Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age 3110223899, 9783110223897

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Table of Contents
Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age: Historical, Mental, Cultural, and Social Economic Investigations
The Dead and the Living: Some Medieval Descriptions of the Ruins and Relics of Rome Known to the English
Defining the Medieval City through Death: A Case Study
The Demographics of Urban Space in Crusade Period Jerusalem (1099–1187)
Hereditary Laws and City Topography: On the Development of the Italian Notarial Archives in the Late Middle Ages
“A reuer . . . brighter þen boþe the sunne and mone”: The Use of Water in the Medieval Consideration of Urban Space
Jews and the City: Parameters of Jewish Urban Life in Late Medieval Austria
Next Door Neighbors: Aspects of Judeo Christian Cohabitation in Medieval France
Universal Salvation in the Earthly City: De Civitate Dei and the Significance of the Hazelnut in Julian of Norwich’s Showings
“With Teeth Clenched and an Angry Face:” Vengeance, Visitors and Judicial Power in Fourteenth-Century France
Urban and Liminal Space in Chaucer’s Knight’s Tale: Perilous or Protective?
Imagining Urban Life and Its Discontents: Chaucer’s Cook’s Tale and Masculine Identity
Women, Men, and Markets: The Gendering of Market Space in Late Medieval Ghent
Anger and the City: Who Was in Charge of the Paris cabochien Revolt of 1413?
“The Merchants of My Florence”: A Socio Political Complaint from 1457
Urban Space Divided? The Encounter of Civic and Courtly Spheres in Late Medieval Towns
Urban Literary Entertainment in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age: The Example of Tyrol
Urban Spaces in the Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea
Hans Sachs and his Encomia Songs on German Cities: Zooming Into and Out of Urban Space from a Poetic Perspective. With a Consideration of Hartmann Schedel’s Liber Chronicarum (1493)
Urban Space as Social Conscience in Isabella Whitney’s “Wyll and Testament”
Waqf and its Influence on the Built Environment in the Medina of the Islamic Middle Eastern City
The Role of Imperial Mosque Complexes (1543-1583) in the Urbanization of Üsküdar
Early Modern Dutch Women in the City: The Imaging of Economic Agency and Power
Sewers, Cesspools, and Privies: Waste as Reality and Metaphor in Pre modern European Cities
Backmatter

Citation preview

Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age

Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture Edited by

Albrecht Classen and Marilyn Sandidge

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Walter de Gruyter · Berlin · New York

Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age Edited by

Albrecht Classen

≥

Walter de Gruyter · Berlin · New York

앝 Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines 앪 of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Urban space in the middle ages and the early modern age / edited by Albrecht Classen. p. cm. ⫺ (Fundamentals of medieval and early modern culture ; 4) Chiefly in English with three contributions in German. Includes index. ISBN 978-3-11-022389-7 (alk. paper) 1. Urbanization ⫺ History. 2. Cities and towns ⫺ Growth ⫺ History. I. Classen, Albrecht. HT361.U718 2009 307.7609⫺dc22 2009027975

ISBN 978-3-11-022389-7 ISSN 1864-3396 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ” Copyright 2009 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed in Germany Cover design: Christopher Schneider, Laufen Printing and binding: Hubert & Co., Göttingen

TableofContents

Introduction AlbrechtClassen UrbanSpaceintheMiddleAgesandtheEarlyModernAge: Historical,Mental,Cultural,andSocialEconomicInvestigations . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

C.DavidBenson TheDeadandtheLiving:SomeMedievalDescriptionsofthe RuinsandRelicsofRomeKnowntotheEnglish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

KishaG.Tracy DefiningtheMedievalCitythroughDeath: ACaseStudy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183

AlanV.Murray TheDemographicsofUrbanSpaceinCrusadePeriod Jerusalem(1099–1187) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205

AndreasMeyer HereditaryLawsandCityTopography:OntheDevelopment oftheItalianNotarialArchivesintheLateMiddleAges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225

BrittC.L.Rothauser “Areuer...brighterþenboþethesunneandmone”: TheUseofWaterintheMedievalConsiderationofUrbanSpace . . . . . . . . . . 245

BirgitWiedl JewsandtheCity:ParametersofJewishUrbanLife inLateMedievalAustria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

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RosaAlvarezPerez NextDoorNeighbors:AspectsofJudeoChristian CohabitationinMedievalFrance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309

JeanetteS.Zissell UniversalSalvationintheEarthlyCity:DeCivitateDei andtheSignificanceoftheHazelnutin JulianofNorwich’sShowings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331

PatriciaTurning “WithTeethClenchedandanAngryFace:”Vengeance, VisitorsandJudicialPowerinFourteenthCenturyFrance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353

JeanE.Jost UrbanandLiminalSpaceinChaucer’sKnight’sTale: PerilousorProtective? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373

DanielF.Pigg ImaginingUrbanLifeandItsDiscontents: Chaucer’sCook’sTaleandMasculineIdentity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395

ShennanHutton Women,Men,andMarkets:TheGenderingofMarketSpace inLateMedievalGhent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409

LiaB.Ross AngerandtheCity:WhoWasinChargeoftheParis cabochienRevoltof1413? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 433

FabianAlfie “TheMerchantsofMyFlorence”:ASocioPolitical Complaintfrom1457 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 463

JanHirschbiegelandGabrielZeilinger UrbanSpaceDivided?TheEncounterofCivicand CourtlySpheresinLateMedievalTowns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481

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KlausAmannandMaxSiller UrbanLiteraryEntertainmentintheMiddleAgesand theEarlyModernAge:TheExampleofTyrol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 505

ConnieScarborough UrbanSpacesintheTragicomediadeCalistoyMelibea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 537

AlbrechtClassen HansSachsandhisEncomiaSongsonGermanCities: ZoomingIntoandOutofUrbanSpacefroma PoeticPerspective.WithaConsiderationof HartmannSchedel’sLiberChronicarum(1493) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 567

MarilynSandidge UrbanSpaceasSocialConscienceinIsabellaWhitney’s “WyllandTestament” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 595

MichaelE.Bonine WaqfanditsInfluenceontheBuiltEnvironment intheMedinaoftheIslamicMiddleEasternCity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615

PnarKayaalp TheRoleofImperialMosqueComplexes(15431583) intheUrbanizationofÜsküdar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 645

MarthaMoffittPeacock EarlyModernDutchWomenintheCity: TheImagingofEconomicAgencyandPower . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 667

AllisonP.Coudert Sewers,Cesspools,andPrivies:WasteasRealityand MetaphorinPremodernEuropeanCities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 713

ListofIllustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 735 Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 741 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 751

AlbrechtClassen (UniversityofArizona)

UrbanSpaceintheMiddleAgesandtheEarlyModern Age:Historical,Mental,Cultural,andSocialEconomic Investigations1

InvestigativeQueries:TheStartingPoint,WhereHaveWeCome From,WhereAreWe,WhereAreWeGoing? When did urban space gain relevance in the Middle Ages, or when was it perceivedasaseparateandsignificantentitywherehumanaffairswerenegotiated anddecided,wherepowerstructuresmanifestedthemselves,andwherethereal economiccenterrested,incontrasttotheworldoftheruralpopulation?Whatdid thecityreallymeanformedievalorearlymodernpeople,asfaraswecantrustthe countlessliteraryandhistoriographicaldocumentsfromthattimeperiod?The contrast between the urban world of the Roman Empire and that of the early MiddleAgeswithitsalmostexclusivefocusonagricultureasitseconomicbaseis moreorlessselfevident.Althoughmanycitieshadoriginallybeenfoundedbythe RomansthroughoutEurope,theycontinuedtoexist,evenifmanyhadtowait many centuries until they experienced a solid flourishing again in terms of population,wealth,thearts,architecture,andtheeconomy.2

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IwouldliketoexpressmygratitudetoMarilynSandidge,WestfieldStateCollege,Westfield,MA, forhercriticalreadingofthisintroductionandgreatsupportinmanyotherways.Allremaining mistakesare,ofcourse,myown.MycolleagueFabianAlfie,UniversityofArizona,readthrough many of the contributions and alerted me to a number of small errors, for which I am very thankful. JohnRich,TheCityinLateAntiquity.LeicesterNottinghamStudiesinAncientSociety,3(London andNewYork:Routledge,1992);TownsinTransition:UrbanEvolutioninLateAntiquityandthe EarlyMiddleAges,ed.NeilChristieandS.T.Loseby(Aldershot,Hants,England,andBrookfield, VT:ScolarPress,1996);BertrandLançon,RomeinLateAntiquity:EverydayLifeandUrbanChange, AD312–609(NewYork:Routledge,2000);YizharHirschfeld,“Habitat,”InterpretingLateAntiquity: EssaysonthePostclassicalWorld,ed.G.W.Bowersock,PeterBrown,andOlegGrabar(Cambridge,

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Ifamedievalorearlymodernwritermentionedatownoracity,dids/hereally meanthesameaswedotodaywhenwerefertosuchaplace?Andifatown/city is mentioned, what value or meaning was attached to it? When and how did medievalartistsreflectuponurbanspace,andwhydidtheydoso,whennormally ecclesiasticspaceandcourtsseemtohavedominatedpublicimaginationmostof the time? How did medieval people view and respond to the ancient urban civilization,whichcontinuedtobepresentfarbeyondthefallofRomeinthefifth centurybothintheformofnumerouscitiesestablishedbytheRomansandin literaryworkspredicatedonRomanmodelsdealingwithurbanspace?3Wasthe ancientRomancityachallenge,ormodel,orabaseuponwhichmedievalpeople builttheirownsocietywithinanurbansetting? Undoubtedly,urbanspacecertainlymeantsomethingquitedifferenttopeople intheMiddleAgesandtheearlymodernagethantothosewhostilllivedwiththe Romancultureinmindordrewtheirvaluesandinspirationfromthatancient world.Wecanprobablyassertthatthesamekindofdifferenceexistsbetween,on theonehand,ourmodernattitudetoandrelationshipwithurbanspace,andthat heldbypeopleinthepremodernera,ontheother.Atanyrate,however,boththen and today urban space constitutes a focal point for many different societies, perhapsmoreinthepostmodernagethaninthepremodernage,buteventhen townsandcitiesprovedtobesomeofthemostcriticalnodesinthelargernetwork ofawholecountryorpeople.4 The modern Italian novelist Italo Calvino expressed it perhaps best in his fictionaltravelnarrative,Lecittàinvisibile,animaginaryaccountbyMarcoPolo writingtotheMongolrulerKublaiKhan,describing,forinstance,thecityZaira:

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MA,andLondon:TheBelknapPressofHarvardUniversityPress,2001),258–72. Seethevariouscontributionsto:LaFindelacitéantiqueetledébutdelacitémédiévale:delafinduIIIe siècleàl’avènementdeCharlemagne.Actesducolloquetenuàl’UniversitédeParisXNanterreles1,2et 3 avril 1993, réunis par Claude Lepelley. Munera. Studi storici sulla tarda antichità, 8 (Bari: Edipuglia,1996).Forcomprehensiveandmostupdatedscholarshiponthislargetopic,seethe entriesdealingwithcity,citylaws,urbandivinities,urbanlaw,andurbanarchitectureinDerneue Pauly:EnzyklopädiederAntike,ed.HubertCancikandHelmuthSchneider.Vol.11(Stuttgartand Weimar:Metzler,2001),890–912. Therearewholebookshelvesfullofstudiesonurbanspacetoday;see,forinstance,AllanB. Jacobs, Great Streets (Cambridge, MA, and London: The Hit Press, 1993); Martin M. Pegler, Streetscapes(NewYork:RetailReportingCorporation,1998);DavidPinder,VisionsoftheCity: Utopianism,PowerandPoliticsinTwentiethCenturyUrbanism(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversity Press2005);UrbanSpace.No.5:FeaturingGreenDesignStrategies,ed.JohnMorrisDixon.Designed by Veronika Levin (New York: Visual Reference Publications, 2007). As urban architects commonly express also nowadays, the question of what constitutes urban space and how to designitconstitutesacriticalquestionforsocietyatlargebecauseofallpeopleinvolved,the managementandmaintenance,safety,andtheneedtoofferfunctionalityandaestheticappealat thesametime;seeSarahGaventa,NewPublicSpaces(London:MitchellBeazley,2006).

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The city does not consist of this [how many steps make up the streets rising like stairways,ibid.],butofrelationshipsbetweenthemeasurementsofitsspaceandthe eventsofitspast:theheightofalamppostandthe distance fromthegroundofa hanged usurper’s swaying feet; the line strung from the lamppost to the railing oppositeandthefestoonsthatdecoratethecourseofthequeen’snuptialprocession; theheightofthatrailingandtheleapoftheadultererwhoclimbedoveritatdawn. . . . A description of Zaira as it is today should contain all Zaira’s past. The city, however,doesnottellitspast,butcontainsitlikethelinesofahand,writteninthe cornersofthestreets,thegratingsofthewindows,thebanistersofthesteps...,every segmentmarkedinturnwithscratches,indentations,scrolls.5

Calvino composed his novel directly drawing from Marco Polo’s Milione, but whereastheVenetiantravelerwasmostlydeterminedbymercantileinterestsand the curiosity about the foreign world in its physical manifestation, Calvino exploredthementalstageofurbanspaces.6

CitiesintheTransitionalPhasefromtheLateRomanEmpireto theEarlyMiddleAges OnepointregardingtownsandcitiesintheMiddleAgesneedstobestatedright from the beginning, which will hopefully deconstruct one of the many myths about that period as a time of alleged primitivism, barbarism, and lack of civilization. Although we tend to identify towns or cities and complementary urbanlifewiththeearlymodernage,morenarrowlydefinedastheRenaissance, manycitiesalreadydottedtheearlymedievallandscape,thoughinmostcases considerablysmallerinsizeandphysicalextentthanthosecenturieslater.And dependingonthespecificregioninEurope,urbancultureextensivelyinfluenced medievalsocietyasearlyastheeleventhandtwelfthcenturies,andthisevenin face of the fact that a vast majority of the population continued to live in the

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ItaloCalvino,InvisibleCities,trans.fromtheItalianWilliamWeaver(1972;NewYorkandLondon: HarcourtBraceJovanovich,1974),10–11;seealsothecontributionstoMedievalPracticesofSpace, ed.BarbaraA.HanawaltandMichalKobialka.MedievalCultures,23(MinneapolisandLondon: UniversityofMinnesotaPress,2000),especiallyMichaelCamille,“SignsoftheCith:Place,Power, andPublicFantasyinMedievalParis”(1–36). MarinaZancan,“LecittàinvisibilidiCalvino,”Letteraturaitaliana:Leopera,vol.4:LNovecento,part 2:Laricercaletteraria,ed.AlbertoAsorRosa(Turin:EinaudiGallimard,1996),828–930;Martin McLaughlin,“Calvino’sRewritingofMarcoPolo:Fromthe1960ScreenplaytoInvisibleCities,” MarcoPoloandtheEncounterofEastandWest,ed.SuzanneConcklinAkbariandAmilcareIannuci (Toronto,Buffalo,andLondon:UniversityofTorontoPress,2008),182–200.

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countrysideandthatthearistocracystillheldontoitsleadingroleasinherited fromtheearlyMiddleAgesatleastuntilthefifteenthcentury.7 Urbanspaceandurbanculturethenhadmostlikelyadifferentcharacterthan duringtheRenaissance,yetnotnecessarilywithoutsignificantsimilaritiesinsocial and economic terms, and definitely regarding civic pride and identity. This phenomenonhasbeenstudiedmanytimes,yetitcontinuestovexusdeeply,and requiresevernewapproachesdrawingfromdifferentsourcematerial,whether historical,arthistorical,literary,orsocialeconomic.Inaddition,themeaningof urbanspacechangesfromareatoarea,fromcountrytocountry,andsoalsofrom languageregiontolanguageregion.Surprisingly,however,commonelementscan bediscoveredeverywhere,asIwilldiscussbelow,whetherweinvestigatethe treatmentoftowns/citiesandtheirculturalmanifestationineighthcenturyIberia orinthirteenthcenturyNorway.8 Wehavetotakegeneralstatementsaboutmedievalurbanismreallywithagrain ofsalt,aswhenKathrynL.Reyersonclaims,tryingtosummarizethestateofart inherfield:“Oneofthemostdramaticinstancesofretrenchmentandshrinkage that distinguishes the ancient world from the medieval is to be found in the medievaltown.ThecivilizationsoftheGreeksandtheRomanswereessentially urban....Incontrast,thebarbariansandtheirinstitutionswerenot,ingeneral, associated with towns, although there certainly existed fortified enclosures, oppida,inGaulandinGermany....ThecontrastsbetweentownsoftheRoman period and those of the early Middle Ages were profound. From a complex juridicalvocabularyassociatedwithtownsinantiquityonepassesinMerovingian times to a simplified system of classification. Three terms were used by the Merovingianstodescribeurbanforms:civitas,castrum,andvicus.”9Sheprimarily subscribes to the ideas developed by Henri Pirenne regarding the loss of

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ThisfindsremarkableexpressioninthevastcorpusofBooksofHoursinwhichtheworldof agricultureprovidestheessentialbasisforthecalendarbecauseofthecycleofseasonscouldbe bestobservedinnature,TeresaPérezHiguera,MedievalCalendars(1997;London:Weidenfeld& Nicolson,1998),128–32.However,atcloserexaminationtherearealsonumerous,thoughvery smallreferencestourbanlifeemerginginthedistantbackground.Anexcellentexamplefollowing thesamemodel,thoughnotaBookofHours,provestobethepictorialcycleintheCastellodel BuonconsiglioinTrento,ibid.,181–83.Hereanaristocraticcompanyenjoysitselfwiththrowing snowballsateachother,whilehuntersstandbyinthebackground,nexttothemightycityand castle. SeethecontributionstoTheComparativeHistoryofUrbanOriginsinNonRomanEurope:Ireland, Wales,Denmark,Germany,Poland,andRussiafromtheNinthtotheThirteenthCentury,ed.Howard B.ClarkandAnngretSimms.BARInternationalSeries,255(Oxford:B.A.R.,1985).Foraspecific casestudyforthewestern,nonRomanizedworld,seeDublin.Part1:To1610,ed.H.B.Clark, Anngret Simms, and Raymond Gillespie. Irish Historic Towns Atlas, 11 (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy,2002). KathrynL.Reyerson,“Urbanism,WesternEurope,”DictionaryoftheMiddleAges,ed.JosephR. Strayer.Vol.12(NewYork:CharlesScribner’sSons,1989),311–20;here311–12.

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importanceofthetownfortheearlyMiddleAges(313),butthensheadduces actuallyconsiderableevidencethatseemstopointtowardadifferentdirection, emphasizing the role of Emperor Charlemagne, and of the Church at large to dedicatemuchnewenergytothedevelopmentofurbanspace.Sheconcludesthis section,however,withthenegativesummary:“thereturntothetowninitiatedby Charlemagnefailedbecauseitwaslinkedtoapoliticaleffortthatdidnotendure” (314). Thesizeofcitiesdoesnotreallymatterfortheexplorationofurbancultureand urbanspaceinthepremodernworld,especiallynotinthetimeshortlyafterthe Roman period, as long as we can recognize that urban space continued to dominatesocial,economic,andpoliticallife.Historiansandarcheologistshave disagreed, however, over the definition of what constitutes a city in concrete terms. Would an administrative seat, or an economic center be sufficiently significanttotalkaboutacityintheearlyMiddleAges?Assooftenhasbeenthe case,simplisticanswersdonotserveuswell;insteadweneedaKriterienbündel(a bundleofcriteria),asestablishedbyEdithEnnen,including1.defense;2.street planning;3.market(s);4.amint;5.legalautonomy;6.aroleasacentralplace;7. arelativelylargepopulation;8.economicdiversification;9.urbantypesofhouses not specifically geared for agricultural living and production; 10. social differentiation;11.acomplexreligiousorganization;and12.judicialfunctions.10 Butagain,asscholarshaverepeatedlywarned,wehavetoacceptremarkable differencesbetweenurbansettlementsnorthoftheAlpsandsouthofthem,ifwe canuntanglethethornyissueofwhatmakesupatownandwhatacity.11Political and military developments in medieval England also led to a considerably differentdevelopmentofcitiescomparedtothoseonthecontinentbecausealong periodofinternalpeacehadmadethecitywallmostlyunnecessaryfordefense purposesatleastsincethethirteenthorfourteenthcentury,anditmaintainedonly

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EdithEnnen,DieeuropäischeStadtdesMittelalters.3rd,rev.andexpandeded.(1972;Göttingen: Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1979);Engl.trans.asTheMedievalTown,trans.NatalieFryde.Europe intheMiddleAges,5(AmsterdamandNewYork:NorthHollandPub.,1979). ChrisWickham,FramingtheEarlyMiddleAges:EuropeandtheMediterranean400–800(Oxfordand NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2005),591–96.Thismodelwasessentiallyputtogetherby MartinBiddle,“Towns,”TheArcheologyofAngloSaxonEngland,ed.DavidM.Wilson(London: Methuen, 1976), 99–150; here 100. See also Wolf Liebeschütz, “Cities, Taxes, and the AccommodationoftheBarbarians,”FromRomanProvincestoMedievalKingdoms,ed.ThomasF. X. Noble. Rewriting Histories (London and New York: Routledge, 2006), 309–23. For a nice overview of the social, economic, military, religious, and literary aspects determining the transitionfromlateantiquitytotheearlyMiddleAges,thoughwithouttakingurbanisminto consideration, see William R. Cook and Ronald B. Herzman, The Medieval World View: An Introduction.Sec.ed.(1983;NewYorkandOxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2004),90–128.But theydiscuss,rathersuperficially,theriseofthecitysincethetenthcenturyonpp.178–84.

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theroleasacustomsbarrier,protectingthemerchantclassinsideandallowingthe citytolevytollsonallgoodsimportedbyoutsidetraders.12 Curiously, however, as Chris Wickham alerts us, already in the late Roman Empirethegeneralappealoflivinginthecityhaddeclined,especiallybecauseof thegrowingmilitarizationofRomansocietyandthenewfocusonlandedestates for the elite. Concomitantly, as he observes, “cities changed too. Their own identitiesshifted,astheybecamelessthestageofallsignificantcivilaristocratic activity,lessthefocusforanautonomous,inwardlooking,publicpolitics.Public spacebecamemorereligious,forexample,asbishopsbecamemoreimportant(the smallerthecity,byandlarge,themorereligiousitspublicspacebecame—inthe civitasofnorthernFrancia(France)andEnglandwhichkepttheirbishopsbutlost theirurbaneconomicfeatures,religiousceremonialwasallthatwasleft).”13 One of the key reasons seems to have been the switch of a taxation system controlledbylocalgovernmentstoataxationsystemorganizedbythecentral governmentinmostcasesfaraway,underminingsomeofthecrucialmotivating factorsthathadtraditionallysupportedtheurbanelite—theendofthecuria,both incitiesintheeasternandinthewesternEmpire,whichsubsequentlyledtothe “physicaldecayoftheforum/agoraanditsassociatedcivicbuildingsatthecentre ofcities,which...couldhappenatthesametimeasthebuildingorrepairofrich privatehousesandprivatelyfoundedchurcheselsewhereintown.”14 Nevertheless,citiesdidnotsimplydisappearinthewakeofextensivemilitary problemsandpoliticalcrisesduringthepostRomanperiod,butthearistocratic elitefounditlessandlessattractivetolivethere,whichwastobecometheclear harbingeroftheearlymedievalworldwhere“participationinthepoliticalretinue ofacountcouldbedonefromeitheranurbanoraruralbase;andcountsmight nothavesomuchauthoritythatsocialleadersneededtobeintheirretinuesat all.”15 Thiscouldleadtoageneraldisintegrationoftheurbancommunity,butnot necessarilyso,whichforcesustobeextremelycarefulintheassessmentofurban historyatthatearlystageintheMiddleAges.AsPabloC.Díazputsit,“Ifuntilthe

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A.E.J.Morris,HistoryofUrbanFormBeforetheIndustrialRevolutions.Thirded.(1972;NewYork: LongmanScientific&Technical,1994),97–99. ChrisWickham,FramingtheEarlyMiddleAges,595. ChrisWickham,FramingtheEarlyMiddleAges,598;TimothyW.Potter,TownsinLateAntiquity: IolCaesareaandItsContext.OccasionalPublication,IanSandersMemorialFund,2(Sheffield:Ian SandersMemorialFund,1995),63–102.SeealsoTownsandTheirTerritoriesBetweenLateAntiquity andtheEarlyMiddleAges,ed.GianPietroBrogiolo.TheTransformationoftheRomanWorld,9 (Leiden,Boston,andCologne:Brill,2000);TownsinTransition:UrbanEvolutioninLateAntiquity andtheEarlyMiddleAges,ed.NeilChristieandS.T.Loseby(Aldershot:Ashgate,1998);Giacomo Gonella, The History of Early Medieval Towns of North and Central Italy: the Contributions of ArchaeologicalEvidence(Oxford:Archeopress,2008). ChrisWickham,FramingtheEarlyMiddleAges,602.

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beginning of the fourth century possessor and decurio were considered synonymous,bytheendofthatcenturyandinthefifthwefindthatthemembers of the curia belonged to a genuinely urban middle class, especially small landownersandmerchantsorartisansnotconnectedwithlandowning.”16 Afterall,themanyexamplesofsignificantandevengrowingcitiesspeakaloud anddistinctlanguage.Insomeregionsthearistocracynotablylivedincities,such asinpostsixthcenturyItaly,buteventherethenumberofimportantaristocrats residinginthecountrysidewasalsonotnegligible.InMerovingianFrancethe majorityofnobleslivedoutsideofthecities,butagain,thisdidnotnecessarily affect urban growth negatively after ca. 550 C.E. Chris Wickham provides the valuablesummary:“In700–50,say,Egypt,Italy,andSyriaPalestineareclearlythe regions with the most urbanized aristocrats. Next come southern Spain and southern Gaul, perhaps the Marmara subregion close to Constantinople, and maybeAfrica,wherecitieswerenottheonlylocationsforaristocraticliving,but importantonesallthesame.”17

TheHighMiddleAges Assoonasweturnourattentiontothetenthandeleventhcenturies,thesituation changesremarkably,andbecomesmuchmorecomplex.AsJosephandFrances GiesemphasizewithregardtoearlymedievalMilan,forinstance,it“boasteda hundredtowersinthetenthcentury.Itsprosperityhadderivedoriginallyfromits fertilecountrysideandtheroadandrivernetworkofwhichitwasthehub.But duringthetenthandeleventhcenturiesitbecamethechiefworkshopofEurope. Itssmithsandamorersturnedoutswords,helmets,andchainmailfortheknights ofItaly,Provence,Germany,andevenmoredistantlands,whileitsmintstruck over twenty thousand silver pennies a year.”18 They point out the intricate relationshipbetweenadvancedagriculturalproductivity,suchaswinegrowing,

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PabloC.Díaz,“CityandTerritoryinHispaniainLateAntiquity,”TownsandTheirTerritories BetweenLateAntiquityandtheEarlyMiddleAges,2000,1–35;here7.Heoffersthemostinsightful conclusionthatthefundamentaltransformationoftheRomancitytothepostRomancitywas triggeredbythe“alterationoftheschemeofrelationshipsandreciprocalinfluencesthatdefined the former with respect to the latter. In practice, city/country unity broke dwn, the territoria becameindependentfromthecontrolofthecity,andtheStatefunctionariesactedfromthecity onaruralareawhich,despiteadministrativeschemes,wasregulatedbyitsownmechanisms.The countryacquireditsownmorphologyandintheendthecityremainedasaconsumingappendix unabletoexistwithoutthecountry,butwhichthecountrycouldwellaffordtoignore”(34–35). ChrisWickham,FramingtheEarlyMiddleAges,608–09;heemphasizestheexceptionalsituation ofearlymedievalEngland(withhardlyanyurbanismuntilca.700),andtheRhinelandwithits significanteconomicprosperityfocusedonurbaneconomies. JosephandFrancesGier,LifeinaMedievalCity(NewYork:Harper&Row,1981),11.

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and sophisticated craftsmanship production methods, which led to the developmentofmajormarkets,thecentralpointswithinacity.Inotherwords, technologicaldevelopmentshadadirectbearingonimprovementsinagriculture, craftsmanship, and merchandising/trade, which all in turn supported and strengthenedthedevelopmentandgrowthofcitiesmuchearlierintheMiddle Agesthancommonlyassumed. Nevertheless,bothinourinvestigationofthisperiodandlateroneswehaveto becarefulnottoconfusegeneraltrendswithspecificcases,andalsonottofall preytoglobalassumptionsaboutthesteadygrowthofmedievalcitiesfarintothe earlymodern world, as if history could be described as a progressive, linear process. As for Italy, for instance, the period from 550 to 750 is commonly described as a time of urban crisis and widespread decline in economic and culturalactivities,whereastheperiodfrom750to950ismostlyseenasatimeof noteworthyrevivalandnewgrowth.19 Using the French city of Troyes as an example, Joseph and Frances Gies underscore:“Allhadabbeysandmonasteries,aswellasmanychurches—mostof timber, a few of stone with timber roofs. A feature of many cities, including Troyes,wasthepalaceofasecularprince.Therewerestillemptyspacesinthese municipalities—swampy land along a river, or an unexploited meadow. Most citiesrangedinareafromahundredacrestohalfasquaremile,inpopulation fromtwoorthreethousandtobetweentenandtwentythousand.Manyhadbuilt timberbridgesonstonepiers,andinLondonastonearchbridgehadactually been constructed.”20 Considering the extensive privileges and freedoms that citizensenjoyed,incontrasttotheruralpopulationlivingwithintheframework ofhighlyrestrictivefeudalism,thelureofthecityalreadyintheearlyMiddleAges wasconsiderable. Notsurprisingly,manymedievalpoets,evenwhenfocusingprimarilyonthelife atcourtandthecourtlyprotagonists,projected,atleastinthebackground,oron the sideline of the major events, cities, citizens, and the power of urban communitiesinproducingmoney,productsofcraftsmanship,food,clothing,and all kinds of the nice amenities of a more sophisticated lifestyle. I will provide belowanumberofexamplesfromthetwelfththroughthefifteenthcenturieswhen urbanlifeincreasinglygainedineconomic,political,andmilitaryimportance,and soalsobecameattractiveforliteraryprojections. Remarkably,despitecountlessmilitaryattacksduringtheageofmigrationand beyond, lateantique and earlymedieval cities were not simply abandoned or 19

20

TownsandTheirTerritoriesBetweenLateAntiquityandtheEarlyMiddleAges,ed.GianP.Brogiolo, 2000;Città,castelli,campagneneiterritoridifrontiera:5.SeminariosulTardoanticoel’Altomedioevoin ItaliaCentrosettentrionale,MonteBarroGalbiate(Lecco),910giugno1994,ed.GianP.Brogiolo. Documentidiarcheologia,6(Mantua:Ed.S.A.P.,Soc.ArcheologicaPadana,1995). JosephandFrancesGies,LifeinaMedievalCity,15.

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allowedtodeclinebecauseoftheattacksbyGermanicpeoples,oftenratherfalsely identifiedas‘barbarians.’Evenwhencitieswerebesiegedanddestroyed,most wererebuiltandthenmightevenhaveflourishedmorethaneverbefore.Only whenacitylostitspositionasarelevantnoduleintheinternationalnetworkof tradecouldithappenthatitwasabandoned.Consequently,thesheernumbersof citiesandtheirgrowthinmedievalEuropeprovestoberemarkableevenfroman earlytime. Accordingtosomestatistics,therewereca.twentymajorcitiesataround900 C.E.incentralEurope;byca.1150thenumberhadgrowntoca.200,andbyca. 1250C.E.themedievallandscapewasdottedbyca.1500cities.Infact,90%ofall citiesstillinexistencetodayinthatlargegeographicareawerefoundedbetween 1100and1350.IneleventhcenturyGermany,about40outof120townsthatcan beidentifiedtodayweresitesofbishops’seats,and20werenearmonasteries,and about60developedaroundroyalfoundations.Nevertheless,thesignificanceofthe “specific location on an important longdistance trade route, as well as [ ] he existence of a stronghold providing protection for the growing merchant community”mustnotbeoverlooked,northeextensiveimpactofthecolonization process extending into central, eastern, and northern Europe at least since the twelfthcentury.EvenIrelandexperiencedastrongurbanizationprocessasaresult ofitscolonizationbytheAngloNormansbeginningintheeleventhcentury.21 Thisdoesnotmeanthatthoseearlycitiescouldpridethemselvesonalarge numberofinhabitants.InCologne,forinstance,onlyafewthousandpeoplelived duringthetenthcentury,whereasLondon(Lundenwic)housedbetweenfiveand tenthousandpeople.22Intheeleventhandtwelfthcenturiesthepopulationof Parisisestimatedtohavebeenbetween80,000and200,000;Florence,Venice,and Milanboastedofupto100,000peoplebytheyear1300,whereasFlemishtowns normallydidnotexceed50,000people.Ofcourse,wehavetobecarefulintrusting anyofthosefiguressincetheyareallestimatesanddependverymuchonthe selectionofcriteria,hencethevastrangeforParis,forexample.23Butcitiessouth oftheAlpswiththeirlongstandingMediterraneanculturestandoutbecauseof theirextensivepopulation,sometimesreachinguptoninetythousandpeopleeven inthemiddlecategory,suchasCordoba,Spain,whereasRomeandAthens,for

21

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23

AnngretSimms,“TheEarlyOriginsandMorphologicalInheritanceofEuropeanTowns,”Urban Landscapes:InternationalPerspectives,ed.J.W.R.WhitehandandP.J.Larkham(LondonandNew York:Routledge,1992),23–42;here27;andN.J.BakerandT.R.Slater,“MorphologicalRegions inEnglishMedievalTowns,”ibid.,43–68.SeealsoA.E.J.Morris,HistoryofUrbanForm,94–95 (someofhisperspectives,however,areverymuchbasedonolderresearch,butheprovidesan excellentsurveywithgoodvisualmaterial,maps,andgraphs. FelixBarkerandPeterJackson,London:2000YearsofaCityandItsPeople(London:Cassell,1974), 15–44,withexcellentillustrativematerial. KathrynL.Reyerson,“Urbanism,”315–16.

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instance,representcitiesofamoreindividualstatusthatwouldneedparticular treatmentforwhichthereisnoroomhere.24 We can be certain now that many of the Roman cities, even those founded outsideofItalyandeventhosenorthoftheAlps,continuedtoexistlongafterthe falloftheRomanEmpire,thoughtheyexperiencedtremendouschanges,both economically and architecturally, and successfully competed with new city foundations,ultimatelyandtoalargedegreesurvivinguntiltoday.25Afterall, administrativeandjudicialservicescontinuedtobeofsupremeimportance,even forthenewcolonizersandrulerswhotookoverthelandswheretheRomanshad dominatedbefore,suchasontheIberianPeninsula.26Thisdoesnotimplyatall thattheancientRomancitiesdidnotundergotremendouschange,buttheydid notsimplydisappear. AsAdelaCepasnoteswithregardtothecityofCluniainNorthernHispania, “Clunia’sarcheologicalstoryisafamiliarone:afasturbandevelopmentinthe earlyempirefollowedbyalateRomanperiodmarkedbythechangeoffunction and/orabandonmentofmostofitsstructures....Bythelateempire,though,most of the public buildings had lost their former function. The abundant material cultureunearthedby Palolsince1958isinsharpcontrastwiththeusepeople madeofthecity’sbuildings....AfterthefifthcenturyClunia,tobesure,didnot lookmuchlikethestandardRomancityithadoncebeen.”27 Similar developments can be observed in other areas of the former Roman Empire,wherewealsodiscoverplentyofevidenceregardingthereasonsforthe survival and then growth of urban centers. After all, as Grenville Astill

24

25

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27

H. Steuer, “Stadt: Kulturgeschichtlich,” Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde. Sec., completelyrevisedandexpandeded.byHeinrichBeck,DieterGeuenich,andHeikoSteuer.Vol. 29(BerlinandNewYork:deGruyter,2005),447–72;here451–53.Thisarticlealsoprovidesan extensivebibliography. Steuer,“Stadt:Kulturgeschichtlich,”458–61,emphasizesthattherewerehardlyanyconstruction activities in Gallic and Italian cities until the seventh century, but between 650 and 700 this changedremarkably,probablybecauseofrenewedtradeandcommerce,paralleltotheemergence ofanurbannetworkalongthecoastoftheNorthSea.Heinsiststhatwehavebeendeludedby thetraditionalhistoriographicalperspectiveofaruralworldnorthoftheAlpsandanurbanworld intheMediterraneanregionduringthelateantiquityandtheearlyMiddleAges:“Mitgewissen Unterschieden,dieauchnichtübersehenwerdensollten,entwickeltensichüberallnachBedarf zentraleOrte—dieeinenineinerurspr.,vonStämmenbewohntenLandschaft,dieanderenauf derverwandeltenGrundlagedesehemaligenRöm.Reiches”(461). See,forinstance,J.Arce,“LosgobernadoresdelaDiocesisHispaniarum(ss.IV–Vd.C.)yla continuidaddelasestructurasadministrativasromanasenlaPenínsulaIbérica,”AntiquitéTardive 7(1999):73–83. AdelaCepas,“TheEndingoftheRomanCity:TheCaseofCluniaintheNorthernPlateauof Spain,”PeopleandSpaceintheMiddleAges,300–1300,ed.WendyDavies,GuyHalsall,andAndrew Reynolds.StudiesintheEarlyMiddleAges,15(Turnhout:Brepols,2006),187–207;here191–92. Specializedresearchonhertopiccanbefoundthere.

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emphasizes, “urbanization continued to be stimulated and dominated by aristocratic production and consumption until at least the late eleventh/early twelfth century, when there are signs that some of the urban population had achieved sufficient economic and political power to achieve a degree of independence. This trend had considerably accelerated by the later twelfth century,whenthereisextensiveevidencefortheincreasedcommercializationof thecountrysideandagreaterinvolvementofalargepartofthepopulationinthe market.”28 Ofcourse,therewasnocityjustlikeanyother,andyetwecannotignorethe fundamentalidentityofthemostcriticalfeatures.However,onapoliticallevel, someweredominatedbythebishopandhiscathedral;otherswerecontrolledby afeudallordwhohadhisresidenceinthecityornearby;othersagainenjoyed considerablefreedomfromlocallordsandachievedadegreeofindependencethat was unprecedented even in antiquity, only subordinated under the king or emperor, particularly in the later centuries. As Joseph and Frances Gies summarize: “Medieval cities enjoy a great deal of individual liberty, varying degreesofselfgovernment,andlittledemocracy.Theircharters,manyofwhich werewritteninthetwelfthcentury,areprincipallygrantsoffreedomfromfeudal obligations—theheadtax,thelaborservice,thetaxatwill,themarriagetax—in returnforpaymentofacashimpost.Limitsaresetfortheirmilitaryservice,they areallowedtooperatetheirownlawcourtsforlessercrimes(‘lowjustice’)and, usually,theyarepermittedamayorandcouncil.”29

UrbanSpaceasanEpistemologicalChallenge Ascountlessstudieshavealreadydemonstrated,theparticularfocusonindividual citiesallowsforindepthinvestigationsofspecificaspectsofeachculture,whether weconsiderreligiousgroupsandtheirconflictswitheachother,economicaspects concerning individual social classes (merchants and bankers versus crafts men/artisansandjourneymen),genderrelationships,agedifferences,culturaland linguisticgroups(FlorentinesinLondon,GermansinVenice,FlemishinCologne, etc.),30 or the world of sexuality (prostitution, brothels, pimps, rape, adultery,

28

29 30

GrenvilleAstill,“Community,IdentityandtheLaterAngloSaxonTown:TheCaseofSouthern England,”PeopleandSpaceintheMiddleAges,233–54;here234. Ibid.,199. Forastudyofearlymodernimmigrantsincitiessincetheseventeenthcentury,seeAlexander Cowan,“ForeignersandtheCity:TheCaseoftheImmigrantMerchant,”MediterraneanUrban Culture1400–1700,ed.id.(Exeter:UniversityofExeterPress,2000),45–55.

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marriage,etc.).31Thecitywasregularlythesitewheremajortensionsdeveloped andwerefoughtoutmostintensively,asseenwhenwethinkofthepogromsthat were directed against Jewish populations in Rhenish cities during the First Crusade(1096),32orinthewakeoftheBlackDeathin1348–1350,andsubsequently farintothelatefifteenthcentury,suchasinNuremberg.Onamoremundane level,consideringeverydaylife,wemightwanttofollowArsenioFrugoni’slively, butprobablyalsoveryaccuratedescription,takingexceptiononlyindetailsor consideringlocalvariantshereandthere: Themedievalcity,aftertheeleventhcentury,hadsomuchferventlifeandconfidence thatwecanreadilyrecognizecharacteristicsofourownmodernworldinit.Butitis alsoextraordinarilydifferentinmanyways,andweneedtoemphasizethataswellas wefollowmedievalpeoplethroughanaverageday.Betweentheeveningtwilightand thegraynessbeforedawnonecanhardlymakeoutthewallsofthehousesforthere isnolightinginthemedievalcityaswesaid.Ateveningcurfewthewomencoverthe coalsinthehearthwithashtoreducethefirehazardandkeepthemaliveuntilnext morning.Thehousesarebuiltwithbeamsofoakandeveryoneisapotentialtinderbox waitingtoblazeupsoatnighttheonlyflamesleftburningarethecandlesbeforethe holy images. Why would the streets need to be lit anyway? In the evening the entrancestothedangerousneighborhoodsarebarred,chainsarestretchedacrossthe rivertopreventasurpriseattackfrombarbarianraiderscomingupstream,andthecity gates are locked tight. The city is like one big household, with everything well secured.33

31

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Alice Beardwood, Alien Merchants in England 1350 to 1377: Their Legal and Economic Position (Cambridge,MATheMedievalAcademyofAmerica,1931);GretheJacobsen,“GuildsinMedieval Denmark:theSocialandEconomicRoleofMerchantsandArtisans,”Ph.D.diss.Universityof Wisconsin,Madison,1980;TimothyO’Neill,MerchantsandMarinersinMedievalIreland(Dublin: IrishAcademicPress,1987).Forspecificexamplesoftheroleofmerchantsinamedievalcity,see JohnEdwards,ChristianCórdoba:TheCityandItsRegionintheLateMiddleAges.CambridgeIberian andLatinAmericanStudies(Cambridge,London,etal.:CambridgeUniversityPress,1982);Peter Spufford,PowerandProfit:theMerchantinMedievalEurope.5thed.(2002;NewYork:Thames& Hudson,2003).SeealsothecontributiontothepresentvolumebyFabianAlfie.Astosexuality inmedievalcities,thatis,primarilyprostitution,seeRuthMazoKarras,“ProstitutioninMedieval Europe,”HandbookofMedievalSexuality,ed.VernL.BulloughandJamesA.Brundage(NewYork andLondon:Garland,1996),243–60.SeealsosomeofthecontributionstoSexuality:intheMiddle AgesandtheEarlyModernAge,ed.AlbrechtClassen.FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModern Culture, 3 (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2008), especially Gertrud Blaschitz’s study on brothelsandprostitutes(715–50). Thesetragiceventshavealreadybeenrichlydocumentedandanalyzed,andforagoodanthology alsoofprimarytextsdealingwiththedesperateactionstakenbytheJewsintheRhenishcities, seeRobertChazan,EuropeanJewryandtheFirstCrusade(Berkeley,LosAngeles,andLondon: UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1987). RobertArsenioFrugoni,“Introduction,”ChiaraFrugoni,ADayinaMedievalCity,trans.William McCuaig(ChicagoandLondon:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,2005),1–13;here6.

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Pursuingthisapproachfurther,wecanalsostudythedesignofthestreetpatterns, of the houses, the interior spaces, the work spaces, the churches, the public buildingsandsquares,thecitywall,thegates,thestoragehouses,themarketstalls andshops,administrativeoffices,churches,schools,andlibraries.34Thecitylife wasdeterminedbothbyeconomicaspectsandreligiousperspectives.Infact,even ifnotnecessarilypresentineverybody’smind,St.Augustine’sconceptofthecity of God as the spiritual ideal for the earthly city as its natural counterpart represented the fundamental paradigm for medieval urban dwellers.35 Consequently the need arose for countless ecclesiastic buildings, altars, relics, chapels,confessionals,andsotheneedfortherespectivepriestsandotherclerics was supreme, transforming the earthly city often into the location for the individual’squestforaspiritualhome. Whatevercitywemightwanttouseasanillustrativeexample,invirtuallyevery casethecitizensexpressedgreatprideintheirsocialenvironment,whetherinthe citywallsorthefacadesoftheirownhomes,theirchurchesorthepiazza/city square, as wonderfully illustrated by the latemedieval artist Neroccio di BartolomeodiBenedettode’Landi,whose“TheVirginCommendsSienatoJesus from1480(Siena,ArchiviodiStato)showsthekneelingVirginholdingasmall modelofthecitystandingonthreemarblecolumnsofdifferenthue,presenting ittoChristhoveringabove.Themodel’sthreecolumnsrepresentthefundamental Christian virtues of faith, hope, and charity, as reflected by their individual colors.36 But there was no reason for any urban community to trust in its own self assuranceandconfidence,ascountlessexamplesofdestroyed,burntdown,and razedcitiesdemonstrate,allvictimsofinnumerablewars,feuds,fires,andnatural catastrophes.Theworshipofsaints,thededicationofchurchesandcathedralsto theVirginMaryandalsotomartyrsashelpersinemergencies,militaryornatural, found enormous and most impressive expression in wall paintings, and sculptures,andinnamingofecclesiasticbuildingsinmedievalandearlymodern cities. Not surprisingly, St. Christopher, the giant who carried the baby Jesus acrossariverwithoutknowinghistrueidentity,wasoneofthemostpopular saintsinmedievalurbanartforverygoodreasons.37

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35 36 37

Forrecentexaminationsofthearchitecturaldesignandsocialfunctionofurbanhouses,seethe contributions to Medieval Domesticity: Home, Housing and Household in Medieval England, ed. Maryanne Kowaleski and P. J. P. Goldberg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), especiallybyFelicityRiddy,MarkGardiner,SarahReesJones,andJaneGrenville. Frugoni,“Introduction,9–10. ChiaraFrugoni,ADayinaMedievalCity,21–23;theillustrationisonp.22.. Frugoni,ADayinaMedievalCity,27–31.SeealsoCarolArmstrong,LivesandLegendsoftheSaints: With Paintings from the Great Art Museums in the World (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995)—thoughforyoungreaders,stillusefulfortheillustrations.

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EverydayLifeinaMedievalCity Bothbirthanddeathtookplaceinthecity,thefirstrequiringextensivemedical care and health service, the other requiring considerable efforts to bury the deceasedappropriately.AsthecontributorstoDeathinTownssuggest,lifeinacity couldbeprecarious,consideringinfectiousdiseases(KeithManchester).Burial practicesdeterminedmedievalurbanculturequitesignificantly(AlanMorton); and hospitals that provided the last resting place for the dying were of great importancefortheurbanpopulation(RobertaGilchrist).FarintothelateMiddle Agesthecemeterieswerecentrallylocated,rightnexttotheparishchurch,hence in the middle of the city (Julia Barrow). Finally, the funeral processions and memorialcultandservicesplayedanimportantpartinurbanlife(ClareGittings; MalcolmNorris).38Onlybythefifteenthcenturydidcemeteriesfinallydisappear from the city center because space became limited, and the city governments realizedthehealthhazardsresultingfromtheburyingofthedeadsonearthe watersupplyoftheurbanpopulation.39 Urban space, however, cannot be identified as a collective image equally relevantandidentifiableforeachinhabitant.AsM.GottdienerandAlexandrosPh. Lagopoulosobserve,thoughfromamodernperspective:“Theimageofthecity incognitivemapsisnotthecityitself,norisitsomereflectionoffundamental innateprocessesofspatialperception,becauseweknowthatmostofthewaysin whichpeopleperceivespacearesociallylearnedandexperientiallybased.The cognitivemapissomuchaproductofsocialinteractionthatevenindividuals living near each other in the very same neighborhood will hold different conceptionsoftheirareaasaproductofseparatesocialnetworks....Insum, cognitivegeographylocatestheproductionofspatialmeaningwithintheminds ofindividuals.”40

38

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40

DeathinTowns:UrbanResponsestotheDyingandtheDead,100–1600,ed.StevenBassett(1992; LondonandNewYork:LeicesterUniversityPress,1995).SeealsoColinPlatt,KingDeath:The BlackDeathandItsAftermathinLateMedievalEngland(TorontoandBuffalo:UniversityofToronto Press,1996),19–31. Anja Tietz, “Der Gottesacker der Stadt Eisleben: Martin Luthers Einfluss auf das Begräbniswesen,” Martin Luther und Eisleben, ed. Rosemarie Knape. Schriften der Stiftung LuthergedenkstätteninSachsenAnhalt,8(Leipzig:EvangelischeVerlagsanstalt,2007),189–205. Foranolder,yetstillvaluablestudyofthistopic,seeHerbertDerwein,Geschichtedeschristlichen FriedhofsinDeutschland(Frankfurta.M.:Franzmathes,1931). M. Gottdiener and Alexandros Ph. Lagopoulos, “Introduction,” The City and the Sign: An IntroductiontoUrbanSemiotics,ed.id.(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1986),11.

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In other words, there is a certain type of social grammar that allows the individualtoperceivetheurbanspaceinthefirstplace,andtodeterminethat space from a social perspective in the second place: “Urban semiotics then becomesthestudyofspatialstructuresderivedfrominternalizedgrammarsof patterns and designs which become externalized through semiosis.”41 These theoreticalapproacheslaidthefoundationfortheculturalhistoricalanalysisof urbanspacealsointhepremoderntimeswheretownsandcitiesbegantogrowor continuedtheirexpansionsinceRomantimes.Therearecountlesssignsinacity to interpret, and in a way these very signs make up the urban space; concomitantly,boththeurbanspaceanditssemioticsareconstantlysubjectto historicalchangebecausethesocialsubjectperceives,interprets,andcreatesthe signs differently at any given moment.42 However, this is not to ignore the tremendousimpactthatsocialdeterminantshadontheindividualandthesocial group,whetherwethinkoftheChurch,theguild,orthefamily,whichalsoshade andinfluencetheperspectiveofandthemodelingofurbanspace,andthisboth intheMiddleAgesandtoday. As Roland Barthes notes, though again from a modern perspective, but still pertinenttoourtopic,“thecitycenterisalwaysfeltasthespacewheresubversive forces,forcesofrupture,ludicforcesactandmeet.Playisasubjectveryoften emphasizedinthesurveysonthecenter....Incontrast,allthatisnotthecenter is precisely that which is not ludic space, everything which is not otherness: family,residence,identity.”43 SomeofthemajorliteraryprotagonistsintheMiddleAges,suchasAlexanderthe GreatandApolloniusofTyre,clearlyoperateincitiesandutilizecitiesfortheir globalstrategies,andthisatatimewhenmostmedievalcitieswerestillafarcry fromthemodelprovidedbyancientcitiesandwhenmostaudienceswouldnot have been familiar with the concept of true urban living space as antiquity.44

41 42

43 44

GottdienerandLagopoulos,“Introduction,”15. UmbertoEco,“FunctionandSign:SemioticsofArchitecture,”TheCityandtheSign,55–86;here 69: “So, in the course of history, both primary and secondary functions might be found undergoinglosses,recoveries,andsubstitutionsofvariouskinds.Theselosses,recoveries,and substitutionsarecommontothelifeofformsingeneral,andconstitutethenorminthecourseof thereadingofworksofartproper.” RolandBarthes,“SemiologyandtheUrban,”TheCityandtheSign,87–98;here96. Rolf Bräuer, “Alexander der Große: Der Mythos vom unbesiegbaren Eroberer der Welt als Vorbild,WarnungundpejorativesExempel,”Herrscher,Helden,Heilige,ed.UlrichMüllerand WernerWunderlich.MittelalterMythen,1(St.Gallen:UVK.FachverlagfürWissenschaftund Studium, 1996), 3–19. See also the contributions to Alexanderdichtung im Mittelalter: Kulturelle SelbstbestimmungimKontextliterarischerBeziehungen,ed.JanCölln,SusanneFriede,andHartmut Wulfram.VeröffentlichungenausdemGöttingerSonderforschungsbereich529“Internationalität nationalerLiteraturen.”SerieA,1(Göttingen:Wallstein,2000).

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Certainly, medieval knights, as reflected by courtly poets, roam the forests, meadows,andfields;theyvisitcastlesandleaveagainfornewadventures,asif theworldofburghers,merchants,bankers,andcraftsmendidnotmatterordid notevenexist.Inotherwords,most,ifnotall,medievalcourtlyromancestendto refrain from discussing urban life, cities as such, and the class of burghers, althoughthehistoryofmedievalcitiesbeginsveryearlyandgainsinconsiderable significanceatleastbytheeleventhortwelfthcentury. Theseobservationsraisethequestionsofwhendidmedievalmentalitytakenote ofthecityasasignificantseparateentityonthehorizonofmostpeople’sminds? And when did people realize the remarkable difference between urbanite dwellers,theruralpopulation,andmembersofthearistocraticcourts?Canwe properlyusetheriseofthecity,orofthecentralurbanspace,asthebenchmark forthetransitionfromtheMiddleAgestotheRenaissance,oratleasttotheEarly Modernperiod?Orlookingbackwards,canwedrawfromthehistoryofurban centersinlateantiquitytoidentifymorespecificallywhentheancientworldreally cametoanend,givingrisetothemedievalperiod? Allthesetransitionswerecertainlyfluidandtookalongtime,butifwetalk aboutparadigmshiftsinurbanhistory,wecanclearlyrecognizetheimportance ofcitiesasstakesinthelongtermshiftfromoneperiodtoanother.Urbanlifedid notsimplydisappearwiththeendoftheRomanEmpire,thoughtherewas,over thecenturies,aremarkabledeclineineconomicactivitiesandartisticproduction inthoseurbancentersalongwitharefocusonagriculturalproduction.45Inearly medievalTuscany,forinstance,thatis,duringthesixthtotheeighthcenturies,we canobservethetrendtowardtheestablishmentof“concentratedruralpopulation, withinwhichitisdifficult,ifnotimpossible,todiscernarcheologicaldatathat pointstosocialdifferentiation....Insidethesevillagestheprocessofcreatingthe materialsettlementstructuresonan‘urban’modelparalleledtheestablishmentof ruralaristocracies,andstartedonlyinthemideighthcentury.”46 TheslowbutsteadydisappearanceofpublicRomanbuildings,forinstance,and the use of the amphitheaters and colloseums as quarries for private buildings signalafundamentalshiftininterestandorientationamongthelocalpopulation, althoughtheeconomicproductioninthoseoldRomancentersdidnotdisappear. Onthecontrary,asJoachimHenningunderscores,“specializedcraftproduction flourished in Merovingian times. Gregory of Tour’s sixthcentury Paris was a

45

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ChrisWickham,“RethinkingtheStructureoftheEarlyMedievalEconomy,”TheLongMorning ofMedievalEurope:NewDirectionsinEarlyMedievalStudies,ed.JenniferR.DavisandMichael McCormick(Aldershot,Hampshire,andBurlington,VT:Ashgate,2008),19–31;here27–29. RiccardoFrancovich,“TheBeginningsofHilltopVillagesinEarlyMedievalTucscany,”TheLong MorningofMedievalEurope,55–82;here68.

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livingcitywithworkshopsandmarkets.”47TurningtoCologne,theauthornow corroboratesthattheruralizationprocessdidnotoccur,thattherewasnomajor hiatus between the ancient Roman world and the early Middle Ages as far as urbanlifewasconcerned.“Instead,theMerovingianperiodsawflourishingcraft production,includinghighlyspecializedinstallationssuchasglassovens.When productionactivitiesnextpickedupisstillindisputebutitseemstobeaboutthe tenthcenturyatthelatest.”48 Butabsolutecontinuitywasneveragiven,andthedestinyofmedievalcities oftendependedonglobaldevelopmentsineconomic,military,andsocialterms. Someurbancentersexperienceddramaticdeclines,otherswitnessedarebirth,and othersagainsimplycontinuedtheirsteadygrowth.Inthisregard,thefocuson urbanspaceallows,thoughnotpursuedhereinfurtherdetail,anexcellentinsight into larger issues pertaining to empire building under the Merovingians and Carolingians,longtermfamines,economicrestructuringprocesses,andmilitary conflicts.49

TheChurchandtheCity Concomitantly,theroleofecclesiasticalbuildingswithinmedievalcities,especially ofcathedralsandparishchurches,abbeysandconvents,cannotbeunderestimated withregardstoattractingnewsettlementsaroundthemandprovidingbothmore securityandculture.50Moreover,churches,monasteries, priories,chapels,and other ecclesiastical buildings represented focal points for urban growth and developmentthroughouttheentireMiddleAgesandfarbeyond,suchasinthe case of the city of Mainz on the Rhine, today west of Frankfurt, as a major ecclesiasticalcenter,asthelocalofmajoreconomicproductionandtrade,andas asignificant“transitpointfortheshipmentofgoodsbroughtacrosstheAlps,

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JoachimHenning,“StrongRulers–WeakEconomy?Rome,theCarolingiansandtheArcheology ofSlaveryintheFirstMillenniumAD,”TheLongMorningofMedievalEurope,33–53;here50. Henning,“StrongRulers,”50–51. Henning,“StrongRulers,”51–53,withfurtherliteratureonthistopic. InaseriesofshortarticlesBerndFuhrmanndiscussesthefollowingaspects:urbanspaceinlate antiquity and the early Middle Ages; urban space in the high and late Middle Ages; urban buildingmethods,urbanlivingculture;urbanprocurementoffoodandothersupplies,alongwith handlingofwasteproducts;andurbansocialtopography,in:EnzyklopädiedesMittelalters,ed.Gert MelvilleandMartialStaub,vol.II(Darmstadt:WissenschaftlicheBuchgesellschaft,2008),256–79; forabibliography,see478–79.Asinmostothercasesinthisencyclopedia,theseentriesprovide nice surveys, with a lot of concrete data, but the critical, academic, approach is lacking, not surprising (and also not necessarily to be expected) for an encyclopedia. See my review, forthcominginMediaevistik.

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includingspicesfromtheeast,andwasvisitedbyMuslimsandJewishtraders.”51 ThesameappliestoLucca,Italy,whichboastedofover50churchesbeforethe tenthcentury;henceitwasamajorecclesiasticalcenterofgreaturbansignificance, although,orparticularlybecause,itmaintainedcloseconnectionwithitsrural hinterland.52 Even the aristocracy tended to settle in the city, the site of the archbishop’sseat. Intheseearlymedievalcitiespeoplecouldfindtheironlyreliablerefugeinthe caseofanemergencybecausetheretheyfoundtheonlybuildingsoutofstone availableanywhere,hencecouldresistfireorflooding,andheretheenemycould not easily achieve the desired goals and cause havoc. The belfries served exceedinglywellaswatchtowers,andtheneutralityofapublicspaceinvited administrators,rulers,andrepresentativesoflargerurbangroupstomeettherefor negotiations,councils,ordebates.ButmanycitiesnorthoftheAlps,particularly inScandinavia,theBaltics,andIreland,suchasYork,England,orDublin,were mostlybuiltoutofwood,evenifcloseto10,000peoplecouldlivethereattheend ofthetenthcentury.53 Notsurprisingly,thechurchprovedtobetheideallocationtodepositimportant legal and political documents; and the city governments liked to store their privileges,seals,measures,andweightsinchurches.Inotherwords,theparish church,andsothecathedralinlargercities,emergedasthecentralpointforurban administrationandinformation,whichalsoledtothefoundationofimportant librariesrightthere(see,forinstance,Heidelberg).Finally,churcheswerethefirst buildingsinmedievalcitieswithmechanicalclocks,andthebellsstructuredthe livesofallpeoplelivinginacity,atleastsinceca.1370–1380.54Butwhatdoesall thismeanforthecreationandfurtherdevelopmentofurbanspaceintheMiddle Agesandtheearlymodernage?Andhowdoweunderstandspaceinthefirst place,certainlyamostcomplexsemioticphenomenonwheretheprivateandthe public intersect, communication channels operate or not, community is established,andlawandorderpracticed?

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JuliaM.H.Smith,EuropeafterRome:ANewCulturalHistory500–1000(Oxford,NewYork,etal: OxfordUniversityPress,2005),192. LynetteOlson,TheEarlyMiddleAges:TheBirthofEurope(Houndmills,Basingstoke,Hampshire, andNewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2007),134–35. Olson,TheEarlyMiddleAges,137. Jan Kuys, “Weltliche Funktionen spätmittelalterlicher Pfarrkirchen in den nördlichen Niederlanden,”TheUseandAbuseofSacredPlacesinLateMedievalTowns,ed.byPaulTrioand MarjanDeSmet.MediaevaliaLovaniensia.SeriesI/StudiaXXXVIII(Leuven:LeuvenUniversity Press,2006),27–45;seealsoGabrielaSignori,“SakraloderProfan?DerKommunikationsraum Kirche,”ibid.,117–34.

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CriticalApproachestotheMedievalCity Alltheseinquiriesare,ofcourse,onlybasedonrhetoricalquestionsthatcannotbe answeredeasily;otherwisethepresentvolumewouldnothavebeennecessaryor even possible in the first place. We know that the emergence of the city as a separate topographic and architectural entity dramatically and unavoidably changed the topography and mentality of the Middle Ages and then deeply influenced and determined the earlymodern world. As the contributors to a symposiumheldinTrient,November9–11,2000,indicate,thephenomenonofthe medievalcityfundamentallytriggeredthecreationofanewtypeofconsciousness, theriseofanurbanclass,anurbanculture,andanurbanidentity.55Andasearly modernhistoriansandhistoriansofmentalityhaveoftenconfirmed,thoseurban centersalloverEuropeincreasinglyattractedagrowingamountofwealth,even effectivelycompetingagainstthetraditionalpowerplayers,especiallytheChurch andthenobility,thoughitwouldhavetobeamatteroffurtherandintensive debate as to the role which territorial dukes played, and how much the royal courtscouldmaintaintheircultural,military,andpoliticalsupremacyevenwhen locatedoutsideofcitywalls. Butthecriticalfunctionoftownsandcities—forthepurposeofthisstudyIwill not draw a particular distinction between both terms, though statistically and economicallythecitywouldhavetobedefinedasamuchlarger,muchdenser, andmuchmoreimportantentitythanatown—inthenetworkofproductionand consumption,tradeandmarkets,alreadysocentralintheworldofantiquity,also continued to play the most important role ever since, whether a city was an episcopal,ducal,royalpropertyornot.56

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Aspettiecomponentidell’identitàurbanainItaliaeinGermania(secoliXIV–XVI),acuradiGirogio ChittoliniandPeterJohanek.Annalidell’IstitutostoricoitalogermanicoinTrento,12(Bologna andBerlin:IlMulinoDunkerandHumbolt,2003);seealsothereviewbyElenaDiVenosa,inStudi medievali49,1(2008):436–44.Chittolinicorrectlyemphasizes:“Ilperiodopropostoèstatoquello deisecoliXIII–XVI;un’etàincuilacittàdaunlatohamaturato,siainItaliacheinGermania,una forte‘coscienzacivica’,dalpuntodivistapolitico;eincui,nellostessotempo,devefronteggiare altreforzepoliticheesterne,comesignori,principie‘dominanti’,edèquindisollecitataariflettere eaesprimereinformeparticolarilapropriaidentità”(8).BerndRoeckemphasizes,ontheother hand,theneedtoanalyzethefundamentaltransitionfromtheimaginarycity,asborrowedeither from antiquity or from the autochthone examples, as reflected on seals or frescoes, to the realisticallyidentifiablecityvastlyexpandedbeyondthetraditionalcastleandthenarrowrange ofhousesshadowedbythetallchurchtowersandthecitywall:“DieStadtwirdzurNeuzeithin immer entschiedener in ihrer spezifischen optisch greifbaren Individualität gefaßt, und sie begegnetschließlichalsGegenstandautonomerDarstellung”(ibid.,12). H.vanWerveke,“TheRiseoftheTowns,”TheCambridgeEconomicHistoryofEurope.Vol.III: EconomicOrganizationandPoliciesintheMiddleAges,ed.M.M.Postan,E.F.Rich,andEdward Miller(Cambridge:AttheUniversityPress,1963),3–41;here22–24.

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Themodernworldis,asweallknow,increasinglydominatedbyurbanculture, andlessandlessoftheworldpopulationislivinginthecountry,whichisastrong trendthatcontinuestoimpactourmodernlivesbothintheWesternandinthe Easternworld.57Modernurbanspacesarebeingdesigned,andartificiallycreated forpolitical,economic,social,andculturalpurposes.58Theoppositewasnormally thecaseinpremoderntimes,andyettherootoftheexplosivedevelopmentof citiesallovertheEuropeanlandscaperestsintheeleventhandtwelfthcenturies, ifnotearlier,asIhavediscussedabove.Itwouldreallytakeuntiltheeighteenth, and especially the nineteenth centuries for cities of the size of a megapolis to emerge,thoughtrulyurbanspaceexistedalreadyintheMiddleAges,evenifonly inamicroscopicdimensioncomparedtowhatweexperiencetoday. Thehistoricalexplorationofthemedievalcityhasalongtradition,obviously becauseurbancentershaverepresentedthenodesofanevergrowingnetwork deeplyinfluencingmedievalsociety.Constitutionalhistorianshavetreatedthe phenomenonofthecityfrommanydifferentperspectives,especiallywithregard tourbanprivilegesandfreedomsthatmadelifeinacitysodifferentfromliving inthecountrywithinruralcommunitieswherefeudalstructurescontinuedto dominatefarintotheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies.FritzRörig,forinstance, examined the rise of the medieval city in the wake of the crusades, the developmentofanurbanlandscapeincentralandeasternEuropeduringtheso calledeasternColonization,thenewrelationshipbetweencityandstatesincethe late Middle Ages, the considerable growth of the urban population and the establishmentofurbanpowerallovermedievalEurope.Heidentifiedasthemajor causesforthistremendousphenomenontheestablishmentofindependentcity governments(noteverywhere,butoftenenough),theroleoftheguilds,anurban educationsystems,andhencetheriseofliteracy,theeconomicpowerofcities,and manytimesurbannavalpowerbothalongmajorriversandthecoastlinesofthe variousseas,apartfrommilitarypowerandtheirdefensesystems. In most cases the newly established urban pride and identity found its best expressioninthecityhalls,ortownhalls,alwaysveryrepresentativebuildings,

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EncyclopediaofUrbanCultures:CitiesandCulturesAroundtheWorld,ed.MelvinEmberandCarol R.Ember.4vols.(Danbury,CT:Grolier,2002);ChrisJenks,UrbanCulture:CriticalConceptsin LiteraryandCulturalStudies.4vols.(LondonandNewYork:Routledge,2004);AlanC.Turley, UrbanCulture:ExploringCitiesandCultures(UpperSaddleRiver,NJ:Pearson/PrenticeHall,2005). Theliteratureonmodernurbanspaceisactuallylegionanddoesnotneedtobediscussedor listedhereindetail. Thenumberofrelevantstudiesthathaveappearedonlyrecentlyisalmostuncountable;see,for instance,UrbanDesign,ed.AlexKriegerandWilliamS.Saunders.Architecture/UrbanStudies (Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,2008);JohnR.Short,AlabasterCities:UrbanU.S.since 1950.Space,Place,andSociety(Syracuse,NY:SyracuseUniversityPress,2006);ACompanionto Urban Economics, ed. Richard Arnott and Daniel P. McMillen. Blackwell Companions to ContemporaryEconomics,4(Malden,MA,andOxford:Blackwell,2006).

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though differences between English and French cities, on the one hand, and Germancitiesontheother,dependingonthepoliticalframework,nottospeakof ItalianandSpanishcities,continuedtoberemarkable.59JeanDenisG.G.Lepage callsthisunparalleleddevelopment“urbanemancipation,”andcomments: In spite of the authorities’ resistance, the burghers were gradually admitted into society and obtained their freedom. As early as 1032 the burghers of Venice proclaimed their freedom and bound themselves by oath to defend it. The same happenedinMilanin1067andLuccain1068.In1070,thecityofLeMansinFrance wasinrebellion,followedbyCambraiin1077andthenbythenorthernItaliancities ofLombardyandGenoa.Inthe12thcenturylargescalecityemancipationbeganinall theareasbetweentheSeineandMeuserivers,aswellasinThuringia,Saxonyand Bavaria.60

ButextensivedifferencesbetweenWesternandSouthern,betweenNorthernand EasternEuropealwaysneedtobetakenintoconsideration,especiallyasfaras efforts toward urban independence and economic influences are concerned. Nevertheless,mosteconomictrade,butthenalsothecreationofart,theflowering ofschoolsanduniversities,andtosomeextentalsotheproductionofliterature relied heavily, if not exclusively, on cities with their markets, craftsmanship, politicalpower,andmilitarysecurity.Infact,ashistorianshaveobservedonly veryrecently,citieswereverydifficulttoconquer,andmanysiegeshadtobe abandoned“iftherewasrealresistance.Scalewasaverybigissuebecausearmies wererarelyverylarge.Tortona,attackedbyBarbarossaonhiswaytoRome,was asmallplace,butitheldoutfromFebruarytoApril1155.HebesiegedCremafrom July 1159 to January 1160 and Milan, for the second time after the failure in August/September1158,fromMay1161toMarch1162.”61JohnFrancestatesit veryclearly:“acitywithawilltoresistwassoformidablethatmanysiegesfailed. Bycontrastcastleswereusuallysmallerandsometimesweakertargets.”62

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FritzRörig,TheMedievalTown,trans.J.A.Matthew(1932;BerkeleyandLosAngeles:University ofCaliforniaPress,1967);seealsothecontributionstoTheEnglishMedievalTown:AReaderin EnglishUrbanHistory1200–1540,ed.RichardHoltandGervaseRosser.ReadersinUrbanHistory (LondonandNewYork:Longman,1990);R.H.Hilton,EnglishandFrenchTownsinFeudalSociety: AComparativeStudy.PastandPresentPublications(Cambridge,NewYork,etal.:Cambridge UniversityPress,1992);Villesetsociétésurbainesaumoyenâge:HommageàM.leProfesseurJacques Heers.Culturesetcivilisationsmédiévales,XI(Paris:Pressesdel’UniversitédeParisSorbonne, 1994). JeanDenis G. G. Lepage, Castles and Fortified Cities of Medieval Europe: An Illustrated History (Jefferson,NC,andLondon:McFarland&Company,2002),251. JohnFrance,“SiegeConventionsinWesternEuropeandtheLatinEast,”WarandPeaceinAncient and Medieval History, ed. Philip de Souza and John France (Cambridge, New York, et al.: CambridgeUniversityPress,2008),158–72;here163. France,“SiegeConventions,”163.

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However, each city faced different challenges and enjoyed different opportunities,whethertherewasanoverbearingoverlordorthelackofaunifying system on a global level, such as in Germany, at least since the end of the Hohenstaufendynasty.CitiesfacedconflictswithMuslimneighborsontheIberian peninsula,conflictswithnobles,suchasinEngland,aboveall,andstruggleswith theGermanemperor,suchasinItaly.63Eachmedievalandearlymoderncitywas different in its historical roots, its economic and political conditions, and the contextofitscultural,geographical,andreligiousconditions.Atthesametime,we can group many cities into the same categories with regard to their origins, developments,structures,andculturalandeconomicemphases. Historians have regularly divided medieval European cities into three geographicalzones,firsttheinner,orsouthernzonecomprisingtheterritoryofthe formerwesternRomanEmpire,centeredontheMediterranean.Thenorthernzone consistedofthosecitieslocatedintheareanorthoftheAlps,mostlysituatedon thebanksoftheriversRhineandDanube.Thethirdzonecomprisedtheregion whereRomancultureandcivilizationhadexertedeitherverylittleornoinfluence, suchasScotland,Ireland,Scandinavia,andtheSlaviccountrieswhereeconomic andculturalaspectsdidnotattractthecolonizers’interests.64 But then there were new foundations, relocations, merging of smaller settlements,grantingofprivilegesthattriggeredthecreationofmarketsandhence ofcities.Newcitieswerenotonlyplannedandrealizedatoneswoopintheearly modernage,say,inthelateRenaissance,butalreadyinthehigh,orlate,Middle Ages, such as AiguesMortes. As Georges Zarnecki observes, “This large enterpriseisapreciousexampleofatownbuiltpracticallyanewinthethirteenth century, and was not finished until the next reign, that of Philip the Bold (1270–1285).”Contrarytomanymodernassumptions,thiswasnottheonlycase inmedievalEurope.65

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Lepage,CastlesandFortifiedCities,252–53. TheclassicalstudyofthisphenomenonisEdithEnnen’sFrühgeschichtedereuropäischenStadt. VeröffentlichungdesInstitutsfürGeschichtlicheLandeskundederRheinlandeanderUniversität Bonn (Bonn: L. Rörscheid, 1953). Now see also Joachim Herrmann, “Siedlungsgeschichtliche GrundlagenundgeschichtlicheVoraussetzungenfürdieEntwicklungBerlins,”Frühgeschichteder europäischenStadt,ed.HansJürgenBrachmannandid.SchriftenzurUrundFrühgeschichte,44 (Berlin:AkademieVerlag,1991),7–18.ForafocusontheRussianworld,seeTheCityinRussian History,ed.MichaelF.Hamm(Lexington:UniversityPressofKentucky,1976);forafocuson Scotland, see Edinburgh: The Making of a Capital City, ed. Brian Edwards and Paul Jenkins (Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress,2005).Foranarcheologicalapproachtothistopic,see JohnSchofieldandAlanVince,MedievalTowns:TheArcheologyofBritishTownsinTheirEuropean Setting(LondonandNewYork:Continuum,2003),21–26.SeealsoEdithEnnen,Dieeuropäische StadtdesMittelalters.2ndexpandedandimproveded.SammlungVandenhoeck(1972;Göttingen: Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1975). Georges Zarnecki, Art of the Medieval World: Architecture, Sculpture, Painting, The Sacred Arts. LibraryofArtHistory(NewYork:HarryN.Abrams,1975),395.

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Overandoveragain,itdeservestobeemphasizedthatthevarietyofmedieval andearlymoderncitieswasconsiderable,whetherwethinkofabishop’sseat,a castle of a nobleman, an imperial palace or estate, a juncture of major trading routes,etc.,aroundwhichthenemergedtheearliesturbansettlementandthen developed over time. Not surprisingly, then, urban growth did not proceed lineallyandsystematically,andthereweremanysetbacksandfailuresatspecific timesandperiods,especiallywhenwethinkofthedeepimpactofthesocalled BlackDeath,nottospeakofwars,famines,economiccrises,andotherfactors.66 Detailscannotbeexaminedanddiscussedhere,whichwouldonlyrepeatwhat hasoftenbeenstatedelsewhere;henceitwillsufficeforourpurposesjusttokeep inmindthatthehistoryofmedievalandearlymoderncitiesdifferedconsiderably fromregiontoregion,fromcountrytocountry,andalsofromculturetoculture. Inotherwords,despiteaseeminglyuniformhistoryofmedievalcities,varieties anddifferencesdominatedconsiderably,theresultofwhichstillcanbeobserved today.Thedifferencesareasremarkableasthesimilarities,andmuchdepended on economic prosperity, political fortune, religious appeal, and growth of the population.Consequently,therangeoftopicscoveredbyscholarsinthisarea cannot even be exhaustively defined. To gain just a taste of the enormous potentialsforresearchintomedievalandearlymoderncitylife,andtograspthe wealth of critical insights into this field, following I will list a few random examplesofmorerecentpublications. Paul Trio, like many other historians, has worked intensively on medieval confraternities,focusingonGhent.67JohnHendersonhadprecededhimwitha comparablestudiesontheconfraternitiesinmedievalFlorence.68MarjanDeSmet investigated,togetherwithPaulTrio,therelationshipbetweenChurchandtown inthelatemedievalLowCountries.69Povertyandthehospitalinlatemedieval

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JosephP.Byrne,TheBlackDeath.GreenwoodGuidestoHistoricEventsoftheMedievalWorld (Westport,CT,andLondon:GreenwoodPress,2004),57–72;JürgenStrothmann,“Der‘Schwarze Tod’ – Politische Folgen und die ‘Krise’ des Spätmittelalters,” Pest: Die Geschichte eines Menschheitstraumas,ed.MischaMeier(Stuttgart:J.G.Cotta’scheBuchhandlung,2005),179–98. PaulTrio,Volksreligiealsspiegelvaneenstedelijkesamenleving:debroederschappenteGentindelate middeleeuwen.SymbolaeFacultatisLitterarumetPhilosophiaeLovaniensis.SeriesB,11(Leuven: UniversitairePersLeuven,1993);id.,“ConfraternitiesintheLowCountriesandtheIncreasein WrittenSourceMaterialintheMiddleAges,”FrühmittelalterStudien38(2004):415–26. JohnHenderson,ConfraternitiesandtheChurchinLateMedievalFlorence(Oxford:BasilBlackwell, 1986). MarjanDeSmetandPaulTrio,“DeverhoudingtussenKerkenstadindeNederlandenindelate Middeleeuwen,onderzochtaandehandvanhetinterdict,”Jaarboekvoormiddeleeuwsegeschiedenis 5(2002):247–74.Seealsoherarticle“TheInvolvementoftheLateMedievalUrbanAuthoritiesin theLowCountrieswithRegardtotheIntroductionoftheFranciscanObservance,”Revued’histoire ecclésiastique101,1(2006):37–88.

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urbansocietyconstitutetheresearchinterestofSheilaSweetinburgh,70butwealso needtomentiontheseminalstudybyMichelMollatfrom1978focusingonthe pooratlarge.71ThecontributorstoArmutundArmenfürsorge(2006)examinethe publicdiscourseaboutthepoorwithinthecontextofthemonasticorders,therole ofhospitalsandothercharitableinstitutions,thepointsofcontactsbetweenJews andChristiansintheareaofcharityforthepoor,andthevarietyofperspectives on the poor in texts and images from the fourteenth through the sixteenth centuries.72Citiesweredeeplyaffectedbywarandbynaturalconsequences,73but theirsteadyrisefromtheearlyMiddleAgestotheRenaissanceandbeyondcould notbestopped,anddespiteourcommonassumptionthatthemedievalworldwas dominatedbychivalryandknighthood,alongwiththeChurch,whereasthevast majority of peasant population was simply downtrodden, holds true only for certainperiodsandcertainareas,andeventherewewouldhavetodifferentiate considerably.74 Moreover,itwouldbeerroneoustoassumethaturbanlifeinthepremodern periodwastranquilandstable,withmostpeopleonlybusilyworkinghardto makealivingascraftsmenandartists.Thehistoryofurbanuprisingsandrevolts extendsovercenturiesandindicateshowmuchtheseurbancommunitieswerein constantfluxandunderwentregularchangesaccordingtopolitical,economic, religious,andsocialtransformations.75Infact,thedenselivingconditionsinacity,

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SheilaSweetinburgh,TheRoleoftheHospitalinMedievalEngland(Dublin:FourCourts,2004); eadem,“ClothingtheNakedinLateMedievalEastKent,”ClothingCulture,1300–1600,ed.C.T. Richardson(Burlington,VT:Ashgate,2004),109–21. MichelMollat,ThePoorintheMiddleAges:AnEssayinSocialHistory,trans.ArthurGoldhammer (1978;NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1986) ArmutundArmenfürsorgeinderitalienischenStadtkulturzwischen[dem]13.und16.Jahrhundert: Bilder, Texte und soziale Praktiken, ed. Philine Helas and Gerhard Wolf. Inklusion/Exklusion: StudienzuFremdheitundArmutvonderAntikebiszurGegenwart,2(Frankfurta.M.,Berlin, etal.:PeterLang,2006).ForrecentstudiesonmarginalizedpeopleintheMiddleAges,seeLiving Dangerously:OntheMarginsinMedievalandEarlyModernEurope,ed.BarbaraA.Hanawaltand AnnaGrotans(NotreDame,IN:UniversityofNotreDamePress,2007).Buttheurbancontext doesnotplayanysignificantroleinthecontributions. See,forinstance,GerhardFouquet,“FüreineKulturgeschichtederNaturkatastrophen:Erdbeben inBasel1365undGroßfeuerinFrankenberg1476,”StädteausTrümmern:Katastrophenbewältigung zwischenAntikeundModerne,ed.AndreasRanftandStephanSelzer(Göttingen:Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht,2004),101–31. See,forinstance,thecontributionstoArtandPoliticsinLateMedievalandEarlyRenaissanceItaly, 1250–1500,ed.CharlesM.Rosenberg.NotreDameConferencesinMedievalStudies,2(Notre Dame:UniversityofNotreDamePress,1990). JelleHaemers,“AMoodyCommunity?EmotionandRitualinLateMedievalUrbanRevolts,” EmotionsintheHeartoftheCity(14th–16thCentury),ed.ElodieLecuppreDesjardinandAnne LaureVanBruaene.StudiesinEuropeanUrbanHistory(1100–1800),V(Turnhout:Brepols,2005), 63–81;AurelioEspinosa,TheEmpireoftheCities:EmperorCharlesV,theComuneroRevolt,andthe TransformationoftheSpanishSystem.StudiesinMedievalandReformationTraditions,137(Boston:

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where the various social classes—and by the same token also the two genders—hadtointeractwitheachotheronadailybasisrepeatedlyresultedin conflicts and tensions, some of which erupted into riots and military confrontations.Butmanyuprisingswere,asIhavementionedabove,specifically directedagainstthecity’soverlord,abishoporasecularruler,whetherwethink ofMilan(1035–1037,1042–1045),Cambrai(1077–1227),Laon(1107–1112and1128), Cologne (1073 and 1074), Bruges (1127–1128), Rome (1143–1155), London (1191–1216),andmanyothersthroughouttimefarintothesixteenthcentury.76 Afterall,asevenDanteAlighiericonfirmedinhisDivinaCommedia(Paradiso), peoplearesocialbeingsandneedtolivetogetherinordertoprosperandgrow: Ond’elliancora:“Ordì:sarebbeilpeggio perl’omointerra,senonfossecive?” “Sì”rispuos’io;“equiragionnoncheggio.”77 [Andhecontinued:‘Nowtellme,woulditbeworse formanonearthifhewerenotasocialbeing?’ ‘Yes,’Iagreed,‘andhereIasknoproof.’]

FollowingClaireE.Honess,itdeservestobenotedthatDantestronglyembraced thenotionoftheciviccommunityformingtheessentialframeworkforproductive human life. She comments, “Dante states very explicitly that the individual is worseoffinthislifeifheisnotacitizen,apointofviewclearlyillustratedbythe exchange...betweenthepilgrimandCharlesMartel[Par.VIII,115–17].”78Inthis regardwemightevenconsiderDantetobealreadyfarremovedfromtraditional medieval ideology: “Dante’s notion of citizenship . . . represents a rethinking, thoughnotnecessarilyarejection,ofmanyofthemostcommonmedievalideas ontheroleoftheChristianwithinpoliticalsociety,putforward,aboveall,bySt

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Brill,2008).SeealsothecontributiontothepresentvolumebyLiaB.Ross. KnutSchulz,“DennsieliebendieFreiheitsosehr...:KommunaleAufständeundEntstehungdes europäischenBürgertumsimHochmittelalter(Darmstadt:WissenschaftlicheBuchgesellschaft,1992). SeealsoGerdSchwerhoff,“ÖffentlicheRäumeundpolitischeKulturinderfrühneuzeitlichen Stadt:EineSkizzeamBeispielderReichsstadtKöln,”InteraktionundHerrschaft:DiePolitikder frühneuzeitlichenStadt,ed.RudolfSchlögl.HistorischeKulturwissenschaft,5(Constance:UVK Verlagsgesellschaft,2004),113–36. DanteAlighieri,Paradiso.AversetranslationbyRobertandJeanHollander.Introductionand NotesbyRobertHollander(NewYork,London,etal.:Doubleday,2006);seethecommentaryat 199.Cf.alsoClaireE.Honess,FromFlorencetotheHeavenlyCity:ThePoetryofCitizenshipinDante. ItalianPerspective(London:ModernHumanitiesResearchAssociationandManeyPublishing, 2006),37:“FollowingAristotle,Dantemaintainsthat,socially,humanbeingsinclinenaturally towardsthatwhichtheybelievetobegood—the‘vitafelice’—anaimwhichindividualsalonecan neverhopetoachievewithoutthehelpoftheirfellowhumanbeingswithinthecommunity.”I wouldliketoexpressmythankstomycolleagueFabianAlfie,UniversityofArizona,forpointing outthispassageinDanteandthestudybyHoness. Honess,FromFlorencetotheHeavenlyCity,38.

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Augustine.”79Inotherwords,anindividual’sidentificationwithurbanspaceand theurbancommunitymightbeconsideredacriticalbenchmarktodifferentiate social,mental,andideologicaldifferencesbetweentwoglobalperiods,theMiddle Agesandtheearlymodernage(notnecessarilytheRenaissance). SomemedievalcitiesgrewoutofancientRomansettlements;otherswerethe productofearlymedievalfoundationsofmonasteriesandbishoprics;othersagain developedoutofsmallruralsettlementsoraroundcastleswherecraftsmenwere constantlyneeded,apartfromtheservantsandfarmhands.Thereare,ultimately, manydiverseexplanationsfortheestablishmentandgrowthofcities,sosuffice heretoobservethatitwouldbeutterlyerroneoustoregardpremoderncitiesas negligibleentitieswithinthecontextoffeudalsociety,eventhoughmedievalpoets tendtoignorethemerchantsorregardthemasdubious,untrustworthy,unstable, andoftensimplynotasreliableandhonorablecharacters.80AsH.vanWerveke concludes, The towns, once they had acquired their own constitution and had become independentpoliticalentities,oftentriedthroughtheirtownprivilegetoconsolidate theirprosperityandtheirpreponderanceoverthesurroundingcountryside,whichhad originallyresultedfromthefreeinterplayofeconomicforces.Inthesameway,within thetowns,therulingclass,whoseascendancywasoriginallyfoundedonwealthalone, tendedtotransformitselfintoapoliticallyprivilegedpatriciate,capableforthatreason ofmodifyingtoitsownadvantagetheconditionsofmateriallife.Ontheotherhand, inthoseplaceswhere,about1300orlater,thelowerclasswasabletoassureitselfeven a modest participation in the management of public affairs, it also exercised an influence on economic life by striving for regulation, with the object no longer of higherproductivitybutofasociallymoreequitabledistributionofexistingsourcesof wealth.81

SomeofthemostimportantareasinEuropewherecitiessprangupandflourished throughout the centuries were: southern England, Flanders, northern France,

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Honess,FromFlorencetotheHeavenlyCity,39. WolframvonEschenbach,however,particularlyinhisWillehalm(ca.1220),castsquiteadifferent picture of the admirable, highly ethical and courteous merchant; see Danielle Buschinger, “L’Image du marchand chez Wolfram von Eschenbach,” Guillaume et Willehalm: Les Epopees françaisesetl’œuvredeWolframvonEschenbach,ed.eadem.GöppingerArbeitenzurGermanistik, 421(Göppingen:Kümmerle,1985),7–13.ForWillehalm,seeWolframvonEschenbach,Willehalm: NachderHandschrift857derStiftsbibliothekSt.Gallen.Mittelhochdeutscher Text, Übersetzung, Kommentar,ed.JoachimHeinzle.MitdenMiniaturenausderWolfenbüttelerHandschriftund einemAufsatzvonPeterundDorotheaDiemer.BibliothekdesMittelalters,9(Frankfurta.M.: DeutscherKlassikerVerlag,1991). H.vanWerveke,“TheRiseoftheTowns,”41;seealsothevariouscontributionstoTheCambridge EconomicHistoryofEurope.Vol.II:TradeandIndustryintheMiddleAges,ed.M.M.Postanand EdwardMiller(1952;Cambridge,London,etal.:CambridgeUniversityPress,1987).

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southernandwesternGermany,northernandcentralItaly,andeasternSpain.82 ButsignificantcitiescouldalsobefoundinScotland,Scandinavia,intheBaltic countries, and Russia.83 The difficulties for urban communities, or communes, throughoutmedievalandearlymodernEuropetoestablishthemselves,tofend off regional or local lords, and to find their own identities were legion, and although many succeeded to establish more or less their freedom and independence,othersultimatelyfailedandweretotallydominatedbyanoblelord, abishop,ortheemperorhimself,asJeanDenisG.G.Lepageconfirms: Somecitiesobtainedonlyprivilegesbutremainedunderthedirecttutelageofthelocal lord,prelate,bishoporarchbishop.Othercitiesweresubmittedtotheauthorityofa prince,kingoremperor.Stillotherurbancommunitiesbecametotallyindependent. Called communes in northern Europe and municipalities in the South, freetowns becamecollectivepowers,autonomouslaicrepublics,orindependentprincipalities. Accordingtothecharter,freecitieshadtherighttomaintainapermanentarmy,build fortifications,makewar,andconcludealliancesandpeacetreatises.84

Notsurprisingly,awholesleuthofrelevantdocumentsinurbanarchivesand elsewhere confirm the profound impact of urban life on medieval and early modernsocietyineverypossiblemeaningoftheword,thoughmostimportantly with regard to politics and economics. Nevertheless, from a mentalhistorical perspective,thecityassuchdoesnotseemtohaveplayedamajorroleinpublic discourse,orrather,itemergedonthementalhorizonverylate.Atleastthisisthe generalimpressionthatneedstobecriticallyanalyzedinholisticandspecialized terms.

NewApproachestotheStudyofUrbanSpace ThepurposeofthepresentIntroductionandthenumerouscontributionscannot betostudythehistoryofmedievalandearlymoderncitiesinEuropeandthe neighboringworldregionsatlarge,thoughallthoseaspectswillcomeintoplay invariouscontributionstothisvolume.Afterall,thenumberofrelevantstudies oncitiesintheirhistoricalandsocialeconomiccontextislegion,eitherfocusing onglobalaspectsoronspecificthemesrelevantforindividualcitiesinparticular

82 83

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FortheLowCountries,seethecontributionstoTheUseandAbuseofSacredSpaces,2006. JeanPierreLeguayetal.,“Stadt,”LexikondesMittelalters,Vol.VII(Munich:LexmaVerlag,1993), 2169–2208; see also Clive Foss, “Urbanism, Byzantine” (304–07); A. L. Udovitch, “Urbanism, Islamic”(307–311);KathrynL.Reyerson,“Urbanism,WesternEuropean”(311–20),Dictionaryof theMiddleAges,ed.JosephR.Strayer.Vol.12(NewYork:CharlesScribner’sSons,1989). Lepage,CastlesandFortifiedCities,256.SeealsoOlson,TheEarlyMiddleAges,186–89.

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regions.85Similarly,theinterestinparticularaspectsofurbanculturehasalsobeen intense because its examination sheds important light on the development of medieval and earlymodern society.86 This does not mean, however, that the characteristics of urban culture, or medieval and earlymodern life within the urbanspace,havebeenadequatelyandsatisfactorilyanalyzedanddiscussed.A vastcorpusofrelevantsourcematerialsisavailabletoexaminefurtherandtoa much greater depth about the physical environment and social services, civic religion, the urban economy, social organization and tensions, including riots, uprisings,generalprotests,andmobactivities,andthepoliticalstructures(guilds andthepatriciate).87Theseincludeurbanchroniclesandaltarpieces,liturgical plays, secular plays, letters, musical pieces, sculptures, and so also urban architecture.Surprisingly,manyofsocalledStadtbücher,containingawiderange ofdocumentsmirroringallkindsofsocial,legal,economic,religious,andpolitical activitiesinthecity,stillawaittheirthoroughexamination.Everypersonwho wantedtogaintheprivilegetojointheciviccommunityhadtoapplyandwaitfor

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See,forinstance,DasLebeninderStadtdesSpätmittelalters:InternationalerKongressKremsander Donau20.bis23.September1976.ÖsterreichischeAkademiederWissenschaften.Philosophisch historische Klasse, Sitzungsberichte, 325. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Mittelalterliche RealienkundeÖsterreichs,2(Vienna:VerlagderösterreichischenAkademiederWissenschaften, 1980);L’evoluzionedellecittàitalianenell’XIsecolo,acuradiRenatoBordoneeJörgJarnut.Annali dell’Istitutostoricoitalogermanico,25(Bologna:SocietàeditriceilMulino,1988);BrigitteStreich, ZwischenReiseherrschaftundResidenzbildung:DerWettinischeHofimspätenMittelalter(Cologneand Vienna:BöhlauVerlag,1989);KnutSchulz,“DennsieliebendieFreiheitsosehr...”;EvamariaEngel, DiedeutscheStadtdesMittelalters.Beck’sHistorischeBibliothek(Munich:C.H.Beck,1993);Heike Bierschwale and Jacqueline van Leeuwen, Wie man eine Stadt regieren soll: Deutsche und niederländischeStadtregimentslehrendesMittelalters.MedievaltoEarlyModernCulture,8(Frankfurt a.M.,Berlin,etal.:PeterLang,2005). See,forinstance,PenelopeDavis,TownLifeintheMiddleAges(London:Wayland,1972);Crossroads ofMedievalCivilization:TheCityofRegensburgandItsIntellectualMilieu,ed.EdelgardE.DuBruck and Karl Heinz Göller. Medieval and Renaissance Monograph Series, V (Detroit: Michigan ConsortiumforMedievalandEarlyModernStudies,1984);TownsinTransition:UrbanEvolution inLateAntiquityandtheEarlyMiddleAges,ed.NeilChristieandS.T.Loseby(Aldershot,Hants, England,andBrookfield,VT:ScolarPress,1996):DavidNicholas,TheGrowthoftheMedievalCity: FromLateAntiquitytotheEarlyFourteenthCentury(LondonandNewYork:Longman,1997);Stadt undLiteraturimdeutschenSprachraumderFrühenNeuzeit,ed.KlausGarber,StefanAnders,and ThomasElsmann.2vols.(Tübingen:Niemeyer,1998);seeespeciallyGarber’scontribution“Stadt undLiteraturimaltendeutschenSprachraum”(3–89).AdrianJ.Boas,JerusalemintheTimeofthe Crusades(London:Routledge,2001). ThesearethesubheadingsintheanthologyofrelevantdocumentsforthehistoryofItaliancities inTheTownsofItalyintheLaterMiddleAges,trans.andannotatedbyTrevorDean.Manchester MedievalSourcesSeries(ManchesterandNewYork:ManchesterUniversityPress,2000).Seealso GerdSchwerhoff,“ÖffentlicheRäumeundpolitischeKulturinderfrühneuzeitlichenStadt:Eine SkizzeamBeispielderReichsstadtKöln,”InteraktionundHerrschaft:DiePolitikderfrühneuzeitlichen Stadt,ed.RudolfSchlögl.HistorischeKulturwissenschaft,5(Constance:UVKVerlagsgesellschaft, 2004),113–36.

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officialapproval,whichwasthenrecorded.Guildshadregulations,whichwere jotteddowninsuchcitybooks,orchronicles,88andjudicialconflictswerealso documented.Inotherwords,acarefulexaminationoftherelevantsourcesallows ustogainfarreachinginsightsintothebasicstructureanddevelopmentofan urbancommunityovertime,andshedssignificantlightonthecity’stopography, economicpositionwithintheglobalEuropeannetworkoftrade,therelationship between the Christian majority and the Jewish minority (never the other way around!),andtheconditionsofeverydaylifewithinthefamilies.89 Tostudymedievalcitiesandtheirurbanspacebothineconomicandsocial,and soinculturalandintellectualtermsrequiresahighlycomplexapproach,taking into view a kaleidoscope of various social classes, physical aspects, economic interestsandconcerns,legalcriteria,andreligiousfactors.90Theinterestofthe presentcollection,however,thoughtouchinguponmanyoralloftheseaspects, liesinmentalhistoricalinvestigationsthatfind,forinstance,remarkablesource materialinsuchthingsasthesocalledfamilybooks(HausandFamilienbücher;see alsobelow).Thesewerenormallycomposedbymembersofanindividualfamily whoweredeeplyconcernedwiththeirownidentityandthatoftheirfamilyboth pastandpresent,reflectinguponpersonal,dynastic,andcommunalinterests,and drawingfromawidevarietyofspecificurbansources.91 But how did medieval and earlymodern people really perceive the city as a material object versus an idea and utopian concept? How did outsiders, often makingupthevastmajorityofthepopulation,thatis,thepeasants,andthenalso noblemen,respondtotheriseandconstantgrowthofcities?Whatdidurbanspace meanforthetraveler,thechurchman,thewidow,thestudent,thepoet,theartist, thelawyer,orthecraftsman?Someanswerscanbeprovidedeasilybecauseofthe

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Seetheextraordinarilyvaluableseriesofcitychronicles,ChronikenderdeutschenStädtevom14.bis ins16.Jahrhundert(1862–1968;Göttingen:Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1961–1969). A great example prove to be the Weimar city books, see Die Weimarer Stadtbücher des späten Mittelalters:EditionundKommentar,ed.HenningSteinführer.VeröffentlichungenderHistorischen KommissionfürThüringen.GroßeReihe,11(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:BöhlauVerlag,2005). SeealsoDasältesteRostockerStadtbuch(etwa.1254–1273),ed.HildegardThierfeldermitBeiträgen zurGeschichteRostocksim13.Jahrhundert(Göttingen:Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1967).There aremanysimilarexamplesforotherareasofmedievalEurope;see,forinstance,Epistolaridela Valènciamedieval,ed.d’AgustínRubioVela;pròlegd’AntoniFerrando.2vols.(ValènciaSpain: Institut Interuniversitari de Filologia Valenciana; Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat,1998–2003);MedievalGloucester,1066–1547,anextractfromtheVictoriaHistoryofthe County of Gloucester. Vol. IV: the City of Gloucester, ed. Nicholas Herbert (1988; Gloucester : GloucestershireRecordOffice,1993). Evamaria Engel and FrankDietrich Jacob, Städtisches Leben im Mittelalter: Schriftquellen und Bildzeugnisse(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:BöhlauVerlag,2006). BirgitStudt,“Einführung,”HausundFamilienbücherinderstädtischenGesellschaftdesSpätmit telaltersundderfrühenNeuzeit,ed.eadem(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna,2007),1–31.

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excellent availability of critical archival and literary documents, but many questionswillremainbecausewestilldonotknowenoughaboutpeople’sreal attitudes,ideas,andvaluesconcerningthecityandurbanlifeintheMiddleAges andtheearlymodernage. Itisclearthatburghersgenerallydisplayedastrongsenseofidentitywiththeir home city, as powerfully reflected by festivals, public rituals, coats of arms, donations,legalpractices,thecitygovernmentitself,andthelocalarts.92Thebest evidenceforthisnotsosurprisingphenomenonconsistsofthecathedralsand otherchurcheserectedinmedievalandearlymoderncities,monumentsinstone ofcommunaleffortsextendingovermanygenerationstoprovetotheoutside worldtheglory,wealth,and power ofanurbancommunity,butespeciallyto displayitsdedicationtoGodandtoillustrateGod’sobviousfavorgrantedtothe city.93 Both the pictorial program in stone (sculptures) on the facades and the individual portals, and then the ideological program in images, such as the frescoesandthestainedglass,explicitlyaddressurbanvaluesandidealswithin areligiousframework,thatis,civicprideinthebestpossiblerepresentationofthe cityinitsecclesiasticalarchitectureandartprogram.94Afterall,manychapels, sculptures,altarpieces,andotherelementsinmedievalandearlymoderncities weredonatedandcommissionedbywelltodocitizenswhowantedtorepresent theirwealth,theirpiety,andtheirsocialpoliticalstatuswithinareligiouscontext. Critical investigations of the history of mentality have not yet adequately incorporated ‘urban space,’ though topics such as ‘man and nature’ and ‘the experienceofspace’havecertainlyattractedconsiderableattention.95ButHenri Lefebvre has alerted us to the fact “that an already produced space can be

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See the contributions by Pietro Corrao (97–122), Roberto Bizzochi (123–34), Paola Ventrone (155–91)andotherstoAspettiecomponentidell’identitàurbana. SeethecontributionstoDergotischeDominKöln,ed.ArnoldWolff(Cologne:VistaPointVerlag, 1986); Robert A. Scott, The Gothic Enterprise: A Guide to Understanding the Gothic Cathedrals (Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2003);GüntherBinding,AlsdieKathedralenindenHimmel wuchsen:BauenimMittelalter(Darmstadt:PrimusVerlag,2006). UlrichMeier,MenschundBürger:DieStadtimDenkenspätmittelalterlicherTheologen,Philosophenund Juristen(Munich:R.Oldenbourg,1994);id.,“Burgerlichvereynung:Herrschende,beherrschteund ‘mittlere’BürgerinPolitiktheorie,chronikalischerÜberlieferungundstädtischenQuellendes Spätmittelalters,”Bürgerschaft:RezeptionundInnovationderBegrifflichkeitvomHohenMittelalterbis ins 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Reinhart Koselleck and Klaus Schreiner. Sprache und Geschichte, 22 (Stuttgart:KlettCotta,1994),43–89. Seetherelevantcontributionsto“Natur/Umwelt”and“Raum”inEuropäischeMentalitätsgeschichte: Hauptthemen in Einzeldarstellungen, ed. Peter Dinzelbacher. Kröners Taschenausgabe, 469 (Stuttgart: Alfred Kröner, 1993); the 2nd rev. and expanded edition appeared just recently (Stuttgart:Kröner,2008).Hepointsout,however,howmuchairpollutionincitieswasmetwith severeprotestsbytheurbanpopulation,suchasinBruges,Lyon,London,Arles,andelsewhere (652–53).

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decoded, can be read. Such a space implies a process of signification.”96 This specific,culturallyandeconomicallydefinedspaceprovestobecharacteristicof eachindividualsociety:“everysociety—andhenceeverymodeofproduction with its suvariants [sic], i.e. all those societies which exemplify the general concept—producesaspace,itsownspace.”97 Studyingspaceproperlyrequiresone,accordingtoLefebvre,toembracethree concepts,thatis,spatialpractice,representationsofspace,andrepresentational space.98Inaddition,allhistoricaleventsandactivitiesproducespace:“theforces of production (nature; labour and the organization of labour; technology and knowledge) and, naturally, the relations of production play a part . . . in the productionofspace.”99Examiningmedievalcities,forinstance,incomparison with cities in the early modern age, will force us to consider novel use and productionofspace.ToquoteLefebvreagain: ‘people’—inhabitants,builders,politicians—stoppedgoingfromurbanmessagesto thecodeinordertodecipherreality,todecodetownandcountry,andbeganinstead togofromcodetomessages,soastoproduceadiscourseandarealityadequatetothe code.Thiscodethushasahistory,ahistorydetermined,intheWest,bytheentire historyofcities.Eventuallyitwouldallowtheorganizationofthecities,whichhad beenseveraltimesoverturned,tobecomeknowledgeandpower—tobecome,inother words,aninstitution.Thisdevelopmentheraldedthedeclineandfalloftheautonomy ofthetownsandurbansystemsintheirhistoricalreality.100

Concretely,thismeantthatinthecourseoftimetheactualconfigurationofurban spacewaschangedtomeettheneedsforpublicrepresentationandgovernment, leadingtotheemergenceoftheearlymodern,orBaroque,city:“façadeswere harmonizedtocreateperspectives;entrancesandexits,doorsandwindows,were subordinatedtofaçades—andhencealsotoperspectives;streetsandsquareswere arrangedinconcordwiththepublicbuildingsandpalacesofpoliticalleadersand institutions.”101 Lefebvreoffersamostinsightfulanalysisoftheprofoundchangesaffectingthe urban space in the transition from the early to the high Middle Ages with its inventionofthemagnificentGothiccathedrals.Whereasthepreviousperiod,or rathertheChurchofthatperiod,hadprimarilyfocusedonthecrypt,asthesacred spaceofitscultofthedead,thedevelopmentoftallGothicbuildingswiththeir spiresleapingintoverticalspaceinvertedtheconceptofspace.Inhisownwords,

96

97 98 99 100 101

Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald NicholsonSmith (1974; Oxford: Basil Blackwell,1991),17. Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,31. Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,38–39. Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,46. Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,47. Ibid.

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“They[thecathedrals]‘decrypt’inavigorous...senseoftheword:theyarean emancipation from the crypt and from cryptic space. The new space did not merely‘decipher’theold,for,indecipheringit,itsurmountedit;byfreeingitself itachievedilluminationandelevation.”102 Of course, we have to take Lefebvre’s observations with a grain of salt and distinguishfurtherinthedetail,particularly becausehe ignoresthehistoryof Romanesquechurches,manyofwhichhadalreadyexploredandconqueredopen spaceinamajesticfashion,suchasthecathedralofMainz.Butwecancertainly subscribe to his general approach insofar as the medieval city very often establisheditselfaroundthechurchorcathedral,andsoonenough,ifnotparallel toit,aroundthemarket,thecentralhubofaneconomicnetworkthatliberatedthe urbanpopulationfromtheagriculturalproductionandlaidthefoundationfor“a space of exchange and communications, and therefore of networks.”103 He recommends,however,andquiterightlyso,nottolimitourunderstandingof urban space to the economic aspect since there was also space for political representation,privatespace,andspaceofeducationandlearning.104Thisdoesnot mean,however,thattheurbanworldwascompletelydivestedfromagriculture andtypicallyruraloccupations,consideringtheextensivegardens,houseanimals, and also the transfer of rural production of beer, for example, into the city.105 Scholarscontinuetodebatehowmuchtheruralworldspilledoverintothecities, asreflected,forinstance,byspecificbuildingdesignsthatforalongtimeshared manysimilaritieswiththosehousescharacteristicofaruralsettlementwithits

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Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,256–57.HereliesheavilyonErwinPanofsky,GothicArchitecture andScholasticism(1951;NewYork:NewAmericanLibrary,1976),58,whohadcoinedthecrucial term“visuallogic”forthenewChurchdominatedspace. Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,266. HereIbreakoffthediscussionofLefebvre’smarvelous,thoughsometimesalsodeceptivelyglossy explanationsbasedonradicalabstractionsandgeneralizations;forfurthercommentsonhiswork, seeSheilaSweetinburgh,“MayorMakingandOtherCeremonies:SharedUsesofSacredSpace AmongtheKentishCinquePorts,”TheUseandAbuseofSacredPlaces,165–87;here167–70.Felice Riddy,“‘Burgeis’DomesticityinLateMedievalEngland,”MedievalDomesticity:Home,Housing and Household in Medieval England, ed. Maryanne Kowaleski and P. J. Goldberg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 14–36, convincingly questions some of the fundamental notionspropoundedbyPhilippeArièsthatuntilca.1700therewasnoconceptofprivacy,not eveninurbanhouses.Muchdepends,asRiddyobserves,onthesocialclassandthetime,asthe wealthy inhabitants increasingly created their own private rooms, and this already by the fourteenthandthefifteenthcenturies.Thebestevidenceforthisdevelopmentcanbefoundin latemedievalDutchgenrepaintings. Richard W. Unger, Beer in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Philadelphia: University of PennsylvaniaPress,2004),40–43.Heemphasizes,forinstance,“By1300,makingbeerwasaviable occupation in towns in northern Europe. Not everyone could be a brewer since there were requirementsofskillatmakingbeer,atorganizingabusinessenterprise,andofaccesstocapital. Still, many individuals did take up the trade, not just to supply domestic needs but as a commercialventure”(43).

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specificneedstoaccommodatehusbandrywithlivingspaceforthefarmerandhis family.106 Social historians have examined many specific aspects, such as particular markersinacityreflectingpowerandcontrolwieldedbyfamilies,individuals, andpoliticalgroups;linguisticfeaturesdeterminingurbangeography;spacefor legal arbitration; staging of spirituality in prayers, meditation, and liturgical rituals;andspaceforpenaltiesandexecutions.107

TheCityandtheCourtlyWorld As has often been emphasized, in a rather stark contrast to our previous observations,theknightlyprotagonistinmedievalliteraturenormallytraverses onlythecountrysideandforests,andreturns,afterhavingaccomplishedhistask andhavingovercomehischallenges,toKingArthur’scourt,whichagainconsists only of a small setting, perhaps a camp with tents, or at times a castle. This observationappliesbothtoGermanandEnglish,FrenchandItalian,Spanishand Portuguesecourtlyromancesorversenarratives,whethertheaudiencewastruly aristocratic only, or also included urban readers/listeners. Despite the city’s growingimportanceatleastsincetheeleventhcentury,medievalpoetsdonot seemtohaveincorporatedurbanspaceastrulysignificantfortheirindividual protagonists,orfortheiraudiences.108Bothheroicepicsandcourtlyromances,

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ThiswasthecentralthesisadvocatedbyW.A.Pantin,“MedievalEnglishTownHousePlans,” MedievalArchaeology6–7(1964,for1962–1963):202–39);thisisnowchallengedbySarahPearson, “RuralandUrbanHouses1100–1500:‘UrbanAdaptation’Reconsidered,”TownandCountryinthe Middle Ages: Contrasts, Contacts and Interconnections, 1100–1500, ed. Katherine Giles and ChristopherDyer(Leeds:Maney,2005),4363.AsJaneGrenville,“UrbanandRuralHousesand HouseholdsintheLateMiddleAges:ACaseStudyfromYorkshire,”MedievalDomesticity:Home, HousingandHouseholdinMedievalEngland,92–123;here95,demonstrates(soherthesis):“some buildingsseemtodependonthedirectandexplicitrelationshipbetweentownandcountrywhile othersemphaticallydonot,butratherrepresentadistinctivelyurbantype.”Sherightlyconcludes, 123:“Inthedevelopmentofthemedievaltown,theforcesofconservatismwerecontinuously pitchedagainstthespiritofentrepreneurship.Materialculturewasusedtosignalthesetensions ....” MedievalPracticesofSpace,ed.BarbaraA.HanawaltandMichalKobialka,2000;JoyceE.Salisbury, TheMedievalWorld.TheGreenwoodEncyclopediaofDailyLife,aTourThroughHistoryfrom AncientTimestothePresent,2(Westport,CT,andLondon:GreenwoodPress,2004).Whereasthe first volume falls short of providing concrete examples, the second addresses mainly a non academicaudience. Uta StörmerCaysa, Grundstrukturen mittelalterlicher Erzählungen: Raum und Zeit im höfischen Roman.deGruyterStudienbuch(BerlinandNewYork:deGruyter,2007).Sheheavilyrelieson Bakthiniantheoriesforheranalysisoftheessentialstructurespertainingtospaceandtimeinthe courtlyromance.Ifwefollowherconclusions,theworldofthecourts,asreflectedintheliterary discourse,knewnothingofurbanspace.Indeed,despitesomefleetingreferenceshereandthere,

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didactictextsandlyricpoetryhardlyevermentioncities,toanastonishingdegree ignoringamajorphenomenonthatwasgoingtochangetheentireworldofthe MiddleAges,orratheraccompaniedthefeudalstructurefromearlyon,ultimately even superseding the agriculturebased society with a society in which craftsmanship and early forms of industrial production dominated within an urbancontext. OneinterestingexamplewouldbetheMiddleHighGermanDiuCrône(The Crown) by the Styrian poet Heinrich von dem Türlin, composed sometime between1210and1240,offeringanamazingpanoplyofArthurianthemesand metaliterary references and reflections, with Gawein emerging as the main protagonist who not only accomplishes many chivalric goals, outdoing even ParzivalinhisquestfortheGrail.Mostuncannily,Gaweinwitnessesmanyscenes obviouslydrawnfromaninfernalfantasy,orfromtheDayofJudgment,which deeplyastonishandfrightenhimandtheaudienceaswell,withoutanyonebeing abletogetinvolvedbecausetheyrepresentimaginarysettingsorquotesfrom previousliterarytexts.Overall,however,asJ.W.Thomasinsightfullycomments, “Thecourtreappearsatintervalsthroughouttheworkassomethingofgreatvalue thatmustbepreservedatanycostfromthedangersthatthreatenitfromwithin andwithout.ForitisnotmerelyacommunityofSybaritesbutalsoasourceofaid fortheoppressedinthesurroundinglands.”109Indeed,peopleinthecountryside receivehelp,whereasthoselivingincitiesarebarelymentioned. AtonepointGaweinentersachapeltopray,whichsomemaidensobservewith greatcuriosity.Whiletheyallwonderwhotheseimpressiveknightsmightbe,one of them sarcastically speculates: “They are two wily merchants who are transportingmuchgoodsandtreasureandarepretendingtobeknightsinorder tosavethemselvesfromrobbery;theythinkthiswillprotectthem.Theirbagsare

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neithertheArthurianromancenortheliterarymanifestationsofTristanandIsoldearepredicated inanyclearsenseoncitylife.AgoodexamplewouldbeTristaninGottfriedvonStrassburg’s eponymousromance(ca.1210)wherethebadlywoundedprotagonistarrivesinDublinunderthe pretenseofbeingamerchantwhohasbeenseverelywoundedbypiratesandnowseekshelpin Ireland.Afterhavingbeenpulled in from thewateroutsideoftheharbor,Tristanisquickly whiskedfromthecityofDublintothecourtoftheIrishqueenIsolde,andweneverhearofDublin again.GottfriedvonStraßburg,Tristan.NachdemTextvonFriedrichRankeneuherausgegeben, insNeuhochdeutscheübersetzt,miteinemStellenkommentarundeinemNachwortvonRüdiger Krohn.UniversalBibliothek,4471(Stuttgart:Reclam,1980),7362–766.ApriestlearnsofTristan’s miraculousskills,andquicklyleavesthecityofDublin,turnstothecastle,andreportstothe queenwhathehaslearnedaboutthisstranger. HeinrichvondemTürlin,TheCrown:ATaleofSirGaweinandKingArthur’sCourt,trans.andwith anintrod.byJ.W.Thomas(LincolnandLondon:UniversityofNebraskaPress,1989),xiii.Fora good summary of the relevant research, see Markus Wennerhold, Späte mittelhochdeutsche Artusromane:‘Lanzelet’,‘Wigalois’,‘DanielvondemBlühendenTal’,‘DiuCrône’.BilanzderForschung 1960–2000. Würzburger Beiträge zur deutschen Philologie, 27 (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann,2005),182–253.

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bulging,andIcanseefromtheirappearancethattheyarefulloftreasure;achild wouldknowthattheydon’tholdhauberks,forthesewouldrattle.”110Gawein seemstohearherwordsashelooksuptothewindow,butthenhesimplymounts hishorseandentersthecitytofindquartersforhimselfandhiscompanion.But themerchantwasalreadyaspecificfigureatthattime,howevermostlyregarded withsuspicionbythearistocracy,especiallybecausehequicklygainedeconomical preponderanceandcouldchallengethetraditionalpoliticalandsocialroleplayed bythenobility.111 Hereisanotheroccasionfortheauthortoaddsomereallybriefremarksona townintheimmediatevicinityofacastle:“Theywanderedaboutonlyashorttime before finding quarters with a worthy merchant, who furnished everything neededfortheircomfort.Themanwassohonest,respected,andwealthythathis likecouldnotbefoundintheentiretown;hewasalsobrave.Hishousestood belowthepalacebutwassotallthatanyonewhowascuriouscouldseefromitall that went on in the palace” (200). Is this really a modest merchant, or a pre capitalistsuperrichinternationaltradesperson?Apparently,histowerhovers evenabovetheroyalpalace,andhiswealthcertainlyequalsthatofaroyalperson, anarrativemotifthatfindssomereflectionsincontemporaryliterature,suchas WolframvonEschenbach’sParzival(ca.1205)andRudolfvonEms’sDerguote Gerhard.112 More interestingly, prior to this brief description, the author has includedascantreferencetoatownwhere,strangelyenough,theentiremale populationismissing:“Gaweinfoundthereatownthatwaslargeandstatelybut lackedonething:neitherinitnorinallthecountryaroundwasthereasingle man”(196).AndlaterHeinrichmentionsanothertown,butonlybecause“ahost ofknightswhomIcannotname”(204)hasassembledthere,preparingitselffora tournament:“Whenthetimecamethefollowingmorningforeverymantoget readyforthetournament,manywereplainlyconcernedwiththecontestsahead” (205). Apparently,then,atcloserscrutinyurbanspacecertainlyfiguredonthemental horizon, but for romance authors only as negligible location where knights

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HeinrichvondemTürlin,TheCrown,200. JennyKermode,MedievalMerchants:York,BeverlyandHullintheLaterMiddleAges.Cambridge StudiesinMedievalLifeandThought,Ser.4,38(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998); RichardK.Marshall,TheLocalMerchantsofPrato:SmallEntrepreneursintheLateMedievalEconomy. The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, 117th series, 1 (Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1999). RudolfvonEms,DerguteGerhard,ed.MorizHaupt.Rpt.(1840;Hildesheim:Weidmann,1988); seealsoid.,DerguoteGerhart,ed.JohnA.Asher.2ndrev.ed.AltdeutscheTextbibliothek,56(1962; Tübingen:Niemeyer,1971);foracomprehensiveanalysis,seeSonjaZöllner,Kaiser,Kaufmannund dieMachtdesGeldes:GerhardUnmazevonKölnalsFinanzierderReichspolitikundder“GuteGerhard” desRudolfvonEms.ForschungenzurGeschichtederälterendeutschenLiteratur,16(Munich:Fink, 1993).

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sometimesspendanighttogetsomerest(WolframvonEschenbach’sWillehalm), wheretheyfindnewequipment(HartmannvonAue’sErec),113orarebotheredby theguardsmenwhodonotproperlyrecognizewhotheyreallyare(Wolframvon Eschenbach’sWillehalm). Exceptionstotheruleconfirmourgeneralconclusionsastourbanspaceinthe Middle Ages and beyond, such as when we think of the three holy cities, Jerusalem, Rome, and Santiago de Compostela, all of them evoking a specific imageryastoanidealcitysupportedbyGodortheHolyGhost.114Butavisitto anyofthemalwaysrepresentedamostunusualsituation,andthereportsabout the pilgrimage sites were normally determined by the religious perspective, focusingonchurches,tombs,altars,andtheclergy,not,however,onurbanlife andurbanspaceonthemicroscopiclevel.115 WhenMargeryKempe(ca.1373–ca.1440),forinstance,staysinRomeduringher pilgrimage,sheonlycommentsonherusualprayersandcrying,andtheconflicts

113

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Hartmann von Aue, Erec. Mit einem Abdruck der neuen Wolfenbütteler und Zwettler Erec Fragmente,ed.AlbertLeitzmann,continuedbyLudwigWolff.7th.ed.KurtGärtner.Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 39 (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2006). When Erec arrives at the castle where the tournamentistotakeplace,heavoidsthecastleandturnshishorsetowardthetownbelowit: “einmarketundermhûselac”(222)and:“nûvanterandemwege/vondenliutengrôzenschal. / diu hiuser wâren über al / beherberget vaste” (228–34). Chrétien de Troyes, The Complete Romances, trans. with an introd. by David Staines (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UniversityPress,1990),bycontrast,offersaconsiderablymoredetailedimpressionoflifewithin thecity/town,butwehavetobecarefulinourassessmentofthedetails:“Ereccontinuedhis pursuitofthearmedknightandthedwarf...untiltheyreachedawellsituatedtown,whichwas bothbeautifulandfortified,wheretheyimmediatelyenteredthroughthegateway.Inthetown therewasjubilationamongtheknightsandamongthemaidens,formanybeautifulmaidenswere there.Alongthestreets,somepeoplewerefeedingmoltingfalconsandsparrowhawks;others werebringingtercelsoutside,alongwithsorrelhoodedgoshawks.Elsewhere,otherpeoplewere playinggames,someatdiceoranothergameofchance,othersintentonchessandbackgammon. Infrontofthestablesthegroomswererubbingdownandcurryingthehorses”(5).Althoughwe areledtobelievethatErechasenteredatown,thedescriptionratherinsinuatesthatitisthe courtyardofabigcastle. BiancaKühnel,FromtheEarthlytotheHeavenlyJerusalem:RepresentationsoftheHolyCityinChristian ArtoftheFirstMillenium(Rome:1987);LaGerusalemmeceleste:catalogodella mostra,Milano, UniversitàCattolicadelS.Cuore,20maggio–5giugno1983,ed.MariaLuisaGattiPerer(Milano: VitaePensiero,1983);ClausBernet,“DashimmlischeJerusalemimMittelalter:Mikrohistorische IdealvorstellungenundutopischerUmsetzungsversuch,”Mediaevistik20(2007):9–35. NineRobijntjeMiedema,Die‘MirabiliaRomae’:UntersuchungenzuihrerÜberlieferungmitEdition derdeutschenundniederländischenTexte.MünchenerTexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschen LiteraturdesMittelalters,108(Tübingen:MaxNiemeyer,1996);seealsoChristianK.Zacher, CuriosityandPilgrimage:TheLiteratureofDiscoveryinFourteenthCenturyEngland(Baltimore:The JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1976);ZacharyKarabell,PeaceBeUponYou:TheStoryofMuslim, Christian,andJewishCoexistence(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,2007).Manyotherscholarshave commentedonthesemajorcities;see,forinstance,E.BaldwinSmith,ArchitecturalSymbolismof Imperial Rome and the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955); Richard Krautheimer,Rome,ProfileofaCity:312–1308(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1980).

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withhersocialenvironment:“ThenthiscreaturewastakeninattheHospitalof St. Thomas of Canterbury in Rome, and there she received communion every Sunday with great weeping, violent sobbing and loud crying, and was highly beloved by the Master of the Hospital and all his brethren.”116 For her, the experienceofestablishingspiritualfriendshipwithaGermanpriestwhodidnot evenunderstandEnglishwasmoreimportant thananythingelseintheentire eternal city: “Another time, while this creature was at the church of St. John Lateran,beforethealtar,hearingmass,shethoughtthatthepriestwhosaidmass seemedagoodanddevoutman”(118).Infact,forMargeryRomeservesonlyas abackdropforherownmysticalvisions,oratleastherattemptstoestablishthose: “AnothertimewhileshewasinRome,alittlebeforeChristmas,ourLordJesus Christcommandedhertogotoherconfessor,Wenslawebyname,andaskhimto giveherleavetowearherwhiteclothesonceagain...”(128). Remarkably,wecanidentify,despitethelackofconcretereferencestocitiesin Arthurianromances,moreliterarytextsandartworksfromtheMiddleAgesand theearlymodernagethatactuallyfocusonurbanspaceandthecityasaunique entitythantraditionallyassumed.Whereasahistoricalapproachtothetopicat stakehascertainlyshedmuchlightontheissue,westillneedtoinvestigatehow peopleinpremoderntimesperceivedthecityasaninnovative,challenging,and, mostimportantly,asapromisingandexcitingsiteforacommunitytoestablish itself,profferingeconomicprosperity,security,culture,education,andreligion. KeithD.Lilleyoffersthisintriguingperspective: InthesamewaythatancientRomancitieswereviewedasmicrocosmsofawider Romancosmology,thesocialandspatialorderingofthemedievaltownscapeactedas amirrorofabroadermedievalcosmology.Inparticular,therewasabeliefthatwhat was good in the world was situated at the centre, while that what was ‘other’ or differentoccupiedthe‘edge’,thespatialmargins....This‘coreperiphery’/‘inside outside’ idea is also reflected in ninth and tenthcentury depictions of the holy JerusalemdescendingfromHeaven.117

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The Book of Margery Kempe, trans. B. A. Windeatt (London: Penguin, 1985), 116. For a comprehensivediscussionofherwork,nowseeAlbrechtClassen,ThePowerofaWoman’sVoice inMedievalandEarlyModernLiterature:NewApproachestoGermanandEuropeanWomenWritersand to Violence Against Women in Premodern Times. Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture,1(BerlinandNewYork:WalterdeGruyter,2007),271–308. Keith D. Lilley, Urban Life in the Middle Ages 1000–1450. European Culture and Society (Houndmills,Basingstoke,Hampshire,andNewYork:Palgrave,2002),242.Hisfocusrestsonthe followingtopics:urbanlegacies;institutionalurbanism;geographiesofurbanlaw;lordshipand urbanization; urban landscapes; urban property and landholding; and townspeople and townscapes.

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BeforeIexaminesomeofthebasicaspectsofmedievalandearlymodernurban history,withanemphasisonthehistoryofmentality,letustakeintoviewsome literaryexampleswithimportantreferencestothecityasasignificantsitefora character’sindividualdevelopment. ThroughouttheentireMiddleAgesandfarbeyond,theanonymousnovelfrom late antiquity, the Historia Apollonia Tyrus, attracted enormous attention and enjoyedfarreachingpopularity.Thismightcomeasasurprisebecauseboththe geographicalsetting—theeasternMediterranean—andthevaluesystemcodified inthetextseemtobefarremovedfrommedievalandearlymodernculture.The protagonistoperatesasanideal,butcertainlyabsoluteruler,onlysubjecttoGod andfortune.Traveltakesplacebymeansofships,andpiratesareasteadythreat. Christianityisnotyetpresent,andthesenseofman’sdestinybeingsubjectto fortune,verymuchinthesenseofBoethianteaching,irrespectiveoftheslightly anachronisticproblem,constitutesacentralconcern.Moreover,andthisisthe most significant observation in our context, the narrator and the numerous subsequent translators focus intensively on the city as the critical stage where people interact with each other and also experience some of their worst and happiestmomentsinlife. Althoughtheearliestsurvivingmanuscriptsdatefromtheninthcentury,sixth centuryVenantiusFortunatusalreadyreferstotheHistoriaApolloniaTyrusinone ofhispoems,describinghimselfasbeingsadderthantheprotagonistApollonius. Throughout the following centuries poets continued to cite the Historia and commentonitsimportance.LibrarycataloguesalloverEuropecontainlistingsfor this text since the ninth century, and the number of actually existing Latin manuscriptsisaboutonehundred.Thentherearecountlesstranslationsintothe various vernaculars and creative adaptations, which often incorporated new materialandpursueddifferentagendas.AsElizabethArchibaldconfirms, BythefifteenthcenturythestoryofApolloniuswasbeingretoldinagreatnumberof vernaculars;itswideappealisdemonstratedbytextsfromhithertosilentareas.These includeaCzechversionwithbiblicalandfolklorecolouring[V19];threeGermanprose versions [V25 and 26], not particularly innovative, but in the case of Steinhöwel’s Volksbuchverypopular;aheavilyChristianizedGreekversion,theDiegesisApolloniou [27];andtwoexemplarySpanishversions,basedrespectivelyontheGestaRomanorum andtheConfessioAmantis[V28and29].118

Oncetheprintingpresshadbeeninvented,theHistoriaachievedrenewedfame and popularity in many different languages, and it was also translated into a

118

ElizabethArchibald,ApolloniusofTyre:MedievalandRenaissanceThemesandVariations.Including the text of the Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri with an English translation (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell&Brewer,1991),48–49.

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dramatic version by Shakespeare with his Pericles (1609). Following Archibald again,“Bythefifteenthandsixteenthcenturiesagreatvarietyofversionsexisted: some stressed chivalric values, others Christian morality; some medievalized heavily,othersreintroducedclassicaldetails.”119Wemightgosofarastoclaim thattheHistoriatrulyrepresentsaworldclassic,andthisuntiltoday.Particularly medievalaudiences,however,seemtohaveenjoyedthistext,despite,orperhaps justbecauseof,itsalmostOriental,thatis,certainlyexotic,setting.Surprisingly, throughoutthenovel,thecityemergesasthecentrallocationwheremostofthe significanteventstakeplace.AstheveryfirstlineintheLatintextindicates:“In thecityofAntiochtherewasakingcalledAntiochus,fromwhomthecityitself tookthenameAntioch”(113). Thisrapistfatherisverymuchconcernedwithpreservingtheairofagoodruler whocaresforhispeople,thecitizensofAntioch:“Hepresentedhimselfdeceitfully tohiscitizensasadevotedparent”(115).Hisopponent, youngApollonius,is similarlyidentifiedwithhiscityanditscitizenswhoareworriedabouthimafter hisreturnhomeandwanttopaytheirrespecttohim.Buthehasalreadyleftagain, havingrealizedthathehadactuallysolvedtheriddlepresentedbyAntiochusand mightfaceseriousdangerofbeingkilled. Significantly, the entire population in the city laments and grieves his disappearance,castingthecityintomourning.Wereceiveashortglimpseofthe actualurbanlifeofaRomancity,basicallyunheardofinanymedievaltext:“So greatwashispeople’sloveforhimthatforalongtimethebarbersweredeprived of clients, the shows were cancelled and the baths were closed” (117). Most importantforourinvestigation,thepoethereallowsadeepglanceintotheinterior ofthecity,referringtotheentertainmentandserviceindustry,andthehealthcare system.120Afterall,densecitylifebroughttogethermassesofpeoplefromallstrata of society, and a certain percentage were always trying to make a living from artistic performances and other types of services, some legal, other illegal, as wouldbethecasetodayaswell.“Gamesofsleightofhand,trainedanimals,and songsandlittleconcertswerehabitualspectacles,especiallywhenthearrivalof

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Archibald, Apollonius, 51. For the German print history of this novel, see Bodo Gotzkowsky, “Volksbücher”:Prosaromane,Renaissancenovellen,VersdichtungenundSchwankbücher.Bibliographie der deutschen Drucke. Part I: Drucke des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts. Bibliotheca Bibliographica Aureliana,CXXV(BadenBaden:VerlagValentinKoerner,1991),184–91. GertrudBlaschitz,“DasFreudenhausimMittelalter:Inderstatwasgesessen/ainunrainerpulian . . .,” History of Sexuality in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age, ed. Albrecht Classen. FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModernCulture,3(BerlinandNewYork:deGruyter,2008), 715–50.

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oneofthereligiousholidaysmadeitlikelythatanumerouspublicwouldturnup forthesetemptingattractions.”121 Moreover,theentireurbancommunitydemonstratesitscloseknitrelationship whentheyallturntomourningoverthedisappearanceoftheirlord,aswelearn from a boy’s response to the assassin Taliarchus’s inquiry about the curious situationinthecity:“‘Whatashamelessman!Heknowsperfectlywellandyethe asks!Whodoesnotknowthatthiscityisinmourningforthisreason,becausethe princeofthiscountry,Apollonius,camebackfromAntiochandthensuddenly disappeared’”(117). Apollonius,ontheotherhand,hasreachedanothercityinthemeantime,Tarsus, wherefaminethreatenswithouthopeforareprieve.Theyoungkingintervenes, however,and,speakingona platformintheforumtotheentirepopulace,he assuresthemthathewouldsavethem,grantingthemallthegraintheyneed, without taking any money for it because he does not want to appear as a merchant.Thecitizens,intheirthankfulness,“decidedtoerectabronzestatueto him, and they place it in the forum” (121). Whereas in most other medieval narrativesthefocusrestsonthecourtinacastleorpalace,withoutanysenseofan urbanenvironment,herethecitycommunitycomesforwardandexpressesits thankfulnesscollectively.122 Although the narrative focuses on a protagonist, he does not operate in a vacuumandhastodealwiththepeoplelivinginthecityasawhole.Apollonius’s stageofoperationprovestobethecity,whichfindsitconfirmationalreadyinthe nextsceneafterhehasleftTarsusandalmostdrownsonthehighseaduringa mighty storm that makes his ship sink. Albeit he is a shipwreck, Apollonius quicklyregainshisgoodfortuneinthecityofPentapoliswhereheingratiates himselfwiththekingandhisdaughterwhomheeventuallymarries.Hereonce againtheurbancontextemergesinthebackground,eventhoughonlyfleetingly, whenayoungboyannouncestothepublicthatthegymnasiumhasbeenopened: “‘Listen,citizens,listen,foreigners,freemenandslaves:thegymnasiumisopen!’” (125). Fromhereontheeventsthattakeplacearelimitedtothecourt,whereasthecity itselffadesawayintothebackground.Thereasonforthisdevelopmentsimply consistsofthegrowinglovethattheprincessfeelsforthisamazingforeigner,yet

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ChiaraFrugoni,ADayinaMedievalCity,85.Sheobservesthatinmanycasesthecitygovernments evenpaidforthoseentertainingspectaclesinordertoappeasethepopulationandtokeepitunder control,190,note77:“Quod...camerariuscomunisdeipsiuscomunispecuniadetetsolvatistis tubatoribus,menestreriisetioculatoribusquiveneruntethonoraveruntfestumsanctorumFloridi etAmantiiistaspecunias.” AlbrechtClassen,“ReadingandDecipheringinApolloniusofTyreandtheHistoriavondensieben weisenMeistern:MedievalEpistemologywithinaLiteraryContext,”StudiMedievali49(2008): 161–88.

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wecanbecertainthatthecityitselfremainsaconstantelementbothhereandlater. Andeachtime,despitetheprominentroleplayedbytherespectivekings,wegain aclearsenseoftheurbanpopulationplayingitsownimportantpart.Forinstance, whenApolloniusmarriesArchistrates’sdaughter,thecelebrationsdonotonly takeplaceinthepalace;insteadtheyalsoinvolvetheentirecity:“Therewasgreat rejoicingthroughoutthecity;citizens,foreignersandguestsrevelled”(137).The sameoccursinothercities,suchasMytilene,whereApollonius’sdaughterTarsia istakenasaslaveandprostitutemuchlater.Theurbanpublicisalwayspresent andparticipatesintheeventsthatarelocatedinthecenterofthecity:“Shewas landedamongtheotherslavesandputupforsaleinthemarketplace”(149).Once sheistransferredtothebrothel,wegainanotherinsightintotheurbanspacefilled with people: “Tarsia was taken to the brothel, preceded by a crowd and musicians”(151).Later,whenherfatherhappenstoarriveatMytilene,thecitizens arecelebratingthe“feastofNeptune”(157),andApolloniusallowshiscrewto participateinthehappening,whichopensupanoteworthynarrativebackground withconsiderableurbanspacecrowdedwithpeople. Ofcourse,thecrucialencountersbetweenAthenagoras,theprinceofthecity, andApolloniustakesplaceinthebowoftheshipwherethelatterspendshistime mourning. Once the prince has learned of the other man’s suffering, he sends Tarsia to the ship to lighten up the poor man’s sorrow, which she manages successfully,indeed,whichleadstotheirmutualrecognition.Butforourpurpose the narrative involves two stages here, the ship at the beach, or rather in the harbor,andtheactualcityinthebackground,everpresentbecauseofthebrothel there,thelocalfestivities,andtheextensivefestivities. OnceApolloniushaslearnedofhisdaughter’sdestinyatthehandofthepimp, heexpresseshisintentiontoexacthisrevengeandtodestroythecity.Atenagoras immediately announces this terrible news to the entire city population, which underscores,onceagain,theconsiderabledepthofperceptionuponwhichthis novelispredicated:“WhenprinceAthenagorasheardthis,hebegantocalloutin thestreets,intheforum,inthesenatehouse,saying:‘Hurry,citizensandnobles, orthecitywillbedestroyed’”(169).Theresponseis,ofcourse,enormous,which indicateshowmuchtheurbanpopulationenjoyeditsownweightonthepolitical stageasdescribedhere:“Anenormouscrowdgathered,andtherewassuchan uproaramongthepeoplethatabsolutelynoone,manorwoman,remainedat home”(169). Notsurprisingly,everythingconcludes,likeinafairytale,withahappyending, butthenarratorhastenstoaddabriefcommentonApollonius’srealm,whichis markedbycities,notbycountries,orbyfields,forests,andothertypesofland: “HeruledAntiochandTyreandCyreneashiskingdom,andledapeacefuland happylifewithhiswife”(179).Asaconfirmationforthis,Apollonius’sactionsin Tarsus underscore the importance of the city in the life of all people: “So

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Apollonius added to the public rejoicing in return for this: he restored public works,herebuiltthepublicbaths,thecitywalls,andthetowersonthewalls” (177).Thisfocusonindividualcitiesasthespaceoftragiceventsandpolitical developments characterizes the entire text, which subsequent translators and adaptorsdidnotchangesubstantially.123 InthegoliardicepicHerzogErnst,composedinMiddleHighGermanfirstinca. 1170(ms.A),butfullyavailableonlyintwomuchlatermanuscripts(ms.aandb from1441andlateinthe15thcenturyrespectively)thatarebasedoncopiesfrom theearlythirteenthcentury(reconstructedms.B),themaleprotagoniststruggles foralongtimeagainsthisevilfatherinlaw,EmperorOtte,becauseanenvious advisorhadmalignedtheyoungduke,claimingthatheintendedtousurpthe throne.124Themilitaryconflictragesforalongtime,buteventually,nolongerable to resist the pressure, the duke has to leave his country and he goes on a pilgrimagetotheHolyLand.OnhiswaytherehestopsatConstantinopleandis warmlywelcomedbytheByzantineemperorandhiscourt.Thenarratordoesnot commentonthecityatall;insteadhefocusesonthepersonalrelationshipbetween thesetwoleaderswhodisplaygreatrespectforeachother. AftersometimeErnstreceivesawellequippedshipandembarksonhisnext journey, accompanied by a whole flotilla of Greek ships. But after five days a mighty storm arises and almost everyone drowns, except Ernst and his men. Nevertheless,threemonthspasswithoutthemreachingfirmland,andtheybegin

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FortheGermantradition,particularlywithregardtoHeinrichvonNeustadt’sApolloniusvon Tyrland,seeSimoneSchultzBalluff,Dispositiopicta–Dispositioimaginum:ZumZusammenhangvon Bild,Text,Strukturund‘Sinn’indenÜberlieferungsträgernvonHeinrichsvonNeustadt”Apolloniusvon Tyrland”.DeutscheLiteraturvondenAnfängenbis1700,45(Bern,Berlin,etal.:PeterLang,2006), 136–53.Thepictorialprogramisconsistently,evenifnotalways,predicatedoncityscapesinthe backgroundorloominglargeonthehorizon.SeenowalsoGiovanniGarbugino,Enigmidella Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri. Testi e manuali per l’insegnamento universitario del latino, 82 (Bologna:Patròn,2004);G.A.A.Kortekaas,CommentaryontheHistoriaApolloniiTyri.Mnemosyne, BibliothecaClassicaBatava,Supplementum,284(LeidenandBoston:Brill,2007). HerzogErnst:EinmittelalterlichesAbenteuerbuch,herausgegeben,übersetzt,mitAnmerkungenund einemNachwortversehenvonBernhardSowinski(1974;Stuttgart:Reclam,1979).Forfurther studies,seeAlbrechtClassen,“MedievalTravelintoanExoticOrient:TheSpielmannseposHerzog ErnstasaTravelintotheMedievalSubconsciousness,”Lesarten.NewMethodologiesandOldTexts, ed.AlexanderSchwarz,Tausch,2(Frankfurta.M.,NewYork,andParis:Lang,1990),103–24;id., “MulticulturalismintheGermanMiddleAges?TheRediscoveryofaModernConceptinthePast: TheCaseofHerzogErnst,”MulticulturalismandRepresentation.SelectedEssays,ed.JohnRiederand LarryE.Smith(Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiiPress,1996),198–219;seealsotheintroduction to Gesta Ernesti ducis: Die Erfurter ProsaFassung der Sage von den Kämpfen und Abenteuern des Herzogs Ernst, ed. Peter Christian Jacobsen and Peter Orth. Erlanger Forschungen. Reihe A: Geisteswissenschaften,82(Erlangen:UniversitätsBibliothek,1997),1–83;OdovonMagdeburg, Ernestus, ed. and commentary Thomas A.P. Klein. Spolia Berolinensia, 1 (Hildesheim: WeidmannscheVerlagsbuchhandlung,2000),IX–LXII.

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tofeardyingfromhungerandthirst.Inthelastmoment,sotospeak,theyfinally reachthecountryGrippiawheretheyhopetorestocktheirsupplies.Thesailors releasetheanchorandtheknightsapproachthecityitselfwhichunexpectedly emergesasamiraculousphenomenoninarchitecturalandaestheticterms. Grippiaprovestobethefirstextensivedescriptionofamajorcityinmedieval vernacular literature, if we ignore the numerous references to classical Troy, Carthage,andRome,thethreemonumentalstagesinAeneas’scareer,fleeingfrom burningTroyviaCarthagetoItalywherehefounds,uponthegods’commands, thenewcity,imperialRome.125 ThegoliardicpoetofthisMiddleHighGermantalehadreferredtoseveralcities before,suchasthoseoccupiedbyDukeErnstandtheEmperorrespectively.In thosecaseseachcitywastreatedasafortressthattheenemybesieges,suchas Nuremberg(878),whichcanresistOtte’sarmyandprovestobeimpenetrableto thehostileforces.Insofarastheemperordoesnoteasilyachievehisgoaltosquash theyoungduke,hecallsforanimperialdietinSpeyer,butthatcityishardlygiven anyprofile,andthedescriptionseemstobeentirelylimitedtothecourtwherethe emperorresides(1243–44). In a highly bold move, Ernst secretly enters the palace to assassinate the emperor,whomanages,however,toescapeinthelastminute,whereashisevil advisor,theCountofthePalatinate,isdecapitated.Ernstandhismenmaketheir wayoutofthecampsafely,anddisappearinthedistance,asiftherehadnotbeen anycitywalls,guards,streets,marketsquares,andothertypicalelementsofa fortifiedmedievalcity.

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See,forinstance,AdolfEmileCohen,DevisieopTrojevandewestersemiddeleeuwsegeschiedschrijvers tot1160.VanGorcum’shistorischebibliotheek,XXV(Assen:VanGorcum,1941);C.DavidBenson, TheHistoryofTroyinMiddleEnglishLiterature:GuidodelleColonne’sHistoriaDestructionisTroiaein MedievalEngland(Woodbridge,Suffolk:D.S.Brewer,andTotowa,NJ:Rowman&Littlefield, 1980); Gert Melville, Troja: die integrative Wiege europäischer Mächte im ausgehenden Mittelalter (Stuttgart:KlettCotta,1986);Entrefictionethistoire:TroieetRomeaumoyenâge,ed.Emmanuèle Baumgartner and Laurence HarfLancner (Paris: Presses de la Sourbonne Nouvelle, 1997); FantasiesofTroy:ClassicalTalesandtheSocialImaginaryinMedievalandEarlyModernEurope,ed. AlanShepardandStephenD.Powell.EssaysandStudies,5(Toronto:CentreforReformationand RenaissanceStudies,2004).Thisshortselectionofrelevantstudiesclearlydemonstrateshowmuch themythofTroyhasdeterminedWesternEuropethroughoutthecenturies,thoughthefocushas notnecessarilyrestedonTroyasacityinitsarchitecturaldimensions.SeealsoSylviaFederico, New Troy: Fantasies of Empire in the Late Middle Ages. Medieval Cultures, 36 (Minneapolis: UniversityofMinnesotaPress,2003);BettanyHughes,HelenofTroy:Goddess,Princess,Whore(New York:A.Knopf,2005);WolframA.Keller,Selves&Nations:theTroyStoryfromSicilytoEnglandin the Middle Ages (Heidelberg: Winter, 2008). For solid studies of the role of Troy in medieval German literature, see Manfred Kern, Agamemnon weint, oder, arthurische Metamorphose und trojanischeDestruktionim“GöttweigerTrojanerkrieg”ErlangerStudien,104(Erlangen:Palm&Enke, 1995);ElisabethLienert,GeschichteundErzählen:StudienzuKonradsvonWürzburg“Trojanerkrieg”. WissensliteraturimMittelalter,22(Wiesbaden:L.Reichert,1996).

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Whentheemperorlaterstrikesback,heattacksthecastlesandcitiesinErnst’s dukedomofBavaria,thoughhefacesstiffresistance,particularlybythecitizens ofRegensburg,whogiveuptheirfightonlyafterfiveyearsofbitterfighting. Duringthattimeofsiege,bothsidesmakeeverypossibleattempttothwartthe opponent’smilitaryoperations,butattheendtheemperorcarriesthedaybecause of his better resources. The narrator provides only fleeting descriptions of the entirecity,emphasizingthecitygates(1467),thetowersandotherpartsofthe fortificationsystem(1531),andthemoat(1547),andhealsoreferstothecitizens asthedefenders(1521),butoverallheconceivesofRegensburgasa“burg,”or castle(1570),althoughhealsoresortstotheterm“stat,”orcity(1556).126 ThesituationinGrippiaisentirelydifferent.Wemightreallydoubtwhether NurembergorRegensburgasdescribedherefleetinglyrepresentsacityinthe ancientorinthemodernsenseoftheword,consideringthatthenarrativefocus thererestsalmostentirelyonthefortificationsystem.Bycontrast,Grippiaconsists offullydevelopedurbanspace,withstreets,palaces,squares,acitywall,towers, andapark,initsmostsplendiddesignrepresentingalmostamedievalurban utopia.Asophisticateddefensesystemwithastrongwall,gates,andamoatis presentaswell,butthewall,forinstance,isbrilliantlydecorated,consistingof marble stones glowing brightly in many different colors (2215–29). Moreover, almost undermining the basic function of the wall to defend the city, many sculptureshavebeenattachedthatstronglyreflectthelight(2224–29),asifthey serveonlydecorativepurposes.Thenarrator’seyescarefullywanderoverallthe details,suchasthemerlonsandcrenels,coveredwithgoldandgems(2233–39), asiftheydidnothaveanymilitaryandarchitecturalfunction.Nevertheless,the poet still emphasizes that this was a castle (“burc,” 2240) that could not be conquered. Forourpurposeofexploringthementalhistoricalconstructandperceptionof urbanspaceintheMiddleAgesandtheearlymodernageaspartofthewider mentalhistory,thenarrativepresentationofGrippiadeservesgreaterattention.127 Theradiusoftheentirecityisextensive,andtheforeignerscanhardlyfindtheir wayintoitwithoutgettinglost(2510).Manyvaluablesculpturesdecoratethecity, andsodonumerouspalaces,givingarealofsenseofacomplexarchitectural ensemble.Grippiaislocatednexttothesea,makingitimpossibleforpotential

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JeanDenis G. G. Lepage, Castles and Fortified Cities of Medieval Europe: An Illustrated History (Jefferson, NC, and London: McFarland, 2002), offers an excellent and detailed encyclopedic overviewofmedievalcities. HartmutKugler,DieVorstellungderStadtinderLiteraturdesdeutschenMittelalters.Münchener TexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschenLiteraturdesMittelalters,88(Munich:Artemis,1986), 19,133;AlbrechtClassen,“ConfrontationwiththeForeignWorldoftheEast:SaracenPrincesses in Medieval German Narratives,” Orbis Litterarum 53 (1998): 277–95; Richard Spuler, “The OrientreiseofHerzogErnst,”Neophilologus67.3(1983):410–18.

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attackerstosurroundtheentirecityfromallsides(2553–56).Ananimalpark,like azoo,constitutestheheartofthecity,buttheroyalpalacedominateseverything, coveredwithgoldandgreenemeralds.Theindividualroomsdazzletheobserver with all their gems in the walls (2565–67). One of them impresses above all, obviouslyaking’sprivatechamber(2570–2644).Thenarratoriscarefultoadd interiorspacetohisoveralldescriptionofthecity,therebyprovidingdepthtothe urbantableau. OnceErnstandhisadvisorWetzelhaveleftthebuildingagain,theyentera largeyardinwhichmanycedartreeshavebeenplanted.Totheirdelight,thereis alsoabathhousewherewarmandcoldwaterflowsintothetubsdependingon theuser’sdesires(2670–78).128Oncethewaterhasrunthroughthetubs,itexits themagainandpoursoutontothestreetwhereitcanserveasacleaningagent. Theentiresetupprovestobemostefficientandimpressive,asifGrippiawerean eighteenthcenturycitywithanextensiveandsophisticatedcanalizationandsewer system: dazgeschachmitsinne. diestrâzendarinne beidegrôzundkleine wârnvonmarmelsteine, sumlîchegrüenealseingras. soinderburcerhabenwas undmandâschônewoldehân, sôliezmandazwazzersân überaldieburcgên. sômohtedânihtbestên wederdazhornochdermist. ineinervilkurzenfrist sôwartdiuburcvilreine. ichwæneburcdeheine ûferdeniesôrîchgestê: irstrâzenglizzensôdersnê.

(2682–98)

[Thiswasarrangeddeliberately. Allthestreetsinthecity, boththegreatandthesmallones, werebuiltoutofmarblestones,

128

ForthehistoryofbathsandbathingintheMiddleAges,seeGertrudWagner,DasGewerbeder BaderundBarbiereimdeutschenMittelalter(Zelli.W.:F.Buar,1917);HansJürgenSarholz,Heilbäder imMittelalter:dieAnfängederKurinMitteleuropa.BadEmserHefte,155(BadEms:VDGL,1996); seealsoGeorgesVigarello,ConceptsofCleanliness:ChangingAttitudesinFrancesincetheMiddle Ages,trans.JeanBirrell(1985;CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress;Paris: MaisondeSciencesdel’Homme,1988).

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AlbrechtClassen someasgreenasgrass. Whenpeoplewokeupinthecity(castle) anddesiredittobeclean, theyletthewaterimmediatelyrunout throughouttheentireplace. Nothingofallthedirtanddust couldthenstaybehind. Veryquicklythecity wasveryclean. Ibelievethereisnoothercity intheworldlikethisone: itsstreetsgleamlikesnow.]

Thecontemporaryaudiencewouldhaveagreed,andevenwithinthenarrative contextwecanconfirmtheremarkabledifferencebetweenthosecitieslocatedin WesternEurope,suchasNurembergandRegensburg,andGrippiasomewherein theexoticOrient.Generallyspeaking,neitherlargepublicspacesnorhygienein the modern sense of the word was fully available or of major significance in medievalcities,129thoughtheyquicklyemergedinthelateMiddleAgesandthe Renaissance,alongwithmajorpublicbuildings,suchastownhalls,guildhouses, courtbuildings,etc.130AsPhilippeContaminenotes: Perhapsthemoststrikingfeatureofthemedievalcitywasthescarcityofpublicplaces and buildings. Streets and squares were under the jurisdiction of the municipal, seigneurial,orroyalauthorities,andtherightofeminentdomainwasnotunknown. Nevertheless,onehastheimpressionthatthepublicspherewaslimitedandresidual; worsestill,itwasconstantlythreatenedbyprivateencroachment.131

Nevertheless,wemustnotforgetthat“[p]eopleintheMiddleAgesspentalotof timetogether,inthestreetswiththeirneighbors....Dealersandartisansforthe mostparthadtheirshopsinthehousestheylivedin,onthegroundfloor,and displayedtheirproductsinthestreetoncountersmadeofwood,orbuiltintothe

129

130 131

SeethecontributionstoMedievalPracticesofSpace,ed.BarbaraA.HanawaltandMichalKobialka. Medieval Cultures, 23 (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2000). As HanawaltandKobialkaemphasizeintheirintroduction,“Byfocusingonthepracticeswithina heterogeneousspace,itbecomesapparentthatspaceisthoroughlyimbuedwithquantitiesand qualitiesmarkingthepresenceofbodies,signs,andthoughtsthathaddisappearedfromviewor adiscourseinthetopographyofthemedievallandscape.”(xi) GeorgesZarnicki,ArtoftheMedievalWorld,395–97. PhilippeContamine,“PeasantHearthtoPapalPalace:TheFourteenthandFifteenthCenturies,” RevelationsoftheMedievalWorld,ed.GeorgesDuby,trans.ArthurGoldhammer.AHistoryof PrivateLife,II(1985;Cambridge,MA,andLondon:TheBelknapPressofHarvardUniversity Press, 1988), 425–505; here 438. See also the entertaining and well informed study by Daniel Furrer,WasserthronundDonnerbalken:EinekleineKulturgeschichtedesstillenÖrtchens(Darmstadt: PrimusVerlag,2004),38–55.Healsodiscussesthehistoryofmedievalbaths.

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wallofthehouse.”132OnlybythelateMiddleAgesdidthissituationbeginto change,andbothconcernsforpublichygieneandtheimprovementofpubliclife were voiced repeatedly, which led to more distinct separations of private and publicspaces.AntonioofBeatiscommented,forinstance,onMechelninBelgium: “Superbcity,verylargeandhighlyfortified.Nowherehaveweseenstreetsmore spaciousormoreelegant.Theyarepavedwithsmallstones,andthesidesslope downslightly,sothatwaterandmudneverremainstanding.”133 ReturningtotheMiddleHighGermangoliardicpoem,notsurprisingly,Grippia withitsalmostmodernlookingcanalizationsystemwouldhavetoberegardedas anextraordinaryexception,perhapsalmostlikeanarchitecturalideal.Medieval citiescertainlydidnotlooklikethat,andthecommentsaboutRegensburgand NurembergdonotindicateatallanysimilaritieswithGrippia.Ofcourse,thepoet projectsanidealsetting,almostanurbanutopia,butheonlyglorifiesthebuilding elements,whereasthepeoplepopulatingthatcityquicklyturnouttobemembers ofamonstrousrace,halfhumanandhalfcrane.Astobeexpected,hardlyhave ErnstandWetzelfinishedtakingabathandputontheirarmoragainwhenthe Grippiansreturnfromawarcampaignduringwhichtheyhavekilledthekingof Indiaandhiswife,andhavekidnappedtheirbeautifuldaughter.TheGrippian kingwantstomarryher,butwhenaservantdiscoversthetwotravelershidingin adarkcorner,theybelievethatsomeoftheprincess’sservantshavefollowed,so they stab her to death with their beaks, which then forces the heroes to rush forwardandkilleveryoneintheirway,hackingawaythroughthethrongstothe citygatewheretheyareeventuallyrescuedbytheirownpeople.Outsidethey unexpectedlyfaceanarmyofGrippians,andtheycanbarelyfighttheirwaytothe ships,losingmanyoftheirownmen. Once Ernst and his companions have left Grippia behind, they encounter numerousotheradventures,buttheynevercomeacrossacityliketheonebuilt bythosecranepeople,althoughtheyspendalongtimewithothermonstrous peoples in the mysterious East. Surprisingly, not even Jerusalem is deemed importantenoughtoreceiveanyparticularattentionlaterinthenarrative.We onlylearnthatDukeErnsteventuallyreachedthegoalofhispilgrimage/crusade

132

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ChiaraFrugoni,ADayinaMedievalCity,49–50.Shereferstoliteraryandarthistoricalevidence, suchasanovellabyFrancoSacchettiandaminiatureinamanuscriptfromca.1470.Turningfrom thepublictotheprivatespace,sheemphasizes:“Theshortageofspaceintheinteriorsdrove peopleoutofdoors;thestreetsbecameevermorenarrow,evenastheybecamemoreanimated, becausemenandwomenstoppedinfrontofthecounterstobuy,tomakecontracts,tochat, perhapswithamemberofthehousehold....Womenlikedtobeatthewindoworonthebalcony ...”(51).“Menlikedtobeinthestreetsandthepiazzas,doingbusiness,makingpurchases, talkingandarguingaboutthings”(58).Whetherthisstrictgenderdifferentiationregardingpublic andprivatespaceinamedievalcitycanbeupheldremainstobeexaminedmorecarefully.See thecontributiontothisvolumebyLiaB.Ross. CitedfromContamine,“PeasantHearth,”441.

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andfoughtforalongtimeagainsttheinfidels,acquiringagreatreputation.Once hehasbeensecretlyinformedthathisfatherinlaw,theGermanemperor,has changed his mind and would welcome him back home, Ernst departs from Jerusalem and travels to Europe, paying on his way west a visit to Rome, of course. But again, here the narrative focus does not rest on the urban space; insteadweonlyhearthatthedukewasledtoSaintPeteranddonatedvaluable cloths(5800–24). OnlyGrippiaemergesasaveritablecityinthemodernsenseoftheword,but itseemsmorelikeanexoticentitythananidealmodel,despiteallitsbeautyand cleanliness.AndonceErnsthasreachedGermanyagain,allpersonalencounters takeplaceatcourtandinacathedral,whichleavesouttheurbanspaceentirely. Although medieval society was mostly determined by feudalism—for an exception, see Iceland—and the dominance of the rural population at least in statisticalterms,itwouldbeincorrecttoignorethedeepandgrowingimpactof citiesandcitylife,aswehaveobservedrepeatedly.Historianshavepaidgreat attentiontothisphenomenon,andwewouldcarryproverbialowlstoAthensif we wanted to review and rewrite the history of medieval cities.134 Individual scholarshavealsodiscussedhowthecitywaspresentedandprojectedinmedieval literature.HartmutKugler,forinstance,examinesthelaudesurbium,theliterary imagesofCarthageandRome,themetaphorofthecelestialcityofJerusalemand itsconcretefunctioninthehistoricalcontext,andfinallythecityasthecenterof aregiondeterminedbyhumanactivities,implyingthesitusurbisasthecentral locationofacomplexcommunalsystem.135Butasourdiscussionofthegoliardic epicpoemHerzogErnsthasindicated,wealsoneedtoapproachthetopicofurban spacefromamentalhistoricalperspective. Howmightthevariousaudiencesofthismostpopulartalehavereactedtothe stunningdescriptionofGrippia?Diditrepresentaliterarydreamorawarning againstexcessivedevelopmentoftheurbanspacewhichcouldonlybefoundin theexoticEast?Afterall,Ernsttakestoomuchtimeenjoyingtheurbanprivileges, wanderingaroundinamazementandthentakingabath,whereheiscaughtby surprise when the Grippians finally return and begin with their wedding 134

135

See,forinstance,NormanPounds,TheMedievalCity.GreenwoodGuidestoHistoricEventsofthe Medieval World (Westport, CT, and London: Greenwood, 2005). He discusses the following topics:origins;theurbanplan;theurbanwayoflife;theChurchinthecity;citygovernment; urbancraftsandtrade;health,wealth,andwelfare.Hecorrectlyconcludesthatthecitybecame “thefastestgrowingandthewealthiestofanydivisionofsociety,anditwasquicktomakeits influencefeltatleastinwesternandcentralEurope”(153).Reviewingthearchitectural,artistic, intellectual,religious,andpoliticalinheritancefromtheMiddleAges,allattributabletothecity, henotes:“Theartisticandculturalachievementofwesterncivilization,likeitspoliticallegacy, wasbyandlargetheachievementofitscitiesandtowns”(163). Kugler,DieVorstellung.

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festivities. On the one hand the protagonist proves to be a victim of his own curiosity and temptability, awestruck by the beauty and wealth of the urban architecture.Ontheother,hisentirejourneyrepresentsariteofpassageforhim, ultimatelyleadingtoaformofrebirthonceheandhismenhavetraveledthrough amountainonalittleraftduringtheirnextmajoradventure.136 ThiswouldimplythatGrippiarepresentsthefirstofmanychallengesforhim, thoughthecityitselfwouldnotconstituteathreattohischaracterormorality. Instead,heisseriouslyconcernedwithanderoticallyinterestedinrescuingthe Indianprincess,thoughheunderestimatesthemilitaryprowessandstrengthof thecranepeople.Infact,heandhiscompanionWetzelwouldhavediedattheend hadnothiscomradesarrivedintimetofreethemfromthedeadlyconflictwithin thecity,forcingtheirwaythroughthegatetotheinside. One could also not really blame Duke Ernst for his desire to visit the city a second time and then to take a bath in the most sophisticated bathhouse —apparentlyanexoticrarityforhimandhisadvisor.Nevertheless,thecityitself representsothernessandthedangerofthemysteriousOrientfortheChristian warrioronhispilgrimagetoJerusalem.137Despiteallitsluxuriousness,splendor, size,andwealth,GrippiawouldnotbeaplacewhereErnstcouldexist,orjustrest, andattheendhemustliterallyhackhiswayoutofthecity,barelysurvivingthe onslaughtbytheGrippianarmyoutside.Thisdoesnotmean,however,thatthe anonymous poet of Herzog Ernst would cast this city as a site of sinfulness, debauchery,anddecadence,perhapsasanewSodomandGomorrah.Infact,the protagonist deeply admires the urban architecture and enjoys the unheard of amenitiesthatthiscityoffersitsuninvitedguests. Admittedly,thecranepeoplearenotdescribedinpositiveterms:theycarryout a brutal and unjustified warfare against India, and they immediately stab the kidnappedprincesstodeathwhentheythinkthatsomeIndiansoldiersarehiding inthepalace.Buttheybehavelikemostothermedievalpeoplewouldhave,and theirkingcouldeasilybecomparedtoanyotherEuropeanruler,consideringthe vastcorpusofbridalquestnarratives. Thegoliardicpoemcontainselementsofcriticismofandadmirationforthisnew typeofcity;itoffersamostappealingimageofsuchanarchitecturalmarveltothe

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David Malcolm Blamires, Herzog Ernst and the Otherworld Voyage: A Comparative Study. PublicationsoftheFacultyofArtsoftheUniversityofManchester,24(Manchester:Manchester University Press, 1979); Albrecht Classen, “Medieval Travel into an Exotic Orient: The Spielmannsepos Herzog Ernst as a Travel into the Medieval Subconsciousness,” Lesarten: New MethodologiesandOldTexts,ed.AlexanderSchwarz.Tausch,2(Frankfurta.M.,NewYork,and Paris:PeterLang,1990),103–24. Forfurtherreflectionsuponthisphenomenon,seethecontributionstoDiesseitsundJenseitsreisen imMittelalter:Voyagesdansl’icibasetdansl’audelàaumoyenâge,ed.WolfDieterLange.Studium Universale,14(BonnandBerlin:BouvierVerlag,1992).

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generalaudienceandyetalsowarnsthemnottoidentifytoocloselywiththiskind ofcitybecausetheinhabitantsbelongtothemonstrousraces,whichassociates theirurbanspacealsowithasenseofthedangerousexotic. InalllikelihoodthepoetreflecteduponthenewexperiencesthattheChristian crusadershadintheHolyLandwheretheyencounteredasuperiorandhighly advancedurbanculturewhichwassoontoinfluencewesterncivilizationaswell intermsofurbanspace. YetthiswasonlyoneofamyriadofperspectivestowardthemedievalcityinEast and West, and we also would have to consider the most important world of learningandschoolingatleastsincethetwelfthcenturythatemergedinurban centerswhenthetraditionalcathedralschoolslostesteemandhadtocedemuch oftheirinfluenceandauthoritytonewinstitutionsofhigherlearning.138Afterall, withthetwelfthcentury,universitiessprangupeverywhereinEurope,allofthem locatedincitiesanddrawingspecificallyfromurbanlife,whetherinParis,Oxford, Cambridge, Bologna, Salamanca, Salerno, or in Montpellier, Toledo, and ultimatelyalsonorthoftheAlpsinPrague,Heidelberg,Cracow,andVienna.The lifeandcareerofPeterAbelard(1079–1142),oneofthemostfamousmedieval philosophers,wasintimatelyandsignificantlypredicatedanddependentonurban space, despite his various attempts to withdraw into an isolated monastic communityfarawayfromParis.139Infact,asanysurveyofmedievalliteraturewill

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C. Stephen Jaeger, The Envy of Angels: Cathedrals Schools and Social Ideals in Medieval Europe, 950–1200. Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994); Alan Balfour,TheMedievalUniversities:TheirDevelopmentandOrganization(London:Methuen,1975); UniversitiesandSchoolinginMedievalSociety,edWilliamJ.Courtenay.EducationandSocietyin theMiddleAgesandRenaissance,10(Leiden:Brill,2000);VernL.Bullough,Universities,Medicine and Science in the Medieval West. Variorum Collected Studies Series, 781 (Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 2004); Rainer Christoph Schwinges, Studenten und Gelehrte: Studien zur Sozial und KulturgeschichtedeutscherUniversitätenimMittelalter.EducationandSocietyintheMiddleAges andRenaissance,32(Leiden:Brill,2008).Thereisalegionoffurtherdetailedresearchonmedieval andearlymodernlearningandschooling.NowseeHuntJanin,TheUniversityinMedievalLife, 1179–1499 (Jefferson, NC, and London: McFarland, 2008), though his study is marred by numerous mistakes and a rather superficial treatment of his topic. Particularly his explicit criticismofallegedlyhairsplittingscholarshipinthiscontextisratherironicandamusing.The most seminal study proves to be A History of the Universities in Europe, ed. Hilde de Ridder Symoens.Vol.1:UniversitiesintheMiddleAges(CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversity Press,2003). NowseeLettersofPeterAbelard,BeyondthePersonal,trans.JanM.Ziolkowski.MedievalTextsin Translation(Washington,D.C.:TheCatholicUniversityofAmericaPress,2008),whichoffersan excellentoverviewofAbelard’sbiographyandthemostcriticalpositionsofmodernresearch focusedonhisworkandrelationshipwithhissocialenvironment.Themostcomprehensivestudy of medieval universities continues to be Universities in the Middle Ages, ed. Hilde de Ridder Symoens History of the University in Europe, 1 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge UniversityPress,1992).

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demonstrate,bythethirteenthcenturythefocusofliteraryproductivitymoved awayfromthecourtstotheurbancenters,reflectingaprofoundtransformation process even in terms of mental history.140 Nevertheless, the universities increasinglybecametheintellectualcentersoflatemedievaltowns,andtherewere numerouseconomicconsequencesfortheurbanpopulationaswell,whetherwe thinkofroomandboardforscholarsandstudents,bookproduction,theerection ofspecialuniversitybuildings,andartsandentertainment.141 Turning to the late Middle Ages, increasingly cityscapes dot the imaginary landscapeofpoetsandwriters.OneofthemostinfluentialFrenchpoets,Christine dePizan(ca.1364–1430),wentevensofarastoutilizethemetaphorofthecityfor herruminationsonwomen’sfreedomandequality.142InherCityofLadies(1405) she creates one of the most remarkable manifestoes for women’s rights and women’spowerintheMiddleAges,drawing,forinstance,fromAristotle’sPolitics andAugustine’sCityofGod,bothtimesbeing inspiredbytheirphilosophical religiousmetaphorofthecityasthecentralsiteofhumanhistory.143Allthese

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Ursula Peters, Literatur in der Stadt: Studien zu den sozialen Voraussetzungen und kulturellen Organisationsformen städtischer Literatur im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert. Studien und Texte zur SozialgeschichtederLiteratur,7(Tübingen:Niemeyer,1983);ÜberBürger,Stadtundstädtische LiteraturimSpätmittelalter:BerichtüberKolloquienderKommissionzurErforschungderKulturdes Spätmittelalters1975–1977,ed.JosefFlecksteinandKarlStackmann.AbhandlungenderAkademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen.; PhilologischHistorische Klasse, 3. Folge, 121 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1980);HeinzSchilling,DieStadtinderfrühenNeuzeit.Enzyklopädie deutscherGeschichte,24(Munich:Oldenbourg,1993).Forarecentsurveyofliteraturecomposed inlatemedievalcities,seeGraemeDunphy,“LiteraryTransitions,1300–1500:FromLateMedieval toEarlyModern,”EarlyModernGermanLiterature:1350–1700,ed.MaxReinhart.TheCamden House HistoryofGermanLiterature,4(Rochester,NY,andWoodbridge,Suffolk:Boydell& Brewer,2007),43–87;here62–74. Francsisco Bertelloni, “Nähe und Distanz zu Aristoteles: Die neue Bedeutung von civitas im politischenDenkendes13.bis15.Jahrhunderts:ZwischenThomasvonAquinundNikolasvon Kues,” University, Council, City: Intellectual Culture on the Rhine (1300–1550): Acts of the XIIth InternationalColloquiumoftheSociétéInternationalepourlÉtudedelaPhilosophieMédiévale,Freiburg imBreisgau,27–29October2004,ed.LaurentCesalli,NadjaGermann,andM.J.F.M.Hoenen. RecontresdePhilosophiemédiévale,13(Turnhout:Brepols,2007),323–47. Thenumberofolderandmorerecentstudiesonthistextislegion;sufficeitheretorefertoashort selection:Forasympathetic,briefthoughconciseintroductiontoChristine,seeElisaNarinvan Court,“ChristinedePizan,”EncyclopediaofMedievalLiterature,ed.JayRuud(NewYork:Factson File,2006),135–38.SeealsoBärbelZühlke,ChristinedePizaninTextundBild:ZurSelbstdarstellung einerfrühhumanistischenIntellektuellen.ErgebnissederFrauenforschung,36(StuttgartandWeimar: J.B.Metzler,1994);SisterPrudenceAllen,R.S.M.,TheConceptofWoman.Vol.2:TheEarlyHumanist Reformation,1250–1500(GrandRapids,MI,andCambridge:WilliamB.Eerdmans,2002),610–54. LoriJ.Walters,“LaRéécrituredeSaintAugustinparChristinedePizan:DeLaCitédeDieuàla Citédesdames,”AuChampsdesescripture:IIIe.ColloqueinternationalsurChristinedePizan,ed.Erick Hicks,DiegoGonzalez,andPhilippeSimon.Étudeschristiniennes,6(Paris:Champion,2000), 195–215.

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detailsdonotneedtobediscussedherefurthersincetheyhavebeenexplored manytimesbefore,whereasthemetaphoritselfdeservesgreaterattentionthanit hasenjoyedsofar.144 Three allegorical ladies appear to the authornarrator who represent fundamentalvirtuesthatanywomancanorshouldsubscribeto,ifnotanyperson: reason,rectitude,andjustice.TheychallengeChristinetobuildacitywhereall womencanproperlyresidebecauseitwouldbebuiltuponthosevaluesandideals bywhichallpeoplecouldlivehonorably.Whereasacitynormallyrepresented, in concrete, material terms, a location where a maximum of protection was availabletothecitizens,theseallegoricalfiguresimplyconsiderablymore:“sothat fromnowon,ladiesandallvaliantwomenmayhavearefugeanddefenseagainst the various assailants, whose ladies who have been abandoned for so long, exposedlikeafieldwithoutasurroundinghedge....”145 LadyReasonevengoesintofurtherdetailswhyChristineshouldbuildacityfor allwomen:“youwilldrawfreshwatersfromusfromclearfountains,andwewill bringyousufficientbuildingstone,strongerandmoredurablethananymarble withcementcouldbe.ThusyourCitywillbeextremelybeautiful,withoutequal, andofperpetualdurationintheworld”(177).Ontheonehand,themetaphorof thecityserveswellasanexpressionofstrengthforwomeninahostileworld;on theotheritindicatesthatwomencanhaveaplaceoftheirown,beingproudof theirownbeautyandinnerstrength.ComparingthecityoftheAmazonswiththe onetobeerectedbyChristine,LadyReasoninsiststhatthelatterwilllastlonger than the former because of its better and more solid foundation and defense mechanisms:“[it]willbefarstronger,andforitsfoundingIwascommissioned, inthecourseofourcommondeliberations,tosupplyyouwithdurableandpure mortartolaythesturdyfoundationsandtoraisetheloftywallsallaround,high andthick,withmightytowersandstrongbastions,surroundedbymoatswith firmblockhouses,justasisfittingforacitywithastrongandlastingdefense” (178). WhereasinHistoriaApolloniusthereisaclearsenseofaveritablecitywitha complexpopulation,hereChristineresortstostandardimagesofthecitybasically constituted by its defense structures. The actual city as a site for a closeknit

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See,forinstance,JudithL.Kellog,“LeLivredelacité desdames:ReconfiguringKnowledgeand ReimaginingGenderedSpace,”ChristinedePizan:ACasebook,ed.BarbaraK.Altmann,DeboraL. McGrady,withaforewordbyCharityCannonWillard.RoutledgeMedievalCasebooks,34(New YorkandLondon:Routledge,2003),129–46;BetsyMcCormick,“BuildingtheIdealCity:Female MemorialPraxisinChristinedePizan’sCitédesDames,”StudiesinLiteraryImagination36,1(2003): 149–71. TheWritingsofChristinedePizan.Selectedanded.byCharityCannonWillard(NewYork:Persea Books,1994),176.SeealsoChristinedePizan,TheBookoftheCityofLadies,trans.andwithan introductionandnotesbyRosalindBrownGrant(London:Penguin,1999).

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population, or community, with countless social groups and classes that all collaborate, in a way, to make the urban identity possible, however, does not actually surface in the text. Only Lady Rectitude offers meaningful reflections upontheactualurbanspace,whensheremarks:“Allthingsaremeasuredbythis ruler,foritspowersareinfinite.ItwillserveyoutomeasuretheedificeoftheCity whichyouhavebeencommissionedtobuild,andyouwillneeditforconstructing thefaçade,forerectingthehightemples,formeasuringthepalaces,houses,and allpublicbuildings,thestreetsandsquares,andallthingspropertohelppopulate theCity”(179).146 LadyJustice,finally,inhercommentsaboutwhathermeaningmightbeinthe constructionoftheallegoricalcity,mentionsfurtherarchitecturalelements:“my jobwillbetoconstructthehighroofsofthetowersandoftheloftymansionsand innswhichwillallbemadeoffineshininggold.ThenIwillpopulatetheCityfor youwithworthladiesandthemightyQueenwhomIwillbringtoyou”(180). OnlysomeoftheillustratedmanuscriptscontainingChristine’stextalsoprovide imagery of an actual city. Ms. Harley 4431, British Library, London, however, provestobeanexcellentexceptionwhereonfol.323Droitture(Rectitude)leads thesibylsintothecity.Weclearlyrecognizethecitygateandwall,alargenumber ofhouseswithvariousrooftops,andonehousethatisstillintheprocessofbeing erected,withbeamsfortheroofalreadysetupbutnotyetcoveredbytiles.The artistevenincludedchimneys,reflectingontheneedforcomfortwithintheliving spaces.147 Asimilarscene,providingfascinatingdetailsofcarpenters’workontheroofs, canbefoundinthesplendidilluminationinthemanuscripthousedinMunich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Codex gall. 8, fol. 90v.148 Ms. Ffr. 1177 in the Bibliothèque National, Paris, on the other hand, shows very little interest in depictingconcreteurbanspace.Onfol.45r,forinstance,weseeJustice,wholeads the sibyls into the city, with a door to the immediate right opening up rather unexpectedly because the actual city gate with its two tall towers rises in the

146

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MaureenQuilligan,TheAllegoryofFemaleAuthority:ChristinedePizan’sCitédesDames(Ithacaand London:CornellUniversityPress,1991),104–17. Quilligan,TheAllegory,106.Shealsoobserves,“Droitture’semphasisonthesibylscontinuesthe subtlecritiqueofRomebeguninsectiononebyReasonandreinforcedbyheremphasisonan alternatetraditionoffemalecivilizationwithitsverydifferentsetofcities,CarthageandBabylon” (108). Seeplate1(followingp.42)inSusanGroagBell,TheLostTapestriesoftheCityofLadies:Christine dePizan’sRenaissanceLegacy(Berkeley,LosAngeles,andLondon:UniversityofCaliforniaPress, 2004).Otherilluminationsgofarbackinthematicdesignpriortotheerectionoftheutopiancity, suchastheminiatureintheBelgianmanuscriptofLeLivredelacitédesdames,RoyalLibraryof Belgium,Brussels,MS9235,fol.10v;seetheplateviiiinGroagBell’sTheLostTapestries.

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background.Thereisnorealsenseofacityhereobviouslybecausetheartistic focusrestsonthegroupofsibylsandtheirhighlystylishfashion.149 Subsequently,returningtoChristine’stext,thereisnotmuchtalkaboutthecity as such anymore because the allegorical imagery has fulfilled its purpose. Nevertheless, overall Christine explicitly indicates how much the city had emergedasacrucialmetaphorforallaspectsinhumanlife,andthatastrongand reliablehumanexistencecruciallyneedstherelevantsupportwithinacity,atleast forthenonaristocraticclasses.Forher,andmanypeopleamongheraudiences thattendedtosupportandevenadoreher,thedefenseofwomenagainstmale attacksbothinphysicalandmetaphoricaltermscouldbefullyachievedonlyby hidingbehindcitywalls,atleastinimaginaryterms,nothowever,behindthose ofacastle,probablybecauseChristineidentifiedwiththecityaswomen’strueand onlysafehaven. At the same time, as fleeting references in Christine’s texts indicate, those freedoms of the urban culture were not necessarily stable and could be easily lost.150 But this city, in its literary and subsequently also visual manifestation, providedasignificantmediumforthefemalereadersandviewerstoidentifywith their own community. The city becomes, in Christine’s terms, the location of memoryandutopiaaswellwherewomencanfindrefugeandasafeexistence dominatedbyvirtuesandethicalandmoralideals.151Inasubtle,butcertainly significantwayDantehadalsooutlinedthisconceptinhisParadisowherewomen, primarilyasmothersandwives,wereregardedastheessentialmembersofthe urbancommunitywhokeptthememoryofthegloriouspastaliveandpassedit ontotheirchildren.AsHonessnowobserves,“theimageoftheFlorentinewomen putforwardinParadisoXVservesasaveryclearillustrationthat,forthepoet,both men and women function as citizens, and that both are able to function as

149

150

151

Quilligan,TheAllegory,127.TheillustrationofCarthagewhereDidocommitssuicideinMs.Royal CV20,London,BritishLibrary,fol.65r,seemsratherodd.Thegroupofthreemenwitnessing Dido’sdeathtotheirrightstandsbehindalowwall,andtheactualcitiesrisesbehindthem,with orientallookingtowersinthedistance,whereasaseriesofconnectedhousesconstitutetheactual city;seeQuilligan,TheAllegory,172.SeealsoSandraL.Hindman,“WithInkandMortar:Christine dePizan’sCitédesDames(AnArtEssay),”FeministStudies10(1984):457–77;eadem,Christinede Pizan’s“EpistreOthéa”:PaintingandPoliticsattheCourtofCharlesVI(Toronto:PontificalInstitute ofMediaevalStudies,1986);RosalindBrownGrant,“IlluminationasReception:JeanMiélot’s Reworkingofthe‘EpistreOthea’,”TheCityofScholars:NewApproachestoChristinedePizan,ed. MargareteZimmermannandDinaDeRentiis.EuropeanCultures,2(BerlinandNewYork:de Gruyter,1994),260–71. DianeWolfthal,“‘Douleursurtoutresautres’:RevisualizingtheRapeScriptintheEpistreOthea andtheCitédesdames,”ChristinedePizanandtheCategoriesofDifference,ed.MarilynnDesmond. MedievalCultures,14(MinneapolisandLondon:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1998),41–70. MargareteZimmermann,“ChristinedePizan:Memory’sArchitect,”ChristinedePizan:ACasebook, ed.BarbaraK.AltmannandDeborahL.McGrady.RoutledgeMedievalCasebooks(NewYork andLondon:Routledge,2003),57–77;here66–71.

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examples, conveying a fundamental lesson about the relationship between individualandcommunity.”152 Globallyspeaking,livinginthecitystillmeantthattheindividualcouldenjoy vast advantages over the people living in the countryside. Lady Rectitude indicateshowimportantacitywasforeveryonewhocouldenjoytheprivilegeof livingthere.Moreimportantly,though,sheprovidesadeepglanceintotheactual structure of a latemedieval city with its highly diversified topography: “our constructionisquitewelladvanced,forthehousesoftheCityofLadiesstand completedallalongthewidestreets,itsroyalpalacesarewellconstructed,andits towersanddefenseturretshavebeenraisedsohighandstraightthatonecansee them from far away” (191–92). This idyllic, perhaps utopian, city signals how muchurbanlifewasaspiredtobyeveryonewhocouldaffordtolivethere:“How happywillbethecitizensofouredifice,fortheywillnotneedtofearorworry aboutbeingevictedbyforeignarmies,forthisworkhasthespecialpropertythat itsownerscannotbeexpelled”(192). Thiscityhousesonlymostintelligentanddignifiedladies:“theyshallallbe womenofintegrity,ofgreatbeautyandauthority,fortherecouldbenofairer populacenoranygreateradornmentintheCitythanwomenofgoodcharacter” (192).Despitetheobviousidealization,Christinepowerfullycircumscribesthe latemedieval value system according to which the best place for a person’s residencewouldbethe citybecauseherethehighestgoalsofethics,morality, justice,rectitude,andreasoncanbeachievedbytheresidents. However, she immediately forces us also to discriminate between the ideal imageofanurbanspacewherepeoplewithanoblespiritlive,andtheoftenharsh and excruciating conditions for married women who suffer from brutal and ignoranthusbandsandmanyothermaleperpetrators—inthecity,especiallyifthe womendidnotenjoymaleprotectionfromafatherorahusband:“Howmany harsh beatings—without cause and without reason—how many injuries, how manycruelties,insults,humiliations,andoutrageshavesomanyuprightwomen suffered,noneofwhomcriedoutforhelp.Andconsiderallthewomenwhodie ofhungerandgriefwithahomefullofchildren,whiletheirhusbandscarouse dissolutelyorgoonbingesineverytavernallovertown,andstillthepoorwomen arebeatenbytheirhusbandswhentheyreturn,andthatistheirsupper”(193). Christinevocallychallengeshusbands’abuseoftheirwives,particularlywithin theurbansetting,thoughsheknowsofnootherrealisticrecoursebuttowithdraw intothemetaphoricalCityofLadies,aliterarydreamworldwheretheurbanspace

152

Honess,FromFlorencetotheHeavenlyCity,51;seealsoJacquesGoudert,Danteetlapolitique(Paris: AubierMontaigne,1969),139.

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turnsintoasafehavenforwomenagainsttheirviolentandbrutalhusbands.153She isrealisticenough,however,torecognizeandadmitpubliclythattheurbanspace, asamostfamiliarsiteoflatemedievalsocietyaccordingtoherownexperience andthatofheraudience,provestobeasitewheremenofallclasses,ages,and politicalstatusescanalsoroamfreelyandabusewomen,wheretavernsinvite peopletocomeinanddrink,wherevicesandsinfulnessflowerfreely,andwhere thephysicallyweakermembersofsocietycanbecomevictimsofthosewithmore power. Ofcourse,andnottrulyexpected,Christinedoesnothavearealanswerforhow todealwithmaleviolence,bothwithinmarriageandoutside—infact,noonein the late Middle Ages had any pragmatic suggestion or solution, except to recommendtowomenthattheysubmittotheirdestinyandtopraytoGod—but shedreamsofacitywhereuprightandvirtuouswomencanlivefreelyfromall thatabuseanddedicatedtothefundamentalvirtuesandvaluesinhumanlife: “NowwehavecomebacktoourCity,thankGod,withallthenoblecompanyof fairanduprightwomenwhomwewilllodgethere”(194). Similarly,LadyJusticealsooffersheradviceandmakesacontributiontothe CityofLadies,againinmetaphoricalterms,andemphasizesattheend:“itseems tomethatIhaveacquittedmyselfwellofmyofficeincompletingthehighroofs of your City and in populating it for you with outstanding ladies, just as I promised”(205).Thecityemergesbothasametaphorofwomen’sveryownspace freeofmalepersecutions,andasasitewheretheyhavetoaccepttheirearthly blight.AsChristinecommentsherself,thisuniquecityhouses“ladiesfromthe pastaswellasfromthepresentandfuture,forithasbeenbuiltandestablishedfor everyhonorablelady”(205).Itisacityof“virtue,soresplendentthatyoumaysee yourselvesmirroredinit,especiallyintheroofsbuiltinthelastpartaswellasin theotherpartswhichconcernyou”(206). Christinecontinueswithadiscussionofmarriage,especiallywithanevilor cruelhusband,andappealstoherfemalereaderstobepatientandhumble.For her, this audience consists of women from all social classes, “whether noble, bourgeois, or lowerclass” (207), which signals that she perceives the city as a cosmosoftheentiresociety.Shestronglysuggeststhatherfemaleaudienceflee theevilcityoftheirpresentexistenceandseekrefuge,paralleltoAugustine’sCity ofGood,inthecityofvirtuousandglorifiedladies:“Andsomayitpleaseyou,my mostrespectedladies,tocultivatevirtue,tofleevice,toincreaseandmultiplyour City,andtorejoiceandactwell”(207).

153

Albrecht Classen, The Power of a Woman’s Voice in Medieval and Early Modern Literature. FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModernCulture,1(BerlinandNewYork:deGruyter,2007), 181–84.

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ForChristineandhercontemporariesthecityhadobviouslyalreadyemerged asthecentraliconoftheirtime,akeymetaphorwithmultipleconnotations.154As RosalindBrownGrantnowsuggests,“Christine’suseofthesymbolofthecity underpins one of the central arguments of her text, namely that women have contributedtothemoralandspiritualdevelopmentofcivilizationasepitomized by the urban community.”155 Of course, the moral symbolism alluding to the desiredprotectionofwomen’schastitywithinthiscitycannotbeoverlooked,and has been discussed numerous times. But the fact that Christine resorts to the imageryoftheurbanspaceinthefirstplacealsoindicatestheconsiderableinterest in the city as the locus of latemedieval culture and civilization, replacing the court,thepalace,andthechurch,despitethepoet’sgreatconcerntoappealtoher most important patrons, the higher echelons of French aristocracy, hence the courtlyaudience. ForChristine,thecityprovestobethelocationwherevirtuescanbloomand findthenecessaryprotection,if,andthisisabigcaveat,thiscitycanbeproperly builtandconstructedappropriatelyforwomen’sneedsanddesires.156 Itwasaliteraryimagination,yetitwasalsopredicated,bydefault,onavery concreteconceptofthecityinitscomplexstructureandproperties.Discussingthe cityinhercontext,Christinereaffirmsthefundamentalsignificanceofthecityas the new and all important central location of social, economic, and cultural religious activities, even though she projects virtually nothing but a fantasy concept.Thisisnottodenythepermeabilityofthecitywall,andtheopennessof theurbanspaceinitsmetaphoricalconnotation,totheoutsideworld,especially in intellectual terms, insofar as the author allows the numerous references to outstandingwomenfromthepast,whetherprincessesormartyrs,toenterthe femalespace,therebyopeningaextensivecommunicationsysteminwhichthecity servesasthecentralhub.157

154

155

156

157

SandraL.Hindman,“WithInkandMortar:ChristinedePizan’sCitédesDames:AnArtEssay,” FeministStudies10(1984):457–84. ChristinedePizan,TheBookoftheCityofLadies,trans.andwithanintrod.andnotesbyRosalind BrownGrant(London:Penguin,1999),xxix–xxx.SeealsoBrownGrant,ReadingBeyondGender: ChristinedePizanandtheMoralDefenceofWomen(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1999). DouglasKelly,ChristinedePizan’sChangingOpinion:AQuestforCertaintyintheMidstofChaos. Gallica(Woodbridge,Suffolk,andRochester,NY:Boydell&Brewer,2007),84–85.Heemphasizes howmuchChristineknewhowtodiscriminateamongvirtuousandsinfulwomenasburghers inhernewcity:“Women,likemen,canbegoodorbad.TheCitéacknowledgesthisbyadmitting onlytheformerwithinitswalls.Hence,someoutsiderswillfitthemisogynists’stereotypesas Christineunderstandsthem...”(97). HereIdrawfromapaperbyFedericaAnichini,“ChristinedePizan’sCityofLadies:Excavating Prejudice,BuildingKnowledge,”deliveredatthe44thInternationalCongressonMedievalStudies, May7–10,2009,Kalamazoo,MI,attheWesternMichiganUniversity.Seealsothecontributions toTheCityofScholars:NewApproachestoChristinedePizan,ed.MargareteZimmermannandDina DeRentiis.EuropeanCultures,2(BerlinandNewYork:WalterdeGruyter,1993).

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This finds intriguing confirmation in the poetic works of her contemporary, ThomasHoccleve,whoworkedasascribeinLondon,beingfirstcitedinChancery rollsfromshortlypriortoJune21,1387toMay8,1426,aposthumousnote.158He wasbornaround1367andbeganhiscareerasanapprenticeclerkinthePrivy Seal,servingasunderclerktoGuydeRoucliff.Shortlybefore1408hehadachieved sucharankthathewasassignedanassistantclerk,JohnWelde.Heretiredin1426 anddiedsoonafter.159Hocclevehassufferedforalongtimebeingregardedasa secondarypoetinthelongshadowcastbyGeoffreyChaucer,butrecentresearch hasrecognizedhismostidiosyncraticapproaches,styles,themes,andimages.160 HemightactuallybecomparabletoFrançoisVillonandOswaldvonWolkenstein becauseofhisstronginterestinautobiographicalselfreflectionsinhispoemsand therebellious,satirical,sometimesalmostgrotesqueverses.161InhisLaMaleRegle, forinstance,writtenin1405,he“presentshimself...asanapostatetothegod Helthe.Hehasfortwentyyearsbeenagluttonandafool,eatinganddrinking untilhecan’tgetoutofbedinthemorning,andspendingallhislittlemoneyto buytheflatteringwordsofboatmenontheThamesandof‘Venusfemellusty childrendeere.’ThepoemshowsChaucer’sinfluenceinthecomicpresentationof Hoccleve’spastmisdeeds,butitisquiteunChaucerianinitsdetailedimagination ofclerklylifeinearlyfifteenthcenturyLondon.”162 HoccleveregularlyreferstohimselfandhislifeinthecityofLondon,providing notsystematic,butmostinterestinginsightsintohowanearlyfifteenthcentury

158

159 160

161

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A.C.Reeves,“ThomasHoccleve,Bureaucrat,”MediaevaliaetHumanistican.s.5(1974):201–14;see alsoT.F.Tout,“LiteratureandLearningintheEnglishCivilServiceintheFourteenthCentury,” Speculum4(1929):365–89;EthanKnapp,TheBureaucraticMuse:ThomasHoccleveandtheLiterature ofLateMedievalEngland(UniversityPark,PA:ThePennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,2001), 20–43,etpassim.SeealsoGünterHagel,ThomasHoccleve:LebenundWerkeinesSchriftstellersim EnglanddesSpätmittelalters.EuropäischeHochschulschriften.Reihe14:AngelsächsischeSprache undLiteratur,130(FrankfurtamMain,Bern,etal.:PeterLang,1984). SelectionsfromHoccleve,ed.M.C.Seymour(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1981),xi–xxxiii. ThoughaddressingamajortextinHoccleve’sœuvrethatdoesnotnecessarilyshedlightonour topic, Nicholas Perkins, Hoccleve’s Regiment of Princes: Counsel and Constraint (Woodbridge, Suffolk:D.S.Brewer,2001),shedsimportantlightonHoccleve’spositioninthehistoryofMiddle Englishliterature.SeealsoThomasHoccleve,TheRegimentofPrinces,ed.CharlesR.Blyth.Middle EnglishTexts(Kalamazoo,MI:MedievalInstitutePublications,1999). AlbrechtClassen,DieautobiographischeLyrikdeseuropäischenSpätmittelalters:StudienzuHugovon Montfort,OswaldvonWolkenstein,AntonioPucci,Charlesd’Orléans,ThomasHoccleve,MichelBeheim, HansRosenplütundAlfonsoAlvarezdeVillasandino.AmsterdamerPublikationenzurSpracheund Literatur,91(AmsterdamandAtlanta:EditionsRodopi,1991). Knapp,TheBureaucraticMuse,37.SeealsoA.C.Spearing,MedievaltoRenaissanceinEnglishPoetry (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1985),110–20;EvaM.Thornley,“TheMiddleEnglish PenitentialLyricandHoccleve’sAutobiographicalPoetry,”NeuphilologischeMitteilungen68(1967): 295–321; Albrecht Classen, “Hoccleve’s Independence from Chaucer: A Study of Poetic Emancipation,”FifteenthCenturyStudies15(1990):59–81;id.,“TheAutobiographicalVoiceof ThomasHoccleve,”ArchivfürdasStudiumderneuerenSprachenundLiteraturen228(1991):299–310.

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poetperceivedandreactedtotheurbanspaceuponwhichhisownexistencewas predicated.InhisLaMaleRegle,forinstance,Hocclevecommentsingeneralabout themoraldeclineofhistime,ofwhichheisjustasguilty,wastinghismoneywith drinking,partying,andenjoyinglifetoexcess.Repeatedlyhementionshislifein thetaverns:“Ofhimþathauntithtauerneofcustume,/Atshortewordes,the profytisthis:”(161–62).163Satiricallyhecastshimselfasthebestknownmaninthe entireareaaroundWestminster,clearlysignalingtherelevanceoftheurbanspace inthatquarterforhispersonaldebaucheries: WherwasagrettermaistireekthanY, OrbetaqweyntidatWestmynstreyate, Amongthetauerneresnamely Andcookes,whanIcameerlyorlate? Ipynchidnatatheminmynacate, Butpaiedhemasþattheyaxewolde, WherforeIwasthewelcomeralgate Andforaverraygentilmanyholde.

(77–84)

Moreover,hespecificallyoutlineshiswayfromthetavernhometothePrivySeal, providinguswithatruesenseofadensecitylifewithmanystreets,spaces,bars, bridges,people,traffic,andsoforth(185–92).Yet,warninghisaudienceaboutthe negativeexamplethathehimselfhadofferedasarowdycharacter,healsoreveals interesting aspects about the social life of the lower classes, if not of the poor peopleandtheworkers,inLondon:“Andtherthebootmentookvponmekeep, /Fortheymyriotkneewenfernago./WithhemIwasituggedtoandfro,/Sowel was him þat I with wolde fare, / For riot paieth largely eueremo” (195–99). Subsequentlyheturnstoextensivemoralizationaboutthedangersofdeceptive andflatteringwordsutteredbyservantstotheirlords,abouttheconsequencesof aviolentlifeinpublic,especiallyintaverns,thenaboutlying,andtheproblem withmoney:“A,nay,mypoorepursandpeynesstronge/Hanartid[compelled] me speke as I spoken haue” (395–96), ending with an appeal to his patron to rewardhimmonetarily(445–48). Hocclevecertainlyfollowsmanytraditionalmedievaltropesandthemesinthis andotherpoems,buthedoesnotshyawayfrompositioninghimselfinthemidst ofalloftheseruminations,therebygrantingtheaudienceimportantinsightinto the concrete living conditions of a clerical poet in the big city of London.164 AdditionalconfirmationforthisnewperspectivecanbefoundinhisComplaint fromNovember1421wherehesorrowfullyreflectsuponhistragicsufferingfrom

163

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‘My Compleinte’ and Other Poems, ed. Roger Ellis. Exeter Medieval Texts and Studies (Exeter: UniversityofExeterPress,2001),68. Katherine C. Little, Confession and Resistance: Defining the Self in Late Medieval England (Notre Dame,IN:UniversityofNotreDamePress,2006).

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mentalillness.Asthenarratoremphasizes:“ForoftewhanneIinWestmynstir Halle/AndekeinLondounamongethepreeswent,/Isythechereabatenand apalle/Ofhemþatwerenwontemefortocalle/Tocompanie...“(72–76).165 Everyonefleesfromhim,afraidofhisboutoflunacy,comparinghimtoavessel lostatsea(81)orawildox(120).Thenarratorthenseeksrefugeathomewherehe staresintothemirrortofindoutwhohereallyis:“Andinmychaumbreathome whanneþatIwas,/MysilfealooneIinþiswisewrou3t./Istreitevntomymirrour andmyglas/Tolokehoweþatmeofmychereþou3t”(155–58),therebysignaling thetwosidesofthecoinlivinginacity,thatis,thepublicandtheprivate.166But hebitterlycomplainsthatpeoplesubsequentlymistookhimasstillbeingilland avictimoflunacy,althoughhehadrecoveredyearsearlier:“Manbihisededis andnotbyhiselookes/Shalknowenbe,asitiswriteninbookes”(202–03). Naturally,Hoccleveultimatelyfocusesprimarilyonphilosophical,ethical,and moralconcerns,askinghisaudiencetoreflectuponareasonableapproachtothe recognitionandidentificationofanindividualandalsohowapersonshouldlive properlyinthisworldlyexistence.Butevenwithin thisframeworkweclearly recognizeasenseoftheurbanspacepopulatedbythepoet,hisfriends,andmany other people, all of them gazing at each other with curiosity, fear, suspicion, interest, and other emotions, and all this here indicated through the autobiographicallens: ManyasautemadeItothismirrour, ThinkingifþatIlookeinþismanere AmongefolkeasInowedo,noonerrour Ofsuspectelookmayinmyfaceappere. Thiscountinaunce,Iamsure,andþischere IfIitforthevseisnothingrepreuable Tohemþathanconceitisresonable

(162–68).

AlthoughHocclevedoesnotdiscussthecityassuch,itnoticeablyconstitutesthe crucialsocialframeworkforhisentireexistence,bothconsideringhispartyingand troublemakingintavernsandelsewhere,andhiswalkingtoandfromhiswork, finallyspendingtimeathomeandexamininghisface,andhencehisidentity.

TheCityasaThemeandMotifinMentalHistoricalTerms

165

166

QuotedfromSelectionsfromHoccleve,77;seealsoSeymour’scomments,122–35.Cf.thenotesby RogerEllisinhisanthology,‘MyCompleinte’,128–30. D.M.Palliser,T.R.Slater,andE.PatriciaDennison,“TheTopographyofTowns600–1300,”The CambridgeUrbanHistoryofBritain.Vol.1:600–1540,ed.D.M.Palliser(Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,2000),153–86;here175–78.

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Significantly,bythelateMiddleAges,agrowingnumberofindividualcitizens, belongingtoboththeupperclass(merchants)andtothearistocracy,realizedthat theyneededtotakestockoftheirlivesandtoreflectupontheirfamiliesinalarger context, leading to the creation of a fairly large corpus of socalled Haus und Familienbücher(HouseandFamilyBooks),asmentionedabove.167Thesememorial booksshedimportantlightonthesocialnetworkwithintherespectivecity,onthe social and economic structure, and the intellectual development, that is, the educationallevelthattheindividualauthorshadachieved.Mostlyservingprivate purposes,thesefairlycompendiousvolumescontainavastvarietyofinformation relevant for many different social and age groups, containing data about the family business, the marriage relationships, births and deaths, offices, gifts, income, property; hence they lend themselves extremely well to an indepth analysis of latemedieval urban everyday life, mental structures, religious attitudes,gender,andeconomicandpoliticalissues.168 Aswehavelearnedthroughmuchrecentresearch,thesefamilybooksserved notonlythepurposeofmemorializingtheprecedingandpresentgenerations. Theywerealsocommonlycomposedbymembersofindividualfamilieswhohad eitherexperiencedadramaticriseinpowerorsuddenlyfacedamajordeclinein theirfamilyfortune,ifnotsimplythedisappearanceoftheentirefamilythrough

167

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HausundFamilienbücher,inderstädtischenGesellschaftdesSpätmittelaltersundderfrühenNeuzeit, ed.BirgitStudt.Städteforschung.ReiheA:Darstellungen,69(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna: Böhlau,2007). See,forinstance,PierreMonnet,“LaMémoiredesélitesurbainesdansl’EmpireàlafinduMoyen Âgeentreécrituredesoiethistoiredelacité,”Memoria,communitas,civitas:Mémoireetconscience urbainesenoccidentàlafinduMoyenÂge,ed.HannoBrand,PierreMonnet,andMartialStaub. BeiheftederFrancia,55(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2003),49–70;HeinrichSchmidt,Diedeutschen StädtechronikenalsSpiegeldesbürgerlichenSelbstbewußtseinsimSpätmittelalter.Schriftenreiheder Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 3 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1958). The interest in these urban documents of autobiographical naturehasbeenintenseinrecentyears;seethecontributionstoDasdargestellteIch:Studienzu SelbstzeugnissendesspäterenMittelaltersundderfrühen Neuzeit,ed.SabineSchmolinsky,Klaus Arnold, and Urs Martin Zahnd. Selbstzeugnisse des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit, 1 (Bochum:Winkler,1999);GabrieleJancke,AutobiographiealssozialePraxis:Beziehungskonzeptein Selbstzeugnissen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts im deutschsprachigen Raum. Selbstzeugnisse der Neuzeit,10(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2002).Forfurtherbibliographicalinformation, see Birgit Studt, “Erinnerung und Identität: Die Repräsentation städtischer Eliten in spätmittelalterlichen Haus und Familienbüchern,” Haus und Familienbücher, 1–31. See also Gabriele HofnerKulenkamp, Das Bild des Künstlers mit Familie : Porträts des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts.SelbstzeugnissedesMittelaltersundderbeginnendenNeuzeit,2(Bochum:Winkler, 2002);SünjePrühlen,“Alsesunsthirgebruchlichis”:eineAnnäherungandasspätmittelalterlicheund frühneuzeitliche Alltags und Familienleben anhand der Selbstzeugnisse der Familien Brandis in HildesheimundMollerinHamburg.SelbstzeugnissedesMittelaltersundderbeginnendenNeuzeit, 3(Bochum:Winkler,2005).

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deathorlackofheirs.169Afterall,urbancenterswerethesiteofintensivesocial struggles despite the rather rigid class structures, separating, for instance, particularlythecraftsmenfromthemerchantclass,commonlyidentifiedasthe patriciate.170 Forthetimebeing,itmightbeenoughtoreflectupontheemergingearlymodern citywherealimiteddegreeoflibertydominatedandwhereindividualwritersof socalledfamilyandhousebookscreatedindividualizedandyetmostinsightful reflections upon their own history and that of their cities. This stands in remarkablecontrasttosomecontemporarylatemedievalandearlymodernbook illustrationswherethecityitselfdoesnotseemtoexistinmentalhistoricalterms. InoneofthemostspectacularmanuscriptcopiesofthethirteenthcenturyRoman delarose,composedbyGuillaumedeLorrisca.1237,thencontinuedandvastly expandedbyJeandeMeunca.1264/1274,171dedicatedtotheFrenchKingFrancis I (1515–1547) probably shortly after his famous victory over the Swiss army defendingtheduchyofMilanagainsthiminSeptember1515,wecomeacrossa most remarkable example of how urban space and the city itself continued to

169

170

171

Studt, “Erinnerung und Identität,” 9; see also Valentin Groebner, “Ratsinteressen, Familieninteressen:PatrizischeKonflikteinNürnbergum1500,”StadtregimentundBürgerfreiheit: HandlungsspielräumeindeutschenunditalienischenStädtendesSpätenMittelaltersundderFrühen Neuzeit, ed. Klaus Schreiner and Ulrich Meier. Bürgertum: Beiträge zur europäischen Gesellschaftsgeschichte,7(Göttingen:Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1994),278–308;PierreMonnet, “RealeundidealeStadt:DieoberdeutschenStädteimSpiegelautobiographischerZeugnissedes Spätmittelalters,”Von derdargestelltenPersonzumerinnertenIch:EuropäischeSelbstzeugnisseals historische Quelle (1500–1850), ed. Kaspar von Greyerz, Heinz Medick, and Patrice Veit. Selbstzeugnisse der Neuzeit, 9 (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2001), 395–430; id., “ParticularismesurbainsetpatriotismelocaledansunevilleallemandedelafinduMoyenÂge: Francfortetseschroniques,”IdentitérégionaleetconsciencenationaleenFranceetenAllemagnedu MoyenÂgeàl’epoquemoderne.Actesducolloqueorganiséparl’UniversitéParisXIIValdeMarne, l’InstitutuniversitairedeFranceetl’Instituthistoriqueallemandàl’UniversitéParisXIIetàlaFondation SingerPolignac,les6,7et8octobre1993,ed.RainerBabelandJeanMarieMoeglin.Beihefteder Francia,39(Sigmaringen:J.Thorbecke,1997),389–400. Thistopichasbeendiscussedmanytimeswiththefocusonmanydifferentcitiesinlatemedieval andearlymodernEurope;see,forinstance,AlexanderCowan,TheUrbanPatriciate:Lübeckand Venice, 1580–1700. Quellen und Darstellungen zur hansischen Geschichte, neue Folge, 30 (Cologne:Böhlau,1986);seealsothecontributionstoTownsinSocieties:EssaysinEconomicHistory and Historical Sociology, ed. Philips Abrams and E. A. Wrigley. Past and Present Publications (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978); and to Florentine Tuscany: StructuresandPracticesofPower,ed.WilliamJ.ConnellandAndreaZorzi.CambridgeStudiesin ItalianHistoryandCulture(CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2000). AlbrechtClassen,“GuillaumedeLorris”(285–86),“JeandeMeun”(345–47),“RomandelaRose” (548–49),EncyclopediaofMedievalLiterature,ed.JayRuud(NewYork:FactsonFile,2006).

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hoverinthebackgroundoflatemedievalmentality,andyetalsodemandednew attention.172 Typicallyforthattimeandtheroyalculture,thededicationilluminationfocuses onthecourt,withthekinginthecenter,receivingthevolume.Thespectator’s gaze travels into the background through a loggia, which opens up to a vast landscapewithsomebuildingonahilltotheleft(4r).Astobeexpected,manyof theillustrationsshowgardenstructureswithahighwallaroundtheareaanda mightygatedtower(e.g.,fol.12r).Occasionallywesee,againinthebackground, akindofcitysurroundingapalace,butthebuildingsbeforethat,suchasinfol. 21r,aredilapidatedorseemtobesimplewoodenconstructions.Atothertimes, profilesofanextensivefortressemergeinthebackground(fol.25r),orthelover isshownapproachingapalace(fol.29r),whereasurbanspace,orcitylife,doesnot seem to figure at all. If there is any realistic background, then it consists of landscapes,regularlywithabluemountainrisingupinthedistance(fol.57vand fol.58r).Whenothertypesofbuildingsdotthelandscape,theybelongtoarural setting,ormightrepresentacountryestate(fol.fol.61r).Onfol.104rweobserve agroupofcourtiersinfrontofaimaginarycity,which consists of severaltall buildingsandtowers,whileaspecificcityassuchisnottrulyrecognizable. The absence of true urban space in favor of parklike nature scenes with individualbuildingsinthebackground,someofwhichseemtoformpartofa farm,whereasothersrepresentboththeoldcastleontopofamountainandthe newpalaceatitsfoot(fol.147v),speaksvolumes,especiallyincomparisonwith contemporaryprintedbooks,suchasHartmannSchedel’sNurembergChronicle, whichalreadybelongstoanewworld,theGermanRenaissance(seebelow).173 Onlyonetimehastheilluminatormadeanefforttoprovidethesightofacity with a solid wall (fol. 202v). Because the city is ablaze in fire, the citizens are fleeingthroughthecitygate,whileflamesengulfthetalltowersandhighrising

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SeethecommentaryofthefacsimileeditionbyMargaretaFriesen,DerRosenromanfürFrançois I.NewYork,PierpontMorganLibrary,M.948(Graz:AkademischeDruckundVerlagsanstalt, 1993;VollständigeFaksimileAusgabedesRosenromansfürFrançoisI.M.948ausdemBesitzder PierpontMorganLibraryinNewYork.CodicesSelecti,XCVII(NewYork:ThePierpontMorgan Library;Graz:AkademischeDruckundVerlagsanstalt;Lyon:LesSillonsduTemps,1993).She emphasizes, 120: “Schwere Rundtürme, Festungsruinen, strohgedeckte Fachwerkhäuser und mächtigeRenaissancepalästebestimmendieHintergrundsgestaltung.IhreAnordnungimBildfeld wirdimmerneukomponiert.ZwarsindesdiegleichenGrundtypenvonBauwerken,diesich wiederholen,dochführtihreabwechslungsreicheVariierunginjederMiniaturzueinemanderen Ergebnis. Wenn auch die Paläste (fol. 29r, 50v, 79v oder 84v) im Stil der Renaissance wiedergegebenwerden,sowirddochderForderungderitalienischenRenaissancebaukunstnach Symmetrie, Gleichmaß und Harmonie keine Rechnung getragen. Immer schieben sich die BaumassenvoneinerSeiteinsBildundunterlaufenjeglichenVersuch,Pilaster,Gesimseund Bauornamentesymmetrischangeordnetdarzustellen”(120–21). SeethecontributiontothisvolumebyAlbrechtClassen.

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buildings.Thelargenumberoffrightenedcitizensindicatesthatthewallshidea fairlylargeurbanspace,butthatspaceisnotvisible,nordoesitevokeanyinterest fortheartistortheaudience.Afterall,thisfamousallegoricalromancerepresents one of the masterpieces of the Middle Ages, and this particular copy in the PierpontMorganLibraryinNewYorkwascomposedforanddedicatedtothe FrenchKingFrancisI.Itdoesnotcomeasasurprisethatsucharoyalartworkand pieceofliteratureisfarremovedfromtheearlymodernawarenessaboutand interestinurbanspaceincountlessothercontexts.174

TheSocialDiscourseAboutUrbanSpaceandIdentity Overall,wefaceafascinatingandintricatecombinationorcompetitionofvarious discoursesbytheindividualpowerplayersinlatemedievalandearlymodern society.Whereasthenobilitytriedhardtomaintainitstraditionalstatusaslong aspossible,boththecityassuchandthewealthiestburghersstruggledwithall theiroptionsavailabletocarveoutanicheinpubliclifeforthemselves,togain recognition,andtodeterminethenatureofthecontemporaryculturewiththehelp oftheirownmeans,oftenopenlycompetingwiththemembersofthearistocracy serving at courtssituatedincities,suchasViennaandSalzburg.175Wecannot expect,ofcourse,tofindnecessarilyrepresentationsofthedifferentsocialclasses andgroupswithinthesametextgenresorartworks,thoughwestillwouldhave toagreewiththegeneralobservationthatanamalgamationprocessinthelate Middle Ages brought nobility and urban patriciate significantly close to each other.176 Moreover,evenwithinthetraditionalmedievalcity,aprofounddiscrimination processtookplace,increasinglyexcludingthecraftsmenandthepoorermembers

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UlrichMüller,“Burg,”Burgen,Länder,Orte,ed.id.andWernerWunderlich.MittelalterMythen, 5(Constance:UVKVerlagsgesellschaft,2008),143–60.Fortheroleofcastlesinlatemedieval Germanliteratureandwoodcutsfromtheperspectiveofmentalhistory,seeAlbrechtClassen, “DieBurgalsMotivinderLiteraturdesdeutschenSpätmittelalters,”toappearinDieBurgim Mittelalter,ed.PeterDinzelbacher. ChristianSchneider,Hovezuht:LiterarischeHofkulturundhöfischesLebensidealumHerzogAlbrecht III. von Österreich und Erzbischof Pilgrim II. von Salzburg (1365–1396). Beiträge zur älteren Literaturgeschichte(Heidelberg:UniversitätsverlagWinter,2008),50–63. WolfgangHerborn,“BürgerlichesSelbstverständnisimspätmittelalterlichenKöln.Bemerkungen zuzweiHausbüchernausdererstenHälftedes15.Jahrhunderts,”DieStadtindereuropäischen Geschichte:FestschriftfürEdithEnnen,ed.WernerBeschetal.(Bonn:L.Röhrscheid,1972),490–520; HorstWenzel,“AristokratischesSelbstverständnisimstädtischenPatriziatvonKöln,dargestellt anderKölnerChronikGottfriedHagens,”Literatur,Publikum,historischerKontext,ed.GertKaiser. BeiträgezurÄlterenDeutschenLiteraturgeschichte,1(Bern,Frankfurta.M.,andLasVegas:Peter Lang,1977),9–28.

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of the urban society from the city government. As George Huppert observes regardingFrankfurtamMain:“Frankfurt’séliteconsistedofsome45families,less than1percentofthepopulation.Thissmallgroupretainedexclusivecontrolofthe 15 top offices from the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries and it invented elaborateassociationstosafeguarditspositioninthecity.”177Atthesametime,this urbaneliteendeavoredhardtoclimbevenhigherandtojointhenobility,ifthe necessarycriteriaforthismovecouldbemet:“Thestandardtestofnobility,bythe latesixteenthcentury,wasthedemonstrationthatafamilyhadlivednobly—that is,withoutworking—forthreegenerations.Thisstandardwaseasilymetbythe membersofurbanélites,butitdidnotsatisfythefeudalnobility,fromwhose perspectivenobilitywasaninheritedqualityresidinginthebloodandtestedon thebattlefield.”178 Nevertheless, the urban centers attracted a growing number of people from differentbackgroundsandsocialclasses,andwithdifferenteducationallevelsand individualinterests.Majorcouncilsmetincities,suchasConstance(1414–1418) andBasel(1431–1449).179Tradeandbankingwerecentrallylocatedincities,and soweretheeducationalsystem,healthcare,craftsmanship,andthearts.Musical entertainmentandtheliteraryprocesswereintimatelyassociatedwiththecity,as the countless songbooks indicate.180 Scholarship has amply investigated the kaleidoscopicrangeofcharacteristicfeaturesoflatemedievalandearlymodern citylife,whetherweconsidertheareasoflegalpractice,food,religion,armsfor theburghers,exteriorandinteriorarchitecture,keepingofanimals,fashion,the availability of mills, and, most critically, of good drinking water.181 Beer, for

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George Huppert, After the Black Death: A Social History of Early Modern Europe. Sec. ed. InterdisciplinaryStudiesinHistory(1986;BloomingtonandIndianapolis:IndianaUniversity Press,1998),45. Huppert,AftertheBlackDeath,50. ChristopherM.Belitto,TheGeneralCouncils:aHistoryoftheTwentyOneGeneralCouncilsfrom NicaeatoVaticanII(NewYork:PaulistPress,2002);TheChurch,theCouncils,andReform:theLegacy oftheFifteenthCentury,ed.GeraldChristianson,ThomasM.Izbicki,andChristopherM.Belitto (Washington,DC:CatholicUniversityofAmericaPress,2008). AlbrechtClassen,DeutscheLiederbücherdes15.und16.Jahrhunderts.Volksliedstudien,1(Münster: Waxmann, 2001); id., Georg Forsters Liederbücher im 16. Jahrhunderts: Letzte Blüte und Ausklang einer Epoche. Rezeptionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur Gattung des spätmit telalterlichenLiedes,”LiedundpopuläreKultur.JahrbuchdesDeutschenVolksliedarchivs48(2003): 11–47;seealsothevariouscontributionstoStadtundLiteraturimdeutschenSprachraum. See the contributions to Das Leben in der Stadt; Keith D. Lilley, Urban Life in the Middle Ages; NormanPounds,TheMedievalCity;RobertaMagnusson,“PublicandPrivateUrbanHydrology: WaterManagementinMedievalLondon”(171–87),andThomasF.GlickandLuisPabloMartinez, “MillsandMillers in MedievalValencia”(189–234),WindandWaterintheMiddleAges:Fluid TechnologiesfromAntiquitytotheRenaissance,ed.StevenA.Walton.MedievalandRenaissance TextsandStudies,322.PennStateMedievalStudies,2(Tempe:ArizonaCenterforMedievaland RenaissanceStudies,2006).

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instance, a major beverage in medieval urban culture, deeply determined the socialandeconomicfabricofcities,whetherwethinkofthebreweriesthemselves, the purchase of basic ingredients, the varying types of fuel for the brewing process,trade,taxation,theimpactofbrewingonthelabormarket,andproperty rights.182Onlytheurbanmarketwithalargepoolofcustomersmadepossiblethe development of considerable differentiation in the brewing process, creating specialists and competition among breweries. But many town governments imposedstrictregulationsandtaxsystems,whichillustratesnicelytowhatextent theproductionofbeerhadadeepimpactonurbanlifeatlarge.183 Practically every aspect of human life was intimately connected with urban space,asHartmutBoockmann’scomprehensivesurveyindicates.Hediscussesthe followingtopics:walls,gates,towers,andweapons;urbanhouses;interiorspace; hygieneandhealth;tradeandtraffic;craftsmanship;cityhalls;lawandorder; urbanstrugglesforsuperiorityamongthevarioussocialclasses;thecityasasite fortheducalresidence;funeralsandmemorials;urbanchurchesandmonasteries; hospitals;pilgrimagetocities;piety,superstition,andheresy;Jewsincities;guilds andconfraternities;children;schoolsandeducation.184

LateMedievalUrbanLifeinArt Althoughthegrowthofmedievalcitieswasaubiquitous,thoughcertainlynotan automatic,progressive,andlinear,phenomenon,theperceptionofcitiesdiffered widely,particularlybecausesomanydifferentpeoplecongregatedwithincities. However,thosewholivedwithinthecitywallscertainlyidentifiedwiththecity andregardedtheirownexistenceasconsiderablymoresecurethanthatinthe countryside.AsChiaraFrugonicomments:“Inthefollowingcenturies[sincethe thirteenthcentury—A.C.],downtotheRenaissance,thisawarenessofacontrast, denoted by the walls, between order and chaos, organized space and savage nature,growsmoreacute;asaresulteveryviolentdeath,everyeventthatdisturbs thepeacefulunfoldingofaliferegulatedbylaws—liketheexecutionsthat,the 182

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RichardW.Unger,BeerintheMiddleAgesandtheRenaissance,38,emphasizes:“Thesourceofthe urban brewing industry was not the presence of brewhouses in monasteries or episcopal households,regardlessofthetechnicalinfluencesuchestablishmentscouldanddidhave.Itwas rather the transfer of traditional brewing practice from the countryside to the cities by rural migrants,thepeoplewhoformedthepopulationofEuropeantownsinthetwelfthandthirteenth centuries.” Unger, Beer in the Middle Ages, 43–50. He underscores that in the end “[t]he tax system and regulationingeneralhinderedsmallscalebrewingandpromotedthedevelopmentofanurban industryincreasinglydominatedbyprofessionalbrewers.” HartmutBoockmann,DieStadtimspätenMittelalter.2nded.(1986;Munich:Beck,1987).Hisbook isrichlyillustrated,whereasthebibliographyprovestobesomewhatthin.

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statutestellus,didinfacttakeplace‘outside’—isordinarilyrepresentedoccurring intheopen.”185 Even though medieval artists continued to create idealistic images of cities, commonly following the model of the Holy Jerusalem, hence treating the city basicallyasasymbolandnotasarealisticspace,186bythelateMiddleAgesthecity becametheobjectofintensivecriticalanalysisbecauselocalgovernmentsemerged thatfeltincreasinglyindependentandwantedtoexpressthisnewsentimentof civicprideandidentityinpublicartworks,suchasAmbrogioLorenzetti’s“Sala dellaPace”inthePalazzoPubblicoofSiena(1338–1339).187MichelFeuillethas recentlydescribedtheurbannetworkvisibleinLorenzetti’sfrescoesasfollows: L’artiste a serré les unes contre les autres de nombreuses maisons, hautes et confortables,colorées,percéesdemultiplesfenêtres,surplombantenencorbellement lesruesetlesplacesets’ouvrantpourdavantaged’agrémentsurd’éléganteslogge. Comme signe supplémentaire de cette croissance de l’habitat urbain, l’artiste représenteunchantierdeconstructionous’affaireuneéquipedemaçonsjuchéssur deséchafaudages.188

[The artist has pressed the houses tightly together, tall and comfortable, colored,piercedopenbymanywindows,extendingincantileversoutonto thestreetsandsquares,openingupontoelegantloggiastoenhancethecharm ofthescene.Asasupplementarysignoftheinterlacingoftheurbanhabitat

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Chiara Frugoni, A Distant City: Images of Urban Experience in the Middle Ages, trans. William McCuaig(1983;Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1991),11. Frugoni,ADistantCity,108–09;seealsoKugler,DieVorstellungderStadt,79–141. Frugoni,ADistantCity,118–88.SeealsoGeorgeRowley,AmbrogioLorenzetti.2vols.(Princeton, NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1958);ChiaraFrugoni,PietroandAmbrogioLorenzetti([Bergenfield, NJ, ?, and New York ?]: Scala Books, 1988); Randolph Starn, Ambrogio Lorenzetti: The Palazzo Pubblico,Siena(NewYork:GeorgeBraziller,1994);MaxSeidel,DolceVita:AmbrogioLorenzettis PorträtdesSieneserStaates(Basel:Schwabe&Co.,1999);“Lapaceèallegrezza”:L’ordinamentodiuna cittàoperosasull’esempiodell’affresco“IlBuonGoverno”diAmbrogioLorenzettidaSiena,acuradiA. LuisaHaringandErichKaufer(Siena:EdizioniIlLeccio,2002);AmbrogioLorenzetti:Lavitadel trecento in Siena e nel contado senese nellecommittenze istoriate pubbliche e private. Guida al Buon Governo,acuradiAlbertoColli.IntroduzionediMarioAscheri(Siena:ArtiGraficheNencini Poggibonsi,2004);LucianoBellosiandGiovannaRagionieri,Giottoelasuaeredità:FilippoRusuti, PietroCavallini,Duccio,GiovannidaRimini,NeridaRimini,PietrodaRimini,SimoneMartini,Pietro Lorenzetti,AmbrogioLorenzetti,MatteoGiovannetti,MassodiBanco,PuccioCapanna,TaddeoGaddi, Giovanni da Milano, Giottino, Giusto deMenabuoi, Altichiero, Jacopo Avanzi, Jean Pucelle, i fratelli Limbourg(Florence:IlSole24Ore,2007).Likewise,ChiaraFrugoni,ADayinaMedievalCity, intensively draws from this pictorial evidence for her mentalhistorical investigation of late medievallifeinthecity. Michel Feuillet, “La Fresque des Effets du Bon Gouvernement d’Ambrogio Lorenzetti dans le PalazzoPubblicodeSienne:unemiseenimagedeladialectiquevillecampagneàlafinduMoyen Âge,”Villehabitée,villefantasmée:Actesducolloque“Lavilledansethorslesmurs”...,ed.Georges FrédéricManche(Paris:L’Harmattan,2006),79–92;here80.

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Simultaneously,theconcerngreweverywhereregardingthepropergovernment of cities, as reflected by a large corpus of corresponding critical poems and treatises about good and bad urban governments (“Stadtregimentslehren”). Particularlythosetextsthatcontainalsogeneraldidacticconceptswerewidely disseminated, such as the Antwerpse school and the stanzas “Hoemen ene stat regerensal”and“Vonguo ttenrae tten,”especiallybecausetheywerenotfocusedon oneindividualcityandcouldbeappliedeverywhere.Buttheentiregenreenjoyed considerablepopularitybetween1300and1500,whentheinterestinthemseems tohavedeclined,althoughwithsomemajorexceptionsfarintotheseventeenth century.189 Latemedievalart,especiallyfromtheFlemisharea,demonstratestheenormous fascinationexertedbythenewurbanism.AsJamesSnydercomments,forinstance, regardingthepainting“MadonnawiththeChancellorNicolasRolin”byJanvan Eyck (ca. 1435), “The background landscape in the Rolin Madonna has been identified as Bruges, Autun, Liège, Maastricht, and Geneva. But as with his architectural interiors, Van Eyck is his own architect and city planner here, fashioning a convincing setting that at the same time serves as a symbolic backdropforthefigures.Thecityontherightbank,behindMary,isfilledwith countlesschurchesincludingonehugecathedral,allofwhichareproperattributes ofNotreDameonceagain....”190 Significantly,wecanalsodiscoveraremarkabledepictionofurbanspaceinthe famousEnglishLuttrellPsalterfromthefirsthalfofthefourteenthcenturywhich providesmuchinformationaboutdailylifebothinthecountrysideand,tosome extent,alsoatcourt(scenesofgames,jousting,hunting,etc.).Althoughthisheavy tome,consistingof309leaves,writtenbyonesinglescribe,focuses,initspictorial program,mostlyonruralaspectsoffarmwork,createdbyatleastfivedifferent illuminators,wealsodiscoveronespectacularimageofawalledmedievaltown (fol.164v).JanetBackhouseoffersthefollowingdescriptionandcomment: The townscape (41) is thus of special interest, not so much for its dancers and musiciansasforthesubstantialvarietyofthebuildingscrammedwithinitswalls.The centralfeatureisacruciformchurchwithatowerandsteeple.Itappearstoberoofed

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HeikeBierschwaleandJacquelinevanLeeuwen,WiemaneineStadtregierensoll,145,summarize their finding as follows: “Die Sprüche erinnerten Amtsträger in abbreviierter Form an ihre amtlichen und moralischen Pflichten, gleichzeitig vermittelten sie ein Bewußtsein von der herausgehobenengesellschaftlichenPositionderRatsherren,womitihnenindiesemSinneauch repräsentativeFunktioneneigneten.” JamesSnyder,NorthernRenaissanceArt:Painting,Sculpture,theGraphicArtsfrom1350to1575(New York:HarryN.Abrams,1985),109.

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withleadandthesteepleiscrownedwithaweathercock.Thecitywallsarestrongly constructedofdressedstone,withsuitabletracesoffortification[crenellation,A.C.]. Betweenthetwoisavariedcollectionofhouses,someroofedwithtilesandothers withthatch.Whilethemajorityaretimberframed,someseemtobeofstone,acouple evenpossiblyofbrick.Variousformsofwindowanddoorarediscernible.Thethird housefromtheleftintheuperrowisjettiedoutoverthesquare.Severalbuildings havehighlydecorativepiercedchimneysandthegrandestofthehouses,inthelower righthandcorner,boastsarowofdecorativecrestsalongitsridge.Thishousehasa shieldofarmshangingfromapoleonthefacewhichfrontsthesquare.Thejettied houseandthehousenearesttothecitygatearebothapparentlyidentifiableasinns becausetheycarrythesignofabushonapole.191

Theartisthereobviouslydeviatedfromthetraditionaltownscapecharacterized by a cluster of houses densely packed together behind tall city walls, profiled mostlybychurchtowersandspires,normallygivingusnosenseofamarketor anyotheropenspace.Here,bycontrast,wewitnessastronginterestintheurban setting,people’slivingconditions,diversearchitecture,andalsointheopeningup ofthecitytotheoutside,asreflectedbyarowofdancers,allbutonewiththeir backtotheviewer,leavingthecitygateontheleft.MichaelCamilleidentifiedthe dance performance as the procession associated with the Rogation Day (ChristianizationoftheancientMayfestival).192Agroupofwomenassembledon topofthegategazesdownuponthem. Atanotheroccasion,oneoftheartistsalsoincludedtheimageofacastle(of love)besiegedbyknights,onfol.75v, placed at the bottom of the page, but this

clearly serves allegorical purposes because the defenders are women throwing flowers down upon the attackers, men.193Sincethecityscapeonfol.164vproves tobetheonlyoneintheentirepsalter,andsinceitconsistsofsomanyinnovative elements,itdeservestoberegardedasaunique,butmostimportantsignalofthe

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JanetBackhouse,MedievalRuralLife intheLuttrellPsalter(TorontoandBuffalo:Universityof TorontoPress,2000),50–51.SeealsoEricGeorgeMillar,TheLuttrellPsalter:twoPlatesinColourand EightyThreeinMonochromefromtheAdditionalManuscript42130intheBritishMuseum(London: PrintedfortheTrustees,1932);MichaelCamille,MirrorinParchment:TheLuttrellPsalterandthe MakingofMedievalEngland(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1998).Forastunningfacsimile, nowseeTheLuttrellPsalter:AFacsimile,commentarybyMichelleP.Brown(London:TheBritish Library,2006).TheimagereproductioninBackhouse’sbookisconsiderablylargerthaninthe facsimileandallowsustostudyevenminutedetailswithoutanydifficulties. MichaelCamille,MirrorinParchment,274–75;seealsothecommentarybyMichelleP.Brown,45. Sheclaimsthatthemusicians’trumpetsbearthearmsofLuttrelandSutton,ibid.,buttheenlarged imageinBackhousedoesnotconfirmthat. SeeBrown’scommentary,39.

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emergenceofthecityasamajorfocusofpublicattention,evenamongthelanded gentry.194

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AsBackhouse,MedievalRuralLife,51–52,comments,“Medievalstonehouseswhichwouldhave been known to Sir Geoffrey Luttrell survive both within the city of Lincoln and at Boothby Pagnell,onlyafewmilesnorthofhisIrnhamhome.Timberframedhousesare,however,more susceptibletodecayandtoalterationandarecorrespondinglylesseasytopinpoint.Asurviving earlyfourteenthcenturycityscapeofthetypeofferedbythisminiaturewouldindeedbeararity, thoughthehousesofwhichitiscomposedcanbecomparedwithknownbuildings.”

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Figure1:LuttrellPsalter,fol.164verso

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This growing and profound interest in urban space as the new pictorial backgroundbecomesalmosteverpresentinfifteenthcenturyFlemishart,evenif theviewer’seyeisdirectedprimarilyontheforeground,mostlyaninteriorsetting, suchasinRobertCampin’s“SaltingMadonna”fromca.1430(NationalGallery, London).Thewindowinthetopleftissetfarinthebackground,andopensonly asmallspacelookingontothecity,thedetailsofwhicharehardtorecognize. Nevertheless, because of the darkness in the room, except for the brightly illuminatedMadonnanursingtheInfant,andalsofortheBiblelyingopenonthe lectionary,theviewer’sattentionisalmostequallydividedbetweenthereligious sceneandtheurbanworldnicelyframedinthedepthofthepictorialspace.195 HansMemlingwascertainlyamasterofthismotifandincludedmanyelaborate detailsofurbanspaceinhisaltarpieces,suchasintheleftpanelofthe“Altarpiece oftheVirginwithSaintsandAngels”from1479(HospitalofSaintJohn,Bruges), wherenumerousbuildingsinacityfillthebackground.Buteventhecenterpiece, though focusing on the Virgin with the Child, surrounded by shepherds and angels,ispredicatedontheideathatallimportanteventsinhumanexistencetake placewithintheframeworkofacity.196 In simultaneous altarpieces, such as Lucas Moser’s “Magdalen Altarpiece” (exterior) from 1431 (Church, Tiefenbronn), we recognize, at the same time, a harborsetting,aninteriorspace,andapublicsceneunderatower.197Otherartists whofollowedthesamestrategyanddesignmodelwereJohannKoerebeckeand DerikBaegert,andfinallyalsoMichaelPacher,tonamesomemorenamesofthose whoconfirmthegeneralinterestinthecityasapictorialmotif.198 AlbrechtDürermightwellhaveofferedoneofthemostintriguingexamplesof theintensivefascinationwithurbandevelopmentwhenhecreatedhisoilpainting “TheFeastoftheRoseGarlands(TheBrotherhoodoftheRosary)”in1506,today housedintheNárodniGalerieinPrague.199TheGermancolonyofmerchantsin

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SeeJamesSnyder,NorthernRenaissanceArt,123,no.119.Seealsoaverysimilarsetupanddesign inDiericBouts’s“MadonnaandChild”fromca.1465(NationalGallery,London);here145,no. 142. Snyder,NorthernRenaissanceArt,197,colorplate31.SeealsoGerardDavid’s“Altarpieceofthe BaptismofChrist”fromca.1502–1507(Groeningemuseum,Bruges;here198,colorplate33,and Michael Wolgemut’s (attributed) “Resurrection” from the Hofer Altarpiece, ca. 1485 (Alte Pinakothek,Munich);here204,colorplate40. Snyder,NorthernRenaissance,221,no.212. Snyder,NorthernRenaissance,232–37.SeealsothecomprehensivestudiesbyFrederickHartt, HistoryofItalianRenaissanceArt:Painting,Sculpture,Architecture(EnglewoodCliffs,NJ:Prentice Hall,andNewYork:HarryN.Abrams,n.d.[1969]);andAndréChastel,TheStudiosandStylesof theRenaissance:Italy1460–1500,trans.JonathanGriffin(1965;London:ThamesandHudson,1966). For a wonderfully largesize digital version, see the copy online at: http://i.blog.empas.com/pia212/33660574_750x638.jpg;orat: http://www.wga.hu/framese.html?/html/d/durer/1/05/03rose.html; alternatively, see the site: http://www.booksplendour.com.au/gallery/classics/Durer/durer_The%20Altarpiece%20of%20

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Venice,housedintheFondacodeiTedeschi,hadcommissionedhimtopaintthis panelfortheirchapelintheparishchurchofSanBartolomeo,whichshowsthe enthronedVirginMary,holdingtheinfantJesusonherlap,whilePopeJuliusII (?)andthedesignateHolyRomanEmperorMaximilianIkneeltobothhersides, thelatteralreadycrownedwithagarlandofrosesbytheVirgin,whereasJesusis justabouttocrownthePope.Agroupofpeople,noneofwhomcanbeeasilyor positivelybeidentified,throngaroundthethrone,whichallowedDürertoinclude himselfinthebackgroundontherighthandsidestandingnexttoatree.Leftto hishead,inthefardistance,emergesasplendidcitywithwonderfultowers,walls, urbanresidences,andhouses,allbeforeamightymountainouslandscape.The lowerpartofthecityextendsintoasunfloodedlowersectionofthecity,enriched withanelegantbridgeandgatetower,nottomentionmanyotherdetailsonly faintlyrecognizable. WhetherDürerhereportrayedareallyexistingcity,orcreatedanideal,doesnot concernushere,buthemadesuretogivetheviewerthesenseofthespectacular natureofurbanspaceastheultimateresourceinwhichtheindividualcanfinda homeandalsoanidentity.SoitmightbeNuremberg,butitcouldbeanyother city,aproudrepresentationoftheearlymodernurbanspace.200Thepaintingitself laterbecameacrownjewelofEmperorandCzechKingRudolphII’scollection, whoboughtthismasterpiecefortheexorbitantpriceof900goldducats.201There arestrikingparallelstotheimageofNuremberginHartmannSchedel’sfamous worldchronicle.

TheCityinLateMedievalLiterature For those who were not members of the civic communities, the urban space representedasourceoftremendousattractionandalsosuspicion.Throughoutthe MiddleAgesweobservehowbothpeasantsandaristocrats,bothgoliardsand scholars,musiciansandmedicaldoctorsinvestedmuchenergyandresourcesto joinanurbancommunity,thatis,togainlegalstatusasacitizen.Evencraftsmen facedahardtimeachievingthatstatusiftherewerenotsufficientpositionsopen as masters in the specific professions. It was a privilege, not a right one was

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the%20Rose%20Gardens.jpeg(lastaccessedonDec.9,2008). Foradetailofthiscityscene,seePeterStrieder,TheHiddenDürer(1976;RushcuttersBay,NSW, Australia:BayBooksPty,1978),94–5. AlbrechtDürer:TheFeastoftheRoseGarlands1506–2006,ed.OlgaKotková(Prague:Národnigalerie vPraze2006):CatalogofanexhibitionheldatNationalGalleryinPrague,CollectionofOld Masters,WallensteinRidingSchool,June21–Oct.1,2006;forareview,seeJeffreyChippsSmith, inSehepunkte7(2007),No.2at: http://www.sehepunkte.de/2007/02/12411.html(lastaccessedonDec.9,2008).

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necessarilybornwith,asweknowfrommanycraftsmenwhostrovewithalltheir mighttomarryeitheracraftsman’sdaughterorhiswidowbecauseonlyinthat caseweretheyallowedtosettleinthetown,thentoriseinrank,andtogainthe statusasmasterwhocouldrunaworkshopinthecity.202 Primarilyinurbancentersmoneychangedhands,andthecostoflivingwas veryhigh,buttherewerealsomanyformsofentertainmentandlearning.Inthe citiescustomerscouldfindallkindsofspecializedservices,includingthatofsex workers,i.e.,prostitutes.Brothelswerestrategicallylocatedatthecitygatesto helpreducetheproblemwithsexualviolence,andprostitutesactuallysometimes played a rather significant role in diplomatic affairs, officially welcoming a dignitaryoutsideofthecitygates.203Butprostituteswerealwaysregardedand treated as outsiders, and their social existence was not enviable, very much actuallyliketoday.Nevertheless,theyconstitutedanoticeablesocialgroupwithin latemedievalurbanlife,attractingnumerouscustomersandalsotriggeringsharp criticismbytheclerics,althoughtheirprofessionwasmostlyregardedlikemost othersdespiteitsmorallynegativeassociation.

202

203

There is a legion of relevant scholarship; see for instance John Harvey, Mediaeval Craftsmen (London:Batsford,1975);DeutschesHandwerkinSpätmittelalterundfrüherNeuzeigt:Sozialgeschichte – Volkskunde –Literaturgeschichte, ed. Rainer S. Elkar. Göttinger Beiträge zur Wirtschafts und Sozialgeschichte,9(Göttingen:Schwartz,1983);HeatherSwanson,MedievalArtisans:AnUrban ClassinLateMedievalEngland(Oxford:BasilBlackwell,1989);StevenA.Epstein,WageLaborand Guilds in Medieval Europe (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991); Artisans in Europe,1300–1914,ed.JamesR.Farr.NewApproachestoEuropeanHistory,19(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress,2000);IngeborgSeltmann,Handwerker,Henker,Heilige:Bildererzählen vom Leben im Mittelalter (Ostfildern: Thorbecke, 2005); Günther Binding, Wanderung von Werkmeistern und Handwerkern im frühen und hohen Mittelalter. Sitzungsberichte der WissenschaftlichenGesellschaftanderJohannWolfgangGoetheUniversitätFrankfurtamMain, 43.1(Stuttgart:Steiner,2005).SeealsotheHausbücherderNürnbergerZwölfbrüderstiftungen,online at:http://www.nuernbergerhausbuecher.de(lastaccessedonDec.8,2008). Gertrud Blaschitz, “Das Freudenhaus im Mittelalter,” 715–50. See also Leah Lydia Otis, ProstitutioninMedievalSociety:TheHistoryofanUrbanInstitutioninLanguedoc(Chicagoand London:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,1985);BeateSchuster,“FrauenhandelundFrauenhäuser im15.und16.Jahrhundert,“VierteljahrsschriftfürSozialundWirtschaftsgeschichte78,2(1991): 172–89;PeterSchuster,DasFrauenhaus:StädtischeBordelleinDeutschland(1350–1600)(Paderborn, München,WienundZürich:FerdinandSchöningh,1992);BeateSchuster,DiefreienFrauen.Dirnen undFrauenhäuserim15.und16.Jahrhundert(FrankfurtundNewYork:Campus,1995);RuthMazo Karras,“Prostitution,”WomenintheMiddleAges:AnEncyclopedia,ed.KatharinaM.Wilsonand NadiaMargolis(Westport,CT,andLondon:GreenwoodPress,2004),vol.II:770–75.SeealsoRuth MazoKarras,“TheRegulationofBrothelsinLaterMedievalEngland,”SistersandWorkersinthe MiddleAges,ed.JudithM.Bennett,ElizabethA.Clark,JeanF.O’Barr,B.AnneVilen,andSarah WestphalWihl (1976; Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1989), 100–34; eadem,CommonWomen:ProstitutionandSexualityinMedievalEngland.StudiesintheHistoryof Sexuality(1996;NewYorkandOxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1998);FernandoBruquetasde Castro,HistoriadelosburdelesenEspaña:delupanares,puteríosrealesyotrasmancebías(Madrid: EsferadelosLibros,2006).

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Significantly, prostitutes were simply one social group in a kaleidoscope of urbandwellers,thoughtheirunusualprofessionmakesthemstandoutinour investigations,whereasthehistoricalsourcesdonotnecessarilyconfirmthat.204 Customerscouldbecriticizedharshlybecauseoftheiroriginalvowofchastity (clerics),ortheycouldberidiculedbecausetheyhadbecomevictimsoftheirown lustfulness and ignorance, especially when they became victims of the manipulationsofgobetweensandpimps.205 OnelatemedievalGermanpoet,OswaldvonWolkenstein(1376/1377–1445), whosecastlewaslocatedinmoderndaySouthTyrol(nowinItaly),butwhowas privileged enough to travel throughout Europe in many different functions, reflectedrepeatedlyonhisexperienceswithprostitutesandalsodiscussedhis observationsinvariouscities,somepleasant,othersdisagreeable.Thelastfew decadeshavewitnessedanevergrowinginterestinthismostfascinatingpoet whoseworksplacehimoddlybetweentheMiddleAgesandtheRenaissance.He producedincrediblydetailedautobiographicalpoetry,yethealsoreliedheavily ontopicallanguageandimagery.Hislifecanbetracedingreatestdetailboth through historical documents (ca. 1000 are still available today) and his song poetry. Oswald traveled extensively all over Europe, and he was intensively involved in local and national politics. Musicologists and philologists have likewiseexpressedgreatrespectforhiswork,thoughheheavilycopiedmelodies andprobablyalsomanytopics,motifs,images,metaphors,andexpressionsfrom contemporaryFrench,Flemish,andItalianpoets.206

204

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206

SeeSarahMcDougall,“TheProsecutionofSexinLateMedievalTroyes,”SexualityintheMiddle AgesandEarlyModernTimes,691–714. GretchenMieszkowski,MedievalGoBetweensandChaucer’sPandarus.TheNewMiddleAges(New York:PalgraveMacmillan,2006);seealsohercontribution“OldAgeandMedievalMisogyny:The OldWoman”(299–19)toOldAgeintheMiddleAgesandtheRenaissance:InterdisciplinaryApproaches toaNeglectedTopic,ed.AlbrechtClassen.FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModernCulture, 2 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2007), along with the parallel, but certainly not identicalcontributionbyKarenPratt,“Devetula:theFigureoftheOldWomaninOldFrench Literature”(321–42),ibid.Intriguingly,althoughbothrelyonmuchofthesamematerial,they reachratherdifferentconclusions. DieLiederOswaldsvonWolkenstein,ed.KarlKurtKlein.3rdnewlyrevisedandexpandeded. byHansMoser,NorbertRichardWolf,andNotburgaWolf.AltdeutscheTextbibliothek55(1962; Tübingen:Niemeyer,1987);WernerMarold,KommentarzudenLiedernOswalds,revisedanded. byAlanRobertshaw.InnsbruckerBeiträgezurKulturwissenschaft.Germanistische Reihe,52 (1926;Innsbruck:InstitutfürGermanistik,1995);JohannesSpicker,OswaldvonWolkenstein:Die Lieder.KlassikerLektüren,10(Berlin:Schmidt,2007);forOswald’sborrowingfromItalianpoetry, see Albrecht Classen, Zur Rezeption norditalienischer Kultur des Trecento im Werk Oswalds von Wolkenstein(1376/771445).GöppingerArbeitenzurGermanistik,471(Göppingen:Kümmerle, 1987);forthebesthistoricalbiography,seeAntonSchwob,OswaldvonWolkenstein:EineBiographie. SchriftenreihedesSüdtirolerKulturinstitutes,4(1977;Bozen:VerlagsanstaltAthesia,1989);see also Albrecht Classen, “Oswald von Wolkenstein,” German Writers of the Renaissance and Reformation 1280–1580, Dictionary of Literary Biographies, 179, ed. James Hardin and Max

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Oswaldprovestobeanextraordinaryliterarysourceformanydifferentaspects in the history of latemedieval mentality, whether we want to probe gender relationships, religious sentiments, legal concepts, political issues, travel experiences,pilgrimage,theenjoymentoflanguages,sexuality,marriage,andthe relationship between landed gentry and peasantry, not to forget Oswald’s conflictual interaction with the territorial duke of Tyrol, Frederick IV.207 Interestingly,Oswaldalsodrewfromhispersonalexperiencesinvarioussouth Germancitiesforsomeofhisautobiographicalpoems,offeringintriguinginsight into how an aristocratic singerpoet who worked in the diplomatic service of EmperorSigismund,theTyroleanDukeFrederickIV,andtheBishopofNeustift nearBrixenoperatedintheurbanspaceofConstanceandÜberlingen. Forinstance,inhissongKl.45“Wermachenwell”hemockinglydiscussesthe experienceofforeignersinthecityofÜberlingenontheLakeConstancewhere hyperinflationhascausedthevisitorstosufferbadlyfromtheirinnkeepersand others who provide services. In fact, Oswald is surprisingly detailed as to the specificprices,thecurrencyused,andthenastothecustomers’complaintsasto thehighcostsofallgoods:“fleischlützel,krutaingrossgeschrai;/aussklainer schüssel gat der rai / von mangem lai” (9–11; They serve little meat, but any amountofcabbage;/therowofmanypeople/eatsfromasmallbowl).208

207

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Reinhart(Detroit,Washington,DC,andLondon:GaleResearch,1997),198–205;AlanRobertshaw, Oswald von Wolkenstein: The Myth and the Man. Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik, 178 (Göppingen:Kümmerle,1977).SeealsoDieLebenszeugnisseOswaldsvonWolkenstein:Editionund Kommentar, ed. Anton Schwob. 3 vols. (Vienna, Cologne, and Weimar: Böhlau, 1999–2004) (ultimately5vols.intotal).SeenowAlbrechtClassen,ThePoemsofOswaldvonWolkenstein:An English Translation of the Complete Works (1376/77–1445). The New Middle Ages (New York: PalgraveMacmillan,2008). See,forinstance,AlbrechtClassen,“OnomatopoesieinderLyrikvonJehanVaillant,Oswaldvon WolkensteinundNiccolòSoldanieri,”ZeitschriftfürdeutschePhilologie108,3(1989):357–77;id., “Der Bauern in der Lyrik Oswalds von Wolkenstein,” Euphorion 82, 2 (1988): 150–67; Die autobiographischeLyrikdeseuropäischenSpätmittelaltlers:StudienzuHugovonMontfort,Oswaldvon Wolkenstein,AntonioPucci,Charlesd’Orléans,ThomasHoccleve,MichelBeheim,HansRosenplütund Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino, Amsterdamer Publikationen zur Sprache und Literatur, 91 (AmsterdamandAtlanta,GA:EditionsRodopi,1991);id.,“ToFearornottoFear,thatisthe Question: Oswald von Wolkenstein Facing Death and Enjoying Life. FifteenthCentury MentalitätsgeschichteReflectedinLyricPoetry,”FearandItsRepresentationsintheMiddleAgesand Renaissance, ed. Anne Scott and Cynthia Kosso. Arizona Studies in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance,6(Turnhout,Belgium:Brepols,2002),274–91;SieglindeHartmann,Altersdichtung und Selbstdarstellung bei Oswald von Wolkenstein. Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik, 288 (Göppingen:Kümmerle,1980);seealsothecontributionstoOswaldvonWolkenstein:Beiträgeder philologischmusikwissenschaftlichen Tagung in Neustift bei Brixen 1973, ed. Egon Kühebacher. InnsbruckerBeiträgezurKulturwissenschaft,.GermanistischeReihe,1(Innsbruck:Institutfür deutschePhilologiederUniversität,1974). Thetranslationismine,borrowedfrommytranslationofOswald’scompleteworks(NewYork: Palgrave,2008).

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Significantly,Oswalddoesnotreallyrelatedetailsaboutthecityitself,orthe urbanspace.Instead,hispoembasicallyreflectshishighlysubjectiveperspective and perception, focusing on eating and drinking, payment, housing, entertainment,suchas:“Zwargüterkurzweilsichtmanvil/damittenaufdem blatze,/mittanzen,springen,saitenspil/vonainerrauhenkatze”(43–46;Truly, you can observe there in the middle of the square much entertainment, like dancing,jumping,andplaywiththefiddle,presentedbyanunkemptcat).The characteristicallyselfcenteredpoetOswaldcastsanimageofhimselfasaman whorambunctiouslypartakesofallthepleasuresthatacitycanoffer,constantly referring to sexual enticements and joys, though he then also indicates, in a stronglyironic,ifnotsarcastic,mannerhowmuchhehadtosufferinthecity becauseofhispersonalpovertyandinabilitytoseethroughthevariousstrategies oftheprostitutes,hisowninnkeeper,foodproviders,andotherstorobhimofhis money:“Meinwiert,derwasbeschaidenzwar,/erschieddasgoldvonleder;/das namichanderbettstatwar,/zwelfpfenninggultenainfeder”(52–55;Myinn keeperknewhisbusiness:hetookthegoldoutof[my]leatherbag.Inoticedthat atthepriceforabed:Onefeathermattresscosttwelveducats!). Inthissensetheparallelstohiscontemporary,MargeryKempe,amongmany otherlatemedievaltravelers,areratherstriking,thoughshepursuedprimarily religious goals when she visited Rome. Oswald addresses a specific audience, probablyhiscompanionsinÜberlingen,orhisfamilyandfriendsbackhomein ruralTyrol,noneofwhomhadaclearsenseofwhatthecitytrulymeant,being only dazzled, if not dumbfounded, by the splendor, noise, crowds, sexual attractions,music,andfood.Inaway,Oswald’spoemcanbereadasthetypical reflectionofanignoranttouristwhoonlyperceivesthemostglaringaspectsofa siteorcity,eitherdeeplyintriguedbytheglitterandsham,ordisgustedbythe abuse of the foreigners at the hand of the urban merchants and other service providers,includingpimpsandprostitutes. ForourpurposesitdoesnotmatterwhetherOswaldcreatedthispoemduring hisparticipationintheCouncilofConstanceasadiplomatortranslator,orat someothertimelaterintheserviceofEmperorSigismund,in1430,whohadtaken quarters there instead of in Constance because of civic unrest in that city.209 Instead,wecanobservehowmuchthepoetfocusesonhispersonalexperiences in a highly idiosyncratic fashion, almost satirizing city life as a place for entertainment,struggle,andstrife,not,however,asasitewithwhichalanded aristocratlikeOswald,irrespectiveofhiscosmopolitanismandpolyglotskills,

209

SeethecommentsbyBurghartWachingerinOswaldvonWolkenstein,Lieder:Frühneuhochdeutsch /Neuhochdeutsch.AusgewählteTexteherausgegeben,übersetztundkommentiertvonBurghart Wachinger. Melodien und Tonsätze herausgegeben und kommentiert von Horst Brunner (Stuttgart:Reclam,2007),376–77.

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wouldhavefullyidentified.Otherwisehewouldnothavemocked,forinstance, thepoorqualityofthelocalwine,whichhesarcasticallycontrastswiththosethat hecanfindinhishomeregion:“Vasstsüsserweinalsslehentranck,/derreuhet mirdiekelsokranck,/dassichveierrtmeinhelsgesangk,/dickgenTraminnstet meingedanck;/seinhertertwangk/pringtscharpfenungelimpfen”(31–36;Really sweetwine,likejuiceoftheblackthorn,mademythroatveryscratchyandmade mysonggetstuckdeepinthere.InmythoughtsI’dratherturntotheTraminer wine.Itsharshgripcausesconsiderablediscomfort). However,wecanneverfullytrustthatOswaldisformulatinghistrueopinion because he always demonstrates an enormous degree of an actor’s attitude, constantlyperforminginchangingrolesandwithshiftingmasks,whichapplies eveninhisautobiographicalpoetry,thoughweshouldnotunderestimatehisfull concernwithcreatinghisliteraryselfportrait.210Thisfindsitsconfirmationinhis poeticencomiumonConstance,Kl.98“Owunniklichesparadis,”wherethesinger issuddenlyfullofpraiseforthewonderfulandmostpleasingatmosphereinthe city,whichhasnothingtodowiththeshiftfromÜberlingentoConstance,closely situatedtoeachother.Onthecontrary,Oswaldsimplyshiftstoadifferentregister inhispoetictreatmentofcitylife,oneunderscoringallitspositivefeatures,then ridiculingtheabusecommittedbyinnkeepersandprostituteswhotraditionally sufferedfromabadreputation.211 In“OwunniklichesParadis”healsoturnshisfullattentiontotheladiesinthe city,212 praising them for their beauty which pleases him mightily (9–16), particularly because of their elegant comportment, sophisticated speech, and educatedmanners(17–19).However,thecityitselfdoesnotreallyenterhisliterary horizon;insteadheonlyemphasizestheextraordinaryopportunitytoenjoythe dancewiththeladiesinthecitydancehall(28),whoimpresshimasmuchas courtlyladieshavealwaysdoneintraditionalcourtlypoetry:“Undderichnicht

210

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Albrecht Classen, Die autobiographische Lyrik des europäischen Spätmittelalters, 1991; Johannes Spicker,LiterarischeStilisierungundartistischeKompetenzbeiOswaldvonWolkenstein(Stuttgartand Leipzig:Hirzel,1993);SieglindeHartmann,“OswaldvonWolkensteinetlaMéditerranée:espace devie,espacedepoésie,”JahrbuchderOswaldvonWolkensteinGesellschaft8(1994/95):289–320. JohannesSpicker,OswaldvonWolkenstein:DieLieder.KlassikerLektüren,10(Berlin:ErichSchmidt, 2007), 38–51, takes a much too extreme counter position and questions virtually all autobiographical comments in the poet’s work as authentic. See my review, forthcoming in NeuphilologischeMitteilungen.ForOswald’smetapoeticreflectionsabouthimself,seeAlbrecht Classen,“SangeskunstundmoderneSelbstverwirklichungimWerkOswaldsvonWolkenstein (1376/77–1445), in hôhem prîse: A Festschrift in Honor of Ernst Dick, ed. by Winder McConnell. GöppingerArbeitenzurGermanistik,480(Göppingen:Kümmerle,1989),11–29. RichardW.Unger,BeerintheMiddleAges,50–51;180–81;218–19,etpassim. Marold/Robertshaw,Kommentar,241,identifies“Paradis”(Paradise)asasuburbnorthwestof Constance,locatedoutsideofthecitywallwhichwasused,atleastintheMiddleAges,asasite fortournamentsandfestivals.

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vergessenwil;/dasmachtirminniklichgestalt./miterenlustichlichfreudenspil /vindtmanzuCostnitzmanigvalt”(29–32;Icannotforgetthematallbecauseof theirdelightfulappearance.Polite,delightfulentertainmentofallkindsyoucan findinConstance).Butifwesearchforanyspecificreferencetothecityitself,we come up emptyhanded, except for the brief mention of the dance hall “der Katzen”(28).213 Ofcourse,andthisisrathersignificantforouroverallinvestigation,thisshould notreallysurpriseusbecausethepoetdoesnotperceivehimselfaspartofthe urbancommunityandonlydiscussesConstanceasonepointduringhismany travelsanddiplomaticmissions.Infact,thecityitselfdoesnotmattertohimper se,andhereactstothevariousurbanexperiencesonlyinsofarastheyhadeither anegativeorapositiveimpactonhim. Afterall,inKl.123“Derseineslaidsergecztwellsein”Oswaldharboredquite differentfeelingsregardingConstance,nowreturningtothesameregisterthathe had used in his Überlingen song Kl. 45. Again, he sarcastically reports the women’sabuseoftheoutsideguests,robbingthemofalltheirmoney,thoughhe probablyonlymeansthelocalprostitutes: Derseineslaidsergecztwellsein undungenecztbeschorenfein, derziechgenCostnitzandenRein, obimdieraisswolfüge. Darinnsowontmangfreulinzart, diekunnengrasenindempart, obsichkainhardarinnverschart, dazernitgerentruge.

(Kl.123,1–8)

[Hewhowantstobefreeofhisworries andwouldliketobeshorndryclean, oughttotraveltoConstanceontheRhine,214 ifthistripfitsintohisplans. Manyfinewomenlivethere whoknowwellhowtoscratchgentlythebeard, lookingtoseewhetherahairmightbehidinginit thatmightbotherhim.]

Notsurprisingly,Oswaldbiographershavetoucheduponthosepassagesonly fleetinglybecausetheyrealizeonlytoowellthatthepoetdoesnotdemonstrate anyremarkableinterestinthecityassuchandtreateditonlyasabackdropforhis

213

214

Marold/Robertshaw,Kommentar,242,identifies“inderKatzen”astheoldguildbuildingforthe cityaristocracyandthepatriciate. Technically,thisiscorrectsincetheRhine,originatingfromSwitzerland,isflowingthroughLake Constance,whileConstanceissituatedonthenorthwestside.

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reflections upon his personal sentiments and experiences.215 Contemporary chroniclerssuchasUlrichvonRichentalregularlyprojectedtheveryopposite perspectiveofthecitybecausethelatter,atleast,livedinConstanceandsowas naturallyinclinedtopaintaverypositivepictureofhishomecity.GeorgeF.Jones addstheunusualbutcertainlycorrectanglethatthehighpricesinConstancewere reallyreasonableconsideringtheeconomiccircumstances.Moreover,“thecity fathersofConstancebrokewithmedievalmonopolisticpracticebypermitting tradesmenandartisansfromoutsidetoopenshopinthecityforthedurationof thecouncil.”216AndastoOswald’ssatiricaldescriptionoftheuglywomeninthe city,Jonesadds:“Oswald’sparodisticdescriptionofthehousemaidistypicalof thetimes,forhepresentsexactlytheoppositeofthestylizedidealoffeminine beauty.”217 Concludinghissongwithsomereflectionsuponhisoverallexperienceinthe city,Oswaldfinallystates: wennichvonCostnitzschaidensol, desemphindichanderseitten. Ichpreissdenedlen,guldinSchlegel, zudemsokerichmeinensegel, ettwoichinderwelthinker, deslobichseldenmeide.

