Urban Geography in South Africa : Perspectives and Theory [1st ed. 2020] 978-3-030-25368-4, 978-3-030-25369-1

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-xiv
Urban Geography in South Africa: An Introduction (Ruth Massey, Ashley Gunter)....Pages 1-15
Urban-Political Geography—South African Perspectives (Cecil Seethal)....Pages 17-38
The Apartheid City (Brij Maharaj)....Pages 39-54
Gated Communities in South Africa: An Emerging Paradox (Karina Landman)....Pages 55-74
Enclaves and Quartering in Urban South Africa (Bradley Rink)....Pages 75-84
Infrastructure in South African Cities (Alex Wafer)....Pages 85-96
Cities—Where People and Ecology Meet (Francini van Staden)....Pages 97-119
Secondary Cities in South Africa (Ronnie Donaldson, Lochner Marais, Etienne Nel)....Pages 121-137
Vulnerability and Adaptation to Climate Change in Urban South Africa (Dianne Long, Gina Ziervogel)....Pages 139-153
Crime and Spatiality in South African Cities (Gregory D. Breetzke)....Pages 155-172
Leisure Tourism Space and Urban Change: Lessons from Cape Town and Stellenbosch to Contemplate in Urban South Africa (Gustav Visser)....Pages 173-188
South Africa’s Key Urban Transport Challenges (Tracey McKay)....Pages 189-207
Urban Housing in South Africa: The Role of Housing in Development and Transformation (Ashley Gunter, Kenneth Manuel)....Pages 209-223
Studentification and Urban Change in South Africa (James J. Gregory)....Pages 225-238
Gender Inclusivity and Development in South African Public Urban Spaces (Mwazvita T. B. Dalu, Amanda Manyani, Current Masunungure)....Pages 239-250
Urban Food Security (Jane Battersby, Gareth Haysom)....Pages 251-263
Urban Renewal in South African Cities (Ruth Massey)....Pages 265-282
South Africa’s Urban Future: Challenges and Opportunities (Ashley Gunter, Ruth Massey)....Pages 283-292

Citation preview

Urban Perspectives from the Global South

Ruth Massey Ashley Gunter Editors

Urban Geography in South Africa Perspectives and Theory

GeoJournal Library Urban Perspectives from the Global South

Series Editors Christian M. Rogerson, School of Tourism and Hospitality, University of Johannesburg, Auckland Park, Gauteng, South Africa Gustav Visser, Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Stellenbosch University, Matieland, South Africa

The Urban Perspectives from the Global South brings together a wide variety of urban scholars under one series title and is purposefully multi-disciplinary. The publications in this series are theoretically informed and explore different facets of varying sized urban places. This series addresses the broad developmental issues of urbanization in developing world countries and provides a distinctive African focus on the subject. It examines a variety of themes relating to urban development in the global South including: city economic development, issues of local governance, urban planning, and the impact of multi-ethnic and multicultural formations in urban affairs. The series aims to extend current international urban debates and offer new insights into the development of urban places in the Global South from a number of disciplines including geography, sociology, political science, economics, as well as urban studies. A special focus of the series is the challenges of urbanization and cities in Africa.

More information about this subseries at http://www.springer.com/series/15342

Ruth Massey Ashley Gunter •

Editors

Urban Geography in South Africa Perspectives and Theory

123

Editors Ruth Massey Department of Biological and Geographical Sciences University of Huddersfield Huddersfield, UK

Ashley Gunter UNISA Science Campus University of South Africa Johannesburg, South Africa

ISSN 0924-5499 ISSN 2215-0072 (electronic) GeoJournal Library ISSN 2511-2171 ISSN 2511-218X (electronic) Urban Perspectives from the Global South ISBN 978-3-030-25368-4 ISBN 978-3-030-25369-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

This book is dedicated to all those South African urban geographers on whose shoulders we stand and to all those who have sacrificed so much for the freedom of the country.

Acknowledgements

Both editors would like to thank all those who contributed chapters to this book as well as the peer reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions which have added to the academic rigour of this publication. Ruth Massey would like to acknowledge Prof. Ashley Gunter for his support in the development of this book. She would also like to recognise her mentors over the years who have contributed to her knowledge of South Africa’s urban spaces. Dr. Massey would like to thank Daniel Spence for his support as well as James and Lynell Massey and her wider family. Ashley Gunter would like to thank Dr. Ruth Massey for her vision and insight into the need for a book of this nature; she has been the driving force on this work and par excellence. He would also like to thank family, friends and colleagues for their support over the years.

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Map of South Africa

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Contents

1

Urban Geography in South Africa: An Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . Ruth Massey and Ashley Gunter

1

2

Urban-Political Geography—South African Perspectives . . . . . . . . Cecil Seethal

17

3

The Apartheid City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brij Maharaj

39

4

Gated Communities in South Africa: An Emerging Paradox . . . . . Karina Landman

55

5

Enclaves and Quartering in Urban South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bradley Rink

75

6

Infrastructure in South African Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Alex Wafer

85

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Cities—Where People and Ecology Meet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Francini van Staden

97

8

Secondary Cities in South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Ronnie Donaldson, Lochner Marais and Etienne Nel

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Vulnerability and Adaptation to Climate Change in Urban South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Dianne Long and Gina Ziervogel

10 Crime and Spatiality in South African Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Gregory D. Breetzke 11 Leisure Tourism Space and Urban Change: Lessons from Cape Town and Stellenbosch to Contemplate in Urban South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Gustav Visser

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Contents

12 South Africa’s Key Urban Transport Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 Tracey McKay 13 Urban Housing in South Africa: The Role of Housing in Development and Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Ashley Gunter and Kenneth Manuel 14 Studentification and Urban Change in South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 James J. Gregory 15 Gender Inclusivity and Development in South African Public Urban Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 Mwazvita T. B. Dalu, Amanda Manyani and Current Masunungure 16 Urban Food Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 Jane Battersby and Gareth Haysom 17 Urban Renewal in South African Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 Ruth Massey 18 South Africa’s Urban Future: Challenges and Opportunities . . . . . 283 Ashley Gunter and Ruth Massey

Contributors

Jane Battersby African Centre for Cities, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa Gregory D. Breetzke Department of Geography, Geoinformatics Meteorology, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa

and

Mwazvita T. B. Dalu Department of Geography, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa Ronnie Donaldson Department of Geography, University of Stellenbosch, Stellenbosch, South Africa James J. Gregory Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, North-West University, Mahikeng, South Africa Ashley Gunter Department of Geography, University of South Africa, Johannesburg, South Africa Gareth Haysom African Centre for Cities, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa Karina Landman University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa Dianne Long Wits School of Education, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa Brij Maharaj University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Kenneth Manuel Department of Geography, University of South Africa, Johannesburg, South Africa Amanda Manyani Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa Lochner Marais University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa Ruth Massey University of Huddersfield, Huddersfield, UK

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Contributors

Current Masunungure Sustainability Research Unit, George Campus, Nelson Mandela University, George, South Africa Tracey McKay Department of Environmental Sciences, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa Etienne Nel Department of Geography, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand Bradley Rink Department of Geography, Environmental Studies & Tourism, University of the Western Cape, Bellville, South Africa Cecil Seethal School of Agricultural, Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa Francini van Staden Department of Environmental Affairs and Development Planning, Western Cape Government, Cape Town, South Africa Gustav Visser Department of Geography and Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa

Environmental

Studies,

Alex Wafer School of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa Gina Ziervogel Department of Environmental and Geographical Science, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa

Chapter 1

Urban Geography in South Africa: An Introduction Ruth Massey and Ashley Gunter

1.1 Aim and Outline of This Book South African Urban Geography has made a significant contribution to the understanding of cities and urbanisation in the Global South. There have been increasing numbers of studies coming from South Africa on diverse topics such as gentrification, urban housing, crime, segregation, climate change impacts, and tourism (to name a few). This book brings together key thinkers on Urban Geography in South Africa, exploring the past, present, and future of contemporary urban landscapes and providing in-depth insights into a range of pressing issues as well as exploring how these can be assessed and addressed. Within the Chapters of this book are represented several established themes including secondary cities, enclaves and quartering, gating, crime, tourism, transport, and infrastructure. Other topics include gender, food security, urban renewal and gentrification, housing, and studentification. Urban ecology and the vulnerability and adaptation of cities to climate change impacts also make up a significant section of the book. These themes cannot be fully understood without recognising the legacies of the past and so historical reflections on apartheid and its impact on urban spaces in South Africa are also included. All these concepts are of importance to national planning and regional and local development within the changing South African urban landscape and will be of interest to policy-makers, urban planners, urban scholars, and those interested in the current and future trajectory of South Africa’s towns and cities.

R. Massey (B) University of Huddersfield, Queensgate, Huddersfield, UK e-mail: [email protected] A. Gunter Department of Geography, University of South Africa, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_1

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1.2 Definitions: Cities and Urban Areas What defines the city and what defines an area as ‘urban’ have been hotly debated by academic scholars and practitioners alike for many years. Jayne and Ward (2016, p. 3) argue that “a single and straightforward definition about what constitutes ‘the city’ is difficult to capture in simple terms …”. Historically, cities have been differentiated from smaller towns or villages based on the size and the density of the population, it’s built form and it’s political, economic, cultural and religious power (Jayne & Ward, 2016). This was a physical territory or space with people living and working together within a network of buildings and infrastructure managed by organisations and institutions. City definitions tend to come with legal implication which carry planning, budgetary, and legislative privilege and responsibilities (Jonas, McCann, & Thomas, 2015). Cities are not just about the numbers and density of people living within them, but they are also about the entities (companies, industries, courts, governments, etc.) operating there and the activities taking place within their boundaries (Latham & McCormack, 2009). Cities are places of connection, co-operation and interaction that involve social exchanges and associations (Latham & McCormack, 2009). Amin and Graham (1997, pp. 417–418) encourage us to think about urban and city spaces as “the co-presence of multiple spaces, multiple times and multiple webs of relations, tying local sites, subjects and fragments into globalising networks of economic, social and cultural change.” Urban boundaries are now porous, relational, and discontinuous. A number or urban theorists have argued that the distinction between the urban and rural is now, largely, irrelevant and that “the spread of urban life has led to the bleeding together of numerous cities, small towns, suburbs and so on to such a degree that it is more relevant to talk of city-regions, or globalised urban systems than discreet urban spaces” (Jayne & Ward, 2016, p. 4).

1.3 The Importance of Urban Areas Urban spaces have become increasingly important within the economic and geographic landscape of countries. Cities provide infrastructure and services (through the concentration of transportation services; communication networks; social interactions; water, energy and sanitation services) as well as economies of scale, localisation and agglomeration. They draw in skilled workers and talented individuals, allowing for specialisation in knowledge and expertise (UN-HABITAT, 2011) and act as agents of change (economic, social, technological, cultural, and political). Cities are engines for growth and can play a significant role in developing markets, creating job opportunities, and encouraging new economic activities (largely in the tertiary and service markets). Urban areas also provide efficiency benefits which allow for an increase in competitiveness and productivity. They are centres of knowledge and innovation, opening avenues for the specialisation of products and services. Urban spaces (and their high concentration of people) also provide opportunities for interac-

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tion, creative thinking, and knowledge co-production. Cities provide spaces for trade and commerce through large-scale markets and play a significant role in facilitating the efficient production of goods and the delivery of services (UN-HABITAT, 2011). Urban residents are also provided with a wider choice of goods and services as well as employment and lifestyle opportunities. It is estimated that cities provide around 80% of the world’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Much of this is, however, concentrated in ‘global cities’ (McKinsey Global Institute, 2001). According to McKinsey Global Institute (2001), 20% of the global population live in the largest 600 cities which generate 60% of the global GDP. Global cities (including London, New York, and Tokyo) have become dominant centres of economic development; centres of politics, trade and finance, communication, and culture; becoming part of wider international systems, outstripping and, often, bypassing their national networks (UN-HABITAT, 2011). These global cities are also linked to globalisation—the growth and development of better linkages between countries and the dismantling of barriers through technological communications and international co-operation. Global cities also have extensive and well managed transportation hubs and links with the rest of the world as well as significant information networks (television, newspapers, and internet media) (Sassen, 2001). This allows global cities to strengthen their already existing role as crucial players in the linkages and interconnections that support the global economy. Global cities tend to play host to a number of significant international corporations and organisations as well as national and international government facilities (these include stock exchanges). Some academic researchers such as Robinson (2013) question this categorisation of cities as ‘global’ and advocate for all cities to be seen as ‘ordinary’ but also multifaceted, varied, and contested living environments. Many urban centres that are well located have also metamorphosed over the years into superclusters. These superclusters have organised (either intentionally or organically) into large intensive networks of producers and services which have had increasing global market reach. Each city region offers specialised but complimentary types of economic activities (UN-HABITAT, 2011) along with a large multi-skilled and multifaceted workforce and local labour market. These important growth points allow for the improvement of communication and transport infrastructure and technologies which further boost the economic productivity and development of the urban region. Both service providers and producers benefit from being part of (or close to) these superclusters which provide access to network and information exchanges related to technologies, innovation, knowledge systems and markets (local and global). These “tightly-linked and spatially concentrated clusters” (UN-HABITAT, 2011, p. 33) also improve efficiency, creativity and technological advancement. The United Nation estimates that now more than 300 city regions exist globally accommodating a population of more than a million people (UN-HABITAT, 2011) (both metropolitan agglomerations and polycentric geographic centres).

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1.4 An Urbanising World More than half of the world’s population now live in cities. It is estimated that the population of the earth will increase to 9.3 billion by 2050 with 67% of these people living in urban areas (United Nations, 2012). The fastest urbanising continents are currently Africa and Asia. It is predicated that by 2025 Africa’s urban population is likely to have grown to 748 million (a doubling in size) (Turok & McGranahan, 2013). 10 mega-cities existed in 1990 (home to a population of 153 million in total) but by 2014 this had risen to 28 (with a combined population of 453 million) (UNDESA, 2014, p. 24). The growth in urban populations can be attributed to a natural increase in population size, rural-urban migration, international migration, and the reclassification of boundaries. The drivers of urbanisation differ depending on regions but there are a number of general push and pull factors at play globally. Some of these push factors (forcing people away from rural areas/other regions or countries to urban spaces) include climate change impacts (such as floods and droughts), a lack of employment opportunities, civil unrest and insecurity (including war and terrorism), a lack of education and health care facilities, and concerns about food security. Pull factors (pulling people towards cities) are the perceived safety and security that cities provide, employment prospects, educational institutions and health facilities, as well as wider social networks to draw upon. Unfortunately, a large proportion of those who migrate to urban areas find themselves in equally, and sometimes more, precarious situations with many new urban residents having to start their urban journeys in informal settlements, with little access to basic services, renting shacks from landlords and finding themselves located far from urban centers where economic opportunities might be available (Gunter and Massey, 2017). This often means that the benefits associated with urbanisation for these residents are outweighed by the numerous challenges faced (Turok & McGranahan, 2013). Many also settle in high risk areas prone to flooding, landslides and other hazards. UNDESA’s (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs) 2011 analysis of towns (with a population over 1 million) estimated that the number of urban residents living in hazard-prone areas has increased with over 890 million people now at risk of at least one natural hazard (UNDESA, 2011, p. 17). An increase in urban populations also puts tremendous pressure on already strained economic and infrastructural systems (water and sanitation, electricity, road networks, etc.) as well as, in some instances, governance processes. Food insecurity, homelessness, disease and ill health, crime and violence, unemployment, pollution, and energy poverty are all present in urban areas and, coupled with environmental and economic shocks, risks and hazards, present ‘wicked problems’ that need to be assessed and addressed. Threats from climate change impacts (including mega storms, flooding, drought (and associated water shortages), landslides, and sea level rise), terrorism, civil unrest, crime and violence, xenophobia and hate crimes, and economic decline all present further challenges. In January 2016, the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development came into force. They apply to all countries and are directed at mobilising efforts

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to end poverty, address issues of inequalities and tackle climate change (www.un. org/sustainabledevelopment/development-agenda/). Habitat III (the United Nations (UN) Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development) took place in 2016 “to reinvigorate the global commitment to sustainable urbanisation, to focus on the implementation of a New Urban Agenda, building on the Habitat Agenda of Istanbul in 1996” (habitat3.org, np). This conference did much to highlight, once again, the many obstacles to economic, environmental, and social growth and development in urban areas, and set a new policy focus on cities. South Africa is one of the most urbanised countries in Africa. In 2017 it was reported that 65.85% of South Africa’s population lived in urban areas (Statistica, 2018) and this number is expected to rise to 71% by 2030 (Parliamentary Monitoring Group, 2018). While urbanisation is important it is also contested as it has a number of wider economic, social, environment and governance implications (Turok & BorelSaladin, 2014). In South Africa urbanisation is loaded with historical elements of forced removal, segregation, exclusion, and human rights abuses. The ever-increasing need during the late 19th and early 20th centuries for cheap migrant labor that would support the rapid economic development taking place and provide for increasing levels of rapid industrialisation led to high levels of migration and urbanisation (particularly by black South Africans) (Turok, 2012). There were however concerns amongst government politicians about permanent rural-to-urban migration and after the Second World War controls were imposed on the urbanisation of black people in order to maintain the lifestyles of white people and strengthen the political domination of the time (Turok, 2012). This resulted in a city form that was divided physically based on race, side-lining many non-white citizens and forcing them to the periphery of urban areas. The end of apartheid brought a stop to the repression of spatial control and the rate of urbanisation recovered. Urban policies are now careful to not support or discourage migration due to the historically sensitive nature of this topic (Turok, 2012). Cities in South Africa today have a relatively low density, with many residents still living on the periphery—which has led to economic, social and environmental challenges for these communities. Many low-income citizens must travel long distances to access schools, hospitals, work opportunities, and retail facilities (which has added to road traffic congestion). Energy, water, and transport infrastructures have not been well maintained leading to a stagnation in attracting outside investment. Government’s urban policies have also been disaggregated, short term, and inadequately placed to deal with the historical legacy of inequality and the increase in urbanisation which followed the end of apartheid. Recognising the challenges faced in the country’s urban areas, the South African National Government released the Integrated Urban Development Framework (IUDF) in 2016 (approved by Cabinet in April 2016) (COGTA, 2017). This policy initiative is coordinated by the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (COGTA) and is focused on how South Africa’s urban system can be reorganised in order to make towns and cities more inclusive, resource efficient and liveable (COGTA, 2017). It highlights the need for spatial alignment which will act as a crucial planning priority and which will target government initiatives, projects and investment. The IUDF also prioritises the coordination of gov-

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ernment departments and different role players in different sectors (including the private sector and civil society) (Parliamentary Monitoring Group, 2018). The City Support Programme and Small Towns Regeneration Programme are already underway as part of this Framework’s activities. The IUDF is also in line with the vision of the National Development Plan (NDP) which aims to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030 (Parliamentary Monitoring Group, 2018).

1.5 South Africa’s Urban Spaces Southern and South Africa have a long history of urban spaces dating back to precolonial times where places such as K2 and Mapungubwe thrived as centres of trade and residence. More recent colonial towns and cities set up by the Dutch and British came with practices of oppression and racial segregation. This was entrenched in urban South Africa during the time of apartheid where the legislation of separate development and unequal spatial planning became law. Cities across South Africa were divided spatially by race and the apartheid city became the national norm. The apartheid spatial plan created a city where space was used to govern, with an urban core that was designated for ‘white’ inhabitants only and peripheral areas for ‘non-white’ residence. Economic activity was limited in these non-white areas and public transport almost non-existent. Urban planning was linked to the security state and existed to limit the movement of people. This segregation made cities the centre of opposition during the years of apartheid. Much of this protest and resistance action took place in township spaces (Soweto and Sharpeville being the most notable) and the mid-1980s saw an active campaign by local residents to make townships ‘ungovernable’ by the apartheid regime, and governable only by ‘the people’ through various civic organisations and street committees. The socio-spatial legacy of apartheid has lingered in post-apartheid urban South Africa. Low income and marginalised communities still live on the periphery of urban centres. Geographical characteristics of apartheid segregation remain on the landscape as buffer zones, residential segregation, and enclaves of white privilege. These have been blurred only slightly over time by rapid urbanisation, market forces, and an increase in individual wealth.

