Vassouras, a Brazilian coffee county, 1850-1900: the roles of planter and slave in a plantation society 9780691076942, 9780691022369

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
PART ONE FROM WILDERNESS TO PLANTATION
I. Introduction (page 3)
PART TWO THE ECONOMY OF PROSPERITY
II. PLANTATIONS IN THE FIFTIES AND SIXTIES (page 29)
III. PLANTATION LABOR (page 55)
IV. MARKETING, PROVISIONING AND TRANSPORT (page 81)
PART THREE PLANTATION SOCIETY
V. THE FREE (page 117)
VI. PLANTER AND SLAVE (page 132)
VII. PATTERNS OF LIVING (page 161)
VIII. RELIGION AND FESTIVITIES ON THE PLANTATION (page 196)
PART FOUR DECLINE
IX. THE CRUMBLING ECONOMY (page 213)
X. ABOLITION AND AFTERMATH (page 250)
XI. EPILOGUE (page 277)
THE LEGACY (page 289)
APPENDIX (page 293)
GLOSSARY (page 297)
BIBLIOGRAPHY (page 301)
INDEX (page 311)

Citation preview

VASSOURAS

A Brazilian Coffee County,

1850-1900 The Roles of Planter and Slave

ina Plantation Soctety

STANLEY J. STEIN

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS Princeton, New Jersey

Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street,

, Princeton, New Jersey 08540

In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Chichester, West Sussex New material copyright © 1985 by Stanley J. Stein All rights reserved

Harvard University Press edition, 1958 First Princeton Paperback printing, 1985 LCC 85-42659

ISBN 0-691-07694-4 ISBN 0-691-02236-4 (pbk.) Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources Printed in the United States of America by Princeton Academic Press

7 9 10 8 6

TO MY WIFE

PREFACE THE economic development, population growth, and expanded

trade of western Europe and North America affected Latin America radically in the nineteenth century. After 1850 the process of integrating Latin America into the world economy accelerated under the impact of commercial agriculture, rail-

road construction in limited areas, and new intellectual currents. The aim of this analysis of plantation economy and society in Vassouras, a community of the Parahyba Valley of south-central Brazil, is to examine at the local level the effect of the changing world economy upon Brazilian institutions. Between 1850-1900 the Parahyba Valley was the scene of the greatest coffee production in the world. During the preceding thirty years a primeval forest had been transformed into a series of expanding settlements which spread up and down the valley, turning the region into large coffee plantations based

upon slave labor. By the 1880’s, however, coffee production was falling off rapidly in this area, and at the turn of the century

the regions of virgin soil north and west of the city of Sao Paulo far outstripped the production of the wasted lands of the valley.

Coffee in Brazil has molded past and present social and economic patterns. The coffee plantation of the mid-nineteenth century was both root and branch of the national economy, its

political, economic, and social core. Under the Empire it shifted the political and economic center from Bahia and Pernambuco southward, first to the province of Rio, and, later, under the Republic, to the state of Sdo Paulo. Socially it sired a new aristocracy, the coffee barons of the Parahyba Valley, and brought an unprecedented influx of African slaves modifying the ethnic composition of central Brazil and stratifying

society. Finally, the destructive course of coffee cultivation

through the Valley in the past century and the crises of vu

viii | PREFACE over-production in the early years of this century stimulated Brazilians to criticize economic dependence upon one staple subject to the vicissitudes of a world market controlled thousands of miles distant from centers of production. In large

measure here are the roots of Brazilian nationalism of the

1890’s and early decades of the twentieth century. When research was begun, it was planned to study approximately ten municipios* (municipalities or counties) throughout

the valley. Unfortunately, it proved impossible with limited time and funds to perform a thorough job of interdisciplinary research in the history of scattered communities via uncata-

logued municipal and notarial archives, not to mention establishing contact with local informants of all classes. On the basis of the Census of 1872, municipal histories and visits to

several areas, the municipio of Vassouras was chosen as representative. Emphasis on economic factors was dictated by the nature of

the documentation encountered. Economic data were readily

accessible in inventories, testaments, and other records. Regrettably such data cast only indirect light upon social relationships and political organization. Within this economic

analysis the medium- and large-sized plantations take the limelight. Undertreatment of the smallholders (sitiantes) stemmed from the fact that the published and manuscript sources refer to them infrequently; their contacts with Rio commission houses were limited, their influence on events of the town or county, slight. Numerous as they were, the small-

holders were dominated by the medium- and large-sized planters. After 1850, when the story of Vassouras begins for purposes of this analysis, they tended to restrict their production to subsistence crops. Nor could planter family relations

receive extensive treatment, for it was difficult to obtain reliable information on planter families and their interrelationships, to weed fancy from fact, to appraise what was too

often wishful reconstruction and to avoid emphasizing one family unduly. * The municipio, Brazil’s political and administrative unit at the local level corresponds in size and function to the county in the United States,

PREFACE ix After an introductory chapter presenting the pre-1850 back-

ground, a section describes the economic organization and activity of the plantation from 1850 to 1864—the peak of Vassouras’ prosperity. A third section shows the pattern of plantation life, while the last section attempts to analyze the period of decline in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. With emphasis upon change a cardinal objective, constant citing of events by year and even by month was unavoidable. Primary sources have been quoted extensively and as literally as possible to retain the thought pattern and phrasing of the period.

Source materials came from prefectural and notarial archives in the town of Vassouras, from interviews with aged

residents of all classes, and from the National Library and National Archives in Rio de Janeiro. The cariérios or notarial offices in Brazilian county seats are the richest and perhaps most neglected repositories for historians, economists, anthropologists, and sociologists. Here are stored records of purchases and sales, mortgages and foreclosures of all property whether land, harvests, improvements, or slaves, as well as court proceedings of criminal and civil cases. Next in importance is the archive of the Cémara Municipal or Municipal Council whose deliberations, resolutions, and correspondence were packaged by year. Wherever possible, successive inventories of the same

plantation were utilized to obtain a pattern of growth and decline of property over the years. Documentary photographs of the Vassouras area supplemented archival and oral sources; recordings were made of work songs and slave jongos, rhymed commentaries closely related to work songs, for their comments on slave society.

This study, based upon eighteen months of research in Brazil, was made possible by grants from the WoodburyLowery Fund of Harvard University and the Social Science Research Council, both generously providing sufficient funds to permit my wife and daughter to accompany me. Clarence

H. Haring, who has guided so many graduate students in Latin American history, supported the research loyally and suggested changes in the manuscript. I am also indebted to

x PREFACE Melville and Frances Herskovits and to Charles Wagley for guidance and encouragement. The Committee on the Institute for Brazilian Studies, Vanderbilt University, and the editors of the Hispanic American Historical Review have graciously consented

to the use herein of material they have published. To. those hospitable residents of Vassouras, Luciano Alves

Ferreira da Silva, jurist and accomplished storyteller, to the prefect of Vassouras, José Bento Martins Barboza, to Pedro Costa of the Cartdrio do Primeiro Officio, my thanks for their cooperation. Raul Fernandes, Edgard Teixeira Leite, Mauricio and Carlos Lacerda furnished valuable letters of introduction. Josué Montello placed at my disposal many facilities of the National Library, particularly the use of the microfilm laboratory, and Antonio Caetano Dias provided a place to work when the National Library was not open to the public. In the National Archives, Eugenio Vilhena de Moraes aided my work

as he has done for so many researchers. And my thanks to those informants, mainly former slaves and their descendants, who patiently answered my innumerable questions.

It is a pleasure to acknowledge the insight, patience, and hard work of my wife, Barbara Hadley Stein. Her training in Brazilian history and her never failing encouragement made her my invaluable assistant.

| | §. J. Srem

Princeton, Jersey July 24,New 1957 | —a

PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION Ir 1s rewarding that publishers in the United States and Brazil are reissuing in paperback a publication, now almost three decades old, intended as a modest contribution to the social and economic history of an agrarian community. It offers an occasion to recall the circumstances of its genesis.

Historical studies are inescapably artifacts of their time and place. Vassouras responded to certain Brazilian perceptions that the Brazilian past could be encapsulated in cycles of expansion and contraction, producing wealth and income for a few and exploitation, poverty, misery, and short lives for the many producers. These perceptions were shaped by the intellectual stimuli of Gilberto Freyre’s Casa grande e senzala (1936) and Paulo Prado’s

Retrato do Brasil (1928), Monteiro Lobato’s Urupés (1943) and Lins do Rego’s Bangué (1934), Sergio Milliet’s Rotetro do café (1939) and Caio Prado’s Historia economica do Brasil (1945), and last and hardly least, by the collection of materials reprinted in the fifteen volumes of Taunay’s Historia do café no Brasil (1939—

1943). These works were read and their import absorbed during my brief residence in Brazil in the early 1940s and in the years of graduate study after World War II. In this sense, Vassouras was designed to view empathetically in the late 1940s the still

recent Brazilian past, to capture the reality of the nineteenthcentury plantation from within, and to encompass faithfully some aspects of that Brazilian reality.

There were other intellectual stimuli, too, which ultimately shaped Vassouras. Important among them was the extensive field research of Barbara Hadley Stein on the abolitionist movement

in Brazil. Our discussions of dissertation themes led us to examine the whole framework of slavery and abolition and ultimately to the coffee plantation dominant in nineteenth- as well as twentieth-century Brazil. Again, as was noted in the first edi-

tion, soon it was evident that the agrarian study contemplated X1

Xi PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION could be executed only by focusing upon a representative micro-

region. For no North American student of Latin American history in the late 1940s could escape the social histories of micro-regions exemplified in Mexican community studies by anthropologists Ralph Beals, George Foster, Robert Redfield, and others. Few comparable studies of Brazilian communities then existed. Nor could an apprentice social historian fail to be stimulated by the fresh perspectives on the black process of acculturation and the black experience in general in the New World and Africa in the works of Melville Herskovits—The Myth of the Negro Past, Dahomey, and Trinidad Village.