(75–80)

[WhenIhavetoleaveConstance, Iwillnoticeitattheside.218

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AntonSchwob,OswaldvonWolkenstein,107–08.Hecorrectlycomments,107:“SeineKonstanzer Lieder berichten vornehmlich von Lustbarkeiten am Rande des Konzils, von Trinkgelagen, Tanzveranstaltungen,derGeschäftstüchtigkeitderKonstanzer“freulin”unddenWucherpreisen derWirte”(HisConstancesongsreportprimarilyofentertainmentatthemarginofthecouncil, of drinking bouts, dance events, of the economic skills of the Constance “ladies” and of the usuriousprices).Subsequentlyheaddstheinsightfulcharacterization,109:“WährendOswalds Lieder den Anschein erwecken, als ob er nichts anderes zu tun gehabt hätte, als seinen Zechgenossen die ernüchternden Erlebnisse eines amüsierfreudigen Provinzlers in der Bodenseestadtvorzutragen,überstürztensichdiepolitischenEreignisse”(WhileOswald’ssongs evoketheimpressionasifhehadnothingelsetodobuttopresentthesoberingexperiencesofa manfromtheprovinceinterestedinfindingsomefun[inthecity],thepoliticalevents[thathe mentions]comequicklyoneaftertheother). GeorgeF.Jones,OswaldvonWolkenstein.Twayne’sWorldAuthorsSeries,236(NewYork:Twayne Publishers,1973),52. Jones, Oswald von Wolkenstein, 52. For the rhetorical register of old women, see Gretchen Mieszkowski,“OldAgeandMedievalMisogyny:TheOldWoman,”OldAgeintheMiddleAges, 299–319. See also Karen Pratt, “De vetula: the Figure of the Old Woman in Medieval French Literature,”ibid.,321–42. Meaning:Iwillnothaveanymoneyleft;mybagontheleftsidewillbeempty.

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Ipraisethenoble,goldentruncheon,219 inthedirectionofwhichIturnmysail; whereverImightgetintheworld, Iwillneverwithholdmypraiseforit.]

However much Oswald turned his attention to individual cities—and he also discussesNuremberg(Kl.99),andAugsburg(Kl.122)—inrealitythisaristocratic poetcouldnotidentifywithurbancentersandincludedthemonlyascurioussites whereheasavisitorhadbothpleasantanduncomfortableexperiences,wherethe food prices were excessive and the prostitutes unfriendly to him.220 Not surprisingly,wheneverhefoundanopportunitytoridiculeanddecrythenew classofrichmerchants,suchasinhissong“Ainburgherundainhofman”(Kl.25), Oswaldmadefulluseofthis,thoughwithouttherebyidealizingthearistocracy altogether.Instead,hiscriticismagainstthosewhomakealivingascourtiersis characterizedbyridiculeandwrath.221 Everythingdependsontheindividualviewpoints,ofcourse,andwhileOswald, asalandedgentry,onlypassedthroughanumberofGermanandotherEuropean cities, reflecting upon them fleetingly as it fit his own personal agenda, his contemporarySwissauthorHeinrichWittenwilerarguedvehementlyinfavorof cities that knew how to assess their individual situation in contrast to foolish peasantsanderraticaristocrats.InhishighlysatiricaldidacticallegoricalpoemDer Ring(ca.1400)heprimarilypaintsadeftlycriticalimageoftheworldofthestupid peasantswhoareutterlysubjecttotheiremotions,lackrationality,andcannot learnfromanyseriousteaching.Theversenarrativefocusesonayoungpeasant couplethatintendstogetmarried,thoughtheyfaceanumberofobstaclesthat theyhavetoovercomeuntiltheycanfinallyjoininawedding.Butthenviolence breaksout,andthisquicklyeruptsintoafullblownwarinwhichtheentirevillage wherethegroomhadoriginatedfromiswipedout.Onlytheprotagonistsurvives, buthedoesnotdemonstratethathehaslearnedanythingfromthecatastrophe,

219

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Eitherthenameofaninn,thenitwouldbe“Schlegel,”oranironicreferencetosomebeatingthat hereceivedthere;seeWernfriedHofmeister,inOswaldvonWolkenstein,SämtlicheLiederund Gedichte.InsNeuhochdeutscheübersetztvonWernfriedHofmeister.GöppingerArbeitenzur Germanistik,511(Göppingen:Kümmerle,1989),352. Wachinger,inOswaldvonWolkenstein,Lieder,376:“ImmergehtesOswalddabeinichtumdie Städtealssolche,sondernumdieStilisierungvonErfahrungenbeigeselligenGelegenheiten. InsofernstehendieseLiedermitdemInteresseanStadtbeschreibungenundStädtelob,dassich im15.Jahrhundertentfaltete...,nurinsehrentferntemZusammenhang”(Oswaldisnevertruly interestedinthecitiesassuch;insteadheisconcernedwiththestylizationofexperiencesatsocial gatherings.Inthissensethesesongsareonlyremotelyconnectedwiththeinterestindescribing citiesandsingingthepraiseofcities,whichdevelopedinthefifteenthcentury). Seealsothesonnet“EmerchatantidellamiaFiorenza”composedbytheFlorentinewoolbeater Burchielloin1457,studiedinthisvolumebyFabianAlfie.

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andnaivelywithdrawsintotheBlackForest,spendingtherestofhislifeasan hermit.222 Aspartoftheirwarpreparations,theLappenhausenfarmersdeliberateintheir councilwhomtheycouldapproachasallies,andtheyfirstsendmessengerstothe cities asking for their help. The narrator, however, first tries to provide his audiencewithanunderstandingoftheurbanworldaseverywelleducatedperson shouldknowit,anddevelopsalengthylistofthemajorcitiesalloverEurope, beginningwithRome,Venice,andBruges,thenturningtotheSpanishcitiesof SantiagodeCompostela,Pamplona,Barcelona,Sevilla,andsoforth,coveringalso those in France, Italy, Cyprus, Tyrol, Savoy, Flanders, Germany, Switzerland, Bohemia,Poland,andAustria.HementionsConstantinople,aboveall,buthis knowledgebeginstofadewhenheturnstoPrussiaandneighboringcountries (7608–86). The number of cities cited here amounts to 72, a highly symbolic numberoftenusedinlearned,encyclopedicworks,ifweconsider,forinstance,the 72 disciples whom Christ sent out to the world (Luke 10:1) and the common assumptionintheMiddleAgesthattherewereonly72languagesspoken,223which impliesthatWittenwilerregardedthenetworkofcitiesthatspanstheglobeindeed as the most important aspect of public life where all trade, administration, banking, and education took place and also where the most intelligent and culturedpeoplelive,anexplicitslapagainsttheruralpopulation.224 Wittenwilerdoesnotspecificallyexpressaninterestintheurbanspaceperse, atopicthatwouldnothavebeenappropriateforhisnarrativefocusofsatirizing foolish peasants. But he projects the representatives of the various cities as extraordinarilywise,circumspect,careful,diplomatic,andpeaceoriented,allin clear contrast to the hotheaded members of Lappenhausen, the country bumpkins,everreadytostartfightinginconsideratelyanddisregardingallrisks andimplications.AstheRomansenatorunderscores:

222

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HorstBrunner,HeinrichWittenwiler:DerRing.Frühneuhochdeutsch/Neuhochdeutsch.Nachdem Text von Edmund Wießner ins Neuhochdeutsche übersetzt und herausgegeben. Universal Bibliothek, 8749 (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1991); Christoph Gruchot, Heinrich Wittenwilers “Ring”: KonzeptundKonstruktioneinesLehrbuches.GöppingerArbeitenzurGermanistik,475(Göppingen: Kümmerle,1988);EckhartConradLutz,Spiritualisfornicatio:HeinrichWittenwiler,seineWeltund sein‘Ring’.KonstanzerGeschichtsundRechtsquellen,XXXII(Sigmaringen:Thorbecke,1990); OrtrunRiha,DieForschungzuHeinrichWittenwilers“Ring”1851–1988.WürzburgerBeiträgezur deutschen Philologie, 4 (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, 1990); Albrecht Classen, VerzweiflungundHoffnung.DieSuchenachderkommunikativenGemeinschaftinderdeutschenLiteratur desMittelalters.BeiheftezurMediaevistik,1(Frankfurta.M.,Berlin,Bern,etal.:PeterLang,2002), 401–35. ArnoBorst,DerTurmbauvonBabel:GeschichtederMeinungenüberUrsprungundVielfaltderSprachen und Völker. Vol. 1 (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1975), 674–75; Bernhard Sowinski in: Heinrich Wittenwiler,“DerRing”,herausgegeben,übersetztundkommentiertvonBernhardSowinski. HelfantTexte,T9(Stuttgart:helfantedition,1988),476–77. Sowinski,HeinrichWittenwiler,“DerRing”,477.

UrbanSpaceintheMiddleAgesandtheEarlyModernAge “Lamparterseinweisgenuog. DievonFranchreichsunderchluog, Teutschermanistauchgelert; Darumbseiindieerbeschert: WasderpriolvonFlorentz UndderammanvonCostentz, VonPareisderhaubtman Sprechent,dazseialzgetan!’

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(7695–702)

[‘TheLombardsaresmartenough, ThosefromFranceareparticularlyclever, TheGermansarealsolearned; thereforethefollowingdeservethehonor: WhatthePriorofFlorence andthemagistrateofConstance, andthegovernorofParis say(recommend),thatshallbeaccepted!’]

Particularly the Constance magistrate is given extra space to formulate his theoreticalconceptsabouthowtogivecounciltofriendsandfoesandhowto approach the request by the Lappenhausen peasants in a most pragmatic manner.225Heemphasizes,forinstance: Zeschirmenseinwirallegpunden Einencristanzedenstunden, Somanimvilunrechttuot Anleib,aneralsandemguot; Dochgeschechdasindermass, Dazmanallermänchleichlass Ungeschlagenundgestochen: Wondazwürdanunsgerochen, Obdersogeschlagenman Wäreinsandernundertan.

(7781–90)

[Weareallobligatedtoprotect aChristianatanytime whenhesuffersfrominjustice tohisbody,hishonor,andtohisproperty. Thisprotectionoughttobedoneinsuchamanner thatonestaysawayatallcost frombeatingandstabbinghim.

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Somescholarshavetriedtoreadasarcastic,parodistictoneintoWittenwiler’sdescriptionofthis magistrate;see,forinstance,Lutz,Spiritualisfornicatio,212,butthiswouldnotdojusticetothe undisputably positive characterization of the amman; see Riha, Die Forschung zu Heinrich Wittenwilers“Ring”,15and169.

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Aftershortfurtherdeliberations,thecouncilofcitiesdecidestoacceptthisandthe previousrecommendationsandtoabstainfromtakingsidesinthisconflictamong thepeasants.Notsurprisingly,thewarhungrypeopleofLappenhausentherefore turntotheneighboringvillageswheretheyfindmanystrangefellowsandobscure creatures willing to join them, though at the end everyone will be slain. By contrast,thoughnotfurtherdiscussedinthetext,thecitiesstayoutofthefight andcontinuetothriveandtoprosper,aclearswipeatthefoolishpeoplelivingin the countryside, and a powerful, even if somewhat elusive, praise upon the intelligentandculturedburghers. Searchingforfurtherevidenceofthegrowing,ifnotcentral,significanceoflate medievalandearlymoderncitiesinpublicandprivatelife,wecouldeasilyrefer to the rich entertaining literature of short, hilarious tales, such as the fabliaux, mæren,novelli,andfazetie.BothBoccaccioandChaucer,bothHeinrichKaufringer andtheanonymouscomposer/softheNovellino(alsoknownasLibrodinovelleedi belparlargentile),thenthefamous,alsonotorious,PoggioBraccioliniandGiovanni Straparolahave,amongmanyothers,richlycontributedtothisgenreandhave amplydrawnfromtheirownexperiencesinurbansettings.Wecansafelyassume that their audiences were also constituted of city dwellers, that is, the urban intelligentsia that could fully enjoy the social parodies, witticism, and specific allusions to the intricacies and complexities of the compact living conditions withinacity.Whereastraditionalcourtlyliterature(romanceandlovepoetry)is commonly predicated on life at court, these short didactic and entertaining narrativesareusuallysetincities.226 Oneatfirstsightratherinnocuous,yetstillmeaningfulexamplewouldbethe firsttaleoftheseconddayinBoccaccio’sDecameronwherethesettingisTreviso:

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RobertJ.ClementsandJosephGibaldi,AnatomyoftheNovella:TheEuropeanTaleCollectionfrom Boccaccio and Chaucer to Cervantes (New York: New York University Press, 1977); Klaus Grubmüller,DieOrdnung,derWitzunddasChaos:EineGeschichtedereuropäischenNovellistikim Mittelalter: Fablaiau – Märe – Novelle (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2006). Concerning Boccaccio, he observesthatamajorityofhisnarrativestakeplaceincitiessuchasGenoa(I8andII9),Bologna (I10,VII7,X4),Treviso(II,1),Naples(II,5,III6,VI2,etal.),Pistoia(III,5),Venice(IV,2),Brescia (III,6),Salerno(IV,10),Rome(V3andX8),andsoforth.Moreover,Boccacciohasalsosethiseyes onmajorcitiesoutsideofItaly,suchasLondon,Bruges,Paris,andAlexandria(272–73).Forabrief introductionintothegenreofGermanmærenandtherelatedlatemedievalnarratives,seeErotic TalesofMedievalGermany.Selectedandtrans.AlbrechtClassen;withacontributionbyMaurice Sprague;andwithaneditionofFrobenChristophvonZimmern’s“DerenttäuschteLiebhaber.” Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 328 (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and RenaissanceStudies,2007).

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Era,nonèancoralungotempopassato,untedescoaTrivigichiamatoArrigo,ilquale, poverouomoessendo,diportarepesiaprezzoservivachiilrichiedeva;e,conquesto, uomodisantissimavitaedibuonaeratenutodatutti.Perlaqualcosa,overoonon verochesifosse,morendoegliadivenne,secondocheItrivigianiaffermavano,che nell’oradellasuamortelecampanedellamaggiorchiesadiTrivigitutte,senzaessere daalcuntirate,cominciaronoasonare.227 [NotlongagotherelivedinTrevisoaGermannamedArrigo.Hewasverypoor,and hiredhimselfoutasaporter.Buthewasamanofmostholylifeandeveryonethought himagoodman.Whetherthiswassoornot,thepeopleofTrevisosaythatwhenhe was dying the bells in the largest church of Treviso began to ring miraculously, untouchedbyhumanhand.228]

Theinformationprovidedisnotessentialforthefurtherplotdevelopment,except thatitclearlysignalswheretheeventstakeplace.However,aswecanclearly perceive,thecityalwaysrepresentsadenseurbanspacewithcrowdsofpeopleof allkindsofsocialclasses,fromtherichandmightytotheoldandsick,withan intensivereligiouslifeembracingall,butalsoaplacewhereindividualssuffer frompovertyandhavetomakeameagerlivingbydoingsimplemenialjobs.229In otherwords,Boccaccio’snarratorshedslightonreligious,sociological,economic, andurbanpoliticalaspects.230 Surprisingly, however, the rich corpus of fourteenth and fifteenthcentury illustratedBoccacciomanuscriptsoffershardlyanyspecificreferencestourbanlife andoffersonlytinyindicationsofurbansettings.231Whereashereonepersonalone

227

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GiovanniBoccaccio,sceltaaintroduzionediNinoBorsellino.CentoLibriPerMilleAnni,ed.Walter Pedullà(Rome:IstitutoPoligraficoeZeccadelloStato,1995),322. GiovanniBoccaccio,TheDecameron,trans.RichardAldington(1930;NewYork:DellPublishing, 1970),83.ForanexcellentanalysisofmanyofBoccaccio’srhetoricalstrategies,seeMarilynMigiel, ARhetoricoftheDecameron(Toronto,Buffalo,andLondon:UniversityofTorontoPress,2003). ChiaraFrugoni,ADayinaMedievalCity,69–80,offersgoodillustrationsanddrawsfromavariety ofliteraryandhistoricaldocuments. See,forinstance,MarioBaratto,RealtàestilenelDecameron(1970;Vicenza:NeriPozzaEditore, 1974);VittoreBranca,Boccaccio:TheManandHisWorks,trans.RichardMonges.Cotrans.anded. DennisJ.McAuliffe.ForewordbyRobertC.Clements(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress, 1976),56–85;FrancescoBruni,Boccaccio:L’invenzionedellaletteraturamezzana(Bologna:Società editriceilMulino,1990). Boccacciovisualizzato:NarrareperparoleeperimmaginifraMedioevoeRinascimento,acuradiVittore Branca,vol.3:Opered’arted’originefrancese,fiamminga,inglese,spagnola,tedesca(Turin: Giulio Einaudieditore,1999).Therearecommonlysomecitywalls,individualhouses,towers,interior settings,andpalaces.Butseetheremarkableexceptionofanelongatedstreetperspectivedrawing theviewer’sgazedeepintothebackground:Decasdesnobleshommesetfemmes,Munich,Bayrische Staatsbibliothek,msGall.6,fromParisorTours,1458,here127,no.185.Interestingly,theartist allowsusfirsttolookontoascholar’sstudyontheleftwhereBoccacciohimselfisseatedathis deskwritinghistext,observedbyallthefiguresinhisnarrative,beforetheeyeturnstowardthe majorsceneintheforegroundwherethebookisofferedtoMainardode’Cavalcanti,beforethe longlineofhousesmakingupthesidesofadenselypopulatedstreetwithpeoplewalkingand

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attractstheattentionoftheentirecitybecauseofhisallegedsanctity,manyother contemporary accounts and chronicle reports underline the relevance of the religiouslifewithinthecityinwhichtheentirecommunityparticipated.Beguines, forinstance,todrawfromanonliteraryexample,experiencedbothcriticismand suspicionandalsoenjoyedgreatrespectandauthoritybecauseoftheirchaste(or notsochaste)lifeintheirurbansettlements.232Buttheycreatedtheirownspaces withintheurbanworld,withdrawingintotheirBeguinage,suchastheonein Bruges.Atthesametimetheyintensivelypartookinthechurchlifeofthecity, attending church masses, confessing, praying, participating in the regular performances and rituals, altogether creating a kind of “street mysticism,” as UlrikeWiethaushascalleditregardingtheVienneseBeguneAgnesBlannbekin.233 Ofcourse,withBoccaccio,afourteenthcenturyFlorentine,wewouldnotexpect muchelse,yetitstilldeservestobeemphasizedhowmuchhelocatesmostofthe eventsinhisaccountsincitiesandlargelyfavorstheurbanspaceastheideal settingfortheeventsthatcharacterizehistales.Notthathefocusesoncitiesfor theirownsake,butforhim,asformanyotherauthorsofshortnarratives,the humaninteractionsincitiesprovideenoughofprovocativeandsatiricalmaterial toachievethegoalofteachingandentertaininghisaudienceatthesametime, suchasintheseventhtaleofthethirddaywhereEmiliaexplainsherchoiceof storywith:“Amepiacenellanostracittàritornare,dondealleduepassatepiacque di dipartirsi, e come un nostro cittadino la sua donna perduta racquistasse mostrarvi”(458;“Itpleasesmetoreturntoourcity,whereasthelasttwotale

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ridingonhorsebackextendbehindit.WhereasBrancacharacterizestheinteriorspaceasItalian, hebelievesthatthestreetscenereflectsFrenchurbanarchitecture(126,notetofol.10rwherethe miniature is located). Another interesting example proves to be a miniature illuminating Boccaccio’s Teseida, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, ms 2617, fol. 39r, from ca. 1457–1461and1470–1471,hereno.362.Althoughthecityitselfdoesnotcomeintofullfocus,we observeurbanspacefullybecausethepublicinAthensthrongsaroundatriumphalcarriage transportingtheprotagonistTheseusandtwoladies,whilefivegrievingwidowssitontheside. All the windows are filled with curious onlookers. The masses behind the carriage slowly disappearinthewindingstreetsinthebackground. ErnestW.McDonnell,TheBeguinesandBeghardsinMedievalCulture:WithSpecialEmphasisonthe BelgianScene(1954;NewYork:OctagonBooks,1969);SaskiaMurkJansen,BridesintheDesert:The SpiritualityoftheBeguines(Maryknowll,NY:OaksBooks,1998);WalterSimons,CitiesofLadies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries, 1200–1565. The Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2001);HelgaUnger,DieBegine:eineGeschichtevon AufbruchundUnterdrückungderFrau.HerderSpektrum,5643(Freiburgi.Br.:Herder,2005). UlrikeWiethaus,“SpatialityandtheSacredinAgnesBlannbekin’sLifeandRevelations,”Agnes Blannbekin,VienneseBeguine:LifeandRevelations,trans.fromtheLatinwithIntrod.,Notesand Interpretive Essay by eadem. Library of Medieval Women (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2002), 163–76;here170.Sheis,ofcourse,heavilyobligatedtoPeterDinzelbacherandRenateVogeler, LebenundOffenbarungenderWienerBegineAgnesBlannbekin (†1315):EditionundÜbersetzung. GöppingerArbeitenzurGermanistik,419(Göppingen:Kümmerle,1994).

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tellerswerepleasedtodepartfromit,”207).Notsurprisingly,shehasheraccount begininFlorence: FuadunqueinFirenzeunnobilegiovaneilcuinomefuTedaldodegliElisei,ilquale d’unadonna,monnaErmellina,chiamataemoglied’unoAldobrandinoPalermini, innamorato oltre misura per li suoi laudevoli costumi, meritò di godere del suo disiderio.(458) [InFlorencetherelivedanobleyoungman,namedTedaldodegliElisei,deeplyinlove withaladynamedMonnaErmellina,thewifeofAldobrandinoPalermini;andon accountofhiseminentvirtueshefullydeservedtoenjoyhisdesires,208]

ButpoetssuchasFrançoisVillon(1431–1463),whowasdeeplyimpactedbyhislife inParisanddeftlyuseditasthefoilandbackgroundforhispoetry,234deliberately didnotshyawayfromdrawingfreelyfromtheurbansetting,buttheninavery different, much more intimate, approach compared to that of Oswald von Wolkenstein: Item,Iaddontothestick ThehousesignofSaintAntoineStreet Orelseaclubfordrivingballs, AnddailyapotfulfromtheSeine Tothose‘pigeons’who’rebadlyoff Alllockedupinthe‘aviary,’ Myfinemirror,justwhattheyneed, Andthesmilesofthejailer’swife.235

Asfragmentaryasthisimpressionisticallusionmightbe,itcertainlyindicatesthe extenttowhichthispoetlivedinandwiththecityanditscitizens,asisalsonicely illustratedbyastanzainhisLeTestament: Item,Igivemybarber,called ColinGalerne,wholivesquiteclose ToAngelottheherbalist, Abigiceblock(Fromwhere?TheMarne), Tospendthewintercomfortably. Lethimkeepitnearhisstomach;then, Sotreatinghimselfallwinterlong, Nextsummerhe’llbewarmenough.

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AlbrechtClassen,“Villon,François,”EncyclopediaofMedievalLiterature,663–65. FrançoisVillon,“TheLegacy,”stanza29,orC23,quotedfromFrançoisVillon,CompletePoems,ed. withEnglishtrans.andcommentarybyBarbaraN.SargentBaur(Toronto,Buffalo,andLondon: UniversityofTorontoPress,1994).Becausethisisabilingualedition,Irefrainfromcopyingthe OldFrenchoriginalaswell.

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AsMichaelCamillecommented:“Exampleslikethissuggestthatinthinkingabout theplacethatwasthemedievalcitywehavetoenlargeourconceptionofpublic spacetoincludethissharedsystemofsigns....Therewasatasteinthefifteenth century for fantasies made up from street names and house signs . . . . the medievalcitywaspeopledbysigns....”236AsDavidA.Feinconfirms,Villon differsremarkablyfrommostofhisFrenchpredecessorsinhisutilizationof“more graphic imagery.”237 He goes so far as to underscore: “Filled with images of familiarindividuals,sites,sharedexperiences,theTestamentdrawstheintended reader into a poetic world in which he finds constant reflections of his own world.”238Nevertheless,Villondoesnotpaintcompletelyrealisticimagesoflate medievallifeinthecity;instead,asinthecaseofmostothercontemporarypoets, he transformed the urban setting for his own purposes, both to entertain the audienceandtoreflectuponhisownpositionwithinfifteenthcenturysociety. Livingwithintheurbancontext,however,alsoseemstohaveforcedhimtobox hiswaythroughthethrong,metaphoricallyspeaking,asafairlylittlerecognized, often rather maligned, poet struggling to achieve public fame for his satirical verses.239Buthewasbothaproductofthecityandalsoinfluencedtheculturein thecitywithhispoems,offeringfascinatingcommentsontheworldhelivedin, deftlyreflectingonitskaleidoscopicnature. Wefindconfirmationforthisobservationnotonlyinliterarydocuments,but alsoinawealthoflatemedievalandearlymodernart,asIhavenotedalready above.Itmightbeimportant,however,alsotoconsidertherichsourceoffifteenth and sixteenthcentury miniatures, such as those contained in Books of Hours—smallsized collections of texts, almost like psalters, but for private purposes, and usually richly illustrated—and countless other didactic, and religiousmanuscripts.Thewealthofrealisticdetailsprovestobeoverwhelming, almostburstingoutoftheseams,ortheframe,oftheimages.Therangeofspecific detailsconcerningpeople’slives,housingconditions,butthenalsostreetscenes,

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238 239

MichaelCamille,“SignsoftheCity:Place,Power,andPublicFantasyinMedievalParis,”Medieval PracticesofSpace,ed.BarbaraA.HanawaltandMichalKobialka.,2000,1–36;here17. DavidA.Fein,FrançoisVillonandHisReader(Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1989),29.See also id., François Villon Revisited. Twayne’s World Authors Series, 864 (New York: Twayne Publishers;London,MexicoCity,etal.:PrenticeHallInternational,1997).SeealsoJohnFox,The PoetryofVillon(London,Edinburgh,etal.:ThomasNelsonandSons,1962),andDavidMus,La PoétiquedeFrançoisVillon(Paris:ChampVallon,1967),forsolidintroductionstothispoet. Fein,FrançoisVillon,41. JaneH.M.Taylor,ThePoetryofFrançoisVillon:TextandContext.CambridgeStudiesinFrench (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 117–18; she specifically emphasizes: “As he invitesustolookandfeelviahisperceivingconsciousness,hisurgentself,hemakesindifference impossible . . . . Villon’s passionate personal and ideological engagement—with an issue as seeminglyanodyneastherelativemeritsofthecityandtheriverbank—isoneofthemostpotent weaponsinhispoeticarmoury”(138).

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everyday life settings, palaces, markets, interiors of churches, bedrooms, constructionsites,altarpieces,etc.seemsinexhaustible. Obviously,bytheendoftheMiddleAgesartistsalloverEuropefeltdeeply fascinatedbythenewopportunitiestoexploretherealityoftheirworld,although theywerestillrequiredtoconnectitwiththespiritualdimensionaimedforbythe genreofthebookofhours,amongmanyotherswheretheminiatureassumed centralposition.240Spaceasatopicgainedsupremeimportance,whethertheopen landscape,farmland,ortheurbanenvironment.AsMauritsSmeyersobserves, “People,objects,andnaturewereallrepresentedinthegreatestdetail.Thevaried clothingwaspaintedwithallofitsfolds,clasps,buttons,anddecorativeelements. Miniaturists showed how all of the individual components of furniture and implements were fastened to one another and embellished, in addition to conveyingthedistinctivequalitiesofthematerials.Theinteriorswereminutely observed.”241

UrbanSpace,SocialConflicts,andtheHistoryofEmotions Atthesametime,urbanspacebecameincreasinglythecriticalsettingforpeople’s emotionstobeactedout,performed,ritualized,andstaged,bothinthestreets wheretheindividualsactuallyinteractedwitheachother,and,concomitantly,on thelatemedievalstagewhereShrovetideplaysandmanydifferentreligiousplays (Christmas,Passion,Easter,etc.)providedamediumforcommunicatingwiththe citizensregardingtheirreligiousvaluesandmorality.242

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MauritsSmeyers,FlemishMiniaturesfromthe8thtotheMid–16thCentury:TheMedievalWorldon Parchment(Leuven:Brepols,1999),chaptersVI–VIII. Smeyers,FlemishMiniatures,422.SeealsoRogerS.Wieck,PaintedPrayers:TheBookofHoursin MedievalandRenaissanceArt(NewYork:GeorgeBraziller,1997);GregoryClark,TheSpitzMaster: AParisianBookofHours.GettyMuseumStudiesonArt(LosAngeles:J.PaulGettyMuseum,2003); Libro de horas de Juana I de Castilla, Juana I de Castilla (Barcelona: M. Moleiro, 2005); Albrecht Classen,“TheBookofHoursintheMiddleAges,”Futhark:RevistadeInvestigaciónyCultura2 (2007):111–29. SeethecontributionsbyValerieM.Wilhite(203–222),EveMarieHalba(223–42),DirkCoigneau (243–56),andStijnBussels(257–69)inEmotionsintheHeartoftheCity;JodyEnders,TheMedieval TheaterofCruelty:Rhetoric,Memory,Violence(IthacaandLondon:CornellUniversityPress,1999); eadem,DeathbyDramaandOtherMedievalUrbanLegends(ChicagoandLondon:Universityof ChicagoPress,2002);MitchellB.Merback,TheThief,theCrossandtheWheel:PainandtheSpectacle ofPunishmentinMedievalandRenaissanceEurope(ChicagoandLondon:TheUniversityofChicago Press, 1998); Johan Nowé, “Wir wellen haben ein spil”: Zur Geschichte des Dramas im deutschen Mittelalter.DarstellungundAnthologie(LeuvenandAmersfoort:Acco,1997);EckehardSimon,Die Anfänge des weltlichen deutschen Schauspiels 1370–1530: Untersuchung und Dokumentation. MünchenerTexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschenLiteraturdesMittelalters,124(Tübingen: Niemeyer,2003).

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Allthiswasimportantbecauseinthelatefifteenthcenturyurbanlifeunderwent, itseems,afundamentalparadigmshift,liberatingitfinallyanddefinitivelyfrom thecountrysideasthemainsourceofincome.AsHenriLefebvreobserves: Thehistoricalmediationbetweenmedieval(orfeudal)spaceandthecapitalistspace whichwastoresultfromaccumulationwaslocatedinurbanspace—thespaceofthose ‘urbansystems’whichestablishedthemselvesduringthetransition.Inthisperiodthe townseparatedfromthecountrysidethatithadlongdominatedandadministered, exploitedandprotected.Noabsoluteriftbetweenthetwooccurred,however,and theirunity,thoughrivenwithconflict,survived....Theurbaniteslocatedthemselves by reference to the peasants, but in terms of a distantiation from them: there was thereforedualityinunity,aperceiveddistanceandaconceivedunity.243

Ifweconsider,forinstance,theconstantridiculingofthepeasantinlatemedieval Shrovetide plays, as composed by the Nuremberg Mastersinger Hans Sachs (1494–1576),thisobservationgainsstrongsupportfromliteraryhistory.ButSachs, likemanyofhiscontemporaries,didnotsimplymakeafoolofhispeasantfigures. In“DerfarendtSchulerimParadeiß,”forinstance(1550),bothwifeandhusband prove to be ridiculous and ignorant, but not because they are peasants. They represent, basically, common people’s lack of intelligence, discrimination, foresightedness,andsmartness.Thewifedislikeshersecondhusbandandgrieves thelossofthefirst,whoseemstohavebeenmuchkinderandmoregenerousthan thesecond.Whenastudentarrivesandbegsforfood,hetriestoimpressherwith thereferencetoPariswherehehadstudieduntilrecently.Shedoesnotseemto knowanythingaboutParis;insteadsheisonlyfamiliarwiththeterm‘paradise,’ whichshenowconfuseswiththeactualcity.Immediatelysheinquiresaboutthe wellbeingofherhusbandthereandhastolearn,tohergreatchagrin,thatheis sufferingfromseverepovertyandcannoteveneatanddrinktohissatisfactionas everyoneelse.Thepeasantwomanthusdecidestoutilizetheidealopportunity andgetsclothing,food,andmoneyfromherhidingplaces,askingthestudentto takethemtoherdeceasedhusband.Thestudentismorethandelightedwithhis goodluck,takeseverythinganddisappearsasquicklyaspossible. Assoonasthesecondhusbandreturnshome,helearnsfromhiswifewhathas happened,andrealizeshowbadlyshehadbeenduped.Pretendingtobeworried thatshemightnothavegiventhestudentenoughmoneyforherfirsthusband,he rushesaftertheyoungman,whorecognizeshimearlyenoughtohideallgifts. Whenthefarmerarrivesatthespot,heissorashandimpatientthathedoesnot realizewhoisstandinginfrontofhim.Consequently,uponthestudent’sadvice herunsoveraswampyfieldonfoot,tryingtocatchthe‘thief.’Foolishly,hehad askedthestudenttoholdthehorseinthemeantimebecausethegroundofthat fieldwouldbetoosoft.Theyoungmanchucklesoversomuchfoolishness,and 243

Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,268–69.

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thenridesaway,knowingfullwellthathehasnowcheatedboththeignoramus wifeandherhusband.Thepeasantlearnsofthissoonenoughandharshlyblames himself, but then he also begins to understand how stupid he has performed himself.Deeplyembarrassedherefrainsfromblaminghiswifeandcontinuesto playhispreviousrole,hopingthatallthiswillremainasecret.Unfortunately, however,hiswifehasalreadyspreadthewordeverywhereinthevillage,making bothofthemthepubliclaughingstock.Thisprovidesthepeasantwithhisfinal lessonbecauseheperceivesnowthatalthoughmarriedlifeisfraughtwithmany difficulties,misunderstandings,anddisagreements,mostlybothpartnershaveto beblamedforanyconflictsanddisagreements.Hence,agoodmarriagewouldbe based on mutual respect, tolerance, and love, that is, above all, the ability to overlookfailings,iftheyarenottooegregious,andtoaccepttheotherwithall his/hershortcomingsaslongaslovebondsthemtogetherbecausetheonewho criticizesmighteasilyprovetobejustasfoolishorignorantastheother.244 Despitetheruralsetting,thereisnodoubtthatSachsintendedthisShrovetide playforanurbanaudiencebutusedapeasantcoupleasthemajorprotagonistsso astoavoiddirectlycriticizinghisurbanaudience.Thebasicmessageaddressesthe basicprinciplesofhappymaritallife,andinthishespecificallytargetedmarried peopleinNurembergandothercities,wherevertheplaywasperformed,whereas it seems most unlikely that it ever might have reached a village audience.245 AlthoughSachsprojectedtheworldofpeasants,whichwascertainlyeasiertodo thantopresentanurban,perhapsamerchantorpatrician,couplefightingwith eachother,hehadnointention,asallthecontextandcommonpracticeofthe urbantheaterindicate,ofdealingwiththelivesofpeasants.Afterall,thecritical point of his play targeted one of the most important aspects in the lives of burghersintheearlymoderncities:marriage.246ButfortheplaywrightSachs,the humorouslessoncouldbemoreeasilyconveyedtohisaudienceifthepointof criticismwerenottoodirect.Laughingaboutsillypeoplelivinginthecountryside washighlycommonandregularlyappealedtotheurbanaudience,providing themwithastrongsenseofculturalsuperiority.Sachs’strueliterarystrength, however,restedinhisabilitytoprojectasubstituteworld,populatedbyfarmers

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Cited from: Hans Sachs, Meisterlieder, Spruchgedichte, Fastnachtspiele: Auswahl. Eingeleitet und erläutertvonHartmutKugler.UniversalBibliothek,18288(Stuttgart:Reclam,2003),87–102. AlbrechtClassen,“Women,Wives,andMarriageintheWorldofHansSachs,”Daphnis32,3–4 (2003):491–521. AlbrechtClassen,“Love,Marriage,andTransgressioninMedievalandEarlyModernLiterature: Discourse,Communication,andSocialInteraction,”DiscourseonLove,Marriage,andTransgression inMedievalandEarlyModernLiterature,ed.AlbrechtClassen.MedievalandRenaissanceTextsand Studies,278(Tempe,AZ:ArizonaCenterforMedievalandRenaissanceStudies,2004[appeared in2005]),1–42;id.,DerLiebesundEhediskursvomhohenMittelalterbiszumfrühen17.Jahrhundert. Volksliedstudien, 5 (Münster, New York, Munich, and Berlin: Waxmann, 2005). See also my contributiontothepresentvolumeonHansSachs’surbanencomiapoems.

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andtheirwives,whichneverthelessintriguinglyservedasapoignantmirrorof people’sliveswithintheurbanframework.

LateMedievalDevelopmentofUrbanSpace Ultimately,then,inthiscontextalsofollowingLefebvre,theearlymoderntown or city created its own identity and its own history, resulting in considerable conflicts with the royal and papal powers all over Europe. “Together with its territory, the Renaissance town perceived itself as a harmonious whole, as an organic mediation between earth and heaven.”247 This also had tremendous implications for urban planning and urban architecture because a systematic designandstrategyincreasinglydeterminedthefurtherdevelopmentofurban growth:“TheRenaissancetownceasedtoevolve‘afterthefashionofacontinuous narrative’,addingonebuildingafteranother,anextensiontoastreet,oranother squaretothosealreadyinexistence.Fromnowoneachbuilding,eachaddition, was politically conceived; each innovation modified the whole, and each ‘object’—asthoughithadhithertobeensomehowexternal—cametoaffectthe entirefabric.”248 Remarkably,alreadyinthelatethirteenthcentury,apartfromnewcitiesthat were strategically planned and built to serve specific military and political purposes,suchasAiguesMortesinsouthernFrance(seeabove),manydifferent citiesinTuscany,249orKellsinIreland,250individualcityadministratorsdecided

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Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,271. Lefebvre,TheProductionofSpace,272;hereLefebvrereliesstronglyonManfredoTafuri,Teoriee storiadell’architettura(RomeandBari:LaterzaFigli,1968);seealsoChiaraFrugoni,ADistantCity; and The Towns of Italy in the Later Middle Ages; Oscar Schneider, Nürnbergs grosse Zeit: reichsstädtische Renaissance, europäischer Humanismus (Cadolzburg: Ars vivendi, 2000); Naomi Miller,MappingtheCity: theLanguageandCultureofCartographyintheRenaissance(Londonand New York: Continuum, 2003); Patricia Fortini Brown, Private Lives in Renaissance Venice: Art, Architecture,andtheFamily(NewHavenandLondon:YaleUniversityPress,2004);Manfredo Tafuri,InterpretingtheRenaissance:Princes,Cities,andArchitects.HarvardUniversityGraduate SchoolofDesignSeries(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress;Cambridge,MA:Inassociationwith HarvardUniversityGraduateSchoolofDesign,2006). David Friedman, Florentine New Towns: Urban Design in the Late Middle Ages (New York: ArchitecturalHistoryFoundation;Cambridge,MA:MITPress,1988). GeorgesZarnecki,ArtoftheMedievalWorld,395;GeorgesJehel,AiguesMortes,unportpourunroi: lesCapétiensetlaMéditerranée(RoanneLeCoteau:Horvath,1985);MichelÉdouardBelletand PatrickFlorençon,DieFestungsstadtAiguesMortes.Itinérairesdupatrimoine(Paris:Onum,Éd.du Patrimoine,2001).Forthedegreetowhichmedievaltownswereactuallyplanned,seeAnngret Simms,“TheEarlyOrigins,”UrbanLandscapes,1992,30:“Kellsistypicalofothermonasticsites whichappeartohavebeendesignedinconformitywithaplannedarrangement,inwhichthe roundtowerusuallystandstothewestofthechurch.Theentrancetotheenclosurewasgenerally

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toimprovetheconditionofthestreets,whichobviouslyalsoinvolvedthesewer system.AsweknowofsomeItaliancities,forinstance,in“1290,itwasdecidedto brickoverallthestreetsofSienabecausethesidestreets,whichwereunbricked, were spilling filth and mud into the thoroughfares, which were already ‘paved’(withbricks,thatis,notstones).IntheportionofLorenzetti’sfrescoIlBuo Governo.GliEffettidelBuonGovernoincampagna(GoodGovernment.TheEffects intheCountryside),weseewideandwellkeptroadsdividingfieldsandhillsinto asinuouscheckerboard,exactlythewaythemagistracyfortheroadsofSienaand thesurroundingdistrictprescribedthattheyshould.”251 In other words, modern assumptions that urban efforts to work toward the improvementofpublicstreets,hygiene,andthesewersystemdidnotbeginbefore theeighteenthornineteenthcenturyhavetobeseriouslyquestioned,considering thatmuchdependsonacity’ssize,theavailabilityofflowingwater,theplanting of gardens, and the city’s geographical location, and the percentage of people continuingwithfarmingandgardeninginsideofthecitywalls.252Howcitiestruly dealtwithwasteproducts,however,stillescapesourfullunderstanding,though wecanbecertainthatthiswasregularly regardedasaproblemthatrequired publicattention.Infact,thegrowthofcitiesthroughouttimescreatedevernew difficulties and new solutions, so practical approaches pursued in, say, the eighteenthcentury,werecertainlydifferentthanintheMiddleAges,yettheissue

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locatedtotheeastandwasmarkedbyaspecialcross,aboundarycross,aroundwhichmarket functionsdeveloped.”Othercities,suchasRostockontheBalticSea,developedonlyinstagesand experiencedanumberofdevastatingsetbacksthroughouttime(37–39). ChiaraFrugoni,ADayinaMedievalCity,38;DuccioBalestracciandGabriellaPiccinni,Sienanel Trecento:Assettourbanoestruttureedilizie(Firenze:Clusf,1977),41;forfurthersourcematerial regardingtheinnovativeurbanrenovation,seeZdekauer,LavitapubblicadeiSenesinelDugento (Siena:I.Lazzeri,1897),104;seealsoW.Braunfels,MittelalterlicheStadtbaukunstinderToskana (Berlin:G.Mann,1959);CesareBrandi,PitturaaSienanelTrecento,acuradiMicheleCordaro (Turin:GiulioEinaudi,1991).Cf.KeithD.Llilley,“MappingtheMedievalCity:PlanAnalysisand UrbanHistory,”UrbanHistory27(2000):5–30. CitingL.Mumford(TheCityinHistory[1961;Harmondsworth,Middlesex:Penguin,1992]),A.E. J. Morris, History of Urban Form, 100, emphasizes: “Sanitary conditions are closely related to density.Althoughmedievaltownshadonlyrudimentaryrefusedisposalarrangementsandwater supplywasacontinualproblem—particularlyinhilltowns—itmustnotbeassumedthatdisease was necessarily an everyday accompaniment to urban life.” See also the contribution to the present volume by Britt C. L. Rothauser. Allison P. Coudert, also in this volume, argues differently,andherevidenceisverysolidaswell,whichindicatesthatherewearedealingwith longtermproblemsinthedevelopmentofmedievalandearlymoderncitiesthatwerenotfully addressed or even solved perhaps until the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. For the significanceofwaterandhygienethroughouttimesinthevariouscultures,seeTheNatureand FunctionofWater,Baths,BathingandHygienefromAntiquitythroughtheRenaissance,ed.Cynthia KossoandAnneScott.TechnologyandChangeinHistory,11(LeidenandBoston:Brill,2009).

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remainedthesame.253Buttherearemanyotherissuescharacterizingtheearly moderncitythatcontinuetochallengemodernhistoriography,whichdonotneed tobediscussedhereingreaterdetail,thoughwehavetobeawareofthewider implications for the global approach taken in the present volume.254 We must recognize, however, that altogether the medieval and earlymodern city, here disregarding the myriad of differences, did not simply develop in a chaotic, irregular,andunsystematicfashion.Bothtownplansanddistinctlayoutsofstreet patterns,neighborhoods,openspaces,etc.signalthatmanycitiesgrewsowell overtimebecausetheiradministratorsorlords(bishops,princes,orthepatriciate [i.e., the upperranking governing class]) had great interest in seeing to the promotionandfurtheringofurbandevelopment,andthisevenintheearlyMiddle Ages.255 Satirical andironicauthors,suchasGiovanniBoccaccio(Decameron),Franco Sacchetti(CentoNovelle),PoggioBracciolini(Facetie),HermenBote(authorshipstill somewhat uncertain; Till Eulenspiegel), Hans Wilhelm Kirchhof (Wendunmuth), MartinMontanus(Wegkürzer),MichaelLindener(RastbuechleinandKatzipori),and MargueritedeNavarre(Heptaméron),hencewritersfromalloverEurope,describe inanumberoftheirshortprosenarrativeshowpeopleencounterconflictsandare thrown into the privies, fall into a sewer canal, or come into most unpleasant contactwithhumanfecesinotherwayswhileoperatinginthecity,aimingfora loveaffairorbeingvictimizedbycheatersandcriminals.Thesameappliestothe vast corpus of fourteenth through fifteenthcenturies German short verse narratives, the mæren, perhaps best represented by Heinrich Kaufringer (ca. 1400).256 ButthefigureofTillEulenspiegeldemonstratesalsohowmuchaprotagonist, whooperatesmostcunninglywithinurbanculturetopulleveryone’sleg,toreveal theundersideofpolitesociety,andtoridiculepretenses,hypocrisy,arrogance,

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SeethecontributiontothisvolumebyAllisonP.Coudert.Forfurtherdetailsandimages,see JacobBlume,VonDonnerbalkenundinnererEinkehr:eineKloKulturgeschichte(Göttingen:VerlagDie Werkstatt,2002);DanielFurrer,WasserthronundDonnerbalken:einekleineKulturgeschichtedesstillen Örtchens(Darmstadt:Primus,2004). RaymondWilliams,TheCountryandtheCity(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1973);Jande Vries,EuropeanUrbanisation,1500–1800(London:Methuen,1984);ChristopherR.Friedrichs,The EarlyModernCity,1450–1750.AHistoryofUrbanSocietyinEurope(London:Longman,1995); AlexanderFrancisCowan,UrbanEurope1500–1700(London:Arnolds,1998);DavidNicholas,The LaterMedievalCity,1300–1500.AHistoryofUrbanSocietyinEurope(London:Longman,1997); CountryandtheCity:Wymondham,NorwichandEatoninthe16thand17thCenturies,ed.JohnWilson. NorfolkRecordSociety,70(Norfolk:NorfolkRecordSociety,2006);JaroslavMiller,UrbanSocieties inEastCentralEurope:1500–1700.HistoricalUrbanStudiesSeries(AldershotandBurlington,VT: Ashgate,2007). AnngretSimms,“TheEarlyOrigins,”UrbanLandscapes,1992. EroticTalesofMedievalGermany.Selectedandtrans.AlbrechtClassen,2007.

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false claims, and false pride, utilizes feces in many different situations, both creatinggeneraldisgustandpubliclaughter.257 Whereas medieval authors virtually never turn their attention to this topic, especiallynotwhentheyallowtheurbanspacetoentertheirdiscourse,whichis rareenough,thesituationhadchangedconsiderablybythesixteenthcentury.In Kirchhof’sshortjestnarrative“Voneinemstudentenundbauren“(“OfaStudent andaPeasant,”Wendunmuth,1563,vol.1,no.141)wehearofastudentwhohas hisapartmentwithawindowtowardthebackyardinthecityofLeipzig.Thelocal farmerswhoregularlycometothemarketandselltheirproducts,apparentlydo nothaveachancetouseanypublictoilets,whichisespeciallydifficultforthem aftertheyhavedrunkabeerortwoincelebrationofhavingmadeagoodbusiness deal and having paid off some of their debt to a rich merchant. They have, however,discoveredthatthebackyardwherethestudenthappenstoliveprovides theneededopportunity,whichcausesanintensivestenchandbadlybothersthe student,whoexpressivelyvoiceshisseriousprotestagainsttheirhabitwithout bringingaboutanychangeintheirbehaviorbecausetheysimplyfollowthecall ofnatureanddisregardhiscomplaints.258 Finallythestudenthitsuponabrilliantideaandusesanimalbloodwhichhe shoots,bymeansofacontraption,ontooneofthemwhoisjustabouttodohis businessunderneathhiswindow.Thepoorfellowbelievestohavebeenfatally shot, regarding the massive amount of blood on his body, and he faints. His friendscometohisrescueandtakehimtothedoctor,whorealizes,however,that there is only the old, well known hole, and no actual wound, as the narrator emphasizes.Realizingthatthepeasantisonlyavictimofthestudent’sstrategy, helaughsaboutthesituation,doesnotchargehispatient,andinsteadencourages him to return to drinking, since nothing else could be done (W 1, S. 172).259 Altogether, the student is the winner in this case because the fooled peasants realizethatthebackyardcannolongerbeusedasatoiletandavoidthelocation fromthenon. Eventhoughwecannotbecertainwhetherthenarrativeindicatesthaturban authoritieswereseriouslyconcernedwithcreatingpublictoiletsandbuildinga sewersystem,weknowforsurethatthehumorinthistaleispredicatedonthe

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Albrecht Classen, “Till Eulenspiegel: Laughter as the Ultimate Epistemological Vehicle in the HandsofTillEulenspiegel,”Neophilologus92(2008):471–489;id.,“TransgressionandLaughter, theScatologicalandtheEpistemological:NewInsightsintothePranksofTillEulenspiegel,” MedievaliaetHumanistica33(2007):41–61. Forfurtherexaminationsofhowearlymoderncitydwellersperceivedandhowtheauthorities dealtwithstench,seeTheCityandtheSenses:UrbanCulturesince1500,ed.AlexanderCowanand JillSteward.HistoricalUrbanStudies(Aldershot,England,andBurlington,VT:Ashgate,2007). HansWilhelmKirchhof,Wendunmuth.Vol.1,ed.HermannÖsterley.BibliothekdesLitterarischen VereinsinStuttgart,IC(1869;HildesheimandNewYork:Olms,1980).

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realizationthathumanfecesisdisgustingandmustbetakencareofhygienically. Thesatireisaimedatthepeasantswhohavenoaccesstotoilets,whichmight indicate that the situation for urban dwellers, including the student, is very different.Withoutprovidinguswithspecificinformationabouttheavailabilityof toiletsinthecityofLeipzig,Kirchhofstillindicatesclearlythatthepublicwas seriouslyconcernedaboutitasheinvitedhisaudiencetoscoffattheignorantand foolishpeasantswhosimplyusethebackyardtorelievethemselves. Withoutgoingintofurtherdetails,wecandrawfromthisonenarrative,and certainlymanyotherexamples,howmuchurbanspacetrulyoccupiedmedieval andearlymodernmentalityandalsoreflectedspecificaspectsofurbanculture.260 Acarefulanalysisofliteraryexamplesindicateshowmuchinformationwecan cull from literary and arthistorical material regarding human interaction in medievalandearlymoderncitylife,therelationshipofpeoplewithinanurban setting.Takingalltheevidencetogether,wecanbecertainthattheRomancitydid not simply disappear, that the awareness of the significance of urban culture continuedtodominatepublicopinionthroughouttheMiddleAges,thateconomic, political, and cultural life focused on cities from surprisingly early periods onwardsandonlycontinuedtogrowfarintotheearlymodernageandthenuntil today.Undoubtedly,medievalcultureisprimarilyconcernedwiththecourt,but an attentive reading of a wide variety of medieval narratives and paintings indicatesthatthecityitself,despiteasometimesratherdramaticdownturnafter theendoftheRomanEmpire,flourishedagainandattractedmostoftheeconomic resources,culturalactivities,andpoliticalpowerfoundinanygivensociety,at leastinwesternmedievalandearlymodernEurope.

UrbanSpacefromanInterdisciplinaryPerspective Todojusticetothisvasttopic,wewouldhavetodrawfromthewiderangeof disciplines in the humanities, including architecture, archeology, musicology, ethnology,anthropology,andhistory.Thecontributorstothisvolumecanonly representsomeoftheresearchareasbecausetherearenaturallimitationsinall suchscholarlyefforts.Nevertheless,theidealofaninterdisciplinaryapproachstill

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Thereisawealthofrelevantresearchliteratureonthistopic;see,forinstance,ChristopherR. Friedrich, The Early Modern City, 1450–1750. History of Urban Society in Europe (Harlow, England,London,NewYork,etal.:Longman,1995);DavidNicholas,TheLaterMedievalCity 1300–1500. A History of Urban Society in Europe (London and New York: Longman, 1997); ShapingUrbanIdentityinLateMedievalEurope,ed.MarcBooneandPeterStabel.StudiesinUrban, Social,EconomicandPoliticalHistoryoftheMedievalandEarlyModernLowCountries,11 (LeuvenAppeldorn:Garant,2000);TheCambridgeUrbanHistoryofBritain.Vol.1:600–1540,ed. D.M.Palliser(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2000).

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canberealizedtosomeextentbyhavingatleastagroupofmedievalistsandearly modernistsfromdifferentfacultiestalktoeachother.Thisgoalwasrealizedatthe Fifth International Symposium on Medieval and Early Modern Studies at the University of Arizona, Tucson, May 2008. Not every contributor was able to participateinthisvolume,butthepapersassembledherepresentawiderangeof views regarding urban space and its relevance for poets, musical composers, artists,andchronologists. Therewasnospecificattempttodiscuss‘the’medievalorearlymoderncity, neither in pragmatic nor in idealistic terms. Simply put, such a city has never existed.WecanobservemanyparallelswithandsimilaritiesbetweenSpanishand English,FrenchandItalian,DutchandGermancities,butattheendeachurban spaceconstitutesanentityfairlymuchonitsown.Peopleandideasshapethose spacesasmuchassocial,economic,geological,climatic,political,andreligious conditions. But within those spaces people interact with each other most intensively, and we might say that our understanding of everyday life in the MiddleAgesandtheearlymodernageisbestviewedthroughthelensofurban space.Notexclusively,butcertainlydominantlywecanidentifymostclearlyhow peopleviewedchildhoodandoldage,howthegenderrelationshipsdeveloped, whatvaluelove,marriage,andsexualityenjoyed,howcitizensrespondedtothe Church,howChristiansreactedtoJews,261howtheprivatepersonregardedthe membersoftheroyalhousesandotherauthorityfigures,whatpeoplethought about life and death, how they accumulated wealth, what entertainment and healthcaretheylookedoutfor,howtheydefendedthemselves,howtheywere clothedandwhattheydidintheirfreetime. Infact,althoughmedievalliteratureseemstobemostlydeterminedbycourtly ideals and values, this gave quickly way to new and yet old, that is, antique Roman,conceptscenteredonurbanliving.Simplybydefault,wheneverclassical ancientliteratureexperienceditsrevivalorreceptioninthepostRomanperiod, thefocusturnedtowardurbanspace.Admittedly,themerchantdidnotappear

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See, for example, Donatella Calabi, “The Jews and the City in the Mediterranean Area,” MediterraneanUrbanCulture1400–1700,ed.AlexanderCowan,56–68;Convivencia:Jews,Muslims, andChristiansinMedievalSpain,ed.VivianB.Mann,ThomasF.Glick,andJerrilynnDeniseDodds (NewYork:G.BrazillerinassociationwiththeJewishMuseum, 1992).Seealsotheexcellent studiesonurbanspaceandurbanlifeinthelateMiddleAgesandtheearlymodernworld,and so also on the cohabitation of Jews and Christians, by Alfred Haverkamp, Gemeinden, GemeinschaftenundKommunikationsformenimhohenundspätenMittelalter:FestgabezurVollendung des 65. Lebensjahres, ed. Friedhelm Burgard, Lukas Clemans and Michael Matheus (Trier: Kliomedia, 2002). Most important in this regard prove to be the research results by Elisheva Baumgarten,MothersandChildren:JewishFamilyLifeinMedievalEurope,trans.fromtheHebrew. Jews, Christians, and Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World (Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress,2004).SeealsoBernardLewis,CulturesinConflict:Christians,Jews,andMuslims intheAgeofDiscovery(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).

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earlyontheliterarystage,butbythe endoftheMiddle Ageshewasastable figure,especiallysincetheworldoftheurban settinggainedtremendouslyin importance. Astherichcorpusofletters(ca.140,000), ledgerbooks,accountbooks,deedsofpartnership,insurancepoliciesandbillsof lading,billsofexchangeandcheques,eitherwrittenbyoraddressedtothePrato merchant Francesco di Marco Datini (ca. 1335–1410) indicate, commerce was, already at that time, one of the most profitable businesses and brought in extraordinary wealth for those who knew how to practice their trade well. MerchantslikeDatiniestablishedacommunicationnetworkalloverEuropeand beyond,bymeansofanintensivecorrespondence,andtheyalsoemerged,because oftheirwealth,asmajorartdonorsandpatrons.IrisOrigocharacterizeshimas follows: Hislifewasnotasereneone.‘Destinyhasordained’,hewrotetohiswifeattheageof oversixty,‘thatfromthedayofmybirthIshouldneverknowawholehappyday.’ Thecankerwhichatealljoyaway,bothinyouthandoldage,andwhichisrevealed byalmosteverylineofthiscorrespondence,wasanxiety.Itisthis,perhaps,thatmakes Datiniseemsoakintous,somuchtheprecursorofbusinessmenofourowntime.He wasanastuteandsuccessfulmerchant;buthewas,aboveall,anuneasyman.Eachof hiswasaconstantsourceofanxiety:hemistrustedhispartners,hismanagers,andthe captainswhoseshipscarriedhismerchandise;andhewentinconstantfear,too,ofall themisfortunesthatmightovertaketheseships—shipwreck,piracy,overloading,or anoutbreakofplagueamongthecrew.Andwhenhisgreatfortunewasmadeatlast, freshanxietiessprangup;heworriedabouthisinvestments,histaxes,andhisfines. Hetrustedhisbailiffsandservantsathomenobetterthanthoseabroad.Helivedin dailyapprehension,accordingtoMazzei,ofbeingdefrauded,‘evenoftheshoebuckle ofthewenchthatservesyourslave’.262

Moreover, the rich correspondence also sheds important light on Francesco Datini’s marital life with Margherita with whom, unfortunately, he had no

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IrisOrigo,TheMerchantofPrato(1957;London:TheFolioSociety,1984),6–7.Infact,merchants have left many testimonies about their trade, their lives, their contacts, and also about their personalrelationships.Forfurtherexamplesoflatemedievalmerchants,seeLeletterediGiliode Amoruso,mercantemarchigianodelprimoQuattrocento.Edizione,commentolinguisticoeglossario a cura di Andrea Bocchi. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie, 237 (Tübingen: Niemeyer,1991);ElisabethBarile,PaulaC.Clarke,andGirogiaNordio,Cittadinivenezianidel Quattrocento:IduegiovanniMarcanova,ilmercanteel’umanista.Memorie.ClassediScienzeMorali, LettereedArti,CXVII(Venice:IstitutoVenetodiScienze,LettereedArti,2006).ForaRenaissance perspective,seeF.RuizMartín,LettresmarchandeséchangéesentreFlorenceetMedinadelCampo. ÉcolePratqiquedesHautesÉtudes.—VieSectionCentredeRecherchesHistoriques.Affaireset Gensd’Affaires,XXVII(Paris:S.E.V.P.E.N.,1965).SeealsoGuntherHirschfelder,DieKölner Handelsbeziehungen im Spätmittelalter. Veröffentlichungen des Kölnischen Stadtmuseums, X (Cologne:KölnischesStadtmuseum,1994);CarolinWirtz,KölnundVenedig:Wirtschaftlicheund kulturelleBeziehungenim15.und16.Jahrhundert.BeiheftezumArchivfürKulturgeschichte,57 (Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2006).

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children,whichultimatelycausedmuchgriefandunhappiness.Inotherwords, thewealthoftestimoniesfromtheworldofthemerchantclassallowsustogain deepinsightintotheeverydaylifeofcitydwellers.263 Globallyspeaking,allthisdoesnotmeanthatthecourtasacentraladministrative andculturalinstitutionlostinimportance;infact,theoppositeseemstohavebeen the case at least since the sixteenth century in the wake of the massive territorializationprocessandthegrowthoftheRenaissanceandthentheBaroque court.264Butthecitydidnotfallintothecourt’sshadow;insteaditexperiencedits owneconomic,political,andculturaldevelopment,asreflectedinearlymodern literature,music,andthevisualarts. Butwewouldbewrongtopursueapolaritybetweenthecityandthecourtsince thefifteenthandsixteenthcenturies.Instead,asarthistoryconvincinglyteaches us, both social worlds competed with and complemented each other. Princes continuedtohavetheirseparateresidencesandpalacesstandingallbythemselves inthecountryside,buttheyalsoventuredintothecitieswheretheyestablished themselves increasingly since the late sixteenth century. As Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann comments, “Innovations in urban architecture were often either directlyinitiatedbyorelsecameinresponsetoaristocrats.Residentialtownscame increasinglyundertheswayoftheirlords,whodesiredtocontroltheircommerce; thepositionofmanyofthecastlesrebuiltorconstructedinthisperiod,dominating thetowns,expressesquitewelltherelationship.”265Manytimestownsthathad burntdownwererebuiltbytheprinceswhothendirectedthearchitectstomodel theurbanspaceaccordingtotheirownneedsforurbanrepresentationofthelord’s power, such as the town of Zamo that was refounded by the hetman Jan Zamoyskí,withacentralizedplanaccordingtoanidealmodelactuallyseldom realizedeveninItalywherethisnewmodeloftheearlymoderncityhadfirstbeen developed. In order to realize this plan, Zamoyskí called in the Italian artist

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Origo,TheMerchantofPrato,157–77. Princes,Patronage,andtheNobility:theCourtattheBeginningoftheModernAge,c.1450–1650,ed. RonaldG.AshandAdolfM.Birke.StudiesoftheGermanHistoricalInstitute,London(London: GermanHistoricalInstitute;NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991);EinzweigeteilterOrt:Hof undStadtinderFrühenNeuzeit,ed.SusanneClaudinePilsandJanPaulNiederkorn.Forschungen undBeiträgezurWienerStadtgeschichte,44(Innsbruck:StudienVerlag,2005);DerHofunddie Stadt:Konfrontation,KoexistenzundIntegrationinSpätmittelalterundFrüherNeuzeit:9.Symposium derResidenzenKommissionderAkademiederWissenschaftenzuGöttingen,veranstaltetinZusammen arbeitmitderHistorischenKommissionfürSachsenAnhalt,demInstitutfürGeschichtederMartin LutherUniversitätHalleWittenbergunddemDeutschenHistorischenInstitutParis,HalleanderSaale, 25.–28. September 2004, ed. Werner Paravicini and Jörg Wettlaufer. Residenzenforschung, 20 (Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2006). Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, Court, Cloister, and City: The Art and Culture of Central Europe, 1450–1800(Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,1995),159.

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BernardoMorandofromPaduawhostrovehardandsuccessfullytodesignthis newcityasanearthlymirrorofthedivineuniverse,reflectingspecificallyonthe lord’scentralpowerinvestedinhim,aspresumed,byGod. Theothermodeloftheearlymoderncitywasthefreecity,onlysubjecttothe emperororking,whooftenenjoyeddemonstratinghispowerthroughapompous entryintothecity,accompaniedbyastoundingartwork,musicalperformances, drawings,poems,andthelike,perhapsbestrepresentedbyCharlesV’sentryinto Nuremberg.266Here“thestructureserectedbytownsmencanbeseenasaresponse to a more general fashion, in which certain architectural elements become the desiredmode.”267However,bothmodelscouldfindexpressioncombinedinone building,suchasthetownhallofPozna,Poland,reconstructedfrom1557to1567 bytheNorthItalianarchitectGiovanniBattistaQuadroofLugano.Ontheone handthebuilding’soveralldesignindicatesthecivicprideandindependence mindedattitudeofthecitizens;ontheotherthecrenellatedparapetonthetop evokestheimageofanaristocraticurbanpalace.Theformerlyattachedportraits ofkingsontheexteriorexpressedexplicitoppositiontothepoweroflocallords andthedesiretoassociatewiththecentralgovernment,whichcertainlyprovided the city with considerably more independence. Moreover, the numerous medallionsshowheadsofwisemenfromantiquity,underscoringthecivicpride that found its excellent expression in this Renaissance building with its three storeyloggia.268 InGermany,bycontrast,manytownhallsweredesignedinthelatemedieval Gothicstylefarintothesixteenthcentury,mostlyinfluencedbyNetherlandish architects,andthisinareasmostlyfurthertothenorthandawayfromtheItalian influence,generallyreflectingmorepatricianandburghervaluesandalsotherise

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AlbrechtKircher,DeutscheKaiserinNürnberg:EineStudiezurGeschichtedesöffentlichenLebensder ReichsstadtNürnbergvon1500–1612.FreieSchriftenfolgederGesellschaftfürFamilienforschung inFranken,7(Nuremberg:DieEgge,1955);RoyC.Strong,ArtandPower:RenaissanceFestivals, 1450–1650(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1984);BonnerMitchell,The Majesty of the State: Triumphal Progresses of Foreign Sovereigns in Renaissance Italy (1494–1600). Biblioteca dell’ “Archivum Romanicum,” 203 (Florence: Olschki, 1986); Klaus Tenfelde, “Adventus:ZurhistorischenIkonologiedesFestzugs,”HistorischeZeitschrift235(1982):45–84; ArthurGroos,“TheCityasText:TheEntryofCharlesVintoNuremberg(1541),”TheConstruction ofTextualAuthorityinGermanLiteratureoftheMedievalandEarlyModernPeriods,ed.JamesF.Poag and Claire Baldwin. University of North Carolina Studies in the Germanic Languages and Literatures,123(ChapelHillandLondon:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001),135–56. DaCostaKaufmann,Court,Cloister,andCity,160. TeresaJakimowicz,Ratuszpoznaski(Warsaw:SportiTurystyka,1979),36;TeresaJakimowicz, DziejePoznania[HistoryofPozna],ed.JerzyTopolski,vol.1(WarsawandPozna:Panstwowe WydawnictwoNaukow,1988),575–86;JanSkuratowicz,Ratuszpoznaski(Pozna:Wydawnictwo Miejskie,2003),122.

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in urban wealth, first observable in the Low Countries.269 Most important, however,medievalcityhallsclearlyexpressedcivicpride,thestrongsenseofa burgeoning independence, and a new emphasis on political urban identity.270 Naturally, the architects had to fend with a variety of social, political, and economicinterests,sothehistoryofbuildingdesignsnorthoftheAlpsdoesnot necessarilytellusthefullstoryabouttheearlymoderncityinitspositionasan independententityorasamajorpawninthehandofalocallordoroftheking because the same architectural style could serve for very different political purposes,unlesswecombinethestudyofspecificdesignswithanexaminationof theconcreteinterestsandmotifsdeterminingthepatronsandothersupporters, includingtheentireurbancommunity.271 Carefullyconsidered,urbanspaceprovestobeamostcomplexissuethatcannot beanalyzedsimplyfromoneperspectiveorinlightofonedisciplinaryapproach. Architecturalhistorymustbetakenintoaccountasmuchasarthistory,literary history, religious history, socialeconomic history, political history, and a smatteringofotherfieldsofinvestigation.Theobviousreasonforthisconsistsof thesimplefactthaturbancommunitieshavealwaysconsistedofaconglomerate ofdifferenttypesofpeoplewithavarietyofsocial,economic,intellectual,and religiousbackgrounds.Thedifferentageshadtolivetogetherasmuchasthetwo

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PeterKurmann,“LateGothicArchitectureinFranceandtheNetherlands,”TheArtofGothic: Architecture,Sculpture,Painting,ed.RolfToman(Cologne:Könemann,1998),156–87;here182–87, withbeautifulfullpageillustrations. StephanAlbrecht,DasBremerRathausimZeichenstädtischerSelbstdarstellungvordem30jährigen Krieg.MaterialienzurKunstundKulturgeschichteinNordundWestdeutschland,7(Marburg: Jonas,1993);id.,MittelalterlicheRathäuserinDeutschland:ArchitekturundFunktion(Darmstadt: WissenschaftlicheBuchgesellschaft,2004).SeealsoKristineGreßhöner,“Rathausbauimspäten Mittelalter: Repräsentation und Raumbedarf – Forschungsüberblick und Bibliographie,” Mediaevistik23,forthcoming. DaCostaKaufmann,Court,Cloister,andCity,160–65.Heprovidesmanyexamplesandshowshow the competing architectural models influenced or complemented each other. He shies away, however,fromdrawingspecificconclusionsastoacity’spoliticalandeconomicpositionwithin itshistoricalandgeographicalcontext.Architecturerepresents,afterall,people’slives,ideas, emotions,andpoliticalinterest.Toexaminethehistoryofarchitectureallowsustoreachadeep understandingofurbanspace,thatis,spaceofpeople’scultureandhowtheyperceivedtheir social,religious,andculturalenvironment.Afterall,thearrangementofspecificbuildings,of urbanspaces(markets,parks,etc.),thebuildingofacitywall,theerectionofacityhall,andof otherpublicbuildings,nottospeakofaristocraticandpatricianresidences,andtheestablishment of specific quarters for the various guilds, parishes, and also religious communities (Jewish ghettos),deeplyinfluencedpeople’sattitudestowardurbanspaceastheframeworkofthesocial andreligiouscommunity.

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Figure2:PoznaCityHall

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genders, and collaboration, even on the most mundane level, was of prime importanceforeveryoneinvolved.Infact,thedifferencesbetweenthearistocracy andtheleadingbourgeoisfamilies,atleastsincethelateMiddleAges,werenot asdramaticaswemightthinktoday.272 Aswehaveseenabove,thehistoryofurbanlifecanbebeautifullyemployedto gainadeeperunderstandingoftheparadigmshiftfromthelateRomanEmpire totheearlyMiddleAges,andsoalsooftheparadigmshiftfromtheearlytothe high,thenlateMiddleAges,and,consideringthenextmajorstep,fromthelate MiddleAgestotheRenaissanceandtheageoftheReformation.Ofcourse,urban historywillalwaysfacethedangerofremainingfragmentarybecausejusttoo manyfactorsareinvolvedinshapingthelivesofthemanyindividualswithina city. This very shortcoming, however, also proves to be one of the greatest advantagesinfocusingthematicallyonurbanspacebecauseherewegraspboth thelivesofordinarypeopleandofthesocialandeconomicelite.Outsiders,such as wandering scholars and landed gentry—a curious but certainly not inappropriate coupling of these two groups—viewed the city with awe and disrespect,withadmirationandfear,withjealousyandanger. Poetsexpressedtheirsentimentsaboutcitiesasmuchasmusiciansandpainters did.ChroniclerssuchasHartmannSchedelindicatedtheirgreatprideintheir homecity,andcraftsmenpoetssuchasHansSachswentsofarastoprojecttheir identityinlightoftheurbanspace.ItalianandSpanishmerchantsemergedas major representatives of their own urban communities, and so also medical doctors,internationaltradespeople,architects,composers,andscholars.Afterall, already in the Middle Ages, but above all since the fifteenth and sixteenth centuriesthecityhadturnedintothecrucibleofcultureinthewidestsenseofthe word,although,concomitantly,aristocraticcourtsoutsideofurbancentersalso emergedascrucialcentersofpoliticalpowerandculturaldevelopments. HartmannSchedel’sfamousworldchronicle,hisLiberchronicarum,indeednicely illustratesthesupremeimportanceofthechronicleforourtopic,urbanspacein thepremodernworld.Thischronicle,knownunderitsfulltitleasLiberchronicarum cumfigurisetymaginibusabiniciomundi,wasprintedonJuly12,1493,bythehighly respectedandextraordinarilysuccessfulAntonKobergerinNuremberg,probably themostproductiveandesteemedbookprinterandsellerinallofGermany,and henceinlatemedievalEurope.273AGermantranslationfollowedonDecember23,

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SeethecontributiontothisvolumebyJanHirschbiegelandGabrielZeilinger. Here I am relying on the facsimile edition: The Nuremberg Chronicle: A Facsimile of Hartmann Schedel’sBuchderChroniken:PrintedbyAntonKobergerin1493(NewYork:LandmarkPress,1979); seealsoElisabethRücker,HartmannSchdelsWeltchronik:DasgrößteBuchunternehmenderDürerZeit. MiteinemKatalogderStädteansichten(Munich:Prestel,1988).NowseealsoHartmannSchedel, Weltchronik:Nachdruck[der]koloriertenGesamtausgabevon1493.EinleitungundKommentarvon

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1493.Thechroniclecontainsaltogether1,809woodcutsfrom645woodblocksand thus was, at its time, the one printed book in the entire world with the most illustrations.274 The drawings were created by Michael Wolgemut, Albrecht Dürer’s teacher, and his soninlaw, Wilhelm Pleydenwurff. The Nuremberg bankers and merchants Sebald Schreyer and his brotherinlaw Sebastian Kammermeisterfundedtheentireproject,whichhadactuallyoriginatedasearly as1471,soittookmorethantwodecadestoreachitscompletion. SchedelwasinclosecontactwithmanyNuremberghumaniststoassisthimin special details, such as the famous medical doctor Hieronymus Münzer, who helpedhim,basedonhisowntravelexperiences,tocreateatwopagemapof Germanyandtocover,forthepurposeofachronicle,themostrecenteventson the Iberian Peninsula, where Münzer had traveled between 1494 and 1495, focusingmostlyontheindividualSpanishandPortuguesecitiesandoffering,as oneofthefirst,alwaysglobalviewsovertheentireurbanspaceperceivedfroman elevatedpoint,suchaschurchtowers.275 Indeed,theglobalparadigmshiftfoundpowerfulexpressioninGermany(but alsoinotherpartsofEurope)whereincreasinglytheimperialpowerfadedinits influence, giving way to growing territorial princes and also mighty and independentcitiesforwhichchroniclesgainedanewsignificanceasamediumto reflecttheindividualconcerns,disadvantaginguniversalhistory.276 Mostinterestingly,Schedelpaidgreatattentiontocitiesandoffereddetailed descriptions. Thirtytwo of the urban vedute are apparently done based on personal observations. Most important, on leaf 100 the author included the cityscapeofNuremberg,atriumphantvisualencomiumonthisimperialcity,the

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StephanFüssel(Augsburg:Weltbild,2004). For a completely digitized version of the chronicle, see http://www.obrasraras.usp.br/; and http://mdz1.bibbvb.de/~mdz/kurzauswahl.html?url=http://mdz1.bibbvb.de/cocoon/bsbink/E xemplar_S199,1.html(bothlastaccessedonSept.29,2008). EuropäischeReiseberichtedesspätenMittelalters:EineanalytischeBibliographie,ed.WernerParavicini. Part 1: Deutsche Reiseberichte, ed. Christian Halm. 2nd, revised and expanded ed. with an appendix. Kieler Werkstücke. Reihe D: Beiträge zur europäischen Geschichte des späten Mittelalters, 5 (1993; Frankfurt a. M., Berlin, et al.: Peter Lang, 2001); Albrecht Classen, “Die Iberische Halbinsel aus der Sicht eines humanistischen Nürnberger Gelehrten Hieronymus Münzer: Itinerarium Hispanicum (1494–1495),” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung111,3–4(2003):317–40;id.,“SüdwesteuropäischeGrenzüberschreitungenaus deutscher Perspektive: Fremdbegegnung zwischen deutschsprachigen Reisenden und der iberischenWeltimSpätmittelalter,”MitteilungendesInstitutsfürÖsterreichischeGeschichtsforschung 116,1–2(2008):34–47. LeopoldHellmuth,“GeschichtsepikundReimchronistik,”VonderHandschriftzumBuchdruck: Spätmittelalter, Reformation, Humanismus: 1320–1572, ed. Ingrid Bennewitz and Ulrich Müller. DeutscheLiteratur:EineSozialgeschichte,2(ReinbekbeiHamburg:Rowohlt,1991),140–48;here 146–47.

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centerofGermaneconomicpower,craftsmanship,andthearts.277(fig.9)Someof thechurchesareidentifiedbyname,andwecanmoreorlesstrusttheartistfor havingportrayedthecityinaratherrealisticmanner,showingusthedoublewall, thecitygates,bridges,and,mostoutstandingly,thecastletoweringabovethecity. But the humanist perspective finds its reflection here as well since the eye is invitedtowanderintothefardistance,tolingeronhillswithsomebuildings,then to move back to the river flowing around the city, and to some building constructionsoutside,suchasthepapermill,thentothegallows,andfencesas partoftheforwarddefensesystem.InthisregardSchedelwasnotatalltheonly onetoperceivehisworldindifferentterms,ascontemporaryvernacularandLatin literaturethatfocusedheavilyoncityencomiaindicates,buthisrichlyillustrated chronicleprovidessomeofthemostimpressiveevidenceforthefundamental paradigmshiftthataffectedviewsofurbanspace.278 In fifteenth and sixteenthcentury Germany and Italy new wealth was accumulated,andtheearlymodernbankingindustrycanbetracedtothelate medievalcities,especiallyinLombardia/Italy,butalsoinFlanders,England,and SouthernGermany.Notsurprisingly,thisalsoledtoconsiderablecriticismand oppositionbythosesocialgroupsthatcouldnotparticipateinthisneweconomy. Theenmitywhichthemiddleclassearnedfromthepracticeofchangingandlending money—inevitably in what was rapidly becoming an international creditbased economy—canbebestunderstoodbytheirmostcommoncaricatures,Avariceand Usury....Whereaspreviouslytransactionstendedtobebasedeitheronbarteroron faith—thedirectexchangeofgoodsinkindorthepromiseofsuchanexchange—now thefaithexchangewasreplacedbymoney.279

Thehatredthathadoftendevelopedovertheabuseofthecommonmanatthe handofpriestsandmonkswhohoardedconsiderablewealthandusedittotheir advantageagainstimpoverishedfarmersorthoseinsuddenneedbecauseofcrop failure,etc.,nowturnedagainstmerchantsandbankers.280 Concomitantly,thenewwealthproducedinthecitiesalsofacilitatedenormous architecturalprograms,lavishdecorationswithsculpturesandfrescoes,making lifeinthecityincrediblyattractive,evenifthepublicdisplayofpowerandwealth

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KlausArnold,“BilderundTexte:StadtbeschreibungundStädtelobbeiHartmannSchedel,”Acta Conventus NeoLatini Hafniensis, ed. Rhoda Schnur et al. (Binghampton, NY: Medieval & RenaissanceTexts&Studies,1994),121–32. HartmutKugler,DieVorstellungderStadtinderLiteraturdesdeutschenMittelalters.Münchener TexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschenLiteraturdesMittelalters,88(Munich:Artemis,1986), 103,105,164,179–80.

279

 AlickMcLean,“MedievalCities,”TheArtofGothic,262–65;here262.

280

SeealsothecontributiontothisvolumebyFabianAlfie.

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often represented more aspiration than reality.281 The common goal was to compete with, to adapt to, and to adopt noble values, aristocratic status, and politicalrankcomparabletothatofthelandedgentry.Ofcourse,muchdepended ontheoriginofacity,whetherfromaRomansettlement/cityorfromabishop’s seat, from a simple trading post or from a harbor, which had tremendous implicationsfortherespectivearchitecture,politicalandeconomicstructure,and socialcultural conditions, making it rather difficult to compare medieval and earlymodern cities according to a roster of just a few categories.282 Concomitantly, some of the wealthiest bankers, or usurers, such as Enrico Scrovegni in Padua, hired the best artists and architects of their time, such as Giotto, to create private chapels for the use of their families only where the iconographicprogramprovidedvisualaidsforconfessionandcontritiononpart oftheusurer.Ofcourse,thisfamousScrovegniChapelalsoallowedhimtodisplay hisextraordinarywealthandpowerthathadmadeitpossibleforhimtohiresuch afamousartistasGiottoandGiovanniPisanotodecoratetheinteriorspace.But ashestatedinhisowndocumentregardingtheendowmentofthechapel,itwas built,todrawfromAnnaDerbes’sandMarkSandona’swords,forthegloryofthe VirginandthecityofPadua,andforthesalvationofhisownsoulandthoseofhis predecessors. More specifically, in Enrico’s own words, found in his last will, composedonlyafewmonthsbeforehisdeathin1336,thechapelwastoserveas hisburialsite.Mostrevealingly,theusurercommandsthat“allofmyillgotten gains...oughttoberestoredandpaidwithanyexpensesincurredatthetime,to allpetitionerswithoutanylawsuit,controversy,trial,condition,orpact.”283 Weknowthatthequestionregardingthepropergovernmentofacity,whetherby abishop,asecularlord,orbytheurbanpatriciateandtheguildsbecameatopic of great intensity in the late Middle Ages and the earlymodern age.284 The sixteenthcenturyjestprosewriterHansWilhelmKirchhofconfirmsthisthrough hisnarrative“Dreyerleyherrschafftineinerstatt”containedinhiscollectionof

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McLean,“MedievalCities,”263:“themedievalbourgeoisieinvestedconsiderableamountsof moneyindevelopingalternativewaysofrepresentingthemselves.Theirstoryisinscribedintheir urbanarchitecturejustasmuchasintheirliterature,portraits,andfamilyhouses.Thestreets, squares,andbuildingsoftheemergingmedievalmiddleclassarenot,however,justrecordsof theirsuccess,butratherexpressionsoftheiraspirations....Instead,theyaspiredtobeingeither nobleorholy,generallyboth.” McLean,“MedievalCities,”264–65. AnneDerbesandMarkSandona,TheUsurer’sHeart:Giotto,EnricoScrovegni,andtheArenaChapel inPadua(UniversityPark:ThePennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,2008),35–36. HeikeBierschwaleandJacquelinevanLeeuwen,WiemaneineStadtregierensoll,2005,providea solidoverviewofthedidacticliteraturetreatingthistopicfromGermanandDutchcitiesinthe MiddleAgesandtheearlymodernage(untiltheearlysixteenthcentury).

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prosejestnarratives,Wendunmuth(1561).Inabishoprictownaburgheranda foreignerdebatethequestionofwhatwouldbethebestgovernmentfortheurban community. For the burgher there is no alternative but to recognize and acknowledgethebishopoutofadeepsenseoftraditionandloyalty:“wievon altersherundnoch”(118).Buttheforeignerpointsoutthatthecountlessevilsand sexualdeprivationsoftheentireclergy,includingthebishop,wouldmakethe latter unfit to serve as ruler over a city. Although he also recognizes the unchangingnatureofthepresentpoliticalstructure(“dejureetdefacto,”118),he warnshisopponentofthedangersforallwomeninthecitywhoareregularly exposedtoerotictemptationstosleepwiththepriestsandmonks.Thiswould openallfloodgatesforthedeviltoentertheciviccommunityandtodestroyits ethicalandmoralfoundation(ibid.).285 Kirchhofdoesnotpursuethistopicfurtherinthisshortnarrative,butthisone talealonewithitsinsightfuldebate,despiteitsprimaryfocusonthetraditional anticlerical sentiment, clearly indicates how much even within ordinary discussionsorinsatiricalnarrativestheissuecouldsurfaceastowhichwasthe mostappropriateformofurbangovernmentinthesixteenthcentury. Althoughwetendtoidentifytheemergenceofurbanspacewiththeriseofthe Renaissance, and this certainly for many good reasons, we can also draw extensivelyfrommedievalsourceswhichexaminethecityanditsspecificculture andsocialframeworkinordertogainimportantinsightsintothementalhistory of that world. Significantly, the focus on urban space allows for very rich investigationstakingusfromlateantiquitythroughtheMiddleAgesandthenfar intotheearlymodernage.Differencesareclearlynoticeable,andyettherearealso many remarkable similarities and commonalities among the plethora of premoderncities.Tracingthedevelopmentofacityfromitsearliestfoundation to its expansion and steady, if not explosive, growth in the seventeenth and eighteenthcenturieswouldfacilitatetheprojectionofafarreachingandprofound culturalhistory, combiningthephysicalworldofthecityarchitectureandthe publicspaceswiththeimagesofurbanspaceasprojectedbywriters,painters, sculptures,carvers,andalsocomposers. But such a project really requires the collaboration of many scholars from differentdisciplines,asindicatedabove.Criticswillprobably,andrightlyso,point out, however, that this goal has been achieved only partially because the explorationofthecityinpremoderntimeswouldrequiremanymoreperspectives than even this collection of articles could assemble. Architectural historians,

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Hans Wilhelm Kirchhof, Wendunmuth, Vol. II, 2/3. Ed. Hermann Oesterley. Bibliothek des litterarischenVereinsinStuttgart,XCVI(1869;HildesheimandNewYork:GeorgOlms,1980),No. 74,118–19.

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musicologists,religiousscholars,andothershavenotjoinedus.Still,thebreadth of perspectives included here promises to provide us with a solid range of concepts regarding the meaning of urban space. And I also hope that this introduction has covered much ground of scholarship in many different disciplines.Recently,MaryannaKowaleskieditedanexcellenttextbookdedicated to Medieval Towns, which contains, as Ben R. McRee comments, a wealth of materialthatillustratesthedailylivesandconcernsofmedievalurbanpeople.”286 But,asMcReealsoobserves,thereis“notmuchinthecollectionthatdealswith urbantopographyortheusesofurbanspace.”Hopefully,thepresentvolumewill address this desideratum more comprehensively and extensively, focusing on mentalhistoricalaspects,modesofperception,socialandeconomicconditions, andontheinteractionofvarioussocialgroupswithintheurbancommunity. FollowingIwillofferbriefsummariesoftheindividualcontributionstothis volume, which will be, as I hope, a fitting addition to our book series “FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModernCulture.”

Whereas most medieval city descriptions take pains to focus both on the architectureandthelivingculture,thatis,thepeople,inthecaseofRomethe situation tended to be remarkably different. C. David Benson explores how medieval English descriptions of Rome (both in English and Latin) seem to perceiveonlyacityofruinsandrelics,reflectingagloriouspast.Inhispaperhe uses, after having outlined the textual history of the major branches of Rome descriptions,ashiscriticalsourcesparticularlyaverseaccountofRomeinserted in the Metrical Version of Mandeville’s Travels and the Augustinian friar John Capgrave’sSolaceofPilgrims,composedshortlyafterhisreturnfromRomein1450, alongwithahandfulofotherimportanttravelreports,suchastheonebyMaster Gregorius. Insteadofprovidinginformationaboutchurchservices,processions,thechurch structureincontemporaryRome,themedievalauthorsprefertoruminateonthe historyofthechurchesinRomeandtheirsupremeimportanceforthepilgrimin the present, and on the ruins from classical times. This is the more surprising consideringthatmostothercityencomiaemphasizethecurrentpopulation,the economy,andpolitics,hencepresentthecityinitspresentstageasacommunity and actual conviviality. Although occasionally there are references to Roman senators,ortoinhabitantsinRomewhotoldthenarratorsomethingaboutthe historyofthecity,thefocuspredominantlyrestsontheruins,henceontheempty, hollowedouturbancenteroftheRomanempire.Theinterestisdirectedatthe

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MedievalTowns:AReader,ed.MaryanneKowaleski(Peterborough,Ontario:BroadviewPress, 2006),reviewbyBenR.McReeinTheMedievalReview09.01.09.

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ashes and sarcophagi of former emperors and at sculptures and monuments dedicatedtothedeadwhosufferedtheirfatefortheirChristianfaith. Roman glory in its physical manifestation, however, often finds critical commentatorswhocondemnmajorpublicbuildings,suchastheColosseum,as pagan temples, clearly in ignorance of the true purpose of those monumental buildings. The authors explicitly voiced their desire to see such unChristian architecturedestroyedandremoved,particularlybecausetheyappearedtobetoo attractiveandalluring,distractingtheRomevisitorsfromthetruepurposesof theirjourney,attendingchurch,seekingindulgence,andaskingforabsolution fromtheirsins. AttheotherendofthediscourseaboutRomewefindMasterGregoriuswhoin hisNarraciodeMirabilibusUrbisRomae(latetwelfthorearlythirteenthcentury) extolsthebeautyandbrillianceoftheancientstatuesandbuildings.However,the majorityofvoicesleanedtheotherwayandhighlightedtheexperienceofdeath inthatcity,thatis,ontheonehand,thedeathofChristianmartyrsandsaints,and ofthemightyandpowerfulinthepastontheother.Thishistoricalperspective, almostbydefault,depopulatesRomewithinthemedievalnarrativesandgives absolutepreferencetothesignificanceofRomeservingasthesiteofremembrance andmemory.Hencethegreatemphasisinthesenarrativesontherelicsandbodies of martyrs, which might well be characteristic, as Benson observes, not of traveloguesorencomiaintendedasguidesfortheactualtravelerorpilgrim;but instead of religious reading material for those who stay behind—religious armchairreaders,ifyoulike.287 Inotherwords,theEnglishencomiaonRomedidnotsimplyignorepeople’s lives,butchoseprimarilytotalk,first,aboutmartyrs,henceaboutthosewhohad diedinRomefortheirfaithandwhoserelicscouldprovidenew,spirituallifeto thefaithfulvisitorstotheancientcity,grantingindulgencesandpardons,hence pavingthewaytothereaders’salvation.Curiously,thenumberofyearspromised by the individual churches and sites of worship quickly reached inflationary dimensions,butthistypifiedthecommon,latemedievalinterestinRomeasone oftheholiestpilgrimagecenters,nexttoJerusalemandSantiagodeCompostela. Second,theyalsofocusedonantiquitythathadsurvivedonlyinitsruins. Even though the descriptions of Rome are mostly void of comments about contemporarylifethere,theyallowthepasttospeakthroughnumerousstories

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ThisisverymuchthesamecaseintheGermanpilgrimageaccountwrittenbyFelixFabrifora femaleaudience,afterhehadpublishedanactualtravelogueinLatin,seehisDieSionpilger,ed. WielandCarls.TextedesspätenMittelaltersundderfrühenNeuzeit,39(Berlin:Schmidt,1999); seeAlbrechtClassen,“ImaginaryExperienceoftheDivine:FelixFabri’sSionspilgerLateMedieval PilgrimageLiteratureasaWindowintoReligiousMentality,”StudiesinSpirituality15(2005): 109–28.NowseealsoSuzanneYeager,JerusaleminMedievalNarratives.CambridgeStudiesin MedievalLiterature(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2008).

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toldaboutindividualbuildingsorsculpturesthatcommemorateamartyrora saint.Theyparticularlyrefertochurchesthatcommemorateamartyrorsaint,or, much more commonly, to churches that owned a relic, even if they were not namedforit.Bythesametoken,theancientsculpturesandmonumentswereof interestaswellbecausetheywerededicatedtopaganfiguresfromancientRome. ThelessthesemedievalwritersreflectuponcontemporarylifeinRome,the moretheyallowthepastlife,thatoftheChristianrolemodelsinlateantiquity,to surfaceintheirtextswhopromise,sotospeak,new,spirituallife.Forthem,dead RomeisthefoundationforanewRome,thefuture,heavenlyJerusalem. Whereasmedievaltheologiansandpreacherscommonlyreferredtotheconcept oftheCityofGodasconceivedofbySt.Augustine,wemustnotoverlook,as KishaTracyremindsus,oftheconsiderablesignificanceofmedievalcitiesasthe locationwheredeathoccurredanddeathwascelebratedasthecrucialtransitory stagetotheafterlife.CemeteriesweremovedoutofcitiesonlybythelateMiddle Ages,hencethepresenceofdeathwasdeeplyfeltandevencelebratedinmedieval life. In fact, it enjoyed a pervasive role. Tombs of deceased secular rulers or bishops,headsofhouseholds,andotherinfluentialpersonalitiesdottedtheurban landscape, both within the precincts of the churches and convents, but also elsewhereonsacredground.Therewasaspecificarchitectureforthedead,and thedeadcontinuedtoinfluenceurbanlifefordecadesandevencenturies. Medievalpoetsexplicitlyreflecteduponthisphenomenon,emphasizing,for instance, the importance of individual rulers as founders of cities, such as in Layamon’schronicle,intheearlythirteenthcenturyBrut,andinthemidtwelfth centuryOldFrenchRomand’Enéas.Thedeathandburialofanadmiredperson could lead to the naming of the city after him or her, which finds most vivid expressioninthediscussionofhowLondongotitsname,accordingtoLayamon. Thekings’restingplacesaresituatedonelevatedlocations,makingthemvisible toallasconstantremindersofthepastheroesandtheiractions,benefittingthe city,similartoepitaphsdedicatedtothedead.288AsTracycommentswithregard totheburialofCamilleintheOldFrenchRoman,thedeceasedqueencontinuesto protectthecitybymeansofamirrorplacedontopofhertomb. The literary accounts find remarkable confirmation in actual medieval architectureandfuneralart,allowingthesurvivingfamilymembersandthelarger urbancommunitytocommemoratethedeadandtodrawspiritualstrengthfrom the deceased founders and rulers. All this clearly signals an awareness of the

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AsimilarapproachcanbeobservedinthealmosttimelessnarrativeofApolloniusofTyre,see AlbrechtClassen,“ReadingandDecipheringinApolloniusofTyreandtheHistoriavondensieben weisenMeistern:MedievalEpistemologywithinaLiteraryContext,”StudiMedievali49(2008): 161–88.

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intimatecorrelationbetweendeathandlifewithinmedievalmentality,particularly withintheurbansetting.289Buturbansocietiesalsoexperiencedatroublesome disruptioninthefamilytraditionsbecauseofpeople’sconstantmigrationfromthe countrysidetothecity.Thewealthiercitizensthereforeturnedtothepriestsand paid for masses to be read for the dead, creating a whole religious memorial business,uponwhichWilliamLanglandcommentsrathersardonicallyinhisPiers Plowman(Btext),criticizingpriestsforseekingpositionsincitiesbecauseofthe muchhigherincomethereresultingfromthefuneralservicesandthecountless ramifications,allleadingtospecificincomefortheclerics. Intriguingly,asTracyoutlinesaswell,theimportanceofthedeadintheirpast lifecouldstronglycontributetoacity’spolitical,military,andeconomicstance,as illustrated by the conditions of eleventhcentury Cambrai or earlymedieval Venice,bothheavilydrawingfromlongdeadfoundingbishopsorsaintsinorder togainpublicreputationandimportanceindirectconfrontationwithneighboring cities(suchasAquileia). Inherstudy,Tracyillustratesthisphenomenonparticularlywithregardtolate fourteenthcenturyMiddleEnglishpoemSaintErkenwaldwherethediscoveryof the bones of the earlymedieval bishop saint underneath St. Paul’s provided significantimpetusforthecityinthefourteenthcenturytoregarditselfasdivinely blessed and as the capital of the entire country. More specifically, rulers of medievalcitiesdeliberatelyutilizedthecultofthedead,thememoryofthepast, andthereappearanceoftheremainsofsaintsandothervirtuouspeoplewhohad died in the very early history of those cities for the aggrandizement of the respectiveurbancommunity,powerfullyinterlacingthepastwiththepresentand thefuture,underscoringtherelevanceofthedeadforthesurvivalandprospering ofacityfarintothefuture. Sincelateantiquity,Jerusalemhasbeenalinchpinintheglobalrelationshipamong Christians, Jews, and Muslims. As a holy city, Jerusalem has been central and iconicforWesternandEasternculturesandreligions,soitdoesnotcomeasa surprisethatmanywarshavebeenfoughtoverit;butsadlymajorworldconflicts continuetofocusonthiscityformoreorlessthesamereasons.Eventhoughthe WesternChristianslostintheir‘bid’fortheHolyLandwiththefallofthelast fortress, Acre, in 1291, European fantasies and desires continued to focus on

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PeterDinzelbacher,EuropaimHochmittelalter1050–1250:EineKulturundMentalitätsgeschichte. KulturundMentalität(Darmstadt:Primus,2003),96–99;ibid.,“Eschatology,”HandbookofMedieval Studies, ed. Albrecht Classen (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, forthcoming). See also the contributions on “Sterben/Tod” to Europäische Mentalitätsgeschichte: Hauptthemen in Einzeldarstellungen,ed.PeterDinzelbacher.KrönersTaschenausgabe,469(1993;Stuttgart:Kröner, 2008),265–313(antiquity:ChristianBöhme;MiddleAges:PeterDinzelbacher;earlymodernage: KarlVocelka).

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Jerusalem,aboveall,andforcenturiesbeyondthatspecificdate.Thisfindsan impressivereflectioninthecontinuousstreamofpilgrimsandtouristswhowent toPalestinethroughouttime,manyofwhomcomposedavarietyoftravelogues.290 ButwecanneverforgetthecrucialperiodoftheearlyCrusadesasacritical momentinhistorywhenthefuturedestinyofJerusalemwasdeeplyshapedbythe religiousmilitaryconflict,whichhaslasteduntiltoday,bothbecauseChristian knightsconquereditin1099,andthenbecausetheMuslims,undertheleadership ofSaladin,recaptureditin1187,andthis,ofcourse,tothegreatchagrinofthe EuropeanChristians. Although modern fantasies of medieval chivalry and knighthood convey a beautifulimageofanimpressiveagelonggone,thebrutalrealityofmedieval warfarewasquitedifferent,asAlanV.Murraydemonstratesinhisinsightful, detailoriented,andratherpainfulstudyonhowtherespectiveconqueringarmies dealtwiththecivilpopulation.291Everyarmyhastorely,ifitwantstobeeffective andsuccessfulinachievingitsgoals,onthebestpossiblelogisticsforsuppliesand people,andonsolidifyingitsconquestsandfortificationsasquicklyaspossible. Butthecrusaderswereonlyasmallandratheramorphousforcecomparedwith thefairlylargeMuslimandJewishpopulationinJerusalemandelsewhereinthe HolyLandin1099,nottomentionthelargehostilemilitaryforcesthreatening them. WhentheArabsunder‘UmarhadreconqueredJerusalemin638C.E.,they forcedmostofthesurvivingChristianintelligentsiatoleavethecity.Nevertheless, this was not at all comparable to what happened in 1099, when the crusaders foundthemselvesinadifficultsituationasasmallmilitaryentityfacingalarge nonChristianpopulation.Thereisnodoubtthatthecrusadersimmediatelybegan withmassiveslaughterwithinthecity,carryingoutwhatwewouldcalltoday ‘ethniccleansing.’ThesurvivingChristiansourcesclearlysignalthatthismassacre wasexplainedawaythroughreferencestorelevantpassagesintheBible,notably

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ChristianHalm,DeutscheReiseberichte.EuropäischeReiseberichtedesspätenMittelalters,1.Kieler Werkstücke.ReiheD:BeiträgezureuropäischenGeschichtedesspätenMittelalters,5(Frankfurt a. M., Berlin, et al.: Peter Lang, 2001); Suzanne M. Yeager, Jerusalem in Medieval Narrative. CambridgeStudiesinMedievalLiterature(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2008).For thecrusades,seeChristopherTyerman,God’sWar:ANewHistoryoftheCrusades(Cambridge,MA: BelknapPressofHarvardUniversityPress,2006);foramodernpoliticalhistoricalperspective, see Dore Gold, The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City (Washington,DC:RegneryPubl.,2007). Forageneralintroductionandcriticalanalysis,seeMauriceHughKeen,MedievalWarfare:A History (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); see also the contributions to Violence in Medieval Courtly Literature: A Casebook, ed. Albrecht Classen. Routledge Medieval Casebooks(NewYorkandLondon:Routledge,2004).Further,seeJonathanRileySmith,The Crusades:AHistory.2nded.(1987;LondonandNewYork:Continuum,2005);HelenJ.Nicholson, Medieval Warfare: Theory and Practice of War in Europe, 1300–1500 (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire,andNewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2004).

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theApocalypse.Nevertheless,insimpleterms,thecrusadersslaughteredhundreds and quite possibly thousands of people in order to get rid of a potentially dangerousnonChristianpopulation. Murray alerts us, however, to the complexity of the concrete situation in Jerusalemaftertheconquest,whichwasbynomeansstableandunequivocalfor thecrusaderswhochosetosettlethere.Havingconqueredamajorcitywitha solidlyhostilepopulationitdoesnotcomeasashockthatthefirstmajorsteps taken were directed at the dangerous Muslims, civil and military. To secure Jerusalemagainsthostileelementsbothwithinandoutsideofthecityrepresented amajorchallenge,whichhelpsustounderstand—thoughitcertainlydoesnot excusethesituation—themostviolenttreatmentofthecivilpopulation. IttookdecadesuntiltheChristianrulersdecidedtoletSyrianChristiansto settleinthecity,whichunderscorestheproblematicnatureofpopulationcontrol inthecaseofsuchadisputedcity.TheyalsoexpelledGreekOrthodoxclericsand establishednumerousCatholicchurchestomeettheirownreligiousdemands.But manyareasorquartersinthecitycontinuedtobeunoccupiedfordecades,asa directresultofthecrusaders’massacreimmediatelyaftertheirconquest. Bycontrast,whenSaladintookcontrolofJerusalemin1187,hepursuedarather different strategy, expelling instead of slaughtering the major portion of the WesternChristianpopulation.Therewasaconsiderableriskthatahugenumber ofMuslimprisonersheldcaptiveinsidethecitymightbeslaughteredinresponse toanattack,andSaladinobviouslybelievedthatitwouldbemoreeffectiveto allowtheFrankishpopulationtopayforitsfreedomthantoslaughterit.Notonly didthisprovidehimwithahugeprofitandfreethecityofenemypopulation,but it also swelled up the few remaining Christianheld cities with a civilian populationthatwouldmakethemmoredifficulttodefendagainsttheMuslims. Saladin encouraged Muslims to settle in Jerusalem, and allowed Jews and easternChristianstoreturnbecausethesepeoplehelpedhimtogaineconomic profit.ButtheentireFrankishpopulationwasremoved,transformingJerusalem fromanexclusivelyChristian,andlargelyWesterncity,intoatotallyEasterncity ofpluralfaiths.Allthisstronglysuggeststhatinthebattleforthisplacesacredto threereligions,theremovalor,inthethinkingofthecrusaders,theeliminationof anenemypopulationwasregardedasanecessity.TheMuslimapproachwas, however,muchmorecomplex,butwealsohavetokeepinmindthatSaladinand otherIslamicrulersenjoyedmuchbetterlogisticconditionsandcouldaffordto pursuemoreflexibleapproaches. Murray’sfocusonJerusalemdramaticallyilluminatesthemilitarysignificance ofcitiesintheMiddleAges,thedangersthecivilpopulationoftenfacedinwars, andalsohowrulersbelievedthatmanipulationofthedifferentsocialandreligious groupsthatinhabitedthemwereanessentialtoolintheestablishmentoftheir regimes.

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Wecangainagoodunderstandingofthebasiccharacterandessenceofacityand itssocialstructurewithinitshistoricalcontextwhenwepursuemanydifferent approaches,whichistheprimarypurposeofthisvolume.Oneofthemconcerns legal conditions and the work of notaries, the topic of Andreas Meyer’s contributiontothisvolume.Fromearlyonnotariesplayedasignificantrolein latemedieval Italian cities, because they were highly instrumental in helping peoplehandlinginheritancesissuesandpropertytransfer.Meyerunderscoresthe significantchangeofkeepingrecordsbythenotariessincethetwelfthcenturyin NorthernItalywhennotariesbegantokeepcentralizedregistersonthebasisof whichindividualdocumentscouldbecreatedforspecificlegalpurposes.This ultimatelyreducedthecostsforeveryoneinvolvedconsiderably.Basically,the notarybecameanarchivistforhisentireneighborhoodandthushelpedtheurban communitytohavemuchbetterandeasiercontrolovertherelevantdocuments pertainingtopropertyorlegalmatters.Atthesametime,theregistersthatthe notariesactuallyownedbecameagoodandlongtermsourceofincomeforhim and his family. Only by the fifteenth century did city administrators force the notariestohandovertheirregisterstopublicarchives,whichtrulycentralizedthe entirelegalprocessandrecordkeeping. Inthislongtermprocessnotaryregisterswereincreasinglycollectedbyfewer andfewernotarieswhomostlyinheritedthemfromdeceasedcolleagues.This oftenmeant,however,thatwhenoneofthesearchiveswasdestroyedordamaged the loss of documents was highly dramatic for an entire neighborhood. The contemporaries already realized the subsequent grave dangers for the entire communityandthelegalsystem,tryingtheirbesttocounteractnumerousrisk factors,butmostlytonoavail.Anotableexceptiontotherulewasthecaseof Genoa where the city organized from early on in the fourteenth century centralizedcommunaldepotsforthenotaryregisters.Nevertheless,therepeated attemptstoenforcethispolicytocollectallregistersthereandthepossibilityfor notariesrelatedtothosewhohaddeceasedtofetchtheregistersandtostorethem athomeagainsignalshowdifficultitwas,despitethebestefforts,toupkeepand maintain the centralization process. At the same time, the Genoese vaults containednumerousothertypesoflegaldocuments,oftenprivateinnature,soby theendofthefifteenthcenturytheywereprivatizedaltogether. Tragically for modern historians, since the fourteenth century many of the registers and documents of private nature from earlier periods were sold as wrappingmaterialorforotherpurposes,andlargecontingentsaresimplylostto us today for very mundane reasons. However, there were also major space problems, and since older registers had considerable less value for the contemporaries,itisnotsurprisingthatalargequantityofthemdisappearedand maderoomfornewonessincethelegalprocesscontinuedcontinuously. Although Meyer’s investigation focuses on a specialized textual genre, it powerfully illustrates the degree to which internal legal structures had a

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tremendous impact on the growth and development of towns and cities in northernItalysincethethirteenthcentury,and,byanalogy,probablyinother partsofEurope,whereRomanLawwastobeeffective,aswell.

Many of the major cities in antiquity and the Middle Ages were founded and settlednearwaterways,themostimportantmeansoftransportationoflargegoods andacrucialsourceofdrinkingwater.Whenmedievalpoetsreflectuponurban space, they commonly also discuss the rivers or the coast nearby as major characteristicmarkersfortheurbanidentityformation.292Largerbodiesofwater served at least three fundamental purposes in the relevant urban encomia or descriptionsofcitiesinmedievalliterature,asBrittC.L.Rothauseroutlinesinher contributiontothisvolume:1)asadefiningelement;2)aprotectivebarrier;and 3) as a cleansing agent. But water was also an important source of energy in industrialproductionorcraftsmanship,whichshetouchesononlyinpassing. Whereas the historical significance of water for urban development in the MiddleAgesandbeyondhasbeencommentedonalreadyinpreviousresearch focused on urban history, Rothauser investigates how various Middle English poetsperceivedthephysical,therealcityanditsenvironment,regularlyseparated from the countryside through water, beginning with Fitz Stephen’s twelfth centuryDescriptionobilissimæcivitatisLondoniæ.Forhim,thecountrysidewasofno particular relevance, mostly depopulated and serving only for providing the necessarynourishmentofthecity.Nevertheless,bywayofdiscussingtheThames, FitzStephensclearlyindicatesthedemarcationofthecity’sparameters,andalso signalsthecrucialvenuesfortheburgherstodocommerceinternationally,and alsotoenjoyfreetimeingardensoutsideofthecity. In remarkable contrast, the fourteenthcentury anonymous poet of the allegoricalPearlpoemidentifiestheriverasthedefiningboundarythatseparates theNewJerusalemfromtheearthlyrealm,therebygrantingwaterwaysamuch morepowerfulsignificanceinkeepingtheChristian,herethedreamer,outsideof theholycityuntiltheDayofJudgment—andthisinimportantparalleltotheriver Styxthatseparatesthenetherworldfromtheearthlyexistence,suchasinDante’s DivinaCommedia,andthen,ofcourse,alsoinclassicalantiqueliterature.Whereas inFitzStephan’sLatinencomiumthewateroftheriverThamesisalsousedfor keepingthecityclean,thePearlpoetspecifiesthefunctionoftheheavenlyriver asonetorepresentthedivinewill,orGod’scivilization,asreflectedbythepaving oftheriverbedandtheembankment,anarchitecturalachievementonlypossible, itseems,bytheLordHimself.Butitalsoindicateshowmuchlatemedievalpeople

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desiredtoimprovethelivingconditionsintheircitiesandimaginedurbanspace whereeventheriverbedispavedwithgemsasareflectionoftheheavenly,ideal city.293 TurningtoJohnGower’sVoxClamantisandhisMirourdel’Omme,however, Rothauseridentifiesaverydifferentperspectiveonriversandotherwaterways becauseGowerprojectsthemaspotentiallyhighlydangerousandthreateningto the wellbeing of the city. For Gower, the river served as a metaphor of the relationship between city and country insofar as the Peasants’ Revolt in 1381 brought much devastation and misery to the city. According to the poet, the swellingoftheriverandsubsequentfloodingofurbanspacerepresenttheunruly peasantclassthatrequirescontrolandchannelingatthehandoftheurban,hence alsoroyalgovernment.Aslongasthecountrysidefulfilleditsfunctiontoproduce foodforthecity,thesocialhierarchywasstableandharmonious,butthecitystill needed walls to protect itself against the dangerous riotous peasants or, metaphoricallyspeaking,therisingriver. Rothauserthenturnstothequestionhowmuchriverscouldreallyprotecta city, and whether they might not have constituted additional dangers to the defenders,asGoweralsoexpressesinhistexts,whereasforthePearlpoetthe situationwasradicallydifferentbecauseofthereligiousfunctionofthewaterway, which,togetherwiththecitywall,fullykeptallbesiegersoutoftheholyplace. ThisalsofindsconfirmationinthefourteenthcenturyalliterativeLegendofSaint Erkenwaldwherealakesubstitutesforariverbutachievesthesameconstructive goal. Finally, the author examines the cleansing function of the river Thames, as clearlyoutlined,forinstance,intheLetterBookAof1275,orinJohnLydgate’s descriptionofNewTroyinhisTroyBook,writtenin1420.Theabilitytoharnessthe natural flow of the river to sweep away all detritus and debris from the city represents,astheselatemedievalwritersemphasize,ahighlevelofcivilization andurbanarchitecture,otherwiserarelyseenordescribed.294Thecleanlinessofa citycouldbecomeasymbolofthecleanlinessofthehumansoulinhabitingsuch a divine city. Nevertheless, by outlining this aspect, Gower, for instance, also indicatestheconstantliabilityof losingthisdegreeofvirtuebecausevicewas powerfulenoughtoseepintoeverycornerorcrevice,andhencealsointothe fissuresofthesoul,tostayintheimage(VoxClamantis).AsRothauserremindsus, of course, the metaphors of water, its flow, of baptism, and cleansing of dirty streetsservedpowerfullyforallegoricalinterpretationsaswell.Asmuchasthe

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SeethecontributiontothisvolumebyAllisonP.Coudert.Afterall,seriouscomplaintsaboutdirty city streets and places and the lack of functioning sewer systems were continuously voiced throughoutthecenturies. A remarkable exception proves to be the anonymous twelfth and early thirteenthcentury goliardicMiddleHighGermanepicHerzogErnst,seeaboveintheearlypartofmyIntroduction.

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earthly city could reflect the heavenly city, the New Jerusalem, so rivers, waterways,andwateratlargecouldsymbolizethetensionbetweenvirtuesand vicesinaChristian,butalsoverydangerousworldwherethesocialhierarchywas notanabsoluteguarantee. Urbanspacemeans,ofcourse,notonlybuildingandphysicalextensions,butvery muchalsolivingspace,hencepeopleandtheirinteractionwitheachother.One ofthemostburningquestionsconcerningthisaspectpertainstothecohabitation of Christians and Jews in the Middle Ages and beyond. Birgit Wiedl offers penetrating perspectives regarding this situation mostly in Austrian cities, investigatingconcretehistoricalandarthistoricaldocumentswhichoftensheda different light on the issue than what the specific laws and rules by both the Churchandthesecularauthoritiesstipulated.Infact,onthelevelofeverydaylife activities, there were numerous contacts, and in many cities both groups cooperatedinavarietyofways,whichWiedl’scarefulinvestigationdemonstrates convincingly.ParticularlycomplaintsbytheChurchonseveraloccasionsagainst the violation of its rules against such contacts indicate how much Jews and Christians actually lived together as neighbors, and not as religious enemies, despite much public polemic to the contrary. Interior house decorations (wall paintings)orbookillustrationscommissionedbyJewishownersindicatetheextent to which both groups shared the same cultural values and enjoyed the same aestheticideals. Nevertheless, Jews experienced a variety of legal conditions in medieval Austria,withtheregionalrulerscontinuingforalongtimetoholdpoweroverthe Jewishcommunities,eventhoughcitygovernmentsregularlytriedtowrestthat privilegefromthem.Therulerswereevensopowerfulthatonlytheycouldgrant the right to erect any public building for the Jewish community, such as a synagogue in the individual cities. For a long time Christians lived as much among,ornextto,theJewsasthelatterlivedamongChristians,andwehave plenty of evidence that both groups provided service to each other against payment,includingwomenactingaswetnurses.Undercertaincircumstancesthe synagoguecouldalsofunctionasthesiteforlegalproceedingsinvolvingJewsand (!)Christians.InthejudicialworldwealsoencountermanyJewswhoservedas witnessesandarbiters,andJewscouldturntoaChristianjudgeappointedfor theirownconcerns,bothsignalinganastonishingdegreeofmutualacceptance andcollaborationparticularlywithintheurbanspaceoflatemedievalcitiessmall andlarge. Themanyprotests,particularlyraisedbytheChurch,againstthesecommon practicesprovethepointofintenseexchangeinlatemedievalAustriancities,at leastuntilthethirteenthcentury.However,oncethecitygovernmentsgainednew independencefromregionalorterritorialrulers,theytriedhardtoutilizetheir legal rights to control the Jewish population, to impose new taxes, but also to

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integratethemmoreintheurbandefensesystem.Interestingly,Wiedlprovides evenevidencethatJewswereentitledtogetashareofthepublicmarkets,though theywerenotallowedtoassumepublicoffices. A real conflict emerged when Jews were also involved in the crafts and competedwiththeirChristianneighbors,suchasintheareaofbutcheringand sellingmeat.Soonenough,theyandtheirmeatweremalignedorexcludedfrom thepublicspaces,aconvenientstrategytocometotermswiththisproblemfrom the perspective of the majority. This, in turn, created the basis for religious argumentstoemerge,quicklyleadingtobloodlibelandaccusationsofalleged hostwaferdesecrations,thelatterofwhichmakeupthemajorityofaccusations raised against Austrian Jews. Despite the overwhelming evidence of intense exchanges and even cohabitation of both religious groups far into the early fourteenthcentury,bytheendofthenextcenturyexpulsionsandbanningofJews alsofromAustriancitiesbecamethenormforawidevarietyofreasons.Most significantly, however, as Wiedl concludes, we would badly misconstrue the medievalandlatemedievalhistoryofChristianJewishcontactsifweperceived them only through the lens of the crusade mentality with its subsequent persecution obsession directed against the Jewish population who, after all, contributedsignificantlytothecountry’shistory.Ofcourse,Austriawasnotasafe havenforJews,particularlynotinthelateMiddleAges,buttherewerestrong traditionsofremarkableformsofcohabitationandcooperationespeciallywithin urbancommunities. WhereasWiedldiscussestheissueofcohabitationofJewsandChristiansinlate medievalAustria,RosaAlvarezPerezinvestigatesthesametopicwithregardto contemporaryFrance.There,however,thesituationwasrathermoredangerous andultimatelycatastrophicbecausetheJewswererepeatedlyexpelled,forthelast and final time in 1394. Nevertheless, the focus on urban space invites a more carefulanddetailedinvestigationbecauseitwasherewhereactualcontactstook placeandwheretherepresentativesofthetworeligionsencounteredeachother. PerezconcentratesonnorthernFrenchJewishcommunitiesbecausethereconflicts gainedinintensityonlylater,andrelativelypeacefulcoexistenceseemstohave beenmorepronouncedinearliertimes(especiallyfromtheninthtotheeleventh century).Whereasotherscholarshavealreadydiscussedthelargerissuesatstake, here the role of Jewish women gains a new profile, particularly because they appeartohaveexercisedsomedegreeofagencywithintheircommunitiesand societyatlarge. DuringthehighMiddleAges,urbanizationinnorthernFrance,similarlyto manyotherareasnorthoftheAlps,experienceddramaticgrowthrates,whichalso ledtoasignificantincreaseoftheJewishpopulationinthecitieswheremany economic opportunities awaited them. We can measure this, for instance, by meansofthenumberofRabbinicschools.Ironically,royaldecreessoonenough

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forbadeJewstoliveinruralareasandsmalltowns,forcingtheminsteadtosettle inthelargerurbancenters,perhapsinordertocontrolthembetterandtogain morefinancialprofitsbecausetheywerethe‘king’sservants.’Similarlyasinother partsofEurope,however,soonenoughJewsfunctionedascatalystsforgeneral sentimentsoffearandinsecurity. AsPerezdiscovers,despitenumerousdecreestargetingJews,forcingthemto liveinspecificareasandwearingparticularbadges(especiallysincetheFourth LateranCouncilin1215),inmanycasesJewsstillenjoyedsomefreedomtosettle invariouspartsofacityandcouldeasilyinteractwiththeirChristianneighbors. Nevertheless,theghettoizingprocesstookplaceeverywhereaswell,forcingJews to live in cramped, often unhealthy spaces, whereas Christians had more of a chancetoexpand.OneofthedifficultiestheJewishpopulationsfacedwasthe constantly shifting political climate, with some rulers pursuing a very hostile policy,attimesculminatinginexpulsions,whileothersallowedthemtoreturnto theirpreviousurbansettlements,suchasinParis,thoughtheyhadthentocontent themselveswithnoncentrallocationsthere.Tobesure,economicandpolitical reasons often played a much bigger role in the expulsions than religious convictions. AlthoughJewsweregenerallybannedfromtraditionalcrafts,somestillcould pursuethatkindofworkforinternalneeds,assurvivingrecordswithspecific names indicate. But moneylending (and usury) was, as everywhere else in medievalEurope,aprivilegeforJews,andhereweevencomeacrossanumberof Jewish women who were also active in this field. In fact, as research has demonstrated,femalemoneylendersweremuchmorecommonthanpreviously assumed, but they focused on smaller amounts and relied on pledges as guarantees instead on costly notaries. But Perez also observes that the close proximity of these two religious and economic communities in latemedieval northernFrenchcitiestendedtoleadtoviolenceonasmallscale,eveninvolving asignificantnumberofwomen,aslegalcourtdocumentsinformus. As the many examples adduced by Perez indicate, despite these constant conflicts,JewsandChristianscollaboratedinmanyinstances,andtherearemore reportsoferoticrelationshipsamongthemthanexpected,astherepeatedlegal stipulationsandlawcasesconfirm.AlbeittheChurchexpressedabhorrenceatthe ideaofChristiansminglingsexuallywithJews,theveryfactthatsuchstatements existconfirmstheexistenceofsuchaffairs,andthisevenlongaftertheofficialand finalexpulsionofallJewsfromFrancein1394.Aswelearnfromvariousliterary andlegaldocuments,itappearsthatJewishwomenweremoreloathtoreligious conversion than Jewish men, but this issue still requires further investigation. Moreover,PerezshedslightonJewishrepresentationincontemporaryliterature through a close reading of Li Roumans de Berte aus Grans pies (late thirteenth century),wheremanyofthetraditionalstereotypesraisedagainstJewsarefully represented.

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Despite the severe problems and threats latemedieval French Jews had to sufferfrom,theirexistenceinthenorthernurbancenterswasofsignificancefor theentirepopulation,asPerezcansolidlyconfirm.Wemustbecarefulinour evaluationofthemanuscriptevidencebecauseittendstohighlightthecriminal, legal, and procedural aspects, and blinds us at times to the everydaylife experience of Jews and Christians living for a long time in surprisingly close proximitytoeachother. OneofthemostfamousimageofurbanspaceeverdevelopedintheentireMiddle Ages—atleastinallegoricalterms—(ifnotpriortoit)wasAugustine’s(354–430 C.E.)conceptoftheHeavenlycityinhisDecivitatedei(CityofGod).Onlythose ChristiansworthytoenterGod’sdivinerealmwereguaranteedthesalvationof theirsouls,whereasthosewhostayedbehindandcontentedthemselveswiththeir existence in the earthly city could not even think of hope. But not everyone subscribedtoAugustine’steachingregardingthevainnessanduselessnessofthe worldly city in its metaphorical dimension. The latemedieval English mystic JulianNorwich(1342/1343–ca.1416)pursued,asJeanetteZissellargues,quitea differentapproach,drawingmuchinspirationfromhermysticalinterpretationof thesymbolichazelnut.JulianperceivedGod’slovetobesoprofusethatitalso extendedtotheearthlycitybecauseitcouldnotbecontainedonlyintheheavenly city.Theformerprovestobenotmuchlargerthanahazelnut,andyetitisentirely embraced by God’s love. The heavenly city, however, the one Augustine had talkedabout,islocated,accordingtoJulian,withinherself,inherheart.Inspecific contradistinctiontothetheologicaltradition,then,themysticarguesthatGod’s salvificpowerextendstobothcitiesandoffersmuchmorehopethantheChurch hadassumedinthepast.Inotherwords,accordingtothisEnglishmystic,there isverygoodreasontobeoptimisticabouttheafterlifebecauseeventhematerial city,wherepeopleliveintheirhumanexistence,canberedeemed. Zissell suggests that Julian deliberately deviated from the Augustinian tradition,orrather,reinterpreteditinordertocometotermswiththeconceptof globalloveextendedbyGodtobothcitieswithincreation,theheavenlyandthe earthly. Whereas Augustine focused on how people love each other, which determines whether they can transition from the earthly to the heavenly dimension,JulianprimarilylooksatGod’sloveforpeople,whichimpliesthatboth dimensionsareembracedbyHimequally. Augustinedidnotforeseeuniversalsalvation,asOrigen(ca.185–254C.E.)had suggested, and instead projected a city for the select few. By contrast, Julian believedtheoppositeandarguedthatGod’sloveismuchlargerthantheChurch Fathercouldhaveimagined,allowingittoextendalsotothematerialexistence, theearthlycity.Salvation,forJulian,wasnotlimitedtothosewhohadbeenlucky enoughtoescapethedangersofthisworld,butitactuallyextendedtotheentire universe,orcreation,becauseofGod’sunlimitedlove,whichalsoincludesthe

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earthlycity,aslongastheindividualinhabitantofthiscityprovestobeabeliever. Inotherwords,God’slovecanalreadybeexperiencedinhumanlife,herewithin thisurbanspace. More specifically, the earthly city, the hazelnut, represents the human soul whereGodresides,infact,andtheheavenlycityisthesourceofalldivinelove. Inthissense,themetaphorofthecityservedJulianexceedinglywelltodescribe inpoetictermstheetherealunionofthehumansoulwiththeGodhead,which takesplacewithinthemystic’s,oranyotherperson’s,heart,amergingofboth urbanspacesbecauseoftheinfinitepowerofGod’slove.Asmuchasthebeliever’s spiritualcityisenclosedinhisheart,theearthlycityisenclosedinthebeliever’s hand,asrepresentedbythehazelnut.Althoughtheearthlycitydoesnotguarantee spiritualprotectionandrestfulness,butitclearlyindicates,asJulianformulatesit, theextenttowhichGod’sloveofmanandofthehumanworldispresentand assuredforeveryonewhoreturnsthislove. Zisselluncoversasignificantepistemologicaltheologicallevelofmeaningin Julian’suseofthehazelnutmetaphoranddemonstrateshowmuchurbanspace, evenwithinthemysticaldiscourse,wasofgreatmetaphoricalsignificationbecause it constituted the meeting space of the human soul with the Godhead. In this sense, as Zissell suggests, Julian could be identified as a follower of the ideas developedbyOrigen,inalmostexplicitoppositiontoAugustine.Inourcontext, however,wecandrawtheimportantconclusionthaturbanspace,herecastinthe imageofahazelnut,emergedasapowerfulmetaphorforprofoundtheological interpretationsconcerninghumanexistenceandthemeaningofsalvation. UrbanspaceintheMiddleAgeswasnotsimplylimitedbythecitywalls;instead thecity’sauthorityregularlyextendedfarbeyond,sometimeseventoothercities, orwholeregions.Towhatextent,however,couldacitygovernmentbringtotrial apersonwhohadcommissionedmentocommitacrimeinadifferentcity?What constituted urban and legal authority, and what made up urban space in this context, especially when it was contested from the outside? To explore these complexissues,PatriciaTurninginvestigatessuchacaseinfourteenthcentury Toulouseinvolvingtwomenwhosebusinessrelationshiphadgonesour,thenhad turnedtolegalmeans,thoughinvein.Finallytheoutsiderresortedtohiringa bandofassassinswhowerechargedwithdisfiguringtheopponentinhisface. Significantly,thisdangerousplothadbeenplannedformonths,anditwascarried outinthevicinityofthecityhall,deliberatelyprovokingthecitycouncilorsto pursue legal actions. Turning employs recent space theory (Bordieu et al.) to illuminatehowmuchurbanspacewasactuallyterritoryincompetitionandthe battle ground for various social groups both within and outside the city’s boundaries.TheattackonthelawyerinToulouse wasonlyoneindicatorofa much larger context concerning the true authority within a medieval city, as countlesspageants,tournaments,processions,etc.alsoservedtostakeoutareas

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of control exerted by individuals and special interest groups. Even public executions,withalltheirgorydetailsoftortureandslowdismemberment,also served,apartfromitsprosecutoryintentions,thepurposeofdemonstratingurban authorityandpowerwithinaclearlydemarcatedurbanspace.Nevertheless,there wereeverywherecompetingjurisdictions,andworldlyandecclesiasticauthorities jealouslyguardedtheirowndomainswithinthatlimitedspace. Significantly,throughouttheMiddleAges,andsoalsoinToulouse,thecity authoritieshadtonegotiateonaregularbasiswiththeducalorroyalpowersthe extenttowhichtheycouldexerttheirownjurisdiction,hencecouldclaimpolitical, legal,andmilitaryindependence.295ThephysicalattackontheToulouselawyer Bernardus de Bosto was motivated, of course, by his opponent’s desire for revenge, but it also expressed explicitly the defiance of an outsider who disregardedthehonoroftheurbancommunityrepresentedbythislawyer.His facialdisfigurementwas,metaphoricallyspeaking,aslapinthefaceoftheurban authorities.Hence,asTurningargues,thecityhadtoendeavormassivepublic courtproceedingsandtobringtheopponent,StephanusSaletas,totrial.However, theauthoritiesofhishomecity,Villamuro,balkedatthatidea,andtheentireaffair enteredintoapublicstrugglefordominanceamongthesecities,quicklyspilling intotheneighboringspaceoutsideoftherespectivecitywalls.Ultimately,Saletas was handed over and thrown into prison, questioned, and tortured, but the sourcesdonotrevealtheoutcomeofthetrial.Nevertheless,theentirecaseclearly indicates how much urban space and individual space could easily enter into competition,nottoforgetthemanyotherforcesinvolved,bothonasmallerand alargerscale,whichallindicatesthetrueextenttowhichamedievalcitywasat thecrossroadsofnumerouspolitical,social,religious,andculturalgroupsand organizations. AsJeanE.JostremindsusinherpenetratinganalysisofChaucer’sTheKnight’s Tale,spacewithinacityconstitutesmorethanjustaphysicalentity;instead,italso provides identity for the individual protagonists. Some spaces are protective, othersareperilous,andsomeareamixtureofbothfortheurbanenvironment,as ithaddevelopedbythelateMiddleAges,offered,asitstilldoestoday,aplethora ofdifferentpossibilitiesforindividualstopursuetheirinterestsandtoleadtheir ordinarylives.Chaucer,forinstance,includesbothThebesandAthenswherehe hashischaractersoperateondifferentstages,whichpowerfullyallowthefurther developmentofthenarrative,providingdepthanddistance,interiorandexterior

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SeealsothecontributiontothisvolumebyLiaB.Ross.Thedifficultiesevenforthemostpowerful cities came most clearly to the fore in the case of sixteenthcentury Nuremberg, as the MastersingerandcobblerpoetHansSachsreflectsinhisurbanencomia.Seethecontributionto thisvolumebyAlbrechtClassen.

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sites.Butevenmoreinterestingprovestobetheliminalspaceofthecity’sedges where travelers arrive and depart, where major events take place, and where decisions are being made. After all, the Canterbury Tales are predicated on a pilgrimage,whichtraversesmanydifferentspaces,bothruralandurban,hence the significance of the border areas as the major transition points. As Jost illustrates,Chaucerstrategicallyoperateswithamultiplicityofspaceswithinthe cityandatitsedges,andforceshisprotagoniststoexplorethevariousoptionsin each one of them for their own purposes. Although the city is regularly surrounded by a wall, the interior space does not guarantee full protection, harmony,andhappiness,asisthecaseinAthensinChaucer’snarrative,especially whenDukeTheseusencountersthelamentingwidowsattheoutskirtsandgetsoff hishorse,whichblatantlyblursthesocialdifferencebetweenthem. Onanotherlevel,lovebloomsalsoatthecity’sedgesbecausethemalegazecan espy the lovely lady in the garden from a window in the prison tower. The orchard,whichcarriesmultiplesymbolicmeanings,specificallyservestopromote thelovestory,madeproblematicbythephysicalandsocialbarrierseparatingthe twoknightsandtheirlady—theyareprisoners,sheisaprincess.Architectural elementsandornamentaldesignsstronglycontributetothenarrativedevelopment of The Knight’s Tale, injecting a discourse on vices and virtues represented in images and buildings. Even Theseus’s palace proves to be a most important staginggroundfortheindividualcharacters,andthenarratorclearlysignalshow much space itself represents the critical framework for the key elements in Chaucer’stext.Infact,thereseemstobeacitywithinthecity,andtheindividual spacesbegintocommunicatewitheachother,nodoubt,inatypicallyChaucerian fashion. TheironyofTheKnight’sTaleprovestobe,asJostconvincinglyargues,thestory teller’sgreatinterestinlimitedspace,especiallyurban,althoughhehimselfhas traversedtheentireknownworldinsearchofchivalricadventures.Butthecritical pointmightwellbe,asJostconcludes,thatthenarrativereallyfocusesoninterior spaces for the development of emotions and desires. Those spaces, however, clearly reflect also the exterior spaces within an urban environment. In other words,theKnighttellsushisstorywithitsgreatemphasisontheurbanworld becausewithinthecityandatitsliminaledgesthefundamentalhumanconflicts findmostpowerfulexpressions.Inthissense,asChaucerperceivesit,thecity offered agonal space to live out interior tensions and feelings, and it was not necessarilyexclusivelyasiteofcommunityandharmoniouscollaboration. Curiously, the growing pains of latemedieval cities seem to have been quite similar to those that modern cities are going through under comparable circumstances.ThiswasthecaseofParisasmuchasLondon,thelatterofwhich findsgoodreflectioninanumberofliterarytexts,suchasGeoffreyChaucer’s CanterburyTales.Eveninsomeofhisshortesttales,thepoettookpainstoallude

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tourbanlifeandtoutilizethesocialframeworkofthecityinordertoaddress specific social problems and concerns characteristic of latemedieval London. DanielF.PigghereexaminesthewayhowChaucerreflectsuponurbansociety andthetensionswithinthecityasreflectedinTheCook’sTale,wherethecentral conflict concerns the relationship between a footloose apprentice, Perkyn Revelour,andtheclassofguildsmen.ThisyoungmanservedChaucerexceedingly welltoexplorethemeaningofmasculinitywithinlatemedievalurbansociety wheretraditionalpowerstructureseasilycollidedwiththeinterestsofmigrant workersfromthecountrysideandespeciallytheyounggeneration(apprentices) whochallengedtheauthorityofthecraftsmenandstruggledhardtoestablish their own masculinity. In this regard the story itself, despite its external fragmentarycharacter,provestobebasicallycompletebecausethefundamental message concerning the social conflicts predicated on the idea of masculinity, especiallyitsformationprocesswithintheurbansetting,isclearlyformulated. Pigg sets out with a global discussion of the rise of guilds as constitutive institutionsinlatemedievalcitiesthatheavilyreliedonastrongregulationsystem forallitsmembers,especiallyapprenticeswhowerecommonlykeptunderclose controlandhadtosubmitundertheirmaster,almostsubstitutingtheirownfather. The guildsmen were most concerned with preventing their apprentices from having sexual relations and from marrying. In other words, the relationship betweenapprenticeandmasterprovedtobethecentralintersectionwherethe male individual explored masculinity and tried to establish his own sexual identity. Thecook’spositioninlatemedievalurbansocietyprovedtoberatherunstable, easilysubjecttopublicridiculeandcontempt,whichmakestheentirenarrative framework even more problematical regarding the young man’s quest for masculinity.Butcheringandfoodpreparationcouldeasilycarrystrongpolitical, ideological,andeconomicimplications,asthestudybyBirgitWiedlinthisvolume regarding the position of Jews in latemedieval Austrian cities demonstrates, consideringtheirneedtopreparetheirownmeataccordingtospecificreligious rituals. Moreover, as Pigg now indicates, cooking also evoked strong sexual connotations,whichpowerfullyreflectsonthecookasnarrator,whofindshimself in a rather uncomfortable position visàvis the host who, as an innkeeper, naturallyregardedcooks,ifworkingindependently,asstrongcompetitors. Curiously, the apprentice Perkyn in the Cook’s Tale does not conform to the moralstandardsexpectedfromyoungmenlikehim,enjoyingthecity’snightlife tothefullest,butnotquiteinthetraditionalmalerole.Instead,asPiggobserves, thenarratorcastshimalmostinafeminizedrole,dancingandsinging,performing asanentertainerhimself,yetalsoasathieftakingmoneyfromhismaster.We might even identify Perkyn as a prostitute, or at least as a completely unproductivememberofhissociety,whichfinallyexpelshim,disgustedwithhis lackofmasculinityanddisregardfortraditionalmores.

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Since he proves to be unproductive, the urban society, based on crafts and guilds, disassociates itself from this young man, which then also allows the narratortobreakoffhistale,whetherthisleavesthetaleasafragmentornot. Insofarastheapprenticedoesnotembracemasculinityasexpectedfromhim,and insofarashedisregardsthetraditionalstricturesoflatemedievalurbansociety that heavily relied on production, service, and the crafts and guilds as the organizationalframework,thereisonlyonechoiceforthemasterbuttolethimgo. AsPiggsuggests,unproductivemasculinitywassimplynottoleratedinmedieval cities,whichshedsimportantlightonthedeepseatedtensionsandanxietiesin latefourteenthcenturyurbansociety,especiallyaftertheBlackDeath. Contrarytocommonassumptionsabouturbanwomen’srolesinthelateMiddle Agesandintheearlymodernperiod,theywerenot,asacollective,simplyforced tospendalltheirtimewithinthedomesticsphereofthehouseunderthecontrol of a husband, or a father, limited to their typical roles as daughters, mothers, wives, and widowers. We have already known for a long time that such generalizing concepts have more to do with ideological projections than with sociohistorical reality that differ remarkable from each other from period to period,andfromregiontoregion.Wecannotevenclaimanylongerthattheyear 1500wasaclearwatershedbetweenatimeinwhichurbanwomenstillenjoyed considerablefreedomtoparticipateinthecity’spubliceconomiclife,andthen, after1500,atimeinwhichtheeconomiccrisisforcefullyremovedthemfromthe publicsphereintototaldomesticworkandmarginal,lowpayingjobssincethe guildsblockedmostwomenfromworkingascraftspersons.Certainly,thereis strongevidencethatwomenincreasinglyloststatusandinfluenceintheearly modernmarketeconomy,suchasinCologneafter1550orso,andalsoinGhent, but this was not tantamount to the establishment of an absolutely patriarchal system.296Nordothedeterioratingconditionsforwomeninthesixteenthcentury

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MarthaC.Howell,Women,Production,andPatriarchyinLateMedievalCities.WomeninCultureand Society(ChicagoandLondon:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,1986);HeideWunder,“Eristdie Sonn’, sie ist der Mond”: Frauen in der Frühen Neuzeit (Munich: Beck, 1992); Albrecht Classen, “Frauen als Buchdruckerinnen im deutschen Sprachraum des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts,” GutenbergJahrbuch75(2000):181–95;id.,“FrauenimBuchdruckergewerbedes17.Jahrhunderts. Fortsetzung einer spätmittelalterlichen Tradition und Widerlegung eines alten Mythos. Methodische Vorüberlegungen zur Erhellung der Rolle von Buchdruckerinnen,” Gutenberg Jahrbuch(2001):220–36;seealsothecontributionstoConnectingSpheres:EuropeanWomenina Globalizingworld,1500tothePresent,ed.MarilynJ.BoxerandJeanH.Quataert.2nded.(1987;New York:OxfordUniversityPress,2000);JanineMarieLanza,FromWivestoWidowsinEarlyModern Paris:Gender,Economy,andLaw.WomenandGenderintheEarlyModernWorld(Aldershot, England,andBurlington,VT:Ashgate,2007);RachelLeahGreenberg,“TransformingWomen’s LaborinEarlyModernLiterature:Sex,Gender,Class,Identity,”Ph.D.diss.StateUniversityof NewYorkatBuffalo,2008.

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simplyallowustodrawanalogiesregardingthesituationduringthefourteenth orfifteenthcenturies. Toprobethisissuefurther,ShennanHuttonhereinvestigatesthesituationfor womeninfourteenthcenturyGhentwheretheextensivewoolclothindustryhad broughtmanyprofitsforthecityandwheresomemarketsexistedwherewomen couldcarveoutarathersignificantnicheforthemselves.Thisdidnotmeanthe undermining of patriarchal rule, on the contrary, but all indicators point to a remarkablymixedsituation,allowingwomentradersandevenbankerstooperate fairlyfreelyandtotheirconsiderableadvantage. Focusing on Ghent, which was one of the most powerful, influential, and economicallymostprosperouscitiesinthenorthwesternpartofEurope,Hutton’s researchpromisestoshedlightonmoreglobalconditionsforwomenwithinthe widernetworkofwooltraderswhofocusedonhighendqualityproducts. Oneimportantobservationpresentedhereconcernsthedifferencesinrolesand spacesoccupiedbymenandwomenwithintheurbancommunity.Nevertheless, womenhadmiddlingpositionseveninsomethemostimportantmarketsand couldpursuetheirowntradingbusinessthere,thoughundoubtedlyonlyona smaller scale, and not in the wholesale business which was, by specific city regulations, dominated by male representatives of the wealthiest families. Nevertheless, as Hutton underscores, they had a good chance in the middle positionandenergeticallyandeffectivelypursuedtheirbusinessthere.Becauseof thesmallersizeoftradecarriedoutbythem,theydidnotreallycompetewiththe bigclothwholesellers,hencetheycouldoccupyafemalespace,significantby itself,butnotthreateningtothemalecounterparts. Thereisevenconcreteindicationthatmanyofthestallsheldbywomenwere passedontootherwomenovergenerations,supportingtheobservationthatthere werespecificfemalespacesintheurbanmarkets,whetherthesesupportedfemale status within the city or challenged male prerogatives. In other words, within urbansocietytherewereareasprivilegedforwomen,andothersformen.Or, womencouldholdontotheirown,eveniftheywerenotentitledtorisetothetop levelwithinthetradingbusinessofspecificproducts. Thesituationforwomenwithintheworldofbutchers,forinstance,wasvery differentbecausethemalebutchershadgainedsolidcontrolovertheirprofession andhadexcludedwomenfromenteringthatfieldaboveall.Inthecornmarket women fared even worse because there they were excluded entirely, both as merchants and as customers. If they dared to enter, they were regarded as prostitutesandfallenwomen,andtheycouldnoteventhinkofopeningtheirown stallsthere.Womenwerealsoexcludedfromthegroupofhostellerswhowere poisedtoearnthelargestprofitsfromtheinternationaltradebyofferingroomand board.Thisdoesnotmean,however,thatwomenwerenotemployedthere,at leastinthebackground,bothascleaningpersonnelandcooks,asprostitutesand laundresses.

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Hutton,however,alsoalertsustoalternativemarkets,suchastheFridayMarket, wherewomencouldcertainlybecomeactiveasmerchantsandplayasignificant roleinthespicetrade,forinstance,orasmercers,andthisbothascustomersand sellers.Italldependsonthespecificsituation,ontheproductsoldonthemarkets, andonthetraditionalgenderrolesintheparticulartrade.Ofcourse,therewere gender markers and gender lines, and of course patriarchy held on to its traditionalpowerbasewhereverpossible.ButasthesituationinGhentindicates, genderwasnottheonlyandallpervasivecriterionallowingordenyingwomen entrancetotheprofessionoftraders.Spacecouldbenegotiated,andsomewomen inthewealthycityofGhentknewratherwellhowtonavigatetheirpassageinthe complexweboftraderelations,intraditionallygenderprivilegedspacesinthe particularmarkets,andintheeconomicframeworkatlarge.Inotherwords,in Ghent,asinmanyotherlatemedievalcities,thegenderdiscoursefoundsomeof itsbestexpressioninthedistributionofspacesinthemarkets,someofwhichwere exclusively preserved for men, whereas others allowed women to occupy a specificvacuumandtoassumethepositionofmiddlelevelmerchants. Contrary to certain assumptions about latemedieval towns and cities as harmonious, lawabiding, and peaceful communities where craftsmen and merchants collaborated most productively, we have to recognize that urban communitiescouldbecomequiteeasilyhotbedsofsocialunrest,classconflicts, andviolencebyindividualsorthemob.Multipleinterestseasilycollidedwith eachother,whethereconomic,religious,political,orartistic,andoftenthevarious socialgroups,opposedtoeachotheralongthedividinglineofindividualcrafts, foughtforspecificpoliticalgoalsthatcouldbecomeintermingledwithconcerns relatedtotheking’spositionorthatofthemostpowerfulmembersoftheroyal family.297 Oneofthoseconflicts,thecabochienrevoltinParisin1413,isthetopicofLiaB. Ross’s contribution to this volume. Her interest is focused on the ambiguous natureofthisrevolt,partlyurbaninsurrectionandpartlycourtlycoup,andthe relationshipthatdevelopedbetweenthepopularandaristocraticparties.Drawing both from the abundant contemporary sources and from modern sociological insights, Ross suggests that this revolt might have been the result of external politicalmanipulationsandsecretstrategiesthatdidnotpursuegoalsspecificto

297

SeethevariouscontributionstoEmotionsintheHeartoftheCity(14th–16thCentury),ed.Elodie LecuppreDesjardinandAnneLaureVanBruaene,2005(loc.cit.);ErnstPiper,DerAufstandder Ciompi: über den Tumult, den die “Wollarbeiter” im Florenz der Frührenaissance anzettelten. WagenbachsTaschenbücherei,49(Berlin:Wagenbach,1978;withmanyreprints);Alessandro Stella,LaRévoltedesCiompi:lesHommes,leslieux,letravail(Paris:Editionsdel’Ecoledeshautes étudesensciencessociales,1993).

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urbanaffairs;insteadtheseweredevelopedbythemajorpowerplayersinFrance whousedtheParisianstreetsasthestaginggroundfortheirpoliticalinterests. Whilethewidermotivationbehindthisrevoltfindsitsexplanationinlarger “national” tensions among the ruling houses in France, their most poignant expressionisintheurbanconflictwithinParis,probablythemosteffectivestage forthestrugglefornationalsuperiority.In1407,forinstance,thiscitywitnessed themurderofLouisDukeofOrléansbyassassinsatthepayofhisopponent,Duke John the Fearless of Burgundy. John was brazen enough to defend himself immediatelyafterwardswithareferencetothedangertotheking’sliferesulting from Louis’s violent political maneuvers. The populace was rather willing to acceptthisexplanationbecausethevictimseemstohavebeenhatedfarandwide forhisassociationwithcourtlywasteandcorruption.Butthiswasonlyoneof manyviolenteventsinsideandoutsideofParisduringthoseyears,thedetailsof whichRossoutlinesinadmirableclarity. Oncethemobtooktothestreets,therewasnostoppingitsfury,verymuchas seen in more recent times whenever mass movements take control of a city. Nevertheless, as Ross argues, the mob was not acting entirely on its own, but somehow followed more or less subtle directives from the outside, and was manipulatedbyducalintereststhathadnothingtodowithurbanconcernsinthe narrowsenseoftheword.OneislefttowonderwhetherthebutchersofParis,the strongestforcebehindthecabochienrevolt,reallyunderstoodhowmuchtheywere usedforlargerpurposesonlyrelevantfortherivalducalhouses.Andincontrast to modern historical events where urban revolts have been known to spark regionalandnationalrevolutions,298thecabochienrevoltwasquicklydispatched bythemerethreatofprincelyarmies. Apart from lack of physical resources to stand up to the nobility, as Ross sensitively observes, the urban population seems also to have been rather handicappedbyanabstractidentificationwiththeroyalhouseandhencedidnot pursue any kind of reformist goals during its brief success. Rather, as Ross concludes, the insurgents explicitly strove for the maintenance of traditional privilegesandrules,andregardedthemselvesastheprotectorsoftheroyalhouse, muchtothedismayofthelatter,perhapsexceptforthemadkinghimself.This attitude might have been more typical of Paris than of other cities, such as in Flanders and Northern Italy, where urban revolts were directed much more specificallyagainstlocalpowerstructures,andwasshared(perhapstoalesser extent)bytheLondoners,whoalsorevealedastrongsenseofidentificationwith theroyalcourtandhencecouldnottrulysucceedinanykindofuprisingsduring thelateMiddleAges.

298

See,forexample,DennisE.Gale,UnderstandingUrbanUnrest(London:Sage,1996).

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Thecabochienrevoltpowerfullyillustratesthehighlycomplexnatureoflate medieval urban structures, the conflictual web of interests amongst various groups,thenewfoundpowerofthemob,andyetalsoitsopennesstopolitical manipulationsbyhigherforces,suchasthemightyFrenchbaronsanddukes.In fact,rapidlyswitchingtomoderntimes,wecanactuallyconfirmthatmanymajor revolutionsstartedwithincities,thatis,centersofgreatpopulationaggregates,so the analysis of latemedieval urban unrest can shed important light on contemporaryconcernsaswell.299 Latemedievalurbanlifeisintimatelyassociatedwiththemerchantclass.Infact, mercantileinterestsandactivitieshavealwayscharacterized,ifnotdominated, citiesthroughouttimeandinmostcultures,whichstillmightbetruetoday.Since thefifteenthcenturywealsoobserverepresentativesofthemerchantclassturning to the arts, writing poetry (such as the Meistersinger in Germany), composing music, collecting songs, books, and involving themselves in the arts as major patrons,eagerlycompetingwiththetraditionalaristocracy.300 Fabian Alfie here investigates the work of the Florentine poetbarber of the Calimala district, Domenico di Giovanni, nicknamed il Burchiello (b. ca. 1390–1400;d.ca.1448)whocreatedratherbizarrepoetry,butenjoyedconsiderable popularityathistime,althoughmodernscholarshiphasmostlydisregardedhim astrivialorirrelevant,yetprobablynotforreallyconvincingreasons.Significantly, manyotherpoetsfollowedBurchiello’smodel,andhemightactuallybeidentified astheinitiatorofawholemovementoffifteenthcenturyItaliancomicpoetry.His œuvrefocusesspecificallyontheordinarylifeinthecity,whichmakeshistexts sosignificantfortheexplorationofthelargertopicpursuedinthisvolume,urban spaceinitsculturalandmentalhistoricalframework. Inonesonnet,probablycomposedbyoneofBurchiello’smanyimitators,“E merchatantidellamiaFiorenza”(1457),whichAlfienowmakesfinallyavailable inacriticaledition,alltheambivalenceinlatemedievalurbansocietyinItaly towardthemerchantclassandtheconsiderableinfluenceofhugecapitalgains

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UlrichMeier,“Molterivoluzioni,moltenovità:GesellschaftlicherWandelimSpiegelderpolitischen PhilosophieundimUrteilvonstädtischenChronistendesspätenMittelalters,”SozialerWandelim Mittelalter:Wahrnehmungsformen,Erklärungsmuster,Regelungsmechanismen,ed.JürgenMiethkeand KlausSchreiner(Sigmaringen:Thorbecke,1994),119–76. HorstBrunner,DiealtenMeister:StudienzuÜberlieferungundRezeptiondermittelhochdeutschen Sangspruchdichter im Spätmittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit. Münchener Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, 54 (Munich: Beck, 1975); Fritz Langensiepen,TraditionundVermittlung:literaturgeschichtlicheunddidaktischeUntersuchungenzu HansFolz.PhilologischeStudienundQuellen,102(Berlin:Schmidt,1980);WinfriedFrey,“The IntimateOther:HansFolz’DialogueBetween‘ChristianandJew’,” MeetingtheForeigninthe MiddleAges,ed.AlbrechtClassen(NewYorkandLondon:Routledge,2002),249–67.

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newlyacquired,especiallyalsobythebankers,cometotheforeandformthebasis forthespecificpoetichumorandideologicalcriticismpursuedbyBurchiello. Althoughatfirstsightthesonnetseemstobelongtopoetrycomposedonthe streetforcoarseentertainment,Alfie’scarefulphilologicalandliteraryhistorical analysisindicatesthatthepoet,assumingthefirstpersonvoiceofawoolbeater, certainlyalludedtothenotoriousCiompiriotsof1387andunderscoredhowmuch powertheurbanmassesstillheldagainstthemerchantclass.Moreover,thereare sufficientsignalsandallusionsinthetexttoconfirmBurchiello’shighlevelof familiaritywiththehistoryofFlorentineliterature.Afterall,Dante,towhomhe refersexplicitly,hadalreadyrailedagainstthepotentiallyevilnatureofmerchants inhisInferno,andotherpoetshadalsodrawnfromthistopos, so Burchiello’s sonnetcontinuesalongstandingtraditionwithintheurbandiscourse.301 Itmightactuallybepossiblethatthetextwasintendedtoappealtothenobility becausetheywereparticularlythreatenedbytheeconomicriseofthemerchant class,andthenarrativevoiceconsistentlysuggeststhatthearistocraticworldwas indangerofbeingunderminedbythesenouveauxriches.302Also,therichwebof intertextualallusionstoolderandcontemporaryItalianpoetswhohadvoiced similarconcernsandhencehadalsoreliedonthetropeofinvectivesagainstthe uncannysurgeofcapitalisticpowerbymeansoftradewithgoods,confirmsthis impression. Alfie points out the significant parallel between the invectives against the merchantsinpseudoBurchiello’ssonnetontheonehand,andtherichtradition ofinvectivesagainstoldwomen(thevituperatiovetulaetopos),bothaggressively associatedwithpervasivesinfullifestyles.Themostcuriouselement,however,of thesonnetconsistsoftheambivalentsocialpositionthewoolbeaterassignsto himself.Althoughwoolbeatersbelongedtosomeofthelowestclassesinlate medieval Florence, the poet voice strongly suggests this association with the nobilityinhisstarkoppositionagainstthemerchants,perhapsusingthefigureof the woolbeater only as a mask for his true identity, thereby successfully pretendingtobeBurchiello.ThiswouldalsoexplainwhythepoeticIidealizesthe valueofthetraditionalclassstructure,eventothepracticaldisadvantageofthe

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TheremightwellbesignificantparallelstothepoetrybyOswaldvonWolkensteinwhopursued similarargumentsagainstthemercantileclass,seehispoem“Ainburgherundainhofman”(Kl. 25),citedabove. Thisphenomenonhasbeenstudiedalreadyforalongtime;seethebynowclassicalstudyby Erich Maschke, “La Mentalité des marchands européens au moyen âge,” Revue d’histoire économiqueetsociale42(1962):457–84;JacquesleGoff,Marchandsetbanquiersdumoyenâge.Que saisje!, 699 (1956; Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1962). See now also Kathryn L. Reyerson,“TheMerchantsoftheMediterranean:MerchantsasStrangers,”TheStrangerinMedieval Society, ed. F. R. P. Akehurst and Stephanie Cain Van D’Elden. Medieval Cultures, 12 (MinneapolisandLondon:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1997),1–13;JenniferKermode,Medieval Merchants:York,Beverly,andHullintheLaterMiddleAges,1998.

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woolbeaterstowhichheallegedlybelonged.Atanyrate,thissonnetprovides excellent insight into the social discourse within earlyRenaissance poetic discoursewhichpoignantlytookaimatthechangesintheclassstructurebecause oftheunstoppableriseofthemerchantclassbasedontheirmonetarypower.303 Medievalandearlymoderncitiesprovetobehighlyfascinatingentities,certainly muchmorecomplexintheirconstitutivepolitical,social,economic,andreligious componentsthancommonlyassumed.Morespecifically,theydonotrepresent,as wearewonttothink,localitiesfortheburgherclassalone,almostlikebulwarks againsttheexternalruralworldstilldominatedbymedievalfeudalstructuresand forces.Instead,asJanHirschbiegelandGabrielZeilingerdemonstrate,wecanalso observe intricate and multilayered exchanges between the nobility and the burghers at large. Scholarship has, however, mostly focused on the clear separationofcourtlyandciviccultures,regularlystudyingeithertheoneorthe otheronly,althoughtheevidenceactuallypointstowardtheotherdirection.In fact,bythelateMiddleAgeswecanobserveasteadilygrowingmergingofthe twosocialspheres,embracedbytheurbanframeworkwherelifesimplyproved to be much more amenable, exciting, and enriching than in a castle or a rural residence,suchasamanorhouse.304Bythesametoken,richburghers,especially bankers,triedhardtoimitatethearistocraticlifestyle,attimesevenbuyingold castles and moving into those establishments,305 but this is not the topic of Hirschbiegel’s and Zeilinger’s investigation. Instead, they focus on events in smallertownswherebothsocialclassesseemtohavemetquiteregularlyand sharedmanyexperiences.Thetwoauthorscogentlyarguethatsmalltownswere distinctlycharacteristicoftheurbanstructuresoftheHolyRomanEmpireand wereconsequentlyquiteinfluentialwithregardtotheglobalpoliticsaswelleither becausetheyweretheverylocationoftheprince’sorbishop’sresidence,orwere situatedincloseproximitytohisresidence. The best expression of the shared culture can be found in public festivities, processions,andceremonies,whenrepresentativesofbothsocialgroupsclosely cooperated in the ritual processes, or public performances. One of these, the CouncilofConstance(1414–1418),provedtobeauniqueandhighlymeaningful

303

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PeterSufford,PowerandProfit:TheMerchantinMedievalEurope(NewYork:Thames&Hudson, 2003). Forearliereffortsinthisregard,seeHartmutBoockmann,DieStadtimspätenMittelalter.2nded. (1986; Munich: C. H. Beck, 1987); id., Fürsten, Bürger, Edelleute: Lebensbilder aus dem späten Mittelalter(Munich:C.H.Beck,1994). I have discussed this phenomenon already in a different context to illustrate the growing economic,political,andculturalexchangesbetweenGermanyandItalyinthelateMiddleAges, ZurRezeptionnorditalienischerKulturdesTrecentoimWerkOswaldsvonWolkenstein(1376/77–1445). GöppingerArbeitenzurGermanistik,471(Göppingen:Kümmerle,1987),3358.Oldersocial historicalresearchliteratureislistedthere.

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longterm event, as almost the entire medieval world seems to have gathered there,wheremajordecisionswerereachedregardingthemalaiseoftheChurchin local and also global terms, and where territorial and imperial policies were established and then enacted. Poets and artists met in Constance, public entertainment was of highest value, and diplomats and lawyers from many differentpartiesandgroupsmetanddebatedmajorissues.ThechroniclerUlrich Richentalprovidedanindepthreportaboutthemostimportanteventsatthe Council,whichwerealsoreflectedinnumerousotheraccounts,includingsome poemsbytheSouthTyroleanpoet,landedgentry,andstatesmaninspeOswald vonWolkenstein(1376/1377–1445). KingSigismund’sentryintothecityinDecember1414,thecelebratoryintroitus, requiredextensivepreparationsinvolvingtheentireurbancommunityandothers and led to most splendid ceremonies serving to display, on the one hand, the king’sesteemandpower,and,ontheother,theburghers’wealthandpolitical independence.Thelengthyprocessprovedtobeanidealoccasion,orchallenge, forburghersandaristocratsalike,voluntarilyorinvoluntarily,tosharethesame urban space, both metaphorically and literally, considering, for instance, the tremendousneedtofindhousingforthethrongsofpeopleattendingtheentryand thenthecouncilitself.Richental’schronicleprovestobetrulyremarkablebothfor itsdetailedaccountoftheeventsandfortherichillustrationprogram.Thissource, amongothers,allowsHirschbiegelandZeilingertoanalyzethespecificaspectsof this ceremonial entry into Constance and to focus on the individual media strategiesemployedtoenhancethepublictheatricalcharacterofthisprocession. Althoughthespectaculareventseemstohavebeenhighlyexceptional,bringing theeverydaylifeexperiencetoahalt,almosttheoppositecanbeobservedtosome extent,asthetwoauthorsconfirm.Ofcourse,theexceptionalsituationcannotbe doubted,butthevariouschroniclesoutlineveryspecificallytheenhancingand profilingeffectoftheintroitus,sheddingintensivelightonthenormalconditions inthecitywhere,asHirschbiegelandZeilingerconclude,thecourtlyandthecivic met much more commonly and shared a considerable degree of interests and values.306

306

Thomas Zotz, “Adel in der Stadt des deutschen Spätmittelalters: Erscheinungsformen und Verhaltensweisen,”ZeitschriftfürdieGeschichtedesOberrheins141(1993):2250;PierreMonnet, “DoitonencoreparlerdepatriciatdanslesvillesallemandesdelafinduMoyenÂge?,”Bulletin delaMissionHistoriquefrançaiseenAllemagne32(1996):5466;MartinAurell,“WesternNobility intheLateMiddleAges,”NoblesandNobilityinMedievalEurope:Concepts,Origins,Transformations, ed.AnneJ.Duggan(Woodbridge,Suffolk,andRochester,NY:Boydell,2000),263–73;Edward Coleman,“CitiesandCommunes,”ItalyintheCentralMiddleAges1000–1300,ed.DavidAbulafia. TheShortOxfordHistoryofItaly(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2004),27–57,255–57;Birgit Studt,“ErinnerungundIdentität:DieRepräsentationstädtischerEliteninspätmittelalterlichen Haus und Familienbüchern,” Haus und Familienbücher in der städtischen Gesellschaft des SpätmittelaltersundderFrühenNeuzeit,ed.eadem(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2007),

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Astownsandcitiesgrewovertimeandreachedunforeseendimensionsinthelate Middle Ages, urban space also became increasingly the site for public entertainment,primarilyintheformofplays,oftenreligiousinnature,butthen alsoShrovetideplaysandothersecularplays.KlausAmannandMaxSillerfocus ontheareaofTyrol(todaysplitbetweenAustriaandItaly)andexaminetherich traditionofplayscomposedandperformedintheTyroleanurbancenters.These plays came into being parallel to a veritable explosion of popular songs that circulatedfarand wideandsoonmadetheirwayintooftenvoluminoussong collections,mostlycommissionedbywealthyburghersorpatricians.307Oneofthe bestknownlovesongs,“Isbruck,ichmusdichlassen,”enjoyedgreatpopularity farintothemodernageandpowerfullyreflectsthestrongattractionofurban centersasthesitefornewtypesofanidentificationprocess.Othersongs,suchas the“Glurnssong,”referredtomilitaryandpoliticalconflictscloselyassociated with towns, and were probably produced by members of the respective community. Amann and Siller, however, focus especially on dramas, particularly those collectedandstagedbyBenediktDebsandVigilRaber.Theseshedimportantlight on sociological and ideological aspects within the city, such as the gender relationships, class structures, ethical and moral issues, then on political and economicconditions,andfinallytheyalsoillustrate,ofcourse,powerfulreligious themesandtopicspubliclydebatedandhereperformedonthestage.Asthetwo authors observe, the passion plays were regularly acted out by male representativesoftheuppersocialclasses,whereaswomenwereabsent,andso aristocratseventhoughtheyhadtheirrepresentativesintheBozencitycouncil, forinstance.Moreover,theclergyisentirelymissing,indicatingthattheplays servedprimarilyasamodeofselfidentificationfortheupperranklaypopulation. Notsurprisingly,someoftheplaysalsoincludesubtleandnotsosubtlecriticism ofchivalryandhenceofthearistocraticclass.Nevertheless,thisdoesnotmean thatnoneofthesecularplaysincludedtraditionalthemesormotifsborrowedfrom medievalheroicepics,forexample,whichallowedtheactorstodemonstratetheir fencingskills.Tournamentsandjoustsobviouslyappealedtourbanaudiencesas well,despitetheattemptsbythecitiestodistancethemselvesfromthetraditional

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1–31;here3–5,offersanexcellentoverviewoftherelevantresearchliterature.NowseealsoPaul Oldfield,CityandCommunityinNormanItaly(CambridgeStudiesinMedievalLifeandThought. FourthSeries(Cambridge,NewYork,etal.:CambridgeUniversityPress,2009),184–225.Heoffers plentyofevidencepertainingtothespecialregioninSouthernItaly,whichcanalsobeusedin supportoftheclaimmadeherewithregardtotheinterminglingofthesocialclassesinConstance andotherSouthernGermancities. AlbrechtClassen,DeutscheLiederbücherdes15.und16.Jahrhunderts.Volksliedstudien,1(Münster, NewYork,etal.:Waxmann,2001).

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nobility.308Overall,however,asAmannandSillerconclude,theratherpopular playsinlatemedievalandearlymodernTyroleancitiesreflectagrowingsense ofurbancultureandurbanidentity,irrespectiveofmanytraditionalelementsthat stilldominatedthestage. NotonlydidcitylifeconsiderablyexpandinthelateMiddleAges,bothartistsand writersalsodrewincreasinglyfromthedailyexperienceandlivingconditionsin cities,asIhaveobservedseveraltimesabove.JeanE.Jost,inhercontributionto this volume, demonstrated how much Chaucer utilized urban space, encompassingbothinteriorandexteriorlocations,centrallocationsandliminal areas, for the development of his narratives. Connie Scarborough extends this observationthroughhercarefulreadingoftheSpanishComediadeCalistoyMelibea byFernandoRoja,firstprintedin1499andpublishedca.threeyearslaterina considerablyexpandedversionasTragicomediadeCalistoyMelibea.Indeed,here allthemajormovesbytheindividualprotagoniststhroughoutthecityunderscore therelevanceofurbanspaceasthenewsettingwhereallcentralaspectsoflifeare carriedout.Butthecityalsoprovidedtheframeworkforcrimesandallkindsof violence;henceventuringoutofthehousecouldbehighlydangerous,especially forthoseseekingeroticadventures.309Althoughanightwatchorguardianspatrol the streets, the Tragicomedia indicates how much people actually feared the lawlessnessofthenightinthecity.310 Another major characteristic of latemedieval urban life proves to be a clear senseoftime,determinedbypublicclocks.Ofcourse,timemeasurementhadbeen practicedthroughouttheMiddleAges,especiallyinmonasteries,butinRoja’s earlymodern text we observe a new emphasis on time pressure and time sensitivity, structured by a mechanical device, the clock.311 Scarborough also identifies the significance of the plaza, the major central market place where criminalsarepunishedinthepresenceoftheentirepopulationaswitnessesand

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See, for instance, Waltraud Hörsch, “Adel im Bannkreis Österreichs: Strukturen der HerrschaftsnäheimRaumAargau–Luzern,”GuyP.Marchal,Sempach1386:VondenAnfängen des Territorialstaates Luzern. Beiträge zur Frühgeschichte des Kantons Luzern (Basel: Helbing & Lichtenhahn,1986),353–403;ArendMindermann,AdelinderStadtdesSpätmittelalters:Göttingen undStade1300bis1600.VeröffentlichungendesInstitutsfürhistorischeLandesforschungder UniversitätGöttingen,35(Bielefeld:VerlagfürRegionalgeschichte,1996);DerHofunddieStadt: Konfrontation,KoexistenzundIntegrationinSpätmittelalterundFrüherNeuzeit.Hallea.d.Saale,25–28. September2004,ed.WernerParavicini.Residenzforschung,20(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2006). SeealsothecontributiontothisvolumebyPatriciaTurning. JeanVerdon,NightintheMiddleAges,trans.GeorgeHoloch(1994;NotreDame:Universityof NotreDamePress,2002);TzotchoBoiadjiev,DieNachtimMittelalter,trans.fromtheBulgarianinto GermanbyBarbaraMüller(2000;Würzburg:Königshausen&Neumann,2003). ForacriticalsurveyoftimeandmeasurementintheMiddleAges,seeCamarinM.Porter,“Time MeasurementandChronologyinMedievalStudies,”HandbookofMedievalStudies,ed.Albrecht Classen(BerlinandNewYork:deGruyter,forthcoming).

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audience.Nevertheless,urbanspaceisalsodeterminedbyprivatespaces,suchas houseswiththeirlivingquartersandbedrooms,and,aboveall,gardens,where lovers meet, for instance (see also Jost’s observations in this regard). For the narrativedevelopmentoftheTragicomedia,andapparentlyindirectreflectionof latemedievalurbanlifeatleastinSpain,wallsanddoorsconstitutemajormarkers ordividers,indicatingthecomplexityofurban spacebothoutsideandinside. SimilarlyasinItaliancities,towersalsofigureprominentlyinthisurbanlandscape (seethefrescoesbyAmbrogioLorenzetti,asdiscussedabove). Nevertheless,despitealleffortsbytheupperclasstoseparateitselffromthe lower class by means of architecture (walls, towers, gardens, etc.), in the Tragicomedia urban space becomes the location where both meet and mingle, interact, and struggle to cope with each other in this dense living quarters. However, Celestina’s house, basically a brothel, is generally regarded with disrespect, as prostitution in general was viewed with very mixed feelings, although it played an important role in latemedieval cities and was certainly much more tolerated than in later centuries. But even Celestina was forced to moveherhousefromthecenterofthecitytoitsoutskirtsandtoliveatthatliminal spacewheretraditionalethicsandmoralswerenotsostrictlypursued. OthertypicalaspectsofurbanlifereflectedinRoja’sworkconcernlabor,therole of servants, money and payment, class distinctions based on one’s individual wealth,andhencealsotheconflictbetweenolderaristocraticcirclesandthenew urbanclassdrawingitsincomefromcapitalisticenterprises.Inotherwords,as Scarborough concludes, the Tragicomedia powerfully reflects the social transformationtakingplaceinthelatemedievalcitywhereoldandnewforces clashwitheachotherandyethavetolearnhowtodealwitheachother. AsAlbrechtClassenreconfirmsinhiscontribution,citiesinthelateMiddleAges andtheearlymoderntimeemergedasthecrucialcentersofeconomic,political, artistic, intellectual, cultural, and religious developments. One of the best representationsofthisglobalparadigmshiftcanbefoundintheworldchronicle by the Nuremberg medical doctor and humanist Hartmann Schedel, the Liber chronicarum (1495), to which major artists of his time, such as Albrecht Dürer, contributedsignificantandoutstandingwoodcutsdepictingindividualcities,such asNuremberg,placedrightinthecenterofthischronicle.Schedel’sworkstands out,aboveall,becauseofitslargenumberofhighlydetailedandmostimpressive cityscapes, or vedute, from all over Europe and even the Levant, including ConstantinopleandJerusalem.Thesescenesshowachangefromearlierviewsof medievalcities,limitedbytheircitywall,allowingtheviewerjusttoobservethe fortificationsystem,thecitygates,andperhapssomechurchtowersandacastle. Onthecontrary,theartistswhoseworksSchedelassembledmadegreateffortsto situatethecityalwaysinitscontext,openingmanyperspectivesontheenvirons,

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signalingtheimportanceofthehinterlandandthetravelroutesconnectingacity withtheentirecountry. But Classen’s focus rests not only on Schedel’s work. Instead he aims for a broadlyconceivedcomparativeperspective,takingintoviewalsotheelaborate and variegated city encomia composed by the Nuremberg cobbler poet, Hans Sachs(1494–1576).Thesemightnotrankamongthebestvernacularsixteenth centurypoetry,butinourcontexttheyserveexceedinglywelltoillustratethe considerableinterestinthecityasthecentrallocationforagrowingnumberof peoplewhocertainlypreferredlivingwithinanurbancommunityratherthanin thecountryside.SachsownedacopyofSchedel’schronicle,andinhisLobspruch derstattNürnbergfrom1530hedevelopedanintriguinglycomplexperspectiveon thiscitywhichenjoyedsomeofthehighestreputationasanurbancenterallover Germanyduetothecrafts,arts,humanisticendeavors,andpoliticspracticedthere, andalsoduetoitsoutstandingarchitectureandurbanspaces. Moreover, the Lobspruch also proves to be an important vehicle in Sachs’s political maneuvers to convince the city government to lift its ban on his publicationsthathadbecometoopoliticalforthewellbeingofNurembergina dangerousmilitaryclimate.Hence,Sachssingsasongofpraiseonthewholecity, and in this context also provides most detailed information about specific characteristicsofthisimperialcenter. Althoughthisencomiumexplicitlyservedtomeetapoliticalgoal,italsoreveals theextenttowhichthepoetdeeplyidentifiedwithNurembergandwantedto paintagloriouspictureofallthevarioussocialgroups,thegovernment,thecrafts, and the urban architecture. The operative word here is “vatterland” (198, 37; fatherland), but Sachs went one step further and described in his other city encomia additional locations situated along his own travel route through the Germanspeakinglandsduringhistimeasayoungjourneyman,whereasimilar civic pride could be observed. At times the poet even pursued historical perspectives, as if he had culled that information from Schedel’s chronicle, or comparableworks.Notcontentwithfocusingontheessentialelementsthatmake upacity,Sachsalsoincorporatedcommentsabouturbanspaces,suchasinhis encomiumonMunich(1565),andoneconomicevents,suchasmajormercantile fairsasinhisencomiumonFrankfurt(1568). AnotherintriguingfeatureinSachs’sencomiaprovestobethediscussionofthe roadsthatleadtoandfromthevariouscities,thenofbridges,ports,andmarkets, andthenalsoofspecificproductssoldbyindividualcitymerchants.Thatis,the emphasisnaturallyalsorestsontheeconomicimportanceoftherespectivecities. Ontheotherhand,therearealsoencomia,suchastheoneonHamburg(1569), thatlimitthemselvesalmostentirelytothehistoricalbackgroundanddimension. AndinthecaseofSalzburg(1549),Sachsevenmentionstheprofessionofbook printers—certainlyrepresentingoneofthemostimportantnewprofessionsin earlymoderncities.

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Even though often ridiculed by modern scholarship for certain perceived shortcomings,Sachsemerges,especiallybecauseofhisencomia,asaremarkable spokesperson of urban culture and urban identity, very much in the vein of HartmannSchedel’s worldchronicle.Whetherwecouldidentifyeitheroneof themwiththeRenaissanceinthenarrowsenseremainsquestionable,oratleast vague. Nevertheless, both provided most impressive documentation for the supremeimportanceofthecityforearlymodernculture,mentality,politics,and, aboveall,individualidentity.InacertainwaySachsfollowedthepictorialmodel developedinSchedel’schronicle,andwemightcertainlyarguethatthechronicle providedagoodframeworkforthepoettocreatehiscityencomia. Werarelyhearfromwomenwhattheythoughtaboutthecitywheretheylivedin andabouttheurbansocietyduringtheMiddleAgesandtheearlymoderntime at large. A remarkable exception proves to be Isabella Whitney’s “Wyll and Testament”from1573inwhichshereflectswithastoundingclarityandperception onLondonandthesocialillsthataffectitscommunity,deeplydeterminedby excessivemonetaryvaluesandalackofethicalideals.Infact,asMarilynSandidge illustratesinhercontributiontothisvolume,Whitneyemergesasaquitevocal critic of her world, exposing the extensive poverty and squalor in sixteenth centuryLondon.Butshewasnot,asearliercriticshaveassumed,amemberofthe lowestsocialclasses;insteadwemaysafelyarguethatWhitneybelongedtothe middleclassthatalsosufferedbadlyfromeconomicwoes,asautobiographical references in her text, but then especially the concrete criticism against the behavioroftheupperclassindicate.Consideringwhatshepublishedandwhom sheselectedasherprinters,wecanbecertainthatWhitneybelongedtoasmallbut dedicatedandactivegroupofearlymodernEnglishurbanliterati.Inthisregard wemightwellcompareherwithChristinedePizan(d.1432),asamoreorless independentandintellectualwriterofhertimewhoprosperedbecauseofher individualskillasawriterandbecauseofhertopics,focusing,especiallyinher “WyllandTestament,”onsocialproblemsinthecity. TheauthoraddressesLondoninpoetictermsasherownlover,butshelaments howmuchthecityhasabandonedher,andsothousandsofotherpeopleaswell who cannot survive in the city due to lack of money and jobs. In contrast to traditional city encomia, Whitney mostly ignores any church structures or institutions; instead she directs our attention to public spaces and streets populatedbycrowdsofordinarypeople.Althoughsheemphasizestherichness and complexity of the city as such, she also complains about pollution, noise, crammedlivingconditions,andso,altogether,viewsLondonrathernegatively. Inher“WyllandTestament”Whitneyalsooutlinesinremarkabledetailthe economicstructureofLondon,specifyingwherethevarioustypesoffoodare being sold, where the specific craftsmen have their workshops, and then also wherephysiciansandapothecariescanbefoundhelpingpeopleintheirmedical

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needs.Heretheauthorembarks,asSandidgeobserves,onanincreasinglycritical strategy,revealingthesocialwoesthatbadlybesetearlymodernLondon,andshe doesnotneglecttomentiontheprostitutesandbathhouses,clearlyprofilingthe strongcontrastsbetweenthepoorandthewealthy,betweensocialmiseryand aristocratic luxury, underscoring the injustice and inequality characteristic of sixteenthcenturyurbansociety.Thisfindsitsmostimpressiveexpressioninher discussionoftheprisonsthatwerefilledtoalargeextentwithpeoplewhosimply couldnotpaytheirdebtsanddidnotgeta‘bailout’asinmodernsocietyduring the current global economic crisis (2009). Poor relief came trickling in only sparingly,andtheeconomicandsocialsufferingwasgreat,asWhitneysawit. Thefinalcommentsin“WyllandTestament”concernthelegalsystemandthe Inns of Court situated far outside of the city center, safely protected from the squalor and poverty that dominated the heart of London. It might well be, as Sandidge speculates, that Whitney intended this last section of her text as an appealtotheyounglawstudentstopursuejusticeandtoprovidelegalhelpinthe futuretothosewholanguishawayinprisonsbecauseoftheirinabilitytopayback theirdebts.Tobesure,thistextaddressesthemiddleclassandtriestolaythe foundationforadiscourseamongtheliterarymindedintellectualsandreaderson thewellbeingoftheurbancommunityandonthedangersforLondonresulting from bad financial conditions, poverty, illness, and subsequent criminality. AlthoughWhitneydoesnotseemtohavepursuedanaggressiveagendainher socialcommentary,shecertainlyappealedtoheraudiencetoreachouttothosein need,bothfinanciallyandmedically,thusaimingforaglobalimprovementofthe lifeinthemetropolitancityinexplicitlysocialterms. Whereasmostofthecontributionstothisvolumeconcentrateonurbanspaceand citiesthatdevelopedincentral,southern,orwesternEuropeduringtheMiddle Agesandbeyond(butseePnarKayaalp’sarticle),MichaelE.Boninetakesusto theMiddleEastwhereurbanculturehadalreadyplayedasignificantrolesince thetimeoftheancientGreekandRomancivilizations.However,withthecoming of the Islamic religion, many aspects of urban culture changed considerably, deeplydeterminedbyshari’a(Islamiclaw)andthelocalcustomarylaw(urf).One ofthemostimportantcentralpointsintheMuslimcitywaswaqf,orreligiously endowedproperty,whichcanbediscoveredinmanydifferentcountrieswherever theIslamicreligiondominated.AsBonineillustrates,waqfemergedasthecrucial socialinstitutionofferingawiderangeofsocialservicesfortheurbanpopulation in the Islamic world. Contrary to traditional viewpoints regarding the usual structureofwaqf,existingwithinunchangingtraditionalpatterns,Bonineshows that waqf experienced tremendous organic changes throughout time and depending on the specific context. In other words, his essay offers important information about the economic and social structures, developments, and

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functionsofapivotalsocialinstitutionwithintheurbancontextoftheMiddleEast, extendingtomanydifferentcountrieswhereverIslamdominated. AsBonineemphasizes,waqfassumedbothsecular,economicandpolitical,and also spiritualritual functions, perhaps somewhat similar to the countless cathedralsinmedievalEurope,thoughthesocialobligationstotheunderclasses seemtohavebeenstrongerintheEastthanintheWestthroughouttimes.We mightevenwanttogosofarastocorrelatethewaqftothespaceoutsideofthe Christianchurchinmedievalcities,althoughthepracticalfunctionswererather different after all. In particular, waqf provided rental income for the religious institution within the city, even though it was also subject to rather specific requirements,laws,andrents.Butwaqfcouldalsoturnintoprivatepropertyand hence then be subject to rather fluid economic forces and stipulations. Most commonly,asBonineillustrates,waqfownedcommercialpropertyandprovided itwiththenecessarymeanstocarryoutitssocialfunctions,suchastosupporta mosque,tomaintainpublicfountains,ortoprovidewelfarefortheneedy.Because ofitspeculiarcharacter,waqfcouldbeflexibleunderspecificcircumstances,even circumventingIslamiclaw(shari’a).Insomecasesthisinstitutioncouldalsopursue goalsverydifferentfromthoseinitiallyassociatedwiththeendowment,which hadoftenbeenestablishedbymembersoftherulinghouses. Afterhavinglaiddowntheprinciplesofwaqf,Bonineturnstoawiderangeof individualcasestudies,includingConstantinople/Istanbul,OttomanAleppoand Cairo,Damascus,Jaffa,SafavidIsfahan,Balk(Afghanistan),QajarTabriz(Iran), andevenJerusalem.Whetherthewaqfcontributedtothegrowingdensityofcity buildings, or whether its establishment affected the opposite depends on the variouscontexts,sobothphenomenacanactuallybeobserved.Sometimesrural propertyservedforthefinancialsupportoftheurbanwaqf,sometimesurbanspace was cleared to erect new buildings for waqf, and sometimes waqf initiated the establishment of a cemetery. As Bonine concludes, in many cases waqf truly contributed to the growing density of the medina, but in other instances waqf propertyledtodilapidationandhenceadeclineintheurbandensity. Atanyrate,Bonine’sarticleallowsustounderstandingreatdetailtheessence ofurbanspacewithintheIslamicworldfromthelateMiddleAgestotheearly modern world from a socioreligious, economic, and political perspective, combinedwithinsightsintourbanplanningaccordingtoMuslimprinciplesand ideals. DespitethebittermilitaryandreligiousconflictsbetweenChristianEuropeand theOttomanEmpire,thereisnodoubtthatwemustequallyintegratetheIslamic worldintoourglobalinvestigationsforafullunderstandingofthecultureand history of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Urban development in architectural,economic,andculturaltermstookplacealso,andverymuchso,in theregionsoftheeasternMediterranean.Infact,inhercontributiontothisvolume

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Pnar Kayaalp urges us to keep in mind that Istanbul was one of the largest European cities by the middle of the sixteenth century. She focuses on a new constructionproject,theMihrümah’smosquecomplex(külliye)inthedistrictof Üsküdar, across the Bosphorus, in 1543, as an example of earlymodern city planning, involving public and private buildings, imperial constructions and religiousones,primarilymosques.WhereasbeforeÜsküdarhadonlybeenan army and trading post, it now transformed into a truly urban center of great significance, shedding important light on how city planning took place in the OttomanEmpireduringatimewewouldalreadyidentifyastheRenaissance.Both the members of the imperial house as well as rich merchants, not to forget representativesofthereligiouscommunities,recognizedthefoundationofthe Mihrümah’s mosquecomplexasamostconvenientandappealingnewurban avenuewheretheycouldwithdrawfromthebustlingcityacrosstheBosphorus andenjoytheserenecoastalshore.Manymosqueswereerectedthereaswell,so Kayaalp’sinvestigationallowsforexcellentinsightintotheprofoundimpactthat theestablishmentofmosquescouldhavefortheurbandevelopmentatlarge.The topographicchallengeswereregularlymetwithingeniousarchitecturaldesign, whichallowstheauthortoofferadetailedcasestudyofthewayhowstrategically pursuedurbangrowthwasrealizedandthencontinuedovercenturiestocome. ButÜsküdarwasnotonlyasitefortheconcentrationofmosquesandpalaces. Overtime,schools,stables,barracks,andotherpublicbuildingwereaddedon. Mostimportantly,however,Kayaalpcanconvincinglydemonstratehowmuch deliberate planning determined the growth of this new urban center in an aestheticallymostpleasingandalsopragmaticallyeffectiveway,actuallynotfar removed from latemedieval and Renaissance urban planning in the rest of Europe.Charitableinstitutionscomplementedthegrowthofneighborhoodsfor privateresidents,whointurnreliedontheavailabilityofstoresandshops,which altogethertrulyledtotheemergenceofamoderncity,centrallydesigned,almost as a forerunner of a Baroque city. Moreover, Üsküdar continued to serve as a centrallocationforcaravansaries,allowinglargecontingentsofforeignmerchants torest,toprepareforthenextjourneys,andalsotoselltheirwares. Overall,asKayaalpunderscores,thecarefulplanninganddesigningofthisnew city supported many different purposes, bringing together the administrative, religious,educational,mercantile,military,andcharitablefunctionsinonesite.By investigatinghowÜsküdarwasfoundedandthendevelopedovercenturies,she can outline in impressive detail how an Ottoman city emerged and was then organicallyconstructedinthecourseoftime,amostintriguingtestcaseforthe historyoftheearlymoderncity. We commonly read that earlymodern European women experienced a considerabledeclineinpublicstatusandwereincreasinglyforcedtoretirewithin their domestic sphere because of male, specifically patriarchal, pressure. For

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instance, the year 1500 is normally regarded as the crucial watershed for patriarchalpowerstructuresgaininginpreponderance,asreflectedbythegrowth ofcapitalisticproductionmodesthatwerelessandlessanchoredinthefamily, hence mostly excluding women. We have, however, already seen in Shennan Hutton’spaperinthisvolumehowmuchacarefulanalysisoflocalconditionsin Ghent,forinstance,canforceustomodifythisperceptionandtotreatthiswhole complexofissueswithmuchgreatercareandanopenmind. MarthaMoffittPeacocktakesthenextboldstepinexamininghowseventeenth centuryDutchartistsdepictedwomen,whichquicklyoffersastrongcontrastto theprescriptiveandmoralizinglanguageusedbycontemporarydidacticauthors, suchasJacobCats.Peacocksuggeststhatasensiblearthistoricalapproachmight actuallyundermineourrelianceonCatsandothersintheevaluationofearly modern women’s economic and political roles in Netherlandish cities. For example,guildswerenotparticularlyloathetoallowwomentojointheranksof the guilds, and we can find numerous confirmations of women’s active participationintheeconomicsphere,bothasproducersandsellers,andalsoas shoppers. In other words, the extensive corpus of seventeenthcentury Dutch paintingsfocusingonmarketscenes,providessolidevidencethatpubliclifewas notsimplydominatedbymen.Onthecontrary,asPeacockunderscores,inmany of these genre paintings the men stand or sit in the background, portrayed as passiveandevenhelpless,whereastheindividualwomenarepresentedasactive, energetic, selfreliant, and dominant, without attracting the painters’ scorn or derisionforthisseeminglytopsyturvydomingenderroles. The Netherlands might have been the exception to the rule with regard to women’sinfluenceintheirsocietyasnumeroustravelersreportwithastonishment thattheyobservedhowmuchtheDutchwomenexertedextensiveinfluenceon theirciviccommunities.Thisisbestreflectedintheirinvolvementinthemarket activities,wheretheyevenoperatedverysuccessfullyontheirownasshopkeepers andtraders,bothincloseandequalpartnershipwiththeirhusbands,oralone, either as widows or as unmarried women. This finds confirmation in various social factors and legal traditions that appear to have benefitted women’s independence and power in this culture. In addition, much of this unique developmentisrelatedtotheriseinurbanizationandtheenormouseconomic boomwhichtheNetherlandsenjoyedduringtheseventeenthcentury. Most of this circumstantial evidence points to the realistic character of the market scenes in seventeenthcentury Dutch paintings that highlight most dramatically women’s renewed or recently gained strength in all walks of life within the city. Not surprisingly, we also come across a number of paintings portraying women as regents who here emerge as powerful and independent individuals.Thisalsofindsexplicitexpressionintheartisticrepresentationofa plethoraofwomenasshoppers,orbuyers,henceasasocialgrouptheydominate the urban commerce most markedly, at least according to the arthistorical

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evidence.Afterall,hereweseewomenwhocontrolthemoney,handitout,collect it,ordistributeit,commandingtheeconomiclifelineofthecity’smarketinglobal terms. As Peacock emphasizes, the images not only show ordinary women as consumers;manytimestheartistsdepictelegantlydressedwomenshoppingthat therebyreflecttheoverallgrowthinwealthinseventeenthcenturyDutchurban society. Moreover, when inflation hit the markets, women knew how to exert their muscles,asrecordedinthevarioushistoriesregardingrevolts.Thus,itislikely that Dutch artists primarily created their works for female customers, who obviouslyfeltgreatprideintheirindependenceandeconomicandpoliticalpower. Thetriumphofthecitythusalsocreatedthegroundworkforwomentoovercome ancient patriarchal stereotypes and prejudices, and the disrespect and disadvantagesthataccompaniedthoseoldtraditions. WhendidurbandwellersinmedievalandearlymodernEuropebegintofindthe pollutionoftheircitiesandtheuncontrolleddepositingofwasteproductsand excrementinthestreetsandopenspacesnotonlyobnoxious,butalsodisgusting andintolerable?AboveinthisIntroduction,Ihavealreadydiscussedthestrategy employedbyastudentagainstpeasantswhoregularlyrelievethemselvesinthe backyard right under the student’s window, as described in a jest narrative (Schwank) by Hans Wilhelm Kirchhof (ca. 1560). For him, being constantly confrontedwiththeexcrementalsmell,thesituationsoonbecomesunbearable, whichforceshimtotakeenergeticstepstoscarethepeasantsandchasethem away.Inotherwords,therewasaclearsensealreadyatthattimethatdefilingthe city,whereveritmightbe,constitutedaninsulttohumansensesandwasnot reallyacceptable.AndBrittC.L.Rothauser,inhercontributiontothisvolume, focusingonfourteenthandearlyfifteenthcenturyEnglishtexts,findsplentyof evidence already pointing into that direction.312 But as Allison P. Coudert can

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InherreviewofSusanSigneMorrison’sExcrementintheLateMiddleAges(2008),ValerieAllen correctlypointsoutthatitmightbesomewhatmisleadingtosubscribetothegeneralizingnotion thatbythelateMiddleAgesurbanauthoritiesincreasinglydealtwithhumanexcrementasdirt andasdespicablematterthathadtoberemovedoutofsightandsmell.Certainly,excrementwas dirt,butthenegativeorpositive(!)connotationofdirtdependsverymuchonitspracticaluse (suchasfertilizer)oruselessness,andalsoonthelocationwhereitisdeposited.Inparticular,she referstoToftGreeninfifteenthandsixteenthcenturyYorkthat“wastheonlywideopenspace positionedinsidethecitywalls,inthesouthwest,besideMicklegateBar.Itwastherethatcattle markets and weekly horsemarkets were held (yielding plenty of manure), and the site also boastedalargemiddenforthedumpingofcityrefuseandoffal,providingfertilizerforsoiland crops” (The Medieval Review, online, 09.03.08). See also Angelo Raine, Mediaeval York: A TopographicalSurveyBasedonOriginalSources(London:JohnMurray,1955),244–45.Allenthen goesontopleadformuchmoreinterdisciplinaryresearchinthisregard:“Itisperhapstimefor literary studies of the scatological to merge their appreciation of the symbolic and cultural significanceofexcrementwiththescientificfindingsofarchaeology,chemicalsoilanalysis,and

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demonstrate,thefundamentalproblem,i.e.,thelackofappropriatetoiletsanda functioningsewersystem,didnotfindaneasysolution,andittookaveritable paradigm shift in the eighteenth century to make people react with real vehemence and radical protests to the soiling of urban space with human excrements.Whereasinearliertimesdirtwasregardedasamundaneproblem, which could easily be interpreted in a metaphorical fashion, in the eighteenth century a scientific revolution concerning olfactory sensation took place that subsequentlyledtothestrictcondemnationoffoulsmellsandallkindsofwaste productsasunacceptableforfinesociety.Thisevenwentsofarastoaffectthe purificationoftheFrenchlanguage,forinstance,whichwasdeliberatelycleaned ofanywordsassociatedwithexcrements. AsCoudertobserves,afterthegreatfireofLondonin1666,profoundchanges tookaffectconcerningpublichygiene,expressedinnewbuildingcodesespecially concerningthetreatmentofwasteproducts.WriterssuchasSwiftandDefoeand artistssuchasHogarthtookclearnoteofthedisgustingappearanceofDublinor Londonandsatirizedboththeurbanpopulationandthegovernmentintheirwitty criticismconcerningwidespreaddepositingofdirt.Butcontinentalwriterssuch asJohannWolfgangGoethealsoobservedwithdisgusttheextenttowhichcities were soiled everywhere. For Pierre Chauvet Paris was the “center of stench,” obviouslyechoingalargepublicsentiment. Mostsignificantly,Coudertattributesthischangingattitudetowarddirtand refuse to the development of a new hypersensitivity to foul odors especially among the upper classes, and explains this as a reaction to new scientific discoveriesregardingthehighlyheterogenouscompositionofairatlargewhich couldeasilycarrydangerousgerms(miasmatheory).Commonlypeoplevoiced greatconcernaboutallkindsoffissuresoutofwhichcouldemergeevilsmells, whichwasnolongernaivelyassociatedwithsuffumigationcomingfromHell,but insteadwithdangerousgasesexitingfromtheearth.Modernsciencehadentered theworldofhygiene,andsuddenlytheuppersocialclasses,especiallyincities, triedhardtodistinguishthemselvesfromthelowerclassesalsointermsofsmell. Bywayofthenosetherichandpowerfulknewhowtoseparatethemselvesfrom the poor and downtrodden, and so the smells in eighteenth and nineteenth century cities provided a critical instrument for the differentiation among the socialclasses. Thisdoesnotmean,however,asCoudertunderscores,thattheseelitescould simply eliminate all the dirt and bad smell around them, as efforts to install modern sewer systems were slow and not as effective as desired. But the derogatorycommentsandthegeneralridiculeofthosewhosehygienedidnot meetnewlydefinedsocialstandardsprovidedtheupperclassesastrategytoclose

environmentalstudies.”

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theireyestotherealityofhumanlife,henceoftheactualhygienicconditionsof theirtime.Nevertheless,forthembodyodor,orratherlackthereof,hadsuddenly becomeamajormarkerofsocialclassattribution.313 Asthecontributionstothisvolumedemonstrate,andascountlessnewresearch projects, book publications, and conference activities indicate, the world of medieval and earlymodern urban space proves to be a most fascinating and productivetopicthatinvitesevernewanalysis.Bystudyingurbancultureand urbanpopulations,byexaminingtheliteraryandarthistoricalevidencereflecting medievalcities,wearequicklyputintoamostpowerfulpositiontogainfurther insightsintoaplethoraofdiverseaspectsrelevantforeconomic,political,cultural, religious,andartistichistory.AsPaulOldfieldnowcommentsregardingcitiesin twelfthcenturyNorman,orSouth,Italy,“Thecitieswereactiveparticipantsin, not the supine victims of, wider, volatile events. . . . South Italian urban communitieswereconstantlyinapositiontomakechoices,andchoicesbrought avoiceandpower....Atthesametimethereisagreaterevidenceofthefluidity ofthesocialorderingofurbancommunities,whilethenotionofcitizenshipand civicidentityacquiredgreaterarticulation.”314Herightlywarnsusnottoequate modernnotionsof“apovertystrickenSouth”withtheactualurbanconditionsin theMiddleAgeswhenthecitizenswereconsiderablymorecapabletoexpress their political opinion and to establish a certain degree of freedom and independencethanwemightassumetoday.315Thecontributorstoavolumewith proceedingsresultingfromaninternationalconferenceonasimilartopicheldat Nájera, Spain, in 2006, mostly confirm these observations, but concentrate primarilyonthesituationontheIberianPeninsula.316

313

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Forasomewhatdifferentviewpoint,seeUlrichRosseaux,StädteinderFrühenNeuzeit.Geschichte kompakt(Darmstadt:WissenschaftlicheBuchgesellschaft,2006),whowarnsusfromprojecting tooquicklyfromgenerallamentsaboutpoorhygienicconditionsinnineteenthcenturycitiesto thoseintheMiddleAgesandtheearlymoderntime.SeealsoBeaLundt,EuropasAufbruchindie Neuzeit 1500–1800: Eine Kultur und Mentalitätsgeschichte. Kultur und Mentalität (Darmstadt: WissenschaftlicheBuchgesellschaft,2009),40–41.ButCoudert’sevidencestillholdsbecauseshe dealswiththeimpactofthemiasmatheoryonattitudestowardstenchandfilthatlarge,andon theattitudetowardwasteproductswithinearlymodernurbanlife. PaulOldfield,CityandCommunityinNormanItaly,264. Oldfield,CityandCommunity,265.SeealsoBeaLundt,EuropasAufbruchindieNeuzeit1500–1800), 39–52. Laciudadmedievalysuinfluenciaterritorial:Nájera.EncuentrosinternacionalesdelMedievo2006,ed. BeatrizArízagaBolomburuandJesúsÁngelSolórzanoTelechea(Logroño:InstitutodeEstudios Riojanos,2007).

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Inthisregard,thestudiesassembledherepromise,asIhope,toshedfurtherlight onfundamentalaspectsofmedievalandearlymodernculture,thehallmarkofour bookseries.Iwouldliketoexpressmygratitude,onceagain,toallcontributors fortheirmarvelousresearch,theirincrediblepatiencewithmeastheirnagging editor,andfortheircollaborationinrevisingallandeverypieceincludedhere manytimesuntiltheymetallexpectations.Mythanksalsogoouttothewonderful staffatWalterdeGruyterinBerlin,especiallytoMr.FlorianRuppenstein,and then,mostimportantly,Dr.HeikoHartmann,editorinchief,whohadinvitedme severalyearsagotolaunchthisbookseries.Awholesequenceoffuturevolumes is already in preparation. I owe also an expression of gratitude to my dear colleague Marilyn Sandidge for excellent assistance in reviewing and revising someofthecontributions.

C.DavidBenson (UniversityofConnecticut)

TheDeadandtheLiving:SomeMedievalDescriptions oftheRuinsandRelicsofRomeKnowntotheEnglish

Theformaldescriptionofcitiesispartofalongtraditionofepideicticrhetoric stretchingbacktoantiquitythatcontinuedintheMiddleAgesasarecognizable genre, in prose and poetry, of urban praise: the encomium civis or laus civis.1 Medievalexamplessurvivefromasearlyastheeighthcenturyandwereespecially prominentinItalywheretheyexpressedthegrowingsenseofcivicprideofsuch centersasMilanandVerona.Theseworkscelebratethematerialsplendorofcities (laudesurbium)—theirsitesandsucharchitecturalfeaturesaswalls,towers,and churches—andalsothevibrancyofciviclife(laudescivitatum)—theircultivation oftheartsandsciencesaswellasthewealthandcharityoftheircitizens.2Inthis, asinsomanyotherthings,Romewasdifferent.MedievaldescriptionsofRomedo notsomuchlaudthecurrentcityanditscitizens,butinsteadtaketheformof another, more backwardlooking kind of praise (elegiae urbium), an elegiac meditationontheancientremainsofthecity,itspaganmonumentsandbodiesof Christiansaints:thephysicaltracesofwhathadbeen.3

1

2

3

See,especially,ErnstRobertCurtius,EuropeanLiteratureandtheLatinMiddleAges,trans.Willard R.Trask(1948;1953;Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1973),155–57;J.K.Hyde,“Medieval Descriptions of Cities,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 48 (1965–1966): 308–340; John Scattergood,“MisrepresentingtheCity:Genre,IntertextualityandFitzStephen’sDescriptionof London(c.1173),”ReadingthePast:EssaysonMedievalandRenaissanceLiterature(Dublin:Four CourtsPress,1996),15–36;andPaoloZanna,“‘Descriptionesurbium’andElegyinLatinand Vernaculars,intheEarlyMiddleAges,”StudiMedievali,3rdseries(1991):523–96. For this distinction and the idea of the elegiae urbium that follows, see Zanna,“Descriptiones urbium”;cf.alsoCurtius,EuropeanLiterature;morerecently,ClaireE.Honess,FromFlorencetothe HeavenlyCity:ThePoetryofCitizenshipinDante.ItalianPerspectives,13(London:Legenda,2006). Ishall,however,refertoallofthesemedievaldepictionsofancientRome,despitetheirelegiac

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ThemedievaldescriptionsofRomeportrayacitythatappearslargelyemptyof livingpeopleandisinsteadpopulatedbyinertfragmentsfromthedistantpast—a worldfamous ghost town. The eternal city, Golden Rome, once the arena of empire,marvels,andgloriousmartyrdoms,isnowadepositoryofrelicsandruins, thedebrisofdeath.TherearesignsoflifeinthemedievaldescriptionsofRome, buttheytendnottobefoundinthepresentcityorinthecivic,religious,and commercial activities of its citizens, but rather in the responses of individual writers,oftenvisitors,astheytrytointerprettheinanimateobjectstheyobserve. In addition to editions of the primary texts in Latin and English and bibliographicalmanuals,previousscholarlyworkonthemedievaldescriptionsof Rome,fromwhichIhavegreatlyprofited,tendtoconcentrateonsingletextsor onaparticularsubgroupoftexts,suchasthosethatdiscussthepaganremainsin thecityorthosethatdiscusstheancientchurchesandtheirholyrelics.Muchof thisworkhasbeenbroadlyhistoricalorantiquarianandattemptstoassessthe accuracy of these descriptions, which are often found wanting, as well as identifyingpossiblesources.Someofthebeststudiesarecommentariestoeditions andEnglishtranslations,whichwillbecitedwhentheyarediscussedbelow.My aiminthisessayislesstoestablishthetruthcontentortheoriginsofindividual textsthantotraceaparticular,paradoxicaltheme(therelationshipofdeathand life) across the spectrum of these rich materials. Perhaps the most ambitious previousattempttoconsiderseveralofthesedescriptions(includingthemore obviouslyliteraryworkofChaucer)istheessaybyJenniferSummit,thoughher primaryinterestisthewaysthesetextshandlethetransformationfrompaganism toChristianity,whichisonlyonepartofmyowninterestinthevarietiesoflife found in the inert remains of the ancient city. I concentrate on the English knowledgeoftheseaccountsofRome,andespeciallyontextsinthevernacular, andIpayparticularattentiontotwoneglectedworks:averseaccountofRome insertedintheMetricalVersionofMandeville’sTravelsandJohnCapgrave’svast SolaceofPilgrims. Thereweretwodifferent,ifoverlapping,classesofmedievaldescriptionsof Rome.Thefirst,whichincludestheMirabiliaanditssubsequentversions,Master Gregorius’sNarracio,andthebeginningofCapgrave’sSolace,focusesprimarilyon theclassicalremainsofthecity,thoughtheindividualwritersalsomentionthe ancientChristiancatacombs,commentontheChristiandestructionorrededication ofancientmonuments,or,inpassing,notethepresentnameofastructure.Byfar themostpopularexampleofthiskindofdescriptionisgenerallyknownafterthe

tone,bythemoreneutralterm“descriptions.”Thesedescriptionsaresometimescalledguidesto Rome,eventhough(despiteageneralresemblancetosomeaspectsofmodernguidesandthe probabilitytheyweresometimesusedthisway)thisisanincompletedesignationofworksoften moreaccuratelyidentifiedascatalogues,memoirs,orreportstofriendsandpatrons.

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title of its twelfthcentury Latin original, Mirabilia Urbis Romae (The Marvels of Rome),whichwasprobablyfirstputintheshapeknowntousabout1143.4The Mirabiliacontainsthreedifferentkindsofdescription:firsttheauthororcompiler provides a catalogue, little more than a list of names, of the different types of ancientstructuresinRome,suchasitswalls,gates,baths,arches,andcolumns; secondly,hetellsstoriesassociatedwithsomeprominentmonuments,suchasthe bronzeequestrianriderweknowasMarcusAurelius,theoversizedstatuesoftwo nakedmenandtheirhorsesweknowastheDioscuri(CastorandPollux),andthe Pantheon; finally, he traces an itinerary through the streets of Rome with its varietyofancientsitesbeginningattheVatican,crossingtheTiber,traversingthe centerofthecity,andendingbackacrosstheriverinTrastevere.  I shall refer to the general tradition of the Mirabilia under that title, unless otherwisenoted, but nosingletitleorformadequatelyrepresentstheprotean variety of this extraordinarily plastic work, which is a prime example of a medieval“multitext,”touseatermcoinedforMandeville’sTravels.”5Theoriginal versionoftheMirabilia—itselfacompilationofoldertexts,informationcurrentin Rome,andpersonalobservation—wastransformed,withpassagesbothadded andsubtracted,asitwasadaptedintomultipleformsandlanguagesthroughout Europewellintothefifteenthcentury.6VersionsoftheLatinMirabiliawouldhave beenavailabletoEnglishvisitorstoRome,whereitwasabestsellerintotheage of print; examples were also copied into manuscripts produced for English readers.7ButthemostpopularformoftheMirabiliainEnglandseemstohavebeen theslightlylatertwelfthcenturyLatinversionknownastheGraphiaAureaeUrbis (ca.1155),oneofwhosemostcommonroutesofdisseminationwasasareduced version near the beginning of the influential thirteenthcentury Chronicon

4

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ForrecentdiscussionsoftheMirabilia,see,especially,NineRobijntjeMiedema,Die‘Mirabilia Romae’:UntersuchungenzuihrerÜberlieferungmitEditionderdeutschenundniederländischenTexte. MünchenerTexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschenLiteraturdesMittelalters,108(Tübingen: Niemeyer,1996);I‘MirabiliaUrbisRomae,’ed.MariaAccameandEmyDell’Oro(Rome:Tored, 2004);andDaleKinney,“FactandFictionintheMirabiliaurbisRomae,”RomaFelix—Formationand ReflectionsofMedievalRome,ed.ÉamonnÓCarragáinandCarolNeumandeVegvar.Church,Faith andCultureintheMedievalWest(AldershotandBurlington,VT:Ashgate,2007),235–52. Iain Higgins, Writing East: The ‘Travels’ of Sir John Mandeville. The Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1997),viii. ForeditionsofsomeofthelaterversionsoftheMirabilia,seeCodexUrbisRomaeTopographicus,ed. CarlLudwigUrlichs(Würzburg:Stachelianis,1871),113–69.Forarecentdiscussionandeditions ofsomeofthesetexts,seeCesareD’Onofrio,VisitiamoRomaMilleAnniFa:LaCittàdeiMirabilia. StudietestiperlastoriadellacittàdiRoma,8(Rome:RomanaSocietàEditrice,1988). SeethelistofmanuscriptsofvariousformsoftheMirabilia(andoftheStationesandIndulgentiae ofRometobediscussedbelow),classifiedbylanguage,inMiedema,Die‘MirabiliaRomae’In additiontomanuscriptswhoseprovenancearedefinitelyidentifiedasEnglish,otherssuggestthat theytoowereproducedforanEnglishaudiencebytheirinclusionofworksofEnglishhistory.

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PontificumetImperatorumbyMartinusPolonus(MartinofTroppau).8Inaddition tothevariousLatintextsoftheMirabiliatraditionaccessibletoEnglishreaders,at leasttwo,muchabbreviatedversionsofitsmaterialwereproducedinMiddle English. The most significant of these is a 400line addition in lively rhymed coupletsinsertednearthebeginningofthefifteenthcenturyMetricalVersionof Mandeville’sTravels.9ThelinesarebasedonMartinusPolonus’sredactionofthe GraphiasupplementedbydetailsfromlocalBritishhistory,suchasanaccountof how Julius Caesar defeated the British king “Cassiblian” (Cassivelaunus in GeoffreyofMonmouth)andbuilttheTowerofLondon(371–80). Theendofthetwelfthcenturyorbeginningofthethirteenthsawanother,more idiosyncraticLatindescriptionoftheRomanantiquities,theNarraciodeMirabilibus Urbis Romae by a certain Master Gregorius. The Narracio does not attempt to provide a comprehensive catalogue of the city’s ancient structures like the Mirabilia, but instead reports, ostensibly to some of his fellow clerks studying Scripture,themarvelsthatmostimpressedanddelightedGregoriusonhisfirst trip to Rome.10 Gregorius was most attracted to the artistic remains of Rome, broadlyconsidered,notonlytothesplendorofsomanystructuresbutalsoto images of all kinds, such as the narrative reliefs on triumphal arches and, in particular, the numerous bronze and marble statues whose skill he constantly

8

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TheGraphiabothaddssomematerialtotheoriginalMirabilia(especiallyapreliminaryhistoryof RomethatemphasizesitsTrojanorigin,whichwouldhavebeenofspecialinteresttoEnglish readerswhoalsoclaimedTrojanancestors)andomitsothermaterial.Theseadditionsareoften markedintheoriginaleditionofFrancisMorganNichols’stranslationoftheMirabilia(Mirabilia Romae:TheMarvelsofRomeoraPictureoftheGoldenCity[London:EllisandElvey,1889]).These additionsarenotindicatedinthesecondeditionofNicholsusedandcitedbelow.Referencesto theLatinGraphiaaretotheeditionofRobertoValentiniandGiuseppeZucchettiintheirCodice TopograficodellaCittàdiRoma,vol.3.Fontiperlastoriad’Italia,pub.dalR.Istitutostoricoitaliano perilmedioevo.Scrittori.SecoliI–XV,90(Roma:TipografiadelSenato,1946),67–110.Forthe influenceofMartinPolonus,seeWolfgangValentinIkas,“MartinusPolonus’Chronicleofthe PopesandEmperors:aMedievalBestSellerandItsNeglectedInfluenceonMedievalEnglish Chroniclers,”EnglishHistoricalReview116(2001):327–41.ThemostrecenteditionofMartin’swork isMartiniOppaviensisChronicon,ed.LudwigWeiland.MonumentaGermaniaeHistoria,Scriptorum 22(1872;NewYork:Kraus,1963),37–482. AllquotationsofthistextarefromTheMetricalVersionofMandeville’sTravels,ed.M.C.Seymour. EarlyEnglishSociety,OS269(London:OxfordUniversityPress,1973);theyarecitedbyline numberandthespellingisslightlymodernized.Thereisalsoaseventylineversefragmentthat containsMirabiliamaterialeditedbyJohnScattergood,“AnUnpublishedMiddleEnglishPoem,” ArchivfürdasStudiumderneuerenSprachenundLiteraturen203(1967):277–82. QuotationsofGregorius’sNarracioarefromtheLatineditionofMagisterGregorius:Narraciode MirabilibusUrbisRomae,ed.R.B.C.Huygens.Textusminors,44(Leiden:E.J.Brill,1970)andthe Englishtranslations,slightlymodified,fromJohnOsborne,MasterGregorius:TheMarvelsofRome (Toronto:PontificalInstituteofMedievalStudies,1987).Allfurthercitationswillbeincludedin thetextandwillreferfirsttothepageandlinenumberoftheLatinoriginalandthentothepage numberoftheOsbornetranslation.

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praisesandwhosedestruction,alongwiththatofothermonuments,heblameson Churchmen,particularlySaintGregory,theavariceoftheRomanpeople,andthe simpleravagesoftime.NothingisdefinitelyknownaboutMagisterGregoriusto whomtheNarracioisattributedinitsprefatoryincipit,butheisgenerallyassumed withsomereasontohavebeenanEnglishcleric.11ThetextoftheNarracio,ina copythatisnottheoriginalandapparentlyissomewhattruncated,survivesina singlemanuscriptnowinCambridge,anditreachedawideEnglishaudience, learnedandvernacular,becauseofitsusebyRalphHigdeninhispopularearly fourteenthcentury Latin Polychronicon, still extant in some 135 complete manuscripts, which itself was twice translated into Middle English, most significantlybyJohnTrevisainthelatefourteenthcentury;fourteenmanuscripts ofTrevisa’stranslationalsosurvive.12 ThesecondclassofmedievaldescriptionsofRomeknowntotheEnglishwas addressedtodevoutpilgrims,notantiquarians,thoughitssubjectislikewisethe Romanpast.MorelikeaguidethantheMirabiliaandalsoextantinmanyforms, itenumeratestheremainsofearlymartyrsandotherrelicscontainedinthecity’s manychurchesaswellasthepardonfromsintheseobjectsoffertothedevout visitor.13ManyLatinmanuscriptcopiesofthisbriefguidearestillextantinEnglish libraries,anditsmaterialappearedinMiddle Englishinthefifteenth century, usuallyinundistinguishedverseofunderathousandlineswithmanyvariants fromtexttotext(thereisalsooneproseversion).14Theworkiscollectivelyknown inEnglishasTheStationsofRome,thoughthisisasomewhatmisleadingtitle.In fact,StationesproperlyweremedievalLatincalendarsthatidentifiedtheparticular churchinRomeatwhich,onanyday,butespeciallyduringLent,theprincipal massofthecitywascelebratedbythepopeorhisrepresentative.15TheMiddle

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SeeOsborne,MasterGregorius,12–15. See,forexample,JohnTaylor,The“UniversalChronicle”ofRanulfHigden(Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1966);DavidC.Fowler,JohnTrevisa.AuthorsoftheMiddleAges,2(Aldershot:Variorum,1993); A.S.G.Edwards,“JohnTrevisa,”ACompaniontoMiddleEnglishProse,ed.id.(Cambridge:Brewer, 2004),117–26. Foranaccountofthesedescriptions,basedprimarilyonLatinexamplesintheBritishLibrary,see JamesHulbert,“SomeMedievalAdvertisementsofRome,”ModernPhililogy20(1923):403–24.For abriefaccountofthehistoryofindulgences(pardons),seeRobertW.Shaffern,“TheMedieval TheologyofIndulgences,”PromisaryNotesontheTreasuryofMerits:IndulgencesinLateMedieval Europe,ed.R.N.Swanson(Leiden:Brill,2006),11–36,and,now,RobertW.Shaffern,ThePenitents’ Treasury:IndulgencesinLatinChristianity,1175–1375(ScantonandLondon:UniversityofScanton Press,2007). Hulbert,“SomeMedievalAdvertisements,”notesthattherearevariationsintheLatintextshe studiedintheBritishMuseum.FortheextantMiddleEnglishversionsoftheStationsofRome, see,ANewIndexofMiddleEnglishVerse,ed.JuliaBoffeyandA.S.G.Edwards(London:British Library,2005),item1172. Thisusuallyinvolvedaprocessiontothestationalchurchandamassthere.SeeJohnF.Baldovin, S.J.,TheUrbanCharacterofChristianWorship:TheOrigins,Development,andMeaningofStational

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EnglishStations,despitetheirname,areactuallyversionsofarelatedtypeofLatin work,knownasIndulgentiae,whichcataloguestherelicsandpardonsinRoman churches. Stationes and Indulgentiae, as complimentary guides to what Roman churches had to offer pilgrims, are sometimes found together in medieval manuscripts.16 Material from both the Stationes and Indulgentiae, prefaced by a versionoftheMirabilia,isincludedinthemostambitiousdescriptionofRomein MiddleEnglish,TheSolaceofPilgrimesbytheAugustinianfriarJohnCapgrave, whichwaswrittenafterhisjourneytoRomeinabout1450andsurvivesinasingle incompletemanuscript.17Afteranopeningaccountoftheancientmonuments,the Solacedeclaresthatitwill,initssecondpart(whichultimatelyisexpandedtoa thirdpart),“tretithofthecherchisinRomeandofthespiritualetresourconteined inhem”(60).ThistheSolacedoesbyfirstdescribingthesevenprincipalRoman basilicasbeforecontinuingwiththestationalchurchesforeachdayinLentand concludingwithaccountsofothersignificantchurches. ThesemedievaldescriptionsofRome,whethertheirprimaryattentionisonthe ancientpaganorChristiancity,arealikeinfindingitsgloriouspastaccessibleonly bymeansofitsfewremainingphysicalfragments.Thecapitaloftheoncegreat RomanEmpirehasshrunktosomeravagedmonuments.Likewise,theholiness andheroismofthemartyrswhoconqueredthatempiresurviveinthetokensof their broken bodies. These accounts of the past show little curiosity about the residents or activities of presentday Rome. Master Gregorius occasionally mentionsthecardinalsasareliablesourceofinformationaboutthecity’spast,but neithertheNarracionoranyofourotherdescriptionshasanythingtosayaboutthe arcaneworkingsofthemodernpapalcourt,thereasonforsomanyEnglishtrips to Rome on ecclesiastic business. Similarly, we are not shown the elaborate religiousprocessionsthatoftenwoundthroughthecity’sstreets,suchastheone thatannuallyparadedamiraculousportraitofChristfromtheLaterantoS.Maria MaggioretoreunitetheimageoftheSonwithanequallywonderworkingportrait ofhisMother.18

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Liturgy. Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 228 (Rome: Pont. Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, 1987).TheoriginalpurposeoftheRomanstationsmayhavebeenapapalattempttounitethe variousparishesandregionsofRome,butitalsoofferedaprogram(andperhapsanopportunity torest)forpilgrimstouringthecity’schurches. SeeMiedema,MirabiliaRomae. JohnCapgrave,TheSolaceofPilgrimes,ed.C.A.Mills(London:OxfordUniversityPress,1911).All quotations,withthespellingsomewhatmodernized,willbefromthiseditionandcitedbypage numberinthetext. HerbertL.KesslerandJohannaZacharias,Rome1300:OnthePathofthePilgrim(NewHavenand London: Yale University Press, 2000), chapter 3. Capgrave does mention the “solempne procession”heldattheLateranonPsalmSunday,buttheninsteadofgivingafullaccountofthis procession,hediscussesthehistoryofPsalmSundaycommemorationsthroughouttheChurch fromthetimeoftheApostlestoCharlemagne(146–47).InreferringtoRomansaintsandtheir

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CapgravesaysthemostaboutcontemporaryRome,thoughevenheprovides littlemorethanbriefglimpses,suchasnotinginpassingthatapassionplayisheld before S. Croce on Good Friday (79) or his speculation that women were not allowedintothechapelofrelicsatthesamechurcheitherbecausethewellknown tendency of female pilgrims “to touch and kisse every holy relik” might slow thingsdownorbecausethepressofthecrowdwouldhavebeendangerousforthe health of sick or pregnant women (77). Although the Solace lists the stational churchesatwhichpapalmassesweresaidduringLent,itsaysalmostnothing about these special liturgies, though Capgrave does, in his account of the last station,reportaslightdifferenceinthesayingoftheagnusdeifromtheEnglish custom (“as we do”), which he heard at “divers masses” (155). This unusual momentintheSolaceemphasizeshowlittleweareotherwisetoldabouttheactual religiouslifeofmedievalRomeinthesedescriptions.Amidaccountsofbothpagan and Christian remains, the contemporary city is not shown as an active, functioningcommunity,butinsteaditresemblesanabandonedfilmsetwhose actorsandtechnicianshavelongsincedeparted,leavingonlytheresidueoftheir stale dramas—a few scattered props and sagging backdrops—for the solitary visitortocontemplate. Contrast these accounts of the ruins and relics of ancient Rome with a civic descriptionwritteninthesamecenturyastheMirabiliaandGraphia(andperhaps thesamecenturyasMasterGregorius’sNarracio)portrayingacitymuchcloserto homefortheEnglishreader:theLatinencomiumofLondonwithwhichWilliam FitzstephenprefaceshislifeofSaintThomasàBecket,theDescriptioNobilissimae Civitatis Londonaiae (1173–1175).19 Like the Mirabilia and Graphia, Fitzstephen’s DescriptiomentionssomeofthenotabletopographicfeaturesofLondon,butits primaryattentionisonthecommunallifeofthepresentcityratherthanonitspast monuments.Fitzstephenannouncesattheendofhisprologuethathisaccountof Londonwillconsidertwoaspectsofthecity:itsphysicalsituation(situm)andits

19

churches, I have used the modern Italian forms of their names except for the most common examples,suchasPeterandLawrence,which,forclarity,IgiveasEnglishnames. QuotationsfromtheLatinDescriptioarefromMaterialsfortheHistoryofThomasBecket,Archbishop ofCanterbury:(CanonizedbyPopeAlexanderIII.,A.D.1173,ed.JamesCraigieRobertson.Rolls Series.RerumBritannicarumMediiAeviScriptores,67(London:HerMajesty’sStationeryOffice, 1877;rpt.[Nendeln,Liechtenstein:]Kraus1965),3.2–13.IalsousethetranslationbyH.E.Butler, withsomemodifications,inNormanLondon(NewYork:ItalicaPress,1990).Allfurthercitations willbeincludedinthetextandwillreferfirsttothepagenumberoftheLatinoriginalandthen tothepagenumbersoftheButlertranslation.Seethediscussionofthe workinScattergood, “Misrepresenting.”Fitzstephen’sworkhelpedtoshapetheEnglishconceptionofLondonthrough theseventeenthcentury.ItsurvivesinseveralLatinmanuscripts,wasincludedintheimportant fourteenthcentury register of London documents, the Liber Custumarum, and parts of it also appearedinanothermunicipalcollection,theLiberAlbus.Attheveryendofthesixteenthcentury itbothinspiredandwasfirstprintedasanappendixtoJohnStow’sSurveyofLondon.

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publiclife(rempublicam)(2,trans.48),buthisemphasisisverymuchonthelatter. TheDescriptiocelebratesthecitizensandsocialactivitiesofLondon,insteadofits architecturalmonumentsorholyshrines,makingitalauscivitatisratherthanalaus urbis. The city’s walls and gates, which begin the Mirabilia, are noted by Fitzstephen(3,trans.49),butthelengthoftheformerisnotmeasurednorarethe latternamed;insteadthesestructuresareshowninuse,notasdefensiveramparts but as recreational passages through which crowds of Londoners (especially youngLondoners)eagerlypasstoreachthepleasuresofthecountrysidebeyond, whethertakingtheairatsuburbanwellsinthesummer(3–4,trans.50)or,more ambitiously,skatingontheMoorfieldstothenorthofthecityinthewinter(11–12, trans.58–59).WithinthewallsofLondon,thebuildinggiventhemostattention is not a great church or palace (St. Paul’s is mentioned only briefly and not describedinanydetail),butamodest“publiccookshop”(publicacoquina)bythe Thames(5,trans.52).ThisseeminglyhumblecanteenispraisedbyFitzstephen becauseitisusefultomuchofthecityand“pertainingtotheartofciviclife”(Haec equidempublicacoquinaestetcivitatipluriumumexpediensetadcivilitatempertinens), beingopendayandnighttoservefoodtoalllevelsofsociety—therichandthe poor—andespeciallyconvenienttoresidentsifunexpectedguestsshouldarrive (6,trans.52).20Fitzstephenpresentsacurrentsocialpracticeratherthananaccount of the past. His London, in contrast to Rome in the medieval descriptions, is dynamicwiththeeverydayurbanactivitiesofcontemporarylife:tradesmenand laborersgoingeachmorningtotheirspecialdistrictsinthecity,publicdisplaysof schoolboywitandlearning;horsefairsinSmithfield.21  My comparison of London to Rome is not gratuitous, for Fitzstephen throughoutbothexplicitlyandimplicitlycontraststhetwocities,andalthoughthe EnglishboroughconspicuouslylacksboththepaganmonumentsandChristian saintsofitsancientrival,theDescriptioisinsistentthatitisthemorevitalofthe two, as seen especially in the extended emphasis given to the boisterous, competitivegamesthatareplayedindifferentpartsofLondonthroughoutthe yearbyyouths(maleyouths,Fitzstephen’sinclusivenesshasitlimits).Thevigor ofthesegamesanimatestheentirecity,asFitzstephenmakesclearinadetailed account of the ball games at Carnival played by both students and young tradesmen.Thegamesareobservedbytheeldersofthetown,andbecauseofthem theyfeelrejuvenated.Theirnaturalspiritsarerekindledbytheviolentactionthey see before them, and “by their partaking in the joys of untrammeled youth”

20

21

Despitethesingular,thereferenceheremaybetoarowofcookshopsratherthantoasingle establishmentbytheThames,whosedignityisenhancedbyFitzstephen’scitationofPlatoonthe artofcookingthatimmediatelyfollows. Ofcoursethisisaselectiveportraitofthecity,withnomentionofthepoororhospitals,for example,asScattergoodrecognized(“Misrepresenting,”19).

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(participatione gaudiorum adolescentiae liberioris) they feel young again (9, trans. 56–57).LondonisascommunalandconvivialasanyBakhtiniancouldwish. ThebustlingpublicactivityofFitzstephen’sLondonisabsentfromthemedieval descriptionsofRome.TheMirabiliaandtheNarracioofMasterGregoriusandtheir vernacular redactions do not mention the commercial life of Rome or the recreationsofitscitizensbecausetheirattentionisonthephysicalremainsofthe classicalcity.Andyeteventhesematerialobjectsarenotfullypresent—muchhas disappearedorisonlyinfragments.TheMirabiliabeginsconfidentlybylisting whatRome“has”(habet),suchasitswall,andthestructuresthat“are”(sunt)there, suchasitsgatesandarches(17.1and5,trans.4,5),butthenarrativesinthemiddle section are set in the remote past, “in the times of the senators and consuls” (temporibusconsulumetsenatorum),whenRomewasstillgolden(34.1,trans.21).22 Theperambulationthroughthecityinthefinalsectionagainandagainrecords whatwastherebutisnolonger,suchasthemanytemplesthat“asfarasIcan remember”(quaeadmemoriamducerepossum)hadoncebeenontheCapitol(51.7, trans.38).  Many of the most active and ingenious of the marvels of Rome had now vanished.TheMirabiliaandatgreaterlengthGregorius’sNarraciotellofamagical systemofstatueswithbellsaroundtheirnecksrepresentingeachprovinceunder Rome’ssway(Mirabilia34.3–9,trans.21; Narracio18.214–19.239,trans.24).Ifa provincebecamerebellious,thebellontheappropriateimagewouldinstantlyring andthustheauthoritieswerealertedtoathreatthatneededattention.Butthese statuesandbellshavevanishedliketheempiretheyweremeanttoprotect.All thatisleft,accordingtoMasterGregorius,areportionsofthewallsofthebuilding inwhichthestatueswereanda“starkandinaccessible”(horrideetinaccessibiles) crypt (18.222, trans. 24). Even those ancient marvels that have not completely disappearedfrommedievalRomeareoftenbroken,uselessexcepttogazeupon. AlthoughMasterGregoriusbeginshisNarraciowiththestirringpanoramaofhis firstsightofRome,thetowersandpalacehesawlookingdownfromthehills,a closer examination of the city reveals, in a verse he quotes from Hildebert of Lavardin, a Rome that is “almost a total ruin” (prope tota ruina) and shattered (12.40,trans.18).AlthoughGregoriuspromptlydrawstheconsolingmoralthat Rome’sdeclineteachesustheimpermanenceofalltemporalthings,hisNarracio isarecordofhisgrowingindignationaboutthisdestruction.

22

QuotationsfromtheoriginalMirabiliaarefromtheeditionbyRobertoValentiniandGiuseppe ZucchettiintheirCodiceTopograficodellaCittàdiRoma,vol.3(Roma:TipografiadelSenato,1946), 3–65.Ialsouse,withsomemodifications,thetranslationoftheMirabilia(conflatedwithlater versions)byFrancisMorganNichols,TheMarvelsofRome,2nded.(1sted.,1889;NewYork:Italica Press,1986).Allcitationswillbeincludedinthetextandreferfirsttothepageandlinenumber oftheLatinoriginalandthentothepagenumberoftheNicholstranslation.

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IfthestructuresofancientRomearedecayedorvanishedinthesemedieval descriptions, its present inhabitants are largely invisible: the conclusion of the Mirabilialistsasoneofitssourcesthestorieshewastoldbyoldtimers(65.4,trans. 46),andMasterGregoriusoccasionallyreferstocardinalsandclerks,butnoneof thesefiguresmakesanactualappearanceineithernarrative.ClassicalRomansare even less on the scene, of course, because they are long dead, and funeral monumentsaregivenparticularattentionintheMirabilia,asinthebeginningof its perambulation, which describes the supposed sepulcher (sepulchrum) of Romulus (45.6, trans. 35), the elaborate temple of the Emperor Hadrian (now CastelSant’Angelo)containinghissarcophagus(46.5–47.3,trans.35–36)[Figure no.1]andthecastlebuiltbyAugustustoentombRome’semperors(47.8,trans. 36).Perhapsthemostrevealingexampleofasupposedmonumenttothedead, however,is that containingtheremainsofoneoftheempire’sgreatestrulers: JuliusCaesar.TheMirabilia,MasterGregorius,andCapgraveeachrecountthe legend that Caesar’s ashes were in a small round container at the top of the EgyptianobeliskthatistodayinthecenterofSt.Peter’sSquareandwasnearby intheMiddleAges(Mirabilia,43.7–44.8,trans.33–34;Narracio,28.513–29.548,trans. 34–35;Solace22–24)[Figureno.2].TheseaccountsofCaesar’spillar(or“needle” [agulia])commentonitsremarkableconstructionfromasinglestoneandsome discusstheemperor’slife(includinghisbloodyassassination)andaccomplish ments.TheMirabiliaandCapgravedrawspecialattentiontothesuitabilityand ironyofhisrestingplace,forjustashewasruleroverallmen,nowallstillremain belowhisfinalperch,butthecontrastbetweenCaesarlivingandCaesardeadis starkandpoignant: Caesar,youwereonceasgreatasistheworld, Butnowyouareenclosedinasmallcave. Caesar,tantuserasquantusetorbis, Sednuncinmodicoclauderisantro. [Mirabilia,44.5–6,trans.33]

Caesar,likeRome,isamuchdiminishedthing,thereareonlyfragmentsofashes, enclosedina“litilden”accordingtoCapgrave(24),totestifytowhatoncewas alive. In addition to actual tombs, some of the most prominent classical statues describedintheseworksaresaidtohavebeendesignedasmemorials,intended to preserve the fame if not the bodies of their subjects after death. The gilded bronzestatueofthemountedequestrian(nowrecognizedasMarcuseAurelius) wasespeciallyadmiredbythewriteroftheMirabiliaandbyMasterGregorius,as it has been ever since by so many others (Mirabilia, 32.3–33.22, trans. 19–21;

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Narracio13.56–16.163,trans.19–22).23IntheMiddleAgesthestatuewasplaced beforetheLaterancomplex,asdepictedinafifteenthcenturyfrescobyFilippino LippiinthechurchofS.MariasopraMinerva,perhapsinthemistakenbeliefthat it represented the first Christian Emperor Constantine [Figure no. 3]. In the sixteenthcenturythefigurewasmovedtotheplazaontopoftheCapitolineHill, whereacopystandstoday,withtheoriginalindoorsnearby,protectedfromthe elements[Figureno.4].Ourauthorsgivesomewhatdifferentstoriesaboutthe identityofthehorseman(Gregoriusoffersachoiceoftwo),but,aswithanother monumentalimageoftwomenandtheirhorses,nowknownastheDioscuri,the equestrianstatuteissaidtohavebeenspecificallyintendedasaremembrance:“a memoriallinmindeforevermore”asTrevisa’stranslationofthePolychronicon’s puts it (231).24 Even before telling of the deed that earns the horseman this monument,heisalreadyimaginedasdeadandgone.Analternativeexplanation ofthestatuebyMasterGregoriusevenmoreexplicitlyassociatesthehorseman withdeath:whennooneelseiswillingtosacrificehimselfbyridingintoachasm thathadbroughtafatalplaguetoRome,theleaderoftherepublicdoessohimself andtherebysavesthecitybyhisowndestruction. Inadditiontomanythatcontainorrepresentthedead(andothersthatwere adaptedtootherpurposes),theclassicalstructuresandstatuesinthemedieval descriptionsofRomewereoftensubjectedtodeliberateactsofannihilation.These monumentsbecameruinsnotonlybecauseoftheinevitabledecayoftime,but also,liketheEnglishmonasteriesunderHenryVIII,their“dissolution”isshown tobetheresultofapolicyofexterminationbythenewreligion.Alaterversionof theMirabiliaaddsadetailedaccountoftheColosseum,thenasnowanexample ofbothRome’sgloryanditsdecline,whichisonlymentionedinpassinginthe original version [Figure no. 5]. Not understanding the true function of this immensestructure,thefourteenthorfifteenthcenturywritercallsitatempleand declarestherewasagiganticstatueofthesuninahallcontainingamodelofthe firmament with functioning sun and moon that produced actual thunder and rain.25Anespeciallydramaticaccountofthistempleanditsstatue(andtheirfate)

23

24

25

Forabriefaccountofthehistoryofthisstatue,seethecommentarybyOsbornetohistranslation ofMasterGregoriuscitedabove,43–48. QuotationsfromJohnTrevisa’sEnglishtranslationofRalphHigden’sPolychroniconarefromthe firstvolumeoftheRollsedition,ed.ChurchillBabington(London:Longman,1865),andwillbe citedinthetextbypagenumber. TheaccountoftheColosseuminthislaterversionoftheMirabiliaiseditedbyUrlichs,Codex, “QuartaClassis,”136,cf.also160;itistranslatedinNichols’sMarvels,28–29.Thispassageisfull ofinformationrejectedbymodernscholarsbutreflectingmedievalviews:thegreatstatuereferred towasprobablyerectedbyNeroandwaslaterplacedoutsidetheColosseum,which,ofcourse, wasnotatemple.Theheadandhandsaidtobefromthisstatueareprobablyfromanotherstatue ofanemperorandarenowdisplayedintheCapitolineMuseum.SeethenotestoSeymour’s editionoftheMetricalVersionofMandeville,91,andOsborne’scommentarytoMasterGregorius,

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isgiveninthedescriptionofRomeinsertedintotheMetricalVersionofMandeville’s Travels (385–412). The poet begins by praising the Colosseum as the “moost mervailoustempleofalle”withhighwalls,towers,and“peintedallewithriche coloures”(386–92),andhedescribesitssimilacrumoftheheavenswithawe: Therooffwasmadeverament Evenlicheuntothefirmament, Withsonneandmooneandsterrisbrighte Thatshinedbothedayeandnighte. Thundirandlightenenge,hayleandrain, Whenevertheywoldeincertain, Thaisheweditindedeapertly. [393–299]

Butadmirationforsuchingenuityistemperedbydamninglyattributingittothe “crafftofsorcery”(400),perhapsbecausewhatwasproducedseemedtoomuch likeanimitationofGod’screation.Thegiantbejeweledstatueinthecenterofthe templewithasphereinitshandisdescribedascorrespondinglypresumptuous initsclaimofearthlypredominance:“Andinhishondeagoldenballe/Intokene that Rome was chieff cite / Of alle this worlde” (410–12) [Figure no. 6]. This assertionofpaganRome’scontroloftheheavensandtheearthcannotstandifthe cityistobecomeChristian.AndsowearetoldthatPopeSylvester,thefirstpontiff given temporal power over Rome according to the legend of the Donation of Constantine, demolished (“fordid”) the idol (“that riche mamette”) despite its magnificence(415).Hefurther“distroyedthattempleoflimandstone/Andother templis ful many oone” (417–18) and in their place builds churches that offer eternal,Christianriches:“fulgretepardoun”(421). ThelatermedievalversionoftheLatinMirabiliaalreadycited,whichseemsto bethesourceofthismaterial,makesitclearthatsuchtemplesastheColosseum must cease to exist precisely because they are so marvelous: Pope Sylvester eradicatedthepagantemplessothatvisitorstoRomewouldnotbeabletovisit such“profanebuildings”(edificiaprofana),butinsteadgodevoutlytoChristian churches.26TheMetricalMandeville,inapassageimmediatelyfollowingitsaccount of the Colosseum, is explicit that some structures of pagan Rome had to be destroyednotbecausetheyweredilapidatedbutratherbecausetheywerealltoo aliveandfascinating.Thepoetsaysthat“holyemen”destroyedtheseplacesof worshipbecausepilgrimstothecityhadmore“devocioun/Toseenthemervailis inthatstage[place]/Thantofulfillenthairepilgrimage”(431–34).Thewonders ofRome’spagantemplesprovedmoreattractivetoChristiansthanallthepromise

26

48–53. Urlichs,Codex,“QuartaClassis,”136,Nichols’stranslationofMiraclesofRome,29.

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offuturepardonandsotheyareterminated(withextremeprejudice).Thelater versionoftheMirabiliadescribesthetreatmentofthecolossalstatueoftheSun almostasiftherewereanexecution:Sylvesterorderstheheadandhandofthe idol (caput vero et manus praedicti ydoli) to be placed in front of his palace.27 Dismemberedlikeacapturedenemyorcondemnedcriminal,thebronzeremains aredisplayedbeforethepope’spalaceattheLateranasiftheywereatrophyof Christianconquestandtriumph. In many medieval descriptions of Rome, in English and in Latin, pagan monumentsareshowntohaveto‘die’inorderthatthenewreligionmaylive.The mostfamousdissenterfromthatpositionamongourwritersisMasterGregorius. EnrapturedbyRome’spastarchitecturalgloryfromhisfirstsightofitfromthe hillsabovethecity,herepeatedlycriticizesthelossofsucharichclassicalheritage, which must have appeared especially remarkable and precious to one whose nativeexperienceseemstohavebeenofBritishartandarchitecture. Gregorius deplores anything that diminishes the original splendor of those monuments.Forallhisadmirationofthebronzeequestrianstatue,henotesitwas onceevenmoremagnificent,blamingRomanavarice(Romana...avaricia)for having stripped the gold that once had lavishly gilded it and beatus Gregorius (Pope Gregory the Great) for having taken down the statue from its original locationontheCapitolinordertoremovethefourcolumnsonwhichitstoodto useinthepapalchurchofSt.JohnLateran(13.63–68,trans.19).Despoilingand reusearebadenoughinMasterGregorius’sview,butheprefaceshisaccountof themostbeautifulstatueheencounteredinRome,theVenusdiscussedbelow,by suggestingthathisnamesake(andelsewhereaspecialherototheEnglishbecause of his role in the conversion of the island, the same “blessed Gregory”) was somethinglikeamassmurdereragainstthemarblestatuaryofRome:“almostall ofwhichweredestroyedortoppledbyblessedGregory”(quepeneomnesabeato Gregorioautdeleteautdeturpatesunt)(20.277–78,trans.26).28 ThatancientChristianRomeaswellasancientpaganRomeisacityofdeathin themedievaldescriptionsiseveneasiertodemonstrate.IftheMirabiliatradition and especially Master Gregorius are haunted by the ruin that time has wrought—Rome’sancientempirevanished,itsheroesconfinedtomausoleumsor statues, its religion exterminated, its marvelous creations stilled and broken—deathisattheverycenterofChristianaccountsofthecityandshownto

27 28

Ibid. InalaterEnglishguidetoRome(c.1470),WilliamBrewynjudgeshackingofftheheadsandlimbs ofthepaganimagesbySt.Gregoryasatriumphof“ecclesiasticaltruth”(AXVthCenturyGuide BooktothePrincipalChurchesofRome,trans.C.EveleighWoodruff[London:MarshallPress,1933], 14).Infact,theseaccusationsoficonoclasmagainstSt.Gregory,thoughwidespreadintheMiddle Ages,seemtohavebeenunfounded:seeTilmannBuddensieg,“GregorytheGreat,theDestroyer ofPaganIdols,”JournaloftheWarburgandCourtlaudInstitutes28(1965):44–65.

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bethesourceofitspreeminence.WorkssuchastheMiddleEnglishStationsof RomeandthesecondandthirdpartsofJohnCapgrave’sSolaceofPilgrimesextolthe martyrdomsthatbaptizedthecityandmadeitholy,andtheformerisprincipally acatalogueofthebodiesofsaintsinRomanchurches.Deathdidnotoverthrow or diminish Christian Rome; it created it. The city’s special spiritual authority comes directly from the famous martyrs who were executed there—Peter and Paul,mostimportantofall,who,accordingtotheStations,redeemedthecitywith “heorefleschandwithheoreblode”(14),butalsomanyothersfromtheheroicfirst ageoftheChurch,suchasAgnes,Lawrence,Cecilia,andSebastian,aswellas thousandsofanonymousvictims29[Figureno.7].Intheprologuetothesecond part of his Solace, Capgrave considers why the Church at Rome should have “swechgreteprivilege”asthe“principalmoderandnorchererofourefeith”(60); thelastofthereasonshegivesisthatof“themultitudeofmartireswhechspilther bloodinconfirmaciounofourfeithinthatsameplace”(61).EventheMirabilia, primarilyconcernedwithclassicalmonuments,hasachapteronthelocationsof Roman martyrdoms (chapter 8 in the Latin) and another on its Christian catacombs(chapter10). Thelifelessness of theseremainsisemphasizednotonlybyreferencetothe saints’ violent deaths but also by calling attention to their broken bodies. The StationsofRomeisaguidetowherethese“holybones”(afrequentlyrepeated phrase)aretobefoundinRome,suchasatthechurchofSt.Sebastian,wheresuch bones“layundergrounde/Anhundredyerertheyweorefounde”(161–64).The numbersoftheancientsacreddeadaresometimesstaggering.Wearetoldthat “monyisthatholybone”underthealtarofthechapelofScalaCoeli(nolessthan theremainsof10,000martyrs)attheabbeynowknownasTreFontane(123–25), whileatthechurchofS.Pudenzianathebodiesof40,000martyrsrestaccording totheVernontext(542),thoughotherversionsputthenumberatamoremodest, butstillimpressive,3,000(Cotton,666).Notonlyaretheserelicsregularlyreferred toaslittlemorethanbones,buteventhebestpreservedexamplesareoftenin pieces.ThechurchofSt.Julianissaidtocontainthatsaint’s“chinwithhisteth” (450),and,ofspecialinteresttoEnglishreaders,St.ThomasàBecket’sarmand“a partiofthebrayn”isinSantaMariaMaggiore(497–99).ThebodiesofPeterand

29

MyquotationsfromtheStationsofRomearetakenfromtwofifteenthcenturyverseformsofthe work,theCottonversion,aseditedbyFrederickJ.FurnivallinPolitical,Religious,andLovePoems. EarlyEnglishTextSociety,OS15,secondedition(London:KeganPaul,1903),143–73,andthe Vernonversion,editedbyFurnivallinTheStacionsofRome.EarlyEnglishTextSociety,OS25 (London:N.Trübner,1867),1–33,withtheVernonProloguesubsequentlyeditedbyFurnivallin TheMinorPoemsoftheVernonMS.EarlyEnglishTextSociety,OS117(London:KeganPaul,1901), 2.609–11.Allcitationsarebylinenumberandwillbegiveninmytext;theyarefromVernon unlessotherwiseindicated.

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Paullieintheirrespectivebasilicas,buttheirheads,keptoverthehighaltarofthe Lateran,weredisplayedduringtheweekbeforeEaster,andCapgravereportsthe sightintheSolaceofPilgrimes:“ThehedofPetirisabroodfacewithmechheron hisberdandthatisofgreycolourbetwixwhitandblak.ThehedofPauleisalong faceballedwithredher,bothberdandhed”(73).Thenonhumanrelicswhich weresofamousandabundantinRomearealsooftenassociatedwithdeathand mutilation, not surprisingly for a faith whose primary sign is the cross. These includethepillaronwhichChristwasscourgedbyPilateatS.Prassedeandthe woodandnailsfromthecrossitselfatS.Croce. Onceagain,aswiththemedievaldescriptionsthatemphasizetheremainsof classicalRome,theChristianStationsofRomeandeventhesecondandthirdparts ofCapgrave’sSolacesaylittleaboutcontemporaryRomeanditssocialactivities, residents,orvisitors.Capgraveoffersthemostinformationofthiskind,butonly inbrief,unsystematicglimpses,aspreviouslynoted,thoughhedoesreport,with strongdisapproval,alocalSpringcontestinvolvingattackingpigsastheyrun downMt.Testaccio,resultingindeathandinjurytomenandanimalsalike:“aful onliklygamemethoutgh[sic]”(50–51).WhenCapgravementionstheexhibition oftheheadsofPeterandPaulattheLateran,hesaysnothingaboutanyceremony associatedwiththisdisplaynorabouttheresponseofothers;insteadheoffersonly hisownpersonalobservation.Thecityappearsevenmoredesertedandinanimate in the Stations of Rome. The generous pardon that these texts announce was availableinmanyRomanchurchesandobviouslyattractedlargecrowds,butwe almostneverseethem,certainlynotinanydetail.Ararementionofpilgrimsin general notes that Pope Silvester offered pardon “to pilgrimes / That thider cometh”(103–04);yetevenhereitisthepastnotthepresentthatisevokedby citingsuchanearlypope,andtheword“pilgrimes”maybeusedasmuchforits rhymeasanythingelse.CurrentliturgicalservicesinRomealsogounmentioned intheStations,thoughreferenceisoccasionallymadetothoseoflongago.For example,St.GregoryistoldbyanangeloftheholybonesburiedatSt.Sebastian “ashesongmasse”atthehighaltarthere(149–52).30 TheunderlyingargumentoftheStations(thereadershouldvisitRomerather thanotherholysitesforpardon)isimplicitlymadetoallChristians,butitisoften, thoughnotalways,expressedinthesecondpersonsingular:“Thoushalthaveas muchepardoun/AsthoutoSeintJame[Compostella]wentandcom”(91–92,my emphasis).Indeed,theStationsoftenseemstobeconductingaprivatetourforthe reader.Thenotationofspecificdistancesbetweenchurches,suchas“twomyleis holdebetwene”(95),andeven,asinoneespeciallyvividmomentatthetombof LawrenceandStephen,itsinstructionabouthowtoact,“Putteinthyheedorthy

30

TheVernonalsonotesthe“greatsolempnite”(167),alsointhedistantpast,whentheburied boneswererecoveredatS.Sebastian’s.

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honde,/Andthoushaltfeleaswetegronde/Aswetesmelleofbodyesthatther be”(Cotton528–30),mayhavebeenintendedlessasapracticalguideforanactual travelertoRomethanasapromptforamentalpilgrimagebythesolitaryreader backinEngland. But if medieval Rome in these various descriptions known to the English is permeatedbydeath,therearealsosomesignsoflifeamongtheancientruinsand relics.NotpresentdaycommunallifeasinFitzstephen’sDescriptio,butpastor future life accessible to the individual observer (and reader) who can imaginativelyordevoutlyrespondtotheremainsofRome.Justasdeathiseven moreobviousintheStationsofRomethanintheMirabiliatradition,soislife,and botharearesultofthemostprominentfeatureofthesetexts:thebodiesofmartyrs andotherrelicsinRome’schurches.Thelifetheseobjectspromiseis,ofcourse, beyondthispresentworld,andyetthesaints’bodiesandrelicshavenotbeen whollyimmobileevenonearth.Althoughinaccordancewithancientcustom, mostoftheoriginalRomanmartyrswerekilledandthenburiedoutsidethecity walls,notallremainedintheircatacombs.WhereasearlyChristiansjourneyed beyondthecitylimitstoworshipattheextramuralcemeteriesthatcontainedthe mostfamousburialsites(suchasthoseofSaintsPeterandLawrence,whichwere eventually enclosed by basilicas), later popes, once they were free to do so, broughtthebonesofthesemartyrsintotheheartofRome,astheirnumbersat suchcentralchurchesasS.PrassedeandSantaPudenziana,alreadymentioned, testify.OtherbodiesweremovedtoRomefromfartheraway,suchasthatofSt. Jerome:“FromtheciteofDamas[Damascus]/Hewasbroughtintothatplas” (481–82).NonhumanrelicswerebroughtallthewayfromtheHolyLand,such asthetableusedfortheLastSupper(305–08)andAaron’srod(321),amongmany othersattheLateran,nottomention“afotofMarieMagdaleyn”(664)atS.Cecilia. More important than the illusion of animation implied by their urban or internationalmovement,thebodiesofthesaintsinRomanchurches,fardifferent fromthecoldashesofCaesaronhispillar,werestillactiveandcapableofgiving thegiftoffuturelifetoothers:theabundant,blissfullifeofheavenratherthanthe torments of hell.31 The unique Prologue to the Vernon version of the Stations promisestoteachthereaderwhofinds“hissouleinsinnebounde”(Prologue,9) andfearsthathewillsuffer“thefuirofhelle,/Wherofthepeynesnomoncon telle” (Prologue, 15–16) how he may obtain the medicine of pardon at “grete Rome”(Prologue,17),therebyinsuringthat“Nedestohevenemostehewende/

31

See R. N. Swanson, Indulgences in Late Medieval England: Passports to Paradise? (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress,2007),andRobertW.Shaffern,ThePenitents’Treasury.

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Withoutenpeynelasseormore”(Prologue,26–27).32TheStationsprovidesalistof the many Roman churches that offer this medicine and in what amount, for without such pardon from deadly sin, “may thy soule not live” (179). Present existenceislessimportantthanwhattheRomanSt.CeciliainChaucer’sSecond Nun’sTalecalls“bettrelifinootherplace,”33andthuswearetoldofmartyrswho “suffrededethalleinRome/Heoresoulesinhevenefortocome”(127–28;cf. 199–200). TheStationsdoesnotrequiresuchultimatesacrificefromthepilgrim(orreader), butinsteadexplainshowhemayavoidthefuturetorturesofHellandevenobtain release from the pains of Purgatory. In addition to securing one’s own life in heaven,Romepermitsonetoprocureitforothers,evenaftertheirdeaths:“Ther men may helpe quike and dede / As the clerkes in bokes rede” (129–30). Attendance at the church of St. Lawrence every Wednesday for a year, for example,allowsyoutofreesomeonealreadyinPurgatory:“Asouletodrawe fromPurgatoryfer”(412).Moregenerously,theCottonversionsaysthatatthe churchofS.GiovanniaPortaLatina,inadditiontotheeverydaypersonalpardon offivehundredyears(Cotton,272–73),ifyouareinattendanceonthefestivalday ofthesaint,“asowlefroPugratoryewinnethoumay”(Cotton,271).Atleastone Romansiteseemstoguaranteeaplaceinheaven,withnomentionofreform, simplyforbeinginterredthere.NeartheendoftheCottonversionoftheStations, wearetoldthatSt.Gregory“purchasedsychegrace”atthechurchofSt.Andrew thatwhoeverisburiedthere(“manorwoman”)willbesavedfromhellaslongas thepersonhasfaithinGodandtheChurchregardlessofpastbehavior:“Ifhe beleveinGod&HolyChyrchealso,/Heshallnotbedampnedfornoughtthathe hathedoo”(Cotton,898–901,myemphasis).Thenarratorinsiststhatthisblanket pardon,forallitsapparentunorthodoxy,is“thesothethatIthetell,”thoughhe acknowledgesthatsomereadersmaynotbelievehimandoffersasproofthatitis explicitlywrittendownthere:“onthechyrchedorethoumaysthitsee”(Cotton, 903–05).Suchfaithinthewrittenword. Incontrasttothenarrowspanofhumanexistence,theStationsrepeatedlyspeaks of the vast expanse of years to come when the reader will be free from the penaltiesofPurgatorytoenjoytheblissfullifeofheaven.Likeaseriesofspiritual ATMmachinesthatrewardallwhousethemregardlessoffundsondeposit,the churches of Rome pay off in multiples of years. Originally indulgences were grantedbythepopesonly toCrusaders,andwhen,apparentlyinresponseto

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TheProloguestressesthatanyonedesiringpardonmustbe“inloveandcharite”withothersand keep himself “clene to his ende” (23–25), though in the body ofStations pardons seem more automaticallyavailablewithoutthereminderofthereceiver’sresponsibility. TheRiversideChaucer,ed.LarryD.Bensonetal.,thirdedition(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1987), VIII,323.

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publicdemand,theywerelatermademoregenerallyavailabletopilgrims,an effortwasmadetorestricttheyearsofthepardon,fortyyearsbeingthelimitthat individualbishopscouldgrant,forexample.34 ButthehopefulexpectationsofvisitorstoRomesooninflatedthiscurrencyas surelyasthatofWeimarGermany.Forexample,thechurchofSt.Clementgranted “twothousendyer”(704)ofpardonandthatofSt.Julian“eightethousendyere” (452).Inthetheologyofindulgences,itwasnevermadeclearjusthowtheseyears weredetermined,whowaskeepingtheaccounts,orexactlyhowmuchtimethe sinnermightactuallyneed.Attimestheamountslistedinpopulartextslikethe Stations, whether or not officially approved, are thrown around like so much Monopolymoney,withmultiplesofathousandthemostcommondenomination, thoughsometimesthefiguresarefussilyprecise:thusonechurchpromised1030 years(662)andanother4384(720–24).Thetimeofyearcanincreasethenumbers dramatically:atthehighaltarofSt.Peter’stheusualpardonis28years,butfrom HolyThursdaytoLammasitshootsupto14,000(48–54).Thedifficultyofthe journeyalsoaffectstheamount:whentheVernicleofSt.Veronica(theclothwith the imprint of Christ’s face) is displayed at St. Peter’ there are 3,000 years of pardonforaresident(4,000inCotton,83),9,000foranonresident,and12,000for apilgrimwhohasmadeaseajourney(indicating,despitethelackofattentionto them,implicitrecognitionofthemanynativesandvisitorsinRome),plusthe forgivenessofathirdofone’ssins—andallthesenumbersaredoubledduring Lent(59–70).35ThebonesandrelicsofRomearenotonlymaterialwitnessesof ancientdeathandsufferinginthecity,buttheyarealsothemeansbywhichthe pilgrimcanachievetheheavenlylifetocome.36 WhereasitisthefuturelifethatconcernstheStationsofRome,intheMirabilia tradition,MasterGregorius,andevenCapgrave,itisthepastthatisbroughtto life.Perhapsthemostmemorableexamplesofasympatheticobserverfindinglife intheinertruinsofRomeareMasterGregorius’sencounterswithancientstatues. Thefirststatuehementions,abronzebullliketheonethatJupiterusedtodeceive Europa,isnotdescribedinanyrealdetailbutwearetoldthatitwassoskillfully madethatitappearstoviewersasifitwereaboutto“bellowandmove”(mugituro etmoturo)likealivingcreature(13.54,trans.19).Gregoriusoftenmakesclearthat theanimationoftheseimagesresultsnotonlyfromtheskillofthecreatorbutalso fromthecarefulattentionoftheobserver:thustoonelookingintently(attencius inspexerit),thebronzeheadoftheColossusappearstobe“movingandspeaking”

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SeeShaffern,“TheMedievalTheologyofIndulgences.” OftentheStationsgoesbeyondprecisenumbersandsimplymentionsthataparticularsiteoffers aplenaryindulgenceforallsins. GiventheindulgencesavailableatRome,theStationstellsus,thereisnoneedtotravelasfaras theHolyLand,foratRome“pardountheriswithoutenende”(285–93).

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(moturo et locuturo) because of the care and expense with which it was made (17.204–18.205, trans. 23). These responses have been seen as protoHumanist, thoughGregoriusisattractedmorebytheingenuityandevenemotionalappeal oftheseworksthanbypurelyaestheticappreciation,asisclearestinGregorius’s mostdramaticaccountofsuchanexperience,hisrepeatedvisitstoviewamarble statueofVenusthatsomehaveidentifiedwiththe“CapitolineVenus”37[Figure no.8].AswillbetrueformanysubsequenttravelerstoRome,Gregoriusfindsa presenceinthecoldmarblethataffectshimviscerally,perhapsevenerotically.As withthebronzebull,GregoriusfirstassociatestheVenuswithanancientlegend, theJudgmentofParis,beforeabruptlymovingfrommythtotheobjectbeforehim. ThisVenus,heinsists,wasmadewithsuchwonderful,eveninexplicableart(miro et inexplicabili perfecta est artificio) that it seems more like a living person (viva creatura)thanastatue;heevenimagineshecanseeitblushanddeclaresthatthose wholookclosely(comminusaspicientibus)canseethebloodflowinhersnowy complexion(inniveooreymaginissanguinemnatare),whichcausedhim(perhapsas theresultofamagicspell)tobedrawntorevisititthreetimeeventhoughitwas distantfromhislodgings(20.286–293,trans.26). Higden’sPolychroniconanditsMiddleEnglishtranslationsmakeGregorius’s accountsofthesestatueslesspersonaltoaccordwiththeirmoreobjectivestyleof history,buttheydoretainhisclaimsforthelifelikeappearanceoftheimages. ThusTrevisasaysthebull“semedlowingeandstartlinge”(225),themouthofthe Colossus“asthey[though]itwerespekinge”(235),and,mostvividly,theVenus “socraftlichemadethatinthemoutheandlippes,thatwereaswhiteasenysnow, semedefreschebloodandnewe”(225).TheextraordinaryeffectoftheVenuson GregoriussuggeststhetaleofPygmalion,butweshouldnotethatinhistelling, nottomentioninthelessferventEnglishversions,thereisasignificantdifference. AlthoughGregoriusdoessuggestsupernaturalforcesbehindthestatue’sappeal tohim,hisladydoesnotstepoffherpedestalandgooffwithheradmirer.Venus

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GordonRushforth,“MagisterGregoriusDeMirabilibusUrbisRomae:ANewDescriptionofRome intheTwelfthCentury,”JournalofRomanStudies9(1919):14–58;here25,madetheidentification ofGregorius’sVenuswiththefamousonenowintheCapitolineMuseum,andthiswasaccepted byOsborne,MasterGregorius,59,butDaleKinney,“MirabiliaUrbisRomae,”TheClassicsinthe MiddleAges,ed.AldoS.BernardoandSaulLevin(Binghamton:MedievalandRenaissanceTexts and Studies, 1990), calls this identification “neither likely . . . nor necessary” (214). It may, however,wellhavebeenastatuesimilartotheCapitolineVenus. ForGregoriusasaprotohumanist,see,forexample,JamesBruceRoss,“AStudyofTwelfth CenturyInterestintheAntiquitiesofRome,”MedievalandHistoriographicalEssaysinHonorofJames WestfallThompson,ed.JamesL.CateandEugeneN.Anderson(Chicago:UniversityofChicago Press,1938),302–31;here320,andCristinaNardella,“LaRomadeivisitatoricolti:dallamentalità umanisticadiMaestroGregorio(XII–XIIISecolo)aquellamedioevalediJohn Capgrave(XV Secolo),”ArchiviodellaSocietàRomanadiStoriaPatria119(1996):49–64;here,52.CompareKinney’s moreskepticalviewofthenatureofGregorius’sappreciation(“Mirabilia,”214–19).

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remainsanancientmarble.Buteveniftheobserverisnotabletofindactuallife inthemarble,hecanrecapturetheillusionofitfirstcreatedbytheanonymous artist long ago. Gregorius’s intense scrutiny has made a connection across the centuriestoaoncethrivingworld. The writers of the medieval descriptions of Rome know, as Odysseus and Aeneasdiscoverintheunderworld,thatitisimpossibletophysicallyembracethe dead,buttheirshadescanbeevokedandrecognized.Gregoriusdoesthismost dramaticallyduringhisencounterwiththestatueofVenus,butthemostcommon method these texts use to make the past come alive is by means of stories. In additiontothesenseofanimalandhumanpresencethatGregoriusexperiences from some Roman statues, he more often uses the ancient images he finds as prompts to recreate the true narratives of the past he assumes (almost always incorrectly)theytell.Thusinhisratherlengthyaccountofthetriumphalarchnear thePantheonsaidtohonorAugustus’svictoryatActium,Gregoriusfirstmentions whatheclaimsareitsstatuesofthebattle’smilitarycommanders,especiallya skillful portrait of Augustus himself, before turning to the reliefs on the arch, which,hesays,whenlookedatclosely(cumintenciusaspicias),makesyouimagine thatyouareseeingtheverystruggleofActiumitself(verabellavidereexistimes),as Augustus pursues Cleopatra (24.406–07, trans. 30).38 Gregorius’s characteristic attentiontothereliefsinspireshimtoportraythebattleasifitwerehappening beforehiseyes(whilealsoallowingthereadertovisualizeit),asinthisbreathless accountofthemarble’srepresentationofCleopatrabeingcaptured,applyingthe asps to her breasts, and going pale in death: “Cleopatra subducitur et appositis aspidibusmammissuisinPariomarmoresuperbamuliermoriturapallescit”(24.410–12, trans.30).39 AnumberofespeciallyprominentancientstatuessavedfromtheruinsofRome inspireourwriterstogobeyondcataloguingandobjectivedescriptionandattempt tobringtolifetherealhumanbeingsbehindthemonumentsbygivingthemback theirvoicesandactions.Ofcoursethesestoriesarelargelylegends,thoughthey wereundoubtedlywidelybelievedinmedievalRome.Themiddlesectionofthe Mirabilia includes several such narratives. Thus the bronze equestrian rider, already mentioned, whom we know to be Marcus Aurelius, is given a long narrativecompletewiththecharacter’sthought,intentions,speech,anddramatic action(32.3–33.22,trans.19–21)[Figureno.9].Attherequestofthedaringsquire

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NoneofthearchesknowntohavebeenbuiltforAugustusfitthedescriptionhere;asinglearch, notamultipleone,commemoratingthebattleofActiumwasbuiltintheForum(notnearthe Pantheonashere)andappearstohavebeendemolishedin19BC,seeOsborne’scommentaryto hisMasterGregorius,79–89. ThePolychroniconbrieflynotesAugustus’sarchwith,inTrevisa’swords,“hisdedesdescryved” (215),butdoesnot,infact,identifyActiumasoneofthosedeedsordescribeitsevents.

