuchs 1949. 106.; Lowe 1985. 26.; Nagy L. 2003. 92–96. Luk. Philops. 31. Felton 1999. 38–78.; short analysis of the stories about haunted houses: Ogden. 2002. 154– 159.

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■ read two ghost stories told by Stoic philosophers,43 who wanted to demonstrate: dreams are of divine origin. They can be as signs of the sympatheia present in the whole universe either rewards for those people, who live according to the rules of the physis, or they are used as punishments against those who committed nefas — crimes (for instance murders).44 Maybe it did not occur by chance that both ghost stories popular among stoics can be read in Valerius Maximus, in the same chapter, and with the same purpose, like the kakos daimon story of Cassius Parmensis, the Caesar-killer.45 Due to the extant similarities it can be deduced, that the sources of the ghost stories of Pliny, Cicero and Valerius Maximus derive from a Greek (may be Athenian) tradition worked out already by Philemon-Plautus. It developed perhaps through the similar motifs of the Polydorus-story of the Hecuba of Euripides, or of the Iliona of Pacuvius to a moralizing tale about the power of pronoia and/or sympatheia told by stoics.46 Not only philosophers, but also circulatores could tell similar stories at public places for some money, emphasizing fearful and unrealistic details, like ugly appearance or making noise with chains.47 Valerius Maximus changed the original motif of the haunted Athenian house for a kakos daimon-story. The motiv appears in the work of later authors (Plutarchus, Florus and Appianus) as a “bad spirit” of Brutus, translated by Florus as malus genius.48 The motif of haunted houses appears also in the story about the gangster Damon, walled into the public bath of Chaironeia in the Life of Cimon of Plutarchus as well.49 In Roman literature, this can be followed — maybe affected by the story of Pliny — in the Life of Caligula written by Suetonius. The fallen emperor did not receive the ordinary funeral, at the place, where he had been put into the Earth, the sentinels of the Lamia-Gardens saw ghosts, and at the place of his murder, in the small passageway called domus terrible, though not explained things happened.50 From the text itself, one does not know exactly whether the ghost of Caligula or the spirits of the people killed by the emperor went around the garden, but because of the motif of the careless burial of the evil emperor, 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

Cic. De div. I, 26. Cic. De div. II, 35. Val. Max. 1., 7., ext. 10. Eur. Hec. 1–58; Pac. 205–210. The motif of the ghosts shaking chains is apparent already in the Thyestes of Seneca and in the Life of Cimon by Plutarchus (Sen. Thyest. 668–673; Plut. Kim. 1, 6). Plut. Brut. 36; App. Emph. IV. 134 (565); Flor. Epit. II. 17 (IV. 7) 5–9. Plut. Kim. 1, 6. Suet. Cal. 59.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ which can be regarded as a tyrannus-topos, one should think about the ghost of the carelessly buried emperor. Suetonius wanted to stress that fear was still strong after the murder as well, he made also joke from the behaviour of the restlessly wandering emperor, stressing that the ghost of the „sinner” committing many crimes went around his grave.51

Ghosts of Lovers beyond the Grave The funerary inscription of Lucius Sempronius Firmus dated to the 2nd century AD (fig. 23.),52 and another lost fimerary inscription from Tarraco dated to the beginning of the third century53 are about wives of the deceased, who wanted to see their dead husbands again. They begged the Manes (gods of the underworld) to let them up from the Hades for the sake of a rendez-vous in the night. The closest analogies to the literary motif of the dead appearing for living members of the family can be read in the poems 2,1 and 5,3 in the Silvae of Statius. The mourners beg in both poems dated to the year AD 90 for meeting the beloved but dead members of the family.54 The literary antecedents of the ghost-figures known from the poems of Statius can be found in other ghost stories of the epic literature in the age of Augustus and Nero as well.55 The goddess Venus tells Aeneas in the first song of the Aeneid the foundation story of Carthage, where the ghost of Sychaeus appears to Dido in her dreams. The ghost reveals his sacrilegious murder committed by Pygmalion at an altar.56 The ghost of Sychaeus appears in song IV again in the visions of the Carthagin51 52

53

54 55 56

Suet. Cal. 50, 3; 59. CIL. VI. 18817. The inscription reads: “Animae sanctae colendae/ D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum)/ Furia Spes L(ucio) Sempronio Firmo/ coniugi carissimo mihi/ ut cognovi puer puella obligati amori pariter/ cum quo vixi tempori minimo, et/ quo tempore vivere debuimus/ a manu mala diseparati (sic!) sumus./ Ita peto vos, [Ma]nes sanctissimae commendat[um] habeatis/ meum carum et vellitis (sic!)/15 huic indulgentissimi esse horis nocturnis/ ut eum videam/ et etiam me fato suadere/ ut et ego possim/20 dulcius et celerius/ aput eum pervenire». CIL. II. 4427, with corrections: Alföldy 1975. Nr. 228. The inscription reads: “[— ve] t(erano) (?) leg(ionis)/ [--- coniugi (?) pie]intis[simo (?)/ qui vixit ann(os) LVII] men(ses) IIII/ manes si saperent mise/5 ram me abducerent con/iugem vivere iam quo/ me, lucem iam nolo videre./ dulcem carui lucem (sic!), cum te/ amisi ego coniux. has tibi/ fundo dolens lacrimas dulcis/ sime coniux. lacrimae si pro/sunt visis te ostende videri./ haec tibi sola domus[---]semper in perpetuum vale mihi/ carissime coniux”. Detailled analysis of the two inscriptions: Nagy L. 2004. 57–68. For example, Statius, Silvae 2. 1. 227–233.; 5. 3. 288–290. Nagy L. 2004. 57–65, with further sources and literature. Verg. Aen. I. 353–356.

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■ ian queen directed by furor and ira, when she hears the sound of her husband from a shrine built directly to him. The visions of Dido remember the dream of Ilia described by Ennius, where we hear only the voice of Aeneas, Ilia’s father. In the dream of Ilia, she is kidnapped by Mars as homo pulc(h)er, in the visionary dream of Dido Aenes appears, having the same function.57 It is not impossible that the common literary antecedent of this story is a lost Roman tragedy, because Virgil composed the figure of Dido as a tragic heroine.58 The description of the ghost of Creusa in song II of the Aeneid follows the Homeric epic ghost-descriptions, but this imago is in spite of the shadows of Hector and Patroclus nota maior.59 In the song III of the Pharsalia of Lucanus Julia, his dead wife appears to Pompeius during his journey to Illyria (III, 8–35), who was allowed to follow his husband as ghost into his battles. The spirit of the woman predicted also that the civil war would give Pompeius to her hands. The appearance of Iulia’s ghost could be in this context a political allusion: as she was a “pignus pacis”, after her death family ties between Pompeius and Caesar disappeared, so could be her death a symbol of the end of the friendship and collaboration of the two Triumviri.60 In the ghost story of the elegy IV, 7 of Propertius, the depiction of the ghost of Cynthia and the reason of her appearance is similar, like that of Iulia (the lords of the underworld allowed her to return sometimes to this world).61 The motif of the preliminary returning of the deceased to Earth, who had not committed any crimes before, when they had lived, is absent in Homeric epic, it appears in Roman literature at first at Propertius, the idea is attested later at Lucanus, Statius and on the inscription described at the beginning of this chapter, too. Further, more direct example of ghost-love can be found in Greek literature of the 2nd century AD. His husband, Eukrates, could cuddle the ghost of Demainete in the Philopseudes of Lucianus, unlike the bodiless shadows of Homeric-Virgilian epic. In the well-known Melissa-scene of Herodotus, the ex-wife of Periandrus demanded whole clothing from her husband; Eukrates’ Demainete was content with the burning of one of his golden sandals, because the superstitious Eukrates buried her in her whole clothing.62 A story in the Mirabilia of Phlegon, played in Amphi57 58 59 60 61 62

Verg. Aen. IV. 465–468. Krevans 1993. 268. Verg. Aen. II. 776–779. Hübner 1984. 230., 232.; Nagy L. 2004. 66.; another important interpretation: Rutz 1970. 519–521. Prop. IV. 7. 1–12. Her. V. 92; Luk. Philops. 27.; Ogden 2004b. 484–493. interprets the scene as a dream vision in the context of a parody of the Platonic dialogue Symposion, stressing allusions to Cynic phi-

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ polis, during the reign of Philippus II, there was a young virgin, Philinnion, who could not have any part in the joys provided by Venus, she was engaged in sexual intercourse as a ghost-girl, until she has been seen by her mother.63 The ghosts returning to Earth for the sake of love, investigated in this chapter, are apparent in Greek-Roman literature, first of all in the Hellenistic and Early Imperial period. According to my interpretation, their function in these stories is not only entertainment. In the background of their appearance are there popular philosophical ideas in this period: the Stoic doctrine about fatum (Phlegon), Middle Platonic demonology (Apuleius), Epicurean critics of superstitio (Lucianus).64 The Stoic doctrine concerning fatum/pronoia is reflected in most of the ghost stories of the Aeneid: the messages of the ghosts of dead heroes and heroines are important parts of the epic narrative, they are also helpful for the fulfilment of the mission of Aeneas leaving Troy and arriving to Italy.65 Another important source is the so called Barcelona Alcestis-papyrus from the 3rd century AD, especially its verses 98–99, where one can read about Alcestis getting to die, who said to her husband, Admetus: if he does not remain true to her and brings another mother to his house, she will be back and make revenge on her crying children. In the verses 85–90, Alcestis asks her husband to cuddle her urn each night, as though they were sleeping together. If ghosts can (really) return to Earth, her ghost will also come, and spend the night together. M. Marcovich, commenting this papyrus, brought these verses rightly in connection with the elegy of Propertius discussed before,66 but his interpretation has to be completed: the literary topos of the ghost returning to her husband and of the preservation of her urn can be found in the poems of Statius mentioned in the beginning of this chapter as well.67 Among the gravestones, sarcophagi with mythological scenes were there popular representations of the story of Alcestis in Rome (fig. 23.) and in the provinces like Pannonia.68 Paul Zanker suggested recently a new typology to understand mythological reliefs of Roman sarcophagi instead of the well-known thematic and iconographical approach suggested by earlier archaeological scholarship.

63 64 65 66 67 68

losophers barking like the Maltese dog and to the ghost-story of the Aeneid, book I with the ghost of Sychaeus (Verg. Aen. I. 353–359.) Phleg. Mirab. 1. For the dating of the story between 357 and 336 BC: Brodersen 2002. 9–10., 19. Nagy L. 2004. 68. Nagy L. 2004. 69. Prop. IV. 7. 89.; Marcovich 1986. 56. Nagy L. 2004. 64–65. Zanker – Ewald. 2004. 202–203., 298–301.; Nagy L. 2013b, with further literature.

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■ This new typology is able to express the message of the reliefs of the sarcophagi seen by the living relatives having a funerary meal together with the spirits of the dead in Roman mausolea. There are representations of mourning, desperation and fear (Niobe, Medeia, Phaethon, Hylas, Orestes, Protesilaus, figs. 17., 22. and 24.) pictures of feast and joy of life (Dionysus, marine scenes, seasons). From another point of view, depictions expressing characteristic features of mythological persons and of the dead identified with them: beauty (Persephone, Adonis, Aphrodite), faith (Alcestis), diligent, arduous life (Heracles).69 The Alcestis reliefs (fig. 23.) have, however, another possibility of interpretation mentioned many times in scholarly literature. The representations of heroes returning from the underworld (or in the case of Alcestis, from the entrance of the underworld) do not express the returning of the pale shadows to Earth, seen before in the ancient ghost stories. They are symbols of hope for a transition into the realm of afterlife happiness, to the Elysian fields or to the starry heaven, as it was thought by some philosophical schools and mystery religions.70

The Realm of the Demons: Necromancy in Early Christian Apologetic Context, the Case of the Mithraic Mysteries In the church historical works of Sokrates and Sozomenus an interesting story can be read about the church-building project of Georgius, patriarch of Alexandria, when an old mithraeum with human skulls (Sokrates) or with strange, alien artefacts (Sozomenus) was found by the builders at the place of the planned church. As these secret things were carried through the city, ridiculed by Christians, the angry pagans provoked a scuffle and Georgius himself was killed during the conflict.71 A similar incident occurred in Alexandria after the proclamation of an edict of emperor Theodosius against pagan cult practice on the 24th February 391, or on the 16th of June 391, when the edict was send to the comes Aegypti, too.72 The reason of the conflict was a Mithraic temple again, evacuated by patriarch Theophilus.73 Christians killed by angry pagans were declared 69 70

71 72 73

Zanker 2000. 25–37., the typological considerations has been elaborated to the extent of a whole monograph: Zanker – Ewald 2004. Blome 1978. 442–457.; Schmidt 1981. 543; Kastelic 1997. 12–20.; Priester 1998. 16., 17., 38.; Zanker – Ewald 2004. 202–203., 298–301.; detailled analysis of this kind of prospective interpretation is expected to be in Nagy L. 2013b. Socr. Schol. Hist. Ekkl. III. 2–3.; Soz. Hist. Ekkl. 7. 5–8. Cod. Theod. XVI. 10. 10–11. Ruf. Hist. Ekkl. XI. 22.; Socr. Schol. Hist. Ekkl. V. 16.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ martyrs by emperor Theodosius, pagans received amnesty,74 but he ordered the destruction of the Sarapis-temple as late as 391 or 392.75 Among the four ecclesiastical sources about the events in 361 and 391/392, two authors (Sozomenus, Rufinus) wrote only about bloodthirsty crimes committed in the mithraeum, described in detail only in the work of Socrates: 1. human sacrifices, 2: divination from the entrails of the victims, 3: performing magic rituals, 4: necromancy. Now I deal in detail only with the charge of necromancy.76 The educated public opinion condemned magic practices of necromancy in Rome. Court cases, often “show trials” against innocent victims testify similar accusations.77 According to both Greek and Roman religious ideas aoroi (spirits of people died too early), biothanatoi (ghosts of people died by violence), and ataphoi (unburied dead seeking ordinary funeral) could become powerful demons during necromancy, because the religious specialist performing the magic act (witch, magician, sorcerer) binds their soul to flesh.78 These types of ghosts have the characteristic features of evil demons. They can move, kill, predict the future, as though as they were living humans. They can fulfil the desires of the magician, in order to be able to spend more time in the world of the living because of their too early death.79 Discussing the Alexandrian events in 361, Socrates wrote about the finding of human skulls, belonging to sacrificed victims. The church historian could find a similar story in the life of Constantine by Eusebius, who wrote about the finding 74

75

76 77

78

79

Hahn et alii 2008. 348–349., refuses — with hagiographical topoi — the contradictory narratives of Sokrates and Rufinus about the conflict provoked by Theophilus, the declaration of martyrs, and the amnesty by Theodosius as legendary fictions. Now I do not want to discuss whether the events before the destruction of the Serapis temple followed each other really in the order suggested by ecclesiastical writers, I am interested in the nature of the vulgar charges of necromancy against secret religious communities. Hahn et alii 2008. 337–350., dated the destruction of the Serapis temple — against the majority of scholarly opinion — to 392 instead of 391. He regarded the edicts of Theodosius dealing with forbidden pagan cult practice, but not with destruction of temples only as termini post quem. He emphasized, that Tatianus praefectus praetorio orientis was pagan and benefactor of Alexandria between 388 and 392, so the temple destruction should not have been before 392. The analysis of the other charges against Mithraic worshippers I dealt extensively elsewhere: Nagy 2007. 101–115., with further sources and literature. See for example Cicero, In Phillips 1991. 260–267.; Gager 1992. 23–24.; Ogden 2004a. 149– 157.; Rives 2003. 314–135 (terminological problems, what is magic in Roman law), 317–322., 328–336., (analysis of the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficiis) and the Sententiae Pauli, 5., 23 on this law): Rives 2007. 191–193. Garland 1985. 77–103.; Gager 1992. 20.; Ogden 2002. 146., 192–193.; Ogden 2004a. 203– 208., about the “reanimation” of the dead during necromancy; Nagy L. 2006. 21–25., with further sources and literature. Nagy L. 2004. 57–62.

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■ of children’s skulls during the construction works of a new church, alluding to earlier pagan practice of human sacrifices.80 In one of the receipts of the great magic papyrus from Paris is the skull an instrument of necromancy. The evoked demon appears in it for the sake of divination (fig. 25.).81 This magic practice could be well known in Late Antiquity.82 I want to add now only one source to this topic, chapter 12 of the Historia Arcana of Procopius, where emperor Iustinian was seen one night walking around headless in his palace as an evil demon (the head happened to predict the future for a magician elsewhere?), then after a while, the head returned back on his head again. There were some gossips about emperor Julian himself, who dealt anyway really with hepatoscopy, accusing him with divination from the livers of sacrificed people; there were rumours about a whole chest full with human heads.83 Due to such kinds of gossips read in ecclesiastical literature, an unfounded hypothesis by Nikolaj Massalsky was also spread in Europe in the 1940s about Iulian sacrificing people in the mithraeum of Fertőrákos (North-Western Hungary), where old excavations revealed secondary burials in the mithraeum.84 It can be neither proven, nor excluded that the vulgar charges of Sokrates against Mithraic mysteries should be hidden allusions to the suspicious practices of Iulian, who was fond of mystery religions. He was initiated into Mithraic mysteries, too.85 The secret lores of Mithraic mysteries are hard to decipher, first of all the records of more informed authors (Porphyry, Tertullian), a couple of inscriptions, and the rich Mithraic iconography with secret symbols called recently as signs of star talk by Roger Beck can be helpful.86 Thanks to some fortunate archaeological discoveries and depictions, experiments to reconstruct parts of initiatory rituals (for example of the miles grade) are already possible today;87 many secrets of the mysteries are unfortunately still unknown for researchers. According to the pos80 81 82 83 84 85 86

87

Eus. Vit. Const. 3. 57. 2.; Nagy L. 2007. 111–112. PGM. IV. 2006–2125.; Graf 2004. 225–228.; Ogden 2002. 202–205.; Ogden 2004a. 210–211. Ogden 2004a. 210–214. Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. III. 26. Tóth I. 2007. 52–55. Nagy L. 2007. 111–112. Beck 2006. 163–188.; Rives 2007. 176–177.; Bowden 2010. 188–189. A possible reconstruction of Mithraic theology based on astrological interpretations see Laszló 2005. especially chapters II–V in volume I. Summaries of the results of the astrological investigations of Levente László in volume I. in German: Nagy L. 2007. 112–115; in English: Nagy L. 2012a; some of my analyses concerning initiation rituals and Mithraic-Christian relationship from the point of view of patristic literature in volume II are summarised with supplementary arguments in Nagy L. 2007; Nagy L. 2008. Nagy L. 2008. 183–202.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ sible reconstructions of Mithraic theology, the bull-killing Mithras (Sol Invictus) as creator of the world (Mithras-Phanes-Saturnus) revealed the mysteries of his creation and of the process of the arriving and departing of the souls for the initiates. These revelations elaborated by Mithraic priests (studiosi astrologiae) were shown through well-known Greek myths changed for the purposes of the mystery religion with the help of complicated, mostly paradox symbols.88 Regarding recent knowledge of the research, the vulgar charges of Socrates against worshippers of Mithras are obviously unfounded, like the charges of the Roman senate against the worshippers of Bacchus in 186 BC, or of the pagans against Christians in the 2nd–3rd centuries. Vulgar accusations derive usually from misunderstood secret teachings and rituals of the accused religion, which seemed to be suspicious and dangerous for the non-initiated.89 A kind of logic can be, however, detected in the narrative of Socrates: divination practice with human sacrifice using skulls and necromancy were usually regarded as magic rituals, and magic cannot be devided clearly from religion in Antiquity.90 From this explanation, it can be deduced, that the evil demon evoked by magic ritual is identical for the Christian writer with the gods of ancient religions worshipped with sacrifices, all good and bad gods and demons of Classical Antiquity are evil demons for faithful Christians, the servants of the devil.91 The Bible and the fathers of the church condemned rigorously magic, divination and necromancy as refutation of divine providence.92 Demons were regarded as evil spirits who can take the form of dead people to terrify their living victims, to deceive them with seemingly true divinations, or to put them under direct demonic influence. They can predict a part of the future, which they are allowed by God to know, or they are informed about real events, because they can fly fast, and they can say during divination, what happened at areas situated far away, as though they could see these events in the future.93 88 89 90

91 92

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Nagy L. 2012a. 42–58. Nagy L. 2007. 116–117., another approach: Rives 1995. 65–85. Scholars came to this opinion from different fields of classical and Christian antiquity, dealing this question from different points of view: Cox 1983. 32.; Versnel 1991. 189–192.; Gager 1992. 24–25.; North–Beard–Price I. 1998. 219–222.; Bremmer 1999. 10.; Calvo Martinez 2002. 79.; all with further sources and literature. Psalms, 96. 5.; I. Kor, 10. 20. From this point of view, the strong connection between the raising of Lazarus by Christ and the performances of necromancy raising dead people (reanimation) made by Ogden 2004a. 158–159., is problematic, see Nagy L. 2006. 30–33. Some well known sources: Tert. Apol. 21. 31.; Min. Fel. Oct. 27, 1.; Cypr., Quod idola 7.; Lact. Div. Inst. 2. 16, 19.; Aug. De cura ger. 15.

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■ There were many references to chapter 28 of Book 1 of Samuel in patristic literature, King Saul let the spirit of Samuel evoke with the performance of a female necromancer of Endor, to ask him a piece of advice, because he had had no living contact with his god any more. The opinion of Jewish and early Christian commentaries differed in the following question: there was really Samuel, the prophet who had appeared to Saul, or the ghost of the prophet was an evil demon, who took the form of Samuel to deceive him.94 One group of Christian exegetae (Justin Martyr, Origen, Ambrose, Augustine, Sulpicius Severus, John Chrysostomus, Theodoretus) assumed the possibility, that the omnipotent God can allow in some cases the dead to return to Earth, if he has any kind of purpose with this miracle.95 Other authors (Tertullian, Pseudo-Hippolytus, Gregory of Nyssa, Evagrius Ponticus, Pseudo-Basilius, Jerome, Philastrius, Ambrosiaster) denied this possibility: they thought revenants do not exist, evil demons take the form of ghosts, in order to terrify, deceive or disturb the witnesses of the appearance.96 Jesus himself said in the Gospel of Luke in the context of the exemplum about the rich and poor Lazarus: souls are not able to return from the Realm of Death, because of the impenetrable abyss between the two worlds.97 The legislative ban of magic and divination (a possible magical instrument see on fig. 26.) had a practical reason, too: emperors were afraid — perhaps not completely unfounded — of séances of necromancy, where supernatural forces would speak out the person of the next emperor, and the elected candidate encouraged by the demons would search for supporters, ready for usurpation.98 Ammianus Marcellinus described carefully a magic ritual for this purpose: the hand of the “spiritist medium” was lead above the cup in the middle of the magic tripous in this case not by ghosts and demons, but by a god (maybe by Apollo of Delphi himself). So the ring hanging on the yarn from Carpathus touched the 94

95

96

97 98

This question is summarised by Smelik 1979. 164–177., with further sources. In this chapter, I follow the grouping of Smelik, which is extremely helpful to understand early Christian writers discussing necromancy. They referred to the power of demons over the souls of the prophets (Justin Martyr), to the text inspired by the Holy Spirit mentions Samuel himself and not a demon (Origenes). If Moses appeared to Christ during his transfiguration, Samuel could also appear to Saul (Augustine, following Mt 9, 4), God can send messages through pagan magi as well (John Chrysostom about the star of Bethlehem, following 1 Samuel 5, too). They referred to the evil spirit, who has no power over the faithful servants of God (following Wisdom, 3. 1.; Mt. 22. 32.), and who can appear as the angel of light (following II.Kor. 11. 14–15.), demons tend to appear as pagan gods (following Psalm 96, 5). Lk, 16, 26. Similar opinion: Ogden 2004a. 155–156.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ letters engraved into the cup in order to sign the person of the next emperor.99 Reading the records of Ammianus Marcellinus about the accusations and processes against people performing forbidden magic rituals in 4th century, there is an obvious paradox constructed by the author not by chance. Masses of innocent victims suffered capital punishment accused with magic acts,100 but there are six people performing such rituals except Persian king Sapor in the narrative of Ammianus, who were not executed at all.101 The necromancies of Nero and Caracalla, both seeking to expiate the ghost of Agrippina and to meet the spirits of Commodus and Septimius Severus102 come into the reader’s mind, who perform these evocation rituals without any legal consequences.103 Imperial edicts and Christian protests against magical practices were not able to restrict the desires of some people to have an influence on the supernatural powers, and to get to know their secrets: magical techniques of divination were used in the Middle Ages as well, until today.

99

100 101

102 103

Amm Marc. XXIX. 1. Fundamental summary of the topic till today: Funke 1967. 145–175., who rightly stressed: during the processes laesae maiestatis and magicae artis it did not matter at all, whether the victims were pagans or Christians, for the legislative background of the processes see also Rives 2003. 328–336.; Ogden 2004a. 157. stresses another version of the story by Sokrates (Socr. Scholasticus, Hist. Ekkl. IV, 19); differing from the story of Ammianus Marcellinus in some details. Cod. Theod. IX. 16. 3. Detailed analysis of the ghost stories of Ammianus Marcellinus: Nagy L. 2015b. 225-234., see further Ogden 2004a. 155–157. The persons, who escaped capital punishment: Numerius in the process of Antiochia in 371, the goon of Sardinia (being acquainted with Maximinus, praefectus praetorio galliarum), and the four victims of the process of Scythopolis in 359: Amm. Marc. XVIII. 4. 1; XIX. 12. 4; XXVIII. 1. 7; XXLX. 2. 17. The antecedent of the narrative about the necromancy of the Persian king could be Xerxes for Ammianus, performing the necromancy of Dareius in the wellknown ghost scene of the Persae by Aischylus (Aischylus, Persae, 604–842.). Caracalla did not have luck, because of the appearance of the ghost of Geta, too, killed by him: an analysis of this necromancy: Nagy L. 2015b. 217-218., see further Ogden 2004a. 154. Suet. Nero. 48; C. Dio, 78 177/ 15, 2–5; and perhaps Herodianus, 4. 12. 3–6. According to Tacitus, the main charge against Scribonius Libo Drusus, descended from Pompeius, was the dealing with magic performances, astrology, necromancy, i.e. maleficia for political purposes as well (Tacitus, Annales, II, 28.). For the narrative of the necromancy, Tacitus had a detail of the speech of Cicero against Vatinius, and the vocabulary of the descriptions of necromancies by Lucanus in mind (Cic. in Vat. 14: Luc. Phars., VI, 733.). If one compares the investigated texts, it is clear that the charges against Libo about necromancy could be used against Nero as well. The functions of the ghost stories in the Early Imperial period as prodigies are analysed in detail by Nagy L. 2003. 87–105., for the necromancies of Nero see also Ogden 2004a. 152–153.

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■

Figures

Fig. 16: The ghost of a warrior (Patroclus or Achilles) emerging from his grave on an attic red figured lid of an askos. Circle of the Tyszkiewicz-painter, cca. 490-480 B.C. now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (taken from Vermeule 1979. 33, Fig. 25.)