1.5.1 South Africa’s Governance Structures South Africa has three tiers of government (local, provincial, and central/national government) as well as an independent judiciary (operating within a parliamentary system). The multi-tiered government system is a legacy of the creation of the Union of South Africa in 1910 when the South Africa Act (1909) fashioned a unitary state system comprising of three-tiers of government (Koma, 2012). This political system was directly linked to the economy of the county and the role of the dominant

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gold mining industry (Koma, 2012). The Parliament of South Africa has legislative authority while executive authority sits with the President of the country (who is the head of state, head of government and the Cabinet) (National elections are held every 5 years). The Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court of Appeal, and the High Court hold judicial powers. National, provincial and local government all have legislative and executive authority within their own jurisdictions. The South African Constitution (1996) (the highest law in the country) sees each level of government as distinct, symbiotic, and interconnected and states that the country should operate through a culture of co-operative governance. South Africa has 9 provinces who each have executive and legislative branches (but not judicial) and who make up the provincial government wing. The provincial legislature elects one of its members to become the Premier of the province who then appoints an executive council (cabinet) who runs the different provincial departments. Municipalities (led by local government) are divided into metropolitan municipalities (Buffalo City (East London); City of Cape Town; Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality (East Rand); City of eThekwini (Durban); City of Johannesburg; Mangaung Municipality (Bloemfontein); Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipality (Port Elizabeth); City of Tshwane (Pretoria)) and district municipalities (which include several local municipalities). Each type of municipality has different budgets (including the funding allocated from National Treasury) and different decision-making powers. Municipal councils govern these municipalities and are elected in local elections every 5 years. A strong and democratic form of local government replaced the old apartheid system after 2014 and was, through the Constitution, given exclusive powers to undertake various duties and responsibilities assigned to this tier of government (free from interference and encroachment by other spheres of government) (Cloete, 1995). It was envisioned that this form of local government, with its recognised structured and elected officials, would transform the living and working conditions of those who were marginalised by the apartheid government (Koma, 2012). A number of deep seated and complex problems (many a legacy of past injustice) faced particularly by the new municipalities formed during the country’s transition phase. These challenges included a lack of capacity within local government departments. The combining of former white municipalities with black townships also proved complex with financial and administrative burdens proving a continual struggle (Pycroft, 2000). Much of the country’s policy reform and development process took place, in consultation with citizens, between 1993 and 2000. The country’s Constitution requires that local government be developmental and economic, and play a redistributive role. After 2014, Developmental Local Government (DLG), as it was now called, was given the constitutional mandate to organise and manage its administration, budgeting and planning process with the aim of prioritising the basic needs of the community including the promotion of both community, social and economic development. This was to be undertaken in co-operation with non-state actors (Ley, 2009). DLG was defined in the 1998 White Paper on Local Government and characterised by four core features. These included the maximising of economic growth and social development (including cooperative and intergovernmental governance) and the incorporation

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and organisation of development activities (which include state and non-state actors) (de Visser 2009). It also encompassed participatory and democratic development and the prioritisation of social capital and solution oriented local development (de Visser, 2009). DLG aims to combine both state and market directions in a cooperative way (Mogale, 2003). This approach however requires a considerable level of capacity (both financial and administrative) which has proven challenging particularly to smaller under-resourced local government departments.

1.5.2 The RDP, GEAR, and the NDP Following the country’s first democratic elections in 1994 the new government was tasked with rebuilding and transforming the economy. The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), a chiefly socio-economic project, was chosen as the primary mechanism by which to bring about a more equitable society. The RDP identified 5 core policy foci which were set out in the White Paper on the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1995). They were: the creation of a strong, dynamic and balanced economy; the development of human resource capacity of all South Africans; ensuring no one suffers racial or gender discrimination; the development of a prosperous, balanced regional economy in Southern Africa; and democratisation of the state and society. The RDP aimed to both address and redress the legacy of inequalities brought about by apartheid (economically, socially, and spatially). The RDP was seen as the cornerstone of government development policy, however, it did not deliver the results it hoped (particularly in terms of economic growth). This was largely due to fiscal and capacity constraints but also the lack of prioritisation of this Programme by the new government and the failure to integrate it into socio-economic policies. Faced with increasing economic constraints the South African government introduced Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR 1996), a macroeconomic policy framework designed to stimulate, and fast track, economic growth required for the provision of resources needed to meet social investment needs. GEAR included many of the social objectives of the RDP however its core focus was the reduction in fiscal deficits, the lowering of inflation, and the maintaining of exchange rate stability. It also aimed to decrease trade barriers and free up capital flows. The neoliberal approach of GEAR went some way to bring about macroeconomic stability and an improvement in the management of public finances but was criticised for its failure to significantly improve the job market, attract private investment, distribute wealth, and rally the GDP. It fell short in addressing social challenges, particularly poverty reduction and employment creation. The Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (ASGISA) replaced GEAR in 2005. ASGISA aimed to reduce poverty, halve unemployment and support policies that align these aspects with economic policy decision making. ASGISA built on the foundations of the RDP and its goals of building a more united and democratic society as part of an integrated economy.

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The National Development Plan (NDP) was introduced in 2013 as a long-term strategic plan and a socio-economic development roadmap. This policy was/is to be the blueprint for future economic and socio-economic development and has 4 broad objectives: to provide overarching goals for what needs to be achieved by 2030, build consensus on the key obstacles to achieving these goals and what needs to be done to overcome those obstacles, provide a shared long-term strategic framework within which more detailed planning can take place, and create a basis for making choices about how best to use limited resources.

1.5.3 IDPs and SDFs In 1994 South Africa launched its integrated planning approach which was to act as a platform for municipalities to redevelop old institutions and build new ones, as well as design processes for effective service delivery planning while prioritising long- and short-term strategic development interventions. Integrated planning provided a chance for representatives from municipal, provincial, and national government, along with other stakeholders, to discuss, debate and agree on long-term and short-term development strategies for each municipality. The Integrated Development Plan (IDP) is a core tool for use in municipal planning systems and key in facilitating intergovernmental planning and coordination. In 1998 the White Paper on Local Government recognised the IDP as an essential component of developmental local government and in promoting economic and social development as well as overall service delivery. The Municipal System Act (2000) requires that the IDP includes a vision for long-term development of the municipality; an assessment of the current level of servicing, and of economic and social development in the municipality; development priorities and objectives; development strategies (in line with national or provincial plans); a Spatial Development Framework (SDF) (including guidelines for a land use management system); operational strategies; sectoral plans required by other legislation (e.g. water, transport, waste management, disaster management, housing); a financial plan; and finally a set of key performance indicators and performance targets. All municipalities are required to produce an Integrated Development Plan (IDP) which then informs all municipal management for development as well as guiding the actions of all institutions and agency working in the municipal area. IDPs are reviewed annually in order to ensure they are in line with wider national planning processes as well as budgetary procedure. They are then evaluated every five years. All municipal projects and planning must align with the IDP and annual budgets must be based on this document. The executive committee or executive mayor of the municipality is responsible for managing the IDP. The IDP is developed in consultation with all stakeholders and is designed to guide the overall spatial distribution of land uses. A significant component of the IDP is the Spatial Development Framework (SDF) which aims to promote sustainable, functional and integrated human settlements, maximise resource efficiency, and enhance regional identity and unique ’character

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of a place’. SDFs are a core part of a municipality’s social, spatial, economic, sectoral, environmental, and institutional vision and is a tool designed to achieve an optimal municipal spatial form (Rural Development and Land Reform, 2010).

1.5.4 Social, Economic, Environmental, and Political Challenges in Urban South Africa The legacy of apartheid has had a significant impact on the South African urban landscape. More than two decades since the beginning of democracy the country has gone through, what the World Bank (2019) calls, an ‘incomplete transition’. Spatial unsustainability, spatial injustice, spatial inefficiencies, and a lack of spatial resilience still persist on the landscape. Integrating frameworks, policies and plans have been developed but the implementation of these approaches has failed to make a significant impact. In some cases apartheid patterns have been reinforced with class segregation replacing racial segregation. The rise in inequality and the failure of government to deliver adequate housing and basic services has led to an increase in informal settlements and communities living in precarious situations. This had affected the health and wellbeing of the population and has spurred various service delivery protests and periods of unrest. Issues of social justice have come to fore and have led to a number of campaigns by community-based groups and non-governmental organisations aimed at bringing injustices and discrimination to the attention of the government. Crime, violence and xenophobia have also been a considerable concern for urban residents. Land and housing are also areas of contention. Urban land in particular has a significant role to play in urban development and the reduction of poverty. Access to affordable and well-placed land is a continual struggle and a number of land invasions have taken place as frustrated residents become impatient in their wait for land and housing. The facilitation of access to affordable land for housing is crucial as is the provision of affordable housing for those living in precarious situations and informal settlements. The provision of basic infrastructure in urban areas has also been a challenge. A lack of maintenance; difficulty in meeting increasing demands for electricity, water and sanitation; as well as budget constraints have all presented significant problems. Transport networks are weak and have reinforced the gaps between residential spaces on the periphery and economic opportunities. Increasing inequality has also manifested on the landscape as areas of enclaves and quartering, and gating. Political struggles, competition between different tiers of government, a lack of staff capacity, and budget constraints as well as weak local revenue-raising abilities have all weakened local governments’ capacity to address these multiple challenges.

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1.6 What is Urban Geography? Urban Geography (a branch of Human Geography) is defined by a combination of approaches (concepts and methods), the insights that come from the use of these approaches (and what they bring to our understanding of urban spaces and urban life), and by the critiques and debates that then arise from this (as well as alternatives suggested) (Jonas et al., 2015). It examines, explains, and provides future predictions for urban forms, their social makeup, governance, and economic structures and functions (Schneider-Sliwa, 2015). Urban geographers are a varied group who study many different topics from a number of different angles using numerous approaches. They are connected by their interest in spatial perspectives and a common focus on cities and urban processes. Urban Geographers are particularly interested in location, place and space, and focus largely on spatial processes and how these are materialised in urban areas (Briney, 2019). They explore the evolution and growth of various sites, their locations and importance (regionally, nationally and internationally). This includes unpacking the political, social, economic and environmental/ecosystem processes and influences which exist within these spaces (Briney, 2019) and the impact they have on urban areas and vice versa. Urban Geography is interdisciplinary by nature and combines a number of different fields both from within the discipline of Geography (Physical Geography, Political Geography, Cultural Geography etc.) and from outside (Sociology, Anthropology, Economics, Architecture, History, etc.). Urban Geographers work at different scales in their analysis including individual households and streets; neighbourhoods; secondary cities, larger cities, and big metropoles; as well as exploring regional, national and global urban dynamics. This can include analysis that is interurban (system of cities) as well as intraurban (addressing processes taking place within cities) (Schneider-Sliwa, 2015). The work of Urban Geographers often feeds into and informs government policy and practice and can assist with decision making on resource allocation, public investment and spending, as well as development planning (Schneider-Sliwa, 2015). Geography, as a discipline, took some time to include the study of the city as an object, process, and landscape (Jonas et al., 2015). Academic attention had however been focused on modern cities of the global North since the turn of the 20th Century through the work of sociologist who focused particularly on various types of urban-social phenomena (including exclusion, inequality, segregation, and immigration). A group of sociologists associated with the University of Chicago in the 1910s developed an approach to the city that still remains today and has been the foundation of urban studies literature (Jonas et al., 2015). They sought to unpack and understand the rapidly changing contemporary city through the work of Georg Simmel and Emile Durkheim as well as Darwinian theories of natural ecosystems (Jonas et al., 2015). The Chicago School of sociology sought to understand the city as an ecological system, as a biological entity that consisted of natural processes. This was used as a metaphor in understanding social processes taking place in the city and included concepts such as competition, cooperation, invasion and succession,

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territory and community (Jonas et al., 2015). Research methodologies includes ethnographic fieldwork, observational studies, and conversations with urban residents. Out of the Chicago School came a number of important and well-known models such as the Burgess Concentric Zone Model which established the term Central Business District (CBD) (Pacione, 2009). The Chicago School approach to the city remained popular (despite problematic elements such as the use of Social Darwinism) as it was effective at understanding socio spatial processes and changes within urban settings (Jonas et al., 2015). As attempts to model (and indeed remodel) the city became more prominent however, a tendency towards the use of descriptive and quantitative methodologies began to take precedence. This favoured static, formal models which focused on form (rather than the ‘how’ and ‘why’ of a process) (Briney, 2019). By the 1950s (and into the 1960s) Geography had become focused on being a scientific discipline based on a nomothetic (law generating) approaches rather than descriptive ones. This took place in response to fears that the discipline was beginning to lack relevance in addressing real world problems and was out of step with contemporary social science (Jonas et al., 2015). Spatial analysis, quantitative methodologies and scientific measurements dominated Geographic research through to the 1970s (Briney, 2019). Urban Geographers began using census data and other quantitative information to compare urban spaces and undertake computer-based analysis of cities using various modelling processes. This form of spatial science allowed researcher to identify economic laws about city growth that were understood to be common to all city regions and could be applied universally and provide insight into future growth and development (Jonas et al., 2015). While this quantitative revolution took place there were still Geographers who continued using the qualitative approaches made popular by the Chicago School. Urban Geographers by the 1980s had started to look towards behavioural studies in order to understand the city. This brought forward theories that spatial and locational characteristics, while important, where not the sole reason change took place in cities (Briney, 2019). Urban Geographers began to explore how the decision made by individuals and organisations (such as government department, large corporations and businesses) could impact urban spaces. Underlying economic, political and social structures where seen to affect the structure of cities and became a core focus for many Urban Geographers (Briney, 2019). Contemporary Urban Geographers have begun to distinguish themselves from one another all having different theoretical approaches, areas of interest, and viewpoint. Site and location as well as history and the physical environment are still seen as important factors in city change as are social interactions, political factors, and economic influences. In recent years Urban Geographer have also begun to shift their gaze more seriously onto cities of the Global South, understanding these spaces both as products of their colonial past but also as places of contemporary change, development, innovation, and growth in their own right. Calls for decolonising both scholarly research and Higher Education teaching and learning have also influenced much of the work of Urban Geographer in recent years. The effects of globalisation have also been high on the research agenda as have the current and future impacts of climate change and the need for more resilient cities.

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1.7 Urban Geography in South Africa Urban Geography in South Africa has an interesting and varied history having been influenced by a number of different political, social, and economic theories and perspectives both locally and globally. Urban Geography in the country has encompassed many different themes including urban history, segregation, protest and social movements, reconstruction and development and economic planning and restructuring (Maharaj & Narsiah, 2002). For many decades Urban Geography in South Africa was dominated by Eurocentric approaches and theories which focused on quantitative and functionalist methodologies (a discourse already rejected by Anglo-American academics) (Maharaj & Narsiah, 2002). Much of the research conducted did not adequately address the impact of apartheid and the state or the spatial impacts of historical race-class inequalities (Rogerson & Browett, 1986) and tended to ignore political, historical and ideological catalysts within apartheid spaces. This meant that the injustices perpetrated by apartheid where rarely challenged, and in some cases were made legitimate by the work of Urban Geography researchers. Professor Ron Davis in his 1976 inaugural lecture at the University of Cape Town was one of the first academics to speak out on the uncritical and credulous nature of Urban Geography scholarship in the country (Maharaj & Narsiah, 2002). This marked the first major shift in the scholarship on South Africa’s urban spaces. The Soweto uprising that same year also pushed South African scholars into engaging more meaningfully with those facing poverty, inequality, discrimination and exploitation (Maharaj & Narsiah, 2002). Keith Beavon in his 1982 presidential address to the South African Geographical Society highlighted the urgent need for Geographers to engage with those living in black, coloured, and Indian townships. The challenges and inequalities are these spaces and those living under apartheid consequently became a core focus of research for Urban Geographers who took on a more critical approach in their discussions and analysis (Smith, 1982; Maharaj & Narsiah, 2002). The 1980s was a period of accelerated movement in Urban Geography scholarship with both local and international academics critically evaluating both the development of Geography and Geographers in South and Southern Africa. A shift occurred towards methodologies, theories and approaches based on political economy discourses. The rise of this new group of radical scholars challenged Eurocentric approaches and called for the decolonisation of Geography in the country as well as for the advancement of indigenous approaches (Maharaj & Narsiah, 2002). In the early to late 1990s Urban Geographers had begun contributing significantly to the country’s reconstruction and development (Rogerson & McCarthy, 1992) focusing on a number of post-apartheid challenges including privatisation and basic services, land invasions and land restitution, inner city decay, class-race segregation, and social movements (Maharaj & Narsiah, 2002). By the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the new century Urban Geographers had begun to challenge a new set of ideologies and spatial impacts brought about by neoliberal governance and economic systems within South Africa’s new democracy (Maharaj & Narsiah, 2002). The increase in class inequality that neoliberal policies

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and programmes have brought about as well as the increase in urban inequality since the end of apartheid have taken up much of the academic spotlight. There are now calls to move beyond the neoliberal rhetoric in our exploration and understanding of cities in the Global South (including South Africa). Parnell and Robinson (2012, p. 593) are clear that “recent work on neoliberalism, despite its quality and relevance for many places, will need to be “provincialized” in order to create intellectual space for alternative ideas that may be more relevant to cities where the majority of the world’s urban population now resides”. This evolution in urban geographical thought opens up new pathways and opportunities for advancing the discipline and our understanding of urban spaces and processes.

References Amin, A., & Graham, S. (1997). The ordinary city. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 22(4), 411–29. Briney, A. (2019). Urban Geography: An overview of Urban Geography. Retrieved from https:// www.thoughtco.com/overview-of-urban-geography-1435803. Cloete, F. (1995). Local government transition in South Africa. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik. COGTA. (2017). The Integrated Urban Development Framework (IUDF). Retrieved from http:// www.cogta.gov.za/?programmes=the-integrated-urban-development-framework-iudf. Department of Rural Development and Land Reform. (2010). Guidelines for Spatial Development Frameworks (SDFs). de Visser, J. (2009). Developmental local government in South Africa: Institutional fault lines. University of the Western Cape. Retrieved from http://repository.uwc.ac.za/handle/10566/1251. GEAR. (1996). Growth, employment and redistribution: A macroeconomic strategy for South Africa (GEAR). Republic of South Africa. Retrieved from https://www.gov.za/documents/growthemployment-and-redistribution-macroeconomic-strategy-south-africa-gear. Gunter, A., & Massey, R. (2017). Renting shacks: Tenancy in the informal housing sector of the Gauteng Province, South Africa. Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series, 37(37), 25–34. Jayne, M., & Ward, K. (Eds.). (2016). Urban theory: New critical perspectives. Abingdon: Taylor & Francis. Jonas, A. E., McCann, E., & Thomas, M. (2015). Urban geography: A critical introduction. New Jersey: Wiley. Koma, S. B. (2012). Developmental local government: Issues, trends and options in South Africa. African Journal of Public Affairs, 5(2). Latham, A., & McCormack, D. P. (2009). Thinking with images in non-representational cities: Vignettes from Berlin. Area, 41(3), 252–262. Ley, A. (2009). Housing as governance: Interfaces between local government and civic society organisations in Cape Town, South Africa. Ph.D. thesis, Berlin: Universität Berlin, Von der Fakultät VI—Planen Bauen Umwelt der Technischen. Maharaj, B., & Narsiah, S. (2002). From apartheid apologism to post-apartheid neo-liberalism: Paradigm shifts in South African Urban geography. South African Geographical Journal, 84(1), 88–97. McKinsey Global Institute. (2001). Urban world: Mapping the economic power of cities. Retrieved from http://www.hsc.csu.edu.au/geography/urban/cities/worldcities/. Mogale, T. (2003). Developmental Local Government and Decentralised Service Delivery in the democratic South Africa. In G. Mhone & O. Edigheji (Eds.), Governance in the New South Africa. University of Cape Town and University of Witwatersrand.