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whoisourhero,thesenatepromisesbothmoneyandamemorialstatueifhecan ridthemofaking’sarmybesiegingRome.Thesquirehadnoticedthattheking was in the habit of relieving himself at a certain tree every night. Therefore, disguisedasagroom,heapproachesthetree,andthoughwarnedawaybyroyal attendants,boldlyseizesthekingandcarrieshimbackintothecity,tellingthe Romanstoattackthenowleaderlessarmy,whichtheydosuccessfully.Neitherthe statuenorthestoryappearsintheMetricalMandeville’sTravels,butCapgravetells aversionintheopeningsectionoftheSolacethatisevenlivelierthanthatinthe Mirabilia.Hechangesthelatter’sindirectstatementthattheattendantstoldthe disguisedsquiretogetawayfromtheking,coeperuntclamare,utipseauferretsede viaanteregem(33.8–9,trans.20),intoconvincinglyblusteringspeech:“Bewar,carl, whatthoudo.Comenotsonythekyng.Thouschalbehangidandthoutouch him”(32). MasterGregoriusprovidesnotonebuttwodifferentlongnarrativesaboutthe reallifeactionsthatinspiredthisequestrianmonument(chapters4and5).The firstisaversionoftheMirabilia’sstorywithsomechangesindetail(thekingless comically goes out at night to practice magic, not to relieve himself), and the secondtellsofQuintusQuirinus,aruleroftherepublicwhogavehislifeforthe commongoodbyridingintoafierychasmbecauseonlybythissacrificewould thatearthlyfault,whosefumeswerecausingaterribleplagueinRome,beclosed.40 TheLatinPolychronicon,whichoftenshortensGregorius,givesbothstoriesinsome detailandbothalsoappearinitstwoMiddleEnglishtranslations(228–33).The figuresrepresentedbythestatueareallowedtoexistagain,atleasttextually,as active,speakinghumans. JohnCapgrave,perhapsinspiredbytheclassicalstoriesfromtheMirabiliathat heretellsinthefirstpartofhisSolaceofPilgrimes,recreatesthereligiousaswellas secularpastofRomewithnarrativesthatarefarmoreextensivethanthebrief biographicalnoticesfoundoccasionallyintheMiddleEnglishStationsofRome.41 Heismoreinterestedinthelivesofthesaintsthantheirphysicalremains,andhe repeatedlymovesfromperfunctorydescriptionsofachurchanditsrelics,with onlyoccasionalnotationofavailablepardons,toextendedaccountsofwhatthe saints did while alive, at the same time reporting their martyrdoms and their miraclesforbelieversafterdeath.Forexample,thechurchofSS.Giovanniand Paoloitselfisidentifiedinafewsentences:CapgravetellsthedateduringLentof

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ThereisamuchshorterversionofthissecondstoryintheMirabilia(56.1–5,trans.41). MostsaintsintheStationsaresimplymentionedbyname;itisafterallthepoweroftheirsacred bonesthatthepilgrimseeksforpardon.Afewepisodes,notfullbiographies,fromthelivesof someimportantsaintsarebrieflytold,especiallythecuringofConstantine’sleprosybyPope Sylvesterandtheemperor’sconversion(241–76),andSt.Peter’sencounterwithChristoutside Romethatsendshimbackintothecityandtohismartyrdom(201–10).

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itsstationmass,itslocation“fastbythemonasteryofSeyntAndrew,”the“certein thingis whech thei selle there” on the day of the station, the “fair place” that belongstoacardinalononeside,andtheruinedpalaceontheother(89–90).Then, after noting the “ful grete indulgens that day” for visitors to the church, but without specifying exactly its extent or giving any account of the relics there, Capgravedevotesthevastmajorityofhischapter(perhaps75percent)nottothe physicalchurchanditscontents,buttostoriesofthetwosaintsforwhomitis named.Asaprefacetothis,Capgraveexplainshisgeneralmethodtothereader: afterreferencetothepardonasaresultoftheholybonesofGiovanniandPaolo, hedeclares,“butwethinkbestatthistimetotellesumwhatofthelifofthese seyntes and why they wer dede,” an emphasis on narrative fullness and particularlythehuman“lif”ofthesaintsthathesayshewillfollowthroughout: “aswecastusfortodoofalleothir”(90). Humanstoriessuchasthesedoindeeddominatethesecondandthirdpartsof theSolaceofPilgrimes,incontrasttotherepetitivelistsofobjectsandpardonsthat makeupsomuchoftheStationsofRome.Capgrave’sholylegends,inthemanner oftheexemplainclericalhomilies,seemmoreinterestedinprovidinghisreaders with inspirational models for living on earth than in simply promising future rewardsinheaven.SpecificrelicsofRomeinspireCapgravetotellstoriesfromthe medievalperiodaswellasfromtheancientpast.Forexample,hesaysthathesaw a “memoriale” in the church of S. Sabina on the Aventine concerning Saint Dominicandhowwhenhewasprayingatthatchurchfortheconfirmationofhis order,hesoangeredtheDevilthatthefiend“threwagretestonasmechormore thanamanneshed”tryingtokillthesaint,butbya“gretemiracle”itmissedand only broke a piece of marble (87). Capgrave even quotes the Latin inscription abouttheincidentandgivesits“sentens”inEnglish,bothofwhicharesomewhat lessdetailedanddramaticthantheversionhehasjusttold.Whatgivesthisstory immediacyisnotonlytheenergyofitsnarrationbutalsothephysicalproofthat Capgrave notes remains in the church: both the chipped marble and, “a grete evidensofthetruth”(87),theverystonethatwasthrownbytheDevil(whichis stilldisplayedinS.Sabinatoday)[Figureno.10].Thisishardlyastoryofdeath andsuffering,butoneaboutthetriumphofanexemplaryChristian,anditsstill availablematerialsign(thestone)promisesthevisitornotpardonbutinspiration forhis/herownearthlytrials. OtherstoriesinCapgrave’sSolaceshowthepowerofChristianfaithasalivein the present as it was in the heroic past. His initial chapter on the ancient and magnificent church of S. Maria in Trastevere does not describe the structure’s appearanceatall,butinsteadtellshow,atatimewhenthelocationwasarefuge forthesoldiersoftheRomanEmpire,twowellsofoil(fonsolei)suddenlysprang forthonthedayChristwasborn(111)[Figureno.11].Thispopularstoryevokes the preChristian history of the site, but Capgrave makes the ancient miracle

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relevanttocontemporaryChristiansbyarguing,withmanyBiblicalexamples,that clerks say that the wells ran with oil rather than another liquid because oil “signifiethmercy”andChrist’scomingmeanttheestablishmentof“alawefulof mercy”(111).Incontrasttothespecificyearsofindulgencepromisedtovisitors atspecificchurchesintheStations,thisisageneral(andmoretheologicallysound) “pardon”availableatalltimesandeverywhere:“ThenameofJhesusisoilelargely spredabroodinhevene,spredinerde,spredinhelle”(112). As this manifestation at ancient Rome of the birth of Christ suggests, the medievalcityisoftenpresentedinthesedescriptionsnotasanabsolutebreakfrom thepaganpastbutasacontinuation.42Someofthesetexts,aswehaveseen,do report with satisfaction the destruction of false idols, but others show Rome’s greatestleadersendorsingthecomingofthenewway,thenewtruth,andthenew life. This is clearly noticeable in the story of the vision of Emperor Octavian (Augustus)atS.MariainAracoeli,whichappearsinboththeMirabilia(butnotin the Metrical Mandeville) and in Capgrave, though it is absent from Master Gregorius,whoincludesananalogousstoryconcerningRomulusthatisalsointhe MirabiliaandMetricalMandeville.IshallretellCapgrave’sexpandedversionof Octavian’svision,thoughwithoutmostofhisaddedlearningandlessons[Figure no. 12]. Because of Octavian’s great beauty and many accomplishments, the RomanSenatewantstodeifyhim:“weallewithonassentarethusacordidto worchip thy persone as a god” (39). But Octavian, knowing that he is mortal, hesitatesandseekstheadviceoftheSybil,proving,accordingtoCapgrave,that therewere“fulgoodeandholycreatures”amongtheRomanheathensasamong theearlyJews(40).TheSybil,afterfastingandpraying,bringspropheticversesto theemperorthatsay,amongotherthings(inEnglishtranslation),“JesusCrist,the son of God, our saviour” (40). Once these verses are expounded, Octavian is grantedavision(apparentlybecauseofhisgoodnessandholiness)ofanaltarin theskyonwhichwas“afairmaidestandingandinhirarmeachild”(40),while aheavenlyvoicedeclares,“ThisistheauterofGod;tothis,lokethoudoworchep” (40),inresponsetowhichOctavianfallsdowninreverence.Hethenreturnstothe senatorsandrelatesthe“gretmerveiliswhichhehadseyn,”and,refusingtheir devotion,“seidehewoldbeservauntontothischildevyrwhilehemaylive”(41). PaganRomehasbecomeapartofprovidentialhistoryandshowntobealready preparingitselftobetheholycitybecauseitsgreatestemperorisabletoglimpse

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Onthispoint,seeOsborne’ssuggestionintheintroductiontoMasterGregoriusthattheMirabilia attempts“toconstructaseriesofbridgesbetweenthepaganpastandtheChristianpresent”(10). JenniferSummit,“TopologyasHistoriography:Petrarch,Chaucer,andtheMakingofMedieval Rome,”JournalofMedievalandEarlyModernStudies30(2000):211–46;225arguesthattheMirabilia “overarchingproject”istoreconciletwoancientpastsandfromitsruinsfind“thesignificanceof Rome’shistoricaltransformationfrompagantoChristiancity.”

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and accept the Christian future. The vision certainly heralds the death of old Rome,but,likethefallofTroy,thispermitsthebirthandfuturelifeofthenew Rome. ThemedievaldescriptionsofRomediscussedhereareoflimitedhelptomodern topographers, even though, amid the fantastic legends, there is genuine informationabouttheoldcity.ButtheseworkstelluslessaboutancientRome thantheydoaboutthemedievalperceptionofit.Assuchtheyareirreplaceable testimony to the fascination that the remains of Rome, pagan and Christian, exertedontheMiddleAges.MedievalRomewasacitywhosegrandimperial monuments were now in decay or adapted for modern uses and whose holy martyrssurvivedasbones.ThedescriptionsofRomediscussedhereare,inone sense,acatalogueofdeathandloss:boththeempireandtheearlychurchthat replaceditwerenomore,andthegreatestleadersofboth,includingJuliusCaesar andPeterandPaul,wereintheirtombs.Butifnolongergolden,Romeremains eternalforthesewriters,whofindlifeofallkindsintheseinertremains.Themost triumphant and certain life, to be sure, is that promised by God through the intercessionofthesaints;theabundantpardonsofRomeofferthepilgrimaplace intheheavenlyJerusalem.ButCapgrave,forone,alsofindsamorequotidian story in these holy martyrs: in addition to their deaths, he chronicles the exemplaryfaith,hope,andcharitytheydisplayedwhileresidentsoftheearthly Rome.HealsorecordsChristianmanifestationsinthecitythroughoutitshistory, whetherinavisiontothepaganOctavianortheprotectionofSt.Dominicfrom stoningbythedevil.Furthermore,Rome,thenasnow,isshowntocontainthe memory of other kinds of life, as least for those willing to respond to it. The ingenious, even magical devices that once operated in the city fascinate these writers, even if some finally reject their energy as diabolical. And Master Gregoriusevenrealizestheultimateantiquarian’sdreamofmakingthepastcome alive,ifonlyforamomentandonlyinhisimagination,whenheconnectswiththe sparkofanimationfirstcreatedbytheoriginalsculptoroftheVenus.Thesubjects ofthesemedievaldescriptionsofRomearedeadruinsandrelics,buttheirwriters attempttomakethemliveagain.

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Figure1:CastelS.Angelo(Hadrian’sSepulchre)

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Figure2:ObeliskatSt.Peter’s(Caesar’sPillarorNeedle)

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Figure3:FrescoofEquestrianStatuebeforeLateran(byFilippinoLippiat S.MariasopraMinerva)

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Figure4:CopyofEquestrianStatue(MarcusAurelius)onCapitolineHill

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Figure5:Colosseum

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Figure6:Head,Hand,andSphereofEmperor(IdolofSun)

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Figure7:TombofSaintsLawrenceandStephen(underhighaltarof SaintLawrence)

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Figure8:CapitolineVenus

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Figure9:OriginalEquestrianStatue(MarcusAurelius)

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Figure10:StoneThrownatSt.DominicbyDevil(S.Sabina)

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Figure11:SiteofWellofOilatChrist’sBirth(S.MariaTrastevere)

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Figure12:AltarinOctavian’sVision(S.MariainAracoeli)

KishaG.Tracy (UniversityofConnecticut)

DefiningtheMedievalCitythroughDeath: ACaseStudy

Giventhewords“city”and“death,”thosefamiliarwithmedievalimagerywould, morethanlikely,particularlyasaresultoftheworkofSt.Augustine,immediately think of the heavenly city populated by the souls who once lived devout or virtuous lives. Texts such as the Middle English Gawainpoet’s Pearl, Dante’s DivineComedy,andavarietyofmedievalsermonsvividlyillustratethenatureof thisurbanafterlifeandtherequirementsforbecomingoneofitscitizens.1While thepresenceofdeathis,giventhepathasoulmusttakeinordertogothroughthe gates,understoodtobeanessentialfeatureindiscussionsofthisetherealcity,the significance of death’s role in perceptions of the earthly city is not as well recognized,yetexaminationsofhistoricaldocuments,art,andliterarytextsreveal

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SeeEnvisagingHeavenintheMiddleAges,ed.CarolynMuessigandAdPutter.RoutledgeStudies in Medieval Religion and Culture 6 (London: Routledge, 2007); Heavenly Realms and Earthly RealitiesinLateAntiqueReligions,ed.Ra’ananS.BoustanandAnnetteYoshikoReed(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); John Howe, Creating Symbolic Landscapes: Medieval DevelopmentofSacredSpace,”InventingMedievalLandscapes:SensesofPlaceinWesternEurope,ed. JohnHoweandMichaelWolfe(Gainesville:UniversityPressofFlorida,2002),208–23;Imagining HeavenintheMiddleAges:ABookofEssays,ed.JanSwangoEmersonandHughFeiss,Garland MedievalCasebooks27(NewYork:Garland,2000);E.RuthHarvey,“ConstructingBliss:Heaven in the Pearl,” The Middle Ages in the NorthWest: Papers presented at an International Conference sponsoredbytheCentresofMedievalStudiesoftheUniversitiesofLiverpoolandToronto,ed.TomScott andPatStarkey(Oxford:Leopard’sHeadPress,1995),203–19;andSarahStanbury,“TheBody andtheCityinPearl,”Representations47(1994):271–85.Fordiscussionofheaveninart,seeThe IconographyofHeaven,ed.CliffordDavidson.EarlyDrama,Art,andMusicMonographSeries,21 (Kalamazoo,MI:MedievalInstitutePublications,1994);JoanE.BarclayLloyd,“HeavenandHell inMedievalItalianArt,”Spuntiericerche:Rivistad’italianistica11(1995),18–34;NicolaColdstream, “TheKingdomofHeaven:ItsArchitecturalSetting,”AgeofChivalry:ArtinPlantagenetEngland 1200–1400, ed. Jonathan Alexander and Paul Binski (London: Royal Academy of Arts in associationwithWeidenfeldandNicolson,1987),92–97;andHomo,MementoFinis:TheIconography ofJustJudgmentinMedievalArtandDrama,ed.DavidBevington.EarlyDrama,ArtandMusic MonographSeries,6(Kalamazoo,MI:MedievalInstitutePublications,1985).

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thatimagesofthemedievalcityarefrequentlyjuxtaposedwithimagesofdeath. Deathanddeadbodiesareoftennecessaryindefiningtheidentityofthecity.This definition sometimes includes emphasizing a city’s unique individuality, validating accounts of foundation or power structures, or establishing a new, emerging urban character. Historical texts disclose instances of public performancesinwhichdeathplaysaprominentrole;theyalsoemphasizethe value of cemeteries and tombs as memorial devices in city settings.2 Simultaneously,literarytextsfromwidegeographic,chronologic,andstylistic ranges—includingsuchexamplesastheOldEnglishpoemTheRuin;theMiddle EnglishSt.ErkenwaldandPiersPlowmanaswellastheworksofHoccleveand Lydgate;theOldFrenchRomandeThèbesandtheRomand’Enéas;Heinrichvon Veldeke’sMiddleHighGermanEneit;theSpanishCantardelmioCid;Giovanni Boccaccio’sDecameron;andthechroniclesofGeoffreyofMonmouth,Wace,and Layamonusethemetaphorofdeathordepictimagesofdeathinconjunction withtheirparticularneedsregardingthenarrativeconstructionoftheirrespective cities. Considered together, historical and literary analysis paints a dramatic pictureofhowdeath,farfrombeingasimplystaticidea,isindeedadynamicpart of medieval urban space, confirming—not denying—the vigorous energy and historicalsignificanceofthecity. ConsistentlythroughouttheMiddleAges,thedeadwereanimportantaspect of everyday life, a common physical presence as well as a common topic for thought.3AsPatrickGearyremarksinLivingwiththeDeadintheMiddleAges: 2

3

OnevaluablereferenceconcerningthisconceptisDeathinTowns:UrbanResponsestotheDyingand theDead,100–1600,ed.StevenBassett(London,NewYork:LeicesterUniversityPress,1995).This collectionofessaysismostlybasedinarchaeologicalandanthropologicalstudiesofburialsites andmortalitypatterns.AlsoseeColinPlatt,KingDeath:TheBlackDeathandItsAftermathinLate MedievalEngland(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,1996);DerToddesMächtigen:Kultund Kultur des Todes spätmittelalterlicher Herrscher, ed. Lothar Kolmer (Paderborn, Munich, et al.: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1997); Tod im Mittelalter, ed. Arno Borst, Konstanzer Bibliothek, 20 (Constance: Universitätsverlag Konstanz, 1993); Edward L. Bell, Vestiges of Mortality & Remembrance:ABibliographyontheHistoricalArchaeologyofCemeteries(Metuchen,NJ:Scarecrow Press,1994);andMortalityandImmortality:TheArchaeologyandAnthropologyofDeath,ed.S.C. HumphreysandHelenKing(London:AcademicPress,1981). Forvaluablestudiesonmedievaldeath,seePaulBinski,MedievalDeath:RitualandRepresentation (Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1996);HowardWilliams,DeathandMemoryinEarlyMedieval Britain(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006);PatrickJ.Geary,LivingwiththeDeadin theMiddleAges(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1994);LastThings:DeathandtheApocalypseinthe MiddleAges,ed.CarolineWalkerBynumandPaulFreedman.MiddleAgesSeries(Philadelphia: UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2000);ChristopherDaniell,DeathandBurialinMedievalEngland, 1066–1550(London:Routledge,1997);VictoriaThompson,DyingandDeathinLaterAngloSaxon England(Woodbridge:BoydellPress,2004);ThePlaceoftheDead:DeathandRemembranceinLate MedievalandEarlyModernEurope,ed.BruceGordonandPeterMarshall(Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,2000);CraigKoslofsky,TheReformationoftheDead:DeathandRitualinEarly ModernGermany,1450–1700(NewYork:St.Martin’sPress,2000);DeathandDyingintheMiddle

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Death marked a transition, a change in status, but not an end . . . The dead were presentamongthelivingthroughliturgicalcommemoration,indreamsandvisions, and in their physical remains, especially the tombs and relics of the saints. Omnipresent,theyweredrawnintoeveryaspectoflife.Theyplayedvitalrolesin social,economic,political,andculturalspheres.4

Gearycharacterizesdeathasinfiltratingtheculturalandsocialpracticesofthe living,emphasizinghowfundamentaltherelationshipwas.Thisinteractionwith thedeadspeakstoaconnectionwiththepast,totheindividualswholeftamark ontheirsocietieseitherinthememoriesofthosewhocameafterthemorthrough physical and material legacies. The people of the Middle Ages envisioned an energeticandsignificantpositionforthedeceased,broughton,atleastpartially, bytheinsistenceoftheChristianChurchthatitsfollowerscontemplateondeath inordertoavoidsininlife.5Giventhispervasivenessofthedead,itis,then,not surprisingthattheyshouldhaveaplaceintheenvironmentofthecity,bothinits historical and fictional manifestations. It remains, however, to see how this conceptualbondrevealsitselfandwhatitcantellusabouttheemploymentofthe deadincitycontexts.Inmyresearch,Ihavefoundseveraldifferentavenuesof evidencesupportingtheconceptofjuxtaposingthecityanddeath—forinstance, thelocationandgeographyofcemeterieswithincitiesortheanthropologicalstudy ofhowrelocationtocitieschangedhowoneapproacheddeathinthefaceofnew “relationshipframeworks,”inthephraseemployedbyJeanClaudeSchmitt.6In thisarticle,throughaseriesofrepresentativecasestudiesfrombothwellknown andmoreobscureliteraryandhistoricalexamples,Iwillattempttoexplicateafew oftheseconceptualrelationshipsincluding:thespacefordeathincities,especially physicalandsocialspaces,andhowthedeadplayedintourbanpolitics.

4 5

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Ages,eds.EdelgardE.DuBruckandBarbaraI.Gusick(NewYork:PeterLang,1999);Frederick S.Paxton,ChristianizingDeath:TheCreationofaRitualProcessinEarlyMedievalEurope(Ithaca: CornellUniversityPress,1990);DiesIlla.DeathintheMiddleAges:Proceedingsofthe1983Manchester Colloquium,ed.byJaneH.M.Taylor.VinaverStudiesinFrench,1(Liverpool:FrancisCairns, 1984); Death in the Middle Ages, ed. Herman Braet and Werner Verbeke (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1983); and T. S. R. Boase, Death in the Middle Age: Mortality, Judgment, and Remembrance(NewYork:McGrawHill,1972). Geary,LivingwiththeDeadintheMiddleAges,2. SeeDaniell,DeathandBurialinMedievalEngland,1–2:“Thetimeonearthwastransitoryand infinitesimaltothelifeofthesoulafterdeath,buttheeternalfateofthesoulwasdeterminedby itsactionswhilstinthemortalbody.TosavethesoulfromsintheChurchconsistentlyreminded peopleaboutsin,deathandtheeternalafterlifebyencouragingmedicationupondeath.”D.L. DAvray, Death and the Prince (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), remarks that “liturgy created real communitiesinwhichthelivingandthedeadweredrawntogether(1)andthat“memorial preachingintheperiodisaboutlifeaswellasdeath”(68). JeanClaudeSchmitt,GhostsintheMiddleAges:TheLivingandtheDeadinMedievalSociety(Chicago: UniversityofChicagoPress,1998),126.

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Whereaspreviousstudiestendtofocusononeaspectofmedievalcultureoron one geographical area, this discussion will synthesize various representations, revealing how the architects behind different types of documents and artistic endeavorsmanipulatedandappliedtheinfluentialconceptofdeathwithinurban environmentsandmadetheconceptofdeathbothareal,physicalpresenceaswell as a device for community interaction. This study explores the intersection of historicalreality,literaryconstruction,andartisticexpression.

TheSpaceforDeath:PhysicalandSocial Thepervadingpresenceofthedeadincitiesmanifestsitselfindifferentways, occupyingspacesbothphysicalandintangible.Literarytextsarearichsourceof materialforconsideringhowauthorsareabletousethedeadindepictingthe parametersofthevariouscitiesimportanttotheirtextsandhowtheyfurthertheir ownparticularagendas.Here,Iwillexaminetheuseofdeadkingstomarkurban foundations, particularly that of London, in Layamon’s chronicle, the early thirteenthcentury Brut, and the dead as urban protectors in the midtwelfth centuryOldFrenchRomand’Enéas.Theseliteraryinstancesofhowthedeadare integratedintocityspacesareparalleledbyartisticandhistoricalrepresentations of the dead in urban settings, particularly through monuments, such as the Eleanor of Castile crosses.7 While these images speak to how death has a significantphysicalspaceincities,others,includingthefourteenthcenturyMiddle EnglishPiersPlowmanbyWilliamLangland,revealtheroleofdeathininfluencing how and why people relocated to cities and how this migration changed communitynetworks.Anthropologicalandsociologicalevidencehasdocumented thewayinwhichurbandevelopmentalteredsocialframeworks.Literaryauthors frequentlyexploretheconsequencesofthisevolvingsociallandscape.Passagesin PiersPlowman,forinstance,demonstrateshowdeathincitiessignificantlyaffected thereligiouslifeofmoreruralareas.

7

Anotherarticleinthisvolume,C.DavidBenson’s“TheDeadandtheLiving:SomeMedieval DescriptionsoftheRuinsandRelicsofRomeKnowntotheEnglish,”arguesthatthemedieval textswhichexplorethefadedgloriesofRome,particularlyitsruinsandrelics,aremorethan simplydescriptionsofadeadcity,butare,rather,anattempttobringthemetropolisbacktolife throughcomposition..Thisstudydemonstratesbothhowprominentmonumentstothedeadwere inRomeandhowauthorsattemptedtoreinvigorateancienturbanspaces.

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TheDeadasUrbanFoundation:Layamon’sBrut Tobeginadiscussionofthephysicalspaceofthedead,Iwouldfirstliketoturn totheconceptofurbanfoundationalmythsthroughalookatLayamon’sBrut,a chronicleoftheBritons.8AsLesleyJohnsonhasnoted: TheBrut,accordingtoitsownintroduction,isthefulfilment[sic]ofLa3amon’sdesire to tell of the noble men who were first in the land ‘of Engle’ (7—the name which supersedesthatofBritainaccordingtoLa3amon’stext)andtellsofthefoundationof humansocietyontheisland,oftheancestorsoftheinhabitantsoftheisland,andofthe keypoliticaleventsinthereignsofsubsequentrulers.9

OneoftheaspectsofBritishsocietythatLayamonandhissources,Geoffreyof MonmouthandWace,areinterestedinexploringistheconstructionofcities,from the ones that Brutus either encounters or founds as he journeys to his new kingdomtotheonesthatspringupinBritain.Withrespecttothisstudy,however, whatisparticularlyinterestingisthatthesestoriesareoftenaccompaniedbyan imageofburial.Indeed,often,itisadeathwhichleadstothenamingofacityor whichidentifiesoneofitsdefiningfeatures,and,furthermore,thebodiesofthe deadarefrequentlyburiedwithinthesecities.Forexample,oneofthefirstto exhibitthisrelationshipisToursinFrance.WhenoneofBrutus’smostdevoted followers and kinsman, Turnus, is killed in battle, his body is returned to the fortresstheTrojansrecentlybuiltandburiedthere.Thisactisresponsibleforthe namingofthecityitwouldonedaybecome: Brutushinefundedeadandintoþanecastledude andþerinnebiburi3edebianestanwalle. ÞuruþanilkaTurnusTurswesihaten, TuruinealþatlondþurhTurnusdeaðe.

(865–68)10

[Brutusfoundhimdeadandtookhimintothefortress,andburiedhimwithinit besideastonewall.BecauseofthatTurnusitwascalledTours;thewholeregion wascalledTourainebecauseofthedeathofTurnus.]

8

9

10

ThepassagesthatIwillpointoutherearealmostexactlythesameastheparallelpassagesin Layamon’stwelfthcenturysource,Wace’sRomandeBrut. LesleyJohnson,“ReadingthePastinLa3amon’sBrut,”TheTextandTraditionofLa amon’sBrut,ed. FrançoiseLeSaux(Woodbridge,Suffolk:D.S.Brewer,1994),141–60;here142.Forabroaderstudy of chronicle writing in England, see Chris GivenWilson, Chronicles: The Writing of History in MedievalEngland(LondonandNewYork:HambledonandLondon,2004). AllquotationsfromandtranslationsofLayamontakenfromLa3amon’sBrutorHystoriaBrutonum, ed.andtrans.W.R.J.BarronandC.S.Weinberg(NewYork:Longman,1995).

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Theveryfoundationofthisurbancenterisbuiltaroundthewarrior’sdeadbody. HeisphysicallyconnectedtoToursinthatheisinterredwithinitswalls,andhe isalsoinsertedintothelegendaryspaceofthecity.11 AsLayamon’stextisconcernedmostlywiththehistoryofBritain,thecityof Londoniscentraltoitsstory,includingitsfoundingandtheevolutionofhowits namechangedfromNewTroy,designatedbyBrutus,toLondon.Throughoutthis retelling, it is clear that it is not just the kings who lived in this city who are significant,butalsothosekingswhodiedandwereburiedthere.Indeed,their burialsindicateboththeloveoftheirpeopleaswellasthesignificanceofthecity itself.Threefigures,inparticular,illustratetheseconcepts:Brutus,Belin,andLud. Brutus,thenamesakeofthetextandLondon’sfounder,isinterredwithinthecity byhissons: Þaheorafaderwesdeadalleheonomenenneread andhinebiburieninNewTroyeþereburh3e þatheorafaderhefdeimakedmidmuchelereblisse. (1049–51) [WhentheirfatherwasdeadtheyagreedunanimouslytoburyhiminthecityofNew Troywhichtheirfatherhadfoundedwithgreatjoy.]

MuchlikeTurnusisburiedwithinTours,Brutusisplacedinthecityhefounded, once again connecting his dead body with the urban myth and giving him a ubiquitouspresencewithinLondon’swalls.Theexactlocationofhisburialisnot noted,creatingasensethatBrutusisattheheartofthecity,almostasifLondon isbuiltaroundhim. Ontheotherhand,thetombsofthetwootherkingsIwishtopointout,Belin andLud,aregivenspecificlocations.Belin,asabelovedruler,isplacedatthetop ofatoweraboveagate,calledBillingsgate,whichhehimselfhadorderedtobe constructed: Þekingleouedelongeþathitcomtouwardhisende, þatiLundenehewesdæd—sariweshisdu3eðe; wawesheomonliueforþæskingesdæðe. Heoferdentohishordeandnomeþermuchedealgoldes; heomakedenanetunneofgoldeandof3imme; þenekingheodudenþerinne,þatwesherelouerdBelin, vpheohinedudenhe3eanufenmesteþanturre þatmemihtehinebihaldenwide3eonþeonlonde. (3027–34)

11

ForadiscussionofotherpropernamesbesidesthoseofcitiesinLayamon’stext,seeJ.D.Bruce, “SomeProperNamesinLayamon’sBrutNotRepresentedinWaceorGeoffreyofMonmouth,” ModernLanguageNotes26.3(1911):65–9.

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[Thekingliveslonguntilhisendcame,andhelaydeadinLondon—hissubjectswere sad;becauseoftheking’sdeaththeyweresorrytobealive.Theywenttohistreasury andtookfromitagreatquantityofgold;theymadeavesselofgoldandofgems,put theking,whowastheirlordBelin,init,placedhimhighupinthetopmostpartofthe towersothathecouldbeseenfarandwideacrosstheland.Theydidthatoutoftheir greatlove,becausehewastheirbelovedlord.]

One of the most important aspects of this scene, beyond the fact of the king’s burialwithinthecity,isthedescriptionofhisinterment.Situatedinthetower,“so thathecouldbeseenfarandwideacrosstheland,”Belin’sbodyalmostbecomes asymbolofthecity,bothvisibleandomnipresent.Lud,alaterking,issimilarly buriednexttoagatethathehadconstructed,namedPortLud: Þagonþislondwendenþatcomþiskingesende. Ludkingiwarðdæd—inLundenemehineleide. Þerweoreneorlesswiðewhæte,andleidenþenekingbiane3ate þat3etmecleopeðfuliwisPortLudaBruttisce. (3555–59) [Andsothislandfaredwelluntiltheking’slifecametoanend.KingLuddied—he wasburiedinLondon.Thebravestnobleswerepresent,andtheyburiedtheking besideagatewhichis,indeed,stillcalledPortLudintheBritishlanguage.]

WhereasBrutusisthefounderofthecity,Ludisthekingwhobuiltawallaround LondonandchangedthenametoKaerLudtoreflecthisown.Thisrenaming establisheshimasasortofsecondaryfounder.Buryinghimnexttothegate,which waspartofthefortifiedwallheconstructed,equatestheking’sbodywiththe stabilityofthecity.12 MarieFrançoise Alamichel remarks that, in Layamon’s work, “[c]ities, for example, protect themselves behind stockades or ramparts. However, any protectionisnothingbutanillusion.Justlikerivers,townsbecomesymbolsof death. Besieged cities are usually totally destroyed—except for those that surrender.” While Alamichel’s assertion may work for those cities which are depictedasbeingbesieged,Iwouldarguethat,inthecaseofLudandhisburial beside its protective wall, death is not a form of destruction, but rather a reinforcementofpermanence.Inthesethreeinstances,thebodiesofdeadkings become, respectively, synonymous with the foundation of London, with its prominence,andwithitsboundaries,definingbothmythicalandphysicalurban space.

12

MarieFrançoise Alamichel, “Space in the Brut,” The Text and Tradition of La3amon’s Brut, ed. FrançoiseLeSaux(Woodbridge,Suffolk:D.S.Brewer,1994),183–92;here188.

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Camille:UrbanProtectorintheRomand’Enéas ThemidtwelfthcenturyRomand’Enéas,aromanceretellingofVirgil’sAeneid, providesaninterestingparalleltotheimagesweseeinLayamon’swork.Unlike its primary source, this Roman does not depict the famous scene of Aeneas descendingintotheunderworld,therealmofthedead,whereheistoldthathe andhislineagearedestinedtofoundthegreatcityofRome.Indeed,thisworkhas verylittleconcernforthefoundationofRome;rather,ittransformsVirgil’sinterest inthevenerationofthehistoryofhiscityintoaninterestinmakingEnéasintoa chivalricknight,successfulbothinloveandwar.13Giventhisrenovationofthe story,itseemslogicaltosupposethattheauthorwouldhavenorealneedforthe deadwithrespecttoanyurbanconsiderations.However,thisisnotthecase.One particularfigureisworthyofexaminationinthiscontextthatofCamille,queen ofVulcane.Awarriorwomandescribedasbothqueenandking,Camillearrives toaidTurnusinhiswaragainstEnéasforthehandofLavineand,thus,theright togovernLaurente,thecityofLatinus.Ratherthanthefewlinesaccordedherby Virgil,theRomanauthorspendsquiteabitoftimedescribingherappearance,her dedicationtochivalry,andeven,atonepoint,herhorse,anditisclearinthetext thatsheisaccordedtheesteemofanequalcombatantbyherallies,ifnotalways by her enemies. Her relationship with Turnus, in particular, is one of mutual respect as it is to her he turns for help when he decides to set up an ambush againstEnéas. ItisafterCamillehasdiedinbattlethatweseehowdeathplaysintotheimage of the city and how the dead function as guardians in this romance context. Followingtheaccountoftheentirearmy,especiallyofTurnus,andthecitizensof Laurentegrieving,thereisadescriptionofhowherbodyistransportedinagreat processionthroughthestreetsandthenhowitistakentoherowncity.Oncethere, sheisinterredinamagnificentshrine.Theinterestingaspectofthissceneliesin thefactthatalargemirrorisplacedatthetopofthisunusualtomb,amirrorthat servestoprotectthecity.Thetextreads: dedesoreot.I.miroior: illuecpooitbienl’enveoir quantl’ens’ivendroitasseoir, oufustparmeroufustparterre,

13

SeeHelenC.Laurie,“EneasandtheDoctrineofCourtlyLove,”ModernLanguageReview64(1969): 283–94andHowardR.Bloch,“EnéasbeforetheWallsofCarthage:TheBeginningsoftheCityand Romance in the Suburbs,” Beginnings in French Literature, ed. Freeman G. Henry (New York: Rodopi,2002),1–27.Forabroaderstudyofchansonsdegesteanddeath,seeSarahKay,“TheLife oftheDeadBody:DeathandtheSacredintheChansonsdegeste,”YaleFrenchStudies86(1994): 94–108.

DefiningtheMedievalCitythroughDeath jamaisnefustconquisparguerre. Bienverroientaumiroior quiertassizensonlator loranemisverseuzvenire, dontsepovoientbiengarnir, appareillieraeuzdeffendre; n’erentpaslegierasorprendre.

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[Overthatwasamirror,inwhichtheycouldseeverywellwhensomeonewascoming toattackthem,whetherbyseaorbyland.Theywouldneverbeconqueredinwar; whoeverwasseatedatthefootofthetowercouldseeinthemirrortheirenemies comingtowardthem.Thustheycouldsupplythemselveswellandpreparethemselves fordefense;theywouldnotbeeasytosurprise.]15

Camille continues to fulfill her duty as defender of Vulcane; even though she herselfwaskilledinwar,herbodyandthetombthatveneratesitavertsthesame fateforherpeople.Furthermore,herdemisepreventsthepotentialdestructionof Laurenteitself.Whenthetextturnsawayfromthedigressionconcerninghertomb backtothewar,Turnusimmediatelygivesthespeechinwhichhedecidestoface Enéasinhandtohandcombatratherthancontinuingthedevastationofopen battle.InVirgil’sversion,Turnus’sdecisionisrenderedinasuccinct,angerdriven monologue.IntheRoman,thetoneofhisspeechissadandresigned,andone cannothelpbutfeelthathisgriefatthedeathofCamillehasbroughtabouthis resolution.Asaresult,Laurenteavoidspotentialdestruction,suchasthatfound inthenearcontemporaneoustext,theRomandeThèbes,inwhichthetitlecityis razedtothegroundintheaftermathofabloodycivilwar.Thus,byplacingsuch emphasisupontheprotectivepowerofthedeceasedCamille,bothforherown cityandforLaurente,theauthoroftheEnéasisabletoexploreanemotionalaspect ofTurnusthatisunnecessaryintheepicoriginal.

TheArtofDeath:Monuments,Tombs,andtheEleanorCrosses Therepresentationofthephysicalityofdeadbodieswithinurbansettingsinthe Brut and the Enéas is not only a fictional device. Historical and archaeological evidence reveals that the dead were present everywhere, especially through monuments,tombs,andgraveyards.Familymemberswouldoftencommission artwork, such as gravestones, stained glass windows, plaques, or columns, to

14 15

QuotationtakenfromRomand’Enéas,LivredePoche(Paris:LettresGothiques,1997). TranslationofRomand’EnéastakenfromEneas:ATwelfthCenturyFrenchRomance,trans.JohnA. Yunck.RecordsofCivilization:SourcesandStudies,93(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1974),204–05.

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commemorate their relatives, thereby hoping to ensure that they would be remembered;wealthierurbanfamilies,especially,chosetoorderworksofthis nature.16Thoseattendingchurchwouldbesurroundedbymemorialsofthosewho hadpassedon,creatingareasinwhichthedeadwerevisuallyandsymbolically presenttotheliving.Royalfigures,particularlyincapitalcities,werefrequently memorializedandidealizedwitheffigiesandpublicburialspaces.17Inaddition, mostcitiessupportedalargenumberofgraveyards,whichisnotsurprisinggiven the amount of people within these environments and urban mortality rates. VanessaHardinghasnoted,forinstance,thattherewere107churchesplusSt. Paul’sandmanyreligioushouseswithinLondonpriortotheReformation,allof which were responsible for interring the London dead.18 Monuments and cemeteries,withinandoutsideofcities,wereameansofcreatingabridgebetween the living and the deceased. With respect to cemeteries, JeanClaude Schmitt remarks:

16

17

18

AliteraryexampleofthiscommemorationcanbefoundintheApolloniusofTyretexts,inwhich asignificantmonumentisraised,effectingthedevelopmentofboththestoryandthecharacters. For basic discussions of the transmission of the Apollonius story, see Elizabeth Archibald, ApolloniusofTyre:MedievalandRenaissanceThemesandVariations,IncludingtheTextoftheHistoria ApolloniRegisTyriwithanEnglishTranslation(Cambridge:D.S.Brewer,1991).AlsoseeAlbrecht Classen, “Reading and Deciphering in Apollonius of Tyre and the ‘Historia’ von den sieben weisenMeitern:MedievalEpistemologywithinaLiteraryContext,”StudiMedievali49.1(2008): 161–89. Fordiscussionspertainingtothe“artofdeath,”seeMarkDuffy,RoyalTombsofMedievalEngland (Gloucestershire,UK:TempusPublishing,2003);AnnMarieYasin,“FuneraryMonumentsand CollectiveIdentity:FromRomanFamilytoChristianCommunity,”ArtBulletin87.3(2005):433–57; KarlS.Guthke,TheGenderofDeath:ACulturalHistoryinArtandLiterature(CambridgeandNew York:CambridgeUniversityPress,1999);HowardColvin,ArchitectureandtheAfterlife(New Haven:YaleUniversityPress,1991);NigelLlewellyn,TheArtofDeath:VisualCultureintheEnglish DeathRitual,c.1500–c.1800(London:ReaktionBooks,1991);andJamesClark,TheDanceofDeath intheMiddleAgesandtheRenaissance,reprintedinDeathandtheVisualArts(NewYork:ArnoPress, l977).TheDanceofDeathisaparticularlyinterestingsubjectinthatitcrossesvisualandliterary cultureasrepresentationsappearedinchurches,suchasinParis,andintheworksofsuchauthors asJohnLydgate,mainlyinthefifteenthcenturyaftertheravagesoftheplague.Theseimages depictedtheuniversalityofdeath. VanessaHarding,“BurialChoiceandBurialLocationinLaterMedievalLondon,”DeathinTowns: UrbanResponsestotheDyingandtheDead,100–1600,ed.StevenBassett(LondonandNewYork: LeicesterUniversityPress,1995),119–35;here120.AlsoseeVanessaHarding,TheDeadandthe LivinginParisandLondon,1500–1670(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2002).Foran overalldiscussionofthehistoryofcemeteriesinEngland,seeDaniell,DeathandBurialinMedieval England,145–74.ForasimilardiscussionofburialsinFlandersandTuscanyaroundthetimeof the Black Death, see Samuel K. Cohn, Jr., “The Place of the Dead in Flanders and Tuscany: TowardsaComparativeHistoryoftheBlackDeath,”ThePlaceoftheDead:DeathandRemembrance inLateMedievalandEarlyModernEurope,eds.BruceGordonandPeterMarshall(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress,2000),17–43.

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In the center [of many European villages] is found the parish church, and then crowdedarounditarethetombsofthecemetery...Thecemeterywasenclosedbya wall . . . Between the church and the village, the cemetery was therefore an intermediaryplace,anditplayedamediatingrole:thelivinghadtogothroughit constantly,notonlywhentheywenttochurchorreturnedfromchurchbutalsowhen theywentfromoneendofthevillagetotheotheror,intown,fromonequarterto another.19

Monumentstooplayedasimilarroleinthattheywereintendedtokeepthedead inthemindsandmemoryoftheliving.20 Therearemanyexamplesofmonumentsandtombsinmedievalurbansettings, particularly in city cathedrals and churches. However, the Eleanor crosses are interestingspecificallybecausetheymarkoneofthemostelaboratecollectionsof royalmonumentsinthehistoryofEngland.Erectedalongthefuneraryprocession routetoLondonofEleanorofCastile,queenofEdwardI,whodiedin1290,21the series of twelve crosses were constructed by the order of Edward and were finished in the years following the procession to commemorate each stop that Eleanor’s body made as it was taken from Harby, where she died, back to WestminsterAbbey.22TherehavebeenmanytheoriesastoEdward’sreasonfor

19 20

21

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Schmitt,GhostsintheMiddleAges,183. SeeElizabethValdezdelAlamoandCarolStamatisPendergast,“Introduction,”Memoryandthe Medieval Tomb, eds. Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo and Carol Stamatis Pendergast (Aldershot, UnitedKingdomandBrookfield,VT:Ashgate,2000),1–15;here1:“Monumentsdesignedforthe purposeofcommemorationutilizemanydevicestotriggermemory:vividimagesthatareboth marvelousandactive;strategicallyplacedfigurationsorinscriptionwhichcontextualizethesite; andakineticrelationshipbetweenthefunerarymonumentanditsvisitors,oftenmanifestedin ritual acts involving movement around or in the monument. These memorial strategies establishedadialoguebetweenthelivingandthedeadandarticulatedmutualbenefitsforboth parties.” ForstudiesonEleanorofCastileorherdeath,seeJohnCarmiParsons,EleanorofCastile:Queenand SocietyinThirteenthCenturyEngland(NewYork:St.Martin’s,1995);JohnCarmiParsons,TheCourt andHouseholdofEleanorofCastilein1290(Toronto:PontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies,1977); AnneCrawford,“TheQueen’sCouncilintheMiddleAges,”EnglishHistoricalReview116.469 (2001):1193–211;andDavidCrook,“TheLastDaysofEleanorofCastile:TheDeathofaQueen inNottinghamshire,November1290,AtHouseofRicharddeWestoninHarby,”Transactionsof the Thoroton Society of Nottinghamshire 94 (1990): 17–28. For a discussion of her burial in relationshiptootherqueensofthetimeperiod,seeJohnCarmiParsons,“‘Neverwasabody buried in England with such solemnity and honour’: The Burials and Posthumous Commemorations of English Queens to 1500,” Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe: Proceedings of a Conference Held at Kings College London, April 1995, ed. Anne J. Duggan (Woodbridge,Suffolk:Boydell&Brewer,1997),317–37. Forabriefhistoryofthecrosses,seeDoreenShakesby,“TheCrossesofQueenEleanor,”Medieval History 3 (1993): 26–29, and Eleanor of Castile 1290–1990: Essays to Commemorate the 700th AnniversaryofHerDeath:28November1290,ed.DavidParsons(Stamford:PaulWatkins,1991). MostofthesemonumentsweredestroyedduringtheEnglishCivilWar.Inadditiontothecrosses, therewerealsothreetombsbuiltforEleanorinLincolnCathedral,theDominicanBlackfriars

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commissioning these memorials, but most seem to agree that it was out of devotion to his wife. Doreen Shakesby states that Edward “certainly went to extraordinarylengthstomarktheroutetakentohisqueen’sfinalrestingplace, presumablyinthemistakenbeliefthatthememorialsheerectedwouldstandas aperpetualvisibletestimonytohismelancholyjourneybacktoWestminster.”23 There have been some scholars, such as Nicola Coldstream, who suggest that Edwardintendedthecrossestoencourageaviewofroyalsplendorandpower.24 Notonlyarethesecrossesexceptionalasexamplesofmonumentsintendedto commemorateroyaldeath,theyarealsodistinctlyurbanintheircharacter,both inlocationandinthecircumstancesoftheirconstruction.Thecrosseswerebuilt in the following places: Lincoln, Grantham, Stamford, Geddington, North hampton,StonyStratford,Woburn,Dunstable,St.Albans,Waltham,WestCheap, andCharing.Thesesiteswere,byandlarge,townsatthetimethecrosseswere constructed,whileWestCheapandCharingwerelocatedwithintheboundaries ofLondon.Mostofthesemonumentswerebuiltinthesquaresoratthecrossroads inthetowncenters,prominentlydisplayedforalltravelerstosee,includingthose followingthesamepaththattheprocessiontookintoLondon.Furthermore,the two within the metropolitan area, West Cheap and Charing, were the most elaborateandthemostfamous,costing£226and£700respectivelyasopposedto theaverageof£100atwhichtheothershavebeenestimated.Indeed,theworkfor all of the crosses originated in London and was overseen by one of the city’s mastermasons,RichardofCrundale.25Thesemonumentsmarkedtherouteofa royalfuneralprocessionbackintoanurbancenter,andtheybecamethedefining symbols of the other smaller towns and cities along the way, illustrating the ubiquitouspresenceofsuchdeathmarkers.

DeathandSocialSpaceinUrbanSettings:MassesfortheDead It is welldocumented that, with the rise of cities, the geographic location of populationsshiftedaspeoplemigratedintotheseareas.Thesechangesaffected howindividualsrespondedtotheirowndeathsandtothatofothers.SamuelK. Cohnremarks,basedontheresearchofJacquesChiffoleau,that“urbanisation, commercialisationandmigrationuprootedtheindividualfromfamilies,neighbors andlineages,particularlyincities,asearlyasthethirteenthcentury”;this“lossof

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church,andWestminsterAbbey. Shakesby,“TheCrossesofQueenEleanor,”29. NicolaColdstream,“TheCommissioningandDesignoftheEleanorCrosses,”EleanorofCastile 1290–1990,ed.DavidParsons(Stamford:PaulWatkins,1991),55–67;here65. Coldstream,“TheCommissioningandDesignoftheEleanorCrosses,”59.

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familyandtiestotheancestorsledtonewlevelsoffearfeedingthegrowthinthe territoryofPurgatoryandwithittheneedforeverincreasingnumbersofmasses andintercessorsforthesoul.”26Insteadofdependinguponone’sfamilytoperform thenecessaryritesafterdeath,thisseparationfromancestrallinesforcedpeople inurbanenvironmentstodevelopothermeansofensuringthecontinuedprayers fortheirsoulsaftertheydied.Asaresult,thebusinessofperformingmassesfor thedeadflourishedincitiesasindividualsbegangivingmoneytoreligioushouses toensuretheirplaceintheafterlifethroughposthumousprayer.27Theexamples ofthispracticearenumerous.Forinstance,urbanguilds,whichwerewealthier thantheirmoreruralcounterparts,wereabletopayprieststoperformmassesfor their dead members.28 In literature, this custom generally elicited scorn. For example,intheBtextofWilliamLangland’sPiersPlowman,thereisaconcernthat priestswereabandoningtheirvillagesinfavorofLondoninordertoenjoythe easeandwealthwhichresultedfromthisoccupation: Personsandparisshepreestespleynedhemtothebisshop Thathireparissheswerenpoveresiththepestilencetyme, TohavealicenceandleveatLondontodwelle, Andsyngentherforsymonie,forsilverisswete. (B.Prologue.83–86)29

Thismigrationofpriestsleftparishionerswithoutanyonetoseetotheirspiritual needs, which is, of course, a problem that they, and Langland, criticize. The performance of the masses for the dead, while not unique to cities, became a popular trade within them, influencing religious practices and the shape of communitiesasinhabitantswereforcedtoseekoutnetworksbeyondtheirfamilies andaffectingrelocationofprieststourbanareas.

26 27 28 29

SamuelK.Cohn,Jr.,“ThePlaceoftheDeadinFlandersandTuscany,”19,20. Forastudyoftheearlydevelopmentoftheritesofdeath,seePaxton,ChristianizingDeath. Daniell,DeathandBurialinMedievalEngland,19–20. QuotationfromtheBtextofPiersPlowmantakenfromTheVisionofPiersPlowman,ed.A.V.C. Schmidt (New York: Everyman, 1995). Simony does, of course, include other acts besides acceptingpaymentforperformingmassesforthedead;however,itisgenerallyconsideredby scholarsofthepoemthatthispassageisreferringtothisactspecifically.Forstudiesonsimony inPiersingeneral,seeRussellA.Peck,SocialConscienceandthePoets,SocialUnrestintheLate MiddleAges:PapersoftheFifteenthAnnualConferenceoftheCenterforMedievalandEarlyRenaissance Studies,ed.FrancisX.Newman(Binghamton,NY:MedievalandRenaissanceTextsandStudies, 1986),113–48;M.TeresaTavormina,PiersPlowmanandtheLiturgyofSt.Lawrence:Composition andRevisioninLanglandsPoetry,StudiesinPhilology84(1987):245–71;AlanJ.Fletcher,A SimoniacalMomentinPiersPlowman,YearbookofLanglandStudies4(1990):135–38;andJoseph H.Lynch,SimoniacalEntryintoReligiousLifefrom1000to1260:ASocial,Economic,andLegal Study(Columbus:OhioStateUniversityPress,1976).Also,fortheWycliffiteviewonthesubject, seeJohnWyclif,OnSimony,trans.TerrenceA.McVeigh(NewYork:FordhamUniversityPress, 1992).

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PoliticalRolesoftheUrbanDead KatherineVerdery,inastudyonthedeadinpostsocialistcultures,remarksthat “[d]eadbodieshaveenjoyedpoliticallifetheworldoverandsincefarbackin time.”30Thisassessmentisappropriateforthedeadinmedievalcitiesforthey wereverymuchapartofthepoliticalatmosphere.Dependingonhowtheywere manipulated, they could either solidify authority already in place or escalate contention,serveasacity’ssymboloritsprotector.Thebodiesofthosewhohad alreadypassedon,particularlythosewhohadsomesortofpowerorpositionin life,wereasmuchapartofpoliticalnegotiationsandoperationsasweretheliving. Toillustratethepossibilitiesofthisconcept,Iwillbrieflyexaminetwohistorical cases;thefirst,fromeleventhcenturyCambrai,demonstrateshowthedeadare employedwithinacity’sinternalaffairsandthesecond,concerningtheninth centuryriseofVenice,associatesdeathwiththedevelopmentofexternalpolitical affiliationsandidentity.Whiletheseareonlytwoillustrations,theydorevealhow thephysicalpresenceofbodies,whetherofsaints,holyfigures,ormembersofthe community,issignificant,evennecessary,indefiningpoliticalurbancharacter. Thedeadcanbeemployed,asinthecaseofthecelebrationatCambrai,tocreate theappearanceofcivicunity,or,aswithSt.MarkandVenice,toprovideameans foramplifyingthepowerbaseofacity.Furthermore,thishistoricalevidencefor theprevalenceofthepoliticalramificationsofdeathimageryincitiesismatched in its literary counterparts. As with historical references, the sheer amount of usefulmaterialinthiscontextiswidespreadandalmostlimitless;here,however, IwillexplorethelatefourteenthcenturyMiddleEnglishpoemSaintErkenwaldas itisatextwithbothoverturbanconcernsandclearimagesofdeath.

Cambrai,BishopGerard,andSt.Géry InreadingarelativelyrecentarticlebyRobertSteinentitled“SacredAuthorityand SecularPower:TheHistoricalArgumentoftheGestaEpiscoporumCameracensis,”31 I was introduced to a text called “The Deeds of the Bishops of Cambrai,” the compositionofwhichwascommissionedaround1024byBishopGerardI;itisa threevolumeworkthatdetailsthesuccessionofthecity’sbishops,recountingthe foundation of Cambrai, and its affiliations with neighboring monasteries and

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KatherineVerdery,ThePoliticalLivesofDeadBodies:ReburialandPostsocialistChange(NewYork: ColumbiaUniversityPress,1999),1. RobertM.Stein,“SacredAuthorityandSecularPower:TheHistoricalArgumentoftheGesta EpiscoporumCameracensis,”SacredandSecularinMedievalandEarlyModernCultures:NewEssays, ed.LawrenceBesserman(NewYork:Palgrave,2006),149–65.

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religioushouses.32ThefinalsectionisconcernedwithGerard’sownlifeandthe restoration of the Cathedral of Notre Dame. The scene in the Gesta that is of particular interest for this study is one that Stein also refers to in his article, although for a different purpose. In November of 1030, Bishop Gerard, at the completionoftheworkontheCathedral,organizedaspecialceremonytodedicate thechurch,anoccasionthatbroughttogetherallthepeopleofthecityandthe surroundingarea.Thetext’sauthordescribeshowthebodyofSt.Géry,orSt. GaugericusintheLatin,isbroughtintotheCathedral.Géryisconsideredtobethe foundingbishopofCambrai,livingfromthelatterhalfofthesixthcenturytothe beginningoftheseventh.Gerardhasthesaintsetonthe“cathedrapontificali” (“thepontificalseat”);notably,thetextthensaysthathewasseatedthere“sicut antefuerat”(III.49.30;justashehadbeenbefore).Theimagehereisthatofthe reveredbodyofadeadholymanaccordedthesamecourtesyandthesamerespect thathewouldhavebeengivenduringhislifetime.Furthermore,SaintGéryisnot the only deceased figure in attendance. The bodies of other Cambraian bishopsAubertandVindicienoftheseventhcenturyandHadulfoftheeighth century—areallowedspaceattheevent.Theyareevenplacedsoastoappearas iftheyarehelpingintheritualsatthealtarastheydidduringtheirtimeinoffice; as the text states, “ipsi eiusdem altaris comministri fuerant” (III.49.30; they themselves had ministered to the same altars). Arranged with these holy individualsofthepastarealsoothersfromthebishopric,thecityofCambrai;the bodiesof“martiresconfessoresacvirgines”(III.49.30;martyrs,confessors,and virgins),areallarrangedaccordingtotheirsocialstations. Allinall,inthissceneoftheGesta,asRobertSteinobserves,thedeadseem“to jointhelivingmembersofthecongregationintheholyceremony.”33Indeed,itis characterizedinjustsuchafashionastheauthorremarks,“sanctorumcorpora nostrae dioceseos cum plebe et clero in unum congregata . . . commixtos” (III.49.42–43;thebodiesofthesaintsweremixedtogetherwiththepeopleand clericsofourdioceseinasinglecongregation).TheimagepromotedbytheGesta, whetherornotitwastrueinreality,isofagatheringofthecitizensofCambrai, bothpastandpresent,inaunifiedcelebration.InastudyofGerardofCambrai, DianeReillyrecognizestheBishop’sawarenessofhispositionasapoliticalentity: “Asadefenderoftheecclesiasticalstatusquo,GerardofCambraisoughtnotjust to preserve the ancient rights of bishops, but also with them the divinely

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AllquotationsfromtheGestaEpiscoporumCameracensistakenfromGestapontificumCameracensium, http://mdz10.bibbvb.de/~db/bsb00001080/images/index.html?seite=403),MonumentaGermaniae Historia,Scriptores7,ed.LudwigBethmann(1846;NewYork:Kraus,1963).Anonlineversionof this text can be found at the digital Monumenta Germaniae Historia (http://www.dmgh.de/). Translationsaretheauthor’s(bothwebsiteslastaccessedonFeb.7,2009). Stein,“SacredAuthorityandSecularPower,”150.

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sanctionedrightsofkings....Astheproductoftheimperialpatronagesystemfor bishops,hewasintimatelyfamiliarwiththeworkingsofcourtpoliticsandhis potentialtoactasareligiouspowerbroker.”34Bydisplayingthebodiesofthecity’s ecclesiasticalpastandmergingthemsoseamlesslywiththelivingmembersofthe diocese,Gerard’spurposeseemstohavebeentoemphasizethehistoricpowerof thebishopricandthenewlycompletedcathedralandtobringthecitytogether underthisauthority.35

St.MarkandtheRiseofVenice Next,IwouldliketoturntoanexampledrawnfromthehistoryofVenice;this particularlyfamouscaseillustratesthepoliticalandculturalvalueofsaints’tombs and monuments, particularly those found in urban areas. To give some quick historical background, the city of Venice itself was founded in the early fifth century, with various stories and myths surrounding its origin. It remained a somewhatminorareaforthefirstthreecenturiesofitsexistence.Then,in775,the easternislandofOlivoloreceivedabishopric,andacathedralwasbuilt.By805, after a series of political and martial upheavals and despite internal, divided loyalties between proByzantium factions and proFrankish ones, Venice paid homagetoCharlemagne;however,in810,inadisplayofunity,theVenetians repelledaFrankisharmyledbyPepinofItaly.WhentheFrankishandByzantine Empiresreachedatreatyin811,theeffectonVenicewastofreethecityfrom Charlemagne’scontroland,whilestillretainingstatusasaByzantineprovince,to allowittobecome,forallintentsandpurposes,autonomous.36

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DianeJ.Reilly,TheArtofReforminEleventhCenturyFlanders:GerardofCambrai,RichardofSaint VanneandtheSaintVaastBible(Leiden:Brill,2006),141.Besidesservingthegeneralintentionof providing vivid, physical evidence of authority, theceremony also was aimed at reinforcing Gerard’scontroloverthenearbyabbeyofSaintVaast,asheenterstheprocessionwithRichard, themonastery’sabbot.SeeReilly,TheArtofReform,111–14. Anotherexcellentexampleofthedeadreinforcingurbanepiscopalauthorityisthethirteenth century episcopal pantheon in Léon Cathedral. For a study, see Rocío Sánchez Ameijeiras, “Monumentaetmemoriae:TheThirteenthCenturyEpiscopalPantheonofLéonCathedral,”Memory andtheMedievalTomb,ed.ElizabethValdezdelAlamoandCarolStamatisPendergast(Aldershot, England,andBrookfield,VT:Ashgate,2000),269–86.Also,themanipulationofthelifeanddeath ofSt.HelenofAthyrainthepoliticalstrugglesbetweenthecathedralandthecityofTroyesinthe thirteenthcenturyisusefulaswell.SeeGeary,LivingwiththeDeadintheMiddleAges,221–40,as wellasElizabethChapin,LesVillesdefoiresdeChampagnedesoriginesaudébutduXIVesiècle(Paris: Champion,1937),32–4. ForathoroughhistoryofVenice,seeJohnJuliusNorwich,AHistoryofVenice(NewYork:Alfred A.Knopf,1982).

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It is into this environment that St. Mark is brought in 828. Stolen from Alexandria by Venetian merchants in a dramatic, covert maneuver, the Evangelist’sbodywasinstalledinthedoge’sprivatepalacechapel.Priortohis appearanceinVenice,theacknowledgedecclesiasticalpowerintheprovincewas Aquileia,anoldercitythatallegedlyclaimedMarkhadordaineditsfirstpatriarch. TheyearbeforeMark’sremainsweretranslated,in827,Aquileia’sofficialrights were affirmed at the Synod of Mantua. When the saint’s body was secured, however,anewlegendwascirculated,statingthatMarkhadbeenforced,bya storm,toputintoportinwhatwouldbecomepartoftheVenetianlagoon;during hisstay,hereportedlyhadadreaminwhichhewastoldto“beatrest,”avision thatwassubsequentlyinterpreted,asawayofrationalizingthetheft,tomeanthat hisbodywasdestinedtobelonginVenice.ThephysicalpresenceoftheEvangelist achievedanumberofobjectivesforthecity.Religiousauthorityshiftedawayfrom theneighboringAquileiasincepossessingthebodyofthesainttrumpedsimple myth.AsGaryWillsremarks,“Venice...managedwhatOttoDemuscallsa‘coup d’état,’wrenchingfromAquileiatheoriginalbasisofitsauthority,theconnection withMark.”37Furthermore,itallowedVenicetoseparateitselfevenfurtherfrom bothByzantiumandRome.InSt.Markbecomingthecity’spatron,Byzantinesaint Theodore,thepreviouspatron,wasreplaced,distancingVenicefromtheEmpire. Also, by claiming an Apostolic heritage, Venice could assert a “spiritual level second only to Rome itself, with a claim to ecclesiastical autonomy . . . unparalleledinLatinChristendom.”38 AsImentionedpreviously,thebodyoftheEvangelistwasplaced,notinthe cathedralatOlivolo,asmightbeexpected,butinDogeGiustiniano’spalace,a movethatallowedhim,asecularfigure,controloverMark’sremains,including therighttoappointchaplainschargedwiththecareoftherelics.Thisdecision deposedtheauthorityofthebishops,whowereliterallypushedtotheedgesof sacralimportanceinthattheywerehousedattheoutlyingcathedral.Thepresence ofMarkinthepalacechapelincorporatedthesaintintoeveryaspectofVenetian politicallife.Inthefollowingcenturies,thesymbolofMark,thelion,wouldspread throughoutthecity,andVenice’smartialsuccesses,aswellastheirprogressin

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GarryWills,Venice:LionCity—TheReligionofEmpire(NewYork:Simon&Schuster,2001),29.Also seeElisabethCrouzetPavan,VeniceTriumphant:TheHorizonsofaMyth,trans.LydiaG.Cochrane (Baltimore:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2002),53:“Venicethusplaceditselfunderthe protectionofapatronsaintandprivilegedintercessorwhopermittedittoproclaimitsoriginality andthegrowingstrengthoftheworldofthelagooninthefaceofAquileiaandthemainlandbut alsotostateitswillforindependencefromByzantium.” Norwich,AHistoryofVenice,29.

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maritimeventures,wouldbeattributedtotheEvangelist’sprotection.39Thomas Dale has observed that “[t]he saint’s tomb was a nexus of political and ecclesiasticalpowerinthemedievalcity.Beyondperpetuatinghispraesentiaor physicalpresenceasafocusofcommunalintercession,thetombcouldevokea sacredpasttolegitimizecurrentcivicinstitutions.”40Hecontinuesbycommenting thatMark’stranslationwas“tangibleevidenceforanewlyinventedsacredpast.”41 Thisinvention,predicatedonthebodyofthesaint,wasanimportantfactorthat allowedVenicetosolidifyitsindependentidentityandtoachievearisetocivic andecclesiasticalpower.

EstablishingLondonas“maystertoun”inSaintErkenwald Next,letusturntotheMiddleEnglishSaintErkenwald,thetaleofapaganjudge’s body found beneath St. Paul’s cathedral as it was being rebuilt in the seventh centurybythetitularbishop.Thisworkhaslongbeenacknowledgedasatext intimatelytiedtothecityinwhichitisset.RuthNisse,forinstance,callsit“awork manifestlyaboutLondonanditscitizens.”42Thepoem’sopeningprologuesetsthe text firmly within the English city, describing it as the “metropol” and the “maystertoun,”“thechiefcity”(26).43Itisclearfromthebeginningthattheauthor isconcernedwiththeconversionofEnglandtoChristianity,specificallyasitis manifestedinthewaypagannameswerechangedandappropriatedtoreflectthe introductionofthenewreligionandevenmorespecificallyonhowthetemples

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SeeCrouzetPavan,VeniceTriumphant,54:“[I]ttellsushowVenetianmaritimeenterprisesfound aprivilegedprotector.AstheshipsmadetheirwaytoVenicewiththeirpreciouscargo,theywere savedfromshipwreckbythepersonalinterventionofthesaint.Inthedecadesthatfollowed,the holyrelicwasseenascommittedtotheprotectionofacitythatwasstillfarfrombeingamajor power and had many enemies in the Adriatic. At the end of the tenth century the situation graduallychangedandVenicewentontheoffensive.Venetianforceswontheirfirstvictories,and thenameoftheEvangelistwasconnectedwiththem.”Also,Wills,Venice:LionCity,33,remarks that“Mark’sbodyorderedthewholeofsocietyarounditself.” ThomasE.A.Dale,“StolenProperty:StMarksFirstVenetianTombandthePoliticsofCommunal Memory,”MemoryandtheMedievalTomb,eds.ElizabethValdezdelAlamoandCarolStamatis Pendergast(Aldershot,England,andBrookfield,VT:Ashgate,2000),205–15;here205. Dale,“StolenProperty,”205. RuthNisse,“‘ACorounFulRiche’:TheRuleofHistoryinStErkenwald,”EnglishLiteraryHistory 65(1998):277–95;here278. Quotations taken from Saint Erkenwald, ed. Clifford Peterson (Philadelphia: University of PennsylvaniaPress,1977).Forstudiesofthelegendofthesaint,seeGordonWhatley,TheSaint ofLondon:TheLifeandMiraclesofSt.Erkenwald(Binghamton,NY:Medieval&RenaissanceTexts &Studies,1989)and“HeathensandSaints:St.ErkenwaldinItsLegendaryContext,”Speculum61.2 (1986):330–63aswellasT.McAlindon,“HagiographyintoArt:AStudyofSt.Erkenwald,”Studies inPhilology67(1970):472–94.

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andpeopleofpreChristianLondonwereconverted.44Indeed,thepseudohistory ofLondonisrecountedthroughoutthecourseofthetext—howBrutusfounded thecityandsoforth—allofwhichissituatedinchronologicalrelationshipwiththe life of Christ, the effect of which is to create a parallel timeline for the city. Furthermore,themoreimmediatesettingofSt.Paul’sCathedralemphasizes,as LynnStaleyremarkswithreferencetoSaintErkenwald,thework’sparticularly urbannaturefor“[t]hecathedralisatoncethepointofintercessionforthelost,a signofLondon’snewidentity,anexemplarforproperworship,arepositoryof learning,asitewhereclassescometogetherindifferentlabors,andtheintersection of past and present.”45 In addition, D. Vance Smith has classified Saint Paul’s Cathedral,mainlybycitingtheevidenceofapublictabletcraftedin1346that identified key dates in London history, as responsible for the “symbolic management of London time” and the “repository of memory and an historiographybeyondhumanexperience.”46 Beyondthelocationofthe story,thefocusofthepoemonthebishop,Saint Erkenwald,identifiesitwiththeaffairsofbothLondonandSt.Paul’s.Patronsaint ofmedievalLondon,Erkenwaldhimselfisworthyofexaminationinastudyofthe juxtapositionofthedeadandthecity.Thebodyofthebishop,theinspirationfor awidespreadcult,wasinterredforalongtimeinaprominentpositionbehindthe altarofthecathedraluntilitwasmovedin1326toashrineinthechapelofSt. Mary.47Althoughobservanceofritualstothesaintwanedinthemidfourteenth century,itwasrenewedafteraninfluential1386decreebyBishopBraybroke.The historyofErkenwald’scultaswellasofhisascensiontopopularityinLondon ritualsprovidesmuchdetailforconsideration.48However,moretothepointfor thisstudy,theimportanceofhisrelicsinthelatefourteenthcentury,duringthe timeofthecompositionoftheSaintErkenwaldpoem,isevident.Forexample,in Richard Maidstone’s Concordia, composed in 1392 in response to Richard II’s return to London after an estrangement with the metropolis, he explicitly

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RaymondP.Tripp,Jr.,“St.Erkenwald:ATaleofTwoSouls,”InGeardagum14(1993):89–110;here 94,statesthat“thepoet’ssynopsisislessahistorythanajudgementofhowAustynwentabout hisreforms,whichhepresentsashastyandshallow,littlemorethanchangingthesignsonthe door.”AlsoseePatriciaPrice,“IntegratingTimeandSpace:TheLiteraryGeographyofPatience, Cleanness,TheSiegeofJerusalem,andSt.Erkenwald,”MedievalPerspectives11(1996):234–50. LynnStaley,“TheManinFoulClothesandaLateFourteenthCenturyConversationaboutSin,” StudiesintheAgeofChaucer24(2002):1–47;here23–24. D.VanceSmith,“CryptandDecryption:ErkenwaldTerminableandInterminable,”NewMedieval Literatures5(2002):59–85;here63. SeeWhatley,TheSaintofLondon,especially57–70. For instance, Whatley, The Saint of London, 58, references an AngloNorman hagiographer, HermannofBury,fromtheeleventhcenturywhotalksaboutthefactthatLondonersaresaintless, even though the cult of Erkenwald was strong; Hermann’s intention seems to have been to supplantthesaintwithhisownchoiceofpatron,St.Edmund.

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mentionsthattheking’ssymbolicprocessionthroughthecityincludedavisitto Erkenwald’stomb: Rexreginaquemoxposthecpeditesadierunt, Sacramonasteriituncvisitareloca. O[c]curruntpariterprimasetepiscopusurbis; Obviatetclerusilliusecclesie. Concomitantureos,incultupontificali, AdErkenwaldisanctasepulcrasimul. Quippe,deoprecibussanctoquedatisvenerato; Concitoscanditequm,quifuitantepedes.

(343–50)49

[Soonafterthisthekingandqueenwentforthonfoot Topayavisittotheabbey’sholysite. Theprimateandthecity’sbishopmetthemthere; Aclericofthatchurchcameouttogreetthemtoo Thesethree,inbishopsrobes,escortthekingandqueen Together,totheholytombofErkenwaldTheypraytoGodandtothe sainttheyallrevere; Heswiftlymountsthehorsethatstandsbeforehisfeet.]

The fact Maidstone considers it necessary to include this representation in his workemphasizestheconnectionbetweenthebodyoftheholybishopandthecivic workingsofthecity.50 The Saint Erkenwald poem presents a nexus of these images—historical and contemporaryLondon,St.Paul’sCathedral,andasaintwithstrongurbanties. Then,intothisconceptualsituationis broughttheothermaincharacterofthe text—thedeadbodyofavirtuouspaganjudgefoundinthefoundationsofthe cathedral.51Miraculously,oncediscovered,the“dedebody,”theonlynamegiven tothisfigureandonethatisfrequentlyrestated,isallowedtospeak,butonlyto Erkenwald;inthisdialogue,thejudge’svirtuesinlifeaswellasthecurrentstate of his corpse and soul are recounted in the hearing of the townspeople.52 Eventually,whenErkenwald’stearsfallonthejudge,hissoulisreleasedandhis bodyshows,forthefirsttime,theravagesofdecomposition.Giventhatthetext depictsthebishopintheprocessofrebuildingSt.Paul’s,anexploitdesignedto

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Quotationfrom“DeConcordia”takenfromRichardMaidstone:Concordia(TheReconciliationof RichardIIwithLondon),ed.DavidR.Carlson,trans.A.G.Rigg(Kalamazoo,MI:MedievalInstitute Publications,2003). SeeNisse,“‘ACorounFulRiche’,”279–80. For discussions of the body itself, see Siegfried Wenzel, “St. Erkenwald and the Uncorrupted Body,”NotesandQueries28.1(1981):13–14;AllenJ.Frantzen,“St.ErkenwaldandtheRaisingof Lazarus,”Mediaevalia7(1981):157–71; Foradiscussionof“thespeakingdead,”seePatriciaHarkins,“St.ErkenwaldandtheSpeaking Dead,”PublicationsoftheMississippiPhilologicalAssociation(1987):96–105.

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reinforceandcontinuetheChristianizationofEngland’scapital,53thedeadbody seemstorepresentLondon’sreligiousandlegendarypast,claimingashedoeshis relationshiptotheoldcityanditspreviousnameof“NewTroie.”Despitethefact thatitisapagantimeheisreferringto,byestablishinghisownrighteousness,he createsa“fundamentallyvirtuoushistory”forLondon.54Yet,atthesametime, sinceherequirestheinterventionofSaintErkenwaldinordertoachievecomplete salvation, the bishop’s work in advancing the Christian conversion Augustine beganbeforehimthroughtherenovationofSt.Paul’sisvalidatedandmadeeven moresacred.AsMonikaOtterstates,“Oncecommunicationwiththedeadman isestablished,themysteriousdiscoverycanbemadetoworkforErkenwald’s people,offeringmoralinstruction,highlightingandreinforcingthechangesthat havetakenplacesincethejudge’sdeath,andthatarecurrentlytakingplaceunder Erkenwald’sleadership.”55WhileLondon’spastmaybevirtuous,itspresentis undeniablyChristian,providingtwofoldsupport,throughthepresenceofthe dead body, for the perception of London in the beginning of the text as the “maystertoun.”

Conclusion IntheexamplesI’veprovidedhere,Ihavedemonstratedtheimportanceandthe wideranging prevalence, across time, space, and genre, of the medieval relationship between death and the image of the city. It is a rich topic for discussion in medieval urban studies, as it takes into account a variety of perceptionsanddemandsexplorationofhistory,politics,literature,hagiography, andanthropology,amongotherfields.TheparticularcasesthatIhavediscussed hererevealhowthedeadandtheirbodiesweremanipulatedinavarietyofways, bothphysicallyandfictionally,withinrepresentations ofthecity.JeanClaude Schmitthassaidthatthe“deadhavenoexistenceotherthanthatwhichtheliving imagineforthem.”56Indeed,thepeopleofmedievalcitiesorthoseauthorswho

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MonikaOtter,“‘NewWerke’:StErkenwald,StAlbans,andtheMedievalSenseofthePast,”Journal ofMedievalandRenaissanceStudies24(1994):387–414;here407:“[T]hepoetstressesthatLondon (thencalledNewTroy)wasthecapitalofpaganEngland,andthatitsnewreligiousandcivic prominenceunderChristianleadershipis,again,bothacompletechangeandalogical,organic continuation.ErkenwaldisthenintroducedasAustyn’ssuccessor...andhis‘NewWerke,’the rebuildingandrededicationofthechiefpagantempleasSt.Paul’scathedral,isseenindirect continuitywithAustyn’sChristianizationofEngland.Itisinthecourseofthisworkthatthetomb isfoundandtheeventsofthepoemunfold.” Nisse,“‘ACorounFulRiche’,”291. Otter,“‘NewWerke’,”412. Schmitt,GhostsintheMiddleAges,1.

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createdliterarycitiesimaginedavitalexistencefortheirdead,but,evenbeyond that,thedeadwerereal.Theywereactiveinurbanpolitics,claimedtheirown spaces in city landscapes, and were energetic parts of literary narratives, establishingandemphasizingthecomplexitiesofurbanconcerns.Thedeadmore thanmatchedthephysicalityoftheirlivingcounterparts.

AlanV.Murray (UniversityofLeeds)

TheDemographicsofUrbanSpaceinCrusadePeriod Jerusalem(1099–1187)

Introduction On15July1099,afterasiegelastingjustoverfiveweeks,thearmiesoftheFirst CrusadestormedthewallsofthecityofJerusalem.TheseizureoftheHolyCity fromtheMuslimFtimidcaliphatefulfilledthegoalofanexpeditionthathadbeen proclaimed three and a half years before by Pope Urban II at the council of Clermont,andlaidthefoundationsforaChristianstate,thekingdomofJerusalem, inPalestine.On2October1187,JerusalemsurrenderedtoSaladin,rulerofEgypt andMuslimSyria,whoseforceshaddefeatedthearmyofthekingdominbattle attheHornsofHattinon5Julyofthatsameyear.Thetimebetweenthesetwo eventsconstitutedthelongestperiodofChristianruleoftheHolyCityfromthe timeofitscapturefromtheByzantineempirebythecaliph‘Umarin638rightup tothepresentday. These eightyeight years were a period in which the Franks, as the Western settlersinPalestinecametobeknowntothemselvesandtheirMuslimenemies, engineeredmajorchangesinthecharacterofthecityanditspopulation.Themost visibleandenduringdevelopmentwasthetransformationofsacredarchitecture, occurringinthreerelatedphenomena:therebuildinganddecorationofexisting Christian structures; the construction of new Latin churches and monastic institutionsinaWesternstyle;and,perhapsmoststrikingly,theidentificationof existingIslamicstructuresasOldTestamentsites.Thesecondmaindevelopment wasthealterationofthecity’sdemographiccompositionbytheFranks.Control oftheHolyPlaceswasthemaindeterminantofthepoliciesofbothChristianand MuslimpowersthatsoughttooccupyJerusalemduringtheperiodofthecrusades. Thedemographiccompositionofthecitywasanessentialfactorinthiscontrol;for thecitytobeundersecureChristianrule,itwasnecessarythatitspopulation should be made up of Franks or other nationalities who were supportive or

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sympathetictothem.Thefirstofthesetwodevelopmentshasleftstructuresand stylisticfeatureswhicharestillnoticeableintheurbanlandscape,andhasbeen extensively studied by religious and art historians.1 The effects of the second developmentwerelargelyreversedinthecourseofSaladin’sconquestin1187and almostcompletelyobliteratedwhenFrankishruleinthecity,reestablishedby treatyin1229,wasfinallyextinguishedin1244.Thisessaywillnotaimtoaddto the extensive literature on the physical appearance of Jerusalem, but rather to studythehumanoccupationofurbanspace,examininghowtheconquerorsofthe cityin1099and1187manipulateditsdemographiccomposition,bybothviolent andpeacefulmeans,intheinterestsofreligiousidentityandmilitarysecurity.

ThePopulationofJerusalemin1099 ThesiegeofJerusalembytheArabsunder‘Umar,thesecondcaliph,in638cost the lives of many of its Byzantine—at that time almost exclusively Christian—population, and on the city’s surrender many of its surviving administrators, soldiers and clerics fled to Byzantine territory. These fugitives were replaced by Muslim immigrants from Arabia, as well as Jews (including membersoftheSamaritanandKaraitesects),since‘Umarappearstohaverevoked theByzantineperiodprohibitiononJewsresidingwithinthecity.2Yetwhilethe languageofthecityseemstohavechangedfromGreekinfavorofArabicinthe courseofthenextfivecenturies,theMuslimandJewishimmigrantsandtheir descendantsremainedaminoritywithinapopulationthatwaslargelyChristian; themajorityoftheChristiansbelongedtotheGreekOrthodoxchurch,butthere werealsonumbersofthesocalledEasternornonChalcedonianchurches:Syrian Orthodox (Jacobites), Armenians, and Copts. The eleventhcentury Arab geographeralMuqaddas,himselfaJerusalemitebyorigin,sangthepraisesof “themostsublimeofcities”,butlamentedthatitspopulationwasstilllargely Christian,complainingthat“theChristiansandJewsarepredominanthere,and

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OnthesacredtopographyofJerusalemintheFrankishperiod,seeespecially:T.S.R.Boase, “EcclesiasticalArtintheCrusaderStatesinPalestineandSyria,”AHistoryoftheCrusades,gen.ed. KennethM.Setton,6vols(Madison:UniversityofWisconsinPress,1969–89),4:69–139;Bernard Hamilton,“RebuildingZion:TheHolyPlacesofJerusalemintheTwelfthCentury,”Studiesin ChurchHistory14(1977):105–16;Hamilton,“IdealsofHoliness:Crusaders,Contemplativesand Mendicants,”InternationalHistoryReview17(1995),693–712;AdrianJ.Boas,JerusalemintheTime oftheCrusades:Society,LandscapeandArtintheHolyCityunderFrankishRule(London:Routledge, 2001).AlldatescitedinthisessayrefertotheChristianEra(C.E./A.D.). Dan Bahat and Chaim T. Rubinstein, The Illustrated Atlas of Jerusalem (New York: Simon & Schuster,1990),68–89.

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themosquedevoidofcongregationsandassemblies.”3Thedemographicmakeup ofJerusalemwasnotsubstantiallyalteredaftertheFtimidcaliphalHkimbi AmrAllhstartedtopersecutenonMuslimcommunitiesin1009,althoughseveral of the Christian churches, notably the Holy Sepulchre, were demolished and eventuallyrestoredinratherinadequatefashionafteralHkimabandonedhis persecutionsin1020. The Jerusalem that was conquered by the crusaders in the summer of 1099 essentially corresponded to the area of the presentday Old City. Its area was definedinaperiodofreconstructionfollowinganearthquakeoccurringin1033 or1034,whichdestroyedmanyofthecity’sByzantineperiodfortifications.While thewestern,northern,andmostoftheeasternwallswererebuilt,itdidnotprove practicaltorestorethesouthernandsoutheasternsectionswhichhadenclosedthe spurcontainingthereligioussitesofMountZionaswellasmuchoftheterrain thatslopeddowntotheeasttowardtheKidronvalleyasfarasthespringsof Siloam(mod.‘AinSilwan).Anew,shortersouthernwallwasconstructed,leaving thecity’sdefencesinaroughlytrapezoidformcorrespondingtotheOttoman periodwallsthatsurvivetoday.4 TheprocessthatleduptotherebuildingofJerusalem’sfortificationsafterthe earthquakegivesusthefirstreasonablydetailedinformationonthecontemporary compositionofthecity’spopulation,whichremainedsubstantiallyunchanged until the arrival of the crusaders. The Ftimid caliph, Ab Tamm Ma‘add al Mustansr billh, ordered each religious community to defray the costs of reconstruction.TheChristiansfoundthemselvesunabletopay,andappealedto the Byzantine emperor for assistance. He diverted funds from the imperial revenues from Cyprus, but made the condition that only Christians would be allowedtolivewithinthesectionofthecityenclosedbythewallsthathehadpaid for.ThelatetwelfthcenturyhistorianWilliamofTyre,whocarriedoutextensive researchonthehistoryofthenorthwesternsectionofthecitythatformedthe Patriarch’sQuarterunderFrankishrule,recordedthat“untilthatdaytheSaracens hadlivedtogetherwiththefaithfulindiscriminately,butfromthattime,byorder oftheprince[i.e.,thecaliph]theywereobligedtowithdrawtootherpartsofthe city, so that this quarter was now left to the faithful without dispute.”5 The

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AlMuqaddasi,TheBestDivisionsforKnowledgeoftheRegions:ATranslationofAhsanalTaqasimfi Ma‘rifatalAqalim,trans.BasilAnthonyCollins(Reading:Garnet,1994),151–52. BahatandRubinstein,TheIllustratedAtlasofJerusalem,87–88.Thenewcourseofthesouthernand southeasternwallsleftseveralimportantreligioussitesoutsidethefortifiedsites,includingthe churchesofStMaryonMountZionandStPeterinGallicantuandthePoolofSiloam. Guillaume de Tyr, Chronique, ed. Robert B. C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis63–63A,2vols.(Turnhout:Brepols,1986),IX.16–18,442–45;here444:“Habitaverant saneusqueadillumdiempromiscuecumfidelibusSarraceni,sedabeahora,auditaiussione principali,adaliascivitatispartesdenecessitatesecontulerunt,quartapredictafidelibussine

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completionofthewalls,whichWilliamdatesto1063,mayhavegivenagreater impetus to members of different religious communities to live together in proximity,asseemstohavehappenedinthecaseofthenorthwesternsection.6 However, it would be wrong to assume that this tendency brought about the formationofexclusiveresidentialquarters;rather,therewasaclusteringaround certain neighbourhoods. Since Christians still formed the majority of the population,asindicatedbyalMuqaddas,itwouldbeunrealisticforallofthem tobeconfinedwithinwhatlaterbecamethePatriarch’sQuarter.TheByzantine emperorregardedhimselfasprotectorofGreekOrthodoxchurch,anditislikely thatthosewhoresidedinthesectionwhosefortificationshehadfinancedwere membersofthatconfession,whowereknownasMelkites,literally‘imperialist’ Christians.7AftertheMuslimconquesttheJewshadmostlylivedsouthofthe AqsMosque,butthisareawasleftoutsidethecity’slimitaftertheconstruction ofthenew,shortersouthernwall.Theyseemtohaverelocatedtothenortheastern section,sincethisarea,oratleastpartofit,wasstillsometimesreferredtoasthe Juiverie(orLat.Juderia)bytheFranks.8 ThebasicdemographiccompositionofJerusalemcanhavebeenlittlealteredby theseizureofthecity,alongwithmostoftheinteriorofPalestine,bytheSaljq Turksin1077.FtimidrulewasrestoredwhenanEgyptianarmybesiegedand recapturedthecityinthesummerof1098.WhenthearmiesoftheFirstCrusade enterednorthernSyria,theFtimidshadmadediplomaticoverturestowardthem, hopingforanallianceagainsttheTurks.YetoncethecrusadersenteredPalestine, lessthanayearafterFtimidrulehadbeenrestored,itwasclearthattheHolyCity

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contradictionerelicta.”TranslationsfromthechronicleofWilliamofTyregiveninthisessayare, unlessindicatedotherwise,bytheauthor. The precise chronology of the reconstruction is problematic. William of Tyre identifies the ByzantineemperorwhoprovidedfundingasConstantine(IX)Monomachos(1042–55).However, healsodatesthecompletionoftheChristiansectionofwallsverypreciselytotheyear1063,and tothirtysixyearsbeforethecrusaderliberation.Therearetwopossibilitiesofreconcilingthis conflictinginformation.OneisthatConstantineIXprovidedfunds,butthattheworkwasnot completeduntilatleastadecadeafterhisreign;theotheristhatWilliamconfusedthenameand reignofthisemperorwiththatofConstantineXDoukas(1059–67),whowasactuallyreigningat thetimethewallswerefinished. ThetermderivedfromtheArabicmalik,“king,ruler,”relatingtotheByzantinebasileos.Sidney H.Griffith,“TheChurchofJerusalemandthe‘Melkites’:TheMakingofan‘ArabOrthodox’ IdentityintheWorldofIslam(750–1050CE),”ChristiansandChristianityintheHolyLand:Fromthe OriginstotheLatinKingdoms,ed.OraLimorandGuyG.Stroumsa,CulturalEncountersinLate AntiquityandtheMiddleAges,5(Turnhout:Brepols,2006),175–204. ChartesdeTerreSainteprovenantdel’abbayedeN.D.deJosaphat,ed.HenriFrançoisDelaborde (Paris:EcolesFrançaisesd’AthènesetdeRome,1880),43–45;CartulaireduchapitreduSaintSépulcre deSépulcredeJérusalem,ed.GenevièveBrescBautier(Paris:AcadémiedesInscriptionsetBelles Lettres,1984),no.169;JoshuaPrawer,TheHistoryoftheJewsintheLatinKingdomofJerusalem (Oxford:Clarendon,1988),17–18,22.

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wastheirintendedtarget.Thecityhadonlyasmallgarrison,andsotheFtimid governor, Iftikhr alDawlah, would need to withstand the expected crusader siegeuntilarelievingarmyarrivedfromEgypt.Inthemeantime,heattemptedto improve the city’s chances of resistance by restorting to some fairly drastic measures. He expelled the Christian inhabitants, fearing that they might collaborate with the crusaders.9 Their place was taken by Muslims and Jews broughtinfromthesurroundingvillages;they,alongwiththeircoreligionists amongthecity’spopulation,wereexpectedtotakeanactivepartinitsdefence againstthecrusaderonslaught.

TheCrusaderConquest There is a broad agreement among Western, Armenian, Arabic and Hebrew sourcesthatassoonastheyhadfoughttheirwayintoJerusalemon15July,the crusadersbeganamassacreofthecity’sMuslimandJewishinhabitants,which wasresumedthenextday.Modernhistorianshavebeengreatlyaffectedbythe descriptionsofthecontemporaryWesternsourceswhichdescribethekillingin lurid and sometimes extensive terms.10 Thus the southern French chronicler RaymondofAguilers,himselfaneyewitness,relates:“Someofthepaganswere mercifully beheaded, others pierced by arrows plunged from towers, and yet others,torturedforalongtime,wereburnedtodeathinsearingflames.Pilesof heads, hands, and feet lay in the houses and streets, and indeed there was a runningtoandfroofmenandknightsoverthecorpses.”11Itisnoticeablethat muchoftheimageryusedtodescribetheseeventsisBiblical incharacter;the booksofIsaiahandZechariahandtheRevelationoftheNewTestamentwere employedtojustifytheliberationofJerusalemandtheslaughteroftheGentiles ashavingbeendivinelyordained.12RaymondgoesontostatethatontheTemple

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GuillaumedeTyr,Chronique,VII.23,374–75. For a detailed analysis, see Benjamin Z. Kedar, “The Jerusalem Massacre of July 1099 in the WesternHistoriographyoftheCrusades,”Crusades3(2004),15–75,here65. “RaimundideAguilerscanoniciPodiensishistoriaFrancorumquiceperuntIherusalem,”inRHC Hist.Occ.3:231–309,here300:“Aliinamque,quodleviuserat,obtruncabanturcapitibus;alii autem sagittati de turribus saltare cogebantur; alii vero diutissime torti et ignibus adusti flammeriebantur.Videbanturpervicosetplateascivitatisaggerescapitumetmanuumatque pedum.Percadaveraveropublice,hominumetequitumdiscursuserat;”RaymondofAguilers, HistoriaFrancorumquiceperuntIherusalem,trans.JohnH.HillandLauritaL.Hill.Memoirsofthe AmericanPhilosophicalSociety,71(Philadelphia:AmericanPhilosophicalSociety,1968),127. Guibert of Nogent, “Historia quae dicitur Gesta Dei per Francos,” Recueil des Historiens des Croisades:HistoriensOccidentaux[henceforthcitedasRHCHist.Occ.],5vols(Paris:Académiedes InscriptionsetBellesLettres,1844–95),4:113–263;here227–29,237–38;RobertofRheims,“Roberti MonachihistoriaIherosolimitana,”RHCHist.Occ.3:717–882;here868–82.

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Mountthecrusaders“rodeinblood[up]tothekneesandbridlesoftheirhorses.”13 ThisphrasecanbeidentifiedasareferencetoRevelation14.20,whichdescribes thevisionofthewinepressofthewrathofGod,fromwhichbloodwillflowupto thebridlesofhorses.14FulcherofChartresandBaldricofDoldescribehowthe HolySepulchreandtheTemplehadbeencleansedofacontagioncausedbypagan superstitions.15AproblemofinterpretationhasbeenpointedoutbyBenjamin Kedar,whohasundertakenthemostexhaustiveandnuancedinvestigationofthe massacres: the adoption of such imagery does not in itself invalidate the descriptions given by Raymond and other chroniclers; slaughter remains slaughter,evenifitisdescribedinapocalypticterms.Kedar’sdetaileddiachronic studyofthemedievalandmodernhistoriographyconcludesthatthemajorityof thecity’sinhabitantswereindeedkilled,althoughnumbersofbothMuslimsand Jewswereabletoescapeorwereransomed.16 AnotherproblematicissueintheinterpretationoftheWesternaccountsisthat theirextensiveuseofBiblicalimageryseemsmorelikearetrospectivejustification of the slaughter, and does not by itself necessarily explain why the crusaders embarkeduponthemassacre.Inrecentyearssomehistorianshavearguedthatthe massacreofbothcombatantsandcivilianpopulationalikewasthenormalfateof any city taken by storm according to the conventions of warfare at the time, pointing to similar events where the defenders had refused to surrender.17 Certainlytheslaughterontheactualdayofthecapture,15July,canbeexplained astheeffectofabloodthirstydesireforrevengeonthepartofenragedcrusaders; 13

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“RaimundideAguilers...historiaFrancorum,”300:“Sedtantumsufficiat,quodintemploetin porticuSalomonisequitabaturinsanguineusqueadgenua,etusqueadfrenosequorum.Justo nimirumjudicio,utlocusidemeorumsanguinemexciperet,quorumblasphemiasinDeumtam longotemporepertulerat.”;RaymondofAguilers,Liber,ed.JohnH.HillandLauritaL.Hill. Documentsrelatifsàl’histoiredescroisades,9(Paris:PaulGeuthner,1969),150n.2;Raymondof Aguilers,HistoriaFrancorumquiceperuntIherusalem,128n.22. Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgatam versionem, ed. Robert Weber et al., 3rd edn (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft,1969),1896:“etcalcatusestlacusextracivitatemetexivitsanguisdelacuusque adfrenosequorumperstadiamillesescenta.”ItisalsonoticeablethatRaymond,unliketheother contemporaryWesternauthors,seemstoheightenthetheologicalapocalypticdimensionsofthe slaughter by omitting any references to baser concerns such as the seizure of plunder and captives. FulcheriCarnotensisHistoriaHierosolymitana(1095–1127),ed.HeinrichHagenmeyer(Heidelberg: Winter,1913),I.xxxiii,305–06;BaldricofDol,“BaldriciepiscopiDolensisHistoriaJerosolimitana,” RHCHist.Occ4:102–03. Kedar,“TheJerusalemMassacreofJuly1099intheWesternHistoriographyoftheCrusades,”65. JohnFrance,VictoryintheEast:AMilitaryHistoryoftheFirstCrusade(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1994), 355–56; Kaspar Elm, “Die Eroberung Jerusalems im Jahre 1099: Ihre Darstellung,BeurteilungundDeutungindenQuellenzurGeschichtedesErstenKreuzzugs,” Jerusalem im Hoch und Spätmittelalter: Konflikte und Konfliktbewältigung—Vorstellungen und Vergegenwärtigungen,ed.DieterBauer,KlausHerbers,andNikolasJaspert.CampusHistorische Studien,29(FrankfurtamMain:Campus,2001),31–54.

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as they climbed over the walls and fought their way through the unfamiliar narrowstreets,itmusthavebeendifficulttodistinguishbetweenenemysoldiers and unarmed civilians, and in the heat of battle, as we know from numerous subsequentconflicts,soldiershaveoftenbeenknowntoshowatendencytokill anypotentialopponents,whetherarmedornot.Yettheseexplanationsareharder to sustain when we acknowledge that most sources agree that the slaughter continuedthenextday,16July,whileoncesource,theRhinelandchroniclerAlbert ofAachen,statesthatthecrusaderskilledofftheremainingSaracensonthethird day,thatis17July.18 Onecanbelievethatthedesiretocleansetheholysitesofthegentilecult,which figuredasoneofthemainthemesoftheWesternchroniclers,mayhavemotivated theclericalleadershipofthecrusadesandpossiblysomeofthemoredevoutlaity, butthedescriptionsofthesourcesarelessconvincinginexplainingtheactionsof themajorityoftherankandfilecrusaders.Forweekstheyhadbeenshortoffood andwater,andbythistimetheymusthavebeen physicallyexhaustedbythe exertionsofthesiegeandthefightingthatfolloweditwithinthecity.Theirmost immediateconcernsmusthavebeentheirphysicalsecurityandwellbeing,and food and water; beyond that, the desire to worship at the holy sites they had longed to see for so long, and conceivably, the wish to secure plunder and ransoms. Theslaughterofthefirstdaymayhavebeentheresultoftherevengedriven crazeofbattle,butwemustassumethatthemajorityofcrusaderssleptoratleast restedonthefollowingnight.Whatwasthesituationthatconfrontedtheweary andbloodstainedcrusadersasthesunroseontheseconddayafterthecapture? Bythetimeoftheconquestcrusadernumbershadbeenreducedtoabout10,000 fightersandnoncombatants.19AsmallgarrisonhadbeenleftbehindatLydda, nearthecoast,butessentiallythecrusadershadnosecurecommunicationseither withtheWestorwiththepocketsofFrankishheldterritoryfartothenorthat Antioch(modernAntakya,Turkey)andEdessa(anlurfa,Turkey).Theonlyships thathadjoinedthecrusadersinPalestinehadbeendismantledandtransported overlandbytheirGenoesecrewstoprovidewoodforbuildingsiegeenginesat

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AlbertofAachen,HistoriaIerosolimitana:HistoryoftheJourneytoJerusalem,ed.andtrans.SusanB. Edgington,2vols.OxfordMedievalTexts(Oxford:Clarendon,2007),439–45.Ontheimportance andaccuracyofAlbert’stestimony,seeespecially:PeterKnoch,StudienzuAlbertvonAachen:Der erste Kreuzzug in der deutschen Chronistik. Stuttgarter Beiträge zur Geschichte und Politik, 1 (Stuttgart:Klett,1966);SusanB.Edgington,“TheFirstCrusade:ReviewingtheEvidence,”The FirstCrusade:OriginsandImpact,ed.JonathanPhillips(Manchester:ManchesterUniversityPress, 1997),57–77. France,VictoryintheEast,131,givesthisestimateforthecrusaderforcesatthebattleofAscalon, foughtbythecrusadersagainsttheFtimidrelievingarmyinAugust1099;itthusprovidesan approximationfornumberswhichallowsforcrusadercasualtiesatthesiegeofJerusalem.

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Jerusalem.TheFtimidscontrolledtheportofAscalon(mod.TelAshqelon,Israel), where relieving forces from Egypt were already concentrating. The only conceivable strategy for the crusaders was to secure Jerusalem as quickly as possible,anduseitasabasetoconfronttheFtimidarmyinthecoastalplain;in theeventofadefeattheycouldretreatbackintothefortifiedcityandattemptto holdoutthereinthehopethatsomereliefwouldarrivefromtheWestintheform oflaterwavesofthecrusade. Securing Jerusalem in these circumstances was by no means a foregone conclusion.20EvenallowingforthepreviousexpulsionoftheChristianpopulation andthecasualtiesof15July,therewerestillalargenumberofMuslimsandJews leftwithinthecity.Notallofthemwerecaptives.Somehadtakenrefugeonthe Templeplatform;otherswerehidinginhousesorcellars;andfinally,theFtimid garrisonandsomecivilianswerestillholdingoutintheTowerofDavid,themain fortificationofthecity,underthecommandofthegovernor.Thecrusadershadto manthecity’swallsandkeeptheFtimidtroopsinthetowerisolated,whilealso attemptingtolocatefoodsuppliesforthecomingweeks;inthefaceofthesetasks, theyneededtocontrolthesurvivinginhabitantsinsidethecity,whosenumbers mayhavebeenequalorpossiblyevengreaterthantheirown.Theymusthave fearedthatthesepeoplemightriseupagainstthecrusadersassoonastheFtimid relievingarmyapproachedthecity. Thenativeinhabitantscouldhavebeenransomedorsimplyexpelledenmasse, buttheywouldstillpresentamajorproblem.AllowinglargenumbersofMuslims andJewstoleavewouldhavesimplyincreasedthenumberofpeoplecompeting for scarce resources of food and water in the environs of Jerusalem.21 More dangerously,theycouldhaveprovidedalaborforcethatcouldbeemployedby theFtimidsinmountingasiegeofthecity.Thechancesofasuccessfulassault would have been greatly improved by large numbers that could be used to constructandmovesiegeengines,fillinditches,andhaulsuppliesoffoodand water.Thethinkingofthecrusadeleadershipcanbediscernedinapassagegiven by Albert of Aachen, who derived his information from returning crusaders. Albert reports a speech which he attributes to the “greater and wiser men”, a formulationthatmustmeantheleadersofthecrusadearmies:

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ThepopulationofJerusalembeforethesiegehasbeenestimatedataround20,000–30,000,see JoshuaPrawer,TheLatinKingdomofJerusalem:EuropeanColonialismintheMiddleAges(London: WeidenfeldandNicolson,1972),82.Ithasrecentlybeenshownthatatthetimeoftheconquest, theTowerofDaviddidnotyethaveanassociatedcitadel;thecitadelthatsurvivestodayprobably originated in the early thirteenth century. See Ronnie Ellenblum, “Frankish Castles, Muslim Castles,andtheMedievalCitadelofJerusalem,”In Laudem Hierosolymitani: Studies in Crusades and Medieval Culture in Honour of Benjamin Z. Kedar,ed.IrisShagrir,RonnieEllenblum,andJonathan RileySmith(Aldershot:Ashgate,2007),93–110. Ontheproblemsofsupply,especiallythescarcityofwater,seeFrance,VictoryintheEast,334–35.

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Jerusalem, city of God on high, has been recovered, as you all know, with great difficultyandnotwithoutharmtoourmen,andtodayshehasbeenrestoredtoher ownsonsanddeliveredfromthehandsofthekingofEgyptandtheyokeoftheTurks. Butnowwemustbecarefullestweloseitthroughavariceorslothorthepitywehave forourenemies,sparingprisonersandgentilesstillleftinthecity.Forifwewereto beattackedingreatstrengthbythekingofEgyptweshouldbesuddenlyovercome frominsideandoutsidethecity,andinthiswaycarriedawayintoeternalexile.And sothemostimportantandtrustworthyadviceseemstousthatalltheSaracensand gentiles who are held prisoner for ransoming with money, or already redeemed, shouldbeputtotheswordwithoutdelay,sothatweshallnotmeetwithanyproblem fromtheirtrickeryormachinations.22

Fromthesedescriptionsitwouldseemthatconsiderabledeliberationhadalready takenplace.Mostofthecity’sinhabitantswerebeingheldascaptivesforransom, andarrangementsmayevenhavebeeninplaceforthereleaseofmanyofthem. Yetthecrusaderleaderswereacutelyawareofthetwindangersposedbyinternal and external enemies. The massacres of 16 and 17 July can be most plausibly understoodasacalculatedactioncarriedoutwiththeaimofremovingthisthreat. The Ftimid garrison was still capable of offering serious resistance; it was thereforeremovedbybeinggrantedfreepassagetoAscalon.23Thecrusadersthen turnedtotheremainderoftheMuslimandJewishinhabitantswhowereexecuted inthecourseofthenexttwodays.Thefactthatsomanycrusaderspostponedtheir plundering and did without ransoms in order to carry out executions is an indicationofaslaughterthatwasassystematicasitwasmerciless.Thecaptive inhabitantsweresplitupintogroupsandsystematicallyexecuted,whilefugitives werehunteddownsothat,inthewordsofAlbertofAachen,“notonlyinthe streets,housesandpalaces,buteveninplacesofdesertsolitudenumbersofslain weretobefound.”24Someofthecaptivesweresparedtocarryoutthetasksof cleansing the city and dragging the bodies of the dead outside the walls for disposal, until they too, were slaughtered in their turn.25 When the chronicler

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AlbertofAachen,HistoriaIerosolimitana,440–41:“Ierusalem,ciuitasDeiexcelsi,utuniuersinostis, magnadifficultate,etnonsinedampnonostrorumrecuperata,propriisfiliishodierestitutaest, etliberatademanuregisBabylonieetiugoTurcorum.Sednunccauendumestneauariciaaut pigriciauelmisericordiahabitaergainimicoshancamittamus,captiuisetadhucresiduisinurbe gentilibusparcentes.NamsifortearegeBabylonieinfortitudinegrauioccupatifuerimus,subito abintusetextraexpugnabimur,etsicinperpetuumexiliumtransportabimur.Vndeprimumet fideleconsiliumnobisuideturquatenusuniversiSarracenietgentilesquicaptiuitenenturpecunia redimendiautredemptisinedilationeingladiocorruant,nefraudeautingeniisillorumnobis aliquaaduersaoccurrant.” FulcheriCarnotensisHistoriaHierosolymitana,I.30,308–09.AsKedarargues,itislikelythatsome ofthecivilianswhohadtakenrefugeintheTowerofDavidwereabletoleavewiththegarrison. AlbertofAachen,HistoriaIerosolimitana,442–43. ‘HistoriaquaediciturGestaDeiperFrancos,’228.

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FulcherofChartresvisitedthecityayearlater,hewasstruckbythehugestench thatarosefromtherottingbodiesofthedefendersthatstilllayaroundthecity walls.26

JerusalemandItsPopulationunderFrankishRule Themassacresof1099canbeunderstoodasahorrific,shorttermsolutiontothe strategicsituation,whichfounditsretrospectivejustificationinreligiousidealism. Itisevenconceivablethatsomeoftheleaderswerethinkingofthelongerterm securityofthecity.Atanyrate,thenewdemographicfactsonthegroundthat werecreatedbytheslaughterwereperpetuatedforideologicalreasons.Afterthe immediate threat was averted, the Franks permanently enshrined the consequencesofthemassacrebyenactingalawthatnoMuslimsorJewswould beallowedtoresideinthecity.AsitwasexpressedbytheFrankishhistorian WilliamofTyre,“toallowanyonenotbelongingtotheChristianfaithtoliveinso veneratedaplaceseemedlikesacrilegetotheleadersintheirdevotiontoGod.”27 NonChristianmerchantsandpilgrimswereallowedin,butonlyastemporary visitors;theruleseventuallyseemtohavebeenrelaxedtopermitresidencefora handfulluckyenoughtosecureexemptionsbecausetheyhadnecessaryskillsthat could not be supplied by the Christian population, such as the Jewish dyers mentionedbyBenjaminofTudelain1170.28However,thenewcapitaldidnot attractlargenumbersofFranks.NeitherdiditattractItaliancolonists,forunlike thekingdom’smainportssuchasAcre(mod.‘Akko,Israel)andTyre(mod.Soûr, Lebanon),ithadnosignificanceintermsoflongdistancetrade.Jerusaleminthe Frankish period had two principal functions: it was the seat of the royal and ecclesiasticaladministrations,anditservicedanincreasingpilgrimtrafficwhich took off as a result of the establishment of Western access to the holy sites. It contained a relatively high proportion proportion of clerics, both secular and regular, because of the large number of holy sites now operated by the Latin church which catered to pilgrims from the West as well as to the Frankish population. TheFrankstookoverthechurchoftheHolySepulchre,theprincipalreligious site of the city, expelling its Greek clergy, and carried out a major renovation programmethatwasstillgoingonwhenitwasreconsecratedin1149.TheFranks establishedseveralcompletelynewreligiousfoundations,suchastheabbeyofSt MaryintheValleyofJehosaphat,builtontheruinsofaByzantinechurchoutside theeasternwalls,andtheconventofSt.Anne,sitedjustinsidetheJehosaphatGate

26 27 28

FulcheriCarnotensisHistoriaHierosolymitana,I.33,332–33. GuillaumedeTyr,Chronique,XI.27,535–36. Boas,JerusalemintheTimeoftheCrusades,40.

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betweentheSheepPools.Thesevariousbuildingswereeasilyoutshonebythe toweringmagnificenceoftheIslamicstructuresontheHaramalSharif(“thenoble sanctuary”), as the Temple Mount in the southeast of the city was known to Muslims.TheIslamicsitestherewerereclaimedfortheChristianfaithbyaprocess ofwhatmightbecalledcreativereidentificationbytheLatinChurch.TheDome oftheRock, situatedatthecentreoftheTempleMount,wasidentifiedasthe ancientJewishTemple(Lat.TemplumDomini),andprovidedwithAugustinian canonsin1112.TheAqsMosquesituatedtoitssouthwasidentifiedasthePalace of Solomon (Latin Templum Salomonis) and in 1119 it was given to the newly foundedmilitaryreligiousorderoftheTemple,whichtookitsnamefromthe building.29ThesetwobuildingsweremosquesconstructedinatypicalIslamic style,andsotheyweregivenanew,Christianappearancebytheconstructionof new conventual and ancillary buildings and the addition of unambiguously Christiansymbolsanddecorations,suchasalargegoldencrossthatwaserected ontopoftheDomeoftheRock.TheTempleMountwasfarmoreprominentand splendidthanthesiteofChrist’sburialattheHolySepulchre,andcouldnotbe ignored,andsoitwasredefinedasagroupofOldTestamentsites,whichcould thusbeintegratedintothe liturgicallifeofthecityalongwiththemanyNew Testamentsites. The Temple Mount with its architectural grandeur and large open spaces contrastedwiththecrowdednarrowstreetsthatcharacterizedtherestofthecity. ItsmainfunctionunderFrankishrule wasworship—asithadbeenunderthe Muslims—anduntilthenumberofpilgrimsbegantoincreaseitmusthaveoften beenfairlydeserted.Ithadonlyasmallresidentpopulation,consistingmainlyof theTemplarsandtheirancillarystaffwhowerestationedalongitssouthernside from1119.30Duringthefirsttwodecadesofthekingdommuchoftheremainder ofthecity’sspacewasevidentlyunoccupied.Themajorityofcrusadersreturned towesternEuropeinthesummerof1099;WilliamofTyrelaterestimatedthat GodfreyofBouillon,thefirstrulerofthekingdom,wasleftwithonly300knights and2000footsoldiers.31Tothisnumberweshouldadddependents,togetherwith clericsandothernoncombatants,butevenallowingforthem,aswellasnative

29

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JohnWilkinson,JerusalemPilgrimage1099–1185.HakluytSocietySecondSeries,167(London:The Hakluyt Society, 1988), 28, points out that Greek naos and Latin templum both had the dual meaningsof“temple”and“palace.”SincetheDomeoftheRockwasseenastheJewishTemple, theAqsmosque,despitebeingknownasatemplum,hadtobeidentifiedasabuildingwitha quitedifferentcharacter. TemplarhousesinthisareaarementionedbythepilgrimTheodericwhovisitedthecityaround 1170,seeWilkinson,JerusalemPilgrimage1099–1185,295.  Guillaume de Tyr, Chronique, IX.19, 445. For the relatively small numbers of fighting forces avaialbleduringthereignofBaldwinI,seeAlanV.Murray,“TheOriginsoftheFrankishNobility oftheKingdomofJerusalem,1100–1118,”MediterraneanHistoricalReview4(1989),281–300.

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ChristianswhoreturnedtothecityandotherFrankswhoarrivedinlate1100with Godfrey’s successor, King Baldwin I, the total population must have been substantiallysmallerthanbeforetheconquest.Theproblemofdepopulationcan beseenfromthe“LawofaYearandaDay”,presumablyenactedunderGodfrey orBaldwinI,whichrecognizedtherightsofanyonewhooccupiedanyurban property if its owners were absent for this length of time. In effect, it was a measuretoexpropriatethepropertyofnonresidents.32 Thesmallsizeofthepopulationduringthefirsttwodecadesofthekingdom’s existencemeantthatthesecurityofthecitywasamajorconcern.Thecapitalwas less than 50 miles distant from the Ftimid forward base at Ascalon, and the caliphateprovedcapableofmountinginvasionsofthekingdomupuntil1123. WilliamofTyreclaimsthat“therewasnotsufficientpopulationinthecityto carry out the necessary business of the kingdom, or even to defend its gates, towersandrampartsagainstsuddenenemyattacks.”33Hegoesontoexplainthat atthistimetheFrankishpopulationwasscarcelynumerousenoughtofillasingle vicus(i.e.quarterordistrict).34PrawerconcludedthattheFranks“doubtlesssettled inthenorthwesternquarterofthecity.”35Inmanywaysthiswouldhavebeena logicaldevelopment.ThisareawascentredonthechurchoftheHolySepulchre, which was the most important shrine of the city, and it enjoyed additional protectionintheformoftheTowerofDavid,situatedclosetothecentralpointof thewesternwall;thetwomainexitsofthenorthwesternsegment,theJaffaGate andStStephen’sGate,gaveaccesstothetwomainroutestoFrankishsettlements onthecoastandtothenorthinSamariaandGaliliee.Yetonewonderswhetherthe settlementpatternwasquitesodrasticasPrawerassumes.Themaingatesonall foursideswouldbeinregularusetobringinsuppliesoffoodstuffs,livestockand firewood.PilgrimsreturningfromtheMountofOlives,BethlehemortheJordan andwouldpresumablyusethegatesintheeasternandsouthernwalls.Allofthese gateswouldneedtobeguarded,andsoitwouldbereasonabletoassumethat

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GuillaumedeTyr,Chronique,IX.19,446. GuillaumedeTyr,Chronique,XI.27,535:“…itauteoadceteraregninegociadenecessitatevocato nonessetincivitatepopulus,quisaltemadprotegendoscivitatisintroitusetturresetmenia contrarepentinashostiumirruptionesmuniendasifficeret….” GuillaumedeTyr,Chronique,IX.19,536:“Nostratesveroadeopaucierantetinopes,utvixunum devicispossentincolere,Surianiautem,quiabinitiourbiscivesextiterant,temporehostilitatis per multas tribulationes et infinitas molestias adeo rari erant, ut quasi nullus eorum esset numerus.”ThetranslationbyEmilyAtwaterBabcockandAugustC.Krey,AHistoryofDeedsDone BeyondtheSeabyWilliamArchbishopofTyre,2vols.RecordsofCivilization:SourcesandStudies, 35(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1941),1:507issurelymistakenintranslatingtheword vicusinthiscontextas“street,”whichwouldindicateatinynumberofFranks,evenallowingfor somerhetoricalexaggeration. JoshuaPrawer,“TheSettlementoftheLatinsinJerusalem,”Speculum27(1952),490–503;here493.

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membersofthegarrisonandpossiblytheirfamiliesmayhavebeenbilletedclose totheirstations,outsidethenorthwesternquadrant. Around the year 1116, King Baldwin I took measures to increase the city’s populationbyresettlingSyriansfromtheTransjordanregionsoutheastofthe DeadSea,whohadbeen“livinginvillagesunderhardconditionsofservitudeand forcedtribute.”36Thecircumstancethatthekingresortedtoimportingcomplete familiestogetherwiththeirherdsandflocksfromsmallvillagesintoanunfamiliar, urbanenvironment,isanindicationofacertaindesperationontheking’spart. SyriorSurianiwasthetermusedbytheFranksforArabicorSyriacspeaking Christians;itcouldrefereithertotheGreekOrthodox(Melkites),whousedGreek astheirliturgicallanguage,ortotheSyrianOrthodox(Jacobites),whoseliturgy wasinSyriac.ModernhistorianshaveoftenassumedthattheSyriansweresettled inthenortheasternsectionofthecitywherethepreConquestJuiveriehadbeen situated,andhavethususedthedesignation“SyrianQuarter”fortheentirearea correspondingtothepresentdayMuslimQuarter.37IntheOttomanperiodthe OldCityoutsidetheHaramalSharifwasdividedintofourconfessionalquarters: Christian(northwest),Muslim(northeast),Armenian(southwest)andJewish (southcentral). However, we need to be careful not to exprapolate these conditionsbackhundredsofyearstothetimeofthecrusades. ThisapparentagreementontheexistenceofaSyrianQuartergoesbacktothe work of Prawer, who in his study of Latin settlement in Jerusalem sought to connecttheimmigrationoftheSyriansaround1116withevidenceprovidedbya laterOldFrenchguidetothecityofJerusalem.Thistext,knownbyitsmodern editorsaseitherEstatdelacitédeIherusalemorsimplyCitezdeIherusalem,survives inseveraldifferentmanuscriptsofanearlythirteenthcenturycompilationnow knownastheChronicleofErnoulandBernardleTresorier.38Thewholetransmission historyofthiscompilationiscomplex,anditisdifficulttodatetheOldFrench guide precisely. It may have been written between 1187 and 1229, since some phrasingseemstoimplythatthecityhadbeencapturedbytheMuslimswhenit

36 37

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GuillaumedeTyr,Chronique,XI.27,535–36. Prawer,“TheSettlementoftheLatinsinJerusalem,”496;Prawer,TheLatinKingdomofJerusalem, 40;Boas,JerusalemintheTimeoftheCrusades,88;BahatandRubinstein,TheIllustratedAtlasof Jerusalem,97.The“SyrianQuarter”isacommonplaceinmapsaccompanyingbooksonJerusalem inthetimeofthecrusades. Ernoul,“L’EstatdelacitédeIherusalem,”ItinérairesàJérusalemetdescriptionsdelaTerreSainte rédigés en français aux XIe, XIIe et XIIIe siècles, ed. Henri Michelant and Gaston Raynaud, PublicationsdelaSociétédel’Orientlatin,Sériegéographique,3(Genève:Fick,1882),29–52;here 49.Confusingly,whilethisistheformofthetitlegiveninthecontentsofthiscollectionandthe firstpageoftheedition,therunningheadsgivethevariantLaCitezdeIherusalem.Thelatteristhe formofthetitleusedbyBoas,JerusalemintheTimeoftheCrusades.Tofurthercomplicatematters, MichelandandRaynaudalsousedthetitleEstatdelaCitédeIherusalemtodenoteashortertext transmittedintheworkknownasEstoiresd’OutremeretdelanaissanceSalahedin.

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waswrittendowninitssurvivingform;however,itseemstohavedrawnonan earliertextortextsofasimilargenreandthusgivesdetailedinformationonthe topographyofthecityshortlybeforetheconquestof1187. The Citez de Iherusalem describes the area situated between the Street of Jehosaphatandthecitywalls:anumberofstreetsherewereknownastheJuiverie, andthiswaswherethegreatestnumberofSyrianslived.39However,thewording atthispointoftextdoesnotimplythattheSyrianslivedexclusivelyinthisdistrict, andindeed,itwouldseemthattheareabeingdiscussedwasaneighbourhood consistingofseveralstreetsaroundtheSyrianOrthodoxmonasteryofStMary Magdalene,ratherthantheentirenortheasternquadrant.Inanycase,itwouldbe unwisetoassumethatlivingpatternsinthelatetwelfthcenturyhadremained unchangedsincearound1116;allthatitmeansisthatbythelaterdate,Syrians weretobefoundpredominantlyinthenortheast.InfactWilliamofTyre,whois ourprincipalsourceofinformationontheimmigrantSyriansinthetimeofKing BaldwinI,doesnotmentionaspecificlocationwheretheysettled.Hesaysonly thattheking“conferreduponthemthosepartsofthecitywhichmostseemedto requiresuchrelief,andfilledthehouseswiththem.”40Thisphrasingsuggeststhat the immigrants were not confined to a single area, but settled in different neighbourhoods which were depopulated or needed economic regeneration. Considerationsofsecuritywouldalsoargueinfavourofdistributingpopulation aroundthecity,ratherthanimposingablocksettlementinasingleareawhich would leave other areas empty. Throughout history immigrants of distinct ethnicityorreligiousaffiliationshaveoftentendedtocongregatewithinurban environments,andsoitisquitepossiblethatCitezdeIherusalemsimplyreflectsthe resultofgradualpopulationmovementoverthecourseofthetwelfthcentury ratherthanasituationwhichhadremainedunchangedsincethesettlementinthe timeofBaldwinI. ThereisnoreasontodoubtthatovertimetherewasahighproportionofSyrian settlement in the northeastern section of the city, but it would be wrong to imaginethisasanexclusiveethnicorconfessionalarea.ItcontainedtheLatin conventofSt.Anne,andthisinstitutionpresumablyhadservantslivingnearby aswellaspossiblyFrankishtenantsinthehousesthatitowned,whiletheCitezde IherusalemitselfindicatesthatSyriansalsoweretobefoundoutsidetheJuiverie. TherewasaSyrianmoneyexchangesituatedinthecoveredstreetsjustsoutheast 39

40

Ernoul,“L’EstatdelacitédeIherusalem,”49:“OrreviengàleRuedeIosaffas.EntreleRuede Iosaffas&lesmursdelacité,àmainsenestre,dusqueàlePortedeIosaffas,aruesausicomune ville.LàmanoientliplusdesSuriiensdeIherusalem.EtcesruesapeloitonleIuerie.Encellerue deIuerieavoit.j.MoustierdeSainteMarieMadeleine.Etprèsdecelmostieravoituneposterne don’tonnepooitmieissirhorsascans,maisentre.ij.mursaloiton.” GuillaumedeTyr,Chronique,XI.27,536:“Quibusrexeascivitatispartes,quemagishocsolatio videbanturindigere,conferens,eisdomiciliareplevit.”

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ofthechurchoftheHolySepulchre(aLatin,i.e.,Frankish,moneyexchangewas situated further south).41 In this same central area there were also Syrian goldsmiths,whileSyrianshopkeepersweretobefoundinthestreetknownasthe coveredmarket,sellingproductsasdiverseasclothandcandles.Assumingthat artisansandshopkeepersnormallylivedabovetheirbusinesspremises,aswas commoninmedievalurbansociety,there musthavebeen a significantSyrian presenceinthecentralcommercialdistrict.42Similarly,Armeniansseemtohave lived around around the nucleus of their cathedral of St James in the south westernsectionthatformsthemodernArmenianQuarter;yetFranksmusthave heretooafteranewroyalpalacewasconstructedhereinthesecondhalfofthe twelfthcentury.43 Itwouldthereforeseemthatfromevidencefromthetimeofthecrusadesthe citywasnotdividedintoexclusiveresidentialquarters.44Amoreaccurateuseof the term “quarter” in this period would be to denote ownership rather than residence,asinthecaseofthePatriarch’sQuarter,thatisthenorthwesternsection which was owed by the patriarch of Jerusalem and the canons of the Holy Sepulchre,45andtheneighbouring(butmuchsmaller)Hospitallers’Quarter,which includedchurches,storehousesandthegreathospitalwhichprovidedlodgingand medicalcareforpilgrims.46 Even after the settlement of Syrians there was evidently still considerable unoccupied space, since the city was regularly able to house and service a populationofnonpermanentresidents,thatisthepilgrimswhoarrivedinthe springofeveryyearanddepartedattheendofthesummer;insomecases,they

41 42

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Ernoul,“L’EstatdelacitédeIherusalem,”42:“Ançoisc’onviegnealCangedesSuriiens,aune rueàmaindiestre,c’onapieleleRuedelSepulcre.LàestliPortedemaisondelSepulcre.” Ernoul,“L’EstatdelacitédeIherusalem,”34:“Amaindiestredecelmarciésontlesescopesdes orfevresSuriiens;”42–43:“QuantonvientdevantchelCange,sitreuveon,àmaindiestre,unerue couverteàvolte,parouonvaalmoustierdelSepulcre.EnceleruevendentliSuriienlordraperie, &s’ifaitonlescandellesdecire.” Boas,JerusalemintheTimeoftheCrusades,80. OnewonderswhetherPrawer’spostulationofaSyrianQuarterwasnotinfluencedbyhisbeliefs aboutwiderrelationshipsbetweentheFranksandthenativepeoples.Inhishighlyinfluential work,TheLatinKingdomofJerusalem,Prawerdescribesthisrelationshipasbeingcharacterizedby exploitationofthenativepopulationaswellas“politicalandsocialnonintegration”(512)and evenapartheid(524),inwhich“nativeChristiansweretreatednobetterthanMoslems,Jewsor Samaritans”(510).Ifthisweretrue,thenonecouldwellimaginethatnonintegrationwouldhave beenbuttressedbyphysicalseparation.However,recentresearchbyEllenblumhasshownthat the Franks lived together with native Christians and had close relations with them in the countrysideofPalestine.Thereisnoreasontobelievethatsuchrelationswerenotreplicatedin the city of Jerusalem. See Ronnie Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998),esp.119–44. GuillaumedeTyr,Chronique,IX.17–18,442–45. Boas,JerusalemintheTimeoftheCrusades,85–88.

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prolongedtheirstaysintosecondorfurtheryearssothattheymightbeconsidered aspermanentresidents.Muchofthecentralandsouthcentralsectionsofthecity weredevotedtosupportofpilgrims:alargenumberofcommunalinstitutions, such as hospices, were essential to coping with the large numbers, as were moneychangers,andevencateringarrangements.Mostoftheshopsinthecity weresituatedcentrallyonthestreetsrunningnorthtosouthalongthecourseof theancientRomanthoroughfareknownastheCardo.Becauseoftheshortageof woodaroundthecityitwasnotpossibleforeveryhouseholdtokeepitsown oven,andsomuchofthecookingandbakingwasdoneinlargecommunalovens. Pilgrims were especially reliant on the services provided by the Vicus Coquinatorum; this was the burger strip of twelfthcentury Jerusalem, which providedalargeassortmentofreadycookedfood;itwasbetterknownironically inFrenchasMalquisinat,thatisthe“StreetofBadCooking.”47Itisalsointeresting toconsiderwheremuchofthisfoodcamefrom.Therewasacattlemarketand abbatoirsituatedjustinsidethesouthernwalltothewestoftheTempleMount andapigmarket(thePorchariapatriarchalis)inthesouthwestofthePatriarch’s Quarter.48 The latter facility is noteworthy because many of the nonFrankish ChristiansofPalestine,whetherMelkite,SyrianOrthodoxorArmenian,tended nottokeeppigsoreatpork,asaresultofcenturiesofIslamicinfluence.Sothe existenceofthepigmarketisaclearindicationoftheheavyproportionofWestern population,thatisbothFrankishresidentsandpilgrims.

TheConquestbySaladin(1187) On 20 September 1187, having overrun most of Palestine in the wake of his devastatingvictoryoverthearmyofthekingdomofJerusaleminJuly,Saladin’s army began to besiege the Holy City. Frankish refugees had flooded into Jerusalemfromitsenvirons,whileothershadfledfromplacesfurtherafieldthat hadsurrenderedtoSaladin.However,thecitycontainedrelativelyfewfighting men.Almostallofthekingdom’savailableforceshadbeenputintothefield,and themajorityhadbeenkilledorcapturedatHattin,althoughafewhadmanaged tomaketheirwaybacktoJerusalem.49Thedemographicsituationofthecityatthis

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Ernoul,“L’EstatdelacitédeIherusalem,”37–38:“DevantleCange,venantàlaRuedesHerbes, auneruec’onapeleMalquisinat.Encelleruecuisoitonleviandec’onvendoitaspelerins.” Boas,JerusalemintheTimeoftheCrusades,142–43. TheChronicleoftheThirdCrusade:TheItinerariumPeregrinorumetGestaRegisRicardi,trans.Helen J. Nicholson (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997), 38; Ibn alAthr, The Chronicle of Ibn alAthr for the CrusadingPeriodfromalKmilfi’lta’rkh,Part2:TheYears541–589/1146–1193.TheYearsofNural DinandSaladin,trans.D.S.Richards(Aldershot:Ashgate,2007),330–31.

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moment,involvinganalmostexclusivelyChristianurbanpopulation,swollenby largenumbersofrefugeesfromthesurroundingcountryside,butcontaininga relativelysmallproportionoftrainedsoldiers,wasthusalmostamirrorimageof MuslimheldJerusalemontheeveofthecrusaderconquesteightyeightyears before. IntermsofitseffectsonthebesiegedpopulaceSaladin’sconquestwasradically different.AtthebeginningofthesiegeSaladinofferedterms,whichwererejected bythedefenders.However,oncehissappershadunderminedasectionofthe northernwalls,theFrankishcommander,BalianofIbelin,openednegotiationsfor surrender.Prevalentmilitarycustomdictatedthatsincethedefendershadrejected surrender terms when they had first been offered, and Saladin was under no furtherobligationtoshowanymercy;indeed,theMuslimclericswithhisarmy hadremindedhimofthemassacrecarriedoutbytheChristiansin1099,andwere nowurginghimtoavengeitbytakingthecitybystorm.However,suchanaction wouldbringitsownrisks.AccordingtothechroniclerIbnalAthr,BalianofIbelin threatened to destroy the Dome of the Rock and the Aqs Mosque and to kill severalthousandMuslimprisonerswhowerebeingheldwithinthecity.50 Thepotentiallydamagingcostsoftakingthecitybyassaultevidentlypersuaded Saladintoagreethattheinhabitantsshouldbeallowedtopurchasetheirfreedom, andthecitysurrenderedon2October.Thereisafairlycloseagreementbetween Arabic and Western sources on the rates of ransom that were eventually concluded.Saladinhadstartedoffwithrelativelyhighdemands,buteventually agreedtotendinars(or“Saracenbezants”totheFranks)foraman,fivefora womanandoneforachild.AlargenumberofindigentChristianscouldnotraise theirownransoms,andsoSaladinagreedtoacceptalumpsuminexchangefor atleast7,000ofthem.Sincethedefendershadnowexhaustedallavailablefunds, includingalargesumofmoneylodgedwiththeOrderoftheHospitalbyKing HenryIIofEngland,theremainderwereenslaved,althoughSaladinandsomeof hisofficersfreedmanyoftheseasanactofcharity.51 The circumstances of the surrender of Jerusalem to Saladin have often been contrastedfavourablywiththemassacrescarriedoutafterthecaptureofthecity bythecrusadersin1099.BythetimethatthedefendersofJerusalemaskedfor terms,SaladinwasincontrolofallofPalestine,saveforthewellfortifiedcoastal

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“TheOldFrenchContinuationofWilliamofTyre,1184–97,”TheConquestofJerusalemandtheThird Crusade:SourcesinTranslation,trans.PeterW.Edbury(Aldershot:Ashgate,1998),58. “TheOldFrenchContinuationofWilliamofTyre,”60–63;Bah’alDnIbnShaddd,TheRareand Excellent History of Saladin, or alNawdir alSultniyya wa’lMahsin alYsufiyya, trans. D. S. Richards(Aldershot:Ashgate,2002),78;‘ImâdadDînalIsfahânî,ConquêtedelaSyrieetdela PalestineparSaladin,trans.HenriMassé,Documentsrelatifsàl’histoiredescroisades,10(Paris: PaulGeuthner,1972),49.IbnalAthr,TheChronicle,332,divergesfromthepricesofransomgiven bytheContinuationandIbnShddadonlyinspecifyingtwodinarsastheransomforachild.

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cityofTyreandsomeinlandfortresses.Hehadcampaigningstilltodo,buthewas inaratherdifferentsituationfromthecrusadersof1099,who,aswehaveseen, hadbeenengagedinaraceagainsttimetoseizethecitybeforethearrivalofa Ftimid army. A fight to the finish would have cost the lives of many of the soldiers(whetherwithhisarmyorincaptivity)whowouldbeneededtobesiege Tyre;ifwearetobelievethethreatsattributedtoBalianofIbelin,hewouldalso beriskingthedestructionofthetwogreatreligioussitesontheHaramalSharif andtheadverseeffectonMuslimpublicopinionthatthiswouldentail. The surrender terms granted by Saladin were an effective means of gaining controlofJerusalem.Hissubsequentactionsshowthathisimmediateaimwasto emptythecityofitsFrankishpopulation,buttheybroughtotheradvantagesinhis wider struggle to recover all of Palestine and Syria for Islam. There is a great divergenceamongthesourcesconcerningthenumbersofpoorFrankswhowere released and those who were kept as prisoners, but it is clear that the entire Frankishpopulationwasremovedfromthecity.Theyweresentunderescortto Christianterritory;mostofthemwenttoTyre,whileotherswenttothecountyof Tripoli,theFrankishprincipalitytothenorthofthekingdom.52Yetonlyaminority ofthefugitiveswerefightingmen;thegreaterpartwerenoncombatants,women and children. By having these people peaceably removed to Tyre and Tripoli, Saladin was adding to the number of mouths to be fed in these already overcrowdedplacesthathewouldsoonbeattacking,thusplacinganadditional strainontheirlogisticresourceswithoutincreasingtheircapacityfordefenseto any significant extent. Individual Franks were obliged to collect their own ransoms, often by selling valuables to Saladin’s troops or native Christians at knockdownprices.Thiswasamuchmoreefficientmeansofsecuringthewealth of the city than would have been possible after a general assault, in which valuables would have been concealed by their owners or seized by Saladin’s plunderingsoldiers,anditgavehimtheopportunitytosystematicallyrewardhis followersandmakebenefactionstoreligiousandcharitablecauses.53 ThenewidentityofJerusalemasaMuslimcitywasrapidlysymbolizedbya transformationofreligioussitesorderedbySaladin.Thegreatgoldencrossontop oftheDomeoftheRockwascastdown,andtheancillarybuildingsbuilttoservice theTemplarheadquartersweredemolished.54Otherchurchbuildingsbelonging totheLatinChurchwereconfiscatedtoserveasIslamicreligiousfoundationsand charitableinstitutions.ThechurchofStAnnewasturnedintoamadrasa(religious

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“TheOldFrenchContinuationofWilliamofTyre,”64–65;Bah’alDnIbnShaddd,TheRareand ExcellentHistoryofSaladin,78. ‘ImâdadDînalIsfahânî,ConquêtedelaSyrieetdelaPalestineparSaladin,61–62. Bah’alDnIbnShaddd,TheRareandExcellentHistoryofSaladin,78;‘ImâdadDînalIsfahânî, ConquêtedelaSyrieetdelaPalestineparSaladin,51–59.

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school),whileaSfconventwasestablishedinthepatriarchalpalace.These,and otherfoundationssuchashospitals,werealsogivenpropertiestakenfromthe LatinChurchtoprovideendowments.55 Saladin’snewinstitutionswerenotonlyasignofJerusalem’snewstatusasan Islamiccity,butwereintendedtoserveasfocalpointsforMuslimimmigrants.For themanipulationofthe city’spopulationwasjustasimportantindefiningits identity,andevenmoresoinguaranteeingitssecurity.Jerusalemdidnotbecome anexclusivelyMuslimcity,anditisdoubtfulwhetherSaladincouldhavemade itso.However,hemadesignificantchanges.HerevokedtheFrankishprohibition onJewishsettlement,andtheJewsretainedaparticularlypositivememoryofthe sulatnbecauseofhisperceivedbenevolentpoliciestowardthem.56Armeniansand SyrianOrthodoxChristianswerepermittedtoremain,andthrived.Theirreligious authoritiesresidedatlocationsbeyondFrankishcontrolandSaladinevidently supposedthattheyhadnoparticularreasontowishareversaloftheconquest.He was less generous to the Melkites, probably because of their allegiance to the Byzantine emperor. They retained their rights of residence, but with a less privilegedstatusthanthenonChalcedonianchurches:theywerenotpermitted to replace the Latin patriarch with a Greek Orthodox one, as the Byzantine emperorhadhoped.57ThemostsignificanteffectofSaladin’sconquestwasthatthe entireFrankishpopulationwasremoved.Intermsofurbandemography,Saladin’s apparentlymercifulbutpragmatictreatmentofJerusalem’spopulationin1187 broughtaboutasimilarconsequenceastheslaughtercarriedoutasaresultofa systematicpolicyofexecutionin1099:theemptyingoftheHolyCityofenemy inhabitantsasdefinedbytheirreligiousaffiliation.

Conclusions TheslaughterthatfollowedthecrusaderconquestofJerusalemin1099wasnot primarilytheresultofthefrenzyofbattle,butthecoldbloodedimplementation ofaphenomenonwhichhas,inappropriately,becomeknownas‘ethniccleansing’ inthemodernworld.Itwasanactionwhichwasbynomeansuniqueinitstime, andinthecourseofthefollowingdecadetheWesternChristianswhosettledin

55

56 57

JohannesPahlitzsch,“TheTransformationofLatinReligiousInstitutionsintoIslamicEndowments by Saladin in Jerusalem,” Governing the Holy City: The Interaction of Social Groups in Medieval Jerusalem,ed.LorenzKornandJohannesPahlitzsch(Wiesbaden:Reichert,2004),47–69. Prawer,TheHistoryoftheJewsintheLatinKingdomofJerusalem,64–75. RichardB.Rose,“TheNativeChristiansofJerusalem,1187–1260,”TheHornsofHattn:Proceedings oftheSecondConferenceoftheSocietyfortheStudyoftheCrusadesandtheLatinEast,Jerusalemand Haifa,2–6July1987,ed.BenjaminZ.Kedar(Jerusalem:YadIzhakBenZvi,1992),239–49.

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Palestinecarriedoutsimilarmassacresinthecoastalcitiestheycapturedfrom their Muslim rulers. In the strategic thinking of the Frankish Christians, the securityoftheirnewkingdomrequiredthattheMuslimpopulationofitsmain citiesbedestroyed,expelled,orreducedtoasmallminority.However,thestrict demographic policies pursued by the Franks with regard to Jerusalem in the followingyearsshowthattheHolyCityhadauniquestatuswithinthestatesof Outremer,andperhapsevenwithinthewholeofChristendom,andthatthese policieshadasmuchtodowithreligiousidentityaswithsecurity.After1099the citycouldbe—andwas—markedoutasChristianthroughtheconstructionofnew religiousbuildingsor,asinthecaseoftheTemple,theappropriationofthecultic sitesofotherfaiths,butitwasequallyimportanttothenewrulersthatthecity’s Christian identity was embodied in the makeup of its population. This demographicmanipulationrepresentedachallengetothepowersofIslamthat meant that in 1187, the victorious Saladin had little choice but to reverse its consequences,eventhoughhisactionsweretoprovemarkedlylessbloodyintheir realization.

AndreasMeyer (PhilippsUniversitätMarburg,Germany)

HereditaryLawsandCityTopography:Onthe DevelopmentoftheItalianNotarialArchivesintheLate MiddleAges

At the beginning of the twelfth  century, the rise of the notarial register, or cartulary,revolutionizedtheexistingsystemofdocumentation,becausewithit endedtheageofcharters,andtheageofadministrativerecordsbegan. Intheageofcharters,twopartieshadreachedasettlementbeforeanotary,who thendrewupapublicinstrumentandhandedittotheparties.Thenotary’ssole functioninthisprocesswastoexecutetheparchment.Thedocumentenjoyed generalcredibilityaslongasitmetcertainformalcriteria.Thefabricationofsuch adocumentwascumbersomeandlaborintensive,sincethenotaryhadtowritea faircopybeforetheissuerandthewitnessesoftheproceedingscouldsignthe document.Thisprocedureoriginatedinlateantiquity,whenchartersintheform ofsealedwaxtabletswerecommon.Thetermtabellioforanotaryisareminiscence ofthattime.Whenparchmentchartersbegantoreplacewaxtablets,theprocedure didnotchangeimmediately,buttheautographicsignaturesoftheissuerandthe witnessessoondisappearedbecauseoftheseinconveniences.1 Thenotarialregisterdevelopedfromthenotesthatwereoriginallytakenbythe notaryinthepresenceofthecontractingparties.Fromthesenotes,thecharter couldlaterbedrawnup.Suchprovisionalnotes,whichhadnolegalbearing,can befounduntilthemiddleofthetwelfthcentury.Butalreadyatthebeginningof thatcenturynotariesstoppedtakingnotesonthebackoffuturecharters.Instead,

1

Thefollowingabbreviationswillbeused:AAL=ArchivioArcivescovilediLucca,ACL=Archivio Capitolare di Lucca, ASL = Archivio di Stato di Lucca, Dipl. = Diplomatico. Andreas Meyer, “Notar,”DerNeuePauly:EnzyklopädiederAntike,vol.15/1:La–Ot(StuttgartandWeimar:Verlag J. B. Metzler, 2001), col. 1088–101. I would like to express my gratitude to Rebekka Götting, Marburg,forthetranslationofmyarticleintoEnglish.

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theybegantoinscribethemmoreorlesschronologicallyonspecialparchmentsor sheetsofpaper,whichwerethenstoredatthenotary’shouse. Thischangeintheprocedurebroughtacoupleofadvantages.Firstofall,the contracting parties could now abstain from having a charter dressed up on parchment,whichwasespeciallyprofitablefortheshorttermtransactionsoftrade andindustry.Inthethirteenthcentury,thepercentageofengrossmentsonthe basis of notarial registers has probably not risen above 15 to 20 percent.2 This means that since the emergence of the notarial register, 80 per cent of the proceedingsrecordedbyanotaryhaveneverexistedoutsidehisregister.And because the number of registers surviving from the thirteenth century is very small,3thoseproceedingsthathavebeendresseduponparchmentrepresentafirst selectionofoursourcematerial. Notonlydidthisnewwayofproceedingrationalizetheprocess,italsoeffected areductionofcosts.Entriesintothenotarialregistersweremuchcheaperthana parchmentchartersincetheyrequiredlesstimeandmaterial.Atthesamecosts, onecouldnowemployanotaryfarmoreoften.Thethirdimprovementwasthe factthatacharter’sauthenticitycouldnowbeverifiedbycomparingitwiththe registerofthenotaryconcerned.Inshort:Thekeepingofaregisterturnedthe notaryintoanarchivistonbehalfofhisclients.Sincetherewerealwaysseveral notariesineveryquarterofatown,theypracticallylivednextdoortotheirclients, andthearchiveswerealwayswithinreach. Registerswerethepropertyofthenotary.Theyrepresentedanadditionalsource ofincomeforhimandhisheirssinceaparchmentchartercouldalsobedressed upalongtimeaftertheoriginalentryoftheproceedingsintotheregister.The commissiontoprepareanengrossment(commissio)couldeitherbeincludedinto thenotary’slastwill,orelsethecompetentjudgeofthemunicipalitygavethe respectiveorder. *** However, the aforementioned advantages did not come for free. Since the cartularyservedasanarchivefortheclientsofthenotary,itsaccessibilityhadto bewarrantedduringtheabsencesofthenotary,andalsoafterhisdeath.Ihave nowreachedthecenterofmyargument.Inthefollowing,Iwishtodemonstrate howtheemergenceofpublicnotarialarchivescametopass.Closelyconnectedto this is a question that historians are keenly interested in: Why have so few

2

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Andreas Meyer, Felix et inclitus notarius. Studien zum italienischen Notariat vom 7. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert.BibliothekdesDeutschenHistorischenInstitutsinRom,92(Tübingen:MaxNiemeyer Verlag,2000,)294–95. Cf.Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,179–222.

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cartulariesfromthetimebefore1300survived?Isthisanaccidentoftradition,or arethoselossesduetostructuralcircumstances? Itissurprisingtousthatthethirteenthcenturycommissionesseldommentionthe exactpositionofthenotarialregisterconcerned.4Thisinformationwasprobably omittedbecausecontemporariesknewwheretofindtherespectiveregisters,5and

4

5

InthirteenthcenturyLuccasuchmemorandacanparadoxicallyalmostonlybefoundifthenotary HenricusGuercii(Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.188)hadstoredtheregisterinquestion, cf.AALArchiviodeiBeneficiatiperg.M136:theengrossingnotaryVelterquondamAlbertini Veltri (no. 911) noted: “hec omnia fideliter sumens de rogito quondam Ingherrami Raggiosi notarii(no.192)parabolaetmandatoHenrigiGuerciinotarii,apudquemipsiusrogitainveni,ut ineoinveni,hicbonafidescripsietmeumsingnumetnomenapposui”ASLDipl.Archiviodi Stato1219.09.14:Aldebrandusqd.DactiMaghenthie(no.531)signedwith“suprascriptaomnia delibroqd.Rolandinotarii(no.674)rogitorumfidelitersumpmensparabolaetmandatoHenrigi Guerciinotarii,apudquempredictumliberrogitoruminveni,scripsietmeosignoetnomine publicavi,”AALDipl.††G5:BullionePaganiCantonis(no.601)noted:derogitoLucteriinotarii(no. 240) “. . . parabola et mandato Henrigi Guercii notarii, apud quem predicta rogita inveni, ... scripsi”etc.;AALDipl.†C55:AldibrandinusJacobiTadiccionis(no.12)subscribedwith“hec omniaderogitoBonaventureGuerciinotarii(no.71)fidelitersumpmensparabolaetmandato HenrigiGuerciieiusfilii,apudquempredictainveni,scripsietmemoriecausameumsignumet nomen apposui,” ASL Dipl. S. Ponziano 1250.09.08, is an exception: Ricciardus Bonaventure Vecchii(no.305)noted:“proutinrogitorumlibroJacobiLeccamolininotarii(no.211)contineri invenilicentiaetmandatoGerardiniMalusinotariigermanis(sic)sui,cuipredictilibrisintet lic[entiam] habetcartasfaciendiperseetperalium,itahicscripsi.”Theremainingpiecesof evidencestemfromthefourteenthcentury.NicolausCeciiBonaiunctevonLucca(no.567)wrote: “de quodam libro rogitorum Guidi Caldovillani notarii (no. 166) ... de licentia et voluntate PercivallisRicchomiPaganideLucanotarii,quidictoslibroshabet...,”ASLDipl.OperadiS. Croce1280.10.08;Ursusqd.OrlandinidictusdeVicocivislucanuswrote:“predictaomniaprout contineri inveni in libris rogitorum qd. ser Bonacursi Johannis de Valgiano notarii (no. 784) fidelitersumensexlicentiamihiconcessaaqd.dominovicarioqd.dominilucanipotestatishic exemplaviscripsietpublicavietmeisingnumetnomenapposuietquiliberremansitsubcustodia Johannis filii qd. suprascripti Bonacursi,” ASL Dipl. Ghivizzani 1296.11.19; the cartularies of Bellone (no. 43) in 1378 were situated “in custodia Dettori Lanfredi de Luca,” ASL Dipl. Andreuccetti1269.03.22.AcharterfromTortonafrom1255bearsthefollowingsignature:“Ego GuillelmusdeBagnolonotariuspalatinusfiliusqd.dominiPetrihanccartam,quaeimbreviavi perRufinumdeCagnanonotariumiussuAribertiSuavisnotarii,inquemipsiusimbreviature pervenerunt,auctoritatepredictascripsi,”cf.Documentidegliarchivitortonesirelativiallastoriadi Voghera aggiuntevi le carte dell’Archivio della cattedrale di Voghera, ed. by V. Legé e F. Gabotto. BibliotecadellaSocietàstoricasubalpina,39(Pinerolo:ChiantoreMascarelli,1908),no.108. TheBergomascstatutesof1264compelnotariestohandback“ownerlessnotarialscripts”totheir ownerswithinthreedays,StatutinotarilidiBergamo(secoloXIII),ed.GiuseppeScarazzini.Fonti estrumentiperlastoriadelnotariatoitaliano,2(Rome:Consiglionazionaledelnotariato,1977), 80§11and119§146.InPaviaeachnotaryhadtoswearthathewouldnothidebreviariaofother notaries, be they alive or dead, Renato Sóriga, “Statuta, decreta et ordinamenta societatis et collegiinotariorumPapiereformata(1255–1274),”Carteestatutidell’Agroticinese.Bibliotecadella Societàstoricasubalpina,129(Torino:M.Gabetta1933),135–261;here178,§175.Accordingtothe statutesofAlbenga(1288),thePodestàandhisjudgewerecompelledtofindthenotarialregisters ofdeceasednotaries:“Etsiipsacartulariavelaliquodcartularium,quodfueritquondamalicuius notariipublici,inventavelinventumfueritpenesaliquem,quinonfueritnotarius,potestaset

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notarieswhoworkedinthesametownkneweachotherwellbecausetheywere joined in a college. The overview over the depositories of the cartularies of deceasednotarieswasalsomaintainedbyspeciallocationdirectorieskeptbythe communes, respectively by the notary colleges. If I am not mistaken, this circumstanceisfirstmentionedinastatuteof1264fromBergamo: EtperconsulesilliuscollegiieliganturduonotariiproqualibetportacivitatisPergami, quiteneanturinquirerenotariosdefunctosadecemannisinfraetquisuntilli,qui habent et habere debent illorum imbreviaturas . . . . Et predicta scribantur in uno quaternoremansuropenesconsulesipsiuscollegii.6 [Theconsulsofthenotarycollegeshouldchoosetwonotariesforeveryquarterofthe townBergamothathadtofindoutwhostorestheregistersofthenotariesthatdied lessthantenyearsago.Andtheyshouldkeepanindexaboutitwhichisdeposited withtheconsulsofthiscollege].

AnalogousarrangementscanbedocumentedformanyupperItalianandTuscan cities since the thirteenth century. For example, the statutes of the Lucchese commune of 1308 compelled notaries to create an index (memoriale) of their contracts(contractus)after1240,amarginalnoteinthestatuteof1331specifiesthey mustbeperalfabetum.Furthermore,everynewPodestàwasobligedtoconveneall notariesduringthefirsttwomonthsofhistenure,compellingthemonoathto createalistofalltheregistersintheircustody,includingboththeirownregisters andthoseofothernotaries.Bothlistsservedtohelpcitizenslocatetheircontracts.7

6

7

iudex teneantur ea dari facere seu poni in potestatem alicuius seu aliquorum notariorum electorumperheredesdefunctinotarii,dummodovideanturbonietdiscreti”(Andwhenregisters which had belonged to a deceased notary are found with someone who is not a notary, the podestàorthejudgemustensurethattheyaredepositedwithanotarywhowaschosenforthis purpose by the successors, provided that he has a good reputation), quotation from Giorgio Costamagna,“Laconservazionedelladocumentazionenotarile,”Archiviperlastoria3(1990):7–20; here 8. Corrado Pecorella, Studi sul notariato a Piacenza nel secolo XIII. Università di Parma. Pubblicazionidellafacoltàdigiurisprudenza,26(Milan:A.Giuffrè1968),140,arguesthatthe numberofnotariesintheDuecentohadstillbeenmanageable,andthatnotarieshadfurthermore beenboundtoeachotherbyfriendlyandfamilyrelations. StatutinotarilidiBergamo,118§141–42.Thelegislationwasrepeatedandamendedin1281,ibid. 138–43§199–212.InPaviacontroloverthewritingsofdeceasednotarieslaywiththenotarial college,cf.Sóriga,Statuta153§39–41,159§56,andtheindex158nos.58–60. ArnaldoD’Addario,“LaconservazionedegliattinotarilinegliordinamentidellaRepubblica lucchese,”Archiviostoricoitaliano109(1951)193–226;here195and220(Statuteof1331).Statutum lucanicomunis108–09:“Etquislibetnotariuslucanecivitatis,burgorumetsuburgorumetlucani districtusteneaturfacerememorialedeomnibuscontractibus,quoshabetetfecitabannodomini M.CC.XLcitraetquosfacturusestinantea.Etpotestaslucanusinfraduosmensessuiintroytus teneaturpersevelsuumiudicemconvocarevelconvocarifacerecoramseomnessuprascriptos notarioseteisetcuiqueeorumimponerepernovumiuramentumabeisprestandumetpercipere, quoddeomnibussuprascriptisrogitis,tamdesuis,quamdealteris,dequibushabetlicentiam faciendicartas,memorialefaciant;itaquodcitiusetleviuscontractusinveniripossint”(Each

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Furthermorenotarieswereobligedtoreportforeigncartularies,whichweregiven intotheirhands,tothemunicipalchamberwithintheperiodofamonth.From these lists, two delegated notaries compiled indexes that were issued in book form.8 Thisregulationremainedunaltereduntil1448whentheLuccheseauthorities issuedneworders.Fromthenon,heirswerecompelledtodeliverthedocuments ofadeceasednotaryintothecustodyofthepublicarchivewithintendays.After theyhadbeeninventoried,thedocumentsshouldthenbeplacedinacapsaatthe charge of the community.9 This marked the creation of a communal notarial archiveinLucca.Tosumup:Notarialarchivesdevelopedinthreephases.Inthe early days, from the middle of the twelfth until the middle of the thirteenth century, registers were stored exclusively by notaries and their heirs, which accordedwiththeirveryowninterests. But the number of notaries simultaneously working in the same place was rapidly increasing since 1250, which in turn necessitated a higher degree of regulation, since the accustomed way of proceeding threatened to become unmanageable.Ownersofnotarialregisterswerefromthenonobligedtocreate anindexofallthevolumestheystored,whichwouldbepubliclyaccessible,a

8

9

notaryofLuccashouldproduceanindexofallcontractssince1240whichhestores.Thepodestà orhisjudgeshouldconveneallnotarieswithinthefirsttwomonthsofhistermofofficeand obligethemonoathtoproduceanindexofallthoseregistersoutofwhichtheyareallowedto drawupcharterssothatthecontractscanbefoundeasierandfaster). Statutumlucanicomunisan.MCCCVIII(Lucca:MariaPaciniFazzieditore,1991)(isaReprintof StatutodelcomunediLuccadell’annoMCCCVIII.Memorieedocumentiperservireallastoriadi Lucca, 3/3 [Lucca: Tipografia Giusti, 1867]) 109–10: “Et quod omnes notarii lucane civitatis, districtus et sex miliariorum presentes et fucturi habentes libros aliquorum notariorum vel alicuiusnotariiteneanturetdebeantdenunptiareincameralucanicomunis,cuiusetquorum notariorumhabeantlibros interunummensempostdenuntiationempublicefactamexparte maiorislucaniregiminis;quamdenuntiationemlucanumregimeninfraunummensemadiesui introytusfacereteneatur.EtConteClavarii(Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.103)etTedaldinus Lazarii Gay (no. 327) notarii et custodes librorum lucani comunis, et qui loco eorum fuerint subrogativelpositi,teneanturetdebeantexindeunumlibrumfacere,inquopredictadescribant” (AllnotariesofLuccawhostorecartulariesofdeceasednotariesshoulddeclare,withinonemonth aftertheywereorderedtodosobythegovernment,registersoifothernotariestheyown.The governmentshouldaskthemtodothisduringthefirstmonthoftheirtermofoffice;thenotaries andthekeepersofthemunicipalbooks,ConteClavariiandTedaldinusLazariiGay,ortheir substitutesshouldproduceanindexoutoftheinformationsobtained).Whoeverdisobeyedthis directivehadtopaytheextraordinaryhighfeeofahundredpounds.Butthiswasnotanovelty of1331,asD’Addario,“Laconservazione,”196,claimed. D’Addario, “La conservazione,” 207 and 222 (Statute of 1448). In 1540 all owners of notarial registerswerefinallyobligedtodeliverthemtothepublicrecordoffice,ibid.211.Thesame wording of the statute of 1448 again in Vito Tirelli, “Il notariato a Lucca in epoca basso medioevale,”Ilnotariatonellaciviltàtoscana.Studistoricisulnotariatoitaliano,8(Rome:Consiglio nazionaledelnotariato,1985),239–309;here300–01,note97.

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compromisethatbothguaranteedthereservationofproprietaryrightsofnotaries, and facilitated the locating of contracts. It was only around the middle of the fifteenthcenturythattheobligationtodeliverprivateregistersintothecareofan archive—controlled by the commune or the notary college—finally prevailed. From the creation of the first registers to the establishment of public notary archives,300yearshadpassed. *** However,thislongdurationdoesnotfullyexplainwhysofewregistersfromthe earlydayshavesurvived.Inordertoanswerthisquestion,Inowwanttopresent a source that has not been analyzed before. Not only does this source give us valuableinformationabouttheafterlifeoftheearlyregisters,italsoexemplarily showswhyonlyafewregisterswereabletosurviveinthismanner. TheoldestsurvivingcatalogueofthelocationsofnotaryregistersinLuccaopens intheyear1344.10Inthefollowing,letushaveacloserlookatthedenuntiationes (declarations)oftwonotaries.Onthe26thofJanuary1367,Johannesquondam PieriBenettideLuca,11whohadbeenworkingasanotarysince1350,declaredthat hewasinpossessionofseveralvolumesbySerAldibrandinusGhiandonis,12by SerGhiandoneGregorii13andbySerFavaBeccafave,14“dequibushabetlicentiam sumendi”(forwhichhehaspermissiontodrawthemup)sinceJuly30,1361;by SerPaganellusGhiove,bySerRustichellusGhiove15andbySerAndreasParenti,16 “dequibushabetlicentiam”(forwhichhehasapermission)sinceMay7,1354;by SerJohannesRegabenis,17bySerTediciusMorlani,18bySerBonaventuraVecchii andbySerRiccardusVecchii,dequibushabetlicentiamsinceDecember1362;19by

10 11 12

13

14 15

16 17 18 19

ASLArchivipubblici13. ASLArchivipubblici13fol.5rs. PossiblyidenticalwithAldebrandinusquondamGhiandolfiHomodei,cf.Meyer,Felixetinclitus notarius,no.11. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.153.ProbablyworkingintheContradadiSanMatteo,cf.AAL Dipl.*C70:[Luce]indictadomo[quondamVenturequondamAdvenantisincontradasanctiMathei]. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.119. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,nos.1303and646;theGhiovaprobablyworkedintheContrada diSantaMariainVia.SomevolumesoftheGhiovawerestoredinthehouseofVannellafilia quondamSerPaganelliGhiovedeLucain1382,engrossingnotarywasJacobusquondamSer NicolaDomaschi,cf.ASLArchivipubblici30fol.133r. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.20. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.223. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.329. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,nos.721and305.TheVecchiiworkedinthequarter(porta)ofSan Donato,theyalsocalledthemselvesdeposterulafluminis,whichwassituatedatthechurchS. Tommaso,cf.ACLLL17fol.66v,LL21fol.76v:“BartholomeusdecontratasanctiThomeide posterulafluminisquondamAngiori.”Thisgatehasbeendocumentedsincethetenthcentury,

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SerTomasusLeonisandbySerLandusLeonis,“dequibushabetlicentiam”since the6thofMarch1365;20bySerJacobusquondamGuilielmiVecchiiandbySer GhirardinusRicciardiVecchii,“dequibusnonhabetlicentiam.”21Hiscollection ofoldcartularies,aboutthesizeofwhichJohannes’scommentaryisunfortunately verysparse(quosdamlibros),washenceacquiredwithintheperiodofelevenyears, providedweonlyconsiderthosenameswhichareknowntousbysignaturesfrom

20

21

cf.IsaBelliBarsali,“LatopografiadiLuccaneisecoliVIII–XI,”AttidelVcongressointernazionale di studi sull’alto medioevo, Lucca 3–7 ottobre 1971 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1973), 461–555; here 476 and 547 (San Tommaso). The localistation of Giulio Ciampoltrini, “Archeologia lucchese d’età comunale: Le mura urbiche e le terre nuove,” Archeologiamedievale29(1997):445–70;here445–60,copiedunseenbyGuidoTigler,“DerFall Lucca,” La bellezza della città: Stadtrecht und Stadtgestaltung im Italien des Mittelalters und der Renaissance,ed.MichaelStolleisandRuthWolff(Tübingen:MaxNiemeyerVerlag,2004),134–203; here150–51,isincorrect.TheevidenceproducedbyCiampoltrini(460,note53)correctlyreads: “ultraLucamapudposterulamfluminisindomosuprascriptiLanberteschinotarii[quondam Guinithellinotarii]”(Meyerno.228),whiletheareasituatedclosetoFrattaoutsidethecitywalls is described as extra murum civitatis lucane iuxta pontem Fracte,” ACL LL 31 fol. 37v. It belongedtotheContradadiSanPietroSomaldi:“LuceextramurosnovoscivitatisapudFractam contratesanctiPetriSomaldiindomo,quamdictaJacobinainhabitat,queestJohannisquondam AntelminelliCornadoris,”AALDipl.*M76,respectivly“indictadomo[propemuroslucane civitatisextrapontemdeFractaincontratasanctiPetriSomaldi],”ASLArchivigentiliziDeNobili perg.n.2B.FlumenofcoursestandsfortheSerchio,whosecoursewascontinuallyforcedback fromthecityduringtheMiddleAges.Tigler’ssource(150)thusrefersnottothepartofthecity wallthatstartsattheHospitalofSanGiovanniincapiteburgiandrunssouth,paralleltothe modernViadiSantaGemmaGalgani,buttothepartwhichrunsfromtheformerHospitalesancti Fridianitothewest.Partsofitcanstillbedetectedinthepresentdaycitywall,cf.PaoloMencacci, Lucca:.Lemuraromane.Accademialucchesediscienze,lettereedarti.Studietesti,67(Lucca: EdizioniS.MarcoLitotipo,2001),TablesXXVII–XXVIII.Thepassagecorrectlyreads:Etacapite muri, quem prior sancti Fridiani fieri fecit novum pro muro civitatis ex parte septentrionis hospitalis usque ad turrem de posterula, ubi est modo platea fluminis ex parte civitatis, per amplumconservaboinvaliditatemcivitatisetutilitatemlucanipopulietcomunisbrachia25iuxta ipsummurumetdeforisnovosmurosbrachia36,sitantaplagiaetterrenumibiest,sinautem usqueadid,quodmodoibiest,usqueadpredictammensuram,etipsumterrenumsiveplagias faciamterminatumpermanereinfranovumetveteremmurumet,sialiquapersonaipsumaldium [sic,insteadofalvium]imbrigaveritetc.,disgomberarifaciametc.ettollamimbrigamentumet nullamfoveamessepermittaminterortosetipsumaldium,nisisepesest(?)expartevieseualdii, itaquodfoveanonseparereturdeipsoaldio(andfromthewallwhichthepriorofSanFrediano hadrecentlybuiltastownwallnorthofthehospitaluptothetowngate(posterula),wherethe platform(plateafluminis)issituatedforsomelittletimenow,Ikeepopenastrip25armswide towardstown,andoutsideofthewallonestrip36armswideforthebenefitofthetown,provided thatthereissomuchspace,orasmuchspaceasthereisopen;andIhavethisterraininsideand outsideofthetownwallsecuredwithboundarystones,andwhensomebodygrabsit,Ihaveit cleared;furthermore,Idonotallowaditchtobedugthere),ASLRaccoltespecialiG.B.Orsucci 40fol.38v. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,nos.330and270:TheLeoniownedaBottegaatthechurchofSan PietroinCortina,onthepresentdayPiazzaNapoleone. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,nos.1107,1016.

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theDuecento.Thebundlesofdocumentsthatfoundtheirwayintothehandsof Johannesoftencontainedthepapersofrelatednotaries,as,forexample,thoseof theGhiova,theVecchii,ortheLeonis.Inmostcases,Johanneswasallowedto executefromtheregistersstoredinhiscare.Itisnoticeablethatnotasingleone ofallthesecartulariesmentionedintheabovesourcehassurvived.Hiscomplete collectionwaslostatalaterpointintime. ThemanyregistersthatthenotaryBernardusfiliusquondamSerBonacurside LanfredisfromthecontradaS.PetriCigolistoredathisplaceonthe27thofJanuary 1367sufferedthesamefate.22Inhiscollectionwecanfindnotonlythecartularies oftheGlandolfini,23whoworkedinthesamequarterofthetownintheduecento, but also those of Gualtroctus de Quarto,24 of Bellone,25 of Nicolaus Jacobi Gualistaffi,26 of Perus Peri, and of several others.27 The only registers that Bernardus’ssonDectorusexplicitlydeclaredin1378arethoseoflateSerBellone, andthoseofthreemembersoftheGlandolfinifamily.28Theothervolumeshave probablybeenlostinthemeantime. During the fourteenth century, one can perceive a slow, but constant concentrationofolderregistersinthehandsofonlyafewnotaries,whooften worked in the same quarter. Due to this development, a single catastrophe, a single carelessness was often sufficient to delete irrevocably the complete collectionofregistersofawholegroupofnotaries,simultaneouslyshaping,or ratherdistorting,ourhistoricalknowledge.

22

23

24 25

26 27 28

ASLArchivipubblici13fol.12r–13r;cf.Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,375.FortheLanfredicf. AndreasMeyer,“DieältestenLuccheserImbreviaturen(1204)–einebislangunbeachteteQuelle zurHandelsgeschichte,”ItaliaetGermania:LiberamicorumArnoldEsch,ed.HagenKeller,Werner Paravicini,andWolfgangSchieder(Tübingen:MaxNiemeyerVerlag,2001),563–82;here570–71. Tothisfamilycf.Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,371–77andMeyer,LuccheserImbreviaturen, 564–65. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotariusno.161;hehadworkedatSanMicheledeBurghicciolo. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.43;hisBottegawasprobablysituatedintheContradeofSan PietroSomaldi. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.569. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.801. ASLArchivipubblici30fol.121v.ThisdepositoryisalsoconfirmedbythesignatureofJohannes quondamSerUrsiConsiliiolimdeDecimocivislucanus,cf.ASLDipl.Andreuccetti1269.03.22: “predicta omnia fideliter summens de libro rogitorum quondam Bellonis notarii existenti in custodiaDettoriLanfredideLucahicscripssi(!)etpublicavi,proutineointeraliudcontineri inveni,exlicentiamihiconcessaamaiorilucanoregiminepercartampublicamscriptammanu serFederigiquondamserNicolaiPantassedeLucanotariietcustodislibrorumcammerelucani comunisfactam,annonativitatisdominimillesimotrecentesimoseptuagesimooctavo,indictione prima,diedecimaoctavamensismaii”(Ihavefaithfullytakentheaforesaidfromthenotarial register of the deceased Bellone which is stored with Dettorus Lanfredi of Lucca and I have publisheditherethewayIfounditinsideitamongotherthings,accordingtothepermissionof the government of Lucca which the notary and keeper of the municipal books, Federigus quondamSerNicolaiPantasseofLucca,gavemeonMay18,1378).

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*** Notaries were not always so brief when reporting the registers they stored. Detailedinformationinthesedeclarationsallowforanidentificationofseveral survivingvolumes,eventheirlocationintheTrecentocanbereconstructed.Onthe 22ndofJanuary1367,thenotaryFilippusGangiowned,amongstothers,“libros multosquorumprimusestannidominiMCCLXXetprimuscontractusestquarto kalendasianuarii”(manyvolumesofwhichtheoldestgoesbacktotheyear1270 andinwhichthefirstcontractdatesfromDecember29,1269)JohannesBerald29 “librostresquorumprimusestannidominiMCCLXXIIetLXXIII”(threevolumes of which the first dates from the years 1272 and 1273) by Paganellus de Fiandrada,30“librumunumpaciumannidominiMCCCetCCCI”(onevolume withpeacetreatiesfromtheyears1300and1301)byLambertusSornachi,31and “librostres,quorumprimusestannidominiMCCLXXXIIII”(threevolumesof whichthefirst datesfromtheyear1284)byNicolausChiavarii.32Butofthose manyvolumes,onlyfourhavesurvived.33 These stocklists also inform us about the fate of communal volumes of documents.TheregisterofLambertusSornachimentionedabovecontainedonly peacesettlements(pax),itwashencewrittenoncommunalorder,andnevertheless founditswayintothepersonalarchiveofthenotary.Aperusalofthementioned inventoriesofthefourteenthcenturyshowsthatthedocumentsoftheLucchese lawcourtsfrequentlyremainedwiththerespectivenotaries.Althoughthestatutes of1308onlycompelledthecancellariicomunisLucanitodelivertheirregisterstothe communalchamberonceayear,itseemsthatthisregulationquicklyextended itselfontonotariesworkingatcourt,ascanbeseenfromtheearliestinventoryof thechamberin1344.34Nevertheless,thedeclarationofpossessionbyGregorius

29

30 31 32 33

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Meyer, Felix et inclitus notarius, no. 215; he lived in the Contrada di San Giusto, ASL Dipl. Miscellaneeanno1287.IntheMiddleAgesthenewyearbeganinLuccaatChristmas. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.280;heworkedintheContradadiSanAnastasio. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.466. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.468. ASL Archivi pubblici 13 fol. 45rs; ASL Archivio dei notari parte prima filza 37 registro 1 (Johannes,from1300),filza12registro1(Paganellus,from1272–1273),filza41(Lambertus),filza 14registro2A(Nicolaus,from1284).IntheindexthathissonJohannesquondamSerFilippi GanghideLucasubmittedin1383,theaformentionedvolumescannolongerbefound,withthe exceptionoftheonebyJohannes,cf.ASLArchivipubblici30fol.136r. Statutumlucanicomunis108:“Itemquodomneslibriconsiliorumetlicterarumlucanicomunis debeantdeponiapudcameramlucanicomunispercancellarioseoshabentessinguloannoinfra octo dies cuiusque mensis Ianuarii iuramento preciso” (The chancellors should deposit all volumesofthecouncilsandofthelettersofthecommuneofLuccawhichtheystoreattheir housesinthechamberofthecommuneofLuccaeveryyearinthefirstweekofJanuary).The

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filiusolimAndreucciArnaldioftheyear1389containsasumtotaloftenvolumes “rogita Ser Jacobi Dardagnini de Luca,” among them “unus liber testium examinatorum, unus liber insolutorum anni MCCCXLIIII cartarum duodecim, unus liber insolutorum curie domini potestatis manu dicti Ser Jacobi anni MCCCLI”[onevolumewithtestimonies,onevolumewithassignmentsfrom1344 containing24pages,onevolumewithassignmentsofthepodestà’slawcourtby thehandofthementionednotaryJacobusfrom1351]. ThefourcommunalregistersthatGregoriuskeptinhiscarerepresentedonlya smallpartofhistotalstoreofvolumes,whichconsistedof66registersfrom14 differentnotaries.Theoldestcartularieswerefivevolumes“manuSerJohannis notarii,nonestprenomen,”from1245to1260. *** Thefactthatvolumeswrittenbymanydifferentnotariesaccumulatedinaprivate archiveisnotinitselfextraordinary.In1381,thehouseofPina,headedbythe widow of Ser Paulus quondam Ser Jacobini de Corelia olim notarius, held the productionofnolessthansixtynotaries.Elevenofthesenotariescanbeevidenced alreadyintheDuecento,whichprovesthatthecollectionhadaconsiderableage.35 The Lucchese merchant and son of a notary Andreas quondam Ser Andree Domaschi36storedfifteenvolumesofAlluminatusJacobiandanothernotaryin 1389,someofwhichhavesurviveddespitetheconspicuousannotation“suntad pondus librarum LII” (weighing 52 pounds).37 Maybe Andreas considered to

35 36 37

oldestsurvivinginventoryoftheLuccheseChamberstemsfrom1344.Itlistsmanyvolumesof theLuccheselawcourts,cf.AntonioRomiti,“ArchivalinventoryinginfourteenthcenturyLucca: Methodologies,theories,andpractises,”TheotherTuscany.EssaysintheHhistoryofLucca,Pisa, andSienaDduringtheTthirteenth,Ffourteenth,andFfifteenthcCenturies,ed.ThomasW.Blomquist and Maureen M. Mazzaoui. Studies in Medieval culture, 34 (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications,1994),83–109;here85–86,withnotes9–13.Atthelatestfrom1286,deliverywas compulsoryforchancellors,cf.ASLArchiviodeinotariprimapartefilza5p.64/1,bythehand of Lambertus Rape notarius et cancellarius (Meyer no. 232): “Gerardectus de Chiatri notarius consignavitetdeditdompnisNicolaoetFilippocamerariislucanicomunisunumlibrumliterarum conpositumetfactumtemporedominiJohannisCenciiMalabrancheolimpotestatislucensisin annodominiMCCLXXXproVIultimismensibusdictianni”(ThenotaryGerardectusdeChiatri handedovertothecammerariiofLucca,NicolausandFilippus,avolumeoflettersthathavebeen writtenduringthelastsixmonthsoftheyear1280undertheruleofthepodestàatthattime, JohannisCenciiMalabranche). ASLArchivipubblici30fol.133r. Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.486. NamelyASLArchiviodeiNotariparteprimafilza17registri1–2,filza18registro2,filza19 registro1.

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recyclethevolumesaswastepaperwhenhehadthemweighed,sincetheregister hedescribedas“valdecorruptumetdistructum”todayismissing.38 Storingtheregistersoftheirdeceasedcolleagueswasapparentlyinterestingto notariesofthefourteenthcentury,especiallyiftherehadbeenafamilyrelation, or else if they had worked in the same quarter of a town.39 Since the older generationhadthemselvesalreadycollecteddocumentsfromtheirpredecessors, huge private archives were quickly accumulated through inheritance. The expensesofthesearchiveswereprobablyenormous,becausetheytookupalotof space.Whenthestorageroomsbecametoonarrowtoholdtheentirecollection, verylikelytheoldestvolumesofthestockweresuccessivelystoredawayinunfit adjoiningrooms.Theretheymoulderedawayuntiltheywerediscardedsecretly, against the rules, at the next change of ownership. But this procedure often eliminated not only the production of a single notary or of a single family of notaries. – In the worst case, it also destroyed the production of a complete generationorofagroupofnotariesthathadbeenworkinginthesamequarter, withsevereconsequencestoourhistoricalknowledge. *** Contemporarieswereabletolocatetheregistersofdeceasednotariesbythehelp oftheaforementionedcommunalindexvolumes.Theapplicationofthissolution

38 39

ASLArchivipubblici15fol.253r. AftertheearlydeathofPhilippusquondamSpecte,whohadhisofficeclosetoSantaMariain Via,hiscousinUrsusquondamLambertiArmanni,whowasanotaryinfaraway“capiteBurgi sanctiFridiani,”drewup81proceedings,Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,292–94.

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canbefoundinPiacenza,40Treviso,41Pisa,42Florence,43Pistoia,44andSiena45since thelatterpartofthethirteenthcentury.Butthisprocedure,asmentionedabove, didnotfullysecurethestorageofthevolumesthroughthecenturies.Accordingly, in1389itwasadvisedinSienatostorethecartulariesofdeceasednotariesinthe roomsofthenotarycollege.46Butitseemsthatthisadvicewasnotheededinthe following centuries because the two oldest surviving cartularies from Siena, stemmingfromtheearlythirteenthcentury,reachedtheRecordOfficeofSiena

40 41

42

43

44

45

46

Pecorella,Studisulnotariato,140. BiancaBetto,Icollegideinotai,deigiudici,deimediciedeinobiliinTreviso(secc.XIII–XVI).Storiae documenti.Miscellaneadistudiememorie,19(Venice:Deputazioneeditrice,1981),120:“quando aliquisdeconfratribusdicticollegiidecesserit,scribaturpeneseiusnomenmillesimumindictio etdiessubquibusdecesseritetetiamcuifuerintsueabreviationesconces‹s›e”(whenamember ofthiscollegedies,thedateofhisdeath,strictlyspeakingtheyear,indictionandday,andthe nameoftheonewhomhisregisterswerehandedoverto,shouldbewrittendownnexttothe name). StatutiineditidellacittàdiPisadalXIIalXIVsecolo,ed.byFrancescoBonaini,3vols.(Florence:G. P.Viesseux,1854–1870),vol.1:229:“Etherescuiusquenotariiteneaturpostmortemnotariiipsa actarecomendareapudaliquemnotariumcumconscientiaiudicisdecancellaria”(Theheirofa notaryisorderedtodeposittherecordsofthedeceasedwithanothernotarywiththeapproval ofthejudgeofthechancellery),andvol.3794–95. Since 1420, cf. Antonio Panella, “Le origini dell’archivio notarile di Firenze,” Archivio storico italiano92(1934)57–92;here66.G.Biscione,“LaconservazionedellescritturenotariliaFirenze dalXIIsecoloall’istituzionedelpubblicogeneralearchiviodeicontratti,”Dagliarchiviall’archivio. Appuntidistoriadegliarchivifiorentini,ed.byC.Vivoli(Florence:EDIFIR,1991),27–52,isoflittle valuesinceitlacksreferences. Ezelinda Altieri Magliozzi, “Protocolli notarili conservati nell’Archivio di Stato di Pistoia,” Bullettinostoricopistoiese80(1978):121–33;here121–23(1332).ThecorrelatingPistoieseregister from1466accordingtoprescriptionsshouldcontain:“achuisonostatecommessequellescripture ...equantilibrisonoetquandocominciaronolesoprascrittescriptureequandofinironoequanti quadernièillibroetquantecharte:exemplo,“etcetera,lescritturediserTaiuolodiPierosono appressoameserGiovannisuofigliuoloesonolibrinove,elprimolibrocominciòadì12di gennaio1450,finìadì6dottobre1457etèquaderniXIecarte160”“echosìseguitiglaltrilibri” (atwhosehousetherecordsaredeposited...,howmanyvolumesthereare,whentheystartand whentheyend,whichextenttheyhave,forexample:“therecordsofSerTaiuolodiPieroare storedatmyson’shouse,thenotaryJohannes,thereareninevolumes,thefirststartingonJanuary 12,1450,andendingonOctober6,1457,thereareninebooksand160leaves”andsoonforallthe othervolumes). In 1351, Siena contented itself with the drawing up of a list of all those notarial registers of deceasednotaries(andtheirlocation)thatwerestillpresentinthecity.Cartulariesthathadbeen handedovertothecollegewereredistributedtotrustworthynotaries.Nobodycontemplateda centraldepository,cf.GiulioPrunai,“InotaisenesidelXIIIeXIVsecoloel’attualeriordinamento delloroarchivio,”Bullettinosenesedistoriapatria60(1953):78–109;here103–09. ArchiviodiStatodiSiena.L’archivionotarile(1221–1862).Inventario,ed.byGiulianoCatoniand SoniaFineschi.PubblicazionidegliarchividiStato,87(Rome:FratelliPalombi,1975),15–16

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onlythroughapurchasein1908.47Asarule,publicnotaryarchivescameinto existenceonlyinthefifteenthandsixteenthcentury.48 Butthereisanexceptiontothatrule:Genoaapparentlystartedbuildingcentral depotsfornotarialscriptsasearlyasthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury.The Genuesecommunepaidtherentfortwovaultsin1304,inwhichtheregistersof deceasednotariesdeversusBurgumrespectivelydeversusCastrumwerestored.49 Theplaceofactivityofanotaryhencedeterminedtowhichdepothislegacywas brought. Thetwovaults,towhichathirdonewastobeaddedin1453duetoalackof space,wereinuseuntil1466,whentheyhadtobecleanedoutbecausetheCasadi SanGiorgio,whowasthenresponsiblefortherent,refusedtopayanylonger.50

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48

49

50

Dina Bizzarri, Imbreviature notarili I, Liber imbreviaturarum Appulliesis notarii comunis Senarum MCCXXI–MCCXXIII.Documentiestudiperlastoriadelcommercioedeldirittocommerciale italiano,4(Torino:S.LatteseCie.,1934),IX.Withoutthesetwovolumes,Siena’ssituationwould benobetterthanthatofBologna,whosenotarialarchivewasfirstestablishedbyNapoleon,cf. GiorgioTamba,“Unarchivionotarile?No,tuttavia,”Archiviperlastoria.Rivistadell’Associazione nazionalearchivisticaitaliana3(1990):41–96;here41–42 Cf.therelevantpassagesinGuidageneraledegliArchividiStatoitaliani,vol.I:A–E(Rome:Ministero peribeniculturalieambientali.Ufficiocentraleperibeniarchivistici,1981),vol.II:F–M(Rome: Ministero per . . ., 1983), vol. III: N–R (Rome: Ministero per . . . , 1986), vol. IV: S–Z (Rome: Ministeroper...,1994).ThatofVeronawasfoundedin1500,unfortunately,itburneddown completelyonthenightofthe31stAugust1723,cf.GiulioSancassani,“Ilcollegiodeinotaia Verona,” Il notariato veronese attraverso i secoli, ed. Giulio Sancassani et al. (Verona: Collegio notarile,1966),1–24;here18.SixtusV.promptedthefoundingofnotaryarchivesinthePapal States(withtheexceptionofRomeandBologna)in1588,cf.GiorgioTamba,“Laformazionedel fondonotariledell’ArchiviodiStatodiBolognaelafiguradiGiovanniMasini,”Attiememorie dellaDeputazionedistoriapatriaperleprovincediRomagnaN.S.37–41(1987–1990),41–66;here47. LegesGenuenses,ed.C.Desimonietal.HistoriaePatriaeMonumenta,18(Torino,apudfratres Bocca bibliopolas regis, 1901), col. 171: “Pro pensione volte, in qua reponuntur cartularia notariorumdefunctorumdeversusBurgumlib.VI.Propensionevoltenotariorumdefunctorum versusCastrumlib.VIII.”GiorgioCostamagna,IlnotaioaGenovatraprestigioepotere.Studistorici sulnotariatoitaliano,1(Roma:Consiglionazionaledelnotariato,1970)219–220pointsoutthat thissolutioncannotstemfromatimeearlierthanthesecondpartofthethirteethcentury.This is probably due to a printing error in Giorgio Costamagna, “La conservazione della documentazionenotarile,”Archiviperlastoria3(1990):7–20;here7:“Propriodaundocumento sihanotiziachegiànelsecoloXII[!]dovevaesistereunluogodovevenivanoraccoltieconservati documentiredattidanotai,inquantovisiaccennaallaconservazionecartulariorumposse,” sincenofurterreferencesaregiven. TheCasadiSanGiorgio(foundedin1407)inGenuagovernedthemunicipalrevenuesofGabelle, duesandcustomduties.Elsewherethiswasthetaskofthecommunalchamber,cf.A.Sciumé, “CasadiSanGiorgio,”LexikondesMittelaltersvol.2(MunichandZürich:ArtemisVerlag,1983), col. 1537–39. A petition of the notarial college to the doge of Venice, dated 6 October 1492 maintainsthatthecommunehaddecidedtorenttwovaultsforthestorageoftheregistersatits ownexpensealmost400yearsago;afterthefoundationoftheOfficiumSanctiGeorgiithisagency becameresponsibleforthepayments,butsoonrefusedtopaytherent.“Exquosecutumest,quod domini dictarum voltarum, non valentes solucionem suam consequi et habere de dictis

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Around1470,attheverylatest,thecartulariesofthelatenotariesweredeposited in other buildings at the costs of the notary college. Until they were finally transferredtosomevacantroomsinthearchiepiscopalPalais,whichthenotary collegehadboughtforthisspecialpurpose,51thevolumeshadbeenonaveritable odyssey.Unfortunatelythisverybuildingwasbombedonthe17thofMay1684, whentheFrenchlaidsiegeonGenoa,whichresultedinmassiveanddeplorable lossesofpapersanddocuments.52 Now,whathadbeenstoredinthetwoGenoesevaults?A l l thecartulariesof thedeceasednotaries?Theanswerisno.In1358,theVicarofthePodestàpublicly announcedthateverybodywassupposedtohandoverthecartulariestheystored contraformamcapituli,tothetwonotariesthatwerechargedwiththecustodia.In 1384,thecommandwasrepeated.53Accordingtothenotarialstatutesof1462,the obligation to deliver notarial scripts, and the prohibition to trade with them, shouldbemadepubliconceayear.54Buttheemendationstotheaforementioned

51

52

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54

pensionibus,scripturasipsassicrepositasindictisvoltispartimvendiderunt,partimautempro aliqualieorumsatisfactionedictarumpensionumretinuerunt,partimautemscriptureipseex dictisvoltissubtracteetdispersefuere”(Thisprovesthattheownersofthisvault,becauseoftheir incapacitytopaytherent,soldpartsoftherecordsdepositedinthesevaults,withheldotherparts ofthemfortherentals,ortherecordswereevenremovedfromthevaultsandgotlost),cf.Tra SivigliaeGenova.Notaio,documentoecommercionell’etàcolombiana:.AttidelConvegnointernazionale distudistoriciperlecelebrazionicolombiane(Genova12–14marzo1992),ed.VitoPiergiovanni.Per unastoriadelnotariatonellaciviltàeuropea,2(Milan:Dott.A.Giuffrèeditore,1994),565–67. AlfonsoAssini,“L’Archiviodelcollegionotarilegenoveseelaconservazionedegliattitraquattro ecinquecento,”TraSivigliaeGenova,213–28;here223–25. MarcoBologna,“1684maggio17.Leperditedell’archiviodelCollegiodeinotai,”AttidellaSocietà liguredistoriapatriaN.S.24(1984),267–90;here273,byacomparisonoftheinventoriesof1644, 1681,1734and1984arrivesattheconclusionthatnoregistersofnotariesfromthetwelfthand thirteenthcenturyweredestroyed. Assini,“Archiviodelcollegionotarile,”217:“contraformamcapitulipositisubrubricadeduobus notariiseligendisetcontraformamemendationisfactepercapitulatorescommunisIanuesupra dictumcapitulum”(againstthewordingofthearticleof“thetwonotariestobeelected”and againstthewordingoftheaddendumwhichtheresponsiblepersonsofthecommuneofGenua enactedinadditiontoit).Heassumesthatthismightrefertothecodexofstatutesinusesincethe endoftheDuecento;theemendationesmightstemfromthetimeofSimoneBoccanegra. Puncuh,Glistatutidelcollegiodeinotai,298§17:“Nondebeataliquisnotarius,uxor,filiusvel defamiliasuavendere,lacerarevelaliterdestruerealiquemlibrum,prothocollumvelfoliacium publicumnecaliquamscripturampublicamnisideconsensurectorumdicticollegiisubpena soldorumcentumianuinorum....Nemoetiampossitemere,receptarenecdestruerelibrum aliquem, prothocollum vel foliacium publicum nec aliquam scripturam publicam sub pena premissa:etsiadmanusalicuiuspersonadictapervenerintactapublicavelipsorumaliquod,cito debeat id significare premissis rectoribus sub pena applicanda ut supra eorundem rectorum arbitrio. De quibus omnibus sindicatores civitatis Ianue per ipsam civitatem semel in anno preconiummittantcumperipsosrectoresfactafueritrequisitiodepredictis”(Nonotary,norhis wife,hissonoranothermemberofthefamilyshouldsell,mutilateordestroyaregisterorapublic documentwithoutthepermissionoftherectorsofthementionedcollege,onapenaltyofone hundredshillings(...).Nooneisallowedtobuy,receiveordestroyanotarialregisteroranother

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statutes,whichbecamevalidin1470,revealthatthecloserelativesofanotary werenotonlyallowedtostorethescriptsofthedeceasedathome,theycouldeven fetchthembackfromthearchive,providedtheythemselveswerenotaries.Butthis regulation did not create a new law, it only confirmed an entrenched habit explicitly.55 Nexttotheprivatecartulariesoflatenotaries,volumesofdocumentswrittenin thecommunalservicewerealsostoredinthevaultsbecausetheGenoesenotaries, accordingtothestatutesof1462,wereobligedtotakethesevolumeshomeandto store them properly no later than a year after the expiration of their term of office.56Aftertheirdeath,theregistersthathadbeenwrittenincommunalservice

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public volume of records on the mentioned penalty; however, if someone gets hold of such records,heshouldnotifytherectorsofitassoonaspossible,onapenaltymeasuredbytherectors. Theleadersofthecommuneshouldhavetheseregulationsproclaimedbythebarkeronceayear, assoonastheywereaskedtodosobytherectors). LegesGenuenses,col.35(anotarialsubscriptionof1364:“EgoConradusMazzurrussacriImperii notariusetcancellariuscomunisIanue,predictuminstrumentumbaylieetpotestatisdictidomini ducisetdictorumsapientiumaddictumsacramentumextraxietinhancformampublicamredegi acartularioinstrumentorumcompositorummanucondamObertiMazzurrinotariietcancellarii comunisIanue,nihiladditoveldiminuto,quodmutetsensumvelvarietintellectum,nisiforte sillabaseupunctoabreviacioniscausa.Habensadhec,tamquamconstitutussupercustodiam cartulariorumdefunctorumnotariorumIanuedequatuorcompagnisdeversusBurgum,quam tamquamfiliusdictiquondamOberti,generalemandatum”(I,ConradusMazzurrus,notaryand chancellorofGenua,havecopiedthementionedinstrumentfromtherecordsofthedeceased notaryandchancellorofGenua,ObertusMazzurri,becauseofthepermissionoftheDogeandthe wisemen.Ihavechangednothingaboutitthatwouldalterthemeaning,except,perhaps,an abbreviated syllable or a punctuation mark. I had a general permission to do this as the responsiblekeeperoftheregistersofthedeceasednotariesforthefourcompaniestowardsthe castleandalsoasthesonofthedeceasedObertus).Thesourceprovidesnoinformationaboutthe locationofthisregister;itwasprobablysituatedinthehouseoftheexecutingnotary.Astatute of1402allowsforexceptionsfromthegeneralobligationtodeliverregisters,cf.Legesgenuenses, col.641(from1402):“Statuimusetordinamus,quodomnispersona,cuiuscumqueconditionissit, penes quam fuisset reperta aliqua cartularia, protocola, manualia, sentencie vel processus aliquorumvelalicuiusnotariidecollegiodefonctorumveldefoncti,teneanturetdebeantipsa consignareetponereinvirtutenotariorumadeorumcustodiamdeputatorumsecundumformam alicuiuscapituli.Nisiessetpersonacui,performamalicuiuscapituliveldecreti,permissumesset retinereipsacartulariavelscripturas”(Weprescribethatallwhostoretheregistersofdeceased notarieswiththemare,accordingtothecorrespondingrule,orderedtohandoverthesevolumes tothenotariesresponsibleforthekeeping,exceptforwhenitisexceptionallyallowedtokeep themoneself).Cf.alsoGiorgioCostamagna,IlnotaioaGenovatraprestigioepotere.Studistoricisul notariatoitaliano,1(Rome:Consiglionazionaledelnotariato,1970),223–24. DinoPuncuh,“GlistatutidelcollegiodeinotaigenovesinelsecoloXV,”Miscellaneadistorialigure inmemoriadiGiorgioFalco(Genova:Tip.Ferrari,OccellaeCie.,1965),267–310;here298§17: “QuoniametiamlibriveterescumaliisactibuspublicisofficiorumcommunisIanuequandoque exmalacustodiavidenturdestructietdeipsisprocapiendopapirocartevidenturablate,non debeantnotarii,perquosipsilibriscriptifuerintinofficiispredictis,librosipsosdimitterenecalia ipsorum acta publica, nisi solum per annum unum postquam exiverint ab ipsis officiis; quo quidemannofinito,dictoslibrosetactapublicaeorumdomosapportent...”(Asoldvolumes

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were supposed to be transported to the two public vaults, together with their privatecartularies.57 ThestoryoftheGenoesevaultsrevealsthatitwasnotthe‘PublicArchiveof Cartularies,’ but rather a depository in which all the documents written by Genoesenotaries,includingcommunaldocumentsandcourtpapers,werestored. Especiallythelatterwereprobablythereasonwhythecommunehadinitiallypaid therentforthevaults,sinceasaruletheItaliancommuneswerequicktoarchive theirowndocuments.58Butwheninthefifteenthcenturypeoplestartedtorealize thattheamountofprivatescriptssurpassedtheamountofpublicscriptsbyfar, thedepositoryofnotarialbookswasprivatized,andtherentwaspassedontothe notarycollege.59 Itwashencethepublicinterestinthemunicipaldocumentsthatinducedthe Genoese commune to rent two vaults, maybe as early as the late thirteenth century, but certainly since 1304, in order to store the registers of deceased notaries.OtherItaliancitiesthatdifferentiatedveryaccuratelybetweenpublicand privatenotarialregisterswerequicktointroduceageneralobligationtodeliver

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withpublicdocumentsofGenua’sofficeswerealreadydestroyedorpaperwasremovedfrom withinthem,nonotarywhohassetupsuchavolumeinthementionedofficesshouldpartwith thisvolume,exceptduringthefirstyearafterheretiredfromhisoffice;whenthisyearhaspassed, heshouldtaketheserecordshome...)Thenfollowarrangementsincaseofatemporaryabsence fromGenoa.“Nechabeattamenlocumpresenscapituluminactiscuriedominorumconsulum rationisnecetiaminactiscuriemaleficiorumIanue,sedeademactaserventuretservaridebeant moresolitopenesnotariumadipsorumcustodiamdeputatumseupertemporadeputandum” (This rule should neither apply to the records of the audit division of the consuls nor to the records of the criminal court, because these should be deposited, as usual, with the notaries assigned for this). The documents of the municipal chamber and those of the tribunal were apparently stored centrally by the Genoese commune. In Lucca all courtpapers had to be deliveredtothemunicipalchamberaftertheexpirationofthetenureofoffice. Assini,“Archiviodelcollegionotarile,”22122;cf.alsothesource36inTraSivigliaeGenova,564. Cf.alsoPietroTorelli,Studiericerchedidiplomaticacomunale.Studistoricisulnotariatoitaliano,5 (Rome:Consiglionazionaledelnotariato,1980)(thisisaReprintoftheAttiememoriedellaR. AccademiaVirgilianadiMantovaN.S.4[1911],5–99andofPubblicazionidellaR.AccademiaVirgiliana diMantovavol.1,Mantova1915),375–80;cf.forBologna:DianaTura,“Lacameradegliatti,” Cameraactorum.L’ArchiviodelComunediBolognadalXIIIalXVIIIsecolo,ed.MassimoGiansante, GiorgioTamba,DianaTura.DeputazionediStoriapatriaperleprovincediRomagna.Documenti e studi, 36 (Bologna: Deputazione di storia patria, 2006), 3–36; Antonio Romiti, L’Armarium comunisdellacamaraactorumdiBologna:.L’inventariazionearchivisticanelsecoloXIII.Pubblicazioni degliArchividiStato.Fonti,19(Roma:Ministeroperibeniculturalieambientali.Ufficiocentrale peribeniarchivistici,1994),andforPisa:PaolaVignoli,“LaquestionedeiLibriiuriumaPisa:a propositodell’interpretazionedeltermine‚Pandette’usatoinalcunefontideisecoliXIII–XIV,” Bollettinostoricopisano76(2007):57–72. Assini,“Archiviodelcollegionotarile,”221:“Possiamoperciòconcluderesituandoneidue decennitrailCinquantaeilSessantadel‘400lasvoltacheconducealla‘privatizzazione’degli archivi”(Wecanthereforearrangethechangewhichledtotheprivatizationofthearchives chronologicallytothe50sand60softhefifteenthcentury).

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communal registers, a decision which in the long run went at the expense of privatecartularies.ButGenoainthiswaywasabletosavesomevolumeseven fromthetwelfthcenturybecausethetwovaultscontainedalsothosescriptsthat werethecoreofthecommunalarchiveinothercities,namelyfiscalandfinancial papersaswellascourtpapers.

*** Becauseofthelateestablishmentofpublicnotarialarchives,itisnotsurprising thatagreatnumberofthecartulariessurvivingfromthetimebefore1300cannot befoundinthePublicRecordOffices,butinchurcharchives.60However,evenif cartulariesquicklyfoundtheirwayintoclericalarchives,thiswasnotaguarantee fortheirsurvival.Ofthe53volumesoftheLucchesenotaryCiabattusthatare listedintheinventoryoftheLucchesechapterofthecathedralof1315,only30 havesurvived.61 Agewasdangeroustotheregisters:theoldertheywere,thelesslikelyitwas thatanengrossmentwouldbemadefromtheirpages.Withtheaccrualofyears, the chances of earning money with a register waned; instead, old cartularies becameaburdentotheirownersbyoccupyingpreciousspace.62Inatimedevoid

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TothesituationoftheHistoricaltraditioncf.Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,179–222. ThecartulariesweresituatedinthesacristyofSanMartino:“QuaternidecartismontaninisXLV, extractidelibrisrogitorumBartholomeinotariideBoçano/LibriLICiabattinotariicontractuum etcausarum/LibriVIIcausarumscriptimanuquondamLeonardinotariideMassagrosa/Liber unuscausarumeiusdemLunardinotarii/Liberaliuscausarumeiusdemnotarii/Librialiiduo causarum eiusdem notarii / Libri causarum Orselli notarii A.D. MCCLXXI / Liber causarum scriptusmanuOrlandiUgolininotariideCardoso/LibercausarumetcontractuumBenedicti notarii/LiberAnselminotariideterrisetredditibusextractusdeextimationibussexMiliariorum etfactusperLuc(anum)Comune/LibercausarumscriptusmanuFrancischiBonsostegnenotarii suba.D.MCCLXXXI/LiberArmanninotariidecausisetaliis/Libersexcausarumscriptimanu Viviani notarii de Luciano / Liber unus testium inter Capitulum ex una parte et nobiles et populares de Boçano ex alia / Libri duo causarum Bartholomei notarii de tempore domini MacaciorietdominiAldebrandiniTallialmelirectorumterrarumLucaniCapituliproCapitulo /QuaterniduocontractuumscriptorummanuCiabattinotarii,”cf.Inventaridelvescovato,della cattedrale e di altre chiese di Lucca, ed. Pietro Guidi e E. Pellegrinetti. Studi e testi, 34 (Rome: BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana,1921),205–06. References to the usage of old cartularies are naturally sparse. Martin Bertram, “Bologneser Testamente,ersterTeil:DieurkundlicheÜberlieferung,”QuellenundForschungenausitalienischen ArchivenundBibliotheken70(1990):151–233;here202–03,publishedonethatmightberecord breaking:1368thenotaryGuilielmusPetrobonideBançisexecutedanactstemmingfrom1257 “exrogationibusquondamdominiYsnardiBonzohanniniRubeidePicholpilonotarii.”Anactof PaganellusMaconis(Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.278)from1247wasexecutedinLuccain 1308,ASLDipl.Certosa1247.02.16;in1378aproceedingfrom1269wasexecuted,ASLDipl. Andreuccetti1269.03.22.TwogenerationsliebetweentheentryofASLDipl.Fregionaia1223.01.26

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of antiquarian tendencies, these volumes were regarded as useless ballast. Especiallyinthefourteenthcentury,hintsatacarelesshandlingofcartularies accumulate.InSiena,peoplecomplainedthatcartulariesmadeofpaperweresold to“salumieriedaltribottegai.”63Florencerepeatedlyprohibitedthedestruction andsaleofregisters.64AndyetwelearnfromtheLibridiricordiofOrsanmichele that two cartularies from the early Duecento were on sale in 1357: “un libro d’inbreviaturedicartepecora,cominciatonel1213,unlibrod’inbreviaturedicarte pecora,cominciatonel1229”(onenotarialregistermadeofparchmentthatstarts in1213,onenotarialregistermadeofparchmentthatstartsin1229).65Onthe9th ofFebruary1389theLuccheseguardianodeilibridelacameradelcomunecomplained tohissuperiorsaboutthegreatnumberofcartulariesthathadlatelybeensoldto traders. He furthermore reported that of the registers of fifty notaries, which accordingtocommunalrecordsshouldhavebeeninthepossessionofacertain person,notasingleonecouldbefound.66Ontheotherhand,in1413itwasstill allowed in Milan to sell the cartularies of deceased notaries to merchants as wrappingpaper,providedonehadtheconsentoftheheadofthenotarycollege.67

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intoanditsdrawingupfromthecartulary.In1264thecommuneofSavonaaskedtheVicarof Albatodressupanactfrom1192fromthe“abreviationibusRaymundicivisAlbensisdictiJudicis notariiquondam,”cf.DocumentiintornoallerelazionifraAlbaeGenova(1141–1270),ed.Arturo Ferretto,2vols.,BibliotecadellaSocietàstoricasubalpina,vols.23and50/1(Pinerolo:Chiantore Mascarelli,1906–1910);herevol.1:259–61no.309.AFlorentinecharterof1184wascopiedto parchment only in 1259, cf. Robert Davidsohn, Geschichte von Florenz, 4 vols. (Berlin: Ernst SiegfriedMittlerundSohn,1896–1927),vol.1:662–63.AGenoesecharterof1189wasengrossed in1268,LeCartedelmonasterodiSanVeneriodelTinovol.1,ed.byGiorgioFalco.Bibliotecadella Societàstoricasubalpina,91(Torino:Tip.SanGiuseppe,1920),no.71. ArchiviodiStatodiSiena.L’archivionotarile15. Panella,Leoriginidell’archivionotarile,58and63. FrancescoCarabellese,“LaCompagniadiOrsanmicheleeilmercatodeilibriinFirenzenelsecolo XIV,”Archiviostoricoitaliano5taserie16(1895):267–73;here268–69. D’Addario,Conservazione,201–02;Tirelli,“IlnotariatoaLucca,”298–99withnote96:“...chedi nuovomoltilibridirogitietcontractidinotarimortiassaifrescamentesonostativendutiaspetiali quaaLucaedifuori,etmaximamenteaunospetialechenecompròaun’oralibrecento,liquali perchénefuripresoàconservatoetconservaindelabotegasuasenzastraciarli.(...)Sabeneche aquestigiornialcunoessendoitopercercareacasad’unapersonadiquestaterra,laqualeavea libridicinquantanotari,opiùcomesitrovaperscriptoinlaCameradelcomunepredictoper manodinotaiopublico,nonsitrovòneunediqueilibri”(thatrecentlyhere,inLuccaandits environs,registersofdeceasednotarieshadagainbeensoldtospicemerchants,especiallytoone single, who had bought 100 pounds of it at once, but had stored them untorn in his bottega becausehewascaughtdoingthis.[...]Itwasalsoknownthat,inthepastdays,somebodyhad beenvisitingacertainperson,atwhosehousetheregistersof50notariesshouldhavebeenstored accordingtothemunicipalindexes,butwherenosinglevolumehadbeenfound). AlbertoLiva,NotariatoedocumentonotarileaMilanodall’altomedioevoallafinedelsettecento.Studi storicisulnotariatoitaliano,4(Rome:Consiglionazionaledelnotariato,1979),116quotesfrom a letter of Filippo Maria Visconti: “ut non sit aliquis spiziarius, formagiarius, luganegarius, venditor pissium, salsorum, carnium nec aliarum rerum qui emat nec recipiat aliquas

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*** Althoughmanythingsthatwewouldholddeartodayhavebeendestroyedinthat time,weshouldnot be tooharshonthepast.Ifanotary,greatgrandsonofa dynastyofnotaries,hadreallybeenaskedtostorethecompletefamilyproduction ofcartularies,andalltheregistersofthenotarieswhohadworkedinthesame quarter,whichthecommunehadtransferredtohimforpracticalreasons,inhis ownhouse,andtokeepthisimmenseamountofvolumessafefrommice,water andfire,itiseasytoimaginethathewouldencounteraseverespaceproblem.68

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imbreviaturasnotariidefunctisinelicentiaAbbatumcollegiiMediolani”(sothatnospice,cheese orsausagemerchant,noselleroffish,sauces,meatorotherthingsmightbuyanyregistersof deceasednotarieswithoutthepermissionoftheheadofthenotarialcollegeofMilan).InMilan, theregistriesofadeceasednotarywerestilldepositedwithothernotariesin1498,ibid.112–13. TheLuchesenotaryThomasusfiliusOrlandiLeonis(Meyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius,no.330),who workedinthesecondhalfoftheDuecento,storedtherogitaofhisgreatgrandfatheroftheyear 1173athishouse,cf.RegestodelcapitolodiLucca,ed.byPietroGuidieOresteParenti,4vols. RegestachartarumItaliae,6,9,18and18bis(Rome:E.Loescher,1910–1939);herevol.2no.1310, note.

BrittC.L.Rothauser (UniversityofConnecticut)

“Areuer...brighterþenboþethesunneandmone”: TheUseofWaterintheMedievalConsiderationof UrbanSpace

Whenwe,justasmuchasmedievalauthors,considerthenatureofurbanspaces, itisnecessaryforustolookatthecity’smostpreciousnaturalresource:water. Waterisapreoccupyingfeatureinurbanspacesevenasperfectasthedivinecity, astheuseofaquotationfromPearlinthetitleofthispapersuggests.Anditislittle wonderthatmedievalauthorsfocusedtheirattentiontothisgeographicalfeature. Civilizationcannotadvancewithoutareadysourceofwatertosustainthepeople. Mostobviously,waterisnecessaryforhydrationandfoodproduction.Water,in theformofgroundwater,irrigation,andgeographicwaterfeaturessustainsthe cropsthatprovidefood.Additionally,waterpowerfacilitatestherefinementofthe rawmaterialsgrown,byturningmillwheels,forexample.1Itisnocoincidence that water is an integral part of the planning and development of most major medieval urban centers.2 In discussions of historical cities, such as London, fictitious ones, such as New Troy, and divine urban center, such as New Jerusalem,medievalEnglishauthorsfromWilliamFitzStephentoJohnLydgate

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ForfurtherreadingontheuseofmillsfromantiquitythroughtheMiddleAges,seeStevenA. Walton’scollectionofelevenessays fromthe2004PennsylvaniaStateUniversityconference, “WindandWater:TheMedievalMill.”Thiscollectionofferswiderangingdiscussionsontheuses ofwhatwenowconsider“alternativeenergy”sources.Whilethefirsteightessaysfocusonthe historicalpresence,use,andlegalitiesofmills,thelastthreeessayslookattheuseofmillsina literary context. Wind and Water in the Middle Ages: Fluid Technologies from Antiquity to the Renaissance,ed.StevenA.Walton.MedievalandRenaissanceTextsandStudies,322.PennState MedievalStudies,2(Tempe:ArizonaCenterforMedievalandRenaissanceStudies,2006). Ifwelookatthemajormedievalurbancenters,wefindthateachofthemhasproximitytowater: London,Paris,Rome,Brussels,Florence,andVenicejusttonameafewoftheEuropeancenters oftradeandpopulation.

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andJohnGowerhighlighttheimportanceofwaterthroughtheirdescriptionsof the rivers, streams, wells, and fountains that surround and permeate the civic space. We find that this prominent consideration of water exists not only in terrestrialcities,butalsoindescriptionsoftheholycityofNewJerusalem,by authorssuchasthePearlpoet,andofmorediabolicalterritory,suchasDante’s Inferno.3Wateractsasafocusformedievalauthorsnotonlybecauseofitsliteral proximity to most major towns, but also because of its role in the literary conceptualization of the urban space. Medieval authors describe not only the presenceofwaternearandincities,butalsotheuseofwaterbythecitizens.We seewaterbeingusedprimarilyinthreerolesinthesetexts:1)adefiningelement; 2) a protective barrier; and 3) a cleansing agent. In depictions of historical or fictitious earthly cities, we see water used in these functions individually, or perhapsdually,suggestinganimportanttoposforwater,butnotaformulaicuse ofit.Whenalloftheserolesappearinonedescription,wefindtheperfectionthat existsinthecelestialcityofPearl.Butwhentheserolesaresubverted,weseethe apocalypticnightmareofJohnGower’sLondoninVoxClamantis.Itisthroughthe author’smanipulationofwaterinthesethreerolesthatwecanseehowmedieval authorsmayexpresstheirconceptoftheurbanspace. Significantresearchhasbeendoneinrecentyearsconcerningtheprevalenceand needforwaterincitiesfromantiquitytothemodernera.Muchofthisscholarship overlaps,thematically.Forexample,inthefieldofwastemanagementintheurban environment,MichèleDagenaisusesthecleansingpropertiesofwatertodiscuss thedichotomyofcivilizedandwild,aswellastherelationshipoftheindividual tothegroup.4Andwhilethistopicisveryclosetomyownsectionthreeofthis paper,Dagenais’sinterestrestsintwentiethcenturyMontreal,Canada.Wecansee similaritiesfortheuseofwaterinbothmodernCanadaandmedievalEngland, butthebureaucraciesandenvironmentaldilemmasthatconcerncivicplannersin Canada at the turn of the last century are not those of medieval London. For Dagenais,themanipulationofwaterandthecreationofthecityboth“conquer[ed] theland”and“reform[ed]society’smoralsandbehavior.”5Thereisnoindication that the civic planners of London hoped to reform anyone’s “morals and behaviors”throughtheirmanipulationofwaterways.Thereare,ofcourse,articles onthemedievalusesofwater.DollyJørgensenexaminesthesystembywhich

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For this paper, I am limiting my discussion to a handful of authors from the fourteenth and fifteenthcenturies.AlthoughIwillalsoconsiderWilliamFitzStephen’stwelfthcenturyDescriptio nobilissimæ civitatis Londoniæ , the bulk of this paper focuses on the Pearl poet’s Pearl and St. Erkenwald (for a discussion of the authorship of these works, please see note below), John Lydgate’sTroyBook,andJohnGower’sMirrourdel’hommeandVoxClamantis. MichèleDagenais,“Cleaning,Draining,andSanitizingtheCity:ConceptionsandUsesofWater intheMontrealRegion,”TheCanadianHistoricalReview87.4(December2006):621–51. Dagenais,“Cleaning,Draining,andSanitizingtheCity,”621.

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medievaldrainageditchesandpavedroadsweremaintainedinlatemedieval EnglandandScandinavia,consideringthecomplexrelationshipofgovernment andcitizenintheremovalofhouseholdwastesfromthecity.6Whilefascinating, Jørgensen’spurposeisnottoconsiderhowliteraryauthorsusetheimageofwater toexpresstheirtheoreticalconceptofurbanspace,buttoconsiderthehistorical usesofwaterinmedievalnorthernEurope. Therehavealsobeenmanyarticleswrittenonmedievalcities,suchasC.David Benson’s“SomePoets’ToursofMedievalLondon:VarietiesofLiteraryUrban Experience.”7Inthisessay,BensonexploresmedievalLondonthroughtheeyesof his “guides”: William Fitz Stephen, Geoffrey Chaucer, John Gower, Thomas Hoccleve, John Lydgate, and the anonymous author of London Lickpenny. The resultingdifferencesleadBensontoconclude,alongsideMicheldeCerteau,that depictionsofthecityareasdifferentastheauthorsthatcomposethem.8These poets,forBenson,givevividdescriptionsofthecityfrom,withtheexceptionof WilliamFitzStephen,roughlythesameera.Whileourauthorsoftenintersect,and I am indeed indebted to David Benson for the genesis of my own article, his purposeisnottoarguethatthepoetsarecreatingtheirurbanspacethroughtheir literaryuseofwater,asIhopetoaccomplishhere.9

I.WaterasDefinition Thefirstroleofwateristhatofdefinition.Itisnot,however,typically,thefirst image that comes to the modern mind when the image of a medieval city is invoked. We often first envision the massive walls outlining the borders and keepingoutthewildernessandunwantedpeople.Ofcourse,completelywalled citieswerenottheonlyurbanspacesconstructedduringtheMiddleAges;the imageoftheimpregnablewallsofacitysuchasCarcassonne,however,typifies themodernconceptionofthemedievalurbanspace,reinforcedbyHollywood’s depictionofmedievalandfantasycitiesinmoviessuchasThe13thWarrior,Robin

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Dolly Jørgensen, “Cooperative Sanitation: Managing Streets and Gutters in Late Medieval EnglandandScandinavia,”TechnologyandCulture49.3(July2008):547–67. C. David Benson, “Some Poets’ Tours of Medieval London: Varieties of Literary Urban Experience,”EssaysinMedievalStudies24(2007):1–20. Benson,“SomePoets’ToursofMedievalLondon,”2and17.Ultimately,Bensonconcludesthat themedievalpointofviewonnearlyeverysubjectisasvariedasthepeopleunderconsideration: “ThesetoursoffercontemporaryimagesofmedievalLondon,andbelietheideathatthereisa single medieval view, even medieval literary view, about anything, especially anything as complexasacitylikeLondon”(17). Forabroaderdiscussionofthemanyusesofwaterinanurbansetting,seeAlbrechtClassen’s introductiontothisvolume.

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Hood:PrinceofThieves,orTheCrusades.10Ourimaginedmedievalcityprobably more closely resembles a walled garden, only on a much grander scale. In La RomandelaRose,forexample,thegardeniscompletelysurroundedbyhighwalls, keepingoutthosewhowishtoentertheenclosurewithoutpermission.Manfred Kuscharguesthatgardensrepresenta“rationallycontrolledsystemsurrounded byanoftenamorphouswilderness.”11AlthoughKuschisdiscussingtheenclosed gardenwithinanurbansetting,hisargumentsapplyequallytotheenclosedcity surroundedbywildernesspopularinthemodernconsciousness.Althoughthe protective nature of walls is not lost on the medieval perception, a walled enclosuredoesnotmerelyrepresentsecurity.Thegarden,suchasthatinLaRoman de la Rose, is considered by medieval authors to be “the locus of virtue, piety, harmony,lust,andgluttony,tomentionbutafewexamples.”12Andweseethese traits in medieval author’s descriptions of cities as well. The holy city inPearl highlightsthevirtuouspietyofitscitizens,thoseblesseddeadwhohavefound eternal reward for their pious lives. London for Fitz Stephen exists as the harmoniousbalanceofruralandurban,itscitizenscohabitatingpeacefully.Butfor John Gower, the urban becomes the site of the evils of civilization when it is forciblyinvadedbytheraveninghordesofpeasantswho,bestialintheirnature, representthebasestelements. John Scattergood, in “Misrepresenting the City,” argues that authorial descriptionsofthecompletelyenclosingwallsofacityrepresenttheindividual’s viewofperfection.13Ontheliterallevel,however,thecityoftenmanifestsasa spacedemarcatedbynaturalandconstructedbarriers.Inthelastquarterofthe twelfth century, William Fitz Stephen, clerk to Thomas Becket and later his encomiast,describesthecityofLondoninaworkentitledDescriptionobilissimæ

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Although set in a fantasy world, The Lord of the Rings also helps promote the concept of the medieval walled city because of its portrayal of medievalesque clothing, weaponry, and technology.WhilesomeofthecitiesportrayedbyHollywood,suchasthecityofTroyinTroy, mayhaveindeedbeenencircled,thepopularvisionofamedievalcityappearstobethatthey wereallwalled.Tobefairtothepopularview,manymedievaltownswere–butcitiessuchas Veniceapparentlyneverhadsuchfortifications,andsomecitieswerefirstwalledwellafterthey wereestablishedurbancommunities(forexample,Brussels,Belgiumwasnotwalleduntilthe thirteenthcentury,butwasinhabitedcontinuouslyfromthetenthcentury.) ManfredKusch,“TheRiverandtheGarden:BasicSpatialModelsinCandideandLaNouvelle Héloïse,” EighteenthCentury Studies 12.1 (Autumn, 1978): 1–15; here 1. Although Kusch is discussingmuchlaterusesofgardensandthebinaryofinclusive/exclusivespace,hiscomments hereonthegardeninartinliteratureapplytotheuseofenclosedgardenspacesthroughout literaryhistory. Kusch,“TheRiverandtheGarden,”1.SeealsothecontributionstothisvolumebyJeanE.Jostand ConnieScarborough. JohnScattergood,“MisrepresentingtheCity:Genre,IntertextualityandFitzStephen’sDescription ofLondon,”ReadingthePast:EssaysonMedievalandRenaissanceLiterature(Dublin:FourCourts Press,1996),15–36;here19.

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civitatis Londoniæ.14 The text is variably dated to “sometime before 1183”15 or “between1173and1175”16anddescribesLondon,bothintermsofitsphysical appearance,aswellasitsinhabitantsandtrades,inthevividfirstpersondetailof someonewhoknowstheareawell.Afterabriefdescriptionofthecity’scleanair, majorchurches,andtheTowerofLondon,FitzStephenturnshisattentionstothe city’sfortifications.17Atsomepointinthepast,fromFitzStephen’sperspective, Londonhadbeenentirelyenclosedbyfortifiedtowersconnectedbygatedwalls.18 If,asJohnScattergoodsuggests,theperfectlyencircledcityisnecessarytofulfill theauthor’sviewofanidealcity,Londononcemetthoserequirements.AndFitz Stephen’s description of London, as noted by Scattergood, is exceedingly idealistic.19 The ideal of a perfectly enclosed and defined city does not last however,asoneofthewallsfallstotheinexorableforceoftheriver: On the South, London was once walled and towered in the like fashion, but the Thames,thatmightyriver,teemingwithfish,whichrunsonthatsidewiththesea’s ebbandflow,hasincourseoftimewashedawaythosebulwarks,underminedand castthemdown.20

ScattergoodarguesthatalthoughLondondoesnotneedtohaveacompletedwall inFitzStephen’stimetoexistashisideal,itmusthavebeencompleteatsome pointinthepast.21ForScattergood,FitzStephencannotviewacityasperfectly

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Theeditionusedhere,the1990ItalicaPressprinting,followsthetranslationofthetextbyH.E. Butler,originallypublishedin1934byTheHistoricalAssociation.The1990editionincludesFrank M. Stenton’s essay “Norman London,” as well as an introduction by F. Donald Logan. The DescriptionobilissimæcivitatisLondoniæservesastheintroductoryprefacetoWilliamFitzStephen’s LifeofThomasBecket. F.DonaldLogan,“Introduction”inNormanLondonbyWilliamFitzStephen(NewYork:Italica Press,1990),ix. Scattergood,“MisrepresentingtheCity,”19. “OntheEaststandsthePalatineCitadel,exceedinggreatandstrong,whosewallsandbaileyrise fromverydeepfoundations,theirmortarbeingmixedwiththebloodofbeasts.OntheWestare twostronglyfortifiedCastles,whilethencethererunscontinuouslyagreatwallandhigh,with sevendoublegates,andwithtowersalongtheNorthatintervals”(49). Scattergood,“MisrepresentingtheCity,”49.Inadditiontothegreatheightofthewalls,withtheir “deepfoundations(49),FitzStephen’swallsarestrengthenedbytheinclusionof“thebloodof beasts”mixedintothemortar(49). AsScattergoodnotes,FitzStephendoesnotcommentonanyofthemorenegativeaspectsof urbandevelopment(19);overcrowding,poverty,disease,wastecontamination,andcrimeareall absentfromFitzStephen’s“descriptionofthemostnoblecityofLondon”(48).Justasthetwelfth centuryauthorturnsablindeyetotheflawsinherenttocitylife,healsomustrepresentthe fortificationsofthecityasideal.However,hecannotconjureaphysicaledificeaseasilyashean eraseunwelcomesegmentsofthepopulationandsoinhistextFitzStephenaddressesthemissing wallonthesouthsideofLondon. WilliamFitzStephen,NormanLondon(NewYork:ItalicaPress,1990):49. Scattergood,“MisrepresentingtheCity,”19.

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completedunlessatsomepointinitshistory,itwastotallyencircledbyawall. This requirement for perfection, however, does not seem to fit Fitz Stephen’s descriptionofthewallinhisowntime.ThereisnosenseofimperfectioninFitz Stephen’s description of London. Instead, Fitz Stephen describes London as premier among cities, blessed in, among other things, “the strength of its bulwarks.”22 The Thames is equal to the wall in terms of satisfying his requirementsforacivicboundary.Theriverisdescribedas“mighty,”ableto “undermine and cast. . . down” the stalwart bulwarks.23 Simply, the river is strongerthanthewall.Thefailedwallisneverreplacedandsotheriverfulfillsthe roleofthedestroyedfortificationindefiningthephysicalcompositionofthecity onitsbanks. Buttheriverdoesnotactsimplyasanacceptablesubstitutionforafailedwall. The presence of the river as the southern boundary of London predates the creation of the wall. The inhabitants of London must have used the river as a boundarymarkerevenbeforetheyrealizedtheneedtoenclosetheircivicspace with walls. The southern wall of London fell to the Thames because the civic plannersdecidedthatthesouthernboundaryofthecitywastheThames.They placedtheirprotectiveedificewithinthenaturalboundaryoftheriver.Andwhen the force of the current undermined and eventually destroyed the bulwarks, civilizationacceptedthenaturallyoccurringbarrierassufficient.Irrespectiveof a constructed boundary, it is the Thames that defines the southern edge of medievalLondon. Whilethepresenceoftherivercreatesanatural,physicalboundaryforLondon, separatingthecityfromthatwhichisnotthecity,wateralsoworkstodefinethe cityintheDescriptionobilissimæcivitatisLondoniæastheurbancenteraswellasthe surroundingcountryside.InFitzStephen’stime,theurbanspaceofLondonmust includetheruralspaceoutsidethewallasintegraltothecontinuedhabitabilityof the city. Jacques Le Goff notes that scholars since Karl Marx have seen the relationshipbetweentownandcountryasthatofmasterandslave;butLeGoff argues instead for a sense of civic unity between the enclosed city and the countrysidewithfreelyoccurringtravelbetweenthetwo.24Inconcertwiththis theory, Fitz Stephen’s London is not only the physical structures and people containedwithinthewall,butitisalsothesurroundingareathatsupportsthe citizensofLondon:“OntheNortharepasturelandsandapleasantspaceofflat meadows,intersectedbyrunningwaters,whichturnrevolvingmillwheelswith

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FitzStephen,NormanLondon,48 FitzStephen,NormanLondon,50. JacquesLeGoff,“TheTownasanAgentofCivilisation”inTheFontanaEconomicHistoryof Europeed.CarloM.Cipolla(NewYork:Barnes&NoblebyagreementwithFontanaBooks, 1976–1977),77–106;here92.

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merrydin.”25Althoughthereissignificanttravelbetweencityandcountry,itis notthesymbioticrelationshipthatleGoffenvisions.FitzStephendoesnotexpand thecity’sdefinitiontoincludetheruralpeasantry;itisonlytheirbuildings,wells andrunningwater,their“freshair,”andtheproductsoftheir“merry”millsthat appear in Fitz Stephen’s description of the city of London. The movement is unidirectional.Theurbancitizensmoveoutofthecity,minglingwiththephysical essenceofthecountryside,butnotherpeople,andthenretreatingwithintheir fortifications. Thepreferredunidirectionalrelationshipofthecityandthecountryisonethat issharedamongallthetextsthatIdiscusshere.Ineach,asIwilldescribe,thecity istheterritoryenclosedwithinthewallsandthesurroundingcountrysideisonly part of the urban area in that it contains the methods of food production that peopleinthecityneedtosurvive.InthecaseofPearl,thesurroundingcountryside doesnotevenproducefoodfortheinhabitantsofNewJerusalem;thecountryside thereexistsonlyasafurtherseparationofthedreamerfromtheurban.Thisisa conception of the city supported by Isidore of Seville’s discourse in the Etymologiae.26Isidore,withhistypicalcorrelationofnameandthingrepresented, argues in book fifteen that a town is so called either because of the walls that surround it, the greed that sustains it, or the defenses that protect it.27 It is importanttonote,however,thattheexamplesIusehereprovidealiteraryvision ofthecity,notnecessarilytherealityofurbanlife.Inreality,peoplemovedinto andoutoftheurbancenter:farmer’sfromtheoutlyingareasbroughtproduceto themarketsintownsandindividualsarrivedlookingforhonestwork,orperhaps lessthanhonestopportunities. AsDavidBensonhasnoted,citiesarenotstaticentities:overthecourseofthe fourteenthcentury,asnearlyhalfofthepopulationofLondon,originallyashigh as100,000,died,immigrantsfromtheoutlyingareasarrived.28

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FitzStephen,NormanLondon,49–50. IsidoreofSeville,Etymologiae,ed.RudolphBeer(Leiden,TheNetherlands:A.W.Sijthoff,1909); particularlyBookXV. IsidoreofSeville,Etymologiae,XV,ii,5.Isidorecontinuestoargueinlineselevenandsixteen,that thesmallervillagesaremerelyacollectionofpeople,withoutthedignitycommandedbyacity andthatthesuburbs(or“undercity”)arethebuildingsaroundacity.Clearlythereisacommon themeintheMiddleAgesthatthephysicalpropertyofthecityisthatwhichlieswithinthewall aswellastheproductionofthelandssurroundingit,butnotnecessarilythepeople.Foramore thoroughdiscussionofmedievalconceptsofthecity,seeHartmutKugler,DieVorstellungderStadt inderLiteraturdesdeutschenMittelalters.MünchenerTexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschen LiteraturdesMittelalters,88(Munich:Artemis,1986).SeealsoAlbrechtClassen’sIntroduction tothepresentvolume. C.DavidBenson,“London,”Chaucer:AnOxfordGuide,ed.SteveEllis(Oxford:OxfordUniversity Press,2005),66–80;here66.

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ButasmuchastherealityofLondonwasoneoffluctuatingpopulations,the descriptionoftheidealizedLondonappearsremarkablyurbancentric.Atfirst, FitzStephendescribesthepalaceofWestminsterasaconnectionbetweenthecity andthe“populoussuburb.”29However,thisisnotapopulationthatweeversee in action. We know only that the royal palace is surrounded by the houses in whichthisunseenmasslives,andbeyondthosehousesliethefieldsthatsustain lifeinthecity:“Onallsides,beyondthehouses,liethegardensofthecitizensthat dwell in the suburbs, planted with trees, spacious and fair, adjoining one another.”30 Instead of describing the people that inhabit this rural space, Fitz Stephenfocusesonthetreesandgardens.Itisnotthepeoplethatbelongtothe cityofLondon;itistheproductivelands.Hefurtherdescribesthepasturesand meadows,givingusamorethoroughdescriptionofthewildbeaststhatinhabit thespacethanthepeople: Hardbytherestretchesagreatforestwithwoodedgladesandlairsofwildbeasts,deer bothredandfallow,wildboars,andbulls.Thecornfieldsarenotofbarrengravel,but richAsianplainssuchas‘makegladthecrops’andfillthebarnsoftheirfarmers‘with sheavesofCeres’stalk.’31

Thepasturesandflatmeadows,althoughpresumablytendedbythepeople,do nothavepeopleactivelyworkingthem.Thecornfieldsgrowabundantlyandfill thestoragefacilitiesofthefarmers,buttheydoitapparentlyundertheirown power.Ofcourse,FitzStephenunderstandsthatthelandisactivelytendedby individuals.Hisdescription,however,focusesnotonthosepeoplewhogrowthe foodnecessarytosupporturbanlife,butratherontheremarkablyfertilelandand onthewildbeaststhatinhabittheforest. In addition to the important production of grain and game animals, the countrysidesurroundingLondonisalsothelocationoffrivolityandgamesforthe

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FitzStephen,NormanLondon,49. FitzStephen,NormanLondon,49. FitzStephen,NormanLondon,50.

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inhabitantsofthecity.32TheveryfirstinteractionFitzStephendescribesbetween townandcountry,involveswater: TherearealsoroundaboutLondonintheSuburbsmostexcellentwells,whosewaters are sweet, wholesome and clear, and whose ‘runnels ripple amid pebbles bright.’ AmongtheseHolywell,ClerkenwellandSaintClement’sWellaremostfamousand arevisitedbythickerthrongsandgreatermultitudesofstudentsfromtheschooland oftheyoungmenoftheCity,whogooutonsummereveningstotaketheair.33

Itisquiteclearlyfromthecityandtowardtheruralenvironsthatcitydwellers movetointeractwithwater.Thewells,sweet,clear,andfamous,bringpeopleinto thecountrysidefromthecity.Butwhileinthecountryside,theurbancitizensdo notapparentlymeetwithanyruralinhabitants.Instead,theyinteractsolelywith thewaterthatservestotiethecountrysidetothecityinaholisticdefinition.The uninhabitedcountrysideactsasanextensionofthecity,aplaceofproduction wherethecityinhabitantsvisit,butsurelybelongingtothecityitself.Wateracts totiethepastoraltotheurbanasalocationforthecitizenstovisitaswellasthe meansofproducing,quiteliterally,theirdailybread.Inhisholisticconsideration ofLondon,FitzStephenusestheimageofwatertodefinethecityasboththe urbansettingandthecountrysidethatsupportsit. Water does not merely serve to define the limits of the city as a physical boundaryorthroughinclusionwiththecountryside,however.Inadditiontothis concretedefinitioncreatedbytheauthor’smanipulationofwatersinandaround

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Itisimportanttonotethatthelackofpeoplewhoapparentlyresideinthecountrydoesnotstem fromageneraldearthofpeopledescribedintheDescriptio.FitzStephen’stextincludesriotous storiesofthepastimesandpleasuresofallmannerofpeople.Thesepeople,however,areall regularly described as coming from the city, citizens of London, or Londoners. Indeed, Fitz Stephendescribesnumerousfrolics,games,anddiversionsinwhichthepeopleofLondonpartake thatwouldrequiretheirdeparturefromthecity:“Inwinteronalmosteveryfeastdaybefore dinnereitherfoamingboardsandhogs,armedwith‘tuskslightningswift’themselvessoontobe bacon,fightfortheirlives,orfatbullswithbuttinghorns,orhugebears,docombattothedeath againsthoundsletlooseuponthem”(58).Eachweek,horsetradersbringtheirlivestocktoflat fieldsoutsideofLondon,bringingoutthe“Earls,BaronsandKnightswhoareintheCity,and withthemmanyofthecitizens”(53).Healsodescribesthe“greatmarsh”tothenorthofLondon thatfreezesinthewinter,when“densethrongsofyouthsgoforthtodisportthemselvesuponthe ice”(58).Furthermore,“Londoners”enjoy“takingtheirsportwithbirdsoftheair,merlinsand falconsandthelike,andwithdogsthatwagewarfareinthewoods.Thecitizenshavethespecial privilegeofhuntinginMiddlesex,HertfordshireandallChilternandinKentasfarastheriver Cray”(59).Hetellsof“alltheyouthoftheCity”goingintothefieldstoplayballgames(56.)We mustnotethateachofthesedescriptionscreatetheimageofcrowdsofindividualsleavingthe wallsofthecityinordertoplayinthefields,woods,andwatersofthecountryside.Thereisno suggestionthatthepeopleinvolvedinthesegamesandhuntscomefromthecountrysideitself. ForFitzStephen,thepeopleinvolvedinthesepastimesarethosewhoresidewithinthewallsof London. FitzStephen,NormanLondon,50.

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the city, there is a symbolic definition that water serves to create in our considerationofthecityofLondon.FitzStephendescribestheThamesasariver “teemingwithfish,whichrunsonthatsidewiththesea’sebbandflow....”34The ThamesisnotsimplyariverthatcreatesabarrieronthesouthsideofLondon;it isanoutlettotheocean,andthroughthisoutlet,expandsthescopeofthecity. London’stradeisnotlimitedtoitsimmediatesurroundings,butbringsinpeople throughitspositiononamajorwaterwaytotheocean.Londonis,throughits exportationofwooltothecontinent,aninternationalcity.Theidentificationof LondonwiththismaritimetradealsooccursinRobertofGloucester’sChronicles, datedaround1300,whereheidentifiesLondonwiththepresenceof“ssipes”as the “mest” plentiful image, just as he identifies Canterbury with “fiss” and Winchester with “win.”35 This suggests that, like today, cities are equated symbolicallytoanimage,role,orproduct.Cairo,forexample,callstomindthe pyramids;Parisisthecityoflovers;orBrugesisrenownedforitslace.Theidentity ofLondonasamaritimepower,symbolicallyrepresentedbyGloucester’s“ssipes” (ships),obviouslycomesfromitslocationnearawatersource,andthroughthis definitionLondonbecomesaninternationalcity.Water,therefore,definesLondon onametaphoricallevelasacenterofmaritimeactivity. WhiletheactualriverandwaterwaysaroundLondonworktodefine,somewhat ambiguously,eitherthedivisiveorinclusiverelationshipbetweenthecityandthe countryside,theroleofriversbecomesabsoluteinconjunctionwiththedivinecity inPearl.Writteninthelatefourteenthcentury,Pearlformspartofacollectionof poems all argued to have been written by one master of medieval alliterative poetry,thePearlpoet.36ThePearlpoettreatsthesubjectofwaterinconjunction withanurbancenterinmanyofthesamewaysthatFitzStephenuseswaterinhis descriptionofLondon.Aswiththedefinitionoftherealcitythroughitsproximity towatersources,theriverinPearldefinesNewJerusalembothintheliteralsense

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FitzStephen,NormanLondon,49. TheMetricalChronicleofRobertofGloucester,ed.WilliamAldisWright(London:PrintedforH.M. Stationeryoff.,byEyreandSpottiswoode,1887),lines139–41. ThePearlpoetisalternatelyknownastheGawainpoet,afteranotherofthewellknowntexts attributedtothesameartist,SirGawainandtheGreenKnight.Alsopresumedtobebythesame authorareCleanness,Patience,and,perhaps,St.Erkenwald.FormoreonthedebateconcerningSt. Erkenwald’sauthorship,seeLarryD.Benson,“TheAuthorshipofSt.Erkenwald,”JournalofEnglish andGermanicPhilology64 (1965):393–405;andC.J.Peterson,“PearlandSt.Erkenwald:Some EvidenceforAuthorship,”TheReviewofEnglishStudies,NewSeries25.97(Feb.,1974):49–53.The preponderanceofevidence,assuggestedbyLarryBenson,seemstoexcludeSt.Erkenwaldfrom thePearlpoet’scollection,butasPetersonnotes,“showingcommonauthorshiptobe‘notproven isnotthesameasshowingittobeimpossible’”(4).ForadiscussionoftheauthorshipofPearl,see BarbaraNolanandDavidFarleyHills,“TheAuthorshipofPearl:TwoNotes,”The Reviewof EnglishStudies,NewSeries22.87(Aug.,1971):295–302.

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byrevealingthecitytothedreamerandinthemetaphoricalsensethroughits divineorigin.Asthenarratorwandersthroughhisdreamvision,hecatchesa glimpseofaparadisiacalcity:“ForþyIþo3tthatparadise/Watzþerouergaynþo bonkezbrade”[“Therefore,Ithoughtthatparadisewasnearbyoverthebroad banks”].37 AswithLondon,theriveroutlinestheboundaryofthecity’sphysicalspace,but inconjunctionwiththewallsdefinesNewJerusalemasacityofexclusion.InPearl, thereisaredundancyofdefinitionsuggestedbytheriverandthewalls.Theriver offersaboundaryoverwhichthecasualobservercanviewacity,whereasthe wallsblockthespecificjoysofparadisefromview.SarahStanburyarguesin“Pearl and the Idea of Jerusalem” that the city represents the Christian’s inability to reuniteinthebodyofChristuntiltheLastJudgment,suggestingits“tantalizing yetephemeralnature.”38Becausetheriverdoesnotimpedethedreamer’sview, itdoesindeed“tantalize”thenarratorwithaglimpseoftheheavenforetoldbythe Church.Asaphysicalboundary,however,itmarksthelimitofwherehemay approachthemanifestationofthattheologicaltheory.Whiletheparadisiacalcity existsasatangiblelocationinthecontextofthedream,itisbeyondthereachof thedreamerasalivingbeing.JohnFinlaysonargues,in“Pearl:Landscapeand Vision,” that the elegiac nature of the poem and dream necessitates the progressionofclarityallowedtothedreamer.39Thecityisavailabletothedreamer withnoimmediacyandnopersonalrelationship,yet.Itisonlyafterhe,likehis daughterthePearlmaiden,diesthathewillbeallowedapersonalrelationship withthecityhecanonlyknowthroughthemediationofthechurchinlife.The riverdefinesthecityasaplacethedreamercan“see”throughhisdream,butthe wallsdefinethecityasaplaceofexclusion,whosejoysareunavailabletothe narratoreveninadream. While on a literal level the river divides the physical locations in Pearl as inclusive or exclusive to the dreamer, it also works to define the city on a figurativelevel.TheThamesfigurativelydefinesLondonasacityofinternational commerce; the river in Pearl serves to highlight the inhuman and awesome qualitiesofthecity.Inanearthlycity,suchasLondon,theabilitytomanipulate thepathofrunningwaterthroughtheuseofpipesandconduitshighlightsthe civilityofthaturbancenter.40Inthemiddleofthethirteenthcentury,forexample,

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Pearl,inTheCompleteWorksofthePearlPoet,ed.andtrans.CaseyFinch)Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress,c1993),43–103;herelines137–38.Fromthispoint,allreferencestoPearlwillbe tolinenumbers. SarahStanbury,“PearlandtheIdeaofJerusalem,”MedevaliaetHumanistica16(1988):117–31;here 118. JohnFinlayson,“’Pearl’:LandscapeandVision,”StudiesinPhilology,71.3(Jul.,1974):314–43;here 315. For how the description of the city highlights the civility as well as engineering skills of the

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the continued existence of numerous urban centers in Holland, Belgium, and Germanywaspossiblethroughman’sabilitytoalterthecourseofwater.41As William H. TeBrake argues, the development of “one of the most densely populatedandhighlyurbanizedregionsofEurope”occursonlybecausepeople began manipulating water flow away from human settlements.42 In the same fashion,thepavingofthecelestialriverin Pearlservestohighlightthedivine civilizationofNewJerusalem.Thisisnotmerelyanaturallyexistingdivineriver; thisisariverwhosepathispredeterminedbydivinewill.Itscourseisdictatedby pavingstones. In“TheImageryandDictionofThePearl,”WendellStacyJohnsonarguesthat acelestialriverbedpavedwithgemsisametaphorforpurity.43Butwaterways pavedingemsalsosuggestacivilizedsetting.InPearl,thehumanabilitytocontrol smallamountsofwaterwithinthecityisoverwhelmedbythewealthandskill suggestedbythedivineabilitynotonlytoreinforcetheriverbedwith“bonkez beneofberylbry3t”[“banksthatweremadeofbrightberyls(preciousstones)]44 butalsotocontrolthedepthandflowoftheriveritselfbypavingthebottomwith “emerad,saffer,oþergemmegente”[emeralds,sapphires,andotherbeautiful gems].45Thisisnotasmallamountofwaternavigatedbytheurbanengineers,but rather an entire river whose course and purpose is created through a divine civilizationpavingwithpreciousstones.AtthetimeofPearl’scomposition,paving isnotunknownintheurbancentersofEurope:Pariswaspavedin1184;London paved at the end of the thirteenth century; “in the fourteenth century, paving becamegeneral,”accordingtoLeGoff.46Thisisonemoreseparationbetweenthe

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inhabitants,evenmonstrousinhabitants,seeAlbrechtClassen’sdiscussionofthedescriptionof GrippiainHerzogErnstintheIntroductiontothisvolume.Theexcessesintheconstructionof Grippia, while hardly realistic, suggest a fantastically advanced civilization. Indeed, Classen suggeststhatthedescriptionofrunningwaterusedasbathsandthenasacleansingagentfits more with an eighteenthcentury city (or as I will argue below, the celestial city). While the waterways described in Herzog Ernst suggest civility, it is important to remember that the monstrouscitizensareprobablynotmeanttorepresentthepinnacleofcivilizationinethical, moral,andreligiousterms. WilliamH.TeBrake,“TamingtheWaterwolf:HydraulicEngineeringandWaterManagementin theNetherlandsduringtheMiddleAges,”TechnologyandCulture43(July2002):475–99;here475. TeBrake,“TamingtheWaterwolf,”483. WendellStacyJohnson,“TheImageryandDictionofThePearl:TowardanInterpretation”in MiddleEnglishSurvey:CriticalEssays,ed.EdwardVasta(NotreDame:UniversityofNotreDame Press,1965),161–80;here168. Pearl,110. Pearl,118. JacquesLeGoff,TheMedievalImagination,trans.ArthurGoldhammer(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress,1988),89.ArguesthatalthoughtheItaliantowns,eventhesmallerones,paved theirstreets,the1185pavingofPariswasforonlythemajorroadsandwas“anoveltyinthe north”(LeopoldArnaud,“MedievalTowns,”TheJournaloftheAmericanSocietyofArchitectural

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civilizationofman,andthecitieshecreates,andthewildernessthatsurrounds them.Featsofengineeringsuchaspavedstreetsandthemanipulationofwater sourcesdividethecivilizedculturefromthebeaststhatwearpathsthroughthe wildernesssimplybyrepeateduse.Eveninadescriptionoftheheavenlycity,the Pearl poet reverts to images and phraseology that exist in realistic urban descriptions.ThecivicauthorityofLondonmaynotpavetheThamesinprecious gems,butbothearthlyanddivineengineersusetheriverasanaturalboundary fortheircity,allowingthosenotpermittedthroughthebarriersaglimpseofthat whichtheycannotattain,accesstothefreedomofthecity.Inthisway,theriver inbothLondonandPearlworksasastrongdefiningelement. Uptothispointwehavediscussedthepositiverolesofwaterintheliteraland figurativeconsiderationsofLondonandtheheavenlycity.JohnGower,however, intheVoxClamantisaswellasintheMirourdel’Ommemanipulatestheimagery oftranquilwatertodisplaythecatastrophicpowerbarelycontainedbyariver’s banks.GowercomposedtheVoxClamantisasareactiontothehorrorsheviewed andimaginedoccurringduringthesocalledPeasants’Revoltof1381whenthe inhabitants of the outlying areas of London, in a widespread reaction to the unusuallyhighpolltaxof1380,invadedthecity,burnedJohnofGaunt’spalace, andmurderedtheArchbishopofCanterbury.47 TohighlighttheutterlackofcivilityduringthefourdayuprisinginJuneofthat year,Gowerjuxtaposestheidyllicpreriotinteractionoftownandcountrywith anightmarishdescriptionofthetownduringtheperiodofunrest.Goweruses waterimagerytosuggestnottheliteralboundariesofthecity,butratherapositive definitionofhispastoralidealbeforethe1381rebellion;natureandthepeasantry dwellinthecountrysideandgrowtheprovisionsrequiredbythecity.Waterhere, therefore, does not define the city itself, but rather Gower’s preferred social hierarchybetweencityandcountry:theproductivewater,likethepeasantsthat useit,canmoveunrestrainedinthecountryside.Waterinthecities,however, muchlikethepeasantsthatvisit,mustbeconstrained.Watermustflowthrough designatedchannelsandpipes;thepeasantrymustconformtothelevelofcivility thatGowerexpectstoseewithinanurbanenvironment. LeGoff,inTheMedievalImagination,arguesthatnatureimageryinliteratureand artdoesnotpointtoacontestbetweencityandcountry,butrathertothatwhich

47

Historians,3.1/2(Jan.April,1943):30–35;here31–33).Foranopposingviewontheprevalenceof pavedroadsinmedievalEurope,seeAllisonP.Coudert’scontributiontothisvolume. Thepurposeofthispaperisnottoinvestigatetheeventsleadinguptotheriotsof1381,among whichwerethedepopulationoftheareaduetotheplagueof1348–1350,theattemptbytheruling classestocreateawagefreezeandrestrictedmovementforthepeasantry,aswellasapolltaxthat wasthreetimeshigherthanthepreviousyear.Noinstanceofsocialunrestisassimpleasthis,but thatisamatterforanotherpaper.

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is essential to each, an “opposition between what was built, cultivated, and inhabited(city,castle,village)andwhatwasessentiallywild(theoceanandforest, thewesternequivalentsoftheeasterndesert).”48InaslightextensionofLeGoff’s argument, uncontrolled, or perhaps uncontrollable, water synonymously embodiesthatwhichisuntamedanduncivilized.Butuncontrolledwaterdoesnot havetobeanegativeforce,aslongasitstayswhereitbelongs.ForGower,water thatflowsfreelythroughthecountrysideisnot“wildwater.”Itiswaterthatis conformingtoitsnaturalplaceinagreaterworldorder,asheunderstands it. Water flows in the fields and grows the things that the citydwellers, and by extensionGowerhimself,liketoeat.Thesebodiesofwaterinthecountrydonot actasthebinaryoppositiontotheessentialqualitiesofacity;rathertheyarean extensionofthecivilizationthatcreatesthecityoralocusofprovisionthatallows the city to exist, much as we found in Fitz Stephen. The idyllic peace of Fitz Stephen,however,willnotlastinGower’stime.Waterwillbecomethebinary opposition to the essential qualities of the city, the destructive force that underminesthecreationsofcivilization. Before the countryside overwhelms London in the Vox Clamantis, Gower describeshisutopiansetting: Estalterparadisesibi,namquicquidhabere Menshumanacupit,terrabeataparit, Fontibusirriguisfecundus,semineplenus, Floribusinsignisfructiferisquebonis. (VoxClamantis,LiberPrimus,ll.79–82)49

[ItwasasecondParadisethere,forwhateverthehumanmindwishedtohave,the blessedearthbroughtforth.Itwasteemingwithflowingfountains,filledwithseeds, andmarkedwithflowersandfruitfulgoodthings.]50

Thisisnotapastoralsettinginhabitedbypeople,justasFitzStephen’sdepiction ofthe“mostexcellent”wellsaroundLondonwiththeir“sweet,wholesomeand clear” waters.51 Similar to Fitz Stephen’s preface, where the young men leave Londontocavortintheuninhabitedcountryside,Gowerheredescribesasetting where, although filled with all manner of growing things, few people appear. WheretheriverabsolutelydefinesthephysicalcityinPearl,ruralwaterwaysfor bothFitzStephenandGowersuggestapreferrednaturalsocialhierarchywhere nature and the peasants who cultivate it remain in the countryside producing 48 49

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LeGoff,TheMedievalImagination,58. Quoted from John Gower, The Complete Works of John Gower, ed. G. C. Macaulay (Oxford: ClarendonPress,1902),hereandthroughout. JohnGower,VoxClamantisinTheMajorLatinWorksofJohnGower:TheVoiceofOneCrying,andThe TripartiteChronicle,ed.EricW.Stockton(Seattle:UniversityofWashingtonPress,1962),52. FitzStephen,Descriptio,50.

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thingsthecitydwellerscanuse.ButFitzStephenuseswaterwaystoincludethe pastoralwithinhisdefinitionofthecity,whileGowerusesthemtoexclude.Fitz Stephenincludesthecountrysidespecificallyinanencomiumforthecityitselfand itisalocationtowhichpeopletraveltoenjoythecountryair. Gower’scountryside,significantlyseparatefromthecity,isaplacefromwhich peoplecomeonlyinanapocalypticnightmare.Thereisasubtledifferenceinthe distinctionsbetweenthetwoauthors.FitzStephen’spastoralpeasantryinvisibly worksinthefields,creatingthethingsthecityneedstosurvive,butstayingin theirplace.Gower’scountrydwellersmoveintotheurbanspaceasaninvading force.Theidyllicpeaceofthecountryexistsonlyaslongastheunseenpeasantry remainsinvisiblyworkinginitsrightful,asdefinedbyGower,pastoralplace.As BarbaraHanawaltpointsoutinherintroductiontoChaucer’sEngland,descriptions likeFitzStephen’sandGower’s,ofthepastoralidealwhich“couldsanitizeand tamethepeasants,”52didnotmasktherealdangerspresentinthecountryside.The city,forGower,isthatwhichthewallsprotect.Waterdefinesthecountrysideas thepeacefullocusofproductionforthecity’sconsumption,nourishingtheseeds and growing “flowers and fruitful good things,”53 until the social hierarchy is invertedbythedestructive1381riotsandthetranquilsettingisspoiled. IntheMirourdel’homme,writtensporadicallyoverthethirdandfourthquarters ofthefourteenthcentury,Gowerexplainsexpresslyhisfearofsocialdisorderin hislargercomparisonofthecourtlytraditionoftruelovewithspiritualmorality.54 Written during the period of social unrest that leads up to the 1381 riots, the MirourbrieflytouchesonGower’sviewsofaciviluprising.Whenthepastoral setting described in the Vox Clamantis deteriorates, Gower fears the resulting hierarchicalinversion,whichhedescribesfirstintheMirour: Troischosessontd’unecovyne, Quisanzmercyfontlaravine Encasq’ilssoientaudessus: L’unestdel’eauelacretine, L’autreestduflammelaravine, Etlatierceestdesgensmenuz Lamultitudeq’estcommuz: Carjaneserrontarrestuz Parresounnepardiscipline. (26497–505) [“Therearethreethingswithasinglebehaviorthatravagemercilesslywhentheyget themastery.Oneisfloodwaters.Anotheriswildfire.Thethirdisthemultitudeof

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BarbaraA.Hanawalt,Chaucer’sEngland:LiteratureinHistoricalContext(Minneapolis:University ofMinnesotaPress,1992),xxii. Gower,VoxClamantis,52. ForthedebateoverGower’sdateofworkontheMirour,pleaseseeR.F.Yeager,“Gower’sFrench Audience:TheMirourdel’Omme,”TheChaucerReview41.2(2006):111–37.

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IntheMirour,Gowerpredictsthatthemultitudesof“littlepeople”willinvertthe socialorder,creatingcivicchaosinLondon.Inthecitedpassage,Gowertreatsthe mobsassenselessanddestructiveaswildfiresandfloodwaters,bothofwhichcan be seen with destructive force in the modern era. The direct parallel between riotingpeasantsandfloodssuggestsacataclysmicintersectionbetweenwilderness andcity.Withoutthesocialhierarchy,theruralpeasantrybecomesassenselessas waterandinvadesthecityjustastheThamescouldfloodthemarketstreetsof LondonorSouthwark.Forthecivicentityofthecity,anuprising,suchasin1381, representsasignificantthreattothestatusquo,shatteringthisotherEdenand invertingtheroleswaterplaysinthecity.56 If Gower’s first use of water in the Vox Clamantis is that of a positive demarcationbetweenurbanandrural,itquicklyshiftstoanegativerepresentation with the approach of the rioting pastoral laborers: “Sic adeunt vrbem turbe violenteragrestes,/Etmarisvtfluctusingrediuntuream(ll.91112;“Andsothe savagethrongsapproachedthecitylikethewavesoftheseaandentereditby violence”).57Thephysicaldefinitionofthecityhasfailed,becomingincreasingly swampedbythetideof“littlepeople”whodestroytheboundarybetweenurban andruralbyleavingtheirnaturalplaceinthesocialhierarchyandinvadingthe city.Gowerequatestheinvadingpeasantrywiththeuncontrollableocean,leaving itsnaturalplaceandoverwhelmingtheboundariesofthecity.Ifwaterintheform ofriversservestodelineatetheboundariesofthecitythroughtheircontainment withintheirbanks,thentheiroverflowdestroysthecity’sdefiningphysicality.

II.WaterasProtectiveBarrier Thesecondroleofwater,intheformofariver,istoprotectthecityfromoutside forces.In“TheNatureoftheCity,”MaxWeberarguesthatmanycities,inthe MiddleAges,arelocationsoffortresses,surroundedbywallsandprotectingthe merchants and tradesmen.58 Real rivers, however, are not easily defensible

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The translation is taken from G. C. Coulton, Social Life in Britain From the Conquest to the Reformation(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1919),353. Forafurtherdiscussionofurbansocialunrest,seeLiaB.Ross,“AngerandtheCity:WhoWasin ChargeoftheParisCabochienRevoltof1413?,”inthisvolume. Gower,VoxClamantis,70. MaxWeber,“TheNatureoftheCity”inClassicEssaysontheCultureofCities,ed.RichardSennett (NewYork:AppletonCenturyCrofts,1969),23–46;here32–36.Originallypublishedas“Die Stadt:EinesoziologischeUntersuchung,”ArchivfürSozialwissenschaftundSozialpolitik47(1921):

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fortifications.ContainedwithinthefiftyvolumesetoftheCalendarofLetterBooks isadetailedrecordofthecivicconcernsthatfacedLondonfrom1275to1509.The entries catalog the recognizance of citizens for their neighbors, ordinances governingeverythingfrommurdertotheproperweightofbread,andthefines leveledandpaidforfailuretocomplywiththoserules.Thereisadefiniteconcern regardingthedefensibilityoftheThames,aswereadintheprovisionsforthe protectionofthecityintheLetterBooks.Theriverneedsconstantvigilancebecause oftheeaseofcrossingintothecityundetected.Atnight,whennooneshouldbe enteringorleavingthecity,onlytwosleepingmenmonitorthegates,buttheriver hasalarger,moreactive,patrol: TheserjeantsofBillingesgateandQueenHythearetoseethatallboatsaremooredon theCitysideatnight,andaretohavethenamesofallboats;andnooneistocrossthe Thamesatnight.Andeachserjeantmusthavehisownboatwithfourmen,toguard thewaterbynight,oneithersideofthebridge.59

Thegates,onceshut,offertheirownprotectionforthecitizensofLondonandonly requiretheattentionoftwosomnolentguards,buttheriverrequirestheactive patrolofasergeantandfourmen.Inotherwords,theonlyopeningswithinthe wallsofthecity,thegates,requireonlythemostcursoryofadministrationinorder tofulfillitsroleasprotection.Theriverrequiresafarmoreactiveguard,gathering allboatstoensurenolatecrossingsandforcefullyblockingtrespassers.Itisnotan easilydefensiblelocation,andtrespassersbywayofwaterareaconstantthreat, if the concern in the LetterBooks is an indication. It is not the river itself that protectstheworldlycity;itisthemenwhopatrolit.Itisonlythedivinebarriers, both in Pearl and Saint Erkenwald, which can act independently of a guard to protectthecity. Iftheriverisanimperfectbarriersuggestingadefensiblefortificationbutfailing toprovideprotectionfromboatinvasion,orindeedfromanyonewhocanswim, theriversurroundingthecityinPearlperfectsthisdefensiverole,keepingthe undeserving dreamer out of New Jerusalem. Maddened by his desire to be reunitedwithhisdaughter,thenarratorrashlyattemptstocrosstheriverinto NewJerusalem,inlines1153–70.Theseactions,however,donotpleasethePrince ofthecity,Christ,andthereforewinthedreamerexilenotonlyfromthecity,but alsofromhisdream.ReadingPearlthroughtheimageryusedinfifteenthcentury courtly love poetry, Maria BullónFernández argues in “By3onde Þe water: CourtlyandReligiousDesireinPearl”thatswimmingtheriverinPearlsymbolizes

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621–772. CalendarofLetterbooksPreservedAmongtheArchivesoftheCorporationoftheCityofLondonatthe Guildhall.Vol.1.ed.ReginaldR.Sharpe(London:PrintedbyJohnEdwardFrancis,1899),21.

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sexualactivityculminatingonthebankattheotherside.60Thepoet’sdescription oftheriver,however,suggestsnotphysicalintimacybetweenthedreamerandthe maiden,butratherChrist’sannoyanceatthedreamer’sattemptstoenterthecity unlawfully: WhenIschuldestartinþestremastraye, OutofþatcasteIwatzbycalt: HitwatznotatmyPryncezpaye. HitpayedHymnoþatIsoflonc Ouermeruelousmerez,somadarayd.... Forry3tasIsparreduntoþebonc, þatbrathþeoutofmydremmebrayed [WhenIwantedtoleapastrayintothestream OutofthatdreamIwassummoned ItwasnotatmyPrince’spleasure ItdidnotpleaseHimthatIrushed Overthemarvelouswaters,insuchafrenzy.... BecausejustasIrushedtothebank, Thatimpetuosityjerkedmeoutofmydream].61

It is possible to read this passage as an exile from the dream as soon as the dreamer enters the water. The line “when I schulde start in þe strem astray” suggests that the dreamer is removed from the dream at the moment that he desirestoswimacrosstheriver.Butthepassagecontinuesthatitisnotuntilthe dreamerhas“sparred”[rushed]tothebank,afterhaving“floncouermeruelous merez”[rushedoverthemarvelouswaters]. Asthehetouchestheoppositebank,thedreamerfindshimselfexiledbythe riverbecauseofthePrince’sdispleasure.Theriveractsasanabsoluteguardian, upholdingthelawsofthecityandthedesiresofitsLordbyrepellingtheinvasion ofthisunworthyforeigner.Itisunlikelythattheriverisametaphorforsexual activity,asswimminginwateritselfdoesnotpromptanyretaliation,but,asSarah Stanburyargues,itisthedreamer’sinabilitytoenterthecityasalivingcreature combinedwithhisinabilitytounderstandGod’sineffability,thatpreventshim from crossing the river.62 The swimmer may spend as much time as he likes rushingthroughthewater,anunlikelysituationifswimmingsymbolizessexual activity,buthemaynotremaininthevisiononceheattemptstoenterthephysical spaceofthecitydefinedbythefarbank.Theriverservesnotonlytodefendthe cityfromunwelcomeforeignpresences,butitalsoactswithinthetextofthepoem

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MaríaBullonFernandez,“By3ondeÞewater:courtlyandreligiousdesireinPearl,”Studiesin Philology91.1(1994):35–49;here47–49. Pearl1162–70. Stanbury,“PearlandtheIdeaofJerusalem,”127.