Fig. 17: The souls of Aigisthos and Klytaimnestra going down into Hades on the narrow side of the Orestes sarcophagus from Rome, Antonine period, now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano (taken from Zanker – Ewald 2004. 363, Dok. 30.)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 18: Ulysses, Hermes and the ghost of Elpenor on an attic red figured pelike. Lykaon-painter, cca. 440 B.C. now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (taken from www.mfa.org/collections/object/jar-pelike-with-odysseusand-elpenor-in-the-underworld-153840)

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■

Fig. 19: The possible place of the nekyomanteion at the river Acheron where the Nekyia of Ulisses took place according to ancient tradition

Fig. 20. Plan of the nekyomanteion of Heraclea Pontike (taken from Hoepfner 1972. Planabbildung 5.)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 21. The nekyomanteion of Heraclea Pontike today

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■

Fig. 22: The ghost of Agamemnon in the main scene of an Orestes sarcophagus from Rome, depicting the killing of Aigisthos and Klytaimnestra, Antonine period, now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano (taken from Zanker – Ewald 2004. fig. 62.)

Fig. 23: Sarcophagus of C. Iulius Euhodus és Metilia Acte with the depiction of the myth of Alcestis, the soul of Alcestis is covered with her veil, cca. 160-170 A.D., now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano (taken from Zanker – Ewald 2004. fig. 182. )

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Fig. 24. Protesilaus Sarcophagus with the representations of the ghosts of Protesilaus and Laodamia. Naples, Santa Chiara, Antonine period, now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano (photo: author)

Fig. 25. Magic gem with the representation of a vision of Ophelimus: sacrifice to Hecate and a possible consultation of a nekydaimon appearing in the form of a skull, Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest (taken from www.mfab.hu/artworks/the-votive-gemof-ophelimus)

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■ I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories ■

Fig. 26. The so called prognosticon (magic divination kit?) from Pergamon with characteres and with representations of Hecate (© Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, Antikensammlung)

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II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras: The Order of Chaos, the City of Darkness and the Iconography of Beginnings

Archaeologists and historians of religions have been more or less successful in the interpretation of the difficult iconography of the Mithraic mysteries and in the reconstruction of some elements of the secret initiation rites. The astrological interpretation of Mithraic iconography has become more popular among scholars since the 1970s.104 According to the monograph of Roger Beck published in 2006, Mithraic representations were messages “written” in Star Talk, and the initiates could learn the complex symbols of the pictures as independent communication media during the ceremonies.105 Professor Beck has convincingly shown that the generally obscure allusions of written sources can be better interpreted not only by decoding Star Talk, but also by investigating the sacred topography in mithraea. In 1994 he elaborated probably the most acceptable interpretation of the tauroctony, which he developed in 2006 with another astrological argument: the main icon of the mithraea represents an eclipse of the Moon (identical with the bull), and the bull-killing of Mithras as the Sun in Leo is connected with the genesis and apogenesis of souls.106 Among the several explanations of Cautes and Cautopates flanking the bull-killing scene their connection with the two gates of genesis and apogenesis in the constellations of Cancer and 104

105

106

An overview of the research till the end of the 1970s: Beck 1984. The present publication is the English version of a lecture at the conference of the Young Researchers of the Roman Period in Komárom, held on 20th November 2009. The preparation of the paper was supported with the research stipendium János Bolyai by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Beck 2004. 95–96.; Beck 2006. 163–188. The best summaries of the problems concerning Mithraic grades of initiation are Gordon 1980a.; Chalupa 2008. The initiation rites were investigated from different aspects by Chalupa 2008.; Vermaseren 1971.; Beck 2000.; Chalupa 2005.; Nagy L. 2007.; Nagy L. 2008. Beck 1994. Beck 2000. 160–162.; Beck 2004. 91–93.; Beck 2006. 103–114., 192–226.; see further Lact. Plac. Comm. ad Stat. Theb. 1.717–720.

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■ II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras ■ Capricorn mentioned by Numenius and Porphyry, too, can be perhaps of greatest importance.107 Ádám Szabó identified in 2001 the stream of blood of the killed bull (i.e. the Moon responsible for the incarnation of souls on Earth) with the Milky Way, so the tauroctony may also be an act creating the initial home of souls.108 Based on these interpretations some cryptic allusions of Porphyry about Mithras as the lord of the world of genesis,109 about Taurus as the astrological exaltation of the Moon guarding over the genesis of souls,’110 about souls generated from cattle,111 and about the wandering of souls being important in the Mysteries,112 can be better understood today. Knowing ancient astrology, one might deduce that Mithras could not only be identified with the Sun as Sol Vincibilis, suffering sometimes from an eclipse of the Sun, but also with Saturnus, the real Sol Invictus revolving around the Earth in the exterior (seventh) planetary sphere.113 The identity of the real Sol Invictus with Saturnus (the tutelary planet of the seventh grade of initiation),114 like the identity of the Fons Perennis (shown in the representations as a spring drawn from a rock by Mithras the Archer) with the Milky Way, was naturally known only by the initiates.115 The representation of Mithras as Archer and the Twins drinking from the Eternal Source (according to an inscription from the S. Prisca mithraeum)116 shows the Creation of the Milky Way, like the tauroctony, but 107 108

109 110 111 112

113 114 115 116

Num. frg. 34–35 = Macr. Comm. Somn. Scip. 1.12; Porphyrios, De antro 22, 24–25.; Beck 1976.; Gordon 1988. Szabó Á. 2001. 277–280. The reading of the famous inscription from the S. Prisca mithraeum (et nost servasti [---] sanguine fuso) is unfortunately uncertain, because on the wall only „sanguine fuso” was clearly visible: Panciera 1978. 87–112. The creation of the Milky Way as celestial home of the souls has, to the best of our knowledge nothing in common with the redemption of the souls in a Christian sense: Nagy L. 2007. 114–115. See the interpretation of the term imago resurrectionis used by Tertullian in connection with the Mithraic initiation rites: Nagy L. 2008. 187–189. Porph. De antro. 24–25. Porph. De antro 18. Porph. De antro 10., 18., 19. Porph. De abstinentia 4.16. 2. According to Turcan 1993. 111., real belief in metempsychosis in the known Platonic sense cannot be proven in the Mithraic mysteries. Therefore I have tried to avoid this problem with the term „the wandering of souls,” which refers to their travelling between the Milky Way and the Earth in the strict sense of genesis and apogenesis stressed by Porphyry. Ptol. Tetr. 2.3.23.; Beck 1988. 86–91.; László 2005. I. 228–233. Hier. Epist. 107.2 (Ad Laetam); CIMRM 299, 480.; Vermaseren – van Essen 1965. 155–158., 168–169.; Chalupa 2008. 188. László 2005. I. 189–193. CIMRM 485A–5; Vermaseren – van Essen 1965. 193., 200.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ from another perspective: it was known from astronomy that the Milky Way had two points of intersection with the zodiac: in Sagittarius and Gemini.117 Earlier Mithraic research recognized — not surprisingly — the meaning of the third Mithraic personification, the Petragenitus (the birth of Mithras from a rock, a tree or an egg), as a representation of the creation of the Cosmos in the language of Star Talk.118 Finally, in 2005, according to the astrological interpretation of Levente Laszló, the secret of the fourth personification, the Transitus Dei has been perhaps revealed (see Appendix 1).119 The most important lesson drawn from Appendix 1 is — in agreement with Porphyry120 — the identity of the bull with the Moon and with the planet Venus (the astrological house of Venus is Taurus the Bull). In the years 92 and 93 AD the Sun and Venus almost „danced around each other” in the sky (Fig. 27.). An outstanding example of the educatory character of Mithraic iconography as Star Talk is the depiction of the upper and lower conjunctions of the Sun and the Venus, represented as a fight of Mithras with the bull.121 The series of astronomical phenomena ended finally with the most perfect bull-killing: in December 93 AD there was an eclipse of the Moon when the Sun stood in Capricorn (in the gate of apogenesis of souls) and the Moon in Cancer (in the gate of genesis). (Fig. 28.). Mithras revealed to the initiates understanding Star Talk the secret of the wandering of souls, which is — we know from Porphyry — an important thing in the Mithraic mysteries.122 The didactic character of Mithraic iconography is clearly shown in the relief from the mithraeum in Micia, representing the first and second event of the phenomena in 92–93 AD, the residence of the Venus in her own astrological House (in the sign of Taurus) and the entry of the Sun in this constellation: the bull had been hidden in a small house, which was subsequently torched by Mithras, before the long hunt for it began (Fig. 29.).123 After this short presentation of the most important research results for my purposes between 1976 and 2006, it could be clearly shown that the four most important events of the so called Mithraic myth (the tauroctony, Fons Perennis, Transitus Dei, Petra-

117 118 119 120 121 122 123

László 2005. I. 191. Beck 1988. 39–42. The iconographical types of the birth from rock, tree and egg are listed by Vollkommer 1992. 593–595. László 2005. I. 196–205. Porph. De antro. 18., 24. The iconographical types of the „Stierraub” are listed by Vollkommer 1992. 606–608. Porph. De abstinentia. 4.16.2. Another example for the bull depicted in a small house raided by Mithras: CIMRM 1247., 1422. (Dieburg, Lauriacum)

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■ II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras ■ genitus), called „Mithraic personifications” by Istvan Tóth124 and reconstructed unsuccessfully by former research, all represent the activity of Mithras as Creator of the Universe. These personifications do not represent the successive events of a life story of Mithras in the scenes one after another,125 except the Transitus and the tauroctony, where there is a time sequence (see Appendix 1). If one takes a look at the Mithraic scenes of some representative iconographical programs shown in Appendix 2 in italics, it can be recognized why the events of a traditional life story of Mithras from the Petragenitus to the tauroctony cannot be reconstructed: the birth from the rock, the Eternal Source, and the bull-killing happened in the same time; they are representations, by means of Star Talk, of a single act of creation. At this point, there is an unavoidable time paradox to discuss: when did Mithras create the world? The birth of the rock and the tauroctony as acts of creation could not happen in 92–93 AD, because the whole cosmos with the glorious Roman Empire inside already existed at that time. In my opinion, there is only one solution to the paradox. The astronomical events and the rapid development of the Roman Mithraic mysteries as a new religion at the beginning of the 2nd century AD are really signs of a new period, when Mithras, the figure with Phrygian cap born from rock, tree or pine-cone reveals his real manifestation with the series of celestial phenomena in order to show the secret of the creation of the Universe long ago. Levente László wrote in 2005 about the possible meaning of some side-scenes of complex reliefs in an Orphic context, because some recognizable mythological events happening clearly before the rock-birth on the left side-scenes of the complex relief from Osterburken seemed to follow not only the well known succession myth of Hesiod, but the late Hellenistic Orphic Theogony of the Rhapsodies (Fig. 30.).126 The creation of the Universe begins in Osterburken in the bottom left sidescene with a bearded head surrounded by a circle, identified already by earlier research with Chaos,127 representing the misrule in the Universe before the cre124 125 126 127

Tóth I. 1977. Beck 2006. 25.; Bowden 2010. 188–189. CIMRM 1292.; László 2005. I, 160–166.; The reconstruction of the Rhapsodies based on the orphicorum fragmenta: West 1983. 70–75. CIMRM II, 117–119.; Campbell 1968. 326. (emerging cosmos/primeval ocean before the generation of heaven and earth); László 2005. I. 162. Reinhold Merkelbach identified this representation with the Heliodromus as Sun God. In fact, the unique representation in the first Osterburken panel of the bearded face wrapped by the circle can be identified with Chaos by comparing it to his single sure depiction in Antiquity on the cosmological mosaic in Mérida, where a bearded older man wrapped by a veil with the inscription naming him Chaos is visible: Castro 1986. 188–189.; Merkelbach 1984. 351.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ ation of the Cosmos. In the second side-relief up from the bottom on the left Caelus and Terra can be seen (Caelus is depicted with Phrygian cap, in order to show to the initiates his identity with Mithras).128 In the next (third) relief the Parcae are depicted as Mistresses of Fate (according to the Orphic succession-myth, the first creation took place in the cave of the Night, and the Parcae are the daughters of Night).129 In the next panel, Iuppiter takes over the power from Saturn, the lord of the previous period, and after defeating the Titans, he will be the new Emperor of the world. The Orphic connections of the Mithraic theogony are more obvious, if we try to compare the series of the generations of gods represented in the reliefs with the cosmology of the Orphic hymns written in Asia Minor, sung during Orphic mysteries: some of the hymns recorded not only Kronos as the god of the next generation after Uranos and Gaia, but also the Moirai, who are represented in the relief of Osterburken.130 Phanes (Protogonos), the god responsible for the first creation, played an increasingly important role in the Orphic theogonies from the Hellenistic period.131 The first creation of Phanes is in the Theogony of the Rhapsodies preceded by Unaging Time, Chronos. He exists from all eternity and because of the similarity of his name, he could be confused with Kronos, father of Zeus.132 Unaging Time is a snake who broke an egg, so that Phanes could emerge from it. His birth can be connected to the first creation preceded by the state of Chaos. The name of Phanes was known in the mysteries of Mithras, too: in addition to a dedica128

129 130 131 132

Merkelbach 1984. 353. identified this picture also with the Heliodromus as Sun God. He saw in his fig. 114. the reclining Tellus as a man, whose breasts are only injuries of the relief surface. Vollkommer 1992. 598., 603., 609., and Grifio 1986. 9–10., 15., identified the figures with Phrygian cap holding a globe above their heads in the reliefs of Neuenheim and Osterburken (CIMRM 1283. and 1292.) with Atlas, because according to the iconographical convention in the Roman imperial period the globe above the head must be an attribute of the Titan Atlas, son of Iapetus and Clymene, punished by Zeus with the task of holding the firmamentum on his shoulder. However, no Atlas figures were depicted together with Tellus in Antiquity, and none of them ever wore a Phrygian cap. The figure and myth of Atlas as punished Titan does not make any sense in the Mithraic context, therefore I tend to identify these Mithraic Atlas-like figures with Mithras as Sky with an iconography taken from the Atlas depictions. The known iconograpical tradition of Caelus with a veil above his head fits better in the second panel in Osterburken, although the Caelus-figures do not hold the whole globe above their heads. From the point of view of the composition of the panel, the identification with Caelus and Terra is plausible, too: Tram tan Tinh 1994. 4., 7., 14., 133–134. Orph. frag. 163–164., 167–169.; West 1983. 70–71. Morand 2001. 331–332. (Apendix 6, tab. 1). Orph. frag. 101–104., 138–140., 249–250.; Turcan 1994. 363–364., with further literature. West 1983. 103–104., expressing his theory about the possible connections of the Orphic succession myth with Persian religion (i.e. the analogy of Unaging Time with Zurvan akarana).

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■ II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras ■ tion of Zeus-Helios-Mithras-Phanes from Rome,133 Mithras-Phanes is probably represented in the famous relief from Modena.134 (Fig. 31.). Due to the similarities of both the Hesiodic and Orphic succession myths with Mithraic iconography there is a reasonable probability of Orphic elements in the Mithraic cosmogony, but differences are apparent in the iconography for the time when Zeus came to power and defeated the Titans. Instead of the birth of Dionysus, the new lord of the world responsible for the process of metempsychosis, Mithras born from the rock, tree or egg is depicted in the complex reliefs and paintings (Appendix 2). The gods of the later generations of the Orphic theogonies embodied the personalities of the previous generations, so that the various gods of the successive generations are in fact different manifestations of a single cosmic god ruling the universe. This phenomenon, called „henotheism” in modern research since the 19th century, elaborated in detail recently by Henk S. Versnel,135 is apparent in the Mithraic mysteries, too.136 The figures of the gods in each generation, first Unaging Time (Chronos) associated with Saturn, then Phanes, who created the world, then Saturn, father of Iuppiter, and finally Iuppiter, the new lord of the world after defeating the Titans, can all be different manifestations of Mithras, the creator of the universe. This diversity is well reflected in the iconography of Mithras-Phanes in the relief from Modena: the snake around his body (splitting the egg of Phanes) is the symbol of Time associated with Chronos-Saturnus, but the lion-head visible on his stomach alludes according to the iconographical language of Star Talk not only to the Sun in the constellation of Leo, but to Iuppiter and to his father Saturnus as well.137 Do the rules of Star Talk permit the possibility that the astronomical phenomena dated to 92–93 AD, explained above, are really the messengers of a new saeculum, when Mithras born from the rock (creating himself from himself, like the Orphic gods) reveals his real manifestation and represents to the initiates the secret of his first creation as Mithras-Phanes? 133 134

135 136 137

CIMRM 475.; Scheid 2001. 100–101. CIMRM 695–696.; Merkelbach 1984. 337–340. The Orphic description of Chronos as a winged serpent and Phanes as a bull–, lion- and serpent-headed figure: Orph. frag. 137–138, 152–155) has also its analogies in the Mithraic iconography of Mithras-Phanes and the so called lion-headed god (Mithras-Arimanius-Saturnus): Arn. Adv. nat. 6.10; Tert. Myth. Vat. 1.1, latin text: http://archive.org/stream/scriptoresrerum0Obodegoog_djvu. txt; PGM IV.2111–2117; CIMRM 222., 239., 833., 834., 1773.; Beck 1984. 2034–2035., 2086–2089.; Jackson 1985.; Nagy L. 2007. Versnel 2011. 281–307. North 2010. 50–51. For the problems concerning the using of the terms „henotheism” and „pagan monotheism,” see Van Nuffelen 2010. 16–21. Jackson 1985. 18–31; Beck 1988. 52–65.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ A recent fortunate discovery can perhaps be helpful in solving this problem. In Hawarte (Northern Syria), 10 km north of Apameia, a previously unknown mithraeum was detected in 1997 under the Early Christian church dated to the end of the 4th/ beginning of the 5th century.138 After taking notice of the site, the authorities commissioned the Polish-Syrian research team led by Michal Gawlikowski to excavate the sanctuary. The paintings of the mithraeum, published after some preliminary reports in 2007, are from an iconographical point of view totally unique. Particularly the still not precisely understood murals of the antechamber (Fig. 32.),139 which seem to be, in context, connected with the lustration rituals of the initiates of the Leo grade against painful, harmful and infectious things.140 The painting found in the inner sanctuary called „City of Darkness” by the excavator is so far unique in Mithraic iconography (Fig. 33.).141 There are seven shaggy heads visible behind a castle wall. One of these persons seems to be preparing to escape, but all of them are caught by seven light rays. Following Richard Gordon, Gawlikowski interpreted the representations as the fight of the „Good” against the „Bad”: the strange demon-like figures in the scenes of the antechamber and in the „City of Darkness” paintings seemed to reflect the impact of the dualism of Persian religion and, according to Gordon, early Christian demonology. Because of the dating of the paintings to the 4th century based on the stratigraphy of the mithraeum, Gawlikowski raised the question: is this iconography with Iranizing intellecutal background a specific regional phenomenon of Roman Mithraism in Syria, explained by the proximity of this region to the Persian Empire? (Similar „dualistic” effects cannot be detected in other provinces).142 To check Gawlikowski’s and Gordon’s interpretation, let us take a look at the complex iconographical programs shown in Appendix 2. The five representative examples are chosen from different regions (Syria, Germania, Italy) and from different periods within the Roman imperial era. The complex programs are — except for the different sequence of the Mithras-personifications mentioned above — largely homogeneous in Syria, Italy, and in the German provinces as well.143 138 139 140 141 142 143

Gawlikowski 2007. Gawlikowski 2007. 352–354., colour fig. 9–10. Porph, De antro. 15. Gawlikowski 2007. 355, colour fig. 12. Gawlikowski 2007. 347–350., 352., 355., 360–361. The article of. Gordon 2001b. was unfortunately not available to me. The smaller differences in the compositions of the tauroctony icons of the Danube and Rhine region, described by Gordon 1980b., do not break this homogenity significantly. In the mithraeum of Marino (Appendix 2) the sequence of the representations of the Gigantomachy,

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■ II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras ■ Secondary Iranising dualistic or Christian influences on fourth century eastern Mithraism cannot be substantiated in extant written sources, or in the otherwise rich Mithraic iconography.144 Because of the lack of sources I should not exclude the possibility of such secondary effects, but for the „City of Darkness” another interpretation can be proposed as well. If one has a look at Appendix 2 again, in the series of the scenes of the Orphic/Mithraic succession myth we will find in the first place Saturn in Dura Europos, Chaos in Osterburken, and the „City of Darkness” in Hawarte. According to the analogies of Orphic myths, the figure of Saturn refers not only to the generation immediately before Zeus, but also to Unaging Time existing forever. The figure of Chaos refers to the situation before the beginning of the cosmic order, i.e. before the birth of Phanes and the first creation of the cosmos. The following conclusion is plausible: that the “City of Darkness” with the seven shaggy faces (i.e. with the impression of disorder) and with the seven rays of light catching the black heads should represent a creation act, too. The astrological theory about the apokatastasis, marking the beginning and the end of the Great Year (1,753,005 terrestrial years according to the calculation of Antiochos) was well known in the Roman period: the Sun, the Moon and the five planets will return at the end of the Great Year to the same point (to their own astrological houses, or to the boundary of the constellations Cancer and Leo), where they stood in the beginning of this great period.145 (The constellation Leo is the astrological house of the Sun, identified with Mithras). According to the sporadic extant sources, Evil in the Mithraic mysteries was not necessarily an independent divine power fighting against Mithras; rather Destiny, the inevitability of Fate could be a bad thing.146 The “City of Darkness”

144

145 146

recumbent Saturn, rock birth and Transitus on the left are shown from the top to bottom: Vermaseren 1982. 3–8.; Vollkommer 1992. 600. The problem of the Iranian background and Iranizing tendencies in the Roman mysteries is well documented in recent literature, whether focusing on Commagene or Rome: Clauss 1990.; Beck 1988.; Gordon 2001a.; László 2005. 19–122.; Nagy L. 2007. 109., all with rich further sources and literature. The extant iranizing elements investigated in these sources seemed to be not specifically late and not secondary. László 2005. is a source–book containing all relevant written sources, inscriptions and the most important representations of the Mithraic mysteries in the Roman period. We found no sources or depictions showing dualistic tendencies in this religion. Beck 1988. 41.; Beck 2006. 254. Proklos Comm. in Platonis Rem Publ. 10.16.; CIMRM 85. 10–12.; Vermaseren – van Essen 1965. 206–211.: dulcia sunt fi[ceta?] avium sed cura gubernat; Burkert 1987. 21–29.; Nagy L. 2007. 110., 114.; even though the name and the figure of Mithras-Arimanios (CIMRM 222, 1773.) could evoke bad associations of the Persian evil demon among Christians: Turcan 1984. 220.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ would represent — in my suggestion — the creation of the Sun, Moon and the five planets. Since the location of this unique scene was arranged within the sacral topography of the mithraeum so as to be at the beginning and end of the series of events of the great saeculum as well (see Appendix 2), the iconographical program of the Hawarte mithraeum provides a unique opportunity to reconstruct the cosmic events of the Mithraic Great Year. If this interpretation is right, the seven rays of light derive — in accordance with the Orphic myths — from Mithras-Phanes, who is not seen in the picture. Mithras is the genitor luminis (an inscription from Carnuntum, mithraeum no. I, calls him this147), who created the (gods = lights of the) tutelary planets and separated the light from the darkness, as can be read in the oath of the initiates found in two papyri from Oxyrhynchus, now in Florence.148 It is perhaps not a coincidence that the head of Mithras points in the representations of the egg-birth from Housesteads149 and of the rock-birth from Trier150 precisely at the single point of apokatastasis, the boundary of Leo and Cancer (he creates the Cosmos while separating the opposites, Figs. 34–35).151 The short history of Time in the mysteries of Mithras makes up only 1,753,005 years, if we consider the different manifestations of Mithras within this period depicted in Mithraic iconography, but the age of Mithras — as eternal time — is infinite. The existence of Mithras in space and in time is eternal, he rules over Chaos, he separates the opposites and creates a sound world. He appears in all generations in a new shape analogous to the generations of gods in Orphic myths, in order to dominate the world continuously. He is Iuppiter, too, the main god of the Roman Empire, who defeats the Titans in the next scene in Hawarte and he rules over his world sitting on his throne (according to Orphic myths, mankind was generated from the ashes of the Titans destroyed by Zeus152). He is the Sun, too, Mithras Tauroktonos, who overcomes the Moon with an eclipse, depicted by the well known figure with the Phrygian cap. Finally, the figure of Mithras 147

148 149 150 151 152

CIMRM 1676; Kremer 2011. 169. The inscription reads: D(eo) I(nvicto) M(ithrae)/ Adlec(tus)/ s(ervus) T(iberii) C(laudii?) or c(onductoris?) v(ilicus?)/ 5 gen(itori) lum(inis) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito). PSI XII, 1290; PSI X, 1162; László 2005. 55–59. CIMRM 860. CIMRM 985.; Beck 1988. 39–42. Beck 2005. 40–42. Orph. frag. 210–211., 214., 220., 228–235., 238. (although the later version of Olympiodorus, in which the flesh of Dionysus was eaten by the Titans, so that mankind has a part of Dionysus, may be a neoplatonic interpretation); Morand 2001. 159–160; West 1983. 16–166.; Bernabé–San Cristobal 2008. 105–116.

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■ II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras ■ with the Phrygian cap is Saturnus, too, the real Invincible Sun and the tutelary planet of the seventh grade, who is depicted after the tauroctony together with the Vincible Sun (the figure with the radiate crown, tutelary luminary of the sixth grade).153 The scenes in Hawarte following the tauroctony and Sol kneeling before Mithras154 are the celestial hunt of Mithras, well known from the mithraeum of Dura Europos,155 Cautopates, and a figure standing next to a crater (Mithras preparing the cult meal?)156 (Fig. 36.) When the existing world is being consumed by the final fire, the apokatastasis occurs again at the end of the Great Year, while Mithras as Time remains unchanged. The “City of Darkness” attracts the viewer’s gaze in the mithraeum again.

Appendix 1 The constellations of the personification Transitus Dei and their iconography (taken from Laszló 2005. I. 209, 219–221). Moments in 92–93 AD

Constellations

Iconography

March—April 92 AD

Venus is in Taurus (in her astrological house)

The bull is grazing free, or sitting in his small house

22nd April 92 AD

The Sun enters Taurus

The small house of the bull is being set on fire by Mithras

3rd March 92 AD

Lower conjunction of the Mithras is grabbing the bull Sun and Venus in Taurus

92 AD : Publication of the Epic Thebais of Statius, with the first allusion to the tauroctony in a Roman context (Thebais 1.717–720) May 92 AD — March 93 AD

The Sun passes in front of Venus

Mithras is carrying the bull

23rd July 92 AD: Eclipse of the Sun, when the Sun, the Moon and Saturn are in the Cancer (Cancer is the astrological house of the Moon) — the bull is winning

153 154 155 156

László 2005. I. 226–233. Gawlikowski 2007. 358., colour fig. 16. CIMRM 52. Gawlikowski 2007. 358., colour fig. 17.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Moments in 92–93 AD

Constellations

Iconography

6th March 93 AD

Upper conjunction of the The bull escapes Sun and Venus in Pisces

March—December 93 AD

Venus passes in front of the Sun

The bull is dragging Mithras

20th December 93 AD

Lower conjunction of the Sun and Venus in Sagittarius

Mithras finally grabs the bull

21st December 93 AD: Eclipse of the Moon, when the Sun is in Capricorn (gate of apogenesis, Cautes), the Moon is in Cancer (gate of genesis, Cautopates) — the perfect bull-killing End of the 1st — beginning of the 2nd century: explosive spread of the Mithraic mysteries in Italy, in Germany and in the Danube region

Appendix 2 Complex iconographical programs representing the main element of the “Mithraic myth” in Syria, Germania and Italy Hawarte, JRA 2007 4th century AD

DuraEuropos, CIMRM 42–52 cca. 240–256 AD

Osterburken, CIMRM 1292 (left/right side) cca. 200–230 AD

„City of Darkness”

Saturnus

Chaos

Gigantomachy, Gigantomachy enthroned Iuppiter

Neuenheim, CIMRM 1283 cca. 150–170 AD

Caelus/Terra

Mithras-Caelus

Parcae

Oceanus (?) Recumbent Saturnus (?)