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Municipal System Act. (2000). Republic of South Africa. Retrieved from https://www.gov.za/ documents/local-government-municipal-systems-act. Pacione, M. (2009). Urban geography: A global perspective. Abingdon: Routledge. Parliamentary Monitoring Group. (2018). Retrieved from https://pmg.org.za/page/Urbanisation. Parnell, S., & Robinson, J. (2012). (Re)theorizing cities from the global south: Looking beyond neoliberalism. Urban Geography, 33(4), 593–617. Pycroft, C. (2000). Democracy and delivery: The rationalization of local government in South Africa. International Review of Administrative Sciences, 66(1), 143–159. Reconstruction and Development Programme. (1995). Republic of South Africa. Retrieved from https://www.gov.za/sites/default/files/governmentgazetteid16085.pdf. Robinson, J. (2013). Ordinary cities: Between modernity and development. Abingdon: Routledge. Rogerson, C. M., & Browett, J. G. (1986). Social geography under apartheid. Social Geography in International Perspective, 221–250. Rogerson, C. M., & McCarthy, J. J. (Eds.). (1992). Geography in a changing South Africa: Progress and prospects. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sassen, S. (2001). The global city. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Schneider-Sliwa, R. (2015). Urban Geography. In J.D. Wright (Ed.), International encyclopaedia of the social & behavioural sciences (2nd ed.). Amsterdam: Elsevier. Smith, D. M. (Ed.). (1982). Living under Apartheid. London: George Allen and Unwin. South Africa Act. (1909). The Union of South Africa Act. Retrieved from https://www.sahistory. org.za/archive/union-south-africa-act-1909. South African Constitution. (1996). Republic of South Africa. Retrieved from https://www.gov.za/ documents/constitution/constitution-republic-south-africa-1996-1. Statistica. (2018). Retrieved from https://www.statista.com/statistics/455931/urbanization-insouth-africa/. Turok, I. (2012). Urbanisation and development in South Africa: Economic imperatives. Human Settlements Group: Spatial Distortions and Strategic Responses. Turok, I., & Borel-Saladin, J. (2014). Green economy policy, planning and strategy in South Africa. Is urbanisation in South Africa on a sustainable trajectory? Development Southern Africa, 31(5), 675–691. Turok, I., & McGranahan, G. (2013). Urbanization and economic growth: The arguments and evidence for Africa and Asia. Environment and Urbanization, 25(2), 465–482. UNDESA. (2011). Department of Economic and Social Affairs. World Urbanization Prospects. The 2011 Revision. UNDESA. (2014). Department of Economic and Social Affairs (Population Division). World Urbanization Prospects. The 2014 Revision. UN-HABITAT. (2011). United Nations Human Settlements Programme (Nairobi). The Global Urban Economic Dialogue Series. The Economic Role of Cities. United Nations. (2012). Retrieved from www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/developmentagenda/. World Bank Group. (2019). Republic of South Africa systematic country diagnostic. An incomplete transition overcoming the legacy of exclusion in South Africa. April 30, 2018. Report No. 125838ZA.

Chapter 2

Urban-Political Geography—South African Perspectives Cecil Seethal

2.1 Introduction There are three important introductory aspects that are critical to a discussion of urban political geography in South Africa. First, different philosophies have given rise to different paradigms (or schools of thought) in Geography (Johnson & Sidaway, 2004). Geographers working within the different paradigms have different windows on the world. Second, research in geography should ideally be grounded in theory with researchers using the deductive approach. Third, urban political geographers—working within the different paradigms and through their windows on the world—advanced different theories on various geographical phenomena. South African urban political geographers have essentially utilized theories developed elsewhere to ground their research in South Africa. This chapter on urban-political geography in South Africa focuses on studies that are grounded in theory (i.e., theoretically informed). These studies cover a focus on neoliberal policies and their impact on service delivery; the political economy of the local state and the importance of agency in restructuring the local state; (mal) governance at the local sphere of government and its impact on service delivery; postmodern urban politics and the geographies of exclusion and inclusion; and the geography of elections in South Africa.

C. Seethal (B) School of Agricultural, Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_2

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2.2 Privatization of the Water Sector in Durban and Municipal Owned Land in the Western Cape, South Africa Narsiah (2008, 2010) discussed the privatization of the water sector in South Africa in general, and in the eThekwini (Durban) Metropolitan Municipality, in particular. Both the apartheid state (in the 1970 and 1980s) and the postapartheid state [following the abandonment of its 1994 Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and the adoption of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy in 1996] promoted neoliberal positions. As part of GEAR, the South African national state reduced its subsidies to the local states, leaving them financially stressed. The municipalities looked to the private sector to help them overcome their financial difficulties, service delivery backlogs, and address local development priorities and social-spatial inequalities. The engagement of the private sector across this broad spectrum of activities has been termed, ‘neoliberalism with a human face’ or the ‘Third Way’. An important feature of neoliberalism included the privatization of state assets (e.g., infrastructure and municipal land) and private sector provision of services in urban areas.1 The postapartheid state passed legislation [e.g., the Republic of South Africa (RSA) Municipal Structures Act (1998), the RSA Local Government: Municipal Systems Act (2000) and the RSA Municipal Financial Management Act (2003)] that enabled municipalities to establish public-private partnerships. Such legislation created opportunities for the private sector and other pro-neoliberal role-players and consultants to provide public services such as water at the local level. The general (though unproven) argument was that the private sector is more efficient than the public sector in providing services to citizens, and that the role of the state in undertaking such functions should be minimized. Consequently, several urban areas and municipalities (e.g., Mbombela, the Dolphin Coast in KwaZulu-Natal, Johannesburg, Queenstown, Stutterheim, Fort Beaufort2 and eThekwini privatized their water (and sanitation) services, while many small towns in the Western Cape Province sold municipal land (in particular, golf courses) to the private sector (Spocter, 2017). However, the privatization of local state functions stands in sharp contrast to the public sector where there is no pressure to maximize profits. Rather, public ownership seeks to produce greater output at a lower price, and to maximize the social welfare function. The goal of public (state) ownership is to help overcome poverty and inequality, assist in the redistribution of goods and services, ensure security of supply, advance social equity and satisfy citizens’ basic needs.

1 Privatization

involves the withdrawal of the state from performing functions that it is responsible for, and outsourcing these functions to the private sector. Privatization includes the sale of state assets, and the granting of concessions, leases, management and services contracts to the private sector. A primary goal of privatization is profit maximization and capital accumulation. 2 For a human rights approach to the study of water supply in Fort Beaufort in the Nkonkobe Municipality in the Eastern Cape, see Ntaka (2015).

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Narsiah (2010) notes that in the eThekwini Municipality the form of governance in the water sector changed and new techniques—similar to those in the private sector—were introduced to recover all costs from citizens. Water—regarded as a basic need and a human right—was now deemed a tradable commodity (or an economic good) for sale, and citizens became consumers of the private sector. All income and expenditure (production) costs related to the provision of water were held in a separate financial account (or cost centre), and ring-fenced. Privatization meant that water delivery was regarded as a business and the provision and sale of water was not cross-subsidized by other municipal activities or funds. The concept of full cost recovery applied, and a three-tier rising block tariff structure for water was introduced in 1996. This tariff structure meant that the first block up to six kilolitres per household was free (i.e., zero-costed), and that with increased consumption the block tariffs were higher. Zero-costing suggested that payment for water was linked to affordability, with poor households exempt from payment and richer households subject to higher costs. The neoliberal approach to water supply also led to service disconnections in the event of non-payment, or the installation of devices that limited water flow—measures that violated citizens’ basic human rights. Citizens were forced to restrict their water consumption according to their ability to pay, and not on their needs. These measures facilitated the neoliberalization of eThekwini Municipality’s water provision service. Narsiah (2010) stated that between 1996 and 2001, the average water consumption in Durban decreased from 36 to 26.6 kilolitres per household per month. This decrease occurred mainly amongst consumers in the higher tariff blocks, and caused a decrease in the municipality’s revenue for water. The municipality responded, inter alia, by increasing water tariffs. Two principal difficulties (contradictions) arose from the municipality’s actions. First, the block tariff system was designed to reduce water consumption amongst high consumers. When consumers did this, they were subjected to increased water tariffs. Second, it was assumed that water consumption is positively linked to income levels, rather than household size. However, poor households generally have large families, consume more water and are more likely to be subject to the higher block tariffs. Thus, the pro-poor policy of granting six kilolitres of free water per household per month was not meaningful as poorer and larger households were largely subsidizing the water consumption of rich, smaller households. The block tariff water costing system, Narsiah contends, is essentially a regressive policy instrument that discriminates against, and overtaxes, the poor within the context of neoliberalization, privatization and economic efficiency. The Durban case study highlights how the privatization of water services in postapartheid South Africa negatively impacted poor households. Sadly, the neoliberal approach to the provision of water is still common—even in 2019—in many South African municipalities. The regressive nature of water pricing and the cross-subsidization of more affluent communities was also evident in Pietermaritzburg, during apartheid. In February 1982, the Pietermaritzburg City Council increased the water tariff in Sobantu (a township constituting a spatial enclave within the city) from 34 cents to 50 cents per kilolitre—a tariff 92.3% higher than the standard Pietermaritzburg

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rate of 26 cents per kilolitre for the city’s residents. The higher tariffs meant that the poor black residents in Sobantu cross-subsidized the more affluent white residents in Pietermaritzburg (Seethal, 1993). Spocter (2017) focused on neoliberalization in selected small towns, each with a population of less than 50,000 people, in the Western Cape. In particular, he analyzed the sale (or alienation) of municipal land (including golf courses) to private developers between 1975 and 2014. This represented an attempt to strengthen municipal finances and fund social development programmes. Further to tracking municipal land alienations in the local municipalities of Swartland, Hessequa, Langeberg, Cederberg, Cape Agulhas, Witzenberg and Overstrand between 1975 and 2014, Spocter recorded that 35 of the 42 small towns in the Western Cape had golf courses, with six courses privately owned. The remaining 29 were municipal-owned and, in most cases, leased to golf clubs. Also, by 2014, 10 of the 29 municipal-owned golf courses were sold to private entities, while Darling, Riverside and Swellendam investigated the privatization of their courses but did not sell them. Several arguments were advanced for the sale of the golf courses. Privately-owned housing construction that occurred in the newly gated and fortified spaces of the golf estates increased the housing stock, on average, by 300–400 units in each of the 10 towns. Erected within the privatized golf estates were commercial, business, recreational and tourist amenities, facilities and services. The new developments attracted historically privileged white South Africans and international purchasers, and increased consumer spending in the small towns. During the construction phases on the golf courses, job opportunities were created for the poorer local residents and the revenue of the small towns increased given the additional property taxation from the new construction. Also, in some towns a development (or public benefit) fund was created into which some of the proceeds from the privatization of the golf courses were deposited. There were several negative impacts for the poorer residents stemming from the privatization of the golf courses in the small towns. The historically disadvantaged residents were mostly fenced out and marginalized on the outskirts of the town, and excluded from the gated spaces and facilities on the golf courses. Also, the residents on the golf estates did not enter into any substantial engagements with the poor townsfolk on social issues. Land that could have been used for low-cost social housing was now privatized for the wealthy. Poorer residents believed that their municipalities did not use the revenues from the golf estates transparently, and for their benefit. Social divisions were entrenched as the needs of the majority of the residents were not addressed, and they experienced only minimal improvements in their well-being and livelihood opportunities in their towns. Thus, in spite of the arguments advanced for privatization of municipal land, Spocter (2017) contends that the socio-economic and socio-spatial gaps between the rich and the poor in the small towns remained. In summary, Spocter’s study on the privatization of municipal land in small towns in the Western Cape and Narsiah’s study on the privatization of water provision in Durban are important Critical Geography critiques of the neoliberal and Third Way agendas that took root in South Africa since the mid-1990s.

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2.3 The Political-Economy of Development in Pietermaritzburg, Group Areas, Property ‘Super-Taxation’ and Civic Organizations An important aspect of study in urban political geography in South Africa is the political-economy of development. Local urban development requires revenue, and sourcing such funding amongst the political elite in cities often generates conflicts and protests amongst residents (agency). Residents often galvanize and mobilize themselves into formidable civic organizations and also establish cross-class, multiracial alliances to challenge the authority of the local state and the ruling urban regime. An urban-political geographical case study of Pietermaritzburg in the 1980s makes for a critical understanding of the source of such conflicts, and the role of agency in seeking political and economic redress. However, it is first necessary to consider some fundamental concepts. In order to understand capitalist urban development in South Africa (and elsewhere), it is important to note that capital (or the capitalist class) is not necessarily united and homogeneous. Conflicts develop between different sectors of capital (e.g., industrial capital vs. commercial capital). Also, within specific sectors of capital (e.g., financial capital) there are conflicts (e.g., different financial institutions competing for customers). In short, there is inter-capital and intra-capital conflicts. Inter-capital conflicts often occur in urban areas as different sectors of capital (e.g., industry vs. commerce) seek access to local state resources, and to maximize their profits. Also, capital often enters into cross-class and cross-race alliances (e.g., with the local political elite, labour and community leaders) to advance pro-growth boosterism agendas within the local state. Local pro-growth alliances are fluid and inherently unstable, and are issue-focused as groups enter into, or withdraw, from the alliances depending on specific issues (Harvey, 1985; Stone, 1989).3 In urban-political geography, the term ‘urban regime’ refers to cross-class alliances that comprise different elements from capital, labour, politics and communities with a focus on promoting local development—and with each element wielding different levels of power and influence (Logan & Molotch, 1987; Molotch, 1976). Harvey (1985) contends that when the ruling alliance has succeeded in preserving and enhancing achieved models of production and consumption in the urban region, this is referred to as a ‘structured coherence’. In South Africa, Seethal (1992, 1993) traced the political-economic development of the city of Pietermaritzburg from 1900 to 1991, the establishment of progrowth alliances and the urban regime, and the attempts to maintain a structured coherence—amongst other things—in the face of a determined challenge over property ‘supertaxation’ in the city in the 1990s. Four waves of industrial development characterized Pietermaritzburg’s industrial establishment profile from 1900 to 1991 (Table 2.1), with each successive wave 3 For

example, in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropole in 2018, an African National Congress— United Democratic Movement—Economic Freedom Front political majority coalition ousted the Democratic Alliance party-led majority political coalition (with Trollip as mayor). Bobani—former deputy mayor under Trollip—was elected as the new Mayor. See also Olver (2017).

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Table 2.1 Industrial establishment profile in Pietermaritzburg (1900–1991) Waves of industrial development

Year

Number of establishments

Percent of total

Wave 1: Intense growth

1900–1904

16

4

Wave 1: Slow growth

1905–1909

0

–

1910–1914

1

–

1915–1919

0

–

1920–1924

0

–

1925–1929

0

–

1930–1934

2

0.5

1935–1939

2

0.5

1940–1944

1

–

1945–1949

4

1

1950–1954

10

3

1955–1959

3

1

Wave 2: Intense growth

Wave 3: Intense growth

Wave 4: Intense growth Total

1960–1964

5

1

1965–1969

27

6

1970–1974

31

7

1975–1979

31

7

1980–1984

93

22

1985–1991

199

47

1900–1991

426

100

Source Seethal (1993, p. 33)

of industrial development marked by an increase in the number of new establishments. During the second wave of industrial growth (1945–1964), local capital in Pietermaritzburg—principally through the Chamber of Industry, with support, inter alia, from the Chamber of Commerce, business leaders and the local media—pursued a vigorous progrowth industrial boosterism strategy. Although the City Council embraced this strategy by the late 1950s and served as a corporate local state, its response to local industrial capital prevented the formation of a progrowth coalition. In effect, the council had not yet transformed itself from its preoccupation with managerialism to a focus on entrepreneurialism.4 During the third wave of industrial development (1965–1979) a progrowth urban regime and coalition developed in Pietermaritzburg that incorporated the Chamber of Commerce, the Chamber of Industries and the local state. The city council became 4 Three

key considerations characterized the period 1945–1964. First, the soaring price of gold boosted industrial development. Second, the apartheid state introduced an import substitution industrial strategy in the 1950s, and third, there was a crisis of accumulation in South Africa in the late 1950s and early 1960s following unrest in the country. Consequently, international capital did not view South Africa favourably for investment.

2 Urban-Political Geography—South African Perspectives

23

the principal agency for industrial development, and focused on the establishment of industrial estates, job creation, and marketing the city’s industrial development potential, nationally and internationally. In consequence, 89 new industrial establishments were built in the city from 1965 to 1979. Immediately prior to the fourth wave of industrial development in the city, the Coordinating Committee for the Development of the Pietermaritzburg Region (CCDPR) was launched in July 1979.5 The formation of the CCDPR enhanced the urban regime’s progrowth drive. In addition, the local state changed its focus from managerialism to entrepreneurialism and began to promote industrial growth and commercial development on behalf of the coalition. Following persistent appeals to the national state and national politicians, the city was declared a deconcentration point, and the surrounding townships declared industrial growth points—thus benefitting from national financial and other support for industrial development.6 The cumulative efforts of the governing coalition resulted in the establishment of 292 new industries in the city between 1980 and 1991. A progrowth commercial boosterism strategy also took ground, signalling the increasing importance of commercial and business capital in Pietermaritzburg relative to industrial capital. Consequently, the urban regime began to revitalize the central business district (CBD) so that it would remain an attractive business/commercial centre for capital accumulation, prevent the decentralization of white-owned shops and offices to the suburbs and make the city ‘liveable’. The local state now played a lead role in promoting commercial boosterism—based on the Pietermaritzburg 2000 strategic development project and its Central Areas Master Plan (CAMP).7 While the local Chamber of Commerce welcomed the progrowth coalition’s downtown rejuvenation project, the city treasurer (Mr. Peter Cox) opposed it as there were pressing social needs that the municipality needed to fund. The drive to sustained capital accumulation via industrial development and upgrading the CBD placed enormous pressure on Pietermaritzburg’s property taxpayers to fund these projects, and highlighted the contradictions inherent in apartheid’s racial capitalism at the local state. It is to the property ‘supertaxation’ issue in Pietermaritzburg that we now turn—but first, a deviation to structuration theory. 5 The CCDPR’s membership included the City Council, the Development Association, the Chamber

of Industry, the Drakensberg Administration Board, the Afrikaanse Sakekamer, the Chamber of Commerce, the KwaZulu Homeland Government, three members of parliament and officials of the city council. 6 The 1970s were turbulent in South Africa: first, labour unrests erupted in 1972–1973; second, there was an acute recession with serious balance of payment problems; third, the 1976 Soweto uprisings engulfed the country; fourth, financial capital became increasingly important nationally and helped advance a reformist agenda to apartheid, and fifth, the state acknowledged the failure of its border industrial programme. 7 The commercial redevelopment programme focused on the pedestrianisation of a part of the CBD; the upgrading and redecoration of the CBD; the provision of a parking garage; and the revitalization of the ‘Lanes Area’ and the commercial areas of the CBD. These proposals were intended to inject new confidence into private investment, attract new shops, entertainment facilities, hotels, restaurants and exhibitions, and promote the central areas.