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tosymbolizetheChristiansoul’sattempttounderstandhisrelationshiptoGod. WhiletheChristianmaycontemplateGod’snature,orstrivetocrosstheriver,he maynotfullyinteractwithGod,orenterthecityinPearl,untilthemomentof death.63 InmydiscussionoftheredundancyofdefiningelementsinPearl,Inotedthat whiletheriverdefinesthecitylimits,thewallsalsoservetodefineitsphysical area.Similarly,thewallsandriverperformredundantfunctionsinprotectingthe cityfromforeigninvasion.Itisnot,ofcourse,thedesireofthephysicaldefenses ofNewJerusalemthatremovethedreamerfromthedreaminPearl.Christhimself istheactingagentprotectingNewJerusalemthroughsheerwill.However,the poet represents this absolute defense of the city by two easily identifiable landmarks:theriverandthewalls.Shouldtheriverfail,thewallsremainasan easilydefendedfortification.AswithLondon,wallsrequirelessattentiveguards becausetheyaresimplymoredifficulttobreach.ShouldtheriverinPearlfailto stopthedreamer’sinvasion,givingthehuman,orinthiscasedivine,guardsthe opportunitytoremovetheoffender,thewallsofNewJerusalemwillcertainly succeed.Butbecauseofthedivinesetting,therivercannotfailtoprotectthecity; thisperfectcityremainsabsolutelyguardedbytwoinfallibledefenses. ThefourteenthcenturyPearlpoemservesmyargumentasagoodexampleof theperfectedroleofwaterinthemedievalconsiderationoftheurbanspace,but itisnotuniqueinitsappropriationofthistopologicalfeature.Waterservesto protectthedivinecityintheanonymouslatefourteenthcenturyalliterativeLegend of Saint Erkenwald, as well. Although firmly set in the real city of London, the Legendonlyreferstowaterinconjunctionwiththespiritualdefenseofthedivine city,keepingtheunbaptizedsoulfromreachingthecelestialparadise,“Quenwe aredampnyddulfullyintothedepelake/Andexilidfrothatsoperso”(Whenwe are sorrowfully condemned into the deep lake and therefore exiled from that supper).64 Thesoul,unabletoattainthejoysofHeavenbecauseofitspaganstate,isexiled fromthesupperservedinheavenuntilbaptizedasaChristianbySt.Erkenwald’s tears.ThelakereplacestheriverinPearlandformsanaturalandinsurmountable barrierprotectingheavenfromtheundeservingsoulswhoarenotwelcomeatthe

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ForfurtherdiscussionontheimageryofNewJerusalem,seeAnnR.Meyer,MedievalAllegoryand the Building of the New Jerusalem (Rochester, New York: D.S. Brewer, 2003). See also J. Allan Mitchell,“TheMiddleEnglishPearl:FiguringtheUnfigurable,”TheChaucerReview35.1(2000): 86–111. SaintErkenwald,ed.CliffordPeterson(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1977), 302–03. For a discussion of Saint Erkenwald and the other Pearl poet’s works as a social commentaryonthestateofreligionandpoliticsinLondonduringtheRicardianera,seeJohnM. Bowers,ThePoliticsof“Pearl”:CourtPoetryintheAgeofRichardII(Woodbridge,England,and Rochester,NY:BoydellandBrewer,2001).

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feast.JustasthelivingconsciousnessofthedreamerinPearlsuffersbecausethe water blocks his entrance into the celestial city, so too does the pagan soul in Erkenwaldlamentbecause,whilenotpreciselydamnedtohell,hecannotreachthe tantalizinglyvisibleparadise.Itisnotuntilthesoulhasbeencleansedofitspagan taintthatheisreleasedfromthedeeplakeandintothefeastforwhichhepines.65 IftheThamesRiveristhehumanequivalentofanaturallyoccurring,butfaulty, protectivebarrier,theriverinPearlandthelakeinSaintErkenwaldaretheultimate expressionsofcelestiallyprotectivewater.TheThamesfailstoprotectthecity, requiringthepresenceofguards,butthedivinelycreatedbarriersprotectNew Jerusalemandtheheavenlyfeastabsolutely. WheretheThamesrepresentstheimperfect,earthlybarrierandtheriverinPearl thedivineperfectionofthatprotection,Gowerinvertstheprotectivequalityof water,highlightingitsmoredestructiveforce.Asweseeabove,Gowerdefinesthe invadingpeasantryas“thewavesofthesea,”enteringthecity“byviolence”and destroying the walls of London. In Fitz Stephen, the destructive power of the ThamestopplesLondon’sSouthwall,butreplacesit,howeverimperfectly,asa naturalbarrier.InGower’sportrayalofviolentlydestructivewater,however,the

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Theimageoftheriverisnotuncommoninmedievalliterature.Riversappearthreetimes,atlines 160,246,and308,inSirOrfeoassceneryintheforestthroughwhichHeurodisandlaterOrfeo himselfmustpasstogettotheunderwold.Inlines699–700,SirGawaincrossesariverfrom HolyheadtoWirral,the“wyldernesse.”Theriverhereformsaboundarybetweentheknownand theunknown.InCantoIIIofDante’sInferno,Danteseesabandofsoulsthatpinetocrosstheriver intoHeaven: “Figliuolmio,”disselmaestrocortese, “quellichemuoionnel’iradiDio, tutticonvegnonquid’ognepaese; eprontisonoatrapassarlorio chèladivinagiustizialisprona sìchelatemasivolveindisio. Quincinonpassamaianimabuona; eperò,seCaronditesilagna, benpuoisapereomaichelsuodirsuona” [“Myson,”saidthegentlemaster,“herearejoined ThesoulsofallwhodieinthewrathofGod, Fromeverycountry,allofthemeagertofind Theirwayacrossthewater–forthegood Neverpassthisway;therefore,ifyouhear Charoncomplainingatyourpresence,consider Whatthatmeans.”] TheInfernoofDante,ed.andtrans.RobertPinsky(NewYork:Farrar,Strauss,andGiroux,1994), III, 100–108. See also Charles Dahlberg, The Literature of Unlikeness (Hanover and London: UniversityPressofNewEngland,1988).

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tidesremoveanytraceofthewallsandrenderthegatesuseless66:“Adextrisque nouammetuncvidisseputabam/Troiam,queviduelanguidmorefuit:/Que soletexmuriscingipatuitsinemuro,/Necpotuitserasclaudereportasuas(ll. 879–82;“OnmyrightIthenthoughtIsawNewTroy,whichwaspowerlessasa widow.Ordinarilysurroundedbywalls,itlayexposedwithoutanywall,andthe citygatecouldnotshutitsbars”).67GowerportraysLondonasacitythathaslost theessential,immobilequalitiesofbeingacity.Robbedoftheirprotectivepower bythedestructiveforceofwater,thewallsvanishandthegatenolongerworks tokeepthewildnessofthecountryoutofthecity.Thisisnotmerelyanimperfect barrier as we see in the LetterBooks. It is the full destructive force of people, symbolizedasfloodwaters,gainingalevelofmasterynotpermittedbytheirsocial stationandworkingtodestroythedefensesandcivilizationofthecity.

III.WaterasCleansingAgent Thefinalwayinwhichtheurbanizationofwaterexpressestheextentofman’s civilizationisthroughitscleansingproperties,bothliteralandspiritual.Iwishto turnfirsttotheliteralimportanceofcleanlinessinbothterrestrialandcelestial cities, and then consider the baptismal quality suggested by Pearl and Saint Erkenwald.Thefilthofcitystreetsisasubjectthatfrequentlyconcernsmedieval Londoners.InLetterBookAof1275alone,thechroniclerwritesthatneglectful ownersforfeitanyrubbish,usefulitem,orlivestockfoundinthestreets,68thatthe streetsmustbecleansothathorsemenandpedestrianscanpassunhindered,69that fishvendorsmaynotthrowrefuseorwaterinthestreets,butmustcarryittothe Thames,70andthat“nooneshallthrowanyfilthintothehighway,norallowitto berakedinthetimeofrain,norremoveitsoastobeanuisancetoneighbors.”71 These entries in LetterBook A suggest the high concern shown by urban authoritiesregardingthecleanlinessoftheirstreets.Furtheredictsfromtheking continuethisconcernforwastemanagement.KingEdwardIIappearspreoccupied withthestreetsofLondoninhis1309orderdictatingthatthepeopleofLondon needtostopthrowingtheirtrashintothestreetandreturntotheirolderpractice ofthrowingitintheThames,or“elsewhereoutoftheCity,whitheritusedtobe

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Ironically,despitetheconcernsoftheLetterBooksandtheirriverpatrols,itisthroughthemore easilydefendedgates,withtheirtwosleepingguards,thattheriotersflood—accordingtolegend. Gower,VoxClamantis,70. CalendarofLetterBooks,Vol.A,220. CalendarofLetterBooks,Vol.A,218. CalendarofLetterBooks,Vol.A,219. CalendarofLetterBooks,Vol.A,219.

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carried.”72Beforetheplagueof1348–1350,theauthoritiesfocusonthephysical obstaclesposedbyrefuseasa“nuisance”andshowlittlecareforwherethetrash shouldgo,solongasitisoutofthestreets.AfterthepopulationofLondonhas beendecimatedbytheplague,EdwardIIIdeclaresthatthecitizensofLondonmay nolongerremovetheirtrash,dirtordungintothestreet,theThames,ortheouter walls of the city because of the “grievous and great abomination” that is “commonlyinflicteduponallthegreatcity.”73Filthstrewnpassagesandwaste managementbecomealargercivicconcern,astheycontributetothe“grievous and great abomination,” pestilence, which visits the city. Is it not entirely surprising,therefore,thatauthorsaftertheplaguesechothiscivicconcernforfilth, contagion,andcleanliness. The1348–1350BlackDeaththatdecimatedthepopulationofEnglandwasnot theendoftheplaguesthatfrequentedtheisland.Fortheremainderofthecentury andintothefifteenthcentury,theplaguedescendedontheEnglishpopulation withfrighteningregularity,withotherlargeoutbreaksoccurringin1361,1374,and 1390.74Itisthisrepetitionofplagueandthestillconstantcomplaintoffilththat echoesinJohnLydgate’sdescriptionofNewTroyinhisTroyBook,writtenin1420. Lydgate,understandably,appearspreoccupiedwithwastemanagementinhis literaryurbancreation.WhileLondonershirerakersandscavengerstoremovethe refusefromthestreets,75Lydgate’scitizensofNewTroyengineerwaterwaysto removethestreetdebristounknownlocations.76Itisthroughtheuseofwaterthat

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MemorialsofLondonandLondonLife,H.T.Riley,ed.(London:Longmans,GreenandCo.,1868),67. ThistextincludesexcerptsfrommultipleLetterBooks.Thequotationhereisfoundwithinthelaw codesofEdwardII,foundinLetterBookC,fol.xcvi. Memorials,299.ThistextcanalsobefoundunderthelawcodesofEdwardIIIinLetterBookG,fol. lxi. Foramorethoroughdescriptionoftheplagueepidemicsandthedebateregardingtheexactstrain ofplague,orevenifthediseasewasthePlague,seeJohnTheilmannandFrancesCate,‘APlague ofPlagues:TheProblemofPlagueDiagnosisinMedievalEngland,”JournalofInterdisciplinary History37.3(Winter,2007):371–93. CarolineM.Barron,“LaySolidarities:theWardsofMedievalLondon.”Law,LaityandSolidarities: EssaysinHonourofSusanReynolds,eds.PaulineStafford,JanetL.NelsonandJaneMartindale (ManchesterandNewYork:ManchesterUniversityPress,2001),218–33;here230 JohnLydgate,TroyBook:Selections,ed.RobertR.Edwards(Kalamazoo,MI:MedievalInstitute Publications,1998).AllcitationsfromthisbookwillrefertolinenumbersinBookII: Thusrivereke,offyschefulplenteuous, Devidedwasbywerkmencorious Socraftily,throughcastygsevereyne, Thatinhiscoursethestremysmightatteyn Fortoareche,asGuydodothconjecte, Byarchiesatronghiscoursfortorefelcte Thorughcondutpipis,largeandwydewithal, Bycerteynmeatisarticial,

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thepeopleofthecitycleansetheirenvironmentandremovethefilththatbrings death,accordingtoLydgate: Wherbythetounwasoutterlyassured Fromengederyngofalcorrupcioun, Fromwikkedeyr&frominfeccioun, Thatcausynoftebyherviolence Mortaliteandgretpestilence

[Bywhichmeansthetownwasutterlyprotected fromtheengenderingofallcorruption fromwickedairandfrominfection, That,bygreatviolence,oftencauses deathandgreatpestilence].77

Lydgate,likeEdwardIII,iskeenlyawarethatthefilthinthecitystreetsaddsto the risk of pestilence and death, therefore the crucial aspect of this feat of engineeringisitsabilitytoremovethewasteproductsthat,cause“mortaliteand gretpestilence”[deathandgreatpestilence].78Itisuncertainwhatcontaminants litter the street, given that the downspouts attached to each building remove “Voydingfilþeslowintoþegrounde,/þoru3gratispercidofyrenpercidrounde” [removingfilthlowintothegroundthroughgratesofpiercediron],79butLydgate expressesthesameconcernoverfilthinthestreetthatwefindinthestatutesofthe LetterBooksofLondonandtheroyalproclamations.TheabilityinLydgate’scity forthecontaminantstoberemovedwithouthumaninterventionrepresentsahigh level of civic achievement. They eliminate the need for people to expose themselvestocontagionandfreeallthecitizensforproductivework,perhapsin theguildsandtradeshediscussesearlier.Inacitywherepeopleareremovedfrom meniallabor,thelowestsocialstrataareraisedfromsuchunhealthyoccupations

77 78 79

Thatitmadeafulpurgacioyn Ofalordureandfylthesinthetoun, Waschyngthestretysastheistodarowe Andthegoterisintheerthelowe, Thatinthecitewasnofilthesene; Forthecanelskouredwassoclene Anddevoydedinsosecrewyse Thatnomanmightespiennordevyse Bywhatengynthefilthes,fernorner, Wernbornaweybycoursoftheriver– Socovertlyeverythingwascured. Lydgate,TroyBook,760–63. Lydgate,TroyBook,763. Lydgate,TroyBook,698–99.

(740–58)

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tothoseoftradesmenorcraftsmen.Additionally,bynotleavingthejobtohuman fallibility,butrathertothealwaysrunningwater,Lydgate’scitizensensurethat thestreetsarecleanandthatthedebrisisnotremovedinanunsuitablemanner. Unlike the city of London, whose waste management is not always the most efficientassuggestedbyEdwardIII’sproclamation,Lydgate’swaterwaysactas automaticstreetsweepers,cleansingtheroadsofcontagioncausingdebris. WhiletheearthlycitiesofLondonandNewTroyrecognizethedangersofstreet garbageandwork,imperfectlyasusualinthecaseofLondon,tocleansetheir cities,Pearlagainshowsustheperfectionofthedivinecityanditsredundant systems.ThePearlpoet,followingthetextofApocalypse22,80speaksofariver flowingfromthethroneofGodandstreamingthroughoutthe streetsofNew Jerusalem.TheBiblicaltextfocusesonthemiraculousandineffablenatureofthis river;notonlydoesitremarkablyremain“clearascrystal,”81despiteitstravels throughthestreets,italsosustainsthetwelvetreeswhosefruitsoffermonthly healingforallnations.ButratherthanfollowJohn’smodelexactly,thePearlpoet firstconsidersthecleanlinessofthestreets,showingaconcernformoremundane rolesfortheriver,onlyreturningtoJohn’stextfifteenlineslater: Areuerofþetroneþerranoutryghte Watzbrighterþenboþethesunneandmone. Sunnenemoneschonneuersoswete Asþatfoysounflodeoutofþatflet; Swyþehitswangeþurguchastreet Wiþoutenfylþeoþergalleoþerglet [Ariverranoutfromthethrone thatwasbrighterthanboththesunandmoon. Neithersunnormoonevershonesopurely Asthatcopiousriveroutofthatcity; Swiftly,itrushedthrougheachstreet Withoutfilth,bile,andslime].82

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AllreferencestoBiblicaltextsarefromTheHolyBibleTranslatedfromtheLatinVulgate(Douay RheimsVersion),ed.andtrans.RichardChalloner(London:BaroniusPress,2005). (1)Andheshewedmeariverofwateroflife,clearascrystal,proceedingfromthethroneof GodandoftheLamb.(2)Inthemidstofthestreetthereof,andonbothsidesoftheriver,was thetreeoflife,bearingtwelvefruits,yieldingitsfruitseverymonth:theleavesofthetreefor thehealingofthenations.(3)Andthereshallbenocurseanymore:butthethroneofGod andoftheLambshallbeinit.Andhisservantsshallservehim(Apocalypse22:1–3).

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Apocalypse22:1. Pearl,1055–60.

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LikeJohn’sriver,whichflows“clearascrystal”83throughthestreets,thePearl poet’swaterremains“brighterthenbothethesunneandmone,”84highlightingits divinenature.AlthoughthedivinityofGodandNewJerusalemare,ofcourse, predominant in this highly spiritual poem, there is a brief moment where the thoroughly terrestrial concern of waste management creeps into the poet’s descriptionofNewJerusalem.Immediatelyafterconsideringthebrightnessofthe river, the poet returns to more civic concerns and notes that the water flows through streets that are free of “fylthe other galle other glet” [filth, bile, and slime].85Theroleofthisrivercannotbetocleansethestreetofdebris.Itisunlikely thatthewidestreetsoftheheavenlycity,socleanthattheydonotatanypoint cloud the crystal waters of the river, are littered with refuse and slime. So, althoughthepurposeofthisriverisnottocleanthealreadyspotlessstreetsof NewJerusalem,theauthorstillpausesinhisretellingoftheBiblicalaccountto dwellonthiscleanlinesshighlightingthewater’sabilitytocleansethestreets,if theneedexisted.Hisvisionoftheperfectcityisonewhosestreets,whilealready clean,areredundantlysluicedwithcrystalclearwatertoensureabsolutefreedom fromcorruption.Thisbetraystheauthor’shumanconcern,notforthecleanliness ofNewJerusalemwhichmustbyitsdivinitybefreefromallcorruption,butrather forwastemanagementinhisownenvironment.Thisdescriptionoftheholycity andtheriversuggestsapreoccupationwiththeworldlythatseepsintoeventhe mostdivinerevelation. In“TheTownasanAgentofCivilisation,”JacquesLeGoffarguesthaturban fountains“werebothnecessaryforhygiene,andaestheticallysatisfying,showwell themanysidednatureofmedievalurbanism.”86Fountains,muchlikethepipes and conduits which highlight man’s mastery over his surroundings described aboveinSectionI,actalsotoprovidecleansingwaterthroughoutthecity.Butin VoxClamantis,weagainfindthatthenormativefunctionscollapseamidthesocial unrest of 1381. During the riots, the water that exists within the fountains no longerperformsitscleansingfunctionsandinsteadbecomesalocationofpotential contamination:“Fonsvbicumquetumet,sanguinitaterubet(l.1172;“Wherevera fountainswelled,itbecameredwithbloodiness”).87 Justastheprotectiveroleofwaterasanaturalbarrierisinvertedtoemphasize theuncontrollabledestructivecapabilityofwaterintheVoxClamantis,heretoo doestheinversionofGower’ssocialnormsdeprivewaterofitspositiveurban role.NolongercanfountainsoffertheLondoncitizenryaplaceofhygieneand

83 84 85 86 87

Apocalypse22:1. Pearl,1056. Pearl,1060. LeGoff,“TheTownasanAgentofCivilisation,”89. Gower,VoxClamantis,75.

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beauty, suggested by Le Goff. They now become the location of potential pestilenceandhorror.Ifrefuselitteringthestreets,walls,andriverofLondon concernsEdwardIIIin1358,theusuallycleansingfountainwaters,befouledwith blood,mustalsobeaconcerntoGower.Theyhavenotonlylosttheirabilityto cleanse, they now offer a possible source of that “grievous and great abomination”88thatravagedLondonfrom1348–1350 andpromptedthesocial imbalancethatultimatelysparkedthesubjectofGower’sVoxClamantis,therevolt of1381.

IV.Conclusion Ifwateractsasacleansingagentintheliteralsense,italsocleansfigurativelyas the baptismal medium, and is unsurprisingly found in urban spaces. It is the baptismal use of water that brings together all of the roles water holds in a quintessentially urban way. Christianity is a highly urban religion. Jennifer Summit,inherarticle““TopographyasHistoriography:Petrarch,Chaucer,and theMakingofMedievalRome,”arguesthattheconversionofRomeoccurswhen Christianitymovedoutofthesuburbs,thesiteoftheircatacombs,and“intothe centralurbanspacesformerlyclaimedbythepagantemplesandmonuments.”89 ForSummit,theconversionofthemedievalChristiancityisspecificallytiedtoits urbanization, an idea also highlighted by Le Goff. Because there is a higher populationincities,therearemorepeopletohearpreachingandconsequently more sins to cleanse through baptism.90 The cleansing of the citizens’ sins, therefore,becomescrucialtothepurifyingroleofwater.Itisthroughtheuseof waterasabaptismalmediumthatmedievalChristian’ssoughttoidentifytheir cities as the locus of Christian ideals, sought to protect their inhabitants from temptations,andsoughttocleansetheurbanspace,attheindividuallevel.In Pearl,baptismalwatercomesnotfromanearthlysource,butratherintheformof Christ’sbodilyfluids.WendellStacyJohnsondescribesthiswaterimageryas“a neverexhaustedfountain...reinforcedwiththetraditionalsymbolsofthewater andtheblood.”91Ifwaterisameansofdefinition,protection,andcleansinginan

88 89

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Memorials,33. JenniferSummit,“TopographyasHistoriography:Petrarch,Chaucer,andtheMakingofMedieval Rome,”JournalofMedievalandEarlyModernStudies30.2(2000):211–46;here237. LeGoff,“TheTownasanAgentofCivilisation,”78. WendellStacyJohnson,“TheImageryandDictionofThePearl:TowardanInterpretation,”Middle EnglishSurvey:CriticalEssays,ed.EdwardVasta(NotreDame:UniversityofNotreDamePress,

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urban context, highlighting man’s achievements in civilization or failure in its absence,thenthefountainasametaphorforcontainedwaterexpressesthehighest levelofthatachievement.FortheauthorofPearl,theideaofperfectlycontained fluids in a fountain appears to resound. The fluids that pour forth from the woundsofChristanddelivermankindfromHellaredivinelycontrolledtorrents, presentingChrist’sbody,notasariver,butasabaptismalfountain: Innoghetherwaxoutofthatwelle, Blodandwaterofbrodewounde. Theblodvusboghtfrobaleofhelle, Anddelyueredvusofthedethsecounde; Thewaterisbaptem,thesoothetotelle, Thatfol3edtheglayuesogrimlygrounde, Thatwaschezawaythegyltesfelle ThatAdamwithinnedethvusdrounde [Enoughgrewoutofthatfountain, Bloodandwaterfromthebroadwound. Thebloodboughtusfromthepainofhell, Anddeliveredusfromtheseconddeath; Thewaterisbaptism,totellthetruth, Thataccompaniedthespearsogrimlysharpened, Thatwashesawaythedeadlyguilt ThatAdamhasdrownedeveryoneindeath].92

ThefluidswhichflowforthfromChrist’sbodyduringthecrucifixion,theblood andthewater,bathetheworldinabaptismalmedium,erasingthesinsofAdam that had, until that point, drowned the inhabitants of the world. Much as the peasantryinvadingLondoninGower’sVoxClamantisappeartodrowncivilization withthefloodoftheirriotousbehavior,sotoodoesAdamdrownmankindinthe floodofhissinfulness.ButChrist’ssacrificeredeemsmankindthroughbaptism and Christocentrically defines the world. It purifies the sins of mankind and redefinesthemas“thesaved.”Anditdoesthisfirstandforemost,asSummitand LeGoffargue,inthecities. Within a thoroughly urban text, the tears of the devout convert the individualpagansoultoChristianity’scivility.InSaintErkenwald,theLondon saintpraysforbaptismalwatertoreleasethesoulofthenoblepagan,butachieves thatbaptismwithhisowntears,“wytthewordesandthewaterthatwesheusof payne”[withthewordsandthewaterthatwashusofpain].93Erkenwald’stears, the“water”thathe“sheddes,”bringthereleaseoftheunbaptizedsoul,cleansing

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1965),161–81;here172 Pearl,649–56. St.Erkenwald,333.

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him of his pagan taint and redefining the soul as Christian. While Christ accomplishedbaptismonaglobalscale,St.Erkenwaldgivesofhisbody,through tears,onanindividuallevel,totheonenoblepagansoulcleansinghimofthesins ofhisbirth. Justasthewaterofdivinityorofthedevouthavetheabilitytorestoremankind toheaven,God’smanipulationofwaterinGower’sVoxClamantis,returnssocial order:“He[God]calmedthewatersofthedeepandestablishedaboundaryfor them....Sotheseahadashore,andtheriverbankhelditsfullstreamsincheck, andtheroadswereagainopentolawandorder.”94Here,weseeanexcessof water closely identified with the uncivilized countryside. As God restores the peaceofLondonandreassertsthecivichierarchy,thewater,justasthepeasantry, isagainputinitsrightful,naturalplace.Thewaterreturnstoitsoceanorriverto beconfined,andliterallydefined,byitsbanksjustasthepeasantryreturnstothe countrysideanditssociallyprescribedroleasagriculturallaborer.Thereturnof order, then, is also a return to the three roles of water to define, protect, and cleanse,seeninitsdescriptionsofLondonandNewTroy,andperfectedinthe divinelyredundantsystemsofNewJerusalem.ItisthedeparturefromGower’s preferredhierarchy,andthereforethepositiverolesofwater,thatbringsabouthis apocalypticvision.Anditisthroughtheirdescriptionsandusesofwaterthateach oftheseauthorspresentstheirvision,idealorapocalyptic,oftheurbanspace.

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Gower,VoxClamantis,91.

BirgitWiedl (InstituteforJewishHistoryinAustria)

JewsandtheCity:ParametersofJewishUrbanLife inLateMedievalAustria1

In1391,themunicipalcourtoftheSwisstownofZurichwasconfrontedwitha series of charges brought in by several attendees of a wedding that had been hostedbythefamilyofVifli,oneofthewealthiestandmostprominentJewsofthe town.2Duringthewedding,alongpendingquarrelbetweenmembersofhisand

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ThisarticledoesnotaimatprovidinganencompassingcoverageofmedievalJewishurbanlife butratheratpointingoutvariousaspectsofJewishexistencein(Late)MedievalAustriantowns thatmayeithercorrespondwithgeneraldevelopmentsofJewishurbanlifeordifferfromthose due to circumstances particular to the countries thatmake up today’s Austria. For a general overviewoverAustrianJewishHistory,seeGeschichtederJudeninÖsterreich,ed.EvelineBrugger, ChristophLind,AlbertLichtblau,andBarbaraStaudinger.ÖsterreichischeGeschichte,15(Vienna: Ueberreuter,2006);onJewishChristiancohabitation,seenowJonathanElukin,LivingTogether, LivingApart:RethinkingJewishChristianRelationsintheMiddleAges.Jews,Christians,andMuslims fromtheAncienttotheModernWorld(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2007).Forvaluable comments and corrections, I would like to thank Albrecht Classen and Marilyn Sandidge. Furthermore,IwouldliketoexpressmygratitudetoMarthaKeil,HansJörgGilomen,Gerd Mentgen,andMarkusWenningerforgrantingmeaccesstogalleyproofsoftheirnewestresearch publications. SeeMarkusWenninger,“JüdischeundjüdischchristlicheNetzwerkeimspätmittelalterlichen Ostalpenraum,” Beziehungsnetze aschkenasischer Juden während des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit,ed.JörgR.Müller.ForschungenzurGeschichtederJuden,AbteilungA,20(Hanover: HahnscheBuchhandlung,2008),163–76;here167;MarkusWenninger,“NichtineinemBett– aberdochaufeinerHochzeit.ZurTeilnahmevonChristenanjüdischenFestenimMittelalter,” NichtineinemBett:JudenundChristeninMittelalterundFrühneuzeit,ed.InstituteforJewishHistory inAustria(St.Pölten:EigenverlagdesInstituts,2005);10–17,here13–14(downloadableaspdffile here:http://www.injoest.ac.at/upload/JudeninME05_2_917.pdf;lastaccessedonApril8,2009). MarkusWenningerisplanninganextensivepublicationonthesubject;id.,“VonjüdischenRittern undanderenwaffentragendenJudenimmittelalterlichenDeutschland,”Aschkenas:Zeitschriftfür GeschichteundKulturderJuden13.1(2003):35–83;here72–75.Theincidenthasfirstbeenrecounted byAugustaWeldlerSteinberg,IntérieursausdemLebenderZürcherJudenim14.und15.Jahrhundert

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otherprominentJewishfamilieshadobviouslyreachedacrisisandhaderupted infirstavociferousargument,theninabrawlandhadendedinseveralmembers oftherespectivefamiliesfacingeachotherwiththeirswordsdrawn.Thequite detailedcourtrecordsrevealastonishingfacts:NotonlydidtheJewsturntothe Christianmunicipalcourttosettletheirdispute,theywerebearingarmsandwere obviouslyaccustomedtousingthem;3yettheprobablymostremarkablefact,as Markus Wenninger has pointed out, was the quite high number of Christian witnesseswhogavetestimonyatcourt.Apartfromthosewhohadbeenhiredas servants or musicians, twelve Christianshence about a third of the witnesseshadclearlybeenpresentasguests,mostofthembeingmembersofthe Zurichupperclass:aknight,theformermayor,thetownscribe;andatleastfive ofthemlivedinclosevicinity,someevenwithinthesamelane,theBrunngasse, whichhousedthemajorityoftheZurichJewishpopulationintheMiddleAges.4 Underpenaltyofexcommunication,thesynodsatWrocaw(forthearchbishopric ofGniezno)andVienna(fortheecclesiasticalprovinceofSalzburg,andcityand bishopric of Prague) had stated in 1267, Christians shall not invite Jews and Jewessesastheirdinnerguests,ordrinkoreatwiththem,neithershalltheydance at their weddings or feasts.5 This article was, in fact, an elaboration of the

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(Zurich:VerlagsundVersandbuchhandlung‘DerScheideweg’,1959),22–24;forafocusonthe jurisdictionalissuesseetheworksbySusannaBurghartz,Leib,EhreundGut:DelinquenzinZürich Ende des 14. Jahrhunderts (Zurich: Chronos, 1990), and “Juden – eine Minderheit vor Gericht (Zürich1378–1436),”SpannungenundWidersprüche.GedenkschriftfürFrantišekGraus,ed.Susanna Burghartz(Sigmaringen:JanThorbecke1992),229–44.OnprominentJewsinZurich,seeGermania Judaica,vol.III:1350–1519,part2:MährischBudwitz–Zwolle,ed.AryeMaimon,MordechaiBreuer, andYacovGuggenheim(Tübingen:J.C.B.Mohr,1995),1733–34. OntheprohibitionforJewstobeararmsandits‘reality,’seethearticlesbyWenninger,“Von jüdischen Rittern,” and Christine Magin, “‘Waffenrecht’ und ‘Waffenverbot’ für Juden im Mittelalter–zueinemMythosderForschungsgeschichte,”Aschkenas:ZeitschriftfürGeschichteund KulturderJuden13.1(2003):17–33;MarkusWenninger,“BearingandUseofWeaponsbyJewsin the(Late)MiddleAges,”JewishStudies41(2002,appearedin2003):83–92. Wenninger,“Hochzeit,”13–14.OnthelocationofJewishhouseholdsinZurichingeneral,see GermaniaJudaica,vol.II:Von1238biszurMittedes14.Jahrhunderts,part2:Maastricht–Zwolle,ed. ZwiAvneri(Tübingen:J.C.B.Mohr1968),946(upuntil1350)andGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/2, 1726–27. A contrasting example, where Christians were punished for partaking in a Jewish wedding feast, is given by HansJörg Gilomen, “Kooperation und Konfrontation: Juden und ChristenindenspätmittelalterlichenStädtenimGebietderheutigenSchweiz,” Judeninihrer Umwelt:AkkulturationdesJudentumsinAntikeundMittelalter,ed.MatthiasKonradtandRainer ChristophSchwinges(Basel:Schwabe,2009),157–227;here176–77(Zurich1404). See“ContinuatioVindobonensisa.1267–1302,1313–1327,”ed.WilhelmWattenbach.Monumenta GermaniaeHistoricaScriptores,vol.9(1851;Stuttgart:AntonHiersemann,1983),698–722;here 699–702(Vienna),the1851originaled.online(appliestoalltheMGHvolumesquoted)here: www.dmgh.de(lastaccessedonApril8,2009).WithrespecttothearticlesconcerningJews,see HeinzSchreckenberg,DiechristlichenAdversusJudaeosTexteundihrliterarischesundhistorisches Umfeld(13.–20.Jh.).EuropäischeHochschulschriften.SeriesXXIII:Theologie,497(Frankfurta.M.,

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regulationsoftheFourthLateranCouncilthathadgenerallyaimedatlimitingthe possibilities for Jews to take part in the everyday lives of their Christian neighbours,andviceversa.6Thechurchauthoritieswere,however,notoblivious totheimpossibilityoftransferringtheseregulationsintotherealityof(inevitable) daily interaction between Jews and their nextdoor Christian neighbors; the lamentationsandcomplaintsoftheBishopofOlomoucandtheprovincialsynod atSalzburgasearlyas1273and1274respectivelyaboutthe‘persistentviolation’ oftheseregulationsspeakforthemselves.7Tellingly,itwasthebreachofthe‘safe conductandpeace’(freiesgeleitundfried)thatthetownofZurichhadpromisedthe outoftownvisitorsonVifli’srequestthatrequiredanexaminationbeforethe aldermen,thefisticuffs,theverbalandbodilyassaults,andparticularlythedrawn

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Bern, New York, and Paris: Peter Lang, 1994), 224 (Wrocav) and 228 (Vienna, both German translationoftherelevantarticles);SolomonGrayzel,TheChurchandtheJews,vol.2:1254–1314, ed.andcompletedKennethR.Stow(NewYorkandDetroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1989), 244–46, no. 6 (Wrocaw), 247–48, 277, 290, no. 7 (Vienna); Eveline Brugger and Birgit Wiedl, Regesten zur Geschichte der Juden in Österreich im Mittelalter, vol. 1: Von den Anfängen bis 1338 (Innsbruck,Vienna,andBolzano:StudienVerlag,2005),59–61,no.45(Vienna);thewholebook isdownloadableaspdffilesin3partshere: http://www.injoest.ac.at/projekte/laufend/mittelalterliche_judenurkunden/index.php?lang=EN; lastaccessed on April 8,2009).The secondvolume,forthcomingin2009,willcoverthetime periodfrom1339to1365. FourthLateranCouncil,Canon67Quantoamplius,quotedaftertheGermanrpt.ofGiuseppe Alberigo,Conciliorumoecumenicorumdecreta(Bologna1973)byJosefWolmuth(ed.),Dekreteder ökumenischen Konzilien: Konzilien des Mittelalters vom ersten Laterankonzil (1123) bis zum fünften Laterankonzil(1512–1517),vol.2(PaderbornandVienna:FerdinandSchöningh,2000),265–66. With respect to the Jews, see Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews, vol. 1: 1198–1254 (Philadelphia:DropsieCollege,1933;Sec.ed.NewYork:HermonPress,1966),312–13,no.13. Many of these regulations were adapted by legal codes like the Schwabenspiegel or Sachsenspiegel,whichtheninturn,duetotheirquickandwidecirculation,hadanimpacton furthersecularandecclesiasticallegislation,seeKlausLohrmann,“DieRechtsstellungderJuden imSchwabenspiegel,”DieLegendevomRitualmord:ZurGeschichtederBlutbeschuldigunggegenJuden, ed.RainerErb(Berlin:MetropolVerlag,1993),73–94.OnthetopicofJewsandChristiansusing thesamebaths,aparticularlywidelydiscussedissuewhichcanbefoundinthe1267ecclesiastical regulation as well as the Schwabenspiegel (among others), see latest HansJörg Gilomen, “JüdischeNutzungöffentlicherundprivaterBrunnenimSpätmittelalter,”...zumallgemeinen statt nutzen. Brunnen in der europäischen Stadtgeschichte, ed. Dorothee Rippmann, Wolfgang Schmid,andKatharinaSimonMuscheid(Trier:Kliomedia,2008),133–45. Olomouc:Constitutionesetactapublicaimperatorumetregum,vol.3:1273–1298,ed.JakobSchwalm. Monumenta Germaniae Historica Leges IV, Constitutiones, 3 (1904–1906; rpt. Hanover and Leipzig: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1980), 594, no. 620; Salzburg: Joannes Dominicus Mansi, Sacrorumconciliorumnovaetamplissimacollectio,vol.24:1269–1299(1903rpt.;Graz:Akademische DruckundVerlagsanstalt,1961),136.In1254,PopeInnocentIVhadalreadycomplainedthatthe JewsofthetownandbishopricofConstancedidnotwearthemandatoryattributes,seeShlomo Simonsohn,TheApostolicSeeandtheJews:Documents492–1404.StudiesandTexts(1988;Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1991), 209, no. 203; Gilomen, “Kooperation und Konfrontation,”172–73,alsoonthe(partial)enforcementofthisregulation.

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swords,8whereasthepresenceofChristiansatwhatwasclearlya‘Jewishfeast’ merelymeanttheinterrogationofadditionalwitnesses. Inwhicheverhousetheweddingtookplace,itmusthavebeenclosetothehouse whichoncehadbelongedtothemoneylenderMinna,9widowofMenachem,who hadlivedinthesamestreetinthefirsthalfofthefourteenthcenturywithhersons MordechaiandMoshe.10Shehadtherepresentativepartsofherhousedecorated with what is today regarded as one of the most striking examples of cultural translation, having commissioned wall paintings the iconographic program of whichwereaccessibletobothChristiansandJewsalike.11Someofthescenes,

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Wenninger,“VonjüdischenRittern,”73. TheroleofJewishwomeninthemoneylendingbusinessisnottobeunderestimated,seethe articleofRosaAlvarezPerezinthisvolume.Further,withparticularbutnotexclusiveregardto Austria,seetheworksofMarthaKeil,latest“BusinessSuccessandTaxDebts:JewishWomenin Late Medieval Austrian Towns,” Jewish Studies at the Central European University, vol. II (1999–2001),ed.AndrásKovácsandEszterAndor(Budapest:CentralEuropeanUniversity,2002) 103–23;“PublicRolesofJewishWomeninFourteenthandFifteenthCenturyAshkenaz:Business, Community,andRitual,”TheJewsofEuropeintheMiddleAges(TenthtoFifteenthCenturies),ed. Christoph Cluse. Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, 4 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 317–30; “Jüdinnen als Kategorie? Judinne in obrigkeitlichen Urkunden des deutschenSpätmittelalters,”RäumeundWege:JüdischeGeschichteimAltenReich1300–1800,ed.Rolf Kießling,PeterRauscher,StefanRohrbacher,andBarbaraStaudinger.ColloquiaAugustana,25 (Berlin:AkademieVerlag,2007),335–61;“MobilitätundSittsamkeit:JüdischeFrauenimWirt schaftslebendesspätmittelalterlichenAschkenas,”WirtschaftsgeschichtedermittelalterlichenJuden: Fragen und Einschätzungen, ed. Michael Toch. Schriften des Historischen Kollegs München, Kolloquien,71(Munich:Oldenbourg,2008),153–80. Moshewasanacknowledgedscholar,thusthefamilywas“byfarnotatthebrinkofthebaptismal font,” as put by Martha Keil, “Lebensstil und Repräsentation. Jüdische Oberschicht im spätmittelalterlichenAschkenas,”TresCulturas:DiedreiKulturenEuropaszwischenMittelalterund Neuzeit.TranskulturalitätinderAusgrenzung.ProceedingsoftheConferenceinVienna2005,ed.Rudolf KarlandHartmutKrones(Madrid[inprint]),chapter2;furtherMichaelToch,“Selbstdarstellung vonmittelalterlichenJuden,”BildundAbbilddesmittelalterlichenMenschen,ed.ElisabethVavra. SchriftenreihederAkademieFriesach,6(Klagenfurt:Wieser,1999),178–83;here181–82. FrescoesinZurich,Brunngasse8.SeeToch,“Selbstdarstellung,”illustrations185–91.DölfWild, “Bedeutende Zeugnisse jüdischer Wohnkultur in der Zürcher Altstadt entdeckt,” Aschkenas: Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur der Juden  7 (1997): 267–99; with a particular focus on the iconography,seeRudolfBöhmer,“Bogenschütze,BauerntanzundFalkenjagd:ZurIkonographie derWandmalereienimHaus“ZumBrunnenhof”inZürich,”LiteraturundWandmalereivol.I: ErscheinungsformenhöfischerKulturundihreTrägerimMittelalter,ed.EckartConradLutz,Johanna Thali,andRenéWetzel.FreiburgerColloquium1998(Tübingen:Niemeyer,2002),329–63;see furtherEdithWenzel,“EinneuerFund:MittelalterlicheWandmalereieninZürich,”Zeitschriftfür deutschePhilologie116(1997):417–26;Gilomen,“KooperationundKonfrontation,”164–66;Harald Woltervon dem Knesebeck, “Profane Wandmalerei in jüdischen Häusern des Mittealters,” Abstractofthethirdconference“InterdisziplinäresForumJüdischeGeschichteundKulturinder FrühenNeuzeit,”onlinehere:http://www.forumjuedischegeschichte.de/2002Wolter.html(last accessedonApril8,2009);Keil,“LebensstilundRepräsentation,”chapter2;Wenninger,“Von jüdischenRittern,”43–44;EdithWenzel,“AltJiddischoderMittelhochdeutsch?”Grenzenund Grenzüberschreitungen:KulturelleBeziehungenzwischenJudenundChristenimMittelalter,ed.id.Part

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particularly the rural and somewhat rude dance scenes, greatly resemble the scenesdescribedinthelyricsofthethirteenthcenturyAustrianpoetNeidhartand could as well have been the decoration of a Christian householdlike the ‘Neidhartfrescoes’fromaround1398inthehouseofawealthyViennesecitizen,12 orthefourteenthcenturydancescenesacitizenofRegensburghadoneofhis representationalroomsdecoratedwith.13AndliketheVienna(Christian)example, thedecorationoftheZurichJewishhousealsobearsscenesthatcatertoamore nobleaudiencehuntingscenes,particularlyfalconry,andasaspecial‘bonus’the coatsofarmsofMinna’snobleguests(andquiteprobablydebtors)14onafrieze runningabovethepaintingsandprovidedwithainscriptionoftheirnamesin Hebrewletters.Theconclusionthatintenseculturaltranslationtookplacebetween theJewsandChristiansofmedievalAshkenasandSepharadintheareasoftheir livestheysharedaswellasthosetheylivedseparately,ismostwidelyrecognized bynow.15However,itdoesnottranslateasassimilationbutratherastransferring

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ofAschkenas:ZeitschriftfürGeschichteundKulturderJuden14.1(2004):31–50,47–48,onthequestion ofaJewishChristianaudience. FrescoesinVienna,Tuchlauben19.EvaMariaHöhle,TheNeidhartFrescoes,theoldestsecularmural paintingsinVienna(Vienna:MuseumsoftheCityofVienna,1984);GertrudBlaschitzandBarbara Schedl, “Die Ausstattung eines Festsaales im mittelalterlichen Wien: Eine ikonologische und textkritischeUntersuchungderWandmalereiendesHauses‘Tuchlauben19’,”Neidhartrezeption inWortundBild,ed.GertrudBlaschitz.MediumAevumQuotidianum,SonderbandX(Krems: MediumAevumQuotidianum,2000),84–111. NikolausHenkel,“EinNeidharttanzdes14.JahrhundertsineinemRegensburgerBürgerhaus,” Neidhartrezeption,53–70;forfurtherexamplesonNeidhartmotifsinwallpaintings,seetheother articlesinthisvolume(LakeConstance,Matrei). Wenninger,“JüdischeundjüdischchristlicheNetzwerke,”166–67,callsthefriezea“reference list”ofMinna’sbusinesspartners. ThusexplicitlyputbyKeil,“LebensstilundRepräsentation,”chapter1.JustasexplicitisIsrael JacobYuval,TwoNationsinYourWomb:PerceptionsofJewsandChristiansinLateAntiquityandthe MiddleAges,trans.fromtheHebrewbyBarbaraHarshavandJonathanChipman(2000;Berkeley, LosAngeles,andLondon:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2006),206,onthequestiontowhat extentJewswereawareofChristianrituals.Thephenomenonofculturaltranslationhasbeenthe centraltopicofmanystudies,mostofwhich,however,focusontheEarlyModernPeriod.Forthe specifictopicofJewishChristianculturaltranslationintheMiddleAges,seetheanthologyby Wenzel,“GrenzenundGrenzüberschreitungen”;further,albeitwithafocusonthenineteenthand twentiethcenturies,KulturtransferinderjüdischenGeschichte,ed.WolfgangSchmaleandMartina Steer(Frankfurta.M.andNewYork:Campus,2006).Foramethodologicalconceptofcross culturaltranslationintheEuropeanMiddleAges,seeMittelalterimLabor:DieMediävistiktestet Wege zu einer transkulturellen Europawissenschaft, ed.  Michael Borgolte, Juliane Schiel, Bernd Schneidmüller,andAnnetteSeitz.EuropaimMittelalter,10.AbhandlungenundBeiträgezur historischenKomparatistik(Berlin:AkademieVerlag,2008),195–209:partIII:ArbeitsforumB: KontaktundAustauschzwischenKulturenimeuropäischenMittelalter,followedbytwocase studiesonChristianJewishculturaltranslation(FrederekMusallonMoshebenMaimon,209–28, andRainerBarzenandLennartGüntzelontheexpulsionoftheJewsinFranceandEnglandand theperceptionofcrisis,228–51).

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one’s own culture into a new context,16 as adapting personal tastes as well as generalconceptsofaestheticsthataresharedbypeopleofacomparablesocial status.17Thissharedtasteextendstoareasoflifethatremainmoreprivate,orat leastrepresentationalwithinasmallergroupofpeople.When,forexample,Israel Isserl, magister iudeorum and one of the most prominent Jews of Vienna, commissionedaSeferMordechai,acollectionofRabbinicalresponsaebyMordechai barHillelfromthelatethirteenthcentury,tobewrittenforhimin1371/1372,he had the manuscript decorated in what is known as Niederösterreichischer Randleistenstil,aparticularstyleofbookilluminationthatwasquitewidelyused at that time; it was, for example, the style a missal of the Lower Austrian monastery of Klosterneuburg that originated from about the same time was adorned in (see Figure 5).18 Despite the fact that Isserl’s Hebrew codex would rather not, or at least not mainly, be used in the presence of Christians, he neverthelesshaditdecoratedinwhatcanbecalledthe‘infashion’styleofthetime and region, Isserl’s codex being but one example of Hebrew manuscripts the marginsofwhichweredecoratedinthatparticularstyle.19BothJewsandChristian monkshadacquiredthesametasteasfarasbookilluminationwasconcerned, regardedthesamestyleasbeautifulandprestigious,and,probably,knewhowto impressvisitorswiththeirgems. However close though the cultural and social contacts to their Christian neighborswere,Jewsremainedinmanyrespectsaseparate,ifnothomogenous, groupwithin(orratheroutside)theChristiansociety.20AsfarastheChristian

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Raingard Eßer, “Migrationsgeschichte und Kulturtransferforschung,” Das eine Europa und die VielfaltderKulturen:KulturtransferinEuropa1500–1850,ed.ThomasFuchsandSvenTrakulhun (Berlin:BerlinerWissenschaftsVerlag,2003),69–82;here73–74.OnthemedievalAshkenasicJews andtheirculturalandsocialidentityingeneral,seeMichaelToch,DieJudenimmittelalterlichen Reich.Sec.ed.EnzyklopädiedeutscherGeschichte,44(1998;Munich:Oldenbourg,2003),33–34, ontheintensifiedcontactstoChristiansintheLateMiddleAgesasbornoutofnecessitydueto the(violently)reducedJewishpopulation,38. Keil,“LebensstilundRepräsentation,”ontheexampleofluxurygarments. Andreas Fingernagel and Alois Haidinger, “Neue Zeugen des Niederösterreichischen Randleistenstilsinhebräischen,deutschenundlateinischenHandschriften,”CodicesManuscripti 39.40 (2002): 15–41; here 15–29. Martha Keil, “Gemeinde und Kultur – Die mittelalterlichen GrundlagenjüdischenLebensinÖsterreich,”GeschichtederJudeninÖsterreich,15–122;here28–29, illustration(SeferMordechaiandmissalfromKlosterneuburg),28. Keil,“GemeindeundKultur,”29.SeealsoRobertSuckale,“ÜberdenAnteilchristlicherMaleran derAusmalunghebräischerHandschriftenderGotikinBayern,”GeschichteundKulturderJuden inBayern(Aufsätze),ed.ManfredTremlandJosefKirmeier.VeröffentlichungenzurBayerischen GeschichteundKultur17.88,ed.ClausGrimm(Munich,NewYork,London,andParis:K.G. Saur,1988),123–34. Onthehighlyproblematicandwidelydiscussed‘label’ofJewsasafringegroup,seeFrantisek Graus,“RandgruppenderstädtischenGesellschaftimSpätmittelalter,”Zeitschriftfürhistorische Forschung 8 (1981): 385–437; here particularly 396 on the definition of ‘fringe group’; Gerd

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secularauthoritieswereconcerned,thelegalaswellastheeconomicpositionof Jews,bothasagroupandasindividuals,wasgenerallydefinedbytheruler,in particulartheHolyRomanEmperorwhoheldthegeneralsovereigntyoverallthe Jews of the empire, counting them as a part of his treasure:21 “the rulers’ sole purposeismoney,”asRabbiJacobbarJechielphraseditclearlyinmidthirteenth century.22 As early as the beginning of the thirteenth century, however, this sovereigntywasreducedtoamereclaim,theImperiallordshipweakeninginthe courseofthetransitionofImperialrightstotheregionalrulers,therighttothe Jews(Judenregal)beingbutoneamongthem.23InquiteanumberofGermancities, theirgripontheJewsdwellingwithintheirrealmtightenedalongwiththeirrise toeconomicalaswellaspoliticalimportance,24whereasintheregionofmodern dayAustria,bothtownsandJewsremainedunderthestronggripoftherespective regionalruler,behetheHabsburgduke,theArchbishopofSalzburg,theBishop ofBamberg,oralocalnobleman.

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Mentgen, “‘Die Juden waren stets eine Randgruppe.’ Über eine fragwürdige Prämisse der aktuellen Judenforschung,” Liber amicorum necnon et amicarum für Alfred Heit: Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen und geschichtlichen Landeskunde, ed. Friedhelm Burgard, Christoph Cluse, and Alfred Haverkamp. Trierer Historische Forschungen, 28 (Trier: Verlag Trierer Historische Forschungen,1996),393–411;AnnaFoa,“TheWitchandtheJew.TwoAlikesthatWereNotthe Same,” From Witness to Witchcraft. Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, ed. Jeremy Cohen.WolfenbüttlerMittelalterStudien,11(Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz,1997),361–74. First explicitly stated in the general Imperial privilege by Emperor Frederic II in 1236, Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum, vol. 2: 1198–1272, ed. Ludwig Weiland. Monumenta Germaniae Historica Leges IV, Constitutiones, 2 (1896; Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung,1963),274,no.204.OnthevastdiscussionontheJewsasservitescamere(“servants ofthetreasure”),seethesummarybyToch,“JudenimmittelalterlichenReich,”48and102–10. ForasimilardevelopmentinFrance,seethecontributionofRosaPerezAlvarezinthisvolume. MarthaKeil,“NäheundAbgrenzung.DiemittelalterlicheStadtalsRaumderBegegnung,”Nicht in einem Bett, 2–8; here 4–5. The whole article is downloadable as a pdf file here: http://www.injoest.ac.at/upload/JudeninME05_1_18.pdf(lastaccessedonApril8,2009). GenerallyseeGermaniaJudaica,vol.III:1350–1519,part3:Gebietsartikel,Einleitungsartikel,Indices, ed.AryeMaimon,MordechaiBreuer,andYacovGuggenheim(Tübingen:J.C.B.Mohr,2003), 2173–74;Toch,“JudenimmittelalterlichenReich,”48–49. StillessentialisHerbertFischer(laterAryeMaimon),DieverfassungsrechtlicheStellungderJuden indendeutschenStädtewährenddesdreizehntenJahrhunderts.UntersuchungenzurDeutschenStaats und Rechtsgeschichte, 140 (1931; Aalen: ScientiaVerlag, 1969). Further see Toch, “Juden im mittelalterlichen Reich,” 106–07; for a general summary of Jews and towns, see Alfred Haverkamp, “Jews and Urban Life: Bonds and Relationships,” Jews of Europe, 55–69; on Imperial/regalrightsandtheirrelationtotheImperialcities,seeGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,2167, oncitiesandJews,2169–70,onJewsascitizens,2181–87,onjurisdictionalmatters2188–91;for regional examples, see Alfred Haverkamp, “Die Juden im Erzstift Trier,” Die Juden in ihrer mittelalterlichen Umwelt, ed. Alfred Ebenbauer and Klaus Zatloukal (Vienna, Cologne, and Weimar:Böhlau,1991),67–89;KlausLohrmann,JudenrechtundJudenpolitikimmittelalterlichen Österreich(ViennaandCologne:Böhlau,1990),especially146–66.

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ThefirstencompassingdefinitionofthelegalstandingoftheAustrianJewswas thequitecomprehensiveregulationwhichtheBabenbergDukeFredericIIissued in1244,25whichremainedthebasisforfurtherlegislationwithintheduchy of Austria26 and also served as a model for other rulers.27 The rather detailed economic issues, mostly in favor of the Jews, and the quite wideranging protectionsuggestthatDukeFredericaimedatprovidinganincentiveforJewsto settledowninAustria28aspartofhis,andnolongertheEmperor’s,treasure. Withregardtothetowns,thisalsomeansthattherulerwasdeterminednottolose his control over what he had just acquired29 and regarded as his immediate property,apartofhistreasurethatheprotectedand/orexploitedandutilizedas hesawfit.Itremainedtherulers’soleprerogativetograntJewstherighttotake their abode on his realm, their favorite financiers were given wideranging economic and legal privileges without as much as informing the cities. Only duringthelastdecadesofthefourteenthcentury,someAustriancitieswereable

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Most recent edition by Brugger and Wiedl, Regesten, vol. 1, 35–38, no. 25. For an English translation,seehttp://www.fordham.edu/halsall/jewish/1244jewsaustria.html(lastaccessedon April8,2009),whichisbasedonthe(somewhatproblematic)translationbyJacobMarcus,TheJew intheMedievalWorld:ASourcebook,315–1791(NewYork:JPS,1938),28–33. ReissuedadimitationemclarememoriequondamFridericiducisAustrieetStiriebyKingRudolfIin 1277(BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,71–73,no.56).TheexplicitreferencetoDukeFrederick IIconveysaclearmeaning—ontheonehand,Rudolf’srivalPemyslOtakar,the(outlawed)duke ofAustria,wasbeingblatantlyignored,andontheotherhand,byrevertingtotheducalprivilege of1244,andnottheImperialone,Rudolfstressedhisfamily’sclaimontheduchiesofAustriaand Styria (Eveline Brugger, “Von der Ansiedlung bis zur Vertreibung – Juden in Österreich im Mittelalter,”GeschichtederJudeninÖsterreich,123–228;here142). Hungary:BelaIV,1251(MonumentaHungariaeJudaica,vol.1:1092–1539,ed.ÁrminFrissandMór Weisz [Budapest: Magyar Izraeliták Országos, 1903], 23–30, no. 22); Bohemia and Moravia: PemyslOtakarII,1255,1262,and1268(BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,45–48,no.34,51–54, no.39,and62–65,no.47,thefirstincludingAustria,thelattertwoAustriaandStyria);Poland: DukeBoleslav,1264(JudeninEuropa:IhreGeschichteinQuellen,vol.1:VondenAnfängenbiszum späten Mittelalter, ed. Julius Schoeps and Hiltrud Wallenborn  [Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,2001],139–43,no.65);Bamberg:BishopsHenryIIandWulfing,between1304 to1328(BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,255–57,no.302).NoprivilegesfortheStyrianand CarinthianJewshavebeentransmitted,thelaterHabsburgprivilegesofthesecondhalfofthe fourteenth century however include both these territories, referring to an ‘older existing legislation’ (see Lohrmann, Judenrecht, 182–89 [Carinthia], 200–06 [Styria], late Habsburg privileges230–35). TheJewishimmigrationintothemiddleDanubeareahadalreadyincreasedduringthefirsthalf ofthethirteenthcentury;atleastforVienna,anexistingcommunitycanbeprovenforaround 1200(firstmentionoftheViennaSynagoguein1204;seeBruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1, 18–19,no.5),thusFredericmightalsohavereactedtothenewlyarisenneedofregulatingthe Jewishlifethathadbeguntoflourish.

 In 1331, Emperor Louis IV officially enfeoffed the Austrian dukes with the right to theJews (Judenregal),Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”143–44.

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togainatleastpartialcontrolovertheJews,mainlyfocusingonjurisdictionaland economicmatters.30 YettheseeminglyunduepreferenceaccordedtheJewsrankledwiththecitizens, causing the author of the Viennese Stadtrechtsbuch (a compendium of legal regulationsfromtheendofthefourteenthcentury)tocomplainpolemicallyabout the“cursedJews”havingabetterlegalpositionagainsttheChristiansthanthe ChristiansagainsttheJews,directlyreferringtothe1244regulationsandblatantly ignoring the everyday reality that had by then long changed to the clear disadvantageoftheJews.31 Their increasing influence notwithstanding, Austrian cities remained for the mostpartpowerlessshouldtherespectiveruler,inwhoseofficialpossessionthe JewsremaineduntiltheendofJewishmedievalsettlement,decidetointerfere.The AustriandukesgavetheirJewsasfiefstonoblementheywantedtoparticularly honor,reward,orbribe,32withoutasmuchasnotifyingthegovernmentofthose citieswheretheJewsdwelled;shouldaJewfleefromaruler’sterritory,thecities wereneitherinvolvedintheensuingtrialnordidtheyparticipateinthesharing oftheJew’sconfiscatedproperty.33Thisappliesnotonlytotownsthatwereunder the rule of a powerful lord, like (partially) the Duke of Austria, but also to noblemenwhoseimmediateruleextendedtoaconsiderablylimitedareamanaged to maintain a close grip on the Jews as an outstanding group. In 1350, the noblemanandchancellorofStyria,RudolfOttoofLiechtenstein,grantedtheJew Häslein,thewealthiestandmostprominentJewintheCarinthian/Styrianareaat thattime,therighttosettleinhistownofMurau,placinghimandhisfamilyina

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SeeBirgitWiedl,“CodifyingJews.JewsinAustrianTownChartersoftheLateMiddleAges,”The ConstructedJew:JewsandJudaismthroughMedievalChristianEyes,ed.KristineT.Utterbackand MerrallL.Price(Turnhout:Brepols,forthcoming2009). Christine Magin, “Wie es umb der iuden recht stet:” Der Status der Juden in spätmittelalterlichen deutschenRechtsbüchern(Göttingen:WallensteinVerlag,1999),103;HeinrichMariaSchuster,Das WienerStadtrechtsundWeichbildbuch(Vienna:Manz,1973),130–31;Lohrmann,Judenrecht,161;id., DieWienerJudenimMittelalter(BerlinandVienna:Philo,2000),36–37. ThemostfamousofthesewastheenfeoffmentoftheCountsofCilli(today’sCelje,Slovenia)with theJewChatschimandhisfamilybydukeRudolfIV.DespitethefactthatthetownsChatschim livedinwerequiteprosperous(Ljubljana,Celje,Trieste),thereisnonotionofanyinvolvement of either of these towns. See Germania Judaica, vol. III/3, 209; Brugger, “Ansiedlung,” 184–85; Lohrmann,Judenrecht,206–07;MarkusWenninger,“DieBedeutungjüdischerFinanciersfürdie GrafenvonCilliundviceversa,”Celjskigrofje,staratema–novaspoznanja,ed.RolandaFugger Germadnik(Celje:PokrajinskiMuzej,1999),143–64;here151–52.OnJewsbetweenrulerand (LowerAustrian)nobility,seeEvelineBrugger,AdelundJudenimmittelalterlichenNiederösterreich. Studien und Forschungen aus dem Niederösterreichischen Institut für Landeskunde, 38 (St. Pölten:SelbstverlagdesNiederösterreichischenInstitutsfürLandeskunde,2004). For ‘famous flights’ of Jews see below; further Brugger, “Ansiedlung,” 181–82 (Häslein) and 184–85(ChatschimandMosche);Lohrmann,Judenrecht,218–20(Häslein)and225–30(Chatschim andMosche).

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veryprivilegedpositionwithrespecttoboththeJewishcommunityofMurauand thetownitself.34 AlthoughitisverylikelythatRudolfOttoofLiechtensteinissuedtheprivilege withducalapproval,thereisnomentionofanyinvolvementwhatsoeverofthe townofMurau—which,ifnothingelse,hadtorenounceanyjurisdictionalrights over HäsleinwhofellunderthesolecompetenceofRudolfOttohimself.This exampleconcurswithageneralincreaseofpersonalizedprivilegesinthesecond half of the fourteenth century,35 privileges that granted a special status to an individualJeworJewess(usuallyincludingtheentirefamily)andexemptedthem fromthelegalrequirementsofthetowntheylivedin.Whenseveralyearslater, Häslein left his new abode in the ducal town of Judenburg without seeking permissionbeforehandandDukeRudolphIVconfiscatedallhispropertyand outstandingdebts,neitherofthetownshehadlivedinorhadbusinesscontacts withwasgivenashare. TheAustrianrulers’controlevenextendedtoJewishgeographicalspaceswithin acity.Thepermissiontoerectorrebuildasynagogue,toestablishortoenlargea cemeteryremainedtherightoftherespectivelordofthetown,36leavingthetown’s administrationwithnosayinthematter.37Tothecontrary,arulerliketheBishop ofBambergwhoownedtheCarinthiantownofVillachcouldeven,afterhaving grantedtheJewAschroktherighttoerectasynagogue(inreturnforapayment of200pounds)38,coercehisChristiansubjects,inthiscasethemayorandcouncil ofVillach,intopromisingtoprotecttheJewsshouldany“uprise”againstthem occur.39Butevenifreducedtothemeregeographicalspace,tothepublicand

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Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”181–82;WilhelmWadl,GeschichtederJudeninKärntenimMittelalter:Mit einemAusblickbiszumJahre1867.Revisedseconded.DasKärntnerLandesarchiv,9(Klagenfurt: VerlagdesKärntnerLandesarchivs,1992),196–98. EvelineBruggerandBirgitWiedl,“‘...undanderfrumeleutegenuch,paidechristenundjuden.’ QuellenzurchristlichjüdischenInteraktionimSpätmittelalteramBeispielÖsterreichs,”Räume undWege,286–305;here288–89. SeeforthesimilarFrenchlegislationthecontributionofRosaAlvarezPerezinthisvolume. TheChurch,however,triedtogaincontrolovertheerectionofnewandthealterationofalready existingsynagogues.TheprovincialsynagogueofViennain1267forbadetheerectionofnew synagogues,while(re)usedexistingoneswerenottobemadewider,highernormoreprecious (latestprintBruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,59–61,no.45;here60). StateArchivesofBavaria,Bamberg,A78Lade403Nr.4(1510May4).JosephBabad,“TheJews inMedievalCarinthia,”HistoriaJudaica7(1945):13–28and193–204;here27;GermaniaJudaica,vol. III:1350–1519,part1:AachLychen,ed.AryeMaimonandYacovGuggenheim(Tübingen:J.C. B.Mohr,1987),415;GermaniaJudaica,vol.III/2,1533–34;GermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,1759;Wilhelm Neumann,“DieJudeninVillach,”CarinthiaI155(1965),327–66;here349–50;Wadl,JudenKärnten, 166,223. AustrianStateArchivesVienna,Haus,Hof,undStaatsarchiv,AURUk.1359IV1.Germania Judaica,vol.III/2,1534,GermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,1759;Lohrmann,Judenrecht,163;Neumann, “JudenVillach,”342,350;JohannEgidScherer,DieRechtsverhältnissederJudenindendeutsch

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privateplaces,amedievaltownwasaspaceofmeetingforJewsandChristians.40 Theywerelivingnextdoor,andnotonlyinthesetwostreetsinZurichinVienna and Krems, in Wiener Neustadt and Graz, in the episcopal towns of Friesach, VillachandWolfsberginCarinthiaandthethenSouthStyrian,nowSlovenian Maribor and Ptuj, to name but the biggest of the Jewish communities, Jewish settlementmighthavebeenconcentratedaroundcentrallocations,inparticular thesynagogue(s),yetmanymemberslivedoutsidethesepartsofthecitywhere Christianslived,as(notonly)theViennesesourcescallit,underdenJuden,“among theJews”:thus,encounterwasinevitable.JewsemployedtheservicesofChristian craftsmen as much as Christians called on Jewish services;41 and, although frowned upon by the Church,42 Christian servants to Jewish households were common,evenessential:“hehadservantsandmaids,nonJewishandJewishtoo,” EphraimbarJacobwroteinhismemorialbookabouttheJewSchlom,masterof theducalmintinViennaaround1192,notfindingthisintheleastpeculiar.43On bothsides,religiousauthoritieswereupinarmsaboutChristianwomenengaging Jewish,andJewessesengagingChristianwetnurses;44andthestorytoldbythe CarinthianAbbotandhistoriographerJohannofViktringaboutaChristianwet nurse,whoin1343abductedthedaughterofherJewishemployerstohaveher baptized,mayontheonehandconfirmthattheworries,atleastontheJewish side,weren’tcompletelyunfounded,butontheotherhandgivesevidenceofthe

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österreichischen Ländern. Mit einer Einleitung über die Principien der Judengesetzgebung in Europa während des Mittelalters. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Judenrechtes im Mittelalter, 1 (Leipzig: Duncker&Humblot,1901),509;Wadl,JudenKärnten,162. Keil,“NäheundAbgrenzung,”2–4;Haverkamp,“JewsandUrbanLife,”62and65–66. Keil,“NäheundAbgrenzung,”2. WhereasthesynodatWrocav,wherethematterisaddresseddirectlyforthefirsttime,doesnot forbidChristianstoworkasservantsinJewishhouseholds,butmerelydeclaresthattheywere nottostaytheredayandnight(dienoctuque),itisdebatedwhetherthewordingoftheViennese synod(dienocteve)aimsatprohibitingChristianservantsatall.Grayzel,ChurchandJews,vol.2, 244–46,no.6(Wrocaw);BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,”59–61,no.45(Vienna),seeabove for further editions; Schreckenberg, AdversusJudaeosTexte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld(13–20.Jh.),230.Fortheschabbesgoj,therituallyessentialChristianservant,seeKeil, “GemeindeundKultur,”76. BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,17–18,no.4(fulltextinHebrewandGermantranslation); Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”126. MarthaKeil,“LilithundHollekreisch:Schwangerschaft,GeburtundWochenbettimJudentum desdeutschenSpätmittelalters,”AllerAnfang:Geburt,Birth,Naissance.Tagungsbandder5.Wiener GesprächezurSozialgeschichtederMedizin,ed.GabrieleDorffnerand SoniaHorn(Vienna: VerlagshausderÄrzte,2004),145–160;eadem,“GemeindeundKultur,”107;eadem,“Näheund Abgrenzung,”7–8.OnthetopicoffemaleinteractionElishevaBaumgarten,MothersandChildren: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 119–53, particularly135–44onChristianwetnursesinJewishhouseholdsandviceversa.Baumgarten emphasizesthecloserelationshipthatmusthaveexistedbetweenaJewishandaChristianwoman ifonewastobreastfeedthechildoftheother.

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commonnessofthispractice(sinceJohannofViktringinterpretstheabductionas remarkable,butnottheemploymentitself).45Therehasbeen,andstillis,avast andvividdiscussiononthetopicofJewishquarters,andwhethertheirsettlement wasscatteredorclosetogetherwithinthecity,andthemostprominentpublic buildingwithin,thesynagogue.46 In addition to being the center of Jewish life on many levelsthe primary worshipinstitution,thesocialcenter,aplaceofidentification,47butalsoaplaceof

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Fedor Schneider (ed.), Iohannis abbatis Victoriensis Liber certarum historiarum. Monumenta GermaniaeHistoricaScriptoresrerumGermanicaruminusumscholarum,36.2(Hanoverand Leipzig:HahnscheBuchhandlung,1910);Keil,“LilithundHollekreisch,”151–52;GermaniaJudaica, vol. II: Von 1238 bis zur Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts, part 1: Aachen – Luzern, ed. Zvi Avneri (Tübingen:J.C.B.Mohr,1968),265;GermaniaJudaica,vol.II/2,786;Wadl,JudenKärnten,185. Fromtheextensiveliteratureonthissubject,seethelatestsummaryinGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3, 2082–89.FurtherseeJüdischeGemeindenundihrchristlicherKontextinkulturräumlichervergleichender Betrachtung:VonderSpätantikebiszum18.Jahrhundert,ed.ChristophCluse,AlfredHaverkampand Israel Jacob Yuval. Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden, A 13 (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung,2003);InandOutoftheGhetto:JewishGentileRelationsinLateMedievalandEarly ModernGermany,ed.HartmutLehmann,R.PoChiaHsia,andDavidLazar(Washington,DC: GermanHistoricalInstitute,1995),particularlythearticlebyAlfredHaverkamp,“TheJewish QuartersinGermanTownsduringtheLateMiddleAges,”13–28;SimhaGoldin,“TheSynagogue inMedievalJewishCommunitiesasanIntegralInstitution,”JournalofRitualStudies9.1(1995): 15–39; Keil, “Lebensstil und Repräsentation,” chapter 1; eadem, “Orte der Öffentlichkeit: Judenviertel,Synagoge,Friedhof,”EinThema–zweiPerspektiven:JudenundChristeninMittelalter und Frühneuzeit, ed. Eveline Brugger and Birgit Wiedl (Innsbruck, Vienna, and Bolzano: StudienVerlag,2007),170–86;eadem,“BethaKnesset,Judenschul:DieSynagogealsGotteshaus, AmtsraumundBrennpunktsozialenLebens,”WienerJahrbuchfürjüdischeGeschichte,Kulturund Museumswesen4(1999/2000):71–90;SilviaCodreanuWindauer,“StadtvierteloderGhetto?Das mittelalterlicheJudenviertelRegensburgs,”CentreRegionPeriphery.MedievalEurope,Pre printedPapers,2(Hertingen2002),316–21;id.,“Regensburg:TheArchaeologyoftheMedieval JewishQuarter,”andPamManix,“Oxford:MappingtheMedievalJewry,”bothinJewsofEurope, 391–403, and 405–20, respectively; Paul Mitchell, “Synagoge und Jüdisches Viertel im mittelalterlichenWien,”Synagogen,Mikwen,Siedlungen:JüdischesAlltagslebenimLichteneuer archäologischerFunde,ed.FritzBackhausandEgonWamers.SchriftendesArchäologischen Museums Frankfurt, 19 (Frankfurt a. M.: Archäologisches Museum Frankfurt, 2004): 139–50; MarkusWenninger,“GrenzeninderStadt?ZurLageundAbgrenzungmittelalterlicherdeutscher Judenviertel,”Aschkenas:ZeitschriftfürGeschichteundKulturderJuden14.1(2004):9–30;id.,“Zur TopographiederJudenviertelindenmittelalterlichendeutschenStädtenanhandösterreichischer Beispiele,”JudeninderStadt,ed.FritzMayrhoferandFerdinandOpll.BeiträgezurGeschichteder StädteMitteleuropas,15(Linz:ÖsterreichischerArbeitskreisfürStadtgeschichtsforschung,1999), 81–117.Ontheconfinedspaceoftheeruvchazerot(the‘mixing,puttingtogetherofcourtyards’to facilitatecarryingobjectsfromonedomaintoanotheronSabbath,symbolizedbyaloafofbread, seeEncyclopaediaJudaica,sec.ed.,vol.6[Detroit,NewYork,SanFrancisco,etal:ThomsonGale, 2007],484–85),withinacity,seeKeil,“GemeindeundKultur,”75–76,furtherYuval,TwoNations, 236–39 with particular, and intriguing, reference to the alleged host wafer accusations; also Gilomen,“Brunnen,”133–35.ForacontinuouslyupdatedbibliographyonJewisharcheologyin Europeseehttp://www.projectyesod.org/bibliography.html(lastaccessedonApril8,2009). MordechaiBreuer,“AusdrucksweisenaschkenasischerFrömmigkeitinSynagogeundLehrhaus,”

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flauntingone’ssocialstatus48andthestagewheresanctionsoftheinternalJewish jurisdiction were imposed publicly49the synagogue was also perceived by Christiansnotasan“exclusively”Jewishspacebutasapubliconetheytoohad access to. In some towns, the Jews had to take their oaths in front of the synagogue,50andaccordingtoAustrianducallegislation,thesynagoguewasthe placetoholdacourtsittingifaJewwassomehowinvolvedintheprocess.51Thus, thesynagogueheldasemilegalfunctionforJewsandChristiansalike,inaddition toprovidingaconvenientandthereforecommonmeetingplacewherebusiness transactions were negotiated and concluded, goods delivered and the newest gossipdiscussedwhileitsacousticsignalspermeatedintoChristianspaceasmuch (ifnotasmanifold)aschurchbells.52 Christians therefore showed no sign of hesitation, or repulsion, to use the synagogueasameetingpointandacceptitasaplaceofpublicsignificance.In earlyNovember1354,NikolausPetzolt,thetownjudgeoftheprosperingsouthern Styrian (today’s Slovenian) town of Maribor, which housed one of the largest Jewishcommunitiesofthatregion,wascalledonbymessengersoftheCountsof Pfannberg,alocalnoblefamilywithconsiderablebusinesscontacttotheJews. Theyaskedhimtoaccompanythemtotheshul,thesynagogue.Petzolt,theiudex iudeorumWilhelm,andanothercitizensofMaribor,obliged,andhavingarrived atthesynagogue,themessengerssentfortheshulklapper53toaskaroundwhether

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Judentum im deutschen Sprachraum, ed. Karl E. Grözinger (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1991), 103–16;here105;Goldin,“Synagogue,”15–16;Keil,“LebensstilundRepräsentation,”chapter1. Germania Judaica, vol. III/3, 2085; Goldin, “Synagogue,” 22–23; Keil, “Lebensstil und Repräsentation,”chapter1. MichaelToch,“MitderHandaufderThora:DisziplinierungalsinternesundexternesProblem indenjüdischenGemeindendesSpätmittelalters,”DisziplinierungundSachkulturinMittelalterund Früher Neuzeit, ed. Gerhard Jaritz. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit, 17. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. PhilosophischHistorische Klasse, Sitzungsberichte, 669 (Vienna: Verlag der österreichischen AkademiederWissenschaften,1999),155–68;here161;Keil,“OrtederÖffentlichkeit,”175–77; GermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,2105–08;Goldin,“Synagogue,”23–24. The‘minoroath’oftheJewsoftheLowerAustriantownofKremshadtobetakeninfrontofthe synagogue, with the oathtaker’s hand on the doorknob; see Brugger, “Ansiedlung,” 151. Accordingtoducallegislation,theJewshadtotaketheiroathsolelyinfrontoftheduke,which provedhighlyinexecutable,whereashumiliatingritualsaccompanyingtheoath(selfexecration, standingonasow’sskin),asdescribedintheSchwabenspiegel,arenotrecordedforAustria;see HansVoltelini,“DerWienerundKremserJudeneid,”MitteilungendesVereinsfürGeschichteder StadtWien12(1932):64–70;here69–70;Toch,“HandaufderThora,”162–67. BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,36,no.25,§30. On‘Jewish’soundswithinatown,seeKeil,“OrtederÖffentlichkeit,”172. Theshulklapper(GermanSchulklopfer,inChristiandocuments—likeinthecharterquotedabove —oftencalled‘sacristanoftheJews’,judenmesner)wasresponsibleforcallingtheJewstoprayer; he served as a crier, and was involved in the collection of taxes, the taking of oaths, and in handlingjurisdiction,seeGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,2092–93;EncyclopaediaJudaica,sec.ed.,vol.

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anyoftheJewsstillheldsomedebenturebondsofthePfannbergfamily,andifso, toproducethematthesynagogueinorderthattheycouldrepaythedebts.The Jewsansweredthatnoneofthemheldanyobligations;thusthemessengershad theshulklapperdeclarethatanybondspresentedlateronweretobeconsidered nullandvoid.Thethreecitizenscorroboratedthecharterissuedonthatoccasion withtheirseals,declaringthattheyhadbeenpresentatthesynagoguealongwith ‘otherrespectablepeople.’54 Oneofthemainopportunitiesofcontactandinteractionremainedthecontact viabusinessandthecloseeverydaycontactandtheinteractioncaneasilybe detectedinitemsandactivitiesofthedailybusinesslife.Businessdocumentsare oneofthemostextensivelytransmittedtypeofsourcesinAustriaasfarasJewish Christianinteractionisconcerned.55 From the financier of noblemen and rulers to the lowly pawn broker, their clientelewaspredominantlyChristianandoftenrecruitedfromtheirimmediate surroundings, especially when it comes to smallscale pawning and loaning; whereasthenobleclients,bothsecularandecclesiastical,offinanciallystronger Jewsusuallycamefromagreatergeographicalarea.56JewishChristianbusiness interactionmightevokeideasofcredittransactionsandpawnbrokingonly,yet thesearebyfarnotthesoleformofbusinessthattookplacebetweenJewsand their Christian neighbors. ‘Classical’ contracts like debenture bonds, pawn certificates,andchartersforsafeguardingtheguarantor(Schadlosbriefe)arebuta partofthevastamountofJewishappearancesinbusinessdocuments.Jewsappear inbothducalandmunicipalaccountbooks,57theywereregisteredinrentalsnot onlyaspawnkeepersbutasregularlandand/orhouseownersandappearin chartersassuch;when,e.g.,theStyriannobelmanPoppoofPeggaubequeathed severalofhisestatestotheUpperAustrianmonasteryofReichersbergin1235,he didsoaputWinnamindomoTechaniiudei,inVienna,inthehouseofTekatheJew, towhom,alongwithseveralViennesecitizens,58theestateshadbeenpledged.

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18(Detroit,NewYork,SanFrancisco,etal.:ThomsonGale,2007),531. AustrianStateArchivesVienna,Haus,HofundStaatsarchiv,AURUk.1354XI4. BruggerandWiedl,“ChristlichjüdischeInteraktion,”285. See the survey by Eveline Brugger, “‘Do musten da hin zue den iuden varn’ – die Rolle(n) jüdischerGeldgeberimspätmittelalterlichenÖsterreich,”EinThema–zweiPerspektiven,122–38; forindepthstudiesforLowerAustriaandCarinthia,seeBrugger,AdelundJuden,andWadl, JudenKärnten,193–225,respectively. BruggerandWiedl,“ChristlichjüdischeInteraktion,”292. ApartfromtheaforementionedbroadvarietyofotheroccupationsJewspursued,itisofgreat importancetostressthatmoneylendingwasatnotimeexclusivelya‘Jewishtrade’;seewith respecttoJewsthenewestsummarybyMichaelToch,“EconomicActivietiesofGermanJewsin theMiddleAges,”WirtschaftsgeschichtedermittelalterlichenJuden,181–210;here184–87and194–95; generally Joseph Shatzmiller, Shylock Reconsidered. Jews, Moneylending, and Medieval Society (BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1990);foracomparisonofthedifferent

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Evenmoreso,Tekadidnotonlyactasahostbutwasnamedastheintermediary oftheentiretransaction(quomedianteetprocurantehocomniafactasunt).59Although Tekaistobeconsideredaratherexceptionalfigurewithcloseconnectionstothe HungariankingandtheAustrianduke60,quitecasualreferencestoJewsowning housesorplotsoflandarenotexceptional,andoftenmerelygiventoidentify anotherChristianownedhouse.61 However,itwouldmostdefinitelybeshortsightedtodismissthosebusiness contractsasyieldingmerelyinformationonmattersofeconomy;62asobjectsof

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formsofcredit,seeHansJörgGilomen,“DieökonomischenGrundlagendesKreditsunddie christlichjüdischeKonkurrenzimSpätmittelalter,”EinThema–zweiPerspektiven,139–69;further id., “Wucher und Wirtschaft im Mittelalter,” Historische Zeitschrift 250 (1990): 265–301; id., “Kooperation und Konfrontation,” 216–22, with statistics on Jewish and Lombard credits in fifteenthcenturyZurich.Asearlyasthethirteenthcentury,LombardsandCahorsinsappearin the Austrian region; Duke Rudolf IV bestowed himself with the right to “hold Jews and Cahorsins” (tenere judeos et usurarios publicos, quos vulgus vocat gawertschin) in the forged PrivilegiumMaiusofaround1358.ParticularlyinthesouthofAustria,theCarinthiandukesand thenobilityresortedtobusinesscompaniesfromtheVenetoFriulanianareathatincludedboth JewsandChristians;seenowthetwoarticlesbyWenninger,“Jüdischeundjüdischchristliche Netzwerke,”andGerdMentgen,“NetzwerkbeziehungenbedeutenderCividalerJudeninder erstenHälftedes14.Jahrhunderts,”BeziehungsnetzeaschkenasischerJuden,163–76and197–246 respectively,withfurtherliterature.SeealsoGerdMentgen,StudienzurGeschichtederJudenim mittelalterlichenElsaß.ForschungenzurGeschichtederJuden,AbteilungA,Abhandlungen,2 (Hanover:HahnscheBuchhandlung,1995),574–789,onthe‘Jewish’Alsacevs.the‘Lombard’ Lorraine as far as moneylending is concerned, with further literature. However, Christian participationinallkindsofmoneybasedbusinessisnotreducedtothesespecificgroups.Apart from(ratherrare)openmoneylendingandpawnbroking,whichwasseverelycriticisedbythe contemporaries,Christiansusuallyengagedthemselvesinmore‘clandestine’transactions,like masking the pawning of a pledge, usually a plot of land, as selling and subsequently re purchasing it after a predetermined time span, where only the final total was stated in the documents,usuallyalreadyincludingtheinteresttobepaidattheend;forAustrianexamples, seeBrugger,“Ansiedlung,”157. BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,24–25,no.11. Probablythebestexampleforthisisthepeacetreatyof1225betweenKingAndrewIIandDuke LeopoldVI,whereTekastandsbailfortheAustrianduke;afewyearslater,heisthecomescamere (taxfarmer)oftheHungarianking(BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,20–21,no.7,23,no.10, withfurtherliterature). Fromthevastamountofcharters,seethearbitramentthatsettledadisputebetweencitizensof theLowerAustriantownofKlosterneuburgoverseveralvineyardsandhouses,oneofwhichwas locatedandemnidernmarchtzenachstSteuzzenhausdezjuden(“atthelowermarket,nexttothe houseof[David]SteusstheJew,”ArchivesoftheMonasteryofKlosterneuburg,Uk.1364X31, facsimileonlineat:http://www.monasterium.net,subarchivio;lastaccessedonApril8,2009). Onthebroadvarietyofusingchartersassources,seePaulHerold,“SchriftalsMöglichkeit– MöglichkeitenvonSchrift.Genese,WirkungsweiseundVerwendungvonSchriftamBeispiel österreichischerPrivaturkundendes12.und13.Jahrhunderts,”TextalsRealie,ed.KarlBrunner andGerhardJaritz.VeröffentlichungendesInstitutsfürRealienkundedesMittelaltersundder FrühenNeuzeit,18.ÖsterreichischeAkademiederWissenschaften.Philosophischhistorische Klasse,Sitzungsberichte,704(Vienna:VerlagderÖsterreichischenAkademiederWissenschaften,

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daily life, they give as much clear evidence of the mutual impact of the overlappinglivingspacesofJewsandChristiansasanybuilding,pieceofcloth, or object of art. In everyday transactions, Jewish businessmen adjusted to the needs of their Christian clientele: documents they issued for their Christian partnerswerenotonlyineitherGerman63or(veryrarely)inLatin,64theydifferin nopointtothoseissuedbyChristianstheformulacommonlyusedbyChristians isadoptedwordforword.Crucialdatesliketheduedateofthedebtorthedate ofissuancearerenderedinthesamewayasinChristiancharters,byusageof commonlyknowndaysofsaintsorfeasts.Asmuchasthisisduetothefactthat theChristianbusinesspartnerhadtounderstandthedocumentaswell,thisalso providesevidenceofafirmknowledge(andusage)oftheChristiancalendarand certain‘keydays’liketheeverpopularpaydaysofSt.Michael(September29),St. Martin(November11),andSt.George(April23/24). Followingthestandardformulae,however,wasnotlimitedtodocumentsissued byJewsforChristians;inthe(rare)chartersinHebrew65,whichwereeither,inthe majorityofcases,issuedasanadditionalconfirmationofthetransactiondealtwith intheGermanone(seeFigure6)66orkeptbytheJewishbusinesspartner,mostof thecommonphrases(e.g.,“ofourownaccordandwiththeapprovalofourheirs,” the Schadlosformel that protects the business partner should a third party raise claims)wereliterallytranslatedintoHebrew.Incontrast,allthedatesarestated accordingtotheJewishcalendar,andthecorroborationisexclusivelygivenby signature. Quite telling is the only modification to one of the standard formulaewhereastheChristianversionreads“allwhoseethisletterorhearit being read” (allen die diesen brief sehen oder hören lesen), the Hebrew version is adaptedasmerely“allwhoseethisletter,”proceedingontheassumptionthatany Jewwhoseestheletterwillbeabletoreaditaswellonhisown.67

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2003),135–52. ThequestionwhethermedievalAshkenazicJewsspokeMiddleHighGermanorOldYiddish,or regionaldialects,hasbeenatopicofacademicliteraturesincethenineteenthcentury,albeitwith aclearfocusonliterarytexts.Thestillongoingdiscussionhasbeensummedupandanalyzed latelybyEdithWenzel,“AltJiddischoderMittelhochdeutsch?”GrenzenundGrenzüberschreitun gen,31–50,withanextensivebibliographyinthefootnotes. TheeldestLatincharterintheAustrianregionisalsotheeldestoneissuedbyaJewaltogetherin thisregion:February18,1257,thetwobrothersLublinandNekelo,comitescamere(taxfarmers) oftheAustriandukeandlaterBohemiankingOtakarPemyslII,settledadisputewithBishop ConradIofFreising,whichtheycorroboratedwiththeirshared(and,unfortunately,missing)seal, seeBruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,50–51,no.38,withfurtherliterature. BruggerandWiedl,“ChristlichjüdischeInteraktion,”305,fig.2. These Hebrew charters were often stitched, glued, or somehow else attached to the German documenttheycorrespondto(whichwaspartiallydonecenturieslater);seetheexamplefromthe monasteryofKremsmünsterfrom1305,Figure6. See,e.g.,thetwoeldestHebrewchartersfromtheAustrianregion,bothofthemissuedbythefour

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Jewsdoappearinotherfunctionsaswell:shouldtheneedarise,theyactas arbitrators together with Christians,68 they corroborate Christian charters as witnesses even if they (or any Jews at all) are not involved in the transaction documentedinthecharter.69Jewishappearanceaswitnessesdeclinesperceptibly fromthelastquarterofthethirteenthcenturyonward,whichprecedesthegeneral decreaseintheusageofwitnessesinfavourofsealsasthe(almost)onlymeansof authenticationbyonlyafewdecades.WealthyandprominentJews,however,did adaptthiscustom,this‘newfashionarticle,’70andstartedusingseals,albeitonly forchartersissuedforChristianbusinesspartners.71 ThecommonwayofcorroborationamongJewsremainedtheaforementioned HebrewsignaturethatwasusedonbothHebrewandGermandocuments,72partly announcedwiththesameformulathatwouldbeusedforannouncingaseal:with the forumla und umb taz pesser sicherhait bestett ich die obergeschrift mit meiner judischen hantgeschrift unden darunder (“as an additional corroboration [as an additionalinsurance]Iherebyconfirmtheabovewritten[text]withmyJewish

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brothersMosche,Mordechai,IsakandPessach,sonsofSchwärzlein/Asriel,andcorroboratedby theirsignaturesandthoseoftheRabbisChaimandAbraham,BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol. 1, 119, no. 124 (April 29, 1305, see Figure 6), 167–68, no. 165 ([1309]), Hebrew and German translation. E.g.,theducalcellarerKonradvonKyburgandtheJewMarusch,whodecidedadisputebetween themonasteryofHeiligenkreuzandtheJewMordechaioverthepostponedpaymentofduties (BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,203–04,no.219). E.g.,theJewBibaswhotestifiedinadeedofsuretyshipwhichthe(ratherhighranking)nobleman AlberovonKuenringandthecitizensofthetownsofKrems,Stein,andLinzissuedfortwoother noblemen in 1247, assuring them of their standing surety. Bibas is listed as the last of the altogether21witnessesfromKrems(BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,39,no.28);afurther exampleistheJewSmoielwhoactsasawitnessinasalecharterofcanonIrnfriedofPassauin 1270(BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,66–67,no.49). Heinrich Fichtenau, Das Urkundenwesen in Österreich vom 8. bis zum frühen 13. Jahrhundert. MitteilungendesInstitutsfürÖsterreichischeGeschichtsforschung,Ergänzungsband,23(Vienna andGraz:Böhlau,1971),238. TheeldeststillexistingJewishsealintheGermanspeakingrealmisthesealofPeterbarMosche haLevifromRegensburg,attachedtoacharterissuedbyhissonsHatchimandJacobin1297for ArchbishopConradIVofSalzburg.Itshowsacornutedhatwithabirdontop,flankedbya crescent and a eightpointed star, see Keil, Martha: “Ein Regensburger Judensiegel des 13. Jahrhunderts.ZurInterpretationdesSiegelsdesPeterbarMoschehaLewi,”Aschkenas:Zeitschrift fürGeschichteundKulturderJuden1(1991):135–50;BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,97,no.93; onsealsofAustrianJewsingeneral,seeBrugger,“Ansiedlung,”123–228.SeealsoDanielM. Friedenberg, Medieval Jewish Seals from Europe (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987), unfortunatelywithseriousmistakesandmisunderstandings. Keil,“Judensiegel,”135–36;eadem,“‘Petachja,genanntZecherl’:NamenundBeinamenvonJuden imdeutschenSprachraumdesSpätmittelalters,”PersonennamenundIdentität.Namengebungund NamengebrauchalsAnzeigerindividuellerBestimmungundgruppenbezogenerZuordnung,ed.Reinhard Härtel.GrazerGrundwissenschaftlicheForschungen,3.SchriftenreihederAkademieFriesach, 2(Graz:AkademischeDruckundVerlagsanstalt,1997),119–46;here138–41.

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handwriting”) the Jew Mosche from Herzogenburg announced his signature (MoschebenhaKadoschRabbiIzchaks.k.l.,“Mosche,sonofthemartyrRabbiIzchak, thememoryofthemartyrmaybehonored”),usingthesame‘keywords’ofpesser sicherheit a Christian would herald their seal with.73 Additional confirmatory signatures,oftenthoseofRabbis,wereintroducedusingofawordingsimilarto thatChristianswouldintroduceadditionalcorroboratorswith.74 Towndwelling Jews without a seal of their own often turned toward the particularChristianwhoatthattimeoccupiedtheofficeofwhatwasknownas iudexiudeorum,anofficequiteuniquetotheeasternpartsofmoderndayAustria,75 to witness and seal their documents.76 Introduced in Duke Frederic II’s 1244 privilegefortheAustrianJewsandusuallyheldbyamemberofahighranking familyofthetown,theprincipaldutyoftheiudexiudeorumwasthesettlingof disputes between Jews and Christians;77 furthermore, he had limited rights of controloverthesellingofunredeemedpledgesandwasentitledtoanumberof finesfrombothJewsandChristians,thus,participatingatleastmarginallyinthe revenuesoftheducalprotectionoftheJews.Despitethestrongtiestotheruler whichtheiudexiudeorumcouldenjoy,78thetownsweregenerallyinterestedin

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Keil,“NamenundBeinamen,”138,salesdeedfromMay10,1445. BruggerandWiedl,“ChristlichjüdischeInteraktion,”294–95. ThefirstiudexiudeorumismentionedinthelowerAustriantownin1264ofKrems(Bruggerand Wiedl,Regesten,vol.1,56–57,no.42.).ItwastobecomearathercommonofficeinbothAustria and Styria, partly also in the Styrian and Carinthian enclaves of Salzburg, but was never introducedintootherpartsoftheHolyRomanEmpiresaveBohemiaandMoravia,wherethe 1244privilegewasintroducedbyKingPemyslOtakarII.Forthefewappearancesoutsidethese territoriesseeGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,2190. HavingsomeoneelsesealadocumentwasacommonpractiseamongJewsandChristiansalike; iftheissuerhadnosealoftheirown,theyaskedforsomeoneelsetocorroboratethecharterwith theirseals(Siegelbitte),whichwasnoteddownseparatelyinaparticularformulatogetherwiththe announcementoftheseals.FortheiudexiudeorumascorroboratorforJews,seealsoKeil,“Namen undBeinamen,”138. Little is known about the organization that is referred to as Judengericht (despite the literal translation“Jewishcourt”itisnottobeconfusedwiththeinternalcourtoftheJewishcommunity, seeKeil,“GemeindeundKultur,”40–41,60–72).Itsexistenceisfirstdocumentedforthecityof Viennain1361(Lohrmann,WienerJuden,47;Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”150).Inthe courseofa general court reform, Duke Rudolf IV decreed the continued existence of the Viennese Judengericht,yetspecifiedneitheritsconstitutionnoritscompetenceindetail.Presidedoverby theiudexiudeorum,itsassessorsconsistedofdelegatesfromthecityandtheJewishcommunity inequalrepresentation.Itsrangeofjurisdictionalcompetence,however,cannotbeinferredfrom itsonlymentionforViennaorfromtheStyrianreferencesofthefifteenthcentury(seeBrugger, “Ansiedlung,” 150), although it is very likely that the extent of empowerment mainly encompassedconflictsbetweenJewsandChristians. E.g.,alloftheiudicisiudeorumoftoday’sUpperAustria’scapitalofLinzwerealsocaretakersof thecastleofLinz,theresidenceoftheducalsteward(Lohrmann,Judenrecht,159).Noneofthelegal documentsrefertohowtheiudexiudeorumwastobeappointed/elected;thus,anappointmentby therulerisatleastpossible,ifnotlikely(atleastasfaraslessinfluentialtownsareconcerned).

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strengthening his position as well as expanding his competences, gradually transformingtheofficeintoanatleastpartlymunicipalone. Withthegrowingclaimofthetownsonamorecomprehensivejurisdictional andeconomiccontrolof‘their’Jews,which,unsurprisingly,startedshortlyafter thewiderangingpersecutionsof1338,theofficesofthetownjudgeandtheiudex iudeorumwereutilizedtosupervisethebusinessactivitiesoftheJewstoagreater extent.Jewswereobligedtoproducetheirdebtinstrumentstothetownjudge annually79oreventhriceayear,80whereaspledgeshadtobepresentedtotheiudex iudeorumonaregular,sometimesevenweeklybasis;81insomeStyriantowns,the municipalcontrolwasexpandedfurtherbydemandingthatanydebtinstrument wastobesealednotbyeitherbutbyboththetownjudgeandtheiudexiudeorum.82 Inthesecondhalfofthefourteenthcentury,citiestriedtogetorganizedwhenit cametokeepinganeyeontheJewsandtheirbusinesstransactions. Theincreasingdeclineoftheducalprotectionofferedconsiderableleewayfor thetownstoshiftcompetencestotheirfavor,allowingthemtotightentheirgrip on the Jews perceptibly. Their aim of controlling and monitoring loans and pledges no longer merely encompassed the aforementioned producing, and certifying, of business documents but was extended to the many transactions concerningsmalleramounts,mostofwhichhadheretoforthnotbeendocumented inwritingatall.Toestablishthiscontrol,manytownssetupwhatisknownas Judenbücher(“codicesfortheJews”).83SometimesincludedinthegeneralSatzbuch of the respective town84 and usually administered by the iudex iudeorum, the

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E.g., 1376 in the town charter of the Salzburg town of Ptuj, today in Slovenia, see Scherer, Rechtsverhältnisse,549–50,Wadl,JudenKärnten,176–77. E.g.,inthetowncharteroftheLowerAustriantownofSt.Pöltenfrom1338,grantedbythe BishopofPassauwhowasthelordofthetown;seeBruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,341,no. 444. Ptuj:Inanimatepledges(Schreinpfand,asopposedtoessendesPfand,“eatingpledge,”i.e.,livestock) hadtobepresentedtotheiudexiudeorumeveryThursday,Lohrmann,Judenrecht,160;Germania Judaica,vol.III/2,1100. Meir Wiener, Regesten zur Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland während des Mittelalters, vol. 1 (Hanover:Hahn’scheHofbuchhandlung1862),236,no.144(Graz,Leoben);Lohrmann,Judenrecht, 160,incorrectlyappliesthisregulationtothemajorityofStyriantowns. ThesettingupofJudenbücherwasnotexclusivetothecitiesrulersaswellasnoblefamiliesand inthefifteenthcentury,alsotheEstatesofStyriaandCarinthiatriedtokeeptrackoftheirdebts byestablishingJudenbücher(Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”161–62).Insomecases,itwastherulerwho committed the town to set up a Judenbuch (e.g., Duke Albrecht III, who obliged the Lower AustriantownofBrucka.d.LeithatosetupaJudenbuch,seeLohrmann,Judenrecht,158).Mostof theJudenbücherwerelostduringthepersecutionsof1420/1421thatendedJewishsettlementin LowerAustria.AsfarasthegeneralscholarlydiscussiononJudenbücherisconcerned;fora recent discussion see Thomas Peter, “Judenbücher als Quellengattung und die Znaimer Judenbücher.TypologieundForschungsstand,”RäumeundWege,307–34. ThebestdocumentedexampleswithinAustriaarethe“JudenbuchderScheffstrasse”andtheLiber

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Judenbuchwastheplacewhereallthebusinesstransactionsconductedbyandwith Jewshadtoberegisteredin(whichalsoprovidedsomeprotectionfortheJews sincetheentryrendereditimpossiblefordebtorstoclaimthatthebondstheJews presentedwereforgeries). Withthe tighteninggripofthecitiesontheirJews,thedemandforthemto partakeincivicdutiesgrew,85whilstinreturn,manyGermancitieshadtakento granting(partial)citizenshipstoJews;86arightthathad,forthemostpart,been transferred to them by the lord of the town.87 In the territory of modernday Austrianterritory,boththedominatingpositionoftheruler(s)andthelackof reallypowerful,importantcitiesismostlikelythereasonfornonexistingJewish citizenship,thegrantingofsettlementremainingexclusivelyinthehandsofthe rulers.88InformationonAustrianJewsparticipatinginurbandutiesistherefore

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JudeorumofWienerNeustadt.TheScheffstrasse,asmallcommunityrightoutsidetheViennacity wallsthatwassubjecttotheduchessofAustria,haditsownregister,keptbybothducalofficers andrepresentativesofthecityofVienna,whichwasacadastralregisteraswellasabookofloans. Whereas the second part was dedicated to loans among Christians, the third part is the “Judenbuch,”entriesofloansgrantedbyJews(VienneseaswellasLowerAustrianandBohemian Jews)toinhabitantsoftheScheffstrasse.Sincethemajorityoftheinhabitantsweresmallscale craftsmen,mostofthesums(aconsiderablenumberofwhichweregrantedbyJewesses)were rathersmall.ArturGoldmann,DasJudenbuchderScheffstrassezuWien(1389–1420).Quellenund ForschungenzurGeschichtederJudeninDeutschÖsterreich,1(ViennaandLeipzig:Wilhelm Braumüller,1908).AnolderJudenbuchofthecityofViennahasbeenlost;seeArturGoldmann, “DasverscholleneWienerJudenbuch(1372–1420),”QuellenundForschungenzurGeschichteder JudeninÖsterreich,11:Nachträge(Vienna:SelbstverlagderHistorischenKommission,1936),1–14. ForWienerNeustadt,seeMarthaKeil,“DerLiberJudeorumvonWienerNeustadt1453–1500. Edition,”StudienzurGeschichtederJudeninÖsterreich,ed.eademandKlausLohrmann(Vienna, Cologne,andWeimar:Böhlau,1994),41–99. Wenninger,“VonjüdischenRittern,”54–67,onJewspartakinginthemilitarydutieswithinacity. Alfred Haverkamp, “‘Concivilitas’ von Christen und Juden in Aschkenas im Mittelalter,” Gemeinden,GemeinschaftenundKommunikationsformenimhohenundspätenMittelalter,ed.Friedhelm Burgard,LukasClemensandMichaelMatheus(Trier:Kliomedia,2002),315–44(rpt.ofthearticle firstpublishedinJüdischeGemeindenundOrganisationsformenvonderAntikebiszurGegenwart,ed. RobertJütteandAbrahamP.Kustermann.Aschkenas:ZeitschriftfürGeschichteundKulturderJuden, Beiheft 3 [Vienna, Cologne, and Weimar: Böhlau, 1996]: 103–36); Germania Judaica, vol. III/3, 2181–87; Barbara Türke, “Anmerkungen zum Bürgerbegriff im Mittelalter: Das Beispiel christlicher und jüdischer Bürger der Reichsstadt Nördlingen im 15. Jahrhundert,” Inklusion/Exklusion:StudienzurFremdheitundArmutvonderAntikebiszurGegenwart,ed.Andreas GestrichandRaphaelLutz.Secondedition(2004;Frankfurta.M.andVienna:PeterLang,2008), 135–54;moregenerally,seeHansJörgGilomen,“StädtischeSondergruppenimBürgerrecht,” NeubürgerimspätenMittelalter:MigrationundAustauschinderStädtelandschaftdesaltenReiches (1250–1550),ed.RainerChristophSchwinges.ZeitschriftfürhistorischeForschung.Beiheft,30 (Berlin:Duncker&Humblot,2002),125–67. Thereareveryfewexamplesofcities(Worms,Prague)wherethisrighttograntcitizenshipto Jewswas independentfromtheconcessionoftheruler;seeGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,2169, 2181–82. KlausLohrmann,“BemerkungenzumProblem‘JudeundBürger’,”JudeninderStadt,145–66;here

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scarce.SincetheJewsweregenerallysubjectedtotaxationtonoonebuttheruler, the towns strove either to charge additional taxes or at least partially to incorporatetheJewsintothetaxrevenueofthetown.89Theearliestdocumented exampleinAustria,however,isremarkableintworespects:in1277,KingRudolph Inotonlyconfirmedbutalsoexpandedtherightsofthe(small)townofLaa/Thaya (LowerAustria),amongstwhichheaddedtherighttoexclude‘their’Jewsfrom thegeneralJewishtaxandtoincludethemintothecitizens’taxrevenue,90thus documentingnotonlythefirstexceptiontothegeneraltaxtheJewswerepaying directly into the treasury but the first mention of the ‘Jewish tax’ on Austrian territoryatall.91 Formorethanacentury,however,therulers’claimtotaxingtheJewsremained widelyunchallenged;onlythelatefourteenthcenturysawAustriandukesyield tothepressureofbothtownsandtherisingestates.In1396,alargenumberof StyriantownswereallowedbytheDukesAlbrechtIVandWilliamtocoercethe Jewsowninghousesand/orplotsoflandwithintherealmofthetowneithertosell thesepremiseswithinayearortoparticipatehenceforwardinthetaxrevenueof the town.92 The references to Jews partaking in other civic duties like the city

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161–64.Thereisbutoneexception:thesmalltownofFeldkirchintheutmostwestoftoday’s Austriawhichwasundertheruleofalocalandnotoverlypowerfulnoblefamily.Unlikein Austria,JewishcitizenshipwasfairlycommonespeciallyintheareaaroundLakeConstance,to whichFeldkirchbelongedbothpoliticallyandculturally;seeKarlHeinzBurmeister,medinat bodase.ZurGeschichtederJudenamBodensee,vol.1:1200–1349(CKonstancez:Universitätsverlag Konstanz,1994),40–42.However,Jewishcitizensareonlymentioned‘intheory’inthetown charterofFeldkirchfromthemidfourteenthcentury,andnoindividualspossessingthestatus ofcitizensareknown;GerdaLeipoldSchneider,“asmittelalterlicheStadtrechtvonFeldkirch: Überlieferung und Edition,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Innsbruck, 2001, 236. See also Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”204. Onthemany‘stages’andcompromisesoftaxationofJewsbycities,seeGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3, 2263–67. BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,74,no.57.SeealsoLohrmann,Judenrecht,113–14. RudolphIwasactingasKingoftheRomansandnotasthedukeofAustria(whichheneverwas), preparing,however,thegroundsforhissonstotakeovertheduchyandthustryingtocoax the—howeversmall—townsintosidingwithhim.Old,butstillaworkofreferenceisThomas Michael Martin, Die Städtepolitik Rudolfs von Habsburg. Veröffentlichungen des MaxPlanck InstitutsfürGeschichte,44(Göttingen:Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1976),withparticularrespect tothischarter75–78. Scherer, Rechtsverhältnisse, 403. There is a rather similar regulation noted down in the then Hungarian town of Eisenstadt; it is questionable though whether this town charter, which mentionsthetaxesofJewslivinginandoutsidethecitywalls,isauthentic;seeHaraldPrickler, “BeiträgezurGeschichtederburgenländischenJudensiedlungen,”JudenimGrenzraum:Geschichte, KulturundLebensweltderJudenimburgenländischwestungarischenRaumundindenangrenzenden RegionenvomMittelalterbiszurGegenwart,ed.RudolfKropf.WissenschaftlicheArbeitenausdem Burgenland,92(Eisenstadt:BurgenländischesLandesmuseum,1993),65–106;here68–69.

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watch,ofwhichthereisevidenceinotherregions,93areevenrarer;thereisbutone example of the nowadays Italian town of Gorizia where in 1307, Jews and Christiansalikewerecommittedtowatchduties.94 Facedwithsimilarchallenges,JewsandChristiansoftenarrivedatquitesimilar solutions.TheorganizationoftheJewishcommunity(kehilla)isinitsmainfeatures ratheruniform;95yet,itbearsastonishinganalogiestoChristianorganizations, particularlytothoseofcraftguilds.96Thecontemporarieswerenotobliviousto thisfact:intheAustrianregion,97theJewishcommunityisquitecommonlycalled Judenzeche, “Jewish guild,” whereas their parnass, the head of the Jewish community,wasreferredtoasZechmeisterderJuden,“guildmasteroftheJews.”98 ThetermwaspartlyusedasselfdenominationbytheJewsaswell,99whereasthe scribeoftheVienneseEisenbuch100translatedtheHebrewexpressionintosammung, awordregularlyusedtodescribeconventualcommunities.101Asdivergingasthe

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Wenninger, “Von jüdischen Rittern,” 54–67, who gives numerous examples from the late thirteenth century onwards. See also Germania Judaica, vol. III/3, 2181–82; Toch, Juden im mittelalterlichenReich,51–54;Magin,“‘Waffenrecht’,”23–24;Haverkamp,“Concivilitas,”125–128; from a ‘rabbinical perspective’ Israel Jacob Yuval, “Das Thema Waffen aus der rabbinischen Perspektive,”GrenzenundGrenzüberschreitungen,13–16;here15(Jewsparticipatinginthedefense ofthecityofWormsin1201). BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,160,no.153.ForSwissexamples,seeGilomen,“Kooperation und Konfrontation,” 168–70, who discusses the question of Jews actually partaking in watch dutiesormerelypayingtheirshareinthechargesandgivesexamplesforboth. ForalatestsummaryontheJewishcommunitiesandtheirformoforganization,seeGermania Judaica, vol. III/3, 2080–2138; Yacov Guggenheim, “Jewish Community and Territorial OrganizationinMedievalEurope,”JewsofEurope,71–92,onthestrikingsimilaritiesofJewish communitiesthroughoutmedievalEurope72–73,andwithfurtherliterature. Seethetwocorrespondingarticles:RainerBarzen,“‘Sohabenwirverhängtundbeschlossen...’ TakkanotimmittelalterlichenAschkenas,”218–33,andBirgitWiedl,“‘Confraternitaseorumquod invulgaridiciturzhunft’:Wirtschaftliche,religiöseundsozialeAspektevonHandwerkszünften imSpiegelihrerOrdnungen,”234–52(bothinEinThema–zweiPerspektiven). GermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,2080,withtheemphasisonthisbeinganAustrianparticularity. E.g.,inKrems:zechaiudeoruminamunicipalrentalfrombetween1350and1370,LeopoldMoses, “AusdemKremserStadtarchiv,”JüdischesArchivNeueFolge1,3–4(1928),3–8;here5;forfurther references,seeGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/1,678(Krems),1598(Vienna),1621(WienerNeustadt). SeealsoKeil,“GemeindeundKultur,”39. E.g.,intheSeferTerumathaDeschen(acollectionoflegalopinions)oftherabbiIsraelIsserlein ofthe(then)StyriantownofWienerNeustadt(ed.ShemuelAbitan,Jerusalem1991),whousesthe termquitefrequently,seeGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/2,1621. AcollectionofrightsandlibertiesofthecityofVienna,keptfrom1320to1819;seeFerdinand Opll,DasgroßeWienerStadtbuch,genannt“Eisenbuch.”InhaltlicheErschließung.Veröffentlichungen des Wiener Stadt und Landesarchivs. Reihe A: Archivinventar, Serie 3, Heft 4 (Vienna: EigenverlagdesWienerStadtundLandesarchivs,1999). BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,33–338,nrr.439(Hebrew)and440(German),theJewish communityreducingtheirinterestratein1338.ThescribewhocopiedtheHebrewtextintothe EisenbuchalsoprovidedaGermantranslation,whereheusedtheabovementionedexpression. Adepictionofthepagecanbefoundhere:

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‘basic prerequisites’ may have been, the similarities both in the general compositionofthecommunityaswellasmanydetailsarestriking:bydemandof mandatorymembership,theorganizationcouldnotonlyofferextensiveprotection for,butalsowieldwiderangingauthorityoverthemembers,whilstthebanfrom thecommunity,whichposedagenuinethreattoinsubordinatemembers,was utilizedtoexertcontrol.Socialconcernslikethecareforwidows,orphansand impoverishedmembersweredealtwithby,andthrough,thecommunitybythe institutionofTzedakahandtheguilds’welfaresystemrespectively,bothofwhich were financed by regular contributions;102 members who somehow offended againstruleswereputontrialattheinternalcourt;premisesofreligiousaswell asseculardenominationwereownedincommon;andgenerally,acodeofconduct regulated(atleasttheoretically)manyareasoflifebothpublicandprivate.Feasts that were celebrated together played an important role in creating a sense of identity, an identity that in fact went far beyond the local scopeitinerant craftsmenarrivinginthetownweretakencareofbytheguildwhichprovided themwithshelter,foodandsometimesmoney,thesamewayasforeignJewish studentsand/orpauperswerelookedafterbythekehilla.103 Jews were participating in everyday activities at the cities’ market(s), thus entering and sharing both social and economic space with their Christian neighbors.104Areaslikemarkets,however,alsoprovidedconvenientopportunities forexclusionand(physical)division.Whilethirteenthcenturytownswerebusy banningJewsfromholdingpublicoffices105,theygenerallystrovetogaincontrol

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 http://www.wien.gv.at/kultur/archiv/geschichte/zimelien/images/juden.jpg (last accessed on April8,2009). Forasummaryoftheacademicdiscussion,seeRainerBarzen,“‘WasderArmebenötigt,bisDu verpflichtetzugeben:’ForschungsansätzezurArmenfürsorgeinAschkenasimhohenundspäten Mittelalter,”WirtschaftsgeschichtedermittelalterlichenJuden,139–52;particularly142–48. Onthesimilarities,seeBirgitWiedl,“EinezünftigeGemeinde:Handwerkszünfteundjüdische GemeindeorganisationimVergleich,”NichtineinemBett,44–49,downloadableaspdfhere: http://www.injoest.ac.at/upload/JudeninME05_4_4349(1).pdf. Ontheimportanceofmarketsas‘crucialelementsofthemedievalcity,’theaspectofgender,and howmarketspacecanbeutilizedforinandexclusionseethearticlebyShennanHuttoninthis volume. Theprohibitiongoesbacktocanon69oftheFourthLateranCouncilwhichinturnreferredto canon14oftheThirdConciliumToletanumof589.Itis,however,theonlyregulationfromthe LateranIVthathadmadeitswayintosecularlegislation.Fromthevastliteratureonthetopic,see Heinz Schreckenberg, Die christlichen AdversusJudaeosTexte (11.13. Jahrhundert): Mit einer IkonographiedesJudenthemasbiszum4.Laterankonzil.EuropäischeHochschulschriften.Second edition.ReiheXXIII:Theologie,335(1988;Frankfurta.M.,Bern,NewYork,andParis:PeterLang, 1991),425–26.EmperorFrederickIIincludedthisparagraphintheprivilegehegrantedthecity ofViennain1238(forthelatestedition,seeBruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,28–29,no.17,with additionaleditionsandliterature).ThebanwasreconfirmedforViennain1247(byEmperor FrederickII)and1278(byKingRudolfI)andwasalsoincludedintheprivilegefortheStyrian

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overthelegalstatusandtorestrict,oratleastmonitor,theeconomicactivitiesof ‘their’Jewsduringthelatethirteenthandfourteenthcenturies106.NeitherJewish landownership nor Jews being involved in winegrowing and trade107 were uncommon,yettherangeofprofessionstheJewscouldmakealivingwithwithin thetowns’realmswasbeingmoreandmorelimited.Withthecraftguildsgaining importance,regulationsthatexcludedJewsfromspecificprofessions108onbehalf of the respective guild appeared in town charters as well as guild articles. In Austria,theJewsofoneofthebiggestandmostimportantJewishcommunitieson Habsburgterritory,WienerNeustadt,wereprohibitedthetradingandsellingof cloth, presumably at the request of the guild;109 but it was mainly professions concernedwithfoodthatwereblacklisted.Forinstance,professionssuchasthe brewingofbeer(St.Veit,Carinthia)110orthetradingaswellasservingofwineat a(local)bar(Ptuj,LowerStyria,Slovenia)111wasnotpermittedtoJews,yetoverall, thebutcheringandsellingofmeatturnedouttobethemostdisputedissue.

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townofWienerNeustadt,whichallegedlypredatestheViennesecharterbutisinfactaforgery fromthelastthirdofthethirteenthcentury(BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,40,no.29,76,no. 60,22–23,no.9).ForthewholecomplexoftheWienerNeustädterforgeries,seePeterCsendes, “DieWienerNeustädterStadtrechtsfälschungen,”FälschungenimMittelalter,vol.3:Diplomatische Fälschungen(part1).MonumentaGermaniaeHistoricaSchriften,33.3(Hanover:HahnscheBuch handlung,1988),637–52;forthischarter646–47);onthefactualvalidityofforgedcharters,see ThomasHildbrand,“SisyphusunddieUrkunden:MediävistischeÜberlegungenzursemiotischen Arbeit,”TextalsRealie,183–92;here186. Wiedl,“CodifyingJews.” HaymSoloveitchik,“Halakhah,TabooandtheOriginofJewishMoneylendinginGermany,”Jews ofEurope,305–17,who,despitethetitle,examinesJewishwinegrowingandtradingaswellas viticulturalcredits;furtherToch,“EconomicActivities,”205–06.ForAustrianJews,seeMartha Keil, “‘Veltliner, Ausstich, Tribuswinkler’: Zum Weingenuss österreichischer Juden im Mittelalter,”‘Undwennschon,dannBischofoderAbt’:ImGedenkenanGüntherHödl(1941–2005),ed. ChristianDomenigandothers(Klagenfurt:KärntnerDruckundVerlagsgesellschaft,2006),53–72, BruggerandWiedl,“ChristlichjüdischeInteraktion,”302–03. ForJewsascraftsmen,seeMichaelToch,“JüdischeGeldleiheimMittelalter,”GeschichteundKultur derJudeninBayern,ed.ManfredTremlandJosefKirmeier(Munich,NewYork,London,andParis: K. G. Saur, 1988), 85–94; here 85–86; id., “Geldleiher und sonst nichts? Zur wirtschaftlichen Tätigkeit der Juden im deutschen Sprachraum des Spätmittelalters,” Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für deutscheGeschichte22(1993):117–26;id.,“EconomicActivities,”187,204–10;Mentgen,Judenim mittelalterlichenElsaß,579–85;GermaniaJudaica,vol.III/3,2139–46. WienerNeustadt1316,BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,195–96,no.205.Itisnotquiteclear whethertheregulationreferstoclothtradeortailoring,orboth. 1297/1308,BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,99,no.96,§13. Ptuj/Pettau1376.FerdinandBischoff,“DasPettauerStadtrechtvon1376,”Sitzungsberichteder AkademiederWissenschaften,philosophischhistorischeKlasse113(1886),695–744.Thearticle(§18), however,refersonlytotheretailtradewithinthecity;theJewsofPettauwerefardistancetraders onabigscale,especiallywithwineandgoodsfromVenetia.Wenninger,“JudenSalzburg,”753.

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TheChristianmistrusttoward‘Jewishmeat’hadbeenclearlyexpressedatthe provincialsynodsofWrocawandViennain1267,whereinveryclearwords, ChristianswerecautionedagainstbuyinganynourishmentsfromJewslestthese, whoallegedlyregardedtheChristiansastheirenemies,poisonthemwiththeir food(necchristianicarnesvenalesseualiacibariaaiudeisemant,neforteperhociudei christianos, quos hostes reputant, fraudulenta machinatione venenent).112 The later adaptions in several town charters, however, hardly ever referred straightforwardlytoanythreatposedtoChristiansshouldtheybuy,orconsume, meat(or,cometothat,anyothergoods)of“Jewishorigin.”Thefirstattemptat excludingJewsatleastpartiallyfromthatbranchofbusinessappearedasearlyas 1267 (!), when the butchers’ guild of the Lower Austrian town of Tulln put additionalchargesonthefatstockthatwasboughtbyJews.Consideringthatthe Jews were most likely butchering the animals themselves to guarantee kosher slaughter,thesumtheJewshadtopaywaspresumablyintendedasakindoffine forthelossofincomethecraftsmensufferedsincetheycouldnotchargethemfor theirslaughteringservice.113 Upuntilthefifteenthcentury,themainproblemhoweverremainedthatthe Jewswerenotonlydoingtheslaughteringthemselves,114butwerealsoselling meattoChristians;andthatbydoingsotheyenteredthedomainofthecrafts guilds.TheChristianauthorities,partiallyattheinstigationofthecraftguilds, partially of their own volition, dealt with the issue in different ways, most of which went along with, or were expressed by, a physical separation. The “simplest”solution,chosenbytheCarinthiantownofSt.Veitinthelatethirteenth century,wastobanJewsfromsellingtheirmeatpubliclyaltogether.TheJewsof thistownwereonlyallowedtobutcherandselltheirmeatathome;accordingto thetown’sregulations,theynotonlyremainedwithoutapossibilitytoparticipate inthepublicmeatmarkedbutwerealsobeingdeniedtherighttoownlivestock (mostlikelyforbreedingpurpose,sincetheywereallowedtoslaughterathome) andrefusedtheirshareintheborough’scommon.115

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BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,59–61(quote59),no.45. Brugger and Wiedl, Regesten, vol. 1, 61, no. 46. English translation (incorrectly dated 1237): http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/1237butcherstuln.html(lastaccessedonApril8,2009). Germania Judaica, vol. I: Von den ältesten Zeiten bis 1238, ed. I. Elbogen, A. Freimann, and H. Tykocinski(Tübingen:J.C.B.Mohr,1963),388–89. Jewswere,however,nottheonlygroupofpeoplemedievalbutchershadtoconcedetherightto carryoutslaughterontheirown.Butcheringwithincertainlimits(zurhausnotdurft[forpersonal needs at home]) was regarded as the right of the citizens in many towns, and particular institutionslikeinnsortavernssometimesevenhadtheirownslaughterhouseandemployed journeymenofthebutchers’guilds. BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,99,no.96,§13.

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ThiscompletebanofJewsfromthepublic(economic)sphereofmarketactivities remained rather unique among the regulations of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries.Commonly,Jewswereallowedtoselltheirmeatatthepublicmarketvia aspecificstallthatwaseitherdirectlyadministeredbythemunicipalgovernment oratleastundertheirstrictcontrol.Thatstallwasusuallyremotefromthoseofthe Christianbutchersandquiteoftenlocatedatthefringeofthemarketplace.116In addition to that, some towns demanded that the meat be presented ‘in an unobtrusiveway’:not,asatthebutchers’guild’sbooths,hookedupanddangling fromtheceilingorapole,butplacedonastool.117Thattheirmeatwastobesold solelyatthisparticulartypeofstallmaythusbeinterpretedasplacingtheJewsat a mere economic disadvantage, yet in many of the regulations, additional specificationsaimedatasegregationoftheJewsthatwentfurtherbeyondamere economicmeasure. Themunicipalstallwasusuallytheplacewherepfinnigfleischwastobesold,118 whichmeantfoul(trichinous)meataswellasmeatfromsickorinjuredanimals.119

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Andenendten(“atthesides”)andnotattheregularbutchers’stallsshallthejudenfleisch(“Jewish meat”)besold,whereithasbeensoldvonallter(“sincetimeimmemorial”),statestheregulation thetownofJudenburgissuedfortheirbutcher’sguildin1467;FritzPopelka,Schriftdenkmälerdes steirischenGewerbes,vol.1(Graz:EigenverlagdesWirtschaftsförderungsinstitutesderKammer dergewerblichenWirtschaftfürSteiermark,1950),137–37,no.104;GermaniaJudaica,vol.III/1,594. LibertiesofthecityofSalzburg,1420:Item,dasjudenfleischundpfinnigssolmanvordemschlätorr vaillhabenaufeinenstullundnietauffhahen.AdolfAltmann,GeschichtederJudeninStadtundLand SalzburgvondenfrühestenZeitenbisaufdieGegenwart.Rpt.ofthe1913ed.andcontinueduntil1988 byGünterFellnerandHelgaEmbacher(Salzburg:OttoMüllerVerlag,1990),100–01. Salzburg1420(seeabove),buttheregulationdatesbacktotheearlyfourteenthcentury:itappears asearlyas1307inthetowncharteroftheBavariantownBurghausen(1307,ChristianHaeutle, “Einige altbayerische Stadtrechte,” Oberbayerisches Archiv für vaterländische Geschichte 45 [1888/1889]:163–262;here183)andwasadopted,oftenwithaquitesimilarwording,inthetown chartersofNeuötting(1321,id.,“EinigealtbayerischeStadtrechte:FortsetzungundSchluß,” OberbayerischesArchivfürvaterländischeGeschichte47[1891/1892]:18–124;here29),Landshut(1344, GermaniaJudaica,vol.II/1,467–68),andSchärding(1316,todayUpperAustria,BruggerandWiedl, Regesten,vol.1,194,no.202).Theinclusion ofthearticleinthetownprivilegeofSchärding, however,istheonlyindicationofaJewishsettlementinthis(rathersmall)townatall;andsince thewordingofthearticleinthetownchartersisrathersimilar,itmighthavemerelybeencopied, perhapsasakindof‘preventivemeasure’againstpotentialfutureJewishinhabitants.Further, e.g.,GermaniaJudaica,vol.II/2,557andGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/2,902(Munich),1500(Ulm), GermaniaJudaica,vol.II/2,946(Zurich);Gilomen,“KooperationundKonfrontation,”177. AccordingtothelibertiesofthetownofMühldorf(before1360),pfinichsflaischs,wolfpaizzichs flaischsundswazderjudersucht(foulmeat,meatthat‘hasbeenbittenbythewolf’andmeat‘which theJewdesires’),shouldbesoldbythebutchers,butinfrontofandnotinsidetheirbooths.Karl Theodor Heigel (ed.), “Mühldorfer Annalen 1313–1428,” Die Chroniken der baierischen Städte Regensburg, Landshut, Mühldorf, München, ed. Historische Kommission bei der Bayerischen AkademiederWissenschaften.Secondedition.DieChronikenderdeutschenStädtevom14.bis ins16.Jahrhundert,15(1878;Göttingen:Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1967),369–410;here396; HansGeorg Herrmann, “Das Mühldorfer Stadtrecht im Spätmittelalter und in der Frühen

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TheadditionalassociationofJewswiththe“rotten”and“foul”isthereforequite obvious, a connotation that was stressed even more when the meat had to be clearlytaggedand/orthepotentialChristiancustomerhadtobealertedtothefact thattheywereabouttobuyeitherfoulor“Jewishmeat.”120Inlatefourtheenth/ early fifteenth centuries, the idea of the wellpoisoning Jews prevailing, many townsresortedtomoredrasticandencompassingmeasuresbydeclaringanymeat thathadmerelybeentouchedbyJewsasbeinginthesamecategory,therefore consideringitbeingofalesserquality,orevenunfitforChristianconsumption. This often concurs with, or is included in, regulations which aim at a comprehensivecontrolofthebehaviorofJewsatthemarket:insteadoftouching thegoods,Jewsweretopointatthoseitems,particularlyvictuals,theyintended tobuy,andshouldtheyhappentotouchanitem,theyhadtopurchaseit,often withasurcharge.121 Jewishexistencewithinthespaceofcitieswas,toconclude,ariskyoneatalltimes. Schlom,themasteroftheducalmintandthefirstAustrianJewknownbyname, fellpreytogetherwithhisfamilytocrusadersin1196;122some100yearslater,the firstbloodlibelsandaccusationsofallegedhostwaferdesecrationswerelaunched onAustrianterritory,claimingtheirvictimsamongtheJewsofLowerAustrian towns.Yetasmuchasthesehorrendousincidentsareindicativeoftheatbest fragilebalancebetweenJewsandtheirChristiansurroundings,detailsstillhintat

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Neuzeit,”MühldorfamInn:SalzburginBayern935–1802–2002.Begleitbandzurgleichnamigen Ausstellungvom8.Junibis27.Oktober2002(MühldorfamInn:EigenverlagderStadt,2002), 36–47;here36;Altmann,JudenSalzburg,67–69. LibertiesofthetownofMühldorf:(...)swerdazflaischvoninchauft,ezseigastoderpurger,demsol erezsagen,wieezumbdazflaischste,pei72den(whoeverbuysthemeat,betheyvisitororcitizen, he[thebutcherwhosellsthemeat]shalltellthemabouttheconditionofthemeat,atapenaltyof 72pence),Heigel,“MühldorferAnnalen,”396;Thejudenfleischhasbeenfrequentlyinterpreted as“koshermeat”ingeneral,whereasthefactthatitwassoldatthemarkettoChristianssuggests thatthetermreferstothepartsofthekosherlyslaughteredanimalstheJewswerenotallowedto eatandthussoldviathemunicipalstall(which,infact,mighthavealsoheightenedtheChristian suspicionthattheJewsweresellingthemmeatoflowquality).ThebiggerJewishcommunities usually owned a slaughterhouse and employed their own kosher butcher, e.g. Vienna; see Lohrmann,WienerJuden,55,100,and102. TownlibertiesofBolzano(latefourtheenthcentury,seeGermaniaJudaica,vol.II/1,99;pertaining toallkindsofgoods),adaptedthebutchers’regulation;townlibertiesofMunich(fish),orderof the municipal council of Ulm (1421, livestock, fish, meat, poultry, fruits), see Scherer, Rechtsverhältnisse,577–78,withanalogiestoFrenchlegislation;whereasthecityofPassautooka different(andquiteintriguing)stancebyforbiddingtheirbutcherstoworkforthem,Municipal Archives of Passau III/22 (Gemainer Statt Passau Recht und Freiheiten sambt alten und neuen Verträgen).The1424datinginGermaniaJudaica,vol.III/2,1089,isquestionable:thebutchers’ regulationoriginatesfrom1432,andtheparagraphcontainingtheaforementionedsentenceisan undatedyetclearlylateraddition. BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,17–18,no.4(HebrewandGermantranslation).

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a in parts functioning JewishChristian coexistence. Schlom had his thievish Christianservantimprisoned,andonlythestridentcomplaintsoftheservant’s wifeinthenearestchurchalertedthecrusaders;andwhentheaccusationofahost waferdesecrationwaslaunchedinthesmallLowerAustriantownofKorneuburg in1305,theJewZerklinsoughtrefugeathisChristianneighbor’shouse,whotook him in willingly and tried to protect him from the enraged citizens, albeit in vain.123 Thefirstoverallshifttotheworsecamewiththepersecutionsthatfollowed anotherallegedhostwaferdesecration.StartingfromPulkauin1338,thusalmost parallel to the catastrophic “Armleder” persecutions that heavily affected the JewishcommunitiesinSouthernGermany,124thissoonbecamethefirstwaveof persecutionsthatwentbeyondthelocalscope,affectingover30townsinAustria, Bohemia,andMoravia.125WhileinZurich,Minnaandhersonsfellpreytothe pogromsaccompanyingtheBlackPlague126duringthefatalyearsof1348–1350, DukeAlbrechtIIstillmanagedtoholdaprotectivehandovermostoftheAustrian Jewishcommunities;hiscomingdownheavilyonthetownofKremsthathad persecutedtheirJewsonaccountofanallegedwellpoisoningearninghimthe

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Thewholeincidentisuniquelydocumented:atranscriptoftheinterrogationofaltogether21 witnessesbytheCistercianmonkAmbrosiusofHeiligenkreuz,whocarriedouttheinvestigation attheorderoftheBishopofPassau,istransmitted(BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,125–42, no.133),andfromalatersourceweknowthatthebloodiedwaferhadbeenfakedbyapriest (BruggerandWiedl,Regesten,vol.1,339–40,no.442).SeeEvelineBrugger,“Korneuburg1305– eineblutigeHostieunddieFolgen,”NichtineinemBett,20–26,downloadablehere: http://www.injoest.ac.at/upload/JudeninME05_2_1926.pdf(lastaccessedonApril8,2009);Miri Rubin,GentileTales:TheNarrativeAssaultonLateMedievalJews(NewHavenandLondon:Yale University Press, 1999), 57–65; Winfried Stelzer, “Am Beispiel Korneuburg: Der angebliche Hostienfrevel österreichischer Juden von 1305 und seine Quellen,” Österreich im Mittelalter: BausteinezueinerrevidiertenGesamtdarstellung,ed.WillibaldRosner.StudienundForschungenaus dem Niederösterreichischen Institut für Landeskunde, 26 (St. Pölten: Selbstverlag des Niederösterreichischen Institut für Landeskunde, 1999), 309–48, on this source,  particularly 312–28;FritzPeterKnapp,DieLiteraturdesSpätmittelaltersindenLändernÖsterreich,Steiermark, Kärnten, Salzburg und Tirol von 1273 bis 1439. Geschichte der Literatur in Österreich von den AnfängenbiszurGegenwart,vol.2,part1(Graz:AkademischeDruckundVerlagsanstalt,1999), 106–07;Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”211–26,allwithfurtherliterature. Fromthevastliterature,seeFriedrichLotter,“HostienfrevelvorwurfundBlutwunderfälschung beidenJudenverfolgungenvon1298(‘Rintfleisch’)und1336–1338(‘Armleder’),”Fälschungenim Mittelalter, vol. 5: Fingierte Briefe. Frömmigkeit und Fälschung. Realienfälschungen. Monumenta GermaniaeHistoricaSchriften,vol.33.5(Hanover:HahnscheBuchhandlung,1988),533–83;Jörg R. Müller, “Erez gezerah – Land of Persecution: Pogroms Against the Jews in the regnum TeutonicorumFromc.1280to1350,”JewsofEurope,245–60. Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”216–19;Rubin,GentileTales,66–67. Keil, “Lebensstil und Repräsentation,” chapter 2; Toch, “Selbstdarstellung,” 181–82; Böhmer, “Bogenschütze,”330–34.

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insultingephitetoffautoriudeorum,“PatronoftheJews,”fromtheChurch.127The traditional stereotype of the ‘Wucherjude,’ the rapacious Jewish usurer, was repeatedinandpermeatedbyliteratureandiconographyalike,128posingadeathly threattogetherwiththeideasofJewishwellpoisoning,thebloodlibelaccusations andallegedhostwaferdesecrations.Althoughtherewerefewerpersecutionsin the second half of the fourteenth century than had been in the first half, the politicalandeconomicinterestsofrulers,estatesandmunicipalitiesalikeledtoa considerable worsening of the overall situation of the Jews in the Austrian territoriesduringthelastdecades.Therulers’,noblemen’s,andcities’ideasof profitingfromprosperingJewishcommunitieshadchangedfromsqueezingas muchmoneyaspossibleoutofthemtonotneedingthemanyfurtheratall,129 while the ecclesiastical climate had shifted from being at least ambiguous to clearlyandoutspokenlyantiJewish,furtherfosteringthosesentimentswithin both authority and the populace. From the devastating Viennese Geserah in 1420/1421thatendedJewishlifeintheduchyofAustriatotheexpulsionofthe JewsofSalzburgin1498,130Jewishexistencewasviolentlybroughttoanendinthe Austrianterritoriesinthecourseofthefifteenthcentury. InthebeautifulilluminationofanearlyfourteenthcenturyMahzor,awoman andamanduringaweddingscenearedepicted(seeFigure4).Theman,cladin acloakofanoffishwhiteanddarkgreengarments,wearsacornutedhat,andhis handreachesouttowardshispresumptivebride.Itisthefigureofthebridethat isunusualnotthegarmentsinreversedcolors,thecloakbrimmedwithfur,and thehintatathronewhichsheissittingon,buttheacrownonherheadandthe blindfoldacrosshereyescomeasasurprise.TheconnectionwiththeChristian iconography is clear, the reference to the numerous statues and depictions of

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WilhelmWattenbach,ed.,“KalendariumZwetlensea.1243–1458,”MonumentaGermaniaeHistorica Scriptores,vol.9,ed.GeorgHeinrichPertz(1851;Stuttgart:AntonHiersemann,1983),689–98;here 692;Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”173,219;GermaniaJudaica,vol.II/1,454;AlfredHaverkamp,“Die JudenverfolgungenzurZeitdesSchwarzenTodes,”ZurGeschichtederJudenimDeutschlanddes spätenMittelaltersundderfrühenNeuzeit,ed.AlfredHaverkamp.MonographienzurGeschichte desMittelalters,24(Stuttgart:AntonHiersemann,1981),27–93;here40,46–47,and60;Lohrmann, Judenrecht,144. SeethecontributionbyAlbrechtClasseninthisvolume,ontheexampleofHansSachs;further seeChristophCluse,“ZumZusammenhangvonWuchervorwurfundJudenvertreibungim13. Jahrhundert,”JudenvertreibungeninMittelalterundfrüherNeuzeit,ed.FriedhelmBurgard,Alfred Haverkamp,andGerdMentgen(Hanover:HahnscheBuchhandlung,1999),135–64;seealsothe overviewbyGiacomoTodeschini,“ChristianPerceptionsofJewishEconomicActivityinthe MiddleAges,”WirtschaftsgeschichtedermittelalterlichenJuden,1–16. Withanemphasisonthefinancialaspect,seeDavidNirenberg,“WarumderKönigdieJuden beschützenmusste,undwarumersieverfolgenmusste,”DieMachtdesKönigs:HerrschaftinEuropa vomFrühmittelalterbisindieNeuzeit,ed.BernhardJussen(Munich:C.H.Beck,2005),225–40and 390–92. Brugger,“Ansiedlung,”221–27,withreferencetofurtherliterature.

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Synagogadefeatedwithherblindfold,thebrokenstaffandthecrownslippingoff her head, Ecclesia triumphant with her crowned head watching her often somewhat warily (see Figures 1, 2, and 3). Here, the roles are reversed, the ChristiancharactersitswithhereyesblindfoldedandtheJewishonecansee,yet bothfiguresreachoutforeachother.Encounter,contact,andinteractionwere inevitable,neitherChristiannorJewishauthoritiesbeingabletohamperChristians andJewsmeetingonadailybasisintheirsharedlivingspaceofamedievalcity. Neithergroupbeingahomogenousone,JewsandChristiansalsomeetonseveral sociallevels,thepersonalmeetingleveloftenbeingmoredefinedbybelongingto acomparativelysimilarsocialclass.Theclosecontactallowedandfacilitatedthe exchangeofknowledge,themutualtranslationofculturalgoodsandhabits,and the general acquaintance with the respective other; but with changes in the economic, social, and ecclesiastical climate and by the will, or at least lack of interest,oftherulers,theseneighborlyrelationshipseruptedintoviolenceand expulsion. WhiletheacademicfocushaswidenedasfarasJewishhistoryisconcerned duringthepastdecadestoencompassbroader,andmoredifferent,questions,it is,inmanyregards,stilladesideratumforJewishhistorytobefullyintegrated intothehistoryofaregion,city,ortopicratherthantobetreatedinafootnoteor, atthebest,aseparatechapter.Jewsdoplayaroleinurbanhistory,claimingtheir spaceswithinmedievalcitiesandinteractinginmanywaysandonmanylevels, theirhistorybeing,inthecasedealtwithhere,asmuchurbanasitisAustrianand Jewish.

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Figure1:StatueofSynagoga,Bambergcathedral,ca.1230

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Figure2:StatueofSynagoga,Strasbourgcathedral,ca.1225

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Figure3:StatueofEcclesia,Strasbourgcathedral,ca.1225

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Figure4:Mahzorwithadepictionofabridalcouple,thebride,withthetypical itemsofEcclesia,hashereyesblindfolded,which,inChristiandepictions,isthe distinctivefeatureforSynagoga,ca.1330, (StaatsundUniversitätsbibliothekHamburg)

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Figure5:Decorationinthe“NiederösterreichischenRandleistenstil,”Missale, secondhalfoffourtheenthcentury(StiftsbibliothekKlosterneuburg,Cod.74)

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Figure6:SalesdeedofthemonasteryofKremsmünster(UpperAustria)with thecorrespondingHebrewcharterattachedtoit(StiftsarchivKremsmünster, 1305April29,Hebrew,andMay3,German)

RosaAlvarezPerez (SouthernUtahUniversity)

NextDoorNeighbors:AspectsofJudeoChristian CohabitationinMedievalFrance

ThecomplexrelationsJewsandChristiansdevelopedinNorthernFrancebetween theeleventhandthefourteenthcenturiespriortotheirfinalexpulsionin1394 revealthedistinctboundariesthatmappedanddemarcatedthepermissiblezones ofcontactandinteraction.Despitemultiplerestrictions,individualsfromthetwo divergentcommunitiesdidcrosstherealandvirtualbordersofsocialseparation andcreatedtemporal‘pockets’ofmoreviablerelationships.IfingeneralJewish women’sactivitiesduringthatperiodaffectedmostlythelocalcommerce,leaving minimalifanytracesintheFrencharchives,thefewdocumentsthatremaindo neverthelessattesttotheirinvolvement.ThisaspectofJudeoChristianrelations has often gone unnoticed until recently when Rebecca L. Winer and Elisheva Baumgarten began working respectively on Jewish women in  Mediterranean FranceandSpain,andGermany.1WhileWinerfocusesonthecityofPerpignan, aCatalancityinthethirteenthcentury,IexaminetheNorthernFrenchJewish communities,socially,linguistically,andculturallyindependentfromthoseofthe south,whichareconsideredAshkenazisincetheysharedsimilartraditionswith GermanJews,2andunliketheirbrethrenintheSouth,thesecommunitieshavenot beenasabundantlystudiedanddocumented.3Theyalsoofferanexcellentbasis forastudyofthedevelopmentoftheeconomyandtheestablishmentofnumerous

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RebeccaL.Winer,“SilentPartners?Women,Commerce,andtheFamilyinMedievalPerpignan c. 1250–1300,” Ph.D. diss., University of California Los Angeles, 1996; Elisheva Baumgarten, MothersandChildren:JewishFamilyLifeinMedievalEurope(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversity Press,2004);formoreinformationonurbanJewishlifeinGermany,seealsoBirgitWiedl’sarticle inthisvolume. SeeDavidShohet,TheJewishCourtintheMiddleAges:StudiesinJewishJurisprudenceaccordingto theTalmud,GeonicandMedievalGermanResponsa(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1931). EliakimCarmoly,BibliographiedesIsraélitesdeFrance(Frankfurta.M.:G.Hess,1968),7.

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Jewishcommunitiesduringthatperiod.ItisthuswithinamicrocontextthatIwill explore interactions between the two communities that lived in such close proximity,andmoreparticularlytherecurrentexchangesbetweenwomenofthe twofaiths. Althoughtheterm“invisibility”isperhapsanoverusedclichéinrelationto women,itremainsrelevantformedievalJewishwomenwhohavebeentrapped forsolongina“fictionalrole,”livinginasocietythathighlyvaluedspirituality andstressedmalepreeminence.ThecommunitiesofNorthernFrancewereindeed renowned for their spiritual leaders in the fields of Talmudic studies, Biblical exegesis,andmysticalspeculations.4Womenthuswereinstructedtocomplywith BiblicalmatriarchalmodelsprescribedbyHalakha(religiouslaw).Insuchafervent environment, the more ordinary aspects of everyday life were not considered worthy of being recorded; therefore, the social and economic impact of these women,moreinclinedtobeinvolvedinsociallifethanthepiousmenoftheir communities,wasoftenhistoricallyoverlooked.Incomplyingwiththeconceptof zahkor(remembrance),amajortenetintraditionalJewishpracticesandteachings,5 therecordersofJewishevents,intheirownpeculiarway,obliteratedwomenand dissolved their past within the frame of the general historical discourse. The memoryofthingspastwasrecombinedtomirrorthecommunity’saspirationsand struggles,andtorecountmostlythedramaticmomentslivedbythecommunities. Jewishwomen’sabilitytomaneuverthusfellbetweenthecracksofsocialpractices andreligiousobligations,anddespitetheirrecognizedentrepreneurialabilities, theyremainedinasubservientposition. Undeniably,Jewishscholarshiphasremainedpredominantlythestudyofmale Jews,consideredthedefaultvalueoftheirculture.Withinsuchaperspective,the centralfigureoftheJewcouldonlybe“thebodywiththecircumcisedpenis—an imagecrucialtotheveryunderstandingoftheWesternimageoftheJewatleast sincetheadventofChristianity.”6WhileJewishStudieshavetakenasharpturn inthepastseveraldecadeswithnewresearchgeneratingnewperspectivesthat have greatly affected the outlook of this field of study, Jewish feminism only emerged as a new current in Jewish thought during the 1990s,7 generating an

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Robert Chazan, “Ephraim Ben Jacob’s Compilation of TwelfthCentury Persecutions,” Jewish QuarterlyReview84(1993–94):397–416,397. SarahSilbersteinSwartzandMargieWolfe,ed.,FromMemorytoTransformation:JewishWomen’s Voices(Toronto:SecondStoryPress,1998),9. SanderGilman,TheJew’sBody(NewYorkandLondon:Routledge,1991),4–5. See,tonameafew,thecontributionstoOnBeingaJewishFeminist,ed.SusannahHeschel(New York:SchockenBooks,1995);PaulaHyman,GenderandAssimilationinModernJewishHistory:The RoleandRepresentationofWomen(Seattle:UniversityofWashingtonPress,1995);JudithBaskined., JewishWomeninHistoricalPerspective(Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1991);Bernadette

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animated debate that recontextualized the position and actual role of Jewish womenwithintheirowncommunities. Inmedievalsociety,Jewishcommunities,shapedbysocialisolation,hadcome toinhabitaninbetweenspace,aspacethatElizabethGroszdefinesasaposition ofpossiblemovementanddevelopment,butinterestinglyenoughalsoasaspace forcontestation.8Wemightalsocallita‘thirdspace.’Indeedintheabsenceof legitimacy,Jewishappropriationofspace,withinthecitiesandtowns,wasaway ofreclaimingspace,bothspatiallyandsymbolically.Buteventhisliminalpresence wasinitselfaformofexcessintheeyeofChristiansociety,andthedisruptive functionofthisexcesssignificantlyrenderedthesecommunitiesinassimilable.But inspiteofthedifficultiesofcoexistence,Jewsneverthelessinhabitedthemargins ofsociety,addingdiversitytourbanlifeinmedievalFrance. TheassertionoftheFrenchtosaphist9R.JacobTam(d.1171)that“lessthanten yearsagotherewerenomezuzot(mezuzah(sing.):encasedparchmentplacedonthe doorpostofJewishhomes)tobefoundinourkingdom”10ispuzzling.Doesthis statement emphasize the rapid expansion of Jewish communities, or was the famous Rabbi strictly concerned with laxity in the application of this specific religiouscommandment,assomescholarshavesuggested?Inanycase,during thatperiodoftransition(tenthtothetwelfthcentury),inthekingdomofFrance there was not only a rapid growth of the general population, but also the establishmentofmultipleJewishcommunities.11UrbanizationinNorthernFrance wasachievedmoresuddenlythanintheSouth,andasaresult,therewererapid adjustments that incorporated new social and economic realities.12 The demographicexplosionoftheJewishcommunitiesistobeviewedinparallelwith thegrowthoftherestofthepopulation.Moreover,inarelativelyshortperiodof time,theeconomicprogressoftheJewishcommunitiespromotedarapidadvance initsintellectualendeavors,andbythesecondhalfofthetwelfthcentury,there

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Brooten, Love Between Women: Early Christian Responses to Female Homoeroticism (Chicago: UniversityofChicagoPress,1996);AvivaCantor,TheJewishWoman,1900–1985:ABibliography (NewYork:BiblioPress,1987);JudithHauptman,RereadingtheRabbis:AWoman’sVoice(Boulder: WestviewPress,1998);RachelBiale,WomenandJewishLaw(NewYork:SchockenBooks,1984). ElizabethGrosz,ArchitecturefromtheOutside:EssaysonVirtualandRealSpace(Cambridge,MA: MIT,2001),92–93. TheTosaphistsaddedcommentstotheworkofRashiontheTalmud. Elliot Horowitz, “The Way We Were: Jewish Life in the Middle Ages,” Jewish History 1–3 (1986–1988):75–90;here77. BernhardBlumenkranz,Juifsetchrétiensdanslemondeoccidental(430–1096).SeriesEcolePratique desHautesÉtudes(France).SectiondesSciencesEconomiquesetSociales.ÉtudesJuives,2(Paris: Mouton&Co,1960). RobertIanMoore,TheFormationofaPersecutingSociety:PowerandDevianceinWesternEurope (950–1250)(Oxford:BasilBlackwell,1987),60.

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wereatleastfifteenimportantRabbinicalschoolsinFrance.13Yet,despitetheir growingrenownasreligiouscentersthatexercisedauthorityinmattersofcivil andceremoniallaw,thecommunitiesofNorthernFranceremainedsmallentities independentofeachotherthatmanagedtocompensatefortheirisolationwithin aChristianmajoritythroughanimportantnetworkofexchangesandanactive correspondence. WhileearlierJewsinFrancehadbeennotonlyurbandwellers,butalsorural landowners and wine producers, the situation started to change by the tenth century.Inamovementofgeneraldefection,Jewsprogressivelymigratedtothe growingtowns,abandoningruralsettlements.R.JosephBonfils,awellknown Frenchscholaroftheeleventhcentury,calleditajustifiedchangeinaresponsum addressedtotheJewsofTroyes.Hefurtherexplainedthatthepossessionoffields waslessprofitablethanmoneyinvestedincommerce,whichbroughtgreatprofits andcouldeasilybewithdrawnintimesofcrisis.14ThesalecontractsinwhichJews had previously appeared as buyers of land showed them thereafter mostly as sellers,achangethatacceleratedbetweentheeleventhandthetwelfthcenturies.15 Themovementtowardthecitiesandtownsclearlyappearsintheexamination of the topography of the cities of Paris, Sens, Troyes, Rouen, Senlis, Soissons, Auxerre,Chartres,Provins,Orléans,andEtampes,indicatingthatbytheeleventh centuryamajorityoftheJewslivedneartheroyalornoblepalaces.16Butifthe movewasoftenmotivatedbyeconomicreasons,ironicallythecitybecamelater onforJewsamandatoryplaceofresidence,sanctionedbytheroyalordinanceof April1289.ThisadditionalregulationforbadeJewshereaftertosettleinsmall townsandruralareas.17 TheregroupingofJewsinadministrativecenterswascertainlymandatedbythe desire to exercise a tighter control on these groups. If the serfs had been

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Norman Golb, The Jews in Medieval Normandy: A Social and Intellectual History (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress,1998),174. JacobMann,TheResponsaoftheBabylonianGeonimasaSourceofJewishHistory(Philadelphia:The DropsieCollegeforHebrewandCognateLearning,1918),319. SiméonLuce,“Cataloguedes documentsduTrésordesChartes,”RevuedesEtudesJuives1–2 (1880–81):15–72;here62.Aftertheexpulsionof1306,in1309Jewswerestillowningagricultural landinChampagne:“...heritagesdesJuifsd’AndelotsisàAndelotetaufinagedecetteville, consistantenchampscultivés,prairiesetvignobles...,”1309,29November,Paris(JJ41,folio 91,92no.156). BrigitteBedosRezak,“TheConfrontationofOralityandTextuality:JewishandChristianLiteracy inEleventhandTwelfthCenturyNorthernFrance,”SedRajna,Gabrielleed.,Rashi1040–1090: HommageàEphraïmE.Urbach(Paris:EditionsduCerf,1993),541–88;here551. GustaveSaige,LesJuifsduLanguedocantérieurementauXIVesiècle(Paris:A.Picard,1881)212,223. Amongotherinterdictions,PhiliptheBoldforbadeJewstoliveinsmalltowns(FondsDoat,tome XXXVII,folio197);thisdecreewasreiteratedbyPhiliptheFairinApril1291(FondsDoat,tome XXXVII,folio211).

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emancipatedonalargescalebythethirteenthcenturyintheregionofParis,18Jews hadbecomeservantsofthecrownbytheeleventhandtwelfthcenturies.They becametheking’sserfs,servicamere,Judeinostri,whichwas a special status,a socialcategoryinitself.Butthesedifferentappellationsconveythesamemeaning: inapositionofsubjectedobjects,Jewswerepoliticallyandeconomicallyexploited. Jewishbodieshadbecomethepropertyeitherofthekingoroffeudallords.19 Thefeudalsystem,arigidlytopdownstructure,establishedbetween950and 1150,20resultedinthefragmentationofpoliticalauthority.21Thelackofcentralized authorityinmedievalFrancegaveJewstheopportunitytoestablishautonomous communalentities.AlthoughTalmudiclawenabledJewishcommunalauthorities toexercisesocialcontrolwithpunitivemeasuresforthesuppressionofcrime,22 they only imposed minor sentences like the “bastonnade” and turned to the secularauthoritiesfortheapplicationofmajorpunishments.23Theperiodbetween theninthandtheeleventhcenturiesconstitutesacomparativelylenienttimein whichtherulesofsegregationwerenotsystematicallyenforced,andwithonly sporadicspurtsofviolence.24 TheinfluencethatJewishleaderscouldexertisillustratedbytheinformative case of Lyons, a city that, during the Carolingian period (780–900), was an importantcommercialcenteratthecrossroadsofItaly,Spain,andGermany.Its weekly market, held on Saturdays, had barred Jews from participating in commercialtransactions.Thisdisadvantageousconditionwasoverturnedbythe powerofaroyaldecreeofKingLouistheDebonair(778–840).Inthesecenturies preceding the slow centralization and strengthening of royal power, as Irving Agus asserts, Jews were in a stronger position to negotiate the terms and conditionsoftheirsettlementwiththelocalrulingpower.25

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OlivierMartin,HistoiredelacoutumedelaprévôtéetvicomtédeParis,vol.1(Paris:ErnestLeroux, 1922),21. L’HistoiredesInstitutionsetdelavieprivéeenBourgogne,ed.JulesSimonnet(Dijon:Imprimerie Rabutot,1867),399–400(f.338).OneofthefirstmentionsofatransactioninwhichaJewwas tradedasanobjectoccurredin1196;aJewishfamilywasgivenasadonationtoacertainVigier, butmoreoftenJewsweretheobjectsofprofitableactsofsale. RobertFossier,“Remarquessurl’étudedescommotionssocialesauxXIeetXIIesiècles,”Cahiers deCivilisationMédiévale16–1(1973):45–50;here45. OlivierMartin,42. RabbiMeirofRothenburg:HisLifeandHisWorksasSourcesfortheReligious,LegalandSocialHistory ofGermanyintheThirteenthCentury,ed.IrvingA.Agus(Philadelphia:DropsieCollege,1947),55n (ResponsumofR.JosephBonfils,L423). SimonSchwartzfuchs,Kahal:LaCommunautéjuivedel’Europemédiévale(Paris:Maisonneuveet Larose,1986),105–06. JacobKatz,ExclusivenessandTolerance:StudiesinJewishGentileRelationsinMedievalandModern Times(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1961),9. IrvingAbrahamAgus,UrbanCivilizationinPreCrusadeEurope:AStudyofOrganizedTownLifein NorthwesternEuropeduringtheTenthandEleventhCenturiesBasedontheResponsaLiterature(New

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Communities come into existence and find expression, as Elizabeth Grosz argues,notonlythroughtherecognitionandestablishmentofcommoninterests, values,andneeds,butalsothroughthemarginalgroupstheyreject.26Thesigns definingthese‘others’strengthenthestabilityofthecenter.Christiansocietyhad circumscribed the integration of Jews to liminal spaces, to better insure their control.Thisheldtrueevenintheexperienceofdailylife,inthemereactofliving andmovingacrossacity.AsarthistorianMichaelCamilleastutelyremarked,the medieval town’s signs were not only cut in stone but also marked on bodies movingthroughspaceliketheJewishbodywithitsyelloworredfeltfabric,27the only piece of bright color it was allowed to wear. Jews were not the only individualstoharborasignofhumiliation;prostitutesandleperswerealsothe bearers of signs that singularized them and set them apart from mainstream society.Anothergroupalsoworeatemporarymark,amorepositivesign,theone thepilgrimsproudlydisplayedontheirreturnfromanarduousanddangerous journeytoaholyplace.Butifforothergroupsthesignwasthemanifestationof anindividualphysicaldegradationorasignofdistinctiveness,theJewishlabel wastheoutwardmarkofarejectedgroup. Officiallytoleratedaswitnessofthefaith,thedisruptiveandculturallymarked categoryofJewsservedasthecatalystforChristianculturalfears.28TheChristian preponderant and central position in medieval society was certainly due to refusingandmarginalizingJewishpresence.TheantiJewishsentimentsthatwere stirred up beginning with the First Crusade denote how medieval sensibility channeled by Churchinfluenceandpressurestronglyreactedtoandopposed diversityinallitsmanifestations.Coexistencewithaculturalotherconstituteda challengeandamenacethatcompelledChristianstoresorttoviolenceasaradical wayofnegotiatingdifference. FearofJewishpollutionwasadominantconcernforChristians,anditdrovethe authorities, secular and religious, to punish Jewish transgressors. As several Parliamentrecordsreveal,thepopulationwaseagertoensurethatJewsdidnot commitinfractions;forthatmatterindividualsdidnothesitatetotakejusticeinto theirownhandsandadministerapromptpunishmentbybeating,forinstance, JewishwomencontraveningtheChristianinterdictionofJewsbathinginrivers.29

26 27

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York:YeshivaUniversityPress,1965),17. Grosz,ArchitecturefromtheOutside,152. MichaelCamille,“SignsoftheCity,Place,PowerandPublicFantasyinMedievalParis,”Medieval Practices of Space, ed. Barbara A. Hanawalt and Michal Kobialka. Medieval Cultures, 23 (MinneapolisandLondon:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1999),1–36;here28. JeremyCohen,LivingLettersoftheLaw:IdeasoftheJewsinMedievalChristianity(Berkeley,Los Angeles,andLondon:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1999). SeeLéonBrunchwicg,“LesJuifsd’Angersetdupaysangevin,”RevuedesEtudesJuives28–29 (1894):229–44;here239.JewswereforbiddentobatheintheriverMaine;Georges,Pon,Recueil

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ThiscouldhappeninplaceswhereJewishwomeninsmallcommunitieslacking the necessary funds for the construction of a mikveh (ritual bathhouse) were compelled to resort to rivers for their monthly cleansing ritual to fulfill the religiouscommandment(nidah).Whatcanbeperceived,atfirst,asanunusual public activity for Jewish women was certainly not an uncommon practice, althoughitwasstrictlyforbiddentoJews. The Church, as the main controller of social homogenization, assumed an ambiguousandcontradictorypositionregardingJewishcommunities.Although initsofficialdiscoursetheChurchpromotedtolerancetowardaminoritythatwas partofthe‘symbolicorder,’inrealitytherewasnotadefinitesenseofacceptance, andJewishinclusionintosocietywaslimited.Thefirstlegalprescriptionimposing onJewsthewearingofamarkofrecognitiongoesbacktotheFourthLateran decreeof1215.30 Inthefollowingyearsanddecades,additionalprovincialsynods,royaldecrees, andtownordinancesenforcedthisdecreeinavarietyofmodulationsuntiltheir expulsion from the kingdom of France. However, it remains unclear in what precise periods, and to what extent in what cities and towns, this law was effectivelyimposedontheJewishpopulation.QuiteafewcasesinFrenchofficial recordsattesttoanddocumenttheviolenceJewsbroughtonthemselveswhen theytransgressed againstthisregulation,andaccordingtotheserecords,men ratherthanwomenweregenerallytheonessubjected,tovariousdegrees,toinsult, assault,andtheftbyindividualsiftheywererecognizedasJews31inthetown’s streetsandnotwearingtheprescribedbadge.32Itisalsotruethatinmostcasesa beardedappearancetargetedmorementobesubjectedtoaninquisitivegaze,to besingledout,andtobeexposedtoabuseandviolence.

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des documents de l’Abbaye de FontaineleComte: XIIe–XIIIe siècles (Poitiers: Société des archives historiquesduPoitou,1982)T.25:“shewasbathingintheriverClainatPoitiers.” CharlesJosephHefele,HistoiredesConcilesd’aprèslesdocumentsoriginaux(Paris:LetouzeyetAné, 1913),vol.5:Can.68,386;itisonlyfromthecouncilofNarbonnein1227thattherouellebecame canonicallyacharacteristicJewishsign. SaraLipton,ImagesofIntolerance(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1999).Asshepointsout theuseofthepointedhatandbeardsasattributesinmedievalartdatesbacktotheeleventh century and by the thirteenth was widespread and conventional, 16,19; see also Bernhard Blumenkranz,LeJuifmédiévalaumiroirdel’artchrétien(Paris:EtudesAugustiniennes,1966);arare instanceofamention“unhabitjuif”stolenbyVivantdeMontréalinaletterofpardonafterthe revoltinParisin1380.RogerKohn,LesJuifsdelaFranceduNord,94. JulesViarded.,LesJournauxduTrésordePhilippeIVLeBel(Paris:ImprimerieNationale,1940),XVI. Jewswerethepropertyoftheking.SaintLouis’Ordinanceof18June1269prescribedJewsto wearabadgemadeofscarletfabricorfelt.Iftheywereaccusedbyapasserby,theycouldbefined upto10poundsandtheir(specifiedwithamasculinepronoun)outergarmentwasconfiscated andgiventothedenouncer.

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SocialseparationbetweenChristianandJewswaspromotedandencouragedby theChurch,butmandatoryresidenceonlybecamecustomarybytheendofthe thirteenthcentury.WealthyJewishfamiliescouldstillcircumventtheinterdiction andliveamongChristiansiftheypaidanadditionaltax.Segregationvariedin different periods and locations, but Jewish quarters were not exclusively populatedbyJews;Christianslivedinthesamebuildings,oronthesamestreets. AnexaminationoftheregistersoftheChâteletfortheperiodbetween1389and 1392clearlyatteststoJewishChristianurbancoexistence.Inseveralinstances, Christianindividualsarrestedforpettycriminaloffensesaredescribedasliving inorattheperipheryoftheJewishquarter,asinthefollowing: EnQuareismedernièrementpassévolerentdansunhostelunepairededrapsdelit ...lesvendirentàLorencelaPicarde,demourantauboutdelarueausJuifs.33 [DuringLentenseason,theystolefromaninnapairofbedsheets...(and)soldthem toLorencethePicard,livingattheendoftheJew’sstreet]

Inthisapparentlystrictlyinformativenarrative,thescribejuxtaposestheillicit activities of Lorence, a Christian woman, and urban space within the Jewish quarter.Intentionalornot,thecommentneverthelesssuggestivelyestablishesa linkbetweentheshadytransactionsandtheirplaceofoccurrence.Noaccusation is made but the suspicion is aroused, and if Jewish individuals were indeed occasionally implicated in trafficking in stolen property,34 it was generally understoodbyChristiansthatthispracticewascommon. GilbertDahancontendsthattherewerenotypicalFrenchJewishquartersin medievalFrancetownsandfurthermorethatthereisnocommonhistoryleftfor these quarters.35 Permanence, a necessary factor to retrace culture, was for the Northerncommunitiesverylimited,theJewishinhabitantsbeingeasilyuprooted by expulsions that brought in their wake a homogenous Christian identity. NeverthelessJews,operatingoutsidethesocialorder,tendedtocongregatefor religious purposes within a short distance of a synagogue and a mikveh. They followedthepatternofmedievalurbanoccupationofspacewherestreetstypically regroupedthemembersofthesamecorporationorindividualssharingsimilar interests.ThetaxrollforthecityofParisfortheyear1292isagoodindexofthis

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CharlesLahure,ed.,RegistreCriminelduChâteletdeParis(du6septembre1389au18mai1392), 2vols.,(Paris:CharlesLahure,1861)vol.1377(August151390). Edgard Boutaric, ed., Actes du Parlement de Paris. 2 vols. (Paris: Plon, 1863–1867), 2283 “Ordonnancedéfendantauxchrétiensetauxchrétiennesdedemeurerdanslesmaisonsdesjuifs pourlesserviretauxjuifsdelesygarder”(OlimIIfol.50ro). GilbertDahan,“QuartierjuifetruedesJuifs,”ArtetarchéologiedesJuifsenFrancemédiévale,ed. BernhardBlumenkranz(Toulouse:Privat,1980),15–32;21–28.

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phenomenon.36TheJewishtaxpayers,listedinaseparatesectionattheendofthe roll,livedwithintheconfinesofafewstreetsofthecity. InalaterdepictionofJewishcommunities’quarters,NicolasDelamaregivesus adescriptionofmedievalParis,informationhegatheredfromTheChronicleofSt. Denis,knownasTheGreatChronicle.37HenotesthatJewswerehousedinvery limitedquarters,inhastilybuilthousesofpoorquality,andinnarrowanddark streetsclosedatnight.38ThereducedspaceavailablehadinfactforcedJewsto adopt a vertical distribution of dwellings. In Northern France, Germany, and England,mostJewishcommunitieswereverysmallinnumberandrepresented atmost1or2%ofacity’spopulation.39Eventhoughthepercentagewassmall,the numberofindividualsandfamiliesauthorizedtoresideinatownwaslimitedand strictlyregulated.40Eachcommunitywasempoweredtoenforcetheseregulations, grantingordenyingpermissiontonewcomerstosettle. Delamare’sdescriptionofamedievalJewishquarterdoesnotdiffermuchfrom descriptionsofotherpopulatedquartersinanygiventownorcity.Therefore, livingincrampedquartersanddarknarrowstreetswascommonplace,andthe deplorablesanitaryconditionsofthecitieswerenotorious.PhilipAugustuswas offendedbytheloathsomesmellofthestreetsofParis,whichrequiredeveryyear alevyofahundredthousandfrancstoremovethemud.Theywere“...noires, puantesd’uneodeurinsupportableauxétrangers,quipiqueetçafaitsentirà3ou 4lieuesàlaronde.”[black,smellingofanodorwhichisunbearabletoforeigners, whichoffendsandcanbesmelledupto3or4leagues.]TheKingorderedacertain numberofstreetstobepavedtoreducethepestilence.41 The majority of Jews became town dwellers until their final expulsion, but frequentlytheonlyphysicaltraceofJewishpresenceleftinanygiventownisa streetharboringthename“rueauxjuifs.”ThetermVicusJudaeorumthatRomans usedtodesignatetheJewishquarterwasreducedinmedievaltimestovicusand theexpression“settlementoftheJews”graduallycametobetranslatedinto“rue aux juifs,” or simply “la Juiverie.”42 Every expulsion was accompanied by confiscationandresaleofJewishproperty,andwitheverydepartureanotherlayer

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40 41

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HerculeGéraud,ParissousPhilippeleBel:d’aprèsunmanuscritcontenant“lerôledelataille”imposée surleshabitantsdeParisen1292(Paris:Crapelet,1837). JulesViard,ed.,LesGrandesChroniquesdeFrance,8vols.(Paris:Sociétédel’HistoiredeFrance, 1920). NicolasDelamare,TraitédePolice,4vols.,(Paris:MichelBrunet,1722),vol.1,301. Salo W. Baron, “The Jewish Factor in Medieval Civilization,” Facets of Medieval Judaism, ed. SeymourSieggel(NewYork:ArnoPress,1973),1–48;here6. EdgardBoutaric,Actes,no.1948. HenriSauval,Histoireetrecherches:LesAntiquitésdelavilledeParis,2vols.,(Paris:C.Moette,1724), vol. 1, 187. For a further discussion of this topic from an earlymodern perspective, see the contributiontothisvolumebyAllisonP.Coudert. Golb,TheJewsinMedievalNormandy,75.

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ofJewishpresencewasscrapped,evenerased.Newoccupantswereinstalled,new activities followed, displacing Jewish memory. Thus, when Philip Augustus expelledtheJewsin1182,inParisalonethesynagogueandatotaloffortytwo houses, twentyfour in rue de la Pelleterie and eighteen in rue de la Vieille Draperie,43wereconfiscatedbytheroyalofficersandsoldtomerchantsordonated asgiftsbythekingtotheChurchortoloyalroyalofficers.44 ThepoliticallandscapeofmedievalFrancewasfarfromhomogeneousandits fragmentationcausedJewstoliveunderdifferentrulesandregulationsaccording to the authority in place. In a changed political and urban scene,45 Jews were readmittedtoParisin1198,buttheywerenotallowedtoreoccupytheirancient quarterintheheartofthecity.Thistime,theywererelegatedtothenewlimitsof thecityclosetothefortifications,evenoutsidethewalls,inaquarternamedLes Champeaux.ThedecentralizationoftheJewishhabitatwasinpartcompensated forbythefactthattheexpansionofthecapitalhadpromptedthedevelopmentof new axes of trade. Reestablished in Paris, Jews organized themselves in two separatecommunities:onemorepopulated46andwellorientedtowardbusiness ontherightbankoftheSeine;theother,ontheleftbankthatwasthedomainof intellectualswheremembersoftheschoolofSaintVictorventuredtoseekthe HebraicaveritasfromJewishmasters.47 In this more dispersed habitat, Jews had two synagogues, a mill, and two cemeteries.48Thiswasaprivilegedsituation,however,thatsoonwouldhavetobe forfeited.Indeed,in1270,PhiliptheBoldforbadeJews,regardlessofthesizeof theircommunity,tohavemorethanonesynagogueandonecemeterypertown.49 Jewswerealsospecificallyforbiddentoprayorsinginaloudmannerduringtheir services.Thisparticularordinancewasenforcedintheyear1288inParis,where

43 44

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49

BernhardBlumenkranz,JuifsenFrance,écritsdispersés(Paris:DiffusionBellesLettres,1989),104. HenriGross,transl.MoïseBloch,GalliaJudaica.DictionnairegéographiquedelaFranced’aprèsles sources rabbiniques (Paris: Librairie Cerf, 1897), 501, Philip Augustus gave to his cupbearer, Rainald,thehalleaubleoftheJewishquarter;seealsoLéopoldDelisle,CataloguedesActesde PhilippeAuguste(Paris:Durand,1856).Laterin1311,PhiliptheFairgavetohiscoachmanthe schoolsruedelaTacherie,seeHenriSauval,Histoireetrecherches:LesAntiquitésdelavilledeParis, vol.1,21. John W. Baldwin, “La Décennie décisive: les années 1190–1203 dans le règne de Philippe Auguste,”RevueHistorique266(1981):311–37. RobertAnchel,LesJuifsdeFrance(Paris:Janin,1946),65–66;Asurveyofthetaxrollof1292clearly showsthatthevastmajorityofthepopulationinParislivedontherightbankofthecity. IsidoreLoeb,“LaControversede1240surleTalmud,”RevuedesEtudesJuives1–2(1880–1881): 247–61;here249. AryehGraboïs,“UnCentreintellectueljuifàParissurlarivegaucheauxXIIe–XIIIesiècles?” RevuedesEtudesJuives131(1972):223–24. MichelRoblin,“LesCimetièresjuifsdeParisauMoyenAge,”ParisetIledeFranceMemoires4 (1952):7–20.

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the Jewish community was condemned to pay a fine of three hundred parisi poundsforbreakingtheregulation.50 Theomnipresentandhauntingfigureofthemoneylenderandusurerappearing in Christian exempla51 points to the means of employment that many Jews did indeedturntosincemanyotherpossibletradesandoccupationswereforbidden tothem.However,againstthegenerallyacceptedassertionthatJewswerenot artisans,namesofthatperiodareoftenproofthattheywereborrowedfromthe professionthesemenwerepracticing,likeCorrigarius(makerofstrapsorgirdles), Vaginarius (gainier),52 or Lotin (peddler).53 With no access to the crafts that providedforawidermarketprotectedbythepowerfulguilds,54theyhadtherefore torelyonChristianartisansandworkersforgoodsandservicesinwhichthey held no mastery, such as masonry for the construction of houses and their upkeep.55 Jewish craftsmen tended to supply for the internal needs of their communitiesintradesmorerelatedtoreligiousregulations,likebutchers,bakers, winemakers,barbers,soapmakers,embroiderers,tallitandtzizitweavers,scribes, andbookbinders.56Jewishcommunitieswereabletocircumventobstaclesand managedtohaveanimpactoncityaffairs. Moneylendingandusuryconstitutethemostwidelyknownaspectofregular and repeated interactions between the Christian and Jewish communities of

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ThéophileCochard,LaJuiveried’Orléans(1895;Marseille:LaffitteReprints,1976),115;(Bailliede Paris 1288: “De emendâ Judaeorum pro eo quod nimis alte cantaverunt, IIIe lib. Parisis”); apparentlyitwasnotanisolatedcomplaint:thePrecheursMineursfromTroyescomplainedto PhiliptheLongthatJewsprayedinaloudvoiceintheirsynagogueandthattheydisturbedthem. Frowald Gil Hüttenmeister, “Synagogues et cimetières en Champagne médiévale,” Rashi 1040–1990:HommageàEphraïmUrbach,ed.GabrielleSedRajna(Paris:LesEditionsduCerf,1993), 579–85;here583. JacquesLeGoff,LaBourseetlavie:économieetreligionaumoyenâge(Paris:Hachette,1986). MichelRoblin,“LesCimetièresjuifsdeParisaumoyenâge,”ParisetIledeFrance(Mémoires)4 (1952):7–20;here14–15. P.PiétressondeSaintAubin,“DocumentinéditrelatifauxjuifsdeTroyes,”LeMoyenAge31 (1920–1921):84–86;here85.(Arch.del’Aube7H.136fo131,Helieus,filiusDouceronlajuyve). ForprotectionagainstJewishinterference,seeEtienneBoileau,LeLivredesmétiers.:“Ilestordené quenulemestresseneouvrièredumestiernepeuventachetersoiedejuys,defileresses,nedenul autre,forsdemarcheanztantseulement...“[100;Itisthelawthatnomistress,orfemaleworker inthetradecanbuysilkfromJews,notfromspinners,notfromanyoneelsebut,frommerchants]; “NosjuyfdelaviledeParisnepeutnenedoitachetersaieescruenetainte,qu’elequeelesoit, secen’estdemarcheantconvegnableetsouffisant,nequenuinenulenepuisseacheternevendre bourreedesoie,seelen’estboulie”[378;OurJewsfromthecityofPariscannotbuyrawordyed silknomatterwhichtypeexceptfromasuitableandadequatemerchant,norcananyonebuyor sellsilkifitisnotboiled]. AryehGraboïs,“LaSociétéurbainechrétiennedanslaFranceseptentrionaleduXIesiècle,vue àtraverslesResponsadeRashi,”Revuehistorique296(1996):241–52;here250. MarkWischnitzer,AHistoryofJewishCraftsandGuilds(NewYork:JonathanDavidPublishers, 1965),xx–xxi.

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NorthernFrance.Constantmonetarydemandsfromthetwelfthcenturyonwere certainlyoneofthefactorsallowingnumerousJewishwomentheopportunityto participatealongsideofJewishmenintheeconomicsphereoftheregion.Forthat matter,asZeevFalkargues,FrancoAshkenaziJewishlawaccordedtobusiness womenthecapacitytocontractontheirownbehalfandtoappearincourtwithor withoutrepresentation.Inamoneysparseeconomy,theintercommunalservice that Jewish moneylenders provided to all groups in society was a valuable commodity; however, their position at “the complex intersection of temporal, culturalandsocialfactors”57exposedthemandallthemembersofthecommunity tomanipulationandexploitation.Inotherwords,Jews,ownedintheirbodiesand markedforrecognition,werecommodifiedbythepoliticalandsocialstructures inplace.58 Althoughrabbisarguedindefenseofmoneylending,thefollowingexemplum stillpresentsthisactivityas“cequiétaitdetestable.” Unefemmesortitdelasynagogueavantquelacommunautén’eutfinideprier.Elle envoyasaservanteàsonmaripourluidemanderlaclé.Lorsqu’ilsortitàsontourde lasynagogue,ildemandaàsonépousepourquoielleavaiteubesoindesclés.Elle répondit que des chrétiennes étaient venues chercher leurs objets engagés parce qu’ellesdevaientalleràl’église.Lemariluiditqu’elleavaiteutortdesortirdela synagogueetd’envoyerchercherlesclésafindeleurremettrelesobjetsengagés,avec lesquelsellesiraientàl’église.Elleavaitfaitpassercequiétaitdétestableavantcequi étaitsacré.59 [Awomanleftthesynagoguebeforethecommunityhadfinishedpraying.Shesenther servanttoherhusbandtoaskforthekey.Whenhecameoutofthesynagogue,he askedhiswifewhyshehadneededthekeys.SheansweredthatChristianwomenhad comelookingfortheirpledgesbecausetheyhadtogotochurch.Thehusbandtoldher thatshehadbeenwrongtoleavethesynagogueandaskforthekeysinordertoreturn their pledges with which they would go to church. She had put that which is detestablebeforethatwhichwassacred.]

LikehisChristiancontemporary,CaesariusofHeisterbach,RabbiJehudahthe Hasid,inhisSeferHasidim,usedtheexemplumforteaching,andoftendrawshis tales from a common reservoir of Germanic and other folkloric tales. This exemplumservestodemonstratetheinabilityofwomentoseparatematerialand

57

58

59

ArjunAppadurai,“Introduction:CommoditiesandthePoliticsofValue,”CommoditiesinCultural Perspective,ed.ArjunAppadurai(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1986),15. Cf. Diane Peters Auslander, “Victims or Martyrs: Children, AntiSemitism, and the Stress of ChangeinMedievalEngland,”ChildhoodintheMiddleAgesandtheRenaissance:TheResultsofa ParadigmShiftintheHistoryofMentality,ed.AlbrechtClassen(BerlinandNewYork:Walterde Gruyter,2005),105–34. JudahbenSamuel,SeferHassidim,trans.RabbiEdouardGourévitch(Paris:EditionsduCerf,1988), 332(Pa.465;Bol.783).

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spiritualmatters.ItrevealsthatbecauseJewishwomenarenottimeboundfor prayerasmenare,andtheirparticipationintheliturgicalritualofthesynagogue islimitedtoamorepassivepresenceprayinginsilence,theyaremorelikelytobe awareofandaccommodatetotheneedsofChristiansborrowers.Thiswomanis indeedmoreopentothepleasofChristianwomen,whichmightsuggestthata certaincomplicityandunderstandingexistedbetweenwomenofdifferentfaiths workingtogetheronadailybasis. The passage also reveals a very interesting perspective, the Jewish woman’s willingnesstoreturnhomeandretrievethepledges.Trustplaysanimportantpart sincethepledgesarereturnedtotheborrowersforashortperiodoftimewiththe expectationthattheywillbebroughtback.Transconfessionalcommunication onlyseemspossiblebetweenwomen.Thehusbandonlyintervenestoscoldhis wifeforinterruptingherprayers,showingtotalindifferencetoChristianwomen. Argumentsoverhighinterestonmoneylendingwerecertainlyacontributing factortourbanviolenceandintensifiedconflictsbetweenthetwocommunities. InoneoftherarerecordedcasesofaJewishhomicidethattookplaceinMontargis (intheOrléanaisregioninlatefourteenthcentury),afightstartedbetween,onthe onehand,twounnamedJewishwomenmentionedasthewivesofEliotSalman and Moreau du Bourc, and Valenète, a Christian woman, on the other. When Moreau,oneofthehusbands,joinedthefight,thedisproportionbetweenthetwo sidesledtothedeathofValenète.Homicidecommittedcollectivelybyagroup wasfrequentinmedievalsociety,wherethebondsofmutualdependenceamong familymembersandkinwerestrong.ThethreeJewswereimprisonedandtheir belongings(as‘Jewsoftheking’)immediatelyconfiscatedbyroyalofficials.60The cause of the quarrel remains unknown, although the mention of “spouses of moneylenders”inthecourtstatementmightbeanindicationthatmoneywasthe trigger. GérardNahon61andWilliamChesterJordan,inhisstudiesofPicardrecords from mid twelfthcentury (Supplementum: Queremoniae contra judaeos), have emphasizedtheroleofJewishwomeninlendingtransactions.Theyaffirmedthat onethirdofthelendingbusinessinthatregionwasinJewishwomen’shands,thus puttingthemincloseanddailycontactwiththeChristianpopulation.62Withfew exceptions,Jewishwomenmoneylendersdidnotseemtohavehadcontemporary

60

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ThéophileCochard,LaJuiveried’OrléansduVIeauXVesiècles,sonhistoireetsonorganisation(1895; Marseille:LaffitteReprints,1976),149–50. SeeGérardNahon,“LeCréditetlesJuifsdanslaFranceduXIIIesiècle,”Annales(ESC)24(1969): 1121–48; “Pour une géographie administrative des juifs dans la France de SaintLouis (1226–1270),”RevueHistorique253–254(1975):305–44. William Chester Jordan, “JewishChristian Relations in MidThirteenth Century France: An UnpublishedEnquetefromPicardy,”RevuedesEtudesJuives138(1979):47–55.

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Christian counterparts,63 and for unclear reasons, these medieval Jewish businesswomenleftfewercontractsthanmen.64 As Roger Khon asserts, it is true that for the most part according to the documents women dealt with small loans, probably preferring pledges to contractualloansthatnecessitatednotaryfees.Theborrowers—peasants,artisans, and workers—were often in need of small shortterm funds, and the only possessionstheycoulddepositassecuritywerecookingvessels,bedding,and clothingitems.Intherecurrentpatternthatemerged,Christiansattemptedon manyoccasionstorejectandeliminateJewsonlytodiscoverthattheyweretoo dependentuponthem.Andwhenfinallytheydecidedtogetridofthemin1394, itwassimplybecausethepracticeofmoneylendinghadbeenincreasinglyused byChristiansnolongerfearingtheChurch.65 This visible and documented aspect of Jewish participation in the economic sectorconcealedtherolethatJewishwomenplayed.ThetaxrollofthecityofParis for the year 1292 lists a total of 125 Jewish taxpayers, one of the largest communitiesinthekingdomofFrance.Fiftyfivearewomen,representingforty fourpercentoftheJewishtaxpayers.Whileacloselookatthesenumbersreveals thatsixteenpercentofthemwererecordedinconjunctionwiththeirhusbandsand thuswithoutanymentionoftheirownnames,twentyfivewomenarerecorded alone.And,inarareaddition,twowomenarementionedwithatradeoccupation, Joielafarinière(themiller)andSarrelamirgesse(thephysician).66 Violencewasacommonaspectofurbanlifeatalllevelsofsociety,andwithin that frame, violence among Jews and Christians was not only triggered by religiousresentments,butalsothroughdailycontacts.67Proximityanddifferences

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Kenneth R. Stow, Alienated Minority: The Jews of Medieval Latin Europe (Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress,1992),203. RogerKohn,LesJuifsdelaFranceduNorddanslasecondemoitiédu14èmesiècle(Louvain:E.Peeters, 1988),96. ForGermanscholarshiponJewishcommunities,seeGerdMentgen,HansJörgGilomen,Markus Wenninger and Michael Toch, Die Juden im mittelalterlichen Reich. Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte,44(Munich:R.Oldenbourg,1998);AlfredHaverkamp,Gemeinden,Gemeinschaftenund KommunikationsformenimhohenundspätenMittelalter:FestgabezurVollendungdes65.Lebensjahres, ed.FriedhelmBurgard,LukasClemens,andMichaelMatheus(Trier:Kliomedia,2002);Robert Chazan,MedievalJewryinNorthernFrance:APoliticalandSocialHistory(Baltimore:JohnHopkins UniversityPress,1973).IamgratefultoBirgitWiedlforpointingoutthesestudiestome;seealso TheJewsofMedievalWesternChristendom,1000–1500(Cambridge,UK,NewYork: Cambridge UniversityPress,2006);JosephShatzmiller,ShylockReconsidered:Jews,MoneylendingandMedieval Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990). See also the contributions to German LiteratureBetweenFaiths:JewandChristianatOddsandinHarmony,ed.PeterMeister.Studiesin GermanJewishHistory,6(Oxford,Bern,etal.:PeterLang,2004). HerculeGéraud,ParissousPhilippeleBel(Paris:Crapelet,1837),178. Forfurtherstudiesonthistopic,seethecontributionstoViolenceinMedievalCourtlyLiterature:A Casebook, ed. Albrecht Classen. Routlededge Medieval Casebooks (New York and London:

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sharpenedgrievancesandresultedinfrequentquarrels,asFrenchrecordsattest. Quarrelsomewomensquabblingwithneighborsandsusceptibleto“chaudecolle” wereanurbanreality.Inoneoftherarecasesofrecordedfemaleviolence,which tookplaceinDijoninAugust1388,Pérenote,wifeofJacquot(orPerinot)lePitoul, inflicted serious injury on a Jewish woman whose identity is reduced to the mentionofhermaritalstatus.Theviolentgestureisvividlydescribed,butthe causeoftheattackisleftout: ...qu’elleinjurieusementgitapleinuneponoicledechauxtouzchauxsurlevisaige delafemmeSauleminleJuifdontayeuetaydesempôlesauvisaige.68 [...thatshethrewahandfulofhotlimeatthefaceofthewifeofSaulemintheJew injuringher,whichshehadandhasblistersonherface.]

Pérenotewasarrestedandjailed.Shewascondemnedtopayafineofonefranc, asentencedisproportionatelylowforsuchaninjury.Thefineismodestindeed, butthesentencehadacknowledgedthatthewomanwaspoorandthatshehad already spent three days in jail. As a common practice, violence between individuals that did not end in death was sanctioned by compensation or the payment of a fine. Medieval law applied harsher penalties only when private propertywasviolated. However,contrarytocommonbelief,interactionswerenotalwaysfilledwith violentacts.Womenfrombothcommunitiesalsosharedacertaincomplicityin everydaylife,oftenturningtoeachotherforthehelp,assistanceandexchangeof servicesthatJudithBennettlabeledas“femalesociability.”69Forinstance,ona regularbasisfemaleneighborsordomesticservantshelpedJewishfamiliestokeep Shabbat observance. French rabbis, more lenient according to certain sources, permittednonJewstokeepfiresburninginJewishhousesduringthecoldwinter months, an act that represented a Shabbat violation.70 The employment of ChristianservantsandwetnursesbyJewishfamilieswasacommonpracticein spite of the Church’s interdiction, and it is an important area of interaction between women of the two communities. It opened, as Elisheva Baumgarten affirms,“acomplexworldofinteractions,”asubjectsheextensivelydevelopsin herstudyofJewishfamilylifeinNorthernEurope.71

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Routledge,2004).SeealsothecontributionbyBirgitWiedlinthepresentvolume. RogerKohn,LesJuifsdelaFranceduNord,178. Judith M. Bennett and Amy M. Froide, “A Singular Past,” Singlewomen in the European Past 1250–1800,ed.JudithM.BennettandAmyM.Froide(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvania Press,1999),1–37;here25. JacobKatz,The“ShabbesGoy”:AStudyinHalakhicFlexibility,trans.YoelLerner(Philadelphiaand NewYork:TheJewishPublicationSociety,1989),57–66. ElishevaBaumgarten,MotherandChildren:JewishFamilyLifeinMedievalEurope,2004.

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Atalecontainedinaletterofpardon(datedApril1375)alsoillustratesfemale complicity.ThewellanchoredpopularbeliefthatJews,menandwomen,with their knowledge of Hebrew, could cast magic spells and make amulets72 encouraged a Christian woman abandoned by her husband, Adam Bigon d’Auxerre,toturntoaJewishwomanforhelp,hopingtobringbackherhusband with“poudresetcharmes,”buttheschemewasuncoveredandthetwowomen werearrestedandimprisoned.ThebailiffofSens,declaringthatthespellswere inoffensiveandnot“chosedontmorssepeutensuivre,”73dismissedthecaseand thetwowomenwerepromptlyreleased. CohabitationwithChristiansnotonlywasasourceoffriction,tensions,and violence,butalsopresentedapossibilityofmoreintimatecontactsbetweenJews andChristians.However,ifinterrelationswereinevitable,sexualinterrelations —the transgression par excellence—represented a social disruption that both communitiescondemnedandtriedtopreventwithaseriesofpunitivemeasures. InthatsocialcontexttheJewishbodywasmarkedandforbidden,butatthesame timethetemptationofothernessexertedanattractionforChristiansandcreated anexusof conflictingdesiresthatlimitsandprohibitions,oftenzonesoffluid boundaries,couldnotcontain. Inresponsetointerfaithsexualrelations,Christianpunitivemeasuresvaried accordingtotheplacetheyoccurred,thenatureofthetransgressionandthesocial statusoftheperpetrator.SexualrelationsbetweenJewsandChristianswereoften punishedbydeathintheregionofAngers(thirteenthcentury).Christianmen accusedofsexualrelationshipswithJewishwomenwereburnedatthestakeif theywereconvicted.74Butonmanyoccasionsthesanctionwasindeedreplaced byafine.TheSynodofVienne(1267)appliedalighterpunishmentforsexual intercourse between Jews and Christians, declaring that the Jew who had fornicatedwithaChristianwomanwouldbesentencedtopayafineof10silver marks,75buttheaccusedChristianwomanwasbanishedfromthecityafterbeing flogged.76 The sentence applied to the woman was much more severe since it severedhertieswithherfamilyandkin,abolishingherstatusinsociety,whereas themanwasfreeduponpaymentofafine.Itremainstruethatregardlessoffaith,

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SusanL.Einbinder,BeautifulDeath:JewishPoetryandMartyrdominMedievalFrance:Jews, Christians, and Moslems from the Ancient to the Modern World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UniversityPress,2002),160. RogerKohn,LesJuifsdelaFranceduNord,84. Léon Brunschvicg, “Les Juifs d’Anger et du pays angevin,” Revue des Etudes Juives 29–30 (1894–1895):229–44;here239. GérardNahon,“LeCréditetlesJuifsdanslaFranceduXIIIesiècle,”Annales(ESC)24(1969): 1121–48.Thisamountwasequivalent,bytheendofthethirteenthcentury,totwopounds,or480 deniers.Thedailylivingcostofafamilyofseveralchildrenwas12to16deniers. ArthurBeugnot,LesJuifsd’Occident(Paris:ImprimeriedeLachevardièreFils,1824),24.

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intheexaminationofcasesofforbiddensexualcrimes,criminalsentencesoften revealunequaltreatmentofmenandwomen.77 In1397,afewyearsafterthedismantlingoftheJewishcommunitiesandtheir expulsionfromthekingdomofFrance,theremainingJewsintheterritorywere eitherimprisonedorwereitinerantmerchants.InthatyeartheChristianPetrus, aliasJeanHardy,wascondemnedbytheBailiffofParistobeburnedatthestake. Thestoryisremarkablebyallaccounts:hewasguilty,accordingtothehistorian HenriSauval,forallowingthechildrenhehadwithaJewishwomantopractice the religion of their mother.78 Johannes Gallus, in his judicial chronicle of the period,insistsonthesexualaspectoftherelationbetweentheChristianmanand theJewishwoman,presentingherasapollutingagent.GallustakestheChurch prohibitionastepfurtherandpresentstheguiltyrelationshipasasexualdeviance “contrenature,”abestialactpunishablebyburningatthestake: habereremcumJudea,proChristiano,estremhaberecumcane,jurisinterpretatione; siccomburidebet.”79 [tohaverelationswithaJewess,foraChristian,islikehavingrelationswithadog, accordingtotheinterpretationofthelaw;thereforeheshouldbeburned.]

EquatingJewswithanimalswasbutoneamongmanyderogatorypracticesthat dehumanized Jews, and in this precise case the popular condemnation is transposedintothejudicialfieldandincorporatedintothelegalrhetoric.80This caseindirectlyinformsusaboutthepresenceofcryptoJewsinthecityaftertheir expulsion.Inspiteofthedanger,thisJewishwomanwasmostcertainlystillliving in Paris and raising her children according to Jewish precepts. Had the father secretlyconvertedtoJudaism?Thequestionremainsunansweredandwhether Jean Hardy was accused of apostasy remains unsaid. He nevertheless met his deathatthestakelikeaheretic.WearelefttosurmiseaboutthefateoftheJewish woman. Willinglyornot,numerousJewssuccumbedtoassimilationandconversion,but specific conversion numbers remain difficult to ascertain since reports on conversions from Christian and Jewish sources functioned to different ends. ElishevaCarlebachnotesthatthemostfrequentpattern,foundinbothJewishand Christianliterarysources,isthatthehusbandinitiatedconversionwhilethewife

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KathrynGravdal,RavishingMaidens:WritingRapeinMedievalFrenchLiteratureandLaw.New CulturalStudiesSeries(Philadelphia:UniversityofPhiladelphiaPress,1991),130. HenriSauval,Histoireetrecherches:LesAntiquitésdelavilledeParis,vol.2,510. JeanLeCoq,QuestionesJohannisGalli,ed.MargueriteBoulet.BibliothèquedesÉcolesFrançaises d’AthènesetdeRome,Fasc.156(Paris:E.deBoccard,1944),481–82,q.403(folio187). EstherCohen,“SymbolsofCulpabilityandtheUniversalLanguageofJustice:TheRitualofPublic ExecutionsinLateMedievalEurope,”HistoryofEuropeanIdeas11(1989):407–16;here411.

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tended to resist.81 The position of Christians toward Jewish women was more ambivalent.Iftheyfollowedthepostulatethatbynaturewomenareacommodity subjecttotransfer,thentheycouldassumethatJewishwomenwouldbemore receptivethanmentoChristianteachingsandthereforeacceptconversion.Butin realitythisgenderedassumptionwaschallengedonmanyoccasionsbythefierce determinationofJewishwomenopposedtoconversion,givinguptheirlivesif necessarytoremainfaithfultotheirfaith. InChristianreligiouseducationaltexts,Jewishmenwereseldomrepresentedas willingconvertstoChristianity;however,Jewishwomenfrequentlyappearedas moreeagertoembracetheChristianfaith.InTheDialogueonMiracles,aseriesof exempla destined for the instruction of novices, Caesarius of Heisterbach manipulatesJewishwomen’svisibilityinnarrativesofattractionandconversion toChristianity.TheclericaldiscourseontheattractionexertedbytheChristian faithonJewishwomenisratherevocative,depictingyoungJewishgirlsmorethan anxious to convert.82 Heisterbach offers us several portraits in which Jews are constructedthroughtherepetitiveuseofthearchetypeoftheyoungJewishgirl onlytoservetheideologicalinterestsoftheChurch.Intheexemplaveryyoung womenareeasilyseducedandconvincedtoconvert.Jewishmenarepresentedas harmless and since their masculinity is questioned, there are no examples of ChristianwomenseducedbyJews. In one of Caesarius of Heisterbach’s exempla of a converted Jewish girl, a curiousstoryladenwithelementsofpopularculture,thelatrinebecomesthefocal elementofascatologicalceremonyperformedbyaJewishmother.Bysubmitting herdaughtertoaparodyofChristianritual,sheattemptstoannulherdaughter’s conversionbyreversingtheritualofbaptismwiththefollowingwords: Ego, inquit Judaea, tribus vicibus te sursum traham per foramen latrinae, sicque remanebitibivirtusbaptismitui.83 [Iwoulddrawyouthreetimesthroughtheopeningofalatrineandthusthevirtueof yourbaptismwouldbeleftbehind.]84

Menarenotpresentinthistalewheretheconnectionbetweenwomenandmagic is particularly significant. According to Carmen CaballeroNavas, the ritual invocation must be made through maternal filiation, defying deeplyrooted

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ElishevaCarlebach,DividedSouls:ConvertsfromJudaisminGermany,1500–1750(NewHavenand London:YaleUniversityPress,2001),31. CaesariusofHeisterbach,TheDialogueonMiracles,trans.H.vonE.ScottandC.SwintonBland, 2vols.(London:Routledge,1929),107–09. CaesariiHeisterbacensis,DialogusMiraculorum.J.M.Heberle,2vols.(1851;Ridgewood,N.J.: GreggPress,1966),98–99. CaesariusofHeisterbach,TheDialogueonMiracles,109–110.

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patriarchalprinciples.85Themotherispresentedasthedesecratorofthesacrament ofbaptism,whichsheperceivesasapollutingelementthathastobephysically ejected from the body. And according to a widespread folkloric belief, the defilementhastobeexpelledthroughtheanus.86Thisexemplumemphasizesthe powerofChristianityagainstpracticesthataremoreassociatedwithwitchcraft; the motherdaughter confrontation will provide the opportunity to show the triumphofChristianityagainstsuchpractices.Thereferencetoprofanationinthe latrinesbytheJewsisalsousedinaletterofInnocentIIIof1205affirmingthat: Faciunt enim Christianas filiorum suorum nutrices, cum in die Ressurectionis Dominice illas recipere corpus et sanguinem Jesu Christ, contingit per triduum antequameoslactent,lareffunderelatrinam. [OnthedayoftheLord’sResurrectiontheChristianwomenwhoarenursesforthe childrenofJews,takeinthebodyandbloodofJesusChrist.TheJewsmakethese womenpourtheirmilkintothelatrineforthreedaysbeforetheyagaingivesucktothe children.]87

Cohabitation made Jews part of society, albeit a fragile part, and their incorporationandrepresentationinliteratureproducedadistortedviewofthem, as well as resentment and fantasies.88 If we look in literature for glimpses of JewishChristian relations, we encounter mostly negative representations, reflections that carry all the prejudices and misconceptions about the decried group.Jews,closeneighborsinlife,becomeinfictionshadowypresencesdistilling hateandareheldresponsibleforthedeviousbehaviorofaChristiancharacter.In 85

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CarmenCaballeroNavas,ed.andtrans,TheBookofWomen’sLoveandJewishMedievalLiterature onWomen(SeferAhavatNashim)(London;NewYork;Bahrein:KeganPaulLimited,2004),53; accordingtoAbbaye’smother:“Allincantationswhicharerepeatedseveraltimesmustcontain thenameofthepatient’smother.”TalmudShab.66b. SeeClaudeGaignebetandJ.DominiqueLajoux,Artprofaneetreligionpopulaireaumoyenâge(Paris: PUF,1985). SolomonGrayzel,TheChurchandtheJewsintheXIIICentury:AStudyoftheirRelationsDuringthe Years1198–1254BasedonthePapalLettersandtheConciliarDecreesofthePeriod(NewYork:Hermon Press,1966),314–15(July15,1205InnocentIIItotheArchbishopofSensandtheBishopofParis). Seethefollowingforadetailedanalysisoftheliterarycorpus: GilbertDahan,ErnestRenan, BernhardBlumenkranz,AbrahamE.Millgram,CharlesLehrmann,ManyaLifschitzGolden,M. SteinschneiderIntheepics,representationisminimal:Jewsaremostlyreducedtoepithetslike desfaez,tirant,félon,fals.JewishcharactersinthesetextsareoftendepictionsofJewslivingatthe timeofChristorassociatedwithSaracens.ThelargestrepresentationofJewsinFrenchliterature occursinreligiousplays;HeinzPflaum,“LesScènesdeJuifsdanslalittératuredramatiquedu moyenâge,”RevuedesEtudesJuives89(1930):111–34.(Fromthetwelfthcenturyon,Jewsare negativelyrepresented,allowingtheauthorstointroduceacomicelementintheplay,notpossible otherwisewithsuchatopic.Theyaregivenridiculousnamessuchas“Pinceguerre,Trinquala Palha,Malenquarant,Cambafort(note7“Malencarat(prov.)“àminerenfrognée[sullenface], Camba fort (prov.) cuisse, “quartier de porc [pork hind], or real names like Haquin, Vivant, Mousa,Marques...113–15).

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fact, the Jew who appeared upon the stage, in tales, chronicles, and in the moralizedanecdotesorexemplaofthepreacherswasnotanindividualbutatype, thepatternafterwhichtheentirecommunitywasmodeled.Intheseproductions, theJewoftenlackedaname,andrarelydidhehavepersonalcharacteristics.89In amoregeneralsense,Jewswerethestockliminalcharactersembodyingeviland treason. The accusation of witchcraft practices in real life translated into the literarytextsandviceversa. TheromanceepicLiRoumansdeBerteausGranspies(latethirteenthcentury)is agoodexampleofthatconventionalpractice.TherearenoJewishcharactersinthe narration,buttheirhatedpracticesbecomeapparentinthediscourseoftwoofthe femalecharacters.Theauthor,AdenetleRoi,combinesinhiscontemporaneous renderingofthestoryofBerthe,thefuturewifeofPepintheBrief,thehistorical andthefolkloricelementsthatsurroundedtheobscureoriginsofthiswoman. Althoughthestoryoriginatedintheeighthcentury,this“roumans”evolvesinthe midstofLouisIX’sandPhilipleHardi’scourts.Intheplotthatfocusesalmost exclusivelyonwomen,twoofthem,motheranddaughterofserforigin,bring aboutanimmediatechangeintheirsocialstatusbysubstitutingthebrideduring the nuptial night (a folkloretype motif). When the subterfuge is about to be uncovered,Margiste,themother,ispresentedasatypologicalsorceress,astock device in medieval literature. The mother reveals to her daughter that her knowledge of poisons was transmitted to her by a Jewish woman, another recurrenttropeinFrenchliterature: Aenherberm’apristjadisunejuise MieuslesainesetfemmequidusquesenFrise Blancheflourtraÿraienpoireouencerise Douveninseraitostpourveüseetpourquise90 [TomakepoisonsalongtimeagoaJewesstaughtme NowomanknowshowtobetterthanmefromheretoFrise Blancheflourwillturnintoapearorcherry OfvenomIwillsoonbethepurchaserandpurveyor]

AdenetleRoiportraysthesetwowomenoflowersocialstatusinverynegative terms. Though Christian, they exhibit all the ill sides of the decried group, insinuatingthatJewishnegativeinfluencepermeatedthesocialfabricthrough women.WhilethemotherindirectlystandsasthestereotypicalJewesswhoisa brewerofpoisons,Aliste,thedaughter,representsanotherstereotypicalaspectof

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JoshuaTrachtenberg,TheDevilandtheJews:TheMedievalConceptionoftheJewandItsRelationto ModernAntisemitism(Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSocietyofAmerica,1983),13. AdenésLiRoi,LiRoumansdeBerteausGranspies,ed.AugusteScheler(Bruxelles:Closson,1874), verses1830–34.

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Jews: usury and moneylending. This ambitious but more pragmatic character proposesanalternatelifestyletohermother,denotingaJewishinfluence:“De presteràusuretrèsbiennousgarirons”91[byusurylendingverywellwewillbe saved]. The“scaffolding,”orseriesofinvisiblescreensthatJewishcommunitieshad patientlyerectedforprotectionovercenturies,wassubjectedtoconstantstrains, andthefissuresinflictedbyrepeatedexpulsionsandsetbackssince1180further exposeditsvulnerability.Withthefinalblowof1394,theentirestructurecollapsed andtheremainingNorthernFrenchJewsweresentoncemoreintoexile,scattered east,north,andsouth,closingalongchapterofcohabitation. FragilityisthetermthatbestsummarizestheJudeoChristianrelations.However, despitebeingsubjectedtoaformidablepressureandtoanarrayofreligiousand secular interdictions, provisions and concessions made cohabitation possible althoughprecarious.Jewishwomen,definedbothincontrastandinrelationtoa malecentered society, have often emerged as silent figures thus cultivating persistingstereotypes.Nevertheless,inspiteofthedearthofdocumentationand thedifficulttaskofdissociatingwomen’sexperiencesfromthecollectiveidentity, theavailablesourcesrevealthatfrequentexchangesbetweenJewishandChristian womentookplaceandoccasionallynurturedmorepositiveinterrelations.92 FrenchJewishculturevanishedcompletelyforseveralcenturies.93Anduntil theirreinsertioninFrenchsocietyfourcenturieslater,thisgroupthathadbeen sociallyperipheralprovedtobesymbolicallymuchmoreimportant.Indeed,the vanished Jews left persistent traces, definite imprints on the French cultural landscape.

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AdenésLiRoi,LiRoumansdeBerteausGranspies,verse1850. AsimilarlycomplexsituationemergesinmedievalGermanliteraturewherewecomeacross numerous examples where Jews more often than not enjoy a rather positive reputation, see AlbrechtClassen,“JewishChristianRelationsintheGermanMiddleAges–theExplorationof Alternative Voices? The Deconstruction of a Myth or Factual History? LiteraryHistorical Investigations,” Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 58 (2003): 12349; id., “Jewish ChristianRelationsinMedievalLiterature,”GermanLiteratureBetweenFaiths:JewandChristianat OddsandinHarmony,ed.PeterMeister,5365. RogerS.Kohn,“L’ExpulsiondesJuifsdeFranceen1394:LesCheminsdel’xiletlesrefuges,” ArchivesJuives28–1(1995):76–84;here80.

JeanetteS.Zissell (UniversityofConnecticut)

UniversalSalvationintheEarthlyCity:DeCivitateDei andtheSignificanceoftheHazelnutinJulianof Norwich’sShowings1

In the medieval period, as now, urban space could define the identity of the individualswhodwelledwithinit.ALondoncitizencouldclaimspecialrightsand privilegeswithinthecitythatallotherscouldnot.2ChaucersatirizesLondoners andcitylifeingeneralthroughoutmanyofhistales,andDante’ssoulsinHellare acutelyawareoftheircityaffiliations,evenastheysuffereternaltorments.3One’s cityshapeshowoneviewstheworld,whatonewearsandeats,andwhoone’s enemiesmaybe.Wheresomeoneis,inasense,defineswhosomeoneis. ThispaperwillconsiderhowJulianofNorwich(bornsometimeintheyears 1342 or 1343) adapts the medieval conception of urban space to a theological purpose.IndoingsoshefollowedatraditionthatoriginatesintheBible,inthe BookofRevelation’sdescriptionoftheheavenlycityinwhichGodwilldwell amongthesoulsofallthesavedattheendoftime.AugustineofHippousesthis abstractiontodescribethespiritualstatusofthewholeofhumanity.TheHeavenly city, in this interpretation, is the eternal home of those who love God, and its enemy,theearthlycity,isatemporaryrefugeofthosewholoveonlythemselves. Citizenship in either city is defined by spiritual similarity rather than by any

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IwouldliketothankC.DavidBensonforreviewingpreviousdraftsofthisarticle. Forexample,theabilitytoparticipateinhigherlevelcitypolitics,andgreaterfreedomtotrade withinthecity.SeeShannonMcSheffrey,Marriage,Sex,andCivicCultureinLateMedievalLondon (Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2006),especially10–11. ForanindepthreviewofChaucer’srelationshiptoLondonandliterarydepictionsofcities,see ChaucerandtheCity,ed.ArdisButterfield,ChaucerStudies,37(Cambridge:D.S.Brewer,2006). TolearnmoreaboutDante’ssatireofcontemporaryFlorence,seeJohnM.Najemy,“Danteand Florence,”TheCambridgeCompaniontoDante,ed.RachelJacoff(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press, 2007), 236–56. For the broader issue, the individual’s identity with a city, see the contributiontothisvolumebyAlbrechtClassen.

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connection with geographical location, culture, or time. The image is used in literature,suchastheMiddleEnglishpoemThePearl, 4andtheworksofother theologians such as Bernard of Clairvaux.5 The design and ornamentation of churcheswereoftenintendedtoevoketheheavenlycitytowhichparishioners believedthattheyreallybelonged.6 AsanyonewhostudiesJuliannotes,littleisknownaboutherlife.However, scholarsnearlyuniversallyacknowledgethebeauty,incisiveness,andtheological complexityofherprose.AsRitaMaryBradleystates,“JulianofNorwichisthe firstknownwomanoflettersinEnglishliterature,andoneishardputtofind prosesuperiortohersintheMiddleEnglishperiod.”7Sheproducedtwobooksin herlifetime,bothdescribingaseriesofreligiousvisionssheexperiencedduring alifethreateningillnessinMayof1373attheageofthirtyandahalf.Thefirst book, known as the “short text,” seems to have been written shortly after the visionstookplace,andthesecond,the“longtext,”wasamoredetailedadaptation ofthefirst,writtenafteratleasttwentyyearsofcontemplationaboutthemeaning ofwhatshehadseen.Atsomepointinherlife,probablyafterhervisionshad taken place, she was enclosed as an anchorite at the Church of St. Julian in Norwich.8Thenameofthischurchistheonlynamebywhichsheisknown.Itis clearthroughtherecordsofbequestsgiventoherasanchoriteofthischurchthat shelivedatleastuntiltheyear1416,butherexactdateofdeathisunknown.9

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Thepoem’sdescriptionoftheheavenlycitymaybefoundinlines973–1092,Pearl,ed.Sarah Stanbury(Kalamazoo:MedievalInstitutePublications,2001).Seealsothecontributiontothis volumebyBrittC.L.Rothauser. ForabriefsummaryofBernardofClairvaux’stakeontheheavenlycity,seeAdriaanH.Bredero, Bernard of Clairvaux: Between Cult and History (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing, 2001), especially267–75. HerbertL.Kessler,SeeingMedievalArt(Peterborough,OrchardPark:Broadview),34. RitaMaryBradley,“JulianofNorwich:WriterandMystic,”AnIntroductiontotheMedievalMystics ofEurope:FourteenOriginalEssays,ed.PaulE.Szarmach(Albany:StateUniversityofNewYork Press,1984),195–216;here,195. Formoreinformationaboutmedievalanchoritesandanchoriticlife,seeF.A.Jones,“Anchorites andHermitsinHistoricalContext,”ApproachingMedievalEnglishAnchoriticandMysticalTexts,ed. Dee Dyas, Valerie Edden and Roger Ellis, Christianity and Culture: Issues in Teaching and Research(WoodbridgeandRochester,NY:D.S.Brewer,2005),3–18. BiographicalinformationregardingJulian’slifemaybefoundinMaryR.Reichardt’sExploring Catholic Literature: A Companion and Resource Guide (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003), especially43–58,andalsoinJohnJaeNamHan’s“JulianofNorwich,”CatholicWomenWriters: ABioBibliographicalSourcebook,ed.MaryR.Reichardt(Westport:Greenwood,2001),187–92;see alsoLisaGaudet,“JulianofNorwich,”WomenintheMiddleAges:AnEncyclopedia,ed.Katharina M. Wilson and Nadia Margolis, vol. I (Westport, CT, and London: Greenwood Press, 2004), 499–503.

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Julianwasenclosedwithinavibrantcitythathadachievedapopulationof25,000 people by 1330.10 However, despite living in the heart of such a large town, Norwichitselfisnotablyabsentfromherwriting.Inheraccount,Juliandescribes cities as theological abstractions, in the tradition rooted in Augustine’s work. Julian,asananchorite,wasmoreinterestedintheheavenlycity,and,asIwill argue,intheearthlycity,asshesawthemreflectedwithinherownspirit.Sheis notslavishinheradaptationoftheseimages,andargues,againstAugustine’s prevailingmodel,thatbothcitiesareheldequallyinGod’slove.Herknowledge of the image, and her ability to adapt and change it to suit her own theology demonstratesthesignificancethaturbanspacecouldhaveasamedievalmodelof spiritualidentity. TheideaattheheartofJulianofNorwich’sShowingshaslongbeenacknowledged asthetranscendentalpowerofdivinelove.Thisseeminglystraightforwardtheme, however,raisesmorequestionsthanitanswers.Whatdoeslovemeanfromthe perspectiveofthedivine?Howfarcanthatloveextendtothosewhodwellina sinfulworld?Julian’ssimplemessageofGod’sloverequiredtwotexts,shortand long,apparentlywrittenoverthecourseofalifetimetoexplore.Throughouther Showings,JulianattemptstopushthelimitsofChristiantheologyoutwards,to placeGod’slove,ratherthanhisomnipotenceorjudgment,atthecenterofall theologicalissues. InmypaperIintendtodiscussthewaysinwhichJulianofNorwichusesthe imageoftheheavenlyandearthlycitiestoexplorethenatureofGod’slovefor mankind. Julian’s reading forms a response to the predominant medieval understandingofthetwocities,initiallyestablishedbyAugustineinDecivitate Dei,nearlyathousandyearsbeforehervisionstookplace.Augustinedepictsthe twocitiesaswhollyseparate,diametricallyopposedentities.Theheavenlycityis eternal,butattheendoftimetheearthlycitywillbedestroyed,anditscitizens willbecondemnedtohellfortheirpridefulselflove.ToAugustine,thetwocities symbolizeseparationandjudgment. ToJulian,however,thetwocitiesbothequallyrepresentthesoul’sunionwith God.IwishtoarguethatJulian’sdiscussionoftheheavenlyandearthlycities centerslargelyontwosectionsofthetext.Thefirstisthepassageregardingthe hazelnut,foundatthebeginningofhervisions,inwhichshedescribesthewhole of the world as not larger than a hazelnut lying in the palm of her hand, and which,despiteitssmallness,willbeforeverheldinGod’slove.Ibelievethatthis hazelnut represents Julian’s reinterpretation of Augustine’s earthly city. The second is the passage which closes the visions, where Julian describes her

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NormanTanner“ReligiousPractice,”MedievalNorwich,ed.CaroleRawcliffeandRichardWilson (London:HambledonContinuum,2006),137–56;here,141.

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discoveryoftheheavenlycity,andfindsthatitisnestleddeeplyintoherown heart.Bothdepictthewholeofhumansocietyinamicrocosm,heldinthebodyof thebeliever.BothareeternallypreservedbyGod’slove.Inthesimilarityofthe languageandimageryusedtodescribethem,theynaturallyevokeeachotherin thereader’sminds. Through her depiction of the earthly city, in the hazelnut passage, as a fundamentally good entity that is eternally preserved by God’s love, she essentiallyequatesitsspiritualstatuswiththatoftheheavenlycity.Insomesense, toJulian,theearthlyandheavenlycitiesconsistofthesamespiritualspace,located insidethebeliever.Bysounitingearthandheaven,Julianraisesthepossibilityof theuniversalsalvationforallhumanity.WhereAugustine,inDecivitateDei,uses theprideful,fleetingnatureoftheearthlycitytoargueagainstOrigen’sargument foruniversalsalvation,Julianinvertshisstrategyagainstitself,andusesthesame imagetoexplorethepossibilityofeternalredemptionforallmankind.11 WhileJulian’sdepictionoftheheavenlycityhassometimesbeencomparedwith Augustine’s,itismoreoftenassociated withtheheavenlycityasdescribedin Revelation.12ChristopherAbbotreadsJulian’suseoftheheavenlycityimageas rootedpartlyinDecivitateDei,butdoesnotrelatetheearthlycityimagewiththat of the hazelnut.13 Overall, there seems to have been more discussion of an AugustinianinfluenceonJulianthroughtheConfessionesandDeTrinitatethan therehasbeenthroughDecivitateDei.14TheinfluenceofDecivitateDeionJulian’s 11

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PeterDinzelbacher,“EkstatischerFlugundvisionäreWeltschauimMittelalter,“id.,VonderWelt durch die Hölle zum Paradies—das mittelalterliche Jenseits (Paderborn, Munich, et al.: Ferdinand Schöningh,2007),181–206;here196,emphasizesthesymbolicmeaningofthehazelnutasan expression of the vanity and irrelevance of this material world in face of the macrocosm. AccordingtoDinzelbacher,thehazelnutmightbelovedbyGod,butitstilldistractsfromthetrue goalthehumansouloughttopursue.InmypaperIwilloffertheoppositereading. NicholasWatsonandJacquelineJenkins,forinstance,notethat:“Thecityinthesoulresembles theNewJerusalemofRev.21:1–27,asrepresentedinartandpoemssuchasPearlorThePricke.” SeeTheWritingsofJulianofNorwich:AVisionShowedtoaDevoutWomanandaRevelationofLove, ed.NicholasWatsonandJacquelineJenkins(UniversityPark:PennsylvaniaUniversityPress, 2006), 110. Quotations of Julian’s Showings are from the version of the long text included in WatsonandJenkin’sedition,unlesstheshorttextisspecificallyindicated. See Christopher Abbot, Julian of Norwich: Autobiography and Theology. Studies in Medieval Mysticism,2(Cambridge:Brewer,1999),155. AbbothasidentifiedAugustine’sConfessionesasanindirectmodelforJulian’sautobiographical approachtowritingherShowings(ibid.,10),andJ.P.H.Clarkbelievesthereisevidenceshemay have known De Trinitate either directly or through other sources, such as Peter Lombard’s Sentences.SeeJ.P.HClark,“TimeandEternityinJulianofNorwich,”DownsideReview109(1991): 259–76.DeniseBakeralsoreadsDeTrinitateasasourceforJulian’sunderstandingofthestructure of the soul. See “The Structure of the Soul and the “Godly Wylle” in Julian of Norwich’s Showings,” The Medieval Mystical Tradition in England, ed. E. A. Jones. Exeter Symposium, 7 (Cambridge: D.  S. Brewer, 2004), 37–49; especially 37–38. Directly or indirectly, it would be

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understandingoftheheavenlyandearthlycitieswarrantsmoreinvestigationthan ithasyetreceived. Julianisanindependentthinkerandwriter,awareofbutnotconstrainedbythe theologicalinheritancefromAugustine.AsJ.P.H.Clarkstates,“JulianofNorwich seldomquotesauthorities,buthercreativeinsightscanrepeatedlybeshowntobe rootedintheologicaltradition,”andalsothat“itisclearthatshecouldgraspand express the commonplaces of theology, especially those of Augustinian theology.”15 While some see similarities in interpretation between Augustine’s theologyandJulian’s,16 mostargueforsomedegreeofdivergencebetweenthe two.Thosewhoargueforthestrongestdegreeofseparationbetweenthem,such asKennethLeech,MariaR.Lichtman,andKevinJ.Magill,tendtofocusontheir interpretations of the sinfulness of the body.17 However, most view Julian’s theologyasdivergentfromAugustine’sintheinterpretationofspecificdoctrines, rather than through an overarching rejection of the theological tradition he established. For example, Denise Baker asserts that, in contrast with Walter Hilton’smorestandardrecapitulationofAugustine’sDeTrinitae,Julianadaptshis interpretation of the imago Dei in a way that is “so different from his more traditional recapitulation as to constitute an innovative contribution to late medievaltheology,”andyetfindsitsconceptualbasisinAugustinenonetheless.18 J.P.H.ClarksuggeststhatshereinterpretsAugustine’sassertionthatGodstands outsideoftime, statingthatwhile“theemphasisonthetimelessnessofGod’s vision can claim affinities with Augustine, the manner in which it is applied neverthelessgoesbeyondhim.”19 ItisinthesamespiritthatJulianreinterpretstheheavenlyandearthlycitiesto expressthevalueofalllifeasitisheldintheloveofGod.Julian’sideasmay indeed be innovative, but in their innovation they do not completely reject

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difficultforanyseriousreligiousthinkertoavoidAugustine’spervasiveinfluenceonmedieval thought. Clark,“TimeandEternity,”259. Abbotinparticularidentifiesa“retrospectivelydiscernableAugustinianparadigmoperative withinthetext.”SeeAbbot,AutobiographyandTheology,34. SeeKennethLeech,“HazelnutTheology:ItsPotentialandPerils,”JulianReconsidered,ed.Kenneth LeechandSr.BenedictaWard,SLG(Oxford:SLGPress,1988)1–9;especially3.SeealsoMariaR. Lichtmann,“Godfulfilledmybodye”:Body,Self,andGodinJulianofNorwich,”GenderandText in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Jane Chance (Gainesville, Tallahassee, et al.: University Press of Florida, 1996), 263–79, and Kevin J. Magill, Julian of Norwich: Mystic or Visionary? Routledge StudiesinMedievalReligionandCulture(LondonandNewYork:Routledge,2006),especially 116. DeniseBaker,“TheImageofGod:ContrastingConfigurationsinJulianofNorwich’sShowings andWalterHilton’sScaleofPerfection,”JulianofNorwich:ABookofEssays,ed.SandraJ.McEntire. GarlandMedievalCasebooks,21(NewYorkandLondon:Garland,1998),35–60;here35. J.P.H.Clark,“PredestinationinChristAccordingtoJulianofNorwich,”DownsideReview100 (1982):79–91;here,83.

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Augustine or the Augustinian tradition, but instead adapt his ideas to new purposes.Indeed,“Likeawisescribe,shebringsoutofhertreasurethingsnewas wellasold,yetwhatisnewhasitsrootsintradition.”20 Before further exploring Julian’s interpretation of the two cities, it is perhaps necessary to briefly explain Augustine’s interpretation of them. The two cities discussed in De civitate Dei find their origin in Isaiah 65:17–19 and Revelation 21:1–4, both of which describe a heavenly Jerusalem, created when all former creationsperished,andinwhichtherewillbenotears.21Augustineidentifiesall thosewhoshallbesavedasmembersofthisheavenlycity,andexpandsuponthe Biblical passage to describe an opposing, earthly city, whose members will be damned at the end of time. To Augustine, the two cities represent “the most fundamentalcleavageinhumanity.”22Thesetwogroups,dividedagainsteach other,representtheessentialstateofmankind,bothinthisworldandafterthe finaljudgment.23

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J.P.H.Clark,“Nature,GraceandtheTrinityinJulianofNorwich,”DownsideReview100(1982): 203–20. IntheDouayReimsBible,Isaiah65:17–19,readsasfollows:“ForbeholdIcreatenewheavens,and anewearth:andtheformerthingsshallnotbeinremembrance,andtheyshallnotcomeuponthe heart.Butyoushallbegladandrejoiceforeverinthesethings,whichIcreate:forbeholdIcreate Jerusalemarejoicing,andthepeoplethereofjoy.AndIwillrejoiceinJerusalem,andjoyinmy people, and the voice of weeping shall no more be heard in her, nor the voice of crying.” AugustinedirectlyreferencesthispassageinbookXX,Chapter17ofDecivitateDei.Revelation 21:1–4mirrorstheBookofIsaiah’slanguage:“AndIsawanewheavenandanewearth.Forthe firstheavenandthefirstearthwasgone,andtheseaisnownomore.AndIJohnsawtheholy city,thenewJerusalem,comingdownoutofheavenfromGod,preparedasabrideadornedfor herhusband.AndIheardagreatvoicefromthethrone,saying:BeholdthetabernacleofGodwith men,andhewilldwellwiththem.Andtheyshallbehispeople;andGodhimselfwiththemshall betheirGod.AndGodshallwipeawayalltearsfromtheireyes:anddeathshallbenomore,nor mourning,norcrying,norsorrowshallbeanymore,fortheformerthingsarepassedaway.”All BiblepassagesarequotedfromDouayReims,asitisthestandardEnglishtranslationoftheLatin Vulgate, and, as such, is perhaps the closest English approximation to the Bible as medieval thinkerswouldhaveexperiencedit.ThepassagesquotedherearefromTheHolyBible:Douay RheimsVersion,ed.JamesCardinalGibbons(Rockford:TanBooks,1989),814. Paul Weithman, “Augustine’s Political Philosophy,” Cambridge Companion to Augustine, ed. Eleaonore Stump and Norman Kretzmann (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 234–52;here,235. Augustinealsohadapracticalpurposeinmakingthisdistinction.AsGeraldBonnerstates,De civitateDeiis“designedtorefutethosepaganswhoclaimedthatChristianityhadruinedthe RomanEmpire,andtoreassureanxiousChristianswhocouldnotunderstandwhyGodhadnot protectedChristianRomeagainsttheGoths.”Seehis“Augustine’sUnderstandingoftheChurch asaEucharisticCommunity,”AugustinetheBishop:ABookofEssays,ed.FannieLaMoineand ChristopherKleinhenz.GarlandMedievalCasebooks,9(NewYorkandLondon:Garland,1994) 39–64;here,39.BydescribingthecityofGodasdistinctfromthecityofRome,Augustinefinds himselfable“toanswerthechargethattheabandonmentoftheRomandeitiesfortheGodof

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Indiscussingthetwocities,Augustinefocusesprimarilyonmankindandits attachmenttoGod—orconversely,toitsown,worldlypride.Hethereforedefines affiliationineithercitybythenatureofwhattheindividualloves.BookFourteen, ChapterTwentyEightexplainsthisdichotomy: Fecerunt itaque civitates duas amores duo; terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptumDei,coelestemveroamorDeiusqueadcontemptumsui.Deniqueillain seipsa,haecinDominogloriatur.Illaenimquaeritabhominibusgloriam:huicautem Deusconscientiaetestismaximaestgloria.(XIV.28)24 [Twocities,then,havebeencreatedbytwoloves:thatis,theearthlybyloveofself extendingeventocontemptofGod,andtheheavenlybyloveofGodextendingto contemptofself.Theone,therefore,gloriesinitself,theotherintheLord;theone seeksgloryfrommen,theotherfindsitshighestgloryinGod,theWitnessofour conscience.]25

Inhisargument,Augustineparticularlyemphasizeshumanperspective,human love,andhumansociety.UnlikeJulian,asIwilllaterdemonstrate,Augustineis primarilyinterestedinthesocialinteractionsofpeopleintheworld,intheirloves, ratherthanGod’sloveforthem.26Thecitiesaretwodistinctentities,livingsideby side in the same human society. The differences between them may not be apparentexternally,butinrealitytheyareentirelyseparateandopposedtoeach other. Iftheyareseparateinthefocusoftheirloves,thetwocitiesarealsoseparatein theireventualfates.Onlythemembersofheavenlycitywillachievesalvationand beadmittedintoeternallife.Theheavenlycityisimmortalandunending,andthe earthlycity,conversely,willfall.Theearthlycityisatemporarystructure,which willceasetoexistattheendoftime:“Terrenaporrocivitas,quaesempiternanon erit(nequeenimcuminextremosuppliciodamnatafuerit,jamcivitaserit)”(XV.4; But the earthly city will not be everlasting; for when it is condemned to that punishment which is its end, it will no longer be a city). The structure of the

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ChristianitywasaninjusticetothegodswhichhadledtoRome’ssackbythebarbarians”See Weithman, “Political Philosophy,” 241. Pagan religious practices were a potential threat to Augustine’sbeliefsystem.HehasamotivationJulianlacks,inthefaceofthisperceivedthreat, tobedivisiveinhislanguageandinhisinterpretationofGod’sjudgment. AllquotationsfromDecivitateDeiarefromvolume41ofPatrologiaLatina. AllEnglishtranslationsofDecivitateDeiarefromTheCityofGodAgainstthePagans,trans.R.W. Dyson.CambridgeTextsintheHistoryofPoliticalThought(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press,1998). For a detailed discussion of Augustine’s social and political theories, see R.A. Markus, “De CivitateDei:PrideandtheCommonGood,”ProceedingsofthePatristic,MedieavalandRenaissance Conference12/13(1997–1998),1–16,andJohnM.Parrish,“TwoCitiesandTwoLoves:Imitation in Augustine’sMoralPsychologyandPoliticalTheory,”HistoryofPoliticalThought26(2005): 209–35.

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earthlycitywillbedestroyedwhenitisjudgedanddamnedtoeternaltorment. ItisledbySatan,andwillbecondemnedbyChristatthefinaljudgment: CumperJesumChristumDominumnostrum,judicemvivorumatquemortuorum,ad debitos fines ambae pervenerint civitates, quarum una est Dei, altera diaboli, cujusmodisuppliciumsitfuturumdiabolietomniumadeumpertinentium,inhoc libronobis,quantumopedivinavalebimus,diligentiusdisputandumest.(XXI.1) [Wecomenexttothenatureofthepunishmentwhichistobevisiteduponthedevil andallwhobelongtohimwhenthetwocities—theCityofGodandthecityofthe devil—havereachedtheirdeservedendsthroughJesusChristourLord,theJudgeof thelivinganddead.]

The appropriate fate for the earthly city is utter annihilation, exacted through Christ‘sjudgment.Theearthlycityisfinite,andwillbedestroyedatthefinal judgment: Quodestautemdeistacivitatemortalihominessupplicioprimaemortis,hocestde civitate illa immortali homines supplicio secundae mortis auferre. Sicut enim non efficiuntlegeshujuscivitatis,utineamquisquerevoceturoccisus;sicnecillius,utin vitamrevoceturaeternam,secundamortedamnatus.(XXI.11) [Andjustasthepunishmentofthefirstdeathremovesmenfromthismortalcity,so doesthepunishmentoftheseconddeathremovemenfromtheimmortalcity.Foras thelawsofthismortalcityhavenopowertocallbackonewhohassuffereddeath,so neitherishewhoiscondemnedtotheseconddeathrecalledagaintolifeeternal.]

Augustineisveryclearabouttheutterlydisparatenaturesofthetwocities.They are completely, diametrically opposed to each other: one loves God, the other itself,onelastsforever,theotherwillperish,oneisledbySatan,theotherbyGod. ThisbinaryoppositionbetweenthetwocitiespavesthewayforAugustine’s argumentagainstOrigen’stheoryofuniversalsalvation: Nuncjamcummisericordibusnostrisagendumessevideo,etpacificedisputandum, quivelomnibusillishominibus,quosjustissimusJudexdignosgehennaesupplicio judicabit,velquibusdameorumnoluntcrederepoenamsempiternamfuturam,sed postcertitemporismetasprocujusquepeccatiquantitatelongiorissivebrevioriseos inde existimant liberandos. Qua in re misericordior profecto fuit Origenes, qui et ipsumdiabolumatqueangelosejuspostgraviorapromeritisetdiuturniorasupplicia exilliscruciatibuseruendosatquesociandossanctisAngeliscredidit.(XXI.17) [Certainmercifulbrethrenofoursrefusetobelievethatanyorallofthosewhomthe mostjustJudgeshallpronounceworthyofthepunishmentofhellwillsuffereternally. Theysupposethatthedamnedaretobereleasedafterafixedtermofpunishment, longerorshorteraccordingtotheamountofeachman’ssin.IseethatImustnowdeal withthesepeopleandengageinpeaceabledebatewiththem.Inthisregard,Origen carriedmercytoevengreaterlengths.Forhebelievedthateventhedevilhimselfand

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hisangels,aftersufferingthemoregrievousandprotractedpunishmentswhichtheir sinsmerit,willbereleasedfromtheirtormentsandunitedwiththeholyangels.]

While sympathetic to the desire to believe in the salvation of all mankind, Augustinewhollyrejectsthepossibilitythatallmenwillbesaved.Suchabelief contradictsAugustine’sunderstandingofGod’sjustice.Byassociatingitwiththe beliefinthesalvationofthedevils,itseemsthatuniversalism,inhisview,borders on the ridiculous. It is not merely ridiculous, however, but dangerous. He continuesontoargue thatauniversalsalvationisnotmerciful,butactuallya cruelty,becauseitconstitutesaninjusticetotherighteous: Sedillumetpropterhocetpropteralianonnullaetmaximepropteralternantessine cessationebeatitudinesetmiseriasetstatutissaeculoruminteruallisabistisadillas atqueabillisadistasitusacreditusinterminabilesnoninmeritoreprobauitecclesia; quiaethoc,quodmisericorsuidebatur,amisitfaciendosanctisuerasmiserias,quibus poenasluerent,etfalsasbeatitudines,inquibusuerumacsecurum,hocestsinetimore certum,sempiternibonigaudiumnonhaberent. [ButtheChurchhascondemnedOrigen,andnotwithoutreason,becauseofthisand severalothererrors.Inparticular,hesuggeststhatthereisaceaselessalternationof blessednessandmisery,andthattheinterminabletransitionsfromtheonestatetothe otheroccuratfixedages.Atthispoint,however,heloseseventhemercywhichhehad seemedtodisplay.Forheassignstothesaintsrealmiseriesforthepunishmentoftheir sins,yetonlyfalsehappiness,inwhichthereisnotrueandcertainjoyinthefearless assuranceofeternalgoods.]

ForAugustine,theheavenlyandearthlycitiesarewhollyseparate,andtobelieve inanalterationoftheirspiritualstatusafterthejudgmentistonegatethemercy andjoyofferedtotheelect.Theirhappinessisfalse,toAugustine,whenitisnot secure—whenitisnoteternalandunchangeable.Theheavenlycityiseternal,and lovesGodinrejectionofallworldlythings.Thetemporal,fleetingearthlycity,to itsowndetriment,lovesonlyitself.ToAugustine,onlyeternaldamnationofthe condemnedandtheeternalsalvationoftheelectcanconstitutejustandthustruly compassionateactiononthepartofthejudge. Julian’s readingofthetwocitiesseemstobeentirelyopposedtoAugustine’s. Julian follows its outlines so closely, even while challenging its conclusions at everystep,thatitseemslikelyshemayhavedirectlyorindirectlybeenawareof thetext.ItisimpossibletoknowwhetherornotJulianhadreadDecivitateDei personally, but there is good reason to believe any serious fourteenthcentury religiousthinkerwouldhavebeeninfluencedbyitsinterpretationoftheheavenly andearthlycities.AsM.W.F.Stonestates,thetextwasavailableandwidelyused eveninthethirteenthcentury,andhisideaswerealsoknownindirectlythrough othertexts:

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JeannetteS.Zissel ThirteenthcenturyphilosophersandtheologiansknewAugustineprimarilythrough afewstandardstreatises—Confessiones,DecivitateDei,Deliberoarbitrio,Dedoctrina chirstiana,Deverareligione,andGeGenesiadlitteramlibriduodecim—andthroughthe abundant quotations that circulated under his name in florilegia, canon law, and Lombard’sSententiae.27

Thefourteenthcentury,however,markedaresurgenceofinterestinAugustine’s theology.Histextsweremorewidelyandaccuratelycirculated.AsStonestates: Thefourteenthcenturycanbesaidtohavewitnessedaprofoundchangeintheuse anddiscussionoftheworksofAugustinebymedievalphilosophers.Tobeginwith, onefindsagreatervarietyofworksbeingcited,accompaniedbylongerandmore exactquotations.Furthertothis,thereisanearnesteffortonthepartofscholarsto maintainthehigheststandardsofaccuracyintheircriticalpresentationofAugustine’s views.28

ThiswastheenvironmentinwhichJulianwroteherShowings.TheAugustinian influence on her text, long acknowledged by scholars, seems to include a reinterpretationofAugustine’stheologyoftheheavenlyandearthlycities.She invertshisargument,usingthesameimageryasafoundationfromwhichtobuild anentirelydifferentviewofhumansalvation.WhereAugustine’sfocusisonthe division of mankind into insoluble categories based on what they love, one eternallysavedandtheothereternallydamned,JulianfocusesonwhatGodloves, andwhatGod’slovemeansforbelieversonearth.AsIwillargueinthefollowing section,God’slove,toJulian,issopervasivethatitextendsthroughouttheearth, toallthathasbeenmade,andwillneverbedestroyed.ToJulian,theearthly,as wellastheheavenlycityisheldwithinGod’slove. OneofthemostfamousandmemorableimagesinJulian’sShowingsisthatofthe hazelnut.AppearinginthefifthchapteroftheLongText,itisoneofthefirstinthe seriesofvisionsJulianrelates.Juliandescribesseeingalittlething,shapedlikea hazelnut,sittinginthepalmofherhand.Itisround,likeaball,andverysmall. Sheistolditisallthathaseverbeenmade,andsheisamazedthatcreationcan sustainitself,becausesheisaware,holdingitinherhand,thatitissosmalland insignificantthatitshouldhardlybeabletoexistatall.However,sheisovercome atthesametimebytheassurance,providedforher,thatitsinsignificanceand unsustainabilityareirrelevant,becauseGod’slovewillneverleaveit,andthat lovewillallowittolastforever:

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M.W.F.Stone,“AugustineandMedievalPhilosophy,”CambridgeCompaniontoAugustine,ed. EleonoreStumpandNormanKretzmann(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2001),253–66; here,255–56. Stone,“AugustineandMedievalPhilosophy,”259.

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Andinthis,heshewedalittlethingthequantityofanhaselnot,lyinginthepalmeof myhandasmesemide,anditwasasroundeasanyballe.Ilookedtheranwiththeeye of my understanding, and thought: “What may this be?” And it was answered generallythus:“Itisallthatismade.”Imarvayledhowitmightlaste,formethought it might sodenly have fallen to nought for littlenes. And I was answered in my understanding:“Itlastethandevershall,forGodlovethit.Andsohathallthingbeing bytheloveofGod.” InthislittlethingIsawthreepropreties:thefirstisthatGodmadeit,thesecondisthat Godlovethit,thethirdeisthatGodkepethit.Butwhatisthattome?Sothly,the maker,thekeeper,thelover.FortillIamsubstantiallyonedtohimImayneverhave fullresteneveryblisse:thatistosay,thatIbesofastnedtohimthattherberight noughtthatismadebetweenemyGodandme.(5.7–18)

Ibelievethat Julian’suseofthehazelnutimageprovidesareinterpretationof Augustine’s depiction of the earthly city. Like Augustine, Julian of Norwich presentsheraudiencewithanimageofearthlycreation,balancedwithanimage ofHeaven.However,Julianemploystheseimagestounitetheheavenlyandthe earthlyrealm—todescribetheirsimilarities,ratherthantheirdifferences..The hazelnutimage,inwhichJulianholdsthewholeofcreationinherhandandistold thatGodwillloveitandpreserveitforever,demonstratesanequationofthefates oftheearthlycityandheavenlycity.BothareheldequallyinGod’slove.Julian’s descriptionoftheheavenlycityisconsistentwithherdescriptionofthehazelnut, oftenusingthesamelanguagetomakethesamepoints.IncontrasttoAugustine’s dominantview,Julian’sheavenlyandearthlycitiesareunitedinthebeliever—one heldinthehand,theotherintheheart. ScholarshavelongacknowledgedthehazelnutasanimageofGod’senduring loveforhiscreation.Mostviewitasapositiveassertionofman’sunionwithGod, despite mankind’s apparent insignificance and the unworthiness of created creaturestoengageinsuchaunion.Ithasbeengenerallyacceptedthat,toJulian, God’sloveredeemsandpreservestheworld.Examplesofargumentscenteringon thisinterpretationofthehazelnutarenearlytoonumeroustonote.HughFeiss suggeststhat: Julian’s discussion of the littleness of the world is inseparable from the “homely loving”ofChristmanifestinhiscomingtoearthandinhissufferingforhumanity.29

Theworldissmall,insignificant,butlovednonetheless.CharlesCummingsmakes asimilarcomment:

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HughFeiss,“Dilation:GodandtheWorldintheVisionsofBenedictandJulianofNorwich,” AmericanBenedictineReview55(2004):55–74;here,65.

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JeannetteS.Zissel Julian’sthoughtisthatGodholdsthewholeuniverseinhislovinghands,andthough thewholemaybeastinyasahazelnutoragrainofsandyetitispreciousinhissight. Hemadeitall,outofhislove,andhepreservesitall“fortenderlove.”30

SusanK.Hagennotesthattheeverydayfamiliarityofthehazelnutrendersit“an effectiveandefficientmnemonicdevicefortheremembranceofGod’screative, loving,andsustainingpower.”31KerrieHideseesthehazelnutimageascentralto Julian’s understanding of salvation, noting that the world, like the nut, is insignificantandsmall: It looks worthless, fragile, as if it could insignificantly fall into nothing, and yet creationisofinestimablevalue,isprecious,andbelongstoGod.Creationiseternally enfoldedintheloveofGod.”32

Most scholars regard Julian’s interpretation of the hazelnut as a dramatic divergencefromAugustineandothermedievalthinkers’understandingofGod’s relationshiptohiscreation.Thisfeelingisparticularlystrongamongthosescholars whomakeacaseforJulian’spositiveunderstandingofthehumanbody.GraceM. Jantzen sees the hazelnut image as part of the strategy through which Julian provides“asharpchallengetotheideathatchastityisessentialforspirituality,”33 andZinaPetersenagrees,statingthat: SheisgentlerthanmostifnotallofherpastorcontemporaryChristianthinkerswhen discussingsuchtopicsasthehumanbody,preferringtopraiseGodforthebody’s functionsratherthancondemnthefleshaspartofthemortalworldtobesubduedand castoff.Whenshownnothingnessincomprehensiblethan“allofcreation”asatiny unitthesizeofahazelnut,sheatthesametimeperceivesGod’stremendouslovefor thethingassustainingit.34

Thehazelnutisthewholeofcreation,eternallypreservedthroughGod’slove.In this it provides a striking counter argument to many more commonplace theological arguments, which interpreted creation as inherently flawed and corrupted.

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CharlesCummings,“God’sHomely”LoveinJulianofNorwich,”CistercianStudies13(1978): 68–74;here,71. SusanK.Hagen,“St.CeciliaandSt.JohnofBeverly:JulianofNorwich’sEarlyModelandLate Affirmation,” Julian of Norwich: A Book of Essays, ed. Sandra J. McEntire. Garland Medieval Casebooks,21(NewYorkandLondon:Garland,1998)91–114;here,106. KerrieHide,“OnlyinGoddoIHaveAll:TheSoteriologyofJulianofNorwich,”DownsideReview 122 (2004): 43–60; here, 51. Also of interest is Hide’s Gifted Origins to Graced Fulfillment: The SoteriologyofJulianofNorwich(Collegeville,MN:OrderofSt.Benedict,2001). GraceM.Jantzen,Power,Gender,andChristianMysticism.CambridgeStudiesinIdeologyand Religion,8(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1995),238. ZinaPetersen,“EveryMannerofThingShallbeWell”:MirroringSerenityintheShewingsof JulianofNorwich,”MysticsQuarterly22(1996):91–101;here,238.

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Indeed,hazelnutswerecloselyassociatedwithphysicality,sexuality,andthe body in medieval medicine and romance tales alike. Peter Dronke, in writing aboutmedievallyrics,notes“theageoldassociationofhazelnutswithfertilityand eroticfulfillment.”35Tothisheadds: Itisunderthehazelnuttreethatlovehasthebestchanceofbeingreturned,evenby thosewhohaveshownnoloveelsewhere.Inawiderangeofproverbialexpressions goingintothehazelnuttrees[…]issynonymouswithlovemaking;alreadyinthe ancientworldsterilewomenwerebeatenwithhazeltwigstomakethemfertile,and hazelnutsweregiventothebrideandbridegroomontheweddingnight.36

MelittaWeissAdamson notesthat,amongtheirothermedicaluses,hazelnuts wereconsideredanaphrodisiac.37Hazelnutsandhazeltreesalsooftenfigurein romanceliteratureintimatelyassociatedwitheroticexperiences.38 This association with sex, love, and fertility has not gone unnoticed in its connectiontoJulian’simagery.LizHerbertMcAvoybelievesthehazelnutstands asevidenceofJulian’suseof“gynaecentricimagery,”39andassociatesitwiththe nutsdescribedintheBiblicalSongofSongs: However,withinthecontextoftheSongofSongsthetinynutoflittlevaluetakeson inordinate significance in its association with the hortus inclusus which is also the locationofsexualdesireanditsfulfillment.40

The earthly city’s goodness, in Julian’s hazelnut image, seems to be closely associatedwitherotic,materialphysicality.Itisonearth,afterall,thatmankind wascommandedtobefruitfulandmultiply.Itisthemeansbywhichmankind participatesinGod’screation.Theearthlycityisafertilecity,bearingfruitlikethe hazeltreeitself,growinglikeagardeneventhoughEdenislost.

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PeterDronke,TheMedievalLyric,3rded.(1968;WoodbridgeandRochester,NY:Boydelland Brewer,1996),194. Ibid.,194. MelittaWeissAdamson,FoodinMedievalTimes.FoodThroughHistory(Westport:Greenwood, 2004),25. Forinstance,seeKarlP.Wentersdorf,“Pandarusshaselwode:acomparativeapproachtoa Chaucerianpuzzle,”StudiesinPhilology89(1992),293–313.Ahazeltreealsofigureslargelyin TristanandIseult’stryst,asdescribedinMariedeFrance’sChevrefoil.SeeWilliamSayers,“Marie deFrance’sChievrefoil,hazelrods,andtheOgamlettersCollandUillenn,”Arthuriana14(2004), 3–16.Fortheiconographicmeaningofnutsingeneral,seeGertraudMeinel,Nuss,Nussbaum, EnzyklopaediedesMarchens,ed.RolfWilhelmBrednich,vol.10.1(BerlinandNewYork:Walterde Gruyter,2000),159–63. LizHerbertMcAvoy,AuthorityandtheFemaleBodyintheWritingsofJulianofNorwichandMargery Kempe(CambridgeandRochester,NY:BoydelandBrewer,2004),84. Ibid.,83.

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Julian’s hazelnut image parallels her image of the heavenly city, both in the languagesheemploysandthemeaningexpressedinthatlanguage.Theimages bookendhervisions,oneappearingnearlyatthebeginningoftheShowings,and theotherattheend. ToJulian,thehumansoulisGod’scity,inwhichChristsitsenthroned.The heavenly city image emphasizes God’s love for mankind, his union with the believer,andtheeternalredemptionofallwhoareunitedtohiminlove.This imageoftheheavenlycityseemstobebasedinthesametraditionasAugustine’s, andyetrespondstohisinterpretationwithanewunderstandingoftheimage’s significance. Julian relates the heavenly city to the earthly city, echoing the languageusedinthehazelnutpassagetounitethetwointhereader’smind. Thelongtextexpandstheuseoftheheavenlycityimagefromthesinglepassage presentintheshorttext.However,allreferencesseemtousethecityforthesame purpose:todescribetheunionofmankindwithGod.41Inthelastvisiondescribed intheShowings,Julianrelatesherdiscoveryoftheheavenlycityinherownheart, inthefinalvisionofthetext: Andthenouregoodlordeopenedmygostelyeyeandshewdememysouleinthe middesofmyharte.Isawthesoulesolargeasitwereanendlessewarde,andalsoas itwereablissefulkingdom,andbytheconditionsthatIsawthereinIunderstodethat itisawurshipfullecitte.InmiddesofthatcittesittethourelordeJhesu,veryGodand very man: a fair person and of large stature, highest bishoppe, solempnest kinge, wurshipfullestlorde.AndIsawhimclothedsolemplyinwurshippes.Hesittethinthe souleevenrighteinpeasandrest,andherulethandyemethhevenanderthandall thatis.(68.1–9)

Theimageofthe“wurshipfullecite”withinthebeliever’ssoulnaturallyevokes theheavenlycityoftheBible.AsinRevelation,Christdwellswithinit,inunion withit.Botharedescribedinthesameterms:thecityis“wurshipfulle”andChrist is“wurshipfullestlord,”clothedin“wurshippes.”ItisaplacewhereChristis constantlylovedandpraised.InthisitseemsconsistentwithAugustine’sreading oftheheavenlycity:itistheeternaldwellingplaceofthosewholoveGod.Julian

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Thesepassages,providedinChapterFiftyOne’sparableofthelordandservant,readasfollows: “Buthissittingontheerth,bareynanddesert,isthusto/mene:hemademannessouletobehis ownecitteandhisdwellingplace,whichis/mostpleasingtohimofallhisworkes”(51.123–25), and“Nowsitteththeson,veryGodandveryman,inhiscittein/restandinpees,whichhisfader hathdightetohimofendlessepurpose,andthe/faderintheson,andtheholygostinthefader andintheson”(51.278–80).Thesepassagesallassociatetheheavenlycitywiththepresentworld. AsIwillargueinthissection,thisseemstobearesponsetoAugustine’sreadingoftheheavenly city,byplacingitinthesamecontextastheearthlycity,asdepictedbythehazelnut.Theworld, toJulian,isalsoenclosedwithinthebeliever,andGod’seternalpreservationofbothstandas tokensofhislove.forallofmankind.

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notonlylooksforwardtoanotherplaceoranothertime,butalsolookswithin herselfassheisnow,onearth.Thecityislocatedwithinthebeliever’sheart,inthe createdworld,ratherthaninamorenebulous,invisibleform,onlyawaitingthe judgment to take its true shape. Unlike Augustine’s heavenly city, Julian’s heavenlycityisvictoriousonearth,asitisinheaven.42 The text immediately turns to concerns about the nature of creation, and whetherthesubstanceofcreationcanbesustainedforever:“TheplacethatJhesu takethinouresouleheshallneverremoveitwithouten/ende,astomysight,for inusishishomeliesthomeandhisendlessewonning.And/inthisheshewdethe likingthathehathofthemakingofmannessoule”(68.12–14).Julianisassured Christwillneverberemovedfromthesoul,andthatitishishomewithoutend, justastheheavenlycity,inRevelationandinAugustine,isGod’seternalhome.43 Thebeginningofthehazelnutpassageusespreciselythesametermstoestablish itsmessage.Itpresentsastrikingimageoftheearthlyrealminrelationtothe individual believer: just as the heavenly city is described as enclosed in the believer’sheart,theearthlycityisenclosedinthebeliever’shand.Furthermore, itisdescribedaseternal,aprominentdivergencefromAugustine’sinterpretation ofthefateoftheworldlyrealm: Andinthis,heshewedalittlethingthequantityofanhaselnot,lyinginthePalmeof myhandasmesemide,anditwasasroundeasanyballe.Ilookedtheranwiththeeye of my understanding, and thought: “What may this be?” And it was answered generallythus:“Itisallthatismade.”Imarvayledhowitmightlaste,formethought it might sodenly have fallen to nought for littleness. And I was answered in my understanding:“Itlastethandevershall,forGodlovethit.AndsoHathallthingbeing bytheloveofGod.”(5.7–13)

Thispassagebearssomestrikingsimilaritiestotheimageoftheheavenlycity providedinchaptersixtyeight.Inboth,JulianseessomeaspectofGod’screation inmicrocosm:thecityofGodinoneinstance,andthewholeofcreation,“allthat ismade,”intheother.Inbothcases,theobservedobjectrestswithinher:either enfoldedinhergrasp,ordeepwithinher,inherheartandsoul.Inbothinstances, sheisassuredthattheobjectwilllastforeverbecauseofitsabidingconnectionto

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SeeFrederickChristianBauerschmidt,JulianofNorwichandtheMysticalBodyPolitic ofChrist. StudiesinSpiritualityandTheology,5(NotreDameandLondon:NotreDameUniversityPress, 1999),182–83. JoanM.NuthnotestheAugustiniansourceofthisimage,amongitsothersources:“WhileJulian sometimescallsthesoulwithoutqualificationthecityofGod,thefactthatsheoftenspecifically designatessensualityasGod’scityshowsthatshewasconsciousofthehistoricalandbodily implicationsofthetermasemployedbyAugustine.”Itseemslikelythatthehazelnut,initsclose associationwiththebody,mayalsorefertoAugustine’searthlycity.SeeWisdom’sDaughter:The TheologyofJulianofNorwich(NewYork:Crossroad,1991),113.

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God. To state that the world “lasteth and ever shall, for God loveth it,” is a startlingcontrasttoAugustine’sviewofthetemporarynatureoftheearthlyrealm. As J. P. H. Clark states, regarding the hazelnut, “God’s love is shown in conservationaswellasincreation.”44Augustine’sinterpretationofHeavenlyCity isalsodescribedintheseterms.ToJulian,Godlovestheearthashelovesheaven. Bothearthandheavenareconnectedtothelivingbodyofthebeliever,withinthe world,andwillneverbedestroyed.Theyarenotonlyloved,butlovedinthesame way:eternally,withinthebeliever. Intheheavenlycitypassageinchaptersixtyeight,Julianagainrefersto“allthat ismade,”arguingcreation’sinherentconnectiontoGod,thebeliever,andthe kingdom of heaven: “Al thing that he hath made sheweth his lordshippe—as understanding/wasgeveninthesametimebyexampleofacreaturethatisled to “se grete noblinesse / and kingdoms longing to a lorde” (68.19–21). The languageusedhere,againreferringtocreationas“Althingthathehathmade,” drawsaparallelinthisfinalvisionwiththeimageofthehazelnutdepictedinthe first.ThisbalancebetweenthetwoimagesperhapsreflectstheBible,beginning withGenesisandthecreationofallthings,andendingwithRevelation,andits promiseoftheheavenlycity’seternalreign.Thetwopassagesinsomesenseunite God’s heavenly and earthly creations, giving them each equal value. Both “shewethhislordshippe,”andbotharespecificallydescribedaskingdomswhich belong to him. This depiction of the “kingdoms longing to a lorde” stands in contrasttoAugustine’smoretraditionalreadingofthetwocities.Morethanone kingdombelongstothislord.InsteadofonecityruledbySatanandtheotherby God,bothbelongtoGod. Bothpassagesreachthesameconclusionregardingtheimportanceoftheearthly andheavenlyrealms:botharepreservedbyGodfortheexpresspurposethat believers may be united with him. The earth does not provide rest and true securityinitself,butitindicatesGod’sloveandisameansbywhichthatlovewill beeternallyexpressed.Thehazelnutpassagestatesthat: InthislittlethingIsawthreepropreties:thefirstisthatGodmadeit,thesecundIsthat God loveth it, the thirde is that God kepeth it. But what is that to me? Sothly the maker,thekeper,thelover.FortillIamsubstantiallyonedtohimImayneverhave fullresteneveryblisse:thatistosay,thatIbesofastnedtohimthattherberight noughtthatismadebetweenemyGodandme.(5.14–17)

Thesightofthehazelnutindicates,toJulian,thatGodisthecreator,lover,and preserver of all creation. It is a sign of the believer’s union with God that he preserveswhathehasmade,andthelessernatureofearthlycreationmakesit

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clearthat“fullreste”isimpossiblewithoutthecreator,lover,andpreserverofall things. Thesamepointismadeagainintheheavenlycitypassage,thistimeemploying God’sheavenlycreationasasignofGod’sloveandameansofunionwithhim. ThesightofheavenindicatestheneedtofindrestinGod.AsJulianstates,she comesto understondesothlythatouresoulemayneverhaverestinthingthatisbenethitselfe. And whan it cometh above alle creatures into itselfe, yet may it not abide in the beholdingofitselfe,butallethebeholdingisblissefullysetinGod,thatisthemaker, wonningtherin.Forinmannessouleishisverywonning.(68.24–26)

Theheavenlycityimagehas,forJulian,thesamemeaningasthehazelnutimage: thatmankind’sonlyrestcanbefoundinGod.AsChristopherAbbotnotes,“The climactic sixteenth showing discloses the completion of a retrospectively discernibleAugustinianparadigmoperativewithinthetext:Julian’sconcernis withthepassagefromknowledgeandloveofcreatedthings“wherinisnorest” toknowledgeandloveofGodwhois“theveryrest.”45IfthisisAugustinianinone sense,inthatGodistheonlytruesourceofhumanhappiness,italsodiverges fromAugustinebytheassociationofthehazelnutwiththeearthlycity.Juliansees theearthlyandheavenlycitiesasequaltokensoftheloveofGod.Godispresent inboth,intheworldandinthebelieveraswellasintheheaventhatistocome. Indeed,toJulian,theheavenlycityisalsonotanendinitself,butinstead“the highest/lightandthebrightestshiningofthecitteisthegloriousloveofoure/ LordeGod,astomysight”(68.27–29).Itisnotthecityitself,butGod’slovethat is significant. As Cynthea Masson states, “Besides her belief that God dwells withinhumankind,Julianalsodiscussesthepossibilityofhumanentranceintothe divinerealm.”46ThisisanotherdivergencefromAugustine’sinterpretationofthe separation of the heavenly and earthly cities, which focused on mankind and mankind’sloves.Julianinvertsthisstructureanddiscussesthetwocitiesinterms ofGod’sloveforman,insteadofman’sloveforGod. Augustine defines the two cities in terms of what their members love. Julian respondstothisinterpretationbyapplyingthesamestandardtoGodasAugustine appliestoman.ToJulian,theheavenlyandearthlycitiesarebothsigns,indicating that God loves mankind without reservation, just as Augustine argues that mankindmustloveGodbeyondallelsetowarrantadmittancetotheheavenly

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Abbot,AutobiographyandTheology,34. CyntheaMasson,“ThePointofCoincidence:RhetoricandtheApophaticinJulianofNorwich’s Showings”JulianofNorwich:ABookofEssays,ed.SandraJ.McEntire.GarlandMedievalCasebooks, 21(NewYorkandLondon:Garland,1998),153–81;here168.

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city.Thehazelnut,asasymboloftheworld,altersAugustine’sinterpretationto explorenewinterpretationsoftheearthlycity’ssignificance.Juliantransformsit from an impermanent, damned kingdom ruled by Satan, to a symbol and testamentofGod’slove. Julian’smessageisnearlyuniversallyacknowledgedasoneoftheoverpowering natureofGod’slove.ScholarsrepeatedlynoteJulian’spositiveunderstandingof man’srelationshipwithGod.KarlTamburrstatesthat“Julianproposesavision ofredemptionthatisultimatelymoretolerantanduniversal,”47andJayGilchrist states that Julian’s theology is a “theology of mercy.”48 Her text explores the outermostreachesofhowGod’slovecanfunctioninahumanlife.Bothinthe passagesdiscussedhereandinherworkasawhole,sheexperimentswithhow muchandinhowmanywaysGod’slovecanaffectmen’shearts.49 Julian’sinterpretationoftheheavenlyandearthlycitiessuggeststhatGod’slove hasnolimits,andmayhavetheabilitytosaveallofmankind—allmembersof bothcities—fromtheirsins.IfJulianistestingthebordersofChristianexperience, attempting to create a theology based wholly on God’s love, then a universal salvationisperhapsthegreatestexpressionofthefarextentthoseborderscan reach.NicholasWatson,amongothers,proposesthatabeliefinuniversalsalvation existedinMiddleEnglishtheologyingeneral,andJulian’sShowingsinparticular.50 He asserts that Julian and other English thinkers espoused “the idea—widely impliedinearlypatristicthoughtandmadeexplicitbyOrigen,butattackedin Augustine’s De civitate Dei, and condemned at the Second Council of 47

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Karl Tamburr, “Mystic Transformation: Julian’s Version of the Harrowing of Hell,” Mystics Quarterly20(1994):60,67;here,66. See Jay Gilchrist, “Unfolding Enfolding Love in Julian of Norwich’s Revelations,” Mystics Quarterly9(1983):67–88,83. Thisisnottosay,however,thatshedoesnotdiscussthenatureevilinherwork.SeeBradPeters, “TheRealityofEvilWithintheMysticVisionofJulianofNorwich,”MysticsQuarterly13(1987): 195–202; and also Simon Tugwell, “Julian of Norwich as a Speculative Theologian,” Mystics Quarterly9(1983):199–209.Overall,Julian’sdiscussionofevilseemstobeseparatefromher discussion of the heavenly and earthly cities, which focuses on God’s love for mankind, in responsetotheAugustinianinterpretation.C.E.Banchich,however,arguesthatthehazelnut passageisanarticulationofpiousdread,becauseitmakesJulianandthereaderawareofthe fragility of existence. See C. E. Banchich, “‘A Heavynly Joy in a Dredfulle Soule’: Julian of Norwich’sArticulationsofDread,”FearanditsRepresentationsintheMiddleAgesandRenaissance, ed. Anne Scott and Cynthia Kosso. Arizona Studies in Middle Ages and the Renaissance, 6 (Turnhout:Brepols,2002),311–40;especially321. ManyscholarsidentifyJulian’stextasapositiveassertionofuniversalsalvation.StephenFanning also argues that “in the midst of the calamities and pessimism of her age, Julian’s message overflows with optimism. Contrary to the prevailing spirit emphasizing the horrors of hell awaitingtheunrighteous,JulianbelievedthatJesushadgivenherassuranceoftheuniversal salvationofhumankind,”in“MitigationsoftheFearofHellandPurgatoryintheLaterMiddle Ages:JulianofNorwichandCatherineofGenoa,”FearanditsRepresentationsintheMiddleAges andRenaissance,,295–310.