Iuppiter and Saturnus

Iuppiter and Saturnus

Gigantomachy

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Marino, Vermaseren, Mithriaca III cca. 200 AD

Gigantomachy

■ II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras ■ Hawarte, JRA 2007 4th century AD

Birth from a rock/tree

DuraEuropos, CIMRM 42–52 cca. 240–256 AD

Osterburken, CIMRM 1292 (left/right side) cca. 200–230 AD

Recumbent Saturnus

Recumbent Saturnus

Birth from a rock

Birth from a rock

Birth from a rock

Harvesting Mithras

Mithras breaks branches off a tree

Birth from a tree

Mithras and Sol, Luna on a quadriga

Transitus Dei

Fons Perennis

Fons Perennis

Birth from a tree

Fons Perennis

Neuenheim, CIMRM 1283 cca. 150–170 AD

Marino, Vermaseren, Mithriaca III cca. 200 AD Recumbent Saturnus Birth from a rock

Transitus Dei

Transitus Dei

Transitus Dei

Transitus Dei

Transitus Dei

Tauroctony

Tauroctony (main icon)

Tauroctony (main icon)

Tauroctony (main icon)

Tauroctony (main icon)

Mithras and Sol Mithras and Sol Mithras and Sol

Mithras and Sol

Celestial hunt

Celestial hunt

Celestial hunt

Fons Perennis

Cautopates, Banquet (?)

Banquet

Banquet

„City of Darkness”

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Figures

Fig. 27: Eclipse of the Sun on the 23rd July 92 AD (taken from László – Nagy – Szabó 2005. I, 220, fig. 3.) [The most important Hungarian names in English: Rák = Cancer; Oroszlán = Leo; Ikrek = Gemini; Bak = Capricorn; Nap = Sun; Hold = Moon; Föld = Earth]

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■ II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras ■

Fig. 28: Eclipse of the Moon on the 21st December 93 AD (taken from László – Nagy – Szabó 2005. I, 258, fig. 5.)

Fig. 29: Relief from Micia showing an initial scene from the Transitus Dei progress: the bull = Venus is in Taurus, scorched by Mithras, the Sun (taken from CIMRM II, 2023)

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Fig. 30: The complex relief from the mithraeum of Osterburken (taken from CIMRM II, 1292 – colour photo: http://www.tertullian.org/rpearse/ mithras/display.php?page=cimrm1292)

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Fig. 31: Mithraic relief from Modena (taken from CIMRM I, 695 – colour photo: http://www.tertullian.org/rpearse/mithras/ display.php?page=cimrm695)

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Fig. 32: Mithraic painting from the antechamber of the Hawarte mithraeum (taken from Gawlikowski 2007. colour fig. 9.)

Fig. 33: The City of Darkness from the Hawarte mithraeum (taken from GAWLIKOWSKI 2007. colour fig. 12.)

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Fig. 34: Petragenitus relief from Trier (taken from Demandt – Engemann 2007. fig. I, 13, 5.)

Fig. 35: Petragenitus relief from Housesteads (taken from CIMRM 860)

Fig. 36: Cautopates and Mithras preparing the cult meal (?) from the mithraeum of Hawarte (taken from Gawlikowski 2007. colour fig. 17.)

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III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia in the 3rd – 4th centuries A.D.: Reinterpreting the Evidence

The research of Mithraic-Christian relations in the Middle Danube region, especially in the 4th century A.D., has not received much attention from scholars of ancient religion and classical archaeology. This contribution aims to represent the most relevant written/archaeological sources and scholarly interpretations of Mithraic – Christian connections in the examined region, with special regards to the recent results of Hungarian Mithraic research (particularly by the late István Tóth, whose monograph about Pannonian religious history was published in 2015).157 The rich religious life of Poetovio, as the commercial and regional center of the publicum portorium Illyrici with five mithraea (fig. 37.) inspired István Tóth. According to him, there was a sophisticated, much travelled person familiar with many religions, astrology and philosophical systems, who created the mysteries of Mithras in Poetovio, adding iranising elements in the beginning of 2nd c. A.D (fig. 38.).158 He may have organised a new network of cultores spreading from Poetovio via Italy, western Europe and Balcans.159 For the 3rd century, István Tóth visualised a peaceful religious and cultural interaction between the mithraic communities and the new Christian community of Poetovio, lead by bishop Victorinus as early as the middle of the century.160 His hypothesis, that mithraic cultores (for instance in Mithraeum III dedicated by the high officers of Dacian legions during the rule of Gallienus, fig. 39.) and local Christians cel157 158

159 160

Tóth I. 2015. 163–182.; Nagy L. 2016a. 167–170. Tóth I. 2003. 7–18.; Tóth I. 2015. 169–176. Another narrative wide spread in international scholarly literature is the hypothesis of mithraic origins in Rome. The founder should have come from Asia Minor, Cilicia or Commagene, stressing an exotic-oriental religious „otherness” of the new mysteries: Beck 1988. 115–128.; Bowden 2010. 194–196.; Versluys 2013. 248–250.; Bremmer 2014. 128–129.; Mastrocinque 2017. 27–28., 82–83., 238., 327–330. Tóth I. 2003. 11–18., 31–35. Tóth I. 2004. 237–241. Relevant records from the life of the Christian community lead by Victorinus: Bratož 2002. 7–20.

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■ III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia... ■ ebrated christmas together in Poetovio, was based on an inscription from the IVth mithraeum, which was dated to the 24th december,161 and on the chronological fragment of Victorinus, which placed the dies natalis of Christ to the winter solstice, too.162 The idea of a religious tolerance and ecumenical fellowship with reversal borrowings and religious-cultural transfer in a multicultural roman town like Poetovio sounds nice for proponents of religious acculturation theories between „pagan” 163 mystery religions and christianity.164 The chronological fragment of Victorinus, however, reflects rather Early Christian traditions from the 2nd century Asia Minor (Cappadocia), already known in Rome as early as in the beginning of 3rd century as well.165 There are also problems with the wide-spread idea of the rock birth of Mithras at the winter solstice as well. The iconography of the rock birth has also more connections with summer zodiac signs and paranatellonta, therefore the idea of the mithraic origins of christmas was set aside by recent contributions, too.166 Except the dedication from Poetovio, this date (24th december) as feast day is not really attested on mithraic inscriptions, further we have no sure evidence about the great feast of Sol Invictus with chariot races on the 25th december167 before the well known record of the feast in the codex-calendar from 354 A.D.168 Research made by Martin Wallraff on the cult of Sol invictus and its connections to Early Christianities stressed rather the impacts of religious policy of Constantine the Great.169 161

162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169

ILJug 1978. 192. Kat. Nr. 1150; Tóth I. 1988. 23., Kat. Nr. 18; Tóth I. 2004. 237–238.: „M(arcus) Gong(ius)/Aquilei/ensis pro /salute/ sua suor/um(que) om/nium v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)/ d(e)d(icavit) [or d(edit) d(edicavit) or d(ono) d(edit)] VIIII K(alendas) Ian(uarias)/ p(osuit) p(ater) p(ientissmus) Florentius” The religious historical evaluation of the excavation report of Iva Curk from 1957, presenting the topographical context of Mithraeum No, IV: Selem 1980. 140–143. Vict. Poet. Frg. Chron.: „VIII. Kal. Ian. natus est dominus noster Iesus Christus” (ed. Dulaey 1993.) In the light of recent terminological debates (Jürgasch 2016. 115–138.; Nagy L. 2016e. 121– 32.), I use the term „pagan” with the meaning „non Christian” in this contribution. Critical approach: Nagy L. 2007. 101–119.; Bremmer 2014. 142–165., with further sources and literature. Dulaey 1993. I. 38., with further sources; Nagy L. 2012b. 134–135. László–Nagy–Szabó 2005. 179–183.; Nagy L. 2012a. 42–46., 50–51. Rüpke 2006. 79., 81., with further literature and with the possibility, that the record of this feast is a later interpolation in the calendar. Wallraff 2001. 174–180.; Nagy L. 2012b. 134–135. Various questions of solar christology are well summarized in Wallraff 2001. 44–88. Wallraff 2001. 144–151., 174–180.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ The passion story of the IV (or V) sancti coronati, Christian sculptors from Pannonia, who were willing to carve a huge Sol Invictus sculpture from white marble for an imaginary (?) temple founded by emperor Diocletianus, does not prove the compatibility (or identical identity) of Sol with Christ. According to the narrative, they depicted the creation of God, the sun (the sun of Justice), like animals from the created world with pleasure, but they did not venerated them as gods.170 Nevertheless, we have a rebuilding inscription from the area of mithraeum Nr. IV of Sol Invictus Mithras dedicated by Aurelius Iustinianus dux labefactatum (fig. 40.), dated to the tetrarchy period (CIL III 4039), like the imaginary Sun temple of Diocletian in the passion story.171 The story itself reflects according to recent hagiographical analysis the cultural memory of an otherwise unknown christian community in Pannonia, stressing the christian identity of believers, who tended to praise their god through his created world, but seemed to be unwilling to adore the creation itself instead of his creator.172 Leaving aside Poetovio, which belonged already to Noricum in the course of the fourth century (as late as during Constantine the Great), 173 the last great success of Mithras as Sun God in Pannonia was attested on the secondarily used altar probably from the mithraeum III of Carnuntum, with the dedications of the Iovii and Herculii, who attended the emperors’ meeting in Carnuntum in 308 (fig. 41.).174 How to reconstruct further potential success or decay of Mithraic worship in the investigated region after the Constantinian turn? The nowadays fashionable research of the social and religious networks of mithraic believers sharing the same religious group identity through the investigation of inscriptions175 unfortunately does not work in the fourth century Pannonian provinces, because the religous attitude or the personal or collective agency of social groups, who were willing earlier to set altars to gods including 170 171

172 173 174

175

Passio IV sanct. cor. 1–3 (ed. Delehaye 1910. 765–779.); Nagy L. 2012b. 109–110., 120., 147– 148.; Nagy L. 2018c. Selem 1980. 141.; CIL III, 4039.; CIMRM II. 1614.; Kovács 2011. 145., with the text of the inscription: „Templum dei Sol(is) Inv(icti) Mit(hrae)/ Aur(elius) Iusti/nianus v(ir) p(erfectissimus) dux labefa/ctatum re/stituit.” Nagy L. 2012a. 20–21., 119–152.; Nagy L. 2018c. Fitz 1994. 1183.; Nagy L. 2012b. 140–141., with further sources. CIMRM II. 1697–1698.; Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 167, Kat. Nr. 34; Kat. Carnuntum 2014. 224–225, Kat. Nr. 509 with the text of the inscription: „D(eo) S(oli) I(nvicto) M(ithrae)/ fautori imperii sui/ Iovii et Herculii/ religiosissimi/ Augusti et Caesares/ sacrarium/ restituerunt”; Tóth I. 2015. 181–182. Rüpke 2013. 261–277.; Szabó Cs.2013. 43–72.; Szabó Cs. 2017. 155–158.

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■ III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia... ■ Mithras176 has been changed. We have no more mithraic dedications after the period of the tetrarchy.177 Taking into account the decreasing tendency of raising inscriptions in the second half of the 3rd century A.D.,178 the end of ex voto inscriptons in Pannonia can hardly be explained solely for psychological reasons, as Ramsey McMullen and his follower, Eberhard Sauer thought: the commissioners of the inscription no longer wanted that readers would read their messages over time, because they would have doubted the long-term survival and importance of the well-known world around them? 179 The official and funerary inscriptions – while showing an ever-decreasing tendency – are still well-documented in the 4th-century Pannonian provinces.180 The possible causes of the abandonment of the votive inscription can be explored in the context of the detailed investigation of the christianisation of the Pannonian provinces as a later research task: the spread of Christianity, the changes of Christian emperors’ religious policy or the disappearance of the fashion of traditional cult practice, independent of state religion policy control could be detected in the background.181 Another method, which seems succesful in Italian cities like Ostia or Rome, to create a Late Antique religious topography of each roman town including suburbium through the systematic recollection of archaeological evidence,182 could work in Pannonia as well. The problem is in this case, that most mithraea the evidence of fourth century activity were investigated with in old excavation methods before second world war, and even the last, late Roman periods can be suspected to be poorly documented, if one reads the old excavation reports.183 Nevertheless, recent research tries to reevaluate the stratigraphic evidence (if is there any) and the late Roman small finds from the mithraea (if there are any), in order to reconstruct the end of cultic activity. 176

177 178 179 180 181 182 183

The last well datable votive inscription in the cultic ensemble of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus K(arnutninus) on the Pfaffenberg of Carnuntum was raised in 313 (although Ioan Piso counts with later cult practice as well, on the basis of some small, hardly readable fragments). The last known datable votive dedication in Sirmium was raised in 326: Piso 2003. 14–15.; Kovács 2004. 188–189. Kovács 2004. 188–189. McMullan 1982. 233–246. McMullan 1982. 233–246.; Sauer 1996. 74. Kovács 2004. 185–195.; Bevelacqua 2014. 75–111. Nagy L. 2018b. Bjørnebye 2016. 197–212., with further literature. In case of Aquincum see Topál 2001. 269–272.; Zsidi 2011a. 20–25.; In case of Fertőrákos see Tóth I. 1971. 214–226.; 322–334.; In case of Sárkeszi see Fitz 1957.; In case of Poetovio see Vomer–Gojkovič 2001. 105–124.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ These reconstruction efforts of fourth century contexts are all based on the historical situation known from written sources: known imperial edicts against pagan cult activity until Theodosius are influential for archaeologists, to put their contexts from mithraea into the frames of the process of Christianisation, even if some datable finds, coins from destruction layers of Antique shrines seem to coincide with the dates of any edicts of anti-pagan imperial legislation.184 These records can offer, however, only indirect evidence to write any history of the last periods of mithraea within the 4th century. New excavation results with well documented contexts can help to reconstruct mithraic life in Late Antique Pannonia: recent research in the mithraeum of Savaria with two altars and wall painting fragments made by Péter Kiss offered evaluable small finds from the site. In his excavation report published in 2014 there is still no word about chronology,185 but in the abstract of his paper held on Symposium Peregrinum Conference in Tarquinia-Marino in 2016, we can read about evidence of 4th century activity on the basis of small finds.186 In contrast, the mithraeum belonging to the 3th century stone period of the Roman building in Hévíz-Egregy, excavated by Róbert Müller in 1994, 2001 and 2003 (fig. 42.), was not restored after the destruction of the building, when the last, 4th century stone period was erected.187 Similarly, the mithraeum discovered by László Kocsis in 1979–1980 of the Aquincum legionary fort, in the house of the tribunus laticlavius (fig. 43.) did not work in Late Roman period any more: its altars were cleaved into the north wall of the sanctuary before the 4th century.188 Mojca Vomer Gojkovič put the end of religious activity in the mithraeum Nr. II. of Poetovio to the middle of fourth century, regarding small finds like coins in the well of the sanctuary.189 Mithraeum Nr. III in Poetovio, installed during Gallienus could work still in the 1st half of the 4th century, on the basis of coins dated to the period of Constantine the Great and his family members.190 Coins prove, however, only the 4th century use of the buildings, they do not offer any evidence for Late Roman cultic activity. The rebuilding of Mithraum Nr. IV in Poetovio in the end of 3rd century by Aurelius Iustinianus during the era of Di-

184 185 186 187 188 189 190

Nicholson 1995. 358–362.; Sauer 1996.; Hahn et alii 2008.; Lavan–Mulyran 2011., with further literature; Hahn 2015. 115–140. Kiss P. 2014. 27–32. Kiss P. 2016. Müller 2004. 11–12. Kocsis 1991. 152. Vomer–Gojkovič 2001. 113. Selem 1980. 140.

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■ III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia... ■ ocletian offers only an indirect evidence for the continuous use of the shrine in the 4th century.191 This is the case in Carnuntum, too, where austrian research counts with cultic activity in mithraeum I until the period after the mid-fourth century, on the basis of a coin of Constans known from the old excavation made by Eduard von Sacken.192 Mathilde Grünewald published a fourth century fragment of a glazed mortarium from the narthex of Mithraeum Nr. III (fig. 44.) as well.193 Hungarian research counted with the religious use of the Symphorus mithraeum in the civil town of Aquincum (fig. 45.) until the end of fourth century on the basis of the old short excavation reports made by Tibor Nagy.194 Recent archaeological research showed another results: the civil town (at least its eastern part) seems to be inhabited in the most part of the fourth century, during the reevaluation of the find material, fourth century archaeological contexts have been redated by Orsolya Láng and Gábor Lassányi back to the second half – end of third century.195 So we do not have more evidence for a rich mithraic life in Aquincum in late Antiquity. The old excavation report from the 1930s at the mithraeum of Sárkeszi made by Arnold Marosi and Árpád Dormuth was reinterpretated by Tibor Nagy and Jenő Fitz. They count with a deliberate abandonment of the mithraeum by worshippers, who have hidden the cult image with the altars and a lamp into a pit in the entrance area of the shrine, because of postulated religious conflicts after the Constantinian turn, known from written sources.196 The depot of the sanctuary ensemble is, however, not dateable because of the lack of chronologically interpretable archaeological finds. István Járdányi-Paulovics did not notice any deliberate desctruction in his excavation report of 1935 from the mithraeum found north of the Campona auxiliary fort. He wrote about the destruction of the tauroctony image, which was displaced from his original place and thus damaged and reused for a secondary purpose (the relief itself was not broken into small pieces).197 The end of the

191 192 193 194 195 196 197

Selem 1980. 142. Gugl–Kremer 2011. 165; Kremer 2014. 49. Grünewald 1979. 67–68.; Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 172., Kat. Nr. 56.; Kat. Carnuntum 2014. 107., Kat. Nr. 58. Nagy T. 1942. 433.; Topál 2001. 270.; Topál 2003. 281. The report of the verifying excavation: Zsidi 2002. 38–48., the text does not mention late Roman finds. Láng 2016. Nagy T. 1950. 90.; Fitz 1957. 14. Járdányi–Paulovics 1957. 41.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ use of the shrine could not be dated in the absence of dating finds, because the excavator did not deal with the ceramic fragments found in the site.198 Likewise, the date of the final destruction of the mithraeum of the military town of Brigetio is unknown, it was found during construction works (without any presence of an archaeologist), only the stone monuments recessed on the floor of the sanctuary, the bronze tauroctony relief (now in the Hungarian National Museum, fig. 46.) found on the floor, and some altars with inscriptions were mentioned.199 The late Roman period of the Roman vicus and cemetery in Budaörs was well documented during the large-scale excavations in 2002–2003, but there is no evidence of a late Roman use of the mithraeum found in the nearby „vineyard” in 1821.200 The survival of the mithraeum of Fertőrákos (fig. 47.) in the 4th century is an error found in some handbooks about Mithras, it cannot be reconstructed by old (Ferenc Storno) and new excavation reports (Gabriella Gabrieli): the lost fourth century coins mentioned in the first excavation report belonged to secondary incinerary burials of non roman people, when the mithraeum was already out of use as a cultic place. The fourth century coins found during recent excavations in 1990–1991 were found in the debris of the 1866 excavations, together with 19th century finds.201 We have partly epigraphic, partly coin-dated, partly stratigraphic evidence from mithraea of Italy and the western provinces except Britain, which can show any kind of archaeologically attested activity as late as in the end of fourth, beginning of fifth century.202 Our scarce data from Pannonia tend to show this continuity of cult practice rather in the first half – second third, but not necesserily until the end of the 4th century, in accordance with the disappearance of votive inscriptions during the reign of Constantine the Great. Later research, which means the systematic evaluation and interpretation of unpublished or superficially published Late Roman small finds, may modify this 198 199

200 201 202

Járdányi–Paulovics 1957. 39–40. Radnóti 1946–1948. 137–138.; Barkóczi 1951. 8., 34., 48. There is no evidence about the survival of the mithraeum in the fourth century, when there were already cemeteries in the territory of the previous military town around the legionary fort of Brigetio: Barkóczi 1951. 9. Ottományi et alii 2014. 46–49., 63–68., 85–89. CIMRM II. 1636.; Vermaseren 1963. 166.; Tóth I. 1971. 221–223., 326., 330–331.; Gabrieli 1996. 155–156. Clauss 1986. 279. 283.; Nicholson 1995. 358–362.; Sauer 1996. 51–72.; László–Nagy– Szabó Á. 2005. 133–173.; Bjørnebye 2016. 198–199., 205–210.; Mastrocinque 2017. 313– 320., with recent summary of late antique written sources and inscriptions.

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■ III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia... ■ picture, it would be useful to launch new research projects in order to process and publish the extant find material. Another postulated way to reconstruct cross-cultural connections or reverse borrowings between Mithraism and Christianity should have been the iconographical analysis of early Christian casket mounts203 found in late Roman graves and fortresses, with mythological depictions together with Christian biblical scenes in the same iconographical program. Erika Dinkler von Schubert dealt with the iconographical program of some early Christian casket mounts from Intercisa, now in the Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum in Mainz in 1980.204 Following her opinion,205 Dorottya Gáspár interpretated the small symbols (bee, bird with long neck, dolphin, snake, star, shaking of two right hands – dextrarum iunctio) already on three casket mounts from Intercisa and Császár, grave 1 (fig. 48.) around the medaillons with mythological and biblical scenes as mithraic symbols, which should have been characteristic especially to pannonian Mithraism. These symbols could have been influenced the Christian owners of the caskets as evidence of cross cultural relations between mithraic cultores and Christians as late as in the fourth century.206 The most recent iconographical analysis of these so called Zwickelmotive in 2012 showed, however, that the bee, the bird with long neck, the delphin, the snake, the star and the dextrarum iunctio are not explicitly mithraic symbols on the early Christian caskets.207 They are so wide spread in roman art, that they can not be proofs of any specific 4th century cross-cultural relations between Mithraism and Christianity: dextrarum iunctio is for example good attested as a symbol of marriage in private sphere, in Christian context as well.208 István Tóth interpretated two fragments of a wooden plate with the images of Sol and Luna from a late Roman sarcophagus from Zámoly (datable by a coin of Diocletian and a cross-bow brooch made in the first half of the 4th century) as parts, i.e. two edges of a wooden mithraic cult image, perhaps a tauroctony (fig. 49.), which was put into the grave of the last Mithraic priest of that region. 209 We know casket mounts decorated with Sol’s representations from Intercisa (on the casket found in Császár, northwestern Hungary, grave 1 there are Sol and 203 204 205 206 207 208 209

Nagy L. 2012c. 61–90.; Nagy L. 2016d. 382–394.; Nagy L. 2016e. 121–132. Dinkler–von Schubert 1980. Dinkler–von Schubert 1980. 145. Gáspár 2002. 38–39. Nagy L. 2012c. 78–79. Nagy L. 2012c. 79. Tóth I. 2006. 3–6.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Luna depictions between another gods of the week-days), but these are partly standing figures, partly Sol images in chariots with four horses.210 Sol and Luna do not appear in the form of busts in medaillons on Pannonian casket mounts, so it is unlikely that a wooden box would belong to the wooden panels from Zámoly. Since the so-called Danubian Horsemen depictions (on magic gems and lead tablets) rarely represent busts of Sol and Luna, and the arrangemant of the busts of Zámoly are not suitable to be reconstructed as any parts of a Danubian Horsemen compositional scheme,211 the wooden plates could be small fragments of a two-sided Mithraic cult image from iconographical reasons.212 If the fragmented Sol and Luna images belong really to a Mithraic cult image, they may reflect the Mithraic religious identity of the former owner of the wooden plates, but this does not mean that the owner had to be a priest or that he was the last Mithras priest in the first half of the 4th century in the vicinity. Therefore, Mithraic priests as independent individuals with their specific religious identities, remain largely invisible after the reign of Great Constantine in the 4th-century Pannonian provinces, in the absence of written sources and inscriptions. The late Roman grave Nr. 2000 from the southern cemetery of Intercisa from the 2nd half of the fourth century was built from pagan altars (with Iuppiter, Iuno, Liber, Tellus dedications), covered by a tauroctony relief from a local mithraeum (fig. 50.) and a Sol Invictus Heliogabalus altar, used as secondary spolia.213 István Tóth was convinced, that the owner of the grave should have been a believer of Mithras, he or his family members used the cult image taken from a demolished local mithraeum deliberately, expressing his individual faith.214 210

211

212 213

214

Császár: grave 1: standing Sol and Luna figures; grave 2: Sol with quadriga in medaillon; Intercisa, southeastern cemetery, grave 1023: standing Sol (published earlier erroneously as Mercurius) and two examples from Intercisa, unknown context (Sol with quadriga in medaillon): Buschhausen 1971. Kat. Nr. A 14., 39., 65., 69., 102., Taf. A 15., 43, 82., 89., 101.; Gáspár 1986. I. Kat. Nr. 349., 350., 381., 382.; Nagy L. 2012c. 85.; another unpublished fragment from Pannonia (Sol with quadriga in medaillon): Kat. Carnuntum 2014. 242–243., Kat. Nr. 549. CMRED I, Kat. Nr. 135. (lead plaque with proposed dating to the period of Tetrarchy on the basis of the hairdo–style); Kat. Nr. 193., 194. (magic gems); Pl. LXIV, LXXXVIII; CMRED II, 183. Vágási 2016. 100., with further analogies. Tóth–Visy 1985. 37–56., Abb. 1–2.; Tóth I. 1988. 58–61., Kat. Nr. 77.; Tóth I. 2003. 37–68.; Kovács 1999. 39.; Visy 2016b. 44–45., 68., Kat. Nr. 29., 56. A newpythagorean interpretation of the relief: Mazur 2008. 208–218., the most wide spread astrological interpretation of the taurochthony in the international research: Beck 2006., in the hungarian research: Szabó Á. 2012. 125–134. Tóth I. 2015. 203.