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Johnstone and Sidaway (2004, p. 239) contend that ‘changes take place as a result of general tendencies being played out in specific milieus by particular human agents’ and that places are produced, reproduced and transformed through human agency. Drawing on the philosophy of realism and the goal to explain events within specific contexts, some urban-political geographers adopted Gidden’s (1984) structuration theory to ground their studies. Structuration theory focuses on structure-agency interactions, and how political, economic and/or social structures are transformed through their interactions with agency. The Pietermaritzburg’s property ‘supertaxation’ case of the 1980 and 1990s that pitted the local state (structure) against civic and other organizations (agency) within the context of the Group Areas Act constitutes an urban-political geographical study, framed within structuration theory (Seethal, 1992, 1993). Local municipalities in South Africa generate revenue from the sale of electricity and water, from sewer disposal, refuse removal and property taxation, and they receive intergovernmental grants (IGGs) from the central state. Property taxation is based on the municipal valuation of land and buildings, with municipalities updating their valuation rolls every five years. In Pietermaritzburg, the apartheid local state imposed excessive property taxes (‘super-taxation’) in the Indian and coloured residential areas from 1982/1983 to 1990 (Tables 2.2 and 2.3).8 For example, the average increases in residential land values following the 1989/1990 municipal revaluation were 135.3, 115.5 and 17.4% for the coloured, Indian and white residential group areas, respectively. Given the decrease in the randage (tariff) on taxation of residential land in 1989/1990, the average property taxation increased by 86.2 and 72.4% for residential land in the coloured and Indian areas, respectively, while in the white residential areas there was an average 6.15% decrease. Moreover, in 1989/1999, the average property taxation per hectare of residential land in the Indian areas increased from R1324.26 to R2282.87; in the coloured areas from R618.54 to R1163.75, while in the white areas it decreased from R592.41 to R556.25. This meant that the average property taxation revenue per hectare of residential land in the Indian group areas was 4.1 times more than in the white areas. Furthermore, using the 1982/1983 municipal land value of R45,385.00 per hectare for white residential areas as base (Table 2.3), the 1989/1990 figure of R194,363.00 for the white areas was 4.29 times greater, while the 1989/1990 figure of R433,614.00 in the Indian areas was 9.55 times greater than the 1982/1983 base figure of R45,385.00. The racially-based discrimination in property taxation first galvanized and then propelled the Indian and coloured ratepayers into conflict against the apartheid local state following each of the 1979, 1984 and 1989 property revaluations. These conflicts commenced in February 1980 and ran until January 1990, with the Pietermaritzburg Combined Ratepayers and Residents Association (PCRRA) acting as the principal ‘agency’. Initially (1979–1980) the PCRRA advanced the protests from grievance 8 In

the 1990s, African townships within the city fell outside the administration of the city council. Also, tariffs (millage, or randage in South Africa) for computing property taxes vary. Randage is higher for vacant land than land that is built on, and higher for commercial than residential property.

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Table 2.2 City of Pietermaritzburg: property taxation and related statistics (1984–1985 to 1989–1990) Variable

Whites number

(%)

Indians number

(%)

Coloureds number

(%)

Total

Population (1989)

65,080

40.6

78,260

48.9

16,730

10.5

160,070

Residential area (ha)

9,062

81.4

1,617

14.5

461

4.4

11,140

4.8

92.4

Municipal land value - million Rands (Rm) 1984–1985

56.9

61.6

31.0

33.5

4.5

1985–1986

239.7

71.1

86.9

25.8

10.5

3.1

337.1

1988–1989

255.6

68.9

102.0

27.5

13.6

3.7

371.1

1989–1990

300.0

54.4

219.8

39.8

31.9

5.8

551.7

Average % increase in land value: 1988–1989 to 1989–1990

17.4

115.5

135.3

48.7

Rates (Rm) land only 1988–1989

5.37

2.14

0.29

7.79

1989–1990

5.04

3.69

0.54

9.27

+72.4

+86.2

+19.00

% −6.2 Increase/decrease (1988/1990)

Average rates per ha. Residential land (Rand) 1989

592.41

1,324.26

618.54

699.72

1990

556.25

2,282.87

1,163.75

832.01

Number of properties 1988–1989

13,212

55.2

9,184

38.3

1,556

6.5

23,925

1989–1990

13,361

54.0

9,730

39.4

1,634

6.6

24,725

Source Adapted from Seethal (1993, p. 119)

petition towards mass mobilization and demonstration. By 1983/1984, the PCRRA— now with 11 affiliate organizations—moved towards establishing a non-racial, multiclass alliance that also included three political organizations to challenge the city council. By 1989/1990, the PCRRA—now buoyed by the support of 34 civic and community organizations, and several professional and labour unions—extended the property taxation conflict to incorporate the politics of mass demonstration, the politics of refusal, the politics of alliance and the politics of anti-state mobilization. Approximately 2400 residents attended meetings in September and October 1989, where it was decided to undertake a protest march on city hall on 30 October 1989. A crowd of 10,000 persons participated in the march, and a petition was handed

26

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Table 2.3 Residential land values in Pietermaritzburg in Rand per hectare (R/ha) (1982–1983 to 1989–1990) Year

White areas

Indian areas

Coloured areas

R/ha

Number in sample

R/ha

Number in sample

R/ha

Number in sample

1982–1982

45,385

610

80,017

223

56,541

69

1988–1989

143,489

728

197,606

264

139,030

110

1989–1990

194,363

748

433,614

359

305,092

129

Ratio b/a

3.16

2.47

2.46

c/b

1.35

2.19

2.19

c/a

4.29

5.42

5.40

Source City of Pietermaritzburg (1990). Report of the working group of the sub-committee for rates and allied matters, Pietermaritzburg, (in Seethal, 1993)

to Mayor Pat Cornell. The protesters had now extended their demands beyond the equalization of property taxes to a demand for a non-racial local state. The city council, shaken by the opposition to it, offered property tax rebates to 8,543 ratepayers to the value of nearly R950,000.00—thereby benefitting nearly 75% of the Indian and coloured ratepayers. In addition, council supported the mayor’s request to hold a referendum amongst all municipal voters (coloured, Indian, and white people) in the city in January 1990 to determine whether the city should be open or not to the different racial groups. (Council however, on 19 January 1990, rescinded this decision on the referendum). The property ‘super-taxation’ conflict in Pietermaritzburg is instructive in that it shows how the local state liaises with a variety of class groups within its jurisdiction (Harvey, 1985; Stone, 1989), how a social revolution drives a political revolution, and how agency interacts with structure to produce new outcomes at the local state level (as per Giddens structuration theory). We now turn our attention—within the just cities framework—to governance issues in South African cities, with particular reference to the geography of corruption and its impact for spatial justice.

2.4 Governance in South African Cities and the Geography of Corruption State corruption reached endemic proportions in South Africa with national and provincial governments accounting for R50 billion in irregular expenditure in 2017/2018 while local government accounted for another R27.6 billion in 2016/2017. This totalled R77.6 billion or an average R1.5-billion that the three spheres of state squandered each week in irregular expenditure in 2016/2017 and 2017/2018 (Table 2.4). These losses seriously threaten governance and impact negatively on

2 Urban-Political Geography—South African Perspectives

27

Table 2.4 South Africa—National, Provincial and Local Government: Amount of Irregular Expenditure (2008/2009 to 2017/2018) National and provincial government: amount of irregular expenditure

Local government: amount of irregular expenditure

National, provincial and local government—total amount of irregular expenditure

R11.0 billion (2008/2009)

R3.2 billion (2008/2009)

R14.2 billion (2008/2009)

R50.0 billion (2017/2018) (percentage increase [2008/09 to 2017/18]): 355%

R27.6 billion (2016/2017) (percentage increase [2008/09 to 2016/17]): 763%

R77.6 billion (2016/17; 2017/18) (percentage increase [2008/09 to 2016-2018]): 446%

Source Kgosana, C.—Played with a straight bat, Sunday Times, March 24, 2019, p. 12

service delivery and development, especially for the poor and marginalized citizens. Consequently, the spatial impacts of state corruption have become a focus of study in urban-political geography. This section highlights aspects of the extent of corruption at the local state sphere in South Africa, the just city approach that provides a theoretical base to citizens’ fight for the right to the city, and selected aspects of Ngwira’s (2018) study of the impacts of corruption in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM) in the Eastern Cape.

2.5 State Corruption in South Africa South Africa’s eight metropolitan municipalities’ budgets for 2015/2016 are presented in Fig. 2.1, whilst Fig. 2.2 shows the 10 municipalities that were the largest financial offenders in terms of unauthorised, irregular, fruitless and wasteful expenditure, and the respective amounts lost in the 2014/2015 Financial Year. The metropolitan municipalities of Johannesburg, Tshwane, the BCMM and Nelson Mandela Bay—all under African National Congress (ANC) majority-led municipal governments in 2014–2015 and with a total R3.008 billion lost in ‘irregular’ expenditure (an average of 2.796% of their overall budget) (Table 2.5)—ranked amongst the top 10 municipal offenders.9 The BCMM was relatively the worst metropole with R724.98 million (or 9.54%) of its total 2014/2015 municipal budget lost in unauthorized, irregular, fruitless and wasteful expenditure—hence Ngwira’s study of this municipality, within Dikeç’s theory of the Just City. The South African Auditor-General, Kimi Makwetu, released his office’s audited report on the country’s 257 municipalities for the 2017/2018 Financial Years. Only 18 municipalities received clean audits (down from 33 in 2016/2017). The financial outcomes of 63 municipalities regressed, while those of 22 improved. No municipality in Limpopo, North West and 9 The

ANC lost control of Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay municipalities—with a combined budget of R100 billion per annum—in the 2016 local government elections. Also, the Vhembe District Municipality, the eighth biggest municipal offender in 2014–2015, was seriously implicated in the VBS Mutual Bank scandal that rocked South Africa in 2018.

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Fig. 2.1 South African metropolitan municipalities’ budgets (2015–2016). Adapted from Whittles (2016)

Fig. 2.2 South African Municipalities—Biggest Financial Offenders (2014–2015). Source Saba (2016)

Free State provinces received a clean audit. Twelve municipalities with clean audits were from the Western Cape Province, two in the Eastern Cape and one each in KwaZulu-Natal, Northern Cape, Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces (Ntuli, 2019).

2 Urban-Political Geography—South African Perspectives

29

Table 2.5 South African metropolitan municipalities—financial losses (2015/2016 financial year) Name of metropolitan municipality

Funds lost in ‘irregular expenditure’ (2014–2015 financial year)a

Funds lost in ‘irregular expenditure’ as a percentage of total budget (2014–2015 financial year)

Johannesburg

R1.040 billion

1.85%

Tshwane

R786.50 million

2.42%

Buffalo City

R724.98 million

9.54%

Nelson Mandela Bay

R457.00 million

4.04%

Total

R3.008 billion

2.796% (average % for four metropolitan municipalities)

a The

term ‘irregular expenditure’ in the second and third column actually refer to unauthorised, irregular, fruitless and wasteful expenditure

2.5.1 Dikeç’s Theory of the Just City Dikeç’s theory of the just city is based on the works on Lefebvre, and Balibar, and incorporates five concepts: the right to the city; the right to be different; the spatiality of injustice; the injustice of spatiality, and Balibar’s concept of ‘egaliberte’ (equalityfreedom) (Dikeç, 2009). The right to the city implies the active participation of citizens in social and political life, and in the management and administration of the city. It is not a visiting or property ownership right, but a right to urban life for all who live in it. This right attains content through struggle and confrontation, and in space. It includes citizens’ rights to use multiple services, to make known their ideas on the space and time of their activities, and to use the city centre which is regarded as a privileged space. Citizens need to reclaim the right to the city, and actively and collectively change urban political life and space. The right to be different refers to the right to disagree, to contest, not to subscribe, to differ, to resist and to struggle. There is a moment of differing that is achieved through political struggle, and solidarity amongst citizens is built on the collective will and capability to differ. Lefebvre’s notions of the right to the city and the right to be different lead to new ways of life, new social relations and new possibilities to differ. They also include a claim upon society for resources necessary to meet the basic needs and the interests of members. Dikeç recognized that in claiming these rights, a notion of spatial injustice might serve as a mobilizing discourse, and spark a spatial culture to fight it. The spatiality of injustice relates to and emphasizes form (morphology), and implies that justice takes a spatial form. The spatial perspective can be used to discern injustice in space (e.g., a school with poor infrastructure). Importantly, form is linked to process. Thus, the injustice of spatiality is dynamic and relates to processes. It implies that structures (political, economic, social and cultural) produce and reproduce injustice through space. For Dikeç, the emphasis is on the processes that

30

C. Seethal

produce and reproduce dominant, oppressive and unjust spaces in specific contexts, and the dialectical relationship between process and form. Dikeç argues that the notions of the right to the city, the right to be different, and together the spatiality of injustice and the injustice of spatiality—(i.e., the triad)— provide the framework for the study of emancipatory politics and the ‘ideal of egaliberte’. (It is impossible to have freedom without equality, and equality without freedom). Egaliberte refers to the unconditional ‘differential’ push in a collective process as the politics of struggle, emancipation and insurrection against discrimination, repression, oppression, social hierarchies and inequalities, and the lack of provision of services stemming from rampant corruption at the local state level. It is to selected aspects of Ngwira’s (2018) study that the focus now shifts.

2.5.2 The Spatiality of Injustice and the Injustice of Spatiality in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality In terms of the Municipal Finance Management Act (2003), the office of the auditorgeneral of South African expresses annually an audit opinion on the state of each municipality’s finances. These range from a clean audit (the best) to a financially unqualified audit, a qualified audit, an adverse audit and a disclaimer of audit (the worst). Post-2002, the BCMM’s most favourable audit was in 2003–2004 when it achieved a financially unqualified audit, while it received a disclaimer in 2009–2010 and an adverse audit in 2010–2011. In 2012/2013, BCMM wrote off R1.1 billion (19.6% of its budget of R5.6 billion) and was again regarded as the worst performing metropole in the country in terms of irregular expenditure—the first time was in 2010/2011. In four years (2011/2012 to 2014/2015), the BCMM lost R3.980 billion in irregular and unauthorized expenditure—an average of R995 million per annum.10 Corruption continued unabated in spite of the Ernst and Young Forensic Report of 2011 which uncovered widespread corruption and maladministration amongst the city managers, senior municipal officers and local politicians. Corruption centred around tender rigging, interference in the appointment of contractors, non-adherence to supply chain management protocols, unauthorized expenditure, the failure to invoice consumers for services (e.g., electricity) due to inaccurate municipal records, fraudulent claims, and the awarding of business to companies that had close acquaintances with municipal staff, councillors and state officials. In addition, there were problems associated with underspending of intergovernmental grants (IGGs), political meddling in administration, nepotism, patriotism and cadre deployment, the falsification of claims on the part of BCMM officials and politicians, the rapidly changing appointments of senior politicians as a result of political infighting linked to national politics (e.g., when Zukiswa Ncitha was appointed executive mayor in 2011 she became the fourth mayor in three years). On the other hand, the filling 10 The

total irregular expenditure was R824.8 million in 2011/2012; R1.1 billion in 2012/2013; R1.330 billion in 2013/2014 and R724 million in 2014/2015.

2 Urban-Political Geography—South African Perspectives

31

of vacant senior administrative positions was problematic. For example, the chief executive officer position was vacant for more than three years since 2009, and there were five acting municipal managers since 2008; while the chief financial officer post was vacant for three years after Brian Shepherd left in 2009. A disturbing factor was the fact that not a single Rand was recovered from the money that had been lost in the BCMM in terms of section 32 of the Local Government Finance Management Act, 56 of 2003 (Mileham, 2015 cited in Ngwira, 2018). The problems listed in the previous paragraph are rooted in corruption and maladministration, and contributed to spatial injustice across various scenarios. For example, court battles raged over the irregular award of tenders and stalled development, and frustrated the poor and marginalized residents—many in informal housing who had waited for up to 20 years for better housing, improved water and sanitation, electricity supplies, roads and garbage (waste) removal (see Plates 2.1 and 2.2). Other

Plate 2.1 Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality—the construction of these flats was halted for over two years (2013). Source Ngwira (2018)

Plate 2.2 Unresponsiveness in service provision—illegal dumpsite in Duncan Village, Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (2013). Source Ngwira (2018)

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C. Seethal

citizens struggled over problems associated with incorrect billing and environmental despoliation. Moreover, the BCMM did not respond promptly to water leaks, electricity faults, natural disasters, accidental fires, sewage spills and the risks to the residents’ and marine life. In short, problems within the BCMM (i.e., the processes or the injustice of spatiality) contributed to spatial injustice across the city.11 Although residents sought to address their problems with the BCMM via the use of the democratic processes (invited spaces) legally available to them (e.g., participation in, and providing input at the ward level in the development of the five-year Integrated Development Plan (IDP), its annual reviews and in the budgetary processes) they noted that their inputs in the planning and budgetary processes were largely ignored. This prompted the marginalized citizens to engage in ‘invented spaces’ that often involved conflict (e.g., the burning of public facilities [a library]) as residents sought—as per Dikeç’s theory—to exercise their right to their city, the right to be different, the struggle for spatial justice as well as their determination to alter existing social relations and strive for ‘egaliberte’. Urban political geographers in South Africa, drawing on postmodern geographies, have adopted a postmodern urban political perspective to study exclusion, inclusion and resistance in the urban environment. We turn out attention to this aspect and its relevance to the South African urban space.

2.6 Postmodern Urban Political Geographies of Exclusion, Inclusion and Resistance 2.6.1 Postmodern Urban Politics Postmodern Geographies emphasize, inter alia, the study of culture and differences. Within a postmodern geographies’ framework, Ley and Mills (2002) and Soja and Hooper (2002) advanced different conceptual approaches to study urban political geographies. They argued for a postmodern politics of the city that incorporates the cultural politics of difference, builds upon the empowerment of the subaltern against the hegemon (powerful) and incorporates tendencies towards a politics of inclusion. These perspectives were used in a study of Stellenbosch, from 2000 to 2004. However, it is important to first understand the critical elements in Ley and Mills, and Soja and Hooper’s perspectives on postmodern urban politics. Ley and Mills advocated a bifurcated postmodern urban politics. First, is a postmodernism of reaction (i.e., the cultural expression of neo-conservative politics). This involves the private retreat of the hegemon into select cosy and conflict-free urban areas (i.e., social exclusion). It incorporates attempts at co-optation, the promotion of middle-class material successes and the notion that the market empowers, 11 For

supply chain management problems in the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality, see Rajah (2016). For corruption in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropole, see Olver (2017).

2 Urban-Political Geography—South African Perspectives

33

though unequally. Also, the hegemon seeks to consolidate and extend its support base, and ensure its continued empowerment through the marginalization of the opposition.12 Second, is a postmodern politics of resistance (or reconstruction, or social inclusion) that permits the minority and marginalized groups to retain their differences, pursue ‘other’ social objectives, challenge the power of the urban elite, mobilize against an imposed single vision of the city, strive for economic justice and against economic inequality, pro-elite economic development and their forced exclusion from, and full participation in, the multifaceted resources and activities of the city. A postmodern politics of resistance incorporates the inclusion of minorities and marginalized groups to cultural recognition and their active involvement in civic administration. The result is a celebration of difference in the ethnic and lifestyle festivals of a postmodern culture and a contribution to a particular sense of urban place-making. Soja and Hooper (2002), in their new cultural politics of multiplicity, difference and strategic alliances, contend that differences between people are hierarchically ordered. Moreover, the hegemon actively produces and reproduces differences, and pushes ‘others’ to the margins of discourse and physical space in order to maintain socio-spatial differentiation and uneven development that are advantageous to their empowerment. They contend that postmodern politics constitute a move towards empowering a multiplicity of resistances against all forms of subordination. They identify—at the margins—the formation of overlapping communities that are informed and empowered by their differences (e.g., race, class, gender, culture and sexual orientation). The margins are places of collective empowerment that resist their assigned ‘otherness’, and seek ways of establishing a multiplicity of communities of resistance. Ley and Mills’ and Soja and Hooper’s (2002) perspectives provided an appropriate framework for Seethal’s (2005) post-2000 postmodern urban politics study in Stellenbosch.

2.6.2 Postmodern Urban Politics in Stellenbosch (2000–2004) Following the 5 December 2000 local government elections in South Africa, the Democratic Alliance (DA) emerged as the dominating party (winning 15 of the 35 seats) in Stellenbosch municipality. Having co-opted councillors from the Alliance for the Community (AFTC), the United Democratic Movement (UDM) and the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), the DA secured political control of the municipality. However, following the passage of the political floor crossing legislation, four councillors defected to the African National Congress (ANC)—New National Party (NNP) alliance to give it a majority of one councillor and control of the council in October 2002. The ANC-NNP alliance then introduced the executive may12 Schuermans

and Spocter (2016) show how the elite in Tamboerskloof, Cape Town, pursued measures akin to a postmodernism of reaction that aimed at the social exclusion of the poor and marginalized.