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Constantinoplein553—thatallhumanitywillattainsalvation.”51Watsonidentifies Julian as one of the theologians who revived Origen’s belief in a universal salvationforallmankind.52ItisofparticularrelevancetothispaperthatDecivitate Deiwasattheheartoftheearlychurch’sargumentagainstuniversalsalvation. WhereAugustinecondemnsthemembersoftheearthlycity,rejectingOrigen’s arguments, Julian reshapes the very same image to explore the possibility of universalsalvation. Julian’sfamouspassage,statingthat“alleshallebewele,andalleshallebewele, andallemanerofthinge/shallebewel”(27.10–11),mayindicatethatallpeople willbesaved,justasthehazelnutimagesuggeststhewholeoftheworldwillbe preserved and never condemned. However, it leaves the mechanism at work vague.Howwillallbesaved?Ifsinhasnosubstance,asJuliansuggests,thesinful maynotbe“things”toher—theymayalsobewithoutsubstance,andwouldnot beincludedinthepromisethat“allmanerofthingeshallebewel.”Herstatements maynotbedefinitive.However,Julianinanycasefoundsherunderstandingof God’sinteractionswithhiscreationintermsofhisoverwhelmingloveforwhat hehasmade. JulianusestheimagesAugustineusedtorefuteuniversalsalvationtoexploreits very possibility. She questions the permanent separation of the heavenly and earthlycities,unitingthemintheirfunctionofindicatingthepowerofGod’slove forallpeople. ThiskindofdepictionoftheearthlycityisperhapspossiblebecauseJulian’s focusrestsonthespirituallifeofanindividualbeliever.Sheisessentiallysecure intheknowledgeofhersalvation.Inthefirstchapteroftheshorttext,sheassures herreadersthat“ItraystesothfastlyethatIshuldebesafe”(1.17–18).Sheisnot, perhaps,amember,orevenapilgrimcaptiveoftheearthlycityasAugustinesees it.Asananchorite,orsimplyevenasabeliever,shehas,insomesense,removed herself from the world, and from anxiety over sin. As Maria R. Lichtmann observes: Julian,inherisolationfromsocialstructuresoffamily,church,andevenreligious community,becameliberatedfromsomeoftheirconfiningimplications.Heranchorite existencefreedhertoacceptuncommoninsightsintothespiritualsignificanceofthe body.Further,hertrustinherownexperience,sometimesatoddswiththereceived

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NicholasWatson,“VisionsofInclusion:UniversalSalvationandVernacularTheologyinPre ReformationEngland,”JournalofMedievalandEarlyModernStudies27(1997):145–97. Watson,“VisionsofInclusion,”162.

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Duetoherposition,Julianisfreedfromtheburdenofinstructinganaudience.In doing so, Julian embraces the theological traditions of the church in order to explorenewwaysofunderstandingthosetraditions.Aswehavediscussedhere, sheadaptsAugustine’sreadingoftheheavenlyandearthlycitiestonewpurposes. Shedoesnotrejecttheimagery,butchallengestheargumentbehindthatimagery. In any case, her purpose is not didactic, or apologetic, as Augustine’s is. The world,toher,asrepresentedbytheearthlycity,canbeusedasapositiveimage ofunionwith,notoppositionto,God. Theheavenlycityseemstoevokenaturallyacomparisonwiththehazelnut. Theyarebothreducedinscaletodepictbettertheintimateconnectionbetweenthe individualbelieverandGod.Theyarerenderedsmallenoughtobeheldbyone person. One is held in the hand, the other in the heart. Her experience of the heavenlyandearthlycitiesappearstobedeeplyindividual,deeplyfocusedonthe personalconnectionbetweentheindividualbelieverandGod.Insomesense,the heavenly and earthly cities seem to have a population of two: the individual believerandGod.Ifanindividualbelieverissaved,then,tothatbeliever,allis saved:“Forinthisonehedestondeth/thelifeofallemankindthatshallebesaved” (9.8–9).Alloutsideoftheir“onehede”isinsignificant,andtheir“onehede”inturn comprisesthewholeofexistence,throughtheeternal,unfailingpowerofdivine love. JulianofNorwich’sunderstandingoftheheavenlyandearthlycitiesispartofa longtheologicaltradition,inwhichurbanspaceisusedasametaphorforspiritual identity. Medieval theologians used city imagery to explain the fundamental natureofhumanity,todivideitintopoliticalentitiesdirectlyopposedtoeach other, like two citystates at war. As one’s residence within a real city would convey information about one’s identity to the world, so affiliation with the heavenlyorearthlycityrevealsone’sinnernature.JulianofNorwichisuniquein thewaysheadaptsthisimageryinordertoexploreGod’sloveformankind.Julian inhabitsboththeearthlyandheavenlycities,andunitesthemwithinherselfand withintheloveofthedivine.Theyarenolongeropposed,inherview,butinstead findharmonywithinthebeliever.Julianusestheimagestoexploretheidentityof thesoulwholiveswithinthem,andinwhom,paradoxically,thosecitiesinturn

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MariaR.Lichtman,“Godfulfilledmybodye”:Body,Self,andGodinJulianofNorwich,”Gender andTextintheLaterMiddleAges,ed.JaneChance(Gainesville,Tallahassee,TampaandBocaRaton: FloridaUniversityPress,1996)263–79;here,263.

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may also be found. The identity Julian finds there is that of God’s beloved creation—acreationlovedequallywithinthecitiesofheavenandearth. 

PatriciaTurning (ArizonaStateUniversity)

“WithTeethClenchedandanAngryFace:”1Vengeance, VisitorsandJudicialPowerin FourteenthCenturyFrance

Onaspringafternoonin1332,abusinesslawyernamedBernardusdeBostowas justoneofmanyindividualsmakinghiswaythroughthebusystreetsofToulouse towardthetownhall.Likemanymedievalcities,thetownhallwassituatedina centrallocationintheurbanspace,whereadministratorscouldmeettheneedsof theirconstituentsinthecourtroom,orridthecityofthemalefactorslockedaway in the municipaljail.2Thebuildingalsoservedasasymbolofcivicprideand autonomy,andreportedlystoredthetrebuchetresponsibleforthefatalstonethat killed Simon de Montfort during the Albigensian Crusade.3 It is unclear what broughtBernardusdeBostotothetownhallonthatspecificday,buthispresence musthavebeenfamiliarenoughamongthepeoplecomingandgoinginthearea thatagroupofmen,armedwithconcealedswordsandotherweapons,layinwait forhisarrival.Whenthegang’slookoutspottedBernardusemergingfromthe crowd,hesignaledtheothersintoaction.Themenbegantostalkthelawyerdown theprominentRuedeBorbona,andwithoutanywordsofwarning,theywithdrew theirswordsandstruckhiminthehead.4Throughtheirrepeatedblows,lawyer

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ArchivesmunicipalesdeToulouse–FF57,45:“cumvultoirataetdentibusfremens.”Hereafter referencedasAMT. Jules Chalande, Histoire Monumentale de l’Hôtel de Ville de Toulouse (Toulouse: Imprimerie St. Cyprien,1922). HenriGilles,ed.LesCoutumesdeToulouse(1286)etleurpremiercommentaire(1296)(Toulouse: ImprimerieMauriceESPIC,1969),163:“quilapisfuitprojectuspermachinamcumquodictus comesMontisfortisfuitpercussus.Quemachineestadhucinpalatiocommuni.”Foradescription ofthisevent,see,forexample,WilliamofTudelaandanonymoussuccessor,TheSongoftheCathar Wars: A History of the Albigensian Crusade, trans. Janet Shirley. Crusade Texts in Translation (Sydney:AshgatePublishingLimited,1996),172. AMT–FF57,31.

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Bernardus deBostosuffereda“devastatingandcruel”woundtohisfacethat wouldleavehimperpetuallydeformed,andbleedingprofuselyontheground.5 Due to the amount of blood, one of the thugs thought he had slit Bernardus’ throat,butstilldecidedtostrikethelawyeronelasttimeashelayhelplessinthe street.Beforeanyspectatorscouldintervene,themenrantotheancientchurchof theDaurade,wheretheyassumedtheprotectionoftheecclesiasticalprivilegeof asylum. ItdidnottakelongforToulouse’stwelveelectedofficials,thecapitols,tolearn aboutthedramaticambushofthelawyerthattranspiredjuststepsawayfromthe verybuildingthatservedtheirconstituentsformattersoflawandorder.City representativessoonsoughtcontactwiththefugitiveshidinginsidethechurch. Oncetheassailantsrealizedtheywerebothidentifiedandtrapped,theybeganto revealthatthewholeattackhadbeenplannedandcommissionedbyacitizenof thenearbyvillageofVillamuro.Theyallegedthatthisman,namedStephanus Saletas,hadbeeninToulouseonmultipleoccasionsandhadpromisedtopay themhandsomelyifthey“mutilatedthelawyerintheface.”Later,theattackers provided sworn statements against Saletas to Toulouse’s court officials, and detailedhisplanandmotivationforthewholeevent.Astheevidencemounted against Saletas, the capitols began to mobilize their administration toward preparationforatrial,sothatthelawyerBernardusdeBostocouldreceivejustice for this public affront and his facial disfigurement. However, one significant problememerged:thecityofficialsofVillamuroclaimedauthorityovertheperson ofStephanusSaletasandrefusedtoextraditetheircitizentoToulouse.Itwasonly through intense negotiation and jurisdictional wrangling that Saletas came to standtrialinToulouseforhisroleintheassaultagainsttherespectedlawyer, BernardusdeBosto. StephanusSaletas’scaseofconspiracy,mutilation,andtheintensivedebates concerningextraditionwasrecordedinanotary’sregisterfrom1332,foundtoday inthemunicipalarchivesofToulouse.Thedocumentasawholecontainsthetrial transcripts, copies of appeal letters (papira cedula), and the capitols’ legal correspondenceforfiftytwoseparatecasesheardbetweenthemonthsofApril andOctober.Verdicts,unfortunately,donotappearthatoftenintheregister.The trials themselves took place in the town hall’s courtroom, where the capitols presidedoverthehearingsandhandledthemanylawyers,jurists,medicalexperts, defendants,andwitnesseswhostoodbeforethem.Sofar,historianshaveonly really exploited the transcript of one trial that resulted in the execution of a university student’s squire.6 The rest of the legal proceedings recorded in the

5 6

Ibid.,48. Dubbedbymodernscholarsasthe“AimeryBerengerAffair,”thiscaseprovokedyearsofdebate inthe1330sbetweentheking,pope,andcapitolsconcerningtheextentofroyaljurisdictionover

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registerconcernedaccusationsofvariousviolentcrimessuchasrape,kidnapping, and physical assaults that involved a wide range of weapons. The cases are certainlynotrepresentativeofallofthecriminalactivityinToulouse.Ifaclerk committedaninfraction,forexample,hewouldbetriedinanecclesiasticalcourt. Asidefromjurisdictionallimitationstothenumberofcasesheardbythecapitols, manylesseroffenceswereneverrecordedorevenmadeittotrial.Asthepolitical capital of Languedoc with a population somewhere between 30,000 to 40,000 residents,thereislittledoubtthat,likeParis,thecityhaditsshareofunemployed transientswhohadtostealorresorttoviolencetosurvive.7Butforlesseroffenses, perhapsthecapitols’notarydidnottakethetimetorecordthedetailsofthecase or to conduct an extensive investigation into the matter. The overwhelming majorityofthevictimsordefendantswhocametocourtwerewellestablishedin thecommunity;theyhadpermanentresidentsinToulouse,andtheyhadextensive socialandoccupationalcontactsthatprovidedfinancialandemotionalsupportin court.8 So in many respects, the function of the judicial process was not to

7

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universitystudents’servants.TheoriginalnotarialtrialtranscriptisinAMT–FF57,1–30.The entirecaseiscopiedbyadifferentnotary’shandinregisterAMT–FF58.Fragmentsofthecase havebeentranscribedinavarietyoflocations.Anabbreviatedversionoftheaccusationandsome of the witness testimony is copied in AMT–AA6, fol. 23. The archivist Ernest Roschach summarizedthisdocumentinFrenchinVilledeToulouse–InventairedesArchivesCommunales Intérieursà1790(Toulouse:ÉdouardPrivat,1891),107.–MarcelFournierpublishedRoschach’s versionofthetrial,andseverallettersbetweentheKing,archbishopofToulouse,andthecapitols fromtheVaticanarchivesinLesStatutsetprivilègesdesuniversitésfrançaises,depuisleurfondation jusqu’en1789,vol.1(Aalen,Germany:ScientiaVerlag,1970),nos.563–89. ThepopulationestimationisfoundinJeanNöelBiraben,“LaPopulationdeToulouseauXIVe etXVesiècles,”JournaldesSavants(1964):285–300.ToulouseseemstobeacontrasttoParis,where scholarsarguethatthepoorandmarginalfigureslivingintheCapetiancapitalcommittedmost ofthecriminaloffenses.Muchofthisislinkedtotheeventsofthefourteenthcentury,whichled toadisplacedpopulationthatfledtothecapitalcityofParis.JacquelineMisraki,“Criminalitéet pauvretéenFranceàl’époquedelaGuerredeCentAns,”Étudessurl’histoiredelapauvreté,vol. 2,MoyenAge–XVIesiècle,ed.MichelMollat(Paris:PublicationsdelaSorbonne,1974),535–46. Bronisaw Geremek, The Margins of Society in Late Medieval Paris, trans. Jean Birrell. Past and Present Publications (1971; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 6–43. Most examinationsofParisiancrimecomefromtheonlyextantcriminalregisterfromtheChâteletof Paris dating from 1389 to 1392. From this register, containing one hundred and seven trials involvingonehundredandtwentyeightdefendants,themajorityofoffenderswereamongstthe poorestinhabitantsofPariswhohadnopermanentresidencesorpossessionsinthecity,andhad committedtheftofsomesort.RegistrecriminelduChâteletdeParisdu6Septembre1389au18Mai 1392,ed.M.HenriDuplèsAgier(Paris:ImprimerparC.Lahure,1861–1864).See,EstherCohen, “Patterns of Crime in FourteenthCentury Paris,” French Historical Studies 11 (1980): 307–27; ClaudeGauvard,“LaCriminalitéparisienneàlafinduMoyenÂge:unecriminalitéordinaire?” Villes,bonnesvilles,citésetcapitales:Étudesd’histoireurbaine(XIIe–XVIIIesiècle)offertesàBernard Chevalier,ed.MoniqueBourin(Caen:Paradigme,1993),361–70. Forexample,thecriminalregisterAMT,FF–57from1332containsoverseventynamedprimary defendants,ofwhichonlythree,includingStephanusSaletas,werenotresidentsofToulouse.

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prosecutetransientthieveswholurkedonthemarginsofthecity,preyingupon unsuspectingcitizens.Instead,thecriminalproceedingsallowedthecapitolsand their officers to resolve conflicts between neighbors and to demonstrate their authoritybypassingjudgmentupontheirconstituentscaught,orsuspectedof, breakingmunicipallaws.Themunicipalcourtthenbecameaforuminwhichthe publicandthecivicleadersnegotiatedandsolidifiednotionsofinclusioninand exclusionfromtheirconstructedlawfulsociety. ThetrialofStephanusSaletas,then,provestobesomethingofanexceptionto thisrule.HewasnotacitizenofToulouse,buthealsowasnotaroamingbandit. Hiscrimewasnotaspontaneous,emotionalattack,butacold,calculatedassault thattookmonthsofcoordinationtounfoldfinally.Throughacloseexamination of the whole affair using spatial theory as an analytical tool, this article will analyzethepointsofcontactbetweenthe“insiders”ofToulouseand“outsiders,” andwillexplorehowjustice(interpersonalandjudicial)wasperformedinthe urban space. Stephanus Saletas’s case works on two different levels: the local arena,inwhichSaletasplottedtodisfigureBernardusdeBostoinordertodisplay hisvengeanceinasymboliclocationinthecity;andinthelargerregionaltheater, in which the two urban administrations struggled to demonstrate power by protecting their respective citizens. I will argue that because the infraction transpired in the public space of Toulouse, and involved the humiliation of a celebratedlawyerbythesymboliclocationofthetownhall,thecapitolshadtogo togreatlengthstobringtheperpetratorbacktostandtrialintheircourtroom,to showthattheircityspaceandtheircitizenswereprotected,andlawandorderwas maintained. Inordertoteaseoutthisinterpretation,thisarticlewillfollowthetraditionof recent historians who have borrowed the notions of spatial theory in order to understandjudicialtrialsasaperformance,orritual,ofjustice.Until recently, geographerswerethemostinterestedinapplyingsocialtheoriestoconstructsof space.Theyarguedthatbecausepeopleneedspaceinwhichtointeract,andact acertainwaybecauseoftheirsurroundings,understandingsofspatialandsocial processes are inseparable concepts. In other words, trying to “explain why something occurs is to explain why it occurs where it does.”9 Whereas the discipline of geography urged historians to think more critically about space, HenriLefebvre’swork,LaProductiondel’espace,originallypublishedin1974,has been extremely influential also in driving scholars to unravel how space is

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RobertDavidSack,ConceptionsofSpaceinSocialThought:AGeographicPerspective(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980), 70. Other geographers have incorporated sociological perspectivestoemphasizehowgeographicalplanning,orproximity,andsocialrelationshipsare interrelated,andinterdependentforces.Forurbanplanning,seeDavidHarvey,SocialJusticeand theCity(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1973).––

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perceived, conceived, and lived.10 Having accepted that the concept of space entailedmorethanmeregeometricalconfines,theorists,suchasMichelFoucault andPierreBourdieu,describedspaceasacontestedgeographyandterritory,over whichgroupsandindividualstrytoexertpowerandcontrol. InPower/Knowledge,Foucaultarguedthat,“awholehistoryremainstobewritten ofspaces—whichwouldatthesametimebethehistoryofpowers...fromthe greatstrategiesofgeopoliticstothelittletacticsofthehabitat.”11Bourdieucame toasimilarconclusionthroughhisobservation’softheBerbergroup,asserting that the power of a society’s dominant group lay in its ability to control the constructionsofrealitythatreinforceitsownstatus,sothatsubordinategroups acceptthesocialorder,andtheirownplaceinit.12Tomaintaintheiradvantages, any powerful group must create an ordering of space for subservient groups through symbolic rituals, laws, or the regulation of habitation and work opportunities.However,thepowerofadominantgroup’spoweroverspaceisnot permanent.Inherstudyofthemaleuseofspatialpowertosubordinatewomen, DaphneSpainrevealedthatthe“reciprocitybetweenspaceandstatusarisesfrom theconstantrenegotiationandrecreationoftheexistingstratificationsystem.”13 Atalllevelsofthesocialhierarchyandsocializationprocess,powerfulandless powerfulgroupsarecontinuallyvyingtoassert,ormaintaintheirpowerover space. Overthepastfewyears,medievalhistorianshavebeguntoexaminethevarious ways in which monarchs, municipal governments, and the common man manipulated,perceived,andlivedintheirurbanspaceinlightofspatialtheory. AstheeditorsofCityandSpectacleacknowledge,“tomedievalurbaninhabitants, spacewasnotneutral.Selectionofparticularspacesforeventsspeakstoexclusion ofsomeurbaninhabitantsaswellasinclusionofothers.”14Onalargescale,people livinginmedievalcitiesrecognizedthesymbolicmeaningsbehindcivicrituals and ceremonies which were enacted throughout the streets in order to assert municipalauthority,legitimizeanewmonarch,orcelebrateprideinaguild’s historyorachievements.Spectacleusedspacetoshow,orrefuse,arealignmentof powerandcontrol,andsocialcohesion.15Beyondroyalandreligiousprocessions, 10 11

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HenriLefebvre,Productiondel’espace(Paris:ÉditionsAnthropos,1974). MichelFoucault,Power/Knowledge:SelectedInterviewsandOtherWritings,1972–1977,ed.andtrans. ColinGordon,etal.(NewYork:Pantheon,1980),149. PierreBourdieu,OutlineofaTheoryofPractice,trans.RichardNice.CambridgeStudiesinSocial Anthropology,16(1972;CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1977),90–91, 160–63. DaphneSpain,GenderedSpaces(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1992),17. BarbaraA.HanawaltandKathrynL.Reyerson,introductiontoCityandSpectacleinMedieval Europe,ed.BarbaraA.HanawaltandKathrynL.Reyerson.MedievalStudiesatMinnesota,6 (Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1994),ix–xviii. MervynJames,“Ritual,DramaandSocialBodyintheLateMedievalEnglishTown,”Pastand

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the residents of medieval cities also witnessed a copious number of public executions and punishments. Through the gory disfigurement and symbolic sentencingofcriminals,whichtookplaceinvariouspartsofthecity,theurban crowdcouldwitnessthepowerofthemunicipaljurisdictionandthereturnof civicorder.16 Fromtheseearlyeffortstoexplainhowawellorchestratedspectaclereinforced thesovereigntyofthecentralizedauthority,morehistorianshavebeguntounpack trialsthemselvesasacivicritualofjusticeperformedthroughoutthecityspace. Robert Bartlett, for example, argues that the trials should be interpreted as windowsintogreatermeaningsoftheinteractionwithinsocialcommunitiesand conceptsofcrimes.17Inotherwords,thetrialitselfservedasa“stagedevent”in whichthecriminalproceedingswereaplayofareallifedrama.18The“tales”that aretoldinthecourtrecordsbringtolightthevaluesofthejudgesandthejudged, and establish the society’s system of rules of behavior.19 Thus, the notary’s descriptionofcrimesandthewitnesstestimonyrevealtohistorianstheboundaries ofgoodandbadbehavior,anddecidedwhowasincludedinandexcludedfrom anorderedsociety.20MicheldeCerteauassertsthattrialsare“spatial”storiesin

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Present98(February1983):3–29. Joëlle RolloKoster, “The Politics of Body Parts: Contested Topographies in LateMedieval Avignon,”Speculum78(January2003):66–98.MitchelB.Merback,TheThief,TheCrossandthe Wheel:PainandtheSpectacleofPunishmentinMedievalandRenaissanceEurope(London:Reaktion Books,1999).EstherCohen,“‘ToDieaCriminalforthePublicGood’:TheExecutionRitualinLate MedievalParis,”Law,Custom,andtheSocialFabricinMedievalEurope:EssaysinHonorofBryceLyon, ed.BernardS.BachrachandDavidNicholas.StudiesinMedievalCulture,XXVIII(Kalamazoo, MI:MedievalInstitutePublications,1990),285–304.WalterPrevenier,“ViolenceAgainstWomen inaMedievalMetropolis:ParisAround1400”Law,Custom,andtheSocialFabric,263–84.Claude Gauvard,“PendreetdépendreàlafinduMoyenÂge:lesexigencesd’unritualjudiciaire,”Riti eritualinellasocietàmedievali,ed.JacquesChiffoleau,LauroMartines,andA.ParaviciniBagliani (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1994), 191–214. Guido Ruggiero, “Constructing Civic Morality, Deconstructing the Body: Civic Rituals of Punishment in RenaissanceVenice,”Ritieritualinellesocietàmedievali,175–90.– See,RobertBartlett,TheHangedMan:AStoryofMiracle,Memory,andColonialismintheMiddleAges (Princeton:UniversityofPrincetonPress,2004). Antoine Garapon, Bien Juger: Essai sur le rituel judiciaire (Paris: Odile Jacob, 1997). Andrée Courtemanchedividesonetrialintoliterarycategoriessuchas“protagonists”andthe“plot”in “TheJudge,TheDoctor,andthePrisoner:MedicalExpertiseinManosquinJudicialRitualsatthe EndoftheFourteenthCentury,”MedievalandEarlyModernRitual:FormalizedBehaviorinEurope, China,andJapan,ed.JoëlleRolloKoster.Cultures,Beliefs,andTraditions,13(LeidenandBoston: Brill,2002),105–23. DanielLordSmail,“TellingTalesinAngevinCourts,”FrenchHistoricalStudies20(1997):183–215. NatalieZemonDavis,FictionintheArchives:PardonTalesandtheirTellersinSixteenthCentury France.TheHarryCampLecturesatStanfordUniversity(Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress, 1987). Forexample,B.AnnTlustyexamineswitnesstestimonyinearlymodernAugsburginorderto arguethatthesocietyhadvaryinglevelsandstandardsofacceptableviolence,particularlyamong

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a sense, drawing both literal and figurative borders in the city: restrictions of acceptable behavior, communal obligations of conduct, as well as physical boundariesofsocialinteractioninneighborhoodsandcitystreets.21Thelitigants whobroughtcasesbeforethecapitolsdidnotnecessarilyconsidertheoutcomeof thetrialasthemostimportantfactorofthedispute.Instead,thepublicnatureof theaccusationandthespectacleofthesocialdramainvolvedintakinganenemy tocourtwerejustassignificant.22Medievalpeopleinvestedinpressingcharges againsttheirenemy,notnecessarilyforthefinancialoutcome,butbecausethey coulddefameanopponent,orgivelegitimacytothehatredorangertheymay possess.Soforboththecapitolsandthelitigantstherewasmoreatstakethenjust anoutcomeofthetrial.Thecitizensreceivedanaudiencefortheirgrievance,and theadministratorscouldestablishtheirsovereignty. This essay attempts to situate the trial of Stephanus Saletas within the historiography of spatial theory by accepting urban space as a contested topographyoverwhichdifferentgroupsstruggletomaintaindominancethrough displaysandnegotiationsofpower.Inotherwords,thecitystreetsandpublic squares,buildings,andlandmarksofToulouseservedasaforumfortheresidents andtheadministrationto“perform”theirstatus,tosuppressarival,ortoseek restitutionforsomeperceivedinjustice.Toaccentuatethispoint,myanalysisof thecasewillbedividedintotwoparts.Thefirstportionwillexploretheplanned assaultagainstBernardusdeBosto.Thecourtrecordsrevealthatafterabusiness transactionwentawrybetweenStephanusSaletasandthelawyer,Saletasvowed toavengethisdishonorthroughthespectacleofmutilation.Eventhoughhewas acitizenofVillamuro,andthusanoutsidertothesocialhierarchyofToulouse,he stillaspiredtohavethisretaliationtakeplaceinpublic.Butinsteadofplayinga leadingrole,hewascontenttoworkthroughhispersonalconnectionsinthecity toorchestratetheeventfromadistance.Inthesecondportionofthecase,the struggleforjurisdictionoverSaletas,thecapitolsutilizedthisinterpersonalcrime todisplayandsolidifytheirjurisdictionalsovereigntybothwithinthecitylimits andbeyond.Thiscasewasanopportunityforsocialandjudicialpowerstructures tobenegotiated,andlegitimized,withinapublicurbansphere.

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theartisanswhofrequentedtaverns.“ViolenceandUrbanIdentityinEarlyModernAugsburg: Communication Strategies Between Authorities and Citizens in the Adjudication of Fights,” Cultures of Communication from Reformation to Enlightenment: Constructing Publics in the Early ModernGermanLands,ed.JamesVanHornMelton.St.AndrewsStudiesinReformationHistory (Aldershot,Hants,England,andBurlington,VT:AshgatePublishingCompany,2002),10–23 MicheldeCerteau,ThePracticeofEverydayLife,trans.StevenRendall(Berkeley:TheUniversity ofCaliforniaPress,1984),123. DanielLordSmail,TheConsumptionofJustice:Emotions,Publicity,andLegalCultureinMarseille, 1264–1423. Conjunctions of Religion and Power in the Medieval Past (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UniversityPress,2003),23.

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Due to the nature of the extant archival sources, it is difficult to offer any accurateassessmentofthesocialcompositionof Toulouse, ortogainanyreal knowledgeofthemovementofpeopleinandoutofthecity.23Butwedoknow thatbythefourteenthcentury,thecityofToulouseplayedapivotalroleinthe politicalandlegalnetworkofsouthernFrance.AftertheFrenchkingconquered the region and ended the Albigensian Crusade in 1229, Toulouse became the region’sheadquartersforroyalofficialssenttoprotecttheinterestsoftheking, and for the Dominican friars sent by the pope to combat the Cathar heresy. Between1280and1320,theKingPhiliptheFairsentlargenumbersofofficers trainedinRomanlawtoserveintheroyaladministrationinLanguedocasjudges, orasroyalprocurers.24Inaddition,theregionwasintegratedintotheroyaljudicial hierarchybybeingdividedintoregions,sénséchaussées;eachadministeredbya seneschal,aroyalofficer,whohadajudicialcourt,whichservedasthelastcourt ofappealsinmattersbeforetheparlementinParis.25Thesénséchausséeswerethen 23

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For the most part, scholars have concentrated on the city’s political transition into the royal kingdomduringthethirteenthcentury.BeyondthecopiouspublicationsofJohnHineMundy, themostrecentstudyisChristopherGardner,“NegotiatingLordship:EffortsoftheConsulatof ToulousetoRetainAutonomyunderCapetianRule(ca.1229–1315),”Ph.D.dissertation,Johns HopkinsUniversity,2002.Historiansinterestedinthecitybeyondpoliticalissueshaveconsulted taxrecords,guildstatutes,andvariousecclesiasticaldocumentsinordertoascertainstandards ofliving,meansofeconomicproduction,andfamilystructures.Forexample,in1335,thecapitols begantogatheracensusofthetaxablewealthofeachheadofhousehold,eithermaleorfemale. Philippe Wolff has worked with these documents extensively from the later fourteenth and fifteenthcenturyinLes“estimes”ToulousainesdesXIVeetXVesiècles(Toulouse:CentreNational delaRechercheScientifique,1956);CommercesetMarchandsdeToulouse(vers1350–1450)(Paris: LibrairiePilon,1954);and“Toulousevers1400:Répartitiontopographiquedesfortunesetdes professions,”Regardssurlemidi(Toulouse:ÉdouardPrivate,1978),269–78.Foradiscussionofthe availableguildrecords,seeSisterMaryAmbroseMulholland,EarlyGuildRecordsofToulouse(New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1941).Seealsoher“StatutesonClothmaking:Toulouse,1227” EssaysinMedievalLifeandThought:PresentedinHonorofAustinPattersonEvans,ed.JohnH.Mundy, Richard W. Emery, and Benjamin N. Nelson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), 167–80.BeyondthatdocumentsfromtheDominicaninquisitors,stationedinToulouseasearly as 1233, have been exhaustively mined by scholars of heresy and the mechanisms of church repression,partlybecauseinquisitorssuchasBernardGuikeptfastidiousrecordsofthepenalties thattheyadministeredtotheconvictedheretics.See,forexample,CélestinDouais,ed.Documents pourserviràl’histoiredel’inquisitiondansleLanguedoc(Paris:H.Champion,1977);andWalterL. Wakefield,Heresy,CrusadeandInquisitioninSouthernFrance(Berkeley:UniversityofCalifornia Press,1974). JosephR.Strayer,LesGensdeJusticeduLanguedocsousPhilippeleBel(Toulouse:AssociationMarc Bloch,1970),andTheReignofPhiliptheFair(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1980). MarieMartinChague,“Contributionàl’étudedurecrutementdesagentsroyauxenLanguedoc auxXIVeetXVesiècles,”FranceduNordetFranceduMidi:Contactsetinfluencesréciproques,vol.1, Actesducongrèsnationaldessociétéssavantes.Sectiondephilologieetdhistoirejusquà1610(Paris: BibliothèqueNationale,1971),359–78. ThispoliticalorganizationofFranceisbestdescribedinJohnW.Baldwin,TheGovernmentofPhilip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: The University of

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furthersubdividedintoviguerie,orjugerie,witharoyalvicarpresidingoveracourt withavarietyoflesserofficersandbureaucrats. MostoftheseroyalofficialsresidedandworkedintheChateauNarbonnaisin thesouthernportionofToulouse.ThenewlyinstitutedUniversityofToulousealso providedthecitywithabodyofprofessionallawyersandjuriststrainedinRoman law.26 The friars resided in various locations throughout the city, but they conductedtheirtrialsintheJacobinsmonastery,wheretheystandardizedand institutionalizedthepracticesofinquesttoeliminateheresy.TheDominicanshad attheirdisposalgroupsofnotariesandsoldierswhowouldsummonorforce suspectsintothecityofToulousetostandtrialfortheirbeliefs,ortosufferthe consequencesoftheircondemnation.Manyoftheirofficers,especiallynotaries, cruellyextortedmoneyfromthepeopletheyencountered,and,worse,captured andtorturedmenandwomenuntiltheysecuredconfessions.27Theoverlapping jurisdictionsofthemunicipal,royalandecclesiasticalofficialsinthecityledto frequentdisputesandconfusion,buttheyalsoensuredthatToulousebecamea fundamental location for the significant legal concerns of the residents of Languedoc. The municipal court structure of Toulouse dramatically changed due to the presenceofthesetwonewinfluences.Alljudicialsystems,includingthatofthe capitols,benefitedfromtheDominicans’perfectionoftheinquisitorialmethod.28 Inthisnewprocess,theauthoritiesnolongerhadtowaitforaccusationsagainst malefactorstobebroughttotheirattention;instead,theycouldactivelypursue and prosecute suspects or other deviants by the power of their office. The Dominicansalsoprovedtobetremendouslyeffectiveinformulatingmethodsof interrogationandwaystoextractconfessionsfrompeopleintheircustody. As moremenweretrainedincanonandcivillawattheuniversitiesofEurope,many

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CaliforniaPress,1986),andmorerecently,ElizabethM.Hallam,CapetianFrance,987–1328(New York:Longman,2001). A general history of the University of Toulouse may be found in Cyril Eugene Smith, The University of Toulouse in the Middle Ages: Its Origins and Growth to 1500 A.D. (Milwaukee, Wisconsin:TheMarquetteUniversityPress,1958).EduardMauritsMeijershaspublishedthe debatesoftheprofessorsoflawattheUniversityofToulouseconcerningcanonicalandcivillegal mattersfromhypotheticalsituations,andalistofthefacultyduringthelatethirteenthandearly fourteenth century, in Responsa doctorum tholosanorum (Haarlem: H. D. Tjeenk Willink & Zoon,1938). MenetdeRobécourtisthebestexampleofanotarywhoexploitedandviolentlypersecutedthe inhabitants of Carcassone. See JeanMarie Vidal, “Menet de Robécourt, commissaire de l’inquisitiondeCarcassone,”MoyenÂge16(1903):425–49;JamesB.Given,InquisitioninMedieval Society: Power, Discipline and Resistance in Languedoc (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 145–46. The Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 forbade the use of ordeals in ecclesiastical courts, and systematicallyoutlinedprovisionsofaninquisitorialprocedureintribunalstoprosecutesuspects. Given,InquisitioninMedievalSociety,13–22.

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ofthesetechniquesoftheinquisitioncarriedoverintothecivicjudicialprocedures inFrance.29 Sothecapitolshadadoptedthemechanismstoinvestigateallegationsofcrimes throughquestioning,detainment,andinsomecircumstances,torture.Butatthe sametimethatthecapitolsacquiredtheinquisitorialmethod,theintegrationinto theroyalcourthierarchythreatenedmanyoftheprivilegesandcustomsofthe municipaljudicialsystem.Thecapitolsdidnegotiatewiththekinginorderto preservesomeoftheirtraditionallegalprivilegesandlaws(whichwereeither acceptedorrejectedbytheking).30Oneofthemostcontestedissuesforthecapitols concernedwhohadlegitimatecustodyofthetown,andwhoheldjurisdictionover itsinhabitants.31InOctober,1283,PhilipIIIaddressedthisdebateandworkedout acompromisebetweenthecapitolsandtheroyalvicar.32 Most significantly to this essay was the royal proclamation that granted the capitolstherighttohearallcriminalcasesforoffensescommittedinToulouseand thesurroundingvicariateofLanguedoc,eitherbroughttotheirattentioninthe formofanofficialcomplaint,orifmunicipalsergeantsseizedthedefendantinthe processofcommittingthecrime.Duringthetrial,thevicarorhislieutenantwould sitinontheproceedings,andapprovethecapitols’recommendationforcorporal sentences.Withthisroyalmandate,thecapitolscontinuedintheroleasthefirst resourceforjusticeforthepeopleofToulouse,enforcingthecustomarylawof theirpredecessors.Inthesubsequentyears,themunicipalofficialswouldfight ardently to protect this right against the competing administrations, and to maintainapositionofrelevanceandauthorityfortheirconstituents. Itisintothisenvironment,then,thatwebeginthestoryofStephanusSaletasand BernardusdeBosto.Likemanyothercitizensofasmallercity,Saletascameto ToulousefortheservicesofdeBosto,abusinesslawyer(advocatusnegotiaris).More specifically,SaletasneededtopurchasetheofficialsealofToulouseforadocument

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A.Esmein,AHistoryofContinentalCriminalProcedurewithSpecialReferencetoFrance,trans.John Simpson.TheContinentalLegalHistorySeries[V](Boston:Little,Brown,1913),88–93. ManyoftheexchangesandrejectedstatutesarepreservedinAMT–AA3:2,from1274–1275,and ATM–AA3:3,liststheonesthatarerejected.Thecodificationofthecustomarylawispreserved inavarietyoflocations,includingamanuscriptattheBibliothèqueNationale,man.lat.9187.This hasbeenanalyzedanddiscussedingreatdetailbyGilles,LescoutumesdeToulouse. ClaudeDevicandJosephVaissètte,HistoiregénéraleduLanguedoc,ed.AugusteMolinier(Toulouse: Privat,1872–1904),X,doc.26,art.IV,col.154.“Itemsupereo,quoddicticonsulessupplicabant quodinhibereturdictovicario,nedeceterovillamTholosecustodiat,setpermittatdicteville custodiamdictisconsulibus,cumadeossolos,utdicunt,spectetdictacustodia,quodeisnegatur pervicarium,uteiscontrariumasseratur.Responsumest,quoddicticonsulescustodiantvillam, prout consueverunt, et nichilominus vicarius vel subvicarius et servientes ipsorum eam custodiant,cumviderintexpedire.” AMT–AA3:4andAMTAA4:1,datedOctober1283.

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thatwasbeingheldbyanotherMasterPetrusdeErto.WhendeBostoinformed Saletasthattheaskingpricewastwentysixsoltols,Saletasbecameagitatedand, withan“angryexpression,saidthathedidnotoweMasterBernardusmoneyor love.”33Uponhearingthisexplosiveresponse,BernardusdeBostorefusedtodeal anyfurtherwiththeclient.Accordingtowitnesstestimony,Stephanusleftthe lawyer’sofficeandbegantocomplainbitterlytohisfriendsthatthepricehad changed.Heclaimedthattheyhadpreviouslyagreeduponaspecificpayment, andtheyhadswornanoathconfirmingthedeal.StephanbelievedthatBernardus hadbrokenthispromise,andhadchangedthepriceatthelastminute.Thenext day,Stephanusaskedhisfirstcousin(consobrinus)toconfrontthelawyerinthe streetsbeforetheChâteauNarbonnais.34 After several verbal exchanges and grudging negotiations between the two, BernardusdeBostoagreedtomeetwithSaletasonceagain,andtoinvolveanother legal official to resolve the dispute. Unfortunately for Stephanus Saletas, this meeting with a third party also proved unsatisfactory, as he now owed in additionalsixteensolstolstothenotaryforhismediatingservices.35Whathad begunasasimpletransactionbetweenalawyerandaclienthadescalatedinto widespreaddebaclethatleftStephanusSaletasfeelingfrustratedandcheatedby thelegalsystemthatbroughthimtoToulouseinthefirstplace. Itdidnottakelongforthisaggravationtomanifestitselfinadramaticfashion. FromthedayafterthedisputewithBernardusdeBostoandintothenext,Saletas started making verbal threats that very soon he would get his revenge. He informednumerouspeoplethatan“evilpunishment”wascomingtothelawyer. Witnesses remarked that he became so infuriated that he bore an “angry expression and clenched teeth,”36 or that he maintained a “raging and angry face.”37Inmostcriminalrecords,thementionofadefendant’semotion,or“ira,” atthetimeofacrimewasindicativeofanactdrivenbypassionoranirrational impulse.Butinthiscase,itseemstoserveacoupleofdifferentfunctions.Tobegin with, it was a way in which Saletas “performed” his fury to an audience that reinforcedhissentimenttowardthelawyerandthewholeordeal.Heannounced hishostilityandhiscriminalintentions,andmadeitknownthathewouldnot toleratethisperceivedinjustice.Fromapracticalandlitigiousperspective,the witnessesprovidedarhetoricthatclearlyimplicatedSaletasinthecrime.IfSaletas

33

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AMT–FF57, 44: “tunc respondit irato animo et dixit pro sibi magistro bernardo non debebat pecuniamnecamorem.” Ibid.:“RaymundusJordaniquidiciturconsobrinusdictumStephanum.” Ibid.,45. Ibid.:“cumvultuiratoexistensetdentibusfremens.” Ibid.:“vultufuribandoetirato.”

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proclaimedinnocenceduringhistrial,hisfacialexpressionsandvocalizationwere specificindicatorsthatestablishedaconnectionandmotivationfortheattack. StephanusSaletasdevisedacalculatedandsymbolicpaybackagainstBernardus deBosto.Hehiredsomemenheknewthroughhissocialnetworksinthecityto stalk and attack the attorney, and enact his vengeance. A close friend, named PetrusCortesii,coordinatedameetingwithtwomenwillingtoacceptmoneyfor theassault.Whentheconspiratorsmetforthefirsttime,Saletasinformedthem that,“acertainlawyercalledMasterBernardusdeBostohasdonemewrong;I wantvindication,andsoIamaskingyoutowoundhimsobadlyinthefacethat hewillbedeformedfortherestofhislife.”38Theactofmutilatingafoeasaform ofvengeancecanbefoundinseveralmedievalrecords.39Perhapsthebestknown exampleisthestoryofPeterAbelard,whowascastratedbyhisloverHeloise’s vengeful uncle who “cut off the parts of my [Abelard’s] body whereby I had committedthewrongofwhichtheycomplained.”40TheGermanhistorianValentin Groebner argues that the concentration on the face, or the severing of a nose, signified an assault against the honor of an individual, both in criminal punishmentssanctionedbythemunicipalgovernments,andthroughduelsfought betweenrivals.Ahusband,forexample,couldpunishhiswifeforinfidelityby cuttingoffhernose.41WeevenfindanexampleofthisactioninMariedeFrance’s storyofthewerewolfBisclavret,whobitoffthenosefromhisschemingwife’s face.42 But an officer wounded or mutilated indicated a real vulnerability of commune’scontrolofacity.43Itrepresentedthepowerfulgroup’slackofcontrol overthesubservientpopulation.Insomefights,mencarrywoundsproudlyas badges of a toughly fought battle.44 In this instance, Bernardus de Bosto was mutilatedtothepointwherehewasnolongerabletoperformhisdutyeitheras a man, or as a contributing member of the social hierarchy. By explicitly

38

39

40 41

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44

Ibid.:“bacallarisinlegibusvocatusMagisterBernardusdeBostofecitmichialiquasinjuriasita pro modis omnibus volo ipsos vendicari et ipsos rogano instanter ut dictum Magistrum Bernardumtaliterinfacievulnerarentprototalitervitasuaessetdefformatus.” Forexample,inseveralcasesofvengeancefromfourteenthcenturyAvignon,therecordsrecord actssuchasblindinganenemy,orseveringofthelips,noseandfeet.JacquesChiffoleau,“La Violence au quotidian: Avignon au XIV siecle d’apres les registres de la cour temporelle, ” Melangesdel’EcoleFrancaisesdeRome(MoyenAge)92(1980):354. TheLettersofAbelardandHeloise,trans.BettyRadice(NewYork:PenguinBooks,1974),75. ValentinGroebner,“LosingFace,SavingFace:NosesandHonourintheLateMedievalTown,” trans.PamelaSelwyn,HistoryWorkshopJournal40(1995):1–15. MariedeFrance,“Bisclavret,”TheLaisofMariedeFrance,trans.GlynS.BurgessandKeithBusby (NewYork:PenguinBooks,2003),68–72. Guido Ruggiero, Violence in Early Renaissance Venice. Crime, Law, and Deviance Series (New Brunswick,NJ:RutgersUniversityPress,1980),140–43. RobertC.Davis,TheWaroftheFists:PopularCultureandPublicViolenceinlateRenaissanceVenice (NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1994),87.

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instructingthementoleaveBernardusdeBostofaciallydeformed,Saletasaimed toleavehismark,andtorenderhimimpotentasarespectedprofessionaland member of the community. The lawyer was meant to suffer this public humiliation,sothatanyonewholookedathimcouldseethathewasdishonored. Because Saletas had expressed his plan for vengeance to an audience, people wouldbeabletomaketheconnection,andknowthateventhoughSaletasdidnot committheacthimself,hishonoranddominanceoverdeBostowererestored throughthismaiming. After they agreed upon the payment of one hundred sols tols for the attack, SaletasleftToulousetoawaitwordthathisrevengehadbeencarriedoutbyhis mercenaries.Thissuggeststhatnoncitizenshadmobilityinandoutofthecity limits,andthattherewassomenetworkofcommunication.Italsobecomesclear fromthecourtrecordsthattheplanwasnotaprivateorconcealedaffair.Instead, asthedaysprogressed,morepeoplebecameentangledintheplotthatcontinued tounfoldinvariouspublicspacesofToulouse.Forexample,whennonoticeofthe attack arrived, Saletas came back to the city on numerous occasions to speed thingsalongwithpromisesofadditionalmoney.Hemetwiththehiredthugsin crowded taverns or in the houses of his friends.45 But the organization of the assaultdoesnotappeartohavebeenthemostsophisticated,becausesuspicious neighborskeptquestioningtheintentionsofthemenwhentheycongregated.The conspiratorsallhidinthesamehomewiththeirwivesandprostitutes,gathering weaponsandtheircourageformonths.46Inoneinstance,allofthemenwerefully armedandexitedthehometheyusedasaheadquartersfortheiroperation.When acouplewholivedclosebyinterrogatedthehomeowner,afriendofStephanus Saletas,heexplainedthatthemenintendedtotakealongjourney,andwerenot a threat to the security to the neighborhood.47 So Stephanus Saletas had allies withinthecityofToulousewillingtolieonhisbehalfandtohousethemenpaid tomutilateBernardusdeBosto.Butthisactivitydidnotgounnoticed:neighbors steppedforwardtoensurethatillicitactivitieswerequestioned,andthattheir communityremainedsafe.

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AMT–FF57,46–47.Inthemedievalcity,tavernsservedasapublicenvironmentwheresocialand professionalactivitiescouldtranspire.B.AnnTlusty,BacchusandCivilOrder:TheCultureofDrink inEarlyModernGermany.StudiesinEarlyModernGermanHistory(Charlottesville:University PressofVirgina,2001),158–82.BarbaraA.Hanawalt,“TheHost,theLawandtheAmbiguous SpaceofMedievalLondonTaverns,”‘OfGoodandIllRepute:’GenderandSocialControlinMedieval England(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1998),104–23.NicoleGonthier,Crisdehainesetrites d’unité:laviolencedanslesvilles,XIIIe–XVIesiècle.CollectionViolenceetSociété(Turnhout:Brepols, 1992),111–49. AMT–FF57,46–47. Ibid.,46.

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WhenthemenfinallyfeltsecureenoughintheirpreparationandinSaletas’s promisesofpaymenttolaunchtheattack,thespectacletranspiredinsignificant portionsofthecityspace.StephanusSaletas’strustedaccomplice,PetrusCortesii, receivedatipfromaninformantthatBernardusdeBostowasheadingtowardthe townhallforwork.Themengatheredtheirarmsandheadedtothecenterofthe city. Much like today, the courtyard around the town hall would have been bustlingwithcityadministratorsandlawyers,pilgrimspassingthroughontheir waytovisitthegreatbasilicaofSaintSernin,universitystudentsheadingtoclass, and merchants selling their wares to eager customers. Why, then, did the conspiratorschoosethismoment,atthislocationtoattackthelawyer?Although therecordsaresilent,wemayspeculatethatperhapstheyhopedthatthecrowd wouldconcealtheirattackandenablethemtocatchBernardusdeBostooffhis guard.Or,theymayhavechosenthisspotforasymbolicpurpose,toreinforcethe initialcomplaintsofStephanusSaletas. There needed to be an audience of Bernardus de Bosto’s peers in order to properlydefameanddisgracethelawyer.Butinmanyrespects,thetownhall representedthelegalsystemthathadfailedSaletas,hadhumiliatedhimamong hisfriendsandfamily.Itwasonlyfitting,then,thattheassaultshouldnotonly bringdownoneofthecity’srespectedlawyers,butalsosignalawarningtothe capitols and their administration as well. It may also have been a means to demonstrate that justice had been served outside of the judicial system of the municipalauthorityofToulouse.Toaddfurtherinsulttoinjury,theperpetrators fledthesceneofthecrimetoachurchwheretheytookadvantageofecclesiastical jurisdiction. Accordingtothecanonicallawofasylum,anyoneseekingrefugefromapublic authoritycouldbeprotectedinanychurchormonastery,wheretheycouldnotbe removed.Thiswasanissuethathadbeenhotlydebatedbetweenthecapitolsand the king, as they tried to establish their own privilege to make sure that the interestsoftheToulousainswereprotected.48Thenotionofasylumwasimportant tothechurch,asitwasameansofcontinuingaphysicalpresenceandauthority inthesecularlegalcomponentofToulouse:theecclesiasticalauthoritieswanted tokeepchurchesasrecognizablyprotectedspacesinordertomaintainpowerin municipaljurisdiction.49Thecapitolsandtheirofficerschallengedthisstipulation in1288,whichcausedthearchbishopofToulousetoissueacomplainttoKing

48 49

AMT–AA1:4(1152).LimouzinLamothe,LaCommunedeToulouse,267–68. See,forexample,anexampleofthenegotiationsbetweenthechurchandmunicipalauthorities in Montpellier in 1332, in Katheryn L. Reyerson’s “Flight from Prosecution: The Search for ReligiousAsyluminMedievalMontpellier,”FrenchHistoricalStudies17(Spring1992):603–26;J. CharlesCox,TheSanctuariesandSanctuarySeekersinMediaevalEngland(London:G.Allenand Sons,1911).

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PhilipIV.50Earlierthatyear,acriminalhadfledfromthecapitolstothechurchof Nazareth, immediately evoking the privilege of asylum. A messenger of the capitolsdisregardedthesafeguardofthereligioussite,brokeintothechurchand draggedtheaccusedtothetownhall.Horrifiedtolearnthatcapitolssubmittedthe mantointerrogationandthetortureof“questioning”inordertohearaconfession, thearchbishopbeseechedthekingtoenforcetheprotectionofthechurch’ssacred space.Theroyalparlementorderedthecapitolstoreturntheprisonertothechurch, thuscontinuingthetraditionofasylumforthechurchandrenderingthecapitols impotentagainsttheroyalprotectionofthechurch. Eventhoughtheassailantsremainedprotectedfromsecularauthorityinthe confinesofthechurch,sixdayspassed,andtheirsponsor’ssilencebecamealltoo disturbing. The most daring of the bunch crept out of the church and fled Toulouse in the middle of the night and located Stephanus Saletas at a small nearbylocationofBoudigos.51TheunnamedmandescribedtheattacktoSaletas, andceremoniouslyhandedovertheswordthathadwoundedBernardusdeBosto asheproclaimed“thisswordhasdonegreatthings.”52Thiswasthemomentthat Saletaswasexpectedtofulfillhispromise,andpaytheonehundredsolstols.Ifhe had,maybehisroleintheattackwouldneverhavebeenrevealedtoToulouse’s authorities. But Stephan Saletas handed over only twentyfive sols tols to this representativeoftheattackers.Itdidnottakelongforthisfacttomakeitsway backtoToulouseasSaletasretiredtohisnativecityofVillamuro.Withindays,the menfrominsidethechurchoftheDauradebegantonegotiatewiththecapitolsof Toulouse. Even Petrus Cortesii, once Saletas most trusted comrade, offered a swornstatementandconfessionaboutthewholeconspiracytothecapitols.53As themenwhoattackedBernardusdeBostowalkedoutofthechurchandintothe custodyofthejailinthetownhall,thecapitolsmayhaveperceivedthephysical assault as an attempt for an “outsider,” a noncitizen, trying to exert his own powerintothestreetsbydisregardingthecapitoul’sauthorityoverurbanspace, and proclaiming it his own. The trial of Stephanus Saletas would signal the restorationofthepowerstructurethroughtheutilizationofcityspacetodisplay themunicipalgovernment’sauthority. Itbecamecrucial,then,forthecapitolsandtheirofficerstoensurethatSaletas was tried within their courtroom in the town hall of Toulouse for a couple of reasons.Fromalegalperspective,thecapitolshadgainedjurisdictionoverthe surroundingterritorywhentheywereassimilatedintotheroyaljudicialsystem, and they could extradite defendants to stand trial for crimes committed in

50 51 52 53

ArchivesdépartmentalesdelaHauteGaronne–1G345,fol.42–43. AMT–FF57,50. Ibid. AMT–FF57,51.

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Toulouse. In September, 1291, the capitols contacted the authorities of Castelnaudry(40kilometerstothesoutheast),tocaptureandhandoveracertain Raymundus Furutrii, so he could be held responsible and punished for his “excessesandcrimes”committedinToulouse.54Butfromasymbolicperspective, thecourtroomwasnotonlyalocationforaccusationsofcriminaloffensestobe recorded and to be considered by the capitols, but it also became a forum for establishingthecyclesofinclusionandexclusionwithinthecommunity.55The authoritieshadtoconductthetrialinapublicandformalizedmanner,sothatthe urbanresidentscouldwitnessthatthecapitolsandtheirofficersdeliveredjustice for the victim. And much like the attack against Bernardus de Bosto was a spectacleintendedforaspecificaudience,thetrialandlegalproceedingswerealso aperformanceofjusticethatinvolvedavarietyofparticipants. Thetwelvecapitolsruledoverthecourtproceedings,butmanyother“good men”werealsopresent,includingbureaucratsandlegaladvisorssuchasnotaries and jurists. In addition, dozens of professional attorneys and notaries were recordedaswitnesses,whichisnotsurprisingconsideringtheattacktookplace closetothebusyandbureaucratictownhall.Intotal,thenotaryrecordedone hundredandthirtyfournamesofwitnesseswhocametothecourtroom,including a fisherman, a tavern owner, a silversmith, a barber, a tailor, several wives (unattended by their husbands), a female servant (ancilla) and a notary accompaniedbyhistrainee.56Clearly,thiswasacasethattranscendedbeyondan interpersonalconflictbetweenStephanusSaletasandBernardusdeBosto:thiswas apublicaffairthataffectedmanylevelsofthesocialhierarchy. As stated earlier in this paper, the criminal register included copies of the capitols’correspondencetotheofficialsofViIllamuroandtheregionalseneschal concerningtheextraditionofStephanusSaletastothecityofToulouse.Fromthese records,weareabletogainsomeinsightintothecapitols’jurisdictionalstrategies and ways in which they negotiated with smaller administrations within Languedoc. In their first official letter, the capitols informed the consuls of VillamurothattheyhadswornconfessionsfromBernardusdeBosto’sassailants

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AMT,layettesII,carton84.September21,1291.“ExpartedomininostriregisFrancieetnostra vocarequirimusacRogamusquathinus RamundumFurutriiquemlatorseulatoressubfida custodiatransmittatisinquirendumetpuniendumsuperquibusdamexcessibusetcriminibusper eundemRamunduminTholosaetsubiurisdictionenostracomissiatalitersuperhisvoshabentes utvosvaleatisnocifacturos.” Forexample,ifsomeonewasfalselyaccusedofacrime,hishonorhadtoberestoredinthepublic opinionthrougharitualcleansingofthedefamationbybringingtheaccusertocourt.Thejudicial trialbecamea“trialoftransformation”foranaccusedorslanderedindividualtobereinstated amongtherespectablepeopleofthesociety.Courtemanche,“MedicalExpertise,”123. AMT–FF57,104:“MagisterPetrusdeHertianotaireeteiusdiscipulus.”

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(whowereintheircustodyinthemunicipaljail),andthatthemenhadspecifically implicatedStephanusSaletasinthecrime.57 ThecapitolsrequestedthattheconsulsandbailiffofVillamurosurrenderSatelas into their custody, and to cease the protection and the concealment of their resident.TheletterspromisedthattheywouldgiveSaletasafairtrial,andthathe wouldbetreatedwell.Whenthiswrittenreassurancefailedtoyieldaresult,the capitolsofToulousedeployedthreemunicipalsergeants,anotary,andseveral juriststoVillamuroonmultipleoccasionstoconvincetheadministrationthatthe capitols’hadproperjurisdictioninthematterbecausethecrimehadtakenplace inToulouse.58ApparentlythepresenceofToulouse’sofficialsdidnotintimidate theconsulsofVillamuroeither,sothecapitolsdrewfromtheirroyalprivileges andappealedtothecourtoftheseneschalofLanguedoc.59Theyarguedthateven thoughSaletaswasnotinToulousewhenthecrimetookplace,heshouldbeheld responsiblebecauseSaletashadorchestratedandpaidfortheattack.Althoughthe records do not contain the responses of Villamuro’s officials, the issue of contention between the two administrations seems to have been surrounding whetherornotconspiracytocommitacrimewarrantedanextradition. AsthecorrespondenceandpoliticalwranglingforStephanusSaletasdragged onforweekswithoutanyresults,thecapitolsbegantoreleasenewchargesagainst Saletas.ItseemsasthoughtheywereabsolutelydeterminedtohaveStephanus Saletas come back to Toulouse to stand trial, regardless of the offense. It also demonstratesthecapitols’firmbeliefthattheyhadtotakeactivestepstoward achievingjusticebothtosatisfytheirconstituentsandtomaintaintheirplaceinthe local and region judicial hierarchy. The capitols revealed to the consuls of Villamuro that Stephanus Saletas had also terrorized some local land holding families around Toulouse. For example, he had robbed several families with weapons,andhehadstruckonemaninthefacewithhisfistandasword.60The starwitnessfortheprosecution,PetrusCortesii,alsotoldthecapitolsthatduring StephanusSaletas’sreignofterroragainstBernardusdeBosto,Saletassetfireto a large pile of the lawyer’s wood that was situated outside of the walls of Toulouse.Ittookseveralhundredmentoextinguishthefirewithwaterandto make sure that the city and its inhabitants were safe.61 By adding these new offensestotheirinitialchargesagainstSaletas,thecapitolswereperhapstryingto establishthathewasathreattothecommunityatlarge;BernardusdeBostowas

57 58 59 60 61

Ibid.,32. Ibid.,33–5. Ibid.,36. Ibid.,52. Ibid.

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not the only victim of Saletas’s evil intentions, but anyone in Languedoc was vulnerabletohismanipulationoroutrightviolence. IntheexampleofStephanusSaletas,royalinterventionworkedonthebehalfof the capitols. Pressured by the authority of the royal seneschal, the consuls of Villamuro handed Saletas into the custody of the capitols’ officials. The city sergeantsescortedtheprisonerbackintothecityspacethathehadviolatedtobe heldaccountableforhiscrimes.DespiteallofthepromisesofToulouse’scapitols, itwasveryunlikelythathadafairtrial.StephanusSaletasalwaysmaintainedhis innocenceinthecase.Heinsistedthathebarelyknewthemeninvolvedinthe attackagainstBernardusdeBostoandthathehadnoinvolvementintheattack.62 But Saletas was submitted to the torture of the “question,” even though his attorneys protested that this violated their jurisdiction.63 Torture (quaestio or tormentum in the documents), was considered part of the legal process in the thirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,andanotherelementofjurisdictionthathad been secured as a legal privilege by the administrations of Toulouse.64 Unfortunately,thisisasmuchinformationthattherecordscontain.Thearchives ofToulousedonotprovideanyindicationastowhetherornotSaletaswasfound guilty,andifhewasconvicted,whatwasthedesignatedpunishmentforhisrole in the attack that left a prestigious lawyer in mortal peril and perpetually deformedintheface.Nordoweknowthefateofthemenwhoactuallyperformed thedeed. Buteventhoughweareleftwithmorequestionsthananswersintheresolution ofthisdramaticcase,theextantrecordsestablishtheimportanceofutilizingcity space to perform justice. Stephanus Saletas had come into Toulouse to take advantageofthelegalsystemthatToulouseprovidedasthecapitalofLanguedoc. WhenhebelievedthatBernardusdeBostohadfailedhim,hesoughtvengeance throughaspectaclethattranspiredbythetownhallofToulouse.Thisoffereda blowagainstthehonorofdeBostoandthewholejudicialstructureofToulouse. After Saletas fled to his home in Villamuro, the capitols mobilized their administrationtobringhimbacktoToulousewheretheattackoccurred,sothat theycoulddisplaytheirsovereigntyandauthority.Thecapitolsusedthetrialto demonstratetotheirconstituentsthattheyhadrestoredordertothecommunity, andthattheyhaddominanceoverthesmallermunicipaljurisdictionsintheregion of Languedoc. The trial of Stephanus Saletas, then reveals much more than a

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Ibid.,41–42. Ibid.,56. EdwardPeters,Torture(NewYork:BasilBlackwell,1985),40–73.Historiansdebatehowoften torturewasadministeredinsecularcases.Forexample,KennethPenningtonbelievesthattorture wasnotpracticedasoftenduringthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturiesaspreviouslysuspected. The Prince and the Law, 1200–1600: Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition. A CentennialBook(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1993),42–4,157–60.

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randomactofmedievalviolence:itisasublimeexampleofthenegotiationof urbanspaceandpower.

JeanE.Jost (BradleyUniversity,Peoria,IL)

UrbanandLiminalSpaceinChaucer’sKnight’sTale: PerilousorProtective? 

Barbara A. Hanawalt and Michael Kobialka have eloquently defined the new postmodernconceptofspacewithinliterarycontexts: Eversincetheword“space”lostitsstrictlygeometricalmeaning,ithasacquiredand beenaccompaniedbynumerousadjectivesornounsthatdefinedits“new”useand attributes.Mentalspace,ideologicalspace,literaryspace,thespaceoftheimagination, thespaceofthedreams,utopianspace,imaginaryspace,technologicalspace,cultural space, and social space are some of the terms that have emerged alongside the Euclidian,isotropic,orabsolutespace....thepossibilitythatspacecanbeproduced alteredhowonetalksaboutandenvisionsthatwhichusedtobeanemptyarea.1

Themethodofutilizingspacerevealsmuchabouthowauthorsconceptualize, design, and execute their literary art, as well as shape the meaning and significanceoftheirartifact.Inparticular,spacewithinbothfictiveandrealcities offers uniquely effective landscapes on which to scribe the literal and fictive humanstory.AsMichaelCamillepointsout,“Manyhistoriansofthecity,asa modeofexperienceaswellasanarchitecturalsite,havedescribedhowurbanlife putsmoreemphasisuponvisualrecognition,andtheimportanceofvisualsigns certainly suggests another kind of quotidian literacy, based not upon textual learningbutanothersystemofunderstoodsymbolsandstructure.”2Thatseriesof

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MedievalPracticesofSpace,ed.BarbaraA.HanawaltandMichaelKobialka.MedievalCulture Series,23(LondonandMinneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,2000),Introduction,ix. MichaelCamille,“SignsoftheCity,”inMedievalPracticesofSpace,ed.BarbaraA.Hanawaltand MichaelKobialka.MedievalCultureSeries,23(LondonandMinneapolis:UniversityofMinnesota Press,2000),1–36;here9.Unfortunatelyfewerliterarystudieshaveconsideredtheroleofurban spacewithinspecificliterature.SomeofthemostinterestingincludeDavidWallace,“Chaucerand theAbsentCity”inChaucer’sEngland:LiteratureinHistoricalContexts,expandedinhisChaucerian Polity:AbsolutistLineagesandAssociationalFormsinEnglandandItaly(Stanford:StanfordUniversity Press,1997);CraigBertholet,“UrbanPoetryintheParliamentofFowles,”StudiesinPhilology 93.4(1996):365–89;John.H.Fisher,“CityandCountryintheFabliaux,”MedievalPerspectives1

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visualsignsrevealsandispartofthebroaderspatiallandscapeofthemedieval city,anditsmeaning.Camilleclaims,“Signsareindicatorsoflivedsocialplace, notdisembodiedabstractspace.”3Infact,accordingtoEdwardS.Casey,medieval societywasconcernedonlywithplace,nottheabstract,postmedieval,expanded category of space—mental, ideological, literary, imaginative, dream, utopian, technological,cultural,andsocialspace—4mentionedabovebyHanawaltand Kobialka.Nevertheless,modernconceptsofspacecanbeappliedtoliteratureof theMiddleAges,whetherthewriterscalledtheirsetting“space”or“place.”As DavidNicholsindicates, thephysiognomyandspatialdistributionofurbanlifeinmodernEuropewerefixed essentiallyduringtheMiddleAges....EnglishistheonlywestEuropeanlanguage thatdistinguishes“town”from“city”functionally,although“city”inFrenchmayrefer onlytotheareaenclosedbythelateRomanwallwhiletherestofthesettlementisthe “town.” German scholars in particular have used an allembracing definition of urbanisationthatlumpstogetheras“towns”everythingfromthegreatmetropolises tothetiniestofsettlementsthathadchartersofprivilege....Thecitytowndistinction is admittedly arbitrary and depends to a great degree on the level of regional urbanisation.5

JohnMichealCraftonrecognizestheseoverlappingusages,claiming“thewords cityandtown,usedalmostcompletelysynonymously,appearmostofteninTroilus andsecondmostintheKnight’sTale.”6Withthiscaveatofthearbitrarinessofthe citytowndistinctioninmind,wewillconsidertheurbanspatialarrangementof Chaucer’sKnight’sTale,intheancientcitystatesofThebesandAthens,ascarefully delineatedlociwithaspectsbothperilousandprotective.Thefictivenatureofthe tale,orfictioningeneral,usuallyfollowstheactuallayoutofrealcities,andinfact, medievalauthorsmayevenhaveexperienceofthoserealcitiesfromwhichthey maydrawtheirdesign. DavidWallacepointsoutthat“Chaucer’sCanterburyTalesdoesnotbeginin London:itbeginssouthoftheThamesinSouthwarkandmovesussteadilyaway from the city walls.”7 The body of fictive tales and its fictive construct of pilgrimageismeanttobeliminal,spanningthedistancebetweenLondonand

3 4

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(1986):1–15;CityandSpectacleinMedievalEurope,ed.BarbaraHanawaltandKathrynL.Reyerson. MedievalStudiesatMinnesotaSeries,6(Minneapolis:UniversityofMichiganPress,1994);John MichealCrafton,“ChaucerandtheCity,”MedievalPerspectives17.2(2002):51–67. Camille,“SignsoftheCity,”9. EdwardS.Casey,TheFateofPlace:APhilosophicalHistory(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress, 1997),103–15. DavidNichols,TheGrowthoftheMedievalCityFromLateAntiquitytotheEarlyFourteenthCentury. AHistoryofUrbanSocietyinEurope,4.(NewYorkandLondon:Longman,1997),Preface,xiv,xv. Crafton,“ChaucerandtheCity,”52. Wallace,“ChaucerandtheAbsentCity,”59.

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Canterbury;mosttalesdescribespaceswhicharenotLondon,butrepresenta widearrayofplaces.Wallacecontinues,describingthesignificanceofbeginning theventureinthisliminalsuburbofLondon: ThechoiceofaSouthwarktavernasthegatheringplaceforChaucer’spilgrimageis at once realistically plausible and arrestingly eccentric. Pilgrims from London to CanterburyoftenspentthenightinSouthwarksothattheycouldbegintheirjourney before the city gates were opened for the day . . . . The effect of assembling at Southwarkistoemphasizetherandomnessofthisencounter....[Further,]Southwark functionedasadumpinggroundandexclusionzoneforearlymodernLondon:messy ormarginaltradessuchaslimeburning,tanning,dyingbrewing,innkeeping,and prostitution flourished there; criminals fleeing London courts and aliens working aroundLondontraderegulationsfoundahome....ThenameofSouthwark,inshort, identifiesgovernanceasaproblematicissue,takestheissueoutofthecity,andyet cannotquiteleavethecitybehind.8

Bothappropriatelyandironicallyinthisraucousandsubversiveliminalspace,a ragtagassemblygathertogetherandtelltheirequallyunconventionaltales.Inthis unruly place, the rules of taletelling are established, themselves to be both disorderedandbroken;herethetalesofgameandearnest,solasandsentence,will besetandinterrupted.Herethesacredandprofaneadventurebegins,butdoes notend.Here,theconditionofperilisasprominentasthatofprotection.Theact ofpilgrimagingitselfconsistsofmovingfromoneurbanspace,throughliminal ruralspace,9tothenexturbanspacewithaneverfluctuatingseriesofeventsand narratives punctuating those spaces. The goal of pilgrimaging may well be a religious or spiritual space at its conclusion, and reflect a psychological progressionofthespirit,inyetanotherkindofemotionalspace. Butwhathappens,fictivelyandliterarilyinthoseintermediateliminalspaces aretherealobjectofthepoet’sscrutiny.Here,Tellersfromvariedculturaland hierarchicallocicompeteforthespacetotelltheirtalesofsolasandsentenceand wintheprize.Craftoninterestinglycontendsthat“Chaucerplacestheproblemof thecityasaproblemofmargins,notamarginalproblembutmarginsthatsetout, thatframe,thespacesofinscription;”10thepilgrimageframesChaucer’snarrative spaces,highlightingtheimportanceofthoseliminalmaterialborderspacesaswell 8

9

10

Wallace,“ChaucerandtheAbsentCity,”60,61.Wallacealsonotesthat“Suchadetailedconcern withtheregulationanddivisionoftimeandspaceinthecityisaconstantfeatureoftheLetter Books....theserecordsattesttoasophisticatedunderstandingofthefunctioningandgovernance ofurbanspace;theysuggest,inshort,anurbanconsciousness”(64,65)TheLetterBooksare found in H. T. Ridley, ed. Memorials of London and London Life in the XIIIth, IVXth, and XVth Centuries,AD1276–1419(London:Longmans,GreenandCo.,1868),492. TheItalianwordcontadosignifies“surroundingcountryside;”captains(orgreaterknights)and valvasours(ortheirvassals)arethetwolevelsofurbanandruralnobility.SeeDavidNichols, GrowthoftheMedievalCity,117–20and282–86,forfurtherdiscussion. Crafton,“ChaucerandtheCity,”65.

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astheliterarylinksconnectingtales.ThesespacesprotecttheintegrityoftheTales andthecomposite,despiteitsfragmentednature.11 Within the fictive Canterbury Tales’ pilgrimage, material, emotional, and psychologicalspacemayexpand,limit,define,contrast,evoke,givemeaningto, and diminish narrative situations. The evolving setting of The Knight’s Tale alternatesbetween,largecity,smallvillage,uninhabitedforest,andnearenvirons of each, with concomitant emotional volatility. It encompasses battlefields, gardens,towers,groves,castles,andchamberswithin.AsV.A.Kolvepointsout, “Chaucer’ssubject[intheKnight’sTale]isnothinglessthanthepaganpastatits mostnobleanddignified,imaginedfromwithin.”12Thatnoble,paganpastoffers richandvariedloci,eachwithitsownchallenges. Thespaceofthecity,imaginedfromwithinthatcityandwithout,bothindoor andoutdoor,artificialandnatural,andevenonthebordersspanningboth,isthus publicandprivate,democraticandautocratic,militaryandinclusive,personaland intimate.Butthequestionnarrativelylinkingthemallremains:“Arethoseloci perilousorprotective?”And“Cantheybemademoreorlessso?”Outdoorspaces indeedappearthemostperilousandpitiful,fortherebattlesandtournamentsare fought, there sorrowing widows bemoan their losses, there suppliants pray at temples,thereinternmentforunfortunateeventsoccurs.Butinsidecityspaces, suchasprisontowers,deathbedrooms,andinternalpsychologicalplacesmay confineanddebilitateaswell.Conversely,withinexternalspacesofgardensand groves,naturerulesbeneficently,freedombeckons,andjoyappearspossible. The entire complex structure of the Knight’s Tale in particular hangs on its multiple loci, revealing both their physical and emotional significance, interspersing political, legal, and personal landscapes to deepen their impact. Additionally,humaneventsoccurringwithinthesespacesmaychangethenature oftheirprotectionorpreservation,asnewemotionalperspectivesmodifythose sites of Nature. Thus the Knight offers a complex pattern of sites to explore persistence,ritual,andfinallyresolution,allpredicatedontherelativeusesof multipletypesofspace. ThetalebeginsasDukeTheseusjourneysonasecularpilgrimagefromthenow conquered reign of Femenye13 to his native Athens. As John H. Fisher notes 11

12

13

Chaucer’sCanterburyTalesaredividedintotenfragments,assembledafterhisdeathaccording tovariouseditorialprinciples.ThoseTaleswithlinkstopriororsubsequentTalesareputtogether intoafragment.ThoseTaleslackinglinkscomprisetheirownfragment,andareplacedintothe wholebasedonaneditor’ssenseofwheretheybelong. V. A. Kolve, Chaucer and the Imagery of Narrative: The First Five Canterbury Tales (Stanford, California:StanfordUniversityPress,1984),86. JohnH.FishersuggeststheplacenameofthehomeofAmazons,inthe“regneofFemenye”(from Lat.femina,woman),wasevidentlyinventedbyChaucer.[Boccaccio’sTeseida]makesTeseo’swar againsttheAmazonsa‘purgation’oftheir‘sin’offeminism”(TheCompletePoetryandProseof GeoffreyChaucer,ed.JohnH.Fisher(NewYork,Chicago,etal.:Holt,RinehartandWinston,1977),

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“MedievalpeoplelookeduponAthensasthefountainheadofsecularsocialand political theory;”14 perhaps Chaucer is juxtaposing a medieval conception of illegitimate or unnatural lawlessness—rule by women—with orderly law by Theseus, which nevertheless ultimately brings peril and disaster. The Duke rejoices in his victory and his upcoming marriage to Ypolyta, Queen of the defeatedAmazons.Thesiteofbattlehastreatedhimkindly.However,wehave noevidenceofherdesiretobedethronedfrompower,tobelongtoTheseus,orto bemovedfromhercityintohis.ForYpolyta,thecityspacehasprovenperilous, inthatshehasunwillinglylostherlibertyandindependencethroughTheseus’s conquestofherlands.AsLauraKendrickseesit,“Theseuscurtailsandrepresses outrageous, unlawful, erotic and aggressive desires: first, he conquers the AmazonsandturnstheirQueen,Ypolyta,intohisobedientwife.”15Iftheproofis inthepudding,wemightask,doesTheseus’sreignfinallyproveprotective,or perilous,lawfulandpeaceable,ormilitaristicanddeadly,tohiscitizens?Wedo knowYpolyta’ssisterEmily’sdesire:shewantsnopartofmarriage,asonewould expectfromanAmazonian;presumablysheandYpolytawouldprefertoremain intheirownqueendom.Nevertheless,fromaperspectiveoutsidethetale,the voicelessYpolytaisforcedtoleaveherhabitatbehind,accompanyherimposed husbandtohernewcity.Bothexternalurbanspaces,“Amazonia”andAthens bringTheseusjoy,however,despitehisQueen’sperilousexile. On the outskirts of Athens, however, Duke Theseus is met by his initial provocation.“Whanhewascomealmoostuntothetoun,”16 keeningwidowsin blackgarbwho“bisekenmercyandsuccor”(918)presenthisfirstdifficulty.They are in a miserable emotional space. Beseeching his help, they place him in a similar, empathetic position, on the edge of their pain. A repeated pattern of complicationemergesinwhichthemostevocativeandemotionaleventsoccuron thebrinkof,butnotintheheartofaputativelywellgovernedcity.Theliminal spacebetweentheoutskirtsandthecityshouldprotectthecommunityandensure urbanharmonyisnotdisturbedbythedisharmonyofitsinhabitants.Inthese border spaces, conflict is acknowledged, negotiated, and perhaps resolved, protectingthecityatlargefrominvolvement.Thelocusofthesekeeningwidows, formerly powerful Queens, suffering battle scars and emotional trauma, is a physically and emotionally desperate place. Kneeling abjectly at the feet of a powerfulfiguretobegreprisalfortheirhusbands’deaths,andneedinganew

14 15

16

25,notetol.866.ChaucerhasnotfullyremovedthestigmaofthatsiteforTheseus’sconquestis acceptedaslegitimatewhileignoringthereasonsfordoingso. Fisher,CompletePoetryandProse,25,notetoll.860–61. LauraKendrick,ChaucerianPlay:ComedyandControlintheCanterburyTales(BerkeleyandLos Angeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1988),118. Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry D. Benson (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin,1987), I.894. This and subsequentquotationsaretakenfromthisedition.

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socialorderforasaferfuture, these weakandvulnerablewomenareavisual representationoftheirplightintheirowncity.Theirsituationrecapitulatesthe military and amatory experience Theseus has just completed: in militarily overcomingandemotionallywooingYpolitainthatlandofFemenye,andnow, inseekinganewinclusivesocialorganizationathiscourt.Theseusisinchargein allthreeplaces. IfoneChaucerianmotifhereisthevalueofastablesocietyrunbyawiseand astuteruler,hisphysicalreign,particularlyitsurbanspace,mustexemplifythat excellent governance soon to be prized in Renaissance “Rules for Princes” Handbooks.Suchurbanspace,then,musteschewunstablebrawlingandoutof controlexcesswhichplaguesthewidowQueens,relegatingsuchabominationsto other, more suburban regions, there to be resolved. But enemy cities such as FemenyeseemnotalwaystofallwithinTheseus’sprotectivepurview. Theseprostratewidowsbegareprieve;Theseuspolitelydismountsandraises themupintohisroyalspace,gentlyliftingthemfromtheearthintohisdomain wheretheybelongbybirth.Heleaveshiselevatedplaceastridehishorse,and“in his armes he hem alle up hente/ And hem conforteth in ful good entente” (I A.957–58). Jill Mann brilliantly reveals the meaning of the carefully arranged iconography:“ChaucerplaceshisTheseusonhorsebackandmakeshiminstantly dismountunderhis‘pitous’impulse,soastoillustratedramaticallythelevelling ofconquerorwithvictims,theabandonmentofhistriumphforidentificationwith their grief.”17 This is most appropriate, for Theseus has, after all, conquered Femenye,justasCreonhasconqueredAthens,albeitwithlesscrueltyweassume. TheDuke’selevationoftheQueenstohismorecomfortablespaceofdignityand respectforeshadowsthecareandhealingactionhewillsoonperformontheir behalf,inthespaceoftheircity,ashewillattemptlaterinThebes. Thisliminalspaceoutsidethecityisasafeplace,wherethesovereignisnot symbolicallyandliterallyabovethem,butisintheirspace,toeffecttheirbusiness. Theblackgarbedmournersonthe“heigheweye”(1.897)representdeprivation, injustice,andviolation:1)deprivationofhusbandlysupport,wisegovernance, opportunitytoleavethepastbehindandmoveontothepresent;2)injusticein unfairtreatmentagainstthem,forCreonhasnotonlykilledtheirhusbandsinthis locus,buthasleftthemunburiedcarrionforthebirdsandroamingdogs,avery badlocusforthedead;and3)violation,indenyingthemtheirburialpracticesand rituals, their proper place as mourners and Queens, thus disrespecting their culturalmoresanddesecratingvictims’afterlives.Theunconfinedenvironsofthe roadneitherfreesnorprotectsthewidows,humblykneelingontheground.But itoffersthemTheseus’sgestureofpity,andhopeofreparationandregeneration.

17

JillMann,FeminizingChaucer.ChaucerStudies,30(1991;Woodbridge,UK,andRochester,NY: D.S.Brewer,2002),135.

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DukeTheseus,alwaysthesageproblemsolver,vowsvengeanceonCreon,and movesintothecityconfinesofAthens,intoasiteofpriorkilling,tounseatand destroythatreigningtyrant.ForCreon,thespaceofhisowndomainhasbecome dangerous,notprotective,asretributionisestablishedwithhisdeath.Arebuilding or restructuring is only possible after the razing of the prior urban space, its confines,anditspsychicidentity.ForthosealliedwithCreonandcurrentlywithin thecity,thespaceisindeedperilous.Inafield,“Hefaught,andslough[Creon] manlyasaknyght/Inpleynbataille,andputtethefolktoflyght”(987–88).Forthe Queensoutsidethecity,theirrightstotheirdomain,theirabilitytoofferburial rites,andtheirprotectiontofulfillcustom’sritualshavebeenreinstated.Here,on thesiteofthedemolition,Theseuschoosestoremainthenight:“Stillinthatfeeld hetookalnyghthysreste”(1003)thusreinforcinghisclaimtopowerandassuring hisdominanceintheurbanspaceofThebes.Nocommentismadeaboutthefuture ofthisnowdemolishedspace,itsemptyvacuityspeakingvolumesabouttheprior criminalityofitsleaderCreon. AftertheAtheniansiegeofThebes,ransackersfindtwohalfdeadcousinspiledon a heap of corpses “liggynge by and by, / Bothe in oon armes” (1.1011–12) intertwinedwitheachotheronthegroundsofthebattlefield.Theyevensharethe samefamilialDNA,aswewouldsaytoday,andhierarchicalplaceinsociety.Their physicalproximityconfirmstheirintertwinedfuture,inspacesbothamicableand hostile to each other, albeit in ways neither could immediately envision. This externallocusofneardeath,inafieldjustoutsidethecityandcastle,exemplifies theirtragicstatus:oncehighbornknights,nowfallen,literallyandmetaphorically, tothedepthsofdespairandbarephysicalexistence.Theirproximitytoeachother establishestheirrelationship,bothstraightandironic,withinthetale.Savedfrom extinctionontheedgeofonedefeatedcity,theyaremovedtotheinternalprison of another which traps their minds, and the external prison which traps their bodies, high in the Athenian tower “in angwisse and in wo” (1.1030). This contraststhewinningpositionofTheseusinAthens:“Withlauercrownedasa conquerour / And ther he lyveth in joye and in honour / Terme of his lyf” (1.1027–29). While the city may protect Theseus, it merely deadens the defeated–Creon’ssoldiersandsurvivors.GerhardJoseph’sexcellentvisualization ofspacehereaccuratelysummarizesthespacedivisions: TheKnight’sTalemovesthroughfourearthlyenclosuresthatgivewaytooneanother as the locales of significant action: the prison tower in which Palamon and Arcite contendverballyfortherighttoEmilye,withwhomtheyhavebothfalleninlove(Part I);thegroveinwhichPalamonandArcitecomeupononeanotherandinwhichthey trytoslaughtereachotherbeforetheintercessionofTheseus(PartII);thetemplesof Venus,Mars,andDianawithintheamphitheatrethatTheseushasbuiltfortheclash

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JeanE.Jost of two hundred worthies (Part III); and the the arena itself in which the climactic tournamenttakesplace(PartIV).Thetaleisthusorganizedscenically.18

Theyoungknightsarethusonlymarginallybetterfortheirchangeofplace.While theyareoutofphysicallyfatalperilforthemoment,theyhavelostcontroland power over their existence: no mental freedom of movement, action, choice, location.V.A.KolveclaimsChaucer communicateshisvisionofthepaganpastmostpowerfullythroughtwogreatimages centraltothenarrative,theprison/gardenandthetournamentamphitheatre....The action requires that the garden be within sight of the prison tower, but Chaucer (followinghisoriginaltheTeseidaofBoccaccio)goesbeyondthat,toinsistontheir architectural contiguity.Hejoinstheminanemblematicway....Inthisstriking juxtaposition of structures, the prison and garden are “evene joynt”: they share a commonwall.19

Nevertheless,theyarenothingalike—onerepresentingNature,freedom,openness to the sky, the other representing manmade artifice, confinement, darkness withoutsky.KolveenumeratesChaucer’srepeateduseoftheverb“toroam,”as Palamon “romed in a chambre on heigh” (1.1065), Emily “romed up and doun”(1.1069),Palamon“Gothinthechambreromyngetoandfro”(1.1071),Emily “romedtoandfro”and“romethintheyonderplace”(1.1119);20thisinsistenceon physical movement through the space highlights their varied experience of uncomfortableconfinementorfreedom.Ironically,thesetwospacesareintegrally connected,architecturallysharingthesamewall: Thegretetour,thatwassothikkeandstroong, Whichofthecastelwasthechiefdongeoun (Therastheknyghteswereninprisoun OfwhichItoldeyowandtellenshal), Wasevenejoynanttothegardynwal TherasthisEmelyehaddehirpleyynge.

(1056–61)

SpeakingofthewallsinTroilusandCriseyde,Craftoncontendsthey“providea numberofnarrativearrangements,buttheyareconnotedambiguouslyasfreedom or enclosure, protection or threat, and finally unity or fragmentation,”21 an observationequallytrueoftheKnight’sTale’swalls.Onemightconcludethatthe fatesofthecharactersoneachsideofthewall,thegoodandilloflifeexperiences,

18

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Gerhard Joseph, “Chaucerian ‘Game’–‘Earnest’ and the ‘Argument of Herbergage’ in The CanterburyTales,”ChaucerReview(1970):83–96;here84. Kolve,ChaucerandtheImageryofNarrative,86,87. Kolve,ChaucerandtheImageryofNarrative,88,89. Crafton,“ChaucerandtheCity,”61.

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arerepresentedasinextricablyboundtoeachother,andformthematterofthis tale.Anychangeoflocuswoulddramaticallyalterthecourseofevents. Oneday,outsidetheprisontowerwalls,stepsbright,shiningMayroaming through Nature’s locus, the garden of flowers rivaling her beauty. Palamon, roaming about high in the manmade tower is instantly captivated by the unavailablemaidenhespiesthroughhisexcludingthickbarredwindow—toofar fromhimindistanceandsocialrank.Arcitesoondiscovershiscousin’sobsession, andjoinshiminlovelonging.Thetwoknightsarecaughtinanewspace,the imprisonmentoftheirinfatuation.Kolverecountshowoneartist,theMasterof RenéofAnjou,depictsthistableau: Emiliainthepleasuregarden,sittingonaturfedbench,andweavingagarlandof flowers,whilethetwoknightslookoutuponher through thebarsoftheirprison window.Theroombeyondthemisindarkness,whereasthegarden,delicateinits colorsandopentotheheavens,iswashedbythelightofspring.Thedoublesetting immediatelyestablishestheethosoftheaction,thethemestheactionwillexplore.. ..Thecontrastbetweenthesetwoplaces,fortheseartistsaswell,servesasanentry intothemeaningoftheevent...thefirstinaseriesoftransformationshewouldwork uponthisimage—anewapproachtotheyoungknights’discoveryofpassionatelove.22

Theeffectofspaceonemotionispalpable.AsHenryAnsgarKellypointsout, “Palamon’sjoy,thoughbrieflytold,makeslife’sprisonnoticeablylessfoul.”23An emotional place of happiness can thus temporarily mitigate distance to some degree,lessenthepainthatEmilyisnotintheknights’place.Palamonwould penetrate into the locus of Emily’s heart. Arcite is similarly wounded by her beauty;however,heseesEmilyasthelocusofsocialandpoliticalcapitaltobe won,andtriumphantwinningastheplaceofsuccessfulachievementmorethan appreciationofwoman’slove.Hewouldpenetratethelocusofherbodyonly. Herexplorationandroamingfreelyaboutinthespaceofthefloweringgarden highlightstheknights’caged,spatialconfinementapartfromnature,andapart fromtheobjectoftheirdesire.Theyhavenopower,noabilitytocommunicate,no freedomtoact.Butherplaceoffreedommotivatestheirescape.HereinPartI,the complicationofthestoryisclearlyset:theconquestofspatialandemotionalplaces isthegoalsoughtthroughtheKnight’scarefullyestablishedarchitecturalpattern. LeePattersonremindsusthat theKnight’sTaleisatableau,afrieze,asetofstaticimages,apageant;at its most dynamic,aprocession....Theeventsofthenarrativesaresopatternedthatwhatwe haveseenwewillseeagain...threescenesofspringobservances:Emily’sinthe garden is followed by Arcite’s ‘observaunce to May’ in the grove and then, most

22 23

KolveChaucerandtheImageryofNarrative,87. HenryAnsgarKelly,ChaucerianTragedy(1997;Cambridge:D.S.Brewer,2000),86.

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JeanE.Jost tellingly,byTheseus’shunt‘atthegreteherteinMay.’Theargumentintheprison becomesthebattleinthegroveandthenthetournamentintheamphitheater.24

This triple tableau reinforces the Knight’s nature: conservative, traditional, patterned,expected–allaccordingtodesignintherightplace.Pattersonconcludes: when “all narrative actions assume the same configuration . . . [the narrative] perfectly expresses both the selfcongratulation of chivalric ideology and the inconclusivenessofchivalricpractice.”25Thetwofoldconfigurationoforderand expansion parallel the Knight’s, and his hero Theseus’s orderloving, ritual seekingnature.Speakingofspatialprogression,Josephnotes: . . . while both the prison and thegrove are merely functional and neutral spaces unconsecratedbyanyconsciousritual,Theseusgoestoelaboratelengthstodignifythe tournament in his amphitheatre, to give it the widest possible metaphysical significance...Thepointofsuchgradualwideningisclear:thelargerthearenain whichviolentpassionscanplaythemselvesout,thelessdestructiveandthemore susceptibletoritualtheybecome.Meredecorativeelaborationmakesfororder,afact thatTheseussurelyunderstands.Itisforthisreasonthathemovesthecombatfrom thegroveintothemassivearenawithitstemples;itisforthisreasonthathedispenses thesinglecombatbetweentheenragedPalamonandArciteoveracompanyoftwo hundredknights.Ifspatialexpansionbecomesaprocesswhichcanmitigatethefury ofthepassions,theTale’sinsistenceuponexpansivenessoftimereinforcessucha movement towards order. . . . It is through such a continuing consecration, via expansion, of both space and time that Theseus attempts to bring a temporary, a limitedperfectionintotheconfusionofthislife.26 Thus,thehandlingofspaceinrepetitivepatternsbasedonthefearandinsecurity ofTeller(Knight)andcharacter(Theseus)seekingorderthroughexpansiveness iscongruenttoChaucer’sdepictionoftheTeller’spsyche,acarefulmanusedto militaryorder,asthisdiscussionsuggests. Ultimately,thelossofEmilyesupplantsthelossoffreedomandpower,forthe smalljoyofseeinghercannotwipeouttheanguishofprison.LauraKendricksees itthisway: These two heroes, confined to their prison tower, are powerless, conflicted child figuresparexcellence.TheyaresubjectnotonlytofateandTheseusbutalsototheir ownemotionsanddesires–toloveandhate.WhentheyseeEmelyewalkinginthe gardenbelowtheirprison,bothofthemfallinlovewithherinstantlyandcompletely, and“sibling”rivalrybeginsfortherighttopossessthefemaleloveobject,whichis unattainablenotonlybecauseEmelye“belongs”toTheseus,hersister’shusband,who hasthepaternalauthority–andtherightoftheconqueror–todisposeofherperson.

24

25 26

LeePatterson,ChaucerandtheSubjectofHistory(Madison,WI:UniversityofWisconsinPress, 1991),209. Patterson,ChaucerandtheSubjectofHistory,209. Joseph,“ChaucerianGame,”84–85.

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InsteadofopenlyexpressingtheirresentmentatTheseusforpreventingfulfillmentof theirdesires,thetwoyoungmenturntheirangeragainsteachother...inrelatively genteel,sublimatedformssuchasverbaldisputeand,later,informalized,secretbattle tothedeathfortheloveobject.27

Theloversareinaplaceofimpotence,tiedtothephysicaltowerandfrustratedby their desire, and inability to move. That these knights are stripped of their maturity and independence in the face of this love object exacerbates their dissatisfactionwithplace.Kolvesuggestsanemotionalchangeofplaceaswell,in that Chaucershowsadeepermovementofthespiritaswell—acompulsionnotcomic, arbitrary,ortrivial...[they]fallinlovewithEmelyeforherbeauty,unmistakably,but thebeautyofherfreedommostofall....Fromwithinprisontheyfallinlovewitha creaturewhoseemstoincarnateaconditiontheexactoppositeoftheirown28

—able to choose her own space. Her entrance into the garden and the tale establishesadistance,anemotionalriftbetweenthecousins,nowpoliticalrivals forpossessionofhercharms,howeverdifferentlyconceived.Italsotransforms a formal architectural tableau . . . [into an] animated opening out into a realm of contingencyandchange.PerotheusobtainsArcite’sfreedom,Palamonescapes,and the opening icon of the prison / gardennow left behind as a literal place . . . is redefinedthroughaseriesofmetaphorsandusedtoilluminatethesignificanceofthe action.29

Inotherwords,Emily’slocusoffreedomgeneratesasecondkindoflocusforthe desirousyoungmen.LittledoesArciterealizethatexiletoanalienplacebereftof hisbelovedwillinfactbeaworselocusofimprisonment. WhenPerotheus,mutualfriendofTheseusandArcite,visitsAthens,hearranges tofreethelatteronconditionofhisremoval,hisexilefromthatplace.Butfor Arcite,onefreedominAthensleadstoanotherbondageoutofit—deprivedofthe sightofhisbelovedinThebes:“Noughtinpurgatoriebutinhelle”(l.1226),lowon Fortune’swheel,doeshethinkhimselfnow,envisioningtheconfiningtoweras paradise.Aftersixmonthsofagonizing,Arcitebreakshispromise,andreturnsto Athens,nearbutnotwithhisbeloved;herehelanguishesforayearortwoand finally,incognito,becomes“Philostrate,”Emily’spage.Despitehisdiminished socialstatus,hislocusisnowideal!FortheKnight,then,freedomismorethan libertytoactatwill,howeverandwhereveronechooses.PerhapstheKnightfears

27 28 29

Kendrick,ChaucerianPlay,119. Kolve,ChaucerandtheImageryofNarrative,90. Kolve,ChaucerandtheImageryofNarrative,91.

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thelanguishing,impotent,inactivityArciteagonizinglyendures,andhencerushes tothepilgrimageathisfirstchance. Yetanothertransformationenactedhereisthemovefromrelativestasis,two knightsimprisonedwithinatowerwatchingamaidwalkinginaconfinedgarden, to relative activity and animation in the tournament, in a city within the city, “openingoutintoarealmofcontingencyandchange.”30ButasJillMannpoints out,first“Palamongoestothegrovetohidehimself,and‘byaventure’(1506) Arcitemakesforthesameplace...hewandersintotheverypathbywhoseside Palamonlieshidden.”31Theyfirstbeganinthesamelocus,separatetemporarily, andsevenyearslaterbychancecomebacktogether,nowwithadeadlyagenda, makingtheterrainitselfdangerousasweshallsee.Theyarefurtherinanew emotionallocusofdesireandcompetition,threateningandperilous. ThusafterthosepainfulyearsintheAthenianprisontower,Palamon,berating DameFortuna,Saturn,andJuno,determinestoescapehis“cage.”Here,inan outdoorgroveontheoutskirtsofAthens,inamarginalspaceneitherurbannor ruralwhichmightwellbemoredangerousthanhisinteriorprotectiveprison, Palamonthenewescapeehidesinhisexteriorplaceofexile;whilepreservedfrom legalimprisonmentinhishideout,heisconfinedtosecretisolation,awayfrom physical protection, and deprived of human interaction. Who, including the Knight,wouldnotfearaplaceofsuchisolation? By“aventure,”inthissamegroveasnotedabove,Arcitehaschosentomakehis May obeisances. Also emotionally imprisoned behind his masquerade in a protective feigned identity, and located in the body of the squire he calls “Philostrate”inordertoprotecthislifeandbenearEmilye,heseeksthissalvific refugeasanescape.Bothknightsareindanger.Theircommonphysicallocus, outdoorsinnature,ironicallywhatArlynDiamondrightlycalls“thetraditional refugeoflovers”32—butwithouttheirlover.Palamonhidinginthebushesand Arcitehidinginafeignedbody—initiatesaminorclimax:hostilesinglecombat over possession of the beloved, who is not even “possessable.” Perhaps this evidenceoffearandfrustrationmarkstheKnightaswell.Kolvefindsthatthe grove“encounterisdescribedinlanguagethatrecallstheirformerincarceration: PalamonhidesinabushwhileArcite‘romethupanddoun’(I.1515).Evenoutside

30 31

32

Kolve,ChaucerandtheImageryofNarrative,91. Jill Mann, “Chance and Destiny in Troilus and Criseyde and the Knight’s Tale,” The Cambridge CompaniontoChaucer,ed.PieroBoitaniandJillMann(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1986,2003),106. ArlynDiamond,“SirDegrevant:WhatLoversWant,”PulpFictionsofMedievalEngland:Essaysin PopularRomance,ed.NicolaMcDonald.(ManchesterandNewYork:ManchesterUniversityPress, 2004),82–101;here86.

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theprisontower,theirexperienceischaracterizedascaptivityandconstraint”33 regardlessofphysicallocus. Inthisbenignnaturalorchard,removedfromurbaneyes,threeforcesconverge: whiletwocousinsengageintheirphysicalcontest,“Uptotheanclefoghtethey inblood”(1.1660),byhappenstance,thethird,fatherfigureTheseus,willsoongo hunting in the same grove! And, as Ansgar Kelly points out in speaking of narrativeandthematiccircuitbreaks,“wecancitethegrovefirstdestroyedby Theseus in constructing his Colosseum and then used as the site of Arcite’s exequies”34 as an instance of mutated construction. A place of potential peril betweentwoknightsbecomesaplaceofactualperilbetweentwohundred,which ultimately,perhapsinevitably,willbecomeafatalplaceofburial. Confinedtothesafespacebackinhisroomapartfromthedangerousaction,but cladinridingclothesinpreparationforsomeevent,Theseusisatfirstoblivious tothedevastation.Whenheridesout,theconfluenceofthethree,thesymbolic fatherreigninginhistwosons,meetinginoneexternallocus,initiatesamajor conflictwhichonlymaternal,feminineintercessioncanmollify.Thus,following hissources,theKnightmustcreateaseparateterrain,albeitonthesamespot, specificallytoresolvetheEmilyrivalry,shebeingthesymbolicandliteralprize andthelocusoftheromance.Herfree,socialselfisaseductiveconduittoher emotionalandmilitarystability.Onthatterrain,ofEmilyeandthegrovewhere herloverscontend,isthesiteonwhichthenextpartofthenarrativeisplayedout. AlthoughTheseuswouldkillthevowbreakingknightsfortheirinfidelityonthe spot,oneforbreakingprisonandtheotherforbreakingexilebyreturningtothe city of Athens, his weeping Queen Ypolyta, her sister Emelye, and her Ladies wouldmarkthisterrain,affectthissituationbytheirplacementandactionsas well.Theypiteouslybeg: “Havemercy,Lord,uponuswommenalle!” Andonhirbarekneesadountheyfalle Andwoldehavekisthisfeettherashestood.

(1757–59)

AsMannpointsout,“ItisChaucerwhointroducesthissecondsetofkneeling womenintothenarrative;Boccaccio’sTeseofeelsonlyamomentaryangerthat passes of its own accord (V 88), so that there is no need for the women to intervene. Again the visual image points up the feminine nature of pity, the ‘verray wommanhede’ that prompts it.”35 This external tableau on the field parallelsthatoftheAmazonianwomenwhomTheseusfoundonthehighway,

33 34 35

Kolve,ChaucerandtheImageryofNarrative,91. AnsgarKelly,ChaucerianTragedy,224. Mann,FeminizingChaucer,136.

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twoofwhomweretheveryQueenYpolytaandEmelyenowpityingtheyoung knights. Happily, “what goes around comes around” or in Chaucerian idiom, “piteerennethsooneingentilherte”(1761)asempathylinksthetwovignettes. Theclimaxoneyearhence,aproper,safe,controlled,compassionatetournament will be fought with one hundred warriors per side in that exact locale where PalamonandArcitewerefound.MannfindsTheseus“providesacivilizedcontext withinwhich[thecontest]canoperate.”36Unlikethevicious,personaloneonone battleofthecombatantsaloneinthegrove,thispubliccontestanditsdisplaysof strengthbyprofessionalsiscontrolledbyrulesandregulationsdesignedtowin withoutdeathratherthanwithit.Althoughcertaindangerofindividualconflict tothedeathintheoutdoorgroveisreplacedbypotentialdangerincontrolled group battle in the same grovecumarena, both activities create a perilous environment. The outcome at that grove, the most consistent and unifying space in the romance,determinestheresolutionofthetale,Emily’sfinallocus,andthepolitical locusoftheknights.AsJulianWassermansuggests, Interestingly enough, the knights first set forth their conflicting views in a tower—Chaucer’sadditiontothepoem—reminiscentofBoethius’smetaphorofthe “heyetowreof[God’s]purveaunce”(iv,prosevi,219)inwhichoppositionsareheld “tohepealthoghethattheibendiverse.”Whentheoppositionsarenolongerheldin dynamicharmony,thetwoknightsleavethetowerandfightouttheconflictinthe world of ”moveable” things as symbolized by the arena with its carvings that emphasizetheworldlymanifestationsofthethreeseparatedeificprinciplestowhom theprotagonistspray.37

PartThreeofthetale,then,narratesthoseprayersanditsresults;itcreatesan artificial,outdoor,tripletempledspace,opentothesky,butcontainedbywalls as is a stadium, full of craft and artifice worthy of the dignified events to be enacted.Ironically,theColosseumabuttingthetemplesisalsoanartisticconstruct onwhicharecraftedlociofvarieddescriptionscreatingakindofreligiohistorical artmuseumattheedgeofthearena,withinthecityofAthens. AlbrechtClassennotesthegrowthofthirteenthcenturycitiesinhisarticlein thiscollection,andthat“theincreaseofpoweraccumulatedbycitiesgrewatan astoundingrate,whichfoundfascinatingexpressioninawidevarietyofurbanart,

36 37

Mann,“ChanceandDestiny,”107. JulianWasserman,“BothFixedandFree:LanguageandDestinyinChaucer’sKnight’sTaleand TroilusandCriseyde,”Sign,Sentence,Discourse:LanguageinMedievalThoughtandLiterature,ed.id. and Lois Roney (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989), 194–222; here 208. For an opposingview,seeHenryAnsgarKelly,“Chaucer’sArtandOurArt,”NewPerspectivesinChaucer Criticism,ed.DonaldM.Rose(Norman,Oklahoma:PilgrimBooks,1981),107–20,whomaintains “The same conclusions of muddlement and inattention to the visual arts must be drawn for Chaucer’sdepictionofthethreetemplesinTheKnight’sTale”(114).

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whetherwethinkofcathedralsandchurches,cityhalls,urbanhouses,libraries, orsplendidcitywallsaspartofthefortificationsystem.”38Withinthisclassical setting,thatexpressionwouldbemanifestedastemplesandColiseum.Itisnot surprisingthatTheseus’screativestructurewouldbeartisticallyexpressive.Itis liminal,neitherexclusivelycitynorcountry,butanappendageofboth,bridging thetwoloci.This“nobletheatre”(1.1885), Thecircuitamylewasabout, Walledofstoon,anddychedalwithoute Roundwastheshap,inmanereofcompas, ...Swichaplace Wasnoononerthe,asinsolitelspace. (1.1887–89;1895–96)

Interestingly,thewalledboundaryaroundthiscitywallisspatiallyrepresented allegoricallyasaminiglobe,“inmanereofcompas,”withopposingpostsinthe Eastern (honoring Venus), Western (honoring Mars), and Northern (honoring Diana) domains: a microcosm of a world of contrasting religious ideals. It is carefullyandappropriatelydesigned,withorderandreason.Theseus’sartists fabricategraffitionthiswallreflectinganartificial,unnaturalnatureonthewall placard,itselfplacedwithinnature.ThespaceofVenus’sEasternwallisagarden settingpaintedonwhitemarbledepictingbrokensleeps,sacredtears,andfiery strokes of desire on its face, a telling cuckoo on her hand and a fragrant rose garlandonherhead.Thespaceisseductive.Mars’sWesternwallofgoldcopies thetempleofMarsinThrace(Greece),notagardenbutacold,frostyforestof barrentreeswithastormywindblowingthrough,aspaceunderagrassyhill.The ghastlyburnishedsteeltempleandthegateshakenbyablastareantinatural.The spaceisbrutal.TheNorthernwallofalabaster,whiteandcoralred,protectsan oratorytothechasteDiane.Hereartificialilluminationmimickingawindow’s lightrevealsthehardest,strongeststonesboundwithironbothcrosswiseand endwisetoupholditsbarrelsizedpillars.Thespaceisfirmanddetermined. Eachlocuscaneasilybeidentifiedwiththedeityinwhosehonoritwascreated. Further,spaceisdemarcated,dividedintodiscreteunits,organizing,ordering, prioritizing,andhierarchizingtoemphasizeadditionalpointsofhisnarrative.As Pattersonsuggests, oneoftheKnight’smostcommonstrategiesofnarrativecontainmentis,literally,to build containers: it will help us to see how his version of narrative is in fact anti narrativebythinkingofitasconstruction,asarchitectonics.Eachnarrativeeventis carefullysealedofffromtheotherswithastatementoffinality...[seenin]thelarge numberoftransitionalpassagesthatstaplethenarrativetogether.”39

38 39

AlbrechtClassen,HansSachsandhisEncomiaSongs,”inthisvolume,568. Patterson,ChaucerandtheSubjectofHistory,210–11.

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Threesuchevidentdemarcationscanbeseeninthefollowing:“Suffisethheere ensamplesoonortwo,/AndthoughIkouderekeneathousandmo”(1953–54); “Suffiseth oon ensample in stories olde; / I may nat rekene hem alle though I wolde”(2038–39);and“NowwolIstyntenofthegoddesabove,OfMars,andof Venus,goddesseoflove,AndtelleyowaspleynlyasIkan/Thegreteeffect,for which that I bygan” (2479–82). Each of these divisions forms a compartment uniqueandseparablefromthewhole.Thestyleofdiscreteunitsamplyreflects Theseus’s patterned behavior and organizational mode of governing and the Knight’s patterned thought process and mode of narration. In fact, John V. Fleming would expand that observation, based on the General Prologue narratives, claiming “in the portraits of the Prologue Chaucer’s ‘sense of an ending’ is strong and active, and that what we might call his ‘last liners’ in particularenjoyacertainprideofplace...thedescriptionsofthePilgrimsusually concludewithaflourishofthematicwitoranemphaticstatementofsummary character.”40ThesametoneisevidentinthematerialartoftheColiseumwalls. Ambiguousatbest,thistheatreofdeathandbeautyjustoutsidethecivilizedcity is miraculously arrayed with pictures, paintings, artistic designs, statues, and elaboratelycraftedaltarstoMars,VenusandDiana.Allegoricalrepresentations of Plesaunce, Hope, Desire, Foolhardiness, Youth, Baudry, Riches, Felony, Ire, Dread,Madness,Outrage,Conquest,Diana,Pluto,Calistope,andotherslinethe walls;theysignifysourcesofpowerandassociationwithVenus,Mars,andDiana, Love,WarandChastity,Arcite,Palamon,andEmilyrespectively. Fleming suggests that “Decorative design and pictorial representation was everywhereinChaucer’sworld,intheconsecratedspacesofthechurchesandin thebanquethallsoftheCity...fromthemodestdecorationsofivyleaforzigzag to complex history executed in continuous narration.”41 The walls of this amphitheaterrepresentsuchfictivehistory,althoughtheyaredeceptivelypainted, ambiguouslyplacedbothinsideandoutsideofthecity,bothinteriorandexterior; whiletheycreateacontainedspace,thescenestheydepictareofuncontained, uncontrollednature:aforest,agarden,thecoldfrostyregionofThrace,ahill, huntinggrounds,andPluto’sdarkregion.Althoughtheyarebeautiful,theyare alsothebackdropofvice,fromdarkFelonietocruelIre,redasglowingcoal,to smilingKnifemurderer,totreasonousKillerinbed,thebleedingofopenWar,to gapingmouthed cold Death, to name a few. No doubt the Knight himself witnessedsuchatrocitieswhichstillburninhisconsciousness. Thevisionsrepresentplacesandmeansofdeathinactuallife,fittingsincehere willbelocatedthedeadlytournament.Thespace,theconcretetournamenttheatre, thenbecomesanamalgamofnatureandartifice,beautyanddestruction;itunifies 40

41

JohnV.Fleming,“ChaucerandtheVisualArtsofHisTime,”NewPerspectivesinChaucerCriticism, ed.DonaldM.Rose(Norman,OK:PilgrimBooks,1981),121–36;here132–33. Fleming,“ChaucerandtheVisualArts,”124.

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thethreeideologicalpositionsofthegods,aswellasthepersonaetheyreflect, throughimitationanddelineationoftheirdeificpatrons,andthecontenderseach represents.Andyetitisalsoaplaceofdeath,andatombsite.Thecharactersthe Knightchoosestodepicthaveironicrelevancetothistaleoflove,reinforcingthe text.Heinstantiatesthemanythemesofloveandconflict,selfandother,subtly pervadingthetextthroughout;hepubliclyannouncesTheseus’sidentity,values, andgreatlearningintheimagesbygivingthesubjectsofTheseus’simagination aconcretelocusonthewalls.Thesplendid,dramaticpresentationthreatensto stealtheshow,theactualphysicalcontestforaplaceintheheartofEmily. TheentouragesofPalamonandArcitearrivingthenightbeforethetournament arepresentedinaspatialdimension.PalamonispairedwithLygurge,Kingof Thrace, carried “ful hye upon a chaar of gold” (2138); Arcite is paired with Emetreus,KingofIndia,ridinghigh“Uponasteedebaytrappedinsteel”(2157). ThehostDukeTheseusushersinparadesofcombatantshierarchically,according totheirdegreeofpower;theyare placedinorderlyspaceswithinhisopulent internalpalacewithinhiscity,resplendentwithluxuryandregulatedwithfine precision,rankafterrankinproperorder. ThisTheseus,thisduc,thisworthyknyght, Whanhehadbroghthemintohiscitee, Andinnedhem,everichathisdegree, Hefestedhem,anddoothsogreetlabour Toesenhemanddohemalhonour Thatyetmenwenenthatnomanneswit Ofnoonestaatnekoudeamendenit.

(2190–96)

Thisinternalspaceisperfect!Theyareseatedfordinneraccordingtorank,in perfectlyprotected,controlledorder.Here,finally,isthesafetyandsecurityupon whichbothTheseusandtheKnightcanrely.Atleastuntilthegamesbegin. Whenallretireforthenight,thethreeprinciplesinthisprayerfestvisittheir shrineofchoice.FirstPalamonarisestovisitVenus“Andinhirhourehewalketh forthapas/Untothelystestherehiretemplewas”(2217–18).Here,humblyonhis knees,hebegs“tohavefullypossessioun/OfEmilye...SothatIhavemylady in[thespaceof]mynarmes”(2242–43,2247).Hevowstheplaceof“Thytemple wol I worshipe everemo, /And on thyn auter, where I ride or go, / I wol do sacrificeandfiresbeete”(2251–53).Recallingherstatusasgoddesswhorosefrom theseaattheislandofCytherafurthercreatesamentalconstructbywhichto knowher.Thissacredspaceofheroratoryaswellasherhistoricoriginshewill honorwithhiseverlastingsacrificeandfires.Butthenthisplaceisdeifiedwiththe presenceofVenusherself,since“attelastethestatueofVenusshook,/Andmade asigne”(2265–66)thustransformingitintoamiraculoussite.

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Next,“uproosEmyle,/AndtothetempleofDyaneganhye”(2273–75),toher placeofworshipwhereshelightsfires,burnsincense,andsacrificesclothesand alltherestthatsacrificeentails.Notingherthreefoldroleofgoddessofthehunt, ofthemoon,andoftheunderworld,Emilyprays“Ochastegoddesseofthewodes grene,/Towhombothheveneandertheandseeissene,/Queenoftheregneof Pluto derk and lowe, / Goddesse of maydens, that myn herte hast knowe” (2297–2300)andbeatstwofiresonheraltar.Shethenexplainsherownplaceasa maidwholoveshuntingandvenery,andtowalkthewildwoods,nottobeawife withchild,andbegsthisvirginallife.ShewishesloveandpeacebetweenPalamon andArcite,“Andfrometurneaweyhirhertesso”(2318)toanotherplace. The tears streaming down her cheeks demarcate her place of sorrow. The goddess’sresponsephysicallyshakesupthesitewhen“oonofthefyresqueynte /Andquykedagayn”(2334–35),flickeringoutandbackonagainaswindsroar around.WhenDianaappearsinpersonashuntresswithbowinhandandarrows clattering,thegoddesscreatesthesiteofamiracletoprophesyandreassurethe fearfulmaid. Finally,ArcitewalksintofierceMars’ssovereigntemple,thegodhonoredinthe coldregionsofThracewho“hastineveryregneandeverylond/Ofarmesalthe brydel[reins]inthynhond”(2375–76),aplaceofpowerandstrength.Thisplace hewill“moosthonoren/Ofanyplace...InthytempleIwolmybanerhonge” (2406–07,2410).ThusthespaceofthetemplebecomesthespaceofArciteaswell asofMars,asharingofvaluesandcommitment.Arcitewilleverburnfiresto Mars,bindinghisbeardandhairtothegod.Theresponseelicitsclatteringofrings anddoorsofthetemple,asweetaromafromthefires,aringingofhishauberk, andalowmurmuring“Victory”fromMars’sstatue.Thescenenowmovestoa newnonurbansetting:“intheheveneabove”(2439)theplaceofpowerwhere Father Saturn who dwells “in the signe of the leoun” (2462) utters the final decisionandconsoleseachcontestant. Thus,earlymorningbeforethetourneybegins,bothopponentsandEmilykneel inplacebeforethealtarsatthetemplesoftheirrespectivedeities,asmuchthe placeofdeterminationoftheoutcomeasthecombatzoneitself.Seeminglyan extension of the theatre, at this site they beg their mentors for their desired outcomes, and are promised fulfillment, an unlikely foreshadowing of the outcome, given the contradictory nature of the desires. Isolated in the sacred oratoriesofthedeities,EmelyeweepinglybegsherpatronessDianaexemption fromunwantedmarriage;PalamonentreatsVenusforhistruelove;Arciteprays toMarsforvictory. Thesettingthenswitchestothesacredspaceofheavenwherethegodsnegotiate, andSaturnreassuresVenus“Iwolthylustfulfille”(1.2478).Manncontendsthat “ItisbecauseSaturn’ssphereistheoutermostintheplanetaryorder(hiscourse

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thusbeingwidestofall)thathisinfluencedominatestheplanetsbeneathhim.”42 Being furthest away from earth, and offering the greatest perspective, the all seeinglocusofthegodsreinforcestheirgreatauthority.HeretheKnightusesthe authorityofthegods’celestiallocustotantalizetheaudience:howcanallthree wishesbefulfilled?Onlywiththeirintervention.Asthemorningofthetourney breaks,Theseus’sguestsroamthepalace,predictingtheday’soutcome.Theyare indoors,personallysafe,andremovedfromperilousexternalinfluence.Trueto form,thenobleTheseus“Heeldyetthechambreofhispaleysriche/Tilthatthe Thebaneknyghtes,bothyliche/Honoured,wereintothepaleysfet”[fetched] (1.252–27).Byremainingconfinedinhisroom,notstealingtheshow,andallowing the knights their respect, Theseus proves himself honorable, thoughtful, and sensitive.Hisgestureisalsoareminderthatthecombatantshavenoleisuretodo thesame.Theymustexittheprotectivespaceofthecastle,andbattleinthegrove, nowremadeintoaformalizedplaceofdeath.Theseussitsatawindowonathrone likeagod,removedfromcombatdangerasthethrongsbelowpresstowardhim. PerhapstheKnightidentifieswithhimhere,powerfulandsafe.Astheceremonies begin,hisplaceishighonahorse,leadingthecontestantsintobattle.“Thowere thegatesshet”(l.2597),theirclangcreatingaclosedsystem,aninternal,controlled arenainwhichuncontrolledactionswillbeperpetrated. Letthegamesbegininthenewcitywithinthecity.Thetwohundredwarriors who enter Theseus’s prefabricated enclosure are only marginally safer than PalamonandArcitewhocontendedinwideopenspacesoneyearbeforeonthe samespot.AlthoughTheseusordershis“lysts”toprotectunnecessarylossoflife, and follows proscribed tournament protocol, danger still prevails in this ambiguouslydesignedindooroutdoorspaceofconflict.TheDukeescortswarriors ofeachknightfromhisperfectpalacewheretheyrestedthenightintohiswar theatrewithhonoranddignitybefittingtheirkinglystatus. Afterfiercefightingandgreatlossesonthebattlefieldbyeachsideoutsidethe city,Palamonisvanquished.Indeed,helosesthebattle.Butasthevictor,Arcite, ridesaboutthestadiumacceptingcongratulations,theplaceoverwhichherides is disrupted by Pluto at Saturn’s request: “Out of the ground a furie infernal sterte”(1.2684);itbecomesthelocusofhisdeath.AfterArcite’sincidentoutdoors, heisbroughtinside,intoaplaceofrestinTheseus’scastle,inafutileattemptto savehim.Butremovingthedangerofbattledoesnotamelioratethewound.Thus, asupernaturalmiraclemustgenerateanaturaleffectinthisliminalspacebridging warandpeace,aninternalexternalenvironment.Hehaswonthebattle,butloses theprizebyhisdeath.GreatfuneralritualsandobservancesfollowuntilTheseus mustdeterminealocusforthebody.Inastructurallyperfectcircularending,the

42

Mann,“ChaucerandDestiny,”107.

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Duke chooses the very place where he and Arcite first fought, the very place whereArcitewonthecontest,andtheveryplacewherehelosthislife. AnsgarKellyrecallsthispattern,noting,“ThegrovefirstdestroyedbyTheseus inconstructinghiscoliseum[is]thenusedasthesiteofArcite’sexequies.”43But no matter how appropriate, the fearful attitude pervades the grove / arena. Further,asH.MarshallLeicester,Jr.claims, thereisamomentaryatmosphereofsomethinggenuinelyghastlyherethatechoesthe landscapeofthetempleofMarswithitsbrokentrees“inwhichtherdwellethneither man ne best” (1976). The hyperbolic destruction of the grove has interesting and disturbingimplicationsforthesymbolictopographyofthepoem.AttheendofPart IITheseussays,“ThelystesshalImakeninthisplace”(1862),adetailnotfoundin Boccaccio, where the arena predates the quarrel between Palamon and Arcite. Chaucer’salterationthusmakesthelistsmoreofanadhocinstitutioncreatedfora specificoccasionandthusstressesmorepointedlythepowerandenergyofhuman making.ButinthedescriptionofthefuneraltheKnightmakesthedestructionofthe grovesoundsototalthatwemaywonderwhethertheliststhatTheseusbuiltonits sitegoupinflamestoo.Certainlyitseemsappropriatetohismoodherethatheshould leavethepossibilityhanging:morethanwoodisbeingburnedinhismind.44

Itistheendofanerawhichmarkedthegroundonwhichthetourneywasheld, justasthearenaitselfmarkedthenarrative.Theplacewillalwaysconnotethe dangerouslocusofbattlebetweencousinsforloveandhonor.Butthatnarrative is not yet over. Years later, Theseus calls the Parliament into session; then he summonsPalamon,andfinallyEmilytoconveneataplacewherehelaysouttheir future.Thewiserulerpointsoutthetimeelapsed,andsuggeststhepaircease mourning,andtheyconcur.BothEmilyandPalamonhavelivedtheirlivesin separatespaces,aloneandlonely.Now,Theseussuggests,theyshallbeunited. Thusinsolemn,dignifiedritual,Theseuswedsthem:“Bitwixenhemwasmaad anonthebond/Thathightematrimoigneormariage”(1.3094–95).Thisdeferred winningoftheprizehasmovedPalamonfromlocustolocus:fromthepileof corpses on the Theban battlefield, to the confusing tower and the desires it generates,tothecityofAthens’borders,totheinteriorofTheseus’sritualized theatre,tothebattlefielditself,tohisdomicile,atemporarystateoflimbo,and finally to Theseus’s conference to receive the amatory prize of union with his beloved.However,descriptionoftheintimatespaceofthebedchambercommon inmanyromancesiswithheldbyaKnightlyTeller,perhapsmorepoliticalthan amatory.Theseus’sbestowalofEmilyalsooccursintheliminalspacebetween public and private—not on a grand scale in the stadium before thousands of

43 44

AnsgarKelly,ChaucerianTragedy,224. H.MarshallLeicester,Jr.,TheDisenchantedSelf:RepresentingtheSubjectintheCanterburyTales (Berkeley,LosAngeles,andOxford:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1990),355.

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adulatingfans,butintheconfinedquartersofthewiseDukewhowillnodoubt giveitsomepublicnotice. IndiscussingBoccaccio’sfunctionofcityspace,Craftonposits“representatives oftwoverydifferentsocialclassesdevelopingabondascitizensreadytodefend thecityagainstexternalthreat.”45OftenChaucer’scitizenslikewiseunitetoprotect theirpoliticalandmaterialspace.ChaucerianpilgrimTellersandtheircharacters recognize“alleintheircompanye,”butintheKnight’sTale,agonisticcompetition ratherthancooperationorbondingistheorderofthedayforPalamonandArcite. Ratherthansupportingtheirbloodrelatives,inakindofinversion,eachisthe causeofdangertotheother. Interestingly,eachknight’swishisfullygrantedfromtheirrespectivedeities; buttheAmazonianEmilyreceivesmerelyapartialreprievefromthemarriageshe doesnotwant,fromthemaritalperilshedoesnotchoose.Unlikethedetermined, strongwilledMelidorinSirDegrevant,whosepoliticalpowersequalthoseofher suitors,Emily,acenturybefore,ismoredocile,acceptingofhercircumstances, and less combative. Although she would not be a wife, she accepts the role if Diana demands. For her, the city is relatively safe while she is a maid, until Theseusdetermineshernewuxoriousstation.Thefunctionofthisfringeareain which she resides for many years, the liminal space between the confinement posedbyhumanhabitationandmarriage,andthefreedomfrominterference,is bothaperilousandprotectiveone. Inthisdomain,embodyingthebestandworstofbothworlds,sheisfree,but uncertainandinsecurethatherstatuswillnotsoonchange.Citytrespassersare temporarilyaccordedhumanintercourseandsafetywhentravelingtoanearby city;butironicallytheymayalsoencountertheirgreatestdanger,orexperience their greatest turmoil without protection in a city not desiring their presence. These complex, even ambivalent loci add human drama, a sense of narrative evolution, and emotional punctuation to this drawnout excursion into the romanceofloveandwarincityandruralspaces. Thepublicfaceofchivalryprecludesaplaceofreflectionandthemerelypersonal whichdefinestheKnightoftheGeneralPrologue,“releasedfromhisformulaic enclosure into the unstable territory where questions are asked—into the problematicofselfdefinitionthatmotivatestheCanterburyTales,”46asPatterson suggests.Inthisnewlocusofopenexplorationandselfunderstanding,theKnight emerges,notsurprisingly,asChaucer’sfirst,andoneofhisfinestTellersofcity tales.Thedomainofknightsingeneralissomewhatliminal,travelingastheydo throughdangerousterrainfromurbancourttoruralbattlefieldandback.Itis

45 46

Crafton,“ChaucerandtheCity,”52. Patterson,ChaucerandtheSubjectofHistory,168–69.

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somewhat ironic, then, that Chaucer’s Knight who has battled throughout the world, in cities and countrysides, has chosen to tell a spatially based Tale so heavily focused on the city. In fact, it can be said that Theseus, the Knight’s surrogate,hascreatedurbanspacebyextendingitsprotectiveboundariestoshield andpreservethoseinitspreviouslyliminalspacesofthedangerousruralgrove. Ratherthanseekingdangerous“aventure,”hewouldprivilegewiseandsecure terrain. Fleming reminds us of “the great pictorial riches that would have surroundedChaucerinthemorecosmopolitanworldoftheCity,inthechurches andprivatepalacesofThamesside...wemustnotforgetthatChaucerwasa Londoner,andhispoeticurbanityisthesophisticationofaculturalcapital.”47In thisfirstCanterburyTale,Chaucersetsthetoneandplaceofurbanegentilitywhile rehearsing all manner of urban spaces, public and personal, protective and perilous,inhisnarrative.Perhapsthemostintimidatinglocus,however,isthe internalone,theplaceofself,theseatofidentity,thespaceoforderandpublic refinement,whichtheKnighthassuccessfullycapturedandresolved,perhaps bothforhimselfandinthepersonofTheseus,bytheendofhistale.

47

Fleming,“ChaucerandtheVisualArts,”125.

DanielF.Pigg (TheUniversityofTennesseeatMartin)

ImaginingUrbanLifeandItsDiscontents:Chaucer’s Cook’sTaleandMasculineIdentity

Depictionsofcontemporary,medievalLondon,acitygrowingasamercantile centerinthefourteenthcentury,showittobeaplaceofproblemsalmostina stereotypicalway.Bymedievalstandards,Londonwasasignificantcity.AsDavid Wallacehasobserved,the1377polltaxreturnsshowLondontobetwicethesize ofcitiessuchasYorkorBristol.1Itwasacitywithclearrivalriesamongvarious guilds, and as it is depicted in civic records, it was a place where the typical temptationsandvicesmightbefound.ExaminationoftheLondonLetterBooks revealsaworldwhereacommonstandardofjusticeintermsofpunishmentsfor crimes was lacking, but one in which the “masculine oligarchy” is clearly operatinginanurbanspacetosupportandbenefitthegroupinpower.2Sincethe people who rose to power in London in the postPlague period were often themselvesmembersofguilds—anaspectthatChaucerhimselfobservedinhis portraits of the guildsmen in the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales—Chaucer’sdepictionoflifeinthecitywasstructuredaroundthematerial successesoftheguilds. Anyonewhochallengedthesepowerfulmenwouldfallunderthejudgmentof thecitytheycontrolled.Maleauthorityrepresentedintheguiseoftherulingclass seemed particularly keen on defining for other males aspiring to the status of

1

2

DavidWallace,“ChaucerandtheAbsentCity,”Chaucer’sEngland:LiteratureinHistoricalContext, ed.BarbaraHanawalt,MedievalStudiesatMinnesota,4(MinneapolisandLondon:University ofMinnesotaPress,1992),61–64. Wallace,“ChaucerandtheAbsentCity,”63–64.Forastudyoftheimplicationsofguildlifeinthe cityofYork,particularlythewayinwhichmasculineauthorityandpowerareconnectedwiththe guilds’roleintheproductionoftheCorpusChristicycleplays,seeChristinaMarieFitzgerald, TheDramaofMasculinityandMedievalEnglishGuildCulture.TheNewMiddleAges(NewYorkand London:Palgrave/Macmillan,2007).

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“citizen”whatacceptablebehaviorwas.Tochallengeorbreakthatimagemeant certainostracism,ifnotbeinglabeledascriminalactivity.AsJacquesRosssiaud hasnoted,suchassociationswithinanurbanspacesuchasLondonbroughtpeople togetherwiththekindsofassociationwhereaman.might“fraternizewithpeople withoutriskinghishonor.”3Theentiresocialorganizationofthecitywasthus reaffirmedasasymbolicandliteralsystem. ChaucerCook’sTaleprovidestheaudiencewiththeseeminglymostapparent depictionofthatLondonlife,evenwiththelocationof“Chepe”(4377)inthetext.4 In fact, the Cook’s Tale is unique in the Canterbury Tales with its setting in an Englishcity,asopposedtoatownorvillage.TheCook’sTalealsoprovidesusa windowontotheconstructionofmasculinitywithinthecontextofamercantile economybyshowingustheboundariesofacceptablemalebehaviorinthatcity. Apprenticeship was undertaken by both males and females in postplague London,buttheCookfocuseshisattentiondirectlyontheparticularchallengesto males. David Wallace has investigated this tale from the perspective of contemporaryhistory,butIwouldliketoexamineitfromthegroundsofthesocial historyandinlightofasystemofthinkingintendedtogeneratesocialstructures thataffirmthestricturespresentaroundmedievalanxietyaboutproperty,wealth, andtheprotectionofguildauthority.5ThemedievalcityofLondonisbuiltwithin the social anxieties implicit in this unique Chaucerian tale. Those anxieties particularlyconcerntheproductionofcapitalforthemarketplacethroughhard work.Theverylifeofthecitydependsonareadingofthesocialcircumstancesin awaythatputsPerkynRevelourinhisplace.Hemaybetheproverbial“lifeofthe party,”butherepresentsachallengetothevarioussystemsthroughwhichheis beingcompelledtomakehisbehaviorconformtoahighlyritualizedpatternof life. ClearlythepointthattheCookintendstoshowisthatPerkynRevelour,the footlooseandfancyfreesingeranddancer,disregardsthesystemicbuildingof malecharacterthroughalegalcontractofservice,alegalcontractalmostfeudal in character and practice.6 Although the tale has typically been regarded as incomplete, its state is certainly sufficient to show how failure to follow the strictures of a mercantilebased masculinity leads to a path of dubious moral

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Jacques Roussiaud, “The CityDweller and Life in Cities and Towns,” Medieval Callings, ed. JacquesLeGoff,trans.LydiaG.Cochrane(ChicagoandLondon:TheUniversityofChicagoPress, 1990),162. GeoffreyChaucer,“TheCook’sTale,”TheRiversideChaucer,3rded.,ed.LarryBenson(Boston: HoughtonMifflin,1987),84–86.Allreferencestothetextofthetalearetothisedition.“Chepe” referstoCheapside. DavidWallace,ChaucerianPolity:AbsolutistLineagesandAssociationalFormsinEnglandandItaly, Figurae:ReadingMedievalCultureSeries(Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,1997),156–81. Wallace,ChaucerianPolity,168.

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associationsaswellastothedevelopmentofametaphoricthinkingtoremoveall whoviolatethosenorms.Atthesametime,however,thistaleseemstolackthe moralimperativesfoundinothertalesofFragmentI,atleastfromamedieval Christianperspective.Thislackofmoralimperative,asDanielPintiobserves,led thefifteenthcenturyscribeofBodley686toaddtothetalewithadditionaltextto support the theme of governance,7 a theme that I argue is already implicit in Chaucer’soriginaltale.Intypicalfashion,Chaucerallowshistellersandcharacters a free reign to do what they will, even to succumb to implicit selfcritique. InvestigatingPerkynRevelourwithinthecontextofthemercantilebasedvision ofmasculinityhelpsmakebettersenseofatalethatafterweseethecourseof actionthatPerkyntakes,thereislittlepointincontinuingastorywhereavision ofmalebehaviorandresponsibilityhaspassed.Inthissense,theCook’sTaleis certainlycomplete”thereisnomoretosay,”asE.G.Stanleyonceobserved.8In amorerecentstudy,JimCaseycontendsthattexualaspectssuchastheplacement oftheCook’sTaleinFragmentIanditsdescriptionofafailedapprenticeseemto haveauthorialintention,“sincethetaleappearstoinformlaterconversationand interactionbetweenhispilgrims.”9Bothofthesestudiesrelyontextualevidence. Thisarticlearguesfromapositioninsidethefictionofthetextitselfwithrespect totheimportanceoftheideasthemselves.Thereisanimplicittextlogicforthe stateofthetale.Chaucermayhaveintendedtoleavethetaleincompletefora reason.

I The difficulty of understanding Perkyn Revelour in this tale is made more problematic by the conflicting social discourses present in the late fourteenth centurysurroundingperformativemasculinityanditsconstraintsintheworldof apprenticeship.Inessence,thequestions“Whatdiditmeantobemale?,”and “Whatdiditmeantobeanapprentice?”mustbereconciledaccordingtosocial standards.Fromthestart,thename“PerkynRevelour,”anameassignedbythe Cook,makeshiman“identifiableliterarytype.”10ButasEarlLyonnotes,Chaucer isprobablydrawingonLondonlifelessthanonaliterarydepictionthathemight

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DanielPinti,“Governanceinthe“Cook’sTale’inBodley686,”ChaucerReview19.1(1996):379–88. E.G.Stanley,“OfThisCokesTaleMakedChaucerNaMoore,”Poetica5(1976):36–59. Jim Casey, “Unfinished Business: The Termination of the ‘Cook’s Tale,’” Chaucer Review 41.2 (2006):185–96. V.J.Scattergood,“PerkynRevelourandthe‘Cook’sTale,’”ChaucerReview19.1(1984):14–23;here 21.

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havefoundsomewhereelse.11SomeLondonrecordsregardingtheinteractionsof mastersandapprentices,forinstance,mighteasilyhavebeentransformedintoa work of fiction as they seem close to that genre as well. Chaucer’s original audiencemighthavehaddifficultyseparatingtheCook’sfictionfromanalltoo presentreality. TosuggestthattherepresentationofmasculinitywasanxiousduringtheMiddle AgesandalsothesubjectofChauceriancomedyisperhapsacommonplacethat seemssoobviousthatitneedsnotbeexplored.Yetitisspecificallytheworldof “pryvetee”atermusedseveraltimesintheFragmentIthatmustbedisclosed ifweseektounderstandtheunspokensecretsthatunderlieChaucer’stextsaswell asthequestforcontrolinthegrowingLondonmiddleclass. Latemedieval society inherited a philosophical position that biology equals destiny. Drawing on classical medical sources, medieval philosophers and theologiansaffirmedmalesuperiorityonbiologicalgroundsandreasonedthose foundationstoextendtopsychologicalandmentalcapacitiesaswell.Yetphysical formalonedidnotgrantanindividualapositionasfullyfunctional.AsVernL. Bullough notes, manhood was defined as “impregnating women, protecting dependents, and serving as provider to one’s family.”12 Masculinity was thus definedintermsofperformance.Thusimpotencethreatenedtheexistenceofthat world,andfrequentlybecamethesourceofcomedyinmedievaltextsjustasit provided the status of perpetual virginity for Mary. That it was the potential sourceofannulmentofamarriagesuggestshowsignificantmaleperformancewas tothesocialfabric. Asscholarshavenoted,inthisbiologicalbasedconstructionofmasculinity,the presence of the feminine was negative. As Bullough and Sponsler note, cross dressing,forexample,exceptduringcarnivalsettings,wasinappropriatetothe hegemonicparadigmofmaleness.13Loveitselfwasconsideredafeminizationof the male. The desire of lovesickness was overcome by recourse to sexual intercoursewithwomen,preferablywithmultiplepartnerstoavoidanyamorous attachmenttoone.14PerhapsPerkynisfollowingthatadviceintheline“Welwas thewenchewithhymmyghtemeete”(4374;fortunatewasthewomanwhomight meethim).Thefiction,however,doesnotenlargeuponhissexualprowess,and

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EarlD.Lyons,“RogerDeWare,Cook,”ModernLanguageNotes52.7(1937):491–93. VernL.Bullough,“OnBeingaMaleintheMiddleAges,”MedievalMasculinities:RegardingMen intheMiddleAges,ed.ClareA.Lees,ThelmaFenster,andJoAnnMcNamara.MedievalCultures, 7(MinneapolisandLondon:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1994),31–45;here34. Bullough,“OneBeingMaleintheMiddleAges,”33–35;ClaireSponsler,“OutlawMasculinities: Drag,Blackface,andLateMedievalLaboringClassFestivals,”BecomingMaleintheMiddleAges, ed.JeffreyJeromeCohenandBonnieWheeler.TheNewMiddleAges,4(NewYorkandLondon: GarlandPublishing,1997),321–47. Bullough,“OnBeingMaleintheMiddleAges,”33–35.

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suchexcesswouldputindifficultyhisvocation.Thefictionmerelyatteststothe obviouspotentialwithitssimilesandlargercontrollingmetaphors.Theintentof certainlovetherapieswastoridthemaleofnonmalequalities. Thelatefourteenthcenturywitnessedthefurtherdevelopmentofcitiesandcivic responsibilityandtheimportanceofcraftguildstoboththeliteralandsymbolic fabricofacity.Inthatworld,masculinitywasformed,nurtured,andcontrolled asaseriesofobligations.Fromthefourteenththroughthefifteenthcentury,guilds were coming to dominate the economic and governmental life of the city. Economically healthy guilds were important to a city’s fortunes. Keeping that strengthmeantkeepingapprenticesofworthandsocialclassequivalenttothose whoweretrainingthem.15Citygovernments,realizingthisfact,oftenplacedtough restrictionsonthemandallbutprohibitedforeigncompetitioninthecity.16As Sylvia Thrupp has noted, these rules extended into the relationship between masterandapprentice.17Thegoalofapprenticeshipwastobesponsoredbythe masterintothefreedomofthecity.18Theprocessrequiredbetweenthreetoseven years and sometimes as many as ten, and sometimes provided for a small stipend.19Kowaleskicallsapprenticeshipa“meansofsocialmobilityformany youngmen”withincertainbounds.20TheycomefromalloverEnglandtothecity of London to seek their fortunes, but they often lacked discipline, coming to Londonaroundagefourteen.21Apprenticeshipprovidedforthatdisciplineand training.Theywereoftencarefullychosen;aconnectionwithcrimeorvicewould havecertainlyprohibitedanaffiliation.22 Giventhatanapprenticebecameamemberofamastercraftsman’sfamilyin some material way, great care was often exercised in choice, training, and discipline.23Dissolvingthebondwasnotonlyproblematic,perhapsasourceof shameandtherecognitionofmisjudgment,butcouldalsobringthewrathofthe cityandotherguildmembersuponthemasterofthecraft.24Themasterofcraft

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Ruth Mazzo Karras, From Boys to Men: Formations of Masculinity in Late Medieval Europe. The MiddleAgesSeries(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2003),119–20. MaryanneKowaleski,LocalMarketsandRegionalTradeinMedievalExeter(Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,1995),100. SylviaThrupp,TheMerchantClassofMedievalLondon1300–1500(Chicago:UniversityofChicago Press,1948),215–20. Kowaleski,LocalMarketsandRegionalTradeinMedievalExeter,169. Kowaleski,LocalMarketsandRegionalTradeinMedievalExeter,170. Kowaleski,LocalMarketsandRegionalTradeinMedievalExeter,170. BarbaraA.Hanawalt,GrowingUpinMedievalLondon:TheExperienceofChildhoodinHistory(New YorkandOxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1993),135. Thrupp,TheMerchantClassofMedievalLondon,1300–1500,217. ShannonMcSheffrey,Marriage,Sex,andCivicCultureinLateMedievalLondon,TheMiddleAges Series(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2006),84;Karras,FromBoystoMen,121–23. Karras,FromBoystoMen,123.

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mightevenuseimprisonmentasameansofinstructinghisapprentice,butclearly ifeventsreachedthisstage,itwasbeyondhope.Inherstudyofguildrelations duringapprenticeshipperiods,BarbaraHanawalthasobservedthatwhenever therewasaconflictbetweenthemasterandanapprentice,therewastypicallya kindofcompromisethatwouldsolvetheproblemofseveringtherelationship.25 Onespecificareathattheinstitutionofapprenticeshipsoughttocontrolwas marriage and sexual relations during the period of service. For the period of service,marriagewasmostoftenprohibitedbycontract.Giventhatthispractice continuedbeyondthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturiesintothesixteenth,one scholar notes that it often led to overt immorality of a sexual nature among apprentices.26Breakingthecontractbywayofillegalmarriageofmakeone“libel toarrestonawarrantoftrespass.”27Atthesametime,sexualactivitywasonly frowned upon but subject to punishment. Indentures generally prohibited an apprenticefromhavingsexualrelationseitheronoroffthemaster’sproperty.In oneinstance,adraperpunishedhiserringapprenticewitha“ceremonialflogging in the company hall, inflicted by masked men.”28 The point could hardly be clearer: a violation was a violation against one’s profession, guild status, and citizenship,notagainstone’smasteralone.Aguiltyapprenticewasdisciplinedby men in front of men to uphold the status of men. Of course, penalties do not suggestthatallmaleapprenticesweresexualprofligates,buttherewouldnotbe suchrulesiftherewerenoproblemsinthisarea. Fromthesetwointersectingplanes,wecanunderstandthedifficultiesofthe Cook’sTale.Atonce,malepowermanifestedsexuallyandsublimatedthrough male competition was to be turned into the making of capital and reputation, usuallyamongone’smalepeersandsuperiors.Transgressionsofthatmethodof symbolicandmaterialdevelopmentwereregardedasviolationsoftheworldof business,wherehumanlaborisquantifiedandrewardedwithsocialstatus.The apprenticecouldmarryafterbeingadmittedtothecityfreedom,andhiswife wouldbringtothemarriageherowncapitaltocontributetothehousehold.The theoryseemstooneat,andisthestuffofliteraryfictionthatThomasDeloneywas tomakefashionableinthesixteenthcenturyandwhichBeaumontandFletcher were to ridicule in The Knight of the Burning Pestle. The world of the private threatenedtoundermineitsverypublicmanifestationofmalepowerinChaucer’s

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Hanawalt,GrowingUpinMedievalLondon,166–67. McSheffrey,Marriage,Sex,andCivicCultureinLateMedievalLondon,84. Thrupp,TheMerchantClassofMedievalLondon,1300–1500,192.Forfurtherexaminationoftherole ofsexualityintheLateMiddleAgesandRenaissance,seeSexualityintheMiddleAgesandEarly Modern Times: New Approaches to a Fundamental CulturalHistorical and LiteraryAnthropological Theme,ed.AlbrechtClassen.FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModernCulture,3(Berlinand NewYork:WalterdeGruyter,2008). Thrupp,TheMerchantClassofMedievalLondon,1300–1500,169.

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world.Humandesireoftengrowsaroundsocialconstraints,andthathasbeenthe messageofFragmentI,particularlyinthetalesoftheMillerandReeve.Herethe Cookmerelymakespublicthealltoolatentdesireofthecountryandvillageina city swarming with apprentices, all bent on the management of desire, even throughsubterfugeasPerkyn’sfriendhasdissembled.

II TheProloguetotheCook’sTaleprovidesaninterestinglinkbetweentheReeve’s Taleandawarningthatbringstogetherthecompetingdiscoursesofperformative masculinityandmercantilecontrolledmasculinity.RogerHoggeofWareclaws theReeveonthebackinappreciationoftheMiller’sbeingtrickedintheReeve’s Tale.Henotes: WelseydeSalomoninhislangage, ‘Nebryngnateverymanintothynhous,’ Forherberwyngebynyghteisperilous. Weloghteamanavysedfortobe Whomthathebroghteintohispryvette.

(4330–34)

[WellsaidSolomoninhislanguage Donotbeingeverymanintoyourhouse Forharboringbynightisperilous. Welloutamantobeadvised Whomhebringsintohissecretcounsel.]

TheCookclearlyseesthecrimeagainsttheMillerasaviolationofproperty,of goodstherapeofthewifeanddaughter.WorkingorimprovingontheReeve, hesays:“ButGodforbedethatwestynteheere”(ButGodforbidthatweshould stophere)(4339).Theviolationofpropertyissimilartothetheftofthecraftsman’s goodshewilltellabout.TheMillerisdefeatedbythepowerofmaleperformance bythetwoSolarHallscholars,buttheCook,mostcertainlyamemberofaguild, sees the violence directed primarily against the Miller on purely mercantile grounds. Everything has monetary worth, and male power is defined by the controlandcirculationofcapital.InsomemedievalEnglishcities,cooks were amongthepoorestinthefoodindustry;theireconomicfortuneswereoftenin jeopardy.29ThushisattentiontotheMiller’slossofgoodsbecomesevenmore telling.Economicruinequalsthelossofmalepowerinhisworld.Thisimageis reopenedagainintheprologuewiththeHost’scommentsaboutthequalityof Roger’sfood.TheHostwouldbeatthetopofthesameindustryastheCook.His

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Kowaleski,LocalMarketsandRegionalTradeinMedievalExeter,141–42.

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fortunes,however,haveprovenhimtobethe“betterman.”Thecontesthereis morethanmeetstheeyeandisdeeplyhiddenin“pryvetee.” ThestrugglebetweentheHostandRogerofWareintheCook’sProloguerequires a deeper analysis. The conflict between these two men in similar, supporting professions,butoperationalizedbycompetingguildsbringstheircontemptfor eachothertothesurface.ConstanceB.Hieattsuggeststhatthechargesleveledby theHostconcerningtheCook’susingmeatinpastriesthathasbecomedangerous forotherstoeataredesignedtoexposetheCookasacharlatan.Hewouldhave beenarivaltoinnkeepersandtavernkeepers,allofwhomwereinanindustry thatservedthepublic.30Thatcityordinanceswerewrittenagainstfalseadvertising aboutthemeatingredientsinpiesandaboutthecleanlinessoftheworkersincook shopssuggeststhattherewasagreatdealoffearaboutthenatureoffoodservices inthemedievalcity.31Thechallengesregardingfoodpreparationcontinuedlong afterChaucer’sCookastheessaybyAllisonCoudertinthiscollectionshows. GettingevenaftersuchaccusationsseemstobeonthemindofRoger,whosename hasbeenlinkedhistoricallywitha“nightwalker”ofLondonstreetsandwhose reputationisassociatedwiththekindsofactivitiesoftheftandprostitutionthat readersdiscoverinthetaleitself.32TheCooksaysthathecouldindeedtellatale ofa“hostileer”(4360),yethedecided,“ButnathelessIwolnattellityit;/Buter weparte,ywis,thoushaltbequit”(4361–62;ButnonethelessIwillnottellityet, butbeforewepartcompany,certainly,youshallbequited;). Tison Pugh suggests that the Cook’s locating the tale in Eastcheap, near the locationoftheHost’sinn,andperceivingtheHostasthecompanionofPerkyn RevelourmaybeawayofgettingevenwiththeHost.Inthissense,itshouldbe notedthatthewifeofPerkyn’sfriendisoperatingashopofprostitution.33Ina very symbolic way—as in real life—the fortunes of cooks and innkeeper are connected.ThatwemightreadRoger’sownsituationasPerkyn’sinsomemeasure throughhistaledeepenstheanxietiesaboutsocialdisintegrationwithintheguild structurethatmusthavebeenattheheartofthelatemedievalcity.Whilemodern scholarshiphascertainlyuncoveredarangeofattitudestowardprostitution,even itsvitalexistenceasanurbaninstitutionparticularlyassociatedwith“women’s work,”34thetellerofthisChauceriantaleconsiderstheassociationsasnegative.

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Constance B. Hieatt, “A Cook They Had with Hem for the Nones,” Chaucer’s Pilgrims: An Historical Guide to the Pilgrims in ‘The Canterbury Tales, ed. Laura C. Lambdin and Robert T. Lambdin(Westport,CT,andLondon:GreenwoodPress,1996),201–02. Hieatt,“ACookTheyHadwithHemfortheNones,”201–04. Hieatt,“ACookTheyHadwithHemfortheNones,”203. TisonPugh,SexualityanditsQueerDiscontentsinMiddleEnglishLiterature,TheNewMiddleAges (NewYorkandLondon:PalgraveMacmillan,2008),60–61. RuthMazoKarras,“ProstitutioninMedievalEurope,”HandbookofMedievalSexuality,ed.Vern L.BulloughandJamesA.Brundage.GarlandReferenceLibraryoftheHumanities,1696(New

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ThetaleitselfintroducesustooneofChaucer’smostfootlooseandfancyfree characters,andyetatthesametimeoneofthemostunproductivemalefiguresin termsofmasculineperformanceandmercantilemasculinity.TypicalofChaucer’s methodinthefabliau,wereceivedetailsaboutPerkyn’sdescriptionthatconnect him to the natural world. He is merry as a “goldfynch in the shawe” (4367; goldfinchinawoodand“Brounasaberye”(4368;brown[inhisskin]asaberry). He“wasasfulofloveandparamour/Asisthehyvefulofhonyswete”(4372–73; wasasfullofloveandsexualdesireasisthehivefullofsweethoney).Whatseems ironicaboutthisaspectisthattheanimalimageryinChaucer’sotherfabliauis associatedwithfemalecharacterssuchasthedescriptionofAlisounintheMiller’s Tale.Clearly,theimportintheimageryistoshowenergy,life,andvitality,with thelastdetailhavingsexualpotential.WilliamF.Woodsseessimilarpotentialsin thedescriptionofPerkyn’sdancing,hoping,andleaping.35AccordingtoJoyceE. Salisbury,medievalmedicalandtheologicaltextslocatedmalesexualityinthe thighs.They“representedstrength,musculature,power,andactivity.”36Strong thighswouldbenecessaryforthatleapinganddancing.Noneoftheseactionsis, however, productive for mercantile masculinity; none involves conversion of energyintoproductiveeconomiccapital.Infact,theseactionsaremoreconnected withPerkyn’stheftofgoods. While typical statements of initiation into apprenticeship required that the personshouldbe“withoutdeformities,”therewerealsorequirementsrelatingto reading and writing.37 The comment that he “loved bet the taverne than the shoppe”(4376;helovedbetterthetavernthantheworkplace)indicatesnoneof thoseabilities,however.Inasense,Perkynlovestheworldwherethegoodsthat hetrafficsinaresoldandreinvestedinbusiness,yetitisnothisownproductivity thatisbeingearnedbutapassiveoneinwhichmoneyisbeingexactedfromhim. In cultural terms, according to the patriarchal paradigm, he is engaging in a sociallyfeminineact;thusitshouldnotsurpriseusthathisactivityontheliteral level,too,issomewhatfeminized.Tofurtheremphasizehisnonproductivemale status,theCooknotesthathesingsanddancesatweddingparties,collectslike

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York and London: Garland Publishing, 1996), 243–60. See also Gertrud Blaschitz, “Das FreudenhausimMittlealter(TheBrothelintheMiddleAges],SexualityintheMiddleAgesandthe EarlyModernTimes:NewApproachestoaFundamentalCulturalHistoricalandLiteraryAnthropological Theme,ed.AlbrechtClassen,FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModernCulture,3(Berlinand NewYork:WalterdeGruyter,2008),715–50. WilliamF.Woods,“SocietyandNatureinthe‘Cook’sTale,’”PapersonLanguageandLiterature32 (1996):189–205. JoyceE.Salisbury,“GenderedSexuality,”HandbookofMedievalSexuality,ed.VernL.Bulloughand JamesA.Brundage.GarlandReferenceLibraryoftheHumanities,1696(NewYorkandLondon: GarlandPublishing,1996),85. Hanawalt,GrowingUpinMedievalLondon,139.

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minded gamesters around him, and conducts his affairs in “pryvette” (4388). Mercantilebasedmasculinitywasclearlyorientedtowardameticulouscounting ofgoodsasisseenintheShipman’sTale,butclearlynotintheprivateworldof Perkyn that silently undermines the very outward substance of business. The master’s “box” (4390) is empty! Unlike the merchant of the Shipman’s Tale, however,Perkynhasnothingtoshowforhisactivity. Themasterofthevictuallersdiscoversthathisgoodsarebeingstolenandthat hemusttakeactionagainstPerkyn.Atthesametime,thismastermusttoleratea certainamountofPerkyn’sbehavior,giventhathehasa“papir”(4404)orcontract with him. Many crafts prohibited certain actions, but it is not clear that “mynstralcye”(4394)wasamongthem,exceptforthefactthatsomeassociated minstrels with vagabonds and with theft and brawl. Maria Dobozy has made similarassociationsinherstudyofminstrelsinmedievalGermanliterature.38Such behaviors might include statements about “drinking, gaming and going to theaters.”39WilliamLanglandinPiersPlowmanconnectedthemwithfaultyspeech andcalledthemchildrenofJudasbecausetheydenaturedlanguage.40Herethe importisthatittakesPerkynnotonlyawayfromworkbyleavingtheshopat manytimesduringthedaytoseestreetactivitiesandtoengageingaming,butthe lifestylealsoleadshimtoprison,even“Newegate”(4402). Attheendoftheapprenticeshipperiod,themasterdoesnotrecommendhimto beofferedfreedomofthecityandinsteaddismisseshim.Ifthefrequentcharges againstmasterswasthattheydidnoteducatetheirapprentices,41itisalsofairto sayinthissettingthatthemaster“snybbedbotheerlyandlate”(rebukedhimboth earlyandlate)(4401);hewas,afterall,amemberofhisownfamilyinasense. ThereisaclearcontrastcreatedherebetweenthefrivolousnatureofPerkynand thesteadynatureofthemaster.HesimplydoesnotwanttheinfluenceofPerkyn to ruin any of the other apprentices. By dismissing him, he asserts his own authority,showsthatrecommendationtocityfreedomisnotautomatic,andso demonstratesthatunproductivemasculinitycanyieldametaphorofrottenapples. Thustheinitialimagesoflife,vitality,andmalesexualityarechartedasalossof productivity.Theimageisclearlynotanaccidentalone. What happens next is just as significant as the dismissal in illustrating unproductivemasculinity.Rogernarrates:

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MariaDobozy,RememberingthePresent:TheMedievalPoetMinstrelinCulturalContext.Disputato, 6(Turnhout,Belgium:Brepols,2005) Hanawalt,GrowingUpinMedievalLondon,135. William Langland, Piers Plowman: The B Version, rev. ed., ed. George Kane and E. Talbot Donaldson(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1988),Prologue,35–39. Hanawalt,GrowingUpinMedievalLondon,157–59.

Chaucer’sCook’sTaleandMasculineIdentity Andfortherisnotheefwithoutealowke, Thathelpethhymtowastenandtosowke Ofthathebrybekanorborwemay, Anonhesentehisbedandhisarray Untoacompeerofhisowenesort, Thatlovededys,andrevel,anddisport, Andhaddeawyfthatheeldforcontenance Ashoppe,andswyvedforhirsustenance.

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[Andbecausethereisnothiefwithoutahelper Thathelpshimtowasteandtospend Ofthathecanstealandmayborrow Soonhesenthisbedandhisthings Toacompanionofhisownkind, Thatloveddicing,andrevelingandpleasure And[he]hadawifethatheldforappearance Ashopandprostitutedherselffortheirsubstance.]

Perkyn forms another association, again locked in “pryvetee”one with an outwardappearanceofbusiness.ThetextisnotclearaboutPerkyn’splaceinthis world,otherthanthathelivesthere.ForRoger,guiltbyassociationismorethan enoughevidenceofactivity.Theworldisoneofprostitution,ofgoodsdelivered, and money obtained; yet it is also a world of unproductive performative masculinity as well as unproductive mercantile masculinity. Perkyn in a metaphoricalsenseisheretheprostitute;whetherhehimselfisdirectlyconnected with prostitution is unclear. If so, he would be the only male prostitute in Chaucer’sworks,butmaleprostitutionissuchaculturaltaboothatitwouldnot likelyrisetothesurfaceinMiddleEnglishtexts.Attheveryleast,heismovedinto a passive position, being the recipient of wealth through feminine business practices.Byassociatingwithhisfriendandhisfriend’swife,hehasfinallycome intocontactwiththelifehehaslivedwithinhisprivatelifewhilestilllivingthe worldofmercantileproductivityinthemaster’sshop. Attheendofthestory,Perkynhaslostoutoninterconnectedandcompeting imagesofmasculinitythatwehavebeenconsidering.Thereisindeed“nomore forhimtosayonthesubject,”42notbecauseofmoraloutrage,lackofplot,oratoo obviousplot.LookingattheFragmentIasaconcentratedstudyonmasculinity, itisclearthatPerkynhasmovedoutoftheworldofmaleproductivity.Inthis world, there is no humor. From this world, there is no return. Whether we consider the image on the basis of medieval Christian morality or mercantile values,Perkynhasfailed.Masculinitynolongerexistsinitssociallyconstructed

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Stanley,“OfThisCokesTaleMakedChaucerNaMoore,”55.

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versionforPerkyn.Hesimplyrepresentsathreatthattheforcesofpowerhave excluded. Seeninthisway,theCookhaspushedtheargumentoftheanxietyofmasculine performanceintheReeve’sTaletotheultimate.InhisstorytheCookdescribesa masculinitythatfromhismercantileperspectiveisnolongeraviableoptionfor Perkyn,atleastbasedonhischoice.Londonwithitsappeal,itspromise,perhaps evenmoretellinginthelatefourteenthcenturyaftertheBlackDeath,hasbecome a place of corruption for a person like Perkyn who gets caught up in the performanceintheworldof“pryvetee”inaprofessionthatexpectsanythingbut thatkindofworld.Builtintothatworldwasaseriesofobligations,training,fees, andresponsibilities.Perkynsquanderedmanychances,andhehasfallenvictim towhatmusthavebeenarealityformanywhowerecaughtupintheaspectsof citylife.ItwasalongwayfromtheguildhallortheLordMayor’sresidenceto Newgateandtotheillicitshopofprostitution.Perkynmaybeamusing,andwe maybefooledbyhisfootlooseandfancyfreebehavior,butfortheworldofRoger andtheguildsmen,thismanrepresentssheertroubleashethreatensthefabricof their existence in the sense that if everyone followed the lead of Perkyn—somethingthatthemasterhimselffears—theneatlybalancedideology ofhowmasculinityiscontructedintheguildworldwouldbecompromised.Itis no wonder that Roger speaks in contempt of him. There is truly “no more to say”Perkynhadit,squanderedit,lostit,andnowtheworldhaslosthim. Yetatthesametime,weshouldask,“HastheCookbecomeboththewittingand unwittingsubjectofthetale?”Atleastonthesurface,theanswermustbe“no.” Clearly, he condemns the actions of Perkyn, even at the same time that the languageofthetextisassociatedwiththeworldofcarnival.Atadeeperlevel, however, given the later deceptions of this same Cook in the prologue to the Manciple’sTale,whose“cursedbreethinfectewoleusalle”(IX.39;accursedbreath wouldinfectallofus),readerscanlikelyanswer“yes.”InSusanSontag’sIllness as Metaphor, the idea arises that with diseases, a whole battery of language develops in order to isolate the disease and destroy it and that a kind of metaphoricalthinkingisthemeansbywhichthatillnessiscontrolled.43Inadirect way,allowingRogerofWaretotellatale—howeverincompletethattalemight be—allowsforthelinguisticforcesofmalemercantilebehaviortocritiqueand eliminatethoseelementsthatstrainits production.Itmightindeednotbetoo muchofastretchtosaythatthemaster’seliminatingPerkynfromhisshopoffood preparation is the means by which unproductive masculinity is subsequently eliminated.“Pryvetee”atsomelevelismaintainedthroughtheaction,andthe

43

SusanSontag,IllnessasMetaphor(NewYork:Farrar,Straus,andGiroux,1978),1–15.

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largerstructureofLondonpubliclifeisprotected.ForPerkynRevelour,thecity of London offered the potential of economic stability within the domains of a mercantilebasedmasculinity,butatthesametimeitofferedtheworldofvicein whichthealluresofadebasedmasculinity,perhapstingedwithanascentanti feminismandanunbridledfemininedesirethatcometomarkhisfutureexistence. Heisnowfreetomovebeyondthemercantilebasedradarscreentobecomepart ofthesocialfabricofcorruptionthatdotsthepagesoftheLondonregister. IfweposedthequestionaboutwhetherPerkynistypicaloratypical,thenwelook attheworldfromthevantagepointofthesocialhistorianwhoseunderstanding oftruthisadjudicatedbystatistics.CertainlythenotionbehindtheCanterbury TalesfromtheperspectiveofthetaletellingcontestwhichtheHosthimselfatthe conclusion of the General Prologue sets up as a motivating force for the fiction wouldsuggestthattheCook’sTaleismeanttopresentmerrimenttoitshearers.At thesametime,thesocialanxietiesthataregeneratedbythepotentialforwastein monetary funds expended by guildsmen and the families of apprentices over degenerate apprentices would be enough to power a work of fiction whose potentialforblurringthedistinctionbetweentheworldoffictionandtheworld oftheLondonmarketplacecouldonlybeseenbyapersonsuchatheCook.Heis deeply enmeshed in the system he critiques. The Cook, the Host, and Perkyn Revelourareimplicatedtogetherinthatnexusbetweenfictionandreality,the nebulousspacebetweenernestandgamethatunderliesChaucerianmythmaking.

ShennanHutton (IndependentScholar,Napa,CA)

Women,Men,andMarkets:TheGenderingofMarket SpaceinLateMedievalGhent

Oneofthemostcrucialelementsofthemedievalcitywasitsindoorandoutdoor marketplaces, as sites for the commerce which provided the city’s wealth and suppliedtheprovisionsnecessaryforitsexistence.1Outdoormarketsquareswere also the sites for the deployment and display of political power and cultural hegemony.2InGhent,acitythathadgrownlargeandprosperousthroughthe productionandmarketingofwoolcloth,certainmarketspacesservednotonly

1

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TheresearchonwhichthisarticleisbasedwasfundedbyaFulbrightgrantandconductedatthe CityArchivesofGhent(StadsarchiefGent).ManythankstoJoanCadden,PatriciaTurning,Marc Boone,JelleHaemers,JanDumolyn,andAlbrechtClassenfortheirassistanceandcommentson earlierversionsofthisarticle. Marc Boone, “Urban Space and Political Conflict in Late Medieval Flanders,” Journal of InterdisciplinaryHistory32,4(2002):621–40;PeterStabel,“MarketingClothintheLowCountries: Manufacturers, Brokers and Merchants (14th–16th centuries),” International Trade in the Low Countries (14th–16th Centuries): Merchants, Organisation, Infrastructure: Proceedings of the InternationalConferenceGhentAntwerp,12th–13thJanuary1997,ed.PeterStabel,BrunoBlondé,and AnkeGreve.StudiesinUrbanSocial,Economic,andPoliticalHistoryoftheMedievalandModern LowCountries,10(LeuvenApeldoorn:Garant,2000),15–36;and“WomenattheMarket:Gender andRetailintheTownsofLateMedievalFlanders,”SecretumScriptorum:LiberalumnorumWalter Prevenier, ed. Wim Blockmans, Marc Boone, and Thérèse de Hemptinne (LeuvenApeldoorn: Garant,1999)259–76;DonatellaCalabi,TheMarketandtheCity:Square,StreetandArchitecturein EarlyModernEurope,trans.MarleneKlein(Aldershot:Ashgate,2004);JamesM.Murray,Bruges: CradleofCapitalism1280–1390(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2005),63–81;Christopher Dyer,“TheConsumerandtheMarketintheLaterMiddleAges,”EconomicHistoryReview43 (1989):305–27;DavidNicholas,TheLaterMedievalCity1300—1500.AHistoryofUrbanSociety inEurope(NewYork:Longman,1997);MedievalPracticesofSpace,ed.BarbaraA.Hanawaltand Michal Kobialka. Medieval Cultures, 23 (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota, 2000);PeterArnade,MarthaHowell,andWalterSimons,“FertileSpaces:TheProductivityof UrbanSpaceinNorthernEurope,”JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory32,4(2002):515–48..

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localandregionaltradenetworks,butinternationalcommerceaswell.Although thehighestechelonofsaleswasdominatedbyelitemen,Ghentwomenhadaccess tosomemarketspacesandtheopportunitytofunctionaslegitimatemarketsellers intheirownrightinspecificniches.Asaresult,numerouswomencouldattaina middlinglevelofprosperity,insteadofbeingconfinedtothelowestpaid,least respectedmarkets.Genderdifferencealsohelpedstructureeachofthecity’smajor markets—theClothHall,theMeatHall,theCornMarketandtheFridayMarket. Marketrulesorstrategiesoftenpartitionedmarketspacebygender(womencan go here, but not there) in a way that has been interpreted as the limitation of women’saccesstotheguildortradewhichoccupiedthatmarketspace.3However, afteranalyzingrecordsofactualpractice,judgmentsandcontractsfromtheannual registers of the aldermen who ruled Ghent, I argue that some women market sellersmayhaveexperiencedthepartitionofmarketspacesasabridgeratherthan a barrier to prosperity. Women market sellers built on the legitimacy of their presenceinthemarketspacetoenhancetheirprofits,actuallycooperatingwith malemerchantsratherthanmerelyobeyingthem.Theireverydaypracticeshelped structurethosemarketspacesaswell. This paper explores the gender constructions of these fourteenthcentury markets through the lens of spatial theory, particularly Michel de Certeau’s definitionofspaceasapracticedplace.4Certeau’sideasofferawaytolookat fragmentarysourcesofactualpracticeinrelationtonormativesources,suchas marketorguildregulations,whichheidentifiesasstrategies.Heclaimedthata place, which is the combination of a physical location and strategies, was transformed into a space by the operations and everyday tactics of historical subjects. A few of their stories, or traces of these operations on places, can be foundincourtdecisionsandcontracts,likethosepreservedintheregistersofthe aldermenoftheKeure,thepremierboardofaldermeninGhent.5Thetextsofthe aldermen’sjudgmentsandthenegotiatedagreementsandcontractswhichthey confirmedbyaffixingtheirseal,containfragmentsofstories,remnantsoforality, fittedtogetherinabricolagetofoundandarticulatethespaceofeachmarket. Thesestoriesrevealtheusuallyinvisibleoperationsofwomenandmen,which togetherwithofficialstrategies,foundedthespaceofeachmarket.Spacesarealso articulatedbypartitioningandmarkingboundaries.Thepartitionisaboundary, butalsoabridgewhichactorsinthemarketspacecanexploittotheiradvantage.

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5

DavidNicholas,TheDomesticLifeofaMedievalCity:Women,Children,andtheFamilyinFourteenth CenturyGhent(LincolnandLondon:UniversityofNebraskaPress,1985),102–03. MicheldeCerteau,ThePracticeofEverydayLife,trans.StevenRendall(1980;Berkeley,LosAngeles, London:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1984),125–30. AnnualRegistersoftheAldermenoftheKeure(SchepenenvandeKeure:Jaarregisters),CityArchives ofGhent(StadsarchiefGent)(hereafterSAG),series301,nos.1and2.

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ThestoriesaboutgenderintheGhentmarketspacesareparticularlysignificant becauseGhentwasanexceptionallylarge,wealthy,andpowerfulcityinmedieval northern Europe. In addition, its stories about market space illuminate the operationsofmarketspacesintownsacrossabroadswathofcontinentalEurope fromParisthroughGermany.Inaccordancewiththecustomarygenderrelations inthesetowns,manywomenperformedeconomicactivitiesandinteractedwith maleandfemalebusinesspersonsandcustomersincentral,publicspaces. Inthemidfourteenthcentury,Ghenthadapopulationofapproximately64,000 people,makingitalargemetropolisbymedievalstandards.6InnorthernEurope, onlyParisandperhapsLondonwerelarger.Ghentwasthemostpowerfulofthe semiautonomouscitiesinthehighlyurbanizedcountyofFlanders,andclosely tiedintotheinternationalnetworksoftradefocusedinnearbyBruges.Fromthe eleventh through the thirteenth centuries, Ghent’s merchants grew extremely wealthyfromwoolclothproductionandtrade,andthousandspouredintothecity toworkinthedraperyorwoolclothindustry.Inthehugeindoormarketcalled theLakenhalleorWolhuis(ClothHall),brokersandmerchantsarrangeddealswith internationalmerchantsforwoolandfinishedcloth,andlocalmerchants,market sellers,anddrapersboughtandsoldwool,thread,andclothinnumerousgrades and stages of production. Ghent and other Flemish cities actually built their fortunesonproductionofcheapergradesofwoolclothforexporttomarketsall overEurope. In the late thirteenth century, a series of developments—loss of the Mediterraneanmarketsforcheapcloth,increasedcompetitionfromothercities andrural producers,risingwoolprices,andwoolembargoes—challengedthe traditionaldraperyindustryofGhent.Inresponsetothesepressures,thecity’s producersfocusedincreasinglyonhighqualityclothmadeexclusivelywithwool importedfromEngland,becauseitwasthemostprofitableproductforachanging market.7

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MosthistoriansestimatethatthepopulationofGhentwasbetween55,000and64,000in1356 through1358;WalterPrevenierandMarcBoone,“The‘CityState’Dream,1300–1500,”Ghent:In DefenceofaRebelliousCity:History,Art,Culture,ed.JohanDecavele(Antwerp:MercatorFonds, 1989),81–105,here81;WimP.Blockmans,G.Pieters,WalterPrevenier,andR.W.M.vanSchaik, “Tussen crisis en welvaart: Sociale veranderingen 1300–1500,” Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden: Middeleeuwen: sociaaleconomische geschiedenis 1300–1482, politieke ontwikkeling, instellingen en recht 1384–1482, socioculturele en intellectuele ontwikkeling 1384–1520, kerkelijk en godsdienstigleven1384–1520,vol.4(Haarlem:FibulaVanDishoeck,1980),42–86.Butalsosee DavidNicholas,TheMetamorphosisofaMedievalCity:GhentintheAgeoftheArteveldes,1302–1390 (LincolnandLondon:UniversityofNebraskaPress,1987),37. Fromtheextensiveliteratureonthistopic,hereareafewkeyworks:HenriPirenne,LesVilleset lesinstitutionsurbaines,vol.1(ParisandBrussels:LibrairieFelixAlean,1939),143–301;J.A.Van Houtte,AnEconomicHistoryoftheLowCountries800–1800(NewYork:St.Martin’sPress,1977); PatrickChorley,“TheClothExportsofFlandersandNorthernFranceDuringtheThirteenth

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Ashrinkingclothmarketandincreasedcompetitionforcedchangesincloth productionandmarketingaswell.Inthethirteenthcenturyandperhapsearlier, drapers (including many women) managed and supervised the clothmaking process,buttherealprofitswenttothelongdistance(mostlymale)brokersand wholesalers.8 By the fifteenth century, historians have argued, most of those dominant merchants were limited to a small, wealthy elite at the top of the weavers’guild.Theseeliteweaverdraperscontrolledboththesupplyofwoolto theirfellowguildsmenandthesaleoffinishedcloth.9Bythesixteenthcentury, womenhadalmostnoroleintheGhentwoolclothtradebeyondthelowestpaid occupationsofspinning,carding,andcombing.10 Economic pressures on the wool cloth industry also forced changes in the rankingofthecity’smarketsandtheaccessofwomentoeconomicopportunities. AlthoughGhentdidnotsufferfromasdeepadepressionaswasoncethought,the

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Century:ALuxuryTrade?”EconomicHistoryReview40(1987),349–79;LaDraperieanciennedes PaysBas:Débouchésetstratégiesdesurvie(14e–16esiècles)ActesducolloquetenuàGandle28avril 1992/Drapery Production in the Late Medieval Low Countries: Markets and Strategies for Survival (14th–16thCenturies):ProceedingsoftheColloquiumGhent,April28th1992,ed.MarcBooneand WalterPrevenier.StudiesinUrbanSocial,Economic,andPoliticalHistoryoftheMedievaland ModernLowCountries(LeuvenApeldoorn:Garant,1993);JohnMunro,“TheSymbiosisofTowns andTextiles:UrbanInstitutionsandtheChangingFortunesofClothManufacturingintheLow CountriesandEngland,1270–1570,”JournalofEarlyModernHistory3.1(Feb.1999):1–74,aswell as many other works; Marc Boone, “L’Industrie textile à Gand au bas moyen âge ou les resurrectionssuccessivesd’uneactivitéréputéemoribonde,”LaDraperieancienne,ed.Booneand Prevenier,15–62;Stabel,“MarketingCloth,”15–36. AlainDerville,“LesDraperiesflamandesetartésiennesvers1250–1350:quelquesconsiderations critiques et problematiques,” Revue du Nord 54.215 (1972): 353–70; Hans Van Werveke, “De koopmanondernemerendeondernemerindeVlaamselakennijverheidvandemiddeleeuwen,” MededelingenvandekoninklijkeVlaamseacademievoorwetenschappen,letterenenschonekunstenvan België,klassedeletteren8(1946),5–26;Boone,“L’IndustrietextileàGand,”16–17.Womenworked asdrapersinDouaiandGhentinthethirteenthcentury,andasdrapersinLeideninthefifteenth century.MarthaC.Howell,Women,Production,andPatriarchyinLateMedievalCities(Chicago: UniversityofChicagoPress,1986);EllenE.Kittell,“TheConstructionofWomen’sSocialIdentity inMedievalDouai:EvidencefromIdentifyingEpithets,”JournalofMedievalHistory25,3(1999): 215–27; Marc Boone, Thérèse De Hemptinne, and Walter Prevenier, “Gender and Early EmancipationintheLowCountriesintheLateMiddleAgesandEarlyModernPeriod,”Gender, PowerandPrivilegeinEarlyModernEurope,ed.JessicaMunnsandPennyRichards(Harlowand London:PearsonEducationLimited,2003),21–39. MarcBoone,GentendeBourgondischehertogenca.1384–ca.1453.Eensociaalpolitiekestudievaneen staatsvormingproces.Verhandelingenvandekoninklijkeacademievoorwetenschappen,letteren enschonekunstenvanBelgië,133(Brussels:PaleisderAcademiën,1990);MarthaHowelland MarcBoone,“BecomingEarlyModernintheLateMedievalLowCountries,”UrbanHistory23, 3(1996):320–21. Stabel,“WomenattheMarket,”22.Theexceptiontothiswastherightofguildmembers’widows tocarryontheirdeceasedhusbands’crafts.MarianneDanneel,Weduwenenwezeninhetlaat middeleeuwseGent.StudiesinUrbanSocial,EconomicandPoliticalHistoryoftheMedievaland ModernLowCountries,3(LeuvenAppeldoorn:Garant,1995),344–86.

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citygraduallylostitspredominanceasaninternationalpowerhouseofthecloth trade.11Thecity’ssalvationwasthedevelopmentofagrainstaple,whichgave Ghent control over crucial imports of grain from northern France, and tax revenuesfromthereshipmentofgraintotherestofnorthernFlanders.Thestaple, whichincreasedinimportanceafter1357tobefirmlyestablishedbytheendofthe century,augmentedthepowerandimportanceoftheprovisioningguilds,which also controlled the local and regional provisioning markets.12 The spatial and economicdominanceoftheClothHallgraduallyshiftedtotheKoornmarkt(Corn Market),theoutdoormarketforgrainimportsandexports,andtheVleeshuis(Meat Hall), the indoor market hall of the butchers, as well as other provisioning markets.Thebutchers,fishmongers,shippers,andbrewerswerethefirstGhent guildstorestricttheirmembershiptosonsofpreviousmasters.Noneadmitted women. These guilds, which were all connected to provisioning or the grain staple,werealsoamongthemostpowerfulandinfluentialincitygovernment.The highestofficialsoftheseguildsbelongedtoacloseknitoligarchythatcontrolled Ghent both politically and economically, passing public offices, leases for tax farming(collectingindirecttaxes,)andprovisioningcontractsaroundamongtheir (male)membership.13Whilewomenhadneverhadequaleconomicopportunities tomeninthispatriarchalsociety,theeconomicshiftfromwoolclothproduction toregionalprovisioningtendedtomarginalizewomenbyexcludingthemfrom themiddlingpositionssomehadformerlyheldandconfiningthemtothelowest paidoccupations. Inadditiontotheeconomicchallengesoftheperiod,Ghentwasalsoengaged inalongtermstruggletoremainsemiautonomous(asopposedtoindependent) fromFlemishcounts,Frenchkings,andBurgundiandukes.14AlthoughtheGhent burghersnevertriedtosupplantthecountsthemselves,thecitiesfrequentlyrose in revolt against comital policies that threatened urban interests. The city was governed by two boards of aldermen: the aldermen of the Keure, who issued ordinances,administeredjustice,andsealedcontracts,andthealdermenofthe Gedele,whosupervisedguardianshipoforphans,inheritance,andresolutionof

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Boone,“L’IndustrietextileàGand,”15–7and50–51. Nicholas,Metamorphosis,250,291–92;HowellandBoone,“BecomingEarlyModern,”p.321. Boone,GentendeBourgondischehertogen,79;PeterStabel,“GuildsinLateMedievalFlanders: MythsandRealitiesofGuildLifeinanExportOrientedEnvironment,”JournalofMedievalHistory 30,2(2004):187–212. AlthoughFlanderswastechnicallyaprovinceofFrance,Frenchkingswereonlysporadicallyable toenforcetheirhegemonyoverthecounty.ThecountsofFlandershadsimilarproblemswiththe powerfulcitiesofGhent,Bruges,andYpres.After1384,thecountyofFlanderspassedtotherule of the dukes of Burgundy, see Prevenier and Boone, “The ‘CityState’ Dream”; Maurice Vandermaesen, “Vlaanderen en Henegouwen onder het huis van Dampierre 1244–1384,” AlgemeneGeschiedenisderNederlanden(Haarlem:FibulaVanDishoeck,1982),2:399–440;David Nicholas,MedievalFlanders(LondonandNewYork:Longman,1992).

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feuds.Thecity’slawwasacombinationofwrittenprivilegesfromtheFlemish countsandunwrittencustom,interpretedbythealdermen.Inaprocessthatwas oftencontestedinthemidfourteenthcentury,aldermenwerechosenfromthe patricianeliteandleadershipofthemostprominentguilds. Thecity’sguildsprovidedthemilitiasthatfoughtinrevoltsandwars,andoften amongstthemselvesfordominanceofcitygovernment.SomeGhentguildsdid admitwomen,andallowedthemopportunitiestogrowprosperousinthetrade. However,becausewomenwererigidlyexcludedfromthepoliticalandmilitary functionsoftheguilds,theyweresignificantlymarginalizedwithinthoseguilds thatdidadmitthem.15Thegenderedboundaryaroundpoliticalactivityresonated throughoutthecity’smarketspaces.Duringalmosteveryyearinthefourteenth century,Ghentexperiencedwar,revolt,orsignificantinternalviolence,asthecity wastornbyintertwiningconflictsatthelocal,regional,andinternationallevels.16 Much of the political conflict was acted out in the Friday Market square. This marketsquare,likelargeoutdoormarketsquaresinothermedievalcities,shared a multiplicity of functions—political gatherings, official pronouncements, assembling of militia, guild demonstrations, riots, punishment, and religious processions.17Themarketfunctionofthisspacewasmarkedofffromthepolitical andreligioususesofthesamespacebytemporalboundaries,notphysicalones. OneofthesharpestcontrastswhichoccurredintheFridayMarketsquarewasits transitionfromamarketspace,withsellersandbuyersofbothgenders,toasite forpoliticaldemonstrations,officialproclamations,andevenbattles,allofwhich excludedwomen(atleastofficially). Beforedelvingintothegenderingofmarketspaceinthisturbulent era, one furtherissueneedstobeaddressed—thelackofsources,especiallyfortheearliest periodofGhent’shistory.Thereareonlyscatteredreferencestowomeninthe wool cloth production, or to any details about wool cloth production and marketinginGhent,before1349.FewguildrecordsfromGhentareextant,andthe earliestsystematicwrittenrecordswhichsurvivearetheannualregistersofthe

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MarcBoone,“LesMétiersdanslesvillesflamandesaubasmoyenâge(XIVe–XVIesiècles): Imagesnormatives,réalitéssociopolitiquesetéconomiques,”LesMétiersaumoyenâge:Aspects économiques et sociaux: Actes du colloque international de LouvainlaNeuve 7–9 octobre 1993, ed. PascaleLambrechtsandJeanPierreSosson.Publicationsdel’Institutd’etudesmedievales.Textes, etudes,congres,15(LouvainlaNeuve:UniversitéCatholiquedeLouvain,1994),1–21;here6–15. JanDumolynandJelleHaemers,“PatternsofUrbanRebellioninMedievalFlanders,”Journalof MedievalHistory31, 4 (2005):369–93;RaymondvanUytven,“Hetstedelijkeleven11de–14de eeuw: Stadsgeschiedenis in het Noorden en Zuiden,” Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden 2:187–245;Vandermaesen,“Vlaanderen.” Boone,“UrbanSpaceandPoliticalConflict,”622–23.

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aldermenoftheKeureandGedele,whichbegininthemidfourteenthcentury.18In Flemish courts, legal acts were written out on pieces of parchment, called chirographs,andacopywasgiventoeachprincipal.Foranextracharge,theclerk wouldalsorecordtheactinthealdermen’sregisters.PracticeinGhentandother Flemish cities was therefore quite distinct from notarial practice, analyzed in Andreas Meyer’s piece in this volume, because the legal instrument was the (highlyperishable)chirograph,ratherthantheregister. TheGhentaldermen’sregistersonlycontainafractionofcontractsanddisputes inthecity.Manyactswereoralandtherewereothercourtsandcorporatebodies thatperformedthesefunctions.TheClothHall,forexample,haditsownofficials whoadjudicateddisputes,authorizedcontracts,andkeptrecordsofactivity.None ofthoserecordssurvivetoday.Inaddition,theannualregistersincludeonlya fractionoftheactsheardbeforethealdermen,becausecopyingtheactintothe registercostextramoney.Thecontractsandjudgmentsinthealdermen’sregisters arebiasedtowardswealthyelites,andarefragmentary,terse,andoftenoblique. Sincerecordsfromthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturiesaremuchmorelengthy, informative,andcomplete,thetemptationistoreadbackonearliercenturieswhat istrueinthelaterperiod,andtosupplementwithwhatisknownaboutothercities (oftenfromEngland,forexample).Inthispaper,Iamattemptingtousethemid fourteenthcenturyevidenceaboutmarketspacetostripawaythechangeswhich occurredoverthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturies,butatthesametime,notto superimpose midfourteenthcentury conditions on the Ghent markets of the twelfthandthirteenthcenturies.Theevidenceinthispaperlargelycomesfromthe periodwhenthewoolclothproductionhadbeenunderpressureformorethan eightyyears,andmanyyearsaftereachofthesemarketspaceshadbeenfounded. Certeau’stheoriesaboutspaceareparticularlyusefulinthiscontext,asheoffers strategies for partially reconstructing lost oral practice from fragments in the survivingsources. Thesurvivingsourcesshowusthatwomenandmeninteractedindifferentroles and patterns within specific market places, which were shaped by different discoursesandhaddistinctfunctions,sellers,clienteles,andgenderboundaries. Thetwolargestopenmarkets,heldinphysicalmarketplacesofthesamename,the CornMarketandtheFridayMarket,representoppositepoles;theformerwas

18

Thealdermenkeptannualregistersinthethirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturies,butnonehave survived.TheearliestsurvivingregistersofthealdermenoftheGedelebeginin1349(SAG,series 330.)TheearliestsurvivingregistersofthealdermenoftheKeurearefragmentsfrom1339–1340, 1343–1344, and 1345, followed by four complete year registers, from 1349–1350, 1353–1354, 1357–1358,and1360–1361(SAG,series301).Someofthecityaccountssurvivefromtheearlyand midfourteenth century as well. The guild records were destroyed on the orders of Emperor CharlesV,afterhehaddefeatedarebellionofthecityin1540.HowellandBoone,“Becoming EarlyModern,”310.

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configuredasmalespace,whilethelatterwasthesiteofconsiderableintermixing of men and women in all roles. In the Cloth Hall, men dominated the most importantandprofitablerolesinsales,whilewomenhadsubordinateroles,but thetwocoexistedinthesamespaceandsometimescooperated.IntheMeatHall onlymencouldsell,andwomencouldonlybepresentascustomers.Eachofthese marketspaceshaditsowngenderboundariesanddiscourses;takentogether,they definethecontoursofgenderintheGhentmarketplace. In three Ghent market spaces—the Cloth Hall, the Meat Hall, and the Corn Market—officialstrategiespartitionedspaceintermsofgenderdifference.Asthe relativestatusofthesemarketspaceschangedovertime,theimpactofthatgender differenceshiftedaswell.InmidfourteenthcenturyGhent,accessofwomento thecity’spremiermarketspace,theClothHall,allowedwomenstallholdersto attainmiddlingstatusandprosperityassellersofwoolandcloth.Theirstatusas mercersandspicemerchantswithshopsandboothsintheFridayMarketput manyoftheminthemiddlerangeofprosperityaswell.Otherfourteenthcentury market spaces, like the Meat Hall and the Corn Market, marginalized and excludedwomen.Asthesemarketsbecamemoreimportantthantheoldercloth trade,themalegrainmerchantsandbutcherswhocontrolledthesemarketspaces becamethedominantelites.Inthesametimeperiod,Ghentwomenhadlostmuch oftheiraccesstomiddlingstatusmarketselling.Thefollowinganalysisofthefour major market spaces through the lenses of gender and spatial theory aims to recreatethestoriesandtheoperationsonplaceswhichfoundedandsustained Ghentmarketspace.

TheClothHall Ghent’straditionalsourceofwealthwaswoolencloth,whichhadenrichedthe city’sproducersandsellersforcenturies.Bythemidfourteenthcentury,thedate oftheearliestsurvivingrecordsofactualpractice,theclothtradewasalreadyin decline,afterbeinghithardbywoolembargoesandcompetition.Thecenterof woolandclothsaleswastheClothHall,alargemultistorybuildingalongthe city’swealthieststreet,theHoogpoort,aspatialconfirmationoftheimportanceof woolclothproductiontothecity.19Salesofwool,yarn,andclothprobablyalso tookplaceoutsideofthishall.Thealdermenmademanyattemptstoconfinesales tothehall,buttherepetitionofordinancessuggeststhattheywerenotparticularly

19

ThefourteenthcenturyClothHallwaslocatedbetweenthecityhallandtheBelfrytower,about twoblocksawayfromtheCornMarket.Itwaslocatedtothenorthofthepresentclothhall,which wasconstructedinthemidfifteenthcentury.FransDePotter,Gentvandeoudstentijdtotheden: geschiedkundigebeschrijvingderstad(1883;rpt.Ghent:FamiliaetPatriaHandzame,1969),2:104–07.

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successful.20 Nevertheless, the aldermen, and the elites whose views they promoted,envisionedthephysicalspaceoftheClothHallasthelegitimatecenter ofthewoolandclothtrade.Thebuildingitselfwaslargerthanthecityhalland hadtwostoriesandcellar.Thecellarcontainedscalesforweighingwoolandcloth, andthetwoupperfloorscontainedlargeopenhalls,withthetopfloorreserved forthehighestgradesofluxurycloth.21Onthelowerfloor,cheapergradesofcloth, knownaswhiteandbluecloth,weresold,alongwithwoolandpossiblyyarn.22 Alongthewallsofeachfloorwereeitherstallsorbenches,assignedtospecific womenfortheirlifetimeuse.TheClothHallwasthereforepartitionedbyeither tableorcounterstructures.Womenstallholderssatorstoodbehindthecounters, whilemalebrokersandwholesalersmadedealswithforeignmerchants(almost exclusivelymale)intheopencenteroftheroom.23 Theclothtradewascontrolledbybrokersandclothwholesalers,whohandled largetransactionswithforeignmerchants.Mostofthembelongedtoasmallelite groupwithintheweavers’guild,andtheyalsoprofitedfromsupplyingimported rawmaterialstotheirpoorerfellowweavers.24Inoneordinancefrom1338,the brokersappearasthepersonsinchargeoftheClothHallwhenthey“agreedthat thewomenshouldbeallowedtoselltheirwhiteandbluecloth,”referringtothe cheapergradesofclothsoldinthelowerhall.25Thebrokersalsoagreedthat“the women”wereallowedtobuyuptofifteenstonesofwool,equivalenttoninety pounds.Ifafemalemarketsellerbroughtmorethanfifteenstonesofwool,thesale hadtogotoabrokerwhowouldreceivehalfoftheprofit.Thisordinanceclearly limitswomenfromlargewholesaledeals.

20

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25

Forexample,in1374,thealdermenorderedthat“noforeignmanorforeignwomanshouldsell anywoolwithinGhentexceptatthewoolhouse,”NapoléonDePauw,DeVoorgebodenderstad GentindeXIVeeeuw(1337–1382)(Ghent:C.AnnootBraeckman,Ad.Hoste:1885),131. ClothforlocalconsumptionwassoldintheFridayMarket. White(witte)andblue(blauwe)wooltextileswerevarietiesofcheapergradesoffabric,knownas “sayes,”or“worsted”inEngland.GuyDePoerck,LaDraperiemédiévaleenFlandreetenArtois: Techniqueetterminologie(Bruges:RijksuniversiteitteGent,1951),1:227. Oneactreferstobenchesalongonesideofthehall.SAG,series301,no.2,f.28v,actno.3,14July 1362. Stabel,“MarketingClothintheLowCountries.”Manyofthesemensoldclothtothecityfor uniforms,aldermen’srobesandfestivalcostumes,andafewboughttaxfarms.Alongwiththe hostellers,theyalsosoldlargelotsofclothtoforeignmerchants.Boone,“L’Industrietextileà Gand.”Fortheinfluentialpositionoftheweaversinthesocialstructureoflatemedievalcities, seealsothecontributiontothisvolumebyFabianAlfie. 1338Ordinanceentitled“Vandenmakeleren”:“Voert,sohebbendemakeleerengheconsentertdatde vrouwenzullenmoghenvercoepenharewittelakeneendehaerblaeuwe,endevoertzullendevrouwen moghencoepen15steenewullenendenietdaerboven....”DePauw,Voorgeboden,29;alsotranscribed inRecueildedocumentsrelatifsàl’histoiredel’industriedrapièreenFlandre.Premièrepartie:desorigines àl’époquebourguignonne,ed.GeorgesEspinasandHenriPirennne(Brussels:P.Imbreghts,1909), n.432,item5,2:431.

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However, most small drapers who managed the production of individual lengths of wool cloth purchased wool in lots of less than ninety pounds. For example, after a married couple, Wouter and Aechte van Vinderhoute, died suddenlyin1360(probablyfromtheplague),theinventoryoftheirestateincluded four entries for wool in lots of eighteen to thirtyfive pounds.26 The couple probably worked together as drapers because the list of their debts included purchasesoncreditforwoolandclothproducingservices.27Aechtecontracted severalpurchasesoncreditbyherself,inadditiontootherdebtsandpurchases madebyWouteraloneandthecoupletogether.Whetherthiscouplepurchased thewoollotsintheClothHallisunknown,buttheestateinventoryclearlyshows thatwoolwasregularlysoldinsmallquantitiestosmalldrapers.Thewomenwool sellersintheClothHallcouldmakeatidylivingfromsellingwoolinthesesmaller quantities,whilethebrokersandwholesalersmaynothavebeenasinterestedin breaking up large shipments of wool into these smaller lots. The women stallholders thus constituted a middle layer in the wool distribution system. Brokerspurchasedwoolinbulk,andsolditinsackstothestallholdersintheCloth Hall,whothendividedthewoolintosmallerlotsandsoldittoindividualdrapers. Thesewomenoccupiedacrucialcentralnicheinthesalesanddistributionof wool,thread,andcloth.Atthesametime,womensellershadtodefertomale brokerswhensalesreachedacertainvolume.Thetextoftheordinancenarrates that elite men controlled the space, allocated resources, and thus apportioned income,butallowedwomenintothatspacetoperformauxiliaryroles.Beneaththe textmaybeanolderexistingspatialpracticeinwhichwomenstallholdershad beensellingwool,thread,andclothintheClothHallperhapsfarbackintothe undocumented cloth production and trade in the city stretching back to the eleventhcentury. This ordinance is also an acknowledgement of women’s and men’s practice—theirtacticsandeverydayactions—inscribedontheplaceoftheCloth Hall.Theordinanceshowsthatwomenhadbeensellingclothandwoolinthat space for some time. Merchants, brokers, drapers, and cloth wholesalers

26

27

SAG,series301,no.1,loosechirographnumbered215.1,21Aug1360.Theinventoryreads: “Item,V½steenwollen,XLgt.densteen(5–1/2stonesofwool,at40d.grootperstone) Item,VIIsteenwollen,IIp.g.densteen(7stonesofwool,at2lbs.grootperstone) Item,IIIsteenwollen1pontminblaus,XVIIIgt.densteen(3stonesless1poundofblue?wool,at18d. grootperstone) Item,IIIsteenendeIpont,VIIIgt.densteen.”(3stonesand1pound,at8d.grootperstone.)Theweight used for wool was the stone (steen), in fourteenthcentury Flanders usually equivalent to six modernpounds. Thecouplecontractedninedebtstogether,andeachcontractedtwodebtsalone.Twooftheir creditorswerewomen,onewasahusbandandwifepartnership,andtwoweremothersworking withsons.SAG,series301,no.1,loosechirograph215.1.

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conductedmuchoftheirbusinessintheopenfloorspacearoundthestalls,ifnot atthestallsthemselves.Seatedorstandingbehindtablescoveredwithwares,the womenvisiblycontrastedwithmencirculatingonfootinthecenterofthehall. ThespaceoftheClothHallwaspartitionedeitherbytablesorthefrontcounters ofstalls.Apartitionstructuresthespace,accordingtoCerteau,andfunctionsboth as a frontier and a bridge. The strategy of the Cloth Hall (the regulations and ordinances) designated the open area for male merchants, brokers, and cloth wholesalers.Thetableorstallcounterwasabarrierdividingthesellersbygender. Butinpractice,howcouldamerchantshowapieceofclothtoapotentialbuyer withoutlayingitoutonatable?Probablyabrokerusedafemalestallholder’stable to lay out a cloth, an action that would have transformed the partition into a bridge.Thestructureofspaceactuallyencouragedthecooperationofbrokersand stallholders,anditislikelythattheyreferredcustomerstoeachother.Whatthe ordinancedepictsasaliabilityforthewomenstallholderswasprobablyamore equitable,cooperative,andlongstandingpractice. Furthermore,allocationofthestallsintheClothHallwascontrolledatleastin partbywomen.Twostoriessurvivingfromdocumentsinthealdermen’sregisters indicatethatwomenheldthestallsfortheirlifetimes,andpassedthosestallson tootherwomenortofemalefamilymembers.Onestorywastoldtothealdermen bySimeonvanAelst,himselfaformeraldermen.Hetestifiedthathislatewife, Aechte,hadappearedbeforeapreviousboardofaldermentotransferherstallin the Cloth Hall to a woman named Bette van den Wijngaerde. On the basis of Simeon’stestimony,“thealdermentransferredthatstallbacktoBettetousefor herlifetime.”28Theinitialtransfertookplacebetweenthewomen,followedbythe aldermen’sofficialgrantofthestalltoBettevandenWijngaerde.Thealdermen’s righttograntstallstowomenislikelyagraftontoolderoralpractice,awayof emphasizingtheircontrolbyapprovingalongstandingcustomarypractice.Itis alsonoteworthythatAechte,theoriginalholderofthestall,wasthewifeofan aldermen,meaningthatshewasatleastofmiddlingstatus.29

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29

SAG,series301,no.1,f.27r,actno.3,5Sept.1349:“...sohebbenwijscepenen,GillisRijnvischende sijne ghezellen, mids de vors. informatie dit vors. stal ghegheven en gheven der vors. Betten dat soet paisivelikeenrustelijcmogheghebrukenalselanghealselevensalzonderyemenscalaenge.” SimeonvanAelstheldtheninthseatonthebenchofthealdermenoftheGedelefortheyear 1346–7.(Thealdermenservedforoneyearterms,beginningon15August.)TheGedelebenchwas lesspowerfulthantheKeurebench,andtheninthseatheldmuchlesspowerthanthefirstor secondseat.Inaddition,in1346,Ghentguildsandfactionswerestrugglingoverpower,meaning thattheremighthavebeenanopportunityforlessercraftsmentowinseatsincitygovernment. SinceSimeondoesnotappearagaininthesurvivinglistsofcityofficials,itislikelythathewas eithernotamemberofthecity’selite,orthathelackedsufficientstandinginanyofthecity’s factions,DeRekeningenderStadGent.TijdvakvanJacobvanArtevelde1339–1349,ed.NapoléonDe PauwandJuliusVuylsteke.MaatschappijvanNederlandscheletterkundeengeschiedenis(Ghent: Ad.Hoste,1874–1885),3:1;Boone,Gentendebourgondischehertogen,33–39.

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The second story makes the theory that the aldermen were imposing their controloveralongstandingcustomarypracticeamongwomenevenmorelikely. Inadecisionfrom1362,thealdermengrantedastalltotheminordaughtersofa deceasedstallholder,andchargedherwidowertomaintainthestallfortheyoung girls: Kenlicsijetc.datherJacobWillebaerd,herLievinvandenHoleendeharegezellen scepenen van der Keure in Ghend hebben ghegheven en gheven Betkine ende KallekineHeinricsGheilardskindrendiehijhaddebijMergrieteKoenssiinwijfwas, dezelvestedeendebancindenederhallewitteendeblaeuwelakineuptevercoppene dieMergrieteharerbeedermoedervors.uterghiftenvanscepenendiedoewaren haudende was. Ende dese banc zal van der vors. kindre weghe ghevoedt ende ghemainteniertmoetenzijnghelijcdattertoebehoert.30 [BeitknownthatHeerJacobWillebaerd,HeerLievinvandenHoleandtheirfellow aldermenoftheKeureinGhenthavegivenandgivetoBetkine(Betty)andKallekine (Kathy),childrenofHeinricGheilardswhomhehadbyhislatewifeMergrieteKoens, the same place and bench in the lower hall to sell white and blue wool cloth that Mergriete their mother was holding (had, had been keeping) as a gift from the aldermen[ofthattime?].Andonbehalfofthechildrenthisbenchmustbepaidforand maintainedjustasitshouldbe.]

Whilethealdermenclaimedthattheygavethisselling“place”toMergrieteand thentoheryoungfemalechildrenasa“gift,”itwasmuchmorelikelythatthe daughterswereactuallyinheritingthesellingspace.31Ifthealdermenwerefreely grantingmarketstalls,theycouldsurelyhavefoundanadulttoreceivethisfavor. Giving the selling space to minors with the expectation that their father and guardianwouldhavetomaintainitforthechildren’sbenefitdoesnotseeminthe city’sbestinterests. Thesestoriessuggestthatthegenderedpracticesthatstallswerepassedfrom womantowomanoftheClothHallpredatedthealdermen’scontrol.Thewomen whoheldstallsand/orsellingplacesintheClothHallhadhereditaryrights,at leastinpart.AsCerteauargues,storiesgobeforesocialpracticestocreateatheater ofactions.32Judicialdecisionscanonlymanipulateandreaffirmthistheater.Inthe ClothHallmarketspace,womenstallholdersbycustompassedtheirstallsonto otherwomen,andthealdermenwereconfirmingthispractice,andmanipulating ittoenhancetheirownauthority.TheClothHallspacehadbeenpartiallyfounded bywomenstallholders.

30 31

32

SAG,series301,no.2,f.28v,actno.3,14July1362. Thedifferenceinterminologyisalsointeresting.Aechteheldastall(stal)andMergrietehelda place(stede)onabench(banc).Perhapstheseweredifferentarrangementsfortheupperandlower halls? Certeau,PracticeofEverydayLife,125.

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The presence of women sellers in the Cloth Hall and in the acts from the aldermen’sregistersalsocomplicatethereceivedgeneralizationthatmaleweaver drapers, brokers, and wholesalers monopolized the sales of wool and cloth. Restrictionsonthequantitiesofwoolandtypesofclothwomencouldsellhasto bebalancedagainstthelegitimacyoftheirpresenceintheClothHallandtheprofit potentialoftheirdeals.33Womenclothsellersweresometimesentrepreneurs,not at the highest levels, but at the level of middling, local, or retail sales. They occupied an important niche in the distribution system of raw materials and finished cloth for the city’s drapery production. The space of Cloth Hall, partitionedbythetablesorcountersofthestalls,wascreatedbypracticeswhich privileged male brokers, but included female stallholders, and encouraged cooperationacrossthegenderedpartitionofthemarketspace. However,woolclothproductioninGhentwasnotasprofitableasithadonce been,andtherewaswidespreadunemploymentatpointsinthemidfourteenth century. In this environment of economic pressure and declining profitability, womendrapersandwoolsellerswouldhavebeenvulnerabletoattacksfrommale guildsmen,andtheaccessofwomentomiddlingpositionsinthetextileindustry declined.Inaddition,thestatusandimportanceofwoolclothproduction,oncethe dominantindustrythathadmadeGhentwealthy,declinedoverthecourseofthe fourteenthandfifteenthcenturies.Itwasincreasinglyreplacedbytheprovisioning trades,ledbythebutchers’guild,whichalsopartitioneditsmarketspacewith genderboundaries,butinaverydifferentway.

TheMeatHall Inthemidfourteenthcentury,theGhentbutchers’guildwasalreadyonitsway tobecomingoneofthemostinfluential,powerful,andexclusiveguildsinthecity. Aftertheweavers,thebutchers’guildwasperhapsthemostpowerfulguildin midfourteenthcenturyGhent,anditwouldsoonsurpasstheweavers.Itwasalso oneofthefirstguildsinGhenttorestrictmembershiptothesonsofmasters.34The guildexcludedallwomen,includingdaughtersofmasters.35In1377,thebutchers’

33

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There are additional archival sources which indicate that women and husbandandwife partnershipssoldwoolandcloth.SAG,series301,no.1,f.48r,actno.1,1Feb.1350(n.s.);f.14v, actno.4,14June1344;f.19r,actno.2and3,27Oct.1345;f.117v,actno.1;undated,f.225v,act no.2,19Dec.1360.Eighteenwomensoldclothtothecityfrom1339to1361,comparedto166men. De Pauw and Vuylsteke, Rekeningen; and Alfons Van Werveke, ed., Gentse Stads en Baljuws rekeningen(1351–1364)(Brussels:PaleisderAcademiën,1970). HansVanWerveke,“DeGentseVleeshouwersonderhetOudRegime:Demografischestudieover eengeslotenenerfelijkambachtsgild,”Handelingendermaatschappijvoorgeschiedenisenoudheid kundeteGent3(1948):3–32. Danneel,Weduwenenwezen,357;DePotter,Gent,2:366–67.

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guildreplacedtheiroriginalindoormarketplace,theMeatHall(Vleeshuis),with alargewoodenhallbesidetheLeieRiver,andin1407builtthemagnificentstone MeatHallwhichstandstherestill.Therapidupgradingoffacilitiesisatestament tothegrowingpowerandwealthofthebutchers’guildoverthesecondhalfofthe fourteenthcentury.Individualbutcherssoldtheirmeatfromstallswhichlinedthe wallsofthehall,partitioning,andthereforefounding,thespaceofthismarket.By the fifteenth century, this partition became a gendered boundary as well. A draconianordinanceorderedthat: Voortdatgheenvleeshauwerswijfnochjoncwijfennecommeinveertichvoetenna denvleeschuuse,updendachdatmenvleeschvercoopt,updemesdaetvanIIIpond. ...36 [Henceforthnobutcher’swifeormaidmaycomewithinfortyfeetoftheMeatHallon thedaythatmeatissold,onthepenaltyofthreepounds.]”

Womenfromthebutcher’shouseholdswereexcludedfromthemarket,evenfrom the space occupied by customers. While the ordinance was probably never effectivelyenforced,itisevidenceofthedesireofthebutcherstomarkofftheir hallasmalespace.Womenapparentlycontinuedtoviolatetheserules,however. Alaterordinancespecifiedthat“vannuvortangheenvrauwenterbanckstaenen zullenommevleeschtevercoopene...(fromnowonnowomancanstandatastallin ordertosellmeat).”37Thebutcherscouldnoteliminatewomensellers,butthey could marginalize women and cast them as interlopers and illegitimate participants. Thepartitionofthestallfrontcountersdividedmalebutchersfromfemaleand malecustomers.Thestrategiesofthebutcherstorestricttheircraft’smembership included eliminating even the presence of their own family women from the privileged space behind the table or counter. These women had no rights, no counteringstorytojustifytheirtransgressionofthepartitionofMeatHallspace. The rigidity of the written guild regulations cut across whatever flexible oral practicehadgonebefore.Thenatureoftheworkdonebythebutchers’guild, dealing with large animals and heavy carcasses, suggests that the trade was alwayspredominantlymale,butsuchaconsiderationwouldnotprecludewives, daughters,orfemaleservantsfromservingcustomersandcollectingmoney.The guildleadershipwastakingaimatapracticewhichhadexisted,butperhapsonly onthemarginsofacceptability.

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StatutesofVleeschouwers,undated,c.15thcentury,DePotter,Gent,2:554. Ordinanceof1541,DePotter,Gent,2:559.

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TheCornMarket A different kind of gender boundary marked off the Corn Market. Market regulationsexcludedwomen,evenascustomers.Inaddition,everydaypractices withinthemarketspacemarkeditoutasmalespace.TheCornMarketsquare (Koornmarkt)wasanopentriangularareaatfootofSt.Michael’sbridge,separated byarowofbuildingsfromthefamousKoornlei(CornWharf)andGraslei(Hay Wharf)alongtheLeieRiverinthecitycenter.Thesewharfs,nowattheheartof the tourist district, mark the site at which boats carrying grain from northern Franceunloadedtheircargoes.Largegrainwarehousesalongthewharfprovided spaceforstorage.38Othershipsvisitedthissiteaswell,butthosecarryinggrainto thecitywerethemostimportant.Ghentwasdependentonimportsofgrainto feeditself,becausethedemandforfoodexceededFlemishagriculturalproductive capacityfromthetwelfthcenturyonwards.39ThefieldsofPicardyandArtoisin nearbynorthernFranceproducedasurplusofgrain,whichmerchantsshipped downtheScheldtandLeieriverstofeedtheFlemishcities.Inthe1330sthrough the1350s,Ghent,likeotherFlemishcities,sufferedintermittentshortagesofgrain, whichcausedperiodsofcrisis.40Ghentclaimedastapleongrainwhichitselites wereabletostrengthenandincreaseinthesecondhalfofthecentury.Bythe1370s and1380s,Ghenthadsecuredtheexclusiverighttoimportgrainandtoreexport ittootherFlemishcities,mostnotably(andprofitably)Bruges.Grainwasnotonly vitallyimportanttofeedthecity,butalsoprovidedamajorsourceofincomefor thecity’seliteafterthedeclineofthewoolclothtrade. TheCornMarketsquareitselfwasanopenspace,borderedbythechurchofSt. Niklaasonthewest,andlinedwithinnsandthehousesofimportantpatrician families.Thesewereoftenoneandthesame,becausemembersofmanypatrician familiesworkedashostellers,brokersandwholesalers,providingfinancialand merchandising services to foreign merchants. Moneychangers’ booths, food markets, and the city’s wealthiest neighborhoods were located on the streets leadingintotheopenmarketplace.41TheCornMarketsquare,ordinarilyopento foottraffic,wasconfiguredasmalespaceonthethreedaysoftheweekdesignated as market days.42 On those days, the open area would have been filled with wagons,carts,merchants,shippers,brokers,andgrainbuyersfromthesmaller cities of Flanders, along with their porters, dockworkers and waggoneers.43 Womenappearedonlyascustomers,andillegalonesatthat.Fourordinancesfrom

38 39

40 41 42 43

Oneofthese,DeSpijker,stillsurvivesontheKoornlei. David Nicholas, “Of Poverty and Primacy: Demand, Liquidity, and the Flemish Economic Miracle,1050–1200,”AmericanHistoricalReview96,1(1991):17–41. Boone,GentendeBourgondischehertogen,21–23. Nicholas,Metamorphosis,118. DePauw,Voorgeboden,2. DePauw,Voorgeboden,2.

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themidfourteenthcenturyforbadewomentobuygrainattheCornMarketon marketdays.44In1338womenwereforbiddentobuyatthemarket,onpenaltyof a3lb.fine,thesamefinewhichwasleviedonbakerswhoboughtmorethanaset quantity of grain.45 In 1343, an ordinance specified that “no man or woman [should]buymorethanonehalsterofgraininthe[Corn]Marketonmarketday.”46 Evidentlythepreviousordinancehadlapsed,andsomewomenwerenowbuying grain, or perhaps had always continued to buy grain. In 1350, women were forbidden“tocomeintotheCornMarketonmarketdaystobuygrain,”onpenalty oflosing“herbestdress.”47Someoftheseordinanceswerepromulgatedintimes ofextremegrainshortage,andprovisionsagainstwomenbuyersappearedamong provisions against hoarding. The extremity of the provisions, as well as the repetition,suggestthattheordinanceswereonlyenforcedtemporarily,andthat womendidnormallybuyatthatmarket.Buttheyevidentlydidnotsellgrainin thismarket,andeveryreferencetothemcaststhemasillegalinterlopersinamale spaceofeconomicactivity. Themovementsofvehicles,maleporters,merchants,andsailorsthroughthe CornMarketalsomadethespacehostiletowomen.Itwascrowdedwithwagons, horses,andcarts.Foreignmerchantslineduptobuyfromthegrainmerchants, andsincedistributiontookplaceinthesamearea,theymusthavebroughtwith themtheirporters,waggoners,andotherlaborers,whostoodaroundwaitingto loadupthegrain.Shippersoffloadedthegrainonthewharfnearby,andsailors mingled with the crowds. Dockworkers passed through sweating under the burdenofheavybalesandswearingatthosewhoblockedtheirpassagethrough thecrowd.Womenstoodagoodchanceofbeingjostled,pushed,ogled,insulted, andpropositionedbyanassortmentofunsavorycharacters.Despitetheeasewith whichGhentwomenseemedtooperateinpublic,fewwomenfromthemiddling andelitegroupswouldhavewantedtogointotheCornMarket.Awomanwho entered the Corn Market risked her reputation and her social status, and by extension,thereputationofherfamily.Itisnocoincidencethatthepunishment for a woman buying grain at the Corn Market—confiscation of her best dress—wasthesamepunishmentmetedouttoaprostitutecaughthangingaround thewharfs.48Womenwhopenetratedthismalespaceweremorallysuspect—and alsotoopoortopayafine.However,eventhepoorestwomanwouldhaveadress

44

45 46 47 48

Ordinancesfrom1338,1350,and1366.DePauw,Voorgeboden,7,37,48–49,95.Nicholasidentified onewidowwhosoldgrainin1377,Nicholas,Metamorphosis,333. DePauw,Voorgeboden,7. DePauw,Voorgeboden,37. DePauw,Voorgeboden,48–49. Anordinancealsoforbadeprostitutesto“wanderintheeveninginthesquareinfrontofthe [Cloth]HallorinfrontoftheSpijker[thegrainwarehouseontheCornMarketwharf]attheVee bridge,onpenaltyoflosingherbestdress....,”DePauw,Voorgeboden,44(1349)

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thattheauthoritiescouldconfiscate.Onlydesperatelypoorwomenorthosewith no reputation to lose would violate this male space, which was founded by strategiesdelimitingit(thealdermen’sordinancesandexclusionofwomenfrom theprofitableinternationalgraintrade)andbythesocialpracticesofthemale merchants,porters,andsailors.49 Thegenderboundarydrawnaroundthephysicalandtemporalspaceofthe CornMarketdidnotenclosethehousesandinnsaroundit,orSt.Niklaaschurch, orthesmallerfoodmarkets,shops,booths,andmoneychangers’tableswithina oneblockradius.SpaceoutsideoftheCornMarketwasmuchmoreamorphously constructed,andsimilarly,theGhentenarsinvolvedininternationaltradewerea mixed and amorphous group. The hostellers and brokers, the organizers of internationaltrade,wereagroupofprofessionalswhooperatedinandbetween theCornMarket,theClothHall,theinnsandmoneyexchanges.Theyarranged, expedited,andprofitedfromimportandexportdealswithforeignmerchants, principally in grain, wool and cloth. Their versatile and multifaceted interests precludetheirclassificationintoasinglemarketplace.Theheartoftheiractivities was,however,intheinnsofthehostellersliningtheedgesoftheCornMarket. This group of brokers, shippers, hostellers, grain measurers, and cloth wholesalersdidnotconfinethemselvestoasingletrade,butinsteadoftenchanged occupationallabels,orcooperatedwithfamilymembersindifferentoccupations.50 Hostellers, or their family members, were often cloth wholesalers as well.51 Shipperswerealsoheavilyinvolvedinmakingdealsforgrainimportandexport.52 Thecitypromulgatednumerousordinancesdesignedtokeepdrapers,weavers, brokers, wholesalers, and hostellers in tightly defined and mutually exclusive categories, but their efforts were largely unsuccessful.53 Members of this elite groupprovidedafullrangeofservicesforthemerchantswhocametothecityto buyandsellgrain,cloth,wool,andotherimportedgoods.Hostellersnotonly providedlodgingandmeals,butalsoactedassuretiesforforeignmerchantsso thatthesemerchantscouldpurchaseclothintheClothHall,andmakefinancial arrangementsinthelocalmarkets.54Brokersarrangedpurchasesandfinancing, and hostellers provided banking services for merchants, either personally, or

49 50 51 52

53

54

Nicholas,Metamorphosis,118. Nicholas,Metamorphosis,144–47,183. Nicholas,Metamorphosis,144–48. One small and very wealthy guild, the grain measurers, regulated the grain trade, and they doubledsometimesasinnkeepersprovidinghousingforFrenchgrainmerchants. Asampling:1349:drapersandweaverscoulddonoothertradeotherthan“woolwork.”1353: hostellersandbrokerscouldnotmakeclothorhaveclothmade,orsellwool.1360:hostellers couldnotbebrokersfortheirowngoods.1374:brokerscouldnotmakeclothorhaveitmade.De Pauw,Voorgeboden,45,64,79,144. Murray,Bruges,87–118describesamoresophisticatedversionofthisforthecityofBruges.

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throughtheiraccountswithmoneychangers.55Thisgroupwasdominatedbyelite males,andmanybelongedtopatricianfamilies.Togetherwiththeelitesfromthe weaversandtheprovisioningguilds,theyextractedthelargestamountofprofit frominternationaltrade,andtheydominatedGhent,politically,economicallyand socially. Womenwereexcludedfromthisgroup,justastheywereexcludedfromthe CornMarket,althoughwivesofbrokersandhostellersweresometimesinvolved ininternationaltradebecausetheactivitytookplaceininns.Hostellers’wives probablycontributedsignificantlytotheirhusbands’innkeepingbusinesses,just astheydidinBruges.56Beforethedeathofherhostellerhusband,SoetevanGhend forcedWouterScoiarttoacknowledgethatheowedhermorethantwelveshillings grootfor“foodanddrinkandmoneyloaned[tohim.]”57WhileherhusbandGillis wasonatriptoEngland,SoetinNaespostedatwothousandpoundbondtoact as a hosteller with official privileges to trade at the Cloth Hall.58 Hostellers, brokers,andwholesalersbrokereddealsintheClothHallandtheCornMarket, theytradedinimporteddyes,theylodged,fedandentertainedforeignmerchants andtheirlocalclientsintheirinns,whichwerealsotheirhouseholds.Havinga wifetomanagethedomesticsideofinnkeepingwasnecessary,andbyextension, wivesofhostellersandbrokerscouldhandlesalesthattookplacewithintheinns.59 The aldermen recognized this in a 1369 ordinance in which they required hostellers’andbrokers’wivestoswearalongwiththeirhusbandsthattheywould notbuyandsellmadder(adyestuff)ifitwasstoredintheirresidences.60 Inaddition,whilewomenwerenotallowedintheexteriorspaceoftheCorn Market,intheinteriorspaceoftheinns,womenprobablyprovidedthemajority of services for foreign merchants. Hundreds of women must have made their livingasbarmaids,servers,cooks,laundresses,andservantsintheinnsonthe 55

56 57

58

59 60

Foreignerscouldbuygrainfromthegrainmeasurers,hostellers,bakersorbrewers.Nicholas, Metamorphosis,245–47. Murray,Bruges,318–21. SAG,series301,no.1,62v,actno.5,16April1350.Theotherdebtor,JanvanExpoele,owedher eight shillings for food and drink, f. 63r, act no. 2, 22 April 1350. Philip van Ghend, Soete’s husband,seemstohavebeenaliveon24July1350,butwasdefinitelydeadby9Dec.1350.I suspectthathewasalreadyillinApril,andasaresult,Soetetookthemoreactiverole.f.93v,act no.7,24July;series330,no.11,f.19r,actsno.1and2,9Dec.1350. SAG,series301,no.1,f.97r,1349–50.Shehadtopostabondof2,000poundsparisis,asdidthe otherthirteenhostellers,allofwhomweremale.PhilipdePape,aprominenttaxfarmer,washer surety“untilGillisNaescomesfromEngland(PhilipdePapetoteGillisNaesuteInghelandcomt.)” Seealsof.35v,actno.1,15Dec.1349.Nicholasfoundthattherewerenumerousfemalehostellers inthe1370sthroughthe1390s,Nicholas,DomesticLife,87–89. DePauw,Voorgeboden,104. Althoughmostordinancesreferredtobrokerswithjustthemaleformoftheword,oneordinance from1378specifiedbothamalebroker(saemcoepre)andafemalebroker(saemcoepericghe.)De Pauw,Voorgeboden,131.

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CornMarket.Prostitutesclusteredaroundthewarehousesandinthesquarein frontoftheClothHall.61Thesewomenmadeameagerlivingprovidingservices tothemenwhoprofitedfrominternationaltrade.TheheartoftheCornMarket wasanexclusivelymalespace,andwomenoperatedonlyatitsfringes. Astheprovisioningguildsbecamethemostprofitableanddominanteconomic institutionsinGhent,theirmarketspaces,suchastheMeatHallandtheCorn Market,grewinimportance.Therewasnospaceineitherofthesemarketsfor women to occupy as legitimate market sellers. Even if they belonged to the familiesofguildsmen,theycouldonlyoperateonthefringesofthespacesthat wereproducedandreproducedbymovementsofmalemerchants,marketsellers, and transporters. As these markets bypassed the Cloth Hall in importance, women’saccesstomiddlingstatuspositionssufferedaswell,withtheeclipseof thetraditionalclothindustrywhichhadallowedthemalegitimateandprofitable middlingrole.

TheFridayMarket TheFridayMarketsquare(Vrijdagmarkt)liesthreecityblocksawayfromtheCorn Market,onalargeopenspacenexttoSt.Jacob’sChurch.Itwasthelargestopen space in the city during the fourteenth century. Surrounded on four sides by household shops, it stood on the dividing line between the wealthy central neighborhoodandthepoorerneighborhoodsofartisansandlaborersonthenorth sideofthecity.62Shopsandperhapssomeboothswereopeneveryday,butone ofthemajorfunctionsofthespacewas(andstillis)alargeopenairmarketon Fridays.Merchantssoldawidearrayofproductsforlocalconsumptionatthe FridayMarket,withtheexceptionofmostfooditems,whichweresoldintheir ownmarketplaces.Itwasnotamarketforlargemerchantsinvolvedinimportand exportofbulkmerchandise,althoughthesemerchantsmayhavesolditemsat retailfromboothsthere.OnFridaysmanycraftsmenandwomenwouldsetup boothsortablesinordertoselltheirwares,andthousandsofGhentenarsand peoplefromsurroundingvillagescametothemarkettobuyhouseholdgoods, shoes,clothing,tools,andothereverydaynecessitiesoflife.Whileothermarket spacescateredtointernationaltrade,orspecializedinonetypeofproduct,the Friday Market specialized in local retail sales of a large variety of wares. The FridayMarketspacewasfoundedandorganizedwithboundariesthatwereeasy topenetrateandfriendlytoshoppersofbothgenders. Women were ubiquitous in the Friday Market, as customers and as market sellers.Inthismarket,womenwererarelyamongtherichestmerchants,butmany

61 62

DePauw,Voorgeboden,44. Nicholas,Metamorphosis,118.

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attainedalevelofprosperityinthemiddlenicheofsmallmerchandisingandretail sales. Several lesser merchant guilds—such as the mercers and spice merchants—allowedwomenmembers.63Spicemerchants(kruideniers)alsosold soap,oils,ash,minerals,somewines,andmanyotherimportedgoods,andone storyofpracticesuggeststhatwomenspicemerchantswerecommon.In1360, ClaisdeRuddreappliedformembershipinthespicemerchants’guild,onthe basisofhiswife’srightsasthedaughterofguildmember.64Theguildleadership decidedtograntherthefreedomoftheguildforapaymentoftwentypennies grootandajugofwine,andorderedClaistoserveafouryearapprenticeshipwith her in order to be admitted to the freedom of the guild. The spice merchants recognized the right of daughters to practice their fathers’ trade, and saw no difficultywithallowingamarriedwomantopracticetheircraftandtotrainher husbandformally.Theirdifficultywasratherwiththehusband’slackoftraining. Women’saccesstofreedominthisguildintheirownrightwasanopportunityfor relativeprosperityandmiddlingeconomicandsocialstatus. Themercers’guildofferedwomenthesameopportunity.65Mercerssolditems likecombs,nails,locks,tinandcoppercookware,leatherbagsandgloves,and paternosters.Theyalsocateredtoaneliteclientelebysellingluxuryitems:fine importedfabrics,likesilk,satin,velvet,cotton,andembroideredcloth,andfashion accessories, such as hoods, girdles, belts, caps, and hair coverings. The most expensiveitemstheyofferedforsalewerewinesandluxurygoodsdecoratedwith goldandsilver.Mostoftheitemssoldbymercerswereimported,boughtatthe yearlyfairsinGhentandnearbytowns. Somewomenmercerswerequiteprosperous.In1360,themercerLisbettevan denConkelesuedJanBollaerdfordebtsheandhislatewifeowedtoher.66Those debtsamountedtotwopoundsgroot,enoughtosupportawelltodoorphanfor one year. The midfifteenthcentury mercers’ guild statutes mention female mercersprominentenoughtoowntheirownshops.67Mercerssoldoutofshops andalsofromtemporarybooths(kramen)setupontheFridayMarketitself.These shopswerelocatedonthesidesoftheopenspaceoftheFridayMarketsquare,

63 64 65

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Nicholas,Metamorphosis,254. SAG,series156,no.1,f.20r,June1360;transcribedbyMarcBoone. E.VanderHellen,“HetGentsemeerseniersambacht(1305–1540),”Handelingendermaatschappij voorgeschiedenisenoudheidkundeteGent31(1977):77–149. Thisactcontainsarareidentificationofprofession.SAG,series301,no.1,f.223v,actno.3,5Dec. 1360. The1456guildprivilegeofthemercers’guild:“Itemdatelcmersenierofmersenierigghesalmoghen haudenbinnensijnenhuuseendebinnenzijnenwinkeleeendienstjoncwijfommezijnenhuerbuertodoene, sondermeer(Item,thateachmercer(male)ormercer(female)willbeallowedtokeepwithintheir houseandwithintheirshoponemaidservanttodotheirwork,andnomore.)”DePotter,Gent 6,555.

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alongtheLangeMuntstreetthatrunsbetweentheCornMarketsquareandthe FridayMarketsquare,andalongtheVeldstraat,thatrunssouthfromtheCorn Market square.68 The mercers had a designated spot for booths on the Friday Market square in front of a certain house.69 Because mercers offered both householdnecessitiesandsmallluxuryitems,theirboothsintheFridayMarket andtheirshopsalongtheneighboringstreetsofferedmedievalconsumersatrue shoppingexperience—acustomerwhostoppedintobuyapotcouldalsogazeat thefinefabrics,accessoriesanduniqueitemsthatacraftymercerwoulddisplay prominently.TheFridayMarketwashugeanddiversified,buttheboothsand shopsinandarounditalsoproducedsmallintimatespaceswherebuyersand sellersinteracted. TheFridayMarketandtheshopsthatsurroundeditincludedmanywomenwho sold a wide variety of products, and the presence of large numbers of female marketsellersisacharacteristicGhentshareswithmostofthetownsofnorthern Europe. In Ghent and the Low Countries in general, these women were not marginalfigures.ThemidfourteenthcenturyFrenchFlemishlanguagemanual, the Livre des Mestiers, written in Bruges, features a number of female market sellers,includingonewhosoldparchment,andincludesadialoguesimulatinga spirited bargaining session between a French merchant and Bruges market woman.70Womensecondhanddealers(huutdraeghsterighen)routinelyboughtused clothingandhouseholdfurnishingstoresell.71TheFridayMarketsquarewasopen to women, not only as the poorest market sellers or as saleswomen for their husbands’ products, but also as middling merchants operating their own businesses. The real gender boundary around the Friday Market was drawn when the squarewasusedforpoliticalpurposes.GuildsinGhenthadacrucialpolitical function,bothforcitygovernmentandtheorganizationofthecitymilitia.Inthis mostrebelliousofFlemishcities,whentheguildscalledouttheirmembershipfor streetaction,theassemblytookplaceonFridayMarketsquare.72Theringingofthe bellcallingtheguildmemberstoassemblemustalsohavebeen thesignalfor women to close up their booths and vacate the marketplace. The practice of political action was the province of men. When the Friday Market square transformedintopoliticalspace,theboundariesmarginalizedwomen. Female market sellers worked in every medieval town. There were perhaps morewomensellinginpublicinGhentthantherewereinmanyotherareasof

68 69 70 71 72

Thesestreetsare,incidentally,stillthemainshoppingstreetsinthecitycenter. VanderHellen,“HetGentsemeerseniersambacht.” Stabel,“WomenattheMarket,”265. Danneel,Weduwenenwezen,380. DumolynandHaemers,“PatternsofUrbanRebellion.”

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medievalEurope,andperhapsthosewomenwerefreer,lessdeferential,andmore assertiveintheirinteractionswithmen,butwhatwasreallydifferentaboutGhent was that some women possessed legitimate, accepted access to marketselling positionsatthemiddleleveloflocalretailsalesintheFridayMarket,orinsmaller, intermediarysalesintheClothHall.Womenmarketsellersownedandoperated theirownbusinessesandpossessedaspaceinsomemarketsintheirownright, perhapsthroughtheirfamilyconnections,butnotbyvirtueoftheirhusbands, deceasedorotherwise.WomenstallholdersintheClothHallevenhadameasure ofcontrolinhandingdowntheirstallstootherwomen,arightwhichprobably survivedfromoralcustom. ThespaceoftheClothHallwasarticulatedbythepartitionoftheboothcounter. It was simultaneously a gendered boundary which restricted women market sellersfrommakingthelargestsales,andalsoabridgewhichconnectedwomen stallholdersandmalebrokerswhocooperatedfortheirmutualprofit.Theirstories areevidenceofoperationsandeverydaypracticeswhichareasimportanttothe foundingofmarketspaceasthestrategiesofthemaleofficialsexpressedinthe writtenordinances.Inothermarketspaces,theMeatHallandtheCornMarket, strategiesandeverydaytacticsmarginalizedwomenmarketsellers.Andthese market spaces were the wave of the future, in gender relations, in economic preeminence, and in political power. Just as the wool cloth trade declined in prestige compared to the butchers and other provisioning guilds from the fourteenthtothesixteenthcenturies,women’saccesstoeconomicopportunities withinthecity’smarketplacesdeclinedfromtheMiddleAgestotheearlymodern period.

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Figure1:MapofGhentinthefifteenthcentury.TakenfromMarcBoone,Gent endeBourgondischehertogen,ca.1384–ca.1453.Eensociaalpolitiekestudievaneen staatsvormingsproces.Courtesyoftheauthor.

LiaB.Ross (UniversityofNewMexico)

AngerandtheCity:WhoWasinChargeoftheParis cabochienRevoltof1413?

ThesocalledcabochienrevoltthattookplaceinParisintheSpringandSsummer of1413,andthatwasnamedafteroneofitspopularleaders,hasfailedtomakean impressiononmodernhistorians.Moreoftenthannotitisdismissedasaminor episodeofthelongcivilwarthatfollowedthemurderofthedukeofOrléans,the powerful brother of the mad king Charles VI, by order of his rival John the Fearless,dukeofBurgundy,in1407.1Yetatleastfivecontemporarysourcesreport it as a significant event in its own merit, even as the politically charged backgroundofthiseventinfluencestheirviewpoint,andaddsacautionarynote totheinterpretationoftheirstories.MichelPintoin,theReligieuxofSaintDenis, follows the respected tradition of Dionysian historiography, which would be expectedtobeimpartialandyetleaningheavilytowardrespectforroyaltyand “due process” of law. His narrative is the most coherent and detailed as he dedicatestoitthegreaterpartofBookThirtyFourofhisChroniclesofCharlesVI,

1

Forexample,RichardVaughandismissesitinbarelythreepagesinhisbiographyofJohnthe Fearless,wherehesummarizesitasacoupleofseriousriotsthatprovokedthedeathoftenpeople andthetemporaryarrestoflessthanfifty.Heconcludesthatitsroleintheduke’sfortunes“has beenmuchexaggerated.”RichardVaughan,JohntheFearless:theGrowthofBurgundianPower(1966; Woodbridge:TheBoydellPress,2002),99–101,BernardGuenéebarelymentionsitinachapter dedicatedtotheconflictsoftheyears1413–16.SeealsoBernardGuenée,UnMeurtre,unesociété: l’assassinatduducd’Orléans,23novembre1407(Paris:Gallimand,1992);R.C.Famigliettidescribes somesalientepisodes,takenfromtheReligieux,intenpages,butwithoutmuchanalysis,ashis focus in on the king’s illness. R. C. Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue: Crisis at the Court of Charles VI 1392–1420(NewYork:AMSPress,1984),117–27;andDavidNicholasdedicateslessthanapage to it in a work on late medieval revolts. David Nicholas, The Later Medieval City 1300–1500 (London:Longman,1997),139.Evenworksofsociologythatexaminesocialmovementsfroma historicalperspectivemovedirectlyfrommedievalpeasantrevoltstotheReformation.See,for example,SidneyTarrow,PowerinMovement(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1994), 32–33.

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aworkthathasbeenhailedasoneofthemostoriginalandthoughtfulhistoriesof thelaterMiddleAges.2Hisaccountisparticularlyenlighteningbecausedespitean obvious antipopulist bias, he examines the actions (if not the motives) of all partiesinvolved.ThechroniclerEnguerrandeMonstreletgivesamoresuccinct but equally dramatic version of the events. A member of the gentry, he is definitelycriticaloftheentireepisodeandofthemisalliancebetweenapeerofthe realmandwhatheperceivesasamob.Infact,theportionofhisChroniquethat deals with the brief insurrection is one of the very few in which this usually imperturbable writer gives vent to emotion; still, as his custom, he backs his opinionswithanabundanceoffacts. JeanJuvénal des Ursins, bishop, diplomat, historian, and son of the homonymousroyalmagistrate,isclearlyaversetomobrule,albeitsympathetic towardreforms,andpredictablyoffersaversionoffactsthatreflectstheviewsof theroyalcourt.Still,hisnarrativehasthequalityofbeingenlivenedbytidbitsof privileged recollections as his father found himself in the thick of events, and revealssomeaspectofprincelypersonalitiesandpoliciesthatwerenotavailable tootherauthors.AnanonymousBurgundiansympathizerincludestherevoltin hisbriefchronicleofthereignofCharlesVIinamuchabbreviatedform.Thelast authorofthelist,theanonymousdiaristknownastheBourgeoisofParis,was probably a clerk or a doctor of the University, and his account is particularly significantbecauseitistheonlyonetoreflectthe“viewfromthestreet,”withall its contradictions. Unfortunately this is also its drawback as this opinionated author,whodoesnothidestrongBurgundiansympathies,oftenconfusesthefacts andpresentsthereaderwithanincongruousnarrative,inpartatleastbecauseof theprivateandinformalnatureofhiswriting,andinpartprobablybecauseofhis positionasoutsider.3 Themostintriguingaspectoftheepisodetoemergefromthosenarrativesisits apparentdualnature,parturbaninsurrectionandpartcourtlycoup,andyetboth aspectsareamplydescribedbutinadequatelyexplainedbythosesources,leaving

2

3

ForadiscussionofthemeritsofMichelPintoinashistoriographer,seeBernardGuenée,L’Opinion publiqueàlafinduMoyenÂged’aprèsla“ChroniquedeCharlesVI”duReligieuxdeSaintDenis(Paris: Perrin,2002). ReligieuxdeSaintDenis,ChroniqueduReligieuxdeSaintDeniscontenantlerègnedeCharlesVIde 1380à1422,trans.M.L.Bellaguet.6vols.(1842;Paris:ÉditionsduComitédestravauxhistoriques et scientifiques, 1994), vol. 5, 2–182; Enguerran De Monstrelet, La Chronique d’Enguerran de Monstrelet,ed.L.DouëtD’Arcq(pleasecheckthisnameagain).6vols.(Paris:JulesRenouard, 1857–1863),vol.2,343–98;JeanJuvénaldesUrsins,HistoiredeCharlesVI,roydeFrance.Choixde chroniquesetmémoiressurl’histoiredeFrance,ed.J.A.C.Bouchon(Paris:AugusteDesrez, 1838),477–87;Extraitd’unechroniqueanonymepourlerègnedeCharlesVI1400142:Lachronique d’EnguerrandeMonstrelet,ed.LouiseClaudeDouëtD’Arcq.6vols.(Paris:JulesRenouard,1857 1863),vol.6,21719;Journald’unbourgeoisdeParis:1405–1449,ed.ColetteBeaune(Paris:Livrede poche,1990),56–71.

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thereaderwithunansweredquestionsaboutthepotentiallycommonmotivesof suchdiverseparties.Inthisessay,afterasynopsisoftheevents,Iplantodiscuss preciselythosetantalizingbutneglectedtopics,andforthisIwillresorttotheaid ofmodernsociology. Thetangledbackgroundoftheepisoderevealsinitselfamixtureofmotives,and goesasfarbackas1404,withtheaccessionofJohntheFearlesstotheduchyof Burgundy,whenhiscousinLouis,dukeofOrléanswasstilllivingandcontending with him for preeminence at court. Their rivalry was certainly personal: John believedthatclosenesstothekingwashisrightfulplaceashewassonandheirof PhiliptheBold,theinfluentialstatesmananduncleofthekingwhohadoftenheld the reins of power during his nephew’s episodes of madness. And Louis of Orléans,oncereachingadulthood,demandedtheprivilegeforhimselfashewas theking’sonlybrother.Thepersonalitiesoftherivalsmayalsohaveplayedapart. The Religieux affirms that Orléans was proud, arrogant, and headstrong. For example,in1402,nosoonerhadthekingnamedhimregentduringhistimesof illnessthatthelatterimposedalargetaxoncommonersandclergyaliketothe chagrin of his uncles, the dukes of Burgundy and Berry, and of the duke of Bourbon.OncethekinghadregainedhissanitytheyprotestedthatLouiswastoo youngtoberegent(hewasthenthirty,havingbeenbornin1372!)andsucceeded inhavinghimstrippedofthetitleandreplacedbyPhilipofBurgundy,fatherof JohntheFearless.4 Buttherivalrytranscendedpersonalitytotouchonissuesofpolicy:Orléans represented the “aristocratic” party, generally perceived as indifferent to the people’sneedsandalwaysreadytoraisetaxes,whilePhilipandlaterhisheirJohn seem to have leant toward a more populist direction. Likely because of this differentattitudetowardpublicopinion,propagandaseemstohavebeenmore activeontheBurgundianside,andtohaveresultedinvariouspamphletsthat criticized waste at court and the scandalous behavior of princes wallowing in luxurywhilethekinglivedinaperpetualstateofpovertyandneglect.Themain targetsoftheirattacks,asidefromthedukeofOrléans,werethedukeofBerry,the onlysurvivinguncleofCharlesVI,andthecountofFoix,allstandingaccusedof havingexploitedtheking’smentalillnessforpersonaladvantage.Significantly, however, the most hated figure was not a prince, but the grand master of the

4

Isarroganspretereaetneminempreseducenshominem,alioinconsultocunctaprosuodisponerevolebat arbitrio.Religieux,Chronique,vol.3,12.SeealsoJeanJuvénal,Histoire,412.Headds,Histoire, 425–26,thatby1405thepeopleopenlyaccusedOrléansandthequeenofbeingresponsiblefor theoneroustaillesandaides.

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king’shotelJeandeMontaigu,afavoriteofthedukesofBerryandOrléans,who hadamassedalargefortuneapparentlythroughdubiouschannels.5 ItishardtotellhowdeeplyJohntheFearlesswaspersonallyinvolvedinthe disseminationofanticourtpropaganda,butasearlyas1405,accordingtothe Religieux and JeanJuvénal, on at least one occasion he tried to destroy his adversarybyexploitingpopulardiscontentandthroughapopularmovement,as hecametoParistoharanguepubliclytheleadingcitizens.Likeanygoodpolitician hestartedoutbyaffirmingthathewasmotivatednotbyprivateinterestsbutby concernforthekingdomthatwasburdenedbyintolerabletaxes.Headdedthat ifOrléanswasallowedtocontinuewith“hisdesigns”(hedidnotspecifywhat thesedesignsmightbe)thecountrywouldneverbesafe,andconcludedbyasking theParisianstofollowhiminarmsunderhisbannerto“reestablishpeace.”Paris, that had been rocked by several tax riots in the preceding century, the most famousbeingtherevoltoftheMaillotinsof1382,hadsincelostmanyprivileges, whichmighthaverendereditscitizenslesswillingtorisktheireofthecourt.6 Thereforetheburghersreplied(wisely)thattheyweregratefulfortheduke’s effortsontheirbehalf,butwereafraidtotakearmsforfearofrevengeonthepart ofOrléansoncepeaceamongprinceswouldreturn.Buttheyaddeddiplomatically thatifthekingorthedauphinwouldissueorderstomobilize,theywouldobey.7 Atthisthedukemighthaverealizedthatthenextmovewasentirelyuptohim, and concluded that the populace would follow only if orders came from the legitimateauthority,theking(inhismomentsofsanity)orthedauphin.Sincethe sixteenyearolddauphinLouis,dukeofGuyenne,wasmarriedtooneofJohn’s daughters, the young prince might have seemed the most amenable to being manipulated. But, as will become apparent, the fact that legitimacy rested exclusively with the unpredictable young prince would later turn to John’s disadvantage. Ideologicalmotives,then,blendedwithpersonaloneswhenontheeveningof 23November1407JohntheFearlesssentassassinstokillLouisofOrléansasthe latter rode peacefully though the streets of Paris.8 After a hasty confession followedbyaswiftexitfromthecity,Johnoptedforabrazendefensethatwas presentedtotheassembledcourtin1410byaUniversitydoctor,MasterJeanPetit. Throughhiswordsthemurdererjustifiedthedeedonaltruisticgrounds,claiming thathehadtointervenetosavethekingandhissonsfromrepeatedmurderous 5

6 7 8

TheseconceptsareexpressedintheSongevéritable(1406),alongpoembyananonymousclerkof Paris. Guenée, Un Meurtre, 173–75, and Jacques Lemaire, Les Visions de la vie de cour dans la littératurefrançaisedelafinduMoyenÂge(Paris:Klincksieck,1994),292. Nicholas,MedievalCity,128. Religieux,Chronique,vol.3,340,andJeanJuvénal,Histoire,429. The famous event is in Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, 154–66, JeanJuvénal, Histoire, 437, and Religieux,Chronique,vol.3,730–44.

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attemptsbythetyrannicalOrléans,andrefusedtoaskforgivenessforthecrime. Whilethisharanguehasrightlybeencalled“oneofthemostinsolentpiecesof political chicanery and theological casuistry in all history,” it seems to have cementedthepublicimageofJohntheFearlessastherescuerofthehelplessroyal familyandofthepeople.9Atanyratethemurder,whicharistocraticchroniclers inthetraditionofFroissartrecordinhorrifiedtones,seemstohavemaderelatively littleimpressiononthe population.Onthecontrary,ifwehavetobelievethe anonymouswriterofthechroniclementionedearlierandtheauthoroftheLivre destrahisons,aproBurgundianmanifestodressedupaschronicle,commoners secretlywelcomedthenewswithrelief.10Forthemthevictimhadbeenanobject ofhatred,thesymbolofcourtlywasteandcorruption,sothattheyimmediately dressedupwithnormativevaluesthecowardlyandillegalactthattheymight havecondemnedunderdifferentcircumstances. Theking’sfeeblemindednessandJohn’smilitarystrengthhelpedalsotocement thelatter’sstandingatcourt,whileadeterminedOrléanistoppositionpartywas hamperedbytheyouthofitsleaderDukeCharles,sonofthemurderedLouis.Not onlywasthecrimenotpunished,butafterseveralfailedattemptsatmediation betweenthefactions,by1413civilwarbetweenBurgundiansandOrléanistshad been raging with no end in sight, in a vicious cycle of skirmishes, mutual destructionofproperty,andgeneralbrutalizationofthepopulation.Atthetime Duke John resided in Paris where he exerted control over the court, easily dominatingboththeweakandmadkingandtheadolescentdauphin.Buthis powerdidnotgounchallenged.WhileCharlesofOrléansandhisconfederates surrounded and threatened the city with their marauding armies, inside Paris

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ThequoteisfromVaughan,JohntheFearless,70.TheallegoricalpoemLePastoralet,apieceof Burgundianpropagandawhichwaswrittenprobablyaround1423,repeatsthesamethemesand addsthegossipthatOrléansandthequeenmighthavehadanillicitaffair.Lepastoralet,ed.Joel Blanchard(Paris:PressesUniversitairesdeFrance,1983),15–17.Thefeeblemindedkingseems tohaveacceptedtheexplanationthathisbrotherhadcovetedthecrownforhimselfandplotted tomurderhimandhischildrenandwaseasilyconvincedthathiscousinhadtobringabouthis deathforthe“seuretéetpréservaciondenousetdenostreditelignée”(safetyandpreservation ofourselvesandourline).ChroniqueAnonyme,197–98. LeLivredestrahisonsdeFranceenverslamaisondeBourgogne.Chroniquesrelativesalhistoirede la Belgique sous la domination des ducs de Bourgogne, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove (Brussels: CommissionRoyaled’Histoire,1870–1876),20–21.Incidentally,theworkcompletelyskipsthe cabochienrevolt,andonlyhintsatitsconclusionwhenDukeJohnfeltthreatenedinParisandleft forFlanders.Livredestrahisons,22,25.TheChroniqueAnonyme,195saysofthemurder,“Decelle mortfutlecommunpeuplemoultjoyeulx,carleditducd’Orléansleurfaisoitsouffrirmoultde mauxparlesgrandestaillesetaidesqueilfaisoitsouventceuilliretmectresus,elnomduRoy, ettoutretournoitàsonseulsingulierplaisiretfourfit”(Thecommonpeoplewerejoyousforthat deathasthedukeofOrléanscausedthemmuchsufferingbecauseofthehightaxesandaidesthat heoftenimposedonthemintheking’sname,butwhichwereentirelyforhisownpersonalprofit andenjoyment).JeanJuvénal,Histoire,438,statesthatthepeopleopenlycheeredBurgundy.

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prominentmembersoftheroyalfamilyandofthebourgeoisiewereeitherneutral oroutrighttheirsympathizers,inparticular,thedukesofBarandofBavariaand thecountofVertus,brotherofCharlesofOrléans.11Thewritersinformusthat JohnhadforgedanalliancewiththepowerfulParisbutchers’guild,perhaps(we mayguess)becausehispositionwithprinceswassotenuous,buttheyskimover the actual arrangements. JeanJuvénal is the most specific in categorizing the situation:hestatesthatduringBurgundy’sintermittentabsencesfromthecityin 1411 his vassal the count of SaintPol was left in charge and that he, in turn, “souslevaetmitsuslesbouchersdeParis”(rousedandraisedthebutchersof Paris)ontheduke’sbehalf. Hethensuppliesafewdetailsaboutthem:theLegoix,afatherandthreesons, were a successful family of masters at the slaughterhouse and meat market (boucherie)ofSainteGeneviève;theSaintYonsandtheThiberts,apparentlythe betteroffofthegroup,ownedthebigboucherieneartheChâtelet,andattractedto theircausemembersofvariousarts(mestiers)suchasthesurgeonMasterJeande Troyes,amanknownforhiseloquence.Otheradherentsweretanners(pelletiers) andsewers(cousturiers)andaskinner(écorcheur)calledCabochewhoworkedat theboucherieoftheHotelDieunearNotreDame,and“toutesgenspauvres,et meschansdesiranspilleretdisroberestoientaveceux”(allthepoorpeopleand badtypeseagertostealandrobwerewiththem).Thewriterappearstoassociate theworstelementswiththehumbleskinner,andsinceCabochehimselfwillnot have a preponderant part in the accounts of rebellious action, the reader may concludethatthebutchers’partyandtheeponymousrevolttooktheirnamefrom thelowliestofthelot,justastheBurgundianpartyreferredtotheOrléanistsas “Armagnacs”aftertheirlowestrankingleader,thecountofArmagnac.12Fromthe accountsofJeanJuvénalandtheReligieuxthebutchersseemnottohavequite heldthereinsofthecitybutrathertohavemainlyfilledsecurityfunctionsas captainsofbridges.13Additionally,threeofthefourelectedaldermen(échevins), GarnierdeSaintYon,RobertdeBelloy,andJeandeTroyes(thelatteralsosurgeon andcaretakerofthePalais),werecabochiens.14

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Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,335. JeanJuvénal,Histoire,461.Lateron,Histoire,482,hereferstotherebelsas“ceuxqu’onnommoit cabochiens”(thosewhowerecalledcabochiens). Beaune,Journal,63(theauthorspecifiesthatDenisotdeChaumontwascaptainofthebridgeof SaintCloudandSimonCabocheofthatofCharentonanddeTroyesa“mirejuré,”orlicensed surgeon.JeanJuvénal,Histoire,461,479confirmsallthisandaddsthatHéliondeJacqueville,a knightatJohn’sservice,wascaptainofthecityandeffectivelyruledit.TheReligieux,Chronique, vol.5,36,statesthatCabocheanddeChaumontweregivencaptainciesofbridgesafterthestart oftherevolttopreventthepassageofpoliticaladversaries. Beaune,Journal,66,noteno.70.

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GiventhatthebutchersandtheirprotectorJohntheFearlessenjoyedaperiod ofascendancyinthelocalpoliticalarena,whythendidtheystartarevolt?Sources agreethatthesparkthatigniteditwasacontroversysurroundingsomehighcourt officials whom the University accused of corruption, chief among them the provost of Paris Pierre des Essarts. He had been a Burgundian favorite and a popularmagistratewithboth“roietcommun”(kingandpopulace)andin1409 had been instrumental in procuring the execution of the hated Montaigu. But withinacoupleofyearshehadinturnbeeninvolvedinacorruptionscandal,as hewasalsoinchargeofroyalfinances“etnes’enestoitpointbienacquittés,si commeilzdisorient”(and,astherumorwent,hadnotacquittedhimselfwellat all).15Forcedtodefendhimselffromtheaccusationthathehadsquanderedthe royaltreasury,heimplicatedJohntheFearless,claimingthathehadbeenforced byaroyalordertogivetheduketwomillionfrancs(ortwothousandlyons),for which he could produce a receipt. According to the Religieux, this statement assured him the gratitude of the dauphin, but also the hatred of his former protector.16 And to the reader it also suggests that the young dauphin was beginningtoshakeofftheyokeofhisfatherinlawandtopursue,ortoattempt topursue,anindependentpolicy.DesEssartswassubsequentlydismissedand banishedfromthecityunderunclearcircumstances.17Inexplicably,however,he returned to Paris (apparently invited by the dauphin, but the reasons are unconvincing),andtogetherwithhisbrotherAntoinetookresidenceinthewell fortifiedBastilleSaintAntoine.AtthispointsomeParisiansbecameconvincedthat heandhissympathizershadplottedtoremoveforciblythekingandthedauphin, andthentoturnthecityovertotheOrléanistsduringtheupcomingweddingof the duke of Bavaria, brother of the queen, who had come to Paris for the occasion.18

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ChroniqueAnonyme,216.AlsoJeanJuvénal,Histoire,477,Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,343,and Beaune,Journal,56,wheretheBourgeoisspecifiesthathehadenjoyed“grandegrace”(great favor)morethananyotherprovostinacentury. Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,6,andJeanJuvénal,Histoire,477(heputstheamountattwothousand lyons). He had been appointed provost for the first time in 1408, during a temporary ascent of the BurgundianpartyinParis,displacingthefavoritecandidateGuillaumedeTignonville,whohad beenaretainerofthelateOrléans.HewasreplacedbyanotherBurgundianfavorite,LeBorgne delaHeuse.JeanJuvénal,Histoire,439,477. Religieux,ȱChronique,vol.5,ȱ9,andBeaune,Journal,57.TheBourgeoisaddsthattheUniversity “toutsavait”(kneweverything)oftheplot.

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Fig.1:TheBastillebeforetheRevolution TheReligieuxaffirmsthattherumororiginatedwiththebutchers,andthatas aconsequenceonApril28acrowdofthousandsofParisiansledby Élyon de Jacqueville,achamberlainofJohntheFearless,andbytwootherknightsofthe duke’shousehold,marchedinarmsontheBastilletodemandtherenditionofthe desEssartsbrothers.19Invaintheexprovosttriedtoappeasethefuriousmoband pleadedfromahighwindowtobeallowedtoleavethecityonceagaininsafety. AnattackonthefortresswasdeflectedonlywhenJohntheFearlessintervenedin persontomediateasurrenderofdesEssarts,whichtookeffectafewdayslater andthatwouldleadtohisexecutionwithintwomonths.20Soonafterwards,from sixthousandtotwentythousandcitizens(dependingonthesource)marchedto thehoteloftheyoungdauphin,ledbythesamedeJacqueville,whonowwas joined by a group of butchers and skinners: the Legoix brothers, Denisot de Chaumont,andSimonCaboche,andalsothesurgeonJeandeTroyes,whowould becomethespokesmanofthemovementasthebesteducatedofthelot.21There theyburstintothedauphin’sprivateapartmentanddemandedthathehandover fifteenorso“traitors,”amongwhomthedukeofBarandthedauphin’schancellor

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Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,8andMonstrelet,Chronique,vol.1,344(hementionsCharlesdeLens asthethirdknight).JeanJuvénal,Histoire,477,talksonlyofoneotherleaderbesidedeJacqueville, RobertdeMailly,andstatesthatthemobwasthreethousandstrong. HisbrotherAntoinewasalsosentencedtodeath,butescapedexecutionwiththeendoftherevolt. Chronique Anonyme, 216. The easy surrender appears strange, but because Duke John had promisedhisprotection,apparentlydesEssartsbelieveduntilthelastmomentinareprieve,and evenwenttohisexecutionsmilinghappily.Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,14,24,74–76andJean Juvénal,Histoire,477,481.TheBourgeois,indescribingtheexecution,Beaune,Journal,60,returns tohis“grandorgueil”(greatpride)andallegedplotstodestroytheverycitywhoseinhabitants “tantl’aimaientloyalement”(lovedhimsoloyally). Religieux, Chronique, vol. 5, 16–18 and JeanJuvénal, Histoire, 477. Both bring the number to twentythousand,whileMonstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,344–45,bringsthecrowdtosixthousand, omits mention of the Legoix, adds that “many more” armed men from Burgundy’s hotel participatedinthisnewattack,andgivesCaboche’sfirstnameasJehanninot.

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Jean de Vailly.22 Over the young prince’s furious protests, and in Duke John’s presence,theyseizedtheirvictimsbyforceanddraggedthemtoprison.Avalet wasyankedfromtheveryarmsofthedauphin’swife,whowastryinginvainto protect him. During the violent irruption a secretary of the king was fatally woundedbythemobandthenthrownintotheSeine,andtwoartisanswerealso killed,apparentlyfortheirOrléanistsympathies.23Theobviousquestionthatarises atthispointis,whosuppliedthelisttotheinsurgentsandwhatwastheircriterion for determining treason. Most chroniclers do not say, but Monstrelet hints obliquelyatresponsibilityashehasthedauphinangrilyaccusehisfatherinlaw ofhavingcausedthearrests.24 Afterthisviolentopening,theinsurgencyseemstohaverefocusedonabizarre pedagogicalgoal:therescueoftheadolescentdauphinfromtheinfluenceof“bad” servants who indulged him in his debaucheries and love of late night parties, which,theyfeared,wouldcausehisvulnerablemindtobecomeafflictedbythe sameillnessashisfather’s.TheUniversityonceagainsteppedintothemiddleof things,asoneofitsdoctors,MasterJeandePavilly,deliveredasermoninfrontof theassembledcourtandofthedauphinhimself,scoldingtheprinceforhisloose lifestyle and cautioning him against disobeying his worried mother. Then the armedmobforcedhimtodwellwithhisfatheratthehotelSaintPolostensibly “poursacorrection”(forhiscorrection),butalsotosaveonunneededexpenses, andforgoodmeasureplacedguardsbothattheroyalpalaceandatthecitygates lesttheprinceescapetojointheOrléanistconfederates.25Thecorrectionaltheme isnotincidental,butrathercentraltomostcontemporarynarratives,whichconcur intheportraitofthedauphinasarebelliousadolescent.26Forexample,arevealing episode occurred in July at the height of the cabochien rule. Late one evening, towardmidnight,thealreadymentionedÉlyondeJacqueville,bythenpromoted 22

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AnothervictimwasthechamberlainJacqueselaRivière,wholaterwasfounddeadinprison undersuspiciouscircumstances.JeanJuvénal,Histoire,477,Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,345.The Bourgeois,Beaune,Journal,58,condensesthisoneandasubsequentirruptionintothepalacein onepage. Theywereatapissier(textileworker)accordingtoMonstreletormenestrier(musician)according toJeanJuvénalandacannonier(gunsmith)accordingtoMonstreletoramakerofsiegeengines according to JeanJuvénal. Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 2, 346, JeanJuvénal, Histoire, 477, and Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,20–22. Herecordsthedauphin’sangrywordsandJohn’ssheepishreplythattheyshouldtalkitoveronce thedauphinwascalmer.Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,345–46.Famiglietti,RoyalIntrigue,118, openlyaccusesBurgundyofbadfaithinhis“mediation”attempts. Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,346.SeealsoReligieux,Chronique,vol.5,28,30. Religieux,vol.5,18.Heconfirmsthismoralportraitaftertheprince’sprematuredeathin1415. Religieux,vol.5,586–88.Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,346,saysofhimthat“ilestoitdejeuneaage etnepovoitsouffrirestreredarguédequelquepersonne”(hewasyoungandcouldnottolerate beingcontradictedbyanyone).TheBourgeois,Journal,65,saysthathe“ouvraitàvolonté”(acted willfully).

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tocaptainofthecity,burstintothedauphin’shotelduringaballandrebukedhim for improper behavior. The irate youth stabbed the intruder repeatedly in the chest,buttheotherwaswearingabreastplateandreceivednodamage.Thenthe lorddeLaTremoïlle,anotherchamberlainlikedeJacquevilleandapparentlyhis rival,intervenedtodefendtheyoungprince,andascuffleensued,joinedbythe cabochien guards, and only quelled when the duke of Burgundy intervened in person.Thedauphinwassoincensedbytheintrusionthathespatbloodforthree days.27 Whilepushingreformsofprincelymores,thecitygovernmentseemstohave become progressively more controlling, and life under mob rule may strike a chordwiththosefamiliarwithmorerecentrevolutions.ThousandsofParisians took to wearing white hooded hats (chaperons), a symbol of Flemish urban autonomyadoptedinsolidaritywithFlemishrevolts.28Hereitsignifiedadherence tothecabochienmovement,andassuchitwasforcedonnobles,prelates,andlater eventheking.JeanJuvénalregalesthereaderwithanunwittinglycomicalscene whenherecallsavisitofhisfathertotheolddukeofBerry,whoatthetimewas lodged in the cloister of Notre Dame. The magistrate found the old prince helplesslyfrettingovertheabusesofthemobwhiledutifullywearinghiswhite chaperon!29Moreominously,againstroyalordersthecabochiensprowledthecityin armsandarrestedaboutsixtyprominentcitizensandmerchantswhohadrefused tobacktheirinsurrection.30 OnMay22,asanarmedcrowdaccompaniedasusualthekingtohisapartment atthehotelSaintPol,DukeJohnhimselfpleadedwiththemtowithdrawtheir watchthatcouldupsetthefeeblemonarch.Theyrefused,anddemandedthathe handoveranumberofpeoplelistedina“rolloftraitors,”amongwhomwerethe dukeofBavariaandseveralmorehouseholdknightsandservants.Curiously,the

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Religieux,vol.5,78,80andJeanJuvénal,Histoire,481(hestatesthatdeJacquevilleandhismen plannedtokilldelaTremoïlleonthefollowingdaybutBurgundytalkedthemoutofit). Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,26,38,Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,349.TheBourgeois,Journal,59, statesthatinMaythreethousandtofourthousandchaperonsweremade.JeanJuvénal,Histoire, 478–79,addsadetailthatconfirmsthedauphin’srebelliousnature:hewasspottedwearingthe hatwiththewhitehoodacrosshischestintheguiseofaband,theArmagnacsymbol,whichirked thebutchers.ForechoesoftheriotsattheTuileriesin1792whentheroyalfamilywasforcedto weartheCapofLiberty,seeGeorgeRudé,TheCrowdintheFrenchRevolution(Oxford:Clarendon Press,1959),100. JeanJuvénal,Histoire,482. Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,34,andJeanJuvénal,Histoire,478(headdsthattheprowlingthugs neglectedtheirtradeandrobbedwithimpunity).Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,346,lamentsthat “c’estoitlorspiteusechosedeveoirlerègnedesdictescommunesetcommentilzseconduisoient dedensParis,tantenversleRoycommeenverslesautresseigneurs”(itwasthenapitytoseethe reignofthesevulgarpeopleandtheirbehaviorwithinParisbothtowardthekingandtheother lords).