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■ III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia... ■ István Tóth was right that the unconventional contexts related to the two investigated burials (Zámoly, Intercisa) might suggest a deliberate pagan (more precisely non-Christian) individual or collective religious identity215 because neither Mithraic cult images, nor another representations of Antique gods are characteristic grave goods in late Roman Pannonian cemeteries, except bronze casket mounts with mythological representations. It is possible, too, that we are facing with the unusual manifestations of individual or collective agency in late Roman archaeological contexts, with deliberate deviations from the usual burial habits (normative sociocultural structures) of the given region and period, this approach is familiar with theoretical frameworks of both post-processual archaeology and archaeology of identity.216 Late Roman objects decorated with mythological scenes, regardless of whether they are found as household utensil or as a grave good, can be interpreted either as signs of individual or collective agency of the dead or of the community who buried him/her, or as manifestations of paideia, still regarded as an important value in the 4th century.217 We have to face, however, with methodological problems, which seem to weaken the efforts of identifying traditional values like mos maiorum or paideia in the antique classical sense as clear proofs of pagan, in our case Mithraic identities in late Roman archaeological contexts against a postulated christianising millieu. Carved stones with non-christian contexts like altar inscriptions or mythological scenes are often used as secondarily reused spolia in late Roman graves. The grave 1 from Császár, northwestern Hungary, which was a grave of a man and a woman with the casket mount with biblical scenes was also built from spolia with non-christian content (two gravestones and an altar dedicated to Terra Mater).218 The builders of the grave seemingly did not care about the depictions and inscriptions on the monuments, the gravestones and the 215

216 217

218

Theoretical background for the analysis of religious identity as individual and collective identity in the early Christian period on the basis of narrative texts, inscriptions and architectural monuments: Rebillard–Rüpke 2015., good summary: 3–27. A methodological experiment, how to use methods of archaeology of identity in the hungarian Early Christian archaeology: Nagy L. 2018a Díaz Andreu et alii 2005. 5–6.; Curta 2013. 168–170.; Szabó Cs. 2017. 155–156.; Koncz– Szilágyi 2017. 205., with further literature. For that concept see Rüpke 2013. 263.; in a Pannonian context: Gesztelyi 2016. 155–156. For the relevance of greek mythology (and mythological representations) in late antique culture see. Huskinson 1974. 68–97.; Cribiore 2005.; Gemeinhardt 2007.; Leppin 2015. RIU 3., Kat. Nr. 657, 658; Nagy L. 2012c. 61–62.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ altar were exclusively used for building material and not for obvious signs of any religious identity. As a summary, I have to admit, that the search for Mithraic and early Christian cross-cultural connections raised more methodological problems than solutions. We have until now no evidence for struggles, conflicts, systematic destructions of mithraea, although we have evidence for 4th century use of Mithraic sanctuaries even from those towns (Poetovio, Carnuntum, Savaria), where Christian communities also worked.219 The secondary use of spolia in the second half of the fourth century (in case of Intercisa, southern cemetery, grave 2000), or the hiding of mithraic monuments (in case of the mithraeum of Sárkeszi) can rather speak for the peaceful abandonment of the shrines. The model of Jonas Byørnebye published in 2016 in a volume about Pagan-Christian connections in the fourth century Rome seems to be handful for the Pannonian provinces as well: „The christianisation of public life took more direct forms… mithraic cursus and communal activities would become less attractive for a variety of reasons, and the mithraea would be gradually abandoned… It is not difficult to visualise the last old pater bricking up his mithraeum, when there were no initiates left. When there are no incentives for new recruits, as was the case in fifth-century Rome, old religions fade away.”220 In comparison with Italy and Rome, this process could begin in the Pannonian provinces earlier, than the end of fourth – beginning of fifth century, at latest rather in the second half. Therefore the low grade of christianisation of the Pannonian provinces in the late Roman period, as Rajko Bratož formulated on the basis of written sources,221 must be reinterpretated by future archaeological and religious historical research.

219 220 221

Poetovio: Bratož 2002. 7–20.; Carnuntum: Pülz 2014. 57–59.; Savaria: Tóth E. 2011. 188– 200. Bjørnebye 2016. 210. Bratož 2011. 211–213.

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Figures

Fig. 37: Plan of Roman Poetovio with the topographical context of the five known Mithras sanctuaries of the town (taken from Tušek 2004. Abb. 1.)

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Fig. 38: Mithraeum No. 1 of Poetovio (www.mithraeum.eu/monumenta/mithraeum_i_ptuj)

Fig. 39: Mithraeum No. 2 of Poetovio, petragenitus relief with Cautes and Cautopates (www.mithraeum.eu/monumenta/petrogenesis_mithraeum_iii_ptuj)

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■ III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia... ■

Fig. 40: Building inscription of the reconstructed mithreaum No. 4 of Poetovio from the age of Tetrarchy (taken from CIL III 4039)

Fig. 41: Carnuntum, civil town, Mithraeum No. III, altar erected for the occasion of the emperors’ meeting in 308 (taken from Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 167, Kat. 34.

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Fig. 42: Hévíz-Egregy, mithraeum built into a roman house in its 2nd stone period (taken from Müller 2003. 5.)

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Fig. 43: Aquincum, legionary fort, mithraeum of the house of the tribunus laticlavius (taken from Visy 2003. 249, fig. 57.)

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Fig. 44: Carnuntum, civil town, Mithraeum No. III, finds and monuments from the excavation in 1894 (taken from Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 93, Abb. 41.)

Fig. 45: Aquincum, civil town, Mithraeum of Symphorus (www.tertullian.org/rpearse/ mithras/display.php?page=cimrm1767)

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■ III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia... ■

Fig. 46: Mithraic bronze plaque from the mithraeum of Brigetio, military town (taken from Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 73, Kat. 62.)

Fig. 47: Interior of the mithraeum of Fertőrákos (photo: author)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■

Fig. 48: So called Zwickelmotive (small symbols) on the early Christian casket mount of Császár (photo: Renate Pillinger, ©Hungarian National Museum)

Fig. 49: Wooden plaque fragments from a sarcophagus found in Zámoly (taken from Tóth 2006. 3)

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■ III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia... ■

Fig. 50: Taurochthony image as cover slab of the grave No. 2000 of the late Roman southern cemetery of Intercisa, carried from a nearby local mithraeum (www.tertullian.org/rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=Discoveries_since_1960)

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IV. The methodological problems of Christianisation as a historical process in the 3rd–5th century A.D. Pannonia. Can the written and archaeological sources be considered together?

Earlier reconstruction efforts of the history and the archeology of Pannonian Christianity were partly based on relevant and “reliable” written sources, partly on archaeological finds, objects, buildings decorated Christian symbols and depictions.222 The different nature, sources and contexts of the sources that of Christianisation as a historical process are presented in Table I. Written sources passion stories, martyrologies, acts and protocols of synods, letters, funerary inscriptions, data from the works of patristic authors specific genre characteristics, subjective points of view of the author of the text

Archaeological records finds, objects, buildings decorated with Early Christian symbols, biblical representations

specific typological characteristics, documentation problems of the contexts (graves, burial chambers, filled layers, stray finds, evidence of secondary context) Disciplines using the most relevant methods for the interpretation of the sources early Christian archaeology church history, theology, patristic studies, hagiography

Table I. 222

Presentation at the Conference Christianization – Identity, Mobility, Continuity in Pécs, 14 October, 2016. See for example Nagy T. 1939.; Bratož 1990. 508–550.; Bratož 1996. 299– 366.; Bratož 2004a.; Bratož 2011b., with further literature; Hudák 2013.; Tóth E. 1994. 241–272.; Gáspár 2002.; Heinrich–Tamáska 2012. 213–237.; Nagy L. 2015a. 19–36.; Nagy L. 2016a. 149–161.; Kovács 2016. 146–257.; Kat. Carnuntum 2014.; Kat. St. Martin 2016. with further contributions.

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■ IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization... ■ An archaeologist who uses written sources extracted from their original contexts to support popular archaeological (pre)conceptions often ignores the fact that written sources were produced by their authors often in different historical situations, with different goals and motivations. For a sufficient example, we can find in a single text different apologetic, theological, historical motivations, a text could be written to build or destroy, to idealize or demonize individuals, communities, individual and collective identities. In addition, our examined written sources necessarily reflect the specific genres characteristic of the given period, it is sufficient to think of the typical topoi, formulas and the similar terminology of Pannonian martyr passions223 or even the Pannonian early Christian funerary epitaphs.224 Therefore is it necessary to take account of the new methods and the recent scholarly literature of church history, theology, patristic literature and hagiography for a Christian archaeologist, therefore must be Christian archaeology a specific independent specialisation within archaeology225 in Hungary, too.226 Interpreting archaeological finds, objects and buildings, not only typology, dating, size, iconography, composition and material of the given archaeological find or monument is to be considered. Interpretation is influenced by the documentation of the archaeological contexts: grave, burial chamber, closed layer (building layer, destruction layer, etc.). Inscriptions are written sources concerning the content of their texts, but they are also archaeological records based on their context, although the context itself is in many cases (eg. Savaria) secondary227 or unpublished (eg. Sirmium).228 Another problem both for written sources and archaeological records is the dating, which must be based on analogies from other, better known historical and archaeological contexts. Archaeologists, like special spiders, have been carefully woven out the network of cross-date systems based on combination of historical data and better dated archaeological evidence since the 19th century (complemented by the results of natural sciences since the second half of the 20th century), but this netting was not yet completed in the 4th-century Pannonian provinces, and it is completely problematic in the Carpathian Basin of the 5th century.229 223 224 225 226 227 228 229

Kovács 2011. 38–128.; Nagy L. 2012b. Bevelacqua 2014. 75–111. Sörries 2013. 14–40. Nagy L. 2016a. 149–161. Tóth E. 2011b. 188–200. Popović 2016a. 84–89.; Popović 2016b. 179–194. with further literature Straub – Heinrich–Tamáska 2015. 617–678.; Heinrich–Tamáska – Syrbe 2016. 11–40.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Despite the problems outlined here, several attempts were made by Tibor Nagy in 1939 and then by Rajko Bratož since the last years of the last century to draw up a puzzle-like reconstruction of church history based on logical connections between the written and archaeological sources known to them.230 In my contribution, I tend to show some examples, where the puzzles that we are interested in could be partially reconstructed. I also argue, that in some cases the puzzle is rather or completely unsuccessful. Table No. II. shows a picture reflected by the written and archaeological sources. The picture shown about Pannonian christianity in the 3rd–5th centuries on the basis of written sources

The picture shown about Pannonian christianity in the 3rd–5th centuries on the basis of archaeological sources

– Bishops: Sirmium, Cibalae, Mursa, Siscia, Iovia

– Cathedral [4–5. c.]: none – Urban basilica: Sirmium, Acquae Iasae?

– Literate bishop leading a christian community: Poetovio

– Christian finds from Poetovio [3rd century]: none

– Bishops leading relevant role in the imperial church politics and in the so called Arian crisis: Sirmium, Iovia [or pro-Nicene]; Sirmium, Mursa [or anti-Nicene]

– Traces of episcopal representation: none

– Bishops leading relevant role in the imperial church politics and in the so called Arian crisis: Sirmium, Iovia [pro-nicaean]; Sirmium, Mursa [anti-nicaean] – Anti-nicaean synods, quarrels: Sirmium – Memorial days of martyrs included into calendars; passion stories of martyrs as products of collective memory and identity: Sirmium, Cibalae, Savaria

230

– Graves of martyrs: Sirmium

Nagy T. 1939.; Bratož 1996. 299–366.; Bratož 2011b.

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■ IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization... ■ The picture shown about Pannonian christianity in the 3rd–5th centuries on the basis of written sources

The picture shown about Pannonian christianity in the 3rd–5th centuries on the basis of archaeological sources

– Martyr basilicas: Sirmium, Mursa, Savaria

– Martyr basilicas: Sirmium, Cibalae

– Christian refugees with relics, translationes: Savaria>Rome; Cibalae>Ravenna; Sirmium>Thessaloniki

– Savaria>Rome

– Sirmium>Constantinople – Epitaphs reflecting individual Christian identity: Sirmium, Mursa, Siscia, Savaria, Acquae Balissae, Aquincum (?)

– Buildings decorated with biblical scenes: Sopianae – Artefacts decorated with biblical scenes (plastic art in stone, bronze casket mounts): Sirmium, Intercisa, Ulcisia, Császár, Mursella, Fenékpuszta, Ságvár, Tokod, Carnuntum – Another artefacts decorated with christian symbols: many examples, before all from the 2nd half of 4th – 1st half of 5th century.

Table II. Historians and archaeologists, who want to contemplate the historical process of Christianisation only through laws of 4th century Christian emperors against paganism, as though it were the history of the victory of Christianity and the gradual decay of the worship of pagan gods, are similar to a three-year-old boy in a zoo at Cincinnati: he knew lots of animals from picture books, but he only saw her kitten live at home. Therefore, the boy could realize only in the zoo that the size of each animal is different.231 Our historical and archaeological sources are indeed like animals of different sizes in the Cincinnati Zoo. It is not advisable to embark them into various skateboards of preconceptions in order to make us easier to reconstruct religious historical or church historical processes. 231

Brown 1995. 29.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ According to our written sources, the great boom of Christian Community life is attested in the 4th century provinces of Southern Pannonia, Savia and Pannonia Secunda.232 As late as in the middle of the 3rd century, we will meet immediately a literate bishop, Victorinus of Poetovio, who was reading and referring to the most recent ancient Christian literature and leading a community with a strong Christian identity: according to the confessional formulas in his works, an early wave of Christian mission of a suspected origin from Syria or Asia Minor may be reconstructed in spite of the lack of another written sources from this region.233 From the age of the Great Persecution during 303 and 304, we have already names of martyr bishops from Cibalae, Sirmium and Siscia, 234 while another bishops of Sirmium, like Valens, the bishop of Mursa became intensely involved in imperial church politics: they appear as most prominent actors of the so called Arian crisis, which ends in our region with the Synod of Aquileia in 381, parallel with the Synod of Constantinople in the same year.235 We would be three-yearold boys at the Cincinnati Zoo if we argued with Rajko Bratož for the relevance of the two following questions: – The lack of written sources about bishops north of the Drava river in Transdanubia should be the consequence of the slow and insignificant process of Christianisation? – Were there only presbyters to lead the communities in Savaria, Sopianae, Carnuntum and in Aquincum instead of bishops, because of the insignificant size of Christian communities in these towns?236 Do we consider an otherwise big Christian community of the size of an elephant in Sopianae as an unsignificant mouse, because the Christians of Sopianae are invisible in written sources, and the northern cemetery of the town with more than 1,000 graves contained only a maximum of 7 graves, where the owners of the graves wanted to show Christian individual or group identities with Chris232 233 234 235 236

Nagy T. 1939. 53–230.; Bratož 1996. 299–366.; Bratož 2011b. 211–219., dealing with the relevant written sources. Nagy T. 1939. 31–52.; Dulaey 1993.; Bratož 2002. 7–20.; Heidl 2001. 1184–1187.; Nagy L. 2012b. 141. New summaries of the history of the Great Persecution in Pannonia: Kovács 2011. 124–128.; Nagy L. 2012b. 23–34.; Kovács 2016. 146–212. Nagy T. 1939. 81–187.; Tóth E. 2009. 130–131.; Bratož 2011b. 214–218., 240.; Williams 1995. 112–127., 162–181.; Hudák 2013. 50–53. Bratož 2011b. 211–213.

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■ IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization... ■ tian objects and representations?237 Seven Christian graves in a cemetery with more than 1,000 graves seem to be statistically really underrated. Or do we see an otherwise small Christian community of the size of the mouse as an elephant, because we assume that at the end of the 4th century when Christianity was a state religion, everyone was Christian in Sopianae who wanted to be a ‘cool’ or a beneficiary? The invisibility of the bishops from Transdanubia in our sources was due to the fact that they were not martyrs, did not participate in Imperial Church politics, did not correspond with the relevant theologians of the era, they only did their daily work in their Pannonian towns without any scandals or debates? 238 The bishops’ activity in their sees is archeologically invisible, too, in the 3rd century centre of Victorinus of Poetovio, as well as in the 4th century Sirmium, Cibalae, or even Mursa and Siscia: we have no archaeologically attested 4th century cathedrals (their existence is assumed only because we know from written sources that the towns had Christian bishops).239 The archaeological traces of the 4th-century cathedral in Sirmium (fig. 51.) are still unknown: the 5th-century basilica in the site Nr. 59 of the local archaeological topographic numbering (fig. 52.) could hardly be the same as the 4th century establishment (fig. 53.), where Arian virgins insulted Ambrosius, the bishop of Mediolanum because he wanted the episcopal appointment of his own man, Anemius around 376 or 377.240 The localization of the see of Amantius, bishop of Iovia, who participated in the Synod of Aquileia in 381 remains problematic because of the existence of two late Roman settlements in the Pannonian provinces with the same name. Iovia in the province Valeria (Kapospula, Alsóhetény-puszta), in fact an inner fortress, a settlement around the fortress and a cemetery with various mausolea is not a sufficient candidate: two helmets with Christogram and a mausoleum without 237

238 239 240

Detailled examination of the problem: Hudák – Nagy L. 2016b. 77–83.; Nagy L. 2016c. 210– 229.; Gábor 2016. 178–220.; Visy 2017. 273–294.; Gábor – Katona Győr 2017. 295–339., with further literature. Hudák 2013. 51–53. Migotti 1997. 19–27.; Bratož 2002. 7–20.; Popović 2016a. 84–86. Paulinus: Vita Ambrosii 11: „Sirmium vero ad ordinandum episcopum perrexisset… esse constitutus in tribunali, nihil curans eorum, quae a muliere excitabantur, una de virginibus Arianorum impudentior caeteris tribunal conscendens, apprehendo vestimento sacerdotis, cum illum adtrahere vellet ad partem mulierum, ut ab ipsis caesus de ecclesia pelleretur, ait ei, ut ipse solitus erat, referre: Etsi ego indignus tanto sacerdotio sum, tamen te non convenit vel professionem tuam in qualemcumque sacerdotem manus injecere; unde deberit vereri Dei iudicium, ne tibi aliquit mali deveniret.” (ed. PL XIV.); Nagy L. 2012b. 50–51.; Hudák 2013. 44–45.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Christian finds and inscriptions (fig. 54.) are not yet sufficient to assume a bishop’s seat around the late Roman fortress.241 Aerial photographs show well visible traces of mausolea or burial chambers about the cemetery of the fortress, they can still provide Christian finds or depictions at any time during subsequent excavations.242 From the other town with the name Iovia (Ludbreg in Croatia, fig. 55.), which has been cited as civitas by Itinerarium Burdigalense, there are still no archaeological indications of an episcopal center or of a church (fig. 56.), so the seat of Bishop Amantius remains archeologically invisible.243 Likewise, the localization of the Quirinus Basilica in Savaria near the Gate of Scarbantia244 cannot be sure on the basis of a helmet fitting with christogram (fig. 57.) and a bronze fitting belonging to a suspension chain of a lamp from secondary contexts (fig 58.).245 The supposed basilica is waiting for further research in the area of the NAV [Hungarian Tax Office] parking lot (fig. 59.). The martyrs’ memorial days included in the Christian community calendars and the martyrs’ passions, as products of the collective memories of various communities are proofs of local cults of martyrs in Sirmium (fig. 60.), Cibalae, and – as we have seen – in Savaria, but inscriptions related to the cults of martyrs (Irenaeus, Syneros, Anastasia figs. 61-62.) are only known from Sirmium.246 In addition to Sirmium and Savaria, written sources mention a further basilica with relics of martyrs from Mursa.247 Archaeological excavations, however, revealed in addtion to the funerary basilicas of Irenaeus (fig. 60.) and Syneros (figs. 63-64.) in Sirmium only one further basilica complex in Cibalae in 2012, presumably of the martyr Pollio (although the relevant written source, the passion story of Pollio does not mention any basilica).248 The Passio Pollionis writes, that Pollio was burned on the stake a mile away from the town (fig. 65.), while the Vinkovci-Kamenica complex excavated by Hrvoje Vulić since 2013 (fig. 66.)

241 242 243 244

245 246 247 248

Tóth E. 2009. 124–136.; Kocsis 2013. 118., 123–125., 127.; Kat. St. Martin 2016. 209–210.; Kat. Nr. III.28. III.31. Szabó M. 2016. Fig. 195. Migotti 2002a. 54–47.; Migotti 2015. 63., 66. Passio S. Quirini 7: „Sed ipsum sanctum corpus in basilica ad Scarabacensem portam est depositum, ubi maior est pro meritis eius frequentia procedendi” (ed. Ruinart 1857. 522–524.; new editional remarks to the text: Roncaioli 1981. 215–238) Sosztarits 1996. 311–317.; Kiss 2000. 200–203.; Nagy L. 2012b. 93–97.; Tóth E. 2016. 55.; Kat. St. Martin 2016. 204., 212.; Kat. Nr. III.11. III.41. Jeremić 2005. 115–129.; Kovács 2004. 191–192.; Kovács 2011. 159–161.; Popović 2016a. 84–86.; Kat. St. Martin 2016. 237., Kat. Nr. IV.18. Migotti 1997.19–21.; Kovács 2004. 192.; Migotti 2015. 67. Tamás 2012b.; Tamás 2012a.; Nagy L. 2017. 99–104.

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■ IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization... ■ is also one mile away from the city.249 According to skeptical archaeologists, this coincidence could merely occur by chance, but there is a topographical argument for the localization of the newly found basilica complex with the funerary basilica of Pollio (fig. 67.): the basilica has an own cemetery, topographically separated from another regular cemeteries of Cibalae, as if a group of Christians wanted to be buried intentionally at the site of the martyr’s death.250 One can play with the notion of the term “Dechristianization”, which interrupts the 4th century Christianization process in the Pannonian region, and accounts for a significant exodus of at least relevant parts of the Christian communities in the first third of the 5th century.251 This process, when we investigate it in each Roman town, is only visible to us, when the communities fleeing the barbarians took the relics of their favorite saints with them. Based on the excavation results and the inscriptions of the Platonia mausoleum of the S. Sebastiano Basilica in Rome (fig. 68.), the translation of the Quirinus relics from Savaria to Rome can be well documented (fig. 69.).252 The translation of Pollio’s relics to Ravenna is known only from texts,253 while the Thessaloniki translation of the relics of St. Demeter from Sirmium (but not the real earthly remnants of the martyr) can only be assumed because of the scattered and confused hagiographical evidence.254 The image that can be deduced by archaeological and anthropological investigations in the translation process of Quirinus’ relics is more complex in comparison with the evidence written by the written sources (passion story and Platonia inscriptions): the bones of several different individuals with different ages were anthropologically investigated in the Quirinus reliquiary in grave Nr. 13 of the Platonia mausoleum (fig. 69.), and the reliquiary thus – as well as the evidence of Quirinus’ cult in several northern Italian cities – is an indirect proof for the replacement of the bone relics and for a partial resignation of them during the long runway between Savaria and Rome.255 Based on the new database created by the Department of Archeology at the University of Pécs and the Austrian Academy of Sciences concerning the inter249

250 251 252 253 254 255

Passio Pollionis V: „Mox quoque raptus a ministris diaboli et ductus quasi miliario longe a ciuitate, agonem suum laudans et benedicens et glorificans Deum implicuit martyrium intrepidus” (ed. Tamás 2012b.); Vulić 2015. 69–72.; Vulić 2016a. 133–144.; Vulić 2016b. 90–92. Vulić 2015. 69–72.; Vulić 2016b. 90–92. Bratož 2011a. 589–614. Nieddu 2009. 220–255.; Nagy L. 2012b. 98–108. Tamás 2012b. 15; Tamás 2012a. 180, note 3, with further sources. Tóth P. 2010. 145–170.; Kovács 2011. 69–73.; Rizos 2016. 198–204. Nieddu 2009. 228–251.; Tóth E. 2004. 250–262.; Nagy L. 2012b. 99–107.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ national research project “Frühes Christentum in Ungarn”, it is already apparent that the ancient Christian objects and depictions are present throughout whole Transdanubia in the 4th century, in a smaller number in the 5th century, too.256 If we want to reconstruct Christian finds on a chronological basis, it is clear that we have only one dated inscription for the 3rd century, from 292, whose Christian interpretation is uncertain (fig. 70.).257 We have few Christian finds dated to the first half of the 4th century, greater is the number of the finds and depictions dated to the second half of the 4th – first third of the 5th century, on the basis of their contexts, typology and better dated analogies.258 It is necessary to justify, however, our chronological studies in case of the finds dateable by the end of the 4th century – first third of the 5th century. There are also concerns about the dating of the 5th century Christian finds in Transdanubia, whose precise dating is problematic within the century, in part due to the lack of a precise, sometimes not properly documented context. Typology, dated analogies, historical situations known from the written sources of the 5th century are chronologically not always helpful.259 Additionally, the interpretation of finds from Germanic burial contexts from the second half of the 5th century (Hács-Béndekpuszta, Répcelak) is also hampered by discussions about the ethnic identity of their owners or creators (fig. 71.).260 Disregarding these problems, it is clear that the number of Christian finds connected to the settlements inhabited by the Romans in the 5th century in Transdanubia is radically decreasing compared to the number of finds from the 4th century. Therefore, the concept of “dechristianization” already mentioned during the discussion of the translations of relics and the question of surviving “secret” Christians who are invisible in our sources can be raised again.261 The interpretation of Christian finds and inscriptions is also complicated by the fact that their owners and creators may have several identities attached to them.262 Particular care must be taken here to avoid filling the animals of different sizes of the Cincinnati Zoo to the same size skaters. As a common denomi256 257 258 259 260

261 262

Nagy L. 2013a. 237–270.; Nagy L. 2015a. 19–36. TITAQ I, 18–19., Kat. Nr. 13.; Kovács – Németh 2009. 249–254.; Kovács 2011. 134–140. Nagy L. 2015a. 29–32. Prohászka 2003. 21–22.; Heinrich–Tamáska – Straub 2015. 617–678.; Tóth E. 2016. 56. Straub 2006. 441–454.; Pohl 2014. 555–568.; Bierbrauer 2015. 365–476.; Heinrich– Tamáska – Syrbe 2016. 11–40.; Bollók 2016. 31–62., with further literature; Kat. St. Martin 2016. 281., Kat. Nr. VI.26. Bratož 2011a. 589–614.; concerning the avarian period see Tóth E. 2013b. 203–220. Mattingly 2004. 5–25.; Díaz Andreu et alii 2005.; Pohl 2010. 9–23.; Koncz – Szilágyi 2017. 193–215.