34

C. Seethal

oral committee (EMC) system of local government (in place of the mayor-councillor system).

2.6.3 Stellenbosch (2000–2002): A New Cultural Politics of Multiplicity, Difference and Strategic Alliances During its term of office (December 2000–October 2002), the DA-led alliance engaged in the politics of reaction to consolidate and extend its support base, and reinforce its hegemony. It co-opted and appointed senior bureaucrats who consolidated and extended the DA’s support base, and engaged in urban place-making through delivery of ‘state of the art’ municipal services and facilities in its historically white residential and constituent strongholds, and in the CBD. In short, the DA-led regime advanced middle-class material successes while simultaneously reproducing uneven development and socio-spatial differentiation. Also, the mayor and DA-led council marginalized the opposition: They rarely visited the coloured and black areas; and municipal services, basic infrastructure and housing were not provided, nor was land identified for black citizens. Between 2000 and 2002 the ANC and other oppositional groups engaged in the politics of resistance and reconstruction. The ANC forged an alliance with other councillors [including the Kayamandi Civic Association (KCA)], ensured that its national ministers and provincial leaders visited the black and coloured communities in Stellenbosch and addressed their social and welfare needs, and economic justice issues. The ANC coalition resisted co-optation and subordination, chose the path of counter-hegemonic, order-transforming entities that challenged the unconstrained power of the urban elites, and focused on a politics of inclusion. In Soja and Hooper’s words, they embodied subaltern identities within a peripheral positioning, and refused to accept the DA’s master narratives and rose up along different axes in opposition to the DA-led alliance which it replaced in October 2002. The DA’s attempts to consolidate apartheid privilege and the opposition’s engagement in the politics of resistance and reconstruction paved the way for a new cultural politics of multiplicity and difference in Stellenbosch. Groups dissatisfied with the ANC and the ineffective performance of its councillors in Kayamandi left the ANC and formed the KCA. In other areas, the poor coloured residents supported the ANC, the rich and white supported the DA, and yet other residents formed another community-based organization: the Alliance For The Community (AFTC). Attempts at alliance formations between the KCA and the AFTC, and between the KCA, the UDM and the ANC faltered, giving impetus towards a new cultural politics of multiplicity and difference.

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2.6.4 Stellenbosch (2002–2004): Reversal in the Politics of Reaction, the Politics of Resistance, and a New Cultural Politics With political floor crossing in October 2002, the ANC-NNP alliance secured control of Stellenbosch municipality. Stellenbosch now witnessed a reversal in the politics of reaction, the politics of resistance, and tendencies towards a new cultural politics of multiplicity, difference and strategic alliances. The ANC-NNP alliance pursued a politics of inclusion of the subaltern in Stellenbosch, restructured the municipality’s bureaucracy and administration, introduced developmental and infrastructure projects (e.g., providing housing, water) to improve the quality of life of citizens and woo community support. The alliance also engaged in a politics of exclusion: It consolidated decision making in the executive mayoral committee (EMC), curtailed the delegated powers previously granted to the city’s bureaucrats and usurped their functions—marginalizing the opposition in council and rendering it redundant. In the post-October 2002 period, the DA engaged in the politics of resistance against the ANC-NNP alliance. It contested the restructuring of the bureaucracy, accused the ANC-NNP alliance of failing to provide services and promote development, argued that the alliance’s activities benefitted select interest groups, conducted political meetings to win over the majority coloured residents to its ranks, planned to re-establish alliances with other minority parties (UDM, ACDP, Independent Democrats) and civic movements (KCA), and used the media to question the executive mayor on various civic matters. In Stellenbosch, in the post-October 2002 period, there were deep divisions that characterized a new cultural politics of multiplicity and difference, and strategic alliances. Tension and division emerged within the ANC-NNP alliance. These centred on the fact that the minority NNP members held prominent positions within the EMC; the executive mayor took decisions without recognizing the views of the majority ANC councillors; while the ANC’s district office enforced its views on the local municipality. Also, tension and conflicts emerged amongst the ANC-NNP councillors based on differences in class, race, age, gender, culture, political astuteness, world views, political party positions and factions, and geographical location. Moreover, the new cultural politics of multiplicity and difference was evident between the pro-growth ANC-NNP alliance on the one hand, and environmental groups (e.g., the Wildlife and Environment Society of Southern Africa [WESSA] and the Save the Mountain Alliance) on the other. Although these divisions existed and signalled the cultural politics of difference and identity in Stellenbosch in the early 2000s, the ANC-NNP alliance remained united against the DA and the other minority parties. The Stellenbosch case study highlighted the politics of reaction, the politics of resistance (and reconstruction) and the cultural politics of difference and identity from 2000 to October 2002. In addition, the Stellenbosch case explains the reversals in the politics of reaction, the politics of resistance and the new cultural politics of difference and identity after regime change in October 2002. Moreover, the Stellenbosch study noted the consequences of a change in political hegemony for place making and the

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geography of difference. It also points to the necessity for Ley and Mill’s, and Soja and Hooper’s postmodern urban perspectives to incorporate reversals in political party dominance. Urban political geographers in South Africa have also focused their attention on local government elections.

2.7 Electoral Geography: Local State Elections in South Africa Urban-political geography also focuses on the study of elections, including local government elections.13 A critical area in electoral geography is gerrymandering in which ward or constituency boundaries are delimited to favour one or other political parties. In South Africa, Seethal (2012) analyzed the 18 May 2011 local government elections while Rule (2018) studied the 3 August 2016 local government elections. Seethal focused largely on the local government electoral system including contestations at both the ward level and in terms of the proportional representation (PR) lists; the political parties—including their campaign agendas and strategies, candidate list selection processes and the nature of their targeted canvassing especially at the metropolitan sphere; the relative insignificance of independent candidates; an analysis of the election results with particular reference to the municipalities in the Western Cape and KwaZulu-Natal Provinces where the most significant changes in election results occurred relative to previous elections; the establishment of party political governing coalitions at the municipal sphere following the election; and the almost total decimation of the smaller parties that contested the 2011 local government elections. Rule’s study of South Africa’s 2016 local state elections differed somewhat from Seethal’s (2012) study. Rule considered the elections within the context of the political campaign issues and election strategies that the major political parties emphasized. He analyzed the local government election results—first at the national level and then more specifically in the eight metropolitan municipalities—and considered issues such as voter turnout in the 2016 elections relative to previous national (2004, 2009, 2014) and local elections (2006, 2011). Rule’s study focused largely on election results in the metropolitan municipalities of Johannesburg and Cape Town. It included spatial analysis of the 2016 elections results at the micro-scale, ward-level and in terms of party-political affiliation and dominance with particular reference to the three major political parties (i.e., the ANC, DA and Economic Freedom Fighters [EFF]). It highlighted voting patterns and voting performances in relation to specific urban geographies (e.g., intra-urban identities and other differences [including voter demographics, race, class, ethnicity, language, residential type and housing density, and levels of service provision), and the role of smaller parties and independent candidates in the election and in coalition building (in Johannesburg). Finally, Rule noted the following: the 2016 local government elections signalled a decisive 13 For details on South Africa’s 2014 national elections, see Schulz-Herzenberg and Southall (2014).

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decline in electoral support for the ruling ANC (a pattern that was to repeat itself in the 8 May 2019 national and provincial elections); the DA remained strong in the wealthier suburbs in Johannesburg and had made considerable gains in the wards in close proximity to the townships in Soweto and Alexandra. In contrast, the EFF made significant electoral gains in the less wealthy townships and in the informal settlements. In Cape Town, in the 2016 local government elections, the ANC gained 24% of the overall vote—a decline of 8%—with is greatest support in Khayelitsha, a predominantly isiXhosa-speaking township. In contrast, Rule notes that the DA received 67% of the votes in the City of Cape Town—an increase of 6% since the 2011 local government elections—and recorded more than 20% of the 2016 vote in ANC-strongholds such as Crossroads and Blue Downs.

2.8 Conclusion State (or governmental) legislation, policies and action are critical components in Political Geography in general, and for urban areas in particular, with important consequences for, and impacts on, space. Urban-political geographical studies in South Africa have covered a broad spectrum of themes. Urban-political geographers have also extended their focus beyond the political structure to include the economic, social and cultural structures. Moreover, people and organizations (e.g., non-governmental organizations [NGOs], non-profit organizations [NPOs] and faith-based organizations [FBOs]) (collectively referred to as agency) interact with these structures to produce particular (or contingent) spatial outcomes in different localities. In large measure, these themes have paralleled those in the Anglo-American literature in urban political geography. In recent years, the South African focus areas of study have been grounded in neoliberalism, political-economy analysis, economic boosterism and urban regime analyses, structuration theory (structure-agency), the just city debates, and postmodern urban politics. In addition, urban political studies in South Africa have focused on the geography of local state elections.

References Dikeç, M. (2009). Justice and the spatial imagination. In P. Marcuse, J. Connolly, J. Novy, I. Olivo, C. Potter, & J. Steil (Eds.), Searching for the just city—Debates in urban theory and practice. London and New York: Routledge. Harvey, D. (1985). The urbanization of capital: Studies in the history and theory of capitalist urbanization. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Johnston, R. J., & Sidaway, J. D. (2004). Geography and geographers—Anglo-American human geography since 1945. London: Arnold. Ley, D., & Mills, C. (2002). Can there be a postmodernism of resistance in the urban landscape? In M. Dear & S. Flusty (Eds.), The spaces of postmodernity—Readings in human geography. Malden: Blackwell.

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Logan, J. R., & Molotch, H. L. (1987). Urban fortunes: The political economy of place. Berkeley: University of California Press. Molotch, H. (1976). The city as a growth machine: Towards a political economy of place. American Journal of Sociology, 82, 309–332. Narsiah, S. (2008). Discourses of privatisation: The case of South Africa’s water sector. Development Southern Africa, 25, 21–35. Narsiah, S. (2010). The neoliberalization of the local state in Durban, South Africa. Antipode, 42, 374–403. Ngwira, C. M. (2018). Urban governance and spatial justice challenges: A case study of the Buffalo City Metropolitan municipality in Eastern Cape province, South Africa (1994–2015). Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Department of Geography and Environmental Science. Ntaka, Z. (2015). Social inequalities and human rights: The provision of water services in Fort Beaufort, Eastern Cape, South Africa. Unpublished B.Sc. Honours Degree dissertation, Department of Geography and Environmental Science, University of Fort Hare, Alice, South Africa. Ntuli, N. (2019). AG: Just one clean audit in KZN. In The Witness, June 26, p. 2. Olver, C. (2017). How to steal a city—The battle for Nelson Mandela Bay: An inside account. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball. Rajah, S. (2016). Collusion, cadres and corruption: A critical study of the procurement sector and corruption in local government—The case of eThekwini municipality. M.Sc. Degree dissertation, School of Environmental and Geographical Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa. Republic of South Africa (RSA). (1998). Municipal Structures Act (Act 117 of 1998). Pretoria: Government Printer. Republic of South Africa (RSA). (2000). Local Government: Municipal Systems Act (Act 32 of 2000). Pretoria: Government Printer. Republic of South Africa (RSA). (2003). Municipal Financial Management Act (Act 56 of 2003). Pretoria: Government Printer. Rule, S. P. (2018). Geography and voting: The growth of urban opposition in South Africa two decades after democratisation. South African Geographical Journal, 100, 141–161. Saba, A. (2016) Auditor general—2014–2015 Local government outcomes. R1bn to mend council books. In The Mail and Guardian, June 3, p. 2. Schuermans, N., & Spocter, M. (2016). Avoiding encounters with poverty: Aesthetics, politics and economics in a privileged neighbourhood of Cape Town. In M. De Backer L. Melgaco, G. Varna, & F. Menichelli (Eds.), Order and conflict in public space. London: Routledge. Schulz-Herzenberg, C., & Southall, R. (2014). Election 2014 South Africa—the campaigns, results and future prospects. Johannesburg: Jacana. Seethal, C. (1992). ‘The transformation of the local state in South Africa (1979–1991): Group areas, property “super-taxation,” and civic organizations’. Urban Geography. 13, 534–556. Seethal, C. (1993). Civic organizations and the local state in South Africa (1979–1993). Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Department of Geography, University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa, USA, 330 pp. Seethal, C. (2005). Postmodern urban politics in South Africa: The case of Stellenbosch (2000–2004). South African Geographical Journal, 87, 141–151. Seethal, C. (2012). South Africa’s local government elections of 2011. South African Geographical Journal, 94, 2–21. Soja, E., & Hooper, B. (2002). The spaces that difference makes: Some notes on the geographical margins of the new cultural politics. In M. Dear & S. Flusty (Eds.). The spaces of postmodernity— Readings in human geography. Malden: Blackwell. Spocter, M. (2017). Privatisation of municipal golf courses in small towns in the Western Cape, South Africa. South African Geographical Journal, 99(2), 113–133. Stone, C. N. (1989). Regime politics: Governing Atlanta. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. Whittles, G. (2016, August 12). Local government budgets: ANC turns its gaze to small councils. In The Mail and Guardian, p. 2.

Chapter 3

The Apartheid City Brij Maharaj

3.1 Introduction The geographical landscape in South Africa (physical, social and economic), was profoundly influenced by the policy of apartheid, which constitutes an unparalleled example of state-directed socio-spatial structuring. A central focus of apartheid state policy was to annihilate such communities and to “quarantine them in localities selected by the state where they could be more effectively regimented and controlled” (Bonner & Lodge, 1989, p. 1). This chapter will analyse the rise and demise of the apartheid city and is divided 1 into four sections. The first section focuses on compounds and locations, which marked the early phase of colonial segregation, and was often implemented under the guise of health concerns and slum clearance programmes. Municipal officials also viewed locations as a mechanism to control the influx of Africans into cities. The Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 represented the first Union attempt to control, manage and segregate urban Africans. The Group Areas Act (GAA) of 1950 was one of the key instruments used to reinforce the ideology of apartheid and is the theme of the second section. The major impact of group area dislocations was borne by black communities, and well-known examples include District Six in Cape Town and Cato Manor in Durban. The demise of the GAA and the rise of ‘grey’ and free settlement areas are discussed in the third section. The final section reviews post-apartheid segregation and desegregation trends. There are remarkable continuities between the apartheid and democratic eras in terms of socio-spatial inequalities, and neoliberal policies tend to reinforce race and class segregation, rather than radically challenge the apartheid urban landscape. Although 1 This

chapter draws on the author’s extensive research on urban segregation and desegregation for almost three decades. B. Maharaj (B) University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_3

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all race-based discriminatory legislation has been scrapped, the legacy of apartheid will be visible in the South African landscape for a long time. Smith (1986, 1992) and Lemon (1991) provide interesting case studies of urban segregation.

3.2 Colonial Segregation—Locations and Compounds In South Africa colonial and apartheid segregation served first and foremost as sophisticated systems of labour regulation and exploitation (Wolpe, 1972; Legassick, 1974). A key strategy was to dispossess black people of their land and livelihoods. In terms of the Land Act of 1913, the total African population would be restricted to rural reserves which would comprise 13% of the total land area (Platzky & Walker, 1985). Although a number of factors have been responsible for the inequitable distribution of political power and wealth in South Africa, it has been argued that the dispossession of land had the most immediate impact on black communities. The 1913 Land Act allocated 13% of the land to black people. The economic and social structure of these communities was premised on the distribution of land, typical of most agrarian communities. Therefore, land dispossession was “an act akin to national destruction” (De Klerk, 1991, p. 1). The primary intention was to force small scale rural farmers into the wage economy and to control the allocation and movement of labour between major economic sectors—agriculture, mining and manufacturing—and especially ensuring that the former two always had a surplus, which will keep wages low. As Rex (1974, p. 4) has argued, the “compound, the Reserve and the urban location [were] the essential institutions of Southern African labour exploitation”. The compound system was developed by the De Beers Consolidated Mines in 1885, mainly in an attempt to reduce diamond losses from theft, as well as to control and confine the labour force around Kimberley. It was subsequently adopted widely in the Witwatersrand goldmines. Compounds represented a successful effort by mining capital to create self-sufficient labouring communities with restricted access to the outside world. By restricting the workers’ access to town, services provided by African petty bourgeois traders were also effectively eliminated. Compounds and locations should be viewed as urban constructs which developed as historically specific social formations, whose position in relation to the rest of the city was determined by the nature of capitalist production—the need to isolate workers and to segregate them spatially (Padayachee & Haines, 1985). Compounds, hostels and locations served as effective means of control and repression, and stifled political or labour action (Rex, 1974). According to Mabin (1986, p. 5), “compounds as the first formal means of segregation had a profound influence on the timing and emergence of the presently more widely known feature of the apartheid city: the ordered, state-planned township”. In the colonial era, segregation was often implemented under the guise of health concerns and slum clearance programmes. At the turn of the 19th-century, municipal health officials began to call for segregation of Africans in locations because of the

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poor sanitation and high disease rates associated with this group (Swanson, 1977). They were supported by white religious leaders who viewed the rapid expansion of squatter settlements around cities as undermining the moral fibre of Africans, as well as that of white people who were ‘living cheek by jowl’ with Africans. The outbreak of bubonic plague in 1902–1903 spurred this coalition of interests to promulgate a series of health legislation to forcefully remove thousands of Africans from urban ghettos into native locations. The influenza epidemic of 1918 and the serious tuberculosis problem led to the proclamation of the Public Health Act of 1919. This Act facilitated central state control over conditions in locations (McCarthy & Smith, 1989). However, slum clearance did not eradicate such settlements but merely transferred the ghettos beyond the limits of the city. Given their limited resources, which was further depleted by higher transport costs, Africans in locations lived under worse conditions than in slums (Packard, 1989). Municipal officials also viewed locations as a mechanism to control the influx of Africans into cities. At the formation of the Union most black people lived in ‘locations’ outside white towns, which were specifically designated for them by local authorities (Davenport, 1971). The 1920s were characterised by renewed calls for more rigid segregation as the rapidly urbanising population was perceived as a threat to white workers. Segregation was justified on the basis that the natives were ‘primitive’. The fact was that tribalism was disintegrating and Africans were demanding fairness and integration in the urban economy (Welsh, 1975). The Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 represented the first Union-wide attempt to control, manage and segregate urban Africans which was regulated by the pass laws (Frankel, 1979). The rationale for the legislation was based on the findings of the Stallard Commission, initiated in 1922, which contended that the Native should only enter urban areas “when he is willing to administer to the needs of the white man, and should depart therefrom when he ceases so to administer” (Hellmann, 1961, pp. 121–22). This was a central state response to demands from various white classes (shopkeepers, small traders, property owners, and workers) who had campaigned for rigid segregation, influx control, the termination of property rights for black people, and the prevention of the use of municipal rates being used to provide facilities and services for black people (Kock, 1984). The Urban Areas Act was subsequently amended in 1930, 1937 and 1942 in order to equip the central and local states “with powers to deny to the African any enforceable right to reside, acquire property, carry on independent economic activity, or freely to seek or take up employment in an urban area” (Molteno, 1977, p. 30). The Urban Areas Act constituted the principles for urban segregation which were later revised, consolidated and rigidly enforced by the apartheid regime. The worldwide outcry against racism and colonialism in the 1930 and 1940s had an influence on South African policies. Also, complaints by the private sector about the cost and inefficiency of the job colour bar, and labour policies which denied black people training, security and satisfactory living conditions, did influence state thinking (Lipton, 1985). Moreover, black workers were successfully organising themselves in unions, and strengthening their bargaining positions . In August 1946 more

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than 70,000 African mine workers participated in a massive strike (Davies, Kaplan, Morris, & O’Meara, 1976, p. 24). The central state at this time essentially reflected the concerns of manufacturing interests. The problems of urban black people began to receive some attention and three major official commissions (van Eck, Smit and Fagan) were engaged to investigate their plight (Lipton, 1985). The essence of these reports was that a permanent urban African population was inevitable, and the “job colour bar, pass laws, and migrant labour were criticised as unjust and inefficient, deterring ambition and competition” (Lipton, 1985, p. 21). According to the Native Economic Commission of 1932, in “the interest of the efficiency of urban industries it is better to have a fixed urban Native population to the extent to which such population is necessary than the present casual drifting population” (Maylam, 1990, p. 65). In 1947 the Minister of Native Affairs maintained that “the native must be trained for his work in industry, and to become an efficient industrial worker he must be a permanent industrial worker. On that account he must live near his place of employment” (Lipton, 1985, p. 21). In 1948, the Fagan Commission maintained that while a stable urban labour force should be encouraged, migratory labour should not be terminated. The state was basically responding pragmatically to the needs of mining and secondary industry for a stable labour force (Maylam, 1990). The ruling United Party Government responded by limiting or reversing discriminatory labour practices. Job discrimination and pass laws were relaxed, trade unions were recognised, and there was an attempt to improve the socio-economic conditions of workers. However, these reforms conflicted with the needs of agricultural capital. The pass laws and influx measures were essential to ensure an abundant labour supply in rural areas, which would keep agricultural labour costs low. The United Party entered the 1948 elections committed to these reforms. The victory of the Nationalists in 1948 brought into power a government that was significantly different from that of the United Party. The Nationalists represented a collection of interest groups who were totally opposed to the pattern of social and economic development which had shaped the South African social formation over the previous two decades. They rejected the findings of the Smit and Fagan commissions that a permanent African population was inevitable and essential for economic progress. Rather, they emphasised the Stallardist doctrine of the 1920s.