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rollalsoincludedthenamesofaboutadozenladiesinwaitingofQueenIsabeau. In vain the queen tearfully begged reprieve for few days, while the dauphin, helplesstointerveneonherbehalf,retiredtoaprivateroomwhereheburstinto tears.Theinsurgentsrefusedtorelent,evenasthedukeofBavariavolunteeredto offerhimselfalonetotheirjudgmentandpromised,iffreed,nevertoreturnto France.Theterrifiedladies,whohadscatteredthroughouttheroyalapartments, werecapturedandcartedaway,tiedinpairsonhorseback(orinboatsonthe Seine, according to other sources), followed by an armed crowd. Soon the dauphin’sproBurgundianchancellor,whohadpreviouslybeendismissed,was reinstated,andacommissionofinquirywassetuptoexaminethecrimesofthe prisoners and determine their punishment.31 Once again there seems to be a correlationbetweenaviolentpopulareruptionandapowershiftinsidethecourt inadirectionfavorabletoBurgundy.

 Fig.2:Butchers’arms Theinsurrectionseemstohaveproducedatleastonepositiveresult,however, whenlateinMayitsleaderspresentedtotheassembledcourtadraftofalong documentthatwouldbecomeknownastheOrdonnancecabochienne.Thiswasalist of twohundred and fiftyeight articles outlining an ambitious program of administrativereform(forexample,reductionoftheroyalcouncil,suspensionof thesaleofofficesandgiftstoroyalsecretaries,tightercontroloverthepersonnel oftheroyaltreasury).

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Religieux, Chronique, vol. 5, 42–46, Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 2, 353–55 (he gives the list of prisonersatp.353),Beaune,Journal,58(theBourgeoisskimsovertheepisodeinonesentence). JeanJuvénal,Histoire,479,saysthatfourteenorfifteenladiesweretakentotheconcièrgerieofthe Palais.Thereasonforthearrestoftheladiesremainsamysteryalsobecause,oncefreed,they wereforbiddenfromtalkingabouttheirexperience.Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,90.

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There is nothing revolutionary about this sensible document and it is not surprisingthatitwonpraisefromeventhetwomostconservativeauthors,the Religieux and JeanJuvénal.32 But at the same time the nobility had started a stealthyexodusfromParis,toavoidthefateofsomeprisoners,womenincluded, who some writers claim were drowned in mass without trial.33 Particularly damagingfortheinsurgentsandJohnwasthefactthatthecountofVertus,who wasanintimateofthedauphin,fledtohisbrotherCharlesofOrléanstogivea harrowing account of events inside the city.34 Charles sent a letter to the city leadersdemandingthereleaseofthetwodukesofBarandBavariaandfreedom ofmovementfortheroyalfamily,andthreatenedreprisals.Butatcourt,exceptfor theineffectualdukeofBerryandthehelplessdauphin,onlyBurgundianpartisans wereleft,andthekingwascajoledintoissuinganedictinwhichheoutlawedthe armedcongregationofprincesoutsidethecity,anddeniedthatthedauphinhad anyintelligencewiththem.35 Eventually,however,thethreatposedbytheprincelyarmiesbecametoomuch to ignore, and just when the revolt seemed unstoppable it started unraveling. AccordingtoMonstrelet,theleadersoftheinsurrectionfearedhavinggonetoofar inincurringtheireoftheprincesand,tocoveralleventualities,demandedaroyal pardon,whichresultedinacuriousdocumentfullofquibblesanddisclaimersthat thewriterreproducesinfull.36SoontheysubmittedapetitiontotheUniversityto obtain approval of their actions, in particular the arrests, but now that authoritativebodyrefusedtobeimplicated.Onthecontrary,itproposedthatall prisonersshouldbesetfreeandthecabochienleadersexcludedfromanypeace

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Religieux, Chronique, vol. 5, 48–52, praises it and JeanJuvénal, Histoire, 479, 486, while not coveringitscontentindetails,regretsitsabolitionafterthefailureoftherevolt.Thetextofthe provisionsisinAlfredCoville,L’Ordonnancecabochienne26–27mai1413(Paris:A.Picard,1891), 4–181. Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,361–62.Onedocumentedmurderofaprisonerwasthatofdele Rivière,whowasallegedlykilledbydeJacquevillewithablowtothehead.Hislifelessbodywas beheadedonthefollowingday.JeanJuvénal,Histoire,479–80.TheReligieux,Chronique,vol.5, 260,reducesthenumberofvictimstoafewashestatesthattheinsurgentshad“etexeisaliquos secrete interfecerunt, submerserunt vel ad redempcionem peccunialem et importabilem posuerunt”(evenslaughteredordrownedsomeinsecret,andforcedotherstopayexorbitant ransoms).JeanJuvénal,Histoire,486,reportsthatafterthefallofthecabochiensalistwasfound withthenamesofpeopledestinedtobedrowned.Thereferencetomassexecutionsisintheroyal edictthataccompaniedtherestorationofOrléanistprinces,andmaywellbeanexaggeration.See Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,445.Vaughan,JohntheFearless,100,doesnotbelieveit. JeanJuvénal,Histoire,479,Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,361,andReligieux,Chronique,vol.5,32. ThetextoftheedictisinMonstralet,Chronique,vol.2,347–48.Forthedemandsoftheprinces,see Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,88.TheBourgeois,Journal,61,jumpsfromtheexecutionofdesEssarts (July1)tothenegotiationswiththeprincesthatwillleadtothepeaceofPontoise(latterhalfof July). Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,356–60.

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withtheOrléanists,evenasthepreviouslymentioneddoctorEustachedePavilly, “quitendoitfortauprofitdesabourse”(whowasquitemindfulofhisownprofit) accordingtoJeanJuvénal,hadanunderstandingwiththeLegoixandtheSaint Yons and argued in favor of the arrests.37 This unexpected aboutface of the UniversityangeredtheBourgeoisdiarist,yetfromthestartthisinstitutionappears lessinterestedinrevolutionsthaninorderlyreforms,andevenlessincreatinga populistcommune.38 Atthesametimethemoodwithinthecityshiftedinfavorofpeacewiththe Orléanists.Whileuntilthispointtheonlypopularpartyseemstohavebeenthat ofthecabochiens,andtheonlypolicyoneofresistancetotheprincelyarmies,now a true “peace party” seems to emerge from the ranks of the bourgeoisie. The courseofinternalreconciliationwasrenderedevenmoreurgentasHenryVof England was starting to exploit the disarray of the French and organize an expeditioninNormandy.Infact,thesuddenunpopularityofthecabochienswas helped by a fiscal initiative imposed by them for an expedition against the English.39Somepropeacemerchantsandthedistrictcaptains(quarteniers)secretly contactedthedauphinandBerry,whobythenwasmeetingregularlywithJean JuvénalSr.,toobtaintheirsupportandthuslegitimizetheir“counterrevolution.” Togethertheyformulatedaplantoseizecontrolofthesituationcountingona majorityvoteforpeaceoncethecitizenswereallowedtovotebydistrict.40 Whilethewritersgenerallyattributethenewturnofeventstotheinitiativeof the dauphin alone, JeanJuvénal supplies additional details of the counter insurgencyastheonlyonewithinsideinformationsuppliedbyhisfather.He relates that the cabochiens, fearing that power was slipping from them, tried everythingtopreventavoteforpeace.DuringatumultuoussessionatCityHall, attendedbyathousandpeople,thepeaceproposalsdraftedbythekingandthe dauphinwereputforwardforavote,afterapparentlybeingapprovedbythe provostofmerchantsandbytheéchevins.SuddenlyJeandeTroyes,Caboche,the Legoix and the SaintYons irrupted into the hall demanding that the vote be postponed,butwereoverrunbyshoutsof“Parlesquartiers!”(Bydistricts!).One

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JeanJuvénal,Histoire,479. TheBourgeois,Journal,62–63,isangryandconfusedatthisandstatesthattheUniversitydoctors acted“commesilediableleseûtconseillés”(asifadvisedbythedevil). ThemoneywastobegiventothelordofHeillytofighttheEnglishinGuyenne,buthewas capturedbytheenemyandtheexpeditionaborted.ThecabochiensalsoextortedmoneyfromJean JuvénalSr.underthreatofarrest,butallowedhimtopayininstallments(!).Thentheyransacked the house of the University chancellor Jean Gerson, who had resisted the tax. JeanJuvénal, Histoire,480.SeealsoReligieux,Chronique,vol.5,60–62. JeanJuvénal,Histoire,482.HeaddsthatatfirstBerrywasunsureofhowmanyParisianswould sidewiththem.Thebourgeoisquarteniersintheplotweretwodrapers,Etienned’Ancenneand GervaisotdeMerilles.Forthefunctionsofthequarteniers,seeReligieux,Chronique,vol.5,86.

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oftheLegoix,whowasarmed,challengedanyonewhowasforpeacetoshowup inpersonattheassembly,butthenaquartenier,GuillaumeCirace,carpenterofthe graveyardofSaintJean,stoodupandbravelydeclaredthatthemajoritywanted tovotebydistrictsandthatifthecabochienstriedtopreventthisvotetheymight findthatinParistherewerejustasmanytoolsmithsasbutchers.Atthistheothers quieteddown.41 Onthefollowingmorning,duringanexchangebetweenJeanJuvénalSr.and JeandeTroyes,theoldsurgeontriedtoconvincethemagistratetosidewiththe “warparty”andacceptanopenletterthataccusedtheArmagnacsoftreason.But the other, now safe behind royal authority, denounced (albeit politely) the documentasseditious,atwhichpointsomeonegrabbeditfromdeTroyesandtore itinahundredpieces.42Thecabochiensattemptedtoplayalastcardandassembled acrowdatPlacedeGrève,butfoundtheplacealreadyfilledwitharivalcrowd clamoringforpeace.Whenapublicvotewastakenbydividingtheassemblyin twogroups,allmovedtotheright,signifyingthattheywereforpeace.43Afterthe resultsofthedramaticgatheringbecameknown,anemboldenedJeanJuvénalSr. ledthirtyprominentcitizenstotheking,ashewassittingincouncilattended, amongothers,byDukeJohn.Suddenlythequartieniersinterruptedthemeeting demandingpeaceandthatthedauphinwouldleadthemtoreleasetheprisoners. The group marched under the dauphin’s window as planned (accordé) and he grandlyconsentedtothecrowd’srequest.TheubiquitousJeanJuvénalSr.appears atthispointtotaketheleadingroleincoordinatingaction,asheinstructedthe irresolute Berry to accompany the dauphin to the Louvre and deliver the two imprisoneddukesofBarandofBavaria.44 Throughoutthescene,whichappearsawellchoreographedcharade,Johnthe Fearlessseemedovertakenbytheeventsandvoicedonlyacautiousprotest,while thedauphin,suddenlymetamorphosedfromhedonistintowarrior,andwearing armorunderthesilkrobe,rodeattheheadofalargemilitiaandahugecrowdto freeBarandBavariaamongcelebratoryringingofbells,andthentherestofthe prisoners. At this point the revolt quickly imploded, and its leaders, Caboche included,slippedawayunnoticedduringthedemonstrationandsoughtrefugein Flanders.45

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autantdefrappeursdecoignées,quedeassommeursdebœufs,ouvaches.JeanJuvénal,Histoire,483.The Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,120–22,givesasimilar,butmuchabbreviatedversionofthemeeting. JeanJuvénal,Histoire,483–84. Beaune,Journal,63–64.TheBourgeoismakesthecabochiens’argumentagainsttrustingtheprinces appearreasonable,whiletheproponentsofpeaceareafanaticalmobshouting“peace!” JeanJuvénal,Histoire,484–85. TheReligieux,Chronique,vol.5,90,128,statesthattheladieshadbeenpreviouslyreleased.This lastgroupincludedthemaleprisoners,amongwhomAntoinedesEssarts,whothusescaped execution. The Bourgeois, Journal, 64, is sarcastic about the liberation of the two dukes and

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Thestoryhasapredictableepilogue.BerrywassoonmadecaptainofParis,Bar oftheLouvre,andBavarialieutenantoftheBastille(theverycastleswherethey had been imprisoned), and other posts were doled out among Armagnac supporters.46PeacewasproclaimedonAugust6,preemptingsomehalfhearted attempts of John at playing mediator between the parties. Seeing himself outmaneuvered,finallyhequietlyplannedhisownescape:duringahuntlatein August, he quickly took leave of the king and raced homeward to Lille.47 The princesreenteredParisingreatpompandreoccupiedtheirvarioushotels.The royal council met to issue yet a new edict, reversing all previous ones, which (naturally)presentedtheOrléanistsasthetruesupportersoflegitimacy.48Useless tosay,theOrdonnancecabochiennewasrepealed,andthecityfellintoalongperiod of brutal repression, which may explain the explosion of popular fury that accompanieditsreoccupationbytheBurgundiansfiveyearslaterin1418.49

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describestheirtriumphalprogressbesidethedauphin,“commes’ilsvinssentdefaireleplusbel faitqu’hommepûtfaireencemondedesarrasinemie”(asifjustreturnedfromthemostglorious enterpriseagainsttheSaracens).Asfortheflightofthecabochiens,JeanJuvénal,Histoire,485,states thathisfatherorderedtoleavethecitygatesopentoletthemgoandthusavoidbloodyreprisals. Beaune,Journal,65–66.AccordingtotheversionofJeanJuvénal,Histoire,485,hisfathertook chargeoftheconfusedsituation:itwashewhoadvisedthedauphintoreplacethetwopro BurgundianéchevinsdeTroyesandduBelloywiththeloyalGuillaumeCiraceandGervaisotde Merilles,givethecaptaincyofParistoBerry,takeovertheBastille(withBavariaashissecondin command),makeBarcaptainoftheLouvre,andTanneguy du ChastelprovostofParis.The Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,130,invertstherolesofBarandBavaria. JeanJuvénal, Histoire, 485–86, Beaune, Journal, 69. The Religieux, Chronique, vol. 5, 124–26, mentionsthatthedukehadtalkedinsecretwiththecabochiensbeforetheirflight. ForthefulltextseeAdditionsinMonstrelet,Chronique,vol.6,113–23.AlsoReligieux,Chronique, vol.5,258–61. Thehostilityoftheprincestowardthecitywaswellknown:theyhadevenrefusedtomeetthe king there during the peace talks, but were persuaded to relent by the king himself. They remainedresentful,however,becausepreviouslyBurgundyhadbeenallowedtoenterthecity “inapparatubellico”(inwargear)buttheyhadtoleavetheirarmsbehind.Religieux,Chronique, vol. 5, 82, 138–40. For the Burgundian reoccupation of 1418 and antiArmagnac violence see Beaune,Journal,110–20andChroniqueAnonyme,258–60.

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 Fig.3:JohntheFearless

Whattomakeofthisabundantbutambiguousmaterial?Asmentionedbefore, contemporary narratives are rich in facts, and for the most part cogent when analyzingthebehavioroftheprincelyparties,suchastheweakbutwellmeaning Berry, the impulsive dauphin, or the indignant Orléans. In particular, albeit withoutexplicitlymakingthispoint,theyseemtosuggestthroughtheirnarratives thatthiswasapalacecoupbyothermeansratherthanaspontaneouspopular movement. The most obvious clue is that John the Fearless was constantly on scene,miraculouslyshowingupattheclimacticmomentofvariouscrises,and casting a presence that is generally more felt, it may be noted, than that of Caboche,wholenthisnametotherevolt.Thushearrivedinthenickoftimeatthe BastilletoprotecttheroyalfortressandconvincedesEssartstosurrender,falsely promising his protection; he was present during the two irruptions into the dauphin’s apartments, where he played once again the part of mediator in convincingtheprincetocontentthemob(anditmayberecalledthatthedauphin openlyaccusedhimofcollusionwiththeinvaders);andhequelledthealtercation betweendeJacquevilleandLaTremoïlle. Anothernoteworthycluetohisroleisthateachactofpopularviolenceseems tohavefavoredhisplans,asitwasimmediatelyfollowedbymeasuresagainst thosehostiletohimselforhisfavorites.Forexample,theParisiansturned“nunc nescio quo ducta spiritu” (inexplicably) in the Religieux’s words, against des Essartsjustafterhefellfromgracewiththeduke;theattackontheBastillewasled bysomeofhisretainersnotoriouslyhostiletodesEssarts;andthesecondirruption

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into the dauphin’s palace was followed by a replacement of his chancellor.50 Further, only by attributing the initiative to John can we make sense of the “pedagogical”goalsofthemobtoreplacethedauphin’sentourage,apurposethat otherwiseseembizarreanduselessinfurtheringthebutchers’interests. Notonlythat,butthereisanoticeablefadingofJohnfromthesceneoncethe oppositionassumestheinitiative:ashisallieslosecontrolofthegamehebecomes suddenlyadiminishedpresence,ifnotapassiveobserverofevents.51Andlastly, an examination of the most concrete result of the revolt, the Ordonnance cabochienne,revealsexclusivelyconcernwithorganizationoftheroyalhousehold andthegeneraladministrationofjustice,andnotatallwithcivicprivileges:not onlyisitformulatedintermsofroyaldecree,butitalsofailstomentionthetopics usuallybroughtupintreatiesbetweenurbanleadersandprincelyrulers,suchas electiverightsofguilds,useofcivicbanners,orlimitationofpowersforcourt officials.52 However,whenitcomestotheroleandaimsoftheurbaninsurgents,whomthe writersdespise,theyleavethereaderquiteinthedark.Inparticular,itisalmost impossiblefromtheiraccountstopinpointexactlywhoorganizedtheinsurrection andhowclosewasthebutchers’understandingwithJohntheFearless.Afterthe revoltwasover,itwaseasiertoseewhatthepowerfulbackingofBurgundyhad broughtaboutandthereactiontakenaway.Thestreetchains,asignoftrustinthe citizenry and a cherished measure for their safety, were locked away in the Bastille;thepopulacewasdisarmedtothepointthatevenpossessionofaknife wasdeemedillegal,ameasurethatleftthemhelpless;andthebutcherslosttheir choicemarketplaceandwereforcedtowanderfromonelocationtotheotherto sellmeat.53

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Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,6,12,34.Vaughan,JohntheFearless,186,alsoraisesthehypothesisthat the duke had influenced the redaction of the Ordonnance cabochienne, which reveals intimate knowledgeofcourtfinances. Forexample,hemeeklyreprimandsJeanJuvénalatthedramaticmeetingoftheroyalcouncilthat votesforpeace;hefollowsthedauphintofreetheimprisoneddukes;andlaterheaccompanies thedauphinandBerrytoameetingwiththeassembledUniversity.JeanJuvénal,Histoire,484–85 andReligieux,Chronique,vol.5,132. Purelylocaltopicsdominate,forexample,thedemandsoftheGhentersupontheirnewduke CharlestheBoldin1467.GeorgesChastellain,Chroniques.Œuvres,ed.KervyndeLettenhove,8 vols.(1863–1866;Geneva:Slatkine,1971),vol.5,VII:271–78. Thisispreciselythelistofprivilegesthatthecabochiensclaimedwouldbethreatenedifthecity fellundertheprinces’yoke.Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,84.Guenée,UnMeurtre,171,statesthat JohntheFearlessallowedtheParisianstoputchainsonstreets,aprivilegelostafterthe1382 revolt.ButafterBurgundyleftthecityinAugust1413thenewprovostofParisTanneguydu ChastelwasorderedbyBerryandOrléanstoremoveallthechainsattheroadcrossingsinthecity andlockthemintheBastilleortheLouvre.AccordingtoMonstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,457–58,the citizenswere“moulttroublezetennuyeuxaucuer,quantilzvirentqu’ontenoittellesmanières contreeulx.Etyenavoitplusieursqui moultserepentoientdecequ’ilzs’estoientmisenla

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Whatislesscleariswhethertheseprivileges(exceptforthestreetchainsthat had been abolished since the previous century) were so threatened before the insurrectionthatthecitizenswereatriskoflosingthem,orwhethertheyhoped toachievesomeothergoalbeyondtheretentionofexistingrights.Didtheyreally thinkthatthecourtwastobepermanentlyawardoftheselfappointedrescuers? Did they believe that the duke wished to perpetuate a government “by the people”?Thebutchersandtheirfollowersapparentlyfeltconfidentoftheduke’s tacitconsenttotheiractsofviolence,buttothereadersomeofthoseveryacts appearasplannedpersonalvendettasofindividualsconnectedwithrivalparties at court.54 Episodes like the altercation between the two chamberlains at the dauphin’sballillustrateastateofuncheckedpersonalanimosityamongcourtiers, with the cabochien guards playing the part of stooges for Duke John and his entourage,sothatitislegitimatetoquestionhowmuchpowertherebelsactually didyield,and,moregenerally,whowasinchargeduringtheentireaffair. Heremodernsociologymayprovemorehelpfulthanmedievalhistoriography, atleastinidentifyingthemechanicsofthemovement.First,itcanhelpfindout whatkindofpeopleweretheinsurgentsandoffersomeinsightintotheirviews. Itappearsthattheparticipantsinthebriefinsurrection,bothcabochienandanti cabochien(thepresenceofthelatterillustratedbythedramaticexchangebetween deTroyesandGuillaumeCirace),wereforthemostparttheprecursorsofthe sansculottesstudiedbyGeorgeRudé,workshopmasters,craftsmen,wageearners, shopkeepers,andpettytraders,butnotvagrantsorcriminals.55

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subjecciondesadversariesduducdeBourgongne,maissemblantn’enosoientfaire”(quiteupset andvexedwhentheysawhowbadlytheyweretreated.Andseveralamongstthemregretted allowingthemselvestofallundertheadversariesofthedukeofBurgundy,butdidnotdareshow it). Other measures were: two city gates were immured and a new uniform was introduced consistingofavioletjacketbearingawhitebandwiththeslogan“ledroitchemin”(theright way).EvenchildrenwereroughedupifcaughtsingingproBurgundiansongs.Beaune,Journal, 68–70.  For specific measures against the butchers see Beaune, Journal, 94–96. For the social significanceofchoicemarketplaces,seethecontributionofShennanHutton,“Women,Men,and Markets:TheGenderingofMarketSpaceinLateMedievalGhent,”inthisvolume. The Religieux, Chronique, vol. 5, 16, states that they were “inducti”(led) by some (unnamed) powerfulfiguretoinvadethedauphin’sapartment,andlater,inChronique,vol.5,46,herelates thebutchers’confidenceintheduke’stacitapproval. GeorgeRudé,TheCrowdinHistory(NewYork:JohnWiley&Sons,Inc.,1964),199–205andRudé, FrenchRevolution,178.Rudéalsonoticesthe“sustainedmilitancy”ofmembersofcertaintrades: the most militant were the locksmiths, cabinetmakers, shoemakers, and tailors. These were followedbystonemasons,hairdressers,andengravers,winemerchants,watercarriers,porters, cooks,anddomesticservants,whilethoseemployedinmanufacturing(textiles,glass,tobacco, tapestries,porcelain)playedarelativelyminorpart.Rudé,FrenchRevolution,185.Evidently,by the late eighteenth century butchers were no longer the instigators of revolts. JeanJuvénal, Histoire,477,makesastatementthatseemstochallengetheassumptionthatthecriminalelement was absent: “se mirent sus plus fort que devant meschantes gens, trippiers, bouchers, et escorcheurs, pelletiers, cousturiers, et autres pauvres gens de bas estat, qui faisoient de très

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Thisfactpointstoaremarkableconsistencyinthecompositionofrevolutionary crowds,atleastinFrance.Astotheirviews,someoftheiractions(forexample, respectforthedauphinevenduringtheinvasionofhisapartment,orrequesting the king’s written pardon) reveal dramatically their helplessness visàvis the monarchy,afindingthatfitsEricHobsbawm’sclassicalportraitofpreindustrial metropolis,symbioticallytiedtoacourtandlookinguponitsrulersasproviders. Insuchanenvironmentangryriotswereendemic,infact,theacceptedlanguage ofpoliticaldialogue.Thiswasfacilitatedbytheproximityofthehousesoftherich tothoseofthepoor,asituationthatinstilledinthepopulacealternatelyafeeling ofentitlementovertheactivitiesoftheprincelycourts(forexample,determining the dauphin’s bedtime) and of betrayal when the latter showed themselves unresponsivetotheirneeds.56 

Fig.4:MapofoldParis TheleftarrowpointstotheapproximatelocationofthehotelofBurgundyand therightarrowtothemarketofLesHalles

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inhumaines,detestables,etdeshonnestesbesongnes”(someriffraffrosehigherthanbefore,tripe sellers, butchers, skinners, tanners, sewers, and other poor people of low condition, who committedinhuman,detestable,andillegalacts).Butdeprecatorycommentsaboutthepoorare morelikelyareflectionofclassprejudicethanadefiniteindicationofthepresenceofcriminals amongtheinsurgents. EricJ.Hobsbawm,PrimitiveRebels:aStudyinArchaicFormsofSocialMovementinthe19thand20th Centuries(NewYork:Norton,1965),114–15.Forexample,thehotelofBurgundywasclosetothe marketofLesHalles,whencethederogatoryantiBurgundianexpression“vouspuezlesharengs” (youstinkofherrings)mentionedbyChastellain,Chronique,vol.5,VI:74.

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Thedependenceuponthecourtwasreflectedintheverypoliticalstructureof thecity,asafterthefailedrevoltsofthefourteenthcenturyitsonlymunicipality consisted of the provost, a royal appointee, while the council of four elected aldermen (échevins) had only recently been restored.57 The Bourgeois diarist exemplifiesthisschizophrenicrelationship:herepeatedlyturnstothenobilityto solveallproblems,fromlawandordertotheeconomy,andrepeatedlylashesout inangerandspiteatvariousprinceswhocameandwentwithoutdoing“any good”forthecity,oftenreferringcontemptuouslytotheiragentsas“robbers” (larrons).Yet,evenafterblatantevidenceofineffectualgovernment,hecannothelp butpartakeinthegeneralfeelingofabandonmentatthedeathofCharlesVI,or lamentthelongperiodsofabsenceofPhiliptheGoodofBurgundy,despitehis lowopinionofthenewduke,andevendisplayfrustrationwhenevertheEnglish regentthedukeofBedfordwouldleavetowntoresideinhisowncountry.58 The attitude of the Bourgeois is intriguing also because of his ties to the University.Albeitsympathetictowardthemob,heattributestheinitiativeofthe movementtohisowninstitution,whichheclaimswasanimatedbyloveforking andpeople.59Otherssharesomewhathisbeliefbutreacttoitinadifferentmanner. ForexampletheReligieuxconcursinattributingtotheUniversityacentralrolein denouncingcorruptionatcourtandproposingreforms,butdoessosarcastically, as he turns to the reader with a derisive aside and asks rhetorically how a gathering of scholars, removed from daily affairs, could presume to fix social problems.60 In between the lines the reader may also detect a certain disunity

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JeanJuvénal,Histoire,445,isnotsurewhethertheéchevinagewasrestoredin1409orlater,but mentionsnoactivitybytheéchevinspriortotherevolt. He sprinkles the journal with numerous examples of his mixed feelings toward princes. For example,inJournal,193,hehasthecitylamentthebelovedCharlesVIwith,“Mauditesoitlamort! jamaisn’auronsqueguerre,puisquetunousaslaissés”(Damnedbedeath!Nowwewillhave nothingbutwarsinceyouleftus)andaddsthatthekinghasgoneinpeaceandabandonedhis subjectsingrieflikethechildrenofIsraelinBabylon.InJournal,163,375,hedeclaresinfrustration thatroyalvisitsonlycausedpricestoincrease,andaspricessoared“niroi,niduc,nicomte,ni prévot, ni capitaine n’en tenait compte” (no king, duke, count, provost, or captain cared). In Journal,228,326,332,helamentsthelongabsenceofPhiliptheGoodandofthedukeofBedford, asifdead.InJournal,362,376,405,hecomplainsthatCharlesVII,afterthereoccupationofthecity “nefitquelquebien”ȱ(didnogood)forit,andthathecamebackinJune1441“commeunhomme étranger”(likeaforeigner)tolodgewiththedauphinnearthecastleSaintAntoine(thesamethat hadhouseddesEssarts)“commes’ilseussentpaourqu’onleurfîtaucungrief,dontonn’avait talent,nivolonté”(asiffearingthatsomeonewoulddothemsomeharm,somethingforwhich they[theParisians]hadnomeansnorinclination). The University, “moult aimait le roi et le commun” (much loved king and people). Beaune, Journal,56. libricoleetspeculacionidediti.Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,4.Inthisheechoesthedismissiveremark uttered by Louis of Orléans in 1405 that the University should not meddle in reforms of the kingdombutleavethosetoprincesoftheblood.Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.1,122.

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within the University ranks: as mentioned before, JeanJuvénal suggests that MasterdePavillywasreadytoharangueagainstthedauphinandjustifytheworst deedsofthecabochienstofattenhisownpurse,anottoosubtlehintthatmoney wasinvolved,whiletheReligieuxaffirmsthatitsverychancellorJeanGersonwas punishedforhisoppositiontothecabochiensbyhavinghishouseransacked.In general, during the entire episode the University acted less like a party to the action than like the modernday media, that is, ostensibly limiting itself to an educatedcommentaryonevents,butinrealityinfluencingtheiroutcomethrough subtleintervention(forexample,bydenouncingcertainactorsbutnotothers),and insodoingelicitedambiguousreactionsfromtheauthors.Throughouttherevolt theUniversitydoctorssharedwiththepopulaceacloseinterestinmaintaining relationswiththecourt,andtheReligieuxrecordstheirdelightwhen,afterthe flightofthecabochiens,thedauphinpaidthemanunexpectedvisittoflatterthat illustriousbody.61 Pariswasindeedexceptionalinitsobsessivedependenceonacourt,anattitude that is much less evident when examining the relations between other late medievalurbancommunitiesandtheirprinces.Itiswellknownthatthefifteenth century,liketheprecedingone,wasrifewithconflicts,riots,andopenrebellions ofthegreatcitiesofFlanders,inparticularGhentandBruges,againstthedukes of Burgundy and their successor Maximilian of Austria. The actions of their citizensduringvariousconfrontationsincludedthecreation(orrestoration)of autochthonouscivicinstitutions,theemployofathirdpartysuchasthekingof France as mediator (as in the wars between Ghent and Philip the Good in 1451–1453),opendefianceofducalrequestsforsubsidiesandtroops(witnessed by the testy exchanges between the Estates of Flanders and Philip’s successor CharlestheBold),andevenimprisonmentofthedukeandhisservants(asthe guilds of Bruges did with Maximilian, whose authority they considered illegitimate).62NotwithstandingthesentimentalstatementsofBurgundiancourtly

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Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,30,40,132–36.Attimes,theUniversitywassoughtafterbythecourt preciselyforitsroleindisseminatingpropaganda.Forexample,in1411itwasaskedtohelpthe king’scauseagainsttherebelliousArmagnacs.OnthisoccasiontheUniversitywasinstrumental incirculatingapapalbullthatexcommunicatedtherebels.JeanJuvénal,Histoire,465. For an account of the revolt of Ghent, see Chastellain, vol. 2, III: 221–378. His subsequent statement,vol.3,IV:399–400,thatGhentwas“broullantenamour”(burningwithlove)forPhilip theGoodafteritsdefeatisbeliedbytheinsurgents’behaviorandappearsexaggeratedevenifhe meanttoapplyitonlytotheupperbourgeoisiewhohadsidedwiththeduke.SeealsoMathieu d’Escouchy,Chronique,ed.G.duFresnedeBeaucourt.3vols.(Paris:JulesRenouard,1863),vol. 1,368–423,443–51,vol.2,1–27,80–111.TherevoltofBrugesagainstMaximilianisinJeanMolinet, Chroniques,ed.GeorgesDoutrepontandOmerJodogne.3vols.(Brussels:Palaisdesacadémies, 1935–1937),vol.2,I:583–642.ThedifficultrelationshipbetweentheFlemishcitiesandCharlesthe BoldisamplydocumentedinL.P.Gachard,Collectiondedocumensinéditsconcernantl’histoirede laBelgique.3vols.(Brussels:LouisHaumanetcomp.libraires,1833),128–31,172–74,216–24,and

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chroniclerslikeChastellain,whoonlyacknowledgestheopinionsoftheupper bourgeoisie,FlemishcitiesappearedtoperceivetheBurgundiandukesasequal partnersinacontractand,whiletoleratingtheirauthorityascountsofFlanders, alwaysmaintainedconsciousnessoftheirowneconomicindependencefromthe court,andinfact,ofthedukes’veryrelianceontherevenuesgeneratedbythem. Anextremeexampleofthiscontractualattitudeisanepisodethattookplacein 1411attheheightofthecivilwarbetweenJohnandtheOrléanists,andthatis recordedbybothMonstreletandtheanonymouschronicler.Informedthatthe enemies were approaching his camp near Montdidier, John the Fearless was confidentthatbattlecouldbeengagedwithinaweek,butthecontractbindinghis urbanFlemishtroopswasexpiringandtheystartedtodecamp.Herodehastily outthere,accompaniedbyhisbrotherthedukeofBrabant,tobegthemhatin handtodelaytheirdepartureforafewdays,butinanswertheyshowedhimthe contractandthreatenedtocutintopieceshisson(whoresidedinGhent)ifhedid notabidebyit.Hehadnochoicebuttoletthemgo.63 Even London, which like Paris was a royal capital, yet enjoyed its own independent wealth being a commercial center in its own right, displayed a measured deference tinged with pride toward its sovereign. The Burgundian courtierandmemoiristOlivierdelaMarcheillustratesthisattitudeinanepisode thathewitnessedwhilevisitingLondononbehalfofhismasterPhiliptheGood in1467.AtatournamenthostedbyKingEdwardIV,afterthekinganddignitaries had seated themselves, the mayor of London made his entry with his sword carriedinfrontofhimasasignofauthority.Hequicklyknelttothekingwiththe swordpointeddownwardoutofrespect,thenjustasquicklystoodupandwent tohisseatwithhisswordstillinfrontofhim.64Unlikeothernortherncities,Paris (oratleastasignificantportionofitspermanentresidents)seemstohavederived

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especially249–70. AsimilarstanceisconveyedbytheanonymousFlemishtextcontainedinFlandriaGenerosathat narratestherevoltofBrugesof1436–1438againstPhiliptheGood.Initthedominantfeelingis shameforthecollectivelossofhonorwhenGhentabandonedthedukeatthesiegeofCalaisof 1436,butalsohostilitybetweenBrugesandSluiscausedbyeconomicrivalry.JanDumolynand ElodieLecuppreDesjardin,Propagandeetsensibilité:lafibreémotionnelleaucœurdesluttespolitiques et sociales dans les villes des anciens PaysBas bourguignons. L’exemple de la révolte brugeoise de 1436–1438.EmotionsintheHeartoftheCity(14th–16thcentury)ed.ElodieLecuppreDesjardin andAnneLaureVanBruaene(Turnhout,Belgium:Brepols,2005),44–53. Monstrelet,Chronique,vol.2,182–85,andChroniqueAnonyme,211. OlivierdeLaMarche,Mémoiresd’OlivierdelaMarche,ed.HenriBeauneetJ.d’Arbaumont.4vols. (Paris:LibrairieRenouard,1883),vol.3,I:50–51.Inanotherepisodethattookplacein1465during theking’sabsence,themayorofLondonappearedatafeastofferedbytheroyalsergeants,but findinghisplaceoccupiedlefttheroomwithallthecitynotablesandheldarivalbanquetinhis ownhome.WilliamGregory,“ChronicleofLondon,”TheHistoricalCollectionofaCitizenofLondon intheFifteenthCentury,ed.JamesGairdner(London:CamdenSociety,1876),142.

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its selfimage almost exclusively from the court, to the extent that its artisans regardedassertingcontrolovercourtexpendituresanddailyroutineasworthy enoughagoaltoriskaninsurrection. Another question not adequately satisfied by contemporary writers is what promptedtheviolentexplosion.Thetopicofcollectivemovementshasinterested sociologistssinceEmileDurkheiminthenineteenthcentury,anduptothe1960s the classical “strain and breakdown theory” dominated the field and was particularly popular with European theorists.65 According to this view violent collectivebehavioristriggeredbythebreakdownofnormalsocialroutines.Asit positsapreexistingintegratedsociety,thistheoryimplicitlypaintsrebellionin negativecolorsasananomaly,andplacesemphasisonitsirrational,spontaneous, and unstructured nature. Neil Smelser, in his encyclopedic Theory of Collective Behavior(1962)offersamorestructuralversionofbreakdowntheory.Headds othercomponentsthatarenecessarytoprecipitatecollectiveaction,suchasthe presenceof(irrational)generalizedbeliefsamongthecrowdandstructuralstrain thatmaybecausedbyconflictingdirectivesfromossifiedorineffectualauthority. Healsomakestheimportantobservationthatthepartialdecayofnormativeorder, ratherthantheunfairnessofthenormsthemselves,causesthegreatestlikelihood ofoutbursts.66ThisconceptappliesverycloselytofifteenthcenturyParis,acity thatsincetheclosingofthepreviouscenturyhadfeltheavilythenormativestrain caused by a weak but legitimate monarchy that left room for alternate, yet unsanctioned,sourcesofpower. Asecondandmorerecentparadigm,developedbetweenthe1970sand1980s, has attempted to replace breakdown theories with those of “resource mobilization,”whichviewinsurrectionsaspartofthenormalpoliticalprocess, thus marginalizing the role of causal strain in favor of the rationality and 65

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AdiscussionofvariousscholarlycurrentsonthistopicisfoundinStevenM.Buechler,Social Strain,StructuralBreakdown,PoliticalOpportunity,andCollectiveAction,SociologyCompass2/3 (2008),1031–44.MysuccinctoverviewislargelybasedonBuechler’sarticle.Foramoreindepth analysis of political opportunities that affect reform or revolutionary movements, see Doug McAdam,“ConceptualOrigins,CurrentProblems,FutureDirections,”ComparativePerspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald. Cambridge StudiesinComparativePolitics(CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1996), 23–40. Theauthorcitesseveralexamples,theearliestbeingthatofGermansocietyontheeveofthe Reformation. His most interesting example of normative strain is taken from Tocqueville’s characterizationoftherelationsbetweenpeasantsandaristocracybeforetheFrenchRevolution. Tocquevillehadnotedthatthegreatestrevolutionaryfervoroccurredinareasofthecountryin which the persistence of feudal taxes, dues, and other traditional obligations of the peasants coexistedwiththesimultaneousdeclineofthefeudalresponsibilitiesofthenobility.Ontheother hand,inareaswherefeudalinstitutionswerestillvitaltherevolutionaryspiritwasrelatively weak.NeilJ.Smelser,TheoryofCollectiveBehavior(NewYork:TheFreePressofGlencoe,1963), 28,59–61.

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purposefulnessoftherebellion,whichtheyalsodissociatefrommoreephemeral manifestationslikecrazes,panics,orfads.Thesenewertheoriesarealsosignificant tothepresentdiscussionbecausetheyclaimthattheperpetratorsofcollective violenceseldomareuprootedandmarginalelementsofsociety,afindingthat agreeswiththepointmadeearlieraboutthesocialcompositionoftheParisian crowd.InStevenBuechler’swords,“thisnewperspectiveadvocatedashiftaway fromadeterministiccollectivebehaviorparadigm(withstrainandbreakdownas major determinants) to an agencyoriented resource mobilization paradigm in which actors’ purposes, interests, and goals are foremost. The insistence that collectiveactionwaspoliticalforeclosedquestionsaboutthesubjectivestatesof participantsandtheroleofstrain.”67Themobilizationmodelalsooffersabasisfor evaluating the behavior of the most unlikely partner in the revolt. Usually sociologistsdonotthinkofprincesasleadersofinsurrections,yetthisrevoltand itsantecedentsofferevidenceofthispossibility.68Justasin1407Johnhadacted against the law by killing his rival to reach the goals that his defense of 1410 claimedtobelegitimate,sonowhisservantsjoinedandevenorganizedamob. The duke kept a certain distance from the action, but apparently he was not foolinganyone,norwashetryingveryhardtodoso.ThesociologistCharlesTilly affirms that opportunity for violent action comes about when a contender for powermakesothercoalitionmembersmorevulnerabletohisownclaims.69John’s actionsprovidedthebutcherswithjustsuchanopportunity,andeverywherehis interventiondeflected,atleastinpart,theemotionalandspontaneousrevoltto redirectittowardhisown“morerationalcalculusofcostsandbenefits.”70 Sincethe1990s,however,straintheorieshavestagedacomebackandhavebeen coopted into a new syncretism that recognizes the value of opportunity and organizationincollectivemovements,whilestillacknowledgingthefactthatthey

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Buechler,SocialStrain,1035. DonaldM.TaylorandFathaliM.Moghaddamcomeclosetoacknowledgingthis.Theyobserve that it is possible for collective action of a disadvantaged group to be led by “disenchanted membersoftheadvantagedgroup,”forexample,modernrevolutionaryleaderssuchasMao, Gandhi,andCastro.DonaldM.Taylor,FathaliM.Moghaddam,TheoriesofIntergroupRelations, 2nded.(1987;Westport,CT,andLondon:PraegerPublishers,1994),155. CharlesTilly,FromMobilizationtoRevolution(Reading,MA:AddisonWesley,1978),141.Also citedinBuechler,SocialStrain,1039.SidneyTarrow,PowerinMovement,2,linkssocialstrainto opportunityinsimilarterms:“contentionspoliticsoccurswhenordinarypeople,ofteninleague with more influential citizens, join forces in confrontation with elites [It] is triggered when changing political opportunities and constraints create incentives for social actors who lack resourcesoftheirown..” Buechler,SocialStrain,1040.

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aretriggeredbyanomaliesanddecaywithintheexistingsystem.71Forexample, DavidSnowandothershavelocatedsocialdecayanditslinktorebellionsinthe disruptionofeverydaylifewithits“routinizedexpectations”causedbyaccidents thatcreate“suddenlyimposedgrievances,”suchas“intrusionsorviolationsof communityspace,[…]changesintakenforgrantedsubsistenceroutines,and[…] dramatic changes in structures of social control.” They add that for collective actiontooccurthe“disruptionmustbeexperiencedcollectively,anditmustnot haveanormal,institutionalresolution.” Whiletheseauthorsdonotinvokelatemedievalmodels,someoftheirexamples ofdisruptionsfindparallelsinthepresentcontext,forexampleintheremovalof thestreetchains.Truetothenewsyncretism,theyalsonotethatthebreakdown of everyday routines does not preclude the existence of solidarity between individuals; in fact, the combination of the two is most likely to produce a collectivemovement(andherewemayacknowledgethecontributionofguild structuretotheorganizationoftherevolt).72 Ingeneral,thenewtheoriesconcedeSmelser’spointthatnormativestrainalone isnotsufficienttocauseanoutburst,andthatwhatisneededisalsothebeliefthat establishedwaysofrelievingthestrainarenotavailable,thusseverelylimiting “theactor’sopportunitiesandlimitationoftheenvironment,andtheactor’sability toinfluencethesame.”73Thusthecabochienmovement,brewinginanambiguous atmosphereofdecayingpower,neededa contingencytobesetinmotion:the intolerablefiscalsituationbroughtaboutbyacombinationofhightaxesandout ofcontrol expenditures that failed to provide any benefits to the taxpayers, a situationthatlentcredibilitytoconspiracytheories.Finally,thefrustrationspilled overin1407withthemurderofOrléans,andby1413hadaffectedawiderpublic,

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For example, Jack Goldstone has posited that the breakdown of the state is caused by a combinationofpopulardistressandalienationandinfightingoftheelite(bothevidentinthe cabochiencase).JackA.Goldstone,RevolutionandRebellionintheEarlyModernWorld(Berkeley: UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1991),10.AlsocitedinBuechler,SocialStrain,1036.AndFrancesFox PivenandRichardA.Clowardhaverecentlyformulatedadefenseofbreakdowntheoriesbyaffirmingthat “malintegration”ofhierarchicalsocialstructuresiscriticaltocollectivemovements.Theyalsodeemphasize thenecessityofanetwork(acornerstoneofmobilizationtheory)byclaimingthatallthatisneededforan insurgencytooccurisacollectiveperceptionofinjustice:evenpreviouslyunconnectedpeoplewillthen participate.FrancesFoxPiven,andRichardA.Cloward,“NormalizingCollectiveProtest,”Frontiersin SocialMovementTheory,ed.AldonMorrisandCarolMcClurgMueller(NewHaven,CT:Yale UniversityPress,1992),310. DavidSnow,DanielM.Cress,LiamDowneyandAndrewW.Jones,“Disruptingthe‘Quotidian’: ReconceptualizingtheRelationshipbetweenBreakdownandtheEmergenceofCollectiveAction,” Mobilization3(1998):8,17–19.AlsocitedinBuechler,SocialStrain,1037–38. Smelser,CollectiveBehavior,28.

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namelytheguildofwealthybuthithertopoliticallymarginalbutchersandalsothe University.74 Thetwo(nolongersodiverging)paradigmsonthenatureofinsurrectionsare reflectedintheversionsofthecabochienrevoltthatcametousfromtwodifferent groups of writers. Those (more numerous) who represented royal authority viewed social control in a positive light and the rebels as deviants, much like modernsocialbreakdowntheorists;whiletheoppositeistrueoftheBourgeois, whoinfactattributedtheinitiativeforactiontohisbelovedUniversity,afitting exampleoforganizationalresourcetotheaidofmobilization.Bringingtogether bothviews,wecouldsaythatthestatebreakdownwasprecipitatedbytheking’s madness in the absence of sanctioned alternatives to royal authority, which openedthedoortorivalryamongsttheprinces,andinturnreflectedinstitutional weaknessonapopulaceexceptionallyattunedtocourtlyaffairsandwhosewell establishedguildsystemprovidedanadequatenetworkformobilization. Motivational analysis helps also in deciphering what is perhaps the most puzzlingaspectoftheinsurrection,thestrongbondbetweenbutchersandduke. ForJohntherevoltof1413couldwellbetherealizationofhisdreamsof1405and thevindicationofhisrashactionof1407.ȱThisprince,whohadhisownreasonsfor dissatisfaction,ashesawhimselfunjustly(inhisview)alienatedfromhispeers after murdering his rival, now leaned on a population that had almost no indigenouspowerstructureandassumeditsinformalleadership.Hisimprobable but inspirational direction of the movement reflects Rudé’s findings that the crowd may create a “hero” outside the rebels’ social environment and who becomes almost reluctantly a symbol of their cause.75 And for his part, John certainlyhelpedhisheroicstandingamongParisianswithhisunusualhabitof

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The ambiguous perception of butchers in latemedieval writings is intriguing. For example, Elisabeth von NassauSaarbrücken (after 1393–1456), who translated into German prose the fourteenthcenturyFrenchpoemHuguesCapet,presented(likehersource)thefounderofthe Capetiandynastyasthegrandsonofavilebutcher,whoascendedtopowerthankstoalessthan exemplary behavior that put him on a level with the nobility: dueling, warfare, murder and seductions. Was the writer mindful of the 1413 cabochien revolt? Elisabeth von Nassau Saarbrücken, Hug Schapler. Volksbücher vom sterbenden Rittertum, Heinz Kindermann ed., Entwicklungsreihen,Reihe:VolksundSchwankbücher,1(WeimarandLeipzig:Böhlau,1928), 23–114;AlbrechtClassen,“ElisabethvonNassauSaarbrücken,“GermanWritersoftheRenaissance andReformation:1280–1580,ed.JamesHardinandMaxReinhart.DictionaryofLiteraryBiography, 179(Detroit,Washington,DC,andLondon:GaleResearch,1997),42–47.Seealsothecontributions toZwischenDeutschlandundFrankreich:ElisabethvonLothringen,GräfinvonNassauSaarbrücken,ed. WolfgangHaubrichsandHansWalterHerrmann,togetherwithGerhardSauder.Veröffentli chungen der Kommission für Saarländische Landesgeschichte und Volksforschung e. V. (St. Ingbert:RöhrigUniversitätsverlag,2002) Rudé,CrowdinHistory,247–48andFrenchRevolution,199.

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paying for supplies and keeping his troops from pillaging.76 To our eyes the unexpectedalliancebetweenurbancommonersandanalienatedmemberofthe uppernobilityappearsoneofconvenience,withthedukeaimingatrulingthe court,thebutchersatkeepinglocalcontrol,andthepooratfiscalrelief.77 Still,contemporarysourcesseemtochallengethisskepticalassumption.For example,theLivredestrahisonspaintsthebondbetweenJohnandtheParisian butchers in strong personal terms. In its version of the previouslymentioned episode in which John was abandoned by his Flemish troops, the anonymous authorstatesthattheduke’sadversariestooktheoccasiontospreadtherumor that he had been routed. The duke hastened to send a reassuring letter to his supportersinParis:hismessengerreachedthebutcherGuillaumeLegoixandone ofhissonsonthedaybeforeanantiBurgundianrallyhadbeenconvokedbythe authorities.Inthisaccountthebutcherhugstheduke’smessengeraddressinghim as“myfriend,”thentearfullykissestheletterandplacesitreverentlyinsidehis jacket.Hissoninturnproposestoreadtheletteraloudtotheassemblyonthe followingday,inordertounmaskthefalseOrléanistreport,anddeclareshimself readytodiefightingfor“droitetjustice“(rightandjustice).78Thisgrandiloquent declarationseemstosuggestalifeanddeathstruggleofopposingideologies,and sitsoddlywithacivilwarthatoriginatedfromapersonalrivalrybetweentwo princes,evenifoneofthetwowasunpopular.Itispossible,however,thatsome alienatedprincescouldfeelkinshipwithartisans,who,likethem,werealsotrying tohangontothreatenedrights. ThisparadoxicalidentificationmayalsoexplainwhyJohntheFearlessandhis successorPhiliptheGoodassumed“workingclass”toolsastheirpersonaldevices, respectivelytheplaneandtheflint.Insupportofthishypothesis,JeanJuvénal mentionsthatin1411JohntheFearlesshadattendedtheextravagantfuneralofthe butcherThomasLegoix,andthatwhenthewriter’sfathermetwiththedukeon behalfoftheBurgundiannobilitytotrytoconvincehimtoabandonhisunseemly

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Beaune,Journal,29,34.Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,332–34. Havingsofaravoidedtheterm“class”asanachronistic,theissueofhowtolabelthebutchersin contemporarysocietyisfarfromeasy.Nicholas,MedievalCity,123referstothemas“solidly middleclass,”andtheLivredestrahisons,106–07,quotesaLegoixasstatingthat,“nousavonsune grandepartiedelavilledeParisennostregouvernement,etsyavonsmoultgrandplentéde richesetpuissansparens”(werulealargepartofthecityofParis,andarewellendowedwith wealth and powerful relatives). But all chroniclers refer to them as “vile.” Probably the assumptionclosesttothetruthisthatofColetteBeaune,Journal,63,noteno.53,whostatesthat theyenjoyedwealthbutresentednothavingthesocialstatusthatwentwithit. Livredestrahisons,106–08.Theepisode,minusthesentimentaloutpouringsisconfirmedbyJean Juvénal,Histoire,463.

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alliancewithbutchers,thelattercategoricallyrefused.79Whiletheleadershipof urbanrevoltswasattimesassumedbylocalnobles(likethelordofHeersinLiège inthe1460sorthecountofMontfoortinUtrechtinthe1480s),identificationofan urbaninsurgencywithamemberoftheroyalfamilywasrare.Butthispatterndid reemergeinotherrevolts(forexamplethatofJackCadeinEnglandin1450)and therefore we cannot exclude some underlying commonality of motives, if not outrightideologicalaffinity.80 Thethirdissuethatisinadequatelyaddressedbymedievalauthorsishowdid theinsurgentsselectthevictimsoftheirangerandwhatdidtheyhopetoachieve byattackingthem.Whatseemsclearisthatwhatevertheunderstandingbetween dukeandbutchers,thetargetsoftheirviolence,bothduringthecabochienrevolt andintheearliermurderofOrléans,werequitespecific,andpursuedonlywhen bothParisiancommonersandthepowerfulbutoutcastprincesawotheravenues forredressagainstthemblocked.81Theweakbutunchallengedauthorityofthe king,flankedbyhisfavorites,precludedanyothermeansforrectifyingperceived injustices,apatternthatwillberepeatedintheWarsoftheRosesinEnglanda generationlater.Smelserobserversthat: Theclosingofmeansofprotestisalwaysrelativetoexistingexpectations.Forexample, if nobles who previously had had close access to a king in his deliberations are suddenlyexcludedfromhiscouncils,thisconstitutesaclosingofavenuesofprotest relative to their expectations. On an absolute basis, however, they may still have greaterinfluencethanothergroupsinthepopulation,e.g.,peasants.Becausethelatter donotentertainsuchexpectations,however,theirsenseofexclusionisnotsogreat.82ȱ

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JeanJuvénal,Histoire,468,476–77.Theallianceapparentlyleftevenhissupportersuneasy.For example,LePastoralet,18–19,onlyobliquelyhintsattheepisodebymentioninginallegorical termsthetriumphalentryofLéonet(John)intoPariswelcomedbytheshepherds(thecitizens, withnoreferencetothebutchersasaseparategroup).ThenLéonetisadvisedofamysterious treasonandleavesthegatheringimmediatelyforhisownpastures. FortherebellionofLiège,seedelaMarche,Mémoires,vol.1,I:125–29,Chastellain,Chronique,vol. 5,VI:217,VII:423–32,andPhilippedeCommynes,Mémoires,ed.JosephCalmette(Paris:Société d’édition“lesBelleslettres”,1965),II:441–57.ForthatofUtrecht,seeThomasBasin,Histoirede LouisXI,trans.anded.CharlesSamaranandM.C.Garand.3vols.Lesclassiquesdel’histoirede FranceauMoyenAge,26–27,30(Paris:LesBellesLettres,1963–1972),vol.3,VI:127–217,VII: 237–81.ForadiscussionofJackCade’srebellionanditspossiblelinktoYorkistpolitics,seeJohn Gillingham,TheWarsoftheRoses(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1981),67–68,and P.A.Johnson,DukeRichardofYork1411–1460.OxfordHistoricalMonographs(Oxford:Clarendon Press;NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1988),79.Theroleofbutcherscouldbeevencloser thanideologicalaffinity. Aspositedbythe“resourcemobilization”theorythatdefendstherationalityofrioters.Forthis pointseeBuechler,SocialStrain,1034andRudé,CrowdinHistory,253.Forasimilarviewbutfrom amedievalist’sperspective,seeStevenJustice,WritingandRebellion:Englandin1381(Berkeley: UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1994). Smelser,CollectiveBehavior,334.

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Thisstatement,whichreferstomorerecenthistory,isquiteapplicabletoalate medievalprincesuchasJohntheFearless,andfromcontemporarynarrativeitis not difficult to conclude that both commoners and disaffected lords resented successful courtiers and royal agents (such as Montaigu, des Essarts, and the dauphin’schancellor),andjudgedtheirauthorityillegitimateandodious.83In1409 thescapegoatforpopularfuryhadbeenMontaigu,andin1413desEssarts,whose secretivereturntothecitywiththecomplicityofthecourtandominousresidence inafortressinitiatedtheunstoppablechainreaction.84 However,aseventsunfolded,thispurposebecameblurred,as,toquoteagain Smelser,collectivebehavior“involvesgeneralizationtoahighlevelcomponent ofaction.”Attacksonspecificscapegoatslosttheirimmediatevengefulnature, andtheinsurgentsmightevenhaveforsakentheirtrueinterestsinthenameof “higher goals.” Apparently the rebels’ grievance, that initially seems to have stemmedfromthepurelycontingentandmaterialmotivationofthereturnofthe disgracedprovost,inthecourseofriotsbecameelevatedtoahigherandmore generalizedoneofreformingthecourtbyriddingitof“traitors,”andinsodoing colludedwithJohn’sinterests.85 Asfortheirspecificgoals,itappearsthatthecabochienrevolt,likeotherlate medievalprotestsandriots,aimedatthepreservationofpastrights,notatthe additionofnewonesoratchangesinpoliticalstructure.Itseemstofitsomewhere betweenthespontaneous“foodriots”describedbyRudéandwhatSmelsercalls “normorientedmovements,”whicharesetoffbyeventsthatthreatentheexisting normativeorder(anewtaximposedbyoutsiders,alimitationofcivicautonomies, analienmagistracy).86Neitherthecitizensnortheirleadersenvisionedthemselves asrevolutionists,butasguardiansofestablishednormsbasedonapreexisting contract between themselves and their lord, which was threatened from the

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Thedauphin’sreinstatedchancellorJeandeNieleshadangeredtherebelsbyroughlyrefusing someoftheirrequests.Religieux,Chronique,vol.5,50. Forthephenomenonof“scapegoating”inhostileoutbursts,seeSmelser,CollectiveBehavior,101, 250–51. Smelser,CollectiveBehavior,71.Tilly,Mobilization,14,makesasimilarobservationinarguing againstMarx’sinterpretationofthe1848FrenchRevolution.. Rudé,CrowdinHistory,4.Toavoidpossibleconfusion,itmaybenecessarytoemphasizethe differencebetween“normativemovement”and“normorientedmovement.”PivenandCloward, “CollectiveProtest,”306,applythefirsttermtolegallysanctionedcollectivemobilization,such aselectoralrallies.Theyspecifythat“normschangeovertime[...Formsofcollectiveaction impermissible in one period may be permissible in another, or the reverse. [. . .] normative collectiveactionsoccurmuchmorefrequentlythannonnormative”onesinmodernperiodswith thespreadingofpoliticalrights.Smelser,CollectiveBehavior,109,120,284–88,appliesthesecond to the goals of the collective movement, and distinguishes normative goals from those (for example)ofavaluebasedrevolution,whichaimsatmodificationofbaseconceptsrelatedto man’splaceinnature.

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outside,andthattheytriedtorestorethroughtheOrdonnancecabochienne.87Jacques LemaireinhisvastworkonpoliticalandsocialliteratureoftheperiodLesvisions delaviedecour,placesthisrevoltinthesamecontextofspontaneouspopular movements as its fourteenthcentury precursors, mere outbursts against fiscal oppression,andnotproperbourgeoisrevolutionswithaprogramofchangingthe politicallandscape.Inhisview,intellectualshadnotyetdevelopedaconceptof classandsotheycouldandwouldnotyetinfluenceinsurrections.88Whilethisis certainlytrue,Iwouldnotdiscountthepossibilitythatamedievalcivicgroup couldbesensitivetonormativeprinciples;infact,itisevidencedbythebizarre relationshipthatdevelopedduringcabochienrulebetweenroyalfamilyandmob. While the former (except, perhaps, the king) was horrorstruck at the forced familiarity,thelattersteppedexuberantlyintotheroleofprotectorsoftheirrulers againstthe“traitors,”andthereforeastheultimaterepositoryoflegitimacy,a situationfamiliartostudentsoftheFrenchRevolution.  Inconclusion,thelittleknowncabochienrevoltof1413thatcameinthewakeof antigovernmentrumblingsandoftheshockingmurderofthedukeofOrléans, hassofardefiedinterpretationthankstoitsdualnature,partspontaneousurban uprising and part princely coup. Its ambiguous reputation has been (perhaps unwittingly) helped by its very chroniclers who on the one hand have overwhelmedthereaderwiththeirrationalviolenceoftheParisiancrowdthrough episodesthatominouslyanticipateaccountsofalaterrevolution(thegatheringof thecrowdattheBastille,theirruptiononthepalace,theselfrighteousmobrule overthecourt’sdailylifeasbarriersbetweenpublicspaceandprincelyliving quarterswerebroken),andontheotherhandhavesuggestedtheeverlurking presenceofprincelyrivalriesinthebackground,asJohnexploitedpopularfuror toeffectuateapurgeofhisrivals. Still, this event has the potential to go beyond a welldocumented mystery. Despite its tortuous unfolding and the ambiguities generated by the social difference of its perpetrators, the revolt shares basic characteristics with more recentandbetterunderstoodinsurrections,inparticularastocrowdcomposition andbehavior.Andassuchitoffersanintriguingglimpseintothemechanicsof latemedieval collective movements, interclass relationships, and urban self perception.

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Thecrowdcouldevenbelievethattheking,afatherfigure,wassoconcernedaboutjusticethat riotswouldbeledinhisname.Rudé,CrowdinHistory,228–31. JacquesLemaire,LesVisions,287.

FabianAlfie (UniversityofArizona)

“TheMerchantsofMyFlorence”:ASocioPolitical Complaintfrom14571

AlthoughBenedettoCrocecharacterizedtheperiodbetween1375and1475with thepopulardesignationasthe“centurywithoutpoetry,”itisprobablybetterto describe it as the “century of Burchiello.”2 In Florence the figure who predominatedtheliteratureoftheearlyfifteenthcenturyisthepoetbarberofthe Calimala district, Domenico di Giovanni, nicknamed il Burchiello (b. ca. 1390–1400;d.ca.1448).Burchielloenjoyedgreatfameatthetime,inspiringranks ofimitatorsofhisbizarrenonsensicalstyle.Hisrenownwasnotlimitedtothe literati; despite Burchiello’s antiMedici stance, Cosimo’s son Giovanni so appreciatedhisworkthatheinvitedthepoettoentertainhimatthesulfurbaths atPietrolo.3Theauthorofnumerouslyrics,Burchiellowasthoroughlyimmersed in the comicrealistic verse of Tuscany of the Duecento and Trecento.4 He was knowledgeableofthepoetrybysuchwritersasFrancoSacchetti,Orcagna,and PieraccioTedaldi,5andwentsofarastorewriteasonnetbyCeccoAngiolieri.6

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IwouldliketoacknowledgethereceiptofaSmallGrantfromtheOfficeoftheVicePresidentfor ResearchandGraduateStudiesattheUniversityofArizona,whichallowedmetostudyonsite themanuscriptsattheBibliotecaNazionaleCentraleofFlorenceinMarch2004. EmilioPasquini,“Il‘secolosenzapoesia’eilcroceviadiBurchiello,”Lebotteghedellapoesia:studi sulTreQuattrocentoitaliano(Bologna:IlMulino,1991),25–86;here35. ChristopherHibbert,TheHouseofMedici:ItsRiseandFall(NewYork:PerennialPress,1980),95. AntonioPiromalli,“AspettidellaculturaedellapoesiagiocosainToscananelQuattrocento,”Dal QuattrocentoalNovecento:Saggicritici,Bibliotecadell’“ArchiviumRomanicum,”vol.76(Florence: Olschki,1965),1–10;here4. AchilleTartaro,“Burchiello,dell’immaginazionegrottesca,”IlmanifestodiGuittoneealtristudifra DueeQuattrocento(Rome:Bulzoni,1974),139–53;here143–44. ForanalysisofBurchiello’srewritingofAngiolieri’ssonnet,seeFabianAlfie,“‘I’sonsìmagroche quasitraluco’:InspirationandIndebtednessamongCeccoAngiolieri,MeodeiTolomeiandIl Burchiello,”ItalianQuarterly35(1998):5–28.

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Thankstohispopularityatthetime,Burchiellomayhavebeenresponsiblefora reawakeningofinterestincomicpoetryduringtheearlyQuattrocento.7 Fortunately,scholarshaveinvestigatedmorethoroughlythepoetryoftheearly fifteenthcenturyinthedecadessinceCrocepassedhisseverepronouncement.8 Nevertheless, much of the poetry of that period remains unpublished and unstudied.Thereare,ofcourse,manyreasonsforsuchacriticaloversight,butone factoristhatitishighlymunicipalinnature.Thatis,ratherthandealingwith universaltopics,itfrequentlyaddressesthespecificpolitical,socialandcultural concernsofthedayinthecityofitsauthor.Nowhereisthatmoreevidentthanin the sonnet which shall form the focus of this study, an unedited anonymous complaintagainstthemerchantsofFlorence.Iwillanalyzethesonnetinthelight ofitsphilologicalinformation,aswellasitshistoricalcontext. Asiswellknown,thecomplaintagainstthemerchantswasacommontoposof theperiodthroughoutallofEurope.9Yetitwouldbemistakentoreadsatirictexts asmereliteraryexercisesdevoidofrealworldhistoricalimportance.Rather,they illustratetheinternaltensionsofthecitiescausedbytheeconomicboomofthe Renaissance.AlthoughthedevelopmentofItaliancitiesfolloweditsownunique trajectory, certain constants are found among the European writers of the late MiddleAgesandearlymodernperiod.Alongsidethenumerousurbanencomia poetsexpressedratherstrongambivalencetowardthegrowthofthecitiesandthe ascendencyofthemerchantclasses.Thewealthgeneratedbytradebroughtwith it social changes that are reflected in such artifacts as the anonymous sonnet below.Commerceenrichedthecity,itistruetosay,butitalsoennoblednon aristocraticindividuals.Thisisnottoreadthesocioeconomicchangesstrictly throughthelensofclassconflict,orasagroupofinsidersresentfulofupwardly mobile newcomers; instead, economic success often depended on attitudes antitheticaltothoseofthestereotypicalmedievalaristocracystillprevalentinearly Renaissance society. In short, while this sonnet is indicative of the society of

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Renee Watkins, “Il Burchiello (1404–1448). Poverty, Politics, and Poetry,” Italian Quarterly 14 (1970):21–57;here22. See, for instance, Antonio Lanza, Polemiche e berte letterarie nella Firenze del primo quattrocento (Rome: Bulzoni, 1972); and Lirici toscani del quattrocento, ed., Antonio Lanza, 2 vols. (Roma: Bulzoni,1973–75). MarioMartiemphasizedthepanEuropeannatureofmedievalsatiricpoetry;seeMarioMarti, “Europeismodell’anticaletteraturagiocosa”CulturaestileneipoetigiocosideltempodiDante(Pisa: NistriLischi,1953),1–40.ForexamplesoftheantimercantiletoposinGerman,seeHeinrichder Teichner.ForanalysesofHeinrich’ssatires,seeAlbrechtClassen,“HeinrichderTeichner:The DidacticPoetasaTroublemaker,WhistleBlower,andSocialRebel,”MedievaliaetHumanistica32 (2007):63–81;andid.,“HeinrichderTeichner:CommentatorandCriticoftheWorldsoftheCourt andtheAristocracy,”OrbisLitterarum63.3(2008):237–61.Seealsohiscommentsonthetreatment ofmerchantsinmedievaldiscourseintheintroductiontothisvolume.

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Florenceinthe1450s,ithasimplicationsforunderstandingthedevelopmentofthe citiesthroughoutthecontinent. PerhapsthemostimportanteditionofBurchiello’sworkswaspublishedin1757 inLucca(althoughthetitlepagesaysLondon).10Untilveryrecently,despiteits occasionaldrawbacksitformedthebasisforthecriticaleditionsofBurchiello’s works.11Inthethirdsectionofthe1757edition,aportionofthevolumededicated tothesonnetsofdubiousattribution,appearsaninvectiveagainsttheFlorentine merchants(186–87).12

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Burchiello,SonettidelBurchiello,delBellincionied’altripoetifiorentiniallaburchiellesca(Londra[but actuallyLucca]:n.p.,1757). In2000,MichelangeloZaccarellopublishedthemostrecentcriticaleditionofBurchiello,and based it not on the London 1757 volume, but on the numerous extant fifteenthcentury manuscripts.SeeIsonettidelBurchiello,ed.,MichelangeloZaccarello(Bologna:Commissioneper itestidilingua,2000).ForanexampleofanearliereditionofBurchiello’sworksbaseduponthe 1757edition,seeBurchiello:Isonetti,ed.,AlbertoViviani(Milan:Bietti,1940). Theversionpublishedin1757readsasfollows(186–87):“ImercatantidellamiaFiorenza/Son fatti trecchi, cuochi, e calzolai, / Panattieri, Vinattieri, e Mugnai, / Così Cristo ne spenga la semenza./PropriodelLupoèlalorcoscienza,/Chel’altruistimanpoco,e‘lloroassai,/E‘l meritochedannoa’mercennai/Perpagamento,abbiatepazienza./OhDio,comesostientutanto male?/Ov’èlatuapotenza,iltuofurore?/Halagiustiziatuasìrottel’ale?/Porgileorecchie all’orfaneolanguore,/Vedilacrudeltàquantol’assale?/Mortac’èlatuafede,edogniamore./ Adunque,obuonSignore,/Fapioveralterrestretantimorbi/Chelalorsepolturasienoicorbi.”

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Figure1:Burchiello1757edition

Because of its inclusion in the London volume, other subsequent editors of Burchielloalsoacceptedthetiradeaspossiblyauthentic.Giventhestateofthe information at the time, the view of the sonnet as possibly Burchiello’s is not unreasonable;afterall,Burchiellocapitalizedonhisrealworldroleasabarberin his verse, giving voice to the class of urban laborers and craftsmen.13 The extremelyscantcriticismofthesatiricsonnetconsistsofcommentariesonitin relationshiptoBurchiello’sliterarycorpus.In1949EugenioGiovannettidescribed itasanimprecationagainsttheFlorentinemerchants(“imprecandoaimercanti fiorentini”)andin1972AntonioLanzacategorizeditasanexampleofthe“gnomic

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AntonioToscano,“IlpolisensodellaparolanelBurchiello,”ForumItalicum10(1976):360–76;here 312.

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[i.e., sententious] genre” (“di genere gnomico”).14 However, according to the Incipitariounificatodellapoesiaitaliana,aresearchtoolthatliststheincipitversesof alltheknownItalianmanuscripts,twofifteenthcenturycodicesalsocarrythe sonnet.15 Those codices have not been consulted in relationship to the sonnet. Unlikethe1757edition,themanuscriptsprovideimportantinformationaboutits author and the date of its composition. They also supply data to interpret the sonnetinamannermoresubtlythanhasbeenpreviouslypublished. Thetwocodicesinquestion,FirenzeIIiv250(FI)andMagliabechianoVII1168 (MG), are both housed in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence. The formermanuscript(FI)wastranscribedinthefifteenthcentury,whilethelatter (MG) was compiled in the sixteenth; both are compendia of the poetry of Burchielloandtheburchiellisti.16Therubricsofthetwomanuscriptsaresimilarto oneanother.TheascriptioninFIreadsdiplomatically:“Sonettosidicieaverfatto unbattjlanaco(n)troamapaghamentifa(n)nooggijmerchatantidelleloromanj fature 1457” (“Sonnet said to have been made by a woolbeater against evil payments. Today the merchants make the receipts themselves with their own hands,1457”).TherubricinMGappearstobeasimplificationtheattributionof FI: “Sto fatto p(er) j battilana di fire(n)ze” (“Sonnet made by a woolbeater of Florence”).Moreshallbesaidbelowabouttheattributionsandtheirimpactonthe interpretationofthesonnet.Fornowsufficeittosaythatbothcodicesascribeitto ananonymouswoolworker,andtheearliermanuscriptdatesitto1457,roughly adecadeafterBurchiello’sdeath.Thesonnet,then,probablydoesnotbelongto thepoetbarber,buttooneofhismanyimitators.

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Antologiaburchiellesca,ed.,EugenioGiovannetti(Rome:Colombo,1949),205;andAntonioLanza, PolemicheeberteletterarienellaFirenzedelprimoquattrocento(Rome:Bulzoni,1972),211.Itshould alsobenotedthatsimplysituatingthesonnetintoBurchiello’scorpuscomprisesatypeofcritical commentaryonit;see,forinstance,AlbertoViviani,ed.,Burchiello:Isonetti(Milan:Bietti,1940), 278;andEugenioGiovannetti,Antologiaburchiellesca(Rome:Colombo,1949),142. TheincipitverseofthesonnetinquestionislistedinIncipitariounificatodellapoesiaitaliana,ed. MarcoSantagata.Vol.1(Modena:EdizioniPanini,1988),738. For codicological information about Firenze II iv 250, see Giuseppe Mazzatinti, Inventari dei manoscrittidellebiblioteched’Italia,vol.10(Forlì:CasaEditriceLuigiBordandini,1900),165–91.For codicologicalinformationaboutMagliabechianoVII1168,seeDomenicodeRobertis,“Censi mentodeimanoscrittidirimediDante,I,”Studidanteschi37(1960):141–273;here218–19.

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Beforecontinuing,thetextualformofthesonnetshouldbeestablished.Happily, thetwomanuscriptversionsdonotdiffergreatlyfromoneanother,17norfromthat publishedinthe1757editionofBurchiello’sverse(BU).

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TheversionofthesonnetinFIreadsdiplomaticallyasfollows(f.194r):“Emerchatantidellamia fiorenza/sonfattichuochitrecheetchalzolai/panattierjvinattierietmugnai/chosjxpone spenghalasemenza/propiodellupoelalorochoscienza/chellaltrujstima(n)pochoelloroassai /etmeritocheda(n)noamercienai/p(er)paghamentoabjatepazienza/odiochomesostientu ta(n)tomale/ovelatuapotenzaettuofurore/alagiustiziatuasirottelale/porgigliorechiallor fancolanguore/vedjlacrudeltaqua(n)tellasale/mortaelafedetuaetogngjamore/(et)dunque obuo(n)signore/fapiovereatterrestratantimorbj/chellalorosepolturasjanojchorbj.”The versionofthesonnetinMGreadsdiplomaticallyasfollows:“Emercatantidellamiafiorenza/ son facti chuochi trecche e calzolaj / panattierj uinattierj e mugniaj / cosj xpo ne spengha la semenza/Propiodellupoelalorocoscienza/chelaltrujstimanpocoelloroassaj/elmeritoche dannoamerciennaj/p(er)pagamentoabbiatepacienza/Odiocomesostienjtutantomale/oue latuapotenziaeltuofurore/alagiustiziatuasirottelale/Porgiliorecchjallorfrancolangore/ uedjlacrudeltaquantellasale/mortaelafedetuaeognjamore/Adunqueobuonsigniore/fa piouereallaterrestatantimorbj/chellalorsepolturasienoecorbj.”Forcomparisonwiththe versioninBU,seenote9.

“TheMerchantsofMyFlorence”

Figure2:FirenzeIIiv250(f.194r)

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Forthesakeofsimplicity,thevariationsofthethreeversionswillbecomparedin thechartbelow;theitemsinboldindicatesimilaritiesbetweentwoofthethree versions: MG v.1:Emercatanti v.2:trecche v.2:chuochi trecche v.5:Propio v.9:sostienjtu v.12:liorecchi v.12:allorfranco v.13:ellasale

FI Emercatanti treche chuochitreche

BU Imercatanti trecchi trecchi,cuochi

propio sostientu gliorechi allorfanco ellasale

Proprio sostientu leorecchie all’orfaneo l’assale

 MostofthetraitsheldincommonbetweenFIandMGarepreferabletothosein BU. In fifteenthcentury Florentine, the masculine plural definite article was commonly rendered as “e”, “trecca” was a feminine noun, and “propio” was typically spelled without a second “r.”18 Furthermore, “assale” (“assaults” or “assails”)inthethirteenthverseofBUdependsupontheinterpretationofthe twelfth;moreshallbesaidbelowaboutthelectioinBUforthatline.Leavingaside thedifferencesinspelling,whicharetypicalforhandwrittenmaterialsofthistime (e.g.,treche/trecche,gliorecchi/liorechi),mostofthecharacteristicsdemonstrate thederivationofMGfromFI. At the same time, there are also indications of the relationship of BU to the handwrittencodices.TheonekeysimilaritybetweenFIandtheBUoccursinverse nine(“sostientu”;“sostientu”);thecompleteformoftheverbinMGresultsina hypermetricverse(“sostienjtu”).Yetthedifficultyappearsinversetwelve,where allthreesourcesdiffer(“allorfranco”;“allorfanco”;“all’orfaneo”).Intermsof denotation,thereadingthatmakesthemostsenseappearsinBU.Initthewool beaterasksGodtolookattheweaknessoforphans;inthefollowingverseinBU, theauthorseeminglyasksthereadertoseehowthemerchants’crueltyassaults the disadvantaged. The problem is that the lexeme of BU’s verse twelve,

18

Regardingthefifteenthcenturydefinitearticleas“e,”seeBrunoMigliorini,Storiadellalingua italiana (Florence: Sansoni, 1963), 288. Regarding the lexeme “trecca,” see Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca, vol. 6 (Verona: Dalla stamperìa di Dionigi Ramanzini, 1806), 530. Regardingthelexeme“propio,”seeVocabolariodegliAccademicidellaCrusca,vol.5(Verona:Dalla stamperìadiDionigiRamanzini,1806),233.

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“orfaneo,”apparentlyanadjectiverelatedto“orfano,”isunattestedanywhereelse intheItalianlanguage.19SotootheterminFI,“fanco,”meansnothing.20Ofthe threeversions,only“franco”inMGrepresentsagenuineItalianlexeme;sadly, “franco”(“frank”)makeslittlesenseinthegreatercontextoftheverse.Yetthe problematic verse also suggests the relationships between the three versions. PerhapsthescribesofFI,orthoseofitssources,garbledanotherterminto“fanco.” ThescribesofMIandBUattemptedtocorrect“fanco”intomorerecognizable words.21Putsimply,alongwiththevariationsintheotherlines,thetwelfthverse demonstratesthatMGandBUarebothderived,whetherdirectlyorindirectly, fromFI. HavingthusestablishedFIasthebestversion,thesonnetcannowbepresented. In the lectio that follows, I have retained most of the spellings from FI. I have merelyaddedpunctuationandseparatedwordswhereappropriate.Thesonnet reads: Sonetto si dicie aver fatto un battjlana contro a ma’ paghamenti. Fanno oggi j merchatantidelleloromanjfature,1457 EmerchatantidellamiaFiorenza sonfattichuochi,treche,etchalzolai, panattierj,vinattierietmugnai: chosjCristonespenghalasemenza! Propiodellupoèlalorochoscienza che.ll’altrujstimanpochoe‘lloroassai, etmeritochedannoa’mercienai perpaghamento—abjatepazienza! ODio,chomesostientutantomale? Ov’èlatuapotenzaettuofurore? Àlagiustiziatuasìrottel’ale? Porgigliorechiallorfanco[sic]languore: vedjlacrudeltàquant’ellasale: mortaèlafedetuaetogngjamore etdunque,obuonSignore,

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SeetheLessicoUniversaleItaliano,vol.15(Rome:IstitutodellaEnciclopediaItaliana,1975),450.See also the Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca, vol. 4 (Verona: Dalla stamperìa di Dionigi Ramanzini,1806),332.Nosuchtermas“orfaneo”appearstherein. SeetheLessicoUniversaleItaliano,vol.7(Rome:IstitutodellaEnciclopediaItaliana,1975),458.See also the Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca, vol. 3 (Verona: Dalla stamperìa di Dionigi Ramanzini,1806),72.Nosuchtermas“fanco”appearstherein. Iwillnotconjectureastowhattheoriginaltermmighthavebeen.Giventhesimilaritybetween “f”and“s”inthefifteenthcenturyhand,wasitperhaps“stanco”(“tired”)?Orwasitperhapsan oddspellingfor“fango”(“mud”)?Theproblemis,like“franco,”“stanco”and“fango”makelittle senseinthecontextoftheverse.

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FabianAlfie fapioverea.tterrestratantimorbj che.llalorosepolturasjanojchorbj. [Sonnetsaidtohavebeenmadebyawoolbeateragainstevilpayments.Todaythe merchantsmakethereceiptsthemselveswiththeirownhands,1457 ThemerchantsofmyFlorence aremadefromcooks,peddlers,andcobblers, bakers,vintnersandmillers: thusmayChristextinguishtheirseed! Theirconscienceislikethewolves’, fortheyvaluethepropertyofothersverylittle,their ownpropertymuch; andtheinteresttheygivetomercenarypeople22 aspayment—havepatience! OhGod,howdoYouenduresuchevil? WhereisYourpowerandYourfury? DoesYourjusticehavebrokenwings? TurnYourearsto[allorfanco]weakness; seehowmuchtheircrueltyincreases; faithinYouisdead,asisalllove. Therefore,ohGoodLord, makesomanyplaguesrainonthisEarth thatcrowswillbetheirtombs!]

Beforebeginningtheanalysisofthesonnet,commentshouldfirstbemadeabout thepurportedauthorofthework.Traditionally,Florence’swealthderivedfrom the wool industry,23 although the economy had certainly diversified by the fifteenthcentury.Still,thewoolworkerswerelegallyconsideredamongthelowest ranksoftheurbanpopulation,eventhougheconomicallyspeakinganumberof themhadattainedalevelonaparwithothershopkeepers.24Inaddition,in1457 thementionofawoolbeatercertainlyevokedmemoriesofthepopularuprising oftheFlorentine“ciompi”in1378.Atthattime,thewoolworkers,alongwiththe otherlaborers,revoltedinresponsetotheirpoorwagesandtheabusesofthe

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InRenaissanceItalian,“mercennaio”meant“mercenary”initsetymologicalsenseasaperson whobehavesimmorallyinpursuitofmoney.Itdidnotmean“mercenary”asinasoldierofhire. SeeVocabolariodegliAccademicidellaCrusca,vol.4(Verona:DallastamperìadiDionigiRamanzini, 1806),167.TheEnglishadjective“mercenary”canmeantheformer,butinordertodistinguish itfromthelatterdenotationIrenderedtheverseas“themercenarypeople.” ErnestoSestan,“IlcomunefiorentinonelDuecento,”Italiamedievale(Naples:Edizioniscientifiche italiane1968),224–49;here227.SeealsothecontributiontothisvolumebyLiaB.Ross. GeneA.Brucker,“TheCiompiRevolution,”FlorentineStudies:PoliticsandSocietyinRenaissance Florence,ed.NicolaiRubinstein(London:FaberandFaber,1968),314–56;here,319.Forurban revoltsinthelateMiddleAges,seealsoLiaR.Ross’scontributiontothisvolume.

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magnates.25Salvestrode’Medici,ancestortoCosimo,exploitedthesituationofthe 1370stochallengetheoligarchyinthecitygovernment,andtheeventualfailure ofthe“ciompi”regimeledtohispoliticaldemise;fordecadesthereafter,thename of the Medici was associated with the party of the people.26 Assuming the ascriptionisnotpseudonymous,thewoolbeater,likethepoetbarberBurchiello, foregroundshissocialclassasacommonurbanlaborer. Whateverthebiographicalstatusofthesonnet’sauthormighthavebeen,heor she clearly possessed knowledge of Florentine literature. After all, the two manuscriptsarededicatedtothepoetryoftheburchiellisti,agrouptowhichthe woolbeaterbelonged.Inkeepingwiththesonnet’sderisivesubjectmatter,the poetemploysarecognizablysatiricstyle.Theauthorcreatesaharshsoundinthe sonnet, emphasizing voiceless stops (e.g., chuochi, treche, et chalzolai,” 2), and geminateconsonants(e.g.,“panattierj,vinattierietmugnai,”3).Thewoolbeater constructsconsonantalrhymes(A:ENZA,E:ORBI)andacomplexvocalicB rhyme(AI).Theseareallphonologicaltraitsthatdiminishthemelodiousnessof theverses.Furthermore,inthesonnet’squatrainsthewriteroscillatesbetween traditionalhendecasyllable(1,4,5,8)andatruncatedtensyllabicverse(2,3,6,7). Thepoet,therefore,understoodtheexpectationsoffifteenthcenturyderogatory verseandcomposedthelyricaccordingly. Thesubjectmattertoodemonstratestheauthor’sknowledgeofItalianpoetry. Thesonnetisbaseduponatraditionalliterarytopos,thecomplaintagainstthe merchants.InItalyandthroughoutEurope,astheMiddleAgescametoaclose, thetraditionalnegativestereotypesofthethirdestatenowfelluponthemercantile classes.27Forexample,thethirteenthcenturySienesepoetBindoBonichisatirizes

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Forotheroverviewsoftherevoltofthe“Ciompi,” seeGeneA.Brucker,“TheDemise of the Regime,”FlorentinePoliticsandSociety1343–1378(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1962), 336–96;GeneBrucker,“CorporateValuesandtheAristocraticEthosofTrecentoFlorence,”The CivicWorldofEarlyRenaissanceFlorence(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1977),14–59;and SamuelK.CohnJr.,trans.“TheRevoltoftheCiompi,1378–1382,”PopularProtestinLateMedieval Europe:Italy,France,andFlanders,selected,trans.andannotatedid.ManchesterMedievalSources Series(ManchesterandNewYork:ManchesterUniversityPress,2004),201–60. GeneA.Brucker,“TheDemiseoftheRegime,”FlorentinePoliticsandSociety1348–1378(Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress,1962),363–64;seealsoChristopherHibbert,TheHouseofMedici:Its RiseandFall(1974;NewYork:PerennialPress,1980),31. ForanItalianperspective,seePhilipJones,TheItalianCityState:FromCommunetoSignoria(Oxford and New York: Clarendon Press, 1997), 325. For a broader European perspective, see Johan Huizinga,TheAutumnoftheMiddleAges,trans.,RodneyJ.PaytonandUlrichMammitzsch(1919; Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1996),63–64.Oneexampleofthetraditionalslanderofthe thirdestate—inthiscase,thepeasantry—isthepoemDenaturarusticorum,foundinthesixteenth centurycodexMarcianoI,66.Onestanzaofthepoemsufficestoillustratethedenigrationofthe peasants:“Rusticanisuntfallaces,/suntimmundi,suntmendaces,/etincunctiscontumaces/et invitiispertinaces:/adsithispenuria!”(56–60).ThepoemDenaturarusticorumiscitedfrom FrancescoNovati,CarminaMediiAevii(Florence:allaLibreriaDante,1883).CarmeloPreviteraalso

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themerchantsinhissonnets,inoneinstanceclaimingthattheassesoftheworld arethemselvestraders(“Gliasindelmondosonoimercatanti”).28Perhapsthe mostfamousauthorofItalytoupbraidthemerchantswasDante,whoconsidered themaspeasantupstartsinarefinedurbanenvironment(e.g.,InfernoXVI,73–75). Clearly,thewoolbeatertreatsthefifteenthcenturytradersinasimilarmannerin theopeningquatrainofthepoem. Theauthorupdatestheliterarytropetoanurbanenvironment,equatingthe vendorsnotwiththeruralpeasantrybutwiththemanuallaborersofthecity. Indeed,thesonneteerdoesnotproclaimthattheyareequivalenttotheworkers,but insteadthattheyareenrichedlaborers(2–3).Inthisrespect,thewoolbeatermakes ahistoricallyaccuratestatement.ForcenturiesFlorencewasdominatedbythe wealthyurbanmerchants,manyofwhomwereofnonnoblestatus,buttheyco mingledwiththearistocracyandtookonthetrappingsofnobility.29Increasingly, thismixedmercantileclasswasthedrivingforcebehindthehistoricalandcultural developments.30Hence,thelyriccommentsonthesocioculturalevolutionofthe Republic. Furthermore,itispossiblethatthepoemcanbeinterpretedpolitically.Cosimo de’Medici,whoseownnonnobleoriginswerewellknownandwhointhe1450s reachedalowpointinhisinfluence,championedthenonnobility,atleastasa political tactic. He obliterated the distinction between grandi and popolani, essentiallymakingeveryonepopolani,therebyrestoringtherightsofcitizenshipto the grandi; and then made all popolani dependent on his patronage.31 And, of course,theterm“battilana”evokedmemoriesofCosimo’sancestor,Salvestro,and hisinvolvementwiththe“Ciompi”revolt.Inotherwords,thesonnetmayhave beenreadatthetimeasderisiveofspecificpoliticalactorsinFlorence.Yetifthat wastheintentionofthewoolbeater,thesonnetshowsalmostnotextualtraces directlyconnectingittotheMedici,nortoanyotherpowerfulnonnoblefamily oftheage. ThepoetclosesthefirstquatrainbycallingonGodtoextinguishthemercantile families (4), thus anticipating the violent language of the final verses. In the process, the woolbeater injects into the sonnet an element of the ideology of nobility.Thediscourseoflineage(“semenza”)recallsthebloodlinesoftheancient

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describesthevituperationofthepeasantentitled“DettodelVillano.”SeeCarmeloPrevitera, “Primordidipoesiagiocosa,”Lapoesiagiocosael’umorismo.Storiadeigeneriletterariitaliani,1 (Milan:Vallardi,1939),97–141;here133. Bindo Bonichi is cited from Bindo Bonichi, Rime di Bindo Bonichi da Siena edite ed inedite, ed., FrancescoZambrini(Bologna:Commissioneperitestidilingua,1977). PhilipJones,TheItalianCityState:FromCommunetoSignoria(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1997),318. LuisaAvellini,“Metafora‘regressiva’edegradazionecomicaneisonettidelBurchiello,”Lingua estile8(1973):291–319;here292. K.DorotheaEwart,Cosimode’Medici(1899;PortWashingtonNY:KennikatPress,1970),141–42.

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families and therefore ties in with the literary tradition of antimercantile complaints. Typically, the writers who decried the upstart merchants were themselvesaristocrats,upsetthattheignobletraderswereusurpingtheirroleand power in the society. In the second quatrain, the poet elaborates on this perspectivebyenumeratingthemerchants’moralfailings.Rapaciouslikewolves, theyaregreedyanddisrespectfulofothers(5–6).Theychargeinterest,whichthey givetootheravariciousindividuals(7–8).Intheeighthverse,heusestheterm “mercenary” (“mercenai”), which indicated a person motivated only by base monetaryconsiderations.UnlikethecitiesofNorthernEurope,whichhavebeen describedasislandsofnonfeudalisminaseaoffeudalism,thecommunesofItaly developedaroundtheurbannobility;thereforetheyweresteepedinthementality of the medieval aristocracy.32 Physical labor, trade, greed, and the lending at interestwereallvaluesconsideredantitheticaltotheethosofnobility.33Thepoet recollectsthearistocraticideologytocastthepowerfulsellersnowinchargeof Florenceasunworthyoftheirrankandstatus. In the sextet, the “battilana” changes direction, moving from a thirdperson characterizationofthemerchantstoasecondpersondiscoursewithGod.Thepoet askshowHecanenduretheircruelty(9),andinvokestheLord’sjusticeuponthem (10–11).Inthesecondtercet,thewritercreatesaparallel,callinguponGodfirstto hearoftheiriniquity,andthentoseeHimselfhowtheircrueltyeverincreases (12–13).Thepoet’sstatementinthethirteenthlinethatGodshouldturnHisears tothemerchants’failings—thisis,itwillberecalled,theunresolvedverse—may bebaseduponaproverbialstatementatthetime.Theexpression“themerchant’s ear” (“far orecchio di mercatante”) meant to feign not hearing something.34 It appearsthatGodneedsnottogive“themerchant’sear”tothesocioeconomic situationinFlorence,accordingtotheauthor. Thesonneteerconstructsthepoem’ssextetaroundintertextualreferencesto other literary diatribes. The poet opens the tercets by recollecting Dante’s Commedia.InParadiso21,theblessedsoulofPeterDamianidecriestheexcessesof moderndayprelates,whosesumptuousclothingrequiresfourattendantswhen theyride.Damianithenproclaims:“ohpazïenzachetantosostieni!”(“Opatience, whataheavyloadyoubear!”).35Versessevenandeightoftheanonymoussonnet

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PhilipJones,“Economiaesocietànell’Italiamedievale:laleggendadellaborghesia,”Storiad’Italia: Annali,vol.1,Dalfeudalismoalcapitalismo,ed.,GiulioEinaudi(Turin:Einaudi,1978),185–372;here 197. PhilipJones,TheItalianCityState:FromCommunetoSignoria,199–200. VocabolariodegliAccademicidellaCrusca,vol.4(Verona:DallastamperìadiDionigiRamanzini, 1806)331. Dante’s Paradiso and its translation are cited from Paradiso, ed. and trans. Robert and Jean Hollander(NewYork:Doubleday,2008).Dante’sPurgatorioanditstranslationarecitedfrom RobertM.Durling,ed.andtrans.,TheDivineComedyofDanteAlighieri,vol.2,Purgatorio(Oxford:

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echoDante’sworkratherclosely:“abjatepazienza!/ODio,chomesostientutanto male?”Interestingly,thewoolbeateralsoincludesanotherallusiontoDante’s greatworkinthetwotercets.ThesonneteerevokesDante’sinvectiveinthesixth cantoofPurgatoriobyrequestingthatGodturnHisearstothesituation.Inthat passageDantedecriesthepoliticalsituationinItaly;specifically,hecondemnsthe Emperor’s disregard for the peninsula, which has resulted in civic strife throughoutthecommunes.Atakeyinstance,Dantewrites: Eselicitom’è,osommoGiove chefostiinterapernoicrucifisso, sonligiustiocchituoirrivoltialtrove? Oèpreparazionechenel’abisso deltuoconsigliofaiperalcunbene intuttodel’accorgerscisso?

(118–23)

[Andifitispermittedme,OhighestJove,whowerecrucifiedonearthforus,areyour justeyesturnedelsewhere?Or,isitapreparationthatintheabyssofyourcounselyou aremaking,forsomegoodutterlyseveredfromourperception?]

LikeDante,theauthorofthesonnetwondersaboutGod’sapparentlackofinterest inthecurrentterriblesituation,asifHisattentionweredirectedelsewhere.Butthe woolbeatercallsonGodtohear,ratherthansee,thedepravedconditions. ThetercetsclosewiththestatementthatallfaithinGodandloveofneighbors has died (14). The last verse of the sextet evokes another traditional topos of Tuscancomicverse,thatofdecryingthecorruptedsocialorder.Baseduponthe oldertropeofcontemptusmundi,earlyfourteenthcenturypoetssuchasFolgòreda SanGimignano,PieraccioTedaldi,andDantecomplainedaboutthelossofnoble values,thedestructionofChristianvirtue,andtherejectionofagapeasaresultof theflourishingeconomies.36Indeed,thewoolbeaterseemstoechodeliberatelythe incipitverseofanotherexampleofthatcommonplace,CeccoAngiolieri’s“Egliè sìpocodifedeed’amore”(“Thereissolittlefaithandlove”).Theburchiellista adaptsthetraditionallamenttohisdialoguewithGod,proclaimingthatfaithin

36

OxfordUniversityPress,2003). SeeFolgòredaSanGimignano’ssonnet“Cortesiacortesiacortesiachiamo”inwhichhewrites: “Avarizialegentehapreseal’amo/edognegraziadistruggeeconfonde”(“Thepeoplehave takenthebaitofavarice,anditdestroysandconfusesallgrace,”391).SeealsoPieraccioTedaldi’s sonnet“Elmondovileèoggiatalcondotto.”InPurgatorio,Dantesimilarlywrites:“Lomondoè bencosìtuttodiserto/d’ognevirtutecometumisone,/edimaliziagravidoecoverto”(“The worldissurelybarrenofeveryvirtueasyousay,pregnantwithmaliceandcoveredwithit,”XVI, 58–60).Folgòre,Pieraccio,andCeccoAngiolieriarecitedfromMarioMarti,ed.,Poetigiocosidel tempodiDante(Milan:Rizzoli,1956);thetranslationsofthosethreepoetsaremine.Ofcourse, statementsaboutthedegenerationbroughtaboutbymercantileactivitiesarenotlimitedtoItalian poets,butagainarefoundinsocialcritiquesthroughoutEurope.

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Himhasdied(“lafedetua”).Asbefore,thepoetdemonstratesawarenessofthe Florentineliterarytraditionandcomposesthesonnetinlinewithit. Inkeepingwiththefifteenthcenturypracticesofinsultingpoetry,thewool beaterattachesathreeversecodatotheendofthesonnet.Init,thewriterbegs God to send plagues to Earth so that the bellies of crows might serve as the merchants’cemeteries(15–17).Theviolentlanguageofthecodaitselfrecollects another,unexpectedaspectoftheliterarytradition.Tobesure,violentlanguage doesoccurinsatiricpoetryoftheItalianMiddleAgesandRenaissance,37butitis typicallynotfoundinpolitical38orsocialharangues.39Suchviolentlanguageis absentfrommostantimerchantorantipeasantdiatribes.Itsometimesshowsup ininsultingverseofaninterpersonalnature,butagainitisuncommon.40

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See,forinstance,Dante’sInfernoXXV(10–12),inwhichthepoetaskswhythecityofPistoiadoes notimmolateitselfoutofshameoftheactionsofVanniFucci;seealsoInfernoXXXIII(79–81),in whichhecallsonthemountainsofCapraiaandGorgonatoblockthemouthoftheArnoand therebyfloodPisaforitstreatmentofCountUgolino’ssons.Theviolentlanguageappearsrelated primarilytothemisdeedsoftherespectivecommunes’citizens,andonlymarginallytoasocial orpoliticalagenda. Foranexampleofsuchviolentlanguageinapoliticalinvective,seetheanonymousfourteenth centurysonnet“Natidipescatori,ogentebretta.”WrittenafterVenicedidnotassistFlorencein herwaragainstMastinoIIdellaScalaof1338—assistanceVenicehadpromisedinatreaty—the sonnetproclaims:“Iotifare’parerlamoscaunbaco/edelacarnetuafare’tonnina/edeltuo propiosangueunlargolaco”(“Iwouldmaketheflyseemlikeaworm,andIwouldmakea salamiofyourflesh,andalargelakeofyourblood,”12–14).“Natidipescatori,ogentebretta” is cited from Giuseppe Corsi, ed., Rimatori del Trecento (Torino: UTET, 1969), 936–37; the translationof“Natidipescatori,ogentebretta”ismine. Forexamplesofviolentlanguageinsocialsatires,seetwosonnetsbythefifteenthcenturypoet Francesco Scambrilla. In a complaint against the illliving thieves and gamblers of the Sant’Ambrogioneighborhood,“Chivuoldiladroncelliunachiassata,”hehopesthatthepolitical authoritieswillexecutethemall:“Rettor,fatepensieri,/po’chevivonoalmondocomediavoli, /difarneunapiantatacomecavoli!”(“Rectors,givethought—sincetheylivelikedevilsinthe world—toplanttheminthegroundlikecabbages!”15–17).Inanothersonnet,“Otestebugie,o mercennaisciocchi,”whichdecriesnumerouscategoriesofevildoers,Francescoexpresseshis hopesthattheywillbedestroyed:“Cosìfussivoistrutti,/comepervois’aspetta!”(“Thuswere youdestroyedasyoudeserve,”15–16).Similarly,inthesonnet,“OtrïunfalFiorenza,fattenbella,” AntoniodiMeglioanticipatesFlorence’sdestructionofherpoliticalenemies:“e’tuoiinimici sterminaedirupa”(“exterminateandrootoutyourenemies,”12).FrancescoScambrillaand AntoniodiMeglioarecitedfromAntonioLanza,ed.,Liricitoscanidelquattrocento,vol.2(Roma: Bulzoni,1975);thetranslationsaremine. Forexceptionstothis,seeCeccoAngiolieri’s“Iononvimiroperzar,morditori,”inwhichhe writes:“ma‘lme’ch’i’hoechemigliormipare,/siè‘lvederdivo’checiascunmuore”(“butthe bestthatIcanhave,andthebestthatseemstomeisthatofseeingthatallofyoudie,”12–13).In thefifteenthcentury,seeNiccolòCieco’ssonnet“Oignoranteplebe,oturbastolta,”acomplaint againstgossips,inwhichthepoetwrites:“quandolaboccapermaldireaprite/visielalingua dellastrozzatolta”(“butwhenyouopenyoumouthtospeakill,mayyourtonguebecutout,” 7–8).

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Yetitisextremelycommoninaparticulartoposofinvective,vituperatiovetulae orthederisionofthestereotypedoldwoman.41Afewexampleswillsufficeto demonstrate the connection. In one of the earliest instances of the trope, the thirteenthcenturyBolognesepoetGuidoGuinizzellihopesthatawhirlwindwill carrytheoldwomanoff,orthatheavenwillstrikeherdown,andthenconcludes that the vultures will not devour her because her flesh is too tough.42 The fourteenthcenturyFlorentineauthorFrancoSacchettiportraysabattlebetween thebeautifulladiesandtheuglyoldwomenofFlorence;astheyoungwomen triumph,hedescribesthecarrioneaterspickingovertheremainsofthedefeated.43 Inthefifteenthcentury,RoselloRoselliseemstorewriteGuinizzelli’ssonnet, again calling on heaven to rain misfortunes on the old woman’s head.44 And Burchiellohimselfopensasonnetbyproclaiming:“Mayfireburnyou,smellyold woman!”45Likethepoetsofvituperatiovetulae,thewoolbeaternotonlyprayson Godtodestroythecauseofindignation,buttoutterlyobliteratethemandscatter their remains into the bellies of scavengers. By linking aggressiveness to the

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ThetoposofvituperatiovetulaeisitselfalongstandingtropefoundthroughoutEuropeandnot just in Italy. For an overview of the tradition, see Woman Defamed and Woman Defended: An AnthologyofMedievalTexts,ed.,AlcuinBlamires(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1992).For representativeanalysesofthetradition,particularlyasitrelatestothevernacularliteratures,see GretchenMieszkowski,“OldAgeandMedievalMisogyny:TheOldWoman,”OldAgeinthe Middle Ages and the Renaissance: Interdisciplinary Approaches to a Neglected Topos, ed., Albrecht Classen. Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, 2 (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter,2007),299–319;andid.,MedievalGoBetweensandChaucer’sPandarus(NewYork:Palgrave MacMillan,2006);KarentPratt,“Devetula:TheFigureoftheOldWomaninMedievalFrench Literature,”OldAgeintheMiddleAgesandtheRenaissance,321–42;seealsoSimonettaMazzoni Peruzzi,Medioevofrancesenel“Corbaccio”(Florence:Lelettere,2001). SeeGuidoGuinizzelli,“Volvoltelevi,vecchiarabïosa.”CitedfromGuidoGuinizzelli,Rime, ed.,LucianoRossi(Turin:Einaudi,2002). SeeFrancoSacchetti,LabattagliadellebelledonnediFirenze,ed.SaraEsposito(Rome:Zaulieditore, 1996).TheparticularlanguageusedbySacchettiisworthreading.Hedescribesthesceneatthe endofthebattle:“Nontruovan[lebelledonne]piùlespadecheferire,/edèlaterrapienadi carogne;/quivimoltimoscon’sifansentire,/nibbi,cornacchie,corviegran’cicogne:/chicon budellafugge,anonmentire,/chililormembriportanperlefogne;/iteschiel’ossailupi divoraro,/lemoscheilsanguetuttoconsumaro”(“Thebeautifulwomencannotfindmoreswords tostrikethem,andtheearthisfullofcarrion;here,manyfliesareheard,aswellasbuzzards, ravens, crows and great storks. Some flee with guts, to tell the truth, others carry off their memberstothepits;thewolvesdevouredtheirskullsandbonesandthefliesconsumedalltheir blood,”IV,44,1–8;thetranslationismine). SeeRoselloRoselli,whowrites:“Piovidalcielounacrudeltempesta/sopradite[...]Ogiustizia diDio,vòltatiunpoco/invercostei”(“Mayacruelstormraindownuponyououtofthesky... ODivineJustice,turnalittletowardsher,”1–2,9–10;thetranslationismine).RoselloRoselliis citedfromLiricitoscanidelquattrocento,ed.,AntonioLanza,vol.2(Rome:Bulzoni,1975). Burchiellowrites:“Ardatiilfuoco,vecchiapuzzolente”(1).BurchielloiscitedfromIsonettidel Burchiello, ed., Michelangelo Zaccarello. Collezione di opere inedite o rare, 155 (Bologna: Commissioneperitestidilingua,2000).

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discussionofcarrioneaters,theechoofvituperatiovetulaeisunmistakable.The “battilana”seeminglytransposestheviolentpoeticlanguagefromtheinsultofthe oldwomantothesociopoliticaldenigrationoftheFlorentinemerchants. Analysisofvituperatiovetulaerevealsmorefullythewoolbeater’sintentions. Recently,PatriziaBettellachartedthehistoryoftheinsultingmotif,andillustrated thatinthethirteenthcenturyitwasprimarilyemployedasadissuasioamoris,while inthefourteenththepoetsportrayedtheoldwomanastherepositoryofvice.46 The authors who decried the old woman did not merely engage in an empty literaryexercise,butemployedthetropeasameanstoreprehendsin.Sincethe woolbeater represents the Florentine merchants as similarly corrupt, the recollectionofvituperatiovetulaeisnotunmotivated.Noristhe“battilana”thefirst poettoconflatetheabuseoftheoldwomanwithasociopoliticalmessage.The greatlyricpoet,FrancisPetrarch,inthefirstofhisthreecomplaintsagainstthe PapalCourtinAvignon,personifiesthecityastheWhoreofBabylon,writing: “MayfirefromHeavenraindownonyourtresses,wickedone.”47Inshort,by 1457,thevituperatiovetulaetropedidnotexpressaunivocaldenotation,butcould beusedtoconveymultiplemeanings.Thewoolbeatersimplycooptssomeofits vocabularyincomposingthesociopoliticalsatire. To conclude, if the poet of this sonnet was truly a woolbeater, he or she also possessed intimate knowledge of Florentine literature of the fourteenth and fifteenthcenturies.Thepoemrecollectsother,morenotedexamplesofderogatory versesuchasDante,CeccoAngiolieri,andtheauthorsofthevituperatiovetulae topos. We should also not forget the importance of invective among erudite humanisticwritersaswell.48Butweshouldbecarefulnottointerpretthesonnet

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PatriziaBettella,TheUglyWoman:TransgressiveAestheticModelsinItalianPoetryfromtheMiddle AgestotheBaroque.TorontoItalianStudies(Toronto,Buffalo,andLondon:UniversityofToronto Press,2005),17–66. Petrarchwrites:“FiammadalCielsuletuetrecciepiova.”Asanasidecomment,Icannotbuthelp toseeasimilaritybetweenPetrarch’sincipitverseandGuinizzelli’ssonnet.Yetscholarshiphas yettoassociatetheantiAvignoninvectivewiththevituperatiovetulaetopos.RatherGianfranco ContiniwritesthatPetrarchrefusedorignoredthelessonsoftherealistictradition(“eglirifiuta o piuttosto ignora la tradizione detta realistica”); and Paolo Trovato elaborates on Contini, claimingthatthecomictraditionisfarfromPetrarch’sintentionsandsensibilities(“ilcomicoallo stato puro ripugna alle intenzioni e alle sensibilità petrarchesche”). See Gianfranco Contini, “PreliminarisullalinguadiPetrarca,”Variantiealtralinguistica.Unaraccoltadisaggi(1938–1968) (Turin:Einaudi,1970),169–92;here178.SeealsoPaoloTrovato,DanteinPetrarca.Peruninventario dei dantismi nei “Rerum vulgarium fragmenta.” Biblioteca dell’Archivium Romanicum: Serie 1, Storia, Letteratura, Paleografia, 149 (Florence: L. S. Olschki, 1979), 13. Petrarch’s verse and translationarebothcitedfromRobertM.Durling,trans.anded.,Petrarch’sLyricPoems:TheRime SparseandOtherLyrics(Cambridge,MA,andLondon:HarvardUniversityPress,1996). Forageneraloverviewofinvectivesamongthehumanists,seeEnnioI.Rao,CurmudgeonsinHigh Dudgeon:101YearsofInvectives(1352–1453)(Messina:A.Sfameni,2007).

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as mere rhetoric. Whether inspired or not by specific events or individuals, it clearlycommentsondevelopmentsinFlorentinesocietyinthe1450s. Oneofthemostinterestingaspectsofthesonnethasonlybeenslightlytouched upon, however—its rubric. As mentioned previously, complaints against the merchants were typically composed by members of the nobility. Aristocratic writersofantimercantile verse conflatedthetraderswiththepeasantry,even whenthevendorsoutrankedthemintermsofmoneyandprestige.Thissonnet, on the other hand, is assigned to a woolbeater, a status among the lowest in fifteenthcenturyFlorentinesociety.Thepoetdoesnotdistinguishthemerchants fromhimorherself,asmightanobleman.Onthecontrary,the“battilana”affirms thattheyarenodifferentfromherorhimself(3–4). Readersofthesonnetinthetwentyfirstcentury,seeingitascribedtoawool worker,mightexpectittoexaltthesocioeconomicmobilityinfifteenthcentury Florence; but its author absolutely condemns the upward mobility of the merchants.Instead,thepoetseeminglypositsastaticviewofsocialorganization wherenonnobleworkersshouldremainontheirrespectivelowerlevelswhilethe communityisrunbythoseborntotheupperechelons.Perhapsforthisreasonthe poetincludestracesofaristocraticideologythroughoutthelyric.Incontrasttothe socialandeconomicevolutionoffifteenthcenturyFlorence,thewriterapparently endorsestheconservativepoliticalagendaofrulebythenobility. ThesonnetdemonstratesinnucethattheevolutionoftheEuropeancitiesatthe end of the Middle Ages did not consist of a smooth linear transition. Instead, elementsthroughoutthecultureintheearlyRenaissanceclungtothementality offeudalsocialstructures,eventhoughtheeconomyandsocietyhadrendered suchanorganizationtosocietyasobsolete.

JanHirschbiegelandGabrielZeilinger (ChristianAlbrechtsUniversitätzuKiel)

UrbanSpaceDivided? TheEncounterofCivicandCourtlySpheresin LateMedievalTowns

Studiesexplicitlydealingwiththeencountersbetweencivicandcourtlycultures intheurbanspacesofpremodernEuropewithoutdisplayingtheusualinclination ofseparatingthesetwospheresarescarce.Thislackisasymptomofaperceivable shadow in researchcast both by the Urban History and the Court History communities.Onlyrecentlyhastherebeenatendencytochangeperspectivesand topursueanewparadigmregardingthismatterthatmighteventuallyclosethis gap.Someeffortspointinginthisdirectionhaverecentlybeenorareabouttobe published1aimingatanalyzingthevariousaspectsandformsofcooperation and confrontation between two social systems that were supposedly both heterogenousandantagonistic:thecorporatecommunesvs.thehierarchicalcourt

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See, e.g., Matthias Meinhardt, Dresden im Wandel: Raum und Bevölkerung der Stadt im Residenzbildungsprozeß des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts. Hallische Beiträge zur Geschichte des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit, 3 (Berlin: AkademieVerlag, 2008); and forthcoming: SymbolischeInteraktioninderResidenzstadtdesspätenMittelalters,ed.GerritDeutschländer,Marc vonderHöh,andAndreasRanft;cf.ThomasZotz,“InformelleZusammenhängezwischenHof undStadt,”andStephanMüller,“ImRückenderRepräsentation:EineSkizzezurInformalitätin derhöfischenLiteraturdesMittelaltersamBeispieldes‘GuotenGêrhart’RudolfsvonEms,” InformelleStrukturenbeiHof:DresdenerGesprächeIIIzurTheoriedesHofes,ed.ReinhardtButzand JanHirschbiegel.VitaCurialis,2(BerlinandMünster:LIT,2009),157–68,169–70.Seealsothe introductiontothisvolumebyAlbrechtClassen,notably“TheCityandtheCourtlyWorld,” 33–60. The authors would like to thank cordially Professor Dr. Gerhard Fouquet (Kiel), Dr. Reinhardt Butz (Dresden), Dr. Matthias Steinbink (Munich), Kathrin Zickermann, M.A. (St. Andrews), Prof. Dr. Albrecht Classen (Tucson, AZ), and Prof. Dr. Marilyn Sandidge (Westfield,MA)fortheirvaluableadviceonthispaper.

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society rotating around the prince.2 In light of recent research it is rather questionablestilltoclaimthatcourtandcity,lordshipandcommune,courtlyand civiccultureswereindeedadversarialinnatureandbehavior.Afterall,theroots ofbothsphereslayinthefeudalstructuresoftheEarlyandHighMiddleAges.3 The above observed “shadow” has its origin in the very setup of two well established and prolific fields of research: The historical as well as the interdisciplinary analysis of urban settlements and urban landscapes (“Städte landschaften”),forinstanceintheHolyRomanEmpire,hasalongtraditionwith numerous “classics”4 and an abundance of current research,5  in many cases

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This is the way Andreas Ranft, “Adel, Hof und Residenz im späten Mittelalter,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte89(2007):69–81,hasphraseditinaprogrammaticlayoutforconvergingthetwo spheres. See,e.g.,FranzIrsigler,“ZurwirtschaftlichenBedeutungderfrühenGrundherrschaft,”Strukturen undWandlungenderländlichenHerrschaftsformenvom10.zum13.Jahrhundert:DeutschlandundItalien im Vergleich, ed. Gerhard Dilcher and Cinzio Violante. Schriften des ItalienischDeutschen HistorischenInstitutsinTrient,14(Berlin:Duncker&Humblot,2000),165–87;Grundherrschaftund Stadtentstehung am Niederrhein. Referate der 6. NiederrheinTagung des Arbeitskreises niederrheinischer Kommunalarchive für Regionalgeschichte, ed. Klaus Flink and Wilhelm Janssen.KleverArchiv,9(Kleve:Stadtarchiv,1989);Burgen,Märkte,kleineStädte:Mittelalterliche Herrschaftsbildung am südlichen Oberrhein, ed. Ursula Huggle and Thomas Zotz. Das Markgräflerland,2(Schopfheim:GeschichtsvereinMarkgräflerland,2003). See,forinstance,EdithEnnen,FrühgeschichtedereuropäischenStadt(Bonn:Röhrscheid,1953);Hans Planitz, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter: Von der Römerzeit bis zu den Zunftkämpfen (Graz and Cologne: Böhlau, 1954); Edith Ennen, Die europäische Stadt des Mittelalters (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1972);EberhardIsenmann,DiedeutscheStadtimMittelalter1250–1500: Stadtgestalt,Recht,Stadtregiment,Kirche,Gesellschaft,Wirtschaft(Stuttgart:Ulmer,1988);focusing on Northwestern Europe: The Cambridge Urban History of Britain. Vol. 1: 600–1540, ed. David MichaelPallister(CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2000);DavidNicholas, TheGrowthoftheMedievalCityandTheLaterMedievalCity.AHistoryofUrbanSocietyinEurope (LondonandNewYork:Longman,1997). Forashortlistofrecentpublications,see:VielerleiStädte:DerStadtbegriff,ed.PeterJohanekand FranzJosephPost.Städteforschung.ReiheA:Darstellungen,61(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna: Böhlau, 2004); Städtelandschaft—Städtenetz—zentralörtliches Gefüge: Ansätze und Befunde zur GeschichtederStädteimhohenundspätenMittelalter,ed.MonikaEscher,AlfredHaverkamp,and FrankG.Hirschmann.TriererhistorischeForschungen,43(Mainz:Zabern,2000);Städtelandschaft: StädteimregionalenKontextinSpätmittelalterundFrüherNeuzeit=Réseauurbain=Urbannetwork,ed. Holger Th. Gräf, and Katrin Keller. Städteforschung. Reihe A: Darstellungen, 62 (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2004); Die urbanen Zentren des hohen und späteren Mittelalters: Vergleichende Untersuchungen zu Städten und Städtelandschaften im Westen des Reiches und in Ostfrankreich, 3 vol., ed. Monika Escher and Frank G. Hirschmann. Trierer Historische Forschungen,50/1–3(Trier:Kliomedia,2005).Cf.GabrielZeilinger,“DasNetzwirddichter:Neue ForschungenzualteuropäischenStädtelandschaften,”JahrbuchfürRegionalgeschichte25(2007): 89–99.Forthespatialconcept,see,e.g.,LandschaftenimMittelalter,ed.KarlHeinzSpieß(Stuttgart: Steiner,2006).

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developed at the “Institut für vergleichende Städtegeschichte” in Münster.6 In recent times research especially on the Urban History of Western and Central Europe has increasingly turned its attention to the processes of premodern urbanizationfromtheperspectiveofSocialHistory.7Inthecourseofthisresearch it has become even more evident that it was the small or even minimal towns8—among those quite a few with princely residences9—which were formativefortheurbanstructureof,forexample,theHolyRomanEmpire.The relativelyautonomousimperialcitieswerecomparativelybiginsize,butfewin numbers.10Yettheyhavedominatedtheresearchfocusformanydecades,even

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Cf.theInstitute’sinternetpresentation: http://www.unimuenster.de/Staedtegeschichte/Publikationen.shtml,andtheassociated“Inter nationalCommissionfortheHistoryofTowns”athttp://www.historiaurbium.org/(bothlast accessedonApril6,2009). See,amongothers:MonikaEscherApsner,StadtundStift:StudienzurGeschichteMünstermaifelds imhohenundspäterenMittelalter.TriererHistorischeForschungen,53(Trier:Kliomedia,2004); Bernhard Brenner, Ludwig der Bayer—ein Motor für die Urbanisierung Ostschwabens? Zu den AuswirkungenherrscherlicherStädtepolitikaufdieEntwicklungderschwäbischenStädtelandschaftim ausgehendenMittelalter.MaterialienzurGeschichtedesBayerischenSchwaben,27(Augsburg: Wißner,2005);DieUrbanisierungEuropasvonderAntikebisindieModerne,ed.GerhardFouquet andGabrielZeilinger.KielerWerkstücke.ReiheE:BeiträgezurWirtschaftsundSozialgeschichte, 7(Frankfurta.M.,Berlin,etal.:PeterLang,2009). See,e.g.,MartinaStercken,StädtederHerrschaft:KleinstadtgeneseimhabsburgischenHerrschaftsraum des13.und14.Jahrhunderts.Städteforschung.ReiheA:Darstellungen,68(Cologne,Weimar,and Vienna:Böhlau,2006);KatrinKeller,KleinstädteinKursachsen.WandlungeneinerStädtelandschaft zwischenDreißigjährigemKriegundIndustrialisierung.Städteforschung.ReiheA:Darstellungen,55 (Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2001);OliverAuge,“StadtwerdunginTirol:Ansätze, Ergebnisse und Perspektiven vergleichender Stadtgeschichtsforschung,” König, Kirche, Adel—HerrschaftsstrukturenimmittlerenAlpenraumundangrenzendenGebieten(6.–13.Jahrhundert), ed.RainerLooseandSönkeLorenz(Lana:Tappeiner,1999),307–64;KleineStädteimneuzeitlichen Europa,ed.HolgerTh.Gräf.Innovationen,6(Berlin:BerlinVerlagSpitz,1997).Pathbreakingin modernresearchofsmalltownsoftheGermanSouthwest:GerhardFouquet,“Stadt,Herrschaft undTerritorium:RitterschaftlicheKleinstädteamBeispielSüdwestdeutschlandsanderWende vomMittelalterzurNeuzeit,”ZeitschriftzurGeschichtedesOberrheins41(1993):70–120. Seethecompilationofthistypeoftownsbetween 1200until1650in:HöfeundResidenzenim spätmittelalterlichen Reich: Ein dynastischtopographisches Handbuch, ed. Werner Paravicini, assembled by Jan Hirschbiegel and Jörg Wettlaufer, 1: Dynastien und Höfe. 2: Residenzen. Residenzenforschung,15,I,1–2(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2003),especiallyvol.2. See the cities within the “Reichsmatrikel” (Imperial Register), e.g., of 1521, numbering 85: “Übersicht über die Reichsstände: I. Die Reichsstände nach der Matrikel von 1521 mit vergleichendenAngabennachderMatrikelvon1755,”ed.GerhardOestreich andE.Holzer. HandbuchderdeutschenGeschichte,ed.HerbertGrundmann(orig.ed.byGebhardt),vol.2:Vonder ReformationbiszumEndedesAbsolutismus,bearbeitetvonMaxBraubach,WaltherPeterFuchs, Gerhard Oestreich, Walter Schlesinger, Wilhelm Treue, Friedrich Uhlhorn, and Ernst Walter Zeeden,9th,newlyarrangededition(Stuttgart:KlettCotta,1970),769–84;QuellenzumVerfas sungsorganismus des Heiligen römischen Reiches deutscher Nation: 1495–1815, ed. Hanns Hubert Hofmann. Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte der Neuzeit, 13 (Darmstadt: WissenschaftlicheBuchgesellschaft,1976),fortheImperialEstates,seeXVIII–XXIIand40–51:“Die

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beingconsideredtheparadigmforthemedievalandearlymoderncity.11Onthe other hand, researchers on courts and residences of the Ancien Régime have certainlyexaminedurbanstructuresaroundroyalorprincelyresidences—notably those scholars affiliated with the “ResidenzenKommission” of the Göttingen AcademyofSciencescoveredrelatedtopics.12Butfromthatpointofviewtowns wereofteninterpretedmainlyasthemerelocationoftheformationofprincely residences13astheyemergedaround1500;ortheywerelookedatasauxiliary

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‘allzeitneuesteMatrikel’von1521.”Thefeasiblescopeofpoliticalactionforimperialcitiesis describedbyGerhardFouquet,“LübeckalsReichsstadt—dieZeitFriedrichsIII.,”VonMenschen, Ländern, Meeren: Festschrift für Thomas Riis zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Gerhard Fouquet, Mareike Hansen,CarstenJahnke,andJanSchlürmann(Tönning:DerAndereVerlag,2006),277–305. Cf., for instance, Felicitas Schmieder, Die mittelalterliche Stadt (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2005); notably 86–96, once more underestimating the small towns. Counterpoints—andsplendidsurveysofthesubject—aregivenbyTomScott,SocietyandEconomy inGermany1300–1600.EuropeanStudiesSeries(Basingstoke,Hampshire,andNewYork:Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 32–37, 132–52 et passim; and Ulf Dirlmeier, Gerhard Fouquet, and Bernd Fuhrmann,EuropaimSpätmittelalter1215–1378.OldenbourgGrundrissderGeschichte,8(Munich: Oldenbourg,2003),inparticular68–77. See http://resikom.adwgoettingen.gwdg.de/index.php (last accessed on April 6th 2009). An outline of the research on the Court History of the Holy Roman Empire is offered by Jan Hirschbiegel,“FürstlicheHöfeundResidenzenimspätmittelalterlichenReich:EinProjektder ResidenzenKommission der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen,” Jahrbuch der historischenForschunginderBundesrepublikDeutschland:Berichtsjahr2001,ed.Arbeitsgemeinschaft außeruniversitärer historischer Forschungseinrichtungen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Munich:Oldenbourg,2002),15–23;WernerParavicini,“LesCoursetlesrésidencesduMoyen Âgetardif:UnQuartdesièclederecherchesallemandes,”LesTendancesactuellesdel’histoiredu MoyenÂgeenFranceetenAllemagne:ActesdescolloquesdeSèvres(1997)etGöttingen(1998),ed.Jean ClaudeSchmittandOttoGerhardOexle.Histoireancienneetmédiévale,66(Paris:Publications delaSorbonne,2002),327–50;PierreMonnet,“Coursetrésidencesdansl’EmpireetenEurope: unecommission,descolloques,despublications,”Bulletind’informationdelaMissionHistorique FrançaiseenAllemagne41(2005):167–73;JanHirschbiegel,DieResidenzenKommissionderAkademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, http://www.histosem.uni kiel.de/Lehrstuehle/wirtschaft/VorstellungResiKom2006AKTUELL.pdf[lastaccessedonApril6, 2009).EvenmorerecentandprogrammaticnotonlybytitleisAndreasBihrer,“Curianonsufficit: Vergangene,aktuelleundzukünftigeWegederErforschungvonHöfenimMittelalterundinder FrühenNeuzeit,”ZeitschriftfürhistorischeForschung35(2008):237–72;GerhardFouquet,“Stadt und Residenz im 12.–16. Jahrhundert—ein Widerspruch?,” Stadt, Handwerk, Armut: Eine kommentierteQuellensammlungzurGeschichtederFrühenNeuzeit:HelmutBräuerzum70.Geburtstag zugeeignet,ed.KatrinKeller,GabrieleViertel,andGeraldDiesener(Leipzig:Universitätsverlag, 2008),164–85;Werner Paravicini,“DieGesellschaft,derOrt,dieZeichen:AusderArbeitder ResidenzenKommissionderAkademiederWissenschaftenzuGöttingen,”Spätmittelalterliche ResidenzbildungingeistlichenTerritorienMittelundNordostdeutschlands,ed.KlausNeitmannand HeinzDieterHeimann(Berlin:LukasVerlag,2009),15–40. Hans Patze, “Die Bildung der landesherrlichen Residenzen im Reich während des 14. Jahrhunderts,”StadtundStadtherrim14.Jahrhundert:EntwicklungenundFunktionen,ed.Wilhelm Rausch.BeiträgezurGeschichtederStädteMitteleuropas,2(Linz:ÖsterreichischerArbeitskreis fürStadtgeschichtsforschung,1972),1–54.Anexcellentcasestudyispresented,e.g.,byJohannes Kolb, Heidelberg: Die Entstehung einer landesherrlichen Residenz im 14. Jahrhundert. Residenzen

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institutions for appraising and supplying the adjacent court, not as social and politicalentitiesontheirown.14Itisthisshiftoftheparadigmtowardamoretown oriented perspective that we would like to focus on by way of combining the researchonUrbanandCourtHistoryonanequalfooting.15Sofarthereseemsto benosustainablejunctureofthetwoonaninstitutionallevel.Thus,theabove mentionedsupposedantagonismsofthetwospheresappeartopersistevenin today’sresearch—inspiteoftheclaimstoconsidernotonlydistinctivebutalso integrativeaspectsofcityandcourt.16Inthecourseofthispapertheinterchange betweencityandcourtwillbedemonstratedinanexemplaryfashion.Festivities ashighlycondensedcommunicativeevents—withtherespectivehistoriographical tradition—areparticularlyusefulforthispurpose.Byconcentratingonthesocial implicationsofsymbolicactionsdisplayedduringpremodernfestivals,onemay stillcaptureoratleastsensesomeoftheeconomic,political,religious,culturaland even legal aspects.17 Festivals are determined by community, occasion, and appearance18aswellasbytheirdeliberateinterruptionofeverydaylife.19They

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forschung,8(Sigmaringen:Thorbecke,1999). AccordinglyBihrer,“Curianonsufficit,”271,whoisurgingtoconsidertheexternalcontextsand referencesofthepremoderncourtsmoreintensely:“DieKonzentrationderForschungalleinauf denHof[...]solltederVergangenheitangehören,[...]dasForschungsfeldmußeineAusweitung erfahren[umdie]KontakteundBezügederHöfenachaußen.Die[...]ErforschungvonHöfen mußkontextualisiertwerden.[...]Esgilt,dieHöfeineinemSpannungsfeldmitihrenäußeren Bezügenzusehen.”Yet,WernerParavicini,“VomsozialenzumrealenRaum:HofundResidenz inAlteuropa.VortragderöffentlichenSitzungam12.Dezember2003,”JahrbuchderAkademieder WissenschaftenzuGöttingen2003(2004):128–45,hasobserved—oncemorelookingfromthecourt tothetown—anaristocraticalignmentoftheurbanspacethatisbothinterferingwithandgoing beyondthetownwalls(“indieStadteingreifendeundübersiehinausgreifendeOrdnungdes realenRaumes,”139).Fouquet,“StadtundResidenz,”emphasizestheimportanceofsmalltowns withprincelyresidencesbothforurbanhistoryandcourthistory. SeethepreliminarystepsinthatdirectionbyPeterJohanek,“ResidenzbildungundStadtbei geistlichenundweltlichenFürstenimNordwestenDeutschlands,”HistoriaUrbana5(1997,publ. 2000): 91–108; and the volumes: Ein zweigeteilter Ort? Hof und Stadt in der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. SusanneC.PilsandJanPaulNiederkorn.ForschungenundBeiträgezurWienerStadtgeschichte, 44(Innsbruck,Vienna,andBozen:StudienVerlag,2005);andDerHofunddieStadt.Konfrontation, KoexistenzundIntegrationinSpätmittelalterundFrüherNeuzeit,ed.WernerParaviciniandJörg Wettlaufer.Residenzenforschung,20(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2006). ComparetheprecedingnotesandUlrichRosseaux,“DasVogelschießenunddieVogelwiesein Dresden: Ständetranszendenz und gesellschaftliche Integration in einer frühneuzeitlichen Residenzstadt,”StadtgemeindeundStändegesellschaft:FormenderIntegrationundDistinktioninder frühneuzeitlichen Stadt, ed. Patrick Schmidt and Horst Carl. Geschichte, Forschung und Wissenschaft,2(Berlin,Münster:LIT,2007),56–71;especially58. Forfifteenthcenturycourtfestivals,seeGabrielZeilinger,DieUracherHochzeit1474:Formund FunktioneineshöfischenFestesim15.Jahrhundert.KielerWerkstücke.ReiheE:BeiträgezurSozial undWirtschaftsgeschichte,2(Frankfurta.M.,Berlin,etal.:PeterLang,2003). LarsDeile,“Feste—eineDefinition,”DasFest:BeiträgezuseinerTheorieundSystematik,ed.Michael Maurer(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2004),1–17;here9.Foranoutlineontheresearch tradition, see Michael Maurer, “Feste und Feiern als historischer Forschungsgegenstand,”

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offerarhythmicstructurewithintimebytheirveryoccurrenceand/orbytheir festivestructure.20Thisappliesalsotomedievalfestivalsthatwerespecifically organized to provide identity and a forum for integration—at least for the participants21—andwhichwerecharacterizedbya(partially)publicdimension22 offeringanexampleofsymboliccommunication.23Inrecenttimesmedievalists haveintenselyworkedonthesubjectoffestivalsinhistory24andinparticularon court festivals.25 Yet Gert Melville’s statement of 1997 still holds true that a fundamentalanalysisoflatemedievalcourtfestivalsisadesideratum,26although variousstudieshavebeenpresented.27Thesameobservationcanbemadeforcivic

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HistorischeZeitschrift253(1991):101–30. MichaelMaurer,“ProlegomenazueinerTheoriedesFestes,”DasFest,ed.Maurer,19–54;here 23–26. Maurer,“Prolegomena,”26–31. See, e.g., Peter Johanek, “Fest und Integration,” Feste und Feiern im Mittelalter, ed. Detlef Altenburg,JörgJarnut,andHansHugoSteinhoff(Sigmaringen:Thorbecke,1991),525–40. Ontheproblemofthe‘public’intheMiddleAges,seePetervonMoos,‘Öffentlich’und‘privat’im Mittelalter: Zu einem Problem historischer Begriffsbildung, vorgetragen am 22.6.1996 (Heidelberg: Winter,2004).Cf.AlfredHaverkamp,“...andiegroßeGlockehängen:ÜberÖffentlichkeitim Mittelalter,”JahrbuchdesHistorischenKollegs1995(1996):71–112. Barbara StollbergRilinger, “Symbolische Kommunikation in der Vormoderne: Begriffe— Forschungsperspektiven—Thesen,”ZeitschriftfürhistorischeForschung31(2004):489–527;and earlierWilliamRoosen,“EarlyModernDiplomaticCeremonial:ASystemsApproach,”Journal of Modern History 52 (1980): 452–76. Cf. André Krischer, Reichsstädte in der Fürstengesellschaft: PolitischerZeichengebrauchinderFrühenNeuzeit.SymbolischeKommunikationinderVormoderne. StudienzurGeschichte,LiteraturundKunst(Darmstadt:WissenschaftlicheBuchgesellschaft, 2006),substantiatingthattheadaptionofthesemioticandsymbolicconductofemperorsand princesbytheurbanelitesoftheimperialcities was thebasisfortheirculturalandpolitical participation. See,e.g.,FesteundFeiernimMittelalter,andJacquesHeers,VomMummenschanzzumMachttheater: EuropäischeFestkulturimMittelalter.Transl.byGreteOsterwald(Frankfurta.M.:Fischer,1986); ChristianRohr,FestkulturdesMittelalters(Graz:AkademischeDruckundVerlagsanstalt,2002). GerhardFouquet,HarmvonSeggern,GabrielZeilinger,“HöfischeFesteimSpätmittelalter:Eine Einleitung,”HöfischeFesteimSpätmittelalter,ed.GerhardFouquet,HarmvonSeggern,andGabriel Zeilinger.MitteilungenderResidenzenKommission.Sonderheft6(Kiel:Vervielfältigungsstelle derChristianAlbrechtsUniversitätzuKiel,2003),9–18,includingadetailedresearchreview. Gert Melville, “Rituelle Ostentation und pragmatische Inquisition: Zur Institutionalität des OrdensvomGoldenenVließ,”ImSpannungsfeldvonRechtundRitual:SozialeKommunikationin MittelalterundFrüherNeuzeit,ed.HeinzDuchhardtandGertMelville(Cologne,Weimar,and Vienna: Böhlau, 1997), 215–71; here 238, note 78. Cf. Jörg Jochen Berns, “Die Festkultur der deutschen Höfe zwischen 1580 und 1730: Eine Problemskizze in typologischer Ansicht,” GermanischRomanischeMonatsschrift34(1984):295–311;here295.Healsoobservesthisdeficiency inresearch. See note25andrecentlyMichailA.Bojcov,“HöfischeFesteundihrSchrifttum:Ordnungen, Berichte,Korrespondenzen,”HöfeundResidenzenimspätmittelalterlichenReich:HofundSchrift,ed. WernerParavicini,assembledbyJanHirschbiegelandJörgWettlaufer.Residenzenforschung,15, III(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2007),179–84,especiallythebibliography183–84.

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festivalsofthatperiod,28whilemanycasestudieshavebeenproducedonthat matter as well.29Bridging those thematic fields are the works on monarchs’ meetings,30andcoronationswithincities.31 Theprospectsoftheoutlinedintegrativeanalysisofthetwospheresofcityand court,ofcommuneandlordshipintheLateMiddleAgeswillbedemonstratedin thefollowingfocusingononeofthemegaeventsoffifteenthcenturyEurope:the Council of Constance, 1414–1418. By looking closely at the proceedings of the festiveroyalentryintothecity—accordingtocontemporarytradition—wewant toobservetheconvergenceofthecourtlyandthecivicspheresintheurbanspace32 ofacitythatwasinsomewaysbothanepiscopalresidenceandanimperialcity.33 WhenKingSigismundenteredConstanceonChristmasEvein1414,ithappened indeedwithinafestiveframeculminatinginaholymassatthecathedral.The reportbythelocalchroniclerUlrichRichentalisnottheonlyone,butcertainlythe

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Rohr,Festkultur,62–63,coversonlythosetwopagesoncitiesandfestival.Anoverviewisoffered byLudwigSchmugge,“Festefeiernwiesiefallen—DasFestalsLebensrhythmusimMittelalter,” StadtundFest:ZuGeschichteundGegenwarteuropäischerFestkultur:FestschriftderPhilosophischen Fakultät I der Universität Zürich zum 2000JahrJubiläum der Stadt Zürich, ed. Paul Hugger in collaborationwithWalterBurkertandErnstLichtenhahn(Unterägeri:W&HVerlag,1987),61–87. Cf. for the earlymodern history, see RuthE. Mohrmann, “Fest und Alltag in der Frühen Neuzeit—RitualealsOrdnungsundHandlungsmuster,”NiedersächischesJahrbuchfürLandes geschichte72(2000):1–10;here6. For a selection, see Juliane Kümmel, “Alltag und Festtag spätmittelalterlicher Handwerker,” Mentalität und Alltag im Spätmittelalter, ed. Cord Meckseper and Elisabeth Schraut. Kleine VandenhoeckReihe,1511(Göttingen:Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1985),76–96;KlausTenfelde, “Die fürstliche Einholung als städtisches Fest,” Stadt und Fest, 45–87; Thomas Zotz, “Die StadtgesellschaftundihreFeste,”FesteundFeiernimMittelalter,201–13;GerhardFouquet,“Das FestmahlindenoberdeutschenStädtendesSpätmittelalters:ZuForm,FunktionundBedeutung des öffentlichen Konsums,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 74 (1992): 83–123; City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe, ed. Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson. Medieval Studies at Minnesota,6(MinneapolisandLondon:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1994). See,e.g.,GeraldSchwedler,HerrschertreffendesSpätmittelalters:Formen–Rituale–Wirkungen. MittelalterForschungen,21(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2008). See,e.g.,Krönungen:KönigeinAachen—GeschichteundMythos.Ausstellungskatalog,ed.Mario Kramp,2vols.(Mainz:PhilippvonZabern,2000). Hereinabroadersenseof“spatialturn,”cf.,amongothers,DorisBachmannMedick,“Spatial Turn,”DorisBachmannMedick,CulturalTurns:NeuorientierungenindenKulturwissenschaften,2nd ed. (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 2006), 284–328; Christian Hochmuth, Susanne Rau, “Stadt— Macht —Räume:EineEinführung,”MachträumederfrühneuzeitlichenStadt,ed.ChristianHochmuthand Susanne Rau. Konflikte und Kultur—Historische Perspektiven, 13 (Constance: UKV Verlagsgesellschaft,2006),13–40;MartinaLöw,Raumsoziologie(Frankfurta.M.:Suhrkamp,2001). ThecentralpoliticalplacesofthelatemedievalHolyRomanEmpireareoutlinedbyGerhard Fouquet,“Hauptorte—Metropolen—HauptundResidenzstädteimReich(13.beginnendes17. Jh.),”EindynastischtopographischesHandbuch;herevol.1:1–15.

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most renowned one.34 According to his account, the king and Queen Barbara, accompaniedbynoblemenandservants,arrivedfromÜberlingentwohoursafter midnight.Firstthegroupwenttothechambersofthecitycounciltowarmupfor about an hour. From there they went to the cathedral to attend the mass—shelteredbypiecesofcloththatwerekeptaroundandabovethenobility (Figure1).

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UlrichRichental,DasKonzilzuKonstanzMCDXIV–MCDXVIII.1:Faksimileausgabe.2:Kommentar undText,ed.OttoFeger(Starnberg,Sigmaringen:Keller,Thorbecke,1964);herevol.2:149–278, thefollowingon169–71.Cf.UlrichsvonRichentalChronikdesConstanzerConcils1414bis1418,ed. MichaelRichardBuck.BibliothekdeslitterarischenVereinsinStuttgart,158(1882;Hildesheim: Olms,1962],35–36.Forthewrittensourcesofthatevent,seeHermannHeimpel,“Königlicher Weihnachtsdienst auf den Konzilen von Konstanz und Basel,” Tradition als historische Kraft: Interdisziplinäre Forschungen zur Geschichte des früheren Mittelalters: Karl Hauck zum 21.12.1981 gewidmet,ed.NorbertKampandJoachimWollasch,withcontributionsbyManfredBalzer,Karl HeinrichKrüger,andLutzvonPadberg(BerlinandNewYork:WalterdeGruyter,1982),388–411; here390,andnotes11–20.

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Figure1:KingSigismundonthewaytothecathedralofConstance, December1414

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(Richental,Konzil,1:Faksimileausgabe,fol.19v) ThecathedralwassupposedlydecoratedwithsomanylitcandlesthatRichental thoughtitlookedlikeaburninghouse.PopeJohnXXIII,whohadbeenintownfor sometime,wasdressedinpreciousgarmentsandhadagoldencrownalthough apparentlynotwearingit.Afterthesingingof“Dominusdixitadme,”itwastime fortheGospeltoberead,sothekingascendedthepulpitanddeliveredthe“Exiit edictum.”35DuringthatlecturetheDukeofSaxonyisreportedhavingraiseda swordabovetheking—itstippointingrighttowardtheking’shead.36Thescepter and the crown were held by Hungarian noblemen instead of the designated ElectorPalatineandtheMargraveofBrandenburgwhohadnotarrivedyet: “Undmansang‘Dominusdixitadme’Unddoeskamzdemewangeli,dogiengder Romschküngmitvilbrinendenkertzenuffdiekantzelundsangdasewangelium‘Exiit edictum’Unddiewillerdassang,stndderhertzogvonSaxenobimundhatainbloß schwertinderhand,undhubdashochuffundstacktdenspitzgendeskaisershopt; undhbimdaszeptervorainhervonUngeranstatdespfaltzgraven,unddiekronoch ainer von Unger anstat des marggrafen von Brandenburg, wann die dennocht nit kommenwaren”(Figure2).37 [ForaparaphraseinEnglish,seeabove]

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Forthisceremonialaspect,seeHeimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,”andHermannHeimpel, “Königlicher Weihnachtsdienst im späteren Mittelalter,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 39 (1983): 131–206; for this incident particularly 169–73; Hermann Heimpel, “Königliche Evangeliumslesung bei königlicher Krönung,” Aus Kirche und Reich: Studien zu Theologie,PolitikundRechtimMittelalter:FestschriftfürFriedrichKempfzuseinemfünfundsiebzigsten GeburtstagundfünfzigjährigenDoktorjubiläum,ed.HubertMordek(Sigmaringen:Thorbecke,1983), 447–59. Onthephenomenonofthe“swordinthecrown,”seeWernerParavicini,“DasSchwertinder Krone,”FestschriftGertMelville(2009)[inpreparation]. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,169–171.

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Figure2:KingSigismundinthecathedralofConstanceChristmas1414 (Richental,Konzil,1:Faksimileausgabe,fol.20r38)

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Accordingtotheeditorialnotetheking—dressedinadeacon’srobe—isreadingtheChristmas Gospel[lectioseptima,Luke2,1,Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,170,itsnote2referring to§48],whiletwoHungarianknightsstandonbothsidesofthepulpitwiththeimperialinsignia,

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Afterthemassthe“Laudes”weresunguntildaybreak.Thefollowingprayers lasted until eleven o’clock. At the end of those ceremonies the Pope gave his blessingandeveryonewenttohishomeorhishostel.39 So, at first glance, the royal introitus into the city appears to have been dominatedlargelybythecourtlysphere.Butthislabelingdemandsacloserlook: Havingreceivednoticeoftheking’sapproach,thecitycouncilhadsentshipsand stafftoÜberlingentocarryandescorttheroyalentourageoverthatstretchofLake Constance(Figure3).40

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behindthekingtheDukeofSaxonywiththeraisedsword,behindhimtwoclericaldignitaries andthensecularcandlebearers(seenfromrighttoleft),Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText, 170,andHeimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,”399. For the proceedings, see Heimpel, “Königlicher Weihnachtsdienst,” 391–96. Cf. Walter Brandmüller, Das Konzil von Konstanz 1414–1418, 1: Bis zur Abreise Sigismunds nach Narbonne. Konziliengeschichte.ReiheA:Darstellungen(Paderborn,Munich,Vienna,Zurich:Schöningh, 1991),178–79;AloisNiederstätter,AntePortas:HerrscherbesucheamBodensee839–1507(Konstanz: UniversitätsVerlag Konstanz, 1993), 126–31 (and the respective notes 203 and 204); Achim ThomasHack,DasEmpfangszeremoniellbeimittelalterlichenPapstKaiserTreffen.Forschungenzur Kaiser und Papstgeschichte des Mittelalters. Beihefte zu J. F. Böhmer. Regesta Imperii, 18 (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 1999), 563–69; Jörg K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund: HerrscheranderSchwellezurNeuzeit,1368–1437(Munich:Beck,1996),194–96.Foracomprehensive analysis,seeGerritJasperSchenk,“Sehenundgesehenwerden:DerEinzugKönigSigismunds zumKonstanzerKonzil1414imWandelvonWahrnehmungundÜberlieferung(amBeispielvon HandschriftenundfrühenAugsburgerDruckenderRichentalChronik),”MedienundWeltbilder imWandelderFrühenNeuzeit,ed.FranzMauelshagenandBendiktMauer.DocumentaAugustana, 4(Augsburg:Wißner,2000),71–106. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,169,cf.Heimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,”391. Forthe“adventus”byshipcf.GerritJasperSchenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik:Herrschereinzügeim spätmittelalterlichenReich:ForschungenzurKaiserundPapstgeschichtedesMittelalters.Beiheftezu J.F.Böhmer.RegestaImperii,21(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2003),276.

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Figure3:KingSigismundisescortedoverLakeConstance,hereinJanuary1417 DieSchweizimMittelalterinDieboldSchillingsSpiezerBilderchronik,ed.Hans HaeberliandChristophvonSteiger.Studienausg.zurFaks.Ed.derHs.Mss.

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hist.helv.I.16d.BurgerbibliothekBern(Luzern:FaksimileVerlag,1991),392, basedontheSpiezerBilderchronik,609 (asinSchenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik,Figure13) Inthewellpreparedandwarmchambersofthecityhall41theroyalguestsmet withseveralrepresentativesofthecitizenry,whoofferedSigismundandBarbara a drink of malmsey and bestowed two pieces of gilded cloth on them.42 Eight distinguished citizens of Constance—noted by name in Richental’s chronicle43 —thencarriedthecanopies,whilerepresentativesofthecity’sguildswerebearing candles—avisualizationofthecivicorder(seeFigure1).44Againinthecathedral, withpopeandkingpresent,civic,secularcourtlyandclericalcourtlygroupsmet inareligiousceremonythatwaspartofaroyalentryintoacity.45Thegeneral public(“Volk”)ofRichental’sreportmayhavebeentosomedegreeexcludedfrom active participation,46 but played a role at least as audience for the staging of festivesplendor.ThesocialeliteofConstance,ontheotherhand,wasnotlimited toapassivepartintheceremonies;theurbanaristocracyhadthesemioticand communicative knowledge to interact with the landed nobility and the high clergy.47Thus,notonlywerecityandcourtfacingeachotheronthatoccasion,but the partially congruent circles of the city’s council, citizenry, and other city dwellersalsopresentanembodimentofitssocialensemble.48

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Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,169:[…]undhießmandieratstubenwolwermen,wennsy kamen,dassysichwarmten,alsochbeschach. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,170;cf.Heimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,”391. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,170. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,170:UndgiengenalsoindasMünstermitallenzunftkertzen undsustmitvilkertzen[…],cf.Heimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,”395. Foranessentialanalysisonthisformoffestival,seeSchenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik,seealsoGerrit Jasper Schenk, “(Reichsstädtische) Einzugsordnungen und Einzugsberichte,” Hof und Schrift, 161–77;andMichailA.Bojcov,“Einzug,”HofundSchrift,232–41. Cf.Schenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik,339–40. Cf. Richard Alewyn and Karl Sälzle, Das große Welttheater: Die Epoche der höfischen Feste in DokumentundDeutung.RowohltsdeutscheEnzyklopädie,92(Hamburg:Rowohlt,1959),23–26 [2nd,expandeded.(Munich:Beck,1985),28–31];VeraJung,KörperlustundDisziplin:Studienzur FestundTanzkulturim16.und17.Jahrhundert(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2001),here specifically217–22;WernerParavicini,DieritterlichhöfischeKulturdesMittelalters.Enzyklopädie deutscherGeschichte,32(Munich:Oldenbourg,1994),50–53,alreadyquestioningagenuinely civic form of life within the urban elites; for Lübeck, see recently Fouquet, “Lübeck als Reichsstadt.” MembershipinConstance’sconfraternalsociety“ZurKatz”wasopentoremarkablymanysocial groupsintown,whichcontributedtoalesseningofsocialtensions,seeChristophHeiermann:Die Gesellschaft “Zur Katz” in Konstanz: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Geschlechtergesellschaften in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit. Konstanzer Geschichts und Rechtsquellen, 37 (Stuttgart: Thorbecke,1999);cf.Geschlechtergesellschaften,ZunftTrinkstubenundBruderschafteninspätmittel alterlichenundfrühneuzeitlichenStädten,ed.GerhardFouquet,MatthiasSteinbrink,andGabriel Zeilinger.StadtinderGeschichte,30(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2003).

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Richentalisnotveryspecificaboutthelowerranksofthecourtsocietypresent, butisallthemoreloquaciousonthehigharistocracy—notjustinthecontextofthe mass.Therespectivecortegesarelistedinnumbers,ashereportsonthearrivals ofvariousprinces:thereweremanyclericalandsecularlords,49manyknightsand squires,50alongwith,foroneinstance,60horsesandasmanypeople,51andso forth.Thenamesofthecity’seliteappearrepeatedlyashostsofspecifiednoble guests—as Richental had been himself.52 The Council of Constance as a great medievalfestivalofferednumerousopportunitiesforencountersbetweencityand court(s). Constance itself was—as pointed out before—an episcopal see in spite of considerablesetbacksinthebishop’sdominionoverthecityinthecenturiesbefore thecouncil.Atthesametime,thecitizens’turningtothekingasoverlordand subsequentroyalgrantshadmadeConstanceatleastasemiimperialcity.The convergenceorevenclashofcivicandcourtlylifeformswasthereforealsoan everydayexperiencewithinandaroundthecitywalls—oftenenoughinconflicting ways, as Andreas Bihrer has shown for fourteenthcentury Constance,53and as other authors have for different times and places.54 But was the Council of Constancethenadistinctivelyurbaneventatall?HelmutMaurerhasaffirmed thatconceptmaintainingthatitspubliclyconspicuousritualsembracedtheentire populationofthecityasa“Sakralgemeinschaft”(sacredcommunity)—including thecathedralchapter.Thereby,ritualsandceremoniesduringtheCouncilwere embeddedintothecity’shabitualcustom.Heclaimsthatonlyinsuchaplace—the cityofabishopandachapter—couldachroniclerlikeRichental,withlinksboth to the commune and to the clergy, form the notion of the Council as a highly

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Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,168(accompanyingfourcardinals). Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,180(inthecortegeofDukeLudwigofBavaria). Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,178(inthecompanyofthebishopofPassau). Richental, Konzil, 2: Kommentar und Text, pass. The problem of accomodations in a midsize imperial city is now described by Ansgar Frenken, “Wohnraumbewirtschaftung und VersorgungsdeckungbeimKonstanzerKonzil(1414–1418):ZurlogistischenBewältigungeines GroßereignissesimSpätmittelalter,”ZeitschriftfürdieGeschichtedesOberrheins156(2008):109–46; cf.AlbrechtClassen’sintroductiontothisvolumeforOswaldvonWolkenstein’sliteraryaccount onthesituationinConstanceduringtheCouncil,74–76. Andreas Bihrer, Der Konstanzer Bischofshof im 14. Jahrhundert: Herrschaftliche, soziale und kommunikativeAspekte.Residenzenforschung,18(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2005);notably80–96,and thechapteron“FesteundRituale,”451–61.Cf.KurtAndermann,“DasschwierigeVerhältniszur Kathedralstadt: Ausweichresidenzen südwestdeutscher Bischöfe im späten Mittelalter,” SpätmittelalterlicheResidenzbildung,113–31;Kolb,Heidelberg;Meinhardt,DresdenimWandel. See,e.g.,MichaelScholz,Residenz,HofundVerwaltungderErzbischöfevonHalleindererstenHälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts. Residenzenforschung, 7 (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1998). Cf. also the preliminary overview by Jörg Wettlaufer, “Zwischen Konflikt und Symbiose: Überregionale AspektederspannungsreichenBeziehungzwischenFürstenhofundStadtimspätenMittelalter undinderfrühenNeuzeit,”DerHofunddieStadt,19–33.

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integrativeurbanevent.55Withallsocialgroupsintownpurportedlyparticipating, theconceptofalocalidentitywasevenmoreimpressiveatatimewhentheparties strugglingfordominanceinthecitywereforcedtowithdrawfromthatinternal fightforthemoment—althoughredeployingaftertheendoftheCouncil.56Inthe example57consideredhere,wehaveshownwithinanurbanspacetheintegration ofdifferingsocialspheres;wewillnextanalyzethereportedoccurrencesaround ChristmasEvein1414anddiscusstheirindividualparticipants.58 UlrichRichental,59bornaroundthemiddleofthefourteenthcentury,deceased in 1436/1437, was the son of the citizen and city clerk of Constance, Johannes Richental,andthusacontemporarywitnessoftheCouncil.Hischroniclewas probably written without official assignment60 around 1420. It discloses many 55

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HelmutMaurer,“DasKonstanzerKonzilalsstädtischesEreignis,”DieKonzilienvonPisa(1409), Konstanz(1414–1418)undBasel(1431–1449):InstitutionenundPersonen,ed.HeribertMüllerand JohannesHelmrath.VorträgeundForschungen,67(Ostfildern:Thorbecke,2007),149–72;here172. KlausD.Bechtold,ZunftbürgerschaftundPatriziat:StudienzurSozialgeschichtederStadtKonstanzim 14.und15.Jahrhundert.KonstanzerGeschichtsundRechtsquellen,26(Sigmaringen:Thorbecke, 1981),133. Foraresearchreport,seeRemigiusBäumer,“DieErforschungdesKonstanzerKonzils,”Das KonstanzerKonzil,ed.RemigiusBäumer.WegederForschung,415(Darmstadt:Wissenschaftliche Buchgemeinschaft,1977),3–34,aswellasAnsgarFrenken,DieErforschungdesKonstanzerKonzils (1414–1418) in den letzten 100 Jahren. Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum, 25,1–2 (Paderborn: Schöningh,1993).Thevariation ofresultsinexaminingcourtandcityisdemstrated,e.g.,by GerhardFouquet,“‘GeschichtsBilder’ineinerReichsundHansestadt—ChristianvonGeren undseineChronikderLübeckerBergenfahrer(ca.1425–1486),”DasGedächtnisderHansestadt Lübeck:FestschriftfürAntjekathrinGraßmannzum65.Geburtstag,ed.RolfHammelKiesowand MichaelHundt(Lübeck:SchmidtRömhild,2005),113–25. Foranoutlineofthesources,seeHeimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst”;cf.Bojcov,“Höfische Feste,”summarizingon226–27theaccountbyRichental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,169–71. Forhisbiography,seeUlrichsvonRichentalChronik,ed.Buck,9–12;EduardHeyck,“Richental, Ulrichvon,”AllgemeineDeutscheBiographieXXVIII,1889,433–35;KonradBeyerle,“Ulrichvon Richental,” Zeitschrift für Geschichte des Oberrheins NF 14 (1899): 13–27; Otto Feger, “Zur KonzilchronikdesUlrichvonRichental,”Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,21–36;here especially22–25;DieterMertens,“UlrichRichental,”VerfasserlexikonVIII,1992,55–60;Wilhelm Matthiessen,“U.(v.)Richental,”LexikondesMittelaltersVIII,1997,1201–02. Foracontrastiveviewpoint,seeMaurer,“DasKonstanzerKonzilalsstädtischesEreignis,”160. Astothechronicleitself,seeFeger,“Konzilchronik”;StefanWeinfurter,“ZumGestaltungsprinzip der Chronik des Ulrich Richental,” Freiburger DiözesanArchiv 94 (1974): 517–31; Wilhelm Matthiessen,“UlrichRichentalsChronikdesKonstanzerKonzils:StudienzurBehandlungeines universalenGroßereignissesdurchdiebürgerlicheChronistik,”AnnuariumHistoriaeConciliorum 17(1985):71–192,323–455.Cf.GiselaWacker,“UlrichRichentalsChronikdesKonstanzerKonzils undihreFunktionalisierungim15.und16.Jahrhundert,”Ph.D.diss.UniversityofTübingen, 2001, vol. 1: http://w210.ub.unituebingen.de/dbt/volltexte/2002/520/pdf/Band_1.pdf; vol. 2: http://w210.ub.unituebingen.de/volltexte/2002/520/pdf/Band_2_low.pdf)(lastaccessedonApril 6,2009).Schenkarguesconvincinglyfortheillustrationsasbeingclosetoreality,“DerEinzug KönigSigismunds;”cf.LilliFischel,“KunstgeschichtlicheBemerkungenzuUlrichRichentals ChronikdesKonstanzerKonzils,”ZeitschriftfürdieGeschichtedesOberrheins68(1959):321–37;Lilli Fischel, “Die Bilderfolge der RichentalChronik, besonders der Konstanzer Handschrift,”

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aspectsofthetimeandtheregionofitsorigin,butdefinitelycontainsaspecific urbancivic point of view toward the events as they evolved in front of his eyes—or“Wirklichkeitssicht,”61asWilhelmMatthiessenhastermedit.Itdoesnot belong to the specific type of conciliar chronicles but rather represents urban historiography.62Ulrichreferstohimselfinthebeginningofhiswork:“dasalles ich Uolrich Richental zesammenbracht hab, und es eigentlich von hus ze hus erfarenhab,wannichburgerundseßhaftzeCostentzwas,(...)erkanntwas,das mirgaistlichundochweltlichherrensaiten,wesichsedannyefrauget”63(asa citizenandresidentofConstance,I,UlrichRichenthal,haveassembledallofthis. Ihaveeitherdirectlywitnessedorhavebeentoldofthereportedeventsbyclergy andbylaymen). Consequently,hisnarrativecannotsimplybecategorizedashistoriography,but inadditionshowselementsofwhathasbeencalledanegodocument,64expressing asubjectivelytruerealitythatcanbetestedforplausibilitysolelybycomparison withcorrespondingsources.65Richentalnamestheparticipantsintheroyalentry either by name or by their respective social group: The following of King Sigismund and Queen Barbara consisted of the queen’s sister queen Anna of Bosnia,theelectorRudolfIII.ofSaxony(SachsenWittenberg),andSigismund’s niece, the countess Elisabeth of Württemberg; furthermore two highranking Turkishprisonersofwar,“quorumunuseratrexetaliusdux”(oneofthemwas aking,theotheroneaduke),66andtheaccompanyingservants.67Thecitizensof Constancehadmadethepreparationsmentionedabove,sentoutshipsandheated

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Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,37–55. Matthiessen,“U.(v.)Richental,”1202.Schenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,”96,writesofit asaclassspecificperception(“schichtspezifischenWahrnehmung”). SeeMaurer,“DasKonstanzerKonzilalsstädtischesEreignis,”152–53;Cf.ingeneralStädtische GeschichtsschreibungimSpätmittelalterundinderfrühenNeuzeit,ed.PeterJohanek.Städteforschung. ReiheA:Darstellungen,47(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2000). UlrichsvonRichentalChronik,ed.Buck,13. Cf.BenignavonKrusenstjern,“WassindSelbstzeugnisse?Begriffskritischeundquellenkundliche ÜberlegungenanhandvonBeispielenausdem17.Jahrhundert,”HistorischeAnthropologie2(1994): 462–71;EgodocumentsandHistory:AutobiographicalWritinginitsSocialContextSincetheMiddleAges, ed. Rudolf Dekker. Publicaties van de Faculteit der Historische en Kunstwetenschappen, 38 (Hilversum:Verloren2002). For the problem of objectivity—merely understood as verifiable, even if conveyed information—see, e.g., Detlef Junker, “Objektivität/Parteilichkeit,” Lexikon Geschichts wissenschaft.HundertGrundbegriffe,ed.StefanJordan(Stuttgart:Reclam,2003),227–31. DerLibergestorumdesJacobusCerretanus,ed.ActaConciliiConstanciensis,ed.HeinrichFinke,vol. 2:Konzilstagebücher,Sermones,ReformundVerfassungsakten,ed.HeinrichFinkeincooperationwith JohannesHollnsteiner(Münster:Regensberg,1923),171–348;here200. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,169–70;cf.Heimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,” 391;Niederstätter,Anteportas,128;Hack,Empfangszeremoniell,564–55;Schenk,“DerEinzugKönig Sigismunds,”79.

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thecouncilchambersinthecityhall,68whichwoulddoubtlessbewelcomeafter alakepassagebynightincargovesselsinlateDecember.Itmayhavebeenthree o’clockinthemorningwhentheroyalpassengersreachedtheharborandwere guidedtothecityhall.69 ByRichental’slistsofnamesandbytheheraldicinformationonthebearersof thecanopyinthechronicle’sillustration,onecanpartiallyidentifythetownsmen escortingthekingandhisentouragefromtheSt.Konradsbrücke70tothecityhall on the fish market71 via the Konradstor or Fischbrucktor72 and later on to the cathedralthroughtheBlattengasse73:“HainrichvonUlm,HainrichSchiltar,Hanns Hagen,HainrichEhinger”werethebearersoftheroyalcanopy;“ConratMangolt, ConradinderBünd,CasparGumpost,”and“HainrichvonTettikoven”heldthe canopyforthetwoqueens.74Itismorethanlikelythatthecity’sformermayor, “HannsSwartzach,”75whohadjustcompletedhisterm,76wasalsopresentonthe wayaswellashissuccessorinoffice,HeinrichvonUlm.77GerritJasperSchenk assumesthatthreefourthsofthecanopybearerswerepatricians,amongthemthe reeveandotherofficeholders.78 Thissocialgroupwasatthattimeallottedonlyonethirdofthepostsinthe municipal government, but nevertheless could argue two cases on that occasion—in front of the city public and in front of the king’s eyes79: their outstandingpositionasurbanelite80andthepresentationofthecommune’scivic order,whichwastobemanifestedintheenteringceremony.81“HainrichvonUlm, HainrichSchiltar,ConratMangolt,”and“HainrichvonTettikoven”wereamong

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Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,169;cf.Heimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,”391; Hack,Empfangszeremoniell,565,arguesconclusivelythatadelegationoftheConstancecitycouncil wentouttoÜberlingentogreetthekingandreturnedwithhim. Heimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,”392–93. Heimpel, “Königlicher Weihnachtsdienst,” 392 with note 25; Schenk, “Der Einzug König Sigismunds,”80;cf.HelmutMaurer,KonstanzimMittelalter,2vols.GeschichtederStadtKonstanz, 2;KonstanzimMittelalter,2(Constance:Stadler,1989);herevol.2,18and36–37. Hack,Empfangszeremoniell,565. Schenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,”80. Schenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,”80. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,170. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,169. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,167. Schenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,”86withnote64. Cf. Schenk, Zeremoniell und Politik, 467 with note 1130, and Matthiessen, “Ulrich Richentals Chronik,”146–48,186–88;Schenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,”86,89. Fortheproblemofthepublicsphereinthiscase,seeSchenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,” 72–73. Schenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik,223,note694. Schenk, Zeremoniell und Politik, 223. Schenk, “Der Einzug König Sigismunds,” 82, follows Weinfurter,“Gestaltungsprinzip,”inpointingoutthatRichentalmayhaveusedhischronicleto portrayhisownideaofpublicorder.

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thewealthiestcitizensaccordingtothetaxrollof1425,aswasamemberoftheIn derBündfamily.82KonradMangold—coveredexemplarilybyKlausD.Bechtold inhisstudyonthesocialhistoryofConstance—wasmayor,deputymayor,and memberofthecitycouncil,83besidesbeingmarriedtoBarbara,thesisterofKonrad In der Bünd.84 Bechtold has analyzed an abundance of connections within the citizenry of Constance: Heinrich Schilter and Heinrich von Ulm, e.g., were membersofafactionof23persons,whohadtopaytaxesformovablevaluesof morethan5000lbhlintheyear1418.85MembersoftheEhingerfamilyheldthe officesofmayor,deputymayor,andothersfrequently;Heinrichwassheriffatthe time of Sigismund’s entry.86 Heinrich Tettikoven was mayor in 1413, Caspar Gumpostwaspresidingmayorin1418,followingmayor1423,andsatinthecity councilinthemeantime;87HansHagenwasreevein1414.88 Other personnel are also depicted in the illustrations of the Richental chronicle—not the least clerics: Another source emphasizes, viewing it from a papal background, the attendance of the local bishop89 and clergy90 in certain ceremonies.Theclearlyvisiblelawenforcementstaffhintsattheactualpresence ofthemasses,whichwerewelcomeasacheeringcrowdbuthadtobecontained from shoving and bothering the processions.91 Certainly, male servants and maidservantswereneededingreatnumberstoguaranteetheconvenienceofthe dignitaries—eveniftheywerenotconsidereddignifiedenoughtoappearinthe illustration. Surely,afestiveentrywasnosingularityinlatemedievalConstance;itwasan elementoftheceremonialrepertoireofthecity.92However,inthiscase,among otherthings,thetravellingspeedoftheapproachingkingwasquiteunusual.After hiscoronationinAacheninNovemberSigismundrushedsouthnotmerelyto reachtherecentlyopenedcouncil,whosepatronhewas.Heobviouslywantedto

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Bechtold,Zunftbürgerschaft,29–30. Bechtold,Zunftbürgerschaft,32–33withnote31. Bechtold,Zunftbürgerschaft,33. Bechtold,Zunftbürgerschaft,86. Bechtold,Zunftbürgerschaft,142. Bechtold,Zunftbürgerschaft,137,note231. Schenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,”86.Fortheabovementionedperson,cf.DieKonstanzer RatslistendesMittelalters,ed.KonradBeyerle(Heidelberg:Winter,1898). AtthattimeOttoIII,MargraveofHachbergRötteln,cf.“OttovonHachberg,“DieBischöfedes Heiligen Römischen Reiches: ein biographisches Lexikon, ed. Erwin Gatz and Clemens Brodkorb (Berlin:Duncker&Humblot,2001),298.Foranoverviewonthebishop’scourt,seeAndreas Bihrer,“Konstanz,Bf.evon,”EindynastischtopographischesHandbuch;herevol.1:548–51. ThisisaccordingtoHack,Empfangszeremoniell,566andnote89.Hereferstotheabovementioned LibergestorumofthecurialJacobusCerretanusasinnote65;here199–200. Schenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik,343.Theseguardsmayevensymbolizethedividinglinebetween urbaneliteandurbanunderclassimplyingalsoaculturalbarrier. Hack,Empfangszeremoniell,565.

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fillhisprominentroleintheliturgyofthemassonChristmasEve,whichhisfather hadhelpedtoestablishfortheHolyRomankingsandemperors.93Asthingswere, that agenda made a nocturnal entry necessary.94 And the very combination of royal entry and royal lecture on the Gospel on Christmas Eve was another exceptionalincident,eventhoughnocoincidence.95Atthispoint,weleavethe muchobservedsettingofChristmasEvein1414andturntoanotheraspectof socialspatialityduringtheCouncil. Thelodgingofthehighnobilityandthecourtiersgeneratedatleastaspatial closeness of the social spheres. Richental reports in detail about the accommodationsofthehighrankingguestsinhiscity:“Glichnachdemdozoch unserherderküngmitderkünginenundmitdervonWirtembergzuderLaiter vorsantSteffan,dasdozemlwasConratsinderBündgenantRüll,undbelibent darindrytagundnacht”96(Immediatelythereafterthekingandthequeenandthe lordofWürttembergmovedtothehouseknownas“ZurLeiter”belongingto KonradInderBündandstayedthereforthreedaysandnights).Afterwardsthe princesmovedtothenearbyPetershausenAbbey.TheDukeofSaxony,e.g.,was housedinapriest’shomeinthecitycenter.97Aswascustomary,thecoatsofarms ofguestsweretransfixedontheirhosts’houses—renderingthatbuildingalmost somesortofextraterritorialstatus98andatthesametimeleavingsomeofthehosts, wemayassume,ambivalentaboutthatoccupancygiventhehighconsumptive expectationsofnoblemen. Evenifthereisnodistinctlycourtbasedsourcereportingatgreatlengthabout thehappeningsoftheCouncil,itcanbesuggestedthatthefestiveentryofKing SigismundintoConstancein1414wasamultimediaevent,aculturalenactment, andacommunicativeprocessbetweenmonarch,pope,delegatesoftheCouncil, andcitizens.99Bylookingcloselyatthiscommunicativeinteractiveprocesswe cometotheconclusionthattheciviccourtlyencountersinthetopographicalas well as in the socially relational spaces of the city100 were vested with the 93 94

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Indetail,Heimpel,“KöniglicherWeihnachtsdienst,”specifically395–96. Schenkpointstothe“adventus”bynightasarareexception,Schenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik, 218–19. Schenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik,379;Schenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,”80–81. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,171.ForKonrad,seeElfriedeKleß,“DasKonstanzer Patriziergeschlecht in der Bünd,” Schriften des Vereins für Geschichte des Bodensees und seiner Umgebung108(1989):13–67;here40–42and57Nr.A30.Onthehouse“ZurLeiter,”seeFritz Hirsch,BauwesenundHäuserbau.KonstanzerHäuserbuch,1(Heidelberg:Winter,1906),281. Richental,Konzil,2:KommentarundText,171. Schenk,ZeremoniellundPolitik,255withitsnote83. ThisisthewayhowSchenk,“DerEinzugKönigSigismunds,”96,putsit. See, e.g., Martina Löw, “Raum—topologische Dimensionen der Kultur,” Handbuch der Kulturwissenschaften:GrundlagenundSchlüsselbegriffe,vol.1,ed.FriedrichJägerandBurkhard Liebsch (Stuttgart and Weimar: Metzler, 2004); here vol. 1: 46–59; Sozialstruktur und SozialtopographievorindustriellerStädte:BeiträgeeinesWorkshopsamInstitutfürGeschichtederMartin

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ceremonial procedures described above. Yet, the intertwining of ceremonial prescriptions,ofcourtlyandcivicparticipationalongwiththeclaimsofbothsocial reference systems to occupy symbolically the urban space during the Council generated,becauseofthespecificsofoccasionandsituation,asocialspacethat includedbothspheres,bothsetsofvaluesandbothconceptsofsocialorder.This integrativedynamicmaynotbeeasilyattributedstrictlytoonesphereortheother. Thepossibleramificationsofsuchaperceptionfortheanalysis of thesocial constitutionofcourtsandcitiesneedstobestudiedfarmoreintenselyforsocially, geographically, and chronologically varying situations. Such an analytical frameworkwouldbenecessarytogetfromquestiontohypothesisandfinallyto substantiated thesis on whether there was at all a selfcontained urbancivic cultureandsocietyinpremodernEurope. Afterall,thetremendoussocialchangefromthecourtcenteredsocietiesofthe Ancien Régime toward the civically dominated societies of modern times figurativelyandfactually‘caughtfire’intheeighteenthcentury,buthaditsbase andorigininthefourteenththrough eighteenthcenturies.Thetheoreticaland methodologicalapproachthatwehaveproposedforfutureresearchonthattopic stillharborsalotmoreresearchpotential. Inclosingwewanttocastafewspotlightsonotherfieldsofresearchthatare thematicallyadjacenttothepanoramapresentedthusfar:Whilethesourcesof informationabouttheCouncilofConstanceareprimarilylocal,i.e.,urbansources on the noncanonical events, other fifteenthcentury court festivals are documentedmainlyfromacourtlyperspective.Thisisevidentinthreehighly renowned princely weddings of the years 1474/1475 in Amberg, Urach, and Landshut,whichwerecelebratedinindeedsmallterritorialtownswithpalaces, butstillcouldofferalltherichnessandrefinementdemandedofacontemporary courtfestival.Again,evenonamuchsmallerscale,thetownfolksweretoprovide suppliesandlodgeguestsaswellastoserveasaudienceandwitnessesofthe princely pomp.101 Even there we see the formation of

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LutherUniversitätHalleWittenbergam27.und28.Januar2000,ed.MatthiasMeinhardtandAndreas Ranft. Hallische Beiträge zur Geschichte des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit, 1 (Berlin: AkademieVerlag,2005). Zeilinger,UracherHochzeit;KarlHeinzSpieß,“‘Sosiegecleydetwirdnachdeutschensitten,so wirt sie ein wolgeschicktes fuerstin’: Internationale Fürstenheiraten im Spätmittelalter,” Universität und Staat—Autonomie oder Abhängigkeit: 42. Jahrestagung der Universitätskanzler Greifswald1999,ed.JürgenKohler.GreifswalderUniversitätsreden.NF,94(Greifswald:Ernst MoritzArndtUniversität, 2000), 30–42; KarlHeinz Spieß, “Fremdheit und Integration der ausländischenEhefrauundihresGefolgesbeiinternationalenFürstenheiraten,”Fürstenhöfeund ihre Außenwelt: Aspekte gesellschaftlicher und kultureller Identität im deutschen Spätmittelalter, ed. ThomasZotz.IdentitätenundAlteritäten,16(Würzburg:ErgonVerlag,2004),267–90.KarlHeinz Spieß, “Europa heiratet: Kommunikation und Kulturtransfer im Kontext europäischer

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“Anwesenheitsgesellschaften,” or communities established by those living concretely together irrespective of the social class differences.102  For Rudolf Schlöglthosesocialspacesarecrucialinthebuildingofsocialordersandallowa junctionofmicrohistorywithmacrohistory. If one takes that notion one step further from the singular—if not recurring—situationoffestivalswiththeirextraordinarytraditiontoananalysis ofeverydayexperienceoftheencounterbetweencityandcourt,itisessential, first, to acknowledge that festivals did not socially suspend everyday life, but ratherexaltedortransposedit.103Ofcourse,wewillalwayshavetocopewiththe scarcityofsourcesregardingquotidiancontexts,thatis,theeverydaylifesituation. Therefore,asmanyarchaeologicalandhistoricalsourcesaspossiblehavetobe consideredtogetindepthresults.ItisquitesignificantinthiscontextthatMartina Stercken has also examined coins and seals in the chapter of her remarkable monographStädtederHerrschaft,dealingwith“VisuellePräsenzvonHerrschaft im Alltag” (visual presence of governmental power in everyday life).104 The relationshipbetweencommuneandlordshipcanbedescribedinmuchgreater detailbyincluding,forexample,seigneurialaswellasmunicipalaccountbooks andordinances,corporaofcorrespondencesinthedatabase—especiallywhenit comesto(small)townsofthelateMiddleAgesandearlymoderntimes.105Forthe

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KönigsheiratendesSpätmittelalters,”EuropaimspätenMittelalter:Politik—Gesellschaft—Kultur,ed. Rainer C. Schwinges, Christian Hesse and Peter Moraw. Historische Zeitschrift. Beiheft 40 (Munich:Oldenbourg,2006),435–64. RudolfSchlögl,DerRaumals“Universalmedium”inderfrühneuzeitlichenStadt:http://www.uni konstanz.de/FuF/Philo/Geschichte/Schloegl/Schloegl/RaumalsUniversalmedium03.pdf; alternatively: http://74.125.113.132/search?q=cache:JTDlXjd57HgJ:www.unikonstanz.de/FuF/Philo/Geschich te/Schloegl/Schloegl/RaumalsUniversalmedium03.pdf+%22Der+Raum+als+%E2%80%9CUnive rsalmedium&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&client=firefoxa(lastaccessedonApril6,2009);cf. Rudolf Schlögl, “Kommunikation und Vergesellschaftung unter Anwesenden: Formen des SozialenundihreTransformationinderFrühenNeuzeit,”GeschichteundGesellschaft34.2(2008): 155–224;cf.theassumptionbySchlöglaccordingtowhichthepremodern publicspacewas transferredfromthecourttothecity,RudolfSchlögl,“Politikbeobachten:Öffentlichkeitund MedieninderFrühenNeuzeit,”ZeitschriftfürhistorischeForschung35(2008):581–616. Cf. Werner Paravicini, “Alltag bei Hofe,” Alltag bei Hofe, ed. Werner Paravicini. Residenzenforschung,5(Sigmaringen:Thorbecke,1995),9–30;Zeilinger,UracherHochzeit,18. Stercken,StädtederHerrschaft,184–88.Forthenonfeudal,civiccourtlyrelationsbetweentwo eminentmembersoftheHolyRomanEmpirearound1500,theElectorofSaxonyandtheimperial cityNuremberg,seeSinaWestphal,“BriefeundMacht:DieReichsstadtNürnberg,Kursachsen unddasReichum1500,”Ph.D.diss.Kiel2009. ChristianSchneider,Hovezuht:LiterarischeHofkulturundhöfischesLebensidealumHerzogAlbrecht III. von Österreich und Erzbischof Pilgrim II. von Salzburg (1365–1396). Beiträge zur älteren Literaturgeschichte (Heidelberg: Winter, 2008), examines the interaction of courtly and civic societiesonthebasisofcourtlybehavioralpatternsaccordingtoliterarytradition;seeparticularly thechapteron“AdelsgesellschaftenundBürgerschichten,”50–58.

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earlyperiodofEuropeanurbanizationintheMiddleAges,i.e.,mainlythetwelfth andthirteenthcenturies,itwouldbewellworththeeffortalsotoreevaluatethe diplomaticandurbarialtraditionfromtheperspectiveofanintegratingfocuson cityandcourt.



KlausAmannandMaxSiller (UniversityofInnsbruck,Austria)

UrbanLiteraryEntertainmentintheMiddleAgesand theEarlyModernAge:TheExampleofTyrol1

Preliminaries Looking at “Urban Literary Entertainment in the Middle Ages and the Early ModernAge,”werestrictourselvestoacertaingeographicalareaandthis,aswe think,forgoodreason.Speaking,asitis,aboutthe“city”intheMiddleAgesand theEarlyModernAge,wefaceahugehistoricalsociologicalcomplex,evenifwe justtakeCentralEuropeintoaccount.Thiscomplexrangesfromthegreatimperial andresidentialcitiestothesmalleronesfoundedbyregionalprinces,downtothe townsofpettylocalandpatrimonialrulers.Onlytheprivilegeofholdingatown charterdistinguishesthelatteronesfromthemarkettowns,whichareoftenmuch larger.2Whereasthepopulationofthegreatcitiesisveryheterogeneous,thatof thesmallertownsiscomparativelyhomogenous,and,likethepopulationofthe surroundingareas,livesoffcropfarmingandlivestockbreeding. Cologne,withits40,000inhabitantsbyfarthelargestGermancityattheendof theMiddleAges,acitywithahistoryreachingbacktothetimeswhenitserved astheofficialresidenceofaRomangovernor,cannotbecomparedtothetownof Glurns,foundedattheendofthethirteenthcenturybytheCountofTyrol,where untiltothisverydayonecanseethemanureheapsinthestreets—orcanit?One ofthesmallesttownsoftheAlpineregion,evenGlurnsissituatedonaspotwhich hasbeenatrafficjunctionsinceRomantimes.This—inonewayoranother—very

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We would like to express our gratitude to Marilyn Sandidge and Albrecht Classen for their thorough revision of this article and for their many helpful suggestions, which we greatly appreciate. Cf.HeinzDopsch,“Epoche–sozialgeschichtlicherAbriß,”VonderHandschriftzumBuchdruck: Spätmittelalter, Reformation, Humanismus. 1320–1572, ed. Ingrid Bennewitz and Ulrich Müller. DeutscheLiteratur:EineSozialgeschichte,2.(ReinbekbeiHamburg:Rowohlt,1991),9–31.

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centralsituationiscrucialforanurbansettlementanditisalsotheprerequisitefor itsdevelopmentnotonlywhenwespeakofeconomyandtrade,butequallyso whenwethinkaboutthearts,culture,andeducation.Exchanginggoodsandideas isthefundamentalelementwhichleadstonewwaysoflivingandnewstandards ofcivilizationinthelatemedieval“ageofthecity.” Ifwenowturntotheanalysisofliteraturethatwasproducedand/orreceived inanygivencity,wefirstofallwouldliketopointoutthatwemustaimata soundfoundingofthesubjectonabasisoflocalhistory.NotonlytheCologne area,butallareassurroundinggreaterurbancenters,perhapsthosearoundcities with more than 20,000 inhabitants,3 should be explored according to their sometimesverydifferentpremises:“DiedeutscheStädtelandschaftbietetander Wende zur Neuzeit ein buntes Bild”4 (The overall picture of the German city during the transition from the Middle Ages to the Early Modern Age is quite colorful). WehavechosentheexampleofTyrol,becauseitisverysuitableasaheuristic areagiventhefactthatithasbeenarealignedterritorysincethelatethirteenth century.5 The area ranged from the Salurn ravine (including some single extensionsintotheVeroneseandTridentineareas)totheZillertalvalley,where itoverlappedwiththearchdioceseofSalzburg.Ithadapproximatelythesame western borders as nowadays, and from 1271 onwards, the Mühlbach ravine formedtheEasternborderwiththecountyofGörzinthePustertalvalley.

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Augsburg,Gdansk,Lübeck,Magdeburg,Metz,Nuremberg,andStrasbourgcouldbementioned here, but also the increasingly important imperial residential cities Prague and Vienna. Cf. Dopsch,“Epoche–sozialgeschichtlicherAbriß,”21–22. Dopsch,“Epoche–sozialgeschichtlicherAbriß,”21. Cf.especiallyJosefRiedmann,“DasMittelalter,”VondenAnfängenbis1490:GeschichtedesLandes Tirol.Vol.1,ed.JosefFontana,PeterW.Haider,WalterLeitner,GeorgMühlberger,RudolfPalme, Othmar Parteli, and Josef Riedmann (Bozen, Innsbruck, and Vienna: AthesiaTyrolia, 1985), 265–661;here399–410;481–86.Tyrolcanserveasanexampleincaseforaparadigmaticdiscussion of“Methoden,AufgabenundMöglichkeiteneinerterritorialenLiteraturgeschichtsschreibungdes MittelaltersundderFrühneuzeit”(methods,tasks,andpossibilitiesofwritingtheliteraryhistory of a medieval and early modern territory). See: Max Siller, “Territorium und Literatur: ÜberlegungenzuMethoden,AufgabenundMöglichkeiteneinerterritorialenLiteraturgeschichts schreibungdesMittelaltersundderFrühneuzeit,”GeschichteundRegion/Storiaeregione1,2(1992), 39–84.Cf.alsoid.,Literatur–Sprache–Territorium:Methoden,AufgabenundMöglichkeiteneiner regionalenLiteraturgeschichtsschreibungdesMittelalters.3Vols.(Innsbruck:InstitutfürGermanistik, 1991),Vol.1,8–45.

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Figure1:Tyrolin1766(http://hoeckmann.de/deutschland/tirol.htm)

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HistoryofLiterature:SomeIntroductoryRemarks LookingatthegeopoliticalsituationofTyrolandatthesmallwebofitstownsand their connections to other territories allows for following possible “literary routes”6quiteexactly.ItcanbeshownthatliteraturewritteninmedievalTyrolis notnecessarilyrestrictedtoitscities,butthereisaconstantinteractionbetween thetownsandthesurroundingruralareas.ThebishopofBrixen,UlrichPutsch, for example, wrote Das liecht der sel (The Light of the Soul), his wellknown translationoftheLumenAnimae,in1426,7whenhewasaparishpriestinDorf Tirol(thevillageofTirolnearMeran,whichgaveitsnametothewholeterritory), astheacrosticoftherhymedprologueshows.Itseemsthathefoundtimeforhis translationactivitiesthankstotheleisurelylifestyleofaruralpriest.Itmaywell be that Hans Vintler found himself in a similar situation when he wrote his BlumenderTugend(FlowersofVirtue)in1411.Maybeonlyintheruralseclusionof hisofficeasa“HawptmannVndphlegeraufdemStainAndemRitten”8(captain andgovernorofSteincastleinRitten)itwaspossibleforhimtotranslateand revise the more than 10,000 verses of the Italian Fiore di Virtù. Oswald von Wolkensteinobviouslyalsocomposedpartsofhisoeuvreinthesolitudeofthe woodsaroundhisHauensteincastle:“Auffainemrundenkofelsmal,mitdickem wald umbfangen” (Kl. 44, 22–23;9 on a round and narrow mountain top, surroundedbydeepwoods),wherehewasaccompaniedby“neurkelber,gaiss, böck,rinderundknospotleut,swarz,hässeleich”(Kl.44,46–47;onlycalves,goats, bucks,cattle,andcoarsepeople,black,ugly).

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Horst Wenzel, “Zentralität und Regionalität: Zur Vernetzung mittelalterlicher KommunikationszentreninRaumundZeit,”BildungsexklusivitätundvolkssprachlicheLiteratur. LiteraturvorLessing–nurfürExperten?,ed.KlausGrubmüller.Kontroversen,alteundneue.Akten desVII.InternationalenGermanistenKongressesGöttingen1985,Vol.7(Tübingen:Niemeyer, 1986),14–26;here26. Now,thankstoNigelHarristhereisabilingualedition:TheLightoftheSoul:The‘LumenanimeC’ andUlrichPutsch’s‘Dasliechtdersel’.Criticaleditionwithintroduction,ed.NigelHarris(Oxford, Vienna,etal.:Lang,2007). Cf. Max Siller, “Die Standesqualität der Vintler von Bozen zu Beginn des 15. Jahrhunderts. Prolegomena zu einer Interpretation von Hans Vintlers ‘Blumen der Tugend’ (1411),” Durch aubenteuermuessmanwagenvil:FestschriftAntonSchwob,ed.WernfriedHofmeisterandBernd Steinbauer.InnsbruckerBeiträgezurKulturwissenschaft.GermanistischeReihe,57(Innsbruck: InstitutfürGermanistik,1997),447–62;here456–57. DieLiederOswaldsvonWolkenstein,ed.KarlKurtKlein.3rdedition,ed.HansMoser,Norbert RichardWolf,andNotburgaWolf.AltdeutscheTextbibliothek,55(1962;Tübingen:Niemeyer, 1987).ThesongsinthiseditionwillhencebereferredtoasKl.NowthereisanEnglishtranslation: AlbrechtClassen,ThePoemsofOswaldvonWolkenstein.AnEnglishTranslationoftheCompleteWorks (1376/77–1445).TheNewMiddleAges(NewYork:Palgrave,2008).Thetranslationsusedinthis paperareourown.

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Thingsmaybedifferentwiththeliteratureofthemendicants.Eveniftheywere partlybeggingfortheirlivinginruralareas,their“home”wasandhasalways beenthecity.InBozen,HeinrichvonBurgeis,10bornperhapsinthe2nddecade ofthethirteenthcenturyinTrent,foundedtheDominicanmonasterybetweenthe years1272and1275,andherehewrotehisdidacticconfessionaltractateSeelenrat (CounseloftheSoul),whichshowsahighsociopoliticalethos.

SongwritingintheCity:TheSterzingMiscellaneaManuscript (SterzingerMiszellaneenhandschrift) Laysorsongsmeettheneedsofurbanliteraryentertainmentverywell.11Evenif theGesellschaftsliedandthefolksong,whichdevelopedinthelateMiddleAges, very often emerged from the sphere of the gentry, and even if the texts were spreadamongandrecordedbythenobleclasses,byfarthebiggerpartofthe songs originatedfromthecities.12ThefamousSterzingMiscellaneaManuscript, dating back to the early fifteenth century (now preserved in the Sterzing municipal archives),13 seems to show very well the change from courtly love poetrytolatemedievalpopularpoetry.Inthiscollectionofsongs,authenticand ‘apocryphal’Neidhartsongsfromthethirteenthcenturyandsongsfromacourtly

10

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12 13

ForHeinrichvonBurgeis,see:MaxSiller,“DerSüdtirolerDichterHeinrichvonBurgeisunddie Entstehung des Bozner Dominikanerklosters (1272–1276),” Bozen – Von den Anfängen bis zur SchleifungderStadtmauer:BerichteüberdieinternationaleStudientagung,veranstaltetvomAssessorat fürKulturderStadtgemeindeBozen,SchloßMaretsch–April1989(Bozen:Athesia,1991),223–31;Max Siller,“DerTirolerDichterHeinrichvonBurgeisunddiePolitikseinerZeit(13.Jahrhundert),” DerVinschgauundseineNachbarräume:VorträgedeslandeskundlichenSymposiumsveranstaltetvom SüdtirolerKulturinstitutinVerbindungmitdemBildungshausSchloßGoldrain.SchloßGoldrain,27.bis 30.Juni1991,ed.RainerLoose.SchriftenreihedesSüdtirolerKulturinstitutes,18(Bozen:Athesia, 1993),165–79. Cf. Thomas Cramer, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur im späten Mittelalter. Geschichte der deutschenLiteraturimMittelalter,3(Munich:dtv,2000),312. Cf.Cramer,GeschichtederdeutschenLiteraturimspätenMittelalter,312. FortheSterzingMiscellaneaManuscript,seeManfredZimmermann,DieSterzingerMiszellaneen Handschrift: Kommentierte Edition der deutschen Dichtungen. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kultur wissenschaft.GermanistischeReihe,8(Innsbruck:InstitutfürGermanistik,1980).Cf.also:Max Siller,“WoundwannistdieSterzingerMiszellaneenHandschriftentstanden?”Entstehungund TypenmittelalterlicherLyrikhandschriften:AktendesGrazerSymposiums,13.–17.Oktober1999,ed. AntonSchwobandAndrásVizkeletyincollaborationwithAndreaHofmeisterWinter.Jahrbuch fürInternationaleGermanistik.ReiheA:Kongressberichte,52(Bern,Vienna,etal.:Lang,2001), 255–80;ManfredZimmermann,“VigilRaberunddie‘SterzingerMiszellaneenHandschrift,’”Vigil Raber: Zur 450. Wiederkehr seines Todesjahres. Akten des 4. Symposiums der Sterzinger Osterspiele (25.–27.3.2002),ed.MichaelGebhardtandMaxSiller.SchlernSchriften,326(Innsbruck:Wagner, 2004),269–74.

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tradition of lovepoetry,14 e.g., no. 27: “Trostlicher trost, mein hochstes hail” (Comfortingconsolation,mygreatesthappiness)arerecordednexttoNeidhart stories:nos.24and34:Awenttawrderweizichvil,davonichnweuchsagenwil(I knowalotofadventures,ofwhichIshallnowtalktoyou),Veilchenschwank(Violet jestnarrative)AandB,andno.40,thesocalledChanterelleandOintment,which is preserved only in the Sterzing manuscript. These ‘Neidhartiana’ became immenselypopularfromthefourteenthcenturyonwardsandcanbefoundnext tobawdysongsaboutwomen,likeno.17:“VonPrageinhawptausPehamerlant” (AheadfromPragueinBohemia).Refrainsongslikeno.12,“Wassolichfurbaz fahen an” (What am I supposed to do in the future?), by Herman Smid are probablytakenfromthesphereofthepopulardrinkingsong.15

14 15

Cf.Cramer,GeschichtederdeutschenLiteraturimspätenMittelalter,314–15. Cf.Cramer,GeschichtederdeutschenLiteraturimspätenMittelalter,315.

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Figure2:SterzingMiscellaneaManuscript,fol.42r(detail)

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[Anonymous]Trostlichertrost,meinhochsteshail16 I.

Trostlichertrost,meinhochsteshail, deinfromdikaitdiepringtmirlaid. jchnemirgunstzumeinemtail füralles,dasdieerdetrait.

II.

Siistmirfrömde,diewolgestalt, situtmichallerfrewdnon. trostlichertrost,dumachstmichalt, wiewoldasichderjarnithan.

III.

Sohanichsdochgehörtsagen, dashoffenernerdenmenschendick. darvmbsowilichnitverzagen, diezeitleitnitaneinemstrick.

[I.

Comfortingconsolation,mygreatesthappiness! Itispainfulformethatyouavoidme. I,formypart,wouldpreferhergrace overanythingelseintheworld.

II.

Thebeautyavoidsme. Thus,shetakesawayeveryjoyfromme. Comfortingconsolation!Youmakemeold, eventhoughIamstillyoung.

III.

Yettheysaythathope oftensavesman. Therefore,Idonotwanttolosecourage. Timeisnottiedwitharope.]

Also,themixtureofGermanandLatintextsintheSterzingMiscellaneaManuscript hintsatitsoverall“urbancharacter”;itmayverywellbethatagrammarschool teacheroranothereducatedpersonhaswrittenit.

The‘InnsbruckSong’ However,thesmallTyroleanurbansettlementscompletelylackedthescholarly airofauniversitycity.MostTyroleansgainedtheirhighereducationinVienna or Padua. And yet, the inhabitants of Tyrolean cities may not have needed collegiatetutelageorliterarytraditions inordertogettoknowcarousalsand

16

Zimmermann,DieSterzingerMiszellaneenHandschrift,No.27(153).

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nightly “courting.” Especially the burghers in their parlors probably fostered collectivemusicmakingandsinging,aswecanseeonawoodcutintheAmbras Songbook17from1582.

17

The Ambras Songbook, formerly from Ambras castle near Innsbruck, library of Ferdinand II (1529–1595),contains260songs.DasAmbraserLiederbuchvomJahre1582,ed.JosephBergmann. BibliothekdesliterarischenVereinsinStuttgart,12(Stuttgart:LiterarischerVerein,1845).Albrecht Classen,DeutscheLiederbücherdes15.und16.Jahrhunderts.Volksliedstudien,1(Münster,New York,etal.:Waxmann,2001).

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Figure3:AmbrasSongbook,frontpage(detail)

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Inanycase,songsweresungintheTyroleantowns,likethetouchingfarewell and lovesong “Isbruck, ich mus dich lassen” (Innsbruck, I Must Leave You), whichHeinrichIsaac(1450–1517)settomusicandwhichhasbeenhandeddown through many manuscripts and prints. The content of the song shows the importantrolethecityplaysinthefirststanzaofthepoem.Beingtheresidence ofthelovedone,itservesasametaphorforthebelovedwomanherself. I

Isbruckichmusdichlassen, ichfahrdahinmeinstrassen, infrembdelanddahin, Meinfreudistmirgenommen, dieichnitkanbekommen, woichimelendbin.

II

Grosleidmusichjetzttragen, dasichalleinthuklagen, demliebstenbulenmein, Achliebnunlasmicharmen, imhertzendeinerbarmen, dasichmusvondannensein.

III

Achfrewleindusoltnitweinen, dubistdochnitalleine, nimdireinenringenmut, Ichwildichnitauffgeben, dieweilichhabdasleben, hettichdeskeysersgut.

IV

Meintrostoballenweiben, deinthuichewigbleiben, stehttrewderehrenfromb, NunmusdichGottbewaren, inallertugendtsparen, bisdasichwiderkom

[I

Innsbruck,Imustleaveyou Itravelalongmyway Toforeignlands Myjoyistakenawayfromme WhichIcannotgetbackagain Inanaliencountry.

II

NowIhavetobeargreatsorrows WhichIonlylament Tomylovedone Ohlove,havepityforpoorme

(AmbrasSongbook,no.CLXXXVIII).

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KlausAmannandMaxSiller Inyourheart ThatImusttravelfromthence.

III

Ohlady,donotcry, Foryouarenotalone. Stayinalightmood! Ishallnotabandonyou AslongasIamalive, EvenifIhadtheemperor’sriches.

IV

Myconsolationaboveallwomen! Ishallalwaysbeyours, Faithfultoyou,fullofhonor. NowGodshallprotectyou, Keepyouallvirtuous, UntilIshallcomeback!]

The‘GlurnsSong’ WhereasthepeopleofInnsbruckstillliketosingtheir‘Innsbrucksong,’thesong ofyetanothertownhasprobablybeenbeltedoutonlybyitsenemies:theso called‘Glurnssong.’Intheyearof1499,theSwiss,togetherwiththepeasantsof Grisons,defeatedKingMaximilian’sTyroleanarmyinadisastrousbattle—theso called Calvenbattle—near the town of Glurns. This devastating defeat of the Tyroleanswascelebratedbythevictoriousadversariesinafewhistoriopolitical songs.Thetriumphalistic‘Glurnssong’“Sowillichabersingen,Singeneinnüws gedicht”18(Iwanttosingagain,singanewsong)canundoubtedlybecounted among the most impressive examples of contemporary political songwriting. Because of this battle near Glurns, the town gained some notoriety and the description of the stampede of the royal troops, written down by a Tyrolean historianacenturylater,iscomicalandshockingatthesametime:“DieTyroller nemenirenweegnacherGlurns,fliechenzueinemthorein,zumanndernwider aus,mitgrossereilderstattMeranzue”(theTyroleanstaketoGlurns,theyenter thetownononeside,leaveitontheotherandwithgreatspeedhastentowardthe cityofMeran).Thiscitywasn’tfarawayandformanyinhabitantsofthetownthe

18

Cf.MaxSiller,“DieCalvenschlacht(1499)inderDichtung:dasBündneroderGlurnserLied,” Calven1499–1999:BündnerischTirolischeNachbarschaft.VorträgederwissenschaftlichenTagungim RathausGlurnsvom8.bis11.September1999anläßlichdes500JahrGedenkensderCalvenschlacht,ed. JosefRiedmann(Lana:Tappeiner,2001),263–86(editionofthesong284–86).

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flightendedtragically,whenthebridgeovertheriverEtschcollapsed.Thenext day,Glurnswasburning.19

Drama Theliteraturewehavementionedsofarhaditsgreatestimpactcertainlyinthe city and only to a lesser extent in rural areas or on the castles of the gentry. Medieval plays, however, almost exclusively belong to the city. This applies, aboveall,tothereligiousplayinitsextendedversionswhichlastedforafew days.This“cycle”ofplaysfromTyrol,whichconsistsofthreepartsandisclosely linkedtotheecclesiasticalritesbeforeandonEasterday,hasbeenreferredtoas TyroleanPassionPlayeversinceJosefEduardWackernellfirstediteditinsucha masterlyway.20OnMaundyThursday,onGoodFriday,andonHolySaturday, oronEasterSunday,aplayoftheLastSupper,aPassionPlay,andanEasterPlay were staged in the Tyrolean towns of Bozen, Brixen, Sterzing, and Hall. This thematicrangeofthePassionPlaywasextendedbyplaysofChrist’sentombment andMary’sLament.PlaysofthewalktoEmmaus,theAscension,andotherplays going along with the liturgical calendar year were added. This tradition of religiousplays,bytheway,reachedwellintothemodernera,whenalsorural communitiesstartedtostageplays.21Likethereligiousplays,thesecularplays werealsorestrictedtoaparticulartimeoftheyear,dependingontheliturgical year:carnival.

19 20

21

Cf.Siller,“Calvenschlacht.” AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol:MitAbhandlungenüberihreEntwicklung,Composition,Quellen, AufführungenundliterarhistorischeStellung,ed.JosefEduardWackernell.QuellenundForschungen zurGeschichte,LitteraturundSpracheÖsterreichsundseinerKronländer,1(Graz:Styria,1897). Cf.theoverviewin:HansjürgenLinke,“DieOsterspieledesDebsCodex,”Zeitschriftfürdeutsche Philologie104(1985):104–29. Wackernell,AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,CC–CCI;AntonDörrer,“Passionsspiele,Tiroler,” DiedeutscheLiteraturdesMittelalters–Verfasserlexikon,ed.WolfgangStammlerandKarlLangosch. 1sted.,Vol.3(Berlin:deGruyter,1943),742–835;here769–71;NorbertHölzl,Theatergeschichtedes östlichenTirol:VomMittelalterbiszurGegenwart.2Vols.TheatergeschichteÖsterreichs,BandII: Tirol2,1/2(Vienna,Graz,etal.:Böhlau,1966–1967);EkkehardSchönwiese,DasVolksschauspielim nördlichenTirol:RenaissanceundBarock.TheatergeschichteÖsterreichs,BandII:Tirol3(Vienna: VerlagderÖsterreichischenAkademiederWissenschaften,1975).Asoneexampleamongmany, wewouldliketomentiontheSillianPassionPlayfromeighteenthcenturyEastTyrolwhichhas beenhanded down in afewversions(Hölzl,TheatergeschichtedesöstlichenTirol,17–164).The Passion Plays from Erl and Thiersee are based on a younger Oberammergau tradition (Schönwiese,DasVolksschauspielimnördlichenTirol,28–29).

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BenediktDebsandVigilRaber22 WehavetomentionmainlytwopersonswhenwetalkaboutTyroleandramain theMiddleAgesandtheEarlyModernEra:BenediktDebsandVigilRaber.We know about the first one only that he was originally from Ingolstadt, that he worked as a grammar school teacher in Bozen, and that he was a passionate collectorofdramatexts. Atthebeginningofthemodernera,aremarkablefigureemergesinTyrol’s literaryhistory:VigilRaber.HedescendsfromafamilywhohadbeenSterzing residentssince1420,andhewasprobablybornintheyearsaround1480.Hedied in1552,inthemiddleofDecember,andwasburiedinSterzing.23Hewasapainter by trade—there is evidence of his smaller works—and his achievements as a painter of coats of arms are quite impressive (Weimar, Brixen, and Neustift heraldicbooks);hemayalsohaveworkedasapainterofpanels.24Hisinvaluable contribution to European culture, though, is his collection of manuscripts recordingmedievalreligiousandsecularplays,thelargestoneintheGerman speakingworld.OnFebruary3rd,1510,wemeethimforthefirsttime,ashestarts tocopytwosecularplays(RumpoldundMarethIIIandDasChorgerichtII);in1539 hewrotedownhislastplay,the(religious)TirolerSpielvom reichenMannund Lazarus(TyroleanPlayoftheRichManandLazarus).Allinall,hecopied40playsin these30years,15religiousand25secularones.25Thedramatextsinhiscollection whichwerenotcopiedbyhimselfareofnolesserimportance;amongthemisthe wellknown ‘Debs Codex’ containing the oldest stock of religious plays. The SterzingMiscellaneaManuscriptprobablywasamongthosemanuscriptsthatwere boughtbyRaber.Thislargecollectionoftextstogetherwiththestagepropswas soldforsixflorinstothecityofSterzingbyhiswidow,VirgiliRäberinalready withinayearafterhisdeath.Today,theRabermanuscriptsarepreservedinthe VigilRaberarchives,apartoftheSterzingmunicipalarchives.

22

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Cf.MaxSiller,“Esmagauchchainerchainreichtumhan,esmüesainandermitarmuetstan:Tirolische LiteraturdesMittelaltersundderFrühneuzeitinihrereuropäischenDimension,”forthcoming 2009. Fordetailsandfurtherliterature,see:VigilRaber:Zur450.WiederkehrseinesTodesjahres.Aktendes 4. Symposiums der Sterzinger Osterspiele (25.–27.3.2002), ed. Michael Gebhardt and Max Siller. SchlernSchriften,326(Innsbruck:Wagner,2004). Cf.HarwickW.Arch,“DerHeraldikerVigilRaber,”VigilRaber,ed.MichaelGebhardtandMax Siller, 33–43, and Leo Andergassen, “Vigil Raber als Tafelmaler,” Vigil Raber, ed. Michael GebhardtandMaxSiller,21–32. Fordetails,see:HansjürgenLinke,“VigilRaberalsSchreiber,”VigilRaber,ed.MichaelGebhardt and Max Siller, 117–46; Eckehard Simon, “Die Fastnachtspielhefte: Vigil Raber als Schreiber, Textbearbeiter,DramaturgundSpielleiter,”VigilRaber,ed.MichaelGebhardtandMaxSiller, 213–33.LinkeprovidesanaccuratelistoftheplayscopiedbyRaber,theirchronologicalorder, andtheeditionswhichhavebeenpublisheduptonow.

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FormanyRabertexts,‘models’orparallelversionshavebeenfound,which sometimesdiffergreatlyfromeachother.Twelveofthe25secularplaysshow,for example, a Nuremberg model. Earlier scholars tended to see Vigil Raber’s “historical”achievementsinhiscollectingactivitiesandinhispromotionofthe localandregionaltheaterlife,whereasnowadaysweesteemRaberatleastpartly astheeditorofhistexts,too.26Thereis,forexample,aversionofaNuremberg play,writtenprobablybyHansFolz,calledEinFaßnachtspilvoneinemArtztvnd einemKrancken(AShrovetidePlayaboutaDoctorandHisPatient),whichwasedited byRaber,inwhosecollectionitiscalledderscheissennd(theshitting[person]).27Not only is the small river Fischbach, which runs through Nuremberg and is mentionedattheendofFolz’splay,‘translocated’totheBozenequivalentTalfer, buttherearealsoremarkablelinguisticandthussociologicalchanges:InRaber’s version, the patient and his company, including the precursor, are German speakingpeasants,whilethedoctorisItalianandonlyspeaksbrokenGerman.28 Thisholdsanenormouspotentialofadditionalcomedy:Therearethefunniest misunderstandingsbetweenthefarmersspeakingtheirruralvernacularandthe Italiandoctor.Inliteraryterms,theRaberversionhasundoubtedlytobepreferred overtheNurembergversion. ItwouldbeinterestingtoknowmoreaboutVigilRaber’spoliticalpositionsin hisownrestlesstimes.Wherewashe,whatdidhedo,forinstance,duringthe Tyrolean peasants’ uprising, when his slightly younger compatriot Michael GaismairfromSterzing(bornaround1491/1492,murderedonApril15th,1532) tooktheleadinthismovement?RaberknewGaismair’sfamily,notleastbecause theyalsotookpartintheaterperformances.Andwhatwashisattitudetowardthe emergingProtestantReformation,whichfoundmanyfollowersinSterzing?Can wededucehispoliticalandreligiouspositionsfromhisrepertoireofplays?When, 26

27

28

“RaberhatoffenbarallevonihmaufgezeichnetenSpielebearbeitet.SeinAnteilanderTextierung – Zusatzverse, Solostücke, Pro und Epiloge, ‘abendfüllende’ Doppelspielfassungen, ein neu aufgefundener “Beschluss” – war größer als die Forschung wahrgenommen hat.“ (Raber obviouslyalsoeditedallplayshecopied.Thequotaofhischangingthetexts—additionalverses, solo parts, prologues, epilogues, ‘featurelength’ double versions, a newly discovered “conclusion”—was greater than scholars have hitherto assumed.) Simon, “Die Fastnachtspielhefte,”231.AsimilarstatementisprovidedbyLinke,“VigilRaberalsSchreiber,” 144:“[E]rhatbeimAbschreibendieSpielezugleichauchbearbeitet.”(Bycopyingthetexts,he [i.e.,Raber]changedthematthesametime.) Acriticalparalleleditionisprovidedby:MaxSiller,“TextkritischeParalleleditiondesNürnberger Fastnachtspiels[HansFolz],‘EinFaßnachtspilvoneinemArtztvndeinemKrancken’unddes SterzingerFastnachtspiels‘derscheissennd’,”Fastnachtspiel–Commediadell’arte.Gemeinsamkeiten –Gegensätze.Aktendes1.SymposiumsderSterzingerOsterspiele(31.3.–3.4.1991),ed.MaxSiller. SchlernSchriften,290(Innsbruck:Wagner,1992),161–98. For details, see: Max Siller, “Ausgewählte Aspekte des Fastnachtspiels im Hinblick auf die AufführungdesSterzingerSpiels‘derscheissend’,”Fastnachtspiel–Commediadell’arte,ed.Max Siller,147–59;here151–54.

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inanycase,KingFerdinand’sIrepressionsreachedtheirpeakinTyrolaround 1532,whenantiCatholicopinionswerepunishedwithfireandswordandwhen censorshipandinteriorespionagethreatenedeventhefreedomofthought,when MichaelGaismairwasstabbedbypaidkillersofthecountry’srulernearPadua andwhenAnabaptistswerekilledbythehundredseitherwiththeexecutioner’s axoratthestake,theShrovetideplayDiezwenStenndt(TheTwoOrders)circulated inTyrol.Theplay,whichwasprobablywrittenbyChristophKefer,agrammar schoolteacherfromMeranwhowaseducatedattheuniversityofVienna,shows aclearproReformationtendencyandithassurvivedonlythankstoVigilRaber, whocopiedittwice:oncearound1533andthesecondtimein1535.29Whatiseven moreimportantwithregardtoliterarysociologyandreligiouspolitics:Rabernot only copied this drama twice—which is unheard of in his collection—he also stagedit;wehaveproofofaperformanceinSterzingin1533,butitwasprobably playedmoreoftenandpossiblyalsoinotherTyroleantowns.

SociologicalAspectsofUrbanDrama a.ReligiousPlays In addition to discussing problems of reconstructing a given text’s historical situationofproductionandreception,questionsaboutmaterialcultureandsocial relationshavebecomemoreandmoreimportantoverthepastfewyears.Such research has to start in small geographical and social milieus,30 and it is only possible, if—in addition to the texts—concrete contemporary notes about performances are preserved. “The social character of the actors,” which “is formallysensedwiththeirdistinguishednamesandfunctionsfromtheurbane [sic!]upperstrataorfromemphasizedsocialelitegroups”31canbepinpointed withthehelpoflistsrecordingtheactors’namesoftheBozen32andSterzing33 29

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For the play’s origins, performances, and author, see: Siller, Literatur – Sprache – Territorium, 375–87; 498–511; and most recently (summing up): Max Siller, “Die Lokalisierung der mittelalterlichen Spiele mit Hilfe der (historischen) Dialektologie,” Ritual und Inszenierung: GeistlichesundweltlichesDramadesMittelalters,ed.HansJoachimZiegeler(Tübingen:Niemeyer, 2004),247–54;here251–54. Wenzel,“ZentralitätundRegionalität,”16. HannesObermair,“DiesozialeBühnederStadt:VigilRaberundderSpielbetriebinBozenum 1500–einesozialhistorischeSkizze,”VigilRaber,ed.MichaelGebhardtandMaxSiller,147–59. AnEnglishversionofthisarticlewaspublishedalsoin2004:HannesObermair,“TheSocialStages oftheCity:VigilRaberandPerformanceDirectioninBozen/Bolzano(NorthernItaly)–aSocio historicalOutline,”Conciliummediiaevi7(2004),193–208;here195.Citationsaretakenfromthis version. ThecastinglistsoftheBozenPassionPlayfrom1495and1514arepublishedin:BoznerPassion1495:

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plays performed during the decades before and after 1500. And indeed, the castingseemstoreflectacity’ssocialstructure.Obermair’sanalysisofthecasting listofthe1495BozenPassionPlay34suggeststhatplayswere“astrongculturaland symboliccapital,thatwereeffectivebothhorizontallyandverticallyinthecontext ofinteractionbetweenpeople,andinparticularbetweenboththosewhowere presentandthosewhowerenotpresent.”35Mainly“representativesofthetop professions of the city from the artisan or upper class sectors […] mayors, merchants,andchurchprovosts,directorsofhospitalsandschools,taxandduties collectors,eliteprofessions(cobblers,saddlers,andcoopers),andmonopolistic supplyprofessions(bakers,butchers)”36actonstage,justasonthe“stage”ofthe politicalandsocialurbanlife.Justhow“exclusive”thecharacteroftheurban dramawascanbedemonstratednotonlybythefactthatwomenwereabsentand thelowerclasseswereexcluded.Butitisalsotrue,surprisingly,thatthereareno membersofthenobilitymentioned,eventhoughtheyhadtheirrepresentatives in the Bozen city council. What we have here, obviously, is a “corporative connectionoftheplaydirection”:Theconditionsforparticipationinplayingwere fullcitizens’rights,realestateproperty,andeligibilityforthecouncil(“partofthe socialinsigniasofthecity’scastesociety”),butalsoparticipationintheurban “servicesector,”37whichpossiblyexcludedthenobilityfromparticipation. The example of Sterzing shows most distinctly that play culture was “an affirmativeconsensusmodelfortheurbanpublicthatstabilizedsocialrelations.”38 ThecastinglistsofthePassionPlayperformancesin1489,1496,and1503areyet

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Die Spielhandschriften A und B, ed. Bruno Klammer. Mittlere deutsche Literatur in Neu und Nachdrucken,20.(Bern,Frankfurt,andNewYork:Lang,1986),173–74;349–50;366–69;andBernd Neumann, Geistliches Schauspiel im Zeugnis der Zeit: Zur Aufführung mittelalterlicher religiöser DramenimdeutschenSprachgebiet.2Vols.MünchenerTexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschen LiteraturdesMittelalter,84–85(Munich:Artemis,1987),Vol.1,143–56;190–203. ThecastinglistsoftheSterzingplaysof1489,1496,and1534aredescribedin:RolfBergmann, KatalogderdeutschsprachigengeistlichenSpieleundMarienklagendesMittelalters.Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Munich: Beck, 1986), 320–22 (no. 144). They are published in: Neumann, GeistlichesSchauspielimZeugnisderZeit,647–56;DiegeistlichenSpieledesSterzingerSpielarchivs,ed. Walther Lipphardt and HansGert Roloff. Vol. 4. Mittlere Deutsche Literatur in Neu und Nachdrucken,17(Bernetal.:Lang,1990),180.Thelistsofthe1503performancearepublishedin: DiegeistlichenSpieledesSterzingerSpielarchivs,ed.WaltherLipphardtandHansGertRoloff.Vol. 2.MittlereDeutscheLiteraturinNeuundNachdrucken,15(Bernetal.:Lang,1988),374–75.For thisplay,seealso:Bergmann,Katalog,296–99(no.135). Obermair,“TheSocialStagesoftheCity.” Obermair,“TheSocialStagesoftheCity,”195. Obermair,“TheSocialStagesoftheCity,”198. Obermair,“TheSocialStagesoftheCity,”199.Obermairisrightwhenhepunsthatthedramatis personaewereatthesametimethecivitatispersonae(201)referringtotheurbandignitariesand elites. Obermair,“TheSocialStagesoftheCity,”203.

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to be thoroughly examined, but for the time being Josef Eduard Wackernell’s analysisshowsclearlythatthetown’s“obersterBeamtersowiediegeistigeund finanzielleBlütederBürgerschaft”39(topofficialandtheintellectualandeconomic primecitizens)carriedouttheperformances.Aboutfivemembersofthewell respectedKöchelfamily,adynastyofmasterbuilders,playedaroleintheseplays, CasparKöchelplayedtheSaviortwice.AlsoinSterzing,theclergyiscompletely absent as well as the nobility, and here, too, female characters are played by (young) men.40 A certain Aichler, for example, took on the role of the Ancilla hostiaria(theusher’smaid)andhadtocrowasthecockinPeter’sdenialscene(et gallus).41 It becomes evident that the play reflected real social relations, when WolfgangSchererplaysLonginus,andseinknechtUlreich(hisservantUlrich)takes ontheroleoftheservusLongini(theservantofLonginus).42Asacuriositywemay mentionthatacertainGaismairplayedtheFalsustestis(falsewitness)inthe1503 PlayoftheLastSupper,andinthePassionPlayhewascastastheLatroasinistris Gesmas(Gesmas,thethiefontheleft).43 TheearliestrecordingsofperformancescomefromthecityofHall:From1430 onwards,44inintervalsoverthecourseofacentury,weencounternoteswhich recordexpensesfortheosterspil(EasterPlay)orzumpassion(forthePassionPlay)

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Wackernell,AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,LIII. Cf.Wackernell,AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,LII–LVI.ThefirstnameMartinewithKelderer (MartineKeldrergabdieMariaCleophe[MartineKeldrerplayedMariaCleophe])doesnot“suggest a woman“ (ibid., LV). Martine was (like Heinrice and others) the ‘humanistic scholarly’ form derivedfromtheLatinvocative.ThedialectformofthenameisMártl. Cf. Neumann, Geistliches Schauspiel im Zeugnis der Zeit, 650 and footnote 22; Wackernell, AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,LV. Wackernell,AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,LIII–LIV;cf.Neumann,GeistlichesSchauspielim ZeugnisderZeit,652.Here,wecanseeclearlythe“solidificationofsocietalsocialrolesthrough theirrepresentation”indramaperformancesthatObermair(“TheSocialStagesoftheCity,”203) suggests. Cf.Neumann,GeistlichesSchauspielimZeugnisderZeit,655–56.AccordingtoWackernell(Alt deutschePassionsspieleausTirol,LIV),itwas“vermutlichderselbeGaismair,derspäterinden BauernkriegennichtvielschönereRollengespielthat”(probablytheverysameGaismair,who didn’tplaymorebeautifulroleslaterinthepeasants’revolt).Itisundoubtedlywrongthatwe havethesameMichaelGaismair,theleaderofthepeasants’warof1525/1526beforeus,because hewasbornaround1491/1492,see:AngelikaBischoffUrack,MichaelGaismair:EinBeitragzur SozialgeschichtedesBauernkrieges.VergleichendeGesellschaftsgeschichteundpolitischeIdeenge schichtederNeuzeit,4(Innsbruck:InnVerlag,1983),67.Inanycase,Wackernell’sevaluationof theSterzingpeasants’leaderclearlyshowstraitsofnineteenthcenturyattitudes. Neumann (Geistliches Schauspiel im Zeugnis der Zeit, 389, note for no. 1868) is right when he considerslinkingcertainrecordingsfrom1430(nos.1866–1868)totheperformanceofaShrovetide Play. Similarly: Eckehard Simon, Die Anfänge des weltlichen deutschen Schauspiels 1370–1530: UntersuchungundDokumentation.MünchenerTexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschenLiteratur desMittelalters,124(Tübingen:Niemeyer,2003),390.

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inurbanaccountbooks.45ThegrandestperformanceofaPassionPlay,whichwas extendedbyaPalmSundayPlay,wasstagedherein1511.Wedon’thavecasting lists from Hall, but a reference  in a chronicle shows that the sociopolitical backgroundoftheseperformancesisthesameasinBozenandSterzing: Annodomini1511hatmanzueHallghaltenaintrefflichsspil,nemlichendenpassion Christi,darinvilnamhafterleitundanselicheperschonenseindgewesen,habenauf irenaignenkostenvildarüberlassengeen.46 [A.D. 1511 a splendid play was performed in Hall, namely the passion of Christ, whereinmanyrenownedpeopleandrespectedpersonshavetakenpart,andthey havespentalargesumfromtheirownmoneyforthatpurpose.]

BozenwantedtocatchupwithHallatleast.ThepatricianLienhardHiertmair, provostofthechurchinBozen,hadameetingwithBenediktDebsandVigilRaber in1514,wheretheydecidedtoplanfortheplaytolastsevendays.47 InBrixen,wehavenotesonplaysperformedtherefromaround1522,thefirst performanceofanEasterPlaytookplacein1544,andalsothemanuscriptofa BrixenPassionPlayhasbeenpreserved.48Thisplaywasperformedinthecathedral andwehaveaccuraterecordingsofthedutiesofthecathedralsexton(written downbetween1555and1558byVeitFeichter):“somandasosterspilwillhalten nachdermetten”49(whentheEasterplayistobeperformedaftermatins),the sextonhadtopreparethestagepropsontheeveningbefore.Theseinstructions paintaveryvividpictureofearlymoderntheaterperformances,whenwelearn forinstancethattheSavioriscladallinred,St.Peterinwhite,orthatthegardener carriesasasignofhisoffice:“ainEýssenSchaúffl”50(anironshovel)inhishands. Moreover,wearetoldthattheurbanaudiencesdidnotalwaysobservelawand order.VeitFeichter,forinstance,complainsthatpeoplestood—rathernearthe

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Inmanycases,thesenotesareaboutbuildingupanddismantlingthestages.See:Neumann, GeistlichesSchauspielimZeugnisderZeit,389–400.Cf.Wackernell,AltdeutschePassionsspieleaus Tirol,CCXXIX–CCXXXV;MonikaFink,“GeistlicheSpieleinHallim15.und16.Jahrhundert,” LiteraturundSpracheinTirolvondenAnfängenbiszum16.Jahrhundert:Aktendes3.Symposiumsder SterzingerOsterspiele(10.–12.April1995),ed.MichaelGebhardtandMaxSiller.SchlernSchriften, 301(Innsbruck:Wagner,1996),231–37;here232–35. Neumann,GeistlichesSchauspiel im ZeugnisderZeit,394,No.1896;cf.Wackernell,Altdeutsche PassionsspieleausTirol,CCXXXIII. Neumann,GeistlichesSchauspielimZeugnisderZeit,203–204,No.545;cf.Wackernell,Altdeutsche PassionsspieleausTirol,CCXXXVI–CCXXXVII. Neumann,GeistlichesSchauspielimZeugnisderZeit,247–48,No.545;cf.Wackernell,Altdeutsche PassionsspieleausTirol,CCLVII–CCLXXXVII;351–431(edition). Neumann, Geistliches Schauspiel im Zeugnis der Zeit, 249–51; Veit Feichter. Das Brixner Dommesnerbuch. Mit elektronischer Rohtextversion und digitalem Vollfaksimile auf CDROM, ed. AndreaHofmeisterWinter.InnsbruckerBeiträgezurKulturwissenschaft.GermanistischeReihe, 63.(Innsbruck:InstitutfürGermanistik,2001),281–82;285–87. HofmeisterWinter,DasBrixnerDommesnerbuch,282.

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stage!—oncarpetsthatcoveredtwobenchesservingastheseatoftheApostlesin thewashingofthefeetandheadvisesthesextontotakeallcandlesoutofthe candlesticks, otherwise they may be broken, “dan das volckh Ist vnzogen”51 (becausepeoplehavebadmanners).Theseremarkssuggestthatreligiousplays werehighlypopularandpeoplewerepressedaroundthe‘stage’inordertosee alloftheplay. Inthesixteenthcentury,thecitizensofBruneckseemedtohavebeenespecially keenonperformingplays.Wehaveregistersfrom1532until1598recordingthe town’sexpensesnotonly“zudemPassion”(forthePassionPlay,1550and1577), butalsofornumerousotherplaysduringtheyear.52InMeran,too,thetradition oftheEasterplay,thefirstrecordingsofwhichgobacktoaround1519,seemsto havebeenreplacedbyothertypesofreligiousplays—in1570thecouncilandthe mayorapprovedofaPlayoftheLastJudgment.53Itseemsthattheperformance ofanEasterPlayinInnsbruckbyacertainschoolteacherUdalricusin149454could notestablisharealtradition. Itisremarkablethatthe‘devil’splay,’55ascene,whichappearsrightafterthe ‘HarrowingofHell’sceneintheInnsbruck(Thuringian)EasterPlay56of1391,also turnsupintheyoungerTyroleanversionsofthePassionPlay(HallPassionPlay of1514andBrixenPassionPlayof1551)rightaftertheguardscene,whichhasbeen interpretedveryearlyasa“bürgerlicheSatiregegendasherabgekommeneRitter tum”57(bourgeoissatireagainstthedecliningchivalry).AfterChristhasliberated the patriarchs and prophets from hell, Lucifer orders the devils to fill up his kingdomwithevilsoulsonceagain: Syseyenedl,glert,reichoderarem, (Sohabtubersykainerparem) Esseienhantbercherguetoderschlecht, Diemaistermitsamptdemknecht, Difrauenmitsamptderdiern: Diallsolltirzumirherfiern!58 [Maytheybenoble,learned,richorpoor (Don’thavemercyuponthem)

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HofmeisterWinter,DasBrixnerDommesnerbuch,286. Neumann,GeistlichesSchauspielimZeugnisderZeit,252–55. Cf.Neumann,GeistlichesSchauspielimZeugnisderZeit,592–93. Cf.Neumann,GeistlichesSchauspielimZeugnisderZeit,412. AccordingtoWackernell,HallPassionPlay,AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,341,v.1555–1560. Innsbruck University Library, Cod. 960, fol. 35v–50r. Edition: Das Innsbrucker Osterspiel. Das OsterspielvonMuri.MittelhochdeutschundNeuhochdeutsch,edited,translated,annotated,andwith anafterwordbyRudolfMeier.ReclamsUniversalBibliothek,8660(Stuttgart:Reclam,1962). Wackernell,AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,CLXXXV. HallPassionPlay,Wackernell,AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,341,v.1555–1560.

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Maytheybemasterlyorpoorcraftsmen, Themasterstogetherwiththeservants, Theladiestogetherwiththeirmaids: Leadallofthemtome!]

Thistormentingscene59isofcourseagreatbasisforaclasssatire.Becausemainly urbanprofessions—rangingfromthesteward(procurator),miller,shoemaker,and bakertothetailorandtheblacksmith—aresatirized,onehastheimpressionthat theurbangovernmenttakestheopportunityheretostageahauntingsermonfor theurbanclasses.

b.TheSecularPlay Theclasssatireofthereligiousdevil’splayshowsacertainrelationshipwiththe secular“courtingplay,”liketheSterzingVenusPlay;60itevenformsthehumorous equivalent to the gruesome hell scene. It was copied by Vigil Raber in 1511, significantlyinthesameyearinwhichthePassionPlaywiththishellsceneatthe endwasperformedinHall.61AlltradescomeoffbadlyintheVenusPlay,andalso aviolentknightandaprimitivepeasantaremadetolooklikefoolswhoexitthe stageinhumiliation.Theoreminer62(Arczknapp,v.134),ofcourse,couldnotbe neglectedintheminingcityofSterzing.63

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AccordingtoWackernell(AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,CLXXXVIII–CXCIV)thedevil’sscene isthe2ndpartofthe3rdplayoftheTyroleanPassionPlay.Texts(ed.Wackernell):HallPassionPlay, 340–349,BrixenPassionPlay,426–431. Sterzinger Spiele. Die weltlichen Spiele des Sterzinger Spielarchivs nach den Originalhandschriften (1510–1535)vonVigilRaberundnachderAusgabeOswaldZingerles(1886),ed.WernerM.Bauer. WienerNeudrucke,6(Vienna:ÖsterreichischerBundesverlag,1982),206–236. Cf.Wackernell,AltdeutschePassionsspieleausTirol,CLXXXIII. In 1509, master Matheis Stöberl depicted two miners on the (carved) high altar of the St. MagdalenaChapelofRidnaun,nearSterzing.Cf.JosefWeingartner,DieKunstdenkmälerSüdtirols. I.Band:Eisacktal,Pustertal.Ladinien.6thedition,editedbyJosefStadlhuber(Innsbruck,Vienna: Tyrolia,1977),191.ThefactthatM.StöberleplayedtheDiabolusintheSterzingPassionPlayof1503 showsthecloserelationshipbetweentheplayingcommunityandthisartist,too.Cf.Diegeistlichen SpieledesSterzingerSpielarchivs,ed.WaltherLipphardtandHansGertRoloff.Vol.2.Mittlere DeutscheLiteraturinNeuundNachdrucken,15(Bernetal.:Lang,1988),374–75. For the Sterzing mining jurisdiction see Georg Mutschlechner, “Das Berggericht Sterzing,” SterzingerHeimatbuch.Ed.andcollectedbyAnselmSparberandcollaborators.SchlernSchriften, 232(Innsbruck:Wagner,1965),95–148.

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Figure4:DepictionofminersintheSt.MagdalenachapelofRidnaun(near Sterzing).MasterMatheisStöberl,1509(photograph:MaxSiller)

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Aboveall,though,theburgherisalsorejectedbyVenus,althoughheintroduces himselfas“ainpurgeralsoreich,/Dasmanhartineinerstat/meingeleichn gesechnhat”(v.83–85;sucharichburgher/thatyoucanhardlyfindsomeonelike me/inanycity).Thereiscertainlyagrainofselfironyorevenaribaldsideswing by the play’s author, obviously a scholar, when the townsman is judged and rejectedbyVenus:“Meinherczkainsguecznichtpegert,/darumpistuvormier vnberdt!”(v.96–97;Myheartdoesn’tlongforgoods/thereforeyouareunworthy inmyeyes!).Theauthorletstheuniversitystudent(Schreiber),whohasstudied theology“aufdenhohnschuelndervnifersitet”(v.806;attheuniversitycolleges), gain the lovely lady’s hand. Many a contemporary citizen may have felt concerned;othersmayhavewinkedatoneotheraboutsimilarfigures. Itismaybeonlyacoincidencethattheoldestrecordsofsecularplayscomefrom Hall,theTyroleancenterofsaltproduction.Wedon’tknowwhichplayswere actuallyperformed,butweknowfromarchivefilesthatthecommunityspent7 poundsand6pencefortheconstructionandsubsequentdismantling“vonzwein pünnvndgerüstenzezwainSpilnzevasnacht”64(oftwostagesandscaffoldsfor two Shrovetide Plays) in 1426. In 1430, we find a similar reference to a performance; after that date the urban account books fall silent. So, this sole evidenceofaperformanceinHallrepresents“einVorspielohneHauptaktion”65 (apreludewithoutthemainaction).WefindonlyscatterednotesonShrovetide Playsfrom1503inInnsbruckandfrom1522inBozenandMeran.66 ThefirstevidencefromSterzingisamazing.67Intheaccounts(Bürgermeisteramts reitung)oftheSterzingmayorJörgArtzpergerfrom1527,wefindthefollowing entry: A[nno]d[omin]jam6tagmarczjdemStofflschophergebndaserdasspilaufdem RathaúshatghaltnaúsbeúelchderHerrnn—tút5ph[und]. [A.D.onthesixthdayofMarch,StofflSchopferwasgiven5pounds,becausehehas performedtheplayinthetownhallaccordingtothealdermen’sorders.]

ThereisevidencethatthisStoffl(Christoph)Schopfer,whowasthefirstdirector ofaSterzingShrovetidePlayonMarch6th,1527(AshWednesday!),whichwas performedinthetownhall,68wasinfactapeasantfromthenearbyvillageof

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Simon,DieAnfänge,142–43and390. Simon,DieAnfänge,143;cf.also179. Simon,DieAnfänge,143. Forthefollowingcf.Siller,Literatur–Sprache–Territorium,378–380.Cf.nowSimon,DieAnfänge, 171–72. “Ihrem Existenzgrund entsprechend dokumentieren Tiroler Spielzeugnisse fast ausnahmslos AufführungenimRathaus.”(Accordingtotheirraisond’être,Tyroleanrecordingsofplaysalmost always document performances in the town hall.) Simon, Die Anfänge, 174; cf. Simon, “Die Fastnachtspielhefte,”231.

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Mareit. He was part of the Ehrbarkeit or respected class, i.e., the rural class of proprietors.HewasrelatedtoUlrichHaimbuecher,aninfluentialcitizenand,in 1530,mayorofSterzing,whichprobablymadecontactswiththeurbansociety easier.Wedon’tknowwhichplayhedirectedwithwhatcast.Itwasprobablya ruralensemble,inwhichthedirectorhimselfmayhavetakenpart,aswellassome ofhissevenchildrenwhomweknowbyname.69Wedon’tknowanythingabout hiseducationeither,butwemayinferthathecouldread. Thisperformanceof1527wasnottoremaintheonlyinteractionofcityand countryintheSterzingtheaterculture.Aplaywithadörperlich(rustic)company aroundcarnivaltimewasperformedinthetownhallasearlyasthefollowing year.Thistime,theactorscamefromthenearbyminingvillageofGossensaß.70 This‘rusticimport’isallthemoresurprisingwhenweknowthatbythemiddle of the fifteenth century Vigil Raber’s ancestors owned the Vasnachts haus (Shrovetidehouse),afactwhichseemstosuggestthattheRaberfamily,whohad been in Sterzing since 1420, took pride in carnival traditions, and Hans, grandfatherofourVigil,mayhaveorganizedcarnivaldiversionssuchasparades. Michael, Hans’s son may have inherited the fostering of these traditions, and underthesecircumstancesthegrandson’s,Vigil’s,interestintextsassociatedwith urbanreligiousandseculartraditionsisn’tastonishingatall.71His24(orperhaps 25)smallmanuscriptsrecordingShrovetidePlaysrepresent“eininderfrühen europäischen Spielüberlieferung einmaliges Repertorium von Aufführungs skripten”72 (a repertory of scenarios unmatched in the early European theater tradition). IntheVenusPlay,wehaveobservedacertainreflectionofurbansociallifeand culture.WefindthisinotherTyroleanShrovetidePlays,too,asforexampleinthe recken spil73 (Play of the Warriors). This dramatization of the Dietrichepic Der 69

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AroamingtroupeofactorsconsistingofpeasantsfromWattensperformed,forexample,inHall in1549.WalterSenn,AusdemKulturlebeneinersüddeutschenKleinstadt:Musik,SchuleundTheater derStadtHallinTirolinderZeitvom15.biszum19.Jahrhundert(Innsbruck,Vienna:Tyrolia1938), 121;127;611,No.84. MayorHansSelauerrecordedthespendingfor1528:MerAsgebendenspillLeitnvongossnsassAf peelchderherrn/AllssydaßspillAfmRathaßgehabthaben—Thet0m[arck]3ph[und]0k[reuczer] 0f[ierer](More[was]spentfortheactorsfromGossensaßaccordingtothecouncillorswhenthey performedtheplayinthetownhall—0marks,3pounds,0kreutzers,0fours).Siller,Literatur– Sprache–Territorium,380.ThereisevidenceofacompanyfromGossensaßinSterzingin1544, 1549, and 1575. Cf. Conrad Fischnaler, “Die Volksschauspiele zu Sterzing im XV. und XVI. Jahrhundert,” Zeitschrift des Ferdinandeums 3 (1891), 23–382; here 375–76. Cf. now Simon, Die Anfänge,173–74. Cf. Michael Gebhardt and Max Siller, “Vigil Raber in alter und neuer Sicht,” Vigil Raber, ed. MichaelGebhardtandMaxSiller,7–20;here7–8. Simon,DieAnfänge,180. Thecaptioninthecodexreads:“Ainvasnachtspillvondenrisnoderreckhnetc.”(lines3–4;A ShrovetidePlayaboutGiantsorWarriorsetc.),Bauer,SterzingerSpiele,9–26.

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RosengartenzuWorms(TheRoseGardenofWorms),copieddownbyVigilRaberin 1511,isabouttheduelsbetweenthewarriorsofDietrichvonBernontheoneside and those of Kriemhild on the other. Thus the play offers an opportunity for fencerstodemonstratetheirskillsonstage.

Figure5:HansThalhofer,Fechtbuchvon1476,BayerischeStaatsbibliothek München,Cod.icon.394a,fol.7v(Internet:http://daten.digitale sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00020451/images/index.html?id=00020451&native no=7v

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Figure6:HansThalhofer,Fechtbuchvon1476,BayerischeStaatsbibliothek München,Cod.icon.394a,fol.86v(Internet:http://daten.digitale sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00020451/images/index.html?id=00020451&native no=86v)

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Theactorsundoubtedlyhopedfortheadmirationofthepresentwomen,whoare explicitlyaddressedbytheprecursor: Irfrauensolletauchniterschrickn, wanirdyschbertwertsechnplickhen, Danesgarschimpflichnzuegat, wiewollesyedermanernstlichanstat.(v.30–33) [Oh,youladies,don’tbestartled Whenyouseetheswordsondisplay, Forwedon’tplayforreal,eventhough Itlooksasifeverybodyplaysinearnest]

Theprotagonists“vechtenvmbainkrenczelein”(v.27;fightforalittlewreath)or, astheheroWittichinhisfightagainstthegiantAsprianputsit:“Durchgotvnd schonerfrauenn”(v.285;forthesakeofGodandbeautifulladies).InDietleib’s words: zugefallenallerschonenweib Vndzuliebdemliebstnpuelenmein mueßesgarritterlichgestritnsein. [forthegraceofallbeautifulwomen andfortheloveofmymistress wemustfightgallantly.]

(v.405–407)

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Figure7:RunkelsteinCastle,TournamentHall,southernwall:joust,ball games,rounddance.SchlossRunkelstein.DieBilderburg,ed.AndréBechtold (Bozen:Athesia,2000),figure114

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Figure8:RunkelsteinCastle,TournamentHall,southernwall:joust(detail: femalespectators).SchlossRunkelstein.DieBilderburg,ed.AndréBechtold (Bozen:Athesia,2000),figure118

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KlausAmannandMaxSiller

Notonlycourtlyliteratureandheroicepicsareimitated—partlyinasatirizing way74—onanurbanstage,butalsonoblemartialartsgames,likethejoustand tournament,arerepresentedinthebourgeoisvariationofsportivestagefencing. ThemagnificentnobletournamentsliketheonesthattookplaceinInnsbruckand theonesarrangedjustoutsideRunkelsteincastlenearBozenalreadyaround1400, appearinanartisticoreveninadeliberatelyclumsyparodyontheurbanstages, aseventhecarnivalheraldannounces: Ruckhtaußdemwegstuellvndpenckh, derhirnenseyfridistgarvngelenckh

(v.40–41)

[Moveawayallchairsandbenches thehornyskinnedSeyfriedisveryawkward]

This‘awkwardly’hornyskinnedSeyfridoncewasSîfrit,thecourtlyknightpar excellence;yetontheurbanstagearound1500heepitomizesthenoble‘loser.’75 The victorious old Hildebrand (Hilprant) dryly commands Frau krimhild (lady Kriemhild),thenoblequeen,toputthewreathonhisgrayhead(“Seczmirden krancz auff meinen graen kopf!” v. 505), but he rejects the other prize for his victoryindignantly,asifhewasafrum(pious)burghercreatedbytheNuremberg mastersingerHansSachs:76 Ichahteurshalsnvndkussnnit, verfluechtseyeurhoffsit! Dashalsnwillichsparnmeinerfraen, dysichinernalleczeytlastschauen.

(v.514–517)

[Iscornyourembracingandkissing Cursedbeyourcourtlyfashion Isavemyembracesformywife Whoalwayswalksingreathonor.]

Whatistalkedaboutandisshownonstage“nurInSchalatzweiß”77(onlyina jocularway),tellsalotaboutthehistoricalsocialandcommunicativereality.In Tyrol as well, the feudal nobility was the real enemy of the rural and urban population.Fromthefourteenthcenturyonwards,thecitiesofsouthernGermany had to defend themselves against the extortion of protection money by the knightlymobs.78Enviouslyandcovetouslytheknightswerelookingattheurban

74 75

76 77 78

Cf.Bauer,SterzingerSpiele,482. Cf.AlbrechtClassen,“HansSachs’sReceptionoftheMedievalHeroicTradition:SocialCriticism in the Cloak of Nibelungenlied Source Material,” Parergon: Journal of the Australian and New ZealandAssociationforMedievalandEarlyModernStudies23(2006),93–117. SeealsothecontributiontothisvolumebyAlbrechtClassen. SterzingerSpiele,v.10,v.753(452). Cf.Dopsch,“Epoche–sozialgeschichtlicherAbriß,”21–22.

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populationwhohadbecomewealthythroughtrade,industriousness,andwork. OswaldvonWolkensteinshowstheconflictbetweenknightsandburghersina poem (Kl. 25) already at the beginning of the fifteenth century. He lets two people—“Ain burger und ain hofman”—(v. 1; a burgher and a nobleman) “tispietiern,welcherbasmöchtgeben/denfreulinhohenmuet”(v.2;5–6;discuss whocanbetterputtheladiesinahighstateofmind).Thejudge,aprocuressfrom Brixen called Diemuet (Humbleness), unequivocally decides in favor of the burgher.Thedefeatednoblemanresortstoviolencejustliketheknightinthe Venus Play almost would have done. Where, like in the drama, only the commonersexpressthemselves,theknightsaredepictedastheyhaveprobably oftenbeenseeninreality.Intheirutteruselessnessandtheirparasitismthey,in theeyesoftheurbanpopulation,resembletheguardsoftheHolySepulchre79in manyEasterPlays,whobragabouttheirbraveryastheygotosecurethegrave andarereducedtoabunchofcowardswhentheangelcomesandraisesJesus fromthedead.

ConcludingRemarks WithinthesphereofliteraryentertainmentfoundinTyrol,wecanexplicitlysee thedevelopmentofa‘civic’urbanculturefromthelateMiddleAgesonwards. This culture had already won the battle against church and nobility who had dominated cultural life until then. Untouched by all that, a royal nostalgic, EmperorMaximilian,orderedhistollkeeperHansRiedtocollectandtocopy courtlyepicsofthethirteenthcenturyaslateasintheearlysixteenth:Thisishow theAmbraserHeldenbuchcameintobeingbetween1504and1516,writtenupon royalordersandonpreciousparchment—whileatthesametimeburgherswere writing their plays on simple paper. As dust jackets they often used old parchmentfolioswhichweresortedoutbecausetheywereofnouseanymore,at leastatthattime.

79

Cf.theBible:Mt27,62–66;28,3–4

ConnieL.Scarborough (UniversityofCincinnati)

UrbanSpacesintheTragicomediadeCalistoyMelibea

Thework,commonlyknowntodaybyitspopulartitle,Celestina,existsintwo versionswithtwodifferentoriginaltitles,bothofwhichareusuallyattributedto FernandodeRojas.ThesixteenactComediadeCalistoyMelibeawaspublishedin Burgosin1499andtheexpandedversionintwentyoneacts,theTragicomediade CalistoyMelibea,somethreeyearslater.Toavoidconfusionwiththenameofthe maincharacter,Celestina,inthisessay,IwillrefertotheworkastheTragicomedia, i.e.,thelongeroftwoversions.Althoughbothversionsoftheworkaredivided intoAutos(Acts)andthetextiscomposedentirelyindialoguewithoutrecourse toanarrativevoice,theTragicomediaisnotaplayinthetraditionalsense.Itistoo longtobeperformedinitsentiretyanditlacksanysortofdirectorialnotes;most criticsrefertoitasahybridgenreoranovelindialogue.Althoughtheworkdefies conventionalgenreclassificationitsplotisrelativelysimple:anupperclassyouth, Calisto,issmittenbyalovelyyounglady,Melibea,andinordertowinherfavors, enlists the aid of Celestina, a worldlywise gobetween, known in Spanish an alcahueta.Celestinaisaprocuress,amadam,amakeroflovepotionsandother remedies,restoreroflostmaidenheadsandfacilitatorofillicitloveaffairs—allfor aprice,ofcourse.1Midplot,Calisto’sservantsmurderCelestinainafitofgreedy rageandaresummarilydecapitatedforhermurder.Despitethesetragedies,the younglovers,Calistoand Melibea,consummatetheiraffaironlytohavetheir happinesscutshortwhenCalistodiesastheresultofafallfromtheladderwhich hehadusedtoscalethewallofMelibea’sgarden.Melibea,inresponsetotheloss ofherlover,commitssuicidebythrowingherselffromahightower.

1

GretchenMieszkowski,MedievalGoBetweensand Chaucer’sPandarus.TheNewMiddleAges (Houndmills,Basingstoke,Hampshire,andNewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2006).

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The town where these events take place is never identified and critics have spilledgallonsofinkarguingforonesettingoveranother.2Whiletheireffortsare interesting,theexactcitywheretheactiontakesplaceisnotasimportantaswhat Patrizia Botta has called “the idea of the city”3 and how that idea affects the characters’realitiesandthedecisionstheymake.Theconfigurationsofthecityand its neighborhoods, the noble houses of Calisto and Melibea, the putería or designatedbrothelzone,thechurch,theplaza,Celestina’shouseontheoutskirts oftownareallsignificanttotheplotdevelopmentandwithoutthesegeographical andsocietalmarkers,theworkcouldnotexistinitspresentform.Inaddition, much of the action and key points of dialogue occur in the streets, while the characters are either en route to a destination or hurrying to some activity or errandthatadvancestheplot.Spaceswithinthisfictitiouscitycanbeclassifiedas publicorprivateeventhoughthisdistinctionis,attimes,porousasweshallsee. Inanimportantarticlepublishedin1994,“ItinerariosurbanosenlaCelestinade FernandodeRojas”(“UrbanItinerariesintheCelestinaofFernandodeRojas”), Botta establishes the centrality of an urban setting for all the action and interactionsthattakeplaceintheTragicomedia.Bottastatesthatinthisworkthe cityisnotjustabackdropagainstwhichtheplotunfolds: muchasdelasescenassedandirectamenteenlacalle,odelantedeunaiglesia,odetrás deunapuerta.Susespaciosrealessirvenalaaccióndeldrama,sonnecesariospara quelosacontecimientospreparenoinclusoocurran” [“Manyofthescenestakeplaceinthestreetorinfrontofthechurchorbehindadoor. These real spaces serve the action of the drama, they are necessary to prepare for eventsorfortheiractualoccurrence.”]4

In fact, the place most often identified in the Tragicomedia is the street itself. Thereareatotalof27sceneswhichtakeplaceinthestreet,ascharactersareen route or returning from meetings or related tasks. Botta has noted that these

2

3

4

For examples see the following: Theodore S. Beardsley, Jr., “The House and Gravesite of Celestina,” Celestinesca 24 (2000): 123–30; Stephen Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas, (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1962),seeespecially,Chapter6,“Salamanca”(267–353); María Rosa Lida de Malkiel, La originalidad artística de La Celestina (Buenos Aires: Editorial UniversitariadeBuenosAire,1962),seeespeciallythesection,“ElLugar”;FranciscoMaldonado de Guevara, “La casa de Celestina,” Anales Cervantinos 7 (1958): 287–89; Francisco Márquez Villanueva.Orígenesysociologíadeltemacelestinesco,(Barcelona:Anthropos,1993);HiginioRuiz yCarmenBravoVillasante,“TalaveradelaReina(1479–98),¿lugardeaccióndeLaCelestina?,” AnuariodeEstudiosMedievales3(1966):553–62;DorothyS.SeverinandJosephT.Snow,“Lacasa dePleberioenSalamanca,”Celestinesca12,1(1988):55–58. PatriziaBotta,“ItinerariosurbanosenlaCelestinadeFernandodeRojas,”Celestinesca18.2(1994): 11331;here123. Botta, “Itinerarios urbanos en la Celestina de Fernando de Rojas,” 114. This and all other translationsthroughoutaremyown.

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“streetscenes”arescatteredthroughouttheworkandthereareonlyfiveofthe21 actswhichdonotincludeastreetscene.5Keyforaworkwithoutanarrativevoice isthecharacters’monologuesinwhichtheyrevealtheirdesires,fears,anxieties, andfrustrations.Manyofthesemonologuestakeplaceasacharacterisonhis/her way in the street. Perhaps one of the most famous is that of Celestina at the beginningofActFour.ShehasagreedtohelpCalistoinhisbidtowinMelibeaand whileonherwaytotheyoungwoman’shomeshespeaksveryopenlyaboutthe task she is about to undertake and expresses second thoughts about the risks involved.Celestinaregretshavingtakenonthisdangerousmissioninwhichshe may be denounced or punished by Melibea’s family if they find out the real purposeofhervisit.ButsheisevenmoreconcernedaboutwhatCalistoandhis servantswillthinkofherifsheabandonsthemissionafterhavingsoconfidently takeniton.Sheistornandinfrustrationsheexclaims: “¡Puestristeyo,malacá,malacullá,penaenambaspartes!Quandoalosestremosfalta elmedio,arrimarseelhombrealmássanoesdiscreción.” [“Oh,woeisme,evilontheonehand,evilontheother,sorrowonallsides!When betweentwoextremes,thereexistsnomiddleground,stickingtothesafestpathisthe wisestchoice.”]6

ShedecidestopursuehermissiontoMelibearatherthanbeaccusedofbeinga cowardandtoreassureherselfaboutthisdecision,shenotesthatalltheomensfor goodfortunehavebeeninherfavorduringherwalk: “Todoslosagüerosseadereçanfavorables,oyonosénadadestaarte:quatrohombres quehetopado,alostresllamanJuanesylosdossoncornudos.Laprimerapalabraque oýporlacallefuedeachaquedeamores;nuncahetropeçadocomootrasvezes.Las piedrasparecequeseapartanymehazenlugarquepasse;nimeestorvanlashaldas, nisientocansaciónenandar;todosmesaludan.Niperromehaladradoniavenegra hevisto,tordonicuervoniotrasnoturnas.”(150) [“AlltheomenshavebeenfavorableorIdon´tknowanythingaboutthisart.Ofthe fourmenI’veruninto,threearenamedJohnandtwoarecuckolds.ThefirstwordI heardinthestreetwasabouttheachesandpainsoflove.Ihaven’tstumbledatallas Ihaveothertimes.Thestonesseemtomoveoutofmywayandgivemeroomtopass. Myskirtshaven’tgotteninmywayandIdon’tfeeltiredfromwalking.Everybody greetsme.NodoghasbarkedatmeandI’veseennoblackbirds,neitherthrushnor crownoranyothernocturnalones.”]7

5 6

7

Botta,“Itinerariosurbanos...,”115. ThisandallsubsequentquotesfromtheTragicomediaarefromtheeditionofLaCelestina,ed. DorothyS.Severin.3rded.LetrasHispánicos,4(Madrid:EdicionesCátedra,1989),here150. Alltranslationsaremine.

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Forme,themostinterestingdetailinCelestina’smonologueisherreferencetonot stumblinginthestreet;shementionsthatattimesherskirtsareahindranceor there are stones in her path. Through her comments we have a vivid mental picture of uneven, cobbled streets where a long skirt which one would most probably try to hold above the muck could prove hazardous, especially for a womanofadvancedyears.Shereturnstotheimageofherskirtsbeingahindrance as she travels the city streets on other occasions. When she is walking from Melibea’shousetomeetCalistoafterherfirstmeetingwiththeyoungwomanto reporttohimtheoutcome,shecursestheskirtswhichimpedeherprogress:“¡O malditashaldas,prolixasylargas,cómomeestorváysdeallegaradondehande reposarmisnuevas!”(171;“Ohyoucursedskirts,cumbersomeandlong,howyou hindermyarrivalwhereIwillmakemyreport.”)Andlater,inActEleven,when sheistryingtocatchupwithCalisto’sservants,SempronioandPármeno,inthe streetssheagainblamesherlongskirtsforslowingherdown:“Todalacalledel Arcedianovengoamásandartrasvosotrosporalcançaros,yjamáshepodidocon miluengashaldas”(249;“AlldownthestreetoftheArchdeacon,Ibeentryingto catchuptoyou,butInevercouldbecauseoftheselongskirtsofmine.”) Therearemanyotherreferencestothecitystreets.Forexample,when SempronioandPármenoarestandingguardoutsideMelibea’shousewheretheir masterissecretlymeetingwithhislover,Semproniofearsthatstreetbywhich theyhadcomemightbeblockedbyherfather’sguardsshouldtheyneedtomake ahastyretreat: Sempronio:Diosnoslibredetraydores;nonosayantomadolacallepordotenemos quehuyr,quedeotracosanotengotemor.(259) [Sempronio:Godkeepusfromtraitors;Ionlyhopetheyhaven’toccupiedthestreet bywhichwecouldflee,that’stheonlythingthathasmeworried.]

There are also references to more specific dangers in the streets at night. On Calisto’sfirstvisittoMelibea’shouse,arrangedtotakeplaceatmidnight,heand hisservantsmakespecialpreparationsbeforeventuringintothedarkanddeserted streets.Calistoputsonhiscuirassandhetellshisservantstoarmthemselves. BeforetheyleavethesafetyofthehouseCalistoasksifthereisanyoneoutsidein thestreets. Andhisservant,Sempronio,repliesthatitissodarkthatitmakesitalmost impossibletotellifanyoneislurkingabout: Sempronio: Señor, ninguna gente pareçe y aunque la oviesse, la mucha escuridad privaríaelvisoyconoscimientoalosquenosencontrassen. Calisto: Pues andemos por esta calle, aunque se rodee alguna cosa, porque más encobiertosvamos.”(256)

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[Sempronio:Sir,nobodyisaboutandeveniftheywere,theutterdarknesswould makeitimpossibletoseethemorrecognizeanyonewemightruninto. Calisto:Let’sgodownthisstreet,eventhoughit’sabitoutoftheway,becausewe’re lesslikelytobeseen.]

Hopingtopassundetected,themenarearmedandvigilantwhentheyventure intothedarkstreets.Theycarryweaponsincasetheyareattackedorforcedto confrontservantsorguardsatMelibea’shouseshouldtheirpresencebedetected there.Therealitiesofunlightedstreetsatnightposeadangerbothofphysical accidentandpotentialassaultasweseeinthisscene.8 There are other references, too, to the danger in the streets at night. After CelestinacomestoCalisto’shousetotellhimaboutherfirstmeetingwithMelibea, Calistoinsiststhathisservantsaccompanyherhometosafeguardher.Whilethis couldbeviewedasasimplecourtesy,otherallusionstothepossibilityofassaults inthestreetsarefrequent.Forexample,Celestinarecallsthatinheryoungerdays, herclientsalwayssenttheir“escuderosymoços”(236;“squiresandservants”)to accompanyherinhercomingsandgoingstoprotecther.WhenCelestinaarrives homeafterbringingnewstoCalistothatMelibeahasagreedtospeakwithhimat midnight,Elicia,theyoungprostitutethatliveswithherscoldsherforbeingout solate: Elicia:¿Cómovienestantarde?Nolodeveshazer,queeresvieja;tropeçarásdonde caygasymueras.(254) [Elicia:Whatisthiscominghomesolate?Youshouldn’tdothatsinceyouareold;you mightstumble,fallinthestreetanddierightthere.]9

Celestinaanswersherobjectionsbysayingthatsheknowswellhowtonavigate thestreetsatnight: “Notemoesso,quededíameavisopordovengadenochequejamásmesubopor poyonicalçadasinopormediodelacalle.Porquecomodizen,nodapassoseguro quiencorreporelmuro,yqueaquelvamássanoqueandaporllano.Másquiero ensuziarmisçapatosconellodoqueensangrentarlastocasyloscantos.”(254) [“Youshouldn’tworrybecauseduringthedayItakenoteofwhereI’llbeatnightand Inevergoalongbythestonebenchesorontheshoulderbutrightinthemiddleofthe street.Because,astheysay,hewhogoesalongthewallnevertakesasurestepandhe whogoesdownthemiddletravelsmostsafely.I’drathergetmyshoesdirtywithmud thanbloodymyheadscarfandhems.”]

8 9

SeealsothecontributiontothisvolumebyPatriciaTurning. ThisandotherfrequentreferencestodeathforeshadowtheimminentdeathsofnotonlyCelestina butalsooftheservants,SempronioandPármeno,aswellasoftheprotagonists,Calistoand Melibea.

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DeborahEllisremarksthat“Celestinahasanambivalentrelationtostreetlife,yet onbalanceherattitudetowardsthestreetisoneofmoresecuritythanherattitude towardsherownhouse.”10AsweshallseelatertherelativecomfortthatCelestina feelswhensheisoutandabouthastodowiththeneedtoconductthebusinessof herhousewithcautionwhereasinthestreetsheisliterallyafreeagent. MelibeaisgreatlydistressedthatsomeevilhasbefallenCalistointhedangerous streetsatnightwhensheiswaitingforhimtoarrivefortheirfirstrendezvousin her garden. She imagines that he may have run into trouble with the night watchmen,orhavebeenbittenbywilddogswhofreelywanderthestreetsat night,ortheyhemayhavefallenintosomeholeorgullyandinjuredhimself.11 Obviously,thethoughtofherbelovedintheurbanstreetsatnightisenoughto conjureupanynumberofpossibledisastershecouldhaveencountered. Pleberio,Melibea’sfather,alsoseesthestreetsassitesofpotentialdisaster.When headdressesfortuneinhislastspeechfollowingMelibea’ssuicidehealludesto thosewhoblithefullywanderthestreetswithoutfearofassault: “Pues agora sin temor, como quien no tiene qué perder, como aquel a quien tu compañía es ya enojosa, como caminante pobre que sin temor de los crueles salteadoresvacantandoenaltaboz.”(338) [“Nowlikeonewithoutfearwhohasnothingtolose,likeoneforwhomyourcompany isnowtiresome,likeapoortraveler(onfoot)whowithoutfearofcruelassailantsgoes alonghiswaysinginginaloudvoice.”]

JustascitystreetsarefrequentlyreferredtointheTragicomedia,anotherfeatureof urbanlifeiswhichalsooccupiesthecharacters’attentionisthecityclock.Bythe timethatRojasiswritingtheTragicomediaactivitiesareassociatedwithspecific timesofthedayornightasdictatedbythecityclock.Thisessentiallyurbanand publicdevicewasacentralfeatureoftownsinthelatefifteenthandearlysixteenth centuries.Maravallstatesthat: “elrelojestípicamenteuninstrumentodelavidaburguesa.EnlossiglosXIVyXV,se instalanrelojescomunalesenlasciudades....Deaquí,enéstas,seconviertaenun elementocomúndelaarquitecturapública,delamismamaneraquesegeneralizaen la vida privada de sus moradores. De esta última forma, lo descubrimos rigiendo cronológicamentelaexistenciadenuestrospersonajes.”12

10

11

12

DeborahEllis,“’¡Adiosparedes!’:TheImageoftheHouseinCelestina,”Celestinesca5,1(1981): 1–17;here5. “¿Quiénsabesiélconvoluntaddeveniralprometidoplazoenlaformaquelostalesmançebos alastaleshorassuelenandar,fuetopadodelosalguazilesnocturnos,ysinleconoçerlehan acometido,elqualporsedefenderlosoffendióoesdellosoffendido?¿Osiporcasolosladradores perrosconsuscruelesdientesqueningunadifferenciasabenhazerniacatamientodepersonas, leayanmordido;osihacaýdoenalgunacalçadaohoyodondealgúndañoleviniesse?(P.283) JoséAntonioMaravall,Elmundosocialde“LaCelestina.”3rded.BibliotecaRománicaHispánia,II.

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[“the clock is a typical instrument of town life. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,publicclockswereinstalledinthecities....Fromthattimeon,theseclocks becameacommonelementofurbanarchitectureandtheybegantoformanessential partoflifeforurbandwellers.Inthisway,wefinditchronologicallydictatingthelives ofourcharacters.”]

WhenCelestinaspeakstoSempronioaboutyoungwomenwhentheyareinlove shealludestotheirimpatiencewiththedictatesoftimeasdeterminedbythehour hands of the clock: “Si de noche caminan, nunca querrían que amanesciesse; maldizenlosgallosporqueanuncianeldía,yelreloxporquedatanapriessa”(144; “Iftheyareaboutatnight,theyneverwantthesuntorise;theycursetheroosters whoannouncethedayandtheclockbecauseitrunstoofast.”)Inasimilarvein, whenPármenocomplainsaboutthelitanyoflaudatorysuperlativesthatCalisto alwaysuseswhentalkingaboutMelibea,hecompareshismaster’slongwinded praisestoawatchwhichisstuckonsoundingtwelveo’clock:“Nuncadamenos dedoze;siempreestáhechoreloxdemediodía”(180;“Henevergiveslessthan twelve;hisclockisalwayssoundingnoon.”)Theprecisehouroftwelvenoonis alsoinvokedwhenPármenoinvitesAreúsatodinewithhimatCelestina’shouse (212).And,whenCelestinaannouncestoCalistothatshehasarrangedforhimto speaktoMelibeathateveningatherdoor,heimmediatelyasksthespecifictime atwhichheshouldarrive.Thebawdtellshimtobethereatthestrokeofmidnight (247).ThepivotalActTwelveinwhichSempronioandPármenokillCelestina openswithCalistoexpressingimpatiencefortheappointedhourofmidnightto soundsothathecankeephismeetingwithMelibea: Calisto:Moços,¿quéhoradaelrelox? Sempronio:Lasdiez. Calisto:...OCuytadodemí,siporcasomeovieradormidoycolgaramipregunta delarespuestadeSempronioparahazer[me]deonzediez,yassídedozeonze,saliera Melibea,yonofueraydo,tornárase;demaneraquenimimalovierafinnimidesseo execución.(255–56) [Calisto:Lads,whattimeisitbytheclock? Sempronio:Teno’clock. Calisto:OhwoeismeifperchanceIhavebeenasleepandmyquestionhungonthe replyofSemproniowhomightsaythatelevenwasten,andthustwelve,elevenwhen Melibeawillcometomeetmeandifshegoesbackin[becauseIdon’tappearontime] mytormentwillhavenoendnorwillmydesirebesatisfied.]