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■ IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization... ■ nator, the Christian individual or group identity that Andrew Gardner’s image has with the religion label can be linked to the Roman, state, ethnic, occupation-bound, and military identities (Fig. 72.).263 In addition to Christian identity, the identity associated with specific jobs and occupations appears in the Savaria epitaph of two wandering Christian painters, Launio and Secundinus, whose tombstone was raised by their Christian colleagues (fig. 73.).264 No less relevant than the Christian identity is the military identity for the Christograms of the Intercisa-type helmets used in the late Roman army (fig. 74.).265 The gothic marks of the lead plate fragments of Hács-Béndekpuszta (fig. 75.) can reflect both religious, ethnic and cultural identity of the Germanic owner, containing clearly Christian texts from the Bible (fig. 76.).266 The iconographic program and the distichon of the silver plate of Seuso (a non-Roman name) with a christogram in the inscription field,267 the sign of a new Christian saeculum,268 besides the potentially Christian identity, is also a sign of Roman identity (and more specifically the feeling of attachment to the Roman state, and more precisely to the late Roman elite and the Emperor). The limestone pillar found in Székesfehérvár in a secondary context, if they really belonged to a Christian community space (in a basilica), can be interpreted in the framework of community identity (fig. 77.).269 The lower hypogaea of the two-storey burial chambers in the northern cemetery of Sopianae used exclusively by the dead,270 a ring with christogram for personal use271 or a personal inscription with Christian content (fig. 78.)272 can be relevant sources of individual identity. There are two possibilities for the reconstruction of individual identities: – the Christian identity of a Christian could be expressed with the Christian symbols (eg. in the Pécs hypogaea designed only for him) 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272

Gardner 2002. Fig. 7. Tóth E. 2011b. 194–195., Kat. Nr. 148.; Bevelacqua 2014. 86–87.; Kat. St. Martin 2016. 224–225., Kat. Nr. III.86. Kocsis 2013. 113–129. Harmatta 1996-1997. 1–24.; Bollók 2016. 31–56., with further literature. Mango – Bennett 1994. 55–97., Fig. 1–1 – 1–50.; Visy-Mráv 2012., Abb. 5–6.; Visy 2013a. 224–225.; for historical problems see Visy 2013b. 55–62. Brown 1995. 14. Tóth E. 2008. 49–66.; Kat. St. Martin 2016. 230–231.; Kat. Nr. IV.6. Visy 2007. 143.; Visy 2016a. 70.; Visy 2017. 289. Spier 2007a. 32–34. See for example Nagy T. 1944–1945. 266–282.; Milin 1996. 245–247.; Tóth E. 2011b. 188– 200.; Kat. St. Martin 2016. 224–225., 237–238.; Kat. Nr. III.84–86. IV.18. IV.20

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ – a non-Christian communicates Christian identity in the direction of his/ her environment for unknown reasons, perhaps due to external circumstances in his/her life (possibly with the help of a ring with christogram as a communication medium). Both options may indirectly be a measure of the process of Christianisation: either the individual becomes a Christian or the individual wants to communicate his/her Christian identity in a given life situation (eg. at the time when Christianity becomes a state religion). The last case studies of my contribution reveal yet another indirect examination possibilities of the process of Christianization: the process of abandoning the temples of pagan gods. In case of the Isis sanctuary of Savaria (fig. 79.), two plombs and a ring with christograms were found in the documented 4th century layers at the site of the demolished shrine in the period of the Constantinian dynasty.273 Could this be a proof of the fast christianization of the urban population as early as in the Constantinian period? Or the cult of Isis – regardless of the Christian mission – went out of fashion in the 4th century, and the ceremonies were abandoned in the absence of interest? Maybe an argument for the first possibility can be the circumstance, that the sacred place was systematically broken down and the spolia were recycled, i.e. desacralized for practical reasons (fig. 80.),274 not fearing the anger and revenge of Egyptian gods. More difficult questions were raised in the eastern provinces, in Gaul and elsewhere in written sources about the demolition of pagan temples in the 4th century,275 while in Pannonia such sources did not survive. There is no clear evidence of temple and statue demolition activities performed by Christians from Pannonia even though such a demolition process in the Carnuntum-Pfaffenberg shrine of Iuppiter Optimus Maximum Karnuntinus can not be ruled out for sculptures broken to small-scale pieces.276 These documentations need thorough revisions from chronological point of view: the last dedication in the Pfaffenberg sanctuary can be dated to 313, the coin circulation can be followed until Valentinian I, but we have no proof for the survival of the place until the end of 273 274 275 276

Kat. Szombathely 2013. 269–292., especially 291., Kat. Nr. 26.2–4.; Sosztarits 2016. 40–41. Kat. Szombathely 2013. 269–270. 279.; Sosztarits 2016. 40–41. Hahn et alii 2008.; Hahn 2015. 115–140.; Sauer 1996. Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 427. Kat. Nr. 1029.; Tóth I. 2015. 208–210.; Pillinger 2011. 138. raised the possibility of the destruction of the Iuppiter sanctuary at Pfaffenberg and the Mithraeum III in Carnuntum by Barbarians instead of Christian activity.

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■ IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization... ■ the century.277 In these cases, it is also difficult to decide whether Christians or Barbarians destroyed the shrines, or they were abandoned by the cultores in the absence of interest or faith. In some cases (Aquincum, Symphorus mithraeum, Fertőrákos) the Mithras cult was abandoned already until 4th century, before the Constantinian turn and the Christianisation of the region.278 István Tóth proposed his view in more publications, that pagan priests, priestesses, or even faithful members of the cult expressed their pagan religious identity as they deliberately put pagan religion-related objects in their grave in the 4th century as if they were the last representatives of a devastating pagan world.279 The idea is not impossible, but it cannot be proven, because we should know for certain from other sources (for example from inscriptions), that the people concerned were indeed pagan priests or faithful. Therefore, these special grave goods – as sure archaeological sources of Christianisation – can only be considered with strong reservations. In summary, it can be stated that, although with strong reservations, it can still be “scrapped” with written and archaeological sources, in compliance with the basic requirement that both texts and archaeological finds can only be interpreted in the light of their own methods of various disciplines dealing with texts and finds. This way one can avoid the phenomenon that the archaeologists of migration period consider as mixed argumentation. It can be stated with John Bintliff, that “we would like to free Archaeologists from “Ideopraxists”, or those who preach that a (any?) single approach or model is right to the exclusion of all others, who tell them what to think, and what not to think. Better surely to fill your brains with all the possible models and methods for your research case study, then search for the fit between idea and patterns in past material culture in more intuitive way.”280

277 278 279 280

Gugl – Kremer 2011. 100–101. Tóth I. 1971. 322–334.; personal communication of Dr. Orsolya Láng (Director of the Aquincum Museum). Tóth I. 2006, 3–6.; Tóth I. 2015. 203–210. Bintliff 2001. 20–21.

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Figures

Fig. 51. The topography of Sirmium, Roman town and cemeteries (taken from Jeremić 2005. fig. 1.)

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Fig. 52. Excavation photo of the town basilica of Sirmium, findspot No. 59 (taken from Mirković 2006. 119.)

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Fig. 53. Groundplan of an earlier building on the spot of the town basilica of Sirmium, findspot No. 59. (taken from Jeremić 2006. 36.)

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Fig. 54. Groundplan of the late Roman mausoleum in the cemetery of the inner fort Iovia (Kapospula, Alsóhetény-puszta) with earlier incineration burials (taken from Tóth 2009. Pl. 36.)

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Fig. 55. Groundplan of the late Roman civitas Iovia, Ludbreg in Croatia (taken from Migotti 1997. 24, fig. 6.)

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Fig. 56. Apsidal building (part of a bath ensemble) from Iovia, Ludbreg, interpretated earlier as an early Christian basilica (taken from Migotti 1997. 24, fig. 7)

Fig. 57. Helmet mount with christogram from Savaria, northern part of the civitas (taken from Donati – Gentili 2005. Kat. 49b)

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Fig. 58. Excavation drawing of the northern insulae of Savaria near the Gate of Scarbantia, with the findspots of an early Christian helmet mount with christogram and of a bronze fitting of a lamp suspension chain (taken from Kiss 2000. fig. 1.)

Fig. 59. The parking lot of the regional Hungarian Tax Office in Szombathely, a possible place of the early Christian basilica with the relics of Quirinus near the northern gate (photo: author)

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Fig. 60. Ground plan of the funerary basilica of bishop Irenaeus in Sirmium, eastern cemetery (taken from Jeremić 2005. fig. 11.)

Fig. 61. Inscription of Artemidora from the northern cemetery of Sirmium who wanted to be buried near Syneros in his funerary basilica (photo: author)

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Fig. 62. The text of the Inscription of Artemidora from the northern cemetery of Sirmium who wanted to be buried near Syneros in his funerary basilica (taken from CIL III. 10233)

Fig. 63. The funerary basilica of Syneros according to old and more recent excavation drawings (taken from Jeremić 2005. fig. 9a-b.)

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Fig. 64. Column chapter from the funerary basilica of Syneros in the museum of Srmska Mitrovica (photo: author)

Fig. 65. The topography of late Roman Cibalae and the surrounding cemeteries (Vinkovci) (taken from Migotti 1997. 21., fig. 4.)

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Fig. 66. The results of geophysical survey at the findspot Vinkovci-Kamenica in 2012, showing traces of a great funerary basilica complex with surrounding walls and mausolea (taken from Vulić 2016. 90, fig. 2.)

Fig. 67. Reconstruction model of the early Christian funerary complex of VinkovciKamenica on the basis of the geophysical survey and first excavation results (taken from Vulić 2016. 92, fig. 9.)

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Fig. 68. Reconstruction model of the 4th century S. Sebastiano basilica in Rome (taken from Ferrua 1990. fig. 14.)

Fig. 69. Excavation photo of the Platonia mausoleum of the S. Sebastiano basilica in Roma with the altar and relics of bishop Quirinus and other martyrs, Platonia grave 13 (taken from Ferrua 1990. fig. 15.)

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Fig. 70. Building inscription of a schola in Aquincum, from 292 A.D. (taken from Kovács–Németh 2008. 242, fig. 2.)

Fig. 71. Grave-goods of burial No. 5. or No. 6. in the 5th century cemetery of HácsBéndekpuszta (taken from Kiss 1995. fig. 8.)

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Fig. 72. The stratification mofel of various identities in the framework of the archaeology of identity (taken from Gardner 2002. fig. 7.)

Fig. 73. The funerary stone slab of two Christian painters, Launio and Secundinus from the eastern cemetery of Savaria (taken from RIU 83.)

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Fig. 74. Helmet mount of with christogram from the late Roman inner fort Iovia (Kapospula, Alsóheténypuszta) (©Hungarian National Museum)

Fig. 75. One of the lead sheets from the grave 5 (or 6) of the Hács-Béndekpuszta cemetery with fragments of gothic Bible texts (taken from Visy 2003. 283, fig. 1.)

Fig. 76. Fragments of lead sheets from the grave 5 (or 6) of the Hács-Béndekpuszta cemetery with fragments of gothic Bible texts (taken from Harmatta 1996. fig. 3.)

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Fig. 77. Stone pillar found in a secondary context in Székesfehérvár with staurogram and marine scene possibly belonging to a Jonah iconography (photo: Gabriella Nádorfi)

Fig. 78. Early Christian funerary inscription from the eastern cemetery of Savaria (taken from RIU 77.)

Fig. 79. The remains of the Iseum of Savaria during the 2002 excavations when the earlier anastylosis of the temple was removed (photo: author)

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Fig. 80. The remains of the granite colums of the Iseum of Savaria during the 2002 excavations (photo: author)

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V. Ascetic Christianity in Panonian Martyr Stories?

Pannonia had a rich crop of martyrs in the Great Persecution.281 Archaeology and martyrology offer graphic evidence of the strength of Christianity in the province.282 Reconstructing the context of early Christianity in Pannonia, however, is far from easy due to the destruction of the ecclesiastical structure and the lack of sources. This paper argues that passion stories, compiled as late as a century after the persecution, reflect new Christian concerns besides concentrating on martyrdom. Possibly influenced by the fourth-century “ascetic revolution,” the martyrdom narratives of Saint Syneros and Pollio reveal features of the martyr that can be seen as ‘ascetic.’ The Passio Synerotis retroprojects the rise of the “monk” into early fourth-century Sirmium, while the Passio Pollionis praises virginity, defends bodily integrity and extols celibate priesthood. I argue that these texts show the speed with which the martyr merged with the monk.

The Monk in the Garden: Temptation and Marriage The Greek monk (monachus) Synerus took up a gardener job in Sirmium.283 One day, in the sixth hour, a married woman walked into the garden. Synerus reminded her that it was inappropriate for a wife to leave her husband’s house so late and walk alone after sunset. At this, the woman denounced him at her husband, a bodyguard of Emperor Galerius. The husband accused Synerus of adultery and had him thrown to prison. Synerus successfully cleared himself from adultery, but when accused of Christi- anity, he freely admitted the charge:

281 282 283

Special thanks to Marianne Sághy for her invaluable help in refining the argument of this paper. Duval 1979. 83–84.; Jeremić 2005. 120–123.; Heinrich–Tamáska 2011d 87–89.; Hildebrandt 2006. 59–64. Passio Synerotis, BHL 7595–7596.; Kovács 2014. 45–49.; Nagy L. 2012b 56–61.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ “Upon hearing the holy man’s answer, the governor mused: ’The man must be a Christian if he does not suffer women leaving the house in unbefitting hours.’ So he asked him: ’Who are you?’ He replied without delay: ’I am a Christian.’ ’Where did you hide? How did you avoid sacrificing to the gods?’ ’God saved my body. I was like the foundation stone rejected by the builders. Now, however, the Lord needs me for the building of his house. As he wanted to stand here outright, I am ready to suffer for His name, in order to be in His kingdom together with the saints.” (Refusing to sacrifice, Synerus was executed on 22 February 307)284 The shorter Latin version of the Passio Synerotis (version B) is generally dated to the end of the fourth century as the term monachos first appears in papyri dated to 324 or 323,285 and the Latin form monachus spread in the Latin West thanks to Saint Jerome from the mid-370s.286 The figure of the “wandering monk” may seem anachronistic at the beginning of the fourth century. The ascetic revolution, however, reached the Latin West in the second half of the fourth century: urban asceticism was practiced by the Christian elite of Aquileia and Milan as early as in the 360s–370s.287 The existence of suburban eremitism in Pannonia cannot be excluded at the beginning of the fourth century, even if these ascetics were not yet called monachoi. The scene of a gardener confronting a lascivious woman is as old as the Book of Genesis, where Joseph meets Potiphar’s wife in a garden.288 The biblical topos of the temptation of the chaste male by deviant females reappears and becomes extremely popular in late Antique ascetic biographies.289 Synerus’ story, like that of Joseph, is about rejected women who seek to avenge the injury by persuading their powerful husbands to punish the virginal heroes. But, as Monika Pesthy showed, it is hard to draw a dividing line between moral proof tests coming from God and physical temptations coming from evil conceded by God.290 Avoiding adultery is not yet proof of asceticism. Synerus’ story is less about the monk’s fight to preserve his chastity than about a righteous person rejecting adultery. The gardener/monachus is adamant that married women must stay home at 284 285 286 287 288 289 290

Nagy L. 2012b. 61–66.; Delehaye 1955. 101–118.; Jarak 1996. 268–269. Judge 1977. 77., 79.; Choat 2002. Nagy T. 1939. 59., note 50, based on letter no. 14 of Jerome, chapter 6. Jarak 1996. 269.; Tóth P. 2002. 37.; Kovács 2014. 49. Nagy T. 1939. 167.; Bratož 1990. 548.; Bratož 1996. 350–351.; McLynn 1994. 61–62. Genesis 39. 7–23. Pesthy 2002. 183–188. Pesthy–Simon 2011.

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■ V. Ascetic Christianity in Panonian Martyr Stories? ■ night. The proper place of light-blooded little women (levis muliercula) is not in the holy man’s garden, a delightful place (locus amoenus) with paradisiacal associations, but in her husband’s house. Synerus is a staunch defender of marriage. In his eyes, the social order based on marriage is far from being “a sandcastle touched by the ocean-flood of the Messiah.”291

The Lector’s Lecture: Chastity as Integrity Pollio’s martyrdom begins with a striking summary of the persecution of Christians in Pannonia. Following the execution of Bishop Irenaeus of Sirmium and Montanus of Singidunum in 303/4, Probus, governor of Pannonia Secunda is unsatisfied with his record as a persecutioner and raids the neighboring towns in search of Christians. On his official visit in Cibalae (present day Vinkovci, Croatia), he arrests Pollio, lector of the local Christian congregation for blaspheming pagan gods and emperors.292 The passio’s representation of the Great Persecution—the governor’s failure to round up Christians in Sirmium; his razzia in the province; his incapacity to find more than one Christian; the accusation with blasphemy (a minor crime)—betrays a rather low-key implementation of the fourth edict of the tetrarchs against Christians in Pannonia.293 At his arrest, Pollio delivers a long monologue to the governor about Christian doctrine and Christian lifestyle,294 explaining that the foundation stone of Christian theology is belief in one God and the renunciation of idols, complemented with the ethical precepts taught by the apostles. Moral obligations affect all classes of late Roman society—women, slaveholders, slaves, secular rulers— and include family relations and attitudes towards the poor.295 Refusing to commit idolatry, Pollio is burnt on the stake a mile away from the town on 27/28 April,296 on the feast day of the martyr Bishop Eusebius of Cibalae.297 In 2012, Croatian archaeologist Hrvoje Vulić found an early Christian basilica complex surrounded by a cemetery in Vinkovci-Kamenica exactly a mile from the town. Geophysical research revealed the ground plan of a possible mar291 292 293 294 295 296 297

Brown 1988. 32. Pass. Poll. (BHL 6869); Tamás 2012b. Nagy L. 2012b. 32. For the Great Persecution in Pannonia: Kovács 2014. 100–103. Pass. Poll. III. Tamás 2012b. 13. Tamás 2012b. 11–12. Pass. Pol. IV.5–V.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ tyrium with adjacent cemetery and mausolea.298 The findspot was interpreted as the place where Pollio (and perhaps also Eusebius of Cibalae) was killed and where the feasts commemorating the martyr (or the martyrs) were held.299 The basilica complex is dated to the last quarter of the fourth century, to reign of Valentinian I. Born in Cibalae, it was possibly Valentinian who commissioned the construction of the basilica.300 Pollio’s martyrdom must have been compiled around the same time. The terminus post quem of the composition of the Passio Pollionis is given by its use of the term christianissimus imperator301 addressing Emperor Valentinian I. As Hajnalka Tamás has shown, this vocative first appears in a letter of Ambrose of Milan to Emperor Gratian in 380.302 Unfortunately, the author and the date of the Passio Pollionis remain unknown. Pollio’s long monologue is impregnated with ascetic ideas, demonstrating upto-date theological ideas worked out in the great ascetic centers of Northern Italy (Aquileia, Milan) and Rome. Pollio praises integrity in virgins and reserve (pudica conscientia) in married women.303 Governor Probus provokes Pollio when he asks whether Christians prefer virginity to marriage for their daughters: “Are they [the Christian lectors] the ones who are said to forbid light-blooded little women to marry, and who persuade them to keep useless chastity?”304 The concept of bodily integrity is crucial in Ambrose of Milan’s theology of virginity.305 His De virginibus, compiled in 377, presents chastity (integritas) as the opposite of intercourse with harmful effects (contagio);306 his De institutione virginis, written in 393, shows the Virgin Mary raising the standard of integrity;307 his Exhortatio virginitatis, written in 394 defines virginity as a particular disposition to “modesty that guards the integrity of the genitals” (quae signaculum pudoris

298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306

307

Vulić 2015. 69–72. I thank Hrvoje Vulić for information about new research results in Kamenica. Migotti 1997. 22; Tamás 2012a. 180. Vulić 2015. 71. Pass. Poll. II.2. Tamás 2012b 14–16.; Tamás 2014. 82–97.; Tamás 2012a. 186–187.; Tamás 2012b 14. Pass. Pol. III. 7. Pass. Pol. III.3: “Probus dixit: “Illi, qui leves mulierculas vetant ne nubant ac pervertere et ad vanam castitatem suadere dicuntur?” (Tamás 2012b. 28.) Brown 1988. 354–361.; Hunter 1993. 47–71. Ambrosius, De virg. I, 5, 21: Quid autem est castitas virginalis, nisi expers contagionis integritas? De virginibus: I, 2, 5: Natalis est virginis, integritatem sequamur; I, 3, 10: Invitat nunc integritatis amor; II, 4, 22: Itaque sancta virgo, ne diutius alerentur potiendi spe cupiditates, integritatem pudoris professa. = Migne 1845a. 265–302B. Ambrosius, De inst. virg.5, 35.= Migne 1845b. 305–334B.

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■ V. Ascetic Christianity in Panonian Martyr Stories? ■ et claustrum integritatis genital custodit.)308 Bodily integrity (integrum corpus) appears in De officiis written in the late 380s in connection with the priests’ obligation of sexual abstinence before the holy service,309 and his letter 63, written to the Christian community of Vercelli in 396, “integrity” marks the Church as virgin and bride of Christ.310 Hajnalka Tamás, who regards the apocryphal Acts of Peter as the literary antecedent of Pollio’s speech,311 takes the Passio’s use of “integritas” for a simple hagiographical topos, without insinuating the superiority of virginity over marriage. Close comparison with Ambrose’s works about virginity, however, compels us to posit that the anonymous author of the Passio knew the thoughts of the bishop of Milan on the topic and used the term in Ambrose’s meaning. Even without direct textual borrowing and exact citations, the subject matter and the connotations in the Passio Pollionis betray knowledge of the works (and concerns) of Ambrose about virginity. Young girls were advised to take the veil of virginity instead of marriage by Jerome and Ambrose, even against the will of the family.312 Pollio’s answer to the governor’s question about male-female relations among Christians is telling: “Christianity teaches virgins how to obtain the highest grade of integrity, and wives, how to preserve their chaste conscience in procreating children (virgines integritatis suae docent obtinere fastigia, coniugem pudicam in creandis filiis conscientiam custodire.) The interpretation of this sentence is not easy, particularly with regard of the grades of sexual abstinence in the case of lay Christian couples. Christian married couples in the Late Roman Empire understood castitas as periodical abstincence (during menstruation, breast-feeding, or before taking the Eucharist) and as faithfulness. At the height of the Jovinian controversy in 396,313 Ambrose encouraged the congregation of Vercelli to live a life of chastity, avoid sexual contacts in marriage, and choose celibate spiritual directors.314 The emphasis on bodily integrity in the Passio Pollionis suggests deep familiarity with Ambrose’s works. The divine commandments recited by Pollio correspond to the Decalogue and to the Letters of Saint Paul. If it is right to say that Pollio does not extol asceticism over marriage, at least not for lay Christians,315 his advice on pudica conscientia for women, however, chal308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315

Ambrosius, Exhort. virg. 6, 35. = Migne 1845b. 335–364B.] De officiis I, 249. Ambrosius, Epist. 14 (63) 37.; Moorhead 1999. 40–41.; Hunter 2007. 197. 201. 225. Tamás 2012a. 196. Brown 1988. 357.; Kelly 1998. 91–115. Hunter 1993. 47–71.; Kelly 1998. 180–189. Ambrosius, Epist. 14. (63) 32.; Brown 1988. 362. Tamás 2012a. 197.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ lenges the teachings of Saint Paul to the Ephesians and Corinthians, for whom husband and wife form a single body.316 This difference is not accidental: the Passio Pollionis reflects Ambrose’s theology of virginity and the promotion of sexual abstinence by the “new ascetics.” Another indication of the anonymous author’s ascetic agenda is the introductory paragraph of the Passio Pollionis on the Great Persecution in Pannonia that lists Montanus as the first martyr in the region. The priest Montanus figures here alone, while in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum he suffers martyrdom together with his wife, Maxima.317 It might simply be that the redactor of the Passio ranks Montanus among the martyrs in the male clergy,318 but even in this case, the omission of his wife (as well as of seven virgins executed in Sirmium on 9 April 307, all listed in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum) is obvious. I argue that Maxima’s obliteration from the passion story reflects the advocacy of sexual abstinence among the married clergy and the promotion of celibacy in the 380s.319 Clerical chastity is praised by Ambrosiaster in the early 380s, by the decretal of Pope Damasus to the Gallic clergy in 384, and by Pope Siricius in his letter to Himerius around 384–385.320 Ambrose advises priestly celibacy and asceticism in his De officiis, where he contrasts the behavior of married priests practicing sexual intercourse with the abstinence of laymen who do not visit their wives for two-three days before taking the Eucharist. According to Ambrose, ancient liturgical customs, when a longer time passed between each Eucharistic celebration, made married life possible for the priests. Everyday celebration of the Eucharist, however, excludes it. Priests should follow the example of laymen and avoid intercourse with their wives.321 The “new asceticism” made a huge impact in the Western Empire in the 380s despite the critique of “old-fashioned” Christian laymen and clerics.322 Married clerics are advised to avoid intercourse with their wives, and not to engender sons.323 The superiority of virginity in the hier316 317 318 319

320

321 322 323

I. Kor. 7:1–16; Eph 5: 21–33. Kovács 2014. 37; Nagy L. 2012b. 42. Tamás 2012b. note 21 Canon 3 of the Synod of Elvira in 306? and canon 29 of the Synod of Arles in 314 prohibit priests to have sexual intercourse with their wives. The authenticity of these canons is debated, later interpolations are possible: Hunter 2007. 214. Brown 1988. 358–359.; Hunter 1993. 213–217. Ambrosiaster affirms that the Christian priest who celebrates the Eucharist should be as pure as it is required in the Bible for Jewish priests. As the Eucharistic celebration took place every day, priests were supposed to be constantly pure. I.Kor. 7:5 requires temporary marital abstinence during common prayer. Davidson 2002. I. 248–249. Bratož 2011b. 211–219. Brown 1988. 357–358.; Hunter 2007. 213–223.

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■ V. Ascetic Christianity in Panonian Martyr Stories? ■ archy of Christian virtues was acknowledged in early Christianity, and it became the cornerstone in fourth-century patristic theology.324 This paper argues that chastity and ascetic ideas impregnated martyr literature. The passion stories of the martyrs Synerus and Pollio reflect the ascetic ideal in their representation of the martyr as a “monk” avant la lettre, gently guiding frivolous women onto the path of (married) virtue and in their obliteration of the martyr’s married status. While this elevates Synerus onto the rank of the first “monk” in Sirmium, Maxima, the priest Montanus’ deliberately obliterated wife becomes the first victim of the ascetic revolution in Pannonia. Apart from the profession of Christ as God, the preservation of virginity, the rejection of temptation and the protection of integrity are clearly the main concerns of these texts. The prevalence of these issues show not only the rapid spread of the monastic ideal and the vivid intellectual contacts among ascetic centers in the Late Antique West, but also the determination of ascetic authors to appropriate the past for their ascetic agenda.

324

Kelly 1998. 102.; Sághy 2005. 65–147.

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VI. Aspects of 4th Century Christian Identity in the Late Roman Province Valeria

According to definitions of recent theoretical works, various social, cultural, ethnic, gender or sexual identities (both individual and collective) may be articulated publicly or privately, by which people may define themselves or may be defined by others. Identities may be consciously imagined, working through categories, schemes, identifications, languages, stories, institutions, organizations, networks and events. They may even come forth into expression under particular circumstances, when for example a person or a community are confronted with different ideals and ways of doing things, which provoke them to define and articulate the criteria of group membership.325 A stratification model of various identities designed by the roman archaeologist Andrew Gardner, who distinguished individual identity on micro level from meso and macro level collective identities concerning with status, age, gender, kin-group, religion, profession, military, ethnicity and romanness (fig. 72.).326 My paper deals particularly with early Christian religious identity with various examples of archaeological sources of the 4th century from the Province Valeria (artefacts, objects with christian symbols and representations), asking three relevant questions about the expression of individual and/or collective religious identities: 1. Are archaeological sources relevant markers to describe the process of Christianisation in the investigated region (primarily designed to examine degrees of homogenity until christianity becomes state religion), or should we speak only about scattered manifestations of christian identity in the changing intellectual-cultural landscape of a late Roman province until the end of the 4th century? 325 326

Mattingly 2004. 5–25.; Díaz–Andreu et alii 2005. 1–12.; Pohl 2010. 9–23.; Mairs 2013. 366. Gardner 2002. 323–351., fig. 7.