3.3 Apartheid Segregation—Group Areas Act The ascent to power of the National Party (NP) in 1948 with its apartheid policy set the tone for the race legislation which followed. The Population Registration Act (1950) South African were classified into four groups—Africans, Whites, Coloureds and Indians. The NP was particularly obsessed with the policy of racial segregation of the different groups in all spheres—social, economic and political. The different aspects of segregation which were espoused were finally embodied in the Group Areas Act (GAA) of 1950, which has been regarded as one of the most controversial statutes

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in South African history and embodied the essence of apartheid at an urban scale. It served as a powerful tool for state intervention in controlling the use, occupation, and ownership of land and buildings on a racial basis, and emphasised separate residential areas, educational services, and other amenities for the different race groups (Maharaj, 1997). The application of the GAA was ruthlessly rigid and inflexible. It prevented those reasonable adjustments and concessions which were integral for harmony in a heterogeneous society. The Act was characterised by a perverse contempt for human feelings and reflected pathological racial prejudices of white people. It assumed that the white people would feel protected when the other groups were secluded away in their ghettoes and segregated territories. However, it was impervious to the fact that a new sense of insecurity and futility would be imposed upon millions of black, Indian, coloured people (Maharaj, 1997). Between 1950 and 1991 more than 1 million hectares of urban space was rezoned on a racial basis (Christopher, 1997). The fragmented distribution of land and opportunity that resulted from forced removals left Black South Africans being cramped into remote locations at the periphery of the city. There were some interesting differences between Cape Town and Durban with regard to the implementation of the GAA. Prior to 1948, Cape Town was one of South Africa’s most integrated cities—“37% of the residential area of the city in 1936 was mixed” (Western, 1996, p. 36). However, Western (1996) points out that segregation measures in Cape Town were not enforced as rigidly as that introduced against Indian people by the Durban City Council (DCC). The Cape Town City Council did not co-operate with the Group Areas Board because “instituting group areas would cause great hardship” (Western, 1996, p. 121). The Government imposed its version of race-space zoning on the city which basically entrenched the interests of white people. In contrast, the DCC regarded the Group Areas Act as a lifeline by which Durban could be preserved as a ‘European’ city. The DCC almost matched the NP in their defence of the Group Area Act, arguing that it provided opportunities for black people to develop on a parallel basis to Europeans, as well as offering them new economic opportunities. The Durban City Council, as the representative of the white minority of the city, historically played a significant role in the development and promulgation of Group Areas legislation, actively advocating for the expropriation of the Indian community (Naicker, 1956). The foundations of the race zoning plans of the DCC were determined by the Technical Sub-Committee (TSC). The TSC elaborated quite significantly on the criteria for the demarcation of group areas, (a crucial matter on which the Act was curiously silent) which were subsequently adopted through the country. According to the TSC, the juxtaposition of races could produce conflict, as one group may unwittingly offend another. Consequently, residential neighbourhoods should not only be clearly racially defined, but spill over into another group area, or casual crossings of borders, must be reduced. The TSC believed that one race group should not traverse the group area of another in the journey to work, and as far as possible natural, physical boundaries (like rivers, railways) should separate groups. The TSC’s work was regarded as pioneering and it influenced the race zoning plans of many

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cities in the country (Maharaj, 1997). Demonstrating the spatial implementation of these group area principles, Davies (1981) developed his widely cited model of the classic apartheid city (Fig. 3.1). The Group Areas Act resulted in the destruction of racially integrated areas like Sophiatown in Johannesburg (Lodge, 1983); Cato Manor in Durban (Maharaj, 1994); and District Six in Cape Town (Hart, 1988; Western, 1996). The destruction of District Six had a “pervasive spatial meaning for the Coloured people of the Cape” (Western, 1996, p. 149), and the relocation of coloured people from Mowbray. The magazine Sunday Life (15 June 1997, p. 11) described the removal process as follows: Sixty thousand people, including families who had never known another home, were forced out—sometimes physically carried from their houses and loaded onto trucks along with their modest belongings. They were then carted away to places like Bonteheuwel, Manenberg and Hanover Park, while their original neighbourhoods died a little with each removal. The social dysfunctions that resulted from the forced removals also gave rise to the moral stillbirth of the Cape Flats. Nurtured by neglect, the area, perching on Cape Town’s doorstep, is awash in crime and poverty. In 1958 the Mayville Indian Ratepayers’ Association (MIRA) made an emotional appeal to the DCC and the government, emphasising the attachment of people to place and community: People form deep and lasting attachments to the places in which they live and such attachments are rooted in emotional association with homes, temples, churches, mosques, schools, burial places and with neighbours—years of friendship, the passing on of homes from generation to generation. Such are worthwhile values which cannot be set aside lightly. Is it fair to ask people, now advanced in years, to break up old associations and homes, businesses, etc. and to start afresh (Memorandum from the Mayville Indian Ratepayers’ Association submitted to the Durban City Council, May 30, 1958). As a result of the Group Areas Act, settled integrated communities like Cato Manor were destroyed, with Indian people being relocated to areas like Chatsworth and Phoenix, and Africans to Kwa Mashu and Umlazi. African and Indian communities unsuccessfully resisted relocation. A major problem was the lack of organised protest action and resistance (Edwards, 1989; Maharaj, 1994). The main reason for the failure of resistance to relocation was the repressive state apparatus. The weak apartheid state of 1948 was very much in control by the early 1960s. Another reason for the failure of resistance was that residents realised that resettlement was inevitable, and therefore joining the queue for new housing as soon as possible was in their interest. Furthermore, for Africans allocation to a municipal house in townships like Kwa Mashu and Umlazi would give them rights to live in the urban area and end their feelings of insecurity (Maasdorp & Ellison, 1975). Also, in the Indian community segregation affected the different classes in disparate ways. Segregation laws seriously affected those Indian people who could afford to buy land in white areas. It reduced opportunities for investment and commercial expansion for the wealthy, and there was also a possibility of financial losses. The less affluent of the elites faced the possibility of moving into working-class neighbourhoods. It did not have any immediate effect on the majority of working-class

3 The Apartheid City

Fig. 3.1 The apartheid city model (Davies, 1981)

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Indian people who could not afford to move out of the Indian ghettos. Segregation represented a double-edged sword for the underclasses—with increasing rents and slum clearance some would become homeless, while others could possibly be housed in municipal housing schemes (Freund, 1995; Johnson, 1973; Swan, 1987). However, the goal of complete urban segregation eluded the apartheid state. Despite the use of a daunting array of legislative measures, relics of earlier integrated areas survived annihilation (Christopher, 1990). A good example would be the Warwick Avenue Triangle (WAT) in Durban which had developed as an integrated neighbourhood since the early 1900s. The rise of racial politics since the 1930s curbed the organic development of a thriving, integrated community. Although white people were initially in the majority, by the end of the 1980s the WAT reflected the ethnic vibrancy of the ‘rainbow nation’. However, neither the central nor the local state recognised or supported the non-racial character of the area, and attempts were made to use slum clearance laws, the Group Areas Act and urban redevelopment plans to destroy the area (Maharaj, 1999). The WAT could not be cleared immediately because of a shortage of alternative accommodation. As alternate accommodation became available in townships to the north and south of Durban in the 1970s, eviction notices were served on residents in the WAT. However, by the early 1980s, a large non-racial community still lived in the WAT. The political reforms of the 1980s (Tricameral Parliament) meant that relocation could not take place as ruthlessly as was the experience of Sophiatown, District Six and Cato Manor in the 1960 and 1970s (Maharaj, 1999). While the government tried to ‘reform apartheid’ in the 1980s, the national and international opposition to white minority rule escalated and culminated in the unbanning of the liberation movements in February 1990 (Price, 1991). Despite the apartheid regime’s attempts to curb urbanisation through separate development and influx control policies, cities continued to grow. Poverty and lack of socio-economic opportunities led to the migration of large numbers of rural black people to the cities. The nature of the apartheid planning discourse resulted in urban areas being characterised by open spaces, with under-utilised infrastructure and services. Such spaces were exploited by the marginalised to gain a foothold in locations close to opportunities in the urban areas. Lack of housing led to an increasing number of informal settlements on vacant land close to cities and suburbs. By the late 1970s, the state was forced to acknowledge that influx control had failed, and to concede the reality of a permanent black presence. However, the end product was “urban permanence without reincorporation into the primary local government system and the white cities” (Swilling, Cobbett, & Hunter, 1991, p. 175). Since the 1980s many black people began to move into white residential zones, which blurred race-space divisions and led to the formation of ‘grey areas’.

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3.4 ‘Grey’ and Free Settlement Areas Although the GAA was repealed in 1991, de jure white residential exclusivity was being contravened since the mid-l980s as large numbers of black people began to move into designated white group areas in most major urban centres in South Africa. Rigid race-space divisions were blurred with the development of grey areas (Elder, 1990; Hart, 1989; Pickard-Cambridge, 1988; Rule, 1988). Well-known grey areas include Hillbrow and Mayfair in Johannesburg, Woodstock in Cape Town, and Albert Park in Durban. These areas were viewed as “symbols of a new urban future… Despite major constraints on their effective operation, and despite official neglect, integrated areas have emerged as relatively hopeful harbingers of a new society” (Urban Foundation, 1990, p. 15). A combination of factors contributed to the erosion of residential segregation: i. ii.

iii. iv. v.

With the process of suburbanisation, white people were moving from the inner cities to the suburbs, even before the influx of black people into the area. There was a surplus of accommodation for white people, and landlords were forced to accept black tenants, who were experiencing a tremendous shortage of housing. Hence, landlords and black tenants were responding to market forces. The GAA created an artificial shortage of land and housing for black people. With improvements in socio-economic status, black people were seeking a better quality of life, away from dormitory, strife-torn townships. The apartheid government’s increasing reluctance to enforce the GAA because of the adverse international publicity. White individuals were acting as nominees for black people who wanted to let or buy property in white group areas (Maharaj & Mpungose, 1994; PickardCambridge, 1988; Urban Foundation, 1990).

The government response to ‘grey’ areas was to introduce the Free Settlement Areas Act (FSAA) of 1989. In terms of this legislation, a few areas open to all groups will be established, while the GAA will be enforced more strictly in other areas. However, the government was merely responding to a de facto situation (Saff, 1990). There were great expectations that apartheid race-space patterns would be eliminated in the democratic era.

3.5 Post-or-Neo-Apartheid City? The contemporary South African city is reflective of a discourse of apartheid urban planning characterised by racially fragmented and discontinuous land use and settlement patterns, haphazard, dysfunctional and inefficient spatial ordering, land use mismatches, low level population density and the concentration of the poor in relatively high-density areas on the peripheries and the rich in the core intermediate urban areas (Hindson, Mabin, & Watson, 1992).

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An attempt to introduce a new urban planning discourse started with the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). The RDP emerged as the key strategy to address the social and economic inequalities of apartheid and the facilitation of the transition to a non-racial democracy. The Urban Development Strategy (UDS), released in October 1995, had a specific goal to integrate the segregated city by concentrating on rebuilding the townships, creating employment opportunities, providing housing and urban amenities, reducing commuting distances, and “facilitating better use of underutilised or vacant land” (Ministry of the Office of the President, 1995, No. 16679, 1995, p. 10). However, the replacement of the RDP by the neoliberal Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macro-economic policy in 1996 resulted in the retreat of the state as cities adopted public-private partnerships in the financing, managing and delivery of basic services and attempted to compete internationally to attract investments. According to Harrison (1993, p. 49) the new paradigm which formed the foundation for the urban reconstruction of South African cities could be defined as the “non-racial competitive approach”. The influence of the World Bank is evident in the GEAR strategy and some have described it as a “home-grown structural adjustment programme” (Lehulere, 1997, p. 73). This marked the entrepreneurial turn in major cities like Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban. The focus was on promoting economic growth by attracting international investments and becoming globally competitive, and poor peripheral Black settlements were neglected. As a result, in the post-apartheid era, racial segregation has been perpetuated, if not been replaced, by economic segregation, which in many ways, reinforces uneven development and the racial and socio-spatial disparities and fragmentations of the apartheid era (Ballard & Jones, 2011; Bremner, 2000; Christopher, 2001; Durrheim & Dixon, 2010; Lemanski, 2007). Hence, as Seekings (2008) observed, class reigns supreme in limiting the mobility of black people, which is intensified by poor education, low-level positions in the work environment and lack of access to loans. This trend continues as many white people and other middle-income race groups move into gated communities, largely viewed as a response to the high level of violent crime in South Africa rate (Ballard, 2004; Coquetry-Vidrovitch, 2014). There has also been some gentrification in some inner city zones (Visser & Kotze, 2008). However, as Schensul and Heller (2011) have argued, the segregated zones have become more permeable with the upward socio-economic mobility of the black elite who move geographically out of townships into adjacent middle-class suburbs. In some cases, there is also a preference to remain in ethnic neighbourhood enclaves. Also, state investment in township infrastructure and improved transport connections have integrated peripheral zones with urban economic nodes, but “but low-income spatial entrenchment persisted” (Pieterse & Owens, 2018, p. 8). Hence, “structural market forces” have been “significantly mediated” (Schensul & Heller, 2011, p. 28). This led to calls for a more nuanced analysis of neoliberal strategies in South African cities, which “appear more as an assemblage of pragmatic and opportunistic policies than the implementation of a coherent long-term strategy” (Didier, Morange, & Peyroux, 2013, p. 5).

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Three distinct processes with regard to the changing racial structures of contemporary South African cities were identified in the mid-1990s, which persist in the contemporary era: i.

The desegregation of the inner city and the limited desegregation of the inner white suburban areas. It should be noted that this type of desegregation of white suburban areas is primarily due to class and wealth instead of race. ii. The expansion of the former black townships on land adjacent to the former white suburbs and the expansion of informal settlements on the urban fringes of former white suburbs. iii. The spontaneous growth of informal settlements adjacent to more affluent areas (Crankshaw, 2008; Saff, 1994, 1996). During apartheid, vacant land, known as buffer zones, separated white suburbs from black townships. In the 1980s, the black townships had experienced an increase in backyard shack dwellings, which expanded on the buffer zones land on the peripheries of white suburbs. The scrapping of the Group Areas Act, violence and crime in the townships, and rising unemployment precipitated the movement of people to vacant land in the inner city, and open land occupations and invasions replaced clandestine squatting (Hindson, Byerley, & Morris, 1994, p. 333). While these processes spatially changed the racial impress of the apartheid, it had limited social effect on the new black residents, as they were excluded from access to virtually all facilities and social institutions within the neighbouring white suburbs (Saff, 1994). Although there was a major investment in infrastructure, poverty remained a major challenge, and there were remarkable continuities between the apartheid and democratic eras in terms of socio-spatial inequalities (Clarno, 2013; Chapman, 2015). Land invasions in South Africa, for example, have largely taken place on property adjacent to existing townships, on the periphery of urban areas. The urban poor began moving towards the city-core areas, mainly on land surrounding Indian and coloured suburbs. Hence, invasions “tend to reinforce the broad apartheid geography of the cities rather than fundamentally challenge it” (Mabin, 1992, pp. 21–22). Bremner (2000, p. 87) has similarly argued that since 1994, urban policies have “reinforced rather than confronted apartheid geography”. Another urban reality in the post-apartheid era is the decline of the inner city and the flight of capital from the CBDs. Inner-city problems in South Africa are perceived to be “both a creation of apartheid and a phenomenon of the post-apartheid era” (Olufemi, 1998, p. 228). The high crime rates in the inner city areas played a significant role in the decline of the CBDs. The inner city areas of Johannesburg were most severely affected, followed by Durban and Cape Town. Financial institutions were reluctant to grant loans in inner city areas because of the risk, overcrowding, and the inadequate maintenance of buildings (Wilhelm-Solomon, 2016, 2017). One of the causes of the decline of inner-city areas was the international trend favouring suburban shopping malls and decentralised offices (e.g. Gateway in Durban; and Sandton in Johannesburg). As big businesses have increasingly decentralised from the CBDs they have been replaced by emerging black-owned small enterprises

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(Rogerson & Rogerson, 1997). Changing economic and social conditions resulted in an escalation in survival activities like informal trading. Basically, “capital disinvestment has created a space for those excluded from formal economic activity to gain a foothold in the urban system” (Bremner, 2000, p. 11). There were concerns about falling property values and decline in standards in terms of maintenance and services in the CBD. This became apparent since the late 1980s when black people began to move into predominantly white inner-city areas. It was the ‘slumlords’ who were largely responsible for the lowering of standards because of their reluctance to invest in the maintenance and upkeep of premises largely occupied by black people (Maharaj & Mpungose, 1994). The cycle of falling property values and drop in standards was exacerbated by the tendency of banks to redline inner-city areas. While the policy of redlining protected the short-term interests of financial institutions, it was likely to adversely affect all parties in the long term. Thus the fact that an individual cannot raise a bond to buy living accommodation they can afford in the area of their choice not only affects that individual but the person trying to sell the property and all those who already own property in the redlined area. This includes the financial institutions themselves whose existing bonds are placed at risk by the lowering of prices that the redlining precipitates (Crankshaw & White, 1992, pp. 13–14). Decades of institutionalised segregation in South Africa will not be eliminated overnight. Segregation has been deeply entrenched in the social fabric and is further reinforced by the socio-economic differences between black people and white people. Also, the spatial inscription of class is becoming an increasingly conspicuous feature of South African urban space.

3.6 Conclusion The present South African city form is a hybrid product of the colonial and formal apartheid eras which ordained urban spaces as the domain of the white race. The establishment of mechanisms of spatial and social segregation, which were actively developed over the past two centuries, assisted in the exploitation and servility of black people. By virtue of its control over political, economic and social mechanisms the dominant white group determined the distribution of power and privilege among subordinates. Africans were denied access to, and participation in, all political structures, and hence had little or no influence on decision-making, especially with regard to the allocation of resources. Compounds and locations were developed as effective instruments of labour control and exploitation. In terms of legislation, this chapter highlighted the role of the Urban Areas Act of 1923 in the colonial era, and the Group Areas Act (1950) in the apartheid era. As the democratic initiatives of the 1990s gained momentum various strategies were pursued to reverse the effects of racial planning.