There was one final influence on the research and writing of

Vassouras. From the outset there was the intention, perhaps overly ambitious, to produce a holistic study of a coffee plantation community along the lines of what was then termed the “new history”: to recreate a sense of ambiance as would a human

geographer integrating soil, topography, climate and man; to detect networks of community through the lenses of the social anthropologist; to achieve a historian’s perception of factors and processes over time. Most important, it was hoped that research might eschew the, by then, overly-cited travel literature of nine-

teenth-century Brazil and to rely instead upon the primary sources in local archives supplemented by interviewing surviving ex-slaves following the pattern of WPA researchers of the 1930s

in the Southern United States, which led to Fiske University’s Unwritten History of Slavery: Autobtographical Accounts of Negro Ex-

Slaves (1945) and to Benjamin Botkin’s memorable Lay My Burden Down (1945).

We must recall that in the late 1940s Brazil was still the land par excellence of export agriculture, coffee still its major source of export earnings, and there was no reason to doubt that sooner rather than later the SAo Paulo—Parana coffee cycle would pass leaving a predictable legacy. That full cycle could be seen in a geographical area first fully developed and ravaged by coffee producers, the middle and upper Parahyba Valley before coffee agriculture surged into Sao Paulo and on into Parana in pursuit of cheap virgin soil. Vassouras was deeply influenced by that Brazilian nationalistic current critical of the perennial export-

PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION Xill oriented plantation agriculture with and without slave labor which had confined Brazil to the condition of “pais esencialmente

agricola” and prevented the formation of an industrial base. Hence its sub-title, A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850—1900, which

led library cataloguers to entomb Vassouras under the classih-

cation of “coffee industry and trade” despite the fact that a Harvard University Press editor had added at the bottom of the book’s wrapper, The Roles of Planter and Slave in a Changing Plantation Society.

Vassouras, however, contained more than a critique of the legacy of the plantation in Brazil. Implicitly, it took issue with what then mesmerized United States historians, Frank Tannenbaum’s

revelation of the “moral personality” of black chattels and the protection afforded them by legal codes in Catholic Latin Amer-

ica, and by Gilberto Freyre’s vision of “humanized” relations between master and slave in oligarchical Brazil. This, in addition to its library classification, may account for its neglect—a fate apparently shared by an explicitly critical work, Marvin Harris’s Patterns of Race in the Americas (1964)—until it was resurrected for United States scholars by David B. Davis’s The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (1966) where it was cited to buttress a critical view of Tannenbaum’s Slave and Citizen (1947), Stanley Elkin’s Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual

Life (1959), and other authors comparably perplexed by the apparent contradictions of democracy, slavery, and racism in the United States. (2)

Vassouras has neither summary nor conclusion, only the briefest of epilogues. There are no generalizations about plantations throughout the Americas, no comparisons between slavery in Brazil and the Southern United States, and no interpretation of abolition as the transition point between pre-capitalist and capitalist modes of production. No effort was made to render explicit a critique of Freyre’s widely-accepted view that on balance benevolent patriarchalism prevailed in Brazilian slavery. Implicitly, of course, Vassouras did offer conclusions about the plantation cycle in Brazil’s first principal coffee zone with respect to

XIV PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION land utilization and slave labor, abolition, and the transition to wage labor. Perhaps it is now appropriate to make explicit its major conclusions in order to compare them with those of similar

studies subsequently published. |

One must recall that the coffee plantation cycle initiated in Vassouras and other Parahyba Valley counties suffered constraints long absent on the sugar plantations of Brazil’s nordeste

from Bahia to Alagoas. There sugar could be cultivated perennially in flat, well-drained soil with replenishable black Africans. In Vassouras, hilly terrain quickly induced erosion of the thin layer of topsoil, English naval forces abruptly severed the flow of slave imports from Africa (1850-1851), and no domestic nor foreign reserves of wage labor could be tapped. Aside, then, from the aging labor force, other interlocking factors inexorably

fixed the life-span of the coffee cycle there. First, virgin soil quickly vanished, abetted by heavy periodic rainfall and unchanging methods of hand tillage, and coffee production peaked

and declined within ten to fifteen years after planting. Unlike sugar, coffee required constant movement into virgin soil. Second, while internal flows of forced black labor from north-

eastern and northern sugar and cotton plantations replaced the African slave supply for two or more decades after 1850, Vassouras could not long finance replacement of an aging labor force—in Brazil, unlike in the United States, slaves simply did not reproduce themselves. Neither would planters modify appreciably workloads, discipline or general living conditions of the slave laborers, nor could they nor would they provide monetary, sharecropping nor tenancy arrangements to attract West European immigrants. No wonder, then, that Vassouras planters like other planters in the Parahyba Valley, persistently circumvented legislation affecting their labor force, e.g., Free Birth, the Emancipation Fund, and the Sexagenarian law. Resistance to change in Vassouras was the rational response of property-

owners who lacked viable alternatives. A reading of Vassouras indicates that these were not conditions propitious for activity by minority groups of abolitionists despite Vassouras’s proximity to the country’s capital at Rio de Janeiro,

the second most active abolitionist center after the city of Sao

PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION XV Paulo, and despite the presence of a railroad network linking Vassouras and other valley coffee counties to the coast. Signs of some local tension between slaves and slaveholders surfaced in late 1887 and early 1888 along with rare visits to nearby valley towns by a few daring, radical abolitionists like Silva Jardim. Nonetheless as late as two months before abolition, Vassouras planters as a group rejected a proposal to free slaves voluntarily in order to stabilize the work force, they supported their Conservative party representatives In opposition to emancipation, and they expected to see slavery maintained for at least five more

years. While the mentality of Vassouras planters may appear retrograde, the argument of Vassouras was that the economic basis of planter psychology was rationally capitalistic and their capital consisted predominantly of slave property; they were neither “feudal” nor “pre-capitalistic.” A further implicit conclusion was that the transition to a free labor force following May 13, 1888, was, on balance, remarkably smooth in Vassouras and other valley towns. Here at least three

factors operated to ex-slaveholders’ advantage: there was no threat to ownership of large rural properties, the size of the labor force of freedmen remained virtually intact, and consequently coffee production was largely unaffected. Until subsequent declining coffee output led to cattle ranching and dairying

in the early twentieth century, Vassouras planters employed freedmen as either resident gang laborers, as transient labor gangs, or as sharecroppers with their families scattered through-

out the coffee groves assigned to their care. The plantation survived. (3)

Vassouras’s conclusions do not vary substantially from those of subsequent studies of coffee counties in Sao Paulo—notably Warren Dean’s monograph, Rio Claro, and Emilia Viotti da Costa’s

geographically broader Da senzala a colénia—and indeed from relevant conclusions in Peter Eisenberg’s outstanding work, The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco, 1840—1910. Ini matching Vassouras’s phenomena with those of other areas, strictly speaking, it 1s

understood that each study is unique in many ways: in chron-

XV1 PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION ological coverage, in initiation of the coffee cycle, in soils and terrain, and in capacity to attract West European immigrants. In Sao Paulo’s “new” coffee zones of rolling terrain and deep soils, productivity decline became a serious factor only in the twentieth century; neither Dean nor Costa consequently give this factor much importance. Nor is the aging of the slave labor force in Sao Paulo given the prominence in Vassouras since Sao Paulo

planters financed the purchase of northeastern and northern slaves shipped south until about 1880. On the other hand, both Costa and Dean confirm the harsh treatment accorded slaves and their miserable living conditions, compounded by low fertility and high infant mortality which induced a negative or inadequately positive rate of reproduction. Both underscore, too,

the long-term effects of that powerful external factor undermining slavery in south central Brazil, the English suppression of the South Atlantic slave trade. In a major aspect, the process of abolition, the experience of Vassouras was not replicated in the “new” Sao Paulo coffee zones, those well outside the Prahyba Valley. While Sao Paulo planters

like those of Vassouras resisted the liberation of their slaves, many—tearful of losing their labor force—belatedly adopted the strategy of voluntary manumission months before May 13, 1888. By that date only a small percentage of slaves remained in the entire province of Sao Paulo, which was not the situation in the nearby province of Rio de Janeiro. Second, unlike Vassouras, in

Sao Paulo there developed a highly effective campaign inaugurated in mid-1887 by abolitionists operating out of the city of Sao Paulo, to assist slaves in abandoning plantations often via the railroad to find refuge in the mountains between the cities of Sao Paulo and Santos. Dean finds widespread slave violence in and around Rio Claro (as, for that matter, does Robert Toplin’s The Abolition of Slavery in Brazil [1972] in the provinces of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro), and concludes that voluntary manumission was a response to the “unendurably expensive” cost of a repressive apparatus, by planters fearing “social revolution.” Costa finds no increased level of slave violence, only increased disorganization of the plantation slave labor force as a result of direct action by urban-based Sao Paulo abolitionists. Here Costa

PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION XVIl is supported by Robert Conrad’s The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, 1850-1888 (1972). What was indeed striking and anomalous

about the abolitionist process in S40 Paulo was the direct action

undertaken by a handful of resourceful abolitionists from the city of Sao Paulo. Direct action by both slaves and their abolitionist leaders constituted, according to Jacob Gorender’s O Escravismo colonial (1978), the “fator dinamico primordial” in ending slavery in Brazil.

There remains one further phenomenon, the permanence of large rural estates after emancipation, in which Vassouras’s experience fits closely the pattern in rural Brazil. Resistance by slaveholders to emancipation stemmed from fear that moving from chattel slavery to wage labor threatened the survival of the large estate as the basic unit of agricultural production. Yet in Vassouras and elsewhere in rural Brazil, the plantation survived abolition virtually intact whether in old coffee zones such as the Parahyba Valley traversing the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and Sado Paulo, in Sao Paulo’s recently-opened coffee counties, or on Pernambuco’s sugar estates.

Indeed, the persistence of pre-abolition land tenure patterns has been explicitly addressed by Dean and Eisenberg. Both find in what one may term labor reserves—internal migration in the North and Northeast, in Sao Paulo the Atlantic migration principally from Italy—the major factor preserving the plantation after 1888. In Vassouras, in other “old” coffee zones as well as in Pernambuco, planters soon accommodated themselves to varieties of wage labor and/or sharecropping and tenancy, while the real income of ex-slaves may in fact have deteriorated, as Eisenberg finds in the nordeste. Only in Sao Paulo’s expanding coffee zones did the living and working conditions of plantation labor after 1888 apparently improve, largely to sustain the inflow

of European immigrants who might otherwise have bypassed south central Brazil. Illiterate, unpoliticized, and disfranchised freedmen, as in Vassouras, could not pressure the national government to make available to small holders public or government-purchased private lands. This required the leadership of another class and, as Conrad has reminded us, the few radical abolitionists who insisted that emancipation was an integral part

XV PREFACE TO THE 1985 EDITION of a larger process of the “democratization of the soil” and of Brazilian society and polity, were efficiently neutralized. While some urban-based members of the “middle class” supported emancipation, planters were not disposed to assist the transformation of slaves quickly into citizens. And not only in Brazil.