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■ VI. Aspects of 4th Century Christian Identity... ■ In comparison with the other pannonian provinces in the neighbourhood, Pannonia Prima, Savia and Pannonia Secunda, where we are more or less informed about christian bishops, christological conflicts, synodes and passion stories of pannonian martyrs expressing christian identity of pannonian communities, the archaeology of early christianity in the late Roman province of Valeria lacks written sources of this kind.327 We have inscriptions from Aquincum (fig. 81.) and Brigetio datable to the second part of the 3rd – first part of the fourth century with names or formulas belonging perhaps to christian contexts, but the Christian interpretation of them remained controversial.328 That is the case with two gold-sandwich glasses from Florentia and Interci329 sa and an incised brick from Kisdorog among instrumenta inscripta from the southern part of the province,330 where the christian interpretation can not be made for sure, either. The only archaeological markers of an assumed christianisation process in the province are artefacts with christian symbols (christogram, staurogram) and with biblical representations, their suggested chronology inside of 4th century is being now established in the framework of the research project Frühes Christentum in Ungarn in collaboration with the University of Pécs and University of Vienna.331 Besides the casket mounts of Ulcisia with a possible terminus ante quem 324 according to their iconographical program and the inscription of the Hercules medaillon praising Constantine the Great with invictus epitheton (fig. 82.),332 casket mounts with mythological and biblical representations (fig. 83.) have been dated by the project according to their style and better dated analogies into the second third of fourth century.333 Their context where it is known by archaeological records (in case of dateable graves and structures), date them, however, slightly later, to the second half – last third of fourth century.334 Another casket mounts with biblical scenes and representations of saints, and artefacts with christogram symbols, where we are able to date them inside of the fourth century, belong rather to the second half, like fittings of helmets of the 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334

Migotti 2002a. 52.; Hudák 2013.19–117. Kovács – Németh 2009. 249–254.; Nagy T. 1944. 271–272.; TitAq I. 18–19. Kat. Nr. 13.; II. 306–307. Kat. 947.; Thomas 1974. 139–146.; Gáspár 2002. 127–128.; Nagy L. 2012a. 33–34. Migotti 2002b. 26., 38.; Gáspár 2007. 31–36. Thomas 1973–1974. 77–116.; Gáspár 2002. 58–59.; Nagy L. 2014a. 274. Nagy L. 2013 a. 325–334.; Nagy L. 2015 a. 19–36. Kádár 1963. 71–76.; Nagy L. 2014b. 125–131.; Nagy L. 2015a. 35. Hudák 2003. 33–42.; Nagy L. 2012a. 88–89. Hudák 2003. 33–45.; Nagy L. 2012a. 88–89.; Dinkler von Schubert 1980. 141–157.; Teichner 2011. 137–141.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Intercisa types III-IV from Iovia and Lussonium,335 or cross bow brooches of the types Swift Vi-Vii from Bátaszék, Tricciana and Intercisa.336 Mapping early Christian artefacts with known findspots in the area of the province would show us a density in the second half of the century. Dealing with archaeology of identities, should we dislike terms ending with „- isation”, like romanisation, barbarisation, or even christianisation. In this case I tend only to see a terminological question, the concept of christianisation, if somebody dislikes it, can be reformulated as spreading of christianity in the investigated region. Another serious difficulty of the description of christianisation process, however, lies in the fact, that settlements, military structures are mostly unexcavated, further christian artefacts can come to light during later research, so the small number of the finds is statistically irrelevant. The situation is better in the more excavated cemeteries, where the small number of the christian artefacts among the larger amounts of burials would express rather a more scattered evidence. The southern, southeastern and western cemeteries of Intercisa have few christian finds (fig. 83.) in comparison with hundreds of excavated burials since the end of 19th century.337 In the Late Roman cemetery of Bátaszék, Kövesd-puszta we have only one possible christian find in a grave,338 in the cemetery of Tricciana five finds in five graves.339 The number of the christian finds seem to be still few in the end of the century, when Catholic christianity became state religion. Actually I can’t say, how many christians should have existed in the end of 4th century in the province,340 in the period of christianity as state religion. I can’t say, how many graves without any grave goods can be interpreted as christian graves, because of the lack of grave goods, I am not able to date them inside of the period when the cemetery was used. I just can assume, that these statistically few artefacts with christian symbols may represent both collective and individual christian identity: – if the artefact itself may have its own identity, we could identify it as a christian artefact, for example marked with the sign of christian emperors since Constantine. If not, it is only an artefact with christian symbol; 335 336 337 338 339 340

Kocsis 2003. 521–552.; Kocsis 2013. 117–118.; Nagy L. 2013 a. 325. Buza – Keszi 2009. 20.; Neményi 2012. 272–281.; Tóth E. 2015. 336–340. Gáspár 2002. 38–42.; Gáspár 2008a. 281–288.; Buza – Keszi 2009. 20.; Nagy L. 2013a. 325.; Szabó A. 2014. 221–237. Péterfi 1993. 68–69., 82., 167. Burger 1966. 102–105., 120.; Schmidt 2000. 363–364., 375–376., 397., 399–400. Hudák – Nagy L. 2009. 10–11.

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■ VI. Aspects of 4th Century Christian Identity... ■ – the artefact can reflect the producer’s identity, in this case the christogram as the sign of the christian emperor, i. e. the christian state can be also relevant; – the artefact can reflect the christian group identity or individual identity of the owner, or of the commissioner, if he is the owner as well. My first question was, whether Christianisation can be designed to examine degrees of homogenity until christianity becomes state religion, or should we speak only about scattered manifestations of christian identity in the changing intellectual-cultural landscape of a late Roman province? Because of the lack of relevant written sources and the few dateable christian structures and finds in Valeria, we can think rather of scattered manifestations, but we have few archaeological records about the changing religious and cultural landscape as well: pagan temples become abandoned, mythological reliefs, religious sculpture were reused as building materials of Late Roman graves, like the Mithras relief of Intercisa (fig. 50.).341 According to the opinion of the late István Tóth, the staff of the last augur of Brigetio was put with him into the grave.342 One possible exception declaring homogenity of christian collective identity in the second half of the fourth century could be the northwestern part of the northern cemetery of Sopianae, named as early Christian cemetery as well, where more than 30 funerary buildings were erected next to each other, most of them, the two-storey buildings, cellae memoriae and hypogaea were arranged and used according to the same way (fig. 84.).343 Although only seven burials with christian symbols are there in the cemetery (figs. 85-90.) with more than thousand graves, some scholars, like Olivér Gábor argued, that all of the two-storey buildings could have christian commissioners in a specific early Christian part of the cemetery, even if they do not have christian symbols.344 In spite of relevant homogenity I can just say, that there were only 7 commissioners of burials in Sopianae between the middle and the end of 4th century, who wanted to express their indvidual identity with christogram (figs. 85-86.) and staurogram signs and with biblical representations in two burials (figs. 8788.). Here I speak about both collective and individual identities as well, because christians defined himselves belonging to the community of the church, but in

341 342 343 344

Tóth I. 2015. 203–210.; Tóth I. – Visy 1985. 37–56. Barkóczi 1965. 215–257.; Tóth I. 2015. 210. Nagy M. 2002. 21–30.; Tóth Zs. 2012. 7–15.; Magyar 2012. 125–126.; Gábor 2014. 39–57. Gábor 2014. 45–47.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ the grave as in a fine and private place, they, or their family members wanted to express their individual faith as well.345 2. How to use the concept of material culture, defining identity through the practice? Trying to answer this question, the example of the two-storey funerary buildings of the northern cemetery of Pécs remains. There is an already discussed homogenity of their structure: funerary feasts, ceremonies in the cella memoriae in the upper building situated on Late Roman ground level (fig. 89.), and the ordinarily unaccessible burial in the lower hypogaeum under the earth (figs. 87., 88., 90.).346 This homogenity may reflect the same cultural or even social identity of the well-to-do inhabitants of Sopianae, but even because of the lack of expressions of christian identity in the most structures, I can’t know, whether ancient, so called pagan funerary feasts (epula), or christian ones (refrigeria) were held in the cellae memoriae (fig. 89.).347 Olivér Gábor was interested in this question in more publications, searching for pagan and christian funerary habits, rituals inside of the cemetery.348 Instead of repeating his results, I just think, that the practice of the funeral and the funerary feast in this case can not define religious identity, because the structures (markers of the material culture in our example, for example niches in the hypogaea in front of the entrance, fig. 88.) are similar.

3. Is there a serious need to contextualize our examples of Christian identity in terms of power networks (church, christian emperors, roman law) that operated in the examined 4th century society? Trying to answer the last question, I have to admit, that without relevant written sources I am not able to search for the impact of church organisation in province Valeria. Against Rajko Bratož, who argues with the weak and slow potential of Christianisation,349 one can’t exclude, that this organisation existed, like in almost all cities of the neighbouring provinces. We don’t know any bishops or priests from the province, simply because they did not appear in any context of 345 346 347 348 349

Hudák – Nagy L. 2009. 11–12., 31–36. Visy 2007. 137–155.; Visy 2014. 68. Hudák – Nagy L. 2009. 16–17., 32–36. Gábor 2010. 48–58.; Gábor 2014. 45–47. Bratož 2011b. 211–213.

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■ VI. Aspects of 4th Century Christian Identity... ■ 4th century church history, neither in synodes and christological debates, nor in contexts of any cult of martyrs. Searching for analogous situations in other regions of the late Roman empire, the models of Mark Joseph Johnson and Éric Rebillard have shown, that even in Rome, or other cities the impact of the church on private funerary practices except the cult of the martyrs was’t strong.350 The impact of roman law can’t be identified directly in archaeological record as well. Christogram representations, as symbols of christian emperors can indeed contextualize our examples of Christian identity in terms of power network, too, when they appear on coins, weapons or maybe on silver dishes as well, if we assume, that their owners are of high social rank, closely connected to the christian emperor.351 Peter Brown, however, has shown us, that besides visible power networks in late Roman society, there were transcendent power networks with Christ, Mary, martyrs and saints, which operated in the examined late roman space and time through liturgy, relics and prayers,352 although the cult of martyrs is not attested yet in the investigated province. This transcendent network operated in the painted tombs of Sopianae as well, in the realms of the dead seeking for resurrection and eternal life.353

350 351 352 353

Johnson 1997. 37–59.; Rebillard 2003. Gábor 2008a. 289–310.; Tóth E. 2006. 84.; Nagy L. 2015a. 32. Brown 1981. 41–68.; Brown 1995. 72–78. Visy 2014.; Hudák – Nagy L. 2009. 10–11., 24., 53–60., 69–72.; Hudák 2009b. 60., 75.

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Figures

Fig. 81: The gravestone of Flavia Calvena, probably from Aquincum (taken from CIL III 13382)

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Fig. 82: Mythological and biblical scenes on the casket mount of Ulcisia, southern cemetery (photo: Renate Pillinger, ©Hungarian National Museum)

Fig. 83: Orpheus representation with christian symbols on the casket mount of Intercisa, southeastern cemetery, grave 1023 (photo: Renate Pillinger, ©Hungarian National Museum)

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Fig. 84: The northern cemetery of Sopianae (taken from Tóth 2012. fig. 2.)

Fig. 85: Bronze disk of a suspension chain of a hanging lamp with christogram representation, Sopianae, northern cemetery, area of Burial chamber IV (photo: István Füzi)

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Fig. 86: Double grave from the northern cemetery of Sopianae, Apáca Str. 8 with painted christogram representation (photo: András em Török)

Fig. 87: The barrel vault of Burial chamber I of the northern cemetery of Sopianae with four busts in medaillons in a garden landscape (photo: András em Török)

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Fig. 88: Burial chamber XXXIII on the St. Stephen square in the northern cemetery of Sopianae (photo: András em Török)

Fig. 89: The upper storey of Burial chamber XXXIII (photo: author)

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Fig. 90: Burial chamber XX of the northern cemetery of Sopianae with a painted grave (photo: Olivér Gábor)

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VII. Early Christianity in Hungary: a New Research Project

The research project „Frühes Christentum in Ungarn” has been established with the leadership of professors Zsolt Visy and Renate Johanna Pillinger, with the coordination of Levente Nagy, in collaboration with archaeologists and students Claudia Behling, Ferenc Fazekas, Olivér Gábor, Stefanie Hofbauer, Krisztina Hudák, Elisabeth Lässig, István Lovász, Réka Neményi, Heléna Németh, Dalma Lukács, Nikolett Besenyi and Ádám Szabó.354 The aim of the project is the comprehensive cultural historical evaluation of the early Christian finds and monuments in the late Roman Provinces of Valeria and in the Hungarian part of Pannonia Prima. The catalogue and description of the single objects based on autopsy, and the investigation of their narrower (local) and broader contexts according to their analogies. The development of the bilateral connections between the departments of archaeology of the universities of Pécs and Vienna is important in order to ameliorate the institutional cooperation, and to support young researchers dealing with Christian archaeology. Our final task is the monographical evaluation of the early Christian objects and monuments of Hungary documented with coloured pictures.355 The project is financially supported by the Stiftung Aktion Österreich-Ungarn.

354

355

The most detailled description of the projects with adjacent research history of Early Christian archaeological research in Hungary was prepared by Levente Nagy and presented at the international conference „Frühes Christentum in den Balkanländern” in Vienna, on the 15.10.2012. Hungary was invited to this conference because of the similarity of the Early Christian find material with those found in the Balcan lands. This article is a short abstract of the longer german contribution about the results of the project with the same title being published in the acts of the conference „Frühes Christentum in den Balkanländern” by the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Special thanks to Mr. Nándor Agócs and Mr. Ferenc Fazekas for their help concerning the redaction of text and pictures. The publication permissions of the photos of Early Christian finds are due to the courtesy of the Hungarian National Museum (Budapest), Aquincum Museum (Budapest), Intercisa Museum (Dunaújváros), Wosinsky Mór Museum (Szekszárd), Janus Pannonius Museum (Pécs), Castle Museum (Esztergom), Savaria Museum (Szombathely), Liszt Ferenc Museum (Sopron).

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■ VII. Early Christianity in Hungary: a New Research Project ■ The first great monographs collecting Early Christian finds and monuments from the territory of present-day Hungary were written by Lajos Nagy in 1938356 and Dorottya Gáspár in 2002357. Since the last years of the last century, and especially in recent years since 2000 several new finds, monuments and new interpretations of earlier known monuments were published,358 more B.A., M.A. and Ph.D. theses prepared, mostly by the participants of our project,359 so that our common task to write our new monograph became actual, in order to search for newly published analogies and to provide our most recent interpretations regarding most recent results of hungarian and international research. Last year we established a complex EXCEL database of all Early Christian finds and monuments (objects, structures) from the area of Hungary360 with their most important parameters, descriptions, dating suggestions, which can provide the catalogue part of the project-monograph. The greatest scholars of early Christianity in Hungary had been in recent years Endre Tóth361 and Dorottya Gáspár,362 dealing with our material we tend to follow their footsteps, regarding more recent results of international research, too. In our EXCEL database we have this time 149 early Christian monuments, partly built structures, partly artefacts, small finds. This number may be exagerrated with the unpublished material, we try also to deal exclusively with the problematic monuments we are not able to define as surely christian any more. The interpretation of structures with ground plans reminding christian basilicae is in most cases difficult and problematic, this time we have only one surely early Christian basilica in Hungary from the late Roman fort of Keszthely-Fenékpuszta, dated to the 6–7th centuries A.D. according to finds and analogies.363 In the 356 357 358 359 360

361 362 363

Nagy L. 1938.; his catalogue has been first extended by Thomas 1982. Gáspár 2002. Revised hungarian edition of the first part of Gáspár 2002. and Gáspár 2008b. See the notes of this contribution. Hudák 2003.; Hofbauer 2007.; Gábor 2008b.; Neményi 2012. We tend to evaluate Eastern Transdanubia at first, completing this year with the material of western Transdanubia as the second stage of the project. The third stage will be the collection of the Early Christian material of the german people and of the supposed surviving romans from the Early Migration period. An overview: Tóth E. 1994.; Methodologically important: Tóth E. 1998–1999.; Tóth E. 2008., see further another notes in this contribution. The most important overviews: Gáspár 1995.; Gáspár 2002., see further notes in this contribution. Sági 1961.; Heinrich–Tamáska 2010.; Heinrich–Tamáska 2011b. From the huge amount of literature about the history and archaeology of the Keszthely–Fenékpuszta fort let me mention Heinrich–Tamáska – Straub 2009.; Heinrich–Tamáska 2011d., and another new volumes edited by Orsolya Heinrich–Tamáska still in press, with further literature.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ late Roman northern cemetery of Sopianae with more than 30 funerary monuments (mausolea, burial chambers) 5 are known with Early Christian symbols and biblical scenes, showing the professed christian faith of the owner: the burial chambers I, V, XX, XXXIII under the Cathedral Square and St. Steven’s Square, and in the double grave G/1–2 at 8, Apáca street (figs. 84-90.).364 The interpretation of the late Roman structures (or late Roman construction periods of earlier structures) as Early Christian basilicae has been neither in Sopianae,365 nor in Aquincum,366 nor in the Late Roman inner fortress of Tác,367 nor in the villa rustica in Kékkút,368 nor in Savaria proven (although in Savaria an intra muros basilica or at least a domus ecclesiae with the relics of Quirinus-relics can be still attested).369 The existence of the bishops’ sees in Savaria, Aquincum, Sopianae and Iovia (in the province Valeria)370 is theoretically possible, but still lacks both written and archeological evidence.371 The funerary buildings of the late Roman – early Christian eastern cemetery of Savaria were destroyed during the centuries,372 so we have well attested early Christian funerary buildings (built graves, burial chambers, mausolea) only in the northern cemetery of Sopianae (figs. 84-90.), and possibly from the southeastern cemetery of the inner fortress of Iovia (Kapospula/Dombóvár, Alsóhetény-puszta, fig. 54.).373 Inscriptions are prominent sources of the life of Pannonian Christians.374 The reconstruction of the headquarters (schola) of an unknown collegium in Aquincum in 292 A.D. was recorded on a recently published inscription (fig. 70.).375 If the names Culumbula and Stercoria really belong to Christian women, 364

365 366 367 368 369 370

371 372 373 374 375

Fülep 1969.; Fülep 1977.; Fülep 1984.; Fülep 1988.; Kárpáti 2002.; Visy 2006.; Pozsárkó – Tóth – Visy 2007.; Gábor 2008a.; Gábor 2008b.; Hudák–Nagy L. 2009.; Hudák 2009b.; Hudák 2009a.; Gábor 2010.; Pozsárkó – Tóth Zs. 2011.; Magyar 2012.; Gábor 2013.; Nagy L. 2013b. Tóth Zs. 2010b. 311–317.; Gábor – Katona Győr 2012. 6. Nagy L. 1940. 246–256.; Gáspár 2002. 20–21.; Berger 2005. 145–154., Abb. 49–50.; Gáspár 2008b. 69–72.; Tóth E. 2008. notes 98–99.; Balogh 2011. 79. Tóth E. 2008. 61. notes 89–93. Sági 1972. 121–137. Tóth E. 1973.; Tóth E. 2011a.; Nagy L. 2012a. 91–97. Bratož 2011b. Anhang I, with further written sources. The most recent short overview of the archaeology of early christianity in Hungary deals with this problem, too: Heinrich–Tamáska 2012. Heinrich–Tamáska 2012. 217–225.; Visy 2013c. 147–148. Kiss – Tóth 1993. 175–199. Tóth E. 1987–88.; Tóth E. 1989.; Migotti 2002a. 55–57.; Tóth E. 2009. 54–58., 119–136. Horváth 1997.; Kovács 2003.; Kovács 2004. Kovács – Németh 2009.; Kovács 2011. 134–140.

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■ VII. Early Christianity in Hungary: a New Research Project ■ this inscription is the earliest surely dated Christian monument from Hungary. If the representation of the man with the cursive Ario inscription from a Late Roman grave near Kisdorog is really identical with the heretical Arius, the brick sketch can be an outstanding monument of the history of Christianity (Pl. I. fig. 1.).376 Two proven Christian painters, Launio and Secundinus recieved a grave monument from their colleagues in the Eastern cemetery of Savaria (fig. 73., Pl. I. fig. 2.); we have more christian funerary inscriptions, probably from the eastern cemetery of Savaria, unfortunately without precise archaeological context, fig. 78.).377 The bronze vessel for the measurement of grain, calibrated by the Catholic church of Sirmium came possibly as a booty to North-Eastern Hungary in the migration period.378 The lead plates found in the 5th (or in the nearby 6th) grave of the Eastern Germanian cemetery of Hács-Béndekpuszta in 1954 contained text fragments from the gothic Bible translation of Ulfila (figs. 75-76.).379 They are significant records of the German Christian mission even if their function in the grave was simply apotropaic, and their owner was not deeply religious Arian. The artefacts, small finds collected in our datebase are mostly casket mounts with biblical representations (figs. 82., 83., Pl. I. fig. 3.),380 crossbow brooches (Pl. I. fig. 4.),381 bronze and golden rings (Pl. I. figs. 5–6.),382 helmet mounts (figs.

376 377

378 379 380

381 382

Thomas 1973–1974.; Bóna 1999.; skeptical: Gáspár 2002. 58–59.; Gáspár 2008b. 126–128. Tóth 2011b. Nr. 142–144., 147–149., 151. Early Christian inscriptions from Savaria: CIL III 4217 = ILCV 1376 = RIU I 76 = Ubi erat lupa 3316 = LapSav 142; CIL III 4218 = ILCV 2208 = RIU I 77 = Ubi erat lupa 3317 = LapSav 144; CIL III 4221 = ILCV 3298 = RIU 82 = LapSav 147; CIL III 4222 = ILCV 670 = RIU I 83 = Ubi erat lupa 3322 = LapSav 148; possibly Early Christian inscriptions: CIL III 4220 = ILCV 2201 = RIU I 78 = Ubi erat lupa 3318 = LapSav 143; CIL III 4190 = ILCV 401 = RIU I 84 = Ubi erat lupa 3323 = LapSav 149; Ubi erat lupa 9105 = LapSav 151. Tóth E. 2003–2004. 139–158.; Daim 2012. 324. Kat. Nr. XII.9. Kiss 1995. 288–290.; Harmatta 1996–1997.; Bierbauer 2011. 374–375. Investigated in general shortly by Gáspár 1971.; Buschhausen 1971.; Gáspár 1986.; Tóth E. 1995., for some problems of their interpretations see the last section in this contribution. We have a new casket find as well from the Late Roman villa estate of Bakonya with three Early Christian representations and inscriptions Abrahan, Dominus und [Hos]anna: Fazekas – Gábor – Nagy – Visy 2010. 38. (Fig. 93.). Neményi 2012.; a newly published brooch, type Keller 5–Swift 5i: Buza – Keszi 2009. 20.; Kat. Nr. 88. (Fig. 94.). Hofbauer 2007.; see also the rings from the catalogue of Gáspár 2002. We have two unpublished rings from Intercisa as well, from the graves 2131 and 183 of the western and southern cemeteries. (Figs. 95–96.).

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ 57., 74.),383 belt mountings,384 pendants,385 ceramic (Pl. I. fig. 7.),386 lamps and lamp utensils (fig. 85.),387 glas vessels,388 bricks389 with Christogram, Staurogram und cross symbols respectively. We have a silver spoon,390 a spindle whorl,391 a Menas ampulla (Pl. I. fig. 8.)392 and disc brooches of the so called Keszthely culture with christian representations393 as well. We added the silver plate of Seuso with Christogram from the Seuso treasure, too, because the treasure was found according to the convincing results of hungarian scholars in Eastern Hungary.394 These finds are partly from late Roman forts (Tricciana/Ságvár, Iovia/ Alsóhetény-puszta, Keszthely-Fenékpuszta, Intercisa, Lussonium), villae rusticae (Kékkút, Bakonya), partly from cemeteries of towns (Aquincum, Sopianae, Mursella) and fortresses (Tricciana, Intercisa, Ulcisia). There are few finds from the towns (Savaria395) and other settlements (Tokod396) themselves, and from the cemeteries of smaller settlements in the Late Roman and Early Migration period respectively (for example Bátaszék-Kövesdpuszta, Somogyszil, Császár, Hács-Béndekpuszta).397 It is very important to stress, that the concept „christian find or artefact“ means for us objects with christian symbols and representations of saints or biblical scenes, they do not provide sure evidence of the christian faith of the owner. 383 384 385 386 387

388 389 390 391 392 393

394 395 396 397

Kocsis 2003.; Mackensen 2007. We have a new Early Christian helmet mount from the auxiliary fortress of Lussonium, type Intercisa IV as well: Fazekas – Gábor – Nagy – Visy 2010. 39. Tóth E. 2008. 55., fig. 5; Tomka 2008, 36–37.; Abb. 2. Gábor – Katona Győr 2012. 9.; Katona Győr 2013. 190., fig. 37. Lányi 1981. 80–82.; Gáspár 2002. 99–100.; figs. 292–302. Their extesive collection and analysis is being prepared in connection to our project in the Ph.D. theses of Stefanie Hofbauer, until then see Tóth E. 1977.; Tóth E. 1989–1990.; Zsidi 2000.; Kiss 2000.; Szőnyi 2002.; Gábor – Katona Győr 2012.; and the lamps from the catalogue of Gáspár 2002. Visy 1977. 37.; Abb. 40.; for the gold–sandwich glasses with problematic interpretations see Fülep 1968.; Migotti 2002b.; Gáspár 2007. Visy – Hainzmann 1991. 178–179.; Gáspár 2002. 36., 98., 101., figs. 70., 287a–b., 306a–b. Gáspár 2002. 57, fig. 134. Gáspár 2002. 58. Gáspár 2002. fig. 347. Fülep 1984. 285–293.; Garam 1993.; Garam 2001. 51–56.; Taf. 321–32, XVIII.; Glaser 2002.; Daim 2002.; Tóth E. 2005.; Vida 2009., 72–73.; Vaday 2013a.; Vaday 2013b. 241., Figs. 14–16., with various problems of interpretation. Visy-Mráv 2012. Sosztarits 1996. 311–317.; Kiss 2000. 199–206. Mócsy et alii 1981.; Prohászka 2003.; Heinrich–Tamáska – Prohászka 2008.; for the ceramic pieces Lányi 1981. 73–120. See the catalogues of Lajos Nagy and Dorottya Gáspár, with the most recent items in the notes of this contribution.