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The apartheid system has had long-lasting impacts on South African cities and this paper illustrated that the various neoliberal policy reforms since 1994 have reinforced racial residential segregation in South Africa. The impacts of forced removals and socio-spatial racial fragmentation persist in the contemporary South African urban landscape. Class segregation has replaced race segregation in most South African cities. However the majority of black people are still at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder. The greater portion of South African urban dwellers continues to reside in apartheid legacy townships twenty-five years into the democratic era.

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Chapter 4

Gated Communities in South Africa: An Emerging Paradox Karina Landman

4.1 Introduction Gated communities are a worldwide phenomenon. Large parts of the United States’ population reside in gated communities (Blakely & Snyder, 1997). Similarly, many South American countries are characterised by various types of gated condominiums, ranging from vertical gated apartment blocks to large gated cities such as Alphaville in Sau Paulo, Brazil or Nordelta in Argentina. In addition, there are also growing numbers of gated communities in the Middle and Far East, in countries such as Turkey (Tanulku, 2013), Indonesia (Leisch, 2002), Malaysia (Tedong, Grant, & Abd Aziz, 2014) and China (Miao, 2003). The global proliferation of gated communities is often attributed to the fear of crime (Caldeira, 2000; Roitman, Webster, & Landman, 2010) and broader global issues such as neo-liberalism (Pow, 2009). At the same time, the escalation is attributed to particular local issues, such as search for particular lifestyles and environmentally safe homes (Tanulku, 2013) or to obtain access to quality services, especially in Africa (Obeng-Odoom, Eltayeb ElHadary, & Jang, 2014). Gated communities are also an increasing phenomenon in the South African urban landscape, both in large metropolitan cities and rural areas (Landman, 2003; Spocter, 2013). This includes large concentrations in Gauteng (Landman & Badenhorst, 2014; Fig. 4.1) and the Western Cape (Spocter, 2013), as well as growing numbers in e’Thekwini (Ballard & Jones, 2014) and Bloemfontein (Ferreira & Visser, 2015). Gated developments in the country manifest in various types and forms, including enclosed neighbourhoods, large luxury estates, gated townhouse complexes and many non-residential types of gated communities, such as gated office and industrial parks. While many residents, Home-Owners Associations (HOAs) and some scholars (Coetzer, 2001; Zinn, 2010) support them as a way to provide safer living K. Landman (B) University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_4

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Fig. 4.1 Distribution of gated communities in Gauteng (Landman & Badenhorst, 2014)

environments in a country overwhelmed by high levels of crime, others criticise these developments as a contemporary form of segregation (Lemanski, 2004; Tshehla, 2004). This raises questions, not only about the various views of gated communities, but also about their value for various groups and implications for the development of South African cities in the post-apartheid era. These views, values and implications are not homogeneous and yet, a large part of the South African literature tends to focus on the negative impact of gated communities without considering the various sides of the story. This chapter focusses on the contradictory elements constituted within gated communities in South Africa and highlights the emerging paradox. These contradictions embody both the social and spatial dimensions and includes binaries such as safety (inside) versus unsafety (outside); inclusion versus exclusion; job opportunities versus NIMBYSM (Not In My Back Yard), and a greater tax base vis a vi increased spatial segregation.

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The discussion is primarily based on a number of quantitative and qualitative studies on gated communities in the country that spans a period of more than fifteen years. These studies include, but are not limited to, a national survey conducted in 2002 (Landman, 2003), as well as various in-depth case studies of different types, such as enclosed neighbourhoods and large estates carried out in 2003 and 2004 (Landman, 2004), gated apartment complexes conducted in 2007 (Landman, Mmonwa, Matsebe, & du Toit, 2009), gated townhouse complexes, investigated in 2012 and 2013 (Landman, 2015) and common open spaces in gated estates and townhouse complexes investigated in 2016 (Landman, 2017, 2019). It also included a discourse analysis of Estate websites and a magazine, called “Estate Living”, focussing exclusively on life and investment in gated estates across South Africa. These explorations, supported by existing literature, not only offered valuable information on the various types of gated developments and their characteristics, but also started to highlight a number of contradictions that are contained within both the discourse and the practice. The chapter argues that gated communities represents an evolving concept in South Africa that gives rise to a metamorphosis of form, function and meaning over time. Consequently, this leads to various interpretations and implications and therefore, one cannot consider gated communities as a uniform phenomenon. The chapter also shows the presence of alternative multidimensional understandings within government, civil society and residents associations and points out that this has several implications for both theory and practice. The next section sets the foundation for understanding multiple types through a discussion of the characteristics of form and function within various gated communities in South Africa. Following this, the chapter highlights the contradictions that emerge within different types. The penultimate section shows that these contradictions often give rise to contestation and a number of conflicting realities embedded in both the notion of and physical manifestation of gated communities in the South African landscape.

4.2 Characteristics: Different Types of Gated Communities There are many different types of gated developments in South Africa. One can broadly distinguish between purposefully developed gated developments and ones that were closed-off in retrospect. The last mentioned, commonly known as enclosed neighbourhoods, refers to existing areas that have been fenced and retrofitted with boom gates to control access. In contrast, purposefully developed gated communities include a wide range of types, ranging from large security estates, gated townhouse complexes, gated apartment blocks and non-residential gated developments (Landman & Badenhorst, 2014). These different types vary in terms of form (size, spatial arrangement, facilities and amenities) and function, from those which are predominantly residential (for example smaller gated townhouse complexes and apartment blocks) to mixed-use gated developments. In a number of municipalities in South Africa, for example the Cities of Johannesburg and Tshwane, residents can apply for road closures for

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security purposes, giving rise to an enclosed neighbourhood. In these cases, roads and neighbourhoods are physically fenced, while the number of access points into the neighbourhood have been reduced as gates across some streets are locked permanently and in other cases controlled by private security guards (Fig. 4.2). The entrance/exit points differ, ranging from simple gates to elaborate boomed entrances with fixed structures across the roads. In all cases, with the exception of Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, the roads and other public spaces inside these areas remain public. Consequently, access into the enclosed neighbourhoods can only be monitored and not be restricted. Large security estates often occur on the urban periphery of major cities in South Africa where there is sufficient greenfield land to develop, for example on the northern periphery of Johannesburg (Landman & Badenhorst, 2014) or along the urban edge in Cape Town (Lemanski & Oldfield, 2009). These luxury estates vary in size and nature and can be distinguished as golf, leisure, eco-, equestrian and retirement estates or villages. For example, Blue Valley Estate—a typical golf-estate in the City of Tshwane—located in Centurion (Fig. 4.3), accommodates 520 households with a population size of 1834. The estate also includes a Gary Player designed golf course, a large clubhouse, a Golf Academy and driving range, full conference and banquet facilities for 200 people, 3 breakaway meeting rooms, formal and informal bar lounges, a Beauty & Health Spa with steam rooms, as well as tennis courts, squash courts, a swimming pool, a Pro Shop (a popular golfing goods store), and

Fig. 4.2 Entrance to an enclosed neighbourhood, city of Johannesburg

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Fig. 4.3 Entrance to Blue Valley Estate, City of Tshwane

a gym. Apart from the people residing in the estate, one has to make a booking to get access to the estate and pay to use the golf course. The clubhouse has a bar and restaurant offering food and drinks—mostly used by golf players. In addition, there are many open spaces available for use by residents and visitors. These spaces offer great natural beauty, reflected by the trees, grass and water areas. Simbithi, situated along the KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) North Coast, 20 min from King Shaka International Airport, is an example of an eco-estate. It offers a unique eco-friendly residential estate, with 430 ha of reclaimed farmland and natural forest, as well as a wide variety of endemic fauna and flora that was reintroduced into the estate. The ecological features include indigenous riverine vegetation, dams, grasslands, lush valley wetlands, and green hills with a range of animals such as bushbuck, duikers, primates, etc. (Estate Living, no. 26, pp. 24–25). Sibiya Coastal Precinct, also situated on the KZN North Coast, is a mixed-use estate with residential and commercial developments, as well as a school. Upon full completion, it will include shops, restaurants, educational institutions, recreational opportunities and a variety of residential offerings (Estate Living, no. 26, p. 8). Retirement villages or estates are another growing type of gated community in South Africa, offering opportunities for socialisation and an active lifestyle within secured and well-maintained environments with access to a range of facilities (Goldhaber & Donaldson, 2012a, b). Therefore, in line with international developments in the USA and Canada (Townsend, 2002), there has also been an emergence of retirement estates in South Africa, especially in the Western Cape (Spocter, 2016), including the larger Cape Town area and around areas such as Stellenbosch and Somerset West (Havenga, 2018). Helderberg Village is one of the more renowned retire-

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ment estates, located on the slopes of the Helderberg Mountains with beautiful views of the Stellenbosh Winelands. The development includes 800 luxury sectional title homes and apartments reflecting the traditional Cape Cottage style and advertises an enriched lifestyle, superb healthcare, formidable security and financial sustainability (Estate Living, no. 25, pp. 16–17). One of the key features of the large, luxury estates is a major emphasis on security, characterised by high perimeter fences or walls and imposing entrance gates, fitted with state-of-the-art security features and manned by private security guards. In the case of Eagle Canyon in Johannesburg, there is a strong physical security presence, as well as electronic systems which includes perimeter cameras and a high-quality electric fence. Infrared camera systems have been installed in areas with poor lighting, while radar monitoring is utilised to deter speeding offenders (https://eaglecanyongolfestate.co.za/estate/about/estate-security). Another example, from Pebble Creek Estate in the Ekurhuleni Municipality, illustrates the multiple security systems present within large security estates: Security is of paramount importance at Pebble Creek and the perimeter of the Estate is protected by electric fencing, outdoor security beams and manned patrols. The interior common property areas are further monitored by security cameras and the Guard House has its own dedicated Security Control Room with 24 h monitored surveillance of the Estate. Pebble Creek has its own dedicated armed response vehicle to respond to any alarm activations or emergencies. The Security team are proficient not only in the security field but have assisted with medical and minor fire emergencies on the Estate (www.pebblecreekestate.co.za, np).

Home Owners Associations (HOAs), responsible for the day-to-day management of the estate, govern these large gated estates. This includes the management and maintenance of the shared facilities and amenities, and the security. In many cases, the security is sub-contracted to a private security company, for example, in the case of Eagle Canyon in Johannesburg: An Independent company manages the physical security on a day to day basis and reports directly to the HOA appointed General Manager of Risk and Security who is proactive in running the risk portfolio. The General Manager daily keeps abreast with the ever increasing changes/upgrades in technology and equipment. He is also in regular contact with the SAPS (South African Police Services) regarding crime statistics around the area and attends the Community Police Forum sessions. A second Independent company manages the twenty-four hour Control Room to ensure no collusion. CCTV (Closed Circuit Television) camera monitoring as well as fence and residents alarm activations are monitored (www.eaglecanyongolfestate.co.za/estate/about/estate-security).

Another recent feature, in order to accommodate a variety of households and offer more affordable options, is the inclusion of more than single houses on a plot in large residential estates. Waterfall Estate, located in the City of Johannesburg, for example, includes single standing houses, with a price range of between R21,000 and R50,000 per month, as well as luxury apartments, available for R6500–R14,000 per month rental (Estate Living, no. 22, p. 22). Another estate in the south of Johannesburg, called The Eye of Africa, includes a section referred to as The Village, which comprises of 130 units located in 12 blocks, with about eight double story units per block. Units sell for about R1.5 million (Estate Living, no. 25, p. 8).

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Gated townhouse complexes or cluster developments have also proliferated in recent years, not only in large metropolitan areas such as Johannesburg and Tshwane (Fig. 4.4), but also in many provincial cities such as Bloemfontein (Ferreira & Visser, 2015), as well as smaller towns such as Bela Bela in Mpumalanga and Newcastle in KwaZulu Natal (Landman, 2015). These gated townhouse complexes also differ in terms of form and function, ranging from large developments with multiple complexes and larger communal recreational areas to small developments with a few units and limited communal areas for recreation. Mooikloof Ridge—an example of a huge gated cluster development, is located in the east of Tshwane and comprise of 30 smaller townhouse complexes situated in a large gated area, which is walled off from its surroundings and only accessible through one grand security gate, called the Golden Gate (Fig. 4.5). The gated development has 2719 units and about 6500 residents, with sectional title units comprising stack units, simplexes and duplexes ranging from 2 to 4 bedrooms. The entertainment area, situated in the centre of the development, offers two fenced swimming pools with playground equipment, built-in barbeque stands on the grass next to the clubhouse, as well as a number of paved walkways with benches along the routes and around the Cricket Pitch area (www.mooikloofridge.com). Recent studies revealed that the respondents loved and enjoyed this entertainment area. Parents and nannies bring children to play and maintain that the entertainment is good for the children. Compared to these large developments are small townhouse complexes with less than 50 units, for example Maiana Complex in Brumeria, Pretoria. It includes 44 terrace-style units with private garages

Fig. 4.4 Concentrations of gated townhouse complexes in the City of Tshwane

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Fig. 4.5 Entrance to Mooikloof Ridge, City of Tshwane

and a few communal areas for parking. There is a small grass area, often used by young children to play, but no play equipment or other communal facilities. Gated apartment blocks tend to be located in inner city areas or new nodes and include large apartment buildings with a range of security measures to control access into the building. Interestingly, these developments are not only targeted at middle to higher income residents as is often the case with other types of gated developments, but also include affordable housing units for the lower to lower-middle income groups, such as Brickfields and Carr Gardens in the inner city of Johannesburg. Both these projects were developed by Johannesburg Housing Agency (JDA) and include a range of one, two- and three-bedroom units in low-rise walk-ups. Security is a key factor and private security guards control access to these developments. There are separate security gates for pedestrians and vehicles and pedestrians need cards to access these developments (Fig. 4.6). In a study conducted in 2007, residents indicated that safety and security were a critical success factor, being rated more important than the design and layout, opportunities for social cohesion and affordability. This concept has also recently been extended to include larger mixed-use development in higher density areas, for example Melrose Arch in Johannesburg and Harbour Arch in Cape Town, both developed by Amdec Property Development. Melrose Arch, started in 2005, includes 250,000 m2 of mixed development with 350,000 m2 planned future phases (Fig. 4.7). The aim is to develop an area where residents can walk from any location in the precinct to another, reflecting some of the New Urbanist principles such as walkability, mixed use, quality public space and high-quality architecture. Yet, according to the director of Amdec’s Property

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Fig. 4.6 Entrance to Brickfields, City of Johannesburg

Fig. 4.7 Entrance to Melrose Arch, City of Johannesburg

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Development, Nicholas Stophort, security is even more important than convenience and consequently security comprise one of the biggest expenses in both these developments. This includes access control, surveillance and physical security. Harbour Arch, in Culemborg in Cape Town, has also been designed as a mixed-use pedestrian zone and emphasises pedestrianised residential, retail, commercial and leisure space, all in a secure environment (Estate Living, no. 22, pp. 38–40). Finally, gated developments also include non-residential gated communities, ranging from business parks, corporate parks and industrial parks to production and office parks (Landman & Badenhorst, 2014). These types of gated developments make provision for a reduced crime work environment and usually includes access control (Fig. 4.8) manned by private security guards and often CCTV camera surveillance as well. It is, therefore, evident from the discussion that there are many types of gated developments in South Africa. While they all share a major emphasis on security that includes access control and a range of other security measures, the form and function of these types, vary in practice, necessitating a distinction in consideration of their impact and implications in the country. However, all of these types show signs of emerging contradictions, albeit to a greater or lesser extent.

Fig. 4.8 Entrance to a gated office park, City of Johannesburg

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4.3 Contradictions: Multiple Binaries Associated with Gated Communities Existing research on gated communities in South Africa highlights a number of social and spatial contradictions within the existing discourse and practice. These contradictions relate to four issues in particular, namely safety, exclusion, opportunity, and segregation. It is generally agreed that the most important driver behind gated communities in South Africa is crime or the fear thereof (Durington, 2009; Landman & Schönteich, 2002; Lemanski, 2004; Sosibo, 2016; Spocter, 2012). This gives rise to the perceptions that it is safe inside gated developments compared to unsafe environments outside. Case studies on enclosed neighbourhoods and security estates, conducted between 2002 and 2003, confirmed that residents inside these developments feel much safer inside and fear crime outside these developments. During interviews, respondents kept referring to the high crime levels prevailing outside and the feeling of safety that they experience when entering and residing in these types of gated developments. Similarly, during interviews on aspects that may influence the acceptance of diversity in gated townhouse complexes, residents highlighted the feeling of safety inside and the importance thereof. In a number of case studies carried out on medium density mixed housing, that included several gated developments, residents of these areas rated safety and security as the most important of the success factors for such developments. Recent studies, carried out in 2016 and focussing on the nature and use of common open spaces in gated communities, also confirmed that residents prefer to use these spaces compared to public spaces outside, as those inside were perceived to be much safer. It, therefore, indicates that safety remains a key motivation behind the choice to live in a gated development. However, evidence of crime prevention within these communities remains disputed. Many estate websites, developers and security companies claim reduced or prevented crime incidents inside. Street Safe, a local management company responsible for the management of many enclosed neighbourhoods in Tshwane, claims on their website that crime has been significantly reduced in many of these areas: The Lynnwood Manor Estate has been safe since November 2007 and Shere Estate reported no incidents over the December period! The SAPS Boschkop said that the area is now still and no problems have been experienced! Streetsafe is safeguarding the Lynnwood Community Association since its inception in February 2007. The SAPS Brooklyn indicates that this area is now one of the safest in the Police Precinct! (http://www.streetsafe.co.za/index.html).