Princeton, N.J. S. J. Stein

September 18, 1984

CONTENTS PART ONE

FROM WILDERNESS TO PLANTATION

I. INTRODUCTION 3 Geography, climate, and soil. Early roads and settlement. Land tenure to 1890. Sources of local capital. Pioneer planters.

PART TWO

THE ECONOMY OF PROSPERITY II. PLANTATIONS IN THE FIFTIES AND SIXTIES 29 Techniques of coffee production. The Plantation: layout, architecture, interior furnishings. Seeds of decline.

III. Pranration Lasor 55 Slave labor traditions: the Portuguese inheritance, the

Brazilian colonial economy. Failure of European immigration as an alternative to slavery. Slave procurement and provenience. Age and sex of the slave labor force.

TV. MARKETING, PROVISIONING AND TRANSPORT 81 The commissdrio: provisioner, banker, bookkeeper. Local trade: venda, taberna, pack-peddlar. Pack mule transport. Roads and

their maintenance. The coming of the railroad. New road patterns and commercial decline.

PART THREE

PLANTATION SOCIETY

V. Tue FREE 117 Population. Origin of planter clans. Planter associations. The town middle class. The Portuguese. The poor. XIX

XX CONTENTS VI. PLANTER AND SLAVE 132

Miscegenation. , VII. Parrerns oF Livinc 161 Discipline. Violence by and to slaves. Flight, insurrection and suicide. Compadrio system. Women and marriage. Amazia.

Fazenda routine: the work day. Free time: Sundays and Saints days. Sources of cash income to slaves. Food and dress. Sickness:

cause, diagnosis, and cure.

VIII. RELIGION AND FESTIVITIES ON THE PLANTATION 196 Catholicism and African religious beliefs. The slave caxambu: drums and drummers, dancing and song-bouts.

| PART FOUR , DECLINE

IX. THE Crumsiinc Economy 213 The abused land: routinism, erosion, meteorological changes. Aging coffee trees and the disappearance of virgin soil. Shortage of effective slave labor. Attempted crop diversification. Technological changes. Finance: fear of planter insolvency.

X. ABOLITION AND AFTERMATH 250 Planters and oncoming abolition: the meeting in March 1888. The Thirteenth of May. Reorganization of fazenda economy:

a forms of gang labor and sharecropping. Advent of the Republic. __

Final assertion of the forces of decline. , ,

XI. EPILOGuE | 277 exodus of population. oo THe LEcaAcy 289 Foreclosure and the coming of cattle. End of the coffee cycle:

APPENDIX 293 Exchange value of Brazilian currency, 1825-1900. Brazilian

equivalents of measures. Estimated population of Brazil, 1798— 1900. Slave population of Brazil by province, 1823-1887. Free and slave population of Brazil by province, 1823 and 1872.

GLOSSARY 297 BIBLIOGRAPHY 301

INDEX 311

TABLES

1. Slave imports into Brazil, 1840-1851 25

2. Rio wholesale prices, 1850-1859 49 3. Vassouras retail prices, 1850-1861 49

1792-1860 53

4. Production, export, and price of coffee of the Rio area,

5. Estimated slave imports into the Province of Rio from

other provinces, 1852-1859 65

6. Adult slaves and ingénuos of Vassouras freed by the Emancipation Fund of the Rio Branco law of 1871 68 7. Adult slaves and ingénuos of the Province of Rio freed by

1871 69

the Emancipation Fund of the Rio Branco law of 1871 68 8. Adult slaves and ingénuos of the Empire of Brazil freed by the Emancipation Fund of the Rio Branco law of g. Income and public works expenditures of Camara Muni-

cipal de Vassouras, 1838-1879 97 10. Population of Vassouras, 1872 118 11. Racial composition of Vassouras, 1872 118 12. Occupational distribution in Vassouras, 1872 11g 13. Estimated distribution of baronies and other titles in

Brazil, 1840-1889 122 14. Marital status in Vassouras, 1872 156 15. Number and age of coffee bushes on selected Vassouras 221 plantations, 1856-1891 16. Virgin forest on selected Vassouras plantations, 1879-1895 224

17. Land distribution in Vassouras, 1890 225 18. Mortgages of the Banco do Brazil in the Province of Rio

and in Vassouras, 1877 and 1883 245 XX1

XXII TABLES, GRAPHS 19. Depreciation of Fazenda Guaribt, 1863-1890 247 20. Depreciation of Fazenda Tabodes, 1880-1888 24.7

1889) ee 275 1896 278

21. Distribution of baronies and other titles in Brazil, 1880- , 22. Estimated coffee production in the State of Rio, 1891- |

1878-1895 285

23. Loans and arrears of selected Vassouras plantations,

Exchange value of Brazilian currency in United States

dollars, 1825-1900 203

Estimated population of Brazil, 1798-1900 204. Slave population of Brazil by province, 1819-1887 295

1872 oe | | 296

Free and slave population of Brazil by province, 1823 and

GRAPHS 1. Ratio of African male to female slaves, 1820-1888 76

2. Ratio of male to female slaves, 1820-1888 77 3. Ratio of slave working force aged fifteen to forty years to

total slave force, 1820-1888 79

4. Land prices per alqueire in Vassouras, 1840-1895 223 5. Ratio of slave, land, and coffee grove evaluations to total |

plantation evaluations, 1850-1886 | — 226 6. Average price of male and female slaves aged twenty to

twenty-five years, 1822-1888 229 ILLUSTRATIONS The illustration section will be found following page 138

PART ONE

FROM WILDERNESS TO PLANTATION

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nm . “og” ws -. D Metngan a i kr st .~~ t%aeit.get i ‘: o, a ef eeXe ~ OYL7 * Fyr’* :“4 ” ws a 2s¢ —-3Jag. .CN O-ys ivy “yD a ae

- 5 : nieeS ..™ .°4 Asked another commentator: “With the same labor force, how can we produce as much in soil now worn out and supposedly useless as we did in land when it was virgin,

without changing the system to which our planters are so attached ?”’ 56 Rare but trenchant was a local protest against the “‘spirit of routinism . . . rooted prejudices . . . complete repugnance for the examination and study of agriculture as a science.” 5? A few years before, a merchant with interests both in Vassouras and in Rio despaired of the system of converting fertile slopes into barren mounds: “Since no attempt is made to improve the soil, no fertilizer, no irrigation nor any other system, the land is quickly exhausted.’”? He summed it up by commenting that ““The soil is cultivated with the methods and instruments of 300 years ago.’’ °° From the average planter’s point of view, there were grounds for complacency, adequate justification for the way lands were

cultivated. During the previous half-century a new crop had been successfully adapted where formerly there had been only wilderness. Ever-rising prices and the rapid growth in coffee production justified continued expansion and even if “enlight-

enment’’ had been more general it is doubtful whether techniques could have progressed beyond the perfected routinism

advocated by Vassouras’ Francisco Peixoto de Lacerda Werneck, Barao do Paty, in his Meméria. In this situation foreign ideas could make little impression upon fazendeiros who could sometimes barely sign their names, much less take time to read a manual which was often pure theory when not a mere compilation of techniques evolved in foreign lands. Others asked why they should concern themselves with agricul-

tural developments which might be inapplicable in the virgin

soils of Brazil.5® Had not some of the writers of manuals warned against the agricultural theorists anyway ? 55 Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio de Faneiro, August 1, 1859, p. 23.

ae Francisco de Paula Candido, Clamores da Agricultura no Brazil (Rio de Janeiro, Pee moze do Paty, ‘“Relatério do Estado da Nossa Caza,” p. 114 in Inventory, 1862, CPOV. 58 Furquim de Almeida, “‘Carestia,” pp. 12-13. 5° Quintino Bocayuva, Mensagem, p. 77.

PLANTATIONS IN THE FIFTIES AND SIXTIES 51

Isolation and its attendant individualism further strengthened routinism. Poor communications between plantations created an “impassable barrier founded partly upon the total absence of any knowledge of what happens beyond local limits.’ It was inevitable that the outlook of the father should be transmitted to the son, along with the property. Noting that immobility and not progress had become the motto of agriculture, the Baroneza do Paty sarcastically remarked: ““The son’s ideas are still those of the father, which the grandfather instilled . . . we can still see establishments set up more than sixty years

ago directed by the same methods which leave to nature and the slow action of time the work of production.” °° There were factors beyond the manipulation of even the best

planters and their overseers. ““The efforts employed in improving the coffee groves will be, thanks to Divine Providence,

crowned with a most satisfactory result,” commented the Baroneza do Paty in 1863, but she added: “‘May it please God to preserve us from the evil that caused so many apprehensions last year.” © The evil referred to was a pest which attacked the coffee trees. Sudden blights complicated the life of the planter wedded to routine or not. To Vassouras in May and November of 1861 came inquiries sent by the provincial government to ascertain the extent of the ‘“‘evil which menaced coffee plantations which provided the principal income of the Empire and the Province.” ®* A year later it was reported that the groves

more than twenty years old were “‘irremediably lost’ to the

“butterfly blight.” ® Other pests were always present to shorten the productive life of the coffee covered slopes of the municipio. Once bird pest (erva de passarinho), a semi-parasitic plant borne by birds feasting on coffee cherries, got a foothold on coffee trees left untended, it spread from branch to branch and drew away sustenance that might have gone into producing 60 Baroneza do Paty, “‘Relatério,”’ p. 114 in Inventory, 1862, CPOV. 61 Baroneza do Paty, “‘Relatério,” p. 113.

62 Letter from José Ricardo de S4 Rego, President of the Province of Rio de Janeiro, Nictheroy, May 27, 1861 to CMV. APV;; Letter from Luiz Leite d’Oliveira Bello, President of the Province of Rio de Janeiro, Nictheroy, November 4, 1861 to CMV. APV. 63 Relatério do Vice-Presidente da Provincia do Rio de Janeiro, September 8, 1862, p. 14.