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■ VII. Early Christianity in Hungary: a New Research Project ■ If we find, however, a christogram on an object or in a closed burial chamber together with biblical scenes (figs. 86-90., Pl. II. figs. 9-10.), the owner or his/ her family should be with more probability christian.398 From this point of view the most important task of our project is not only a new catalogue of the christian finds and monuments, but also the new interpretation of the earlier published material, and the discussion of the recent publications of older (earlier published) finds as well. In 2012, several publications and papers were provided in connection with the project. The Center for Patristic Studies of the University of Pécs (working in harmonic collaboration with our Department of Archaeology in the field of various Early Christian studies) organised with the BARDA Research Group for Early Christian Iconography and Epigraphy (Kings’s College, London) a joint conference on the 24–25th May 2012 in Pécs.399 The iconographical problems of the paintings in the Saint Peter and Paul Burial Chamber No. I. were extensively discussed in the papers of Zolt Visy, Olivér Gábor, György Heidl, István Bugár, Péter Csigi, Krisztina Hudák und Levente Nagy (Appendix I). The papers will be published in the Studia Patristica in Oxford hopefully next year. A general overview of the topographical, archaeological and religious historical interpretations of the northern cemetery of Sopianae was provided by Olivér Gábor.400 The late Roman – early Christian wallpaintings from the northern cemetery of Pécs, before all the mysterious iconographical program of the Saint Peter and Paul Burial Chamber (fig. 87., Pl. II. figs. 9-10.) played a crucial role in the publications concerning Early Christianity in Hungary, the last restauration campaign finished in 2003 made a new iconographical analysis by Krisztina Hudák possible.401 Because of the bad state of condition of some pictures, she had to leave some iconographical problems open to discussion, for example the destroyed depiction in the second panel of the eastern wall (Daniel? Good Shepherd?), the composition of the Jonah scene on the eastern wall with regards to the identity of the plant of Jonah, and the interpretation of the three figures in oriental dress towards Mary and the Jesus child on the western wall (three magi? three youths in the fiery fournace?). Exactly these questions were discussed in the papers of

398 399 400 401

Visy 2007. 146.; Nagy L. 2013b. 4. note 21. Early Christian Art: An International Conference with special regard to the early Christian Cemetery in Sopianae (Pécs – Hungary). The title of his paper was: Early Christian Buildings in the Northern Cemetery of Sopianae (Pannonia, Valeria Provincia). [Gábor 2014.] Hudák – Nagy L. 2009. 39–61.; Hudák 2009b. 47–76.; Hudák 2009a. 225–238.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Péter Csigi402 and György Heidl,403 the discussion began otherwise already in the 19th century, when Imre Henszlmann was not able to see either the grey plates (?) in the hands of the oriental figures, or the two ketoi in the Jonah composition, still described by József Koller as early as in 1804.404 The paper of Krisztina Hudák405 tried to discuss these problems again, based on several compositional analogies from the Early Christian art, and on technical observations concerning the restaurated paintings themselves with the help of documentations and photos during earlier restauration projects of the paintings (Pl. II. fig. 10.). István Bugár introduced a new theological interpretation of the dominus legem dat – representatons with Saint Peter and Paul (Pl. II. fig. 9.).406 Zsolt Visy dealt with the representations of the paradise garden on the paintings of Sopianae (fig. 87., Pl. II. figs. 9–10.),407 with the pictures of a happy, blissful, idealized world. Levente Nagy spoke in his paper about the earlier interpretations of Zoltán Kádár,408 an outstanding researcher of Early Christian art and iconography in Hungary, and about the new perspectives of reinterpreting biblical scenes on Early Christian paintings and artefacts from the Pannonian provinces as future tasks of our project.409 A great number of casket mounts with relief decoration were found in the province Valeria mostly in late Roman graves, but also in forts and settlements (figs. 82., 83., Pl. I. fig. 3.).410 They are decorated with mythological or biblical representations. Both mythological and biblical depictions can be seen on the so called „syncretistic” casket mounts, dated to various periods of the fourth century. Their interpretation was much-debated: were they used either by „pagans” following „fashionable” Christian culture, or by heretics, or by Christians regarding mythological themes through the eyes of the interpretatio christiana?411 402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 410 411

The title of his paper was: Iconographic approaches to the early Christian artefacts in Sopianae. [Csigi 2014.] The title of his paper was: Remarks on the iconography in “Peter–Paul” (No. 1.) Burial Chamber of Sopianae. [Heidl 2014.] Henszlmann 1873. 65.; Koller 1804. 25–26.; Pl. XI. The title of her paper was: Technical observations on the paintings in the St. Peter and Paul (No. 1.) Burial Chamber of Sopianae. [Hudák 2014.] The title of his paper was: Theology on Images? [Bugár 2014.] The title of his paper was: The Paradise in the Early Christian cemetery of Sopianae. [Visy 2014.] Kádár 1939.; Kádár 1940–1941.; Kádár 1963.; Kádár 1968.; Kádár 1969a.; Kádár 1969b. The title of his paper was: Zoltán Kádár and the Early Christian Iconography of Roman Pannonia: some problems of interpretation. [Nagy L. 2014c.] Extensive collections of the material: Gáspár 1971.; Buschhausen 1971.; Gáspár 1986. See Gáspár 1971, 27–30.; Dinkler–von Schubert 1980, 142., 144–145.; Nagy L. 2013b. 5.

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■ VII. Early Christianity in Hungary: a New Research Project ■ In March and in September 2012 Levente Nagy tried to provide a new iconographical analysis of the cascent mounts from Császár (northern Hungary), Grave 1, found in 1901412 and from the Late Roman cemetery south of the roman fort of Ulcisia/Constantia (Szentendre),413 first published in 1936 (fig. 82.).414 On the 7–10th March 2013 an international conference with the title Pagans and Christians in the Late Roman Empire: New Evidence, New Approaches was held in Budapest and Pécs, organised by the Department of Medieval Studies of the Central European University, and the Department of Archaeology of the Pécs University (see Pl. III.). In the Pécs section of the conference held in the Cella Septichora Visitor Center Olivér Gábor introduced in his paper the so called pagan and christian burials in Sopianae,415 meanwhile the most important results of our project have been presented in the visitor center on a poster exhibition designed by István Lovász and Veronika Zalavári,416 with the financial support of Zsolnay Örökségkezelő Nonprofit Kft. Pécs (Pl. III. fig. 11.). In 2013 we would like to go on with the detailed discussion of our Early Christian material from the hungarian parts of the provinces Valeria and Pannonia Prima. We tend to plan our project-monograph with the title Frühes Christentum in Ungarn after finishing our work with the material oft he supposed surviving roman population and german people from the early migration period after 2014/2015.

412 413

414 415 416

Patrons of these iconographical programs could express their Christian thoughts, feelings, associations not only with the help of Christian iconography already wide–spread by that time, but also using iconographical conventions of traditional Roman art. These early Christians could realise the symbols of the perfect Creation by God in the representations of the gods of the planets (among them Iuppiter, the main god of an ancient world), associated with the days of the week, like on the casket mounts from Császár: Nagy L. 2012a. 79–89. Hercules, depicted on the casket of Szentendre with an inscription praising emperor Constantine the Great reminded Late Antique viewers not only of the unvincible Constantine (former Herculius), the saviour of the Roman empire, represented with the attributes of Iuppiter before 324. The hero fighting against evil monsters, the late friend of mankind reminded them of the Saviour of mankind, the miracle–worker Christ himself, who was able to raise the dead. [see Nagy L. 2016d] Nagy L. 2012a. 61–90. Paper held at the international conference Pagans and Christians in the 4th Century Rome on the 21th September 2012 in Rome, with the title Representations of Hercules in Fourth–Century Christian Context. [Nagy L. 2016d] Nagy L. 1936. 3–21. The title of his paper was: Pagan and Christian burial customs in Sopianae. [Gábor – Katona Győr 2017.] The authors of the posters showing the research results of our project were Claudia-Maria Behling, Ferenc Fazekas in collaboration with Antal Szabó and Zsuzsanna Péterfi, Olivér Gábor, Stefanie Hofbauer, Levente Nagy, Réka Neményi, István Lovász, Zsolt Visy. For another authors of the poster exhibition see Pl. III.

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Plate I. fig. 1. Kisdorog, sketch on a brick with the representation of Arius (?) from a Late Roman cemetery, 2nd half of the 4th century AD. (Courtesy of Wosinsky Mór Museum, Szekszárd – Photo: Renate Pillinger); fig. 2. Grave inscription of the Christian painters, Launio and Secundinus from Savaria, Eastern cemetery, 2nd half of the 4th century AD. (Courtesy and photo of Savaria Museum, Szombathely); fig. 3. The casket mount of Bakonya with biblical representations. (Photo: Zsolt Visy); fig. 4. Cross-bow brooch from Intercisa, grave 1890. (Courtesy of Intercisa Museum – Photo: Tamás Keszi); fig. 5. Bronze finger ring from Intercisa, grave 2131. (Courtesy of Intercisa Museum – Photo: Renate Pillinger); fig. 6. Bronze finger ring from Intercisa, grave 183. (Courtesy of Intercisa Museum – Photo: Renate Pillinger); fig. 7. Ceramic fragments with representations of crosses from Tokod, 5th century. (Courtesy of Castle and Balassa Bálint Museum in Esztergom – Photo: Renate Pillinger); fig. 8. Menas-Ampulla from Savaria, 6th–7th. century (Courtesy and photo of Savaria Museum, Szombathely)

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Plate II: figs. 9–10. Details from the paintings of the St. Peter and Paul Burial Chamber. (Photos András em Török, Attila Pintér)

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Plate III. fig 11. Poster from the exhibition Pagans and Christians in the Late Antiquity. (Pécs, Cella Septichora Visitor Center 2013, designed by István Lovász and Veronika Zalavári)

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VIII. Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016

In 2010, the Department of Archaeology at the University of Pécs witnessed the establishment of Christian archaeology, a new M.A. specialization that did not exist in Hungary before. Shortly after the launch of Christian archaeology in Hungary, in 2012 the department started a new research project in collaboration with the Department of Christian Archaeology, University of Vienna, under the title Frühes Christentum in Ungarn. Project leaders Prof. Zsolt Visy (and since 2014 Levente Nagy) and Prof. Renate Johanna Pillinger, as well as other project members received funding from the Stiftung Aktion Österreich-Ungarn.417 The aim of the bilateral international project has been to write a new monograph on Early Christian monuments and artefacts found in the territory of Hungary, dated between the fourth and eighth centuries, with the contribution of various experts and M.A. and Ph.D. students from both Vienna and Pécs. The first project reports in 2012 and 2013 (published in German and English) made a brief outline of the current state of research complemented with a research history beginning with the nineteenth century, paying homage to the former generations of researchers conducting investigations into Early Christian monuments and artefacts in Hungary.418 417

418

This funding enabled both Austrian and Hungarian project members to travel throughout Hungary in order to observe Christian artefacts in Hungarian Museum magazines and exhibitions, and to visit libraries in Vienna in order to consult recently published Early Christian archaeological literature not known and read in Hungary before. Nagy L. 2013a. 325–330.; Nagy L. 2015a. a more detailed synthesis of research history will be made by Tamás Szabadváry in his M.A. thesis of 2016 (Szabadváry 2016a.) [Szabadváry 2018.]. I especially thank the author for the possibility of reading the mansucript of his M.A. thesis still in progress. The first results of the project Frühes Christentum in Ungarn were presented in a poster exhibition in Pécs, in connection with the international conference titled Pagans and Christians in the Late Roman Empire: New Evidence, New Approaches, organised by the Department of Medieval Studies of the Central European University, Budapest and the Department of Archaeology of the Pécs University (Marianne Sághy – Levente Nagy): Nagy L. 2013a. 327., 334. Plate III. The conference papers will be published in September 2017.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ In the first two years of the project we made an EXCEL database of the examined Christian and presumably Christian finds and monuments, including data about their exact archaeological contexts (if there were any). In 2015 this database was converted into a Microsoft Word catalogue with appendices, which forms the basis of a future monograph. The analysis of the items in the catalogue started in 2012–2013, and will be continued after a relatively long break in 2016 due to the courtesy and permissions of Hungarian museums. The project aims not only to collect recently published and unpublished material, which have not been analysed and evaluated by earlier publications of the field. It also deals with new discussions and interpretations of the earlier published material employing modern evaluation methods and methodological approaches currently discussed in the research of Late Antiquity. The first students of Christian Archaeology in Hungary, Réka Neményi, Dalma Lukács and Nikolett Besenyi have already written their B.A./M.A. theses. They carried out in-depth analyses of fourth-century cross-bow brooches with Christian symbols (Pl. I. fig. 4.),419 Late Antique disc brooches with figural representations,420 and Menas ampullae of the Middle Danube Region (Pl. I. fig. 8.)421 with iconographical research offering new interpretations and new evidence about cross-cultural networks in the examined regions. In the light of our project goals and aspirations, in this paper I will present a brief synthesis of Hungarian research concerning Early Christianity of Hungary between 2010 and 2016. The aim of my paper is not merely a presentation of the publications written by the research fellows and students of the Archaeology Departments in Pécs and Vienna employing special research methods and points of view of Christian archaeology [christliche Archälogie, archeologia cristiana] used in several departments and research centres in Europe.422 It is also meant to draw attention to the immense diversity of publications written by Hungarian archaeologists of the Roman provinces and the Migration Period, patristic philosophers, and theologians of the same era. In 2010, along with the establishment of the discipline of Christian archaeology in Hungary and the organisation of a poster exhibition and a conference in Istanbul on the Late Roman – Early Christian heritage of Sopianae and the

419 420 421 422

Neményi 2012.; Neményi 2014. Lukács 2016. Besenyi 2014. A recent introductory synthesis of the specific methods, interests and viewpoints of Christian archaeology: Sörries 2013.

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■ VIII. Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016 ■ Province of Valeria,423 the Hungarian Patristic Society (the most relevant organised research community dealing with various aspects of Early Christianity in Hungary since 2001) witnessed on its annual conference in Kecskemét a strong increase of interest in methodological problems of Early Christian art and iconography: how to interpret (re-interpret) images with the help of biblical and patristic texts.424 This interest was extended to a collaboration with the BARDA Research Group for Early Christian Iconography and Epigraphy at King’s College, London. The conference organised together with the Center of Patristic Studies of the University of Pécs on 24–25 May 2012 in Pécs focused on iconographical questions related to the murals in the burial chambers of Sopianae.425 The papers of the conference titled Early Christian Art: An International Conference with special regard to the early Christian Cemetery in Sopianae (Pécs-Hungary) were published in the series Studia Patristica in Oxford, in 2014 (fig. 91.).426 The systematic re-evaluation of the iconographical programs of Early Christian casket mounts with mythological and Biblical scenes from Hungary began in 2012 (figs. 82., 92.). Some of the results are still available in the manuscripts of conference papers, being prepared for publication.427 A new synthesis about the Early Christian murals from Hungary are being prepared in connection with the project Frühes Christentum in Ungarn by Claudia-Maria Behling and Krisztina Hudák. The results of earlier publications by Krisztina Hudák and Levente Nagy about the paintings of Sopianae published between 2003 and 2016 will be summarized briefly at the AIPMA international conference in Lausanne, on 16 September 2016.428 The excavations of the Late Roman – Early Christian funerary buildings in the northern cemetery of Sopianae between 2000 and 2006, in 2010–2011 and 2015 raised several new questions of interpretation concerning the structure, 423 424 425 426

427

428

Fazekas – Gábor – Nagy – Visy 2010. Bugár 2014b.; Heidl 2013.; English summary: Nagy L. 2014c. 203–205. Shortly reported by Nagy L. 2013a. 326–327., 331. Brent 2014.; Bugár 2014a.; Csigi 2014.; Heidl 2014.; Hudák 2014.; Nagy L. 2014c., with the promise of a new synthesis of the Early Christian iconography of the Pannonian provinces; Visy 2014. Nagy L. 2012a.; Nagy L. 2014b. (English: Nagy L. 2016d.); Nagy L. 2014c. 203–205.); Nagy L. 2015c. (German manuscript for the series Antaeus); Nagy L. 2015d. (Hungarian manuscript for the series Studia Patrum). Hudák – Nagy L. 2016a. (English manuscript for the AIPMA conference). An earlier manuscript of Levente Nagy from 2011 about the afterlife concepts concerning the Pécs murals designed for the series Autonomous Towns in Noricum and Pannonia could be published finally in the series Hungarian Polis Studies in 2016, in the Festschrift for György Németh, professor of ancient history in Budapest: Nagy L. 2016c.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ reconstruction possibilities and religious historical evaluation of funerary buildings (figs. 84-90.). Did all of the two-storey burial chambers in Pécs (sharing obviously the same architectural design) belong to Christians, or only those with symbols and Biblical images expressing clearly Christian identity? Were they commissioned by the local (otherwise unknown) church authorities, or were they ordered by private commissioners? What should the correct definition and terminology of these buildings be: hypogaea, crypts, burial chambers, cellae memoriae, burial chapels, or mausolea? These issues have been discussed in detail in various publications between 2010 and 2016.429 The most recent synthesis is the new monograph of Olivér Gábor from 2016, based on the updated version of his Ph.D. dissertation from 2008.430 Early Christian Church history and hagiography are special Hilfswissenschaften of Christian archaeology. A new Church history in the Pannonian provinces between 374 and 456 is offered by Krisztina Hudák in her Ph.D. dissertation from 2013 (defended in 2014).431 The still missing updated summary of the Church history of Pannonia from the time of the Tetrarchy to 374 is in progress (Krisztina Hudák − Levente Nagy). The relevant contributions by Rajko Bratož and the collections of written sources of Late Roman Pannonia, published continuously by Péter Kovács, are particularly useful.432 The Research Centre for Ecclesiastical Studies established at the University of Pécs in 2012 launched its new monograph series titled Thesaurus Historiae Ecclesiasticae in Universitate Quinqueecclesiensi with a hagiographical and archaeological interpretation experiment of four Passion stories from Pannonia.433 Another relevant research topic of the centre for the year 2016 is the complex theoretical and case-study based investigation of Christianisation as a historical process in the Carpathian Basin from the Early Christian period to the Middle Ages. The next conference in collaboration with the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the new Research Centre of Christianisation founded this year by the Department of Archaeology 429 430 431 432

433

Gábor 2010.; Gábor 2013.; Gábor 2014.; Katona Győr 2013. 177–181.; Pozsárkó – Tóth Zs. 2011.; Magyar 2012. 131–134.; Tóth Zs. 2010a.; Tóth Zs. 2012.; Tóth Zs. 2015. Gábor 2016. Hudák 2013. The dissertation will be published in the Thesaurus Historiae Ecclesiasticae in Universitate Quinqueecclesiensi serie in 2019. Bratož 2011a.; Bratož 2011b.; Kovács 2011.; Kovács 2014.; Kovács 2016. A short collection of recent publications in the field of Church history of Pannonia is summarized by Nagy L. 2016b. 169–170. which is a book review of the posthumous edition of the famous Pannonian religious history by István Tóth: Tóth I. 2015. Recent historical summary of Arian Gepids: Kiss 2015. 124–129. Nagy L. 2012b.

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■ VIII. Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016 ■ at the University of Pécs will be held with the title Christianisation: Identity, Mobility, Continuity on 14 October 2016 in Pécs. The Bishopric of Pécs has recently become strongly interested in Early Christian research. In 2015 the diocese established a new Christian Heritage Research Centre dealing with Early Christian art and archaeology, too. One of the first events of the new centre was a joint international conference with the collaboration of the Department of Archaeology in Pécs, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the University of Vienna, Institute of Classical Archaeology (organised by Günther Schörner, Réka Neményi and Levente Nagy) with the title Archaeology of Identiti(es) – Archäologie der Identität(en) on 12–13 November 2015 (fig. 93.). One of the methodological questions at the conference was an experiment: how to employ the special research methods and theoretical frameworks of post-processual archaeology and archaeology of identity in the research of Early Christianity in Pannonia.434 In the years in question (2010–2016) archaeologists of the Roman provinces prepared new publications about earlier excavated finds on Roman sites with Christian interpretations435 (such as a bronze finger-ring with a Chi-Rho emblem from the Late Roman cemetery of Visegrád-Diós,436 two lead seals and a bronze finger-ring from the Iseum of Savaria,437 a magical (?) amulet from the Southern cemetery of Intercisa438), or long-forgotten unpublished artefacts from museum magazines (such as, a bronze mirror fragment with crosses from Intercisa in the magazine of the Hungarian National Museum439). Endre Tóth, a renowned expert on Late Antique archaeology of Pannonia from the last third of the 20th century till today, continued his earlier work on the passio S. Quirini,440 on the Late Roman – Early Christian inscriptions from the Eastern Cemetery of Savaria (figs. 73., 78.),441 or on questions of continuity of the so-called Romanized population in the Migration Period.442 He summarized his earlier iconographical analysis of the casket mount fragments from the inner fortress of Ságvár,443 and his typological considerations of the cross-bow brooch434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443

Nagy L. 2019a. For example some evidence from County Baranya: Gábor – Katona–Győr 2012. Grave No. 134: Gróh 2015. 72–73., fig. 3/7. Kat. Szombathely 2013. 291. Kat. Nr. 26.2–4. Near graves No. 1624. and 1625.: Szabó A. 2014. 209–221., figs. 1, 2, 4. Szabadváry 2016b. 293–298., figs. 1a–d. Tóth E. 2011a. Tóth E. 2011b. 188–200. Tóth E. 2013b. Tóth E. 2014.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ es of types Keller 5/6 – Pröttel 5/6 – Swift 5i-ii/6i-ii. He evaluated the brooches with Christian symbols from Ságvár, Tömlöc-hill, grave No. 7 and from a Late Roman grave in Tihany–Sajkod.444 Regarding the younger generations of Roman provincial archaeology, I had the possibility to follow the extremely useful M.A. thesis project of Tamás Szabadváry. He re-collected and re-evaluated the Early Christian artefacts from the Hungarian National Museum, reconstructing their original contexts (old excavations, purchase from individuals) from inventory books and museum archives.445 Archaeologists of the Migration Period continued to deal with fifth– and sixth-century Christian finds and monuments from Roman sites – for example, the Late Roman fortress of Aquincum,446 the town of Scarbantia447 or the inner fortress of Keszthely-Fenékpuszta, together with their surroundings448 − raising several challenging questions of continuity, mobility, migrations, and interpretations of ethnicity (fig. 94.). Concerning the recent (or reiterated) chronological, contextual and religious historical interpretations of Christian artefacts from the fifth to the eighth century from the Carpathian Basin,449 the contributors tried to make the same attempts to reconstruct or refuse a kind of religious syncretism (!?)450, personal beliefs, ethnic/cultural identity, mobility or special cultural contacts with the Eastern Mediterranean, based on the funerary context of the deceased with one or two Christian artefacts (necklaces, pectoral crosses, apotropaic (?) amulets, disc brooches, and agraffes). These methodological tendencies are also present in the most recent summary of Hungarian research on Early Christianity in the Carpathian Basin: in the new catalogue of the two exhibitions in Szombathely and Pannonhalma on the

444 445 446 447 448

449

450

Tóth E. 2015. especially 337–340. Szabadváry 2016a. [Szabadváry 2018.] Zsidi 2011b; Vida 2013.; Tóth E. 2013a. 48. Tomka 2015. 600., 612. Heinrich–Tamáska 2011c.; Heinrich–Tamáska 2011b. (in German: Heinrich–Tamáska 2010.); Heinrich–Tamáska 2012.; Heinrich–Tamáska 2015. 45–58; Heinrich–Tamáska 2016.; Heinrich–Tamáska – Müller – Straub 2012. 49–58.; Müller 2010.; Müller 2014. 157–173.; Vida 2011. 413–418. See, for example, Bollók 2014.; Bollók 2016.; Curta 2011. 305–313.; Daim–Bühler 2012. 208–217.; Heinrich–Tamáska – Straub 2015. 636–638.; Perémi 2012. especially 470–471.; Prohászka 2012. 49–51.; Vida 2016. 87–88. For the methodological questions of the use of this term/concept and other terms/concepts discussed in recent Early Christian studies, see Nagy L. 2016e. (this manuscript in German for the conference titled GrenzÜbergänge, held in Ruma on 6 November 2015, will be published in the same conference volume).

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■ VIII. Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016 ■ occasion of the supposed year of birth of St. Martin, bishop of Tours.451 The catalogue of the St. Martin exhibition, comprising some unpublished material (for example, lead seals with Christian symbols and Biblical scenes from the Hungarian Nationalmuseum452) and coloured photographs of good quality, is a really successful synthesis of the investigated time-span of the development of Early Christian archaeological research in Hungary between 2010–2016 (fig. 95.). The next step on this way must be the monograph Frühes Christentum in Ungarn to be published by the Austrian Academy of Sciences.

451

452

Kat. St. Martin 2016. with the archaeological contributions of Ádám Bollók, Orsolya Heinrich–Tamáska, Attila P. Kiss, Ágota Perémi, and Tivadar Vida. The archaeological evidence on Late Roman Pannonian Christianity is briefly summarized in the contributions of Endre Tóth, Zsolt Visy and Krisztina Hudák with Levente Nagy (the name of co–author Krisztina Hudák is mistakenly missing from the Hungarian edition of the catalogue). Kat St. Martin 2016. 210–211. Kat. Nr. III.33a–u.

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Figures

Fig. 91: Cover page of the serie Studia Patristica, 2014

Fig. 92: Cover page of the Mitteilungen zur Christlichen Archäologie, 2012, with the image of the casket mounts of Császár

Fig. 94: Conver page of the exhibition catalogue Saint Martin and Pannonia, 2016

Fig. 93: Cover page of the serie Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense, Volume 2, 2011

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■ VIII. Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016 ■

Fig. 95: Poster of the conference Archäoogie und Identitäten – Archaeology and Identity from 2015

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Papers published in this volume

Chapter I. Greek and Roman Ghost stories. Some New Approaches. In: Moga, Iulian (coord.), Angels, Demons and Representations of Afterlife within the Jewish, Pagan and Christian Imagery. Iaşi, 2013. 225–244. Chapter II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras. The Order of Chaos, the City of Darkness, and the Iconography of Beginnings. Pantheon 7. 1. (2012) 37–58. Chapter III. First publication in this volume Chapter IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization as a Historical Process in the 3rd – 5th century A.D. Pannonia. Can the Written and Archaeological Sources be Considered Together? In: Nagy, Levente, Heiden, Christen und ihre Umwelt: Archaeologische, patristische und kirchengeschichtliche Studien – Pagans, Christians and their Surrounding: Archeological, Patristic and Church Historical Studies. Pécs, 2019. (Thesaurus Historiae Ecclesiasticae in Universitate Quinqueecclesiensi 8 – SpecNova Supplementum 13.) 121–130. Chapter V: Ascetic Christianity in Panonian Martyr Stories? In: Sághy, Marianne – Schoolman, Edward M. (Ed.), Pagans and Christians in the Late Roman Empire. New Evidence, New Approaches (4th-8th centuries). Budapest, 2017. (CEU Medievalia 18 – Specimina Nova, Supplementum 12.) 97–104. Chapter VI: Aspects of 4th Century Christian Identity in Late Roman Province Valeria. In: Nagy, Levente: Heiden, Christen und ihre Umwelt, 115–119.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Chapter VII: Nagy, Levente: Early Christianity in Hungary. A New Research Project. Specimina Nova 21-22. (2013) 325–334. Chapter VIII: Nagy, Levente: Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016. Acta classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 52. (2016) 149–161.

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List of Figures

Introduction Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

Fig. 3.

Fig. 4.

Fig. 5. Fig. 6. Fig. 7.

Fig. 8.

Fig. 9.