And later, after Sempronio and Pármeno have been executed for Celestina’s murder,hecontinuestocomplainthattheappointedhourofmidnightforhisnext meetingwithMelibeaisslowincoming.Hecursestheclock:

EstudiosyEnsayos,80(Madrid:EditorialGredos,1972),76.

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ConnieL.Scarborough “Ospaciosorelox,aúnteveayoarderenbivohuegodeamor,quesitúesperasseslo queyoquandodesdoze,jamásestaríasarrendadoalavoluntaddelmaestrequete conpuso.”(292) [“Ohgreatclock,ifyouwerelikemeburningalivewithdesireandifwhatawaitedme at twelve awaited you, you would not be tied to the will of the clockmaker who createdyou.”]

SosiabecomesworriedwhenCalistohasnotyetawakenedbyfouro’clockinthe afternoonafterhisvisitthepreviousnightwithMelibea:“...yasonlasquartode latardeynonoshallamadoniácomido” (293;“...it’salreadyfourinthe afternoonandhestillhasn’tcalledforusandhehasn’teatenanythingatall.”) AftertheirfirstsexualencounterinMelibea’sgarden,Calistocurseswhenhe hearstheclockstrikingthreeinthemorningsayingthatitseemslikehehasonly beenwithMelibeaforanhour:“Yaquiereamaneçer,¿quéesesto?No[me]pareçe quehaunahoraqueestamosaquíydaelreloxlastres”(287;“Nowitisalmost dawn,howcouldthatbe?Itdoesn’tseemlikewehavebeenhereevenanhour andnowtheclockischimingthreeo’clock”).13Thesereferencesattesttothefact thaturbandwellers’activitiesarearrangedbyspecifictimeswhichwouldhave been difficult to pinpoint if not for the presence of the town clock which had becomeanessentialelementofearlymoderncityarchitecture. SosiawarnsCalisto’sotherservant,Tristán,nottotarrynearMelibea’shousein theearlymorninghourswhenthecitycomesalivewithactivityandtheirpresence thereatthathourwouldarousesuspicion: “...devemosyrmuycallando,porquesuelenlevantarseaestahoralosricos,los cobdiciososdetemporarlesbienes,14losdevotosdetemplos,monasteriosyyglesias, losenamoradoscomonuestroamo,lostrabajadoresdeloscamposylabranças,ylos pastoresqueenestetiempotraenlasovejasaestosapriscosaordeñar....”(287) [“...weshouldgoourwayveryquietly,becauseatthesehoursrichpeoplegetup and those who are greedy for material rewards; the faithful are on their way to temples,monasteriesandchurchesandlovers,suchasourmaster,arewakingup;the workersarecominginfromthefieldsandfarms,andtheshepherdsatthishourbring theirflocksintomemilked...”]

Inthisbriefpassage,Sosiapaintsavividportraitofabustlingcityintheearly morning, populated by farmers and shepherds coming to town to sell their products,enterprisingbusinessmen,andthefaithfulattendingmorningservices. Anotherexampleofthebustleofthecityduringthebusyhoursofthedayisfound

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14

Themotifofcursingthedawnis,ofcourse,afamiliarmotifinlatemedievalandearlymodern poetry. Anelegantrephrasingof“theearlybirdgetstheworm.”

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inPármeno’sdescriptionofCelestinaasa“putavieja”or“oldwhore.”Hedefends his use of this term to his master explaining that she is known by that title throughoutthecity.InalonglitanyofthosewhorefertoCelestinaasthe“puta vieja”: “Siva[Celestina]entrelosherreros,aquellodizensusmatrillos;carpinterosyarmeros, herradores, caldereros, arcadores, todo officio de instrumento forma en el ayre su nombre.Cántanlaloscarpinteros,péynanlalospenadores,texedores....”(109) [“Ifshegoesamongtheblacksmiths,that’swhattheirhammerssay;carpentersand arms makers, farriers, boilermakers, tinkers, and wool makers, every worker’s instrument sounds out her name. The carpenters sing it, hairdressers comb it, the weaversweaveit....”]

Thecitysquareorplazaisthemostpublicspaceinthecity.15Whencitizensinthe city of the Tragicomedia want to hide their activities, they fear that these may becomecommonknowledgeintheplaza.Theplazaistherepositoryforgossip whichcanruinone’sreputation.Calistoopenlyviolatestheappropriatebehavior foracourtlylovewhoisboundtokeephislady’sidentityasecretwhenhewants torushintothestreetandproclaimthehisgoodfortuneintheplazawhenhe receivesatokengiftfromMelibea.Hewantstomakehisprize,andbyextension, theprizeofMelibeaherself,partofthepublicknowledge:“déxamesalirporlas callesconestajoya,porquelosquemevienensepanquenoaymásbienandante hombrequeyo”(189;“letmegooutintothestreetswiththisjewel,sothatallwho seemewillknowthatIamthemostfortunatemanofall”).Melibea,ontheother hand,specificallyrequeststhatCelestinanotpublicizetheaffair.Melibea’smother, toolate,warnsherdaughterthatCelestina’scomingandgoingstotheirhouse may engender suspicion and gossip: “ . . . a tres veces que entra en una casa, engendrasospecha”(248;“...aftershehasenteredahousethreetimes,gossip starts”.)WhenSempronioandPármenoconfrontCelestinademandingtheirshare ofherearningssheinsiststhattheyquietdown,soasnottoalerttheneighbors andmaketheirprivatebusinessknownintheplaza:“...nodébozes;noallegue lavezindad.Nomehagáyssalirdeseso;noqueráysquesalganalaplaçalascosas de Calisto y vuestras” (274; “Don´t shout; don´t let him [Pármeno] attract the attentionoftheneighbors.Don´tmakemelosemypatience;youdon´twantyour secretandCalisto´sairedintheplaza.”)Punishmentismetedoutintheplazaso thatallwillbeawareoftheconsequencesofcriminalactivity.WhenCelestina remindsPármenothathismotherhadfollowedthesameprofessionsasshe,she tellshimthathismotherwasarrestednolessthanfourtimesandpunishedinthe plaza.Ononeoccasionshewasaccusedofbeingawitch:

15

EveninSpanishcitiestodaytheplazaremainsthehecenterofpubliclifeandthesiteofimportant eventsandspectacles.

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ConnieL.Scarborough “...aunlaunalelevantaronqueerabruxa,porquelahallarondenocheconunas cadelillascojendotierradeunaencruçijada,ylatovieronmediodíaenlaplaçapuesta, unocomorocaderopintadoenlacabeza.”(198) [“...onetimetheyarrestedherandchargedherwithbeingawitch,becausethey foundheratnightwithsomecandlesdiggingupsomesoilatacrossroads,andthey displayedherforhalfadayintheplazaonascaffoldwithapenitent’scaponher head.”]

WhenTristán,anotherofCalisto´sservants,hearsshoutinginthemarket(usually locatedinthecentralplaza)atanearlymorninghourheimmediatelysuspects either an act of public punishment or a bullfight: (“¿O qué grita suena en el mercado;quéesesto?Algunajusticiasehazeomadrugaronacorrertoros”)(277; “What’sallthatshoutinginthemarket,whatisthis?Theymustbecarryingout somepunishmentortheygotupearlytofightbulls.)Tristándoesnothaveto wonderforlongwhatiscausingtheuproarbecauseSosiasoonarriveswiththe newsthatthecommotionisnoneotherthenthepublicbeheadingofSempronio andPármenointheplaza.And,withthepublicrevelationoftheircrime,Calisto andthewholeofhishouseholdareimplicatedandtheiraffairsarenowpublic knowledge.AsSosiaexplains:“...SempronioyPármenoquedandescabeçados enlaplaçacomopúblicosmalhechores,conpregonesquemanifestavansudelito” (278;“SempronioandPármenohavebeenbeheadedintheplazalikecommon criminals,andtherehasbeenapublicproclamationoftheircrimes”).Calistofears forhisreputationbecausehisservants’crimehasbeenrevealed,andpunished,in public, thus implicating him in a relationship facilitated by the victim, i.e., Celestina.Heexclaims:“¡Omissecretosmássecretos,quánpúblicosandaréspor las plaças y mercados!” (280–81; Oh my deepest, darkest secrets, now openly revealedanddiscussedintheplazasandthemarkets!”).16 Another feature of urban space which has drawn considerable scholarly attentionisthegardenwherethefirstsceneintheTragicomediaoccurs.Calisto enters a garden in search of his hunting falcon and encounters Melibea there. Whethertheescapedbirdisapretextfortheencounterortheactualreasonforhis entranceintothegardenisdebatable.Chancemeetingornot,theyoungpeople addresseachotherasfamiliars,usingfirstnames:

16

Churches,too,areaplaceofcommonmovementandactivitiestherearealsolikelytoenterinto publicknowledge.Forthisreason,SemproniotriestopersuadeCalistotoleavethechurchofthe Magdalenawherehisferventprayers(towinMelibea)arecausingpeopletotalk:“Sipassión tienes,súfrelaentucasa;notesientalatierra;nodescubrastupenaalosestraños,puesestáen manoselpanderoquelesabrábientañer”(249;“Ifyouaresufferingfrompassion,doitathome; notouthereinfrontofeveryone;don’trevealyourpaintostrangers;thematterisincapable hands.”)

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Calisto:Enestoveo,Melibea,lagrandezadeDios. Melibea:¿Enqué,Calisto?(85) [Calisto:Melibea,inthisIseethegreatnessofGod. Melibea:Inwhat,Calisto?]

WhilesomescholarsassumethatthegardenCalistoentersisthatofMelibea’s home,thisisnotnecessarilythecase.AlfredoSosaVelascohaspointedoutthat thiscouldbeanyurbangarden.Sosabelievesthat,giventhesocialrealitiesof Castiliancitiesinthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturies,thetwoyoungpeoplemay haveknowneachother’snamewithouthavinghadapreviousrelationship.17The criticaldebateaboutwhetherthegardenwhereMelibeaandCalistohavetheirfirst “chance” meeting is the same one where the lovers eventually have their rendezvoushaswagedfordecades.18Oneimportantfactwemustkeepinmind isthatthegardeninActOneisonethatCalistoentersfreely;thereisnomention ofhighwallsaroundthegardenoranyotherobstacletoenteringitatwill.By contrast,thegardenofMelibea’shomeisenclosedbyveryhighwallsandone cannotenterit“byaccident.”ThuswecanassumethatthegardenofActOneis indeedapublicspacewherethemeetingofMelibeaandCalistosetstheplotofthe Tragicomediainaction. Thehouseswhichmakeupthecitydelineateessentiallyprivatespacesamong thepublicareasoftheurbanlandscapeasdescribedintheTragicomedia.Thenoble houses,thoseofCalistoandMelibea,arekeylocaleswhicharedescribedinsome detail.Forexample,weknowthatCalisto’shousehasstablesandthathespends muchofhistime,isolatedinhisbedroom.Ellispointsoutthat“Theidentification betweenCalistoandhishouseisdevelopedwithsimpleirony.Calistoisalways withdrawnintohisbedroom,wherehesetsupelaboratescenestoexpresshis lovelorn state.”19 When he enlists Celestina’s aid in trying to win Melibea, he

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Alfredo Sosa Velasco, “El huerto de Melibea: Parodia y subversión de un topos medieval,” Celestinesca27(2003):125–48;here131. Among the many articles on this subject, the following are especially important to the developmentoftheoriesaboutthegardenintheTragicomedia: DonaldMcGrady,“EntrandoCalistounahuerta...andOtherTextualProblemsintheCelestina,” HispanicReview63(1995):433–40;EmilioOrozcoDíaz,“ElhuertodeMelibea(Paraelestudiodel temadeljardínenlapoesíadelsigloXV),”Paisajeysentimientodelanaturalezaenlapoesíaespañola (Madrid:EdicionesdelCentro,1974),63–76;GeorgeA.Shipley,“Nonerahiclocus;theDisconcerted ReaderinMelibea’sGarden,”RomancePhilology27(1974):286–303;JamesR.Stamm,“De‘huerta’ a‘huerto’,elementoslíricosbucólicosenLaCelestina,”LaCelestinaysucontornosocial:Actasdel1 CongresoInternacionalsobreLaCelestina(Barcelona:BorrásEdiciones,1977),81–88;WilliamD. Truesdell,“TheHortusConclususTraditionandtheImplicationsofitsAbsenceinTheCelestina,” KentuckyRomanceQuarterly20(1973):257–77. DeborahEllis,“‘AdiosParedes!’:TheImageoftheHomeinCelestina,”Celestinesca5.2(1981):1–17; here9.

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makesheraninitialdownpaymentofahundredgoldcoins.Weknowthathe keepshistreasureinaspecialstoreplaceunderlockandkeybecauseheleaves CelestinaalonewithPármenowhilehegoesoffwithSemproniotoanotherpart ofthehousetounlockthestoreroom: Calisto:Puesvenconmigo;traelasllaves,queyosanarésudubda. Sempronio:Bienharás,yluegovamos,quenosedevedexarcrescerlayervaentrelos panes,nolasospechaenloscoraçonesdelosamigos....(117) [Calisto:Comewithme;bringthekeys,andIwillcureherdoubts(doubtsexpressed byCelestinawhenCalistodelaysinofferingherpayment). Sempronio:Youdowell;let’sgobecauseoneshouldn’tletgrass growamongthe breadloavesnorsuspicionintheheartsoffriends.]

Melibea’shomeappearstohaveareceivingroom,orparlorsimilartotheone in Calisto’s house.20 Melibea and her mother, Alisa, first meet Celestina in the parlorwhensheappearsattheyoungwoman’shomeonthepretextofselling thread.ItispreciselyinthisroomwhereAlisaleavesMelibeaalonewithCelestina whensheissuddenlycalledawaytovisithersicksister.Wecanassumethatthe sisterlivesinsomewhatclosevicinityforshedoesnotanticipatealongabsence fromhome.Alisa’sdeparturegivesCelestinatimetospeaktoMelibeaatsome lengthaboutthetruenatureofhervisit.Muchoftheirconversationisoverheard byLucrecia,theonlyservanttowhomwehavereferenceinMelibea’shouse.For ItziarMichelenathementionofonlyoneservantinMelibea’shome,aswellas otherdetailsinthedescriptionofthisdwelling,areevidencethatMelibea’sfamily mayhavebeenofmorehumblecircumstancesthanwearetobelievebytextual referencestohergrandlineageandnobility.Forexample,Michelenanotesthat whenCelestinamakesherfirstvisittoMelibea’shomethereareisnophysical separationbetweentheservantwhoanswersthedoorandthelivingroomwhere MelibeaandAlisareceivesCelestina:“Lacriada,queentraysaledelaabierta vivienda,avisaalamadequiéneslavieja,ysinnecesidaddeatravesarcámaras odepositarlademandaenmanosdedistintosservidores....”21(“Themaid,who enters and leaves the open household, tells her mistress who the old lady is

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TherearealsoreferencestoMelibea’sbedroom.ShespeaksclandestinelytherewithCelestina whensheasksthebawdtocureher“lovesickness”andshereturnstoherbedroomafterher midnightmeetingswithCalisto.Thebedroomisreferredtoas“cámara”or“retraymiento”.See pp.266,328and340forappearancesofthesetermsintheTragicomedia.Michelenaalsodiscusses theuseofthesetermsonp.191ofhisarticle,“ElhumildecondicióndeMelibea....” ItziarMichelena,“LahumildecondicióndeMelibeaysufamilia,”Traslospasosde“LaCelestina,” Eds.PatriciaBotta,FernandoCantalapiedra,KartReichenbergerandJosephT.Snow.Estudios deLiteratura,67(Kassel:EditionReichenberger,2001),183–201;here186.

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without need to pass through antechambers or to give the message to other householdservants....”)22 Michelena also notes that Melibea’s mother does not take a servant to accompanyheronhervisittoherillsister’shomeasonewouldhaveexpected.23 However, other textual details about Melibea’s household seem to contradict Michelena’sassessmentthathersisnotagrandhouse.SemproniotellsCelestina thatsheistakinggreatrisksinenteringPleberio’s(Melibea’sfather)homebecause heisverynobleandpowerful(145).Alsoweknowthatthehousehasahigh walledgardenaswellasatower,bothofwhichsuggestcertaingrandeurtothe house.Thisfortresslikedescriptionofthehouseisnoteworthysinceitappears designedtokeeptheoutsideworldatbay.ButCelestinafirstand,later,Calisto invadethehousehold,thusprovingitsvulnerabilityandeventualdemise.Ellis statesthat“Melibeadestroysherhomebydestroyingherparents,andherfather’s lossinparticularisinturnexpressedthroughtheimageofthedestroyedhouse.”24 ThedoorstoMelibea’shousefigureprominentlyasafeaturedesignedtocontrol ingress to the house. In their first rendezvous the young lovers are physically separatedbythesedoors.BothCalistoandMelibeamakespecificreferencestothat factthatthedoorsrepresent,figurativelyandliterally,abarriertotheirunion: Melibea: . . . Las puertas impiden nuestro gozo, las quales yo maldigo y sus fuertescerrojosymasflacasfuerças,quenitúestaríasquexosoniyodescontenta. Calisto:...¡Omolestasyenojasaspuertas,ruegoaDiosquetalhuegoosabrase comoamídaguerra,queconlaterciapartesseríadesenunpuntoquemadas! Puespordios,señoramía,permitequellameamiscriadosparaquelasquiebren. (262) [Melibea: . . . The doors prevent our enjoyment and I curse them for it. Their strongboltsaretoomuchformyweakstrengthbutifIcouldbreakthemopen thenyouwouldhavenothingtocomplainaboutnorwouldIbeleftdiscontented. Calisto:...Ohthesebothersomeandonerousdoors,IpraytoGodthatsuchafire mightburnthemasifinawarsothatamerethirdoftheflameswouldbeenough todestroythem.ForGod’ssake,mylady,letmecallmyservantstobreakthem down.]

AnumberofimportantfactorsariseinthisbriefexchangebetweenCalistoand Melibea.ThemostinfamousfeatureisperhapsMelibea’sopenacknowledgement ofhercarnaldesires.Itisshewhofirstcursesthedoorsthatimpedetheirphysical

22

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MichelenaalsoseesinthefactthatLucrecia,theservantinMelibea’shome,isthecousinofElicia, theyoungprostitutewholiveswithCelestina,asasignthattheservantisfromadisreputable family(185).However,asIpointoutlater,thepathofeitherprostituteorhouseholdservant,was oneofthefewopentounmarriedwomenofthelowerclassesintheurbanenvironment. Michelena,“LahumildecondicióndeMelibea...,”186. Ellis,“‘¡Adiósparedes!’...,”14.

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couplingandspeaksofherownsexualfrustration.CalistopraystoGodtobring downfireandbrimstoneuponthedoorsofthehouse.Hislanguageconjuresup picturesofawrathfulGodwho,inthisinstance,woulddestroythedoorssothat Calisto’s desires could be immediately fulfilled. While this seems like a petty petitionintheextreme,thefactthatGod,fire,andtheimageofwarareallbrought tobearonthissituationspeaksnotonlytoCalisto’sdesperationbuttothefactthat hisdesireshavebeenelevatedtonearBiblicalproportions—acontinuationofthe heresythemeinitiatedinthefirstactwhenCalistodeniesbeingaChristiansaying thathehasnowa“Melibean.”25Whentheservantshearthemselvesinvokedto breakdownthedoors,Pármeno’sinitialreactionistofleethesceneratherthanto attack Melibea’s home—a crime that would certainly not go unnoticed or unpunished.26ButheandSemproniooverhearMelibea’srebuttalofthisideaand alsotheinvitationthatsheextendstoCalistotocomeseeherclandestinelythe nexteveninginhergarden.She,likeCalisto’sservants,knowsthatbreakingdown thedoorsofherhomewouldnotgoundetectedandnewsofitwouldspread throughoutthecity: Melibea:...Quesiagoraquebrasseslascruelespuertas,aunquealpresenteno fuéssemos sentidos, amanescería en casa de mi padre terrible sospecha de mi yerro.Ypuessabesquetantomayoreselyerroquantomayoreselqueyerra,en unpuntoseráporlaciudadpublicada.(262–63) [Melibea: ...Evenifyoubreakdownthesecrueldoorsandevenitwerenot immediatelydetected,tomorrowmorningallmyfather´shousewouldsuspect mymisbehavior.Andyouknowthatthedegreeofmisconductisproportionate to the importance of the one who errs, and in a thrice it would be public knowledgethroughoutthecity.]

Melibeaisawarethatshemustbediscreeteventhoughsheisplanningtobreech thesecurityofherfather’shomeinthenearfuture.Herimmediateconcernisto keephersinoutofpublicknowledgeandarrangeawaythatthetwomayenjoy eachotherwithoutcreatingascandal.WhenCalisto’sservantshearanoiseinthe streetstheyarepoisedtofleefromMelibea’shouse,intendingtogodirectlyto

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Sempronio:¿Túnoereschristiano? Calisto:¿Yo?Melibeosó,yaMelibeaadoro,yenMelibeacreo,yaMelibeaamo(93). [Sempronio:Aren’tyouaChristian? Calisto:Me?I’maMelibeanandIadoreMelibeaandIbelieveinMelibeaandIloveMelibea.] Later,onthispoint,Pármenoremarks,“...quierequebrarlaspuertas,ynoavrádadoelprimer golpequandoseasentidoytomadoporloscriadosdesupadre,queduermencerca”(263).(“.. .hewantstobreakdownthedoors,andwewouldn´thavestruckthefirstblowwhenwewould beperceivedandcaughtbyherfather’sservantswhoaresleepingnearby.”)Pármenoalsoalludes tothefiercenessofPleberio’sguards:“EstosscuderosdePleberiosonlocos;nodesseantanto comernidormircomocuestionesyruydos”(263;“ThosesquiresofPleberioarecrazy;theyprefer quarrelingandtroublemakingtoeatingandsleeping”).

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Celestina’s house rather than to Calisto’s where they may be found and apprehendedlater.Buttheyarerelievedtofindoutthatthenoisethataroused themwasonlythemayor’snightpatrolpassingby.27Thefactthattherearemen patrollingthecitystreetsatnightattesttoanorganizedurbanpeacekeepingforce as well as to a perception that such guards are necessary to protect the townspeople. The doors, as well as the walls to Melibea’s garden, are parts of the urban landscape and serve as obstacles to be overcome so that the lovers may consummatetheirpassion.Thedoorsprovetobeanunbreechabledeterrentinthe firstmeetingbetweentheloversbutthewallsofthegardeneventuallywillbe scaledandMelibea’shomeinvadedbyCalisto.Thesymbolicimportanceofthese obstacles,thesephysicalboundarieswhichdelineatespacewiththepurposeof allowingfortheentranceofsomeandtheexclusionofothers,helptocreatewhat StephenGilmanhascalledthe“ficticiaciudaddeLaCelestina”(“thefictitiouscity ofCelestina”).Onthispoint,Gilmanstates:“...cuandosurgenobstáculos(muro, puertas, etc.), lo son en efecto para los deseos de los personajes y no simple decoradoomerojuegodedetalleescénico”28(“...whenobstaclesemerge(walls, doors,etc.),theyareineffectobstaclestothedesiresofthecharactersandnot simpledecorationoramerewhimofscenicdetail.”) The garden of Melibea’s home plays a central rôle because it is where the relationshipbetweenthetwoissexuallyconsummated.Thehuerto(garden)in Melibea’shomeissurroundedbyhighwalls.WhenCalistofirstscalesthemwith aladderinordertogainaccess,Melibeaexpressesfearwhenhejumpsdowninto thegardenfromsuchagreatheight:“Omiseñor,nosaltesdetanalto,queme morréenverlo;baxa,baxapocoapocoporelscala...”(284;“Omylord,don’t jumpfromsohighup;itscaresmetodeath;climbdowncarefullylittlebylittle using the ladder . . ..”)29 Once having entered the garden, there are abundant referencestodeflowering,obviouslyrelatedtotheCalisto’sdefloweringofthe virginal Melibea within its grounds. Calisto equates Melibea’s garden to a “paraýsodulce”30(292;“sweetparadise”),whereheenjoysthesweetdelightsof

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SeetheinterchangebetweenPármenoandSempronioonpp.263–64. StephenGilman.LaCelestina:Arteyestructura,trad.MargitFrenkdeAlatorre(Madrid:Taurus, 1974),368. Thereferencetothehighwallsanddyingoffrightare,ofcourse,precursorstoCalisto’sfinal mortal fall from these same walls. There are numerous other references throughout the Tragicomediatofallfromhighplaces,fallfromgrace,fallingonhardtimes,etc.—allpointingtoo Calisto’seventualend. OnlinkingMelibea’sgardenwiththeimageoftheGardenofEden,Sosaobserves,“Solamente lospersonajesmalvadoscomo,porejemplo,laserpienteenelparaísoterrenal,soncapacesde violaresteespacio,obiendeapoderarsedeél,talycomoaquísucedeconelmismoCalisto(“El huertodeMelibea...,”134.)(“Onlywickedcharacterssuchas,forexample,theserpentinthe earthlyparadise,arecapableofviolatingthisspace,ortotakepossessionofit,justashappens

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his lover “entre aquellas suaves plantas y fresca verdura” (292; “among those gentle plants and fresh greenery.”) On Calisto’s last, fatal rendezvous with Melibeainthegarden,Melibeaseesthegardenasalivingparticipantintheir sexualdelights.ShetellsCalisto: “Oyelacorrienteaguadestafontesica,quantomássuavemurmurioyzurríollevapor entrelasfrescasyervas.Escuchalosaltoscipresses,cómosedanpazunosramoscon otros por intercessión de un templadico viento que los meanea. Mira sus quietas sombras,quánescurasyaparejadasestánparaencobrirnuestrodeleyte.”(323)31 [“Listen to the running water of that little fountain, how sweetly it murmurs and whispersamongthefreshgrasses.Listentothetallcypresstreesastheirbranches blowinthegentlebreezeandbringafeelingofpeace.Lookatthequietshadowsthat giveusdarknesswherewemighthideandtakeourdelight.”]32

Thegardenenvironsbecomebothwitnessandparticipantinthelovers’sexual enjoyment.Itisakindofurbanoasiswhere,clandestinely,thelovershope to avoidanypublicknowledgeoftheiraffair. Thegardenrepresentsanartificialtransplantationofapastoralenvironmentinto theurbanlandscapeandbecomestheplacewhereloveflowersamongthestone andbrickofthecity.33Also,this“rural”spaceiswheretheloverscometoescape theeverpresentgazeofotherurbandwellerswholiveincloseproximityoneto another.ThefactthatCalistohasinvadedboththehouseofPleberioaswellas Melibea’sbodybothconstitutebreechestothesocialfabric/façade.WhenMelibea loseshervirginityinthegardensheadmitstohavingbroughtshameanddishonor onhishousehold:“¡Omipadrehonrado,cómohedañadotufamaydadocausa ylugaraquebrantartucasa!”(286;“Ohmyhonorablefather,howIhavedamaged your reputation and enabled your house to be ravished!’) The invasion of Pleberio’s home is also a metaphor for the ravishing of Melibea’s body—the proverbialflowerinthecenterofgardenwhoCalistohasdeflowered. ThetowerfromwhichMelibeathrowsherselfafterwitnessingCalisto’sdeath isalsoanimportantfeatureofherhousewhichhasbeenthesourceofseveral criticalstudies.MichelenafindsdiscrepancyinthefactthatMelibeafirstrefersto

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withCalisto.”) Theusesofdiminutives,suchasfontesicaandtempladitoaddtotheidealizeddescription. Severinnotesthatthementionofgivingpeacelinkssexuallovetoreligiousandthatthecypress treessymbolicallyforeshadowCalisto’sdeath(323,fn8). SosaseesMelibea’sgardenasbothapublicandprivatespacewithinthecity:“Si[elhuerto]forma partedelavidaprivadaporquepertenecealaestructuraespacialdelhogar,seconstituyetambién comocomponentedelavidapúblicaalpermitirlaentradaaotrosindividuosprovenientesdeesa mismaesfera,comoeselcasodeunCalistoquellegadelexterior”(“Ifit[thegarden]formspart of private lands because it belongs to the spatial structure of the home, it also constitutes a componentofpubliclifebecauseitpermitstheentranceofpeoplefromthevicinitytoenterfrom outside,suchasisthecasewithCalisto.”)(“ElhuertodeMelibea...,”138).

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itasan“açutea”,i.e.,terraceorflatroof,butwhensheclimbstotheroofshecalls itahightower.34Heseessomeambiguityofterminologywhichcouldleadthe readertobelievethatitisnottheloftytowerofagrandtownhouse.However,the presenceofthetowerisviewedbyJoséAntonioMaravall,MaríaRosaLidade Malkiel,35 and Angel Gómez Moreno as part of the “idea” of urban landscape whichRojashadgleanedfromthevisualartsandfromliterarysources.Maravall suggeststhatRojaswasinfluencedby“elmodelodeesasciudadesdeficciónque eran frecuentes en la pintura flamencocastellana de la época, estampas de ciudadesenlasquesecontemplantodosloselementosdepaisajeurbanoqueen LaCelestinasecombinan....”36(“themodelofthesefictionalcitieswasfrequently foundintheFlemishCastilianpaintingsoftheperiod,illustrationsofcitiesin whichalltheelementsoftheurbanenvironmentofLaCelestinacanbeseen.”) GómezMorenofullydevelopsthisthesiscitingnotonlypaintingsbuttheideaof thecity,andparticularlytheprominenceoftowers,inthedepictionofgreatcities fromtheearliestdescriptionsofRometomoderncinematicrepresentationsof greatcities.37Healsoidentifiesanumberofliterarydescriptionsofcitieswhich couldhaveinfluencedRojasaswellastheuseofthetowerassymbolofthefall fromgracebyBiblicalwriterson.38 ThetowerofPleberio’shomefiguresveryprominentlyinthelasttwoactsofthe Tragicomedia.InActTwenty,MelibeaisdespondentafterCalisto’sdeathandher father,althoughinitiallyunawareofthecauseofhisdaughter’sdistress,proposes thatshetakesomefreshair.Melibeagladlyacceptshisideaandsuggeststhatthey gouptotheterraceofthehousetoenjoytheviewoftheshipsinharbor.Shesends herfatherforsomemusicalinstrumentssothatshecanplayandcalmhernerves. Sheseizesthismomentofherfather’sabsencetoclimbthetowerofthehouseand boltthedoorbehindher.Whenherfatherseesherinthetoweralone,hewantsto climbupafterherbutsheinsiststhatheremainatthefootofthetowersothatshe may tell him the reason for her impending suicide. She begins her speech by callingPleberio’sattentiontothesignsofmourningevidentthroughoutthecity: “Bienvesyoyesestetristeydolorososentimientoquetodalacibdadhaze.Bienoyes esteclamordecampanas,estealaridodegentes,esteaullidodecanes,este[grande]

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Michelena,“LahumildecondicióndeMelibea....”191.Melibeacallstheplacetorre(tower)and evenremarks“muyaltoesesto”(331;“thisisveryhighup”). Seeherbook,LaoriginalidadartísticadeLaCelestina,2nded.(BuenosAires:EditorialUniversitaria deBuenosAires,1970). Maravall,Elmundosocialde“LaCelestina,”72. Gómez Moreno, “La torre de Pleberio y la ciudad de La Celestina (un mosaico de intertextualidadesartísticoliterarias...yalgomás,”ElmundosocialyculturaldeLaCelestina: ActasdelCongresoInternacional,UniversidaddeNavarra,junio,2001,ed.IgnacioArellanoandJesús M.Usunáriz.(Madrid:IberoamericanaandFrankfurt:Vervuert,2003),211–36;here216. Seeespecially226–28of“LatorredePleberio....”

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ConnieL.Scarborough strépitodearmas.Detodoestofueyo[la]causa.Yocobrídelutoyxergasenestedía quasi la mayor parte de la cibdadana cavallería; yo dexé [hoy] muchos sirvientes descubiertosdeseñor....”(333) [“Youcanplainlyseeandhearthesadandmournfulfeelingthatpervadesthewhole city.Surelyyouhearthepealingofbells,peopleshrieking,dogshowling,andthegreat clamorofarms.OfallthisIwasthecause.Icausedallthegentlemenofthecityto dressinmourningandputonsackclothtoday; Ileftmanyservantsdeprivedofa master....”]

FromthispartofMelibea’sspeechwelearnthatCalistohadbeenanimportant personageofthecitysincehisuntimelydeathhasthrowntheentirepopulaceinto mourning.AlsoMelibeablamesherselfnotonlyforhisdeathbutforhowhis deathwillimpactCalisto’speersandservants.ThedeathofCalisto,accordingto Melibea,hasbeennotonlyapersonaltragedyforherbutonesharedbytheentire city. Fromthehightower,Melibeacontinuesherconfessiontoherfather,revealing, withoutguile,thefactthatshehadhadaclandestineaffairwithCalistoandthat theircouplinghadtakenplacewithinthegroundsofherfather’shome:“Vencida desuamor,dileentadaentucasa.Quebrantóconscalaslasparedesdetuhuerto; quebrantómipropósito;perdímivirginidad”(334;“Conqueredbyhislove,Igave himentrancetoyourhome.Hescaledthewallsofyourgardenwithaladder;he broke down my resistance; I lost my virginity.”) Gerli has studied Calisto’s invasionofPleberiogardenandconcludes“TheincursionintoPleberio’sphysical spacenegotiatedbyCelestinaandherconfederatesconstitutesthedisintegration oftheillusionarywallsofclassandidentityerectedbyPleberiotokeepthetwo worldsapart.”39But,aswehaveseen,thelowerclassrepresentedbyCelestinaand theservantsandtheupperclassdonotremainseparatedinthiscityandMelibea tellsherfather,innouncertainterms,thathiseffortstoprotectherwithwallsand towershavebeenunsuccessful.Justbeforeshethrowsherselffromthetower, MelibearequestsherfathertoburyherandCalistotogether.Theirtombwillthus standaspartofthemonumentalarchitectureofthecityandatestamenttothelove theyhadsobrieflyenjoyed. The tower of Pleberio’s home also figures in the last act of the Tragicomedia whichislargelygivenovertotheplanctusorlamentofthefatherafterhewitnesses hisdaughter’ssuicide.Whenherealizesthathisonlychildandsoleinheritorof hisfortuneisgoneherhetoricallyasks:“¿Paraquiénedifiquétorres;paraquién adquiríhonrras;paraquiénplantéárboles,paraquiénfabriquénavíos?”(337;“For whomdidIbuildtowers;forwhomdidIacquirehonors;forwhomdidIplant

39

Gerli,“PrecinctsofContention...,”73.

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trees; for whom did I build ships?”).40 This litany of the inheritance he had preparedforhisdaughterwouldseemtopointtoPleberioasamanofwealth.He hasafinehomeintheurbancenter(withitsprominenttowerortowers),heiswell knowninthetown,heownsproperty(owingtothementionofplantingtrees), andappearstobeabusinessmanorinvestorinindustry.Hethenrailsagainst fortunesayingthathewouldratherthatfatehaddestroyedhiswealth,burnedhis house,anddevastatedhispropertiesthanhavetakenawayhisonlychild.41Heis withoutaninheritorandallhisaccumulatedwealth,hisfinehome,andhishard worknowseemmeaningless.HedismissesthedeathsofCelestina,Sempronio, and Pármeno as deserved, given the unscrupulous nature of their “business.” Calisto’sdeathresultedfromasanaccident.Buthefindsnoexplanationforthe lossofhisdaughterandblamesloveitself,whomheaccusesofbeing“enemigo detodarazón”(342;“enemyofallreason”). PerhapsthemostimportanthouseinthecityisCelestina’s.Itis,literally,the baseofoperationsforthemissionssheperformsthroughoutthecity.Inherhome, sherepairslostmaidenheads,makeslovepotions,conjuresspiritstohelpherin herintrigues,receivesguests,maintainstheyoungprostitute,Elicia,andrestsafter hernumerouscomingsandgoingsasapanderess.MichaelGerlihasdiscussedthe compleximageryevokedbyCelestina’sabode:“...Celestina’shouse...isused toexpressasenseofownership,groupsolidarity,andradicalinsoucianceatthe thoughtofillgottenwealth.Herhouse...standsasanarrestingimageofboth groupidentityandunprincipledambition.”42 IagreethatCelestinaisgreedyandambitiousandthatherhouseprovidesthe physical space for these “vices” to flourish. Her home also has political implicationsforthecityand“standsasamonumenttothecravingforpersonal empowermentthroughtheownershipanddominionofpossession—asafantasy ofstabilityandlegitimacythatliesatthecenterofproletarianillusions.”43Since wealth was becoming the determinant factor for social mobility and the cities allowedmercantileambitionstoflourish,conflictingideasofsocialstatusplayed themselvesoutinCelestina’sactivitiesbothinsideandoutsideherhome.Inside herhome,shereceiveserrantwomen,theirlovers,and,attimes,parentswhowish to remedy a daughters’s fallen state. Pármeno describes the importance of Celestina’shomeforthosewhopatronizeit:“Muchasencubiertasvientrarensu casa;trasellahombresdescalços,contritosyreboçados,desatacados,queentravan

40

41

42 43

Severincitesvariousinterpretationsoftheselineswhichseemtopointtoasimilarpassagein Petrach’sDeremediis,I,90eventhoughthatpassagemakesnoreferencetoships(337). “¿Porquénodestruýstemipatrimonio;porquénoquemastemimorada;porquénoasolastemis grandesheredamientos?”(338). Gerli,“PrecinctsofContention...,”69. Gerli,“PrecinctsofContention...,”69.

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allíallorarsuspeccados”(110–11;“Isawmanyveiledwomenenterherhouse, andafterthemmenbarefoot,contriteandhooded,unbuttonedthatenteredthere tocryovertheirsins”).Theveiledwomeninthisquotedonotnecessarilyreferto nuns(thoughnunswerenotunknownclientsinCelestina’shome)butratherto thosewhoenterherhomewishingtodisguisetheiridentity.Similarlythemen following behind them who are described as barefooted, contrite and hooded couldbereligious,buttheycouldalsobeanymankeentohidehisidentityashe entrusts to Celestina’s ministrations the woman he had deflowered or gotten pregnant.Thereferencetounbuttonedmenconjuresupallusionsofpassions,the resultsofwhichhavebroughtcustomerstoCelestina’sdoor. Inthecourseoftheplot,welearnthatCelestina’shousehasalargediningarea, atypeoflaboratoryordispensarywhereshemixesherpotions,andanupperfloor whereEliciaentertainshercustomers..Herhouseislocatedontheoutskirtsof town,nearthetanneries.Asweshallsee,legislationregardingtheregulationof prostitutiontocertaindefinedareas,mayhaveoccasionedCelestina’smovetothis noncentrallocation.44Gerlinotesthat“theperipherallocationofCelestina’shouse may . . . be viewed in terms of the social stratification expressed through the spatialsegregationofclasseswhichbegantoappearincitiesattheendofthe fifteenthcentury.”45Thus,notonlyisCelestina’shomemarginalizedbecauseof theactivitiesrelatedtoprostitutionwhichoccurtherebutalsobecause,although intrinsicallylinkedtotheworkingsofthesociety,sheis,nevertheless,amember of a nonprivileged socioeconomic class whose lodging must be physically separatedfromthoseofthe“respectable”citizenry.46EvenafterCelestina’sdeath herhouseremainsalmostasalivingmuseumwithherprotégée,Elicia,asitssole inhabitant.AreúsainvitesEliciatocomeandlivewithherinherhouseafterthe lossofCelestinabutEliciainsistsonstayingoninCelestina’shouse: “...allí,hermana,soyconocida,allíestoyaparrochiada;jamásperderáaquellacasa elnombredeCelestina....Ytambiénesospocosamigosquemequedannomesaben otramorada.”(300)

44

45 46

OnthelocationofCelestina’shome,seeP.E.Russell,“WhydidCelestinaMoveHouse?”TheAge of the Catholic Monarchs 1474–1516. Literary Studies in Memory of Keith Whinnom, ed. Alan DeyermondandIanMacpherson(Liverpool:LiverpoolUniversityPress,1989);155–61. Gerli,“PrecinctsofContention...,”72. Onthispoint,Gerlistatesthat“Celestinadidnotjustmovehouse:shewascompelledtodosoby community forces which sought to isolate not just prostitutes and beggars but all the other membersofthelowerclasses”(“PrecinctsofContention...,”72).Itisalsoworthnotingthat Celestina’sprevioushomehadbeennearthehomeofMelibea.Herformerlocation,neararich household,reflectsthemixingofsocialclasseswithintheoldmedievalcity,whereas,nowatthe end of the fifteenth century, the classes are beginning to congregate and become physically isolatedonefromanother.

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[“...there,sister,Iamknown,it’smyneighborhood;thathousewillneverlosethe nameofCelestina....AndalsothefewclientsthatIhaveleftdon’tknowanyother placetofindme.”]

Alan Deyermond calls Elicia “Celestina’s heir”47 and proposes that Celestina’s “lineofsuccession”willcontinueandherhousewillremainanessentialandwell knownpartoftheurbanlandscape.48 The location of the houses in “Celestina’s city,” the identification of specific neighborhoods,andrelationshipsbetweenneighborswereinfluenced,inpart,by thelawsregulatingprostitution.MaríaEugeniaLacarrahaswrittenextensivelyon prostitutionattheendofthefifteenthandbeginningofthesixteenthcenturyin CastileanditsrelationshiptotheurbansocietyportrayedintheTragicomedia.49 Lacarraexplainsthatalthoughthestatutorypenaltiesforprostitutesweresevere, the repeated efforts to legislate the practice indicate that it was difficult to eradicateduelargelytotheprofitsthatothersmadefromtheprostitutes: “...unodelosproblemasconlosqueseenfrentabaellegisladoresqueconfrecuencia eranlospadres,madresoseñoresquienesobligabanasushijas,siervasocriadas,a prostituirseparaobtenergananciadeellas.Másgravetodavíaeralacorrupciónde juecesyoficiales,quienesenlugardeindagarestosdelitosycastigarlostolerabansu actividadeinclusolaimpulsaban.”50 [“Oneoftheproblemswhichconfrontedlawmakerswasthefrequencywithwhich fathers,mothers,ormastersobligedtheirdaughters,servantsormaids,toprostitute themselvestoearnmoneyforthem.Evenmoreseriouswasthecorruptionofjudges

47

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49

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AlanDeyermond,“FemaleSocietiesin‘Celestina,’”FernandodeRojasandCelestina:Approaching the Fifth Century, eds. Ivey A. Corfis and Joseph T. Snow (Madison: Hispanic Seminary of MedievalStudies,1993):1–31;here,18. DeyermondfurtherproposesthatwhatRojasisactuallyportrayingwiththeinheritanceofElicia isakindofmatrilinealsuccessionsinceweknowthatCelestinahadlearnedmuchofartsfrom Claudina,Pármeno’smother,andthatiswasnoneotherthanElicia’sowngrandmotherwhohad taughtCelestinahowtorepairlostmaidenheads.(“FemaleSocietiesin‘Celestina,’”18.) “LaevolucióndelaprostituciónenlaCastilladelsigloXVylamancebíadeSalamancaentiempos deFernandodeRojas,”inFernandodeRojasandCelestina:ApproachingtheFifthCentury,33–78. Lacarrarecognizesthattherepresentationofprostitutioninliteraturedoesnotnecessarilyreflect therealitiesoflegalorsocialpractice.Therefore,shebasesherstudyprimarilyonmunicipal ordinances,royallegislation,andevensomepolicerecordsoftheperiod,allofwhichseemto corroboratemuchoftheinformationaboutthelivesofprostituteswhoinhabittheworldofthe Tragicomedia. MaríaEugeniaLacarra,“LaevolucióndelaprostituciónenlaCastilladelsigloXVylamancebía deSalamancaentiemposdeFernandodeRojas,”FernandoRojasandCelestina:ApproachingtheFifth Century:ProceedingsofAnInternationalConferenceinCommemorationofthe450thAnniversaryofthe DeathofFernandodeRojas,PurdueUniversity,WestLafayette,Indiana,21–24November1991,eds.Ivy A.CorfisandJosephT.Snow(Madison:HispanicSeminaryofMedievalStudies,1993),33–60; here,34.

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ConnieL.Scarborough andofficialswho,insteadofinvestigatingandpunishingthesecrimes,toleratedthis activityandevenpromotedit.”]

LacarracitesAlfonsoX´simportantlawcode,theSietePartidas,asanexampleof thepunishmentsmetedouttoalcahuetesoralcahuetas,i.e,menandwomenwho workedaspimpsfortheprostitutes.Amongthedifferentcategoriesofpimps,the lawcoderecognizesgobetweenswhoinducehonorablewomenintounsanctioned sexualrelationships.Thus,Celestina’sdoubtsandconcernsaboutthetruepurpose ofhervisitstoMelibea’shousearewellfoundedintheknowledgethatsheis actingillegally.Alsoapplicabletotheworldofprostitutionaspresentedinthe Tragicomedia is the distinction the law makes between prostitutes considered “públicas”,i.e.,thosethatliveandworkinanassignedneighborhoodofthecity knownastheputería,andthosewhoplytheirtradeclandestinely,i.e.outsidethe confinesoftheputeríaandwithoutregardtorestrictions.The“prostitutaspúblics”, i.e.,thosesanctionedprostituteswholivedandworkedintheofficialbrothelzone, paidatributetolocalauthorities.Manywomentriedtoavoidthispaymentby workingoutsidetheboundariesofthelaw,riskingbotheconomicandcorporal punishmentshouldtheybediscovered.51 AprimeexampleofthisclandestinetypeofprostituteisAreúsawhoworksout ofherownhouse,choosingherclientsandexactingwhatpaymentsinmoney, goods,orprotectionsheisabletonegotiate.IntheTragicomediasheistheloverof Pármeno, the younger of Calisto’s two servants. We learn that before her relationshipwithPármenoshehadhadasteadycompanion,asoldiernowgone offtowar.TheabsenceofthissteadyclientopensthedoorforPármenotobecome herlover.ButsheisverycircumspectwhenCelestinafirstproposeshimasher nextpartner.Sheisespeciallyconcernedthattheneighborswillseehiscomings andgoingsandinculpateher: Areúsa:Tengovezinasembdiosas;luegolodirán.... Celestina:Essoquetemesyoloproveýprimero,quemuypassoentramos. Areúsa:Nolodigoporestanoche,sinoporotrasmuchas.(205) [Areúsa:Ihaveenvious[female]neighbors,latertheywilltalk... Celestina:I’vealreadythoughtaboutwhatworriesyou,soweenteredveryquietly. Areúsa:Idon’tjustmeantonight,butalltheothertimes.]

51

“...muchasmujeressiguieronejerciendolaprostitución,aespaldas,oconlaconnivencia,dela justicia,enmesones,ventas,casasdealcahuetas[comoladeCelestina],einclusoensuspropias casassiteníanmayoresgananciasy/ogozabandemejorprotección”(Lacarra,44)(“manywomen continuedoworkasprostitutesontheslyorincollusionwiththejusticesystemintaverns,inns, pimps’home[likethatofCelestina],andevenentheirownhousesiftheycouldearnmorethere and/orenjoygreaterprotection).

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Celestina is aware of Areúsa’s fears and has taken the precaution to arrive undetected. As Lacarra points out, the Catholic Kings, Fernando and Isabel, offeredgenerousrewardstothosewhoturnedunsanctionedprostitutesorpimps overtothelaw.52Areúsa’sfearsthatherneighborsmightbecomeawareofher activities and denounce her are firmly rooted in her knowledge that these neighborswouldstandtoprofitfinanciallyfromdenouncingher.53 Celestina,herself,hadbeenforcedtomoveherhouseanditsoperationstothe outskirtsofthecity.InafamousspeechinActNine,Celestinareminiscesabout her“glorydays”whenshehadrunasuccessfulandlivelyhouseofprostitution on her own terms. At the time of the events in the Tragicomedia, she has been reducedincircumstanceandlivesinasmallhousenearthetannerieswithbutone woman,Elicia,inresidence.CelestinaexplainstoLucreciawhatlifehadbeenlike forherinthepast: “Yovi,miamor,aestamesadondeagarraestántusprimasassentadas,nuevemoças detusdías,quelamayornopassavadedeziochoaños,yningunaavíamenosde quatorze....Cavalleros,viejos[y]moços,abadesdetodasdignidades,desdeobispos hastasacristanes.Enentrandoporlayglesiavíaderrocarbonetesdemihonorcomo siyofueraunaduquesa....Allísemeoffrescíandineros,allípromessas,allíotras dádivas,besandoelcabodemimanto,yaunalgunosenlacarapormetenermás contenta.”(234–35) [“Isaw,mydear,atthisverytablewhereyourcousinsarenowseated,nineyoung girlsofaboutyourage,theoldestwasnomorethaneighteenandnonewasyounger thanfourteen....Noblemen,oldandyoung,clergymenofeverydistinction,from bishopstosacristans.WhenIenteredthechurch,hatswereremovedinmyhonoras ifIwereaduchess....Overtheretheyshoweredmewithmoney,overtherewith promises,overtherewithgifts,kissingthehemofmycapeandsomeevenkissingme onthecheekjusttokeepmehappy.”]

Althoughlengthy,evenaftersevereediting,IhavequotedthisspeechofCelestina because,ratherthansimplybeingarhetoricalubisunt,itrevealsanumberoffacets abouttheurbanenvironmentwhereCelestinalivesandworks. Shealludesto greaterrelativefreedomandrespectthatshehadenjoyedinthecityinyearspast. Also,amongherimportantclientsaremembersoftheclergy, anunvarnished allusiontothesexualpracticesofeventhehighestechelonsofchurchhierarchy. Sheisgenerouslyrewardedbyallforherservices.Thesememoriesareincontrast tothemoresecretiveandlesslucrativecircumstancesinwhichshenowfinds herselfasresult,inpart,toenhancedregulationsononeofherprimarymodesof income—traffickinginprostitutes.Welearn,too,thatCelestinahadoncelivedin

52 53

Seeespeciallypp.44–45oftheabovecitedarticle. Onthispoint,seealsoDavidHook’sarticle,“AreúsaandtheNeighbors,”Celestinesca23,1–2 (1999):17–20.

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the putería, before establishing her own house. When she is arguing with SemproniooverhisrequestthatshehandoverpartofherpaymentfromCalisto tohim,sherespondswitha“whodoyouthinkyouare?”:“¿Quitástemedela putería?”(273;“Wasityouwhogotmeoutoftheprostitutionquarter?”) Areúsa explains her decisions to pursue her “profession” as a clandestine prostituteratherthanliveintheputeríaorworkasaservantinarichhousehold. Sheprefersherlife,althoughpotentiallydangerousandtechnicallyillegal,tothe lifeofaservant,theonlyotherpossibilityofemploymentforawomanofher socialstatus.Afteralongdiatribeaboutthemistreatmentthatservantsreceiveat thehandsoftheirmasters,Areúsadeclares:“...mehequeridomásbivirenmi pequeñacasa,esentayseñora,quenoensusricospalaciossojuzgadaycativa” (233;“I’vepreferredtoliveinmyownlittlehouse,myownmistress,notobligated toanyone,thaninrichpalaces,subjugatedandcaptive”). Thisallusiontotheconditionsofservitudeinthenew,moniedeconomyrefers to a situation in which service to the upper classes was based purely on considerations of financial remuneration rather than on any sort of feudal or familialloyalty.Maravallseesacloserelationshipbetweenmoneyasanewform ofsocialdistinctionandtheurbansociety.Whereas,socialdistinctionbasedon hereditary nobility was the norm during the Middle Ages, on the eve of the Renaissance,preciselyatthetimewhenRojasispenningtheTragicomedia,oneis nowvaluedbytheabilitytoamasswealth.Maravallstates“Deldesarrollodel dinero como medio de cálculo económico y medio de pago y atesoramiento, veníancausándose,engranparte,lastransformacionessocialesdelaépoca”(“ Along with the development of money as the means of economic calculation, method of payment, and accumulation of wealth came many of the social transformationsoftheage”).54Thistransformationisespeciallyapparentinthe comments of Calisto´s servants, particularly those of Sempronio. A desire for financialrewardhascompletelyreplaced,andindeedundermined,anysenseof familial loyalty betweens servants and masters. Sempronio, from his first appearanceinthework,makesitclearthathisservicetoCalisto,especiallyhis help in arranging a meeting with Celestina, is predicated on the rewards his masterwillgivehimforsecuringthegobetweentohelpinhisaffairwithMelibea. WhenCalistopromiseshisservantabrocadeddoubletaspaymentforhisentreaty toCelestina,Sempronioresponds: “ProspéreteDiosporéste”andthenwhispers,inanaside:“(ypormuchosmás quemedarás.Delaburlayomellevolomejor;contodo,sidestosaguijonesme da,traérgelahehastalacama.Buenoando;házeloestoquemediomiamo,que sinmerced,imposibleesobrarsebienningunacosa).”(103)

54

JoséAntonioMaravall,Elmundosocialde‘LaCelestina’,3rdeditionrevised.BibliotecaRománica Hispánica,IIEstudiosyensayos,80(Madrid:EditorialGredos,S.A.,1972),69.

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[“MayGodrewardyouforthis(andforeverythingelseyou’llgiveme.Fromthis joke,I’llgetthebestofhim.Ifhegivesmemorethingslikethis,I’llevenbringher intohisbed.I’mdoingwell;spurredonbywhatmymastergivesme,forwithout reward,it’simpossibleforanythingtoworkoutwell.)”]

In fact, both Sempronio and Pármeno had worked for other masters before comingtoserveinCalisto’shouse.Pármenoalludestohispreviousemployment sayingthathehadhadseveralpostsincludingservicestothefriarsofGuadalupe where he admits to getting into a number of violent skirmishes (264–65). Sempronioenumerateshisvariouspreviousjobsincludingservingthepriestof San Miguel, the innkeeper on the plaza, and a farmer named Mollejas. Like Pármeno,hehadbeenknowntohaveruninswithtroublemakersinhisprevious jobs(265).WhenCelestinaspeaksalonewithPármeno,seecounselshimtoplan forhisfuturewhenhewillnotbeforcedtoserveinthehousesofother.Shetells himthathemusttakeholdofeveryopportunitytoearnmoreandtobecome financiallyindependent:“Hijo,abivirporti,anoandarporcasasajenas;loqual siempreandarásmientranotesupieresaprovechardetuservicio....”)(195;“Son, liveforyourself,notworkinginothers’homeswhichyou’llalwaysbedoingifyou don’tlearnhowtotakeadvantageofyourmaster.”)Sempronioechoesthissame ideawhenheexcuseshimselfwithEliciaforarrivinglatetolunch.Hisexcuseis simply“quienaotrosirvenoeslibre”(224;“hewhoservesanotherisnotfree.”). AndAreúsastatesthatLucrecia,Melibea’smaid,andotherslikeherindomestic servicetotheupperclassesaremissingoutonthejoysofyouth:“...éstasque sirvenaseñorasnigozandeleyteniconocenlosdulcespremiosdeamor.Nunca tratanconparientes,conygualesaquienpuedenhablartúportú...”(232;“... thesethatserveladiesneverenjoypleasurenorknowthesweetdelightsoflove. Theynevergettobewiththeirrelativesnorwiththeirpeers,peopletheycantalk toasfamiliars....”).Celestinapreachesagainstblindloyaltytoone’smasters becauseaservantcanneverenjoyarelationshipofequalswiththembecauseof the clear distinction in their respective social rank. She warns Pármeno not to consider Calisto his friend: “con él no pienses tener amistad, como por la diferenciadelosestadosocondicionespocasvezescontezca”(122;“don’tthink aboutbeingfriendswithhimbecausefriendshipsbetweenthoseofdifferentsocial statusandconditionisveryrare.”)Justasmasterswilllookoutfortheirown interestsoverthoseoftheirservants,theservantstoomustfindwaystofendfor themselves. Again,CelestinawarnsPármenotolookoutfornumberone:“dexalosvanos prometimientosdelosseñores,losqualesdeshechanlasustanciadesussirvientes comohuecosyvanosprometimientos”(122;“don’tcountonvainpromisesfrom masterswhowillunderminethewellbeingoftheirservantswithemptyandfutile promises”).Wealsolearnthatsomemembersoftheservingclasspreviouslylived

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inthecountrybuthavemovedtothecityformoreopportunity.Forexample, TristánspeaksofSosia’sruralbackgroundbeforecomingtoserveinthehouseof Calisto;hedescribesSosiaas“naçidoycriadoenunaaldeaquebrandoterrones conunarado”(319;“bornandraisedinavillagebreakinguptheearthwitha plow”). AsMaravallemphasizes,servicesintheTragicomediaareexchangedforvery specificandquantifiedamountsofmoneyortheequivalentinvaluablegoods.55 Moneyisspecificallymentionedthroughoutthework.ForexampleCalistogives Celestina100goldcoinsontheirfirstmeetingtoensurethatshewillpleadhiscase with Melibea. And, in the Act Three, Sempronio, in an aside, complains of Celestina’s tardiness in carrying out her mission when he says, “A dineros pagados,braçosquebrados”(138),anoldproverbthatroughlytranslates,“Once paid, slow to act.” When Celestina speaks of her former companion (and Pármeno’sdeceasedmother),Claudina,shetalksabouttheirrelationshipinterms ofsharingeverything,includingthemoneytheyearned:“Nuncablancaganéen quenotoviessesumitad”(142;“Ineverearnedadimewithoutgivingherhalfof it.”).InthissameAct,Celestinauttershermostfrankstatementregardingmoney: “Todolopuedeeldinero”(143;“Moneycandoanything.”)56Celestinafirstgains entrytoMelibea’shouseonthepretextofsellingsomethread;shehashadto resorttothistypeofcommercebecauseofalackofmoney:“Conmisfortunas adversasotras,mesobrevinomenguadedinero...”(153;“Amongmymany adversities,Ifindmyselfinneedofmoney”).Andwhennegotiatingthepricefor thisthread,Celestinaquotesitsmarketvalueintermsofcoinage;“tresmonedas medavanayerporlaonça’)(153;“Theygavemethreecoinsperonceyesterday.”) Andalthoughthealcahuetabemoansherpoverty,shetellsMelibeathatbythe graceofGod,“jamásmefaltó...unablancaparapanyunquartoparavino”(159; “Ineverlackedforapennytobuybreadnoraquarterforwine”).Sheisexcited aboutwhatshemighteventuallyearnfromhermissiontowinMelibeaandis confidentthat Calistowillpayhermoreforthisoneenterprisethanwhatshe makesbyrepairingfifteen“virgins.”57WhenCelestinacomestoreporttoCalisto the outcome of her first meeting with Melibea, both Sempronio and Pármeno realizethatinhergreed,shewillnotshareherearningswiththem,despitetheir

55

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“Ahorareduzcámonosaobservarqueconelempleodeldinero,lacontrapartidadelservicio personal,quecadavezmásseconvierteenrelacióndepurocontenidoeconómico,secalculayse agotaenelpagodeunacantidaddeterminada”(“Wecansummarizebyobservingthattheuse ofmoney,asopposedtopersonalservice,producedrelationshipsbasedonpurelyeconomic concern,calculatedandpaidbymeansofspecificquantities”)(Elmundosocialde‘LaCelestina’,70). Afterthisbroadstatement,Celestinalaunchesintoalitanyofdifficultiesthatcanbeovercomeby money:moneycanbreakrocks,crossriversondryland,adonkeyburdenedbygoldcanclimb thehighestpeek,etc.(143–44). “Puesalégrate,vieja,quemássacarásdestepleytoquedequinzevirgosquerenovaras”(171).

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cooperationintheendeavor.Pármenoclearlystatesthatthealcahuetawillnotask forherrewardinmoney,preciselybecauseitcanbedividedandshared:“verás comonoquierepedirdinero,porqueesdivisible”(177;“you’llseethatshewon’t askformoneybecauseitcanbedivided.”) Thenewlycoinedword,“salario”(“salary”),whichfirstappearedinCastilian inthefifteenthcenturyisusedintheTragicomedia..58Forexample,Celestinastates inActThreeinresponsetoSempronio’sworriesthatthisundertakingmaybe dangerous: “Siquiera por los presentes que lo vieren no digan que se gana holgandoelsalario”(141;“Letallthosepresentobservethatnooneearnsasalary byloafing.”)InActTwelve,whenSempronioandPármenoconfrontCelestinaand insistthatsheshareaportionofthe100goldcoinsandthegoldchainshehad receivedfromCalistowiththem,sherefuses,usingtheword“salary”:“¿Quétiene quehazertugalardónconmisalario,tusoldadaconmismercedes?”(270;“What doesyourrewardhavetodowithmysalary,yourstipendswithmybenefits?”) Shefurtherarguesthattheservicessheprovidesarehersolesourceofincome whereasSempronioandPármenohaveparticipatedintheMelibeaaffairasagreat lark.Shehasriskedmore,investedmore,andthusdeservestoenjoyallthesalary forherself(271).SemproniorespondsbycallingCelestinagreedyformoney:“O viejaavarienta,[garganta]muertadesedpordinero...”(274;“Ohyouavaricious oldwoman,withanunquenchablethirstformoney”). Moneyisdirectlyassociatedwithclassstandinginthissociety.Nobilityofbirth asthesoleentréeintotheupperclassisbeingerodedbythenewmercantileclass whorosetoprominencebyvirtueoftheirpossessionofwealthandpropertyinthe city.59Andconflictsbetweensocialclassesbegantobedebatedineconomicterms. WhenEliciadebatesthe“gentility”ofMelibeawithSempronio,sheseesMelibea’s position and appearance as properties she literally had bought in the market: “Aquellahermosuaporunamonedasecompradelatienda”(226;“Thatkindof beautycanbeboughtformoneyinashop.”)Andshegoesontosaythatthereare manyofotherwomenmorebeautifulandgentileinthecitythanMelibeawho

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Onthispoint,Maravallstates“Lapalabra‘salario’aparecióenelvulgarcastellanoenesesiglo XV;seencuentraenelvocabulariodeAlonsodePalencia,lointeresanteesqueenLaCelestinase revelayacomohabitualenellenguajehablado,encorrespondenciaconlarápidatransformación delasrelacionesentreamosycriadosqueseoperaenlaépoca,acausadelasnuevasformas económicasqueesasrelacionesasumen”(70;“Theword‘salary’appearedinpopularCastilian inthefifteenthcentury;itisfoundinthevocabularyofAlonsodePalenciaanditisinteresting thatitsuseinLaCelestinarevealsthatitwasnowcommoninthespokenlanguagecorresponding totherapidtransformationintherelationshipsbetweenmastersandservantsthatresultedfrom theneweconomicnaturethattheserelationshipsassumed.”) Onthispoint,seeMaravallespeciallychaptertwo:“Latransformaciónsocialdelaclaseociosa ylaaltaburguesía.LasfigurasdeCalistoyPleberio”(32–58;“TheSocialTransformationofthe IdleClassandtheUpperBureaucracy.TheFiguresofCalistoandPleberio”).

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earnssuchregardmerelyduetoherostentatiousmannerofdress.60Areúsa’sis evenharsherinhercriticismofMelibeaandhersupposed “beauty”thanwas Elicia: “Las riquezas las hazen a éstas hermosas y ser alabadas, que no las gracias de su cuerpo, que assí goze de mí, unas tetastiene para ser donzella como si tres vezes oviesseparido;noparescensinodosgrandescalabaças.Elvientrenoseleheviso, perojuzgandoporlootrocreoqueletienetanfloxocomoviejadecincuentaaños.” (226–28) [“Richesmakehertypebeautifulandhighlypraisedbutnotbecauseoftheloveliness ofherbody,ofwhichIamblessed.Herbreastsappeartobethoseofawomanwhohas givenbirththreetimes;theylookliketwobigsquashes.And,eventhough,Ihaven’t seenherbelly,judgingbytherestofheritmustbeasflabbyasthatofafiftyyearold woman.”]

The animosity felt by members of the lower classes is also revealed in their opinionsabouttheideaofwhatconstitutesnobility.Theyquestionwhetheritis simplyamatterofbirthoraqualityofspiritwhichcanbepossessedbyanyone regardlessofhis/hersocialstatus.IntheSpainofFernandodeRojastheCatholic Kings, Fernando and Isabel, found their strongest allies in those of the lesser nobility,i.e.the“cavalleros”and“hijosdalgos”whoearnedtheirtitlesprimarily through service or economic success. Many of the older and powerful noble familieswhosetitleswereearnedthroughinheritancewereconstantlyasserting theirrightsagainstthoseofthecrown.Itisimportanttonotethatthewealthof theseoldernoblefamilieswasusuallyruralinorigin,stemmingfromlargegrants oflands,monasteries,andeventownshipsundertheircontrolwhereasmembers of the lesser nobility usually settled in the urban areas where they built their homesandexercisedsubstantialeconomiccloutinthecities.Theadventofthis newupperclassbroughtintoquestiontheageoldnotionofaccesstonobility merelybychancesofbirth.Alsotheincreasingobsessionwithprovingthatone wasa“cristianoviejo”or“oldChristian,”i.e.,notaJewwhohadconvertedto Christianity,revealedasocietysteepedinhypocrisy,61unwillingtoplayonan evenfieldandfullyacceptthe“conversos”despitethatfactthatmanyoftheseso

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“Porciertoqueconoscoyoenlacalledondeella[Melibea]bive,quatrodoncellasenquienDios másrepartiósugraciaquenoenMelibea,quesialgotienedehermosuraesporbuenosatavíos quetrae.Ponedlosaunpalo,tanbiéndirésqueesgentil”(226). Onthispoint,Sosastates:“...mientraslosmismoscristianosviejospromulgabanunosprincipios quehabíaqueseguir,éstosalmomentodepracticarloslosignoraban.Ysilaenseñanzacristiana eralade‘predicarconelejemplo’esbastanteacertadoafirmarqueenlaprácticaestonosedaba yqueRojascomoconversofueconscientedeello”(“ElhuertodeMelibea...”(139;“...while theoldChristianspreachedcertainprincipalstofollowed,intheiractionstheyignoredthese principals.AndiftheChristianteachingwas‘preachbyexample’thenitisquiterighttoassert thatthisteachingwasnotfollowedinpracticeandRojas,asaconvert,wasfullyawareofit.”)

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called new Christians were economically powerful. For example, in Act Four, CelestinaspeaksofCalistoasof“noblesangre”(167;“nobleblood”)and,laterin ActTwelveCalistoreferstoMelibea’s“limpiezadesangre”62(261;“cleanlinessof blood”).Inturn,MelibeareferstoCalisto’s“altonasciemiento”(262) or “high birth.” Thedebatebetweennobilityofbirthversusnobilityofcharacterisfrontand centerintheTragicomedia.WhenSemproniospeaksofthehighlinagebybirthof MelibeaandCalisto,Areúsaimmediatelystrikesbackarguingthat: “ . . . las obras hazen linaje, que al fin todos somos hijos de Adam y Eva. Procuredesercadaunobuenoporsí,ynovayaabuscarenlanoblezadesus passadoslavirtud.”(229) [“...one’sworksdeterminesone’slinagebecauseintheendweareallsons ofAdamandEve.Justtrytodogoodanddon’tgolookingforvirtueinthe nobilityofyourancestors.”]63 Areúsarepeatsthissameidealaterintheworkwhensheisplanningtorevenge thelossofSempronioandPármeno.Shesaysthatshecaresnothingfor“linajeni hazañasviejas”64(“linageorpastfamousdeeds.”) Despitethesedebatesaboutwhatconstitutesnobility,therealityoftheurban environmentpresentedintheTragicomediaisonedividedbyconsiderationsof class.Calisto,Melibeaandherparents,AlisaandPleberiorepresenttheupper strataofthetown,whileCelestina,Calisto’sservants,andtheprostitutes,Elicia

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Thisreferencetobloodaswellasothersto“limpieza”(“cleanliness”)ofbloodhavetodowiththe postexpulsion Spanish preoccupation with “cristianos nuevos” or “new Christians” and “cristianosviejos”orOldChristians.TheformerimpliedthatonehadconvertedfromJudaism to Christianity to avoid the expulsion of 1492. When someone wanted to assert his rights of nobility,themostoftencitedentitlementwasthathe/shewasanOldChristianwithcleanblood, i.e.,withoutanytraceofJewishancestry. Marqués Villanueva has pointed out that such expressions of equality of linage despite circumstanceosbirthwerecommonamongconversos.Onthispointseehisbook,“Orígenesy socilogía del tema celestinesco.” Colección Hispanistas, Creación, Pensamiento, Sociedad, 2 (Barcelona:EditorialAnthropos,1993),especially141–42.SinceweknowthatRojaswasfroma familyofconversositisnotatallunusualthatoneofhischaractersvoicethisopinion.Butwe shouldnotethatRojashimselfneverhadanyconflictwithInquisition.Hisfatherinlawwas arrestedtwicebytheInquisition,thereseemstobenosupportingevidencethatRojashimself sufferedattheirhands.Infact,herosetothepostofmayorofTalaveraandhisestateincluded vineyards,beehives,houses,andrentalproperties.SeePeterE.Russell,ed.ComediaoTragicomedia deCalistoyMelibea.ClásicosCastalia,191(Madrid:EditorialCastalia,1991),especially31–37.ȱ 316.AdmittedlyheretheuseofthisphraseissomewhatironicbecauseAreúsauttersitinreply tothegangster,Centurio,whoshehopestoenlistasagentofherrevenge.Shequestionstheorigin ofhisnameandasksifitmeanshehadoncebeenacaptainforahundredmen.Centurioreplies thatthenameactuallyoriginatedbecausehehadbeenthescoundrelforahundredwomen.In reply,Areúsastatesthatsheisn’tinterestedinhislinageorfamousdeedsofthepast.

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andAreúsarepresentthelowerstrata.Truetoherstationinthissociety,Melibea, in spite of her own carnal interest in Calisto, can not merely capitulate to his wishes,evenifshesharesthem.Shemustbepersuadedbythatlinchpinaround whichthissocietyfunctions—Celestina.Thealcahuetahasaccesstoallthesocial classesandisnot boundbythe sharpdistinctionsthatkeeptheworldsofthe servants and masters largely separate. It is Celestina who allows this city to maintaintheoutwardappearanceofmoralityandhonor;Celestinarepairslost maidenheadssothattheupperclassfamiliesmaymakegoodmarriagesfortheir “virgin”daughters;shearrangessecrettrystsforlaymenandclericalikewhothus maintainafaçadeoffidelitywhileatthesametimeassuringthatthebondsof either matrimony or vows of celibacy do not become too repressive; and, she movesfreelyaboutthecitydisguisinghertruemissionsbycleverruses.Celestina not only has the run of the city but she runs the city of secrets behind the metropolitanfaçadeofrespectability.Sheinvadesspacespreviouslyconsidered exclusivelyprivate,suchasMelibea’shomeandgarden.Sheessentiallyshatters thebordersbetweenpublicandprivatespaceaswellasthosethathistorically separatedthenobleclassfromthepoorandthemercantileclasses. TheinvolvementofCelestinaintheloveaffairbetweentwomembersofthe urbanupperclass,theneweconomybasedontheexchangeofmoneyforgoods and services, the clock as arbiter of the town’s activities, the idea of personal advancementformembersofthelowerclassesareallessentialelementsinthe earlymoderncitylifeportrayedintheTragicomedia.Theurbanspaceswherethese phenomenaemergeanddeveloparemorethanmerebackdropforthestory.The municipality and the activities of the city are requisite for the plot of the Tragicomedia as it unfolds in Rojas work.65 For Rojas the confluence of socio economicclasses,accesstoplacesandpeopletofulfillillicitdesires,andeconomic opportunities which exist only in an urban environment are essential for the development of both plot and character. In the Tragicomedia, the spatial and economicrealitiesoftheearlymoderncitybecomeinasensecoprotagonistswith Celestina, the young lovers, Calisto and Melibea, town officials, servants, prostitutes,andruffianswhoinhabitit.

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Onthispoint,MichaelGerlistates,“descriptionsof[urban]locationsandsettingsarealmost imperceptivelyembeddedinthecharacters’speechesandbecomeintegralpartsofthenarrative fabric of the work, complements of what the characters do, say and believe.” “Precincts of Contention:UrbanPlacesandtheIdeologyofSpaceinCelestina,”Celestinesca21.1–2(1997):65–77; here65.

AlbrechtClassen (UniversityofArizona)

HansSachsandhisEncomiaSongsonGermanCities: ZoomingIntoandOutofUrbanSpacefromaPoetic Perspective.WithaConsiderationofHartmann Schedel’sLiberChronicarum(1493)1

ItwouldbetantamounttoacommonplacebynowtoclaimthatthelateMiddle Ages and early modern age witnessed a most robust growth of cities all over Europe that ultimately served as the catalyst to shed the last vestiges of the medievalculture.2DespitetheBlackDeathinthemiddleofthefourteenthcentury with its devastating impact on the population, with estimates of up to thirty percentofthepopulacehavingsuccumbedtotheplaguearound1347to1351,and many times thereafter in ever returning epidemic waves,3 urban development witnessed an unforeseen and amazing flowering since the thirteenth century,4

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IwouldliketoexpressmygratitudetoMarilynSandidgeforhercriticalreadingofmyarticleand themanygoodsuggestions. Seethevintagestudy,forinstance,byHenriPirenne,MedievalCities:TheirOriginsandtheRevival ofTrade,trans.fromtheFrenchbyFrankD.Halsey(1925;Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1952).Histhesiswascriticizedfrommanysides;see,forinstance,ThePirenneThesis:Analysis, Criticism, and Revision, ed. Alfred F. Havighurst. Problems in European Civilization (Boston: Health,1958).NowseeDavidNicholas,TheGrowthoftheMedievalCity:FromLateAntiquitytothe EarlyFourteenthCentury.AHistoryofUrbanSocietyinEurope(LondonandNewYork:Longman, 2001);KeithD.Lilley,UrbanLifeintheMiddleAges:1000–1450.EuropeanCultureandSociety (Houndmills,Basingstoke,Hampshire,andNewYork:Palgrave2002).Thelistofrelatedstudies islegion.Seealsomyintroductiontothisvolume. JosephP.Byrne,TheBlackDeath.GreenwoodGuidestoHistoricEventsoftheMedievalWorld (Westport, CT, and London: Greenwood, 2004); much more detailed and thorough in their investigationsprovetobethecontributionstoPest:DieGeschichteeinesMenschheitstraumas,ed. MischaMeier(Stuttgart:KlettCotta,2005). George Huppert, After the Black Death: A Social History of Early Modern Europe. Sec. ed. InterdisciplinaryStudiesinHistory(1986;BloomingtonandIndianapolis:IndianaUniversity Press,1998),14–40.

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whetherwethinkofmanynewfoundationsorthesignificantgrowthofheretofore rathersmallurbancenters.5OneofthebestItalianRenaissanceartistsreflecting uponthisphenomenon,AmbrogioLorenzetti(ca.latethirteenthcentury,active ca.1319,d.ca.1348)createdmarvelousfrescoesofcityscapesshowingusthecity ofSiena,itsenvirons,and,aboveall,itscitizens.NotbyaccidenthasLorenzo Ghiberti identified him as “il famosissimo e singolarissimo” artist of his hometown,6mostpoignantlyreferringtohisfrescoesofGoodandBadGovernment inthePalazzoPubblico,Siena.7Thesheervolumeofwrittenrecordsproducedin citiesalloverEuropeexplodedexponentiallyatleastsincethethirteenthcentury,8 andtheincreaseofpoweraccumulatedbycitiesgrewatanastoundingrate,which foundfascinatingexpressioninawidevarietyofurbanart,whetherwethinkof cathedralsandchurches,cityhalls,urbanhouses,libraries,orsplendidcitywalls aspartofthefortificationsystem.9 Everyaspectofhumanlifewasaffectedandinfluenced,ifnotdetermined,by theconditionsthatdominatedinthecityatleastsincetheeleventhandtwelfth centuries,whetherwethinkofarchitecture,craftsmanship,industrialproduction, literature,music,politics,themilitary,orreligion.10Naturally,thatdevelopment onlyincreasedbythelateMiddleAges.Ofcourse,thenobilitystillmaintainedits palacesandcastles,countryestates,palazzi,andsoforth,butmostofthemalso

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Therearecountlessstudiesfocusingontheeconomicandculturalconditionsinlatemedieval cities,see,forinstance,EvamariaEngel,DiedeutscheStadtdesMittelalters(Munich:Beck,1993); DortmundundConradvonSoestimspätmittelalterlichenEuropa,ed.ThomasSchilpandBarbara Welzel.DortmunderMittelalterForschungen,3(Bielefeld:VerlagfürRegionalgeschichte,2004); Günther Binding, Als die Kathedralen in den Himmel wuchsen: Bauen im Mittelalter (Darmstadt: Primus,2006);KeithD.Lilley,UrbanLifeintheMiddleAges:1000–1450.EuropeanCultureand Society(Houndmills,Basingstoke,Hampshire,andNewYork:Palgrave,2002). GeorgeRowley,AmbrogioLorenzetti(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1958),3. Rowley,AmbrogioLorenzetti,99–122;nowseealsoAmbrogioLorenzetti:LavitadelTrecentoinSiena enelcontadosenesenellecommittenzeistoriatepubblicheeprivate.Guidaalbuongoverno,acuradi AlbertoColli,introduzionediMarioAscheri(Siena:n.p.,2004). See,forinstance,AndreasMeyer,Felixetinclitusnotarius:StudienzumitalienischenNotariatvom7. biszum13.Jahrhundert.BibliothekdesDeutschenHistorischenInstitutsinRom,92(Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2000); Eliassen FinnEinar and Geir Atle Ersland, Power, Profit, and Urban Land: LandownershipinMedievalandEarlyModernNorthernEuropeanTowns(Aldershot,England:Scolar Press;Brookfield,VT:Ashgate,1996). See,forexample,theexcellentselectionofprimarysources:TheTownsofItalyintheLaterMiddle Ages,trans.andannotatedbyTrevorDean.ManchesterMedievalSourcesSeries(Manchesterand NewYork:ManchesterUniversityPress,2000);seealsoChiaraFrugoni,ADistantCity:Imagesof Urban Experience in the Medieval World, trans. William McCuaig (1983; Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress,1991). DasLebeninderStadtdesSpätmittelalters:InternationalerKongressKremsanderDonau20.bis23. September1976.ÖsterreichischeAkademiederWissenschaften.PhilosophischhistorischeKlasse, Sitzungsberichte, 325. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für mittelalterliche Realienkunde Österreichs,2(Vienna:VerlagderÖsterreichischenAkademiederWissenschaften,1980).

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lived in the city for a greater part of their time, which quickly led to a most fascinatingminglingofsocialclasses,religiousgroups,artists,andprofessionsin theurbancenters.11 Thismostimpressiveshiftinfocusonthecityfindsitsstunningandimpressive documentationintheextraordinary,basicallysincethenunmatchedproduction ofthefamousNurembergChronicle,theLiberchronicarum,orWorldChroniclebythe medicaldoctorandhumanistHartmannSchedel(1440–1514) thatappearedin printinNurembergin1493,firstinitsLatin,andafewmonthslaterinitsGerman version.SchedeldidnotonlywriteahistoryoftheworldfromthetimeofGenesis tohispresent,buthealsoaskedmanyfamousartiststocontributealargenumber ofwoodcuts,manyofwhichhaveastheirtheme(city)vedutas,clearlysignaling Schedel’sprimaryinterestinurbanlifewheretheeconomy,thearts,literature,and architecturedevelopedmorethananywhereelse. Butthecityasthefocalpointofearlymodernculturealsofoundexpressionin numerousliterarytextsstartingalreadyfromthetwelfthandthirteenthcentury,12 whetherwethinkoftheanonymousgoliardicnarrativeHerzogErnst(Ms.B.ca. 1220/1230),13thecourtlyromancePartonopierundMeliurbyKonradvonWürzburg (ca.1270),thepoemsbyOswaldvonWolkenstein(1376/1377–1445),orthoseby theNurembergpoetHansRosenplüt(ca.1400/1405–ca.1460).Someofthemost interestingcityencomias,however,canfirstbediscoveredinthepoeticœuvreby theNurembergmastersingerpoetHansSachs(1494–1576)whowasoneofearliest

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LivingintheCity:ElitesandTheirResidences,1500–1900,ed.JohnDunneandPaulJanssens.Studies inEarlyUrbanHistory,12(Turnhout:Brepols,2008).SeealsoJacobWisse,CityPaintersinthe BurgundianNetherlands.ArtHistorySeries,6(Turnhout:Brepols,2008).FabianAlfie’scontribution tothisvolumeconfirmsthisobservationwithafocusonaratherbizarresonnetbyaFlorentine poet,probablyanimitatorofBurchiello. Ursula Peters, Literatur in der Stadt: Studien zu den sozialen Voraussetzungen und kulturellen OrganisationsformenstädtischerLiteraturim13.und14.Jahrhundert.StudienundTextezurSozial geschichtederLiteratur,7(Tübingen:Niemeyer,1983);ErichKleinschmidt,StadtundLiteraturin der Frühen Neuzeit: Voraussetzungen und Entfaltung im südwestdeutschen, elsässischen und schweizerischenStädteraum.LiteraturundLeben,NeueFolge,22(CologneandVienna:Böhlau, 1982),focusesaboveallontheurbanspaceastheplaceforeducation,forreligiouspractices, economy, and communality, as expressed in literary texts; see also Literatur in der Stadt: Bedingungen und Beispiele städtischer Literatur des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts, ed. Horst Brunner. Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik, 343 (Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1982); see also the contributionstotheJahrbuchderOswaldvonWolkensteinGesellschaft7(1992/1993)thathadbeen deliveredatthesymposium“LiteraturundStadtkulturimspätenMittelalterundinderfrühen Neuzeit,”Basel1991.ForanintensivediscussionofGermanliteratureandtheurbanspacesince thelatesixteenth,butprimarilysincetheseventeenthcentury,seeStadtundLiteraturimdeutschen Sprachraum der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Klaus Garber, together with Stefan Anders and Thomas Elsmann.2vols.(Tübingen:Niemeyer,1998);seeparticularlyGarber’sintroductoryarticle,“Stadt und Literatur im alten deutschen Sprachraum: Umrisse der Forschung – Regionale LiteraturgeschichteundkommunaleIkonographie–NürnbergalsParadigma,”3–89. SeemycommentsonHerzogErnstintheIntroductiontothisvolume.

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poetstodevelopthisgenreextensively,thoughcertainlynotsystematically.Inhis efforttopraiseNuremberg,aboveall,hehadsomepredecessors,suchasHans Rosenplüt(1447),EneaSilvioPiccolomini,whowaslaterelectedasPopePiusII (inLatin,ca.1455),AugustinusPatricius(inLatin,1471),SigismundMeisterlin(ca. 1485),KunzHas(ca.1490/1492),andConradCeltis(inLatin,1492).14Nevertheless, Sachsdidnotcontenthimselfwithanencomiumonhishomecity;insteadhecast hispoeticnetverywideanddedicatednumerouspoemstoavarietyofcitiesin Northern,Central,andSouthernGermany,obviouslyreflectinguponhisyearsas ajourneyman,travelingfromcitytocityaspartofhistrainingprogram. ForthepurposeofthispaperIwillnotendeavoradirectcomparisonbetween Schedel’smonumentalwork(textandimages)andSachs’ssporadicpoemscreated awholegenerationlater,butthecommoninterestinthecityasthemajoriconof thetimestilldeservestobenotedbyitself,particularlybecausetheliterarygenre ofthecityencomiumhad,initsearlieststages,developedalreadyinthehigh Middle Ages, based on rich classicalantique roots.15 To be sure, medieval chronicleliteraturecontainsnumerousdescriptionsofcities,whichprobablyhad aconsiderableinfluenceonfictionalstrategiesinthatregard.16Butthepublication of the famous Nuremberg Chronicle in 1493, and then the series of poetic city encomiabySachsrepresent,together,asignificantstepforwardintheidealization oftheearlymoderncity. TheenormouspublicityandrespectthatSchedel’sLiberchronicarumenjoyed probablycarriedoverfordecades,andwemightimaginethatSachs,alsoacitizen ofNuremberg,triedtofollowthatmodelsomewhatbyhisownmeans.Ifwecan trusttheentryinhisownlistofbooksthatheownedputtogetherin1562,he might even have possessed a copy of Schedel’s work, since one entry states: “Cronica der der [so] Nürnberger gros Kobergers” (The Great Nuremberg ChroniclebyKoberger).17

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HartmutKugler,DieVorstellungderStadtinderLiteraturdesdeutschenMittelalters.Münchener TexteundUntersuchungenzurdeutschenLiteraturdesMittelalters,88(Munich:ArtemisVerlag, 1986),254–55. PaulGerhardSchmidt,“MittelalterlichesundhumanistischesStädtelob,”DieRezeptionderAntike: ZumProblemderKontinuitätzwischenMittelalterundRenaissance:Vorträgegehaltenanläßlichdes ersten Kongresses des Wolfenbütteler Arbeitskreises für Renaissanceforschung in der Herzog August BibliothekWolfenbüttelvom2.bis5.September1978,ed.AugustBuck.WolfenbüttelerAbhandlungen zurRenaissanceforschung,1(Hamburg:Dr.ErnstHauswedell,1981),119–28. JohnKennthHyde,“MedievalDescriptionsofCities,”BulletinoftheJohnRylandsLibrary48(1966): 308–40;rpt.inid.,LiteracyandItsUses:StudiesonLateMedievalItaly(ManchesterandNewYork: ManchesterUniversityPress,1993),1–32. HansSachs,ed.A[delbert].v[on].KellerandE.Goetze.BibliothekdesLitterarischenVereinsin Stuttgart, CCL (Tübingen: Litterarische Verein, 1908), vol. 26, ed. E. Goetze, 152 (for later quotationsIwillresorttothemodernreprintofSachs’swork;seebelow).

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Hewas,aswewillseelater,anattentiveobserverofurbanartandliterature duringhisyearsasatravelingjourneyman,includingmajorbibliophiletreasures keptatvariousmonasteries,soitwouldseemselfevidentthathealsotooknote ofthefamousworldchronicleproducedinhisowncityofNuremberg.Atany rate,thediscourseonandaboutthecityhadgainedtremendousmomentumsince thelatefifteenthcentury,asthepublicationofSchedel’sworldchronicleconfirms, which I will discuss first at some length, before I turn to Sachs’s poetic contributions.ThosedeserveourparticularattentioninthiscontextbecauseSachs was regarded as one of the major voices in latemedieval German literature, producinganenormousnumberofliterarytextsofdifferentkindsanddeeply influencinghiscontemporaries,atleastinNurembergandotherSouthGerman cities.18 Schedel’sworkbelongstotheoutstandingtreasuresofbibliophileartfromthe incunabulumperiod,thatis,theearlytimeoftheprintingpressuntil1500.19The Latin version consists of 326 leaves, the German of 297 leaves, which makes themtwo heavy tomes simply in terms of weight. A whole team of experts in craftsmanship,printing,andthearts,writers,andthenecessaryfinancialsponsors gottogethertwentyyearspriorto1493andbeganworkingonhisuniqueand massive book project that appeared in the printing house of famous Anton Koberger (ca 1440/1445–1513). Schedel himself, who had received a solid and broadeducationintheliberalarts,wasamedicaldoctorbyprofession,butheis best known today for his world chronicle, a profound expression of his deep humanisticinterests,whichhesupportedwithavastlibrarythatwouldultimately form,severalgenerationslater,thebasisforthefutureroyallibraryinMunich (today:StaatsbibliothekMünchen).20 TheLiberchronicarumcouldbethetopicofacompletelyindependentstudy,and scholarshiphasnotbeenamissinturningitsattentiontothismasterpieceoflate medievalchronicleliterature.21Afterall,majorartistssuchasMichelWolgemut (1434/37–1519),WilhelmPleydenwurff(d.1494),probablyalsoAlbrechtDürer (1471–1528)duringhisyearsasanapprenticeinWolgemut’sworkshop,aswellas

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MariaGalvez,“1515,AshWednesday,”[HansSachs]ANewHistoryofGermanLiterature,ed. DavidElWellberyandJudithRyan(Cambridge,MA,andLondon:TheBelknapPressofHarvard UniversityPress,2004),215–19. HartmannSchedel,Weltchronik:Nachdruck[der]koloriertenGesamtausgabevon1493.Einleitungund KommentarvonStephanFüssel(Augsburg:Weltbild,2004). For biographical information, see Martin Kirnbauer, Hartmann Schedel und sein “‘Liederbuch”: StudienzueinerspätmittelalterlichenMusikhandschrift(BayerischeStaatsbibliothekMünchen,Cgm810) undihremKontext.PublikationenderSchweizerischenMusikforschendenGesellschaft.SerieII,42 (Bern,Berlin,etal.:PeterLang,2001),72–93. Elisabeth Rücker, Hartmann Schedels Weltchronik: Das größte Buchunternehmen der DürerZeit (Munich:PrestelVerlag,1988).

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variousprinttechnicians,scholarssuchasHieronymusMünzer(sometextsand thefamousmapofGermany),andotherscontributedinsignificantwaystothis massiveenterprise.22Thechroniclecontainsaltogether1,809woodcutsfrom645 woodblocksandthuswas,atitstime,theoneprintedbookintheentireworld withthemostillustrations.23Theimagescloselyinteractwiththetextsandare lavishlyarrangedonca.600pagesthroughouttheentirebook.Nootherbook printerorpublisherwaseverdaringenoughafterSchedel’s1493worldchronicle hadappearedtocarryoutasimilarlyambitiousproject,althoughafewcheaper andlesselaboratepiratedversionswerealsoprinted.24 OneofthemoststunningfeaturesoftheLiberchronicarumprovestobethelarge number of city vedute, or cityscapes, many of which depict specific cities in astoundingaccuracy,butsomeofthemareofaratherfictionalcharacter.These vedutedonotonlygiveusageneralideaofwhatacitymighthavelookedlike, withitsdistinctivecitywallstructures,themajorchurches,andperhapsacastle inthemiddle.Theeyeofthespectatorisregularly,actuallyconsistentlyinvited towanderoveralargecanvaswhichshowsthecityinitslargercontext,providing uswithasenseofthenaturalsetting,suchasrivers,mountains,forests,bridges, tributaries,fields,roads,etc.Inotherwords,herewecomeacrossthetypically Renaissanceperspectiveofwhatconstitutes,atleastconceptually,atruecityas imported from Italy north across the Alps and enthusiastically welcomed and adoptedbyGermanartists,writers,andpoets.25 Ofcourse,linesoftraditionscanbetracedbackatleasttothetwelfthcentury, if we think of William Fitzstephen’s description of London from ca. 1180, Fra Bonvesin della Riva’s De magnalibus urbis Mediolani (1288), Jean de Jandun’s Tractatusde laudibus Parisius(1323),andthenthedescriptionofRomebyJohn Caballinus(Polihistoria,1320),andthedescriptionofPaviabyOpicinodeCanistris

22

23

24 25

TheNurembergChronicle:AFacsimileofHartmannSchedel’sBuchderChronikenPrintedbyAnton Koberger(NewYork:LandmarkPress,1979). HartmannSchedel,Weltchronik:Nachdruck[der]koloriertenGesamtausgabevon1493.Einleitungund KommentarvonStephanFüssel(Augsburg:Weltbild,2004);500JahreSchedelscheWeltchronik: AktendesInterdisziplinärenSymposionsvom23./24.April1993inNürnberg,ed.StephanFüssel.Pirck heimerJahrbuch,9(Nürnberg:Carl,1994);StephanFüssel:DieWeltimBuch:buchkünstlerischerund humanistischerKontextderSchedelschenWeltchronikvon1493.KleinerDruckderGutenbergGesell schaft,111(Mainz:GutenbergGesellschaft,1996). Rücker,HartmannSchedelsWeltchronik,8. HartmutKugler,DieVorstellungderStadtinderLiteraturdesdeutschenMittelalters,188–210;seealso PaulGerhardSchmidt,“MittelalterlichesundhumanistischeStädtelob,”DieRezeptionderAntike: zumProblemderKontinuitätzwischenMittelalterundRenaissance:Vorträgegehaltenanlässlichdes ersten Kongresses des Wolfenbütteler Arbeitskreises für Renaissanceforschung in der Herzog August BibliothekWolfenbüttelvom2.bis5.September1978,ed.AugustBuck.WolfenbüttelerAbhandlungen zurRenaissanceforschung,1(Hamburg:Hauswedel,1981),119–28.

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(Liber de laudibus civitatis Ticinensis, ca. 1329/1330).26 Nevertheless, Schedel’s chronicleclearlysignalstheriseofanewtimeinwhichurbanprideextendedeven beyondthenarrowcitywallsandincludedallthelandsinthenearbyenvirons.27 Oneofthemosttriumphantimagesofcivicglorycanbeeasilyidentifiedasthe oneofNurembergitself,significantlyrightonpage100inthechronicle,oneofthe richestandmostimportantcitiesinlatemedievalandearlymodernGermany.28 Not only do we clearly recognize the famous castle in the top center where traditionallytheroyaljewelswerekept,butalsomanyofthemajorchurchesthat areidentifiedbyname.Twogatesopenthecitytotheoutsideworld,theleftone leadingtothefields,therightonetothepapermill,oneoftheearliestinGermany. Remarkably, this is a doublefold colored woodcut, an extremely expensive artworkwhichstronglysignalsthepridewhichtheauthor,theartists,andthe variouscollaboratorsallhadintheirowncity.Someofthevedutewereprobably createdonthebasisofpersonalobservations,suchasinthecaseofNuremberg; othersweremostlikelydrawnfromdraftssuppliedbyfriends,colleagues,and journeymenwhohadpracticedtheirartwhiletravelingbydrawingcityscapes. Finally,manyother citywoodcutswere,aswecanassume,basedonfictional imagesandsimplyfollowedmodelimages,buttheyallcertainlyreflectthemental conceptburgherslivingintheselatemedievalurbancentershadofthecitiesas such,themoststunningiconsoftheirtime.29 BothSchedelandtheartistsexpressedinterestincitieswherevertheycouldbe foundandwherevertheymighthaveplayedasignificantroleinworldhistory.So theveduteincludeimagesofmanyGerman,Austrian,andSwisscities,suchas Augsburg, Basel, Eichstätt, Erfurt, Cologne, Constance, Lübeck, Magdeburg, Munich,Passau,Regensburg,Salzburg,Strasbourg,Ulm,ViennaandWürzburg. But other major cities beyond those borders also figure prominently, such as Venice, Constantinople, Jerusalem, Genoa, Cracow, Florence, and Prague. Surprisingly, cities in Western and Southwestern Europe, such as in Spain or England,donotseemtohaveinterestedtheartists,theauthor,orthepatrons.But itwouldseemunlikelythatthose,iftheyhadalsobeenconsidered,wouldhave revealedremarkablydifferentfeaturesbecausethefocusalwaysrestsonthesame ensembleofelements:thecitywallandgates,thechurches,thecoreofthecity withdenselypackedhouses,attimesacastleontopofahill(suchasinthecase

26 27

28

29

Kugler,DieVorstellung,148.SeealsothecontributiontothisvolumebyC.DavidBenson. NormanPounds,TheMedievalCity.GreenwoodGuidestoHistoricEventsoftheMedievalWorld (Westport,CT,andLondon:GreenwoodPress,2005),161. LudwigVeit,HandelundWandelmitallerWelt:ausNürnbergsgroßerZeit.BibliothekdesGermani schen Nationalmuseums Nürnberg zur deutschen Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, 14 (Munich: Prestel,1960);DieterWuttke,Nuremberg:FocalPointofGermanCultureandHistory.Gratia,16 (Bamberg:S.WendelVerlag,1988). Rücker,HartmannSchedelsWeltchronik,115–17.

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ofNurembergandWürzburg),thensomeofthesurroundingareas,mostlyhilly, thoughwithoutmuchforestation,apartfromafewtrees.Ifariverrunsbyacity, the artist made sure to direct the viewer’s attention to the bridges or ships anchoredoutsideofthewall.Hardlyanyofthecityveduteshowanypeople, animals,oranysignsofhumanactivities,althoughthecitygatesareopen,the harborsarereadytoreceivetheships,andtheroadsleadingtothecitiesareclear (see,e.g.,Munich,CCXXVv–CCXXVIr). Mostsignificantly,forSchedelandhisteamofcollaboratorsthecitieswerethe criticalhubsoftheentireempire,asadoublepageimageonfolCLXXXIVvto CLXXXVrshows.Althoughherethecitiesthemselvesareonlyindicatedthrough afewbuildings—Salzburg,forinstance,atthebottomright,seemstobenothing but a small farm, whereas Lübeck on the top right register is shown with an extensive city wall, one church, but practically no houses—the artists clearly related their sense of the cities representing the most powerful and important entitiesinthepoliticalarena.Andforthatreasonitalsomakessensethatevery city is portrayed in its wider context, mostly hills, fields, sometimes rivers, or smallersettlementsandbuildings,whetherthatenvironprovestobeanaccurate depiction of the landscape surrounding a city, or whether the artists simply followedaspecificmatrixtoprovideasenseofthecityinaquasinaturalsetting. Tobeamemberofanurbanclassofferedmanyprivileges,suchaseasyaccess toadvancedlearning,highlydevelopedcraftsmanshipandthearts,manytravel possibilities,proximitytopoliticalpower,andeconomicprosperity.Ingeneral, living conditions in the city were considerably more pleasant and secure than elsewhere. This finds its perhaps best expression not only in the many public buildingsintheNurembergplate,particularlythechurches,butalsointhedouble citywallandthedensityandlargenumberofurbanhouses.Indeed,aswemay deducefromthisincrediblewoodcut,tobeacitizenofNurembergelevatedthe individual,atleastintheartist’sperspective,outofthemundaneandconnected him/her with the international world, though not quite comparable to Paris, London,orRomebecauseitwasnotacapitalcityintheliteralsenseoftheword.30 Nowletusturntolatemedievalorearlymodernpoeticreflectionsuponthecity tograsphowwritersrespondedtothisnewandexcitingphenomenon.Oneofthe best known Nuremberg poets, the shoemaker, or cobbler, Hans Sachs, demonstratedastrongsenseofselfidentificationwiththishomecityinseveralof hispoems.Moreover,healsoreflectedastronginterestincitylifeassuch,and creatednumerouspoemsdedicatedtovariouscitiesalloverGermany,praising themfortheirglorioushistory,theirbeautifulchurchesandsquares,andgiving

30

Nürnberg—GeschichteeinereuropäischenStadt,ed.GerhardPfeiffer(Munich:Beck,1971).

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moreorlessdetailedinformationaboutmajorfeaturesofeachindividualcity. Thesepoeticencomiapromisetobeofgreatsignificanceinourcontextof‘urban space’asametaphorforanintriguingandpowerfulaspectoflatemedievaland earlymodernhistory,culture,andmentality. Manyscholarshavecarefullyexaminedtheriseofthelatemedievalcityfrom aneconomic,political,military,andreligiousperspective.AndSachs,thoughin previousyearscommonlydisregardedasaprolificbutnotnecessarilyqualitative poet,hasregainedmuchappreciationinsofarashisdiverseworkconsistingof Shrovetide,orcarnival,plays,othertypesofentertainingplays(comediesand tragedies),lyricalpoems,dialogicpoems,etc.,hasbeenrecognizedasavaluable testimony of sixteenthcentury mentality.31 Sachs himself enjoys considerable respectasaninfluentialcontributortothedisseminationofReformationideasby wayofhisverses,andasanimportantculturalfigureinNuremberg,conveying muchknowledgeofancientclassicalliterature,theBible,butalsoofmedievaland Renaissance literature that he freely adapted and remodeled for his own purposes.32 Surprisingly,despitethehugeoutputofliteraryworks,Sachsdidnottravel muchoutsideofthecityafterhavingsettledthereandenjoyedarathertranquil lifeinNuremberguntilhisdeath,whichcertainlycontributedsignificantlytohis literarycreativityandproductivity.BornonNovember5,1494,asthesonofthe tailorJörgSachs,heattendedtheLatinschoolfrom1501to1509,learnedthecraft

31

32

HansSachs,Meisterlieder,Spruchgedichte,Fastnachtspiele:Auswahl.Eingeleitetunderläutertvon HartmutKugler(Stuttgart:Reclam,2003),7–17. EckhardBernstein,HansSachs(ReinbekbeiHamburg:Rowohlt,1993);HansSachsundNürnberg: BedingungenundProblemereichsstädtischerLiteratur.HansSachszum400.Todestagam19.Januar 1976,ed.HorstBrunner,GerhardHirschmann,FritzSchnelbögl(Nuremberg:Selbstverlagdes VereinsfürGeschichtederStadtNürnberg,1976);stillprovestobeveryvaluableuntiltoday, RudolphGenée,HansSachsundseineZeit:EinLebensundKulturbildausderZeitderReformation. Rpt.(1894;NiederwallufbeiWiesbaden:MartinSändig,1971);HorstBrunner,“HansSachs–sein Bildnach500Jahren,”id.,Annäherungen:StudienzurdeutschenLiteraturdesMittelaltersundder FrühenNeuzeit.PhilologischeStudienundQuellen,210(Berlin:ErichSchmidt,2008,orig.1994), 350–65.SeealsomyrecentessaysonSachs:“DerverkannteMeister?EineSchlüsselfigurdes16. JahrhundertsimKreuzfeuerderKritik.DieDarstellungvonFrauenimWerkvonHansSachs,” EtudesGermaniques59(2004):5–39;“Women,Wives,andMarriageintheWorldofHansSachs,” Daphnis32,3–4(2003):491–521;“MittelalterlicheChronistikundLiteraturimWerkvonHans Sachs:RezeptionshistorischePerspektivenim16.Jahrhundert,”ColloquiaGermanica37,1(2004): 1–25;“HansSachs’sReceptionoftheMedievalHeroicTradition:SocialCriticismintheCloakof NibelungeliedSourceMaterial,”inParergon23,1(2006):93–117;“PoetischeProtestegegenden Krieg:DerMeistersängerHansSachsalsfrüherKriegsgegnerim16.Jahrhundert,”Amsterdamer BeiträgezurälterenGermanistik63(2007):235–56.ForSachs’sreceptionandadaptationofmedieval literature,seealsoWinfriedNeumann,Zeitenwechsel:WeltlicheStoffedes12.bis14.Jahrhundertsin MeisterliedernundmotivverwandtenDichtungendesHansSachs.JenaerGermanistischeForschungen. NeueFolge,19(Heidelberg:UniversitätsverlagWinter,2005).

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ofshoemakinguntil1511,andembarkedonhistravelsasajourneymanfrom1511 to1516,visitingonecityafteranother: ErstlichgenRegnspurgundBraunaw, GenSaltzburg,HallundgenPassaw, GenWels,MünichenundLandshut, GenOetingundBurgkhausengut, GenWürtzburgundFranckfurt,hernach GenCoblentz,CölenundgenAch.33 [FirstfromRegensburgandBraunau ToSalzburg,Hall,andPassau, ToWels,Munich,andLandshut, ToOetingandniceBurghausen, ToWürzburgandFrankfurt,afterwards toKoblenz,Cologne,andAachen.]

Havingreturnedin1516,heopenedhisownworkshopandmarriedKunigunde Kreuzerin1519.Inthemeantime,theProtestantReformationhadbegunandthe news of it had also reached Nuremberg, where Sachs quickly turned into a passionateadherentandsupporter,thoughhehadalwaystobecarefulnotto transgressthecensurelawsofthecitythattriedtocontrolthepoliticalopinions ofitsinhabitantsoutoffearthattooradicalstatementseitherregardingoneofthe twochurchesorregardingapoliticalormilitaryleadercouldendangerthecity’s economicwellbeing,suchascuttingofftraderoutes,besiegingthecityitself,or imposingprohibitivetollsforitsproducts.In1560,Kunigundedied,andoneyear laterSachsmarriedhissecondwife,BarbaraHarscher.In1567hecreatedasecond (thefirsthehadwrittenin1556),morecompleteandmostnoteworthySummaof allofhispoems,andonJanuary19,1576hediedinNuremberg.34 Not surprisingly, Sachs also composed an encomium on Nuremberg, his Lobspruch der statt Nürnberg, in 1530, but scholars have mostly dismissed it as

33

34

HansSachs,“SummaallmeinergedichtvomMDXIIIIjaranbißins1567jar,”HansSachs,ed.A. v.KellerandE.Goetze.vol.21(1892;Hildesheim:GeorgOlms,1964),337–44;here338,vv.7–12. Bernstein, Hans Sachs, 140–42; ibid., “Hans Sachs,” German Writers of the Renaissance and Reformation1280–1580,ed.JamesHardinandMaxReinhart.DictionaryofLiteraryBiography,179 (Detroit,Washington,DC,andLondon:GaleResearch,1997),241–52;seealsoHansJoachimBehr, “HansSachs–Handwerker,Dichter,Stadtbürger:VersucheinerWürdigunganläßlichder500. Wiederkehr seines Geburtstages,” 500 Jahre Hans Sachs: Handwerker, Dichter, Stadtbürger. AusstellungskatalogederHerzogAugustBibliothek,72(Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz,1995),9–16; and Irene Stahl, “Hans Sachs (1494–1576): Eine biographische Skizze,” ibid., 25–32. See also WilhelmRichardBerger,HansSachs:SchuhmacherundPoet(Frankfurta.M.:SocietätsVerlag, 1994);500JahreHansSachs:Handwerker,Dichter,Stadtbürger,ed.DieterMerzbacherandHans JoachimBehr(Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz,1994).

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highly traditional, without any clear sensitivity for the new ways that Italian Renaissancepoets,butalsoGermanwriters,haddevelopedthisliterarygenre, regularlysituatingthecityinitswidercontext,therebyallowingtheeyetoroam freely and the mind to comprehend the larger framework supporting a city, includingitshinterland.Heneverwouldhavestood,asHartmutKugleropined, thecomparisonwithsuchintellectualmindsasConradCeltiswhohadcomposed inLatinasimilartext,hisNorimberga.35Butsuchacomparisonitselfwouldnotbe fair,consideringthetotallydifferentculturalandeducationalbackgroundsand intentions,Sachsbelongingtotheclassofcraftsmen,Celtisbeingarepresentative of the German Renaissance elite, himself the first poet laureate in Germany (crownedonApril18,1487).36AndasKuglerhimselfadmits,Sachsfocusesin greatdetailontheinteriorstructureofthebelovedcityandcountseverythingthat might be countable to impress his audience with the considerable wealth and richnessofNuremberg.Heobviouslyfollowedthemodelbyhispredecessors, suchasHansRosenplüt,andheseemstohaveachievedhisgoalofappealingwith hispoembothtothepopulaceandtothecitygovernment.Itdeservestobenoted that Celtis’s first version from 1495 did not find the approval of the city government,sohewasforcedtoreviseitconsiderablyandtoadd,justasSachs does,detailsaboutthecityinmuchmorespecificterms.37 The purpose here will therefore not be to compare and contrast Sachs’s encomiastic poems with those by contemporary Renaissance writers and to examinewherehemighthavefailedtoachievethesamegoalsastheydid,orhave supersededthem.Itwouldalsobeinappropriatetosethissongssidebysidewith thefairlylargecorpusofLatinlaudesurbiumfromthetwelfththroughthesixteenth century because we could not really expect common elements or direct connectionsamongtheseverydifferentstrandsofliterarytraditions.38Afterall,the

35

36

37

38

Kugler,DieVorstellungderStadt,212–14;JeanLebau,“L’ÉlogedeNurembergdanslatradition populaireetlalittératurehumanistede1447à1532,”HommageàDürer:StrasbourgetNuremberg dans la première moitié du XVIe siècle: Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg (19–20 novembre 1971) (Strasbourg: Istra, 1972), 15–35; see also Hartmut Kugler, “Die Stadt im Wald: Zur Stadtbeschreibung bei Hans Sachs,” Hans Sachs – Studien zur frühbürgerlichen Literatur im 16. Jahrhundert, ed. Thomas Cramer and Erika Kartschoke. Beiträge zur Älteren Deutschen Literaturgeschichte,3(BernandLasVegas:PeterLang,1978),83–103. DieterWuttke,“ConradusCeltisProtucius,”DeutscheDichterderfrühenNeuzeit(1450–1600):Ihr LebenundWerk,ed.StephanFüssel(Berlin:ErichSchmidtVerlag,1993),173–99. AlbertWerminghoff,ConradCeltisundseinBuchüberNürnberg(Freiburgi.Br.:J.Boltze,1921), 46–47;Kugler,DieVorstellungderStadt,215. CarlJoachimClassen,DieStadtimSpiegelderDescriptionesundLaudesurbiuminderantikenund mittelalterlichenLiteraturbiszumEndedeszwölftenJahrhunderts.BeiträgezurAltertumswissenschaft, 2(HildesheimandNewYork:GeorgOlms,1980);NikolausThurn,“DeutscheNeulateinische Städtelobgedichte:einVergleichausgewählterBeispieledes16.Jahrhunderts,”Neulateinisches Jahrbuch–JournalofNeoLatinLanguageandLiterature4(2002):253–70.

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earlymoderncityhadgrownsomuchinimportancealloverEuropethatitwas regularlyonpeople’smind,asreflectedbypoetry,thevisualarts,evenmusic, pageantry, and various types of writing, so Sachs can be credited for having respondedtohisownobservations,thoughheobviouslyalsostudiedavarietyof relevantsourcesforeachcity. The economic centers were all located in cities, where the most money was accumulated,whichinturnallowedthebuildingofnewchurches,citypalaces, walls,andotherconstructions.Notsurprisingly,thecreationofencomiaoncities bothsouthandnorthoftheAlpsbecameacentralinterestforcityrulers,theupper urbanclassofadministrators,butthenalsoforthemembersoftheguilds,the intelligentsia,poetsandartistsalike.39Afterall,asSebastianMünsterobservedin the prologue to his Cosmographey from 1544, the world had been transformed becauseofthetremendousgrowthofcities:“NimmfürdichvnserTevtschLandt /sowirstdufinden/daszuvnsernzeitengarvieleinanderegestalthat/weder esvorzwölffhundertjarengehabt....Danndazumalhatmankeinvmbmawrte Stattdarinngefunden...”(TakeintoviewourGermany,thenyouwillfindthat our times have assumed quite a different shape, very different from what the worldwasliketwelvehundredyearsago.Atthattimetherewerenocitieswith awallaroundthem...).40 SachslivedinNurembergmostofhislifeandwasakeenobserver,asthemany successfulShrovetideplaysindicateinwhichpeople’sindividualshortcomings andweaknessesareprofiledandridiculed.41Inhispoemshetreated,forinstance, theancientgenderconflict,poverty,theroleofmoney,marriage,theroleofwine, thevalueofgoodhealth,podagra,distrust,bickering,love,changingofheartand mind,mementomori,etc.Thesamewiderangeofthemescanbeobservedinhis manyShrovetideplays,andSachsneverseemstohaverestedinhisattemptsto 39

40

41

Nils Büttner, “Johannes arte secundus? Oder: Wer signierte den Genter Altar?,” Dortmund und Conrad von Soest im spätmittelalterlichen Europa, ed. Thomas Schilp and Barbara Welzel. DortmunderMittelalterForschunten,3(Bielefeld:VerlagfürRegionalgeschichte,2004),179–200; here187–88;HenkTh.vanVeen,CosimoIde’MediciandHisSelfRepresentationinFlorentineArtand Culture,trans.AndrewP.McCormick(1998;Cambridge,NewYork,etal.:CambridgeUniversity Press,2006),ch.9,148–59. Quoted from Kugler, Die Vorstellung, 226. See also Klaus Arnold, “Städtelob und Stadtbeschreibung im späteren Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit,” Städtische Geschichts schreibungimSpätmittelalterundinderfrühenNeuzeit,ed.PeterJohanek.Städteforschung.Reihe A:Darstellungen,47(Cologne,Weimar,andVienna:Böhlau,2000),247–68,whotracesthehistory ofLatinlaudesurbiumfromthehightothelateMiddleAges,butalsotouches,everysobriefly,on theworkbyHartmannSchedelandthecityencomiabyHansSachswithoutparticularcomments oranycomparativeevaluation. See the various contributions to Hans Sachs und Nürnberg: Bedingungen und Probleme reichsstädtischerLiteratur.HansSachszum400.Todestagam19.Januar1976,ed.HorstBrunner, Gerhard Hirschmann, and Fritz Schnelbögl (Nuremberg: Verein für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg,1976).

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focus on whatever was on people’s minds and what was discussed in public, therebymakinghimselftheliteraryspokespersonfortheentirecity. On February 20, 1530, he composed his wellknown Ein lobspruch der statt Nürnberg, apparently with the specific intention to test the city government’s willingnesstodropabanonhiswritingissuedonMarch27,1527,whichhad seemedtothemtothreatentheinternalpeace,thegoodrelationshipswithexternal powers,andthefragilestableconditionsintheworldbeyondthecitywallafter thecrushingdefeatofthepeasantrevoltin1525.42Sachs,however,wasnotthe mantobehushedintosilence,asthemorethan300mastersongs(Meisterlieder) indicate that he composed between 1527 and 1529 in gnomic stanzas, taking positionsregardinglargerpolitical,religious,andmilitaryissuesthataffectedboth Germany at large and Nuremberg in particular.43 In the “lobspruch der statt Nürnberg”allcriticalcommentshavedisappeared,andinsteadthepoetpresents tousamostglowingimageofthisimperialcityinallitsindustry,wealth,virtues, honor,andcivicpride.44 Althoughthe“lobspruch”beginswithanallegoricaltopicalsetting,withthe poet wandering around in a forest until he comes across an opening with a fountain,whereheliesdownandfallsasleep,thefocusreallyrestsonthecity itself,whichhefirsttakesintoviewfromthedistancebeforeheturnstodetails. Butinhissubsequentdreamvision,atropecommonlyusedinmedievalliterature (see,forexample,GuillaumedeLorris’sRomandelarose),45heobservesamighty eagle,thetraditionalbirdofcoatsofarmsandseals,beingattackedbyotherbirds andanimals,butitknowshowtodefenditselfenergeticallywithitsclaws.Soon after,thepoetisawakenedbyanoldheraldwhotakeshimtoasitewherehecan witnesswithhisowneyesthematerializationofhisdreamvision,thatis,thecity ofNurembergwheretheblackeagleisflyinginthecity’sbanner:“dieselbein schwartzenadlerfüret”(191,28).Atfirsttheyvisitthecastleitself,hoveringhigh abovethecity,ennobledbybeingoneofthecentralpointswheretheGerman emperorvisitsregularly.Afterwards,theygotoanoutlookandtakeintoviewthe splendorofthecity:“Dosachicheinunzelichzal/Heusergepawenhochund nieder/Indieserstatehinundwieder”(192,14–16;Isawinimmeasurablenumber houses built high and low in this city up and down). For him this is an “edel schatz”(12;anobletreasure)thatisworthhispersonaladmiration.Henotices, aboveall,thedelicateprecautionthebuildershavetakentoprotectthehouses fromfire,andtheirdeliberateattempttointroducetheItalianstyle,whichseems

42 43 44 45

Bernstein,HansSachs,51–53. Bernstein,HansSachs,54–66. HansSachs,ed.AdelbertvonKeller.Vol.4(1870;Hildesheim:GeorgOlms,1964),189–99. The classical study on this topic continues to be C. S. Lewis, The Allegory of Love: A Study in MedievalTradition(1936;London,Oxford,andNewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1977).

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totransformtheentirecityintoaprincelypalace(23).Fromherehiseyeswander throughallthestreetsandsquares,andhebeginshisenumerationofthenarrow streets,thepublicfountains,thechurchbells,thecitygates,thebridgesmadeout ofstone,themarketsquares,bathhouses,churches,andwatermills.Amazedatthis splendidassembly,thenarratoraskshisguideaboutthecityanditsinhabitants and is immediately informed: “Ein embsig volck, reich und sehr mechtig, / Gescheyd, geschicket und fürtrechtig. / Ein grosser thayl treybt kauffmanns handel./Inallelandthatesseinwandel/Mitspecereyundallerwahr”(193, 18–22; An industrious people, rich and very powerful, intelligent, clever, and circumspect. Many of them are merchants and do business in many different countrieswithspicesandallkindsofgoods).46 Beingacraftsmanhimself,Sachs,notsurprisingly,emphasizesthedominant roleofcraftsmeninthecity:“Dermaistthailsichmithandwercknert”(193,25; thegreatestpartmakesalivingthroughworkingwiththeirhands).Buthedoes not ignore the important printers and painters, among many other types of professionalswhoallexcelintheirworkandcanpridethemselvesinbeingsome oftheverybestintheentireworld:“Dergleichmanfindinkeynenreichen,/Die ihrer arbeyt thun geleichen” (193, 38–39; You do not find anyone in other kingdomswhodosuchgoodworkastheydo).Whateveraspectofhumanactivity itmightbe,onecouldalwaysfindthebestrepresentationinNuremberg,whether physicallabororthearts,fencing,singing,orplayingamusicinstrument(194,5).47 Nextheturnstothecitygovernmentandopenlysingsasongofpraiseabout itwithoutdaringtoletastrainofcriticismenterhisdiscourse:“Einfürsichtiger weiser rat” (194, 16; a careful, wise council). The poet is full of praise of the councilors’wisdomthatcanorderlyandwiselydirecttheentirepopulacetoits bestgoals,supportedbyawholearmyofsubordinateadministratorsresponsible foreversmallerneighborlyunits,andallthatsustainedbyasoundlegalsystem andacityconstitutionthatprotectseveryonefromthedangersresultingfrom tyranny because a well thoughtout system of rules and laws prevents all transgressions(195,4–5).48

46

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WalterTauber,DerWortschatzdesHansSachs.Vol.1:Untersuchungen.Vol.2:Wörterbuch(Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1983). The text is partially also available online at: http://books.google.com/books?id=KY6rbtj7b3QC&dq=f%C3%BCrtrechtig&source=gbs_summ ary_s&cad=0(lastaccessedonMarch9,2008). JörnReichel,“HandwerkerlebenundHandwerkerdichtungimspätmittelalterlichenNürnberg: HansRosenplütgenanntSchnepper,”LiteraturinderStadt:BedingungenundBeispielestädtischer Literaturdes15.bis17.Jahrhunderts,ed.HorstBrunner.GöppingerArbeitenzurGermanistik,343 (Göppingen:Kümmerle,1982),115–42. Forthediscourseon,orratheragainst,tyrannyintheMiddleAges,seeAlbrechtClassen,The PeopleRiseUpagainsttheTyrantsintheCourtlyWorld:JohnofSalisbury’sPolicraticus,theFables byMariedeFranceandtheAnonymousMaiundBeaflor,”NeoheliconXXXV,1(2008):17–29.Hans Sachsrepeatedlyvoicedhisexplicitoppositionagainsttyrants,seehispoem“Gesprechvonder

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More important, however, proves to be the harmony between the city population and the city council: “Einhellig und einmütig sein” (195, 13; in agreementandinunison),whichresultsinanadvantageforeveryoneandthe growth of public wealth (195, 15). To underscore the extraordinarily positive situationforNuremberg,thepoetfurtherexplainshisdreamallegory,identifying thehostilebirdsthatattackedtheeagleasallthoseenviousoftheimperialcity, whichisprotected,however,byfourallegoricalfigures,theladyofwisdom,the ladyofjustice,theladyoftruth, and theladyofselfprotection,involvingthe ‘Gewalt,macht,reichthumb,krafftundsterck”(197,15;Authority,power,wealth, might,andstrength).49 JustasinSchedel’sNurembergChronicle,Sachsemphasizesthedoubleringwall aroundthecity,thelargenumberoftowers(atotalof183),andthenalsoartillery, gunpowder,weapons,storedfood,andurbantroops,whichallguaranteethatthe cityisbeingprotectedatdayandatnight(197).Butinsteadofgoingintomany furtherdetails,theheraldrecommendsthepoetspendhislifethereandexperience the city himself which would confirm his concluding comment: “Darmit sie reichlich ist gezieret, / Gekrönet unnd geblesenieret” (198, 15–16; it is richly decorated,crownedandblessed). Switchingfromtheallegoricalspeechtoanautobiographicalreflection,Sachs turnstothecityitselfandreflectsuponthepositiveexperiencesthathehashad there,emphasizingtheharmonybetweencitycouncilandthepopulace(198,30), theorderlinessoftheestates(198,31),andthepraiseworthinessofthegovernment (198,32).Itisobviouslyaflatteringpoemintendedtoingratiatethepoetwiththe authoritiesafterhehassufferedfromtheircensureforsolong.Butwealsogeta remarkablesenseofcivicpridethatpervadestheentirepoem,especiallybecause heidentifiesNurembergashis“vatterland”(198,37;fatherland)thatheequates withabloomingrosegardenthatistakencareofbyGodHimself.Inasmuchas Sachsapparentlytriedtoingratiatehimselfwiththecityleaderswhenhewrote thispoem,hestillgrantedhisaudiencearemarkableoverviewoftheentirecity both in its physical structure and in its social system, with a nontyrannical

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himelfartmargraffAlbrechtzanno1557,”vol.23,113–21.Forurbanrevoltsandprotestsagainst princely rulers in the late Middle Ages, see the contributions to this volume by Britt C. L. RothauserandLiaRoss.Cf.alsoKnutSchulz,“DennsieliebendieFreiheitsosehr...”:Kommunale Aufstände und Entstehung des europäischen Bürgertums im Hochmittelalter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1992); Paul Burgard, Tagebuch einer Revolte: ein städtischer AufstandwährenddesBauernkrieges1525.HistorischeStudien,20(Frankfurta.M.andNewYork: Campus,1998).SeealsothecontributionstoEmotionsintheHeartoftheCity(14th16thCentury), ed.ElodieLecuppreDesjardinandAnneLaureVanBruaene.StudiesinEuropeanUrbanHistory (1100–1800)(Turnhout:Brepols,2005),inPartI:ThePoliticsofEmotioninUrbanRevolts. Thesocialstabilitywithinthecitywasofgreatestimportanceforalllatemedievalurbanpoets andchroniclers,seeHansChristophRublack,“GrundwerteinderReichsstadtimSpätmittelalter undinderfrühenNeuzeit,”LiteraturinderStadt,9–36.

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government(whateverthatmightmeaninthiscontext)andapopulationthatfully embracedtheauthoritiesandsubscribedtotheidealoftheurbancommonwealth. Hedidnotlimithisperspectivetohisownsocialclass,thecraftsmen;insteadhe also discussed the merchants, the artists, and the judges, although women, children,andotherminoritiesfindnomentionatall. Undoubtedly,thereisaheavyemphasisonquantification,insofarasSachs,full ofadmiration,emphasizesthelargenumberofstreets,workshops,fountains,bells, etc.AtthesametimehedoesnotneglecttomentiontheItalianarchitecturethat hashadsomeinfluenceonNuremberg(192,22),themarkets,thechurches,and alsotheriverthatrunsthroughthecity(193).Inotherwords,hecombinesthe economicwiththecultural,thereligious,andthepoliticaltopainttheimageofan idealcity,strongontheinsidebecauseofasolidcohesionamongthepopulation, andstrongontheoutsidebecauseofitsdoubledefensewall,thewellstocked artillery,storedfood,andtrainedsoldiers. NowonderthatKuglercouldrecognizemanysimilaritieswithmedievalurban encomiabecausethefocusneverrestsontheoutsideworld,rathertheemphasis isplacedontheinternalcohesionandstabilitywithin.50ButSachswasalifelong inhabitantofthiscity,whereasCeltis,asalearnedscholar,onlypassedthrough and had entirely different interests when he composed his Latin Norimberga.51 Sachstriedtogetbackonagoodfootingwiththecitycouncil,whereasCeltistried tousethepoemhewascommissionedtowriteforpaytosecurealsotheirsupport, inhiscasefortheappointmenttothefacultyataplannedhumanistschool,though ultimatelytonoavail.52 Leavingthedifferencesaside,wecandetermineatleastthatthedevelopment ofurbanlifehadreachedsuchapointbythefirstthirdofthesixteenthcentury thatitseemedmostappropriateforHansSachstoregainthecitycouncil’sfavor bycomposingsuchadetailedpraisepoemontheentirecitywithwhichhehimself identifiedthoroughly,irrespectiveofhisopenattempttoflattertheauthorities.For him,afterall,Nurembergwashishomeandheregardedhimselfasanintimate memberofthelargerurbancommunitythatprosperedsowellandenjoyedjustice andpeacebecauseitwasdominatedbyacorporatementalityspecificallyopposed to“aygennutz”(selfishness).53

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Kugler,DieVorstellungderStadt,214–15. Kugler, “Die Stadt im Wald.” See also Klaus Arnold, “Konrad Celtis und sein Buch über Nürnberg,”ActaConventusNeoLatiniGuelpherbytani:ProceedingsofSixthInternationalCongressof NeoLatinStudies,Wolfenbüttel12Augustto16August1985,ed.StellaP.Revard,FidelRädle,and Mario A. Di Cesare. Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 53 (Binghamton: Medieval & RenaissanceTexts&Studies,1988),7–15. DavidPrice,“ConradCeltis,”GermanWritersoftheRenaissanceandReformation,23–33;here28. RüdigerBrandt,“Vonwegenewerßaygennutz:StädtischeOrdnungsvorstellungenalsreligiöse ArgumentationshilfebeiHansSachsimSpruchtgedichtKGXXIII,505ff,”JahrbuchderOswaldvon

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Butwewouldmissagreatopportunitytostudythenewrelevanceofurbanlife inthesixteenthcenturyifweignoredSachs’snumerousotherencomia,suchashis song“Lobspruech der stattMüncheninPayern,”composedonSeptember11, 1565.WhereasOswaldvonWolkenstein(1376/77–1445)hadpreviouslyturnedhis attention to cities as part of his mental horizon, though certainly with a lot of hesitationanddoubtsaboutthemarketconditionsthere,leavinghimnochance ofcompetingwithhistraditionalskillsandabilities,54Sachscomposeshistexts fromthecompleteoppositeperspectiveinsofarashewritesfromwithinthecity asaproudburgherwhoadulateshiscommunityandintendstoglorifythecity poeticallytothebestofhisabilities.Moreover,Sachsembracestheconceptofthe citycompletely,asawholeseriesofotherurbanencomiasindicate,towhichI’ll turnnext. Very different from his praise poem on Nuremberg, here the poetic view assumesthebird’seyeperspective,firstdescribingthelocationofMunichnextto theriverIsar,thendeterminingthedateofitsoriginin962anditsfounder,Duke Henry,whoerectedfirstabridgeovertheriver.55UnderEmperorOttoIalittle citywasbuiltnexttoit,whichled,however,toconflictswiththelocalbishops whowerecompetingfortheroadtoll.Infact,themajorportionofthispoemis dedicatedtothehistoricalaccount,takingusthroughtheentireMiddleAges.But Sachsalsoemphasizesherethemajorroleplayedbythecitizenrywhoaredoing mostly merchant business, whereas others work as craftsmen and artists (265, 26–28).Nexthisattentionturnstothearchitecture,andagainitistheglobal,aerial perspectivethatdeterminesthedescription:“Darinnsindauchherlichundweit gassen/Undschöneheuserubermassen,/Diegotsheuserwolgeziertundgros /Undaucheinwolgebawtesschloß”(265,29–32;Thereinarealsosplendidand wide streets and unbelievably many beautiful houses. The churches are wonderfullydecoratedandlarge,andthereisalsoawellbuiltcastle). Likearegulartouristoftoday,hereflectsuponthemostimpressivechurches, theducalpalacewithitshostofparticularrooms,cellars,officespace,etc.,andthe lionpark,without,however,goingintofurtherdetails.Infact,thisismorean encomiumontheBavarianducalfamilyanditshistoryinbriefestform,thanan encomiumonthecity,astheepimythionindicates:“Derdurchleuchtighertzog Albrecht/Mitseinemadel,fromundgrecht,.../Dasdemfürstengrün,plüeund

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WolkensteinGesellschaft7(1992/1993):75101. DieLiederOswaldsvonWolkenstein,ed.KarlKurtKlein.3rd,revisedandexpandeded.,ed.Hans Moser,NorbertRichardWolfandNotburgaWolf.AltdeutscheTextbibliothek,55(1962;Tübingen: Niemeyer,1987),Kl.86,Kl.98,Kl.99,Kl.104,Kl.122,andKl123.Foranexcellentcommentary, see Werner Marold, Kommentar zu den Liedern Oswalds von Wolkenstein, revised and ed. Alan Robertshaw. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft. Germanistische Reihe, 52 (1926; Innsbruck:InstitutfürGermanistik,1995). HansSachs,Vol.23,264–66.

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wachs/Seinfürstlichlob,wünschtHansSachs”(266,1–6;TotheilluminatedDuke Albrecht,withhisnobility,virtue,andjustice,...I,HansSachs,amwishingthis dukethateverythingwillgrowgreen,bloom,andgrow).Nevertheless,despitethe quick historical survey we gain a good idea of the slow yet steady growth of Munich,involvingthedivisionintotwoparishes,theexpansionofthecitywallto enclosefurtherquarters,andtheerectionofmonasteriesbytheFriarsandthe Augustinians. Perhaps mostinterestingisthatSachsalertsustothefactthatthestreetsin Munich are impressively wide and beautifully maintained (265, 29). The poet actuallymanagestobalancethereportaboutthevariousprofessionspursuedin thecitywithhisaccoladesoftheducalpalace,apparentlythetriumphoftheentire city,especiallybecausehehasgreatrespectforDukeAlbrechtwhogoessofar,as Sachscomments,tomaintaintheroadswellinhisowncountry:“Daimlandalle straßgemein/Werdengehaltensauberundrein”(266,3–4;Inthatcountryall roadsarekeptcleanandtidy). Morethantwoyearslater,Sachscomposedanencomiumontheimperialcity Vienna(Dec.1,1567),56whichhadapparentlyimpressedhimevenmoreforits metropolitan character, hence its large size, which required massive defense systems,bothawallandatrench.Hepaysgreathomagetothecapital,ashecalls it(“haubtstat,”304,3)andidentifiesitasthemostnoblecityamongallthosethat are situated on the banks of the Danube. Although Sachs tries to give an etymologicalexplanationofVienna’sname(304,11–16),heisnotreallysuccessful inthat,butinthiseffortheevenaddsfurtherinformationaboutthegeographic settingofthiscity,referringtoanotherrivernearby.Thepoetnoticeswithgreat astonishmenttheuseofstonestostabilizethestreetswithinthecity(304,25–26) andintheconstructionofthehouses(305,2–3),bothveryexpensiveprocesses. Theextensiverangeofcellarspaceunderneaththehousesmakeshimthinkthat theremightbemorebuildingsundergroundthanaboveground(305,11–14). Asisalwaysthecase,hepayscloseattentiontothevariouschurches,especially thecathedralSt.Stephan,“DasinganczemDeutschlandhatrum”(305,25;which is famous all over Germany). But then he also mentions the highly reputable Viennese university where many students are enrolled from Hungary and Germany(305,27–32).ForSachs,however,themostimportantfeatureseemsto be,aswasalsothecaseinhisencomiumonNuremberg,theelectionofacity councilandofasupremejudgewhogovernexceedinglywellandfairly,exuding asenseofconfidenceintheirwork.

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HansSachs,Vol.23,304–08.

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FromhereSachsturnstothewineproduction,whichwasofgreatestimportance forVienne,alsoconsideringitslocationandpositionasamajorwineexporter,as wecanlearnfromSachsbriefcomments:“Denmaistenwein,denfürtmannaw / Mit pferdn in schaiffn rawff die Thonaw” (306, 14–15; Most of the wine is transportedawayonshipspulledbyhorsesupstream),sendingitasfarawayas to Bavaria and Swabia. Whereas in his encomium on Nuremberg Sachs had contentedhimselfwitharathermyopicperspective,herehedescribesViennaas thecenterofavastexportbusiness,beingconnectedwithtownsasfarawayasin southwestGermanyandelsewhere.57 Thenthepoetofferssomehistoricaltidbits,suchasthecity’sconquestbythe Hungarian King Matthew in 1477, its liberation by the Hapsburgian Emperor FrederickIIIonbehalfofhissonMaximilian,thenitsbeingbesiegedbytheTurks in1529(306–307),whorobbedandburnedtheentirelandaroundthecity,raped thewomenandimpaledthechildren (307, 4–8),atypicalcondemnationofall Eastern enemies that have ever attacked Europe.58 Very briefly, without full understandingofthebackground,Sachsoutlinestheeventsduringthesiegeand thefinalretreatbytheTurks,whichmakeshimjubilate:“Dochwarausgotlichen genaden/Wien,diegrosstat,erettetfrey/VonsTüerckenmortundthiranney” (307,40–41–308,1;Throughdivinegrace,thegreatcityViennawasliberatedof theTurksmurderingandtyranny).Thepoetlimitshimselfsubsequentlytofinal commentsaboutthereconstructionofthedefensesystemandabouttheabsolute needtotrustinGod(308). OnSeptember29,1568,SachscreatedanencomiumonFrankfurt,“Ainlobspruech derstatFranckfurt,”59combinedwithapraiseonthesuburbSachsenhausenonthe othersideoftheMainriver,butconnectedbyabridgemadeoutofstone,ashe emphasizesfullofadmiration.Again,thoughmuchearlierthanintheprevious poems,Sachsunderscoresthesuccessesofthelaudablecitygovernment,basedon agoodjusticesystemandthecourts(399,9).Thepoet’sinterestrests,asusual,on theeconomicconditionsthatmadethiscitysorich,referringhisaudiencetothe major fairs that take place twice a year in Frankfurt. These fairs fascinate him because, already being aware of the international connections necessary for a major business center like Nuremberg, they attract customers from all over Europe: “Werden pesucht durch gancz Deutschland, / Engeland und Ytalia, /

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Hartmut Kugler, “Die Stadt im Wald,” 103, concludes that the space outside of the city of NurembergplaysnoroleforSachs,butthisdoesnotapplytothisandotherpoems.Thereal questionwouldratherbewhySachsfocusesonthecoreofNurembergtotheexclusionofthe worldoutsideofthecitywallswhereashedoesnotfollowthatmodelinothercases. Bernstein,HansSachs,55,woodcutbyErhardSchönforSachs’spoem“Türkischetyranney”from ca.1529/1530. HansSachs,Vol.23,399–402.

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Poland,HolandundGallia,/Vonkramern,hendlernundkauffhern”(399,21–19; theyareattendedbyvisitorsfromalloverGermany,fromEngland,Italy,Poland, theNetherlands,andFrance,byhaberdashers,traders,andmerchants). RealizingthatthesefairsrepresentthemajorpointsofattractionofFrankfurt, Sachsdoesnotevenbothertoinformusfurtheraboutthecity;insteadheprovides anintriguinglyimpressionisticdescriptionofthehustleandbustleofthemarket, withallkindsofwaresexhibited,andvendorsandpurchasersdealingwitheach other:“Dreydag,dienachtoftpisanmorgen,/Einlauffen,gen,schlauffenund faren”(400,8–9;lastingthreedays,oftenuntillateatnight,everyonerunning, walking, moving around and driving). Again, given the purpose of such an encomium, the poet praises the city government for taking care of everyone, keepinggoodlawandorder(400,12–14). AshehaddoneinhisencomiumonVienna,Sachsthenprovidesarelatively detailed outline of the history of Frankfurt, highlighting major events and mentioning some of the most famous rulers who had stayed there. He is particularly interested in the recent decades in which the religious wars had brokenout,affectingalsocitieslikeNurembergandFrankfurt,discussingvarious siegesofthecitybytheDukeMorizofSaxonyandtheMargraveAlbrecht(401, 36–39).ButSachsquicklyconcludeshistextbyhighlightingFrankfurt’sresolute resistance and subsequent liberation when the enemies left without having achievedtheirgoals. Apartfromthereferencetothebridgeoutofstone,thetwosectionsofthecity onbothsidesoftheriver,andtothegoodcitycouncilwelearnnothingconcrete aboutFrankfurtbecausetheemphasisonthetwofairsandonthehistoryofthe citykeepsSachscompletelyoccupied.Nevertheless,hereaswell,thepositionof Frankfurt at the center of an international trading network proves to be most remarkable, situating these cities in a global grid that far extends beyond the bordersofGermany. Whenweturntohis“LobspruechderreichstatNörlingeninSchwaben,”60which wascomposedonNovember20,1568,thelasttracesofinterestintheurbanspace andthestructureofthecityhavedisappeared.Instead,herethehistoricalaspect dominatesentirelyinsofarasSachsrelatesexclusivelyhowthecitywasfounded bytheRomanEmperorNerointheyear20B.C.E.whenhewasstillamajorinthe army. From then on the city underwent a constant series of fortunes and misfortunes,asitonceburneddown,butthenwasrebuiltagain,andsuffered fromtheallegedusuryoftheJewswhowerethereforesubjugatedtoaterrible pogrominwhichseveralhundredofthemwerekilled.Sachsnaivelyrepeatsthe

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HansSachs,Vol.23,412–14.

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traditionalstereotypeofJewishpracticesasusurersforwhichtheydeservedtobe punished, although, as thirteenthcentury preachers such as Berthold von Regensburghadalreadyobserved,greedandcapitalisticabusewerecommonin allofsociety.61Atanyrate,theencomiumhereisentirelydrawnfromhistorical knowledgeanddisregardsaviewofthecityassuch,notevenconsidering,asis usuallythecasewithSachs,thewiseandconsideratecitygovernment.However, still deeply concerned about the wellbeing of the people, he concludes with commentsonthesufferingthecityhadtogothroughduringtheSchmalkaldic War:“Auchetlichdausentmenschensturben,/Anleibundguetelentverdurben” (414,21–22;Also,severalthousandpeoplediedandlosttheirlifeandproperty). By contrast, his encomium on Regensburg, composed on February 19, 1569,62 demonstrates radically different features, probably because the poet was personallyfamiliarwiththiscityandcouldaddmanydetailsthathehadobserved himselfduringhisyearsasajourneyman.AlthoughSachsintroducestheurban history once again, tracing it back to the time of the Roman Empire, this has specificbearingonthecitystructureasitstillcanbeobservedwithintheextant remains of the ancient fortress, as he comments, “Wie man hinter sant Jacob schawt”(325,20;ifyoulookbehindSt.Jacob).Forhimthewidestreetsandtall buildingsleavethemostpositiveimpressiononthevisitor,andsoalsothelarge marketsquares,allofthemrevealingpartofagloriouspast(326,1–5).Forthefirst timehealsoturnshispoeticeyetowardtheeconomicsideofacity,referringhis audience/readerstotheharboralongtheDanube:“Darauffdieflösundauchdie schieff/Aufundabgenmitkaufmanswar”(326,9–10;onwhichtheraftsand boatstravelupanddownloadedwithmerchants’goods).Forhimthebridgeout of stone, built in 1115—more likely constructed over a longer period of time,

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ForBerthold’ssermon‘OnPeace”wherehedealsalsowiththistopic(vol.1,no.17),seeBerthold von Regensburg: Vollständige Ausgabe seiner deutschen Predigten mit Einleitungen und Anmerkungen von Franz Pfeiffer und Joseph Strobl. Mit einer Bibliographie und einem überlieferungsgeschichtlichen Beitrag von Kurt Ruh. Deutsche Neudrucke. Reihe: Texte des Mittelalters(Berlin:deGruyter,1965).FortheassociationofJewswithusuryintheMiddleAges, seeMarkusJ.Wenninger,“JudenundChristenalsGeldgeberimhohenundspätenMittelalter,” DieJudeninihrermittelalterlichenUmwelt,ed.AlfredEbenbauerandKlausZatloukal(Vienna, Cologne,andWeimar:Böhlau,1991),281–99;WinfriedFrey,“zehentunnegoldes:ZumBilddes ‘Wucherjuden’indeutschenTextendesspätenMittelaltersundderfrühenNeuzeit,”Sôwoldich in fröiden singen: Festgabe für Anthonius H. Touber zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Carla Dauvenvan KnippenbergandHelmutBirkhan.AmsterdamerBeiträgezurälterenGermanistik43–44(1995): 177–94;id.,“Der‘Wucherjude’alsKarikaturchristlicherPraxis,”DasMittelalter10(2005):126–35. SeealsoHansJörgGilomen,“WucherundWirtschaftimMittelalter,”HistorischeZeitschrift250 (1990):265–301. HansSachs,Vol.23,325–27.

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probablyaround1135to114663—representsamasterpieceofmedievalmasonry forwhichthereisnomatchanywhereinGermany:“Derprueckgleichtkainein Deutschland” (326, 18; There is no bridge like that in Germany). Again, the referencetotheDanubeindicateshowmuchSachswasinclinedtoperceivethe variouscitiesintheirglobalenvironment,especiallyasfarastradewasconcerned: “DardurchdieThonawschnelhinschewst,/AufOstereichundUngernflewst” (326,16–17;underwhichtheDanuberushesthroughflowingtowardAustriaand Hungary). NextSachsturnstosomeearlyhistoryofRegensburg,whichalsoinvolvesthe foundationofabishoprictherewhichhadproventobesuperiortoalltheothers inBavaria(326,39),acommentthatsoundsrathercuriouscomingfromadevout Protestant,unlesswerememberthatthisisanencomiumthroughwhichthepoet triestoappealtoaspecificaudiencetoachieveanindividualpurpose.Morethan everbeforedoesthepoetidentifythevariouschurchesinthecitybynameand mentionsthelargenumberofchapels,endowments,andpriests(327,1–8).St. Emmeram receives particular attention as one of the monasteries that was incorporatedintothecitywhenthecitywallwasexpandedatthetimeofEmperor Arnolphus,orArnolf(327,9–13),whohadbeencrownedin887anddiedin899. Amazingly, Sachs even knows of a major medieval manuscript held in the monastic library granted by the Emperor: “Mit eim puech des ewangelium, / Geschriebenmitgueldenpuchstaben,/Ainsgrosenschaczwert,deterspegaben” (327,16–18;donatedabookwiththeGospel,writteningoldenletters,whichwas worthasmuchasagreattreasure). ItmightwellbethatSachshadinmindthesocalledUtaCodex,anillustrated Gospellectionaryproducedlocallyaround1025atthebehestofUta,abbessofthe Niedermünsternunnery,sinceshewascloselyassociatedwithSt.Emmeram—she ismentionedinoneoftheirnecrologies.Or,morelikely,hemighthavehadthe opportunity to look at the Codex Aureus of Charles the Bald, a ninthcentury manuscript,perhapsevenmoresplendidinitsappearanceandembellishments, todayintheBayerischeStaatsbibliothekMunich,clm14000.64Atanyrate,thisis thefirsttimethataGermanpoetreferencesamedievalmanuscriptandemploys itasaninstrumenttoincreasethepraisethathecanheaponthecityasawhole

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Formanymoretechnicaldetails,see:http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steinerne_Br%C3%BCcke;see also:http://www.baufachinformation.de/denkmalpflege.jsp?md=1988017185558(bothwebsites lastaccessedonSept.20,2008). AdamS.Cohen,TheUtaCodex:Art,Philosophy,andReforminEleventhCenturyGermany(University Park:ThePennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,2000),4–23.Foranillustrationofthecoverforthe CodexAureus,seeonlineat: http://www.cushnieent.force9.co.uk/WebSitePhotoGallery/CodexAureus.htm(lastaccessedon Sept.25,2008).SeealsoPaulGichtel,DerCodexAureusvonS[ank]tEmmeram:DieRestaurierungdes Cod.lat.14000derBayerischenStaatsbibliothekMünchen(Munich:G.D.W.Callwey,1971).

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because it holds such enormous treasures as this most valuable Gospel book createdforaCarolingianemperor. ButinsofarasSachsimmediatelyturnsawayfromsuchartisticdetailstodiscuss, assoofteninhispreviousencomia,militaryhistory,suchasabattlethatoncetook place outside of Regensburg, he reveals how limited his concept is of how to developaclearpresentationofacityandtoevaluatetherelativeimportanceofthe artsversusbuildings,theeconomy,thegovernment,andthecitizenry.Hefeels dauntedinthefaceofthemassiveconstructionsfromthepast,thewideopen spaces,andsplendidstreets:“Darpeymanwolistyngedechtig,/Dasvoralterzeit inderstat/Mechtigherschaftgewonethat”(326,1–3;Inthefaceofitonerealizes thatalongtimeagoamightydynastyhadruledinthecity). Hisfocusconcentratesonindividualobjectssuchasthemightybridge,thenhe movesawayagaintoassumeabird’seyeperspective,thenheturnstoahistorical account,whichallowshimtomentionthevariouschurchesandtheirtreasures, includingthoseinthelibrary,andthenhequicklyreacheshisconclusion,andwe areleftwithabricolageofdisparatenarrativepieces.Itisanencomium,andwe gainsomeimpressionsofthecentralfeaturesofthiscity,butinsumthereisno cohesionoranysenseofaholisticensemble.Sachswascertainlyimpressedby Regensburgandleavestheimpressionthatthiscitydeservestobeadmired,but ultimatelythepoemdoesnotservethecitywellenoughandleavesuswondering how his audience might have reacted to it. Nevertheless, Sachs relates more informationaboutRegensburgthanaboutalltheotherpreviouscities,including Nuremberg,thoughhispoemwouldbeafarcryfromtheartisticrepresentation ofRegensburginHartmannSchedel’s LiberChronicarum,ifsuchacomparison would be fair in the first place considering the entirely different media. He combines significant details, such as the stone bridge, with bibliophile masterpieces,addshistoricalbackgroundandoffersasketchybird’seyeviewof thecityfocusingonthestreetsandsquares.Itremainsabricolage,butitoffersa wide variety of information about the city and clearly reflects the poet’s considerableinterestinRegensburg,itshistory,andartworks. ItseemssurprisingthatSachsalsoturnedhisattentiontotheurbanworldfarin thenorthofGermany,whenhecomposedhisencomiumonLüneburgonMarch 17,1569,65butithadsimplybeenoneofthestationsduringhislengthyperiodas atravelingjourneyman,asheclaimsinhisautobiographicalpoem.66Herehealso begins with a historical account concerning the original date of the city’s

65 66

HansSachs,Vol.23,445–47. Hans Sachs, Vol. 21, 336. See also Bernstein, Hans Sachs, 24–26. Friedrich Windolph, “Der ReisewegHansSachsensinseinerHandwerksburschenzeitnachseineneigenenDichtungen,” D.Phil.Greifswald1911.

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foundation,anditisinterestingtonotethathelearnedthisinformationfroma medievalchronicle:“DerSachsenkronicdutoffenwaren...”(445,6;theSaxons’ chronicle reveals that . . . ). Then Sachs outlines the actual size of the city, providinguswithexactmeasurements:“Virzehundertschritlangiczund,/900 schritlangindiepreit”(445,10–11;onethousandfourhundredstepsinlength, 900stepsinthewidth),whichheeithermighthavecountedhimselforreadinhis source, as he indicates subsequently in a different context: “Von der stat nam schreibendiealten”(445,15;theancientauthorswriteaboutthemeaningofthe city’sname),thenevennamingthechronicler,AlbertusKrancz(445,21). It is also worth noting that here Sachs makes an attempt to give his readers/listeners a sense of geographical direction by indicating where the women’sconventislocated(445,23–24)andwhereanopenfieldextendsoutside of the city wall (445, 25–27). His attention then rests on the churches and monasteriesinthecity,andagainonsomeoftheircollecteditemsintheirtreasure: “Daruntereindaffel,vorviltagen/Mitarabischemgoldpeschlagen,/Darandie pildkostlichformirt”(446,23–25;amongthematabletthatalongtimeagohad beenornatedwithArabiangoldandpreciouslydesigneddecoration).Heknows aboutitbecausethemonasteryhaddisplayedthisvaluablepieceinanexhibition, likeamoderndaymuseum:“Dielestmanschawen,werspegert”(446,28;they letitbeseentothosewhoareinterested).Hiscuriositywasalsoawakenedbythe existenceoftworetirementcommunitiesforoldandsickpeople(“siechewsser,” 446,30;homesforsickpeople),whichobviouslyappealedtohimconsiderably, thoughhedoesnotprovidespecificinformationonthisinstitution,exceptthatthe inhabitantsreceivefoodandmedication. Further, the city’s intensive trade with salt also plays a major role in this encomium,especiallybecausehereSachsgoesintoextensivedetail;describing how the salt is produced, how many salt workshops there are, how many fireplacesareusedtoboilthewaterandtocrystallizethesaltoutofitthrougha condensationprocess,etc.Butnotsatisfiedwiththat,thepoetalsoreflectsupon thetradeinsaltthatisexportedtoHamburgandLübeck,andfromtheretoother places,whichconnectsLüneburgwiththerestoftheworld—quitesimilartothe caseofRegensburgandothercitieswhichSachsregularlydescribesintermsof theirinternationalandnationaltrade.Afterall,asheknowsonlytoowellfrom Nuremberg, this type of business yields much profit and increases the city’s reputationandpower:“Mitdemsalczhandelhataufgenumen/Diestatiner, gwaltundreichtumen/Ielengermerinkurczenjaren”(447,18–20;Withthetrade insaltthecityhasgainedinhonor,power,andwealth,andthisincreasinglyover fewyears). TheencomiumonLübeck,writtenjustfourdayslaterthanthepreviousoneon Lüneburg,thatis,onMarch21,1569,followsadifferentpathinsofarasherethe

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interest in history dominates entirely.67 We learn only that it is a famous city, locatedinSaxony,orratherinHolstein,asSachscorrectshimself,andthenthe poemlimitsitselfentirelytothehistoricaleventsconcerningLübeck,especially concerning the introduction of the Protestant Reformation through Johann Bugenhagenin1530.WiththeestablishmentofthenewChurch,twowomen’s conventsweretransformedintosecularinstitutions,thefirst,Burgkloster,intoa hospital,thesecond,Katharinenkloster,intoaschool(452).Sachsconcludeswith somecommentsonthewealththatthecityhasacquiredsincethelastwarbyway ofitstrading,thoughhealsowarnsofthedangersthatresultfromthejealousy andenvyfeltbythosewhoarelessfortunateandbegrudgethesuccessfulriseof Lübecktoitspresentposition:“Weildochglueckalzeithasundneit/Almalpey irennachtpaurnhat”(452.33–34;becausefortunealwaysfindshatredandjealousy withitsneighbors). WhenhesubsequentlypaysrespecttoHamburginhisencomiumfromApril30, 1569,thehistoryofitsfoundationandtheearlyaccountofthecityreenterthe centerstage,withoutusgainingaclearnotionofwhattrulyconstitutesthecityin itsurbanspace,structure,andessence.68Thepoetbrieflyhighlightssomeofthe majoreventsinthechurchhistorypriortotheReformation,withoutmentioning thelatterwithoneword.Althoughintendedasa“Contrafactur,”orportraitof Hamburg,asheusuallycallshiscitypoems,Sachsoffersmoreofachroniclepoem withoutmentioninganydetailsortakingintoviewthecityoverall.However,even here we get a sense of close inspection by the poet because at one point he mentionstheancientandstrongfoundationuponwhichonechurchwasbuilt:“Da fund man in dem fundament / Manch alt gepew, gros, starck und weit” (465, 32–34;theydiscoveredinthefoundationmanyoldstructures,large,strong,and wide).Yetthenheisimmediatelydistractedagainandrelaysmoreoftheurban historywithoutfollowingaconsistenttimeframe,concluding,accordingtohis usualpattern,withbestwishesforthesocialpeaceandharmonyinthecity:“Auch guetenfridundainikeit/ Und beschüeczsiezuallerzeit /Vorkrigundalleß ungemachs”(467,9–11;[andgiveit]alsogoodpeaceandunityandprotectitall thetimefromwarandallothertrouble).69

67 68 69

HansSachs,Vol.23,450–52. HansSachs,Vol.23,464–67. Foracontemporary,Latin,encomiumonHamburg,seeWaltherLudwig,“‘Multaimportari, multa exportarier inde’: Ein humanistisches Loblied auf Hamburg aus dem Jahre 1573,” HumanisticaLovanensia:JournalofNeoLatinStudiesXXXII(1983):289–308.Arnold,“Städtelobund Stadtbeschreibung,” 264–66, discusses the encomium on Hamburg by Johannes Freder(us) Pomeranus(1537).

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But we would not do full justice to Sachs’s literary skills and interests if we ignored that he also pursued a very different type of urban encomium, as illustratedbyhispoemdedicatedtoSalzburgthathehadwrittenalreadyonApril 9, 1549.70 Surprisingly, here he begins with a brief discussion of the most characteristicnewprofessionrepresentativeoftheearlymodernage,thebook printer whose work is, of course, situated in the city.71 However, instead of describingtheactualactivitiesbyaprinter,Sachsfocusesonthedisseminationof thetechniqueandknowhowalloverEurope,pretendingthathehimselftraveled to those various countries: “Zog ich auch hin in Engelant; / Dergleich in Franckreichanvertries,/GenLeonundauchgenParis,/Dieserkunstichzweren kom, / Auch in Italia gen Rom” (479, 9–13; I went to England, then to France withoutanygrudge,toLeonCastileandParis;throughthisartIachievehonor, andthenIwenttoRomeinItaly).Becauseofthevagariesbroughtaboutbywar, thepoeticvoice,aprinter,finallyendsupinSalzburg,whichtheninitiatesthe actualencomium.72 Arrivingatthecitygateafterhavingwalkedthroughthemountains,heinquires of an old black Moor about the situation of the city, and is then thoroughly instructedaboutitsancienthistory.Thesedetailsdonotinterestushere,though they still prove to be remarkable regarding Sachs’s degree of learning and apparentlythoroughstudyofthesources.73AlthoughcertainlynotaRenaissance thinker, the poet still reflects his great fascination with the ancient ruins and sculpturesthatwerefoundatthesitewhereSalzburghadbeensettled:“Wiewir vorkurzerzeitnochhaben/Mancherleypildwercksausgegraben”(481,33–34; aswehaveexcavatedonlyrecentlysomanyasculpture).TheMoorpointsoutthe various buildings, such as the cathedral and the castles, and admonishes the listener,hencealsous,tolookforhimselfandadmirethebeautifulbuildings(483, 14).Thenheemphasizestheimpressivehousesinthecity,directingourviewboth totheoutsideandtheinside,payingparticularattentiontothemanyfloors,the cellars,wells,andironwindowshutters(484,3–6).

70 71

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HansSachs,Vol.22,479–86. AlbrechtClassen,“BuchdruckerunddasDruckerwesenalsliterarischesMotivimSpätmittelalter undderFrühneuzeit.MiszellezueinemweltbewegendenThema,”GutenbergJahrbuch83(2008): 128–40.IhadnotyetbeenawareofthispoembyHansSachswhenIwrotethatpreviousarticle, buttheevidenceprovidedbySachs’spoemonlyunderscoresandstrengthensmyfindings. SeealsothevintagebiographybyRudolph Genée,HansSachsundseineZeit:EinLebensund KulturbildausderZeitderReformation(1894;NiederwallufbeiWiesbaden: Dr.MartinSändig, 1971),60–64.Thoughoftenlackinginacriticalperspective,Genéehasassembledmostvaluable biographicalinformationandhistoricaldataconcerningHansSachsandNuremberg. This finds its confirmation also in his considerable familiarity with medieval chronicles and medieval literature, irrespective of what channels he learned them from, see Classen, “MittelalterlicheChronistikundLiteraturimWerkvonHansSachs.”

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Butthenarrativefocuszoomsinandout,asistypicalofSachs’sencomias,ashe turnsinhisdescriptiontotherulingbishopandhisgovernmentinSalzburg,the churches,theschools,andthesocialwelfaresystem,andevaluatesitallwithgreat approvalandadmiration:“Ichsprach:‘Seligistdiesestat,/Dieeinsolchenregirer hat”(484,28–29;Isaid:“Blessedthiscitythathassucharuler”).Subsequentlythe poeticvoiceinquiresabouttheeconomicbaseofthecityandisinformedaboutthe intensive trading that takes place in Salzburg, the craftsmen, and the textile industry.Mostnoticeably,alreadyhereinthisearlyworkSachstakespainsto situatethecityasthecenterofanextensivetradingnetwork,connectingitwith differentregionsandcountries:“Ausdempirgpringtmankeßundschmalz,/Aus demWelschlantmancherleywein,/VomNecker,FranckenlantundRein”(485, 10–12;Fromthemountainstheybringcheeseandlard;fromItalyallkindsofwine, andsofromtheNeckar,Franconia,andtheRhine). Oncethenarratorhasbeensufficientlyinstructedaboutthenatureandfeatures ofSalzburg,heentersthecityandstudiesitthoroughly,findingitmuchtohis likingbecause:“Daalldingwarsowolornirt/Undsovürsichticlichregirt,/Das volcksoghorsamuntertenig/Undalldingumbeinringenpfening”(485,33–36; allthingswerebeautifullydecorated,thecitywascarefullygoverned,thepeople wereobedient,andeverythingwasaffordable).Subsequentlyhesettlesthereand pursueshisjobasabookprinterintheserviceofthebishop. Asanencomiumthispoemmusthavefulfilleditspurpose,addressingboththe historyofthecityanddescribingsomeofitsoutstandingfeatures,heapingpraise onthecityasawhole,includingthebishopandthepeople.Intermsofspecific descriptions of how the city is arranged, however, we would be rather disappointed. Nevertheless, Sachs has at least provided information about Salzburg’sspecificlocationwithinamountainousterrainandfocusedevenonthe insideofsomeofthehouses,whichhewouldneverdoagaininthefuture.Buthis attention to the economic basis for the city, its trade in salt and many other products,andtheimportationofgoodsfrommanydistantcountries,allowshim todefineSalzburginmoreglobalterms,ashewastodoalsoforRegensburgand Nuremberg. Toconclude,altogether,Sachscreatedaconsiderablecorpusofencomiapoems dedicatedtomanydifferentcitiesinGermany,offeringmuchlocalhistory,but alsovariousinsightsintospecificeconomicaspects,studyingbuildings,especially churches,andattimesalsoamajorbridge,andtherebyheconveyedafairlygood senseofwhatthesecitieswerelikefromtheperspectiveofacraftsmanwhohad passedthroughthemduringhisyoungyearsasajourneyman.74ForSachs,the

74

See also W. W. Finlator, Jr., “The City in Germany’s Literature of the Fifteenth Through Seventeenth Centuries,” Ph.D. thesis, Yale University, 1979, 14ff.; here cited from Arnold,

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history of those cities was at times more important than any of the buildings, squares,orstreets.Nevertheless,hemadeacomprehensive,thoughnotalways consistent,efforttocapturebothhistoricalandconcrete,physicalhighlightsof each city through his encomiastic poetry. The woodcuts in Schedel’s Liber chronicarum naturally provide much more information because of their visual nature,butthesearealsonotnecessarilyallcorrectandtendtofollowartistic patterns,oftenresemblingmoreveduteideatathanveduterealistica. Nevertheless,takentogether,bothSchedelandSachsapproachedtheirtaskwith greatdiligenceandattentiontodetails,andbothcontributedtherebytothefurther development of the discourse on the city and urban space in earlymodern German culture. Both artist and poet expressed a deep sense of identity with Nurembergandprojecteditastheidealurbanentitywherethegovernmentand the people collaborated harmoniously and in agreement with each other. Moreover,bothSchedelandSachsregardedthecityitselfwiththegreatestrespect and presented it not only in its architectural setting. Rather, we discover throughoutagreatconcerntosituateeachcityinawidergeophysical,economic, political,andculturalcontext,indicatingtheconnectionswiththeexternalworld andoutliningthetradeandcommercewithfarawayplacesalloverEurope.Not onlyhadthecityemergedasacentralinstitutionatthelatestbythefifteenthand sixteenthcentury,italsoofferedanewsenseofidentity.NeitherSachsnorSchedel can be simply compared to Ambrogio Lorenzetti, and it would be difficult to identify these two German intellectuals as members of the Renaissance in the narrowsenseoftheword.Buttheirfascinatingapproachtoandexplicitintrigue with urban space as the most important stage of human activities still closely relatesthemtoLorenzettiandotherItalianRenaissancethinkers.

“StädtelobundStadtbeschreibung,”248–49,notes5and6.

MarilynSandidge (WestfieldStateCollege)

 UrbanSpaceasSocialConscienceinIsabellaWhitney’s “WyllandTestament”

WhenIsabellaWhitneylistsherbequestsinher“WyllandTestament,”welearn ofherviewsonthecityofLondonin1573itswealth,itsneighborhoods,andits socialproblems.AsshemovesacrosstheenvironsoftheoldcityofLondon,we tourthecityfromtheperspectiveofanobservantwomaninthelatesixteenth century writing before the division of London into upper and lowerclass neighborhoodsthattakesplaceintheearlyseventeenthcentury.Onthesurface her“WyllandTestament”readsasalivelycatalogueoffeaturesfoundinearly modernLondon;however,theinstitutions,streets,andgoodstakeonsymbolic value,firstevokingpromisesofwealthandplentyandthenevincingthereality ofpovertyandinjustice.AlthoughRobertShoemakerstates,“Thereislittledirect evidenceofhowthevastmajorityofLondonersthoughtabouttheircity,andthis appliesparticularlytofemaleLondoners,”Whitney’sworkmakesherthoughtson Londonquiteclear.1 AsDanielleClarkestatesintheintroductiontohereditionoftheNosgay,despite the brimming descriptions of prosperity throughout the poem, “commercial power,” “financial rapaciousness,” and “lack of charity” define London for Whitney.2Startingfromthenarrowsubjectivepointofviewofoneindividualin thecity,thepoemalmostimmediatelyextendsitsperspective to encompassa

1

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Robert Shoemaker, “Gendered Spaces: Patterns of Mobility and Perceptions of London’s Geography,1660–1750,”ImaginingEarlyModernLondon,ed.J.F.Merritt(CambridgeandNew York:CambridgeUniversityPress,2001),144–65;here147–148.Shoemakerarguesthatliterary passagesdon’tshowpeople’srealthoughtsaboutthecity. IsabellaWhitney,MarySidneyandAemiliaLanyer:RenaissanceWomenPoets,ed.DanielleClarke. PenguinClassics(London,NewYork,andToronto:PenguinBooks,2000),xiv.

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sharedexperienceofurbanlife—theevents,perceptions,andviewsthatWhitney’s personarecordsbecomethoseoftheaverageLondoncitizenintheearly1570s. SincelittleisknownaboutIsabellaWhitney’slife,scholarshavedebatedher economicandsocialstatusbasedonthebiographicalinformationshegivesusin hersecondpublishedwork,ASweetNosgayorPleasantPosy:ContainingaHundred and Ten Philosophical Flowers, printed by Richard Jones in 1573.3 Because she describesherselfinNosgayashavingpreviouslybeeninservicetoalady,some criticssuchasDanielleClarkehaveassumedthatshewasamemberofthelower middleclassorthepoor:“NotonlyisWhitneyawoman,rareforventuringinto printatthisperiod,butsheisalsolowermiddleclass”(xiii).Usingasthecultural contextinwhichtounderstandWhitney’spoemtheMotherBfigure,arepulsive old bawd accused by the Elizabethan moralist Edward Hake of turning unemployed maidservants into streetwalkers, Patricia Phillippy states that Whitney’s“treatmentofserviceandthehouseholdinscribesandgivesvoicetothe concernsandexperiencesofalargepopulationofilliterate,lowerclasswomen. ...”4 After referring to her as the “midTudor poet and maidservant,” Laurie Ellinghausen argues that Whitney’s poetic persona places her on par with London’s prostitutes: “When Whitney fashions herself as an unemployed maidservant, she specifically aligns herself with a group that was prone to prostitutioninculturalimaginationaswellasinfact.”5SinceserviceinElizabethan England, however, could apply to young people of any rank in that even the childrenofaristocratswereattimessenttootherhouseholdstoserveforaperiod oftime,itisnotatallclearthatWhitneyand/orherpersonaisamemberofthe lowerclass.6 IwanttoargueinsteadthatwehavetoseeWhitneyasarepresentativeofthe middleclassinLondonandnotofthepoorandnota“vagrantnightwalker.”Her indictmentofLondonismuchsharperifweenvisionitseffectsnotonlyonthose

3

4

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6

Isabella Whitney. Isabella Whitney, Mary Sidney and Aemilia Lanyer: Renaissance Women Poets, Danielle Clarke, ed. 3–43. All quotes from Whitney will be taken from this edition. Betty Travitsky,“The‘WyllandTestament’ofIsabellaWhitney,”EnglishLiteraryRenaissance10(1980): 76–94 first brought Whitney’s poem to most current readers’ attention. See R. J. Fehrenbach, “IsabellaWhitney,SirHughPlat,GeoffreyWhitney,and‘SisterEldershae,’”EnglishLanguage Notes21.1(Sept.1983):7–11,forthepossibilitythatWhitneylatermarriedtobecomeIsabella Eldershae. “TheMaid’sLawfulLiberty:Service,theHousehold,and‘MotherB’inIsabellaWhitney’sA SweetNosegay,”ModernPhilology95(1998):439–61;here442. “LiteraryPropertyandtheSingleWomaninIsabellaWhitney’sASweetNosgay.”StudiesinEnglish Literature45.1(2005):1–22;here1,3. SeePhillippy,“Maid’sLawful,”443.

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whoare born intopovertyandcrime,butalsoonthosewhostartoutaslaw abiding,middleclass,educatedcitizens,orevenas“minorgentry.”7 Theinformationwegainfromaseriesofverseepistlesprecedingthe“Wylland Testament”inNosgay,writtentofamilymembersandfriends,underscoresher earliercomfortablebackgroundasshetellsuswhysheiswritingfromthecountry. In the first verse epistle, she addresses her brother Geoffrey Whitney, a court figure frequently listed as receiving bequests from Queen Elizabeth and best knownforwritingChoiceofEmblemsdedicatedtotheEarlofLeicester.Shereminds himthatshehaslostherpositioninservicetoa“vertuousLadye,”andnowmust remainatthefamilyhomedependentonthefavorsoffriendsandherparents.8 TheopeningdedicationofNosgaytoGeorgeMainwaring,aprominentfigurein Shropshirewhoownedmuchproperty,callshimherchieffriendandaskshimto accepttheworkasapresenttorepayhimforthethingshehasdoneforherinthe past.9InWendyWall’swords,IsabellaWhitneydoesn’tcomefromanaristocratic familyherself,butis“sociallyconnectedwitharistocratichouseholds.”10Although Whitney,inthevoiceofherfictionalpersona,claimstobedependentonfriends andfamily,thiscannotbetakenasevidenceofactualpovertysincealmostall women in England were dependent on others then, and the people she is dependent on are not poor or even lowermiddle class. The letter to her two youngersisters,givingpracticaladviceonhowtosucceedinserviceinLondon, ismeanttopreparethem,shesays,to“wealthposses,andquietnesseofmynde.”11 Sheadvisesthemtopleasetheiremployersbecauseexperiencehastaughtherthat “fleetyngisafoe”andwarnsthemnottoabusethenightwhentheiremployers areinbed:     

SeeDores&Windowesboltedfast forfeareofanywrack. Thenhelpyfneedetherbee, todoosomehousholdething: Yfnottobed,referringyou, untotheheavenlyKing.

(33,42–44)

Whitney wants to be sure that her sisters do not adopt the behaviors of the underclassinLondonthatsocialcriticssuchasHakecomplainedabout. 7

8 9

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LindaGregerson,“LifeamongOthers,”VirginiaQuarterlyReview83.1(Winter2007):204–17;here 204. Whitney,“ToherBrother.G.W.,”Nosgay,8–9. Whitney,“TotheworshipfullandrightvertuousyongGentylman,GeorgeMainwaringEsquier: IS.W.wishethhappyehealthwithgoodsuccesseinallhisgodlyaffayres,”Nosgay,3–4. “IsabellaWhitneyandtheFemaleLegacy,”EnglishLiteraryHistory58.1(Spring1991):35–62;here 47.Wall’sarticlemakesmanygoodpointsaboutthecontextinwhichWhitneywaswriting. Whitney,“AmodestmeaneforMaidesInorderprescribed,byIs.W.totwoofheryongerSisters servingeinLondon,”Nosgay,10–11.

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Furthermore,Whitney’sdecisiontoprintherpoetryhasaddedtothedebate overhersocialstatus.WendyWallnotesthatitwasespeciallytroublingfor a womantotakepartinthis“lowerclassactivity”ofhavingaprintersellherwork publicly.12 Since the works of authors as well as the authors themselves who engagedinthecommercialprintcultureoftheearlymodernperiodareseenas inferior,WhitneyscholarspointtoheruseoflettersinNosgayasawayto“imitate thedynamicsofmanuscriptculture...tooffsetthepotentialopprobriumwhich mightattachtoWhitneyasawritercirculatingwithoutcheckthroughoutawider interpretivecommunity.”13Ifwelookatherprinter,though,RichardJones,wesee thatheisnotedforhisroleintheprintingofpoetrycollectionsthatsuddenly becamepopularwithawidereadershipinthemid1570s.Originallyapublisher of“balladsandworksofapopularcharacter,”hebecameanactiveparticipantin what Kirk Melnikoff calls the “more elite markets for poetry collections and courtesymanualsfromthemid1570suntiltheendofhiscareer.”14Asaprolific publisherofcollectedvernacularpoetry,Jonesputoutatleastelevencollections ofpoetry,andWhitney’sNosgayisthefirstofthese:ASweetNosgay,orPleasant Posye(1573),ASmaleHandfullofFragrantFlowers(1575),TheParadiseofDaynty Deuices(1576),NicholasBreton’sAFloorishvponFancie(1577),AGorgiousGallery ofGallantInuentions(1578),WilliamAverell’sASpeciallRemedieagainsttheFurious ForceofLawlesseLove(1579),APooreKnighthisPallaceofPriuatePleasures(1579),A HandefullofPleasantDelites(1584),BrittonsBowreofDelights(1591),TheArborof AmorousDeuices(1597),andPansPipe(1595).15 Inhisstudyofearlymodernwomenwriters,RandallMartinpointsoutthat“by thestandardsofthedayherwritingisintelligentlyconceived,artfullyvaried,and evenfashionable,”andAnnRosalindJonesarguesinTheCurrencyofErosthat Jones’swillingnesstopublishhersecondwork,Nosgay,sixyearsafterpublishing herfirstwork,TheCopyofaLetterin1567,showsthepopularityofherfirstventure into print.16 Several times in “Wyll and Testament,” Whitney encourages LondonerstobuybooksatSt.Paul’stohelpherprinterprosper;sheobviously seesherselfasapartofanexcitingnewcommercialliteraryworldinLondonof

12 13 14

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Wall,“FemaleLegacy,”35. Clarkexvi;Wall,“FemaleLegacy.” Kirk Melnikoff, “Jones’s Pen and Marlowe’s Socks: Richard Jones, Print Culture, and the BeginningsofEnglishDramaticLiterature,”StudiesinPhilology102.2(Spring2005):184–209;here 208. Collections that Jones entered in the Stationers’ Register that are no longer extant are Lusus PastoralesNewlyCompiled(1566),Breton’sThePayneofPleasur(1578),andRichardEdwards’sThe MansionofMyrthe(1582),Melnikoff,“Jones’sPen,”196,n.34. RandallMartin,WomenWritersinRenaissanceEngland(LondonandNewYork:Longman,1997), 279–310; here 279; Ann Rosalind Jones, The Currency of Eros: Women’s Love Lyric in Europe, 1540–1620(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1990),47.

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thelatesixteenthcenturyandhopestosucceedthere.Ellinghausenarguesthat since Whitney would have gotten only a small flat fee from her printer, her championingofprinters,thatis,thosewhowouldprofitfromherworks,points ironicallytoherselfasaneconomicoutsiderinearlymodernLondon(18).Ina similarway,AnnRosalindJonesseesWhitney’swritingintermsoftheoutof workdomesticservantwhohas“appropriatedbourgeoisgenderdiscourseforher ownprofit.”17Itispossible,however,toviewWhitney’spublicationassomething morethanjustadesperatewoman’scommercialventure;thepositiveattentionshe givestobooks,printers,andreadersthroughouther“Wyll”suggeststhecultural valuesheplacesonliterature.Whenshetellsusin“TheAuctortotheReader”that sheturnedawayfromreadingscripture,history,andclassicalwriterstodraw insteadonTheFlouresofPhilosophie(1572),HughPlat’spopularaphorisms,sheis showinghersupportforthecontemporaryliteratureofhertime.Inthesameway that Whitney has reversed gender expectations in the poetic conventions she employs,forexamplebywritingawillwhennowomenexceptwidows were legally able to, and by using a Petrarchan blazon to describe London as her undeservingmalelover,shehasalsoreversedgenderexpectationsinofferingher poetrypubliclyforsaleinthemasculinemediumofprint. We draw from these details in Whitney’s poems and from their context the pictureofayoungwomanfromagood,thoughnotwealthyfamily,whohopesto usenotonlyherinfluentialfriendsandfamilymembers,butalsoherwritingtalent to achieve security.18 Though not a part of the aristocratic, manuscriptbased literarycirclesthatwelcomedwomenliketheCountessofPembroke,Whitneyis notapartoftheotherextremeeither,apoorworkingclassservantdeclaringher povertypubliclyinprinttogaineconomically.Whitneyandherpersonawerein a better position to get along in London than most other single women were. Despite this, however, the “Wyll and Testament” makes it clear that even the advantagesofcomingfromafirmlymiddleclassfamily,literateandhealthy,with somesocialconnectionscannotguaranteesecurityinLondoninthe1570sfor menorwomen. Recentsocialandeconomicstudiesgiveusdataontheyoungpeoplefoundin Londonthen.AtatimewhenlessthanonehalfofLondonbornchildrenlivedto marriageable age, migrants filled out the population.19 Since death rates were

17

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AnnRosalindJones,“NetsandBridles:EarlyModernConductBooksandSixteenthCentury Women’sLyrics,”TheIdeologyofConduct:EssaysonLiteratureandtheHistoryofSexuality,ed.Nancy ArmstrongandLeonardTennenhouse(NewYork:Methuen,1987),39–72;here64. In her attempt to support herself through her writing, Whitney follows in the tradition of ChristinedePizan,usuallyconsideredthefirstprofessionalwomanwriter.SeeCharityCannon Willard,ChristinedePizan:HerLifeandWorks(NewYork:PerseaBooks,1984). A.L.BeierandRogerFinlay,ed.,IntroductiontoLondon1500–1700:TheMakingoftheMetropolis, (LondonandNewYork:Longman,1986),50.

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frequentlyaffectedbydiseasessuchasplague,aswhennearlyaquarterofthe city’s inhabitants died of plague in 1563,20 the city needed young migrants to sustainitspopulation,andaccordingtoA.L.Beier,about5,600ofthementered thecityayearfrom1560on.21Sinceapprenticesandservantsmadeuproughly half(54.7%)oflaborersinsidethecitywallsandthe100plusguildsthatcontrolled mosttradeandmanufacturingthererequiredthatyoungapprenticesworkseven yearsbeforebeingfreetoworkontheirownandtomarry,mostoftheseyoung workersweresingle.22Althoughcalledservantsandapprenticesatthetime,recent studies suggest that few of the newcomers who came into the city had been membersofthepoorerclassesinBritainandthatmostpeoplelivinginLondonin thelatesixteenthcenturywere“ofthemiddlestation.”23Itisestimatedthatonly 23% of London’s apprentices in the sixteenth century were sons of yeomen.24 Moreover,BoultonremindsusthatLondon’sexceptionalliteracyrateatthistime wasprobablycausedbytheliteratemigrants,havingbeeneducatedintherural provinces,movingtothecityforemployment(344).Finally,JohnStow,inhis famousSurveyofLondonin1598,claimsthatoneofLondon’sstrengthsisthatit “consistethnotintheextremes,butinaverymediocrityofwealthandriches.”25 Inacitythatwillgrowfromca.75,000in1550to200,000in1600,thesearethe peopleWhitneyenvisionsaroundher.26 Ifweturntothepoemitself,theconventionsofthewillandtestamentformat allowWhitneytoappropriateurbanspacerhetorically.Atthesametimethatshe “construes her departure from the city as a kind of social death,” she takes ownershipofthecityscape,andthesubversiveactofwritingawillanddisplaying her knowledge of London’s commercial and seedy side is tempered by her adoptingthevoiceofasocialandmoralsatirist.27InWall’swords:

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PaulSlack,“MetropolitanGovernmentinCrisis:theResponsetoPlague,”London1500–1700, 60–81;here61. A. L. Beier, “Social Problems in Elizabethan England,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 9.2 (August1978):203–221;here205. A.L.Beier,“EngineofManufacture:theTradesofLondon,”London1500–1700,141–67;here154. JeremyBoulton,“London1540–1700,”TheCambridgeUrbanHistoryofBritain,vol.2,1540–1840, ed. Peter Clark, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 315–346; here 329. See also ChristopherBrooks,“Apprenticeship,SocialMobilityandtheMiddlingSort,1550–1880,”The MiddlingSortofPeople:Culture,SocietyandPoliticsinEngland,1550–1800,ed.JonathonBarryand ChristopherBrooks(NewYork:St.Martin’sPress,1994),52–83.AlsoIanW.Archer,Pursuitof Stability:SocialRelationsinElizabethanLondon(CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversity Press,1991),13. Barbara A. Hanawalt, “Of Good and Ill Repute”: Gender and Social Control in Medieval England (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1998),192. JohnStowandHenryBenjaminWheatley,Stow’sSurveyofLondon(London:Dent;NewYork:E. P.Dutton,1956),490. Boulton,“London1540–1700,”TheCambridgeUrbanHistoryofBritain,316. Gregerson,“LifeAmongOthers,”205,207.

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Thespeakerbecomesempoweredspecificallybyherroleassocialcommentator. BecauseherleavetakingconstitutesastrollthroughLondon’sstreets,itservesto display her knowledge of urban life. Like the travel literature of the time that exuberantlystagedtheexotic,herinventoryofLondonrevealshermasteryofapublic world often denied to more privatized aristocratic women. Men may have had to traveltotheNewWorldtodiscoveranexcitingnewlife,butwomencouldstillmarvel atthesomewhatforbiddenpublicworldoutsidetheirdoor.Whitney’s“Wyll”thus grantstohertheprivilegedvantagepointofsocialandmoralsatiristseeninpopular poeticandproseworks....28

Insteadofbeginningthewillintheconventionalwaybybequeathinghersoulto God,Whitneycommendsnotonlyhersoul,buther“Bodyeke:/toGodtheFather and the Son, / so long as I can speak” (6–8). Given her familiarity with the conventionsofcontemporarywillsandtestamentsevidentintherestofthework, thischangeofemphasistoaskGodtocareforherbodymustbeintentional.Most sixteenthcenturywillsfollowthepatternof“AnnysBordeoftheparicheofSeynt MyhellesinWoodstrettinLondon[who]madehertestamenttandlastwyllinthys maner,firstschebequethydhersoulltoAllmyghtyGod,toOwrLadySenttMary andtoalltheseynttesinhevyn,andherbodytobeberyydinCrystynberryall,” sothatthebodyisfirmlyburied,ofteninaspecificchurchyard.29Whitneydoes requestthatherbodybeburied,butonlyaftershecannolongerspeakandjust untilallriseagainforjudgmentwhenshehopesherbodyandsoulwillmeetagain toliveinjoy.Thiscarefulattentiontothetreatmentofherbodyinapoemwritten in the standard ballad form of popular verse highlights her focus on material considerationsduringlife.30Furthermore,asJillP.Ingramargues,Whitney’s“Wyll andTestament”isamocktestament,sharingthegenre’sintentionofentertaining whileofferingsubtlesocialcriticismandhertonethroughoutconveysthesetwo aims.31 AlthoughWhitneypersonifiesthecityasherowncruelloverwhohasrefused toofferherthecreditsheneedstocontinuetolivethere,thispersonaleconomic andsocialdistresssimplyprefigurestheexpandinglistsofthosevictimizedbythe samecircumstanceswhichweencounterwhilemovinggeographicallythroughthe city.AdmonishingLondonto“seethatnoneyoudodeceive/ofthatIleavethem 28

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TheImprintofGender:AuthorshipandPublicationintheEnglishRenaissance(IthacaandLondon: CornellUniversityPress,1993),289–90. “SeparateWills:1544–47nos.200–45,”LondonConsistoryCourtWills1492–1547:LondonRecord Society3(1967),125–150;here125.,http://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64538 (lastaccessedonNovember19,2008). InthiswayIdifferfromWall,whoin“FemaleLegacy”arguesthepoemisanindictmentof spiritualsickness,too. “ACaseforCredit:IsabellaWhitney’s‘WyllandTestament’andtheMockTestamentTradition,” Early Modern Culture 5 (Fall 2005): 1–21; here 8, http://emc.eserver.org/15/ingram.html (last accessedonFeb.1,2009).

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till,”thelastlineintheopening“Communication”sectionclearlyshowsWhitney’s distrustofthecity’streatmentoftheyoungworkerslivingthere(35–36). In a complex set of associations that shifts as the poem progresses, London, paradoxically,isthemainrecipientofthethingsshe“dispose[s]”ofaswellasthe collectivenamefortheplacesanditemsbequeathed(21).Eventhoughherfirst bequestistogiveLondonitsownbuildings,saidtobe“bravebuildingsrare,of Churchesstore,/andPaulstothehead”(27–28),thepoemallbutignoresthe importantspiritualoraristocraticstructuresweexpectincityencomiumsortravel literature. Despite the conventional placement of St. Paul’s Cathedral at the beginningofherlists,shesaysnothingelseaboutreligiousinstitutionsanywhere inherpoem.Shemakestworeferencestochurcheslateronaslandmarkstopoint tothetailorsorbookbindersnearby.AccordingtoPatrickCollinson,JohnStow blamesthe“endofcitizenshipandcommunity”onthechangesbroughtaboutby theReformationearlierinthecentury,andhisworkispepperedwithnostalgiafor theCatholicinstitutionsnowgone.32Whitney,ontheotherhand,seemsindifferent tothepracticesofreligiousfiguresorinstitutionsinLondon.33 Moreover,inasimilarway,shealsoavoidsanymentionofLondon’shistoric past or ancient ruins, ignoring the ancient monumental buildings that Henri Lefebvrearguescarriedsocialmeaninginmedievalcommunities.34Placesinher poemdoconveymeaning,butthismeaningisdeterminedonlybywhatthese places have to offer London’s citizens. Arthur B. Ferguson says that the antiquarianmovementofthe1570sand1580schangedtheconceptofhistoryto incorporateatthattimeadynamicsocialperspective:“Itinvolvedanabilityto thinkofpeopleintermsoftheircollectiverelationshipsratherthanoftheiracts andtheirmoralresponsibilityasindividuals.”35Thisdescriptionmightalsoapply to Whitney’s perspective on London in the 1570s as she examines the social dynamicsofcontemporaryLondon.Asfittingforsomeonewhosayssheherself hasnopropertyorwealth,Whitneydirectsourattentiontopublicsights:scenes ofalluringmerchandise,publicbuildingsandstreets,andtheordinarypeoplethat interactthereeveryday.

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“JohnStowandNostalgicAntiquarianism,”Imagining,27–51;here37. In her emphasis on the robust secular city, Whitney is working in the tradition of William FitzStephen’s12thcenturypoem“ADescriptionofLondon.”SeeC.DavidBenson,“SomePoets’ ToursofMedievalLondon:VarietiesofLiteraryUrbanExperience,”EssaysinMedievalStudies24 (2007):1–20,foradiscussionofFitzStephen’spoem. The Production of Space, trans. Donald NicholsonSmith (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 53. For a discussion of medieval urban memory, as in the case of travelogues or pilgrimage accounts focusingonancientandChristianRome,seethecontributiontothisvolumebyC.DavidBenson. ArthurB.Ferguson,ClioUnbound:PerceptionoftheSocialandCulturalPastinRenaissanceEngland (Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,1979),79.

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Whitney’s view of London differs in several other key ways from that of conventionalworksofthistypeasdescribedbyGailKernPasterinTheIdeaofthe CityintheAgeofShakespeare.36Althoughambivalencepervadesbothtraditional viewsofthecityandWhitney’spoem,differentareasofconcernarehighlighted inhers.Inthetraditionalviews,praiseforacity’svariety,experiences,andsocial communityisjuxtaposedwithcomplaintsovernoise,crowding,dirtyconditions, andconstantchangeinotherwords,thecity’sinadequatestructuralresources. Moreover,intheconventionaltropes,Fortunerulesthecity,whichisconstantly buffetedbychange.TherepeatedreferencesinWhitney’spoemtomisfortune, however, allude to its effect on people, not on the city itself, to their unemploymentandpovertyresultingfrommisfortune. DanielleClarkehascriticizedthepoemforlackingaclearorganizationinitslists and catalogues: “Her listing of places, persons, professions and commodities reinforcesasenseofchaosanddisorder,andsheswingsfromareatoarea,and trade to trade, without any apparent sense of connection: in fact, the only connectingthreadisWhitney’sselfrepresentationintermsofexclusionfromthe abundance that she describes.”37 In the descriptions of the people, places, and goodsshebequeathstoLondon,however,herorganizationactuallyreflectsthe needsofitscitizens,startingwithessentialsandthenmovingtoluxuries.Her patternoforganizationreflectsthesocialmessageunderlyingthepoem’suseof cataloguesandlists.InorderforLondontoprovideitscitizenswithfood,herfirst bequestsaremadeupofthestreetswhere butchers,brewers,bakers,andfish sellers can be found, all within several blocks of the old market area of Cheapside.38RunningroughlyparalleltoandablocksouthofCheapStreet,the nexttwostreetsmentioned,WatlyngandCanwyck,interestinglyintersectwiththe street on which she lived at that time, Abchurche Lane.39 Whitney says these streetscanprovide“wollen,”andshepromises“linnenstore”on“FridayStreete,” whichintersectswithWatling(42–43).Herfirstbequests,therefore,drawnfrom aneighborhoodsheknowsfirsthand,providethebasicsoffood,bread,meat,fish, andbeer,andwoolandlinenclothingforthosewhoneedthem,presumablyfrom thepooresttothewealthiestcitizens.

36 37 38

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TheIdeaoftheCityintheAgeofShakespeare(Athens,GA:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1985),4–5. IsabellaWhitney,xv. InANewHistoryofLondon:IncludingWestminsterandSouthwark,book2,ch.13(1773),576,the eighteenthcenturyhistorianJohnNoorthoucksaystheEastCheapmarketmaybetheoldestone inLondonwithitseasyaccesstothe“Romantrajectus”overtheThames,http://www.british history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=46756&strquery=butchers(lastaccessedonFeb.1,2009).For acarefulanalysisofpublicspaces,includingmarkets,wherebothmenandwomencouldpursue theirbusinessesandcrafts,asinGhent,seethecontributiontothisvolumebyShennonHutton. Nosgay,4.

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Followingthisaregoodsfor“thosewhichareofcallyngsuch,/thatcostlierthey require,”clearlymorefashionablegoodsaimedataclassofpeoplewhowantto look prosperous (45–46). Within this same market area, the poem lists the merchantsorartisanswhoprovidethesemorecostlygoods,themercersselling silk, goldsmiths, hat makers, and shoemakers. In providing for those whose occupations,or“callying[s],”requirethelookofprosperity,thesebusinessesserve themiddleranksofthoseemployedinthecity,neithertheunemployedpoornor thosewithinheritedwealth. Forhernextgroupingofmerchandise,itemsofferedforsaleinthepawn,she movesafewblockseasttotheupperwalkoftheRoyalExchange,builtonlyafew yearsearlier,andtoBirchinLane,St.Martins,andtheStocks,whereaboywill “askeyouwhatyoulack”(68).Withmentionofthe“boy,”aworkeremployedto help bring in customers but not a customer himself, the poem has clearly establishedasocialdivisionamongLondoners.Inthedescriptionofthefancier clothingavailableinthisareaforLondon’scitizens,Whitneypoints toFrench fashions such as “French Ruffes, high Purles, Gorgets” and men’s trunks of “Gasconguise”(63,72).Afterthe1560sLondonmerchantsearnedmostoftheir profitsfromimportedgoods,anditwasnotjustfashionableclothingthatwas importedforLondon’sstores;wine,soap,hats,pins,andmirrorswerebroughtin, too.40 AlthoughearlierbuyersofexpensiveitemsconsideredluxurygoodsinLondon hadbeenwealthyaristocratsandtheroyalcourt,inthelastquarterofthesixteenth century,accordingtoBeier,thesegoodswerebeingmerchandisedtotheother socio/economic groups as well.41 Whitney’s lists of goods available, therefore, mightreflectthenewappetitesofyoungworkerswithperhapssomedisposable incomewhilealsodocumentingthespendinghabitsofLondon’smoreaffluent citizens.Eveniftheycouldnotaffordsuchgoods,theyoungworkerswoulddesire thegoodsbeingmarketedinthesemoreupscaleshops.Despitesumptuarylaws suchasoneprohibitingthosebelowthelevelofmagistratesofcorporationsfrom “ornamentingtheirapparelwithsilk,”London’smarketscateredtoallclasses.42 In fact, most offenders brought before magistrates by watchmen appointed to enforceElizabethansumptuarylawsinthe1560sand1570swereapprenticesand servants.43

40 41 42

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JeremyBoulton,“London1540–1700,”inTheCambridgeUrbanHistory,322. Beier,“EngineofManufacture,”152. JohnNoorthouck,“EdwardVIandMary,”inANewHistoryofLondon:IncludingWestminster andSouthwarkbook1,ch.8(1773),122–30, http://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=46725(lastaccessedonNov.21,2008). WilfredHooper,“TudorSumptuaryLaws,”EnglishHistoricalReview30(1915):433–35;qtd.in RandallMartin,“Whitney’s‘LamentationUpontheDeathofWilliamGruffith,’”EarlyModern LiteraryStudies3.1(1997):1–15;here6–7.

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Moving associatively from men’s clothing to weaponry, Whitney bequeaths London’scitizensthesiteswhereweaponscanbeobtainedacrosstheexpanseof theoldcityfromartilleryatTempleBar,topistolsatTowerHill,withswordsin betweenonFleettoendthissectionwithgoodsthatassureLondon’scitizens’ safekeeping.Sheherselfsummarizesthewholefirstsectionofbequestsatthis pointbysaying,“Nowwhenthyfolkarefedandclad,”confirmingherintention tofocusontheitemsmostpeopleneed,orthinktheyneed,first(89). Afterthis,thetemperofthepoemstartstochange.Thefirstsetofbequests, medical care given by apothecaries, physicians, and surgeons, carries a more ominoustone.Peoplehaveweakstomachsanddiseases,androisterers’quarrels leadtolifethreateninginjuriesthatsurgeonsmustfixsothatruffianswon’thang andquietpeoplewon’tdie.ThenshebelievesshemustoffermoneyfromtheMint incasethemerchantswhostorewhatshehasfreelygiveninherwilldemand payment,suggestingthatLondon’smarketsdemandevermoremoneyforgoods frompeopleunabletopayforthem.Next,shemovesussouthtotheSteelyard,a dockareacontrolledbyHanseaticmerchantswhosellwineto“glad[en]”“dulled minds,”suggestingwearinessinthelivesofLondon’scitizens(114).Thepeople shepointstoherearehandsomeapprenticeswho,sheremindsus,areprevented bylawtowed,andthusseekgirls“thatneedecompels,orlucrelures”(119). Whethermotivatedbyneedormonetarygaininacityfilledwithenticinggoods, these“properGyrles,”nottheprofessionalprostitutes,called“singlewomen,” usuallyfoundonClerkenwellandTurnmillStreetsorinthestewsacrosstheriver from London, may engage in casual prostitution meant to supplement their incomes, the most frequent form of prostitution in England up through the sixteenthcentury.44Nearthesewinemerchantsand“Gyrles,”Whitneyleavesbath houses,whichshesaysaretopreventinfectionandtotrimthoseuponSaturdays “whichalltheweekedoodrug”(126).Althoughtheprostitutesandapprentices intheSteelyardandpublicbathsofQueenshythandBrokenWharfseemworlds apartfromthedisplaysofwealthandmerchandisecitedearlier,Whitneylocates themonlyafewblocksaway.Bytheendofthesixteenthcentury,Londonerswill havesegregatedthemselvesintorichandpoorneighborhoods,butWhitney’stext pointstoquitedifferentclassesofpeopleandcommoditiesinterminglinginthe heartofthecity.Thisjuxtapositionofwealthwithpovertyinhertextmakesthe injusticesdescribedevenmoredisturbing.

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RuthMazoKarras,CommonWomen:ProstitutionandSexualityinMedievalEngland(Oxford:Oxford UniversityPress,1996),52–53;PaulGriffiths,“StructureofProstitutioninElizabethanLondon,” ContinuityandChange8(1993):39–63.Foraliteraryhistoricalanalysisofprostitutioninthelate MiddleAges,seeGertrudBlaschitz,“DasFreudenhausimMittelalter[TheBrothelintheMiddle Ages]:Inderstatwasgesessenainunrainerpulian,”SexualityintheMiddleAgesandEarlyModern Times,ed.AlbrechtClassen.FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModernCulture3(Berlinand NewYork:WalterdeGruyter,2008),715–50.

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AssheturnsfromacclaimingLondon’swellstockedmarketstorecountingthe conditionsinitsprisons,sheremindsLondonthatshehastakennothingfromit, asifshehastobecarefulherselfnottobeaccusedoftheft,andthenexplicitlylinks povertywithimprisonment:“Andthatthepoor,whenIamgone,/havecausefor metopray,/Iwilltoprisonsportionsleave”(135–37).JillIngrampointstothe contrastsbetweentheseandherearlierscenes:“Exposingthecity’slandscapeof prisonsandpunishmentthroughrhetoricalamplification,thespeakerforegrounds marketfailure.Thesatireexcoriatesnotonlytheprodigalitythatsendsdebtorsto prison,butalsotheexclusivityofpartsoftheLondoneconomythatoffersuch abundance, an exclusive club she nonetheless craves.”45 The bleak details that emerge from her bequests to the Counter, or Compter, Newgate, Fleet, and Ludgateprisonsshowajusticesysteminadequatetohandlethelargenumbersof people caught up in debt. Although she speaks of other types of criminals at Newgate,towhomsheleavesamonthlysessions,sinceprisonersthereseldom receivedcourthearings,andanoldhorsetoquicklydrawthosetobeexecutedup HolbornHill,mostofherattentionisgiventothoseimprisonedforpovertyand debt. InsteadofusingtheinfamousundergroundcellsintheCounterfordangerous prisoners,sheleavestheholetopeoplewhowillnotlendtheirfriendsthemoney theyneedtogetoutofprison.WhereascourtsessionsinNewgate,shesays,might lessentheovercrowdingthatspreadstheplague,theywillalso,ironically,allow some people to be able to beg for their discharge fees. Historical records and commentariesfrequentlyspeakoftheinadequatenumberofcourtsessionsheld inNewgate.From1475on,fivecourtsessionsayearweretobeheld,insteadof justtwoayear,butthesewerehardlyadequate,andanewbuildinginwhichto holdsessionswaserectedin1539attheOldBaileybecausejudgeshadrefusedto entertheprisonitselfoutoffearofsickness.46 To the Fleet, Whitney leaves an old papist to help prop up the roof and a collectionboxforthepoor.Withapproximately285seminarypriestsimprisoned injailsforlongyearsduringElizabeth’sreign,itwasintheprisonsthatEnglish Catholics gathered most frequently in the late sixteenth century; lay Catholics cameandwentintheprisonsasthepriestsministeredtothemfreely.47Thejailers, unpaid by the government, were interested only in receiving the Catholics’ paymentsforfoodandupkeep.48NomatterwhatWhitney’sreligiousbeliefsmay havebeen,herphrasingwhensheoffers“somePapistolde/tounderprop[the

45 46 47

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“ACaseforCredit,”9. MargeryBassett,“NewgatePrisonintheMiddleAges,”Speculum18.2(1943):233–46;here243–44. LisaMcClain,“WithoutChurch,Cathedral,orShrine:TheSearchforReligiousSpaceamong CatholicsinEngland,1559–1625,”SixteenthCenturyJournal33.2(2002):381–99;here386–87. Ibid.,387.

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Fleet’s]roofe”impliessherecognizestheabsurdityofjailinganoldCatholicfor loyaltytohisreligion(169–70). Whitney’sleavingacollectionboxforthepoorataprisonisnotunusualsince manywillsinmedievalandearlymodernEnglandleavebequestsforboththe poor and prisoners, showing the association in people’s minds between the groups.EncouragedoriginallyasawayforCatholicstoacquiregooddeedsbefore JudgmentDay,thepracticeofleavingmoneytofeedthepoorortohelpprisoners didcontinueaftertheReformationthoughinalessstructuredway.Insteadof payingforprayersinchantries,aftertheReformationProtestantcongregations wereurged,infact,togivemoretocharity.49JohnStow,however,lamentsthatthe rich are giving less to hospitals and other institutions for the poor since the Reformationandthatdailyfoodofferingstothepoor,suchasthatgivenearlierby ThomasCromwell’smen,haveended.Heblamestheworseningconditionsofthe poorinthelatesixteenthcenturyontheproblemsheseesintheEnglishchurch and its mission at that time.50 It was in fact a particularly hard time for many peoplethenbecausefoodpricessoaredduringthisperiodandwagesdidnotkeep up, leading to much poverty for those in certain occupations, according to LawrenceStone.51 A.L.BeiernotesthatmostpeoplearrestedforvagrancyduringtheTudorperiod werechildren,adolescents,andyoungadults:“Keepingtheyoungatlabourwas clearlyamajorsocialproblemofthisperiod.”52Notingthelackofresourcesto handlethesepeople,hearguesthatthelateElizabethanperiod’ssocialproblems hadtheiroriginsin“massiveimmigration,whichabackwardeconomicandsocial system was unable to absorb into the regular workforce.”53 Noting that the unemployed were frequently the targets of social critics, Lawrence Manley’s chapteronTudorsocialcomplaintspointstothe“displaced,wanderinghordesof More’s Utopia and Tudor complaint [that] thus mark the advent of a major transitioninthesocioeconomicorder.”54Manyofthosemakingupthepoorin Whitney’sworldwere,therefore,thesesameyoungmenwhoflockedtoLondon

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50 51

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IanW.Archer,“TheArtsandActsofMemorializationinEarlyModernLondon,”inImagining, 89–116;here95.SeealsoEamonDuffy,TheStrippingoftheAltars:TraditionalReligioninEngland 1400–1580(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1992). PatrickCollinson,“JohnStowandNostalgicAntiquarianism,”Imagining,27–51;here33,29. LawrenceStone,“SocialMobilityinEngland,1500–1700,”PastandPresent33(1966):16–55;here 42. A.L.Beier,“VagrantsandtheSocialOrderinElizabethanEngland,”PastandPresent64(1974): 3–29;here9. A.L.Beier,“SocialProblemsinLondon,”JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory9:2(1978):203–221; here217. Lawrence Manley, Literature and Culture in Early Modern London (Cambridge and New York: CambridgeUniversityPress,1995),63–122;here68.Manley’sworkishelpfulforunderstanding theconditionsleadingtotheeconomiccrisisandunemploymentduringtheTudorreigns.

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foremployment.She,however,unlikethetypicalauthorofTudorsocialcriticism, treatsthepeoplewhowerethesubjectsofthesecomplaintswithgreatsympathy. ToLudgate,thechiefdebtor’sprison,Whitneysayssheoriginallymeanttoleave nothingbecauseshehadintendedtofleethereherselfasadebtor:“Toshroud myselfamongsttherest/thatchoosetodieindebt/Ratherthananycreditor shouldmoneyfromthemget”(185–88).Ironically,though,noone,shesays,will lend her money to put her in debt; therefore, she will leave Ludgate some “Banckrupts,”atermthatcameintouseinEnglandonlyinthesixteenthcentury (192).Firstbeguninthelaterthirteenthcentury,imprisoningpeoplefordebtwas originally meant to deter careless borrowing and to lead to repayment as the debtorwouldgetfamilyorfriendstoprocurethemoneyforrelease.55Bythelate sixteenthcentury,however,agrowingcapitalisteconomywasmakingborrowing anddebtwidespread. With catalogues of merchandise for sale in London preceding scenes highlightingcreditanddebt,theconnectionbetweenthearraysofgoodsavailable and overspending is obvious. While the borrowing of late sixteenthcentury aristocratsislegendary,theotherclassesinLondonborrowedmoneyheavilyas well.AccordingtoLawrenceStone,Englisharistocratsborrowedroughly100,000 poundsayearduringthelastfewyearsofthesixteenthcentury,andtwothirds oftheearlsandbaronswereinterriblefinancialtroubleduringthelastyearsof Elizabeth’sreign.56JeremyBoultonstates,“Increasinglysophisticatedcreditand bankingarrangements,runinitiallybytheLondongoldsmiths,furtherincreased purchasingpower”atthistime.57Whitney,however,pointstothetroublewith thesenewarrangementsformanyLondonerswhofoundthemselvesinLudgate withlittlehopeforrelease.ShedoesnotcallforendingLondon’scurrentcredit arrangements;instead,asIngramsays,“Hercritique,lessthanassailingafailed system,moreurgentlyasksofLondon’scitizensacertaincivicresponsibility.”58 Thelastinstitutionshecitesforthepoor,Bridewell,willreceivebeadlesand matronsfromhertoensurethatworkcontinueatthepoorhouse.Inthedecade afterWhitney’spoemwaspublished,JohnHoweslamentsthat“allLondonisbut anhospitall”;“theverynameofBrydewellisintheearesofthepeoplesoodyous thaitkylleththecreaditforever”;“athousandetooneifeverheorsheecomme to any preferment, having tasted of that soyle”; “nothing is to be learned but

55

56 57

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James R. Hertzler, “The Abuse and outlawing of Sanctuary for Debt in SeventeenthCentury England,”TheHistoricalJournal14.3(1971):467–477;here467,no.1. “SocialMobility,”38,40. “London1540–1770,”325.SeeFrederickJ.Fisher,“TheDevelopmentofLondonasaCentreof ConspicuousConsumptionintheSixteenthandSeventeenthCenturies,”FrederickJ.Fisher andPenelopeJ.Corfield,LondonandtheEnglishEconomy(London:HambledonPress,1990), 105–18. Ingram,“ACaseforCredit,”13.

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lewdenesamoungestthatgeneracion.”59GiventothecitytoadministerbyHenry VIII,Bridewellwasfoundedwiththegoodintentionsofrelievingandreforming thepooraswellasremovingthemfromthestreets,buttherewassimplynever enoughfinancingoradequateadministrationtomeettheneedsofthegrowing numbersofvagrants.60AccordingtoBoulton,inthe1570saboutthesametimethat Whitneywaswriting,aspecialmovementwasbegunatBridewelltosuppress prostitution,butthiswasunsuccessful.61 Whitney’slistingofthesebuildings,theCounter,Newgate,Fleet,Ludgate,and Bridewell, makes clear her views on contemporary London’s treatment of the poor. She also, however, makes bequests to St. Bartholomew’s hospital and Bedlam,placeswhereshesayslivethose“blindandlame”or“thatoutoftunedo talk,”showingherviewsonLondon’streatmentofthedisabledandmentallyill, too(223,228).Thattheinstitutionsforthepoorandillexistedatallisduetothe efforts of ordinary people. After the breakdown of the charity systems and healthcarebroughtonbytheReformation,London’scitizenspetitionedHenryVIII forthegrantoffourhospitals,St.Thomas’sinSouthwarkandSt.Bartholomew’s, Bedlam,andBridewell,whichheagreedtoturnovertothecity.Fundingwas, however,neveradequate,andPaulSlacknotesthatcollectingratesforhospitals andpoorreliefwasespeciallydifficultinthe1570swhenWhitneywaswriting.62 Although centralization of parish poor relief was being established in other Englishtownsthen,thiswasnotthecaseinLondonsincetheindividualparishes theredemandedindependence.63WiththeexceptionoftheCounter,theprisons discussedearlierandhospitalsarealllocatedonthecity’souterwallsoroutside ofthewallsthemselves.AlthoughthespacesinandaroundthecityofLondon werenotassociallysegregatedastheywouldbecomeintheseventeenthcentury, alreadythe“lesswelloffandreallypoorwereconcentrated,asonewouldexpect, inthesuburbstothenorthandeast,notablyinWhitechapelandShoreditch,and along riverside parishes on both banks of the Thames,” which is where these institutionswerelocated.64

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John Howes, Tudor Economic Documents, III, 431, 439. Quoted in Beier “Social Problems in London,”217. Beier,“SocialProblemsinLondon,”218–219. Boulton,“London1540–1700,”337. PaulSlack,“MetropolitanGovernmentinCrisis:theResponsetoPlague,”London1500–1700, 60–81;here67. Ibid.,68. JeremyBoulton,London1540–1700,328.Boultonalsonotesthatthecity’sparishesroutinelymade paymentsforpoorrelieftotheparishesinthesuburbs.J.F.MerrittarguesthatLondonwas “becomingincreasinglyfragmentedculturally,socially,andeconomicallyinthisperiod,withits differentareascharacterizedbydistinctivelivingpatterns,health,socialstructure,householdsize, andsocialdynamics,”Imagining,11–12.

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Also outside of the city walls but quite different in makeup, the last places WhitneycitesaretheInnsofCourtandChanceries,whereshesayslawyerswill take the causes of those who want houses or land.65 Driven by the incredible turnoveroflandcausedbytheseizingoflandsduringtheEnglishReformationas wellasthesellingofCrownpropertytopayforwar,anestimated25%to30%of landinthecountrywasputupforpublicsalebetween1534and1660,andthese salesincreasedlitigationenormously.66Thenumbersoflawstudentsattheseinns increasedconsiderablyinthesecondhalfofthesixteenthcenturywhen,Wilfred Prestargues,“residenceforayearorsoatoneoftheInns was consideredan integralpartofthenormalgentlemanlyeducation....tocopewiththesuitsof avariciousneighboursandtroublesometenants.”67A1574PrivyCouncilCensus found759menattheInnsofCourt,andWhitneysaysshewillleaveateachinn orchanceryayouthfulcrowdofactiveyoungmen.68Totheseyoungmen,shethen leavesstallsofbooks,tenniscourts,dancingschools,fencingschools,andevery Sundayatleastplayers“tomakethemsport”(250).69 Thisfinalspacewithitsrelativelywelloffyoungmenraisesquestionsabout Whitney’sintentionsattheendofherbequests.Whyhasshetakenusfromthe centerofcommercialactivityintheoldmarketsofLondon,totheprisonsand hospitalsontheouteredgesofthecity,totheInnsofCourtcompletelyoutsideof Londonatthattime?Issheshowingherreadersthedifferencesinthelivesof youngmenbasedonsocialclassorisshebringingupthepossibilityofeducating a new generation of more socially conscious leaders at the law schools? The fifteenthcentury ballad “London Lackpenny,” originally attributed to John Lydgate,wascitedbyJohnStowinhisSurveyin1598,suggestingthatWhitney, fondoftheballadformherself,couldalsohaveknowntheworkinthe1570s. Asthepoem’spersonatravelstoLondontocomplaintomenoflawaboutbeing cheated out of his money, he portrays the various courts and law figures, including the clerks at the chancery, as indifferent to those without money.70

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Interestingly, the environs of the Inns of Court and the Temple Church at Whitefriars were considereddebtors’sanctuaries.SeeJamesR.Hertzler,“TheAbuseandOutlawingofSanctuary forDebtinSeventeenthCenturyEngland,”TheHistoricalJournal14.3(Sept.1971):467–77;here 468. Stone,“SocialMobility,”42–43. “LegalEducationoftheGentryattheInnsofCourt,1560–1640,”PastandPresent38(1967):20–39; here23. R.M.Fisher,“Reform,RepressionandUnrestattheInnsofCourt,1518–1558,”HistoricalJournal 20:4(1977):783–801;here796,no.52. Stow,Survey,244,246,notesthatin1574,theyearfollowingWhitney’spublication,anActof CommonCouncilpreventedplayersfromactingonSundaysandotherwisecorruptingyouth. Also, those receiving licenses to perform plays must pay agreed upon sums to the poor in hospitals. “LondonLyckpeny,”BritishHistoryOnline,book2,ch.13.SeeBenson,“SomePoets’Toursof

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Furthermore,hedescribesthemanygoodsforsaleinthesameLondonmarkets that Whitney takes us to, Cheap, Candlewick, Eastcheap, and Cornhill, before ending with a plea for true lawyers in London to help those without money. Chargesofcorruption,accordingtoJillMann,werethemostfrequentstereotypes associatedwithlawyersinthemedievalestatessatiresofwriterslikeGowerand Langland, but this fifteenthcentury author can envision the possibility for change.71Perhapsinawaysimilartothisauthor’s,Whitneyisusingthelawyers bothtopointtosocialinjusticesandtocallforhelpforthepoor.Thesewelloff youngmenwiththeirbooksandentertainmentareshownindramaticcontrastto thepoorandsicklockedupwithinthecity.Sincethelawstudents,however,like thefiguresin“LondonLackpenny,”willsomedaymakeandenforcethelaw,itis possiblethatWhitneywantsherbequestsofyoungmentotheInnsofCourtand to the young men in the Inns of Court to strengthen the legal system in early modernLondon. Amajordifferencebetween“LondonLackpenny”and“WillandTestament,” however, is the circumstances that led to the narrator’s poverty. Whereas the fifteenthcenturynarratorsayshehadbeencheatedoutofhismoneywhileinthe countryandthenisrobbedofhishoodwhileinLondon,Whitney’spersonastates that“myluckwhicheverwastoobad”ledtoherpoverty(303–304).Furthermore, thewayshedescribesthepeopleintroubleinLondon—thepeopleintheCounter as“someCoggers,andsomehonestmen,”thepeopleintheFleetasPapistsand thepoor,andthoseinLudgateasbankruptswhochoosetodieindebtsuggests thatthingsbeyondtheircontrol,simplybadluck,andnotcriminalbehavior,put thembehindbars(143).Althoughthelawyersandcourtsin“LondonLackpenny” arejustascorruptasthevillainsinthestreetsandmarketplaces,Whitney’spoem may see promise for the future in courts populated by the young men now studyingtobelawyers.Thiscornerofurbanspacecanperhapsofferrelieftothe others. Inthefinalsectionofthepoem,whenshetellsLondonthatshehas“dispersed roundabout/Suchneedfulthingsastheyshouldhave/hereleftnowuntothee” (256–58),her“WyllandTestament”isanactofgenerouscharityonherpart.Since, however,shealsotellsLondontoremindthosewhomournherleavingthatthey couldhavehelpedheroutearlier,theworkisatthesametimeanindictmentof thosewhoallowotherstogowithoutthebasicsinlife.Sheendsthepoemonline 364,onelineshortofayear,completelyalone. Withseveraldifferentpersonaeformingthenarrativeperspectivein“Wylland Testament,” including the lover jilted by London, the outofwork female

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MedievalLondon,”foradiscussionofthecynicalaccountofLondoninthepoem. JillMann,ChaucerandMedievalEstatesSatire:TheLiteratureofSocialClassesandtheGeneralPrologue totheCanterburyTale(CambridgeandLondon:CambridgeUniversityPress,1973),89.

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companion,andthecaringoldersister,inadditiontothepoorpoetwhoisalsothe generousbenefactor,thepoemobviouslyhasseveraltypesofaudiencesaswell. Herprimaryaudience,though,notunliketheaudiencesofothermedievaland earlymodern authors in this volume, such as Hans Sachs as discussed in the article by Albrecht Classen, is the urban middle class. Although the audience addresseddirectlyin“WyllandTestament”isthepersonifiedcityofLondon, outsideofthisfictionalframeinwhichagenerousbenefactormakesseriesafter seriesofbequests,otherintendedreadersbecomeapparent.Inherbidforliterary success,sheisappealingtothelargenumberofmiddleclassreaderswhomade itprofitableforLondon’sprinterstopublishpopularliterature;however,atthe sametime,herchoiceofsubjectmatterisclearlyaimedatthoseinthecitywho couldbringaboutchange,thosewithincitygovernment,socialinstitutions,and thejusticesystemswhoneededtosharpentheirsocialconsciences. Inwriterswhofollowher,suchasBacon,Wotton,andDonne,thecity“cameto signaltheprivilegesandchallengesopenedupbyurbanmobility,”andLondon initspostCalvinistrolewassaidtobethenewJerusalem,“thebasicframework forlifeonearth.”72Forher,though,compressedwithinthisnarrowurbanspace, thestreetsandbuildingsofearlymodernLondonreflectthedesiresanddespair ofthosewholivethere.Atoncebothaninventoryofitemsbequeathedinawill andamapofsocialandeconomicspace,Whitney’spoemisatestamenttothe paradox of poverty occasioned by plenty and despair brought on by earlier opportunity. Afewyearslater,ThomasLupton’sSivqila:TooGood,tobeTrue(1580),positsa utopiainwhichmerchants’wealthprovidesamplecharityforalonglistofneedy persons,includingwidows,prisoners,poorapprentices,servants,anddebtors.73 In1573,however,Whitneysurveysthenumberofdesperatepeopleandthesocial institutionsinplacetohandlepovertyinearlymodernLondonandfindsthemin greatneedofbequests.Ultimately,Whitneyisanintelligentmiddleclasswoman who, during Queen Elizabeth’s reign, can walk freely throughout the city of London, observing the range of interactions in its public spaces, wary but not afraid,ambivalentaboutpartsofthecity’smakeup,butnotaprophetoffuture doom.Herinsightsintothehumancharacter,whetheritbeabouttheruffianswho quarrelfornoreasonortheSaturdaybatherswhowanttolookgoodinchurchon Sunday,giveusamorebalancedviewofearlymodernLondonthaneitherthe scriptedacclamationsofpraisefoundinthelordmayors’pageantsorthescathing sermonsandpopularpamphletsthatdemonizedthecity.74

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Manley,LiteratureandCulture,112–13. QuotedinManley,LiteratureandCulture,117. J.F.Merritt,Imagining,14–16.

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Intheintroductiontothisvolume,AlbrechtClassennotesthat“urbanspace became increasingly the critical setting for people’s emotions to be acted out, performed,ritualized,andstaged,”andWhitneywouldappeartoagree.

MichaelE.Bonine (TheUniversityofArizona,Tucson)

WaqfanditsInfluenceontheBuiltEnvironmentinthe MedinaoftheIslamicMiddleEasternCity1

Cities in the Middle East have a long heritage, for the urban centers since the ancientperiodwerethefociforempiresandlocalelitesaswellasbeingcentral placesfortheirsurroundinghinterlands.Whilethemajorityofthepopulation wouldcertainlystillhavebeenpeasantsinthecountryside,itisthecitiesthatwere thecentersofpower,prestige,andreligion.ThetraditionalcityduringtheMuslim period(fromthemidseventhcenturyonwards)wascalledthemedinainArabic (and shahr or shahristan in the Iranian world and Central Asia.). Many of the traditions,values,andevenmuchofthespecificbuiltenvironmentwereinherited from the ancient (preIslamic) Middle East by the cities of the Muslim period. Nevertheless,thecityintheIslamicMiddleEast,alongwithMuslimsocietyin general, was administered by shari’a (Islamic law), in combination with local customary law (urf), which created its own specific dynamic for the urban environment.OneinstitutionwhichwasparticularlyimportantforMuslimsociety (and especially for the cities), was waqf or religiously endowed property. This institution not only supported the principal religious buildings such as the mosques,religiousschools,andshrines,butithadalsoamostsignificantsocial roleinsupportingvariouscharitableneedsofthecity,suchasprovidingfoodfor the poor, drinking water to neighborhoods, or funding particular religious

1

ThispresentworkisarevisedandupdatedpaperfirstpresentedattheCongresosInternacionales “LaCiudadenelOccidenteIslámicoMedieval,”4thCongreso:“LaMedinaenProcesodesaturación,” Granada,Spain,May10–13,2006.IthankJulioNavarroPalazón,theorganizerofthatconference, aswellascommentsandsuggestionsfromseveralparticipants.Also,thankstomycolleague AlbrechtClassen,TheUniversityofArizona,forhiscomments,suggestions,andtheorganization oftheconferenceonUrbanSpaceonwhichthisvolumeisbased.

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gatheringsandfestivals.Waqfwasoneoftheprincipalinstitutionsthatenabled cities(andurbansocieties)tofunctioneffectivelyduringtheMuslimperiod. Thispaperspecificallyexaminestheroleofwaqfonthebuiltenvironmentofthe cityintheMiddleEast.Thefocusisparticularlyonhowthisinstitutionmayhave promotedtheincreaseinthedensityofthebuiltenvironmentofthemedina—or, ontheotherhand,howwaqfmayhavebeenafactorinslowingthatprocess,and hencemighthavecontributedtoadecreaseinthedensity.Perhapswaqfproperty sometimes promoted increasing the density of buildings, but, then, in other instances,itmighthaveinhibitedurbandevelopment.Canweidentifywhenand whyitisoneortheother?Arethere,then,predominant,recognizablepatternsof theinfluenceofwaqfontheurbanbuiltenvironmentinthecitiesoftheMiddle East, and can we come up with generalizations about the significance of waqf relatedtothedensityoftheurbanfabric? Thesearetheprincipalquestionswhichwillbeaddressedinthispaperandit willprovideatleastsomeinitialinsightsandpartialanswers.Afterfirstdiscussing theconceptoftheIslamiccityandthecontextandrolewhichwaqfplaysinthe urbanenvironment,Iwillthenexaminethevarioustypesofwaqftoshowhow endowedpropertymightbeexchanged,sold,orotherwiseused.Thereisaview thatwaqf,sinceitismortmainproperty(aninalienablepossession,endowedin perpetuity),isbasicallystaticandhencetakenoutofthefluideconomic,urban system.However,thisisnotnecessarilythecase,aswillbeshowninthispaper. Theinstitutionofwaqfwaspartofaverydynamicsocialandeconomicsystem, andonethathadanumberofoptionsforitsuse—evenifsomeuseswerenotlegal in the strictest interpretation. A number of case studies from the available literaturewillbeusedtoillustratethesepatterns.

TheIslamicCityintheMiddleEast TheideaorconceptofanIslamicCityhasarathertortuousandcontroversial legacy,onewhichcanonlybetoucheduponhere.First,whydo(ordid)wetalk abouttheIslamicCity,whenwedon’tdiscusssuch(religious)typologiesasthe ChristianCityortheBuddhistCity,forinstance.Yes,wedotalkaboutEuropean citiesandChinesecities—astherearealsoMiddleEasterncities.Theconceptthat thereisanIslamicCityhaditsoriginsamongwesternOrientalists,amongwhom it was believed that the religion and culture of Islam pervaded all aspects of Muslimsociety,includingthebuiltenvironment.AbuLughodtracesthisisnad (chainoftransmission);howitemergedbeginninginthelate1920sfromthework ofseveralFrenchscholarsinparticular,includingWilliamMarçaisandhisbrother Georges Marçais, culminating in the 1955 article by Gustave von Grunebaum

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entitled “The Structure of the Muslim Town.”2 Several major workshops or conferencesfocusedonIslamicandMiddleEasterncitiesoverthenextseveral decades where, besides discussing aspects of the model of the Islamic city, individual city studies or particular topics related to the Islamic city were presented.3AsAbuLughoddiscusses,themodeloftheIslamiccitybegantobe evaluatedmoreandmorecritically,questioningtheassumptionsandtheisnad uponwhichitwasbuilt.Bythe1990sfewerandfewerscholarsaddressedthe modeloftheIslamicCity,andtheconceptcontinuedtobehighlycriticized.4As oneJapanesescholarhascommented,“theconceptofthe‘Islamiccity,’which developedfromanOrientalistbase,hasnotagreatdealofpossibility.Nolonger shouldweneedadheretotheframeworkofthatwellworntheory.”5 Infact,thestudiesofthe“IslamicCity”havebecomemuchmoresophisticated, andnowarefocusedonamuchdeeperunderstandingofMiddleEastern(and Muslim)societies.Agreaterunderstandingoftheroleofshari’aorIslamiclawis 2

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JanetL.AbuLughod,“TheIslamicCity—HistoricMyth,IslamicEssence,andContemporary Relevance,”InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies19(1987):155–76.Someoftheprincipal worksrelatedtothisisnad,include,forinstance:WilliamMarçais,“L’Islamismeetlavieurbaine,” L’Académie des Inscriptions et BellesLêttres, Comptes Rendus (1928): 86–100; Georges Marçais, “L’Urbanisme musulman,” 5e Congrès de la Fédération des Sociétés savants de l’Afrique du Nord (Algiers,1940),13–34;GeorgesMarçais,“LaConceptiondesvillesdansl’Islam,”Revued’Alger2 (1945):517–33;RobertBrunschvig,“Urbanismemédiévaletdroitmusulman,”RevuedesÉtudes Islamiques15(1947):127–55;GustavvonGrunebaum,“DieislamischeStadt,”Saeculum6(1955): 138–53;alsopublishedas“TheStructureoftheMuslimTown,”id.,Islam:EssaysintheNatureand GrowthofaCulturalTradition.ComparativeStudiesofCulturesandCivilizations,4.Memoirsof the American Anthropological Association 81 (1955): 141–58; published also as Gustav von Grunebaum,Islam:EssaysintheNatureandGrowthofaCulturalTradition(London:Routledgeand KeganPaul,1955),141–58. Theprincipalcollectionsresultingfromtheseearlygatherings,includeMiddleEasternCities:A Symposium on Ancient, Islamic, and Contemporary Middle Eastern Urbanism, ed. Ira M. Lapidus (BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1969);TheIslamicCity:AColloquium, ed.A.H.HouraniandS.M.Stern(Oxford:BrunoCassirerandUniversityofPennsylvaniaPress, PapersonIslamicHistoryI.PublishedundertheauspicesoftheNearEasternHistoryGroup, Oxford,andtheNearEastCenter,UniversityofPennsylvania,1970);FromMadinatoMetropolis: HeritageandChangeintheNearEasternCity,ed.L.CarlBrown(Princeton,NJ:TheDarwinPress, PrincetonStudiesontheNearEast,1973). Forexample,seeAndréRaymond,“IslamicCity,ArabCity:OrientalistMythsandRecentViews,” BritishJournalofMiddleEasternStudies21.1(1994):3–18. MasashiHaneda,“Introduction:AnInterpretationoftheConceptofthe‘IslamicCity,’”Islamic UrbanStudies:HistoricalReviewandPerspectives,ed.MasashiHanedaandToruMiura(Londonand New York: Kegan Paul International, 1994), 1–10; here 9. An excellent recent discussion and criticism of the Islamic city model can also be found in Giulia Annalinda Neglia, “Some Historiographical Notes on the Islamic City with Particular References to the Visual RepresentationoftheBuiltCity,”TheCityintheIslamicWorld,vol.1,ed.SalmaK.Jayyusi,Renata Holod,AttilioPetrucciolit,andAndréRaymond(LeidenandBoston:Brill,2008),3–46.Thistwo volumeworkinfacthas46articleswhichrepresentsomeofthelatestresearchandideasrelated to“thecityintheIslamicworld.”

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being used to understand urban society and the built environment.6 More documents,suchascourtrecords,arebeingusedtoreconstructurbanhistories andbetterunderstandurbansociety.Oneinstitutionwhichisbeginningtobe perceivedasmoreandmoreimportantforthecityandurbansocietyintheIslamic MiddleEast,iswaqf—whichisthefocusofthispaper,andwhichwewillnow address.

TheInstitutionofWaqf Waqf(pl.awqaf;PersianvaqforTurkishvakif,andintheMaghreborNorthwest Africahubs—orFrenchhabous)ispropertyoranobjectthatisendowedperma nently for a charitable or pious purpose, which often was a mosque or other religiousinstitutions,suchasamadrasa(religiousschool).7Theultimatepurpose foreverywaqfhadtobesomethingpleasingtoGod.Waqfcouldalsobeforthe publicgood,suchassupportingapublicfountain,oritcouldbeinsupportof certainreligiousceremonies,suchas,amongtheShi’a,forImamHussain,meaning supportofthemourningritualceremoniescommemoratingthedeathofthethird ImamduringthemonthofMuharram.Thetraditionallegaldefinitionofwaqfhas beendiscussedinthecontextofIslamiclawratherextensivelyinthepast,8andthe standardconceptofthisinstitutionisthat“waqfpropertyistotallywithdrawn fromcommercialcirculationandthereforecanhindereconomicdevelopmentand landreform.”9However,thesignificanceofwaqffortheurbanenvironmentand as a dynamic instrument for the changing social and economic life of Islamic societyhasonlymorerecentlybecomeevident,asmoreandmorescholarshipand studieshavebeenconducted.10RichardvanLeeuwen,forinstance,hasprovided

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For instance, see Basim Selim Hakim, ArabicIslamic Cities: Building and Planning Principles (London:KPILtd.,1986).OthernewerdevelopmentsinurbanstudiesintheMiddleEastcanbe found in Michael E. Bonine, “Islamic Urbanism, Urbanites and the Middle Eastern City,” Blackwell’sCompaniontotheHistoryoftheMiddleEasted.YoussefChoueire(London:Blackwell Publishers,2005),393–406,534–81(comprehensivebibliographyforthevolume). InmydiscussionofwaqfIwillbeusingtheArabicwaqfevenwhenreferringtotheinstitutionin IranorTurkey,andinsteadofusingtheArabicpluralofoaqafIwillusewaqfs.Suchconvention isusedbymanyscholarswhendiscussingtheinstitutioningeneral;howeverforquotesfrom articlesfocusingonTurkey(vakif)andIran(vaqf)theirspellingswillbeasusedbythoseauthors. Forinstance,seeN.J.Coulson,AHistoryofIslamicLaw(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress, 1964);JosephSchacht,AnIntroductiontoIslamicLaw(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1964). DavidS.Powers,“Waqf,”DictionaryoftheMiddleAges,vol.12(NewYork:Scribner,1982–1989), 543–44;here544. Bonine,“IslamicUrbanism,UrbanitesandtheMiddleEasternCity;”RandiDeguilhem,“The WaqfintheCity,”TheCityintheIslamicWorld,Vol.2,edSalmaK.Jayyusi,RenataHolod,Attilio Petruccioli,andAndréRaymond(LeidenandBoston:Brill,2008),923–50.

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animportantanalysisofwaqfintheurbancontext,notingthat“thelegalapproach towaqfshasusuallybeenahistoricalandconcentratedonanidealtypeofwaqf.”11 In his work he argues that the traditional (legal) view of waqf “is not only inconsistentwithrecentapproachestohistoricalprocesses,butalsotoonarrow, neglectingsomeessentialcharacteristicsoftheinstitution.”12 The intentions of the founder (waqif) and the purpose of the endowment is spelled out in a written document, the foundation deed, a waqfiyya (Persian vaqfnameh,Turkishvakifname),whichdetailswhatwasendowed,whobenefited, andhowtheproceedsofpaymentsaretobedistributed.AsPowershasnoted: Theaccepteddefinitionofwaqf,accordingtotheHanafiteschool,is“thedetentionof thecorpusfromtheownershipofanypersonandthegiftofitsincomeorusufruct, eitherpresentlyorinthefuture,tosomecharitablepurpose.”Tocreateawaqf,an owner must make an oral declaration permanently reserving the income of the propertyforaspecificpurpose.Oncethisdeclarationhasbeenmade,thepropertymay notbetransferredoralienatedbythefounder,theadministrator,orthebeneficiaries, anditcannotbeinheritedbythefounder’sheirs.13

Thesefoundationdeedsoftenhavebeenthemainsourceofinformationofwaqfs, althoughmorerecentlyotherdocuments,suchascourtrecords(sijills),various written agreements or statements about waqf as in farmans, and accounts in chroniclersandhistoriesofaparticularrulerorcity,havebeenusedtotellusmore details on what has happened to specific waqf property (including its disappearance). Waqfisoverseenorsupervisedbyanadministrator(mutawalli,nazir),whois mandatedtocarryouttheprovisionsoftheendowment.Themutawallidistributes theincometothevariousbeneficiariesaswellasmaintainstheupkeepofthe property.Theadministratorusuallygets10percentoftheincomeforthistask, althoughinsomeinstancesitmaybeonly5percentorasmuchas20percent(or someotherpercentageinbetween). Therearetwomajortypesofwaqf:publicwaqf(waqfikhayrior‘amm),sometimes called charitable waqf, and family or private waqf (waqfi ahli or khass, dhurri, auladeh).Familywaqfusesthebenefitsorincomeofthepropertyforthefounder himself (or herself) and the waqif’s own children and their descendants. The differencebetweenthetwotypes,however,isnotalwaysclear,becauseevenfor privateorfamilywaqf,theremustanultimatereligious,charitablepurposeforthe benefitofGod.Thismeansthatevenifthewaqfisforthebenefitofthedonor’s familyandfamilymembers,ifforsomereasonandatsomepointintimethereare

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RichardvanLeeuwen,WaqfsandUrbanStructures:TheCaseofOttomanDamascus(Leiden,Boston, andCologne:Brill,1999),here10. Ibid.,13. Powers,“Waqf,”543.

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no more designated heirs, the endowed property will revert to a religious institution,thepoororothercharitablepurpose.Ontheotherhand,formany publicwaqfssubstantialsupportforthefounderandhisfamilyanddescendents maybeincludedinthedeed,frombeingtheadministratorofthewaqftobeing readersoftheQur’aninthemosque(orelsewhere)onparticularoccasions—with payments from the waqf for all these positions and activities. Although not common,therecouldalsobeamixedwaqf,calledmushtarak,withacombination ofbothpublicandprivaterecipients. Mostwaqf,however,ispublicwaqfanditisoftenendowedforamosqueorother religiousbuilding,aswellassupportingmanypublicservicesthattodayareoften seenasthepurviewofthegovernmentorthestate,suchaswaterfountains(and even the water supply), bathhouses, hospitals, guesthouses, food kitchens, caravanserais,andbazaars.Whereasagriculturallandandevenirrigationwater sharesfromtheruralareasoftensupportedbuildingsorreligiousactivitiesinthe city, within the urban area the waqf often consisted of commercial structures, whichwouldgeneratearentalincomeinsupportofthedesignatedendowment.14 Otherurbanproperty,suchashousesorevenurbangardens,mightalsobewaqf (payingrent),but,ingeneral,thiswasnotascommonascommercialproperty. Theobjectiveoftheendowments,forexample,amosqueorreligiousschool,was alsowaqf.Hence,withintheurbanenvironmenttherewasconsiderableproperty which was waqf. How that might influence the actual built environment, promoting or inhibiting development, is what remains to be evaluated in this paper.Variouscasestudiesareusedtoshowhowwaqfwasfunctionalizedinthe urbanenvironment,leadingtopreliminarygeneralizationsandconclusionshow waqfaffectedthedensityofthecity. Waqfalsomustbeplacedinthecontextoftheownershipofpropertyingeneral. Someofthebasicprinciplesthataffectedbuildingandplanninginthetraditional MiddleEasternandNorthAfricancityhavebeenoutlined,forinstance,byBesim Hakim.15 There were various guidelines that had to be followed which were sanctionedbyshari’a(Islamiclaw)orsometimesevenbyurf(localcustomarylaw). AlthoughbasinghisinformationonMalikilawandqadirecordsmainlyfromlate thirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturyTunis,Basimprovidesuswithprinciples includingnotcausingharmtoothers,therightofprivacy,therightsofpriorusage andownership,therespectforthepropertyofothers,therightsandobligations

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Forexample,fortheirrigationsharesendowedforthecityofYazd,Iran,seeAbdalVahhad Taraz, “Ketabchehye Mouqufate Yazd [Small Book of the Yazd Endowments],” Text of 1257/1841–1842,ed.IrajAfshar,FarhangeIranZamin10(1962–1963),5–123(inPersian);Michael E.Bonine,“IslamandCommerce:WaqfandtheBazaarofYazd,Iran,”Erdkunde41(1987):182–96. Hakim,ArabicIslamicCities,chapter1:“IslamicLawandNeighbourhoodBuildingGuidelines, 15–54.

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of neighbors, and other guidelines, such as the width of streets, heights of buildings,useofexcesswater,orhowtohandleactivitiesthatmightgenerate unpleasant smells or loud noises.16 Waqf property also had to fit into this frameworkofbuildingprinciples.ItalsoshouldbestressedthatwithinIslamiclaw (shari’a) private property is particularly important and sacrosanct. Hence, the attempttoestablishwaqfpropertywassometimeslimitedbythefactthatitwas privatelyowned(insteadofstateproperty,forinstance).Aswewillsee,thisalso means that waqf often became private property over time—both legally and illegally. Thetransformationofwaqfpropertyintoprivateproperty—orotherwaqf—orthe useofwaqfforpurposesotherthanwhattheendowerhadintended,enabledthis typeofpropertytobemuchmorefluidanddynamicthanthelegaldefinitions would imply. Some of the ways endowed property was changed or used differently,andhowthatmighthaveaffectedtheurbanfabricanddensity,willbe broughtoutinsomeofthecasestudies.Atthispoint,someofthemethodsforthis transformationorotherusewillbeexplainedbriefly.Forinstance,istibdalwasthe exchangeofanunprofitablewaqfpropertyforanotherpieceofproperty,because the original waqf property was in decline or even dilapidated. Besides actual exchange,thisalsomightentailthesellingofthewaqfpropertyandthepurchase ofanotherpropertyinitsplaceaswaqf.Themutawallioradministratorofthewaqf isseentohavethisright,recognizedbyshari’a,becausetheoriginalpurposeofthe waqfcouldnotbefulfilledbecauseofthedeterioratedconditionoftheproperty. Thisalsomightoccur,forinstance,whenmajorrepairsareneededforabuilding andthewaqfdoesnothavethefunds. Otherdeviceswereusedtocircumventspecificallytherestrictionsimposedon waqfbyIslamiclaw.Oneofthesewasthemursad,whichwasfound,forinstance, in Ottoman Damascus and “was a loan contract arranged between a waqf administratorandalendertofinancerepairsonanywaqfstructurewhichhad fallenintoruinordisrepairintheeventthatwaqfrevenuesthemselvescouldnot coverrepaircosts,”17Themutawalli,afterapprovalbytheqadi,couldnegotiate suchaloantorepairadamagedwaqfproperty.AsDeguilhemSchoemnotes: Inreturn[forfinancingtherepairs],acontractforlongtermrentwouldusuallybe offeredonthegroundsthatthewaqfstructurehaddeterioratedtoanextentthatno onecouldbefoundtorentitonanannualorothershorttermbasis.Onlyalongterm

16 17

Seeibid.,Chap.1,fordetailsoftheseguidelines. RandiGeguilhemSchoem,“TheLoanofMursadonWaqfProperties,”AWayPrepared:Essayson IslamicCultureinHonorofRichardBaylyWinder,ed.FarhadKazemiandR.D.McChesney(New York:NewYorkUniversityPress,1988),68–79;here69.

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Oftenitwasthetenantorrenterofthewaqfpropertywhowouldrequestsucha loan, because of needed repairs, and if there were insufficient funds for such repairs,thenamursadloanwouldbepossible.Aleasemightbeseveralthreeyear terms or other periods, and even as many as 99 years in some instances. Repaymentsmightbeaspecificpercentageoftheincomeofthewaqf,areduction intherentpaidbythelessee,orpartoftherentofasubtenantofthewaqf.A mursad lender could also sell the loan to another person, which required permissionofthemutawalli.Insomecases,awaqfiyyaforbidmursad,whichfor instance,was,inthewaqfofMuhammadBeyAbualDhahabinCairo,oneofthe case studies examined below. (Muhammad Bey’s waqf also forbad istibdal, the exchange of waqf property.)19 McChesney has also noted that the mursad was redeemablebythewaqfadministrationatanytime,whichwasunlikethesaleof developmentrights(seebelow).Butherecognizesthat“itisclearthat,astime passed,propertydeteriorated,andrepaircostsmounted,themursadlienscould eventuallyexceedthevalueoftheoriginalwaqfproperty,atwhichpointthere wasdefactodivestment”20 Similar to the mursad was the ijaratayn, a “double rent” permitted on waqf propertybytheHanafischool.AsMcChesneyexplains:“alargeadvancepayment wasmadeinexchangeforalongterm,belowmarketrentlease.Thelargeadvance payment,like‘keymoney’or‘furnishingsandfixturesmoney,’wasrecoverable bythetenantby‘sale’toanewtenant.”21Thisenabledthelessortoreceivealarge paymentandnotlosetheproperty,whilethetenanthadafavorablelongterm rent.Thesameasmursad,thedoublerentalso“removedcontroloftheproperty fromthelessorand...establishedakindofquasilienagainstthepropertyinthe formoftheadvance,whichgavethelesseeaclaim.”22 Anotherwayinwhichwaqfisuseddifferentlythanwhathadbeenintended—or fordifferentbeneficiariesthandesignated—istheuseofhikr.Thiswas,again,a typeofrentorlienfortheuse—orusufruct—ofthewaqfand,hence,issimilarto mursadorijaratayn.Thehikrwasan“effectivesaleofdevelopmentrights”toa tenantwhowantedtomakeimprovementsonpropertywhichwaswaqf.Ahigher rent was negotiated (with the approval of the mutawalli or even the qadi). The improvement,suchasabuildingconstructedonwaqfland,“becametheproperty

18 19 20

21 22

Ibid. Ibid.,71. R[obert]D.McChesney,WaqfinCentralAsia:FourHundredYearsintheHistoryofaMuslimShirne, 1480–1889(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1991),287. Ibid.,285. Ibid.

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ofthetenantandcouldberented,sold,givenaway(aswaqf,forinstance),orleft aspartoftheowner’sestate”23Likemursadorijaratayn,hikralsowasadevicethat gavegreatercontroland“ownership”ofthepropertytothetenant,effectively leading to the status of private property over time in many instances: “The mutawallimayhaveretainedcertainpreemptiverights(rightoffirstrefusalona sale,forexample),butifanewusewasestablishedwiththeimprovement(for example,acaravansarywheretherehadoncebeenanorchard),themutawalli’s controlofthewaqfpropertyforintentsandpurposesdisappeared.”24 Finally, a device that was similar to the above examples, was khulu, which GabrielBaerdiscussesasoneoftheprincipalwaysforthe“dismemberment”of waqfinnineteenthcenturyJerusalem.25Forakhulutotakeplace,thewaqfproperty hadtobeinneedofrepairanddidnothavetherequiredfunds,andsowhenthis buildingconditionwasverifiedbythechiefarchitect(mi’marbasi)andapproved bytheqadi,themutawallicouldenterintosuchanagreement.Thiswould,again, beasituationwherethetenant(orthirdparty)wouldperformtherestorationor repairofthewaqfproperty,andinreturnreceivealower,viablerent.TheHanafi andShaf’ischoolshaveslightlydifferentprocedures;forinstance,theShaf’ilaw school: permittedthemutawallitoletthepropertytoacertaintenantforalongperiod(ijara twaila),generallyofninetyyears(orratherthirty‘uqudofthreeyearseach).Thetotal rent,calculatedforthewholeperiod,wouldthenbedividedintotwoparts:onepart tobepaidimmediately(mu’ajjal)tothemutawalli(insomecasestoliquidatethedebt ofthewaqf),andtheotherpartwouldbeleftinthehandsofthetenantinordertocarry out the repairs. Any additional sum spent by the tenant for repairs or restoration wouldbecomehiskhula.26

Baer further emphasizes that the khulu arrangements in nineteenthcentury Palestineareprincipally:“privateinvestmentintherestorationofdeteriorated waqfpropertycreatingprivatepropertyrightsorclaimsinthewaqfinadditionto longtermleasesofthewaqfpropertyforafixedlowrent.”27

23 24 25

26 27

Ibid.,286. Ibid. GabrielBaer,“TheDismembermentofAwqafinEarlyNineteenthCenturyJerusalem,”Asianand AfricanAffairs:JournaloftheIsraelOrientalSociety13(1979):220–41 Ibid.,221–22. Ibid.,222.

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CaseStudies:WaqfintheOttomanWorld OttomanIstanbul Perhaps the most dramatic instances of large urban waqf have been the major foundationsandurbandevelopmentsestablishedbyvariousrulers,thesultans andshahsoftheMiddleEast.Forinstance,Inalcik(1990)providesanexcellent account of how principally Christian Constantinople was transformed into an IslamiccitybyMehmedIIafterheconqueredtheByzantinecapitalin1453.28Waqf propertywascriticalinthismetamorphosisofthaturbanenvironment.AsInalcik asserts: The world view of Islam determined the physical and social landscape of the city [Istanbul] which was prepared as a space where the prescriptions of the Islamic religioncouldbeobservedproperlyandintheirentirety.Thebasicobjectiveinthe expansion of Islam was to acquire political control over an area and establish the symbolsofIslamicsovereignty.29

WithinIstanbul,manyofthechurcheswereturnedintomosques.Acitadel,royal palace,andthecentralbazaarcomplex—thebedestan—werepriorityconstructions. Themainurbandevelopments,however,werebaseduponthewaqf‘imaretsystem, aplannedcomplexofreligiousandnonreligiousbuildings, whichincludeda mosque,religiousschool(madrasa),hospice,andoftensuchotherstructuresasa hospital,library,dervishconvent,Qur’anschoolforchildren,andafountainfor ablutions.Thesecomplexeswerealsocalledakülliyeandtheywerefoundedin various established or new districts, and they provided the nexus for the developmentofMuslimneighborhoods.Waqfproperty,particularlybedestansor bazaarcomplexes,wereendowedtosupportthenewdevelopments.Forinstance, theGreatCarsi,themainbazaar,wasendowedforthenewlyconvertedAyaSofya (HagiaSophia)mosque.InthecaseofthenewlyestablishedOttomancapital,“the mainurbanfunctionswereviewedasbeingcomplementarytoorextensionsofthe religiousestablishmentortheimperialpalace.”30 Pnar Kayaalp also has examined how the külliye mosque complex was instrumentalincreatingnewneighborhoodsontheAnatolianshoreofIstanbulin thesixteenthcentury.31Sheexaminesthreemajorcongregationalmosquesand

28 29 30 31

HalilInalcik,“Istanbul:AnIslamicCity,”JournalofIslamicStudies1(1990):1–23. Ibid.,6. Ibid.,13 PnarKayaalp,“TheRoleofImperialMosqueComplexes(1543–1583)intheUrbanizationof

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notes that “Üsküdar’s stride toward urbanization was hastened by the constructionofthreeimperialkülliyesbetween1453and1553.”32Althoughshe does not focus on the waqf per se, several references to the endowment deeds indicatethatthesecomplexeswereindeedwaqf.Whereastwoofthekülliyeswere situatedonthewaterfront,butstillcreatedneighborhoodsaroundthem,thethird mosquecomplexwasinlandandonahilltop.AsKayaalpnotes,thiscomplexwas builtonanemptyplotoflandand“theprimaryfunction[ofthemosquecomplex] wastocreatealargeurbanquarter(mahalle)inthehithertounpopulatedhilltop ofÜsküdar.”33 OtherOttomancities,suchasBursaortownsintheBalkans,alsoweresubjected tothewaqf‘imaretorkülliyesystemtodevelopthemasMuslimcities.Inanycase, itwasthewaqfpropertyitself—“therevenueproducingcommercialinstallations ...[which]wasthekeyinstitutionincreatingatypicalOttomanIslamicurban structure.”34Istanbul,however,isperhapsaspecialcase—partlybecauseitwasthe Ottomancapitalandalsobecausemuchofthecityhadbeenabandonedbythe formerinhabitantswhenitwasconqueredin1453.Sowehaveacaseinwhich muchurbanlandandhousinghadbeenabandonedandthewaqfsystemenabled thecitytoberepopulated—andrebuilt.Also,becauseofthe(Muslim)Ottoman conquest, the land could be confiscated and hence turned into the imaret complexesandwaqfcommercialland.35 Another example of the possible influence of waqf by Ottoman sultans and pashas is Mauice Cerasi’s fascinating study of the Divanyolu in Istanbul.36 Although its meaning was sometimes more broadly and variously used, the Divanyolu basically meant the main avenue and the various ensembles of monumentsalongtheavenuefromtheTopkapiPalaceAyasofyacomplex(the lattertheprincipalmosqueoftheOttomancapital)westwardstoBeyazitandthen theFatihmosque.Duringsometimeperiodspartsofthe“avenue”wereactually twoparallelstreets.AsCerasinotes,“ItisacommonviewthattheDivanyoluwas sonamedbecauseoftheprocessionaltrafficofpashasandtheircrowdedretinues backandforthbetweentheDivanandtheirkonaks(mansions).Inactuality,the mainstreetsthatchanneledthesultan’sprocessionsandmilitaryparadeseven where the transit to and from the pashas’ konaks was rare have been called

32 33 34 35

36

Üsküdar”(inthisvolume). Ibid.,650. Ibid.,654. Inalcik,“Istanbul:AnIslamicCity,”19 However, Inalcik does not elaborate on the process of acquiring the land for the waqf or the buildingcomplexes. Maurice Cerasi, “The Urban and Architectural Evolution of the Istanbul Divanyolu: Urban AestheticsandIdeologyinOttomanTownBuilding,”Muqarnas22(2005):189–232.Theroadof theDivanmeanstherouteusedforthesultan’sandotherofficials’statelyprocessions.

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‘Divanyolu.’”37 Many mosques and other religious and public buildings were established along the Divanyolu. Some of the buildings were for the local neighborhood(mahalle),butotherswere“sultanicFridaymosquesorconnected tosomenonlocalinstitution,[and]didnotservethelocalresidentialcommu nity.”38Thereweremanykonaks(mansionsofthepashasandelites)whichwere sometimesfreestandingstructureswithinagardenandenclosedbyhighwalls thatwereonthestreet,ortheywerethetypicalwoodenOttomanhouse,which would be aligned with the streets. The mix of housing and gardens was still evidentinmanyareasofIstanbuleveninthe1920s,asevidencedbymanyofthe fireinsurancemapsofJacquesPervititch.39 ThetypicalurbandensityisexplainedbyCerasiasfollows: Onthewhole,buildingdensitywaslow,inthenatureoftheverylooseOttomanurban fabric;gardensandvoidswerewovenintothebuiltupareas,andbuildingswerenot tall.Thiswasevencharacteristicofthemonumentalbuildingofthe[Divanyolu]axis: theirtypologicalcategoriesdifferedinacertainmeasurefromthoseofotherquarters ofIstanbul.WhiletheDivanrouteledtothedistrictsinwhichweresitedsomeofthe mostimportantsultaniccomplexes,itsarchitecturalspaceincludedonlyfourroyal mosques:Fatih,Sehzade,Beyazit,andMehrimahSultan....[And]Ayasofyaisnot quiteontheaxis.40

 The Divanyolu actually had many other monumental buildings along its axis, includingmanylocalmahallehmosques,Quranschools(sibyanmektebi),fountains, andlibraries,althoughCerasistressesthatthesefeatures“werenotmuchmore frequentontheaxisthanonotherthoroughfares.”41Whatdoescharacterizethe Divanyolu,however,isthegreateroccurrenceofmedreseturbecomplexes.Atthe end of the nineteenth century there were 63 of these religious schooltomb complexesalongtheaxis(outofatotalof166medresesinIstanbul—andÜskudar). Sebilsorfountainswereoftenfoundwiththemedreseturbecomplexaswell.The importanceofwaqfforthebuildingsalongtheDivanyoluisalsoapparent: [T]he axis in some stretches acquired architectural coherence beyond single architecturalunitsonlythankstoindividualpashas’donationsinthelateseventeenth andeighteenthcenturies.Smallandmediumvakif[waqf]complexes,whoseaccessory elements—turbes,hazires(mosqueassociatedcemeteries),walls,sebils—wereinserted intotheurbanscenealongwithlibrariesandschoolsdonatedbothbypashasandby

37 38 39

40 41

Ibid.,189. Ibid.,197 JacquesPervititch,SogortaHiritalarindaIstanbul/IstanbulintheInsuranceMapsofJaquesPervititch (Istanbul: Axa Oyak, with the Tarih Vakfi tarafindan hazirlanmistir [History Foundation of Turkey],n.d.). Cerasi,“TheUrbanandArchitecturalEvolutionoftheIstanbulDivanyolu,”199. Ibid.

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courtofficials,containedelementsthatwerethebasisforacoherentstreetarchitecture eventhoughtheywereallindividuallyplanned.42

 Cerasi does note that for the vakif endowments, there were major differences betweenperiods.Nomajormosqueswerebuiltalongtheaxisafterthefifteenth andsixteenthcenturies.Bycontrast,mostlysmallneighborhoodmosques(mescits) werebuilt(orrestored)afterthisperiod,aswellmanymedresecomplexeswere endowed,aspreviouslymentioned.Theydidestablishmanymausoleums(turbe), surroundedbythehazireorfamilycemeteryareas.Infact,thesebuildingswith theirhaziresbecomequitesignificantfortheurbanspace: [The pashas’] mausoleums, surrounded by hazires for their families and followers, werethemainfeatureofstreetarchitecture.Thesitesmostvisiblefromthestreetwere allottedtoprominentpersons;ofthe106documentedSadrazamtombs,twentyfive were concentrated on the eastern tract of the Divan axis between Firuz Aga and Aksaray.Thehazirewallsshowmaximumtransparencyandtheepitaphsmaximum visibilityfromthestreet.Theconsiderablenumberofnineteenthcenturytombstones replacingearlieronespointstothecontinuingcompetitionbyachangingpatronage forbestplacement.43

So, the question for this paper, is: did the patronage and building along the Divanyoluaxis,muchofitevidentlywaqf,promoteincreasingthedensityofthe builtenvironment—ordiditdotheopposite?Eventhoughitisratherspeculative tocometoanyfinalconclusions,perhapssometrendsareapparentnevertheless. Thedifficultyincomingupwithanysimpleanswerisbroughtoutbythedynamic natureoftheurbanenvironmentofIstanbul,whichCerasicharacterizeswell: The pattern of historical change is . . . complex and at first sight duplicitous. No general principles of growth and expansion can be perceived; many factors had a determinanteffectofthestructureoftheDivanaxisanditsmutations;theloose,open spacetypologyofOttomanarchitecturalcomplexesandhousing,catastrophicfires,the decayorabandonmentofmanyvakifbuildings,therenovationofotherswherepatrons sawfit,theexistenceandevenprevalencesincelateByzantinetimesofsemirural voidsinthecityfabric,andthetransienttenureofpalaces and konaks[mansions], includingthereductionoftheirsizes.44

Numerouspashasendowedconsiderablenumbersofmonumentsovertime,and thiswafqwassignificantinestablishinganewlybuiltenvironmentinIstanbul.Yet, thiswasnotjustacontinuousonewaypathtoagreater densityofbuildings. Destructionofbuildingsaswellasrenewedandnewstructureswereallpartofa dynamicurbanfabric.AllalongtheDivanyoludifferentsectionsmighthavemore

42 43 44

Ibid.,203. Ibid.,203–04. Ibid.,210–11.

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constructionactivityataspecificperiod,which“explainswhyalmostanypartof eventhisvitalthoroughfare—centralormarginal,minorormonumental—could atdifferenttimesbeasequenceofvoidandbuiltupspaces.”45Itisobviousthat waqfpropertywasamajorplayerinthisprocess.Whatwedonotfindoutfrom Cerasi’s study is whether or not mostly vacant land (such as gardens—or dilapidated buildings) is being endowed as waqf, or whether or not existing structures,suchashouses,arebeingdestroyedinordertoestablishmonumental buildings—andeventhefamilycemeteries.Iftheformer,thewaqfwouldcertainly havebeenpromotingagreatdensityofbuildings(evenifnotpopulation),while, ifthelatter,thentheestablishmentofwaqfpropertywouldhaveevenbeencausing lessdensityofpopulationinthecity.Cerasi,however,doesmentionthatmanyof thetombsandcemeterieswerebeingreused(atleastafter1800),andhencemany ofthesearenotalwaysnewconstructions.46 Although we certainly do not have a definite answer to the question of the influenceofwaqfinthecaseoftheDivanyolu,sinceitconsistedofbuildingsalong one(ormore)oftheprincipalavenues,wecanassumethatperhapstherewas decreasing“openspace”alongthesestreetsevenasearlyasthesixteenthcentury. Cerasi seems to imply that particularly in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,“refoundations”werethepattern,andthisrebuildingwasoftendone as endowed property.47 Waqf property was also contributing toward a greater density of buildings: “The continuous trend—probably starting early—to relativelyhigherdensities,smallervakifbuildings,andnewfunctionalbuilding typessuchassingleclassschoolsbroughtaboutfaçadecontinuityonthestreet front,incombinationwiththebasicallyopenandlowdensityOttomanhousing andpublicusearchetypes.”48

OttomanAleppoandCairo AndréRaymondwritesabout“lesgrandswaqfs”ofOttomanAleppoandCairo, where he shows considerable waqf construction in each of these cities in the sixteenthandseventeenthcenturies.49Hepointsoutthattheestablishmentofwaqf wasasubstituteforthelackofaneffectiveurbanadministrationandmanagement,

45 46 47 48

49

Ibid.,211. Ibid.,229,fn.58. Ibid.,215. Ibid.,217.CerasialsomentionsthattheDevanyoluandDivanaxisnolongerexists,andthatno onehasstudiedthedestructionoftheaxis;231,fn91. AndréRaymond,“LesGrandswaqfsetl’organisationdel’espaceurbainaAlepetauCairea l’epoqueottomane(XIV—XVIIsiecles),”Bulletind’etudesorientales31(1979):113–28.

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andthatthereisnotanyoverallcentralurbanplanning.Majorurbanendowments becomepartoftheprincipal(partially)plannedareasofthecity.Forinstance,in Aleppovariousmosquecomplexeswerefoundedwithconsiderablenumbersof shops(suqs)endowedtosupportthesestructures.Intermsofurbandensity,itis relevanttonotethatmanyofthemajorendowmentsofsixteenthcenturyAleppo werefoundedinthenewer,westernpartofthecity,inwhatwasevidentlyopen and vacant land. In fact, as newer (waqf) buildings were established, they continuedtobebuiltinthemorewesternsuburbsofthecity,creatingamoving frontierofthebuiltenvironment. AbrahamMarcusalsoincludesanexaminationofwaqfpropertyinAleppointhe eighteenthcentury.50Heshowshowwaqfwasextensiveinthecityandthatitwas asignificantinstitutionforthesupportofreligiousstructuresaswellasthesocial servicesofthecity.Henotesthat: Intheabsenceofanycomprehensivefiguresthefinancialrecordsofthecharitable foundationsprovideasenseofthemagnitudeofinvestmentinthemaintenanceof public buildings and rental real estate. Deterioration and decay haunted the administratorswithoutrespite.Ontheaverage,onequartertoonethirdoftheannual rentalincometheycollectedwaseatenupbyoutlaysonrenovationandrepairs,and even that level of expenditure often proved inadequate. Many of the foundations foundthemselvesindeficit,reducedtoborrowinghundredsofpiastresfromprivate individualstofinanceurgentconstructionwork.51

Marcusemphasizesthatthestate(government)investedverylittleinthecity,and, hence,mostallthehousingandcommercialprojectswerefundedeitherbywaqf orprivateindividuals. Marcusprovidesuswithanaccountofconsiderabledetailonthespecificsofthe urbanwaqfofAleppo.Forinstance,for98waqfsfrom1751–1753,whichincluded mosques,madrasas,andfountains,therewere1,337separateproperties: Halfofthetotalincomeofthefoundationscamefromcommercialrealestate—stores, workshops, bath houses, coffee houses, oil presses, and caravanserais—located in neighborhoodmarketsandthecentralbazaar area.Endowedhouseswerefarless numerous and yielded a smaller share of the income. Fields and orchards on the outskirtsandinthecountrysidecontributedalmostaquarteroftherevenues;they weretwiceasproductiveasurbanproperties.Attheotherendofthescalestoodthe leastlucrative—plotsofurbanland.Thesewerethesiteofformerwaqfbuildingsthat hadfallenintoruin.52

50

51 52

AbrahamMarcus,TheMiddleEastontheEveofModernity:AleppointheEighteenthCentury(New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1989). Ibid.,292. Ibid.,307.