52 VASSOURAS coffee cherries. ‘There was also the sauva ant (Atta Sexdens) which plagued planters soon after the forest was opened and first crops put in by eating the leaves of the coffee bush. From the 1830’s onward, municipal and provincial reports referred to the necessity of combatting this plague more effectively.*4

Planters who could afford the expensive bellows used to eradicate the ant nests, trained a slave (matador or formigueiro)

whose job it was to seek out spots where red earth had been laid bare. Smouldering fires were built at the mouths of the canals and the smoke blown through them. The method was expensive and not very successful while it took its toll of nearby coffee trees whose roots often overheated and withered.

In addition to such contingencies the fictitious stability of the coffee planter was undermined by his accumulation of debts. Even in the forties before the financial boom, a planter paid 60 per cent interest on the money advanced him until newly planted coffee could pay off after four years.**° During the fifties, coffee production rose to new heights (Table 4) as

the end of the slave trade turned loose a torrent of funds roducing the inflation of 1854 to 1857. The credits which

p g me 34 | 5

coffee factors in Rio put at the disposal of up-country planters were extended in the form of purchases which the planter and

his family ordered the factor to make. Little cash passed between the commissario and the fazendeiro. But poor harvests in 1857 and 1858 reportedly caused a run on the banks of the capital as factors sought to cover the excessive imports ordered through them by their clients. At the same time the Imperial Government tried to tighten credit facilities by obliging banks of emission to have a gold reserve for conversion on sight.®* 64 Relatério do Fiscal, 1834; Relatério do Fiscal Supplente, Lucio José de Paiva, May 6, 1842; Relatdrio do Fiscal Supplente Liicio José de Paiva, July 2, 1844; Joaquim José Teixeira Leite, Antonio Torquato Leite Brandao, Christiano Joaquim da Roca to CMV, May 5, 1859; Relatério do Fiscal, September 6, 1858. All in APV: provincial Decree No. 980 of October 13, 1857 and Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio de Janeiro, Fune 1, 1860, p. 22. 685 Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio de Janeiro, March 1, 1841, p. 15.

6° Ferreira Soares, Crise Commercial, pp. 56, 60-61; Luiz Torquato Marques d’Oliveira, Novo Méthode da Plantacéo, Fecundidade, Durabilidade, Estrumagdo e Conservagado do Café (Rio de Janeiro, 1863), p. 6. 67 Ferreira Soares, Crise Commercial, pp. 68, 51-52, 60.

PLANTATIONS IN THE FIFTIES AND SIXTIES — 53

This measure proved unsuccessful; the total of mortgaged property in the Province of Rio and the other principal coffee

producing provinces doubled between 1859 and 1864.8 TABLE 4. Production, export, and price of coffee of the Rio area, 1792-1860.

Export Production Price (arrobas) (arrobas) arroba

Year Port of Rio Province of Rio per

1792 160 1817 318,032 1820 539,000

1826 1,304,450 1830 1,958,925 1835 3,237,190

1840-41 4,982,221 3$519 1845-46 6,720,221 3$028 1849-50 5,700,833 3$866

1851-52 9,673,842 71535844 3$396 1852-53 8,312,561 6,535,113 3$704 1853-54 10,128,908 7,988,551 3$896 1854-55 12,024,063 9,369,107 3$8g0 1855-56 10,918,148 8,602,658 4$301 1856-57 10,426,449 8,097,879 44627 1857-58 9,415,843 73593,200 4$167 1858-59 10,286,504 8,082,953 5$199 1859-60 10,606,394 8,746,361 5$829

Sources: Francisco Freire Allem4do, ‘“‘Quaes sdo as Principaes Plantas que Hoje se acham Acclimatadas no Brazil,” p. 570; Ferreira Soares, Notas Estatisticas, pp. 208-209; A. d’E. Taunay, Histéria, III, 62-63.

Fazendeiros had always taken a dim view of such advice as Burlamaque’s admonition to “keep a reserve for calamitous times.’” 6°

Despite the storm warnings, however, from the vantage point of the 1860’s, the Vassouras planter surveyed a half-century of

remarkable progress. The establishment he had founded and 6&8 A. dE. Taunay, Historia, [V, 155. 69 F, L. C. Burlamaque, Catechismo de Agricultura (Rio de Janeiro, 1870), p. 92.

54 VASSOURAS supplied with an expensive labor force had grown phenomenally. Some luxury goods had arrived from abroad to soften the essentially primitive life of the plantation centers. It seemed clear that a new generation, the sons of the founders, would take over the establishments that had sunk roots into the soil

of the steep slopes. There was little doubt of the successful future of large-scale agriculture which “‘is and will be for many

years the principal source of public and private wealth, the most efficient auxiliary of our progress, participating in the evolution which has brought us to the present state of civiliza-

tion.” 7° On the momentum of this success the economy of Vassouras rolled on toward troubled times. *0 Miguel Antonio da Silva, “Agricultura Nacional,” Revista Agricola do Imperial Instituto Fluminense de Agricultura, X (March 1879), 3-4.

CHAPTER III

Plantation Labor ‘“My property consists of land and slaves.’’ 1 With these words

innumerable testaments throughout. the nineteenth century down to 1888 began the statement and distribution of what Vassouras planters had inherited, purchased, and mortgaged, and ordered built or cultivated in their lifetimes. The linking of land and slaves, the pillars of plantation society, was more than fortuitous; not only was slave labor indispensable in working the land, its ownership in adequate amounts had been a perquisite in obtaining the sesmaria from the Portuguese crown.

Back into the earliest days of the settlement of Vassouras went the roots of the problems which vexed the province of Rio de Janeiro and other coffee-growing areas once large-scale coffee production established itself: first, how to insure a steady supply of slave labor to work the plantations; second, how to employ slave labor and keep it in line. Free labor as an alternative hardly existed in the minds of the settlers. And when the prospective gains of commercial agriculture were presented to

settlers in the form of high coffee prices and an expanding market, forces set in motion years before precluded even the possibility of free labor in agriculture.

Among these forces one of the most important was the sesmaria or royal land grant. When the Portuguese crown confirmed, on March 8, 1749, the request of Gaspar de Godoes for a grant on the road to Minas, it stated clearly that it understood Godoes had “sufficient slaves to cultivate any lands.” 2

Forty years later the request of Norberta Joaquina Hopman for a grant in the same area repeated three times in the space 1 “Og bens que possuo so terras e escravos.”

cpoy of Confirmation. In Medigd&o Judicial da Fazenda das Palmas, 1834,

56 VASSOURAS of three pages in order to satisfy the crown of her ability to use the land sought, that ‘‘she has more than ten slaves belonging

to her, and enough wealth to buy those slaves which may be necessary to cultivate the grant of land.” And in 1802 Vicente Ferreira produced a witness to testify that ““he possesses a few

slaves and has possibilities of buying more to cultivate the lands which are his by sesmaria.”’ 4

The Portuguese background of the early Vassouras settlers and the nature of Brazilian economic development during the colonial period inured planters to slave labor.® ““Why, Master,”’

requested the Disciple in Burlamaque’s nineteenth-century catechism, ‘‘why hasn’t the plow replaced the hoe in our agriculture?’ Replied the Master: “Because of habit and ignorance. Habit, because your fathers inherited both the slave and his hoe.’’ ®

At the end of the eighteenth century and in the early decades of the nineteenth, many of the large grants were growing sugar

cane with the use of slave labor. Thus the sugar engenho of the area contributed to the establishment of the slave-operated plantations. Manoel Joaquim de Azevedo declared, in his request for more lands in 1822, that he “had established a sugar

engenho containing considerable equipment and maintained

more than 130 slaves’ on the north bank of the Parahyba River near Vassouras.’? Within the municipio of Vassouras the sugar plantation worked by slaves had been started even sooner.

When Manoel de Azevedo Ramos died on the Fazenda do Sacco in 1795 he left his wife and children almost two sesmarias,

cane fields and a water-driven sugar mill, a distillery, several 8 Auto da Justificagao a Requerimento da mma. Justificante D. Norberta Joaquina Hopman, In Sesmarias do Estado do Rio, Caixa 130, Arquivo Nacional.

Variations of the statement appear on pages 6, 8, and 8 reverse. Compare the statement of Manoel de Azevedo Ramos: “. . . has enough slaves to cultivate and plant the aforementioned lands which are unclaimed. . .”” In Sesmarias do Estado do Rio, Caixa 130, Arquivo Nacional. 4 In Sesmarias do Estado do Rio, Caixa 130, Arquivo Nacional.

§ The importation of African slave labor into Portugal from the fifteenth century onward, and the role of slave labor in the sugar and mining episodes of the Brazilian colonial economy are well presented and documented by Mauricio Goulart, Escravidao Africana no Brasil (Das origens a extingdo do traéfico), Sao Paulo, 1949.

* Burlamaque, Catechismo de Agricultura, pp. 81-82.

7 In Sesmarias do Estado do Rio, Caixa 130, Arquivo Nacional.

PLANTATION LABOR 57 hogsheads for storing aguardente, and twenty-five slaves, twenty of whom came from the African coast.® A similar state of affairs was described by Saint-Hilaire and Walsh when they

traveled through the municipio during the 1820’s. SaintHilaire spent several days at the Fazenda Uba and noted the few free folk directing the lives and labor of the large slave labor force.® The Coroado Indians living in the area he considered useless in working the plantation.” Once the advantages of coffee cultivation became apparent, the only possible remaining source of free labor, squatters and other small holders, was eliminated. Without adequate funds to hire lawyers, unable to proceed to the town of Vassouras to defend their lands before the local judge, without connections —official or social—in the capital, the squatters and small holders became hangers-on of the planters. They lingered as agegregados" who lived isolated from the plantation centers,

less often as renters of small plots where they could raise subsistence crops and a little coffee, as overseers ( feitores) of the

ever-growing slave gangs of men and women, as hired hands (camaradas), and as artisans in the town. A Vassouras planter whose travel in Europe acquainted him with the exodus of Europeans to the New World examined in 1854 the system of land ownership to determine how to channel

immigrants to Brazil. “Our rural property,’ he commented, “is the privilege of one class’ and those who could not purchase

land lived ‘“‘as aggregados of the large landholders under precarious conditions since they can be evicted at the pleasure

of the proprietor. Their land is delimited and they are told

what to plant.’’!* One aged Vassouras planter depicted aggregados as free white men or manumitted blacks to whom ®§ Inventory, 1795, deceased: Manoel de Azevedo Ramos, executrix: Anna Maria Verneck, Fazenda do Sacco, CPOV. ® Saint-Hilaire, Voyage, I. 10 Walsh, Notices of Brazil, II, 13-15. 11 The degree to which planters tolerated aggregados was based upon the support both physical and moral, of the latter at election time. Vassouras’ local newspaper

often carried vignettes caricaturing the aggregado’s role at election time. Macedonio [pseudonym of Domiciano Leite Ribeiro], ““‘Um Votante,” O Municipio, August 18, 1878. 12 T, P. de Lacerda Werneck, Ideas sobre Colonisagéo, p. 36.