Orpheus in the Underworld in front of the palace of Hades and Persephone. Apulian red figure crater, Unterwelt Painter, 2nd half of the 4th c. B. C. München, Antikensammlung und Glyptothek (taken from Bowden 2010. 169.) Athenian white ground lekythos with the representation of Charon and Hermes Psychopompos in the companion of a dead woman. Sabouroff Painter, 3rd quarter of the 5th century B.C. (taken from Andronikos 1979. 67., fig. 46.) The cult image of the Telesterion of the Demeter sanctuary in Eleusis, with the representation of Demeter, Persephone and Ploutos, 5th c. B. C. (taken from Andronikos 1979. 74., fig. 59.) Ritual in honour of Dionysos, attic red figure stamnos from Nocera. Deinos Painter, last third of 5th c. B.C. Naples, Museo Archeologico (taken from Franciscis no date. 64.) So called orphic gold sheets: Hipponion, Thurioi, Pharsalos, end of 5th century – 4th century B.C. (taken from Bowden 2010. 171.) Wall painting from the Iseum of Herculaneum with the representation of an Isiac morning ritual (taken from Wikimedia commons) Wall painting from the Barberini Mithraeum, Rome, with the representation of the Taurochthony, CIMRM 389 (taken from www.tertullian.org/rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=cimrm389) Mosaic representation of the Mithraic grades of initiations from the Felicissimus mithraeum of Ostia, V, IX, 1. (taken from Clauss 2000. 47., fig. 9.) Relief representation of Eros and Psyche from the mithraeum of Capua at the place of the arrival of the souls to Earth according to the secret sacral topography of the sanctuary (taken from www.pompeiiinpictures.com/pompeiiinpictures/Temples/Santa%20Maria%20 Capua%20Vetere%20 Mithraeum.htm)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Fig. 10. Cultic vessel (Wetterau Ware) from the mithraeum of Mogontiacum with the representation of Mithraic initiation scenes: miles and pater, miles, Cautes, Cautopates and Heliodromus (taken from Bowden 2010. 174.) Fig. 11. Summary of the various periodisations of Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (taken from Heinrich–Tamáska – Syrbe 2016. fig. 3.) Fig. 12. Wall painting from the baptistery of the domus ecclesiae in Dura Europos, reconstructed at the Yale University, New Haven (taken from Spier 2007b. 4., fig. 2.) Fig. 13. Hercules with Cerberus and Alcestis from cubiculum N of the Via Latina catacomb, Rome (taken from Ferrua 1991. 137.) Fig. 14. Wall painting from the Veneranda cubiculum of the Domitilla catacomb, Rome: Veneranda with her martyr girl-friend, Petronilla (taken from Fiocchi Nicolai – Bisconti – Mazzoleni 1999. 130.) Fig. 15. Wall painting from cubiculum Nr. 3 of the SS. Pietro e Marcellino catacomb, Rome: Jesus Christ, Peter, Paul and four martyrs besides the lamb of God: Petrus, Marcellinus, Tiburtius, Gorgonius (taken from Fiocchi Nicolai – Bisconti – Mazzoleni 1999. 131.) I. Ancient Greek and Roman Ghost Stories. Some New Approaches Fig. 16. The ghost of a warrior (Patroclus or Achilles) emerging from his grave on an attic red figured lid of an askos. Circle of the Tyszkiewicz-painter, cca. 490–480 B.C. now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (taken from Vermeule 1979. 33., Fig. 25.) Fig. 17. The souls of Aigisthos and Klytaimnestra going down into Hades on the narrow side of the Orestes sarcophagus from Rome, Antonine period, now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano (taken from Zanker – Ewald 2004. 363., Dok. 30.) Fig. 18. Ulysses, Hermes and the ghost of Elpenor on an attic red figured pelike. Lykaon-painter, cca. 440 B.C. now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (taken from www.mfa.org/collections/object/jar-pelike-withodysseus-and-elpenor-in-the-underworld-153840) Fig. 19. The possible place of the nekyomanteion at the river Acheron where the Nekyia of Ulisses took place according to ancient tradition Fig. 20. Plan of the nekyomanteion of Heraclea Pontike (taken from Hoepfner 1972. Planabbildung 5.)

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■ List of Figures ■ Fig. 21. The nekyomanteion of Heraclea Pontike today Fig. 22. The ghost of Agamemnon in the main scene of an Orestes sarcophagus from Rome, depicting the killing of Aigisthos and Klytaimnestra, Antonine period, now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano (taken from Zanker – Ewald 2004. fig. 62.) Fig. 23. Sarcophagus of C. Iulius Euhodus és Metilia Acte with the depiction of the myth of Alcestis, the soul of Alcestis is covered with her veil, cca. 160–170 A.D., now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano (taken from Zanker – Ewald 2004. fig. 182.) Fig. 24. Protesilaus Sarcophagus with the representations of the ghosts of Protesilaus and Laodamia. Naples, Santa Chiara, Antonine period, now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano (photo: author) Fig. 25. Magic gem with the representation of a vision of Ophelimus: sacrifice to Hecate and a possible consultation of a nekydaimon appearing in the form of a skull, Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest (taken from www. mfab.hu/artworks/the-votive-gem-of-ophelimus) Fig. 26. The so called prognosticon (magic divination kit?) from Pergamon with characteres and with representations of Hecate (© Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, Antikensammlung) II. The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras: The Order of Chaos, the City of Darkness and the Iconography of Beginnings Fig. 27. Eclipse of the Sun on the 23rd July 92 AD (taken from László – Nagy – Szabó 2005. I, 220, fig. 3.) [The most important Hungarian names in English: Rák = Cancer; Oroszlán = Leo; Ikrek = Gemini; Bak = Capricorn; Nap = Sun; Hold = Moon; Föld = Earth] Fig. 28. Eclipse of the Moon on the 21st December 93 AD (taken from László – Nagy – Szabó 2005. I., 258., fig. 5.) Fig. 29. Relief from Micia showing an initial scene from the Transitus Dei progress: the bull = Venus is in Taurus, scorched by Mithras, the Sun (taken from CIMRM II., 2023.) Fig. 30. The complex relief from the mithraeum of Osterburken (taken from CIMRM II, 1292 – colour photo: http://www.tertullian.org/rpearse/ mithras/display.php?page=cimrm1292) Fig. 31. Mithraic relief from Modena (taken from CIMRM I., 695. – colour photo: http://www.tertullian.org/rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=cimrm695)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Fig. 32. Mithraic painting from the antechamber of the Hawarte mithraeum (taken from Gawlikowski 2007. colour fig. 9.) Fig. 33. The City of Darkness from the Hawarte mithraeum (taken from Gawlikowski 2007. colour fig. 12.) Fig. 34. Petragenitus relief from Trier (taken from Demandt – Engemann 2007. fig. I., 13., 5.) Fig. 35. Petragenitus relief from Housesteads (taken from CIMRM 860.) Fig. 36. Cautopates and Mithras preparing the cult meal (?) from the mithraeum of Hawarte (taken from Gawlikowski 2007. colour fig. 17.) III. Mithraism and Early Christianity in Pannonia in the 3rd – 4th centuries A.D.: Reinterpreting the Evidence Fig. 37. Fig. 38. Fig. 39.

Fig. 40. Fig. 41.

Fig. 42. Fig. 43. Fig. 44.

Fig. 45. Fig. 46. Fig. 47.

Plan of Roman Poetovio with the topographical context of the five known Mithras sanctuaries of the town (taken from Tušek 2004. Abb. 1.) Mithraeum No. 1 of Poetovio (www.mithraeum.eu/monumenta/mithraeum_i_ptuj) Mithraeum No. 2 of Poetovio, petragenitus relief with Cautes and Cautopates (www.mithraeum.eu/monumenta/petrogenesis_mithraeum_iii_ptuj) Building inscription of the reconstructed mithreaum No. 4 of Poetovio from the age of Tetrarchy (taken from CIL. III. 4039.) Carnuntum, civil town, Mithraeum No. III, altar erected for the occasion of the emperors’ meeting in 308 (taken from Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 167., Kat. 34.) Hévíz-Egregy, mithraeum built into a roman house in its 2nd stone period (taken from Müller 2004. 5.) Aquincum, legionary fort, mithraeum of the house of the tribunus laticlavius (taken from Visy 2003. 249., fig. 57.) Carnuntum, civil town, Mithraeum No. III, finds and monuments from the excavation in 1894 (taken from Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 93., Abb. 41.) Aquincum, civil town, Mithraeum of Symphorus (www.tertullian.org/ rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=cimrm1767) Mithraic bronze plaque from the mithraeum of Brigetio, military town (taken from Kat. Carnuntum 2011. 73., Kat. 62.) Interior of the mithraeum of Fertőrákos (photo: author)

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■ List of Figures ■ Fig. 48. So called Zwickelmotive (small symbols) on the early Christian casket mount of Császár (photo: Renate Pillinger, ©Hungarian National Museum) Fig. 49. Wooden plaque fragments from a sarcophagus found in Zámoly (taken from Tóth I. 2006. 3) Fig. 50. Taurochthony image as cover slab of the grave No. 2000 of the late Roman southern cemetery of Intercisa, carried from a nearby local mithraeum (www.tertullian.org/rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=Discoveries_since_1960) IV. The Methodological Problems of Christianization as a Historical Process in the 3rd-5th century A.D. Pannonia. Can the Written and Archaeological Sources be Considered Together? Fig. 51. The topography of Sirmium, Roman town and cemeteries (taken from Jeremić 2005. fig. 1.) Fig. 52. Excavation photo of the town basilica of Sirmium, findspot No. 59 (taken from Mirković 2006. 119.) Fig. 53. Groundplan of an earlier building on the spot of the town basilica of Sirmium, findspot No. 59. (taken from Jeremić 2006. 36.) Fig. 54. Groundplan of the late Roman mausoleum in the cemetery of the inner fort Iovia (Kapospula, Alsóhetény-puszta) with earlier incineration burials (taken from Tóth E. 2009. Pl. 36.) Fig. 55. Groundplan of the late Roman civitas Iovia, Ludbreg in Croatia (taken from Migotti 1997. 24., fig. 6.) Fig. 56. Apsidal building (part of a bath ensemble) from Iovia, Ludbreg, interpretated earlier as an early Christian basilica (taken from Migotti 1997. 24., fig. 7) Fig. 57. Helmet mount with christogram from Savaria, northern part of the civitas (taken from Donati – Gentili 2005. Kat. 49b) Fig. 58. Excavation drawing of the northern insulae of Savaria near the Gate of Scarbantia, with the findspots of an early Christian helmet mount with christogram and of a bronze fitting of a lamp suspension chain (taken from Kiss 2000. fig. 1.) Fig. 59. The parking lot of the regional Hungarian Tax Office in Szombathely, a possible place of the early Christian basilica with the relics of Quirinus near the northern gate (photo: author)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Fig. 60. Ground plan of the funerary basilica of bishop Irenaeus in Sirmium, eastern cemetery (taken from Jeremić 2005. fig. 11.) Fig. 61. Inscription of Artemidora from the northern cemetery of Sirmium who wanted to be buried near Syneros in his funerary basilica (photo: author) Fig. 62. The text of the Inscription of Artemidora from the northern cemetery of Sirmium who wanted to be buried near Syneros in his funerary basilica (taken from CIL III 10233.) Fig. 63. The funerary basilica of Syneros according to old and more recent excavation drawings (taken from Jeremić 2005. fig. 9a-b.) Fig. 64. Column chapter from the funerary basilica of Syneros in the museum of Srmska Mitrovica (photo: author) Fig. 65. The topography of late Roman Cibalae and the surrounding cemeteries (Vinkovci) (taken from Migotti 1997. 21., fig. 4.) Fig. 66. The results of geophysical survey at the findspot Vinkovci-Kamenica in 2012, showing traces of a great funerary basilica complex with surrounding walls and mausolea (taken from Vulić 2016b. 90., fig. 2.) Fig. 67. Reconstruction model of the early Christian funerary complex of Vinkovci-Kamenica on the basis of the geophysical survey and first excavation results (taken from Vulić 2016b. 92., fig. 9.) Fig. 68. Reconstruction model of the 4th century S. Sebastiano basilica in Rome (taken from Ferrua 1990. fig. 14.) Fig. 69. Excavation photo of the Platonia mausoleum of the S. Sebastiano basilica in Roma with the altar and relics of bishop Quirinus and other martyrs, Platonia grave 13 (taken from Ferrua 1990. fig. 15.) Fig. 70. Building inscription of a schola in Aquincum, from 292 A.D. (taken from Kovács-Németh 2008. 242., fig. 2.) Fig. 71. Grave-goods of burial No. 5. or No. 6. in the 5th century cemetery of Hács-Béndekpuszta (taken from Kiss 1995. fig. 8.) Fig. 72. The stratification model of various identities in the framework of the archaeology of identity (taken from Gardner 2002. fig. 7.) Fig. 73. The funerary stone slab of two Christian painters, Launio and Secundinus from the eastern cemetery of Savaria (taken from RIU 83.) Fig. 74. Helmet mount of with christogram from the late Roman inner fort Iovia (Kapospula, Alsóhetény-puszta) (©Hungarian National Museum) Fig. 75. One of the lead sheets from the grave 5 (or 6) of the Hács-Béndekpuszta cemetery with fragments of gothic Bible texts (taken from Visy 2003. 283., fig. 1.)

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■ List of Figures ■ Fig. 76. Fragments of lead sheets from the grave 5 (or 6) of the Hács-Béndekpuszta cemetery with fragments of gothic Bible texts (taken from Harmatta 1996. fig. 3.) Fig. 77. Stone pillar found in a secondary context in Székesfehérvár with staurogram and marine scene possibly belonging to a Jonah iconography (photo: Gabriella Nádorfi) Fig. 78. Early Christian funerary inscription from the eastern cemetery of Savaria (taken from RIU 77.) Fig. 79. The remains of the Iseum of Savaria during the 2002 excavations when the earlier anastylosis of the temple was removed (photo: author) Fig. 80. The remains of the granite colums of the Iseum of Savaria during the 2002 excavations (photo: author) VI. Aspects of 4th Century Christian Identity in Late Roman Province Valeria Fig. 81. The gravestone of Flavia Calvena, probably from Aquincum (taken from CIL III 13382.) Fig. 82. Mythological and biblical scenes on the casket mount of Ulcisia, southern cemetery (photo: Renate Pillinger, ©Hungarian National Museum) Fig. 83. Orpheus representation with christian symbols on the casket mount of Intercisa, southeastern cemetery, grave 1023 (photo: Renate Pillinger, ©Hungarian National Museum) Fig. 84. The northern cemetery of Sopianae (taken from Tóth Zs. 2012. fig. 2.) Fig. 85. Bronze disk of a suspension chain of a hanging lamp with christogram representation, Sopianae, northern cemetery, area of Burial chamber IV (photo: István Füzi, © Janus Pannonius Museum) Fig. 86. Double grave from the northern cemetery of Sopianae, Apáca Str. 8 with painted christogram representation (photo: András em Török) Fig. 87. The barrel vault of Burial chamber I of the northern cemetery of Sopianae with four busts in medaillons in a garden landscape (photo: András em Török) Fig. 88. Burial chamber XXXIII on the St. Stephen square in the northern cemetery of Sopianae (photo: András em Török) Fig. 89. The upper storey of Burial chamber XXXIII (photo: author) Fig. 90. Burial chamber XX of the northern cemetery of Sopianae with a painted grave (photo: Olivér Gábor)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ VII. Early Christianity in Hungary: a New Research Project Pl. I. fig. 1.

Pl. I. fig. 2.

Pl. I. fig. 3. Pl. I. fig. 4. Pl. I. fig. 5. Pl. I. fig. 6. Pl. I. fig. 7. Pl. I. fig. 8. Pl. II. fig. 9. Pl. II. fig. 10. Pl. III. fig. 11.

Kisdorog, sketch on a brick with the representation of Arius (?) from a Late Roman cemetery, 2nd half of the 4th c. (Szekszárd, © Wosinsky Mór Museum, photo: Renate Pillinger) Grave inscription of the Christian painters, Launio and Secundinus from Savaria, Eastern cemetery, 2nd half of the 4th c. (© Savaria Museum) The casket mount of Bakonya with biblical representations (Photo: Zsolt Visy, © Janus Pannonius Museum) Cross-bow brooch from Intercisa, grave 1890 (Photo: Tamás Keszi, © Intercisa Museum) Bronze finger ring from Intercisa, grave 2131 (Photo: Renate Pillinger with permission of the Intercisa Museum ©) Bronze finger ring from Intercisa, grave 183 (Photo: Renate Pillinger with permission of the Intercisa Museum ©) Ceramic fragments with representations of crosses from Tokod, 5th c. (© Castle Museum in Esztergom, photo: Renate Pillinger) Menas-Ampulla from Savaria, 6th–7th.c. (© Savaria Museum) Burial chamber Nr. I. from Sopianae (Photo: Attila Pintér) Burial chamber Nr. I. from Sopianae, detail from the barrel vault (Photo: Attila Pintér) Poster of the international conference Pagans and Christians in the Late Antiquity

VIII. Early Christian Archaeology in Hungary between 2010 and 2016 Fig. 91. Cover page of the serie Studia Patristica, 2014. Fig. 92. Cover page of the Mitteilungen zur Christlichen Archäologie, 2012, with the image of the casket mounts of Császár Fig. 93. Cover page of the serie Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense, Volume 2., 2011. Fig. 94. Cover page of the exhibition catalogue Saint Martin and Pannonia, 2016. Fig. 95. Poster of the conference Archäoogie und Identitäten – Archaeology and Identity from 2015.

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Abbrevations, Sources, Bibliography

Abbrevations ANRW

CIL CIMRM ÉPRO LIMC PGM PWRE

SpecNova

Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung 2. Principat. Bd. 1–37. Berlin – New York, 1978–1994.) see Sources see Bibliography Études Préliminaires aux Religions Orientales dans l’ Empire Romain Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae Preisendanz, Karl (Ed.): Papyri Graecae Magicae I–II. Leipzig, 1928; 1931. Pauly, Karl – Wissowa, Georg (Hrsg.): Real-Enzyklopedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Bd. 1–24., Reihe II. 1–10. Stuttgart, 1893–1972. Specimina Nova Dissertationum ex Institutis Historiae Antiquae et Archaeologiae Universitatis Quinqieecclesiensis

Sources Aischylus Persae Amm. Marc. = Ammianus Marcellinus: Res gestae Arn. Adv. nat. = Arnobius: Adversus nationes App. Emp. = Appianus: Emphilia Aug. De cura ger. = Augustinus: De cura pro mortuis gerenda C. Dio = Cassius Dio: Historiae Romanae

Wolzogen, H. (transl.): Aischylos. Werke 2. Die Perser. Leipzig, 1877. Seyfarth, W. (ed.): Ammiani Marcellini rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt. Leipzig, 1978. Reifferscheid, A. (ed.): Arnobius, Adversus nationes libri VII. Vindobonae, 1875. (Corpus Scriptorum Eccleiasticorum Latinorum 4.) Hahn, I. (transl.): Rhomaika Emphilia. Budapest, 1967. (Görög és latin írók) Sancti Aurelii Augustini hipponensis opera omnia, opera et studio monachorum ordinis Sancti Benedicti e congregatione sancti Mauri. Tomus VI. Paris, 1837. Boissevain, U. P. (ed.): Cassii Dionis Cocceiani historiarum romanarum que supersunt III. Berlin, 1955.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Cic. De div., De leg., Somn. Scip = Cicero: De divinatione, De legibus, Somnium Scipionis [De re publica] Cic. in Vat. = Cicero: Oratio in Vatinium CIL III = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum CIMRM

Cod. Theod. = Codex Theodosianus Cypr. De mort., Epist., Quod idola = De mortalitate, Epistulae, Quod idola non sunt Eur. Hec. =Euripides: Hecuba

Eus. Hist. Ekkl.; Vit. Const. = Eusebios: Historia Ekklesiastike, Vita Constantini Flor. Epit. =Florus Epitome Hes. =Hesiodus: Erga kai hemerai Herodianus Her. = Herodotos: Historiae

Hieron. Epis. = Hieronymi Epistulae

Baiter, I. G. – Halm, C. (rec.): M. Tulli Ciceronis libri qui ad philosophiam et ad rem publicam spectant. Londinii– Amstelodami, 1861.

Gardner, R. (ed., transl.): Cicero. Two speeches: pro sesto and in Vatinium. Cambridge (Mass.) – London, 1966. (The Loeb Classical Library 309.) Mommsen, Th. (ed.): Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Inscriptiones Asiae, provinciarum Europae Graecarum, Illyrici Latinae. Berlin, 1873. Vermaseren, M. J. (Ed.): Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithraicae. I-II. De Hague, 1956.; 1960. Mommsen, Th. (ed.): Codex Theodosianus, Le Code Théodosien. Texte latin d’ aprés l’ édition de Mommsen (1904). Leuven, 2009. Hartel, W. v. (ed.): Thascius Caecilius Cyprianus: Opera I–III. Vindobonae, 1868–1872.

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■ Abbrevations, Sources, Bibliography ■ Hom. Il. Od. = Homeros: Ilias; Odysseia I.Kor = Epistola beati Pauli apostoli ad corinthios prima II.Kor = Epistola beati Pauli apostoli ad corinthios secunda Lact. Div. Inst. = Lactantius: Institutiones divinae Lact. Plac. Comm. ad Stat. Theb. = Lactantius Placidus: Commentarii in Statii Thebaidem Luc. Phars = Lucanus: Pharsalia Lk = Sanctum Iesu Christi evangelium secundum Lucam Luk. Philops. = Lukianos: Philopseudes Macr. Comm. Somn. Scip. = Macrobius: Commentarius in Ciceronis Somnium Scipionis Min. Fel. Oct. = Minucius Felix: Octavius Mt = Sanctum Iesu Christi evangelium secundum Matthaeum, Novum Testamentum Num. Frg. = Numenios: Fragmenta Orph. frag. = Othicorum fragmenta

Ludvich, A. (rec.): Homeri carmina I–II. Lipsiae, 1807. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) see Novum Testamentum

see Novum Testamentum

Brandt, S. – Laubmann, G. (eds.): Lucius Caelius Firmianus Lactantius: Opera omnia. Vindobonae, 1890–1897. Cumont, F. (ed.): Textes et monuments relatifs aux mystères de Mithra. Vol. 2. Textes et documents. Paris, 1899. Ehlers, W. (ed.): Lucanus. Bellum civile – Der Bürgerkrieg. München, 1973. see Novum Testamentum

Dindorfius, G. (rec.): Luciani Samosatensis Opera. Ed. II. Parisiis, 1842. Willis, J. A. (ed.): Ambrosii Theodosii Macrobii Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis. Stutgardiae, 1994. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum teubneriana.) Kytzler, B. (ed.): Marci Minuci Felicis Octavius. Leipzig, 1982. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum teubneriana.) see Novum Testamentum

Nestle, E. – Aland, K. (ed.): Novum Testamentum graece et latine. Editio vicesima secunda. London, 1969. Des Places, E. (ed.): Numenios. Fragments. Paris, 1973. (Collection des Universités de France.) Kern, O. (ed.): Orphicorum fragmenta. Toronto, 1922.

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Ov. Fast. = Ovidius: Fasti

Pac. = Pacuvius: Iliona Pass. Pol. = Passio Pollionis Paus. = Pausanias: Ellados Periegesis Plat. Krat. Phaid.; Pol.; Res publ; Symp. = Platon: Kratylus, Phaidon, Politeia, Res publica, Symposion Plaut. Most. = Plautus: Mostellaria Phleg. Mirab. = Phlegon: Mirabilia Plin. Epist.

Plut. De def. Orac. = Plutarchos: De defectu Oraculorum Plut. Brut. Thes., Rom., Kim. = Plutarchos: Vita Thesei, Romuli, Kimonis Porph. De antro = Porphyrios: De antro nympharum Porph. De abst. = Porphyrios: De abstinentia Prop. = Propertius: Elegiae

Psalms

Alton, E. H. – Wormell, D. E. W. – Courtney, E. (rec.): P. Ovidi Nasonis fastorum libri sex. Leipzig, 1985. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum teubneriana.) Giovanni, A. (ed.): Pacuvius: Fragmenta. Roma, 1967. (Poetarum romanorum reliquiae) Tamás, H.: Passio Pollionis (BHL 6869). Introduction, Critical Text and Notes. Sacris Eridiri 51. (2012) 9–34. Pereira, M. H. R. (ed.): Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio. Leipzig, 1981. Stallbaum, G. (ed.): Platonis opera omnia: uno volumine comprehensa. Lipsiae, 1850.

Collart, J. (ed., intr., comm.): T. Maccius Plautus: Mostellaria (La farce du fantôme). Paris, 1970. Brodersen, K. (ed.): Phlegon von Tralleis: Das Buch der Wunder und Zeugnisse seiner Wirkunsgeschichte. Darmstadt, 2002. (Texte der Forschung 79.) Schuster, M. (ed.): Plinius Minor. Lipsiae, 1952. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) Flaceliére, R. (ed.): Dialogue sur les oracles de la Pythie. Paris, 1962. Ziegler, K. – Lindskog, L. R. (eds.): Plutarchus. Vitae Parallelae I–III. Lipsiae, 1957, 1964. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) Cumont, F. (ed.): Textes et monuments relatifs aux mystères de Mithra. Vol. 2. Textes et documents. Paris, 1899. Nauck, A. (ed,): Porphyrii philosophi platonici opuscula tria. Lipsiae, 1860. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) Schuster, M. (ed.) – Dornsseiff, F. (cur.): Sexti Propertii elegiarum libri IV. Lipsiae, 1958. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) Rahlfs, A. (ed.): Septuaginta: id est, Vetus Testamentum graece iuxta LXX interpretes. Stuttgart, 1949.

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■ Abbrevations, Sources, Bibliography ■ Ptol. Tetr. = Ptolemaios: Tetrabiblos Proklos Comm. in Platonis Rem Publ. = Proklos: Commentarii in Platonis Rem Publicam Ruf. Hist. Eccl. = Rufinus: Historia Ecclesiastica Sapph. Frg. in Zenob. = Sappho, fragmentum in paroemiographo Zenobio Sen. Oct. Oed. Thyest. = Seneca: Octavia praetexta, Oedipus, Thyestes Socr. Schol. Hist. Ekkl. = Sokrates Scholastikos: Historia Ekklesiastike Soz. Hist. Ekkl. = Sozomenos: Historia Ekklesiastike Statius Silvae Suet. Nero = Suetonius: Vita Neronis Suet. Cal. = Suetonius: Vita Caligulae Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. = Theodoretos: Historia Ekklesiastike Tert. Apol., Contra Marc., Cor., De an., Praescr., De bapt. = Tertullianus: Apologeticum, Contra Marcionem, De corona, De anima, De praescriptione hereticorum, De baptismo Tert. Myth. Vat. = Tertius Mythographus Vaticanus

Cumont, F. (ed.): Textes et monuments relatifs aux mystères de Mithra. Vol. 2. Textes et documents. Paris, 1899. Kroll, G. (ed.): Proklos: In Platonis rem publicam commentarii. Lipsiae, 1899–1901. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) Migne, J.–P. (ed.): Rufinii Tyranni opera omnia. Patrologiae cursus completus, series Latina, tomus XXI. Paris, 1849. Leutsch, E. L. – Schneidewin, F. G. (eds.): Paroemiographi Graeci. Zenobius, Diognetianus, Plutarchus, Gregorius, Cyprius cum appendice proverbiorum I–II. Gottingae, 1839. Grelson, E. – Cabaret–Dupaty, M. (eds.): Tragédies de Sénèque. Paris, no date. Bright, W. D. D. (ed.): Sokrates’ Ecclesiastical History. Oxford, 1893. Bidez, J. (ed.): Sozomenos, Kirchengeschichte. Berlin, 1960. (Griechische Christlichen Schriftsteller 50.) Bailey, D. R. S. (ed.): Publius Papinianus Statius: Silvae. Cambrige (Mass.), 2003. (The Loeb Classical Library 206.) Kierdorf, W.: Sueton. Das Leben des Claudius und Nero. Paderborn–München–Wien–Zürich, 1992. Roth, C. L. (rec.): C. Suetonii Tranquilli opera quae supersunt omnia. Lipsiae, 1865. Parmentier, L. (ed.): Theodoretus, Histora Ecclesiastica = Theodoret Kirchengeschichte. Leipzig, 1911. Reifferscheid, A. – Wissowa, G. (eds.): Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani Opera I. Pragae–Vindobonae– Lipsiae, 1890. (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 20.)

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■ Victorious Gods, Defeated Demons, Superstars and Archaeologists ■ Val. Max. = Valerius Maximus: Dicta et facta memorabilia Varro Ant. rer. div. = Varro: Antiquitates rerum divinarum Verg. Aen. = Vergilius: Aeneis

Halm, C. (rec.): Valeri Maximi Factorum et Dictorum Memorabilia libri novem. Lipsiae, 1865. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) Condemi, A. G. M (ed.): M. Terenti Varronis antiquitates rerum divinarum librorum I–II. Fragmenta. Bologna, 1964. Austin, R. G. (comm.): P. Vergili Maronis Aeneidos liber secundus. Oxford, 1964.

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