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Manyoftheseruinedareas,infact,wereleasedonhikragreements.Also,Marcus notesthat45ofthe98waqfsendedtheirauditedyearwithadeficit,and13hada zero balance. Only one waqf of the 98 purchased any additional real estate to increaseitsincome.53 For Cairo, Raymond discusses the major waqf foundations of Ridwan Bey, establishedinthesouthernpartofthecity(southofBabZuwaila),whichincluded mosques,caravanserais(wakalasorhans),rabs(seebelow),hammans,sabils,houses andshops.Waqfpropertyalsoreplacedtanningshops,whichweremovedfarther southinCairo,outoftheareaoftheRidwanBeycomplex.54Raymondalsohas written about the rab’, a type of collective multilevel housing found in Cairo duringtheOttomanperiod.55Heindicatesthatmanyofthesecomplexeswerein thecommercialareasandparticularlyinhabitedbymerchants.Althoughsomerab’ were privately owned, many were waqf (and much of the information on this housing,infact,comesfromthewaqfiyyadeeddocuments).Itmaybethatthewaqf playedanimportant,criticalroleinpromotingtheestablishmentofthiscollective housing—whichalsowouldbeasteptowardagreaterdensityofpopulation. Daniel Crecelius also focuses on Cairo, where he has examined the waqf of Muhammad Bey Abu alDhahab, the Mamluk shaykh albalad who in 1774 constructedalargemosquemadrasatakiyyacomplexinthecenterofthecity,next toalAzhar.56 Both agricultural lands and urban properties were endowed to build the complexaswellasforitsmaintenanceandthesupportofthepersonnelstipulated inthewaqfiyya.Whatisparticularlyrelevantforthispaper,isCrecelius’saccount ofhowthepropertywasacquiredforbuildingthecomplex.Mostoftheurban propertieswerealreadyencumberedinvariouswaqfs,andtheywereconvertedto supportthenewendowment.AsCreceliusnotes:“Thewaqfiyyaitselfstatesonly thatthevariouspropertieswereacquiredthroughpurchase(tabayu’),exchange (istibdal),andtherelinquishingofrights(isqat)bythepreviousownersorthose suchasbeneficiariesandnazirshavingrightstotheusufructoftheproperty.”57 Hence,wehaveasituationwherethereisthetransferofwaqfproperties,including “theacquisitionanddestructionofbuildingsthatwerealreadyencumberedin previous waqfs . . . .”58 The building of this complex and the use of waqf, as

53 54 55

56

57 58

Ibid.,307–08. Raymond,“LesGrandswaqfs.” AndréRaymond,“TheRab’:ATypeofCollectiveHousinginCairoduringtheOttomanPeriod,” Architecture as Symbol and SelfIdentity (Cambridge, MA: Agha Khan Award for Architecture, SeminarFour,1980),55–62. Daniel Crecelius, “The Waqf of Muhammad Bey Abu alDhahab in Historical Perspective,” InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies23.1(1991):57–81. Ibid.,59. Ibid.

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Creceliuspointsout,“demonstratesthebroadrangeofcommercialpracticesinuse in18thcenturywaqflaw,particularlyconcerningtheexchangeorrecirculationof propertiessupposedlyendowedinperpetuity.Sixtyfourcourtdocumentsand severalfirmansandtaqsitsarecitedinthewaqfiyyaasgivingevidenceofexclusive ownershipand/orrightstotheusufructofpropertiesMuhammadBeyendowed inhiswaqf.”59 CreceliusprovidesinformationonthefinancesoftheMuhammadBeywaqfas wellasthenumberofpersonnelitsupported.Thisincluded,forinstance,forthe madrasa, stipends for 16 shaykhs (representing three different law schools, the Hanafi, Malaki, and Shafi’i madhhabs), 18 assistants to read lessons, and 164 students. Each of these individuals received a daily stipend and an annual allotmentofgrain.Supportalsowenttotheshaykhinchargeofthetakiyya,aswell as for 53 Turkish students residing there. Disbursements for the mosque and takiyyaalsoincludedstipendsandgrainfordoormen,janitors,watercarriers,lamp lighters,(blind)muezzins,andmanyothers.Thenazir(mutawalli)ofthewaqfwas Muhammad Bey himself, for which he received a considerable sum. He also donatedhisprivatelibrary,morethan2,000volumes,aspartofthewaqf.Thetotal expendituresforthepersonnelamountedto1,666.180nisffiddasannually. ThislargecomplexbuiltbyMuhammadBeyshowsustheconsiderableimpact thatwaqfcanhaveontheurbanfabric—andhencedensity.Itappearsthatthis construction,whichconstitutedaboutacityblock,wouldalsohavebeenamost positivedevelopmentforthecityofCairo.ButMuhammadBeydiedin1775,a yearafterthecomplexwascompleted.Whatthenoccurredshowshowwaqfcan beadetrimentinsteadofanassetfortheurbanenvironment(and,inthisinstance, howquickly).AsCreceliusnotes:“NoneofMuhammadBey’seffortstoprotecthis waqffromviolationachieveditspurpose,forthegreaterportionofthewaqf’s revenuesweredivertedfromtheirpiouspurposeswithinoneyearofthedonor’s deathandthelargemadrasatakiyyaquicklyfellintovirtualdisuse”60Severalof MuhammadBey’spersonalmamluksapportionedmostoftherevenuesamong themselves,aswellassoonfightingamongthemselves.Verysoonthedoorsofthe mosqueclosedandmostpaymentsceased.Documentsin1777alsoshowthatthe Egyptian(Ottoman)courtsmaderulingstolegitimizetheseizureofthewaqf.For example,adiwanofassembledamirscertifiedthatMuhammadBeyhadillegally acquiredhikrrentsfromcertainruralpropertiesandthattheyshouldresumeto beappliedtotheirformerwaqf—whichwascontrolledbyanothermamluk(Isma’il Bey).Bythenineteenthcenturythereareseveralreferencestoonlyafewservices, suchasthefountain,andtoafewpayments.“Thereisevidence...tosuggestthat thewaqfwaspassedontoMuhammadAliPashainabatteredstateminusthe

59 60

Ibid. Ibid.,71.

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revenuesofitsagriculturallandsandthatitwasunabletosupportitsextensive educationalanddevotionalfunctionsfromitsremainingincome.”61

OttomanDamascus ForOttomanDamascus,aspreviouslymentioned,DeguilhemSchoemdiscusses theuseofmursadloansforurbanwaqfproperty.62Afewexamplesofthesegiveus aglimpseofhowtheymighthaveimpactedtheurbanenvironment.In1791a mursadwasarrangedforahouse(dar)ofthewaqfofKamaladDinHamzahZadeh, locatedintheanNahhasinneighborhoodoftheal‘AmarhdistrictofDamascus. Thetenantsloanedthewaqffundstocoverthecostsofrepairs,whichwastobe repaidbyareductioninrent.Whenconcluded,thetenantspaidonly2.08percent of their former rent, and had “another 56 years” to repay their loan, in effect having a rentfree house in exchange for their loan. In another instance in 1797–1798,amursadloanwasusedforthewaqfofthealUsqifahMosque.Torepair thewoodenceiling,thetenantsofathreestoriedbuilding(whichwaswaqfforthe mosque)gavealoan,whichwastoberepaidbyasubleaseofthebuildingina periodofsixyears.Inanothercase,ahouse(dar),whichwaswaqf,neededrepairs; butinthiscasetheloanwasmadebyoneofthehigherwaqfadministrators(the muwakkil).Theloanwastoberepaidbyapercentageoftherent,infiveperiodsof threeyearseach. WhatDeguilhemSchoemalsopointsout,isthatthereisconsiderableevidence that many of the mursad loans were ways that the waqf administrators gained controloverwaqfrevenues.Asshenotes:“Itisdifficulttobelievethatallofthese mursadsweregenuineandthatsomanyawqafwerebereftofnecessaryfundsto repairtheirproperties.”63CitingthestudybyBaerfornearbyOttomanJerusalem,64 DeguilhemSchoem stresses that these longterm contracts were a way that individualsestablishedprivaterightsandassetsonwaqfproperty,whichthen becameprivatepropertyovertime.(Andthefactthatsomemursadloanswere arranged on waqf of newly constructed buildings in Jerusalem, shows that no repairswerereallyneeded!) Theextensiveuseofmursadloansforwaqfproperty,atleastinsomeoftheArab Ottomanprovincesofthelateeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,needstobe evaluatedforthethemeofthispaper.Waqfpropertyissometimesconsideredto deteriorate more rapidly than private property, because there are insufficient

61 62 63 64

Ibid.,74. DeguilhemSchoem,“TheLoanofMursadonWaqfProperties.” Ibid.,74. Baer,“TheDismembermentofAwqafinEarlyNineteenthCenturyJerusalem.”

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fundsorlackofdesirefortheupkeepofthismortmainproperty.Byusingmursad loans, waqf urban property was better supported, and, along with its transformationintoprivateproperty,wassupposedtofacilitatepreventingthe deteriorationoftheurbanfabric—whichwouldbeafactorforatleastsustaining thedensityofbuiltenvironmentifthatwerehappening. Damascusalsogrewand developedconsiderablybecauseofwaqf.Forinstance,Kana’an,quotingWeber, statesthatinthesixteenthcentury“thedevelopmentoftheDarwishiyyaStreetto thewestoftheoldcity...wastheresultofaseriesofgreatwaqfssupportingboth religious and commercial institutions established under the patronage of successiveOttomangovernors....”65

OttomanJaffa In1812theMahmudiMosqueortheAbuNabbutMosque,knownastheGreat Mosque,wasbuiltinJaffabytheactinggovernorofJaffa,MuhammadAgaAbu Nubbut(r.1803–1819).66Therewasamadrasaandtwosabils(fountains)associated withthemosque,andtosupportthese,AbuNabbutendowedbazaars,khans,and manyshops.AbuNabbut,amonghismanydutiesasactinggovernor,wasalsothe i’maralbilad,thepersonoverseeingconstructionandurbandevelopment;thenin 1807 he became the main administrator of the waqf of Jaffa. The city was still recoveringfromNapoleon’sdestructionattheendoftheeighteenthcentury,and so “between 1810 and 1816, Abu Nabbut engaged in an energetic program of reconstructionthatledtotherebuildingofthecity’scenterandtherestorationsof itsfortifications”67Hedevelopedaswaqfavastcomplexofabout2.5hectaresinthe northeasterncornerofthecity,whichconsistedof“theGreatMosque,threesabils, twokhans,twomarkets,sixtysevenshops,andseveralstores,houses,andlight industries”68 What is particularly relevant for this paper, is the statement by Kana’an that Abu Nabbut “was continuously trying to concentrate his waqf propertywithintheareainthecitysurroundinghiswaqfproperty.”69Henotes thattheaccumulationofpropertylastedfrom1806until1816.Theconstruction beganinabout1810,and:

65

66 67 68 69

RubaKana’an,“Waqf,Architecture,andPoliticalSelfFashioning:TheConstructionoftheGreat MosqueofJaffabyMuhammadAgaAbuNabbut,”Muqarnas18(2001):120–40;here135;Stefan Weber,“ArchitectureandUrbanDevelopmentofDamascusinthe16thand17thCenturies,”Aram 10(1998):431–71. Kana’an,“Waqf,Architecture,andPoliticalSelfFashioning.” Ibid.,134. Ibid. Ibid.

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MichaelE.Bonine themorphologyofthebuildingsalsosuggeststhatthewaqfincreasedthedensityof landuseinthearea,andthisiscorroboratedbyinformationderivedfromproperty transactionsintheIslamiccourtwhichconfirmsthatbefore1810thenorthernand easternpartofthecitycomprisedanumberofgardensandemptyplotsoflandthat werebought,builtover,orfilledinbyAbuNabbut’swaqfcomplex.70

Insomecasesopenspacefornewconstructionwascreatedbythedemolitionof older buildings. In one instance Abu Nabbut demolished a ruined khan (caravanserai)andbuiltacourtyardtypemarketof36shopswithanelaborate sabil.

CaseStudies:WaqfinthePersianRealm SafavidIsfahan When Isfahan became the new capital of the Safavid state, it was specifically developed to be a proper center for the regime by Shah Abbas, where, as the Iranianssay,itthenbecame“IsfahannesfiJahan”[Isfahanishalftheworld].Robert McChesneyhasexaminedthewaqfsofShahAbbas(forMashadaswellasIsfahan) asaninstrumentofpublicpolicy—andwewillseeasomewhatdifferentsituation for Isfahan compared to the Ottoman capital, for instance.71 Mashad was also anothermostsignificanttownofthisShi’istate,andasthelocusofthetombof Imam Reza, the Eighth Imam, Shah Abbas was keen on helping insure its importance.Abbasendowedconsiderableruralpropertyaswaqftosupporthis constructionactivities—althoughsomeofthissupportmayalsohavebeencertain fees and tax rights (converted to waqf) on property and ownership. Quoting a historyofthewaqfofIsfahanbyAbdalHusaynSipanta,McChesneynotesthatin theendowmentsof1604therewas: “anentireundividedhalf”ofpropertieseither‘attheshah’slegaldisposal’...or whichhadcome‘intohispersonalownershipbyvalidcontract....’Hereweseean importantdistinctiondrawnbetweenrightssuchasfeeandtaxrightsonpropertyand actual ownership. The properties included . . . were khans, their fixtures and furnishings(muttasilat),lands,gardens,mills,andvarioustypesofirrigationchannels ...inIsfahanandelsewhere.72

70 71

72

Ibid.,134,myemphasis. RobertD.McChesney,“WaqfandPublicPolicy:TheWaqfsofShah‘Abbas,1011–1023/1602–14,” AsianandAfricanStudies15.2(1981):165–90. Ibid.,171.

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In the winter of 1607–1608, Abbas placed into waqf all of his personal estates—whichhehadacquiredlegallyovertheyears—asanendowmentforthe FourteenImmaculateOnes(i.e.,theTwelveImams,plusMuhammadandFatima). InIsfahan,ShahAbbassponsoredconsiderableconstruction,muchofwhichwas endowedaswaqf.Thisincludedthemajor,hugesquare,theMaydaniShah,as wellasacaravanserai,aqaysariya(enclosedbazaar),theentirebazaararoundthe maydan,andalargepublicbath(hammam).Muchoftherentalincomefromthis waqfwasendowedtosupportstipends(wazifa)andlivingallowances(madadi ma’ash)forHussain(i.e.Shi’isayyidsandsayyidaslivinginMedinaorinNajaf. However,beforeanyofthefundsweregiventothespecifiedbeneficiaries,the “maintenanceandcapitalneedsoftheincomeproducingpropertieshadtobe met.”73 Many of Shah Abbas’s endowments were from the rural areas in order to supporturbanstructuresandindividuals.Whereasweusuallythinkofruralwaqf asendowedagriculturallandorwatershares,McChesneyshowsexamplesofwaqf beingthetaxrevenuesandotherfeesthatwereowedtotheShah.Hence,there wasadistinctionbetweentheactualownershipofprivatepropertyandtherights tocertainrevenuesbylegalcontract.McChesneynotesthatthisisanunresolved legal issue, a situation where something is being converted intowaqf which is actually not one’s own property. As he speculates: “Without access to legal challengesandfatwajudgementsonthematteritisuselesstospeculateonthe questionoflegality.Itisenough...tonotethatgrantingoftaxrightsaswaqf seemstohavebeenpractisedandaccepted.”74 In1602–1603ShahAbbasalsohadmademajorendowmentstotheShrineof Imam Reza in Mashad. McChesney quotes (translates) a work by Mustawfi Hamadani: “Abbas donated ‘all the improved land of the Sacred Threshold aroundthePureSepulchreandSacredCourtyardandthelandaroundtheBlessed FootandaroundtheSacredCourtyard....’”75AsMcChesneynotes,“Theobject of the waqf was to provide more cemetery space for those who wished to be buriedneartheEighthImamintheshrineprecincts.Thestipulationsofthewaqf setthedistancefromtheImam’sgraveaswhichpeoplecouldbeburiedaswellas thefeestobechargedandtheprecedencegiventothosewantingburialthere.”76 Theburialfees(haqqalard)wereusedforrepairsandupkeepofthebuildings related to the shrine. Although it is not entirely clear how Abbas might have acquiredthelandaroundtheshrinefortheendowment,McChesneyassertsthat “ShahAbbasappearstobemakingwaqfherenotofthelandattheshrinebut

73 74 75 76

Ibid.,172. Ibid.,177. Ibid.,169. Ibid.

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rather of the right of the shrine administration to institute and control the systematiccollectionofintermentfees.”77Mostinterestingforus,nevertheless, proves to be the point that the waqf was providing for more cemetery space. Whetherthismeanttheclearingofexistingbuildingsandhousingtomakethis space,orwhetheritisjustinsuringthatsuchspacewasavailable,weseemtohave a case here where waqf is promoting less dense use of urban space (for live individuals,anyway!). In a waqf of 1607–1609 for the town of Ardabil there were considerable “movables”endowed,includingjewelry,copperware,carpets,livestock,andeven china.Inthewaqfdeedstherewasthetypical“admonitionagainstthepurchase orleasingofanyofmawqufat[waqf]lesttheusufructbedivertedtoothers.”78A furtherkeypoint,andonethatweneedtobeveryawareastohowwaqfproperty mightaffectthebuiltenvironment,isthat“themutawalliwasalwaystoadminister thewaqf‘inaccordancewiththerequirementsofthetime(bimaslahatiwaqt).’That is, if at some future time it seemed proper to sell or lease the properties, the mutawalliwaspresumablynotrestrainedfromdoingso.”79Itisthisflexibilitythat mustbeunderstoodifwearetounderstandfullyhowwaqfmighthaveaffected thebuiltenvironment,andhencetheurbandensity. ShahAbbasisbestknownfortheconstructionofthenewsquareormaydan (MaydaniShah),withitsbazaarandmosquecomplex(MasjidiShah)inIsfahan. Thatrebuildingwasusedtotransformthecityintotheproper,beautifulcapital of Safavid Iran. There were many gardens, orchards, agricultural lands, and commercialestablishmentsendowedforthisconstruction.Thelimitsplacedon ShahAbbas’sabilitytobuildwhateverandwhereverhemightplease,however, arealsobroughtoutbytheconstructionand waqfinIsfahan.ShahAbbashad originallywantedtorenovateandrefurbishtheolderbazaarandmaydancomplex around the old Seljuq Friday Mosque, north of Maydani Shah. However, the merchantsofIsfahanrefusedtoallowhimtoredevelopthisarea,andsoAbbas builtcommercialshopsaroundtheMaydaniShahinstead,whichhadbeenbuilt afewyearsearlier.Anew,largemosque,MasjediShah,wasalsobuiltonthe maydan, part of the motivation being an incentive to draw merchants and customersawayfromtheolderbazaarandtheCongregation(Friday)Mosque.All ofthenewlyconstructedbuildingswerewaqf.McChesneyalsospeculatesthatas waqf,thenewretailestablishmentscouldbemoreattractivethantheoldershops because “it seems fairly clear that the [mutawalli] could offer the shops at competitiveifnotundermarketrents.Thereislittleinthewaqfmaterial...that suggeststhattheprincipalaimofthemutawalliwastogetahighyieldforthe

77 78 79

Ibid.,169–70. Ibid.,173. Ibid.

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beneficiaries. To the contrary [the waqf document] stresses the necessity of re investmentbeforeanypaymentofstipends”80(188–89).

Afghanistan McChesneyprovidesotherexamplesforthispaper,thewaqfoftheKhwajaAbu NasrParsaShrineinBalk,Afghanistanaswellashis(already)classicworkonthe waqfofthe‘AlidshrineatBalk,whichbecomesthekernelforthedevelopmentof thetownofMazariSharifinnorthernAfghanistan.81Theshrineortomb(mazar) ofKhwajaAbuNasrParsacommemoratedafifteenthcenturyNaqshbandisufi. Therealsowasamadrasaconnectedtotheshrineaswellasacemetery,andsoon overtimeothershrines,which“inallprobability...includedthetombsofthe threeorfourgenerationsofKhwajaAbuNasrParsa’sdescendants...interred thereaswellasothersforwhomburialwithinthecharismaticrangeofAbuNasr Parsawasdeemeddesirable.”82Atleastsixlargemadrasaswerealsobuiltnextto theshrine.Asalarge,prestigiousmausoleumcomplex,wouldthiswaqfactually have prevented the establishment of houses, and hence inhibited a denser developmentofBalk—orwouldthisendowedpropertyhaveattractedpeopleto buildnearthebuildings—andsopromotedtheintensificationoftheuseofurban land?Although,thereisnodefiniteanswertothatquestion,McChesneydoes point out that “the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries saw the transformationoftheareasurroundingtheParsacomplexwiththecreationofa largeeducationalandresidentialdistrict.”83IshouldalsomentionthatBalkhad aninnercitywithinitsoldwalls,whiletheParsashrineandnewneighborhoods were all outside that city but within another set of (new) walls built by the Timurids.84Bytheeighteenthcenturymanyofthemadrasaswerecollapsingand disappearing, but the shrine complex itself was maintained, continuing to be supported as waqf. What was the situation of the residential areas by the eighteenthcenturywouldbequiteinterestingtoknowofcourse. Concerningthe‘AlidshrineforwhichMcChesneydocumentsthewaqfforafour hundred year period, the main (and very extensive) endowments were particularlyagriculturallandandirrigationwaterinthenearby,surroundingarea

80 81

82 83 84

Ibid.,188–89. McChesney, Waqf in Central Asia; “Architecture and Narrative: The Khwaja Abu Nasr Parsa Shrine:PartI:ConstructingtheComplexanditsMeaning,1469–1696,”Muqarnas18(2001):94–119. Ibid.,100. Ibid.,109,myemphasis. Seeibid.,100,fig.3:Balkh,ca.1690.

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oftheshrineandalongthemainirrigationcanals.85Obviously,thegreatamount ofruralwaqfenabledtheshrinetocontinuetobesupportedoverthisverylong periodoftime,althoughMcChesneynoteshowtheamountofendowedirrigated agriculturallanddiminishedconsiderablyfromtheseventeenthtothenineteenth century.Inanycase,animportantsourceofwaqfrevenuewasfromrentsandfees collected from urban properties. One reason for the reduction of the rural, agriculturalwaqfwasactuallytheexpansionofthecityofMazariSharifaround theshrine: Whatseemstohavehappened[forthereductionofruralwaqf]...islinkedtothe overall transformation of the shrine into the main urban center of the old Balkh appanageunderAfghanhegemony.WiththeurbanizationofMazariSharif,theneed forapermanentbazaar,andthecreationofalltheancillaryinstitutionstowhicha bazaar gives rise, the commercial pressure on the agricultural waqf immediately adjacenttotheshrinemusthaveincreased....[I]fthebulkofthelandwasheldin waqforcontrolledbytheshrine,thenitwasthewaqfland,wehaveeveryreasonto believe,thatwastransformedbythesepressures.86

EventhoughMcChesneydoesnothaveanydirectevidenceforhowwaqfurban propertymighthavebeentransformedintoprivateland,hecertainlysuspectsthat anumberofthe“legaldevices”playedarole,asoutlinedinthebeginningofthis paper: Ourindirectevidence...suggestsverystronglythatsome...legaldeviceswere helpingshapepropertytenureinnineteenthcenturyMazariSharif.Thefarmanof 1889, by classifying income to the shrine from commercial property in the city as distinct from the waqf income, is almost prima facie evidence that a process of divestmenthadbeengoingonforalongtime.87

McChesneyalsodiscussesthecontentsofawaqfnamehbyMuhammad‘AlamKhan that was issued in 1873, which actually discloses the great amount of private property (milki khalis), particularly shops, around the shrine, including considerablepropertyownedbyMuhammad‘Alamhimself.88(Someoftheurban private property is discerned by the fact that each of the waqf properties is describedbylistingtheadjacentproperties.)Nevertheless,theurbancommercial (waqf) income for the shrine was probably still quite large, despite the transformationsintoprivateproperty.Infact,itappearsthatsomeofthisnow privatelandstillbroughtincometotheshrine,particularlyintheformoffeesto

85

86 87 88

McChesney,WaqfinCentralAsia.Althoughathemeaddressedthroughoutthebook,seeesp.the sectioncalled“LandUseandthe‘AlidWaqf,”276–92. Ibid.,284. Ibid.,287. Ibid.,289–90.

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usetheland.Inan1889farmanof‘AbdalRahmanKhan,theAmirofAfghanistan, thesefeesaredesignatedastahja’i,afeeforaplacetotradeinthebazaar,and girayahidukkanha,whichwasarentalincomefromshops(whichprobablyhad beenwaqforiginally,thentransformedintoprivatepropertyleasedbytheshrine). Whatwasthedifferencebetweenwaqfandprivatepropertyhere(asdefinedbythe late nineteenthcentury Kabul central government) is not clear. But the transformationisquitedramatic,asMcChesneyasserts: Under the TuqayTimurids, fiscal prerogatives on the land under the shrine’s jurisdictionwereallormostlycededtoitas“waqf.”Butthesupersedingoftheshrine state by the Afghan state removed those fiscal prerogatives from the mutawalli’s accountbooks.‘AbdalRahman’s[1889]farmanisunambiguousproofoftheprocess, fornowhereinitdowefindmentioneitheroftherightoftheshrinetocertaintaxfees or of the exemption of shrine properties, whether classified as waqf or not, from taxation.89

Thisisalsotheresultofthetransformationofashrinestatetoastateshrine,which iswhatMcChesney’smonographonthe‘Alidshrinedocumentsoverthespanof fourcenturies.

QajarTabriz ChristophWernerhasprovideduswithanindepthanalysisofthesocialand economichistoryoftheIraniancityofTabrizattheendoftheZandandearly Qajarperiods(1747–1848).90Tabriz,locatedinAzerbaijan,northwesternIran,was foundedduringAbbasidtimesandhasbeenanimportantcitythroughoutthe Islamicperiod(andevenbeingthecapitalundertheMongolsinthethirteenthand fourteenthcenturies).BytheearlyQajarperiodintheearlynineteenthcenturythe citybegantogrowconsiderablyandtheurbanfabricexpandedbeyonditsoriginal citywalls:“Soon,formerquartersofthetownthathad been desertedandlay outsidethewalls,werenowreincorporatedagainintotheunderstandingofthe town Tabriz. The area inside the walls now formed the centre of the city, composedpredominantlyofthelargebazaardistrictandtheprincelyresidence and its administration [the palace and the divankhana]”91 This inner city was sometimesreferredtoastheqal’aintheQajarperiod,andEuropeanvisitorsoften calledthesurroundingneighborhoodsorquartersthe“suburbs”or“faubourgs.”

89 90

91

Ibid.,292. ChristophWerner,AnIranianTowninTransition:ASocialandEconomicHistoryoftheElitesofTabriz, 1747–1848.DocumentaIranicaetIslamica,1(Wiesbaden:HarrassowitzVerlag,2000). Ibid.,72.

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The city also had suffered with the fall of the Safavids and the occupation of AzerbaijanbytheOttomansintheeighteenthcentury,andthenmuchofthetown wasdestroyedinastrongearthquakeinJanuary1780,sotherapidgrowthofthe citythereafterrepresentedasubstantialrebuildingeffort. Tabrizwasrebuiltandredevelopedwithbothwaqfandprivateproperty.The bazaarwasrebuiltasanewcomplexandnumerousnew,butsmallermosques, were constructed. There were many small waqfs established in the early Qajar period,whichalsoincludedendowedsharesofwaterfromqanats.Infact,of71 qanatsthatcametoTabrizinthisperiod,manywerenewlybuiltorrenovated:As Wernernotes: Themajorityoftheqanatsappeartohavebeennewlybuiltorcompletelyrenovated inthenineteenthcentury,respondingtoboththedamageswreckedbythequakeof 1780 and the growing need for water, both inside the city and in its more rural suburbs.Whereasqanatsdesignedprimarilyfortheirrigationoftheorchardsand fields around Tabriz were often held in joint ownership with shares linked to the possessionofland,thoseprovidingwaterfortheresidentialareasofthetowndisplay more complex patterns of ownership. Some of the older and traditional qanats supplyingwatertospecificareasofthetownwereheldascommunalpropertyofthe respectivequarter,theuseoftheirwaterwasfreeandmaintenancewasfinancedby feespaidbythehouseholds.92

Many of these qanats were financed by private individuals (and sometimes endowedaswaqf),butnotusuallybyofficialsofthestate(suchasthegovernor). Thesupplyofwaterwasobviouslyimportantforenablingvariousneighborhoods tobeestablishedandmaintained,although,theratherhillytypographyofTabriz didnotresultintheqanatinfluencedmorphologyandpatternoftheIraniancity asIhavedocumentedforYazdandotherIraniancities.93Therewas,however, considerablebuildingconstructionbygovernmentofficials,particularly‘Abbas Mirzaintheearlydecadesofthenineteenthcentury.Wernerremindsusthatitis difficulttoseparateprivatefrompublicinsuchcases,andthat“’AbbasMirza actuallyhadtobuyrealestateinrespectablequantities,insteadofsimplyseizing itandexpropriatingtheirownerswithoutcompensation.Wecannotexcludea certainamountofcoercionexercisedagainstproprietorsunwillingtosell,butat least in the documents there is nothing to indicate shady legal procedures or unrealisticprices.”94‘AbbasMirzaacquired38propertiesfrom1809to1826,most ofthemintheinnerquarters,includinginChaharMinar,theoldcityquarter. Theyincludedmostlyhouses,butalsoacaravanserai,ahugegardensouthofthe

92 93

94

Ibid.,77. MichaelE.Bonine,“TheMorphogenesisofIranianCities,”AnnalsoftheAssociationofAmerican Geographers69.2(1979):208–24. Werner,AnIranianTowninTransition,86.

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ChaharMinar,shops,smallergardens,andsharesoftwoqanats.Asforthegarden, itwasprobablypurchasedtoenlarge‘AbbasMirza’sresidenceinthecenterofthe city.95 OneofthemajorinsightsfromWerner’sworkisthatitshowshowwaqfproperty wastransformedinTabrizduringtheQajarperiod,indicatinghowendowments werealteredandhowQajarelitesincorporatedtheinstitutionintoachanging socialandeconomicsystem.AsWernernotes: Controlofthevaqf,especiallyastronggriponitspropertiesandthedistributionofits income,wasthecentralissueinthevaqf’shistoryinQajartimes.Primarily,thismeant accesstothepositionofmutavalli,astheofficialadministratorofthefoundation,but ...thererarelyexistedanunchallengedmutavalli—quiteoftentherewasevenmore thanoneatthesametime.96

In some instances no mutawalli is mentioned in the documents, and such an administratorsimplyappearsfromamongthedescendantswhoaresupposedto bethebeneficiariesofawaqf.Apersonwhoisoneofthedescendantsorinheritors (vurras)ofthefoundermayactastherepresentativeoragentoftheproperty.“This is also a first sign that vaqfproperty was increasingly considered as inherited personalpropertyjointlyheldbyacommunityofinheritorsinsteadofbeinginthe inalienablepossessionoftheendowments.”97Theremaybeseverallineagesof descendantscompetingwithoneanother,whichcouldevenleadtolawsuitsin thecourts. Using the Zahiriya endowment (mauqufati Zahiriya) as one of his main examples,Wernershowshowthiswaqf,foundedbytheSafavidvazirofAzerbaijan inTabrizin1679–1680inSafavidtimes,wastransformedinQajartimesintorather differentownership.98Thewaqfcomplexwasbuiltaroundtheshrineortombof SayyidHamza,andincludedamosque,madrasa,andotherbuildings,suchasa pharmacy(daralshifa).Itwasendowedwithconsiderablewaqfproperty.Although halfoftherevenuesweretogofortheupkeepofthecomplex,byQajartimes,even though the complex existed, there does not seem to be any evidence of such revenues.Whathappenedtothewaqf’sfunds?AsWernerobserves,“[I]tisquite safetoassumethatthevaqfwasgraduallytransformedfroma‘mixed’vaqftoa pure,privatefamilyvaqf,withthedescendantsregardingthevaqf’sholdingsand theirincomeastheirinheritedproperty.”99Themutawallioftenmadeindividual contractswiththerepresentativesofthelineagedescendents,andpropertywas

95 96 97 98 99

Seethediscussioninibid.,86–88. Ibid.,103. Ibid. Seethediscussioninibid.,99–117. Ibid.,110.

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lentouttothirdparties.Insomecasesthemutawallihadtotakehiscasetothe courttotryandregainwaqfproperty.AsWernerelucidates: [I]twasnotsomuchaquestionofguardingvaqfproperties,butratherasometimes desperate attempt to fight against the constantly occurring acts of usurpation and lossesthreateningtheexistenceofthevaqfasawhole.Howsuccessfultherespective mutavallis were in this fight is difficult to decide, but probably a clear distinction evolved between vaqf properties held and controlled directly by the descendants, whichevenifdisputedamongtheheirsthemselves,remainedatleastsecureinsidethe foundation itself, and contested properties in the actual possession (tasarruf) of strangers.100

By the mid and late nineteenth century the Zahiriya waqf had been totally transformedfromacharitableandpublicendowmenttoapurelyfamilywaqf,with many of the descendants (the beneficiaries) far from Tabriz. “[T]he original primaryaimofthevaqf,whichwastheupkeepofthecomplexaroundtheshrine ofSayyidHamzawithitsmosqueandmadrasa,seemstohavebeenforgotten completely.”101Bytheendofthenineteenthcenturytheshrinecomplexwasin ruins (and it was even used as a place for the storage of corpses!). In fact, throughouttheQajarperiod,incontrasttothelargeSafavidendowments,there werefewnewlyconstructedbuildingsfoundedandsupportedbywaqfinTabriz in the nineteenth century; endowments hence played a minimal role in the rebuildingandexpansionofthecityfollowingtheearthquakeof1780.

Conclusion:TheRoleofWaqfintheDensityoftheBuilt Environment Wereturntoourinitialquestion:howdidwaqfinfluencethebuiltenvironment, andmorespecifically,thedensityofthemedina?Obviously,endowedproperty wasextremelyimportantasbothasocialandeconomicinstitutionwithinMiddle Eastern and North African Muslim society, an understanding that is only beginning to emerge with many new indepth studies from the last several decades.102Butwaqfproperty,obviously,didhaveapotentialnegativesideeffect. AsMcChesneyasserts:“Waqfprovedremarkablydurableasawayinwhichto

100 101 102

Ibid.,116. Ibid.,117. Besidestheworkscitedabove,morerecentstudiesthathaveputwaqfinitswidersocialand economiccontextsincludeSirajSaitandHilaryLim,Land,LawandIslam:PropertyandHuman RightsintheMuslimWorld(LondonandNewYork:ZedBooks,2006),seeChap.7,“TheWaqf (Endowment)andIslamicPhilanthropy,”147–73;andAmySinger,CharityinIslamicSocieties (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2008).

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maintaincapital.Aninherentcontradictionintheinstitution,theirreconcilability ofthelegalnotionofwaqfaspermanentandimmutablewiththeimpermanent natureofallmaterialthings,alwayshadtobeovercome.”103Butwealsoneedto recognize,asWernernotes,that“likeallaspectsofIslamiclawinpractice,it[waqf] wasmuchmoresubjecttochangeandtransformationthanhithertoassumed.Vaqf [waqf]asapopularinstitutionin‘use’wascontinuouslymodifiedandadapted accordingtotheneeds,wishesandideasofthepeopleinvolvedwithit.”104Baer hasalsorealizedthat“throughoutIslamichistoryawqafhavebeenundergoinga perpetualprocessofdismemberment.”105Furthermore,wehavealsoseenwiththe briefexamplefromMarcushowthewaqfurbanpropertyofAleppotendedtobe ratherlessproductivethanprivatelandinthecity.106 Waswafqpropertypositiveornegativefortheprocessofincreasingthedensity oftheurbanenvironment—themedina?Thisisaquestionthatcannotbesimply answered. Certainly, many of the larger (les grandes) waqfs contributed to importantandsignificanturbanconstruction,bothformajorreligiousstructures, suchasmosquesormadrasas,aswellasfortheurbanpropertyendowedforsuch structures—particularlybazaarsandcommercialshops.Whathappenstourban waqfcertainlydiffersfromperiodtoperiod,aswellasvariesfromoneregionor one city to another. In some instances, particularly, when there was a strong, powerful ruler/governor or other such official, waqf might have been an instrument that turned gardens and orchards—and vacant land—into urban structures.Endowedbuildingsthemselvesmighthavebeenlargestructures(and takingupalotofurbanspace),andtheymighthavestimulatedresidentialareas intheirvicinity,aswellashavingsubstantialcommercialproperty(asinbazaars) built to endow them. The examples for Istanbul as analyzed by Inalcik and Kayaalparegoodillustrationsofthispattern.107Hence,wecansaythatthistype ofwaqfwascertainlypromotingthedensityofthemedinainthesesituations. However,aswehaveseen,waqfpropertyinthecitywasoftennotgenerating sufficient—or any—income and was even in decline. We have seen how considerablewaqfurbanpropertywasdilapidatedorinruins,andthatmanyways wereusedtoleasethatlandtoattempttomakeitproductive(orrepaired)—and thatthesedevicesoftenledtothetransformationofwaqfintoprivateproperty.In thesecases,wewouldhavetospeculatethatwaqfpropertyiscausingadeclinein thedensityoftheurbanenvironment.Ontheotherhand,sincewaqfproperty, evenwhendilapidated,isoftentransformedintoprivateproperty—perhapsinthe

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McChesney,WaqfinCentralAsia,317. Werner,AnIranianTowninTransition,97. Baer,“TheDismembermentofAwqafinEarlyNineteenthCenturyJerusalem,”220. Marcus,TheMiddleEastontheEveofModernity. Inalcik,“Istanbul:AnIslamicCity;”Kayaalp,“TheRoleofImperialMosqueComplexes.”

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longrunthewaqfpropertywascontributingtoanincreaseofintensityoflanduse andhencetoanincreaseinthedensityofthebuiltenvironmentofthecity. Inthefinalanalysiswehavetosaythatwaqfmightinsomeinstanceshavebeen promotingtheincreaseofthedensityofthemedina—whileinothercaseswesee thatitwasaninfluentialfactorforthedecreaseinthatdensity.However,whenwe take into consideration the founding of large complexes of buildings and the commercial establishments to support them, with the resulting impact on residentialareas,weprobablywouldleantowardsayingthatwaqfwasindeed contributingtotheexpansionanddensityoftheurbanenvironmentintheearly modern period. Yet, more studies and analyses are needed before we can characterize in more subtle detail these two somewhat rather contradictory influencesofwaqfonthedensityofthebuiltenvironmentofthetraditionalMiddle Eastern/NorthAfricanmedina.

PnarKayaalp (RamapoCollegeofNewJersey)

TheRoleofImperialMosqueComplexes(15431583) intheUrbanizationofÜsküdar

In1543,whenthegroundwasbrokenforMihrümah’smosquecomplex(külliye) inthedistrictofÜsküdar,thecityofIstanbulacrosstheBosphoruswasthemost heavily populated urban center in the European continent, with a population between410,000and520,000.1Thecity’sresidentpopulationhadgrownfivefold to500,000fromtheyearofitsconquestbyMehmedII(1453)totheyearSelimII ascended the throne (1566).2 The great number of civic and religious edifices, private palaces and mansions, ordinary dwellings, and business structures constructedduringthisperiodhadgiventhecapitalcitythecharacteristicsofa truemetropoliswhichevenimpressedChristiantravelersfromasfarawayas northwesternEurope.AsDoanKubanvividlydescribes,mostdwellerslivedin gardened abodes, with Christian and Jewish populations concentrating in Eminönü,Samatya,Kumkap,andFener;thestreetswerelinedwithwoodenstalls andshops,withanoccasionalcoveredmarket(bedesten)orinn(han)builtinbrick

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RobertMantran,translatedbyMehmetAliKlçbayandEnverÖzcan,17.YüzylnÍkinciYarsnda Istanbul:Kurumsal,Íktisadi,ToplumsalTarihDenemesiI(Ankara:TürkTarihKurumuBasmevi, 1990),45.ThepresenceofpermanentembassiesinConstantinoplefromthemidsixteenthcentury onward,alongwiththeirestablishmentinWesterncapitals,showsthatindiplomatictermsthis city was part of Europe, a door in the wall between Islam and Christianity, the ‘seat of the Caliphate’aswellasthe‘systemofEurope.’SeePhilipMansel,Constantinople:CityoftheWorld’s Desire,14531924(NewYork:St.Martin’sGriffin1998),189and415.Iwouldliketoexpressmy gratitudetoAlbrechtClassen,LindaDarling,andMarilynSandidgefortheircriticalreadingof myarticleandtheirmanyvaluablecomments.IwouldalsoliketothankGülruNecipolufor grantingmepermissiontoreproduceimagesfromherTheAgeofSinan:ArchitecturalCultureinthe OttomanEmpire,(London:ReaktionBooks,2005). EnricoGuidoni,“Sinan’sConstructionoftheUrbanPanorama,”EnvironmentalDesign5/6(1987): 2032;here22.HansG.Egliputsthefigureat600,000.SeeHansG.Egli,Sinan:AnInterpretation, (Istanbul:EgeYaynlar,1997),140.

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or stone; hawkers carried their wares on animals of burden; porters, cavalry troops,Janissaries,seamenstrolledinpublicareasandmarkets;theharborwas covered with galleons, galleys, sailboats, and caïques.3 Of the many public structuresdottingthecity,theonesbuiltforcharity(hayratsorvakfs)weregreatly venerated,asevenasmallpublicfountainwithfreshwaterandadrinkingpot wouldbeconstruedasamajoractofmagnanimity,avirtuousdeedthatevoked aheartfeltblessingfromthosewhopartookofitsbounty.4 Atthemidpointofthesixteenthcentury,thetwochoicestdistrictsofthecapital wereIstanbulproper(nefsistanbul)andEyüb.Galata,onthenortheasterntipof the Golden Horn, was virtually a foreign land, populated exclusively by Europeans.AsforÜsküdar,aminorsuburbencircledbymeadowsandvineyards,5 itwaslittlemorethanamilitaryandtradingjunction.MehmedII,SelimI,and SüleymanIhadusedÜsküdarmostlyasagatheringplacefortheirarmiessetting out on campaigns into Anatolia. Üsküdar also served as the unloading site of considerable amounts of goods and people that flowed from the opposite direction,especiallyattheendofvictoriousmilitaryoperations.Assuch,Üsküdar was a halting station, a gateway to the capital, with a minuscule resident populationdwellingmostlyinthevillagesonthehilltoporinthesettlements aroundthejetty.Theformerwerenormallyengagedinhorticultureandthelatter infishingandseamanship.6Yet,fiftyyearslater,Üsküdarmaterializesasavibrant urbancenter,guardedbyapermanentJanissaryregimentandboastingabustling bazaar with myriad shops and warehouses. This previously inconsequential suburbofthecapitalhadprogressedadministrativelyaswell,emergingasafull fledgeddistrict(kaza),underthetutelageofahighrankingjudge(kad),district superintendent(kaymakam),andpolicechief(suba).7Thoughdeprivedofaharbor and at the mercy of capricious northerly and southerly winds, it was closely connectedtoIstanbulbymeansofabriskseatraffic,8movingnotonlyÜsküdar’s

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DoanKuban,Sinan’sArtandSelimiye(Istanbul:TheEconomicandSocialHistoryFoundationof Turkey,1997),22. Kuban,Sinan’sArt,22. StephanYerasimos,“Üsküdr,”EncyclopaediaofIslam,2ndedition(LeidenandLondon:Brill1986 2002),10,924,referringtoa(privy)registerof1498. Mantran,Istanbul,vol.1,82. EvliyaÇelebispecifiesthatthekadofÜsküdarwouldhavetobeahighlylearnedscholarof Muslimlaw,worthyofasalaryoffivehundredakçe,andthekaymakamwouldhavetobechosen fromamong“thehighlynotable(nakbü’lerf).”SeeEvliyaÇelebiSeyahatnamesi1:Istanbul,ed. OrhanSaikGökyay(Istanbul:YapKrediYaynlar,1996),fol.141b. Guidoni,“UrbanPanorama,”23,referringtoRobertMantran’sLaViequotidienneaConstantinople autempsdeSolimanleMagnifiqueetsessuccesseurs,XVIeetXVIIesiecles(Paris:Hachette,1965), remarksthatthecrossingwasprovidedintheseventeenthcenturybysome15,000boats.Actually, Mantran’sdatarefertotheseatrafficbetweenthetwosidesoftheGoldenHornratherthanthe

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urbanresidentsacrosstheBosphorustopayavisitortorunanerrand,butalso people from across the water to partake of the district’s substantial religious, social,commercial,military,andeducationalamenities. WhenEvliyaÇelebi,thefamousseventeenthcenturyOttomantraveler,surveyed Üsküdarahundredyearsaftertheconstructionofthefirstofthethreeimperial vakfs, he described a sprawling urban community accommodating seventy Muslimquarters,elevenGreekandArmenianquarters,andoneJewishquarter. Thetravelerreportsthattheimperialbazaar(esvaksultani)ofÜsküdarcontained 2060shops,11caravansaries,and105hanswith40to50cellsineach.9Evidently, Üsküdar,notwithstandingthebustlingcommercialactivitythattookplaceonits square abutting the jetty, had retained its rural character on the hilltop, as evidencedbyEvliya’strademarkhyperbolethat“‘adedibengrdördbindir . . . ve ‘aded bostn gülistn üç yüzdür ve bunlarn her birinde niçe elvn ükfe ve ezhrat hsl olur kim ryhasndan demin dim muattar olur”10 (therearefourthousandvineyards...andthreehundredrosegardensproducing manythousandsflowersandblossomsofdifferentcolor,fromwhosearomaa person’sbraingetsfragrant).Hegoesontointimatethatthis“ ehri‘azmve bild kad m benderbd Üsküdr”11 (glorious city, the ancient town, and prosperousabodeofÜsküdar)hadbolsteredratherthansheditsmilitarylegacy in that it now contained a permanent Janissary barrack and the offices of the colonelofthelocalcavalrybodies(sipahikethüdayeri)aswellasthechiefsofboth thelocalarmoryandtheartillery(cebecivetopçuihtiyarlar).12Üsküdarhadnot entirely outgrown its old role as the pulsating terminus of the overland route

9

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Bosphorus.SeeMantran,Istanbul,vol.1,71.Still,agoodportionofthistrafficmusthavetaken placebetweenÜsküdarandIstanbulorGalata. Seyahatname, fol. 143a and b. In spite of this claim, Evliya Çelebi lists only three caravan saries—thatofMihrümah,Nurbanu,andKösem(143a).AsforEvliya’sassertionthattherewere 105hansfrequentedbymerchantsandtravelers,helistsonlytwo—NsfPashaandAtPazar (143a).Itisasmallwonderhowthebazaar,squeezedbetweentheMihrümahMosqueandthe jetty,couldaccommodate2060shops.Impervioustosuchconsiderations,Evliyaaccentuatesthe vastnessofthemarketplace,notingthattherewere“eventwotanneriesintwoseparatelocations, a well as a covered Sipahi Mall with two doors on opposite sides,” Seyahatname, fol. 143b. However,consideringthatthismall“lack[ed]abedesten,”Seyahatname,fol.143b,itcouldnotbe avenueofgreatconsequence.Yet,muchofthestatisticsprovidedbyEvliyahasoftenbeentaken byauthorsatfacevalue.SeeAlAyvansarayi,HafzHüseyin,HadikatalCevami,ed.andtrans.into EnglishbyHowardCraneasTheGardenoftheMosques:HafzHüseyinAlAyvansarayî’sGuidetothe MuslimMonumentsofOttomanIstanbul(Leiden:E.J.Brill,2000),forinstance,inwhichCrane, referringtoanothereditionofEvliyaÇelebi,statesthatthereexistednot105,but500hansinthe samemarketplace(489,note3411). Seyahatname,fol.143b. Seyahatname,fol.142b. Seyahatname,fol.141b.

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through Anatolia, either. Evliya’s description of Üsküdar strongly reflects the vestigesofthetransientandheterogeneousspiritoftheoldmilitaryandtrading junctionthatstillhoveredaboveitsurbanizedneighborhoods: Ahl iÜsküdr[çok]frkadr.Birfrkas‘asker tifesinina’ynueraflardirkim güngün akmiei fhire giyerler ve bir frkas babndr ve bir frkas ‘ulem ve sulehdr ve bir frkas fakr u faka kan’at itmi Giysüdr Mehmed Efendi fukarlardrkimhaddedenb rndur.Vebirfrkasketibnvekaykçyndrvebir zümresi esnf tüccrn ehli sanyi’tdr. Bu kavm n libslar iktidrlarna gore kapama ve çuha dolama ve ferce giyerler. Bu halkn ekseri Anadol diyr halk olmalalehçeimahssalarEtrklisndrammehrindehslolançelebilerifeshat ubelgatüzretekellümidüp‘ulemsveu’arsvardr.13 [Üsküdar’spopulationismadeupof(many)classes.Oneclassisthatofthechiefsand notablesofmilitarytroopswearingtheirsplendidraimenteachandeveryday.Other classescomprisetheviticulturists,theulema,thepious,andthemyriaddervishesof GiysüdarMehmedEfendi.Stillanotherclasscomprisessailorsandboatmen,andyet another merchants and artisans. The clothes of these people, depending on their [economic]capacity,canbethecloaksfastenedinfront,broadclothwraparounds,and cloakswornbytheulema.Sincemostofthesepeoplecomefromtheprovincesof Anatolia, their proper dialect is Anatolian Turkish; only the educated gentlemen, havinggrownupinthiscity,conversewithclarityandeloquence.(Yet,)ithas(its own)poetsandmenoflearning.]

OnemayconcludefromtheaboveexcerptthatÜsküdarhadnotonlyshornupits militaryand,byextrapolation,commercialfoundation,butalsosupplemented them with a thick religious and mystical overlay. Indeed, the relatively small districtcametoaccommodateadisproportionatenumberofmosquesanddervish lodgesvisàvisthe largerdistrictsofthe capital.14Hundredsofsufidervishes dwelledinnumerouslodges(tekkesorrbats),performing“sonorousritesatthe end of the Friday prayer, intoxicating the nearby residents with their sweet cadenceandlilt.”15ThetransformationofÜsküdarfromasiteofsporadicarmy movementandtradingactivityintoanurbanhubwithmilitary,commercial,and spiritualovertonesparalleledsubstantialpublicandprivateconstructionactivity. As for the latter, Üsküdar had been chosen by many members of the royal householdandhighrankingofficialsasthesitefortheirsummerpalaces(sarays) and mansions (kasrs). These individuals evidently sought the serenity of Üsküdar’scoastline,excursionspots(mesires),andpromenades(seyrangahs),as 13 14

15

Seyahatname,fol.144a. Specifically,AlAyvansarayilists77mosquesinthedistrict.SeeHadikatalCevami,489537;Evliya Çelebireportsatotalof47ofdervishlodgesinÜsküdar,thelargestbeingtheHalvetitekkeof MahmudEfendi.SeeSeyahatname,fol.142b. Evliya,Seyahatname,fol.142b,addsthattherewere300dervisheslivingintheMahmudEfendi Tekkealone.

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well as the plentitude of the hunting grounds in its hinterland. At the time Nurbanuorderedtheconstructionofhermosquecomplexin1571,fourfamed viziers—SokolluMehmed,Rüstem,KocaMehmed,and emsi—hadalreadybuilt opulentpalacesinthedistrict.16 TheAyazmaPalacewasthefirstOttomanimperialconstructioninÜsküdar,built byMehmedII.ItwasconstructedimmediatelyaftertheconquestofConstantin oplein1453uponthefoundationsoftheScutarion,theancientpalacethatlentits nametothisformersuburbofChalcedon.17Imperialpiousarchitecturealsobegan with Mehmed II, who commissioned the small Fatih Mosque (Mosque of the Conqueror)intheSalacakQuarterinÜsküdar.18Thehonoroferectingthefirst postconquest mosque complex in the suburb, however, is ascribed to Rum MehmedPasha,whobrieflyservedasMehmedII’sgrandvizier(14671470).His mosquecomplex(külliye),abuttingthegardensoftheAyazmaPalace,waserected in1469.19Itcomprisedan“unpretentiouslybuilt...congregationalmosque,[with] adivinityschool(medrese)and,nearbyit,abathhouse(hamam),alargeablution fountain(adrvan),andothernecessities...[aswellas]aquarter(mahalle).”20Four othercongregationalmosqueswerealsoinoperationinÜsküdarinthemiddleof thesixteenthcentury.TheyweretheHamzaFakih/KapudanPasha(14991500),

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Seyahatname,fol.143a.AccordingtoSaiMustafaÇelebi,anapprenticeofSinanandthecompiler ofthearchitect’sworks,SinanbuiltatotaloffivepalacesforSokollu(inKadrga,Ayasofya, HalkalandÜsküdar,allinandaroundIstanbul,andthefifthinBosnia)andthreeforRüstem (two in Istanbul proper and the third in Üsküdar). See Section 11 of Sai Mustafa Çelebi’s, Tezkiretü’lBünyanveTezkiretü’lEbniye inHayatiDeveliandSamihRfat(eds.),YaplarKitab: Tezkiretü’lBünyan ve Tezkiretü’lEbniye (Istanbul: Koçbank, 2002). Incidentally, a number of prominentroyalwomenalsohadpalacesinthisdistrict.Süleyman’sdaughter,Mihrümah,had onebuiltontheshorenearhermosquecomplex,asdidNurbanu,thewifeofSelimIIandmother ofSultanMuradIII.FordetailedinformationonMihrümah’spalace,seeCavidBaysun,“Mihrü Mâh Sultan,” slam Ansiklopedisi: slam Alemi Tarih, Co rafya, Etnografya ve Biyografya Lugat (Istanbul:MilliEitimBasmevi19401994),8,308(hereafterA).AsforNurbanu’ssaray,Evliya ÇelebicitesitinhisenumerationofimportantpalacesinÜsküdar.SeeSeyahatname,fol.141b. Tezkiretü’lEbniyedoesnotlistthispalacewhilenotingSinan’srenovationofNurbanu’spalacein Yenikap.ThismayindicatethatNurbanu’sÜsküdarpalacewaseithernotbuiltbySinanor,more likely, was subsumed within the Atik Valide külliye’s framework. The same inference seems applicabletotheMihrümahPalace,whichalsoisnotlistedinTezkiretü’lEbniye. ThispalacewaslaterrenovatedbySinanforSüleymantheMagnificentattheonsetoftheSultan’s NakhichevancampaignandSüleymanspentthemonthofAugust1555thereuponhisvictorious return. AlAyvansarayi,HadikatalCevami,522. Yerasimosgivesthecompletiondateas876/147172.See“Üsküdr,”924.Thesamedateisalso notedinAlAyvansarayi,HadikatalCevami,498.Goodwinremarksthatthedateofcompletion shouldbe874/1469,asdiscernedbythemosque’schronogram.SeeGodfreyGoodwin,AHistory ofOttomanArchitecture(NewYork:ThamesonHudson,1987),114andnote126. AlAyvansarayi,HadikatalCevami,498.ThekülliyealsocontainedRumMehmedPasha’stürbe.

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Davud Pasha (15051506), Babüssaade Aas (1506), and Taçlar (15481549) mosques.21Eachofthesehousesofworshiphaditsownurbanquarter(mahalle), and contained its endower’s mausoleum (türbe). In addition, four lesser, non congregationalmosques(mescids),werelocatedinÜsküdarproper.Theywere,in thechronologicalorderoftheircompletion,themescidofFatih,mentionedearlier, andthoseofTakiyeci(15371538),Arakiyeci(15431544),andAhmedÇelebi(1567 1568).Agoodnumberoflargeandsmallsufilodges(tekkes),fountains(sebils),and inns(hans)werealsoinoperationinthedistrict.22Asanexample,theexpansive ahKuluTekkewasinsuchgoodrepairthatSüleymantheMagnificenthousedin ittheSafavidenvoyswhoarrivedinÜsküdarinAugust1555attheconclusionof hisNakhichevancampaign.23Similarly,theRüstemPashaFountainbuiltin1545 1546wasfullyfunctioning.24Therewerealsoagreatnumberofmausoleumstürbes inÜsküdar,includingthatoftherevered üca Baba,thefamedcompanionof Battal Gazi, and Asumani Dede, a favorite of Sultan Selim I. Üsküdar’s stride towardurbanizationwashastenedbytheconstructionofthreeimperialkülliyes between1543and1583,allplannedandoverseenbySinan,whoheldtheposition of chief imperial architect from 1539 to1588. He was the spearhead of an architecturalmovementtowardthesea,anditwasthedistrictofÜsküdarinwhich Sinanintroducedthistradition.25Thetrendcontinuedwellintothenineteenth centuryandflourishedespeciallyintheeighteenth,duringwhichperiodmoreand moremosquescametoadornbothsidesoftheBosphorus.26 The first seaside imperial mosque complex built in Üsküdar by Sinan, the Mihrümah,wasalsothefirsttospurthetransformationofthedistrictintoamajor urban community. The Mihrümah Külliye, commissioned by Süleyman the

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TheHamzaFakihMosquewasrebuiltinthe1720’sbyKapudan(GrandAdmiral)KaymakMustafa Pasha,thesoninlawofMaktulbrahimPasha.ItcametobeknowninlatertimesastheKaptan PashaorKaymakMustafaPashaMosque.DavudPashawastheImperialSealKeeper(Nianc) toMehmedIIandBayezidII.Thismosque,dubbedÜsküdarAyasofyas,containedachildren’s school(mekteb).TheBabüssaadeAasMosquewasbuiltbyacertainSüleyman,whoserved BayezidIIinthatcapacity.ThismosqueisalsoreferredtoastheSelmanAghaor,alternatively, theHorhorMosque.AsfortheTaçlarMosque,itwasbuiltbyMehmedAgha,thebinaemini (superintendentofconstructions)oftheMihrümahKülliye.(InformationculledfromHoward Crane’snotesinAlAyvansarayi,HadikatalCevami,3641,3499,3497,and3605,respectively.) Seyahatname,fol.141a144b. TahsinYazc,“Üsküdar,”A13,28. Yazc,“Üsküdar,”13.Manymoreinstancesofpredatingarchitecturalworkscanbeculledfrom smailHakkKonyal,ÜsküdarTarihi,1and2(Istanbul:AhmetSaitMatbaas,1976). TheMihrümah,RüstemPasha,SinanPasha,KlçAliPasha,and emsiPashakülliyeswereallset eitherontheshoresoftheBosphorusorveryclosetoit. nciN.Aslanolu,“SitingofSinan’sKülliyesinIstanbul,”EnvironmentalDesign5.6(1987):192 197;here193.

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Magnificentforhisdaughter,wascompletedintheyear154344.27Mihrümahwas theonlydaughteroftheSultanandHürrem,hislegallyweddedwife.Süleyman commissionedthekülliyewhentheprincesswasinhertwenties,soonafterher husband, Rüstem Pasha, had risen to the rank of grand vizier.28 Sinan was confrontedwithaseverechallengewithrespecttothelocationoftheproject:there wassimplynotenoughroomatthespotwheretheendowerwantedasprawling külliye to be built. How would it be possible for Sinan to position a majestic mosque,a16cellmedrese,an8roomhospice(tabhane),acaravansary,astorehouse (ardiye),andapantry(kiler)inanarrowsitetuckedbetweentheshorelineand steephillsbehind(Figures1and2)?29 Sinanrosetothechallengebyrestingthemosqueonahighplatform(Figure3). Thegrandmosque,aptlydubbedas“skeleCamii(JettyMosque)”becauseofits proximitytotheboatlanding,boastedtwosinglebalconiedminaretsandasolid marbleadrvanwithtwentyspigotssetprominentlyintheelevatedporticothat doubledasthemosque’scourtyard(Figure4).Assuch,Sinanhadtransformeda severetopographicliabilityintoanaestheticallypleasingandfunctionallyeffective asset.ThesettingofMihrümah’smonumentonahighplatformrendereditatonce eminentlyvisibletothoseapproachingthejettyfromafarandeasilyaccessibleto themerchants,shoppers,andsoldiersfillingthesquareimmediatelybelow.30The location of Mihrümah’s monument must have been of great importance to Süleyman,whocommissionedthekülliyeonhisdaughter’sbehalf.Thespacious porticoaccommodatingthemassiveadrvanwouldallowlargenumbersofhis soldierstoperformtheirablutionsandhavesomerestbeforesettingoutonthe longmarchtoAnatolia.Similarly,thetraderswouldusethesquaretounloadand unpacktheirgoodsbeforeapportioningthemforretailersacrosstheBosphorus. Towardtheevening,thetravelersandmerchantswouldpartakeoftheamenities providedbythecaravansaryandtheadjacentstorehouse.Thecaravansarywas

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Partsofthekülliyewerebuiltlater,in1548.SeeGülruNecipolu,TheAgeofSinan,301. Necipolu,AgeofSinan,296. KonyalÜsküdarTarihiI,214.NotethatKonyal,whokeenlyscrutinizedMihrümah’sdeedof endowment(vakfiye),didnotfindarecordofasoupkitchenandcaravansary.Theseamenities wereaddedtothekülliye’sflankssoonafterwards.Necipolureportsonanupdatedversionof thevakfiyedrawnupin1558thatalsolistsanelementaryschool(mekteb),AgeofSinan,302. Accordingly,theMihrümahMosquesetanexamplefortheRüstemPashaMosqueinTahtakale, which Sinan completed in 1557. Each mosque was built on a high platform to afford it high visibilityfromtheshore,theGoldenHornandBosphorus,respectively.Sinceneithermosquehad sufficient room for a courtyard, none had a adrvan erected in its conventional location. MihrümahMosque’sterracewasmorespaciousvisàvisherhusband’s,soSinanaccommodated thehugeadrvanloggiainitsfront.AsforRüstemPasha’smosque,Sinansolvedtheproblemby buildingasmalleradrvanbelowtheeaststairs.Formoredetailonthispoint,refertoNecipolu, AgeofSinan,32131.

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amply equipped to accomplish this task. It flanked both sides of the mosque, boasting,accordingtoEvliyaÇelebi,100cellsfortravelersandroomfor100horses oneachwing.31 The construction of the Mihrümah Külliye initiated the transformation of the districtfromajunctionoftransienttraders,travelers,andsoldiersintoavenueof localmerchantsandresidents.Theelementaryschool(mekteb)andsoupkitchen (imaret),whichwerelateraddedtotheoriginalcollectionofbuildings,affordedto the markets and residential neighborhoods that formed around the külliye a steadier existence. These local people, along with the Janissaries stationed in regularbarracks,wouldhavebecomefrequentbeneficiariesofthereligiousand social services provided by the külliye. The urbanization of Üsküdar had thus started,fromthejettytowardthehills,withMihrümah’skülliyefiguringcentrally inthisprogression. ThesecondimperialmosquecomplexbuiltinÜsküdarwas emsiPasha’s.Itwas completedintheyear15801581,theyearthePashadied.Takenintotheinner imperialpalace(enderun)asaboy, emsiAhmetwasappointedbySüleyman, progressively,aschiefhunterofthecourt(avcba),lieutenantcommanderofpaid cavalry(bölüka as),commanderoflandedcavalry(sipahilera as),governorof Damascus, governorgeneral (beylerbeyi) of Anatolia, and finally of Rumelia.32 emsiPashawasorderedtoretireatthebeginningofSelimII’sreign(15671568), butwasallowedtoretainhishonorarytitleasvizierandservethenewSultanas agentlemaninwaiting(müsahib).EventuallyheendearedhimselftoSelimtosuch extentthattheSultanoftencameasaguesttothefabulouspalace emsibuilton theshoreofÜsküdar.33Lateron,whentheSultanfellill, emsi“presentedthe palaceasagifttoSelim,whosoughttoescapehisdoctors’strictorders”34toquit drinking. Even more intensely favored by Selim’s son, Murad III (15741595), emsiPashaproceededtoconstructakülliyeincorporatingamosque,medrese,and türbeinthesitenexttothepalacethathehadtransferredtoMurad’sfather.35The constructionplotwashighlyvisiblefromacrosstheBosphorus,immediatelytothe northofthejetty“teemingwiththosepassingtoandfromAnatolia.”36ThePasha’s külliyefacedatopographicchallengesimilartoMihrümah’s:thetinybuildingsite wasseverelyconstrainedbythesea.Sinanwasquicktocomeupwitharemedy.

31 32 33 34 35 36

Seyahatname,fol.143a. AlAyvansarayi,HadikatalCevami,496,note3450. Konyal,ÜsküdarTarihi,1,292. Konyal,ÜsküdarTarihiI,292. AlAyvansarayi,HadikatalCevami,497. Necipolu,AgeofSinan,496,quotingMustafaAli,NuruosmaniyeLibrary,Ms.3409,fol.133r.

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Itconsistedofrotatingthemedresearoundthemosque’sKaabaaxis(kble),setting itslongflankparalleltothequayratherthanthemosque(Figures5and6).Thus, Sinan again turned a physical limitation challenging a major architectural undertaking into an aesthetic opportunity. The novel layout plan served to highlightratherthandampenthemosque’spresenceversusthemedrese.Thisfeat ofdesignallowedSinantopermitvisitorstogazeattheseafromthecourtyard throughaseriesofsquareopeningssetateyelevelonthecourtyard’swallsothat visitorscouldcatchaglimpseoftheBosphorusthroughtheopeningsasifthey werelookingatacollectionofseascapes(Figure7). The emsi Pasha Külliye was known to have drawn a great number of people becauseofits“charm”anditsresemblancetoa“decoratedpavilion.”37Evliya Çelebidescribesthemosque’sdomeasa“bubbleonthelipofthesea”andeach ofitsmarblepanelsas“worldilluminatingmirrorsoftheeightparadises.”38 emsi Pashawasconsciousofthejewellikebeautyofhispiousarchitecture,whichhe devoted to “the Community of Lovers” in the hope that the affiliates of that community, “when they pass along this shore, may… remember him with a prayer.”39 The endower’s exhortation evidently took hold, considering Evliya Çelebi’s remark that “bunda dah cümle ‘kn ba’de’l‘asr gelüp yende ve revendekayklartemidüpkesb[ü]heviderler”40[allloverslingerinthis pleasurespotafterthehourofafternoonservicetohaveanairingandtowatchthe caïquescomingandgoingby]. ThedoubleimpactoftheMihrümahand emsiMosqueComplexesgreatlyadded to Üsküdar’s development on the waterfront. The district now boasted two charitablecomplexesaroundwhichtwoseparateneighborhoods(mahalles)began totakeshape. emsiPashahadspeculatedcorrectlythatwhilehismonumentwas locatedintheperipheryratherthaninoneofthepreferredwardsofnefsistanbul, thefledglingkazaofÜsküdarwouldeventuallybecomeachoicedistrict.Infact, emsiPasha’sretorttothosewhoscoffedattherelativestatureofhisintended constructionsitewasthatÜsküdarwasthegatewaytothegloriouscapital,or,as heputit,“awaystationofmankind,aplacewherecountlesspeoplecomewith businessfromthelandsofAnatolia,Damascus,Aleppo,andespeciallyEgyptand Iraq.”41

37 38 39 40 41

Necipolu,AgeofSinan,495496,quotingEvliyaÇelebi,Seyahatname(18961938),1:474. Ibid. AlAyvansarayi,HadikatalCevami,497,citingtheinscriptionson emsiPasha’smosqueandtürbe. Seyahatname,fol.143b. Necipolu,AgeofSinan,494,quotingMustafaAli,Ms.3409,folio133r,NuruosmaniyeLibrary, 2:9798,227.

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ThethirdmosquecomplexbuiltinÜsküdarwastheAtikValide.Itsconstruction beganin1571andtooktwelveyearstocomplete.42Theprojectwascommissioned by Nurbanu, one of the most ambitious female patrons of Ottoman pious architecture.43Herpoliticalcareerbeganasearlyas1542,whenshewaschosenas the favorite (haseki) of the crown prince (ehzade) Selim II, who waited in his provincialgovernorateofManisaforthedaywhenhewouldinheritthethrone. Nurbanu’sconsiderableauthoritywasamplifiedafter1562,whenheryoungson MuradIIIwassingledoutasthenextehzade,andfurtherstill,after1571,whenshe becamethelegalwife(zevce)ofSultanSelimII.In1574,whenMuradIIIinherited thethrone,NurbanuofficiallytookonthetitleofQueenMother(ValideSultan), holdingthehigheststationinthehierarchyoftheimperialharemuntilherdeath in1583. ThesiteNurbanuchoseforherkülliyewasnotalongtheshore,butonthehilltop, affordingsuperlativetopographicfeaturessuchasvisibility,spaciousness,and richfoliage(Figure8).Unliketheprevioustwoimperialkülliyes,Sinanwasnot constrainedbythetopographysincethemonumentwastobebuiltonanempty plotofland.TheprimaryfunctionoftheAtikValideMosqueComplexwasto create a large urban quarter (mahalle) in the hitherto unpopulated hilltop of Üsküdar.Thisintentionisevidencedbythewidearrayofreligious,educational, andsocialfacilitiesincorporatedinthelayoutofthekülliye.Extendingovera200 meter axis, this collection of buildings was designed to sustain the needs of a sizeable urban neighborhood, which immediately formed about the mosque complex.TheAtikValidewasconceivedtosurpassthoseofMihrümahand emsi Pashanotonlyinscale,butalsointhenumberandextentofservicesitwould provide.EvliyaÇelebidescribedtheAtikValideas“öylebüyükhayrattrkitabir olunmaz”44[suchagrandpiousworkthatdefiesdescription],clearlyimpressedby thekülliye’ssprawlinglayout,consistingoftwohugeensembles(Figure9).The firstwasdevotedtothepromotionofsocialandbenevolentservices,incorporating acaravansary,imaret,hospital(darüifa),tabhane,andmekteb.Thesecondwasthe mosque/medrese ensemble devoted to contribute to the religious and spiritual enhancementofthepious.ThisensembleincorporatedaKoranrecitationschool (darülkurra),ahadithschool(darülhadis),andasuficonvent(rbat).

42 43

44

Certainexpansionswerecarriedoutbetweentheyears1584and158586,verymuchlikeinthe caseoftheMihrümah.SeeNecipolu,AgeofSinan,28587. Fordetailedinformationonthepolitical,diplomaticandbuildingcareerofNurbanu,seePinar KayaalpAktan,TheAtikValideMosqueComplex:ATestamentofNurbanu’sPrestige,PowerandPiety, unpublishedPhDDissertation,HarvardUniversity,2005. Seyahatname,fol.142a.

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Eventually,thesitingoftheAtikValideMosqueComplexfulfilleditsintended purpose to create a mahalle in the vastly underpopulated space between the marketplaceontheshoresoftheBosphorusandthehilltop.Üsküdar’sresidents drew upon the külliye’s religious, educational, and social resources, and the meadowssurroundingitsoonturnedintoahaltingstationforcaravanscoming fromorleavingforAnatolia.EvliyaÇelebireportsthattheValidecaravansary accommodatedupwardsof1000horses,notcountingcamels,whichwerehoused inaseparateenclosure.45Alongwiththetwopreviouslybuiltimperialkülliyes, Nurbanu’shugemosquecomplexdeeplyalteredÜsküdar’seconomicandsocial structure.MentionalreadyhasbeenmadeoftheroletheMihrümahKülliyeplayed withrespecttothetransformationofthesquarebetweenthejettyandthehilltop fromavenueofsporadicmovementofsoldiersandtradersintoasettledvenue ofmilitaryandcommercialactivity.Nurbanu’skülliyemadeevendeeperchanges in the urban fabric of the district. It provided extensive services not only to travelers,visitors,merchants,andothertransientspassingthroughthehills,but alsototheresidentswhosettledinthenewmahalle,aswellasthestudentsofits superlativedarülhadisanddarülkurra. Asisgenerallythecase,thephysicalandorganizationalfeaturesofthekülliyesof Mihrümah, emsi Pasha, and Atik Valide were altered by the economic and politicalcontingenciesthatprevailedinfuturecenturies.Inotherwords,asmuch askülliyesaffectedthelivesofallthosewhobenefitedfromitsservices,theywere, inturn,affectedbythosewhomtheysustainedandprovidedfor.AsfortheAtik Valide,iteventuallytookonasuficharacter,astheserene,distanthilltopbecame particularlyamenabletomysticsofvariousorders.46Thekülliye’srbat,sequestered fromthebustleofthecommercialandresidentialspacearound,nourishedmystic spiritualityandenlightenment,permittingthemembersoftheHalvetiorderto practicetheirritesundisturbed.Finally,theAtikValideincreasinglycommitted itselftothesocialmissionofimprovingthelivesoftheresidentcommunitythat formedaroundit,asitcateredmoreandmorekeenlytoeducatingthechildren, treatingthesick,andfeedingthehungryofitsmahalle. Thecharitableprojectsundertakenintheperiod15431583collectivelyculminated in the anchoring of Üsküdar as a permanent component of bilad selase.47 The 45 46

47

Seyahatname,fol.143a. AlAyvansarayi’saccountoftheAtikValideMosqueComplexisindicativeoftheincreasedsufi influencesonthisoutwardlyorthodoxstructure.SheikhAbdülkadiralHüseyni,theheadofthe dervishorderofKadiriye,claimingthathesawtheapparitionofHzr,ontherightsideofthe coveredportico(soncemaatyeri)in1730’shungonitswallahugeinscriptionfullofsufitropesand metaphors.SeeAlAyvansarayi,HadikatalCevami,489490forthefulltext. ThisistheOttomantermforthethreechoicestdistrictsintheEmpire,whichare,inorderof

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külliyes of Mihrümah and Nurbanu especially became two benchmarks for subsequent female members of Ottoman royal family to reach and surpass in charitablemonumentbuilding.Üsküdarwasnowthepreferredlocaleforimperial womenwishingtoanchortheirnamesinperpetuity.TheÇiniliMosqueComplex, locatedneartheAtikValide,wasbuiltin16401641byMahpeykerKösem,widow ofAhmedI(16031617)andmotheroftheSultansMuradIV(r.16231640)and IbrahimI(r.16401648).48Inthecenturythatfollowed,twoSultanswhowished toelevatethenamesoftheirmotherstothatofMihrümah,Nurbanu,andKösem commissionedmosquestobebuiltinÜsküdarintheirvalides’names:AhmedIII (r.17031730)builttheYeni(New)ValideSultanmosqueinthenameofhismother, GülnüEmetullah,andMustafaIII(r.17571774)builttheAyazmamosqueforhis valide,MihriahEmine.49 Tosumup,thethreeimperialmosquecomplexeslaidthefoundationforaseries ofneighborhoodsthatsprangupinÜsküdar.Thesekülliyesreachedandtouched thelivesofallwhopartookofOttomanimperialbeneficence—thelocalworshipers whofilledtheprayerhallsofthemosques,theneedywhofrequentedthesoup kitchens,theinfirmorelderlyseekingsolaceintheirhospitalwards,thedisciples whopursuedwisdom,nottomentionasteadyincomeoncetheygraduatedfrom their medreses, the dervishes who searched for spiritual enlightenment in the convents,thetravelerslookingforaroomandawarmmealinthetabhanes,and thetheyouthswholearnedtheiralphabetinthemektebs.Inaddition,numerous employeeswhodrewtheirsalariesfromtheendowmentsofthesekülliyes’owed theirlivelihoodstothesepiousinstitutions.Newquartersspranguparoundthese religiousandsocialinstitutionsastheoldonesexpanded;hence,largerandlarger numbersofresidentsbenefitedfromtheservicesprovidedbythesekülliyes.Thus, thebuildingofthesecharitablemonumentsinthemidsixteenthcenturymarked the beginning of Üsküdar’s transformation into a choice urban district of the Ottomancapital. CharitablebuildingactivitylargelycontributedtotheurbanizationofOttoman provinces.VakfserectedintheBalkansgavenewlyacquiredregionsthetypical characteristicsofanIslamiccommunity.50Vakfsabundantlyraisedthroughoutthe Muslimregions,alternatively,projectedthepersonalaspirationsandaffirmations

48

49 50

importance:Istanbul,EyüpandÜsküdar. TheÇiniliKülliyeisbestknownforitslargeadrvanunderaflamboyanthoodroofandthefine blue and gray tiles lining the interior walls of its small mosque. See Goodwin, Ottoman Architecture,351. Goodwin,OttomanArchitecture,125,160,and387. SeeRandiDeguilhem,ed.,LeWaqfdansl’espaceIslamiqueoutildepovoirsociopolitique(Damascus: InstitutfrançaisdeDamas,1995).

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of their sponsors in the eyes of their coreligionists. In either case, vakfs substantiallycontributedtoOttomancities’socioeconomicinfrastructure,and imperial külliyes figured centrally in this effort. Indeed, these multipurpose facilitiesservedmanysegmentsofthelocalbeneficiaries(theneedy,thepious,the scholarly)aswellasthetransitoryones(thetraveling,thetrading,thepreaching), manyofthelattertakingrootinthenewlydeveloped communityaroundthe mosque,imaret,medrese,hospital,caravansary,mekteb,andhanbearingthename ofanimperialbenefactor.

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Figure1:AxonometricprojectionoftheMihrümahSultanMosqueComplex. Üsküdar.Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,300,F.280

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Figure2:PlanoftheMihrümahSultanMosqueComplex.Üsküdar:1.mosque; 2.medrese;3.elementaryschool;4.mausoleumofCigalizadeSinanPasha(d. 1605);5.mausoleumofEdhemPasha(1892–1893);6.cemeterygarden.Source: Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,299,F.279

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Figure3:MihrümahSultanMosqueComplexinÜsküdarfromthesouth. Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,302,F.283

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Figure4:MihrümahSultanMosqueComplex,Üsküdar,doubleporticowith projectingablutionfountain.Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,302,F.282

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Figure5:Axonometricprojectionofthe emsiPashaMosqueComplex, Üsküdar.Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,403,F.518

TheUrbanizationofÜsküdar

Figure6:Planofthe emsiPashaMosqueComplex,Üsküdar.Source: Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,493,F.517

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Figure7:Arialviewofthe emsiPashaMosqueComplex,Üsküdar.Source: Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,495,F.520

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Figure8:LouisFrancoisCassas,SketchoftheAtikValideMosqueComplex, Üsküdar(‘EsckiValidé,viellemèreàScutari’),ca.1786,pencilonpaper. Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,289,F.268

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Figure9:PlanoftheAtikValideMosqueComplex,Üsküdar,witha hypotheticalreconstructionofitshospicecaravansaryhospitalblock:1. mosque;2.medrese;3.Suficonvent;4.elementaryschool;5.Hadithschool;6. fountainofHasanÇavu;7.vestibule;8.doublecaravansarywithstables;9. hospicekitchens;10.guestrooms;11.hospital;12.doublebath.Source: Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,282,F.261

MarthaMoffittPeacock (BrighamYoungUniversity,Provo,Utah)

EarlyModernDutchWomenintheCity:TheImagingof EconomicAgencyandPower

Most discussions of Netherlandish women and the urban environment would haveusbelievethattheseearlymodernwomenwererestrictedtothehomeand wouldnothavedaredventureforthintothe“dangerous”streetsofthecity.Such arguments employ popular moralists of the day and their Biblicallyoriented admonitionsdirectedatwomentoleavetheoutsideworldtotheirhusbandsand toremainhumblysituatedathomefulfillingappropriatelyordainedhousehold tasks.  In support of this hypothesis, scholars refer to the numerous domestic scenescreatedduringthiseraasevidenceofthesuccessofthistypeofmoralizing propaganda.Thisapproachcontendsthatthepurposeofdomesticimageswasto encourage the moral behavior of women in fulfilling prescribed female roles. Consequently,suchinterpretationshavealsobeenlinkedtofeministclaimsthat Dutchgenreimageryprimarilyattemptedtoinculcateattitudesofmodestyand deferenceinwomen.Thus,Dutcharthasbeenaccusedofaidingapatriarchal agenda to keep women in positions of low status and minimal power in this seventeenthcenturyculture.Thisstance,thoughprevalent,haslargelyneglected thenumerousimagesofDutchcityscapes,markets,andcommercialenterprises that consistently portray women out in the urban environment where they participateintheeconomicactivitiesofthecity.Suchimagesofpubliccommerce frequentlyemphasizetheeconomicsignificanceofwomenascapableproducers and merchants as well as shrewd consumers. In this article, I contend that an alternateapproachtoexaminingimagesofseventeenthcenturyDutchwomenwill yieldanewandmeaningfulunderstandingofcontemporaryattitudesregarding femalerolesinthecity.Specifically,ananalysisofimagesofcommercefroma livedfemaleperspectivewillrevealtheempoweringaspectsoftheseworksfor contemporarywomeninthepublicurbandomain.

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PatriarchyinDutchArt Themoralizing,patriarchalapproachtoDutchgenreimagerywasgivenastrong foundationinthe1960sasEddydeJonghbegantoassociateseventeenthcentury domesticsceneswithillustratedtexts,suchasthosebythepopularmoralist,Jacob Cats.1Ininterpretinghouseholdscenes,deJonghemployedCats’sadvicetowomen toremainsituatedathomefulfillingdomesticduties,whileadmonishinghusbands togooutonthecitystreetstoconductbusiness: Demanmoetopdestraetomsijnenhandelgaen; Hetwijfmoetinhethuysdekeuckengadeslaen. Menvinteenseldsaemlant,daerslechtsalleendewijven Oockmethetbuytevolckdengantschenhandeldrijven; Demandiebroeytinhuys,enmoeythemmethetkint, Demanletofdemeyteenprighgarenspint Daerzijnoockvleckenselfsinonsekustgelegen, Daervrouwenhandeldoenengrootesaeckenplegen; Jaereysenoveral,terwijledatdeman Sitledigh,sitentroestontrenteenvollekan.2 [Thehusbandmustconducthisbusinessinthestreet, Thewifemustlookafterthekitchenofthehouse. Onefindsacountrystrange, Whereonlywomenconductbusinesswithpeopleoutside. Thehusbandbroodsinthehouseandbusieshimselfwiththechild. Thehusbandmakessurethemaidisspinninguniformthreads.There arealsoblotsevenhereonourshores, Wherewomendobusinessandcarryoutgreataffairs. Yes,travelingalloverwhilethehusbandsitsidle, Sitsandconsoleshimselfwithafulljug.]

It is important to realize, however, that stereotypical directives for women to remainindoorsandawayfromthecontaminationanddangersofthestreetwere certainlynotnewwiththeDutchmoralists.Theyweresimplyrepeatingcenturies oldpatriarchaltropesusedinmostwesternEuropeancultures.Assuchadvice

1

2

Forearlyexamplesofthisiconologicalmethod,seeEddydeJongh,ZinneenMinnebeeldeninde SchilderkunstvandeZeventiendeEeuw(Amsterdam:NederlandsStichtingOpenbaarKunstbezit, 1967).ForlaterworksinfluencedbydeJongh’smethodsseeTotLeringenVermaak.Betekenissenvan HollandseGenrevoorstellingenuitdeZeventiendeEeuw(Amsterdam:Rijksmuseum,1976);andPeter Sutton et. al., Masters of SeventeenthCentury Dutch Genre Painting (Philadelphia: Philadelphia MuseumofArt,1984). JacobCats,DichterlijkeWerkenvanJacobCats,ed.PieterGerardusWitsenGeysbeek(Amsterdam: GebroederDiederichs,1828),1:288.

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was not singular to seventeenthcentury Dutch society, its use as the primary interpretivetoolfortheirartisproblematic. Inspiteofthis,thepublicationoftwotextsinthe1990’shelpedcementthis moralizing paradigm for Dutch domestic imagery. Sylvia JakelScheglmann arguedthatdomesticimagesstemmedfromreligioussubjectsrelatingprimarily totheHolyFamily,thusgivingtheserolesforwomendivinelyordainedsanction. ContemporarytextswerealsoemployedbyJakelScheglmanntoprovideevidence ofattitudesregardingthevirtueofandcompulsionforwomenindomesticroles.3 ThepublicationofWayneFranits’sParagonsofVirtuefurtherelaboratedonthe connectionbetweenfemaleimageryandtheadviceof“fatherCats.”Toemphasize thisconnection,headoptedthefemalelifestagesdivisionsfoundinCats’text Houwelyck[Marriage]tosimilarly organizetheseimagesandtheirpurportedly visualadmonitionstowomen.4Healsoemphasizedthatwomenwererequiredto stayathomeandtonotventureoutontothestreets.Thecontinueddevelopment ofthisattitudetowardstheinsulationofwomenwithinthehomewasdiscussed intwotextsinitiatedbyArthurWheelockandpublishedin2000:theexhibition catalog,ThePublicandthePrivateintheAgeofVermeer,andananthologyofpapers presentedata1993symposiumentitledThePublicandPrivateinDutchCultureof the Golden Age.5 Once again, in both texts, the moralizing directives of Dutch domesticimagerywerestressedastheyrelatedtotheprescribedprivaterolesfor womeninthissociety.Anotherexhibitioncatalog,ArtandHome:DutchInteriors in the Age of Rembrandt organized by Mariët Westermann in 2001 primarily consideredthedomesticinDutchartandculture.Onceagain,thecatalogreviews themoralizinginjunctionsregardingthehomeasbeingparticularlyappointedto womenwithastrictdemarcationfromtheperilousoutsideworldinhabitedby men.6In2002,MarthaHollander’stextAnEntrancefortheEyes:SpaceandMeaning inSeventeenthCenturyDutchArtalsolaysoutthedivisionbetweenpublicand privatespace,reiteratingthemoralrestrictionsonwomentoremainathomewhile menwentoutintothepublicstreets.Althoughsheiswillingtoallowthatthe publicandprivatespheresarelinkedinpurpose,namelythatthefamilialorder inthehomereflectedthegreatersocialorderoftheurbanenvironment,shestill

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Sylvia JakelScheglmann, Zum Lobe der Frauen: Untersuchungen zum Bild der Frau in der niederländischenGenremalereides17.Jahrhunderts(Munich:Scaneg,1994). WayneFranits,ParagonsofVirtue:WomenandDomesticityinSeventeenthCenturyDutchArt(New York:Cambridge,1993). The Public and Private in Dutch Culture of the Golden Age, ed. Arthur K. Wheelock (London: AssociatedUniversityPresses,2000);ArthurK.Wheelocket.al.,ThePublicandthePrivateinthe AgeofVermeer(London:P.Wilson,2000). MariëtWestermannet.al.,Art&Home:DutchInteriorsintheAgeofRembrandt(Zwolle:Waanders Publishers,2001).

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ascribesmoraldangertotheoutsideworldwhich,ifallowedtopenetrateintothe domestic,mightcontaminatethevirtueofthewomanandthehomeenvironment.7 Because this moralizing and malecentered perspective on Dutch art has prevailed,discussionsoffemaleimageryaretypicallycenteredonthepatriarchal attitudesofmentowardwomen.Womeninartareviewedasmerepuppetsatthe whimofmisogynistagendas,leadingtotheassertionthatdomesticscenes“donot portray women’s self image.”8 Franits, for example, employs an image of a Lacemaker by Caspar Netscher, 1662, as a primary example of this type of moralizingpropaganda,inthatthewomanmodestlyturnsawayfromtheviewer whileconcentratingonhervirtuousdomestictask(Figure1).Anotherobjectof appropriatefemalelabor,thebroom,liesnearby.Heassertsthathershoesare removedtoindicatethatsheneverleavesthehome,butremainsindoorsfulfilling herassignedrole.9Inthisway,mostscholarlyopinionregardingDutchwomen suffersfromadebilitatingpatriarchalviewpointthatallowswomenlittlepower orfreedomwithinthepublicspaceoftheurbanenvironment. If, however, one attempts to understand this painting from a seventeenth centuryfemaleperspective,ratherthanaCatsianone,analteredviewemerges. Forinstance,itisimportanttonotethatthecompositionofthispaintingdidstem fromafemaleperspective,thatoftheartistGeertruydtRoghman,ca.1650(Figure 2).HerSpinnerwasonesceneinaseriesshecompletedthatstressedindividual womenintentlyinvolvedinvariouspursuits.Allofthesewomenareselfpossessed subjects,whoseavertedgazessuggestthattheydonotworkfortheapprovalofmale spectators.Instead,thebackandprofileviewsallowthesewomentogoabouttheir consequentialdailyworkwithoutbecomingpatriarchalsymbolsorallegories.Asthe womandirectsherconcentratedattentiontowardherworkinbothoftheseimages, the viewers gaze follows. Thus, this gaze gives visibility, and thereby economic importance,totheworkperformed.Forthosewomenfamiliarwiththeparticular skill,itwasamatterofcommonexperience,therebygivingattentionandassigning significancetothefemaleviewersworkaswell.10Women’swork,suchasproducing textiles,wasnotaninsignificantfinancialcontributiontotheDutcheconomy.Insome cases,thesewomenwereabletoworkoutsidetheregulationsoftheguild,while

7

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9 10

MarthaHollander,AnEntrancefortheEyes:SpaceandMeaninginSeventeenthCenturyDutchArt (Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2002). RudolfDekker,“GettingtotheSource.WomenintheMedievalandEarlyModernNetherlands,” JournalofWomen’sHistory10(1998):165–88;176. Franits,Paragons,76–80. ForfurtherdiscussionofthisimportantprintseriesseeMarthaMoffittPeacock,“Domesticityin the Public Sphere,” Saints, Sinners, and Sisters. Gender and Northern Art in Medieval and Early ModernEurope,ed.JaneCarrollandAlisonStewart(Burlington:Ashgate,2003),44–68;andeadem, “Geertruydt Roghman and the Female Perspective in SeventeenthCentury Dutch Genre Imagery,”WomansArtJournal14.2(1993–1994):3–10.

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others formed their own subdivision of male guilds. Indeed, what the woman producedinthehomeoftensignificantlycontributedtothefamilyeconomy.Itis thereforeimportanttorecognizethatevendomesticlaborhaditspubliceconomic corollary.11

WomenandTextileProduction A realization of female economic significance in relation to textile production is witnessedinananonymousNetherlandishallegoricalpaintingfromthefirsthalfof the seventeenth century entitled the Struggle for Daily Bread, where women with distaffscompetewithmenwieldingthetoolsofblacksmiths,fishermen,soldiers, cobblers,tailors,bakers,etc.fortheirportionofeconomicprosperity,symbolizedby breadinalargesack(Figure3). Furthermore, during the economic growth of the seventeenth century, greater numbersofwomenbegantoparticipatemorepubliclyinthetextileindustryasguild members.Indeed,researchindicatesthatduringtheseventeenthcenturytherewere noformalprohibitionstowomenjoiningguildsandthusworkinginprofessions.12 Women’sparticipationinindustrywasparticularlysignificantinthecaseofLeiden, acitywhichbecametheworld’slargesttextileproducerduringthefirsthalfofthe seventeenthcentury.Furthermore,historianshavebegunobservingthatthelarge economic boom of the Dutch golden age was greatly enhanced by the labor contribution of women.13 Reciprocally, it has been noted that women were significantlyaidedeconomicallyandintermsofjobopportunitiesbythisprosperity.14 Thus,thenumberofwomenworkinginpublicmills,suchastheLeidenLakenhal, significantlyincreasedduringthisera.Indeed,IsaacClaeszvanSwanenburgh’sturn oftheseventeenthcenturypaintingofLeidenspinnersandweaversrelatesdirectly totheseactualhistoricaldevelopments,astheartistmonumentalizesandidealizes these strong female workers, thereby assigning value to their rigorous industry (Figure 4). Thus, the women approach an equality with the male textile workers

11

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13

14

Bibi Sara Panhuysen, Maatwerk: Kleermakers, Naaisters, Oudkleerkopers en de gilden (1500–1800) (Utrecht:UniversityofUtrecht,2000). AriadneSchmidt,“GildenendeToegangvanVrouwentotdeArbeidsmarktinHollandinde VroegmoderneTijd,”DeZeventiendeEeuw23.2(2007):160–78. LeoNoordegraffandJanLuitenvanZanden.“EarlyModernEconomicGrowthandtheStandard ofLiving:DidLaborBenefitfromHollandsGoldenAge?,”AMiracleMirrored:theDutchRepublic inEuropeanPerspective,ed.C.A.DavidsandJanLucassen(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press,1995),410–37;426. Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, “Segmentation in the PreIndustrial Labor Market: Womens WorkintheDutchTextileIndustry,1581–1810,”InternationalReviewofSocialHistory51.2(2006): 189–216.

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representedinanothervanSwanenburgpainting.Moreover,thepaintingsituatesthe womenlookingoutoveracityscapethatmakesthemverymuchpartofthepublic economic sphere, where other women mingle in the crowd as customers and merchants.

TheMarketplace As a point of fact, women are consistently presented conducting business in seventeenthcenturypaintingsofDutchcityscapes—whethertheycarryshopping bucketsorbasketsastheygotomarketorwhethertheyareshownsellingandcarting goods within the marketplace. Most commentators on Dutch female imagery, however,ignorescenesofwomenintheurbanmarketplace,withtheexceptionof Elizabeth Honig.15 In an attempt to reconcile these images with predominating scholarship,shesuggeststhatsuchlicensewasonlyallowedtowomenbecausethe marketwasseenasanextensionofthedomesticrealm.Otherwise,sheagreesthatthe public domain would have been viewed as an inappropriate and perilous environmentforwomen.Sheparticularlyillustratesherargumentwithafewmarket imagesinwhichmalepoultrysellersofferbirdstowomen.Theeroticinnuendoof suchscenesstemsfromaplayonthewordvogelorbird,astheverbvogelenwasa crudeeuphemismforsexualintercourse.16Thus,forHonig,allmarketscenesdisplay asortoftensionbetweenthewomanbeingoutinthepublicspherewhereshewas notallowed,butwhereshealsoneededtoattendtohershoppinginordertofulfill herdulyassigneddomestictaskofcaringforthehousehold.Sheasserts,therefore, thatmarketscenesgenerallyconveyasenseofthewomanondisplay,asifsheisone of the goods for sell to a male audience. In her opinion, it makes no difference whetherthemarketscenescontainmenoranysexuallysymbolicmetaphors—justthe merepresenceofwomenintheurbanpublicsphereintheseventeenthcenturywas problematicenoughtoputthemunderthreatofbeingassociatedwithprostitutes whowereconsistentlycoupledwiththestreets. Thepointofthepresentarticleisnottoinsistthatallsuchreadings ofmarket imageryarewrongorimpossible;insteadIwouldliketosuggestthattherewere alternativestothesepatriarchal,Calvinist,lustfulormisogynistgazes.17Indeed,art

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ElizabethAliceHonig,“DesireandDomesticEconomy,”ArtBulletin83.2(June2001):294–315. EddydeJongh,“EroticainVogelperspectief:Dedubbelzinnigheidvaneenreeks17deeeuwse Genrevoorstellingen,”Simiolus3.1(1968–1969):22–74. AttemptstotheorizethegazebeganwithLauraMulvey’srecognitionin1975oftwoseparate fieldsofvisionthatwerecenteredongenderandbasedonFreudiananalysisin“VisualPleasure and Narrative Cinema,” Screen 16 (1975): 6–18. Mulvey’s essentialist view asserted that the determinizingactive,ormalegaze,asopposedtothepassive,femalegaze,shapedtheviewofthe female figure according to male sexual fantasy. In an attempt to escape such biological

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historical studies on the Dutch golden age have become mired in these male perspectives. What did these market scenes mean for women? Important to this questionisthefactthat,duringthecourseoftheseventeenthcentury,aremarkable feminizationofthemarketscenetranspired.18Inthesixteenthcentury,Netherlandish marketscenesdisplayedmalesandfemalesinabundance,butincreasinglyduringthe seventeenthcenturythisgavewaytoaconcentrationonfemalemerchantsandfemale consumers,asisseenintheVegetableMarketpaintingbyHendrickMartenszSorgh, c.1662(Figure5).Itisimportanttoquestionwhythiswasthecase.First,asHonig rightlyasserts,itwouldseemthatthepracticeofconsumingwasprogressivelymore associatedwithwomen.Catsandothermoralistsevenadvocatedrelinquishingthe financesofthehometowivesforprudentpurchasing.19Sowemaytheorizethatthe feminization of the market scene had something to do with this space being designatedasafemaledomaininreality.Thiswouldcertainlyexplaintheemphasis onfemalecustomers,butwhataboutthefemaletraders?Whydidtheyalsobecome thestandardintheseimageswhenclearlytherewerenumerousmalemerchantsin the seventeenth century? Firstly, it must have assuaged the sexual or dangerous implicationsthatmighthavebeenotherwiseabsorbedfromtheimages.Theabsence ofamalegazewithinthepaintingexcludesalicentiousinterpretation,unlessitis projectedontothepaintingbythemaleviewer.Secondly,asIwilldiscussbelow, recent research suggests that there were many more women in business in the seventeenthcenturyDutchRepublicthanhasbeenpreviouslyrecognized.Thus,the actualvisibilityofwomenintheurbanpublicspherecontradictstoacertainextent boththemoralizingandlustfulinterpretationsassertedbycontemporarywriters andmodernscholarship. Inlightofsuchevidence,itisessentialtoconsidermarketpaintingswithinthe context of lived experience. This is not to suggest that the images are exact duplications of real events, but that they relateȱ to the actual lives of female producersandconsumersinthisculture.LindaStoneFerrierhasalreadyseta precedent for this type of methodological practice in her research on market scenes.20Sheassertsthe“real”characterofGabrielMetsu’sVegetableMarketat

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determinism,GriseldaPollocklocatedthegazehistorically,emphasizingsocietalandcultural influences as determinants of separate, gendered gazes in Vision and Difference. Femininity, FeminismandtheHistoriesofArt,London,1988. Honigdiscussesthisandpossiblereasonsforitin“Desire.” DonaldHaksdrawsupontheadviceofseveralseventeenthcenturymoralistswhendiscussing thisadmonitioninHuwelijkenGezininHollandinde17deen18deeeuw(Assen:VanGorcum’s HistorischeBibliotheek,1982),including:JacobCats,AlledeWercken(AmsterdamandTheHague 1726); G. Udemans, Practycke, dat is werckelijcke oeffeningen van de Christelycke hooftdeughtden…(Dordrecht, 1640); P. Wittewrongel, Oeconomia christiana ofte christelicke huyhoudinghe...(Amsterdam,1661). LindaStoneFerrier,“GabrielMetsu’sVegetableMarketatAmsterdam:SeventeenthCentury DutchMarketPaintingsandHorticulture,”ArtBulletin71.3(September1989):428–52.

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Amsterdam(ca.1661–1662)byfirstlocatingandassociatingthepicturedmarket withapreciseoneonastreetnearMetsu’shome.Thus,itmusthavebeenamarket spacethatheencounteredregularly.Second,shedemonstratesthatthedepicted produce found in these scenes relates to the actuality of Dutch horticultural interests,whichhadgainedinternationalacclaimduringtheseventeenthcentury. Thus, she asserts that the images symbolized the reality of Dutch civic pride. Similarly,Iwouldsuggestthatthepurposesandunderstandingsofmarketscenes canbeexpandedwhenconsideringtheactualityofseventeenthcenturyDutch lives,butfromadifferentperspective—thatofwomen.

EarlyDevelopments As will be seen, the social and legal situation in the Dutch Republic greatly facilitatedwomentoengageinbusinesspursuits.Duringearliercenturiesinthe Netherlands,however,womenhadalreadybeguntointerjectthemselvesintothe maledomain.21Theybegantobeeducatedandbecameincreasinglyinvolvedin thepublic,professionalworld,engagingintradeandtherunningofbusinesses.22 Thiswasparticularlytrueinthearenaofsecondhanddealers,wherealmostall membersoftheprofessionwerewomenbeforeandintotheseventeenthcentury.23 Consequently,asearlyasthesixteenthcenturyinAntwerp,anewcategoryof paintingdevelopedinvolvingfemalefigures,themarketscene.TheartistsPieter Aertsen and Joachim Beuckelaer first started including market views with subsidiaryBiblicalscenes,suchasthethemesofEcceHomoorChristintheHouse of Mary and Martha. At times, however, market women became justification enoughinthemselvesassubjectmatter,andtheirappearancewasoftencompetent andformidable,asinapaintingbyBeuckelaerintheKunsthistorischesMuseum, Vienna, 1561. Not surprisingly the remarks of travelers to the Netherlands correspond rather directly to these images in paint. Shocked foreigners often recordedthefrequencyofwomenparticipatinginthepubliceconomicsphere. Theynotewitheitherdismayoradmirationtheirencounterswithoverbearingor intelligentfemalemerchants.

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HermanPleij,“Wiewordterbangvoorhetbozewijf,”DeRevisor4.6(1977):41–42. ForfurtherinformationonNetherlandishwomeninthemarketplaceduringthelatemedievalera, seeShennanHutton’scontributiontothisvolume. IsabellavanEeghen,“HaesParadijsendeUitdraagsters,”JaarboekvoorVrouwengeschiedenis8 (1987):125–33.

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As early as in 1517, Antonio de Beatis, secretary to the Cardinal of Aragon, commentedontheskillofNetherlandishwomeninbusiness: The inns are very well kept and the women that manage them are so capable in keepingtheaccountsanddoingall.Thesamegoesforthebuyingintheplacesforthe saleofmerchandise.Inthepublicexerciseoftrade,thewomenareaswellemployed asthemen.24

JuanLuisVives,aSpanishscholarintheNetherlandsfrom1512on,alsonotesthe participationofwomenintrade.Eventhoughheisknownforhisencouraging viewsregardingwomenandeducation,hecondemnsDutchwomenfortaking overthehusband’srightfulpositionasbreadwinner: InHollande,womendoexercisemerchandiseandthemendogeuethemseluesto quaffing,thewhichcustomesandmanersIalowenot,fortheiagrenotwithnature, yewhichhathgeuenuntomananoble,ahigh&adiligentmindetobebusyeand occupiedabroade,togayne&tobringhometotheirviues&familiestorulethemand theirchildren,...andtoyewomannaturehathgeuenafeareful,acouetous&an humblemindtobesubjectuntoman,&tokepeythedoethgayne.25

TheItaliantravelerGuicciardini,writinginthesixteenthcentury,alsoreluctantly admitstothegreatskillofDutchwomeninbusiness: ThewomenofHollandareveriefaire,wise,paynfull,andsopracticedinaffairesof theworld,thattheyoccupietheselvesinmostpartofmensexercises,especiallyin marchandize.26

TheSeventeenthCentury:DutchWomenandTrade Duringtheseventeenthcentury,imagesofthemarketplacebecameevenmore descriptive and less tied to a religious or moralizing tradition, as in prints of specificAmsterdammarketsbyClaesJansz.VisscherandJanvandeVelde,1616 (Figure 6). As a matter of fact, several market scenes during the century are depictedinrecognizableurbanlocations.EmanueldeWitte’spaintingoftheOld FishMarketontheDam,c.1650,inAmsterdamisonesuchexample(Figure7).

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DonAntoniodeBeatis,VoyageduCardinalD’Aragon:enAllemagne,Hollande,Belgique,Franceet Italie(1517–1518),ed.MadeleineHavarddelaMontagne(Paris:LibrarieAcademiquePerrin, 1913),122–23. VivesistranslatedandquotedinAliceCarter,WorkingLifeofWomenintheSeventeenthCentury (London:RoutlegdeandKeganPaul,1982),37. LudovicoGuicciardini,TheDescriptionoftheLowCountreys(Norwood:WalterJ.Johnson,1976), 71.

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Thesescenesaboundwithwomenintentonbuyingandsellinginsurroundings thatwouldhavebeenfamiliartothefemaleviewer. Another aspect of seventeenthcentury images of trade is the cooperative practicesbetweenhusbandsandwives,asinthisSybrandvanBeestpaintingof apigmarket,c.1650,wherehusbandsandwivesofvariousclassesbothselland buytogether(Figure8).CornelisBeelt’smidcenturypaintingofaweaveralso demonstratescooperationbetweenhusbandsandwives,asthewomanassiststhe manathisloomwhileanotherwomanspinsnearby(Figure9).Thatthiswasareal andnotsimplyaconstructedaspectofDutchcultureseemsapparentinportraits suchasoneattributedtoQuirijnGerritsz.vanBrekelenkamofanapothecaryin his shop with his wife seated sewing behind the counter (Figure 10). The workspaces of husbands and wives were much more intertwined in the seventeenth century, and it has been noted that many women appear to have taken up secondary professions related to their husbands’ work.27 This was particularly the case in Amsterdam, where shopkeeping became the most significantwayinwhichwomencontributedtothefamilyeconomy.Nevertheless, economic historians conclude that throughout the Republic, “women were an independentpresenceintheeconomiclife.”28Anotherexampleofthecooperative businesscoupleisseeninJanSteen’sportraitofthebakerArendOostwaertand hiswifeCatharinaKeyzerswaert,ca.1658(Figure11).Ofimportanceinthisregard isthedevelopmentofthenuclearfamilyinrelationtothenewDutchmiddleclass. Ithasbeenassertedthatthischangemadethewomanmoreofanequal,rather thanasubordinate,partnerinmarriage.Anincreasedemphasisonmaintaining a harmonious and orderly family life was incompatible with a husband’s tyrannizing over his wife. It is evident that many women assisted in their husbands’tradesortookoverforthemwhiletheyweregonefromhome,which wasfrequentlythecaseinthisoverseasmerchanteconomy.29 Also,ithasbeensuggestedthatachangeinthemarriagepatternduringthese yearscontributedtoamoreindependentspiritamongwomen.Whilewomenhad previously entered marriage in their early twenties, they were increasingly delayingmarriageuntilalaterage(latetwenties).Inrelationtothis,manywomen weregoingintoservicebeforemarriage,thusputtingmanyyoung,unwedwomen in the marketplace.30 This may be related to the frequency of imaging young women in trade and service, such as the many midcentury milk maidȱ and

27 28 29 30

DeVriesandvanderWoude,ModernEconomy,599–603. Ibid.,600. Ibid.,602. J.Hajnal,“EuropeanMarriagePatternsinPerspective,”PopulationinHistory:EssaysinHistorical Demography,eds.D.V.GlassandD.E.C.Eversley(London:EdwardArnoldPublishers,1965), 101–41.

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vegetable seller paintings of Nicolaes Maes and Reinier Covijn (Figure 12). In anotherchangefromthepast,whenthesewomenfinallydidmarry,theyoften married men their same age or even younger. Certainly then, women were enteringmarriagewithagreaterdegreeofindependenceandwereprobablyin moreequalpositionsofauthoritywiththeiryoungspouses.31 Furthermore,historianshavedemonstratedthatwomenintheDutchRepublic enjoyedmorerightsthanwomenelsewhereinEurope.Importantly,becausethey hadtherighttomakecommercialcontracts,theycould moreeasilyengagein business.Dutchwivesalsohadtherighttoinheritproperty,andtheycouldown propertywhiletheirhusbandswerealive.Andwhenthehusband’sbadjudgment inbusinessmattersthreatenedtobringthefamilytoruin,thewifecouldappeal tothelaw.32Inaddition,sociologicalhistorianAdvanderWoudehasnotedthat inacomparativestudyofHollandandEnglandintheseventeenthandeighteenth centuries,thereisamarkeddifferenceintheproportionofhouseholdsheadedby singlefemales.Theratioofsuchcasesis threetimes as great in Hollandasin England.33 Whatever the reasons for these conditions, they are yet one more indicatoroftheindependentandmoredominantnatureofDutchwomeninthe seventeenthcentury. Thereareseveralimportanthistoricalfactorsrelatedtotheriseofwomenin commerce during the Dutch golden age. It was a period marked by high urbanizationwithalmosthalfthepopulationlivingintowns.Tradewasessential totheDutcheconomy,anditwasthereforenecessaryforwomentohavethelegal capabilities,theeducation,andthetrainingtoconductbusinessindependently whiletheirhusbandswereaway.Also,itwasnecessaryforsingleandwidowed womentobeabletosupportthemselvesthroughthesesameadvantages.Thus,it isnosurprisethatresearchindicatesahighdegreeofliteracyamongwomeninthe DutchRepubliccomparedtosurroundingcountries.Thiswasparticularlytrueof womeninthecities;inAmsterdam,forexample,nearlyhalfthewomenwere literate.34Inaddition,itappearsthatmanywomenreceivedtrainingforvarious professionsbyworkinginfamilybusinesses.Itis,therefore,difficulttoprecisely

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Ibid. SimonSchama,“WivesandWantons:VersionsofWomanhoodinSeventeenthCenturyDutch Art,”TheOxfordArtJournal3.1(April1980):5–13;9;andSimonSchama,TheEmbarrassmentof Riches (New York: Knopf, 1987), 384–91; Alice Carter, “Marriage counseling in the early seventeenth century: England and the Netherlands compared,” Ten Studies in AngloDutch Relations,JanvanDorsten,ed.(LeidenandLondon:UniversityPressandOxfordUniversityPress, 1974),94–127. A. M. van der Woude, “Variations in the size and structure of the household in the United ProvincesoftheNetherlandsintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies,”inHouseholdandFamily inPastTime,ed.PeterLaslett(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1972),299–318;311–12. ErikaKuijpers,“Lezenenschrijven.Onderzoeknaarhetalfabetiseringsniveauinzeventiende eeuwsAmsterdam,”Tijdschriftvoorsocialegeschiedenis23(1997):490–522;507.

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assesshowmuchofafemalelaborforcetherewasintheseventeenthcentury,as manyfemalecontributionstothefamilyeconomywerenotregistered. Recently, however, Danielle van den Heuvel has discussed in particular the specialstatusofmarriedwomenwhohadthelegalrighttoactasindependent traders.35 Again, this was a legal advantage not enjoyed by women in other countries.ItisalsoofrelevancetothisdiscussiontonotethatinAmsterdamwhen therewasawomanheadofthehousehold,shewasmostoftenengagedinsome sortofcommerce.Fortheseindependentwomen,retailappearstohavebeena sociallyacceptableprofession.Inreviewingcontemporaryopinionaswellasthe legalandeducationalstatusofwomenduringthisera,vandenHeuvelconcludes thatwomen’scapabilitiestoworkincommercewerefavorablyenhanced.Shethen elaboratesonthespecificwaysinwhichwomenengagedintrade,frompeddlers, toshopkeepers,tointernationaltraders,andfromdifferenturbanenvironments withintheRepublic. These historical indicators that reveal Dutch women as selfsufficient and assertiveareagainsupportedbythecontinuingremarksofforeignersthroughout the seventeenth century. Fynes Moryson, an English traveler who visited the Netherlandsduringthelastdecadeofthesixteenthcenturyrecorded: AgayneitisgenerallyobseruedthatasthewemenoftheseProvincesovertopsthemen innumber(whichIformerlyshewed)sotheycommonlyruletheirefamylyes.Inthe morningtheygiuetheirehusbandesdrinckingmonyintheirpursses,whogoeabroade to be merry where they list, leaving theire wyues to keepe the shop and sell all thinges.36

Inaddition,hiscommentsregardingwhythewomensofrequentlytookchargeof business correspond rather directly to the social/historical research of van der Woude: the watery Provinces breed flegmaticke humors, which together with the mens excessivedrinking,maydisablethemtobegetMales;orthattheWomen(asIhave heard some Hollanders confesse) not easily finding a Husband, in respect of this disparityoftheSexesinnumber,commonlyliveunmarriedtilltheybethirtyyeeres old,andascommonlytakeHusbandsoftwentyyeeresage,whichmustneedsmake theWomenmorepowerfullingeneration.AndtheWomennotonelytakeyoungmen totheirHusbands,butthosealsowhicharemostsimpleandtractable:soasbythe foresaidpriviledgeofWivestodisposegoodsbytheirlastwill,andbythecontracts inrespectoftheirDowry,(whichtothesameendusetobewarilydrawne,)theykeepe

35

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DaniellevandenHeuvel,WomenandEntrepreneurship:FemaleTradersintheNorthernNetherlands, c.1580–1815(Amsterdam:Aksant,2007). Fynes Moryson, Shakespeare’s Europe: A Survey of the Condition of Europe at the end of the 16th Century,BeingunpublishedchaptersofFynesMoryson’sItinerary,ed.CharlesHughes(NewYork: BenjaminBlom,1967),382.

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their Husbands in a kind of awe, and almost alone, without their Husbands intermedling,notonelykeepetheirshopsathome,butexercisetraffickeabroade.37

HeclaimsthatthewomentraveledasfarasHamburgandEnglandinorderto conducttrade. James Howell, who visited the Netherlands in 1642, comments on the intelligence,education,andbusinessexpertiseofDutchhousewives: ThereisnopartofEuropesohauntedwithallsortsofForeignersastheNetherlands, whichmakestheInhabitants,aswellWomenasMen,sowellvers’dinallsortsof Languages,sothatinExchangetimeonemayhearsevenoreightsortsofTongues spokenupontheirBourses:noraretheMenonlyexpertherein,buttheWomenand MaidsalsointheircommonHostries;andinHollandtheWivesaresowellvers’din Bargaining,Cyphering,andWriting,thatintheabsenceoftheirHusbandsinlongSea voyagestheybeattheTradeathome,andtheirWordswillpassinequalCredit:These Womenarewonderfullysober,tho’theirHusbandsmakecommonlytheirBargains indrink.38

Indeed, as mentioned earlier, men are frequently absent from shop or market scenesaltogether,asinthepaintingofaBakeryShop,ca.1680,byJobBerckheyde (Figure13).Inotherinstances,themalefiguresarerepresentedasirrelevanttothe commercialtransactiontakingplace,asinGerardDou’spaintingofaGrocer,1647 (Figure14). SirJosiahChild,anEnglishmanwritingin1668,assertsthatbecauseDutchgirls receivedaneducationitenabledthewomentotransactbusinesscapably: ...theeducationoftheirChildrenaswellDaughtersasSons;allwhich,betheyof neversogreatqualityorestate,theyalwaystakecaretobringuptowriteperfectgood Hands, and to have the full knowledge and use of Arithmetick and Merchant Accounts,...thewellunderstandingandpractisewhereofdothstrangelyinfuseinto most that are the owners of that Quality, of either Sex, not only an Ability for Commerceofallkinds,butastrongaptitude,loveanddelightinit;andinregardthe womenareasknowingthereinastheMen.39

At the end of the century, Sir William Montague also remarks on the large numbersofwomenengagedintradeinAmsterdam.Hecomplimentsboththeir skillandintelligence: ‘tisveryobservablehere,morewomenarefoundintheshopsandbusinessingeneral thanmen;theyhavetheconductofthepurseandcommerce,andmanageitrarely

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FynesMoryson,AnItinerary(Glasgow:JamesMacLehoseandSons,1908),4:469 JamesHowell,EpistolaeHoElingae:TheFamiliarLettersofJamesHowell,ed.JosephJacobs(London: DavidNutt,1890),vol.1,section2:128. WilliamLetwin,SirJosiahChild,MerchantEconomistwithareprintofBriefObservationsConcerning tradeandinterestofmoney(1668)(Cambridge:HarvardUniversity,1959),42–43.

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Particularlypopularwerescenesofwomensellingfishasinmidseventeenth centurypaintingsbyvanBrekelenkam,HendrikMartensz.Sorgh,andAdriaen vanOstade,1673(Figure15).Indeed,in1614,anEnglishfishermanexpressed surpriseatthenumberofDutchwomeninvolvedinthistrade: AtOstend,Newport,andDunkirk,where,andwhen,theHollandpinkscomein,there dailytheMerchants,thatbebutWomen(butnotsuchWomenastheFishwivesof Billingsgate;fortheseNetherlandWomendolademanyWaggonswithfreshFish daily,someforBruges,andsomeforBrusselsetc.,etc.)IhaveseentheseWomen merchantsIsay,havetheirApronsfullofnothingbutEnglishJacobuses,tomakeall theirPaymentof.41

Clearly,thereissignificantevidenceofwomeninvolvedinthepublicsphereof business, and thus many of them regularly inhabited the urban domain.42 Consequently,thefeminizationofmarketscenesmusthavebeenrelatedtosome degreetotheactualnumberofwomenoutinthestreetsconductingbusiness. From a female perspective, therefore, one can understand these images as a reflectionofwomen’scapabilitiesandoftheirfreedomtoengageintradeonthe streets or even to set up a shop in the public sphere without damaging their reputations. Asalreadynoted,Cats’scommentsdoacknowledgethatanumberofDutch womenwereengagedintrade.Andattimes,hesoftenshispatriarchaltoneby notingthatwhilemenwereprimarilytheresponsiblebreadwinners,wivesshould helptheirhusbandstocarrythisburden.43Evenmorerevolutionaryandliberated, however,aretheviewsofaseventeenthcenturyDutchdoctorandwriterbythe nameofJohannvanBeverwijck.Hewasmuchmoresympatheticinhisattitude toward women’s abilities to participate in the public sphere than Cats. His surprisinglyprofemaletext,VandeWtnementheytdesVrouwelickenGeslachts[Onthe ExcellenceoftheFemaleSex],publishedin1639withanothereditionin1643,defends thecourageandintelligenceofwomenandarguesthatwomenaresuperiortomen. Beverwijklaudsthefamousfemalescholars,writers,artists,andheroinesofhisera. Importantly,forthisdiscussion,healsopraisesordinarywomenandextolstheir

40

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WilliamMontague,ThedelightsofHolland;or,athreemonthstravelaboutthatandtheotherprovinces (London,1696),183. Carter,WorkingLife,36. Whiletherehavebeencriticismsregardingthereliabilityofforeigners’commentsduetocommon stereotypes,IagreewithvandenHeuvelthatmanyofthesejournalsshouldbegivencredence astheyrelatesuchspecificanecdotalinformation,Entrepreneurship,19–20. ManonvanderHeijdendiscussesthisadviceinHuwelijkinHolland.Stedelijkrechtspraakenkerkelijk tucht(1550–1700)(Amsterdam:BertBakker,1998),224.

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contributiontotheRepublicingoverningtheirhomes.Heimmediatelyfollows thisdiscussionwithadenialthathispraiseofthehousewifeisameanstorestrict womentothedomesticrealm.Herelatesthatmanywomenareabletoengagein tradeandbusinesswithoutneglectingtheirhomes,whileotherwomenpractice arts and learning. Finally, he claims that if more women were allowed such opportunities,theywouldbefoundcapableofallthings.44 Thus,amorecarefulexaminationofmarketscenessuggeststhatthenumerous depictions of women buyers and sellers points to the reality of women in the streetsandtotheiractualpresenceinthepublicsphere.Undeniably,manywomen doȱappeartobeastutemerchantsinmarketscenes.Someofthewomenpeddlers arecharacterizedbytheirdressandstallsascomingfromthelowerclasses,such asinFigure15.Otherfemalefigures,however,wearmiddleclassclothingandare situatedinaffluentlookingshops,suchasinFigure13.Thus,womenofvaried economicandsocialstatusaregenerallyrepresentedinarespectfulmanner.There islittleinmarketimagesthatcouldbedeemeddemeaningtowardthewomen,in termsoftheirstatus,theirwealth,oroftheirlocationintheurbandomain.The viewer’sattentionisdirectedtowardthefocusofthedepictedfemalemerchant’s andcustomer’sattentionthatistheactofajudiciousconsumernegotiatingwith aknowledgeablebusinesswoman.Significanceisattachedtobothrolesandtothe independence and intelligence of women generally in the public sphere, thus closelymirroringthereactionsofforeigners. Recent research has begun to uncover a few women who engaged in trade duringtheseventeenthcentury.However,thistypeofresearchisdifficultunless therewassomespecificreasonforanarchivalentry.Thereis,forinstance,the example of a woman who appears to have made a living on her own as a shopkeeper,GrietePietersdochter.Shewas at a ratherlowpointonthesocial scale, when, as a widow with four illiterate children, she married an entrepreneurialhusband.Heelevatedhisstatusfromsaltrefiner’sassistantto merchant.Similarly,sheleftapersonalestateof9,000guildersfromtheoperation ofherownshop,althoughtherearenodetailsaboutherbusinessenterprise.45 Womenalsoappeartohavebeensuccessfulsecondhanddealersfromthelate sixteenththroughtheseventeenthcenturies;indeed,theydominatedthetrade. Onewomaninparticular,BarberJacobs,hadasuccessfultradeinAmsterdam.

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JohanvanBeverwijk,WtnementheytDesVrouwelickenGeslachts(Dordrecht,1643),2:209–211.Hugo deGrootsharesthisopinionwheninc.1603hepraisesDutchwomenasbeingadeptinhelping theirhusbandswithtrade,whileatthesametimemanagingtheirhouseholdsinVergelijkingder gemeenebesten,2:142–44;thisexampleispointedoutinvandenHeuvel,Entrepreneurship,20. DeVriesandvanderWoude,ModernEconomy,599.

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Evenaftershebecameawidow,shecontinuedhertradeandatherdeathin1624, herestatewasestimatedatbeingover22,000guilders.46 AnotherimpressiveexampleofanentrepreneurialwomanisElisabethBas.She andherhusband,JochemHeijndrickszSwartenhondt,setupatavernknownas thePrinceofOrange,inthecitycenter.AfterJochem’sdeathin1627,Elisabeth continued the business for several years. She appears to have done so very successfullybecauseatherdeathin1649,ElisabethBas’sestatewasvaluedatover 28,000guilders.47 That women wanted to show themselves as competent business women is demonstratedtoacertainextentinportraitsofregentesseswhooversawcharitable institutions, such as Michiel van Musscher’s portrait of Sara Antheunis, 1671 (Figure16).Shesitssurroundedbytheevidenceofhermanagementskills:account booksandpapers,apurseandcoins,writingimplements.Aportraitsuchasthis demandsareconsiderationofthenumerousscenesofwomenkeepingaccounts andweighingcoinsinthehome,suchasthosebyNicolaesMaesandPieterde Hooch, ca. 1664 (Figure 17). Frequently, these scenes have been identified as allegoriesofavarice.48Thatawomanshouldchoose,however,toportrayherself withsuchimplementsinaportraitsuggeststhatwomenassociatedwithfinancial signifierscouldinsteadconveypositiveattributes,suchasintelligenceandskill. Indeed, these associations must have been positive ones for some women, indicatingtheindustryandbusinessacumenofanincreasinglylargenumberof femaleentrepreneursfarintotheeighteenthcentury.49Noneofthisistosuggest that women had equal opportunities to males in business. Nevertheless, for a seventeenthcentury culture, the Dutch Republic increasingly appears to have constructedamoreencouragingsetoftraditionsandlaws,aswellaseconomic andbusinessstructuresthatdidnotprohibitandattimesdidencouragemore femaleparticipationinthepublicurbansphere.Consequently,thevisibilityof womeninthisspherealsoseemstohaveinspiredtheiractiverepresentationin numerousimagesofthecity. 

46

47

48

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Hilde van Wijngaarden, “Barber Jacobs en andere uitdraagsters. Werkende vrouwen in Amsterdam in de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw,” Tijdschrift voor Vrouwenstudies 63 (1995): 334–47. Els Kloek, Instituut voor Nederlandse Geschiedenis, Digitaal Vrouwenlexicon van Nederland (http://www.inghist.nl/Onderzoek/Projecten/DVN/,lastaccessedonFeb.6,2009). EddyDeJongh,“VermommingenvanVrouwWereldinde17deeeuw,”J.Bruynet.al.,Album amicorumJ.G.vanGelder(TheHague:Nijhoff,1973),198–206. VandenHeuvel’stextEntrepreneurshipdiscusseshowthenumberoffemaleentrepreneursbecame evengreaterintotheeighteenthcentury.

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TheSeventeenthCentury:DutchWomenandConsumption Finally, it is essential to turn to the figure of the female consumer in market imagery,whoisascriticalasthevendorintermsofsignificanceandmeaning.She similarlycontributestoengagingourattentionintheallimportanttransactionof commerce.Indeed,femaleconsumersarefrequentlymadethecentralfocusin marketscenesthroughtheelementsoflightandcomposition.Inthisregard,the paintingsofEmmanueldeWitte,whocompletedseveralscenesofthenewfish marketinAmsterdamduringthe1660s,areenlightening.Butitisinrelationtoa particular painting that the power of the female consumer is particularly emphasized,aportraitofAdrianavanHeusdenandHerDaughter,ca.1662(Figure 18).DeWittepaintedthework,andothers,inpaymentforhisroom,board,and pastdebtswhilelivingwithAdrianavanHeusdenandherhusband,JorisdeWijs. WhendeWittelefttheirhousehold,hetookthispaintingandafewotherswith him.Later,Adrianahuntedhimdownandsuedtogetthepaintingsback,even afterthedeathofJorisdeWijs.Thejudgmentwentinherfavor,anditappearsthat eventuallyshereobtainedtheportrait.50 Thesettingforthisportraitisunusualinthatsheissituatedasacustomerinthe marketplace.Itseemsimportant,therefore,toaskwhyshedesiredtohaveherself represented in this remarkable fashion. This question can partly be answered simplybyanalyzingthemannerinwhichsheischaracterized.Onceagain,women dominate the market space in the painting, and the formidable figure of van Heusden herself conveys the female power associated with this domain. Her authoritativepositionandgesturegivesignificancetoherskillsasanastuteand commandingbuyer.Suchishardlytherepresentationoftheweakersexactingin humbleobediencetoprescribedpatriarchaldictums.Norisitthetimidityofa womanfearfuloftarnishingherreputationoutinthepublicstreetsbyattracting a voyeuristic male gaze. This impressive woman displays her wealth and her capability to buy via her furtrimmed jacket. She appears discriminating and expert in her taste as she instructs her daughter in consuming practices. The femalevendorisalsopresentedasproficientandskilledinthewayshegestures toward the marvelous arrangement of fish. Nearby, another woman vendor glancesoveratthecommercialtransactiontakingplace,whilenumerousfemale customers freely meander through the stalls, constantly interfacing with other women in an unthreatening environment as they examine the various commodities.Thus,thewomenareallintheprocessofconstantlyobservingone another in this consumerist space of interaction and display. Why should van

50

NeilMacLarenandChristopherBrown,TheDutchSchool,1600–1900(London:NationalGallery, 1991),1:489–90.IamgratefulforthediscussionsIhadwithmygraduatestudentStaceyLauin regardstothispaintingandtomarketscenesgenerallywhileshewasworkingonherthesis.

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Heusdenchoosethispublicurbanspaceforherselfrepresentation?Undoubtedly, shemadethischoicebecauseitwasauniquespacewhereherwealth,herskills, herindependence,hertaste,andherpowerasaconsumercouldallbeondisplay foramultitudeofviewers.Theportraitcertainlyconveysthesenseoftheforceful womanwhoindependentlyinsistedthatherlegalrightsandcomplaintsagainst theartistdeWittebeupheld. In this same manner, one could say that every time a woman shopped, her consumertactics,hertaste,herwealth,andherindependencewereallonviewby otherwomen.Thisistherealizationinamultitudeoffemaledominatedmarket scenesbydeWitte,Sorgh,vanBrekelenkam,andotherartists.Suchdisplayand examination are clearly the point of van Brekelenkam’s Market Scene, c. 1665 (Figure19).Themother’sskillsasaconsumerwhocarefullycountsoutcoinsare thefocusoftheobservantdaughterwhoholdsoutherhandinordertopaythe similarlywatchfulvendor.Awomaninthebackgroundignoresthemanstanding infrontofher,asshealsoscrutinizesthefemaleconsumerwithasidelongstare. Socially,theemphasisplacedonwomencustomersforcefullyenhancedwomen’s abilitytoinfluenceconsumerdemand.Consequently,whilewomenaugmented theirreputationsviathegoodsthattheyacquired,theyalsoinfluencedtheobjects boughtbytheirneighborsandthusthecommoditiesselectedbymerchants. Thepowerengenderedthroughthewoman’sincreasinglypowerfulpositionas an active consumer also encouraged her rights to be a discriminating and demandingcustomer.Suchnegotiationsseemtobethesubjectofseveralmarket andshopscenessuchasinavanBrekelenkampaintingdepictingaTailor’sShop, 1661(Figure20).Thedominantfemalecustomerintheforegroundappearstobe instructingtheannoyedlookingtailorinhiswork. Anassessmentofthefemaleconsumer’sroleinmarketscenesmustentailsome discussion of the plethora of consumerism studies across a wide variety of disciplinesthathavebeenconductedinthelastfewdecades.Onethingthathas becomeabundantlyclearthroughthesediscussionsisthatconsumerismmustnot onlybeconsideredasthemereactofpurchasingandobtaininggoods.Indeed,it involvesawholerangeofsociallydiscursivepracticesinvolvingclass,power,and particularlyforthisarticle,gender.Whiletheneoclassicalviewofcapitalismand the consumer essentially posits a “natural” process by which the needs of the buyershapeanddeterminethemarket,theMarxistcritiqueinsteadindictsthe marketasexploitativeofproductivelaborbycapitalists. For generations, this debate between neoclassical and Marxist economics overshadowedanysignificanttheorizingoftheconsumer.Duringthelatterhalf of the twentieth century, however, more and more attention was paid to the consumer.ParticularlycrucialwerethosetheoristslikeMicheldeCerteauwho begantryingtoextricatetheconsumerfromher/hisexploitedpositiontooneof greateragencyandpower.Inthesupposedlytrivialactofconsuming,Certeau

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locatesanabilitytoshapeanddeterminesocialandculturalstructures.Insteadof assigning all power to the forces of production, he elevates the shopper as an individualwhocanresistorreconstituteseeminglyhegemonicinfluences.51 More specifically, feminists have also begun to recognize the significance attached to the act of consuming. This step has been critical for later feminist studiesintheirattempttoassigngreaterfemalepowerandinfluencetowomen intheshapingofculture,duetothefactthatearlierfeministstudieshadconstantly critiquedthe(male)capitalistsystemanditsdominationandmanipulationofthe femaleconsumer.Thus,women,throughtheactofshopping,havebeguntotake ontheactiveroleof“consumingsubjects.”52Andalternatively,thisroleisnow seenasapowerfuloneinwhichfemaleconsumerscaninfluenceandaffectsocial, cultural,andpoliticalideologies.53 So, returning to the Dutch Republic and what some have labeled the “first moderneconomy,”itisimportanttoreevaluatethesignificanceofmarketscenes andwhattheyimplyaboutwomeninthepublicurbandomain.Whenlookingat theconsumingwomeninDutchimagery,theygenerallylackthetimidityand modestygenerallyassignedtotheminmuchofthescholarship.Nordotheyseem threatenedinanywayinthisenvironment.Asmentionedearlier,theydon’treally risk becoming objects of consumption or of being commodified because male voyeursareusuallyabsent.Therearemostoftenwomenmerchantsandwomen consumers,andneitherbecomeobjectsofmaleexchange.Instead,thesefemale consumersboldlybuy.Theyareaggressiveinbargainingandtheseriousbusiness

51

52

53



MicheldeCerteau,“ThePracticeofEverydayLife,”TheConsumptionReader,eds.DavidB.Clarke, MarcusA.DoelandKateM.L.Housiaux(LondonandNewYork:Routledge,2003),259–66.Other essaysinthisvolumealsodiscussthepositionofconsumerasoneofpower. This phrase was borrowed from Elizabeth KowaleskiWallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping,andBusinessintheEighteenthCentury(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1997). Althoughshepinpointstheeighteenthcenturyasthefoundingmomentforthedevelopmentof thefemaleconsumer,Iwouldarguethatthesubjectivity of themodernfemaleshopperwas alreadybeingshapedintheseventeenthcenturyDutchRepublic,ifnotearlier.Importantly,the seventeenthcenturywasalsoaperiodduringwhichthefemaleconsumerwaslessdefinedand therefore had greater agency, power, and mobility than was the case in eighteenthcentury England. Manyfeministconsumerstudieshaveappearedinthelastfewdecadesincluding:AlltheWorld andHerHusband:WomeninTwentiethCenturyConsumerCulture,ed.MaggieAndrewsandMary M.Talbot(LondonandNewYork:Cassell,2000);GenderandConsumption:DomesticCulturesand theCommercializationofEverydayLife,ed.EmmaCaseyandLydiaMartens(Aldershot:Ashgate, 2007);KowaleskiWallace,ConsumingSubjects;KristaLysack,Comebuy,comebuy:Shoppingandthe Culture of Consumption in Victorian Women’s Writing (Athens: Ohio University, 2008); Morag Shiach,ed.FeminismandCulturalStudies(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1999).

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beingtransactedbecomesthefocusoftheimages.ThisisexemplifiedinaNicolaes MaespaintingofaPoultryShop,ca.1659,wherethewomancustomer,bucketin hand,holdsoutabirdpresumablytobargainthepricewiththefemalevendorstill intheprocessofpluckingintheforeground(Figure21).Theroleofthemalefigure carryingmoreproduceinthebackgroundisnegligiblecomparedtothedominant womenandtheireconomictransaction.Thus,themarketbecameapublicspace inwhichwomencouldtransgresstheboundariespredominantlyprescribedfor thembymoralists.Itwasaplaceintheurbanenvironmentwherewomencould disruptandreshapestandardsoffeminineproprietyforthemselves.Andeven moreimportantly,theycouldaltertheunderstandingoffemaleroleswithinthis newmoderneconomy. Inthisvein,itisimportanttoexaminewhyfinelydressedwomen,whocould obviouslyaffordtopayservantstodotheirshopping,shouldbeportrayedgoing tomarketatall.Indeed,therearemanyimagesofwelltodomistressesinthe home instructing their maid servants as they prepare to go out shopping. Obviously, the market images displaying richly dressed females represent somethingaboutthepowerofwomentotransgressgenderboundariesandto insertthemselvesinthepubliceconomicsphereasmentioned.Buttheseimages alsoseemtoimplysomethingevenbroaderandmoreselfcongratulatoryabout theDutchRepublicitself. The image of the welltodo woman buying expensive goods also describes somethingmoregenerallyaboutthepoweroftheDutcheconomy.Indeed,the luxurygoodsimportedintotheRepublicwerethesubjectofamazementandenvy to foreigners. The economic strength of the Dutch resulted in whole new significations with the act of shopping. This era witnessed an astonishing expansion of the middle classes with their exceptional access to expendable income. Furthermore, due to large scale international trade, there was a remarkable increase in the flow of capital.54 Indeed, Netherlandish cities truly witnessedaburgeoningofcapitalistdemandforeverythingfromexoticfruitsand flowers to Oriental porcelains and rugs to decorate the home. As mentioned, womenweregiventheprimaryresponsibilityofpickingandchoosingamong thesegoods.Shoppingwasnolongeraquestionofdailysurvival,itrelatedto settingstandardsofluxuryconsumptionwithawomanabletodisplayhertaste and her ability to acquire. That taste in turn influenced the market, which increasinglyprovidedluxurygoodsforthefemaleconsumer. In important ways, the female consumer became an important, albeit more realistic,substitutefortheformer“DutchMaid.”Thisallegoricalfigurefoundin

54

AMiracleMirrored:theDutchRepublicinEuropeanPerspective,ed.C.A.DavidsandJanLucassen (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1995);Schama,Embarrassment;DeVriesandvander Woude,ModernEconomy.

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early seventeenthcentury Dutch prints was a patriotic symbol of the divinely blessedandeconomicallypowerfulnewRepublic.55TheDutchMaidwasdepicted seatedinafertilegardenthatwasenclosedandguardedbyawatchfullion.The abundant produce of her garden symbolized Dutch prosperity, which needed constant protection from envious outsiders. Later, however, it was the real, everydayhousewifeandherpowerasaconsumerthatsymbolizedtheeconomic mightoftheDutchRepublic.Certainly,thewealthoftheDutchwasgaugedby what they were able to consume. Thus, women played an important role in displayingtheeconomicsuccessoftheRepublic. However,eventhoughthefemaleconsumerinamarketscenecertainlymust havesignifiedsuchpowerfullypatrioticmessages,shewasalsoareflectionofthe actualities of lived experience by women in the Republic. She embodied the economicpowerandfreedomofwomenspecificallytoactpubliclyintheurban environment and to influence the economics of the public sphere through her consumerdemands.Thus,theseimageselevatedtheseeminglytrivial,common activity of shopping, to which all women could relate, to an act of conscious autonomyandpower.Shoppingisnolongerpicturedasonlyachoretowhichany maidservantcouldbeassigned;itissomethingonedoesactively,withpurpose and with agency.ȱ The actions of a discriminating buyer in a public space are powerfullypresentedtotheviewer.ȱ Theurbanmarketplacewasclearlydisplayedasapublicspace—beyondthe physicalboundariesofthehomeandthequietordinarinessofthedomesticchores performed there. Shopping took housewives out into the urban environment, wheretheybecamepartofthedin,rush,andclatterofthestreets.ȱIncitieslike Amsterdam,itmusthavebeenaverylivelyenvironmentwhereagreatdealof commercewasconducted;whereforeignlanguageswerespoken;wherethere wereinteractionswithpeopleofvariousclasses,ages,sexes;wherenewproducts wereondisplayincludingtheunusualandtheexotic.Thus,themarketbecame aphysicalspace offemaleenjoyment,variety,andexcitement,notjustdreary utility. Themarketwasalsoimportantlyaplaceofpublicdisplayfortheconsumer,as seemssoevidentinmanyoftheimages.Itwasaplaceinwhichthroughone’s dressortheobjectsonechoseawomancoulddisplayhertaste,herjudgment,and herabilitytobuy.Women’schoicesmusthaveinevitablyinfluencedthechoices ofmerchants.Themobilityandindependenceallowedwomeninthispublicspace couldbeusedasatacticalpracticetoenablewomenindeedtohelpconstructthe culturearoundthem.

55

SchamadiscussesthisallegoryinEmbarrassment,70–71.

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Through these spectacles of serious consumer power, there is a further enhancing of these women’s reputations. In this way, the women resist the associationsthatmightotherwisebeassignedtowomenonthestreet.Theyarenot mereobjectsondisplaylikethecommoditiesaroundthem;theyareactiveagents who,intheveryprocessofconsuming,areabletodisrupttraditionalnotionsof properfemininityandspheresofinfluence.Asmentioned,artistsgenerallyensure thesetypesofpositiveassociationsbyeliminatingmalevoyeuristicpossibilitiesin the images. The paintings create a femaledominated space that encourages a differentdiscoursefromthatofthemoralists.Again,itisimportanttoremember thearchaicoriginsofthemoralists’sstereotypicalrhetoricandtorememberthat they were less inspired by contemporary lived experience in their injunction againstwomenleavingthehome.Incontrast,thepaintingsportraythemarket spaces with which seventeenthcentury Dutch women were familiar. It was a modernartformthatpositivelycelebratedthepublicparticipationofwomenin theabundanceandautonomyofthecurrentgoldenage. In this way one can talk about market imagery revealing the subjectivity of womenduringthisera.Aswomenandtheircommonpursuitsarethefocusofso manyofthesescenes,itisreasonabletoassumethattheyfrequentlyappealedto female consumers who could insert themselves into the pictured roles. They portrayed actions common to other women, and they also assigned cultural importancetothoseactions.Suchimagesmusthaveencouragedtheassignation ofconsequenceandpowertotheroleofconsumer,therebytransferringthose statusenhancingsignificationstotheconsumerherself.Inaddition,themarket scenecouldbecomeapleasurablereminderofthefemaleconsumer’sowndelight inherfreedom,mobility,power,andabilitytodisplayintheurbandomain.Itwas apublicspacetowhichwomencouldlayclaimastheybecamepartofafemale consumercommunity. Inthisregard,itappearsfromallaccountsthatDutchhousewivescouldbevery demanding customers, and collectively their consumer unhappiness could be catastrophicforthepersontoblame,asissoterrifyinglydepictedinanillustration fromJ.S.Gottfried’sHistorischeChronyck,1660,ofaDelftriot(Figure22).56Indeed, thisriotof1616waslabeled“thewomen’srevoltofDelft.”Reportedly,thewomen inprotestofhighgrainpricesshouted“Supportourchildren,andgiveusbread!” Thearmedmenintheprintstandbyhelplesslywatchingasthewomenstormthe cityhallandbeatthetaxofficialwiththeirspindles,brooms,keybundles,and other domestic objects. Rudolph Dekker has uncovered the existence of many

56

IamgratefulfortheinformationgivenmeaboutthisprintinaletterfromJohnVrouwenfelder, curatorattheBelastingandDouaneMuseum.HestatesthattheillustrationcomesfromJ.L. Gottfried’sHistorischeChronyck.TheDutcheditionsofthistextwereprintedin1660,1698,and 1702.TheengravingsweredonebyJacobvanMeurs.

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femaleledandinstigatedriotsintheNetherlands.Manyfoodriots,asonewould guess, broke out in marketplaces and near shops or mills where women assembled. It is also not surprising, therefore, that the powerful fish and fruit sellerswereoftentheleadersoftheseriots.Womenwouldgatherotherfemales fromtheirneighborhoods,wheretogethertheywouldbeattheirpots,tietheir apronsto poles,andmarchinmilitarystyleagainstthepowersthatbe.Thus, women of all types, both merchants and consumers, would transgress their ordainedspheresandmoveoutintothepublicspaceoftheliberatingmarketto exceedtheboundsoffeminineproprietyanddobattleagainstthemalepowersof the urban domain. Men appear to have been intimidated by these women en masse,andthusmarketimagesgenerallycouldhavebeendistressingreminders topatriarchalauthoritiesoftheuncomfortablypowerfulandpublicdisplayof womencollectivesinthemarket.Indeed,suchparanoiaregardinguncontrolled womenfreedfromtheconfinesofthedomesticspheremaywellhavecontinued toinspirethedictumsofDutchmoralists. Anawarenessoftheassociationsbetweenpublicurbanspaceandthepowerof women expands our understanding of meaning and interpretation in urban marketplace imagery. Undoubtedly, these scenes could signify relationships betweenwomenandauthorityinDutchculture,duetotheevidenceofwomenas importantconduitsforboththeinfluencingandsatisfyingofmarketdemands. Depictedfemalemerchantsdisplayedanabilitytotransactbusiness,tonegotiate and to calculate price, while representations of female consumers displayed economic power as well as an ability to discriminate and to demand quality. Throughanunderstandingofthepowersignifiedinimagesofwomenbuyingand selling in Dutch paintings, one must certainly call into question the harsh patriarchysoconsistentlyascribedtothiscultureanditsdepictionsofwomen. Instead, it becomes clear that these images must have further enhanced the significant role already played by women in influencing the economic developmentsoftheirsocietyandalsoinshapingthemiddleclassmodernurban market environment more generally. Again, it was a situation of common experience in which women could relate to the depicted actions of female merchants and consumers. As a result, Dutch urban marketplace imagery established a visual culture that was empowering for women through its encouragementofandapprobationforwomen’spublicparticipationinthecity. ȱ

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Figure1:CasparNetscher,TheLacemaker,WallaceCollection,London,The WallaceCollection:ACompleteCatalogue,StephenDuffyandJoHedley (London:UnicornPressandLindsayFineArt),301

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Figure2:GeertruydtRoghman,Spinner,Rijksprentenkabinet,Amsterdam, “GeertruydtRoghmanandtheFemalePerspectiveinSeventeenthCenturyDutch GenreImagery,”WomansArtJournal14.2(1993–1994):5

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Figure3:Anonymous,TheStruggleforDailyBread,HistorischMuseum, Amsterdam,IngelijstWerk,Deverbeeldingvanarbeidenberoepindevroegmoderne Nederlanden,AnnettedeVries(Zwolle:Waanders,2004),231

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Figure4:IsaacClaesz.VanSwanenburgh,TheSpinning,Reeling,Warping,and WeavingofWoolStedelijkMuseumDeLakenhal,Leiden,IngelijstWerk,De verbeeldingvanarbeidenberoepindevroegmoderneNederlanden,AnnettedeVries (Zwolle:Waanders,2004),212

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Figure5:HendrickMartensz.Sorgh,VegetableMarket,Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam,RembrandtandtheGoldenAgeofDutchArt:Treasuresfromthe Rijksmuseum,Amsterdam,RuudPriem,ed.PenelopeHunterSteibel(DaytonArt Institute,Ohio,PhoenixArtMuseum,Arizona,PortlandArtMuseum,Oregon, inAssociationwithTheRijksmuseum,Amsterdam,2006),63

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Figure6:JanvandeVelde,Market,Rijksprentenkabinet,Amsterdam,Elizabeth AliceHonig,“DesireandDomesticEconomy,”ArtBulletin83.2(June2001):302

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Figure7:EmanueldeWitte,OldMarketontheDam,MuseoThyssen Bornemisza,Madrid,TheThyssenBornemiszaCollection:SeventeenthCentury DutchandFlemishPainting,IvanGaskell,GeneralEditorSimondePury (London:Sotheby’sPublications,1990),281

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Figure8:SybrandvanBeest,ThePigMarketintheHague,BrediusMuseum,The Hague,MuseumBredius:Catalogusvandeschlderijenentekeningen,Albert Blankert(Zwolle:Waanders,1991),47

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Figure9:CornelisBeelt,Weaver’sWorkshop,BrediusMuseum,TheHague, IngelijstWerk,DeverbeeldingvanarbeidenberoepindevroegmoderneNederlanden, AnnettedeVries(Zwolle:Waanders,2004),222

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Figure10:“QuirijnGerritsz.vanBrekelenkam,”PortraitofApothecaryandHis Wife,PresentLocationUnknown,Rijksbureauvoor KunsthistorischeDocumentatie

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Figure11:JanSteen,BakerArendOostwaertandhiswifeCatharina Keyzerswaert,Rijksmuseum,Amsterdam,TheAmusementsofJanSteen:Comic PaintingintheSeventeenthCentury,MariëtWestermann (Zwolle:Waanders,1997),189

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Figure12:ReinierCovijn,Milkmaid,BrediusMuseum,TheHague,Museum Bredius:Catalogusvandeschilderijenentekeningen,AlbertBlankert (Zwolle:Waanders,1991),67

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Figure13:JobBerckheyde,TheBakeryShop,AllenMemorialArtMuseum, Oberlin,TheGoldenAge,DutchPaintersoftheSeventeenthCentury,BobHaak (NewYork:HarryN.Abrams,1984),392

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Figure14:GerardDou,Grocer,Louvre,Paris,AnEntrancefortheEyes:Spaceand MeaninginSeventheenthCenturyDutchArt,MarthaHollander(Berkeley: UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2002),59

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Figure15:AdriaenvanOstade,Fishwife,Rijksmuseum,Amsterdam,Mastersof SeventeenthCenturyDutchGenrePainting,PeterC.Sutton,ed.JaneIandola Watkins(Philadelphia:PhiladelphiaMuseumofArt,1984),30

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Figure16:MichielvanMusscher,SaraAntheunis,Presentlocationunknown, RijksbureauvoorKunsthistorischeDocumentatie

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Figure17:PieterdeHooch,WomanWeighingCoins,Gemäldegalerie,Berlin, PieterdeHooch:16291684,PeterC.Sutton (NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1998),55

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Figure18:EmanueldeWitte,AdrianavanHeusdenandherDaughter,The NationalGallery,London,TheDutchSchool:16001900,Volume2,Platesand Signatures,NeilMacLaren.RevisedandExpandedbyChristopherBrown (London:NationalGallery,1991),412

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Figure19:QuirijnGerritsz.vanBrekelenkam,MarketScene(detail),Suermondt LudwigMuseum,Aachen,QuiringhVanBrekelenkam,AngelikaLasius, (Doornspijk:Davaco,1992),58

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Figure20:QuiringhGerritsz.vanBrekelenkam,TheTailor’sWorkshop, Rijksmuseum,Amsterdam,LeidseFijnschilders:VanGerritDoutotFransvan MierisdeJonge:16301760,EricJ.Sluijter,MarliesEnklaar,PaulNieuwenhuizen (Zwolle:Waanders,1988),88

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Figure21:NicolaesMaes,ThePoultryShop,CourtesybyDouwesFineArt, Amsterdam

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Figure22:JacobvanMeurs,Women’sRevoltinDelft,1616,Courtesyby Belasting&DouaneMuseum,Rotterdam

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AllisonP.Coudert (UniversityofCaliforniaatDavis)

Sewers,Cesspools,andPrivies:WasteasRealityand MetaphorinPremodernEuropeanCities

OnOctober20,1660SamuelPepyssteppedintoa“greatheapofturds”thathad escaped from his neighbor’s privy, landing in his cellar. Pepys unpleasant experiencewasnotunusualforurbandwellersinearlymodernEurope,where solid and liquid waste from houses, dyers, butchers, builders, tanners, tailors, soapboilers,andtallowchandlersmingledinnoxiousandtoxicstreamsthatran freelydowntheguttersofcitystreets.Butwhilewastewasaconstantandreal probleminurbanareas,urbanfilthprovidedarichsourceformetaphorsinthe “urban apocalypses” that stirred the anxious imaginations of Pepys’s contemporariesandthoseofprecedingandsucceedinggenerations.Citysewers and cesspools were even worse, for they represented an invisible, chaotic subterraneanworldwheretheindiscriminatemixingofoppositesobliteratedany kindofhierarchyandbrokedownalldistinctions.ToquoteVictorHugo: ...thespittleofCaiaphasencountersthevomitofFalstaff,thegoldpiecefromthe gaminghouserattlesagainstthenailfromwhichthesuicidehung,alividfoetusis wrappedinthespangles,whichlastShroveTuesdaydancedattheOpera,awigwhich passedjudgmentonmenwallowsnearthedecaywhichwastheskirtofMargoton.It ismorethanfraternity,itiscloseintimacy.

Hugo described the sewer as “the conscience of the town, where all things convergeandclash.”Forhimitcontainsthe“truth”thatrevealstheillusorynature ofcivilization: Thereisdarknesshere,butnosecrets....Nofalseappearances,nowhitewashing, is possible; filth strips off its shirt and utter starkness, all illusions and mirages scattered,nothingleftexceptwhatis,showingtheuglyfaceofwhatends.1

1

VictorHugoLesMisérables,trans.NormanDenny(Harmondsworth:Penguin,1980),II,369.

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Inthispassagethesewertakesonaphysicalpresence.Itisateeming,seething, festeringunderworld—theurbanequivalentoftheFreudianunconscious—that threatenstoirruptandengulfthestructuresoftheurbanlandscapeabove. Hugowas,ofcourse,writinginthenineteenthcentury,butthehorrorofmixing thingsindiscriminatelywasofgreatconcerninearlymodernEuropeaswell.2In his biography of Calvin, William Bouwsma writes that Calvin “abominated” mixture, and that the very word was “one of the most pejorative terms in his vocabulary.”3 For Calvin mixture was synonymous with “adulteration,” and “promiscuity,”andultimatelywiththedisorderandconfusionthathesawall around him and tried to remedy, if only symbolically, by establishing clear boundaries both physically and conceptually. Calvin anticipated Descartes in cravingclearanddistinctideas.Bouswmaattributestheclarityofhisstyletothis concern:“hestabilizedthemeaningsofwords...butthereforealsothestructure oftheuniverseheinhabited,bysuchlinguisticdevicesasfrugalityintheuseof adjectives.”4 Calvincondemnedcuriositypreciselybecauseitencouragedmento“greedily oversteptheirboundariestoinquireintothetruth.”5InthesamewaythatGodhad establishedboundariestoknowledge,sohadheestablishedboundariesbetween peoples:“Justasthereareinamilitarycampseparatelinesforeachplatoonand section,menareplaceontheearthsothateachnationmaybecontentwithitsown boundaries.”6Calvinapprovedoflandsurveysbecausetheyensuredthat“each onehashisrightsandthingsarenotconfused.”ButhedislikedGothicchurches becausethewallswerebrokenupbybroadwindows.Genderboundarieswereof particular importance to Calvin. Men who were effeminate and women who affected “manliness in their dress and gestures” were a disgrace. A particular targetofhisirewerewomenwhoresembled“lansquenets,”Germanmercenary soldiers,andwhoaspiredtoshoot“asboldlyasaman.” Thesewomenwere“monsterssoscandalousthatoneoughtnotonlytospitat meetingonebutpickupsomepieceoffilthtothrowatthemforsoaudaciously pervertingtheorderofnature.”7Throwingexcrementatthesewomenindicates

2

3

4

5 6 7

On the anxiety aroused by mixture in the early modern period and the attempt to divide everythingintoneatbinaries,seeJonasBarish,TheAntitheatricalPrejudice(Berkeley:University ofCaliforniaPress,1980);StuartClark,ThinkingwithDemons:TheIdeaofWitchcraftinEarlyModern Europe(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1997). WilliamJ.Bouwsma,JohnCalvin:ASixteenthCenturyPortrait(NewYorkandOxford:Oxford UniversityPress,1988),34. Ibid. Cf. Francis M. Higman, Style of Calvin in his French Polemical Treatises (London: Oxford UniversityPress,1967). Bouwsma,Calvin,39. Ibid. Ibid.

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thedepthofCalvin’sdislike,for,asBouwsmapointsout,excrementrepresented toCalvinthehorrorofeverythingthatwasunformedorwithoutlimitsand,by extension,thevoid,nothingness,andthedisintegrationoftheself:“Excrement,for Calvin,wasnotsimplymatteroutofplace:asanimageforformlessness,thatis of chaos, it stirred up his deepest horror of nonbeing.”8 Calvin associated excrementwithimpurity,pollution,andcontagion,allofwhichweresummedup bysin. Inasmuchashumansareinnatelyandineradicablysinful,Calvinclaimedthat “Wetakenothingfromthewombbutpurefilth...itiscertainthatthereisnoone whoisnotcoveredwithinfinitefilth.”ThedoctrinesofRomewerenothingless than“stinkingexcrement.”9Whilenotuniqueinthesixteenthcentury,Calvin’s emotionallychargedreferencestoexcrementasbotharealityandametaphor becameincreasinglycommoninthenexttwocenturiesprimarilyasaresultof urbangrowthandthesocial,political,andpracticalproblemsthisinvolvedand asanewtheoryofdiseasetookhold,themiasmatheory,whichlocatedthesource ofillnessinfoulodors. Buttounderstandfullyhowexcrementandthesewersthroughwhichitran cametoassumesuchapocalypticsignificanceitisusefultoturntoNorbertElias andMaryDouglas.Bothhaveprovidedinsightsintotheconnectionbetweendirt andpower.Eliascorrelatesnewconceptsofpersonalhygieneintheearlymodern period with changing political and social structures that placed increasing psychological and social constraints on individuals.10 Douglas takes a more theoreticalviewoftherelationshipbetweendirtandpower,first,byemphasizing theimportantrolepollutionplaysinmaintainingsocialstructuresbydividing social life into two basic categories, the acceptable and the unacceptable, and, second,showingthatwherethereisdirtthereisasysteminwhichimpurityis synonymous with danger and danger with potentially threatening forms of power.11 In The Politics and Poetics of Transgression Peter Stallybrass and Allon WhiteaddafurtherdimensiontoElias’sandDouglas’sinsightsbydemonstrating

8 9 10

11

Bouwsma,Calvin,46. Ibid.,36. NorbertElia,TheCivilizingProcess:SociogenticandPsychogeneticInvestigations,trans.Edmund Jephcott. Revised Edition edited by Eric Dunning, Johan Goudsblom, and Stephen Mennell (Oxford:BlackwellPublishing,2000).ForaninsightfuldiscussionofElias,seeAbrechtClassen intheintroductiontoSexualityintheMiddleAgesandEarlyModernTimes:NewApproachestoa Fundamental CulturalHistorical and LiteraryAnthropological Theme, ed. Albrecht Classen. Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, 3 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter,2008),74–82,84,91–92,etpassim;seealsoClassen’scontributiontothisvolume,“Naked MeninMedievalGermanLiteratureandArt:Anthropological,CulturalHistorical,andMental HistoricalInvestigations,”143–69. MaryDouglas,PurityandDanger:AnAnalysisoftheConceptsofPollutionandTaboo(Londonand NewYork:Routledge,1966).

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thewayculturallyconstituteddistinctionsbetween“high”and“low”involvenot onlyvaluejudgmentsbutalsoissuesofpowerandpollution,andtheyshowthat thedistinctionbetween“high”and“low”appliesequallywelltofourdifferent domains:thehumanpsyche,thehumanbody,geographicalspace,andthesocial order.Butasessentialastheseformulationsareforunderstandingtherealand imaginarysignificanceofsewersinpremoderncitiesandpremodernminds,one veryimportantfactorhasbeenleftout,andthatistheimpactofchangingmedical andscientificideas. ThesensualisttheoryofhumanperceptionandcognitionformulatedbyLocke, developedandexpandedbyMaubecandHartley,andtransformedintoalogical systembyCondillacinthemideighteenthcentury12contributedtoaheightened awarenessofthesenseofsmell—inshort,toan“olfactoryrevolution”—andthis, inturn,ledtotheconnectionbetweennoxiousodors,illness,andepidemics.13 What came to be described as the “miasma” theory of disease fostered a hypersensitivitytowardexcrementthatledmembersofthearistocracyandupper bourgeoisietoexpressincreasingdisgust,distress,andevenhorroratthepresence of human waste in urban environments. And this provided an incentive for individuals,institutions,andgovernmentalagenciestotakeactiontoeliminate suchwasteonbothaconsciousandunconsciouslevel. Thehistoryofearlymodernsewersandthemanagementormismanagementof waste is an essential but generally overlooked part of the history of western subjectivityandburgeoningindividualism.Itisalsoanexampleoftheincreasing applicationofrepressivepowertounrulybodies,minds,spaces,andclassesand thusanintegralpartofEurope’sdomestic,colonial,andimperialhistory.Thenew olfactorysensibilityinregardtoexcrementtransformedtheenvironmentinterms ofdomesticarchitecture,furnishings,publicbuilding,andpublicspaces.Even moreimportantly,byestablishingachasmbetweenthesocalled“washed”and “unwashed,”itcreatedanewboundaryseparatingthe“civilized”Europeanbody fromlowerclassandforeignbodiesalike.ButasStallybrassandWhitepointout, separationisanintrinsicaspectofdesire;asmuchasthe“high”attemptstobanish the“low”—or,asonemightsay,sweepthedirtundertherug—the“low”returns: “Repugnanceandfascinationarethetwinpolesoftheprocessinwhichapolitical imperativetorejectandeliminatethedebasing“low”conflictspowerfullyand unpredictablywithadesireforthisother.”14AsmiddleandupperclassEuropeans

12 13

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Essaisurl’originedesconnaissanceshumaines(1746)andTraitédesSensations(1754) AlainCorbin,TheFoulandtheFragrant:OdorandtheFrenchSocialImagination(LeamingtonSpa, Hamburg,andNewYork:BergPublishers1986[French1982]). PeterStallybrassandAllonWhite,ThePoliticsandPoeticsofTransgression(London:Methuen, 1986),5.See,however,thecontributiontothisvolumebyBrittC.L.Rothauser,whofocuseson thecleansingfunctionofriversforlatemedievalurbanspacesinconcretehistoricalandalso metaphoricalterms,indicatingtherebyhowmuchthepollutionofurbanspacewasregardedas

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becameincreasinglyalienatedfromtheirown“low”bodilywastesandodors,they projectedtheirdisgustontothebodiesoflowerclassandforeign“others”and becameobsessedwithisolatingandprotectingtheboundariesoftheirphysical selvesfromthecontagiousmiasmaoftheirinferiors.Atthesametime,however, they exhibited a fascination with this “lowly” other. The conflation of the individualhumanbodywiththebodypoliticledtotheconvictionthat,likethe humanbody,societyitselfcouldonlybekeptalivebyconstantlydrainingand flushingthealienandcontagiousbodiesthreateningtopenetrateit.15And,inthis regard,nosubstancewasconsideredmoredangerousthanexcrement.AsDavid Inglishasargued,“Therulingclasseswereobsessedwithexcretion”: Faecalmatterwasanirrefutableproductofthephysiologythatthebourgeoisstrove todeny.Itsimplacablereoccurrencehauntedtheimagination;itgainsaidattemptsat decorporalisation;itprovidedalinkwithorganiclife....Thebourgeoisrejectedonto the poor what he was trying to repress in himself. His image of the masses was constructed in terms of filth. The fetid animal, crouched in dung in its own den, formedthestereotype.16

Thisextreme,onemightevensayparanoid,attitudetowardfecalmatterandthose associatedwithithadnotalwaysbeenthenormasweknowfromreadingBakhtin andElias.Inearlymedievaltowns,forexample,wastewasnottheproblemthat itbecameasurbanpopulationsgrewanddensityincreased.Infactthechemicals dumpedintoriversbytannersanddyersactedaspurifyingagentsbutweretoo dilutedtokillfish.Skinners,glovemakers,andcurriersoftenworkeddownstream fromdyerstotakeadvantageofthealumtheyflushedintotheriver.Humanfeces wasalsoviewedpositivelyasasourceoffertilizerforbackyardgardens,whilethe garbagethrownintothestreetprovidedfodderforpigs.17Excretingandurinating

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a great nuisance already in the fourteenth century. However, her literary examples mostly indicateagreatconcernwiththeembellishmentandsophisticationofurbanarchitecture,notwith theolfactoryexperienceofdirtandexcrement. CatherineGallaghermakesthispointbrilliantly,butwhilesheclaimsthisconcernwithprotecting theintegrityofindividualbodieslargelythroughmedicalinterventionsmarksadefinitebreak betweenVictorianandearlierEuropeanthought,Iarguethattheissueofpreservingboundaries betweenbodiesemergedintheeighteenthcentury.CatherineGallagher,“TheBodyVersusthe SocialBodyintheworksofThomasMalthusandHenryMayhew,”TheMakingoftheModernBody: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Catherine Gallagher and Thomas Laqueur (BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1987),83–106. David Inglis, “Sewers and Sensibilities: The Bourgeois Faecal Experience in the Nineteenth centuryCity,”TheCityandtheSenses:UrbanCultureSince1500.Ed.AlexanderCowanandJill Steward(AldershotandBurlington,VT:Ashgate,2007),118. DonaldReid,ParisSewersandSewermen:RealitiesandRepresentations(CambridgeandLondon: HarvardUniversityPress,1991),9–10.JeanPierreLeguay,LaRueauMoyenAge(Rennes:Presses UniversitairedeRennes,1984);GoronwyTidySalusburyJones,StreetLifeinMedievalEngland.2nd ed.(1sted.;Susssex:Hassocks,1975);ErnestL.Sabine,“LatrinesandCesspoolsofMedieval

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inpublicwas,aswemightsay,“nobigdeal,”andifpublicpriviesexisted,they wereoftenlocatedinpublicspacesoverhangingriversorstreams.18 Such a relatively relaxed attitude toward public defecation was matched by equally relaxed views concerning verbal exchanges dealing with excrement. Rabelaisprovidesacaseinpointwithhis“bathroomhumor”manifestedinthe searchfortheperfect“asswipe”andPanurge’soutrageouspranksinvolvingbody fluidsandexcrement.Buteven“serious’authorslikeLutherastonishuswiththeir scatological humor and invective. As Persels points out, a great deal of early modernvernacularartandliteratureis“disorderly”and“unclean”and“inneed oftheneoclassicalbathitwillreceiveinsubsequentcenturies.”19RenéeBalibar and Dominique Laporte describe the way the Académie Royale edited out excrementallanguagefromFrenchvocabularyinthelateeighteenthcentury.20The samekindoflinguisticsanitizingoccurredacrossEurope,reachingaheightof inanity in Thomas Bowdler’s (1754–1825) 1818 expurgated edition of William Shakespeare,deemedsuitableforwomenandchildren. Thescatologicallanguageandhumoroftheearlymodernperiodwenthandin handwithwhatwewouldconsiderelementarynotionsofpersonalhygiene.While peoplewereexpectedtowashtheirhandsandface,cleantheirteeth,andcomb theirhairinthemorningandwashtheirhandsbeforeandaftermeals,afullbath wasgenerallyviewedwithsuspicionorapprehensionaseitheraformofsensual indulgenceorsomekindofmedicalprocedure.21Inhisarticleonstandardsof cleanlinessintheearlymodernperiod,KeithThomasquotesapopularproverb: “Washthyhandsoften,theyfeeteseldome,butthyheadnever,”andhecomments that“thenormaltoiletwasadryone:brushingorrubbingdownwithtowelsand changingclothesnexttotheskin.”22Whatwasmostvisible—forexample,collars

18

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London,”Speculum9(1934):303–21. SeeDanielFurrer,WasserthronundDonnerbalken:EinekleineKulturgeschichtedesstillenÖrtchens (Darmstadt:Primus,2004). JeffPerselsandRussellGanim,ed.FecalMattersinEarly ModernLiteratureandArt:Studiesin Scatology(AldershotandBurlington,VT:Ashgat,2004),xvi. RenéeBalibaretDominqueLaporte,LeFrançaisNational:PolitiqueetPratiquesdelaLangueNationale souslaRevolutionFrançais(Paris:HachetteLittérature,1974). AsKeithThomaspointsout,therewasprobablylessbathingintheearlymodernperiodthanin theMiddleAgessincethepublicbathshadlargelydisappearedinresponsetothefearofplague andsyphilisandtheirconnectionwithprostitution.TherewasalsoundoubtedlyaProtestant componenttotheideathatbathsrepresentedasuspiciousformofindulgence.SeeKeithThomas, “Cleanliness and Godliness in Early Modern England,” Religion, Culture and Society in Early Modern Britain: Essays in Honor of Patrick Collinson, ed. Anthony Fletcher and Peter Roberts (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1994),56–83. Ibid., 59. Editor’s note: The whole issue would require, of course, a much broader cultural historical critical perspective which is not the purpose of the present contribution; see, for instance,thecontributionstoWind&WaterintheMiddleAges:FluidTechnoilogiesfromAntiquity to the Renaissance, ed. Steven A. Walton. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 322

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andcuffs—werewhatwasmostimportanttokeepclean.Appearancewaswhat counted,andthemotivatingfactorinkeepingcleanwastoavoidmakingabad impression.Thisis“why,”asThomassays,“eventhemostelegantgentlemen couldbeextremelyfilthyoncetheywereoffstage.”23Theproblemwasthatgiven theprimitivenatureofexistingsanitaryfacilitiesevenroyaltyhadadifficulttime gettingoffstagetotakecareoftheirbodilyneeds.24InaletterdatedOct.9,1694 toherAunt,Sophie,DuchessofHannover,ElizabethCharlotte,Princessofthe PalatineandDuchessofOrléans,complainsaboutconditionsatFontainbleauand lamentsthefactthatsheisforcedtodefecateinpublic: Vousêtesbienheureused’allerchierquandvousvoulez;chiezdonctoutvotrechien desoûl.Nousn’ensommespasdemêmeici,oùjesuisobligéedegardermonétron pourlesoir;iln’yapointdefrottoirauxmaisonsducôtédelaforêt.J’ailemalheur d’enhabiterune,etparconsequentlechagrind’allerchierdehors,cequimefâche, parcequej’aimeàchieràmonaise,etjenechiepasàmonaisequandmonculne portesurrien.Item,toutlemondenousvoitchier;ilypassédeshomes,desfemmes, desfilles,desgarçons,desabbésetdessuisses.Vousvoyezparlàquenulplaisirsans peine,etque,sionnechiaitpoint,jeseraisàFontainebleaucommelepoissondans l’eau.25 [You are indeed fortunate to shit whenever you may please and to do so to your heart’scontent!Wearenotsoluckyhere.Ihavetoholdmyturduntilevening:the housesnexttotheforestarenotatallequippedwithfacilities.Ihavethemisfortune ofinhabitingoneandconsequentlythedispleasureofhavingtoshitoutside,which irritatesmebecauseIliketoshitatmyease,andIcannotshitatmyeasewhenmy bumhasnosupport.Itemallmannerofpeoplecanseeusshitting:therearemenwho walkby,women,girls,boys,abbeys,andSwissguards.Asyoucansee,thereisno pleasurewithoutpain,andifwedidnothavetoshit,Iwouldbehappyasafishin waterhereatFontainbleau.26]



23 24

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26

(Tempe:ArizonaCenterforMedievalandRenaissanceStudies,2006);andcf.thestudiescollected in The Nature and Function of Water, Baths, Bathing and Hygiene from Antiquity Through the Renaissance,ed.CynthiaKossoandAnneScott.TechnologyandChangeinHistory,11(Leiden: Brill,2008). Thomas“Cleanliness,”71. Whilethisessayisprimarilydevotedtotheproblemofwastemanagement(ormismanagement) inurbanareas,IincludereferencestovariousEuropeancourtsbecausetheywerethemselves smallcitiesintermsofthenumberofinhabitantsbothinthecourtsproperandthecommunities thatgrewuparoundthem. Madame Palatine. Lettres françaises. Éditées, présentées et annotées par Dirk Van der Cruysse. OuvragepubliéavecleconcoursduCentrenationaldesLettres(Paris:Fayard,1989),126–27. Dominique Laporte, History of Shit, trans. Nadia Benabid and Rudolphe elKhoury with an introductionbyRudolpheelKhoury(1978;Cambridge,MA:MITPress,2000),150–51,n.11.I haveslightlymodifiedthetranslation.

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Thesuperficialnatureofearlymodernhygieneandthelackofprivatefacilities evenamongtheupperclassesprovidesstrongevidencethatthesenseofsmelland therevulsionatpublicactsofdefecationwerenotyetdevelopedtotheextentthey wouldamongelitesinthefollowingcentury.Consequently,bodyodorswerenot yetperceivedassocialmarkers.Giventhelackofproductsforpersonalhygiene andthefactthatsoapwasprobablyrarelyusedsinceitwasmadefromrancidfats andalkalinematterirritatingtotheskin,apopularmaximringstrue:“oneisnot smelt,whereallstink.”27 Thisbegantochange,however,intheeighteenthcenturyasanewsetofspoken andunspokenrulesemergedastowhereexcretioncouldlegitimatelyoccurand how it should be discussed and as a new and positive view of bathing and personalhygienecaughton.Defecationbecameanincreasinglyprivatematterand referencestoitincreasinglyindirect.InLondonthesechangeswereencouraged bytheGreatFireof1666.Beforethatcatastrophicevent,narrowstreets,cramped housing, spouting gutters without downpipes, and the practice of dumping chamberpotsdirectlyintothe“kennels,”orgutters,thatrandownthecenterof streetsandoftenoverflowedmadelifehazardousforpedestrians.Afterthefire, theLondonBuildingAct(1667)regulatedthematerials,designs,andstandards usedinconstructiontoensurethatnewhouseswerebuiltofbrickorstoneand had tiled rather than thatched roofs. Gables or overhangs were prohibited; downpipesweremandated;andordinanceswerepasseddirectinghouseholders todeposittheirwasteinplacesfromwhichitcouldberemovedbyscavengersand rakers known as “Gounge fermours” (gunge farmers). According to one ordinance,Londonerswereadvisednottoleave Anyseacoleashes,oystershells,bones,horns,topsofturnepsorcarrets,theshellor husksofanyPeasorBeans,noranydeadDogsorCats,offalofBeasts,noranyother carionorputridmatterorthing,noranyordureorExcrementsofMankindorBeasts, noranymannerofRubbish,dust,Dirt,Soile,Filth,noranyotherfilthyornoysome thingwhatsoever”infrontoftheirdwellings.28

Thiswasclearlyalargelyunenforceablewishlistsincesomeseventyyearslater, in1721,theGrandJuryoftheCityofLondonwasstillwarningconstablesand watchmentobewareofthe“quantitiesofsoilcastintothestreetsinthenight time,”apracticerecordedbyWilliamHogarthinhisengraving“Night”(1738). Butitmayhavecomfortedsomepedestrianstoknowthatifthecontents of a chamber pot did land on their heads, “the party . . . [shall] have a lawful

27

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EmilyCockayne,Hubbub:Filth,Noise&StenchinEngland,1600–1770(NewHaven:YaleUniversity Press,2007),54.Thisamusingandinformativebookprovidesmaterialforanythingonemight wanttoknowaboutphysicallifeinearlymodernEnglandundersuchtellingchapterheadings as:“Ugly,”“Itchy,”“Moudly,”“Noisy,”Grotty,”“Dirty,”and“Gloomy.” Ibid.,186.

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recompenseifhehavehurtthereby.”AguideforJusticesofthePeaceoffered adviceabouthowtodealwith“onethatshallcastdownChamberpotsonmen ...ofpurposetospoil,ordomischief.”29

29

Ibid.,79.Eventhoughfocusingonaslightlydifferentapproach,seealsoPeterJ.Smith,“‘The WrongedBreeches’:CavalierScatology,”FecalMattersinEarlyModernLiteratureandArt,154–72; Furrer,WasserthronundDonnerbalken,65–82,discussesthetechnologicaldevelopmentofwater closetsintheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies.

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Figure1:WilliamHogarth,“Night”(1738)fromtheseries “FourTimesoftheDay

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ButHogarth’srealityapparentlytrumpedjudicialactivism.AsCaroleFabricant observesinherinsightfulbookonJonathanSwift,mostpeople’sdailyexistence was literally engulfed in excrement, either because they lived in poverty or becausetheycleanedthehousesofthemoreprosperous,takingcareoftheirdirt aswellastheirown.30 Swiftisavocalwitnesstotheexcrementalrealityofurbanlifeintheeighteenth century,toovocalformanypeople’staste.MiddletonMurrayexcoriatedSwiftfor his“excrementalvision,”avisionthatledthepsychoanalyistFerenczitodeclare Swiftaneuroticwith“aninhibitionofnormalpotency”(1926).31ButasFabricant pointsout,suchadiagnosisignoresthefactthatSwiftlivedhisadultlifenearSt. Patrick’sCathedralintheoldest,poorest,andlowestpartofDublinknownas “TheLiberties.”Thisimpoverishedareawassubjecttofrequentfloodingfromthe river Liffey and from the open sewer near the Cathedral that arose from the undergroundriverknownasthePoddle.Excrementandfilthwereanunavoidable partofSwift’slife.AshesaysofDublincitystreets,“everypersonwhowalksthe streets must needs observe the immense number of human excrements at the doors and steps of waste houses, and at the sides of every dead wall.” In “A Description of a City Shower,” he catalogs the detritus routinely flooding his neighborhood:“Filthsofallhuesandodours....Sweepingsfrombutchers’stalls, dung,guts,andblood./Drowedpuppies,stinkingsprats,alldrenchedinmud,/ Deadcatsandturniptopscometumblingdowntheflood.”Swift’svisionofcity lifewassimilartoHogarth’sinmanyrespects,andSwiftrecognizedthis.Ashe wroteinabitofdoggerel,“HowIwantthee,humourousHogart?/ThouIhear,a pleasantRogueart;/WerebutyouandIacquainted,/EveryMonstershouldbe painted....”32Incolonized,exploited,andimpoverishedDublin,Swiftwasfar morelikelytoseethedownandouttypesinhabitingHogarth’smonstrous“Gin Lane”thantheirmoreprosperousneighborsin“BeerStreet.” DefoedubbedLondon“themonstrouscity,”asentimentechoedbySmollet’s fictionalcharacterMattBramblewhenhedeclaredthatthe“TheCapitalisbecome anovergrownmonsterwhich,likeadropsicalhead,willintimeleavethebody andextremitieswithoutnourishmentandsupport.”33Londonappearshereasa

30

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CaroleFabricant,Swift’sLandscape(BaltimoreandLondon:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress, 1982). ThisdiagnosisistakenseveralstepsfurtherbyKarpmanwhenhedescribedSwiftas“aneurotic whoexhibitedpsychosexualinfantilism,withaparticularshowingofcoprophilia,associatedwith misogyny,misanthropy,mysophlia,andmysophobia.”CitedinNormanO.Brown,LifeAgainst Death:ThePsychoanalyticalMeaningofHistory(Middletown,CT:WesleyanUniversityPress,1959; London:Sphere,1968),182. Swift,“ACharacter,Panegyric,andDescriptionoftheLegionClub.”CitedinFabricant,Swift’s Landscape,14. RoyPorter,“CleaninguptheGreatWen:PublicHealthinEighteenthCenturyLondon,”Living

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threateningvampiresuckingthewealthandbloodoutofthecountryside,akind ofhugehell’smouthdevouringitsinhabitants.InthenineteenthcenturyWilliam Cobbettsimplyreferredtoitas“thegreatwen,”orsewer.34Ifwearetobelieve Lord Tyrconnel, London life was so corrupting and debilitating that anyone viewingitsdenizenswouldconsiderthemdegeneratesavages, a herd of barbarians, or a colony of hottentots, The most disgusting part of the charactergivenbytravellers,ofthemostsavagenations,istheirneglectofcleanliness, ofwhich,perhaps,nopartoftheWorldaffordsmoreproofsthanthestreetsofLondon ...[thecity]aboundswithsuchheapsoffilth...asasavagewouldlookonwith amazement.35

In1813thesituationseemedsogravetotheradicalthinkerRichardPhillipsthat hepredictedLondon’seventualobliteration: London will increase, . . . [but] the houses will become too numerous for the inhabitants,andcertaindistrictswillbeoccupiedbybeggaryand vice,orbecome depopulated.Thisdiseasewillspreadlikeanatrophyinthehumanbody,andruin willfollowruin,tilltheentirecityisdisgustingtotheremnantoftheinhabitants;at lengththewholebecomesaheapofruins:suchhavebeenthecausesofdecayofall overgrowncities.Ninevah,Babylon,Antioch,andThebesarebecomeheapsofruins. Rome,Delphi,andAlexandria,arepartakingthesameinevitablefate;andLondon must some time, from similar causes, succumb under the destiny of every thing human.36

Londonwasnotaloneisgettingabadpressforitsappallingfilth.Describinghis travelsthroughFranceandItalyin1766TobiasSmolletrevealsasimilardisgust attheexcrementthatcontinuallyaccostedhissensesinpublicplaces.Ashesays, Therearecertainmortifyingviewsofhumannature,whichundoubtedlyoughttobe concealedasmuchaspossible,inordertopreventgivingoffense:andnothingcanbe moreabsurd,thantopleadthedifferenceofcustomindifferentcountries,indefense of those usages which cannot fail giving disgust to the organs and senses of all mankind.37

HesingledoutRomeanditsPiazzaNavonaforspecialopprobrium: AgreatplentyofwaterhasnotinducedtheRomanstobecleanly.Theirstreets,and itseventheirpalaces,aredisgracedwithfilth.ThenoblePiazzaNavonaisadorned withthreeorfourfountains,andallofthemnotwithstandingthisprovision,thePiazza

34 35 36 37

andDyinginLondon,ed.Ed.W.F.BynumandRoyPorter.MedicalHistory,SupplementNo.11. (London:WellcomeInstitutefortheHistoryofMedicine,1991),61–75. Ibid.,61–2. Cockayne,Hubbub,181. Porter,“CleaninguptheGreatWen,”63. TobiasSmollet,TravelsthroughFranceandItaly(1766;Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1992),33.

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isalmostasdirtyasWestSmithfield,wherecattlearesoldinLondon.Thecorridors, arcades,andevenstaircasesoftheirmostelegantpalaces,aredepositoriesofnastiness, andindeedinsummersmellasstrongasspiritofhatshorne.Ihaveagreatnotionthat theirancestorswerenotmuchorecleanly.38

JohannWolfgangGoetheregisteredthesamedistressonhistravelsthroughItaly whenhenotedthewaylocalsdefecatedandurinatedinpublicplaces.39AnItalian contemporarydescribeshishorrifiedreactiontothestreetsofModena:“Upon cornerstone/Untidyandscatteredmoundsofoldmanure/...Odorousturds andheapsofchamberpotsupsetandscatteredaboutandluridtorrents/ofurine andrankandfoulsmellingbroth/thatyoucannotwalkwithoutboots.”40The sameindictmentappearsinadescriptionofthestenchemanatingfromthepalace atVersailles: Theunpleasantodorsinthepark,gardens,eventheChateau,makeone’sgorgerise. Thecommunicatingpassages,courtyards,buildingsinthewings,corridorsarefullof urineandfeces;aporkbutcheractuallysticksandroasthispigsatthebottomofthe ministers’wingeverymorning;theavenueofSaintCloudiscoveredwithstagnant wateranddeadcats.41

InhisEssaisurlapropretédeParis(1797)PierreChauvetcomplainsthatinthePalais deJustice,theLouvre,theTuileries,theMuseum,andtheOpera“oneispursued bytheunpleasantodorandinfectionfromtheplacesofease[latrines].”Paris,he lamentsmaybethe“centerofscience,arts,fashion,andtaste,”butitisalsothe “centerofstench.”42Upperclassnoseshadbecomesosensitiveontheeveofthe FrenchRevolutionthatArthurYoungdrewamapofurbanstenchesinRouen, Bordeaux,Pamiers,andClermont,allofwhichhedescribedasmakinghimchoke. Clermontwasespeciallybad. Clermontisinthemidstofamostcuriouscountry,allvolcanic;andisbuiltandpaved withlava:muchofitformsoneoftheworstbuilt,dirtiest,andmoststinkingplacesI havemetwith.Therearemanystreetsthatcan,forblackness,dirt,andillscents,only berepresentedbynarrowchannelscutinanightdunghill.Thecontentionofnauseous savours, with which the air is impregnated; when brisk mountain gales do not

38

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40

41 42

AlexanderG.McKay,“Piranesi’sImpressionsofRome,”City&Societyinthe18thCentury,ed.Paul FritzandDavidWilliam.PublicationsoftheMcMasterUniversityAssociationfor18thCentury Studies,3(Toronto:Hakkert,1973),39–58;here43. JohannWolfgangGoethe,ItalianJourney(1786–1788),trans.W.H.AudenandElizabethMayer (Harmandsworth:Penguin,1970[1962]),62,64. PieroCamporesi,TheIncorruptibleFlesh:BodilyMutilationandMortificationinReligionandFolklore, trans.TaniaCroftMurray(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1988),186. CitedinCorbin,TheFoulandtheFragrant,27. Ibid.,27.

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AllisonP.Coudert ventilatetheseexcrementitiouslanes,mademeenvythenervesofthegoodpeople who,forwhatIknow,maybehappyinthem.43

Totheevidentdistressofwitnesseslikethese,publicdefecationcontinuedtobe anacceptablefactoflifeinmanypartsofeighteenthcenturyEurope,evenamong theupperclasses.VisitorstotheLouvreandtothePalaisdeJusticeduringthe reign of Louis XVI, for example, urinated publicly in these buildings without condemnation.44AtFredericktheGreat’spalaceSanssouciinPotsdam(westof Berlin)thingswerealittlebetter.Apublicnoticeaskedcourtiersnottourinateon thestairs,butwithhowmuchsuccesswedonotknow.45 It would be wrong, however, to take these disgusting descriptions of urban spacesandurbanlivingasfactpureandsimple.Althoughtheyweresurelythat, itisimportanttorecognizethattheywerealsoindicativeofaprofoundchangein sensibilities.Theymarkedanewhypersensitivitytowardhumanwasteamongthe upperechelonsofsociety,ahypersensitivitythatwasaccompaniedbyagrowing preoccupationwithhygieneandrepugnanceforbodyodors,especiallyofothers but also of one’s own. To quote Matt Bramble once again as he describes the potpourrioffoulodorsthataccostedhissensitivenostrilsatahighsocietyball: Imaginetoyourselfahighexaltedessenceofmingledodours,arisingfromputrid gums,imposthumatedlungs,sourflatulencies,rankarmpits,sweatingfeet,running soresandissues,plasters,assafoetidadrops,musk,hartshornandsalvolatile;besides athousandfrowzystreams,whichIcouldnotanalyse(I,135).

Duringtheeighteenthcenturyincreasingnumbersofpeoplebegantoberepulsed by aromas their ancestors had found quite tolerable, and this new olfactory intolerancefosteredanewkindofsubjectivityastheindividualselfemergedfrom thecrowdtomonitorhisownsmellsinrelationtothoseofothers.Theindividual bedandtheindividualtombcameintofashionintheeighteenthcenturyandboth wereexamplesofthekindofnewboundariesthatwerebeingerectedtoseparate andisolateindividualsfromoneanother.AsLaportesuccinctlysays,“Toeachhis cesspoolandtoeachhisgrave.”46 InhisgroundbreakingbookTheFoulandtheFragrant,AlainCorbindescribesthe “perceptual revolution” that occurred in the eighteenth century when smell usurpedsightasthepreeminentsense.Corbinconnectsthisrevolutionwiththe experimentalworkonairthatbeganwithBoyleintheseventeenthcenturyand continuedintheworkofLavoisierandPriestly.Thegrowingrealizationthatthe

43

44 45 46

ArthurYoung,TravelsinFranceandItalyduringtheYears1787,1788,and1789,185.Eighteenth centuryEtexts(http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca) Inglis,“SewersandSensibilities,”112. Ibid.,112. Laporte,HistoryofShit,xi.

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airwasnotahomogeneoussubstancebutamixtureofgasesandacarrierofall kindsofchemicalandorganicsubstancesusheredinwhatCorbindescribesasthe “GoldenAgeofOsphresiology,”or,toputitlessgrandly,thescienceofsmells. Thisnewsensitivitytosmellreflectedthe“miasma”theoryofdiseasethatdrew adirectconnectionbetweenfoulodors,illness,andepidemics.ThomasTryon (1643–1703), an English autodidact and polymath who in many respects anticipatedthebroadinterestsandpracticalbentofBenjaminFranklin,wasan earlyconverttotheideathatnoxiousodorscauseddisease.InWisdomDictates (1691) he advised his readers to avoid privies because of the possibility of infection.Herecommendeddefecatinginavesselandthenemptyingitintoa privyorcesspool.ForTryon,asforsomanyothers,thesenses,andespeciallythe sense of smell, were avenues into the inner body, from which the body often neededprotection.AsCorbindemonstrates,“degeneratedair,”mephitism,orfoul odors, especially those emanating from the earth, and the “morbific vapors” arisingfromputrefactionbecameacentralconcernamongscientistsandelites alike, generating essays and enormous tomes describing experiments and observationsdevotedtosmells.MmeThirouxd’Arconville,forexample,wrotea 600pagebook,Essaispourserviràhistoiredelaputréfaction(1766),inwhichshe records her experiments on more than 300 substances in order to study how putrefaction could be controlled. As a result of experimental work on the emanationsarisingfromstagnantwater,J.B.ThéodoreBaumesdemandedthat agricultural workers be prevented from sleeping with their noses to the soil, somethingitishardtoimaginetheyactuallydid.47Thesearejustafewofthe examplesgivenbyCorbintoillustratethefascinationwithsmells,especiallyfoul andputridones,thatgrippedthemindsandimaginationsofeighteenthcentury Europeans.AsCorbinsays“Putrefactionwasatimemachine”becausetheputrid moleculesemanatingfromdecomposingbodiescreatedan“aerialmiasma”that notonlythreatenedlivingorganismsbutcouldevencorruptbutcher’smeatlaid outonslabsinthemarketaswellastheknivesthatcutit.Inshort,foulsmells werenotsimplydisgustingthey“provokedpanic”becausetheycouldkill.48 Thegrowingbodyofbeliefsconnectingfoulodorswithdisease“engenderedan obsessionwithfissures,faults,andimperfectjoinings.”49Crackedcesspools,badly joined floor boards, unsealed vaults and cisterns, scavenger carts that were improperlycaulked,irregularpavingstones—insumfaultyconstructionsofany sort—were considered potential sites of dangerous emissions. The idea of monitoringandsecuringboundariesthatiscentraltoMaryDouglas’analysisof purityandpollutionbecameafixation.Thisappliedtotheboundariesseparating

47 48 49

Corbin,TheFoulandtheFragrant,23 Ibid.,21. Ibid.,23.

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human bodies as well and explains the increased vigilance over body odors. Belches, farts, colic, wind, fetid breath, sweat, and bowel movements were carefullymonitoredforpossiblesignsofdisease,decay,andapproachingdeath. The eighteenth century was an age of statistics and calculations, and a new calculusdevelopedmeasuringdegreesofinternalbodydecaybasedontheodor ofbodilywaste. AsCorbincomments,thisledto“astonishingexcrementalvigilance,”50which, in turn, intensified the growing obsession with the individual self. While encouraginghigherstandardsofpersonalhygieneamongtheupperclasses,such “excrementalvigilance”fueledthefireofsocialandsanitaryreform.Itwasno longerthecasethat“oneisnotsmelt,whereallstink.”Bodyodorbecameasocial markerthatallowednewlydeodorizedelitesnotonlytodistinguishthemselves fromthestinkingmassesathomeandabroadbutalsotojustifytheirwretched treatmentofthem.AsMmedeGiradinproclaimedinaletterofOctober21,1837, thereisanunbridgeablechasmthatseparatesthewashedandtheunwashed: Thosewhodonotwashtheirhandswillalwayshatethosewhowashtheirhands.You willneverbeabletobringthemtogether...becausethereisonethingwhichcannot be overcome and that is disgust; because here is another thing that can not be tolerated,andthatishumiliation.51

CharlesLeonardPfeifferhasshownhowBalzacusessmellsasthebasisforthe social gradations that distinguish between the bourgeois, petitbourgeois, peasants, and courtesans who appear in the novels in La Comédie humaine.52 Delicacy of smell was a sign of social status, and one that, for example, distinguishednavalofficersfromthecommonseamenundertheircommand.In Les Paysans (1844) Balzac describes a scene in a dining room in which an aristocraticwomanisalmostforcedtoleavebeforefinishinghermeal: Thestrong,savageodorofthetwohabituésofthehighwaymadethediningroom stinksomuchthatitoffendedMadamedeMontcornet’sdelicatesensesandshewould havebeenforcedtoleaveifMoucheandFourchonhadstayedanylonger.53

Hereisaclearexampleofthewaydelicacyofsmellbecameadistinguishingsign ofclass;butitshouldalsobepointedoutthatitwasagendermarkeraswell. According to one nasologist, George Jabef, even Mme Montcornet nasal fastidiousnesswasnomatchforthatofanymalememberofherclass;forjustas women body and brains were smaller than men’s, so too were their nasal

50 51 52

53

Corbin,TheFoulandtheFragrant,20 Ibid.,270,n.4. Charles Leonard Pfeiffer, Taste and Smell in Balzac’s Novels (Tucson: University of Arizona HumanitiesBulletin.6.1,1949). CitedinCorbin,TheFoulandtheFragrant,155.

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appendages,andthisputthematadistinctdisadvantageintermsofolfactory sensitivityandintelligence: Whateverthecause,itisalmostindisputablethatwomen’scharactersaregenerally less developed than those of men; and this fact accurately accords with the usual developmentoftheirNoses.Butforasmallhiatusintheprosody,Pope’slinewould readequallywellthus:— “mostwomenhavenoNosesatall.” Not,ofcourse,thatthenasalappendageiswanting,anymorethanPopeintendedby the original line that women’s characteristics were wholly negative; but like their characters, their Noses are, for the most part cast in a smaller and less developed mouldthantheNosemasculine.54

Aswecansee,the“civilized”nosehadbecometheorganbestablethesniffout andmonitorthe“civilized”body,whichwaswellwashedandwellgroomedwith itsboundariescarefullyguardedandcordonedofffromodoriferous“others.”In this respect the “civilized” nose and body were wholly different from the uncivilizednosesandbodiesofthepoor,whoseboundarieswereporoustosuch anextentthattheywerevirtuallyindistinguishablefrombeasts.Eventhatgreat champion of the poor and crusader against inequality, Friedrich Engels, had absorbed this way of thinking as we can see from his description of the Irish sharinglodgingswiththeirpigs: TheIrishmanallowsthepigtosharehisownlivingquarters.Thisnew,abnormal methodofrearinglivestockinthelargetownsisentirelyoftheIrishorigin...The Irishmanlivesandsleepswiththepig,thechildrenplaywiththepig,rideonitsback, androllaboutinthefilthwithit.55

ForthoseacquaintedwiththelonghistoryofChristianantiSemitism,Engels’s statementbringstomindthedisgustingmotifofthe“Judensau,”whichdemeaned Jewsbydepictingthemeatingpigexcrementandsuckingattheteatsofsows56. EighteenthandnineteenthcenturyupperandmiddleclassEuropeansmayhave beenmorefastidiousthantheirancestorswhenitcametoolfactorysensitivity,but thepracticeofdehumanizinggroupsbyassociatingthemwithanimalswould appeartobeasoldashumanhistory.57Andeatingexcrementwastheultimate imageofanindividualandaworldgonetoHell.

54 55 56

57

GeorgeJabet,NotesonNoses(1848;London:RichardBentley,1852),110. CitedinStalleybrassandWhite,ThePoliticsandPoeticsofTransgression,132. Editor’s note: see the excellent study on this topic by Alexandra Cuffel, Gendering Disgust in MedievalReligiousPolemic(NotreDame,IN:UniversityofNotreDamePress,2007);seemyreview inMediaevistik,forthcoming. Isaiah Shachar, The Judensau: a Medieval AntiJewish Motif and its History. Warburg Institute Surveys,5(London:TheWarburgInstitute,1974).

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Themoraldimensionsofhygieneareincreasinglyhighlightedintheeighteenth andnineteenthcenturies.Foulodorshad,ofcourse,beenassociatedwitheviland thedemonicfromtimeimmemorial.TheAssyrianandBabyloniandemonPazuzu, sourceofdiseaseanddeath,stankasaresultofhisrottinggenitals.Thestenchof HellisacommonChristianmotif,thereversesideof“theodorofsanctity,”which was taken as a sign of saintliness in the medieval Church. However, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the religious dimensions of smell were secularizedtoregisterpoorhygieneasanewboundarymarkerseparatingrich andpoor.Inadditiontobeingasignofgodliness,cleanlinesswasnowthecause aswellasthesignofanindustrious,lawabiding,andprosperouscitizenry.Bishop BerkeleydrewthisconnectioninhiscritiqueoftheIrish: Alittlewashing,scrubbingandrubbing,bestowedontheirpersonsandhouseswould introduceasortofindustry,andindustryinanyonekindisapttobegetitinanother ....Youshallnotfindacleanhouseinhabitedbycleanpeople,andyetwantingin necessaries;thesamespiritofindustrythatkeepsfolkcleanbeingsufficienttokeep themalsoinfoodandraiment.58

 WilliamHazlitt(1778–1830)drewasimilarcorrelationbetweencleanlinessand industry:“apeoplethatareremarkableforcleanlinesswillbesoforindustry,for honesty,foravarice.”Buthegoesevenfartherinequatinggood,capitalistmores withmorality: The more any one finds himself clinging to material objects for existence or gratification,themorehewilltakeapersonalinterestinthem,andthemorewillhe clean,repair,polish,scrub,scour,andtugatthemwithoutend,asifitwerehisown soulthathewaskeepingcleanfromspotorblemish.59

EdwinChadwick(1800–1890),oneofthefiercestproponentsofthemiasmatheory ofdiseaseandaleadingBritishexponentof“thesanitaryidea,”drewacorrelation betweenphysicalandmoraldepravity: how much of rebellion, of moral depravity and of crime has its root in physical disorderanddepravity....[thefever]nestsandseatsofphysicaldepravityarealso theseatsofmoraldepravity,disorder,andcrimewithwhichthepolicehavemostto do.60

SuchastatementanticipatestherhetoricofSocialDarwinism.

58 59

60

CitedinThomas,“Cleanliness,”80. William Hazlitt, The Collected Works of William Hazlitt, ed. Alfred R. Waller Arnold Glover (London:J.MDent&Co,1903),vii,176–77. CitedinStalleybrassandWhite,ThePoliticsandPoeticsofTransgression,131.

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As Mary Douglas and other scholars have argued, every society’s cosmology includes some kind symbolic connection between dirt and danger along with injunctionsabouthowtoeliminatebothandrestorepurity.Evensuchmundane thingsasspringcleaningrepresentsanattemptonapersonalscaletoreorderthe environmentbyexposingandeliminatingthedirtthatisliterallyundertherug.61 Onacosmicscalesacrificehasbeenoneofthemostprevalentwaystorestore purityandridtheenvironmentofdisorderandthedangersitunleashes.Inearly modern Europe heretics and witches were forced to assume the role of the sacrificial scapegoats, whose elimination would restore social equilibrium and eradicatepollution.Hereticsandwitchesrepresentedthedemonicforces—which equals Stallybrass’s and White’s “low”—who threatened to erupt from the underworldengulfingthoseon“high”ground.Intheincreasinglysecularized eighteenth and nineteenth centuries this underworld was more apt to be associatedwiththepoor,thecriminal,andtheforeign,inshort,withthosesocial groupsdeemedsociallyunacceptable. This is where the metaphor of the sewer as a threat to civilization became increasinglyaptasinthedescriptionfromVictorHugo’sLesMisérableswithwhich thispaperbegan.Sewerscalledtomindthediversethreatspresentedtosocietyby ashadyunderworldinhabitedbycriminals,whereallkindsofdisreputableacts occurred beyond the gaze of law and order. As Inglis suggests, the task of mapping the Parisian sewers undertaken in the nineteenth century had implicationsfarbeyondthemundanegoalofestablishingamorerationalsystem ofwastecollectionanddisposal.Mappingtheexistingsewersystem“brought themintothelightofday,allowingthegazeofthebourgeoisstatetopenetrate intotheirdeepestrecess.”62Mappingthesewerswaspartofthelargerendeavor to control the irrational and the subversive, which by definition was also the feminine: ThesewersofearlynineteenthcenturyPariswereunderstoodbythecontemporary bourgeoisietobe‘feminine’innature,fortheywereundertheinfluenceofNature ratherthanReason,andthusfullofpotentiallysubversivethreats.Conversely,the sewers constructed by the State in the Haussmann period and after exhibited a

61

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Douglascategoricallyrejectstheideathatwecleanupourmessanddirtpurelyforhygienic reasons,while“primitives”avoiddirtoutofirrationalsuperstitionandreligiousfears.Asshe says,“Inchasingdirt,papering,decorating,tidyingwearenotgovernedbyanxietytoescape disease,butarepositivelyreorderingourenvironment,makingitconformtoanidea.Thereis nothingfearfulorunreasoninginourdirtavoidance:itisacreativemovement,anattemptto relateformtofunction,tomakeunityofexperience.Ifthisissowithourseparating,tidyingand purifying,weshouldinterpretprimitivepurificationsandprophylaxisinthesamelight”(Purity andDanger,2). Inglis,“SewersandSensibilities,”124.

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AllisonP.Coudert ‘masculine’rationality,allowingapredictableuniformitywhereNaturewasharnassed ratherthanincontrol.63

TheattempttoilluminatethedarkunderworldofsewersystemsinEuropewent handinhandwithschemestoreformandrefashionprisonsandhospitals.All such schemes were predicated on the increasingly prevalent assumption that cleanlinesswasasinequanonmoralprobity.Dutchprisonsbecamemodelsof personal hygiene, in which each inmate had his own room, wooden bed, and strawmattressallintheinterestofmoralrehabilitation.JohnHoward(1726–1790), thefatherofprisonreforminEngland,workeddiligentlytoinculcatehabitsof cleanlinessamongprisonersbecausehebelievedthatsuchhabitswereanessential aspectofhonestyanddecency.Deploringthecrowdedandunsanitaryconditions inaprisonshipanchoredoffPlymouth,heremarked: IcouldwishthatthewholeofSaturdaywereappropriatedtocleanliness,viz.,bathing, washingandmendingtheirclothes,shaving,cleaningthemselvesandeverypartofthe ship,andbeatingandairingtheirbedding.Thusendeavouringtointroducehabitsof cleanlinessisanobjectofgreatimportanceasmanyofficershaveobserved‘thatthe mostcleanlyonesarealwaysthemostdecentandmosthonest,andthemostslovenly anddirtyarethemostviciousandirregular.’64

 RegardlessofalltheworkofreformerslikeHowardandtheinnumerablesanitary engineersandscientistswhotriedtoprotecttheelitemembersofsocietyfromthe contagionemanatingfromtheirinferiors,theboundaryseparatingrichandpoor intermsofodorwasdecidedlyporous.Forattheheartofmiddleandupperclass householdswerethelowerclassfemaleswhowereincreasinglyentrustedwith attendingtothebodilyneedsoftheiremployersaswivesanddaughtersregarded suchministrationswithgrowingdisgust.Thisasymmetrybetweentheupperand lowerclassesplayedoutinapeculiarway,inwhatGailMarshallhasdescribedas the“Galateaaesthetic.”Artists,writers,andmalesfromallwalksofmiddleand upperclasslifesoughtoutworkingclasswomenascompanions,models,lovers, andevenwives,desiringthemfortheirdifference,yetattemptingtotransform themintomoresociallyacceptablebeingswhowouldbridgethegapbetween lowerclassphysicalityandbourgeoissensitivity.65 The fusion of power, fear, and desire involved in such attempts created a psychologicaldependenceonpreciselythoseaspectsofdirtanddisordertobe rejectedandexcluded.Thustherepressedreturnedwithavengeance,ortoquote

63 64 65

Ibid. CitedinCorbin,TheFoulandtheFragrant,108–09. GailMarshall,ActressesontheVictorianStage:FemininePerformanceandtheGalateaMyth(Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress,1994);M.A.Danahay,“MirrorsofMasculineDesire:Narcissusand PygmalioninVictoriaRepresentation,”VictorianPoetry32(1994):35–53.

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StallybrassandWhite,“Itisforthisreasonthatwhatissociallyperipheralisso frequentlysymbolicallycentral.....”66 Thisessayprovidesalot,perhapstoomuch,informationabouttheunpleasant fecalmattersthatdoggedthefootstepsandobsessedthemindsofpremodern urban dwellers, especially during the eighteenth century. They reveal how discordantactuallifewasfromtheidealizationofthatlifethatwassuchapartof contemporaryaesthetictheory,neoclassicalpaining,pastoralpoetry,andidyllic descriptionsofcountryhouseliving.Inthesanitizeddepictionsoflifepresented by Fragonard, Boucher, Poussin and Claude Lorraine, not to mention Gainsborough and Reynolds, as well as by the authors of pastoral poetry, the excrementalrealityinwhichthevastmajorityofpeoplelivedisutterlyabsentor repressed.67 But for all the idealization that one finds in neoclassical art and eighteenthcenturyliterature,itisnotaccuratetosaythatupperclasseliteslived inivorytowersandusedartasanescapefromtherealitiesofdailylife. Although much of eighteenthcentury art and literature ignores the urban realitiesIhavedescribed,theaimofthisartwastoimprove,evenperfect,nature. The wish to change and improve was precisely what motivated scientists and sanitaryreformersintheireffortstolocateandconfineexcrementalfilthonboth aliteralandfigurativeleveltoitsproperplace.Whilethishadnegativeeffectsin termsofcurtailingindividualfreedoms,asFoucaultandothershaveemphasized, italsoledtotheconceptsofcityplanningandpublicwelfareweareusedtotoday, howeverimperfectbothhaveproventobe.Inthecourseofdoingthis,anewkind ofsubjectivesensibilityemerged.Whilethishadtheimmediateeffectoferecting newbarriersbetweenclassesandethnicgroups,inthelongtermitundermined these barriers as the more equitable distribution of wealth allowed increasing numbersofpeopletoaccommodatetothenewstandardsofhygieneputinplace bytheolfactoryrevolutionoftheeighteenthcentury.

66 67

StallybrassandWhite,ThePoliticsandPoeticsofTransgression,5. Frabricant,Swift’sLandscapes,18,42.

Illustrations

IllustrationsforAlbrechtClassen’s“Introduction”: Figure1:LuttrellPsalter:AFacsimile,commentarybyMichelleP.Brown(London: TheBritishLibrary,2006),fol.164verso Figure2:PoznaCityHall (http://image46.webshots.com/47/7/75/21/2992775210090122875XVvqUI_ph.jpg)

IllustrationsforC.DavidBenson’sarticle“TheDeadandtheLiving: SomeMedievalDescriptionsoftheRuinsandRelicsofRomeKnown totheEnglish”(all@C.DavidBenson): Figure1:CastelS.Angelo(Hadrian’sSepulchre) Figure2:ObeliskatSt.Peter’s(Caesar’sPillarorNeedle) Figure3:FrescoofEquestrianStatuebeforeLateran(byFilippinoLippiatS.Maria sopraMinerva) Figure4:CopyofEquestrianStatue(MarcusAurelius)onCapitolineHill Figure5:Colosseum Figure6:Head,Hand,andSphereofEmperor(IdolofSun) Figure 7: Tomb of Saints Lawrence and Stephen (under high altar of Saint Lawrence) Figure8:CapitolineVenus Figure9:OriginalEquestrianStatue(MarcusAurelius) Figure10:StoneThrownatSt.DominicbyDevil(S.Sabina) Figure11:SiteofWellofOilatChrist’sBirth(S.MariaTrastevere) Figure12:AltarinOctavian’sVision(S.MariainAracoeli)

736

Illustrations

Illustration for Shennan Hutton’s article “Women, Men, and Markets:TheGenderingofMarketSpaceinLateMedievalGhent”: Figure1:MapofGhentinthefifteenthcentury.TakenfromMarcBoone,Genten de Bourgondische hertogen, ca. 1384–ca. 1453. Een sociaalpolitieke studie van een staatsvormingsproces.Courtesyoftheauthor.

IllustrationsforLiaB.Ross’sarticle“AngerandtheCity:WhoWas inChargeofthePariscabochienRevoltof1413?”: Figure1:TheBastillebeforetheRevolution(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bastille) Figure2:Butchers’arms(http://www.francepittoresque.com/metiers/46.htm) Figure3:JohntheFearless (http://www.wga.hu/framese.html?/html/m/master/zunk_fl/15_paint/1/12 john_f.html Figure4:MapofoldParis (http://employees.oneonta.edu/farberas/arth/arth214_folder/paris_maps.htm; mapiseditedbyauthor,withadditionofarrows)

Illustrations for Klaus Amann’s and Max Siller’s article “Urban LiteraryEntertainmentintheMiddleAgesandtheEarlyModern Age:TheExampleofTyrol”: Figure1:Tyrolin1766(http://hoeckmann.de/deutschland/tirol.htm) Figure 2: Sterzing Miscellanea Manuscript, Sterzing Municipal Archives, no signature, fol. 42r. Digitized: http://alo.uibk.ac.at/webinterface/library/ALO BOOK_V01?objid=14101&page=48&zoom=1&ocr=;fol.42r(detail) Figure3:DasAmbraserLiederbuchvomJahre1582,ed.JosephBergmann(Stuttgart: LiterarischerVerein,1845),V,frontpage(detail) Figure 4: Depiction of miners in the St. Magdalena chapel of Ridnaun (near Sterzing).MasterMatheisStöberl,1509(photograph:MaxSiller) Figure 5: Hans Thalhofer, Fechtbuch von 1476, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München,Cod.icon.394a,fol.7v(Internet: http://mdzx.bibbvb.de/codicon/Blatt_bsb00020451,00016.html) Figure 6: Hans Thalhofer, Fechtbuch von 1476, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München,Cod.icon.394a,fol.86v(Internet: http://mdzx.bibbvb.de/codicon/Blatt_bsb00020451,00174.html) Figure7:RunkelsteinCastle,TournamentHall,southernwall:joust,ballgames,

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round dance. Schloss Runkelstein. Die Bilderburg, ed. André Bechtold (Bozen: Athesia,2000),figure114 Figure 8: Runkelstein Castle, Tournament Hall, southern wall: joust (detail: femalespectators).SchlossRunkelstein.DieBilderburg,ed.AndréBechtold(Bozen: Athesia,2000),figure118

Illustrations for Fabian Alfie’s article “‘The Merchants of My Florence’:ASocioPoliticalComplaintfrom1457”: Figure 1: Burchiello 1757 edition, Sonetti del Burchiello, del Bellincioni e d’altri poetifiorentiniallaburchiellesca,[n.p.]:Londra[Lucca],1757(@FabianAlfie) Figure2:FirenzeIIiv250(f.194r),codexFirenzeII.IV.250suconcessionedel Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali della Repubblica Italiana / Biblioteca NazionaleCentralediFirenze”(furtherreproductionsarenotpermitted)

IllustrationsforBirgitWiedl’sarticle“JewsandtheCity:Parameters ofJewishUrbanLifeinLateMedievalAustria”: Figure1:StatueofSynagoga,Bambergcathedral,ca.1230(@BirgitWiedl) Figure2:StatueofSynagoga,Strasbourgcathedral,ca.1225(@BirgitWiedl) Figure3:StatueofEcclesia,Strasbourgcathedral,ca.1225(@BirgitWiedl) Figure4:Mahzorwithadepictionofabridalcouple,thebride,withthetypical itemsofEcclesia,hashereyesblindfolded,which,inChristiandepictions,isthe distinctive feature for Synagoga, ca.1330 (Staats und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg) Figure 5: Decoration in the “Niederösterreichischen Randleistenstil,” Missale, secondhalfoffourtheenthcentury(StiftsbibliothekKlosterneuburg,Cod.74) Figure6:SalesdeedofthemonasteryofKremsmünster(UpperAustria)with thecorrespondingHebrewcharterattachedtoit(StiftsarchivKremsmünster, 1305April29,Hebrew,andMay3,German)

Illustrations for Jan Hirschbiegel’s and Gabriel Zeilinger’s article “UrbanSpaceDivided?TheEncounterofCivicandCourtlySpheres inLateMedievalTowns”: Figure1:KingSigismundonhiswaytotheCathedralofConstance,December 1414(Richental,Konzil,1:Faksimileausgabe,fol.19v)

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Figure 2: King Sigismund in the Cathedral of Constance, Christmas 1414 (Richental,Konzil,1:Faksimileausgabe,fol.20r) Figure3:KingSigismundisescortedovertheLakeofConstance,hereinJanuary 1417(DieSchweizimMittelalterinDieboldSchillingsSpiezerBilderchronik,ed.Hans HaeberliandChristophvonSteiger.StudienausgabezurFaksimileEditionder Hs.Mss.hist.helv.I.16d.BurgerbibliothekBern[Lucerne:FaksimileVerlag, 1991],392,basedontheSpiezerBilderchronik,609[asinSchenk,Zeremoniellund Politik,Figure13])

Illustrations for Pnar Kayaalp’s article “The Role of Imperial MosqueComplexes(15431583)intheUrbanizationofÜsküdar“: Figure 1: Axonometric projection of the Mihrümah Sultan Mosque Complex. Üsküdar.Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,300,F.280 Figure2:PlanoftheMihrümahSultanMosqueComplex.Üsküdar:1.mosque;2. medrese; 3. elementary school; 4. mausoleum of Cigalizade Sinan Pasha (d. 1605);5.mausoleumofEdhemPasha(1892–1893);6.cemeterygarden.Source: Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,299,F.279 Figure3:MihrümahSultanMosqueComplexinÜsküdarfromthesouth.Source: Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,302,F.283 Figure 4: Mihrümah Sultan Mosque Complex, Üsküdar, double portico with projectingablutionfountain.Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,302,F.282 Figure5:AxonometricprojectionoftheemsiPashaMosqueComplex,Üsküdar. Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,403,F.518 Figure6:PlanoftheemsiPashaMosqueComplex,Üsküdar.Source:Necipo{lu, AgeofSinan,493,F.517 Figure 7: Arial view of the emsi Pasha Mosque Complex, Üsküdar. Source: Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,495,F.520 Figure 8: LouisFrancois Cassas, Sketch of the Atik Valide Mosque Complex, Üsküdar(‘EsckiValidé,viellemèreàScutari’),ca.1786,pencilonpaper.Source: Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,289,F.268 Figure9:PlanoftheAtikValideMosqueComplex,Üsküdar,withahypothetical reconstructionofitshospicecaravansaryhospitalblock:1.mosque;2.medrese; 3.Suficonvent;4.elementaryschool;5.Hadithschool;6.fountainofHasan Çavu;7.vestibule;8.doublecaravansarywithstables;9.hospicekitchens;10. guestrooms;11.hospital;12.doublebath.Source:Necipo{lu,AgeofSinan,282, F.261

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Illustrations for Martha Moffitt Peackock’s article “Early Modern DutchWomenintheCity:TheImagingofEconomicAgencyand Power”: Figure 1: Caspar Netscher, The Lacemaker, Wallace Collection, London, The WallaceCollection:ACompleteCatalogue,StephenDuffyandJoHedley(London: UnicornPressandLindsayFineArt),301 Figure 2: Geertruydt Roghman, Spinner, Rijksprentenkabinet, Amsterdam, “GeertruydtRoghmanandtheFemalePerspectiveinSeventeenthCenturyDutch GenreImagery,”WomansArtJournal14.2(1993–1994):5 Figure 3: Anonymous, The Struggle for Daily Bread, Historisch Museum, Amsterdam,IngelijstWerk,Deverbeeldingvanarbeidenberoepindevroegmoderne Nederlanden,AnnettedeVries(Zwolle:Waanders,2004),231. Figure 4: Isaac Claesz. Van Swanenburgh, The Spinning, Reeling, Warping, and Weaving of Wool, Stedelijk Museum De Lakenhal, Leiden, Ingelijst Werk, De verbeeldingvanarbeidenberoepindevroegmoderneNederlanden,AnnettedeVries (Zwolle:Waanders,2004),212 Figure5:HendrickMartensz.Sorgh,VegetableMarket,Rijksmuseum,Amsterdam, Rembrandt and the Golden Age of Dutch Art: Treasures from the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, Ruud Priem, ed. Penelope HunterSteibel (Dayton Art Institute, Ohio, Phoenix Art Museum, Arizona, Portland Art Museum, Oregon in AssociationwithTheRijksmuseum,Amsterdam,2006),63 Figure6:JanvandeVelde,Market,Rijksprentenkabinet,Amsterdam,Elizabeth AliceHonig,“DesireandDomesticEconomy,”ArtBulletin83.2(June2001):302 Figure7:EmanueldeWitte,OldMarketontheDam,MuseoThyssenBornemisza, Madrid,TheThyssenBornemiszaCollection:SeventeenthCenturyDutchandFlemish Painting, Ivan Gaskell, General Editor Simon de Pury (London: Sothebys Publications,1990),281 Figure8:SybrandvanBeest,ThePigMarketintheHague,BrediusMuseum,The Hague,MuseumBredius:Catalogusvandeschlderijenentekeningen,AlbertBlankert (Zwolle:Waanders,1991,)47 Figure9:CornelisBeelt,Weaver’sWorkshop,BrediusMuseum,TheHague,Ingelijst Werk,DeverbeeldingvanarbeidenberoepindevroegmoderneNederlanden,Annette deVries(Zwolle:Waanders,2004),222 Figure10:“QuirijnGerritsz.vanBrekelenkam,”PortraitofApothecaryandHisWife, PresentLocationUnknown,RijksbureauvoorKunsthistorischeDocumentatie. Figure11:JanSteen,BakerArendOostwaertandhiswifeCatharinaKeyzerswaert, Rijksmuseum,Amsterdam,TheAmusementsofJanSteen:ComicPaintinginthe SeventeenthCentury,MariëtWestermann(Zwolle:Waanders,1997),189

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Figure12:ReinierCovijn,Milkmaid,BrediusMuseum,TheHague,MuseumBredius: Catalogusvandeschilderijenentekeningen,AlbertBlankert(Zwolle:Waanders, 1991),67 Figure13:JobBerckheyde,TheBakeryShop,AllenMemorialArtMuseum,Oberlin, TheGoldenAge,DutchPaintersoftheSeventeenthCentury,BobHaak(NewYork: HarryN.Abrams,1984),392 Figure14:GerardDou,Grocer,Louvre,Paris,AnEntrancefortheEyes:Spaceand Meaning in SeventheenthCentury Dutch Art, Martha Hollander (Berkeley: UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2002),59 Figure15:AdriaenvanOstade,Fishwife,Rijksmuseum,Amsterdam,Mastersof SeventeenthCentury Dutch Genre Painting, Peter C. Sutton, ed. Jane Iandola Watkins(Philadelphia:PhiladelphiaMuseumofArt,1984),30 Figure 16: Michiel van Musscher, Sara Antheunis, Present location unknown, RijksbureauvoorKunsthistorischeDocumentatie. Figure17:PieterdeHooch,WomanWeighingCoins,Gemäldegalerie,Berlin,Pieter deHooch:16291684,PeterC.Sutton(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1998), 55 Figure18:EmanueldeWitte,AdrianavanHeusdenandherDaughter,TheNational Gallery,London,TheDutchSchool:16001900,Volume2,PlatesandSignatures, Neil MacLaren, Revised and Expanded by Christopher Brown (London: NationalGallery,1991),412 Figure19:QuirijnGerritsz.vanBrekelenkam,MarketScene(detail),Suermondt LudwigMuseum, Aachen, Quiringh Van Brekelenkam, Angelika Lasius, (Doornspijk:Davaco,1992),58 Figure 20: Quiringh Gerritsz. van Brekelenkam, The Tailor’s Workshop, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, Leidse Fijnschilders: Van Gerrit Dou tot Frans van MierisdeJonge:16301760,EricJ.Sluijter,MarliesEnklaar,PaulNieuwenhuizen (Zwolle:Waanders,1988),88 Figure 21: Nicolaes Maes, The Poultry Shop, Courtesy by Douwes Fine Art, Amsterdam Figure22:JacobvanMeurs,Women’sRevoltinDelft,1616,CourtesybyBelasting &DouaneMuseum,Rotterdam

IllustrationforAllisonP.Coudert’sarticleSewers,Cesspools,and Privies:WasteasRealityandMetaphor inPremodernEuropean Cities”: Figure1:WilliamHogarth,“Night”(1738)fromtheseries“FourTimesoftheDay”

Contributors

FABIANALFIEisAssociateProfessorofItalianattheUniversityofArizona.He got his PhD from the University of Wisconsin, Madison in 1995 with a specialization in the Middle Ages. His field of research focuses on the comic literatureofthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,andinparticularoninsulting poetry.In2001,hepublishedhisfirstbook,ComedyandCulture:CeccoAngiolieriand LateMedievalSociety(Leeds,UK:NorthernUniversitiesPress).Hehaspublished severalarticlesonCeccoAngiolieriandhiscircle,includingRusticoFilippi,Meo dei Tolomei and Pietro dei Faitinelli. For the past several years, he has been workingonamonographonDante’sinsultingcorrespondencewithForeseDonati. ROSAALVAREZPEREZgotherPh.D.atCUNY(CityUniversityofNewYork) in 2005 and so far has published five entries: “The Biblical Judith;” “Jewish Tradition, Gender and Women;” “Rabelais;” “Judaism;” “Jewish Women’s League”intheEncyclopediaofSexandGender,EditorinChiefFedwaMaltiDouglas (Farmington Hills, MI: MacMillan, 2007). She is currently preparing an article temporarilytitled“PorousBoundaries:CrisscrossingNetworksbetweenJewish and Christian Women”  for a special issue of Women in French Studies, titled Rivalry,Cooperation,Conspiracy,andPatronage:StudiesintheDynamicsofWomen’s Interaction in French Literature and Culture, ed. by Julia Simms Holderness and LaurenceM.Porter.ShecurrentlyholdsthepositionofanAssistantProfessorof FrenchatSouthernUtahUniversity. KLAUSAMANNreceivedhisPh.D.fromtheUniversityofInnsbruck,Austria,in 2006 with a critical edition, commentary, and interpretation of Das Pfäferser Passionsspielfragment. Edition, Untersuchung, Kommentar (Innsbruck: Innsbruck UniversityPress,forthcomingMay2009).Between2002and2006hewasLecturer at the “Institut für deutsche Sprache, Literatur und Literaturkritik” at the UniversityofInnsbruck,andsince2006hehasbeenLecturerintheDepartment ofGermanatthesameuniversity.HehascoeditedwithMaxSillertheconference proceedingsofthefifthsymposiumontheSterzingerOsterspielethattookplacein 2004(2008),andiscurrentlypreparingtheproceedingsofasymposiumdedicated toHugovonMontfortthattookplacein2007.

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C. DAVID BENSON is a professor of English and Medieval Studies at the UniversityofConnecticut.HehasalsotaughtatColumbia,Colorado,Virginia, andHarvard.HehaspublishedbooksonTroy,Chaucer,andLangland,suchas The History of Troy in Middle English Literature (1980),  Chaucer’s Drama of Style (1986),  Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde (1990), Public Piers Plowman: Modern ScholarshipandLateMedievalEnglishCulture(2004),andcoeditedacollectionof essaysonChaucer’sReligiousTales(ed.,withElizabethAnnRobertson,1990),and a text of Mandeville’s Travels (The Book of John Mandeville, ed., together with TamarahKohanski,2007). MICHAELE.BONINEisProfessorofGeographyandProfessorandHeadofthe DepartmentofNearEasternStudiesattheUniversityofArizona,wherehehas beensince1975.HereceivedhisPh.D.inGeographyin1975fromtheUniversity ofTexasatAustin,completingadissertationoncityhinterlandrelationshipsbased upontwoyearsoffieldworkinYazdandcentralIran.HewasExecutiveDirector oftheMiddleEastStudiesAssociationofNorthAmerica(MESA)from1982to 1989.  He has served on the Board of Directors of the American Institute of MaghribiStudies,theAmericanInstituteofYemeniStudies,theSocietyforGulf Arab Studies, and the American Institute for Iranian Studies (and serving as Presidentforthreeyears).Dr.Bonine’sresearchhasfocusedonurbanismand urbanization in the Middle East, and besides his earlier work in Iran he has conductedresearchinMorocco,Tunisia,Egypt,Yemen,UnitedArabEmirates, andTurkey—andhehasmadeextensivetravelsinmanyotherMiddleEastand Muslimcountries.Heistheauthorofnumerousarticlesaswellastheauthoror editorofseveralbooks,includingModernIran:DialecticsofContinuityandChange (1981),MiddleEasternCitiesandIslamicUrbanism(1994),andPopulation,Poverty,and Politics in Middle East Cities (1997).  He has just recently been asked to be the organizerandeditorforaHandbookonMiddleEasternCitiesforRoutledgePress, andheisworkingonatextbookmanuscriptcalledTheGeographyofIslam. ALBRECHTCLASSENisUniversityDistinguishedProfessorofGermanStudies attheUniversityofArizona.Hehaspublishednumerousbooksandarticleson GermanandEuropeanliteraturefromtheearlyMiddleAgestotheseventeenth andeighteenthcenturies.Mostrecently,hepublishedMeetingtheForeigninthe MiddleAges(2002);VerzweiflungundHoffnung(2002;astudyoncommunicationin theMiddleAges);ViolenceinMedievalCourtlyLiterature(2004);Childhoodinthe Middle Ages and the Renaissance (2005); Der Liebes und Ehediskurs vom hohen Mittelalterbiszumfrühen17.Jahrhundert(2005;DiscourseonLoveandMarriage fromthehighMiddleAgestotheEarlySeventeenthCentury);andTheMedieval ChastityBelt:AMythMakingProcess(2007).Hislatestmonograph,TheWoman’s VoiceinMedievalLiterature(2007)appearedwithdeGruyter,forwhichhealso

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servesaseditorofthebookseries“FundamentalsofMedievalandEarlyModern Culture(FMC).Dr.ClassenistheeditorofTristaniaandcoeditorofMediaevistik. In2004theGermangovernmentawardedhimwiththeBundesverdienstkreuzam Band(OrderofMerit)inrecognitionofhiscontributionstothedisseminationof German culture, language, and literature. In 2006 he received the AATG Outstanding German Educator Award and Checkpoint Charlie Foundation Scholarship (CollegeUniversity Level), in 2007 the Southeastern Medieval AssociationOutstandingScholarlyAchievementAward,andin2008theHenry& PhyllisKofflerPrizeforOutstandingAccomplishmentsinResearchfromtheUniversity ofArizona.In2009hewastherecipientoftheFiveStarFacultyAward(student onlynomination).HisEnglishtranslationofthecompleteworksofOswaldvon Wolkenstein(1376/77–1445)appearedin2008,andabookonsixteenthcentury Germanjestnarrativesisforthcoming. ALLISONP.COUDERTreceivedherPhDfromtheWarburgInstitute,University ofLondon.SheiscurrentlythePaulandMarieCastelfrancoChairintheReligious StudiesProgramattheUniversityofCaliforniaatDavis.Herpublishedbooks includeLeibnizandtheKabbalah(Dordrecht:Kluwer,1995)andTheImpactofthe Kabbalahinthe17thCentury:TheLifeandThoughtofFrancisMercuryvanHelmont, 1614–1698(LeidenandBoston:Brill,1999).Amongherrecentarticlesare,“Ange dufoyerouidoledeperversité:ésotérismeaufeminineauXIXesiècle,”Politica Hermetica20(2006):29–47and“TheSulzbachJubilee:OldAgeinEarlyModern Europe and America,” Old Age in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: InterdisciplinaryApproachestoaNeglectedTopic,ed.AlbrechtClassen(Berlin andNewYork:WalterdeGruyter,2005),389–413.Sheisalsorepresentedinthe newvolume,HistoryofSexualityintheMiddleAgesandtheEarlyModernAge,ed. AlbrechtClassen(BerlinandNewYork:deGruyter,2008),withastudyon“From theClitoristotheBreast:TheEclipseoftheFemaleLibidoinEarlyModernArt, Literature,andPhilosophy.” JANHIRSCHBIEGEL,studiedAncient,Medieval,andEarlyModernhistoryas wellasEuropeanEthnologyandreceivedhisM.A.inHistoryfromtheChristian AlbrechtsUniversity of Kiel in 1993. In 1998 he was awarded a doctorate in Historyfromthesameuniversity,histhesisdealingwithgiftgivingattheFrench courts in the later Middle Ages: Étrennes. Untersuchungen zum höfischen GeschenkverkehrimspätmittelalterlichenFrankreichderZeitKönigKarlsVI.(1380–1422) (2003).Since1995hehasbeenworkingasaresearchassistantfortheResidenzen Kommission,aresearchgroupoftheAcademyofSciencesinGöttingen.Currentlyhe isworkingonahabilitationtitled:“ManifestationsofTrust?CloseRelationsat PrincelyCourtsintheLaterMiddleAges.”

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Contributors

SHENNANHUTTONisanindependentscholar/adjunctlecturerwhoreceiveda Ph.D.inmedievalEuropeanhistoryin2006fromtheUniversityofCalifornia, Davis.Sheenteredgraduateschoolaftermanyyearsofteachingworldhistory and women’s history to high school students. The author of two articles on women’seconomicactivitiesinlatemedievalGhent,shealsohasastronginterest ineffectiveteachingofhistoryatalllevels,asshehasorganizedandconducted institutesonworldhistoryforK–12teachersaswellaswinninganOutstanding GraduateStudentTeachingAwardatUCDavis.Sheiscurrentlymakingrevisions on a book manuscript, provisionally titled “In Her Own Name: Women and EconomicActivitiesinLateMedievalGhent.”Thisproject,areworkingofthe doctoral dissertation she wrote under the direction of Professor Joan Cadden, examinesgendereddivisionsincraftproduction,propertytransactions,andcredit markets. JEANE.JOSTisProfessorofEnglishatBradleyUniversitywheresheteaches graduateandundergraduatecoursesonChaucer,ArthurianLiterature,Oldand MiddleEnglishsurveys,MedievalDrama,andMiddleEnglishromance.Shehas publishedTenMiddleEnglishArthurianRomances;AReferenceGuideandediteda collection called Chaucer’s Humor: Critical Essays. Currently she is editing the Southern Recension of the Pricke of Conscience. Her articles have considered Chaucer’sPerformativeCriseyde,masculinitiesintheFriar’sandSummoner’s Tales,variousMiddleEnglishromances(AmisandAmiloun,AwntyrsoffArthurat the Terne Wathelyne, The Turke and Gowin, and Tristan and Isolt), the poetics of sexual desire in the Merchant’s Tale, The UnChaucerian Tale of Beryn, The GawainPoet,andseveralarticlespublishedbyAlbrechtClassen.HerlastNEHon theOldFrenchFabliauxhasprovidedanewinterestwhichsheispursuing. PINAR KAYAALP holds a Ph.D. from Harvard University and is currently AssistantProfessorofIslamicandMiddleEasternStudiesatRamapo College, New Jersey. Her interests lie in Ottoman women’s history, art history, urban history,andpoorrelief.Sheiscurrentlyworkingonahistoryofhealthandwelfare intheOttomanEmpireinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies.Hermostrecent workincludes:“TheAtikValide’sEndowmentDeed:ATextualAnalysis,”Feeding People,FeedingPower:ImaretsintheOttomanEmpire,ed.AmySingerandChristoph Neumann(Istanbul:Eren,2007),261–73;“Circumcision.”EncyclopediaoftheModern World,ed.PeterN.Steams(2008),179–181;“BosphorusStrait,”SeasandWaterways oftheWorld:AnEncylcopediaofHistory,Uses,andIssues,ed.JohnZumerchickand Steven Danver (forthcoming); and “Foucault on the Diffusion of Power,” Introduction to Classical and Contemporary Social Theory, ed. Berch Berberolu (forthcoming).

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ANDREASMEYERreceivedhisPh.D.in1984,andhisHabilitationin1993,both at the University of Zurich. Between 1989 and 1996 he carried out research in Rome, and since 2001 he has been Professor of History at the University of Marburg, Germany. His Habilitation appeared in print under the title Felix et inclitusnotarius.StudienzumitalienischenNotariatvom7.bis13.Jahrhundert(2000). Since then he has published Ser Ciabattus. Regesti di imbreviature lucchesi del Duecento,vol.I:anni1222–1232(2005),andanumberofarticlesonthe“Volto Santo”inthethirteenthcenturyLuccacommunity(2005),onorganizedbeggar businessandotherfinancialoperationsbythehospitalinAltopascio(2007),on leprosy and medical examinations of this sickness in thirteenthcentury Lucca (2007),andonmarriagecontracts,alsoinLucca(2007). ALANV.MURRAYstudiedMedievalHistory,German,andFolkStudiesatthe universitiesofStAndrews,Salzburg,andFreiburg.HereceivedhisPh.D.fromSt. Andrews in 1988. He is currently Senior Lecturer in Medieval Studies at the UniversityofLeedsandEditoroftheInternationalMedievalBibliography.Hehas written numerous studies on the crusades and the Latin states of Outremer, medievalchronicles,andMiddleHighGermanliterature.Hispublicationsinclude themonographTheCrusaderKingdomofJerusalem:ADynasticHistory,1099–1125 (2000),thecollectionCrusadeandConversionontheBalticFrontier(2001),andthe4 volumereferenceworkTheCrusades:AnEncyclopedia(2006).Hismostrecentwork has been on the logistics and practical dimensions of how major military expeditionsfunctionedinthecentralMiddleAges,aswellasonchroniclesofthe BalticCrusades. MARTHAMOFFITTPEACOCKisProfessorofArtHistoryatBrighamYoung University. She received her Ph.D. from The Ohio State University in 1989, specializing in the history of seventeenthcentury Dutch art. Her research has particularlycenteredontherelationshipofarttothelivesofwomen—bothas artistsandsubjectsinart—intheDutchRepublic.Shehaspublishedanumberof articlesandessaysinbothinternationalandnationalarthistoricaljournalsand booksincluding:“CompatibleCharactersinContrastingCultures:Hieronymus BoschandJacopoBellini,”Nord/SudII,UniversityofPadua,tobepublishedin 2009;“HoorndragersandHennetasters:TheOldImpotentCuckoldasOtherin Netherlandish Art and Farce,” Old Age in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. AlbrechtClassen,2007;and“DomesticityinthePublicSphere,”Saints,Sinners,and Sisters. Gender and Northern Art in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Jane CarrollandAlisonStewart,2003.Currently,sheisworkingonabook,Heroines, HarpiesandHousewives:WomenofConsequenceintheDutchGoldenAge. DANIEL F. PIGG is a Professor of English at The University of Tennessee at

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Contributors

Martin.HeteachescoursesonChaucerandmedievalBritishliteratureinaddition tocoursesontheHistoryoftheEnglishLanguageandRestorationandEighteenth Century British literature. He has published widely on a variety of medieval British literature, including Beowulf, the Canterbury Tale, Piers Plowman, and medievalromancematerialsinAthelstonandMalory’s“TaleofSirGareth.”Hehas presented papers on old age in Piers Plowman and sexuality surrounding the representationofSirGarethinMalory’sLeMorteD’ArthuratpreviousInternational SymposiasponsoredbytheUniversityofArizona,subsequentlypublished.A particularareaofspecializationistherepresentationofmasculinityinmedieval literature.HeiscompletingaresearchsurveyfortheHandbookofMedievalStudies onthattopic. LIAB.ROSSholdsaPh.D.inEuropeanHistory(Medieval&EarlyModern)from theUniversityofNewMexicowheresheworksfulltimeasacomputeranalyst andparttimeasahistoryinstructor.Shehasspecializedinstudiesoffifteenth centuryFrance,Burgundy,andEnglandandisanactivememberoftheCentre européend’étudesbourguignonnes.Inbetweenotherpublicationssheisworkingon a book version of her dissertation, which examines the behavior of people in groups as narrated by French and Burgundian latemedieval chroniclers. The currentpiecewasinspiredbyachapterthatdealswithurbanrevolts. BRITTC.L.ROTHAUSERisaPh.D.studentattheUniversityofConnecticutand afulltimevisitingprofessoratEasternConnecticutStateUniversity.Sheholdsa B.A.inMedievalStudiesfromtheUniversityofConnecticutandaM.A.inEnglish fromtheUniversityofMaryland.HermajorinterestsareAngloSaxonlanguage, literature,history,andpaleography.Previously,shepublished“WinterinHeorot: LookingatAngloSaxonPerceptionsofAgeandKingshipthroughtheCharacter ofHrothgar”withthisseriesinthevolumeentitledOldAgeintheMiddleAgesand theRenaissance.HerdissertationexplorestheAngloSaxonperceptionofageand theplaceoftheelderlywithinthatsociety. MARILYNSANDIDGE’srecentscholarshiphasincludedpapersandarticlesin medieval and early modern English literature. She is the director of  the MA programinEnglishatWestfieldStateCollege,wheresheisaprofessorofEnglish. AlongwithAlbrechtClassen,shecoeditstheFundamentalsofMedievaland EarlyModernCultureseriesofbookspublishedbyWalterdeGruyterPress.Her publicationsontherolesofwomenorfamilyrelationshipsinmedievalandearly modernliteratureinclude“ChangingContextsofInfanticideinMedievalEnglish Texts”inChildhoodintheMiddleAgesandtheRenaissance(BerlinandNewYork:de Gruyter, 2005) and “Constructing New Women in Early Modern English Literature”inDiscoursesonLove,Marriage,andTransgressioninMedievalandEarly

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ModernLiterature(Tempe,AZ:CenterforMedievalandRenaissanceStudies,2004). CONNIEL.SCARBOROUGHisProfessorofRomanceLanguagesandLiteratures attheUniversityofCincinnati.HerbooksincludeWomeninThirteenthCentury SpainasPortrayedintheCantigasdeSantaMaria,acriticaleditionoftheLibrodelos exenplospora.b.c.,andTextandConcordanceofCastigosydotrinasqueunsabiodaba asushijas:EscorialMS.a.IV.5.ShehaspublishednumerousarticlesonAlfonsoX’s CantigasdeSantaMariaaswellasonLavidadeSantaMariaEgipciaca,Celestina,and Ellibrodebuenamor.Herlatestbook,AHolyAlliance:AlfonsoX’suseofReligious VerseforPoliticalPurposes,appearedin2008.ShecurrentlyservesasExecutive EditoroftheCincinnatiRomanceReviewandtheBulletinoftheCantigueirosdeSanta Maria.InFallof2009sheisjoiningthefacultyatTexasTechUniversity. MAX SILLER is Professor of Older German Language and Literature at the University of Innsbruck, Austria. He received his Ph.D. in 1974, and his Habilitationin1991(“Literatur–Sprache–Territorium:Methoden,Aufgabenund MöglichkeiteneinerregionalenLiteraturgeschichtsschreibungdesMittelalters,” 3vols.).HisbookpublicationsincludeaneditionofDasEvangeliumNicodemiin spätmittelalterlicher Prosa (1981), several edited volumes with conference proceedingsdrawnfromthesymposiadedicatedtotheSterzingerOsterspiele(1992, 1994, 1996, 2004, and 2008), and an edition of Martin Wild’s Ridnauner Dialektwörterbuch(2005). KISHA TRACY is a Ph.D. student in the Medieval Studies Program at the University of Connecticut. She earned her M.A. in Medieval Studies from the University of Connecticut in 2004 and her B.A. in English Literature from the UniversityofEvansvillein2002.Currently,sheisfinishingupherdissertation, whichisentitled“WritingMemory:ReinventionandtheTraditionofConfession inMiddleEnglishLiterature;”thisstudyisfocusedonhowtheinfluentialpractice ofconfessionismanifestedthroughthewidespreadjuxtapositionofconfession andmemoryinMiddleEnglishliterarytextsandhowthisconceptpermeated otherrepresentationsofmemoryaswrittenbyauthorsinavarietyofgenres.Her article “Character Memory and Reinvention of the Past in Béroul’s Roman de Tristan”appearedinthe2006issueofTristania.Also,herstudyofthemulticultural medievalrepresentationsoftheFisherKingisforthcominginacollectionofessays concernedwiththeemergingfieldofmedievaldisabilitystudies. PATRICIA TURNING graduated, after having received her Bachelor’s and Master’s degree from the University of Akron, a Ph.D. from the University of California,Davis,in2007.In2005,theMedievalAcademyofAmericagrantedher thefirstBirgitBaldwinFellowship,whichallowedhertospendextensivetimein

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Contributors

thearchivesofsouthernFrance.Thisexperienceprovidedherwiththebulkofthe sourcesthatfuelhersubsequentresearchprojects.Sheiscurrentlyworkingona monographthatexamineshowtheurbanpublicnotonlyshapedpoliticaland judicialpolicies,butalsoparticipatedinconstructingthenotionsoflaw,orderand justice that played out in their community. She has recently completed an article on the importance of public punishments in the city of Toulouse (forthcomingintheFrenchHistoryJournal),andasecondpiecethatanalyzesthe roleofpolicingforcesintheurbanrealm.SheiscurrentlyaVisitingAssistant ProfessoratArizonaStateUniversity,wheresheteachescoursesontheMiddle AgesandtheEarlyModernHistory. BIRGITWIEDLstudiedHistory,German,andRussianPhilologyattheUniversity of Salzburg where she received her Magister and Ph.D., focusing on the late medieval and early modern periods, economic history, especially crafts and craftsmen, and urban history. She was employed as an archivist for the MuseumsQuartierViennafrom1998to2001;since2000shehasbeenworkingatthe Institute for Jewish History in Austria on the project “Documents on Jewish HistoryinMedievalAustria,”fundedbytheAustrianScienceFund(FWF),that aims at the establishment of an encompassing collection of charters, historiographicalandliterarydocumentsthatbearreferencetoAustrianJews.She has published two books: Regesten zur Geschichte der Juden in Österreich im Mittelalter.Vol1:VondenAnfängenbis1338(2005),togetherwithEvelineBrugger; andAlltagundRechtimHandwerkderFrühenNeuzeit(2006),aswellasanumber ofarticles,suchas“‘Damitmanmügsprechen,dasainergelebthat’:Derlange WegzurmodernenAutobiographie,”JüdischeLebensgeschichten:ErinnertesLeben –erzähltesGedächtnis,ed.EleonoreLappin(2006),29;and:“‘...undanderfrume leute genuch, paide christen und juden’: Quellen zur christlichjüdischen InteraktionimSpätmittelalter,”RäumeundWege:JüdischeGeschichteimAltenReich 13001800, ed. Rolf Kießling, Peter Rauscher, Stefan Rohrbacher, and Barbara Staudinger(2007),285305.From2001to2008,shewasaguestlecturerforthe American Heritage Association/University of Portland, Oregon, at Vienna, teachingmedievalandearlymodernhistory. GABRIELZEILINGERstudiedHistoryaswellasScandinavianLanguagesand LiteratureinKiel,Germany,andOslo,Norway,graduatingin2002withaMaster’s thesis on court festivals in fifteenthcentury Württemberg (published as Die UracherHochzeit1474:FormundFunktioneineshöfischenFestesim15.Jahrhundert, 2003).In2006hereceivedhisPh.DfromtheChristianAlbrechtsUniversitätzu Kiel, with a dissertation on everyday life in latemedieval wars (published as Lebensformen im Krieg: Eine Alltags und Erfahrungsgeschichte des süddeutschen Städtekriegs1449/50,2007).HeiscurrentlyLecturerforMedievalEconomicand

Contributors

749

SocialHistoryattheDepartmentofHistoryinKielwitharesearchemphasison thesocialhistoryofmedievalcitiesandofthelatemedievalnobility. JEANETTE ZISSELL is a Ph.D. student at the University of Connecticut. She receivedaB.A.inEnglishfromtheUniversityofMassachusetts,andanM.A.in MedievalStudiesattheUniversityofConnecticut.HerinterestsincludeMiddle Englishvernaculartheologyandpoetry.Shehopestofocusherdissertationonthe themeoffriendshipinPiersPlowman.

Index

‘AbbasMirza 642 ‘AbdalRahmanKhan 641 ‘AbdalRahmanKhan 641 ‘Umar 115,207 Abbas,Shah 636–38 Abbas,Shah 636–38 AbdalHusaynSipanta 636 Abelard,Peter 51,366 AbTammMa’add 209 AdenetleRoi 330 AdriaenvanOstade 682 Aeneid 192 Aertsen,Pieter 676 AhmedI 658 Ahmet,emsi 654 alHkim 209,222–25 AlbertofAachen 214–15 AlbrechtIV,Duke 296 AlbrechtII,Duke 301–03 Albrecht,Duke 586 Albrecht,Margrave 588 AlexandertheGreat 15 AlluminatusJacobi 236 AmbrasSongbook 515–18 AmbraserHeldenbuch 538 Angiolieri,Cecco 465,478,481 AnnaofBosnia 499 AntoinedesEssart 441 AntoniodeBeatis 677 ApolloniusofTyre 15 ArendOostwaert 678 Aristotle 52 Armagnac 440

Armlederpersecutions 302 Arnaldi,Andreucci 236 Arnolphus,Emperor 588 Arthur,King 34 Artzperger,Jörg 529 Ashrok 284 Aubert,Bishop 199 Augustine,St. 13,26,52,112, 122–23,333,335–52 Averell,William 600 Bacon 614 Baegert,Derik 73 BaldwinI,King 218–20 BalianofIbelin 223 Balzac 730 Barbara,Queen 490,496,499 Barbarossa 21–22 Bas,Elizabeth 684 Basim 622 Baumes,J.B.Théodore 729 Becket,Thomas 250 Becket,Thomas 153,162 Beelt,Cornelis 678,700 Berckheyde,Job 691,704 BernardofClairvaux 334 BernardusdeBosto 355–72 Bernardus,seeSerBonacursi BettevandenWijngaerde 421 Beuckelaer,Joachim 676 Bey,Muhammed 624,632 Bigotd’Auxerre,Adam 326 Blannbekin,Agnes 87 Boccaccio,Giovanni 85–88,96,

752 186,395 Bollaerd,Jan 430 Bonfils,Joseph,Rabbi 314 Bonichi,Bindo 475 BonvesindellaRiva 574 booksofhours 90 Bote,Hermann 96 Boucher 735 BourgeoisofParis 436 Bowdler,Thomas 720 Bracciolini,Poggio 85,96 Bramble,Matt 725,728 Braybroke,Bishop 203 Breton,Nicholas 600 Brut 112,188–89,193 Bucchiello 465–70 Bugenhagen,Johannes 596 Burchiello,seeDomenico Caballinus,John 574 Caboche,Simonde 440–63 CaesariusofHeisterbach 322,328 CalendarofLetterBooks 263,267 CalistoyMelibea 539–68 Calvin 716–17 Calvino,Italo 2–3 Campin,Robert 73 CantardelmioCid 186 Capgrave,John 110,150,154–55, 157,162,166,169–71 Cats,Jacob 144,670–71, 674,682 Cecco,seeAngiolieri Çelebi,Evliya 649–50 Celtis,Conrad 572,578 Chadwick,Edwin 732 Charlemagne 5,200 CharlesofOrléans 448 CharlesV,Emperor 101 CharlesII,King 436 CharlesVI 454

Index Chaucer

59,85,125–26,137, 148,249,376–96,397–410 Chauvet,Pierre 149,727 Child,SirJosiah 681 ChristinedePizan 52–58,141 ChronicleofErnouland BernardleTresorier 219 ChronicleofSt.Denis 319 Ciabattus 243 Ciompirevolt 476 Ciompiriots 133 CitezdeIherusalem 219 CodexAureus 590–91 ConradinderBünd 500–02 Corbin 729–30 Cosimode’Medici 465,476 Covijn,Reinier 679,703 Cromwell,Thomas 609 Damiani,Peter 477 DanteAlighieri 25–26,55, 118,133,185,248, 476–78,481 Datini,seeFrancesco deHooch,Pieter 684,708 deWijs,Joris 685 deWitte,Emmanuel 685–86, 677–78,698,709 Debs,Benedikt 136,520,525 Dectorus 234 Defoe,Daniel 149,725 DenisotdeChaumont 442 DomenicodiGiovanni 132–33,465 Donne 614 Dou,Gerard 681,705 Dürer,Albrecht 73–74,106, 139,573 EdwardIV,King 456 EdwardI,King 195–96 EdwardIII,King 267–68,270 Ehinger,Hainrich 500

Index Eisenbuch 296 EleanorofCastile 195 ElisabethofWürttemberg 499 ElizabethCharlotte,Princess ofthePalatine 721 Elizabeth,Queen 599,610,614 ÉlyondeJacqueville 442 Emetullah,Gülnü 658 EmineMihriah 658 Engels,Friedrich 731 EnguerrandeMonstrelet 436 EphraimbarJacob 285 Erkenwald,Saint 113,119, 186,197–98,202–05, 263–67,273 EstatdelacitédeIherusalem 219 Evliya,seeÇelebi Feichtner,Veit 525 FerdinandI,King 522 FernandodeRojas 139–40, 539–68 Fitzstephen,William 118,155, 247,249–56,260–61,574 FolgòredaSanGimigniano 478 Folz,Hans 521 Fortunatus,Venantius 38 Fragonard 735 FrancescodiMarcoDatini 99–100 FrancisI,King 63–64 FrancoSacchetti 96,465 Franklin,Benjamin 729 FredericII,Duke 282,292 FrederickIV,Duke 77 FredericktheGreat,King 728 FrederickIII,Emperor 587 Furutrii,Raymundus 369 Gaismair,Michael 521–23 Gangi,Filippus 235 GarnierdeSaintYon 440

753 GeoffreyofMonmouth 186,189 GerardI,Bishop 198 Géry,St. 199 Giotto 108 GiovannideiMedici 465 GiovanniBattista QuadroofLugano 102 Giradin,Mmede 730 Godfrey 218 Goethe,JohannWolfgang 147, 727 Gottfried,J.S. 670 Gower,John 118,248–50, 259–62,271–73 Gregorius 235–36 Gregorius,Master 110–11, 148,152,154,157, 161,166,169 GregoryofTours 17 Guicciardini,Ludovico 677 GuillaumeCirace 448 GuillaumedeLorris 63,581 Guinizzelli,Guido 480 Gumpost,Caspar 500–501 Hadulf,Bishop 199 Hagen,Hans 500–501 Haimbuecher 530 HainrichvonUlm 500 HainrichvonTettikoven 500–501 Hake,Edward 598 Hardy,Jean(seePetrus) Harscher,Barbara 578 HartmannvonAue 36 Has,Kunz 572 Häslein 283–84 HausundFamilienbücher 61–62 Hazlitt,William 732 HeinrichvonUlm 500–501 HeinrichvonVeldeke 186 HeinrichvondemTürlin 34

754 HeinrichvonBurgeis 511 Heloise 366 HendrikMartensz.Sorgh 675, 682,686,696 HenryV,King 447 HenryVIII,King 160,610 HerzogErnstB 42–50,571 Hiertmair,Lienhard 525 Higden,Ralph 153,167 HistoriaApolloniusTyrus 38 Hoccleve 58–61,186,249 Hogarth,William 149,722, 724–25 Howard,John 734 Howell,James 681 Howes,John 610 Hugo,Victor 715–16,733 Hürrem 653 Hussain,Imam 620 IbnalAthr 223 IbrahimI 658 InnocentIII,Pope 329 Isabeau,Queen 445 IsidoreofSeville 253 Isserl,Israel 280 Jabef,George 730 JacobbarJechiel,Rabbi 281 Jacobs,Barber 683–84 JacquotlePitoul 325 Jansz,Claes 677 JeandeTroyes,Master 440,442 JeandePavilly 443,447 JeandeTroyes 440 JeandeMontaigu 438,463 JeandeJandun 574 JeandeMeun 63 JeandeVailly 443 JeanPetit,Master 438 JeanJuvénaldesUrsins,Bishop 436–63 JehudatheHasid,Rabbi 322

Index JohannofViktring Johann,seePieri JohntheFearless

285–86

131,435, 437–63 JohnofGaunt 260 JohnXXIII,Pope 492,494 Jones,Richard 598,600 Judenbücher 293–94 JulianofNorwich 122–24, 333–53 JuliusII,Pope 74 KamaladDinHamzahZadeh 634 Kammermeister,Sebastian 106 Kaufringer,Heinrich 85,96 Kempe,Margery 37,78 Keyzerswaert 678 Khan,Kublai 2–3 Kirchhof,HansWilhelm 96–97, 109,146 Koberger,Anton 105,573 Köchel,Caspar 523 Koerebecke,Johann 73 KonradvonWürzburg 571 Kösem,Mahpeyker 658 Krancz,Albertus 592 Kreuzer,Kunigunde 578 Langland,William 113,188, 197,407 Lavoisier 728 Layamon 112,186,188–91 Legoix,Thomas 461 Legoix,Guillaume 461 Lindener,Michael 96 Lippi,Filippo 159 LisbettevandenConkele 430 Livredestrahisons 461 LivredesMestiers 431 LondonLickpenny 249 Lorenzetti,Ambrogio 68,94, 138,570–71,596

Index Lorraine,Claude LouisXVI,King Louis,DukeofOrléans

735 728 131, 437–65 LouistheDebonair,King 315 Lupton,Thomas 614 LuttrellPsalter 70 Lydgate 119,186,247,249, 268–71,612 Maes,Nicolas 679,712 Maes,Nicolaes 684,688,712 Maidstone,Richard 203–04 Maillotins 438 Mainwaring,George 599 Mandeville’sTravels 110, 150–172 Mangolt,Conrat 500–601 MargueritedeNavarre 96 MariedeFrance 366 Mark,St. 200–202 Martel,Charles 26 MartinofTroppau,seePolonus Matthew,King(Hungary) 587 MaximilianI,Emperor 74 MaximilianI,Emperor 537,587 MaximilianofAustria 455 MehmedII 647,651 Mehmed,Koca 651 MehmedII 626 Meisterlin,Sigismund 572 Meistersinger 132 Memling,Hans 73 Metsu,Gabriel 675–76 Mihrümah 653 Minna 302 Mirabilia 153 Monstrelet 443 Montague,SirWilliam 680–82 Montaigu 441 Montanus,Martin 96 Morando,Bernardo 101

755 MordechaibarHillel 280 Moriz,Duke 588 Moryson,Fynes 680 MoschefromHerzogenburg 292 Moser,Lucas 73 Muhammad‘AlamKhan 640 Muhammad‘AlamKhan 640 MuhammadAgaAbuNubbut 635–36 MuhammadBeyAbualDhahab 624,632–33 Münster,Sebastian 580 Münzer,Hieronymus 106,574 MuradIV 658 MuradIII 654,656 MustafaIII 658 Napoleon 635 Neidhart 279,512–13 Nero,Emperor 588 NerocciodiBartolomeo diBenedettode’Landi 13 Netscher,Caspar 672,692 Nurbanu 656 OlivierdelaMarche 456 OpicinodeCanistris 574–75 Orcagna 465 Origen 123–24,340 OswaldvonWolkenstein 59, 76–82,88,135,510,537,571,585 OttoI,Emperor 585 Pacher,Michael 73 Pasha,emsi 654–55 Pasha,RumMehmed 651 Patricius,Augustinu 572 Paulus,seeSerJacobinideCorelia Pearl 185,247–48,250, 253,256–59,263–67 Pepin 200 Pepys,Samuel 715 Pérenote 325 Petrarch,Francis 481

756 PetrusCortesii 366,368–69,371 PetrusdeErto 365 Petrus,Christian 327 Petzolt,Nikolaus 286 Pfannberg,Countsof 287–88 PhilipIII,King 364 PhiliptheGoodofBurgundy 454 PhilipofBurgundy 437 PhiliptheBold 320 PhiliptheFair 383 PhilipIV,King 368–69 PhilipAugustus,King 319–20 Phillips,Richard 726 Piccolomini,EneaSylvio 572 PieriBenettideLuca 232 PierredesEssarts 441,463 PiersPlowman 186,188,197 Pietersdochter,Griete 683 Pintoin,Michel 435–63 Pisano,Giovanni 108 Plat,Hugo 600 Pleydenwurff,Wilhelm 106, 573 Polo,Marco 2–3 Polonus,Martinus 152 PoppoofPeggau 288 Poussin 735 Priestley 728 Putsch,Ulrich 510 Quadro,seeGiovanni Raber,Vigil 136, 520–22,525,527,530–31 RaymondofAguilers 211–12 ReligieuxofSaintDenise, seePintoin Reza,Immam 636 RichardII,King 203 RichardofCrundale 196 Richental,Ulrich 81, 135,489–503

Index Ried,Hans 537 RobertofGloucester 256 RobertdeBelloy 440 Roghman,Geertruydt 672,693 Rolin,Nicolas 69 Romand’Enéas 112–13 186,188,192–93 RomandeThèbe 186,193 Romandelarose 250 Roselli,Rosello 480 Rosenplüt,Hans 571–72 RoumansdeBerteaus Granspies 330 RudolfvonEms 35–36 RudolfOttoofLiechtenstein 283–84 RudolfIIIofSaxony 499 RudolphI,King 295 RudolphII,King 74 RudolphIV,Duke 284 Ruin,The 186 Rüstem 651 Sachs,Jörg 577 Sachs,Hans 91–93,105, 139–40,536,569–96,614 Saladin 115,207–08 Saletas,Stephanus 125,356–72 Salvestrode’Medici 476 SayyidHamza 643 Schedel,Hartmann 64,74, 105–07,139–40,569–946 Schiltar,Hainrich 500 Schlom 285,301–302 Schreyer,Sebald 106 Scrovegni,Enrico 108 SelimI 652 SelimII 647,654,656 SerBonacursideLanfredis 125,234 SerJacobinideCorelia 236 Shakespeare 39

Index Sigismund,King 77–78,135, 490,496,499,501–502 SimeonvanAelst 421 SimondeMontfort 373 Sinan 652–55 SirDegrevant 395 Smid,Herman 513 Smollet,Tobias 726 Sokollu 651 Sophie,DuchessofHannover 721 Sorgh,HendrickMartensz 675 Sornachi,Lambertus 235 Stadtbücher 29 Stadtrechtsbuch 283 Steen,Jan 678,702 SterzingMiscellany Manuscript 512–14,520 Stow,John 602,604,609,612 Straparola,Giovanni 85 SüleymantheMagnificent 652–54 Swartenhondt, JochemHeijndricksz 684 Swartzach,Hanns 500–501 Swift,Jonathan 147,725 Sylvester,Pope 160 Tam,Jacob,Rabbi 313 Tedaldi,Pieraccio 465,478 Teka 288–89 Thirouxd’Arconville 729 TillEulenspiegel 96 Trevisa,John 153,159,167 Tryon,Thomas 729 Tyrconnel,Lord 726 UrbanII,Pope 207 UtaCodex 590 vanBeest,Sybrand 678,699 vanBeverwijck,Johann 682–83 vanBrekelenkam, QuirijnGerritsz. 678,682, 866,701,710–11

757 vandeVelde,Jan VanEyck vanHeusden,Adriana

677,697 69

685–86,709 vanMeurs,Jacob 713 vanMusscher,Michiel 684,707 vanOstade,Adriaen 706 vanSwanenburgh,IsaacClaesz. 673–74,695 vanderWoude 680 Vifli 275,277 Villon,François 59,88–89 Vindicien,Bishop 199 Vintler,Hans 510 Virgil 192 Visscher 677 Vives,JuanLuis 677 Wace 186 waqf 617–46 Welde,John 59 Whitney,Isabelle 140–41, 597–615 Whitney,Geoffrey 599 Wilhelm,iudexiudeorum 287 WilliamofTyre 209–10, 217–18,219 William,Duke 296 Wittenwiler,Heinrich 82 WolframvonEschenbach 35–36 Wolgemut,Michel 106,573 Wotton 614 Young,Arthur 727 Zamoyskí,Jan 101 Zerklin 302