58 VASSOURAS planters gave “house and land’ where they raised corn and beans for their own consumption, sometimes selling the surplus to the planter or a local country storekeeper. When called upon

to help in clearing virgin forest, a task which planters sought to spare their expensive slave labor, they received wages and worked with the hired hands.!* In the 1880’s their conditions of dependence were relatively unchanged compared with those of a quarter-century before. One observer traced the ‘“‘misery and ignorance” of the landless rural population of the coffee

zones to the fact that “an a country so large, they cannot acquire territorial property which belongs exclusively to the planters who will admit them only as aggregados, reserving

the right to order their wretched hovels burnt when they consider it convenient to their interests to expel them from their property.” 44

There are signs that aggregados in the coffee zones often reacted strongly to their landless condition. On the plantation of the Bardo do Piabanha in Vassouras’ neighboring munic{pio of Parahyba do Sul, word spread among the Bardo’s aggregados during the early months of 1858 that the Imperial Government

would allow them to “legitimize the lands which they had cultivated for ten years with the permission of the proprietor.”

Meanwhile the rumor spread to other planters’ aggregados who “in identical circumstances made common cause.”’ Presumably at the Bardo’s request the local judge ordered the imprisonment of several of the aggregados who“ had invaded and cleared the lands of the said Bardo.” The aggregados then took law into their own hands. Twenty-nine or thirty, carrying arms, forced the police authorities to release the seized aggregados, then massed before the Bardo’s residence where they 18 See above, p. 32, note 8. ‘4 Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan in the Jornal do Commercio of Rio de Janeiro,

reprinted in O Vassourense, July 2, 1882. Louis Couty who held a chair at the Polytechnical School in Rio termed all free rural labor in Brazil—which he estimated at approximately 7,000,000 in 1881—as “plantation aggregados, caboclos, caipiras” who, he thought, ‘‘are lackadaisical, with few needs and share only one characteristic of the European peasant, residence far from the cities.” L’Esclavage au Brésil (Paris, 1881), p. 87; and Etude de Biologie Industrielle sur le Café.

Rapport Adressé ad M. le Directeur de L’Ecole Polytechnique (Rio de Janeiro, 1883) Pp- 92.

PLANTATION LABOR 59 “threatened the life of one of the proprietor’s sons.’” When the

local chief of police rounded up a force and marched to the plantation, the affair had already quieted down; he arrested eleven of the “‘mutineers’’ while the rest dispersed.}®

Following the end of the transatlantic slave trade (1850),

large-scale attempts to introduce foreign laborers, both European and Asiatic, occurred in the coffee-growing areas of the provinces of Rio and Sao Paulo.?® Doubtless the supremacy

of large property throughout the Parahyba Valley as in the municipio of Vassouras deeply influenced the course of colonizing ventures; for planters accepted the new labor force arriving

in the fifties and later decades solely on a basis compatible with large landed property—that of share tenancy or parceria.

One planter of Vassouras even ascribed the large influx of immigrant labor in 1852 to the fact that share tenancy was then put into practice on a wide scale for the first time.!’ In the province of Rio the immigrant laborer or colono remained synonymous with sharecropper or salaried laborer, never with small proprietor.!® 18 Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio, 1858, pp. 3-4. When the need for agricultural schools to improve rural living was felt in the 1870’s, attempts were made to give such technical instruction first to the children of aggregados. For example, vacancies in the Agricultural Asylum or Practical School of Agriculture were to be filled by the “sons of the aggregados of this province. . .” Revista Agricola do Imperial Instituto Fluminense de Agricultura, V (March 1874), 50.

16 The failure of early colonization schemes involving Swiss and later Azorean immigrants who refused to fulfill their contracts and fled elsewhere throughout the

area became apparent during the twenties and thirties. In 1825, the Imperial Secretary of State asked for any information on the whereabouts of Swiss colonos who broke their contracts and scattered through the Province of Rio. An attempt to force immigrants to fulfill their obligations was reported in 1830; and in 1837 the president of the province informed the CMV that Azoreans had “fled from road construction gangs on the Estrella road and could be captured and compelled to live up to their contracts.’’ Also, there was before 1850 the tendency of the only steady supply of Europeans—the Portuguese—to consist of “‘merchants, artists, overseers . . . but no or very few day laborers in agriculture, mining, or other heavy manual trades.” Few coffee planters felt they could afford to pay free rural laborers and their families, were they available, because the planters “‘by habitually discounting the purchase price of slaves, in view of the way they subsequently handle them, see no advantage nor even the possibility of paying day wages to free men. . .”” Documents in APV; C. A. Taunay, Manual, pp. 126-127. 17 7. P. de Lacerda Werneck, Ideas sobre Colonisagao, p. 169. 18 Wrote the British secretary of legation in Rio in his report for 1862: “. . . the valley of the Parahyba is a district which affords no opening for foreign colonists.

60 VASSOURAS While sharecropping was never wholly rejected in the Parahyba Valley, it did not prove attractive to either free immigrants or patriarchal fazendeiros as long as slave labor gangs were available for working coffee fazendas. When, in 1854, Vassouras planters first discussed the advantages of introducing free immigrants on their slave-worked plantations, colonos were proposed only as “elements of resistance’? in a ‘system of caution and vigilance’ against possible slave insurrections, rather than as potential small coffee producers.!® And twenty-four years later, at the Agricultural Congress of 1878,

a planter from another municipio near Vassouras similarly urged planters to found nuclei of colonos to “‘preserve public order, counter-balancing the brutal force of slave elements which will then continue to produce as they have heretofore.” *° Equally discouraging to the popularity of share tenancy was

the fact that provincial legislation failed to provide the newcomers with adequate “guarantees of liberty, security and property, without which they will encounter here only bitter deception instead of the improvement of their fortunes.” 7! According to an analysis of sharecropping in Sao Paulo during

the early seventies, the colono was “always suspicious and therefore always convinced that the proprietor wished to cheat

in any of the operations such as weighing, shipping, selling, etc., any of his production.”’ The colonos considered themselves

“merely partners in the profits, and the proprietor’s share an intolerable tax upon the laborer which takes from him any hope in the future whatsoever.” 22 Couty, writing five or six years later, agreed with this statement. Share tenancy on coffee The lands are parcelled out among a few planters where the labor employed is exclusively slave-labour. . .”’ Report by Mr. Baillie. Rio de Janeiro. February, 1862. Gr. Britain. C 3222. LXX (1863), 5. 19 Instrucgées para a Commissdo Permanente nomeada pelos Fazendeiros do Municipio de

Vassouras (Rio de Janeiro, 1854), pp. 5-6. A proportion of free to slave on each fazenda was suggested as follows: ‘“‘one free person per 12 slaves; two per 25; five per 50; seven per 100; ten per 200; and beyond this number two more free persons per 100 slaves added.” Jbid., p. 6. 20 Congresso Agricola. Collecgdo de Documentos. (Rio de Janeiro, 1878), p. 238. 71 Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio, August 1, 1859, p. 21.

22 José Vergueiro, Memorial acerca da Colonisagao e Cultivo do Café (Campinas,

1874), cited by Henrique de Beaurepaire Rohan, “‘O Futuro da Grande Lavoura e da Grande Propriedade no Brazil,” Congresso Agricola, p. 244.

PLANTATION LABOR 61 fazendas was comparable to “‘métayage or perhaps a bastard and insufficient system of fourths. . . The colono will never

substitute the slave as long as the fazendeiro . . . wishes to intervene in the simplest acts of his life.”’ 23 Indeed on one of the fazendas in the municipio of Valenca, the sharecropping

colonos “‘became insubordinate and threatened the public peace” in 1853 because of excessive patriarchalism.*4

Salaried colonos fared little better. Accustomed to working their slaves long hours daily and to expending meager sums for their food, clothing, and shelter, Rio planters would not condition themselves, as long as slavery existed, to the “labor

of the free man who desires . . . an increase in salary and constantly aspires to rise out of his position of lowly day laborer to obtain a higher one more independent and convenient.”’ *6

More than the problem of paying ever-rising wages which depended upon the general price level, planters resented the fact that the salaried laborer worked “‘as little as possible, with

no other incentive than his daily wage . . . without a care for his employer’s losses. In this sense he produces less than the slave who, equally disinterested in his master’s profits, is nonetheless forced to work by those violent means which are now

employed and which imprint upon our morality so black a stigma.’’ 76 23 Couty, Pequena Propriedade e Immigragaéo Europea (Rio de Janeiro, 1887), p. 36.

Similarly pessimistic over the problem of parceria on coffee fazendas was Ribeyrolles. Brasil Pitoresco, 11, 114-117, 131. Reflecting on the need of fazendeiros to

obtain European labor in preparation for eventual slave emancipation, one of Vassouras’ schoolmasters wrote of his experience in promoting private colonization. ‘I was unfortunate when I tried to substitute free men for my slave labor in 1856.

I contracted two Portuguese. One fled at the end of the second week, the other worked for the school three months. [ lost all the money I spent to bring them from Portugal to Vassouras.”’ Antonio José Fernandes, ‘‘Lavoura e Colonisacao,” O Municipio, November 16, 1873. In 1890 a French journalist’s comments on immigrant agricultural labor in Sao

Paulo corroborated Couty’s views. The Sao Paulo planters, he wrote, saw in the immigrant “‘only a substitute for the slave, an instrument of their wealth and nothing more. It is therefore by a strange abuse of words that they call these immigrants colonos; they are perpetuating the old colonial system, slightly modified, but that is not colonization.”’ Max Leclerc, Lettres du Brésil (Paris, 1890), p. 107. 24 Relatério do Vice Presidente da Provincia do Rio, August 1, 1853, p. 25. 25 Furquim de Almeida, “‘Carestia de Géneros Alimenticios,”’ p. 6. 26 Beaurepaire Rohan, ‘“‘O Futuro da Grande Lavoura,” p. 243.

62 VASSOURAS Accepted in Brazilian rural society only on these grounds and confronting the “resistance of the owners of the land” in their attempts to set themselves up independently, immigrant colonos left the Parahyba Valley for frontier regions in Sao Paulo. Conditions in Vassouras were never propitious for European colonos, who continued to depart for more promising

areas. When Vassouras fazendeiros awoke to the dangers of imminent abolition in the latter months of 1887 and finally sought to establish on their plantations nuclei of north Italian colonos with their families, the Imperial Government warned that it would reimburse planters for the immigrants’ passage “only after they have been definitely established on the abovementioned plantations as workers with or without contract.” 2?

By tradition, example, and the fact that African slaves— cheap and in abundant supply—adjusted to conditions of coffee

cultivation, Negro labor was responsible for the clearing of virgin forest and planting of coffee, construction of large plantation houses, and so many other contributions to Brazilian

civilization that one coffee baron had to remark bitterly that it was a civilization that “came from the coast of Africa.’ 78 Once the type of labor force had been settled, the problem revolved about the assurance of a steady and inexhaustible supply of slaves. Consequently, as long as they could, planters

remained inalterably opposed to any effective curtailment of the slave trade.

(2)

Until the end of the eighteenth century the African slave trade was an unquestioned integral part of Brazilian life. With 47 Letter from the provincial government to Manoel Peixoto de Lacerda Werneck, October 19, 1887 and to Carlos Sebastiio Pegado, Fazenda das Antas, October 25, 1887. APV, 1888. A few years later a Vassouras planter vehemently denounced the provincial government for the failure to stimulate immigration. “The State of Rio, badly oriented by those in charge, nearsightedly refused to treat immigration questions.” Characteristically, he placed little blame on the planters. Pedro Dias Gordilho Paes Leme, and others, ““Organizacio Agricola,” Pa Congresso Agricola, p. 234. In a less embittered vein José Cesd4rio de Faria Alvim wrote that ‘‘the opening of the forest and the founding of important centers and .. . large fortunes” was due exclusively to African immigration. Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio, March, 1885, p. 12.

PLANTATION LABOR 63 the opening of the nineteenth century, however, Portugal became involved in the European issue regarding abolition of

the trade, a movement in which, for reasons of her own, England took the initiative. At the Congress of Vienna in 1815,

Portugal, whose economic relations with England had long been close, agreed to “‘cooperate with His Britannic Majesty in the Cause of Humanity and Justice, by adopting the most efficacious means for bringing about a gradual abolition of the Slave Trade.” 2° On its separation from Portugal, Brazil recognized this commitment, and its implementation was a major factor in the negotiations for recognition of the Brazilian Empire by England. Finally, in 1827 a convention was ratified

stating that after three years the trade would be considered equivalent to piracy. Belatedly the Brazilian Regency passed, in 1831 and 1832,°° laws carrying severe penalties for indulgence

in the trade; three years later these provisions, never enforced, were replaced by milder ones providing that captured contra-

band slaves instead of returning to Africa at the cost of the importer be auctioned in the Rio market to persons of probity paying the highest yearly rent for them. Through use and abuse of this and subsequent legislation a large number of these ‘Free Africans” were permanently added to the slave population. Lip service to the principle of enforcement was largely for English eyes.

In these years of uncertainty and negotiation the Brazilian slave market responded to any threatened cessation of the trade.

‘To date speculation in the African trade has been a sort of furor, and with the idea of the end of that commerce there are few who do not care to invest a few dobdlas in the slave traffic,”’

an article in the Aurora Fluminense of 1828 reported. An 29 Article IV stated: ‘“The High contracting Parties reserve to themselves, and engage to determine by a separate Treaty, the period at which the Trade in Slaves

shall universally cease, and be prohibited throughout the entire Dominions of Portugal.” Tratado da Aboligaéo do Trdfico de Escravos em todos os lugares da Costa de

Africa. . . (Rio de Janeiro, 1818), p. 6. This agreement in principle was implemented by the Additional Article of 1817 which called the continuance of the trade after this treaty ‘‘piracy.”’ Artigo Separado da Convengao Assignada em Londres aos 28 de Fulho de 1817.

3° Goulart, Escraviddo Africana, pp. 246-247; Agenor Roure, “‘A Escravidio (De 1808 a 1888),” Jornal do Commercio, September 28, 1906.

64 VASSOURAS unexpected and bizarre rumor that the English had requested an extension of the trade for another ten years caused the bottom

to drop from the market; the crowding of newly disembarked Africans ‘sick and infected with contagious diseases’ in warehouses in the center of Rio brought widespread fear for the health of the city.3! Determined action by the Regency in 1831,

seconded by demands forwarded to municipal governments for vigilance against the entry of Africans, created a new situation and “‘the slave trade sunk into perfect stagnation for some menths until one dealer landed a cargo with impunity, which led to an immense revival of the traffic.”’ 3? Modification and relaxation of enforcement measures by the Imperial Government reflected the growing strength of coffee

interests, both of exporters and planters. By the mid-thirties the finances of the Empire were based upon the prosperity of

the coffee planter, a dependence stronger than pressure of English diplomacy applied for twenty years. Increased slave imports in the forties profited planters and government coffers alike; in 1848 roughly 60 per cent of Vassouras’ tax contribu-

tion to the province of Rio came from a tax on the sale of slaves.8

At strategic points along the coast, often on the outskirts of Rio, landings of contraband slaves were made. Even when apprehended on the scene, local juries were quick to exonerate the parties involved. Certain planters and merchants had their depots of Africans at isolated coastal spots; in the barracoons, slaves were provided with clothing and food before trekking to the interior. Since the ability to speak Portuguese was the only test of the recency of arrival—and a doubtful one, the internal slave trade could be constantly and surreptitiously supplied with new levies. 31 May 5, 1828. 82 EF, Wilberforce, Brazil Viewed Through a Naval Glass: With Notes on Slavery and

the Slave Trade (London, 1856), p. 233.

83 Of all the municipios in the province of Rio only the large sugar-raising municipio of Campos forwarded a larger amount from its tax on slave sales. Vassouras sent a total of 9:g89$800 of which 6:000$000 was the “‘meia siza da venda

de escravos.”’ ““Tabella explicativa do orgamento da receita para... 18481849,”’ Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio, April, 1848.

PLANTATION LABOR 65, Slave importations reached an all-time peak when in 1848 60,000 Africans arrived. Thereafter a conjunction of factors seems to have operated to discourage and eventually to halt slave landings. Increased activity of English cruisers*4 which seized ninety slave-laden ships between 1849 and 1851 and

the resultant loss of capital invested by traders crippled the trade. The Imperial Government now adopted effective TABLE 5. Estimated slave imports into the Province of Rio from other provinces, 1852-1859.

Year Number Year Number

1852 4,409 1857 1856 4,211 5,006 1853 2,090 1854 1855 4,418 3,5321858 18591,993 963 Total 26,622 Source: Ferreira Soares, Notas Estatisticas, pp. 135-196.

measures to halt it: those apprehended for landing contraband

slaves were tried by Admiralty Courts which replaced the ineffectual local juries; and the principal slavers, mostly Portuguese, were deported. Although a few landings occurred

after 1850, for all practical purposes the trade ceased. But many planters believed that it would be resumed. “It is indispensable that planters convince themselves of one thing,

whether they like it or not... the slave trade has ended and will not return,” a commission of Vassouras planters stated in 1854.39

Following cessation of the slave trade, prices for slaves almost doubled in the short space of two years, 1852—1854.%6 84 Goulart, Escravidio Africana, p. 259.

88 Joaquim Nabuco, Um Estadista do Imperio (2nd. ed., 2 vols., Rio de Janeiro, 1936), I, 166-167; Instrucgdes para a Commissdo Permanente, pp. 7-8. For a detailed account of the role of the slave trade in Anglo-Brazilian relations, see A. K. Manchester, British Preeminence in Brazil. Its Rise and Decline (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1933). 86 See below, p. 229 (Figure 3).

66 VASSOURAS This sudden increase in slave evaluations did not inhibit the expansion of coffee production,’ for a new source of slaves was found in northern Brazil. Effective replenishment of aging and dying slaves came from the interprovincial trade which brought

an estimated 5,500 slaves annually into the province of Rio from 1852 to 1859 (Table 5).3® In the seventies Nature, too,

took a hand in stimulating the torrent of northern slaves moving southward to Rio de Janeiro and Sado Paulo, as a series

of long droughts parched northeastern lands and forced planters to dispose of slave property.®°

Desirable as they were to the slave-hungry planters of the south, the new arrivals created the specter of a nation potentially divided into a slaveholding south and a slaveless north. Conselheiro J. J. Teixeira Junior warned his fellow parliamentarians in 1877 that Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Minas Gerais contained 776,344 slaves, or more than half the total in all other provinces of the Empire.*® Three years later it was revealed that the ten provinces from Espirito Santo south, held twice the number of the eleven provinces from Bahia, north, roughly 920,921 to 498,268.“1 Reminding his readers that lack

of homogeneity in interests had set slaveless groups in the northern United States against Southern planters and had led to the imposition of emancipation, Rafael P. de Barros warned

that, by opposing limitations on the inter-provincial slave trade, Brazil’s northern deputies in the General Assembly of 1880 justified fears of the south that, once northern slaves were

profitably sold, they would be indifferent to emancipation. However compelling such reasoning may have been, when the 87 According to Ferreira Soares, production rose 75 per cent in the decade following the end of the trade. Notas Estatisticas, p. 131. 88 Ferreira Soares reached this figure by computing the average annual importation from the northern provinces (3,430), those northern slaves sold unofficially (1,765), and those brought from the provinces of Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul (305). Figures are approximate. Notas Estatisticas, pp. 135-136. 39 Sdo Paulo’s slave population swelled from 80,000 in 1866 to 200,000 in 1875. Joaquim Floriano de Godoy, A Provincia de Séo Paulo (Rio de Janeiro, 1875), p. 136, cited in Nicia Vilela Luz, ‘“‘A Administracéo Provincial de Sao Paulo em face do Movimento Abolicionista,” Revista de Administragdéo, VIII (December 1948), 85, note 26; A. d’E. Taunay, Histéria, V, 166. 40 O Municipio, June 7, 1877. “1 Rafael P. de Barros, A Provincia de Sdo Paulo, September 11, 1880.

PLANTATION LABOR 67 Rio provincial assembly voted restrictions on the trade in 1881, fear of insurrection—not unexpected emancipation—was the official explanation.* Last, and far less important as a factor affecting the supply of slaves in the southern provinces, was legislation provoked by the growing emancipationist sentiment, reflecting the theory

that complete abolition could be met by successive and progressive measures. This legislation proposed to diminish slave

property gradually without disturbing the foundations of plantation society and economy. The first significant measure, the Rio Branco law of 1871, provided, among other things, for emancipation of slave children (ingénuos) born after passage of the law, and for emancipation of adult slaves through a speci-

ally created fund. Planters were given the option of freeing ingénuos at the age of eight with indemnification, or freeing them at twenty-one without compensation. Fourteen years later there followed passage of the Sexagenarian law, freeing sixty-year-old slaves, although their services could be claimed for three more years if their masters so desired. The fate of both pieces of legislation was identical: few slaves were affected. In the case of the Rio Branco law few planters

took the option of freeing their ingénuos at the age of eight, accepting indemnification from the Imperial Government. Instead they incorporated the children of their slave women into their slave labor force; of the 9,310 ingénuos registered in

Vassouras between 1873-1888, 64 were freed—and only because they accompanied their mothers liberated by the Emancipation Fund. As for the Emancipation Fund, in fourteen years (1873-1887) it freed 370 adult slaves of the municipio of Vassouras whose slave population in 1882 numbered 18,790

(Tables 6, 7, 8).4* In the face of passage of the Sexagenarian 42 “This wisely inspired law ought to maintain order and tranquility on rural establishments by impeding entry of more slaves into this province to whose fazendas they bring neither that resignation nor contentment with their fate which is essential to good discipline.” Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio de Faneiro, August 1881, p. 7; Luz, “A Administracgao Provincial de Sao Paulo,”

e & From the table on page 68 it will be seen that the effect of the Emancipation Fund was similarly negligible at the provincial and national levels.

68 VASSOURAS TABLE 6. Adult slaves and ingénuos of Vassouras freed by the Emancipation Fund of the Rio Branco law of 1871.

Slaves Freed Mortality Year Number Year Number Year Number Adults

1873 20,168 1873-1882 94 1873-1882 3,521 1882 18,790 1873-1887 370 Ingénuos

1873-1888 9,310 1873-1882 49 1873-1888 3,074 1873-1887 644

@ Freed with manumitted mother.

Sources: Recenseamenio, 1872; O Vassourense, February 19 and May 7, 1882; ‘“‘“Appenso,”’ Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio, September 1887, pp. 35-37;

Delden Laerne, Brazil and Java, pp. 120-121; “Mappa Estatistica dos Filhos Livres de Mulher Escrava Matriculados na Collectoria de Vassouras de Accordo com o Artigo 40. do Regulamento Approvado pelo Decreto no. 4835 de Dezembro de 1871.” APV.

Tasie 7. Adult slaves and ingénuos of the Province of Rio freed by the Emancipation Fund of the Rio Branco law of 1871.

Slaves Freed Mortality Year Number Year Number Year Number Adults®

1873 301,352 1873-1883 2,439 1873-1883 54,705 1883 263,755 Ingénuos

1872-1881 97,739 ? 1872-1881 30,576 @ Excluding slaves imported into the province from northern Brazil as well as those freed by individual initiative. Sources: Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio, 1884; O Vassourense, April 9, 1882.

PLANTATION LABOR 69 law, planters simply refused to register their sixty-year-old slaves.44

While legislation failed to halt slave imports to the areas of economic expansion in nineteenth-century Brazil, it heightened

the speculative nature of the commerce which continued in

Tas e 8. Adult slaves and ingénuos of the Empire of Brazil freed by the Emancipation Fund of the Rio Branco law of 1871.

Slaves Freed Mortality Year Number Year Number Year Number Adults

1873 1,541,000 1872~1884 18,900 1872-1885 214,860 1882-1885 23,147 Ingénuos®

1872-1884 363,307 1872-1884 113 ® Freed at age of eight years. Source: Luz, ‘A Administracdo Provincial de Sado Paulo,” p. 81, notes 5 and 7.

Rio and in Vassouras until shortly before abolition in 1888 ended all discussion. The center of the trade in slaves for the municipios of the Parahyba Valley remained in and around the port of Rio de Janeiro.*® Here, until 1850, were sent slaves bought on the African coast; here arrived slaves shipped south “4 According to the slave registration (matricula) of June 30, 1886, the slave population of the Province of Rio totaled 238,631. Following the new registration

ordered by the Sexagenarian law, only 162,421 were re-registered, a drop of approximately 32 per cent. It had been estimated on the basis of the 1886 matrfcula

that the new registration would reveal approximately 25,800 slaves over sixty years old or more; only 9,496 were reported. Relatério do Presidente da Provincia do Rio, September 12, 1887, p. 40.

45 Coastal ports of the province of Rio were also the scene of numerous slave debarkations. Most prominent of such ports were Angra dos Reis and Paraty; the Souza Breves family with extensive coffee plantations between the coast and the valley is reported to have used the Restinga de Marambaia as a slave depot where African arrivals were rested and fattened for the trip to the fazendas. A. d’E. Taunay, Histéria, VIII, 270. The largest slave markets were found in the capital, Rio.

70 VASSOURAS from Maranhao, Fortaleza, Pernambuco, and Bahia when the inter-provincial trade replaced African importations. To serve up-country planters who lacked good roads to the coast and cash once they arrived in Rio, a host of middlemen developed. Despite the heavy risks involved, ‘“‘few were the slave dealers who did not amass a colossal fortune.” 46 Especially prominent were the Portuguese whose ample credit facilities and knowledge of business techniques, generally absent among rural Brazilians, prepared them for the commerce in slaves. Slave-bearing ships

from Africa put into Rio under the Portuguese flag; in 1831 more than twenty Portuguese ships were so engaged.*? The trade in slaves—a “‘very considerable branch of commerce” —

resembled other business enterprise, the purchaser carefully reserving the right to examine the good or bad qualities of the ““merchandise”’ before closing a sale.4® Dealers maintained a

dispassionate attitude toward their trade: one retailer bought slaves landed on the coast and sold them to planters of the province of Rio in the same way he “used to retail mules”’ in the southern provinces.4® With the dealer interested solely in

disposing of his lot of slaves as quickly and profitably as possible (often “‘selling them loaded with incurable diseases’’) ,5°

planters had to know and recognize the signs of a good slave capable of withstanding hard labor, poor feeding, and poor clothing in a climate of variable temperature. For plantation conditions were such that it was common for a planter to have twenty-five acclimated and trained slaves left three years after buying a lot of one hundred.* Among the first questions a prospective purchaser asked 46 Ferreira Soares, Crise Commercial, p. 30. “‘. . . a business carried on with frock coat, leather gloves and large bank credits.”? Luiz Correa de Azevedo, ‘‘Da Cultura do Café,” in F. P. de Lacerda Werneck, Meméria, p. 222. See also J. J. von Tschudi, Viagem ds Provincias do Rio de Janeiro e SGo Paulo. Biblioteca Histérica

Paulista. V (Eduardo de Lima Castro, transl., SAo Paulo, 1953), pp. 15-16, 79. 4° Aurora Fluminense, May 27, 1831. 48 Jean Baptiste Auguste Imbert, Manual do Fazendeiro ou Tratado Doméstico sobre as Enfermidades dos Negros, Generalisando as Necessidades Médicas de Todas as Classes

(2nd ed., Rio de Janeiro, 1839), p. 1. “? Charles Hubert Lavollée, Voyage en Chine (Paris, 1853), p. 35. 50 F. P. de Lacerda Werneck, Meméria, p. 23. 5! Ferreira Soares, Notas Estatisticas, p. 135.

PLANTATION LABOR 71 concerned the tribe and region in Africa whence the slave came. Certain tribal groups, such as those from the Gold Coast

(Alto Guiné), were considered the best because of height, strength, and ability to bear hard labor. Those from Angola (Baixo Guiné) were thought “by nature enemies of work.” ®2 Since women were put to work beside the men, Congo women were desirable because it was rumored that in their native land

they were accustomed to agricultural labor.** A thumbnail correlation was established between unwillingness to work and evil character, denoted by ‘“‘too curly hair, small head, or low forehead, deep-set eyes and large ears.’’ 54 Important also was the condition of mouth and nose, chest and abdomen, legs and

feet. “A healthy Negro who will endure heavy work,” prescribed Imbert, must show ‘smooth black, odorless skin, genitals neither too large nor too small, a flat abdomen and small navel or hernias may develop, spacious lungs, no glandular tumors under the skin—signs of scrofulous infection leading

to tuberculosis, well-developed muscles, firm flesh, and in countenance and general attitude eagerness and vivacity; if these conditions are met, the Master will have a slave with guaranteed health, strength, and intelligence.” 55 Visiting by night a slave market on the outskirts of Rio, Lavollée entered a fetid, stable-like building where he found recent African arrivals lying on dirty and worn mats; at an order they rose, washed and dressed.in shirts and trousers prepared for the 62 Imbert, Manual do Fazendeiro, p. 2. 53 Imbert, Manual do Fazendeiro, p. 2. Imbert’s observation on the advantages of Congo women is supported by comments published in Rio in 1860. Manioc, beans, peanuts (“‘mendobim ouginguba”’), were reported grown in the Congo, as well as

corn and sugar, on small plots. “‘All this labor and the rest is performed by the women; they are the ones who work in the fields, who prepare various flours and the food for themselves and their families; and finally they also buy and sell food-

stuffs at their stands (quitandas).”’ Antonio Maria de Castilho Barreto, ‘‘Impress6es sobre Africa Occidental,” Revista Luso-Brazileira, I (July 1860), 58.

54 Imbert, Manual do Fazendeiro, pp. 2-3. Older residents of Vassouras still repeat the expressions current in their fathers’ days for interpreting physical characteristics among slave field hands. A “‘tall, thin, small-calved Negro” was sure to be a good worker. Large buttocks or calves, on the contrary, were signs of laziness. Strong, healthy Negro slaves were supposed to have a bright, brilliant black skin and the wise fazendeiro who desired to sell his older slaves used *‘pangrease’ rubbed into the skin to give a healthy appearance. 55 Imbert , Manual do Fazendeiro, p. 3.

72 VASSOURAS inspection. In a yard they lined up, about twenty Negroes from eight to twelve years old, girls to one side. “Even trading

in slaves,” commented Lavollée dryly, “has its modesty.” Then came the inspection where “face, eyes, ears, arms, legs . . . all the parts of the body underwent a minute examination which made more horrible the low jokes of the seller and his cynical language in hiding a defect or in pointing to a good quality.” Their senses numbed by the long sea voyage in cramped quarters, the Negroes resembled ‘‘animals sold as though they were horses.” Finally the lot was rejected by the astute French dealer who had taken Lavollée there—because the youngsters were too young for work on coffee plantations and had developed an eye infection. Noted Lavollée, “It’s not easy to be a good merchant of humanity.” 56 The inter-provincial trade differed only in minor details. An ex-Slave related that he was raised on a cotton and castor bean

plantation in Maranhao in the north. Fearful of sudden emancipation without compensation, the master sold him to a passing slave dealer who, in turn, sold him to a commissario in

the city of Sao Luis do Maranhdao. He and other slaves remained there until a sufficient number were collected, then embarked on a steamer and landed on the Niteroi beach opposite Rio de Janeiro. He was then fourteen, according to his calculation. Along with other slaves, he was lodged in a large house where he received two meals daily, every detail of which he carefully recalled. Doctors looked over the arrivals, asked them how they felt; if anything was reported, doctors advised that it was not serious and supplied medicine. Planters who had come down to Rio to buy for their own plantations or

to fill the requests of neighboring planters, examined them. They would approach the lined-up slaves and ask: ‘“‘Boy, do you

want to work for me?” A planter of Uba, in the municipio of Vassouras, finally purchased him along with others, placed them on a train of the Dom Pedro Segundo railroad and sent them to the station at Uba where they were quartered until

called for. Peddlers of slaves (comboteiros) often led their gangs up from 56 Lavollée, Voyage en Chine, pp. 36, 40.

PLANTATION LABOR 73 the Rio market to sell directly to Vassouras planters. Another ex-slave repeated the story told by his parents: how they came

from the African coast, how they marched along the dusty roads ahead of the comboieiro. Nearing a fazenda, they were lined up “like cattle” for the inspection of the planter and his overseer. The planter chose the slaves he desired, paid cash, gave the Africans new names, and sent them to the slave senzallas.*?

In the latter years of the century, when Vassouras’ coffee boom was over and the heirs of planters preferred hard cash to an inheritance of depreciating lands, coffee trees, buildings, and slaves, slave sales were frequent and planters could obtain field hands at public auctions. On the day appointed, usually

announced in the local newspapers, buyers appeared and examined slaves drawn up in groups on the terreiro according to age and type of services they could perform. A contemporary journalist described one such gathering. The slaves stood with

bowed heads, dispirited, now and again conversing with the prospective buyers who asked questions “more or less repugnant.”’ No buyer offered to purchase all the slaves in one lot, and they were therefore sold in groups. Families were broken up and with “consternation they said goodbye to each other.”’ Last to go were the disabled slaves and one old Negro who had been separated from the others because his former master had

kept him as the sole surviving witness to the founding of the fazenda decades before.*®

Unlike a few wealthy planters who had time and money to go down to Rio to purchase slaves, many planters had to rely upon the men who made a profession of buying and selling slaves locally, as well as upon those who had contact with the Rio marts, the commissarios and mule-drivers. Among the earliest Vassouras settlers were Mineiros who came south to the “forest of Rio” from Sao Joao d’El-Rey and 5? Among more diligent fazendeiros it was the practice to list “‘. . . in a registry book the names of male and female slaves as well as of the offspring . . . and the

names of those who died and those . . . freed when baptized. . .”’ Inventory, 1874, deceased: Baraéo do Tingud, executor: Antonio Agricola de Pontes, Fazenda do Tinguia, CPOV. 58 Augusto-Emilio Zaluar, ‘“‘Um leilao na Roca,”’ O Vassourense, April 9, 1882.

74 VASSOURAS Barbacena with enough capital to furnish credits to the first coffee planters for the purchase of slaves.°® The development of the plantation economy of Vassouras was partially ascribed to the arrival of slave dealers “‘who brought and sold slaves to

planters extending payments over five years, a fifth of the payment made annually without any security but that of the coffee trees planted. I knew a Mineiro, my close friend, Joao Francisco Junqueira, who sold in this fashion more than 2,000 slaves in those parishes once coffee was introduced there.’’ 6°

With the appearance of a local press in the seventies, local dealers employed newspaper advertising. Typical of such notices were ‘‘Antonio Carvalho de Goes, dwelling at Praga do

Aquidaban no. 5, buys slaves of both sexes provided they are

skilled and healthy; sellers please appear at the street and number above’’; ® or, “Propicio Bernardes Cardoso, who has resumed residence in this city and wishes to announce that he prices slaves, ingénuos and any other services of the same type at Rua Augusta, 17.’’ ®* Ranking in importance with the local traders, were the planters’ commissarios or factors who from an early date marketed the coffee consigned via mule team to the coastal ports, first Iguassu and later Rio, forwarded pro-

visions and credits, and logically assumed the function of supplying slaves from the coastal marts to their up-country accounts. Between March 1832 and December 1834, Manoel Ferreira da Silva, a Vassouras planter, consigned to his commissario in Iguassu, 17:916$000 in coffee. Antonio Ferreira Neves, the commissario, debited to this account more than 41:577$000 in salaries paid to Ferreira da Silva’s mule-driver and overseer, luxury foodstuffs such as Port wine, codfish, butter, and other necessities—meat, salt, and cotton cloth, as well as in coffee commissions and the cost of transshipping 5° Vassouras local archives contain records of such transactions. There is a record of the sale of two slaves, to be paid in installments, made by Francisco José

Teixeira Leite, February 28, 1822; by Custodio Ferreira Leite in 1826; another sale by Joaquim José Teixeira Leite of four “new slaves” to Antonio da Silva in 1833; and still another by Captain Florianno Leite Ribeiro in 1828—all members of the same clan originating in Minas Gerais. APV. 8° Recopilagado do Custo, p. 6.

81 CO Municipio, December 23, 1877. 62 QO Vassourense, August 13, 1882,

PLANTATION LABOR 75 coffee in his launch to Rio across the bay. But of the total balance left, 23:661$000, 14:400$000 was a “‘credit granted for the purchase of twenty-four untrained Africans.” ® A final source of slave labor—one which was common in the

large urban centers of the coast—was found in the renting of

slaves, both in the town of Vassouras and on surrounding plantations. Construction and maintenance. of public works required slave labor, and the municipio rented slaves for this purpose. So-called “‘Free Africans’’—slaves confiscated in the suppression of the slave trade—were rented to public authorities and private contractors.** Moreover, as a scarcity of labor

developed on the plantations after 1850, planters proceeded to hire neighbors’ slaves or even to rent out their own. Interfamily renting became common as evidenced by the following executor’s report: “The growing disproportion between needs of the fields and the number of field hands available for cultiva-

tion obliged the executor to hire the slaves of several of the estate’s heirs and even the labor of the estate’s slaves on Sundays and saints’ days.” ® And equally frequent were advertisements such as: “For rent. One young girl suitable as wetnurse. Healthy.”’ The large slave labor force which developed Vassouras plantations was no working force chosen at random. From data 63 Inventory, deceased: Manoel Ferreira da Silva, executrix: Escolastica Candida Ferreira da Silva, Fazenda da Conceic&o, 1837, CPOV. 64 By a law of 1853 contraband slaves were to work fourteen years after which

they were to be freed. Roure, “A Escravidao.” In 1851 and 1855 the Camara Municipal of Vassouras requested the provincial government to send a few of these “Free Africans.”’ To the latter request the provincial authorities replied that the Imperial Government had ceded them to the provincial government and that they could not be turned over to municipalities because they were needed on other projects and because “among the Africans were a number of children.”’ Letter from the President of the Province of Rio de Janeiro, November 24, 1855. APV. For an account of what happened to “Free Africans” hired out to road-building contrac: tors only to disappear in the mass of agricultural slaves of the province see Relatério Apresentado ao Exm. Snr. Primetro Vice Presidente da Provincia do Rio de Janeiro, February

15, 1864.

65 Inventory, 1876, deceased: Francisco Ribeiro de Avellar and wife, executor: Joao Ribeiro dos Santos Zamith, Fazenda unknown. CPOV. Several of the executor’s expenses are revealing: “Payments to slaves for harvest labor’’ and “‘Payments to slaves for ending the cleaning (hoeing) of the coffee groves,” 6° CQ Municipio, May 9, 1879.

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ee ee ee eee TS LOE oo. DN eg, a CONG eo oie oo, ok. toe BO eee aCeeee . Use ee eee aaeSOG oe Ce aiee ee Se ND, Co ee aOM Se oe: Le ‘i >OG es Ga |... ... Lo Co ae Co OL ee A eePEHs ee CN Nias Ce) ae ioo |ME :oe,ye Fai oe ee Le 2ae 2Seeoo se a. olaBe i oe) oe Le ee aROCs 8 ears ee aie xe i es Oe ai PRU NS Oe Ca) ON CO aa oo. La oe: We |.oe _ee aeye aeee a-. ee Se OAS Na ea ae eeSES Ee Nae EONS PeOa We oe. aOR DOO NO! iUe a .... es ceee. oe ay ee ee HO a DD Oe ee a NS oe a! . eo Census of 1872. Sources: Adapted from Ciro T. de Padua, ‘‘Um Capitulo da Histéria Econémica do Brasil,” Revista do Arquivo Municipal de Sdo Paulo, XI (1945), 175; Caio Prado Junior, Histéria Econédmica, p. 330; T. Lynn Smith, Brazil, People and Institutions

(2nd ed. Baton Rouge, 1954), p. 128; F. J. Oliveira Vianna, ‘‘Resumo Histérico dos Inquéritos Censitarios realizados no Brazil,’’ Recenseamento do Brasil, 1g20 (Rio

de Janeiro, 1922), I, 404-405, 414.

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