However, there are very few independent empirical studies offering greater clarity. An earlier study by Coetzer (2001) maintained that crime in gated communities is reduced due to increased security measures, while Naudé (2003) claimed the opposite, based on the fact that it is very difficult to prevent all crime through access control alone. Yet, these studies are often more anecdotal and based on residents’ perceptions. A more recent study, making use of Global Information Services (GIS) analysis of crime data, point out that crime still occurred in many enclosed neighbourhoods and often exceeded crime levels in other parts of Tshwane (Landman, Breetske, & Cohn, 2014). It is, therefore, difficult to generalise, as the

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effectiveness of gated developments to reduce crime are dependent on a range of factors, including the extent and type of security measures employed and the likelihood of criminal syndicates operating from inside the gates, as has been the case in some gated townhouse complexes. Secondly, the literature on gated communities in South Africa tend to focus on social exclusion. It is often indicated that gated communities offer an exclusive lifestyle (Spocter, 2013) and contribute to the exclusion of the less fortunate that cannot gain access to these developments (Dursuweit & Wafer, 2006; Hook & Vrdoljak, 2002; Sosibo, 2016). In practice, fences and walls around gated developments and access control measures exclude non-residents from entering these developments unless residents invite them inside (in which case the resident must open the gate or confirm the invitation via a phone call). As such, residents start to perceive those from outside as “other” from themselves, which may give rise to further social distance between various groups in the city (Hook & Vrdoljak, 2002). This, in turn can lead to increased feelings of resentment from poorer communities in close proximity to more affluent gated communities, as was the case with the Westlake residents towards those in Slivetree, Cape Town (Lemanski, 2006). Gating, therefore, tend to exclude those outside, not only physically, but also symbolically through the naming of gated developments that adds to their exclusive qualities (Spocter, 2018). However, at the same time, there is growing evidence that gated developments facilitate greater inclusion, social interaction, and a sense of community or place inside gated developments. Studies on gated townhouse developments in many parts of South Africa, indicated that residents are amenable to various aspects of diversity as long as the area inside is considered safe and well maintained (Landman, 2015). Furthermore, a recent study on a gated retirement village in Cape Town revealed high levels of sense of place and that residents attach more value to the social elements rather than physical ones. Residents were attracted by a multi-layered sense of place related to belonging, stability, lifestyle and attachment (Goldhaber & Donaldson, 2012a, b). Similarly, common open spaces in many gated communities allows people from various backgrounds to come together, interact and enjoy outdoor spaces together (Landman, 2019). Gating, by virtue of its exclusionary effects to the outside, ironically seems to facilitate greater inclusion inside. Thirdly, and often linked to the notion of exclusion, higher-income gated developments have been criticised for a NIMBY (not in my backyard) mentality (Landman & Ntombela, 2006; Lemanski, 2006). However, at the same time, these more affluent communities play an important role as a provider of many low-skilled employment opportunities. Two examples illustrate this contradiction. The first area is located in the east of Tshwane, where Woodlands Boulevard is identified as an important emerging node in the City of Tshwane’s Spatial Development Framework (2012). This node is characterised by a variety of gated communities, ranging from large luxury estates, such as Woodhill Country Estate, Woodlands Estate and Mooikloof Equestrian Estate, as well as a large number of gated Townhouse clusters, including The Wilds and Mooikloof Ridge. There are also a number of enclosed neighbourhoods in Moraleta Park. In the midst of the sea of affluence is an informal settlement with about 800 households, known as Woodlane Village (or commonly referred to as

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“Plastic View”), that emerged in the early 2000s due to individuals seeking employment opportunities. A group of people started to build informal dwellings next to the Moraleta Dutch Reformed Church and the settlement gradually grew. Thus, commenced a longstanding battle between Residents Associations, the City of Tshwane and the residents of Woodlane Village. In an attempt to stop the growth, the City of Tshwane fenced off the area and employed security guards to prevent further expansion on state-owned land. Early attempts, reflecting NIMBYISM, included the wealthier communities taking Tshwane to court to get rid of the informal settlement. Further attempts, by the Council to sell the land to property developers for development was halted by a court order submitted on behalf of the residents, in which the Council was told to first provide alternative accommodation. A site on the opposite side of Garsfontein Road was identified for relocation. Again, a joint body representing HOAs from various gated developments vehemently opposed this. The situation remains unresolved at present (2019). Yet, ironically, many of the residents of Woodlane Village work within the various gated developments. The second example is from the northwest of Johannesburg and refers to the rather precarious relationship between Diepsloot and Steyn City. Diepsloot was established by the Johannesburg municipality in the early 1990s to accommodate people from Alexandra, close to Sandton, but also to house residents from Zevenfontein, an informal settlement of 2000 people that used to be located on the land where Steyn City is now being built. In 25 years, Diepsloot has grown to a settlement of several hundred thousand people, while Steyn City is considered as one of the most luxurious gated estates in Gauteng, if not in South Africa. Steyn City Properties boosts that it created 11,800 jobs and that Steyn City being at the doorstop of Diepsloot should not be criticised, but seen as an opportunity as developments like these empower poorer people to access jobs close by, so that they do not have to spend all their money on transport. Interviews with some of the Diepsloot residents highlighted that they were grateful for the jobs and the opportunity to learn new skills related to landscaping and construction work. Given this, some indicated that it was important that Steyn City was located there. However, as the authors point out, the fact that the poor do not always hate gated communities and appreciate them for the opportunities presented, does not refrain from the fact that gated communities also benefit from the poor (Ballard, Jones, & Ngwenya, 2019). Fourthly, and focussing more on the spatial impact, many scholars have pointed out that gated developments in the country contributes to spatial fragmentation and segregation (Ballard, 2004; Benit-Gbaffou, 2008; Landman 2004; Lemanski 2004, 2006; Ramaroka & Tsheola, 2014). This is especially related to large estates and enclosed neighbourhoods, which restricts through traffic and hinders both pedestrian and vehicular accessibility (Nel & Landman, 2015; Smit, Landman, & Venter, 2015). However, instead of trying to prevent applications for neighbourhood closures or the development of large estates, local municipalities tends to ignore the consequences. One of the reasons is that municipalities maintain that residents have a right to safety (Makhale & Landman, 2018). Another motivation is probably linked to the fact that these types of gated communities become significant sources of additional income for municipalities. In the case of enclosed neighbourhoods, residents have

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to apply and reapply for neighbourhood closure every two years. In Johannesburg, residents need to pay R12,875 for the initial application, plus R750 for every additional access point. A reapplication costs R7725 plus R455 for every access point. In Tshwane, the process is more expensive. An initial application costs R11,000 for an area containing 20 residential units. Yet, for 21–60 units, the City charges an additional R500 per unit; for 61–120 units, R350; for 121–200 units, R300 and for more than 200 units an additional R250 per unit. After two years, residents need to once again pay R11,000 and a slightly reduced rate per unit. Applying this, an area such as Constantia Glen, with 1100 households would pay R286,000 for a new application and R148,500 for a reapplication every two years (Venter, 2018, p. 1). Large security estates do not only provide their own infrastructure, such as roads and common open spaces at the cost of the developer, but often have to contribute to the improvement of major public access roads to these developments. In addition, residents pay for the maintenance of the entire infrastructure system inside the estate, while simultaneously contributing very high property taxes to local municipalities. For example, residents in Mooikloof Equestrian Estate are charged between about R4000 and R7000 monthly depending on the nature of the developments on the site. As a result, municipalities take on fewer maintenance costs, while at the same time gaining huge amounts from exuberant property taxes. Ballard and Jones (2014) have observed similar trends in the e’Thekwini Metropolitan area, where they welcome the economic activity created by the development of large estates, the contribution to the local tax base and the funding of infrastructure investments by the developers.

4.4 Contestations: Conflicting Realities in Gated Communities It is evident that gated communities in South Africa often creates a number of binaries based on inherent contradictions. These binaries not only reflects major ambiguities, but also contributes to contestation within the urban and rural landscapes. The various contradictions inherent in gated communities give rise to different understandings and disagreements between various role-players regarding desired outcomes. There is no common view or approach within government related to gated communities, which is exacerbated by a general lack of policy at various levels of government. There is no national policy on gated communities, while provincial policies that do exist are often very vague. They may for example address the issue of gated communities in stating that they are of concern to spatial planning due to their impact on social exclusion or spatial fragmentation, but omit any suggested future action, as evident in, for example, the last two Gauteng Spatial Development Frameworks (2012, 2016). At a municipal level, approaches to gated communities vary depending on the position of the local council towards these developments. While some support certain types, others remain vague. Yet, most of the major metropolitan municipalities have policies on gated communities, including the Johannesburg, Tshwane,

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Ekurhuleni and Cape Town. These are especially important to guide the application process for neighbourhood enclosures. This, however, does not mean that there is consensus within municipalities. As a result, the issue has been seriously debated in a number of public hearings (for example in Johannesburg, Tshwane and Cape Town). As was evident from the public hearings, some members of political parties support the ability of residents to be able to safeguard themselves against crime, while others object to these attempts as examples of segregation and exclusion. In addition, the South African Constitution also provides for various rights, which may at times conflict with each other, for example the right to security, as well as the right to freedom of movement to enter public space. Another government entity, the Human Rights Commission, have also held public hearings to investigate the establishment of various types of gated communities and have noted in their report that these communities have the potential to, and in some case do, violate human rights. They also pointed out that these measures cause social division, dysfunctional cities and lead to further polarisation (Human Rights Commission, 2005). Residents Associations or HOAs constitute another powerful lobby group, taking on different forms. As mentioned before, large security estates are governed by HOAs, who are responsible for the management of these estates on a daily basis, including issues related to the safety and security of residents or property taxes. For example, the HOA of Mooikloof Equestrian Estate has contested the high property rates charged by the City of Tshwane in court. Many of these HOAs are also part of a larger body, called the Association of Residential Communities (ARC), established in 2007. ARC has 11 founder members, 10 chapters around the country and 300 member estates, which houses more than 100,000 residents and represent 48% of the market in respect to the number of homes. They offer specialist advice on residential community management and leadership and conduct workshops to enable estate managers and directors to build their capacity. Being part of the International Chapter of the Community Association Institute in the USA, it enables ARC to transfer international knowledge to local communities. They also play a key role in furthering the interests of their member communities, as stated in their journal: ARC has established a ‘national voice’ successfully addressing the registrar resolutions to force an HOA not to issue clearance certificates on forced sales, as well as the SARS (South African Revenue Services) issue relating to charging income tax on building penalty income. Both of these applications were successful. ARC constantly sources legislation affecting residential communities, imparts these to its members and runs workshops assisting estate managers and directors to alleviate risks attached to this legislation (Residential Estate Industry Journal, Vol. 1, p. 14).

This illustrates the powerful role of such communities to contest government decisions and actions in practice. Residents within enclosed neighbourhoods also need to establish a Residents Association or HOA to form a legal body to apply for neighbourhood closures. These associations mobilise community support for the closure, manage daily affairs related to the area, for example employing and managing private security and manages the process of reapplication. In some cases, a number of these Residents Associations can also come together to address common concerns. For example, a group, known as “Residents against Crime” has recently taken the

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City of Tshwane to court to reconsider the high costs involved in applications for neighbourhood closures (Venter, 2018, p. 1). Finally, civil society can also play an important role. In South Africa, there has been an outcry against several types of gated communities, but most notably against enclosed neighbourhoods. While roads and common open spaces are considered private property in estates and townhouse complexes or, at least, belonging to the estate and thus for common use by the residents, roads within enclosed neighbourhoods remain public. Therefore, whereas it is legal to restrict access to private developments, it is illegal to do so in the case of enclosed neighbourhoods. This, however, regularly occurs in the City of Tshwane, in areas such as Waterkloof, the Wilgers, Lynwood Glen, Faerie Glen, etc. where access is restricted and visitors are required to provide an identification document, fill in a register with all their personal details or have their car licences scanned to enter public roads. This has led to an outcry from civil society who contest this exclusion from public roads. For example, Culwick (2015), a researcher from the Gauteng City-Region Observatory, bemoans the fact that she cannot drive through a gated section in Westcliff in Johannesburg, although it remains public roads. She further points out that these types of gated communities create pockets of exclusion in our cities and can lead to a diminished sense of citizenship as fieldworkers and researchers were not allowed to access these areas to conduct surveys. Consequently, “people in gated communities have ensured that government does not hear them, which prevents government from taking cognisance of their situation and concerns, and in turn reinforces the belief that government does not address their issues” (Culwick, 2015, p. 2). Viewed from a slightly different perspective, the retreat from public engagement, also evident in residents from large estates, have other consequences. Privatised amenities in gated communities mean citizens don’t have to hold the city accountable, which is a shame because these are the citizens who often have the power to pressure the city to do better (Chutel, 2018, p. 4).

This discussion illustrates that there are many views about gated communities in South Africa and that gated developments are either actively promoted or vehemently opposed. The level of outcry, however, depends on the model. This reflects the presence of conflicting realities and deep differences between different groups of stakeholders, which are exacerbated by the relative silence thereof in planning policies and the multiple complexities inherent in a severely divided society (Makhale & Landman, 2018, p. 141). At the same time, however, it may be that it is exactly these irreconcilable and deep differences set in a highly politicised context with extraordinary levels of crime and violence, which perpetuates the silence and a lack of clear practical planning and development guidelines.

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4.5 Conclusion This chapter set out to show that gated communities represent an emerging paradox. It indicated that there are multiple types of gated communities in South Arica, including enclosed neighbourhoods, large luxury estates, a variety of gated townhouse complexes and gated apartment developments. The analysis furthermore showed that the form and function within these types differ, ranging from large estates, including more than 500 units or comprising more than 400 ha to smaller gated townhouse complexes with less than 50 units. The extent of facilities and amenities also differed from a multitude of options in large estates to very few in some smaller gated townhouse or apartment complexes. In addition, the chapter indicated that gated communities embody contradictory features and qualities, such as a (1) feeling of safety inside opposed to increase insecurity outside; (2) an increased sense of community (inclusion) inside versus the exclusion of outsiders; (3) growing notions of NIMBYISM, while simultaneously employing lower income people, and (4) the manifestation of spatial fragmentation opposed to higher property tax contributions. The discussion, therefore, confirms the idea that these gated developments reflect an emerging paradox in the country. This is significant in two ways. Firstly, it illustrates the importance that research about gated communities in the country should not be one-sided but include both sides of the story or, in other words, the views of all the important stakeholders and actors. The chapter indicated the presence of alternative multidimensional viewpoints and understandings within government, residents associations and civil society. This did not only reflect different views between these groups, but often also within them, for example within various government entities or between different groups in society. Secondly, the discussion emphasized that a comprehensive analysis and understanding of gated communities in South Africa needs to be firmly contextualised, taking into account the highly politicised terrain of post-apartheid South Africa, juxta-posed against high levels of crime and insecurity amongst society. The chapter showed that various groups contest different views and actions, manifesting as conflicting realities representing the deep differences present in the South African urban landscape. This has several implications for theory and practice. Consequently, the reading of gated communities in the country cannot always draw from international examples and explanations but needs a specific local understanding and articulation to emphasize these inherent complexities. It also emphasised the need for a balanced reading of literature on gated communities as most of the existing literature on South Africa tend to emphasise the negative impact of these developments. In addition, it necessitates a distinction between different types of gated developments. By only referring to gated communities as a collective in terms of its impact and implications, does not do justice to the variations between the types and their potential implications. Also, by ignoring the phenomenon from a policy perspective, due to the inherent contradictions, does not assist to mitigate the negative impacts. The development of practical guidelines can assist to address some of these concerns in practice.

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For those who are committed to truly understanding the phenomenon of gated developments in South Africa, there is a need to not only recognise that they continuously evolving, but also reflect an emerging paradox. This means that all inquiries should take into account the continuous changes taking place in practice with relation to form and function to offer a balanced account, but also acknowledge the inherent contradictions present in practice.

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Hook, D., & Vrdoljak, M. (2002). Gated communities, heterotopia and “Rights” of privilege: A heterotopology of the South African security-park. Geoforum, 33(2), 195–219. Human Rights Commission. (2005). Road closures/boom gates. Johannesburg: Human Rights Commission. Landman, K. (2003). A National Survey of gated communities in South Africa. CSIR Report. BOU/I 252. Landman, K. (2004). Gated communities in South Africa: Comparison of four case studies in Gauteng. Pretoria, CSIR Report. BOU/I 347. Landman, K. (2015). Diversity in Townhouse complexes in South Africa: Exploring integrative ways of residing towards greater residential resilience. Paper presented at the CIB069 Conference, “Explorations on Residential Qualities: Situations of Dwelling, Ageing and Healthcaring. Inquiries of Transdisciplinary Nature”. October 14th–17th Chalmers Architecture Göteborg Sweden. Landman, K. (2017). The impact of crime and the fear thereof on the nature and use of public space in the capital city of South Africa. Paranoa, 18, 267–279. Landman, K. (2019). Evolving public space in South Africa: Towards regenerative space in the post-apartheid city. London: Routledge. Landman, K., & Badenhorst, W. (2014). Gated communities and spatial transformation in greater Johannesburg. In P. Harrison, G. Gotz, A. Todes, & C. Wray (Eds.), Changing space, changing city: Johannesburg after apartheid. Johannesburg: WITS University Press. Landman, K., Mmonwa, M., Matsebe, G., & du Toit, J. (2009). Medium Density Mixed Housing in South Africa: Two pilot case studies in Johannesburg CSIR Report: Document reference number: CSIR/BE/PSS/IR/2008/0046/B. Landman, K., & Ntombela, N. (2006). Opening up spaces for the poor in the urban form: Trends, challenges and their implications for access to urban land. Johannesburg: Urban LandMark. Landman, K., & Schönteich, M. (2002). Urban fortresses: Gated communities as a reaction to crime. The African Security Review, 11(4), 71–85. Leisch, H. (2002). Gated communities in Indonesia. Cities, 19, 341–350. Lemanski, C. (2004). A new apartheid? The spatial implications of fear of crime in Cape Town, South Africa. Environment and Urbanization, 16(2), 101–112. Lemanski, C. (2006). Spaces of exclusivity or connection? Linkages between a gated community and its poorer neighbour in a Cape Town master plan development. Urban Studies, 43, 397–420. Lemanski, C., & Oldfield, S. (2009). The parallel claims of gated communities and land invasions in a Southern city: Polarised state responses. Environment and Planning A, 41, 634–648. Makhale, S., & Landman, K. (2018). Gating and conflicting realities: challenges in practice and theoretical implications. International Planning Studies, 23, 130–143. Miao, P. (2003). Deserted streets in a Jammed Town: The gated community in Chinese cities and its solution. Journal of Urban Design, 8, 45–66. Naudé, B. (2003). The effectiveness of public road closures in Suburban areas as a crime reduction measure. Security Focus, 21, 34–36. Nel, D., & Landman, K. (2015). Gating in South Africa: A gated community is a tree; A city is not. In S. Bagaeen & O. Uduku (Eds.), Beyond gated communities. London: Routledge. Obeng-Odoom, F., Eltayeb ElHadary, Y. A., & Jang, H. S. (2014). Life within the wall and implications for those outside it: Gated communities in Malaysia and Ghana. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 49, 544–558. Pow, C. (2009). Neoliberalism and aestheticization of new middle-class landscapes. Antipode, 41, 371–390. Ramaroka, T., & Tsheola, J. (2014). Gated-communities and the privatizations of public spaces in urban South Africa: Democratic social integration or exclusion? Journal of Geography and Regional Planning, 7, 58–68. Tshwane municipal spatial development framework. (2012). Developed by the City of Tshwane. Pretoria: City of Tshwane. Residential Review. (2018a). The magic of the Waterfall Estates lifestyle. Estate Living, 22, 22–23.

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Residential Review. (2018b). Mountain, winelands and the sea. Estate Living, 25, 16–17. Residential Review. (2018c). Simbithi eco-estate. Estate Living, 26, 24–25. Tedong, P. A. Grant, J., & Abd Aziz, W. (2014). Governing enclosure: The role of governance in producing gated communities and guarded neighbourhoods in Malaysia. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 112–128. Roitman, S., Webster, C., & Landman, K. (2010). Methodological frameworks and interdisciplinary research on gated communities. International Planning Studies, 15, 3–23. Smit, T., Landman, K., & Venter, C. (2015). The impact of crime and neighbourhood enclosures on travel behaviour and transport patterns in South Africa. In V. Cecatto & A. Newton (Eds.), Safety and security in transit environments. London: Palgrave MacMillan. Sosibo, P. (2016). Assessing the role of gated communities in reproducing the existing patterns of urban segregation: A case study of Mount Edgecombe Country Estates, Durban, South Africa. Unpublished mini-dissertaion, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban. Spocter, M. (2012). Gated developments: International experiences and the South African context. Acta Academia, 44, 1–27. Spocter, M. (2013). Rural gated developments as a contributor to post-productivism in the Western Cape. South African Geographical Journal, 95, 165–186. Spocter, M. (2016). Non-metropolitan Gated Retirement Communities in the Western Cape. Urban Forum, 6, 23–38. Spocter, M. (2018). A toponymic investigation of South African gated communities. South African Geographical Journal, 23, 99–114. Tanulku, B. (2013). Gated communities: Ideal packages or procedural spaces of conflict? Housing Studies, 28, 937–959. The Developer. (2018). AMDEC GROUP leads the ‘new urbanism’ movement in SA’s cities. Estate Living, 22, 38–39. The Gauteng Spatial Development Framework. (2012). Developed by the Gauteng Provincial Government. The Gauteng Spatial Development Framework. (2016). Developed by the Gauteng Provincial Government. Townsend, I. J. (2002). Age-segregated and gated retirement communities in the third age: The differential contribution of place—Community to self-actualization. Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, 29, 371–396. Tshehla, B. (2004). Do the means defeat the end? Impact of legislation on Gauteng’s enclosed neighbourhoods. SA Crime Quarterly, 9, 17–20. Venter, Z. (2018). High cost of safety: City’s steep fees for gated communities tested in court. Pretoria News, August 20. Zinn, R. (2010). Home invasions: Robbers disclose what you should know. Cape Town: Tafelberg Publishers.

Chapter 5

Enclaves and Quartering in Urban South Africa Bradley Rink

5.1 Introduction: Enclaves and Quartering Urban enclaves and quarters are slices of the metropolitan form that are experienced as distinct spaces in contrast to the city that surrounds them. They are fragments of the urban world that—although steps away from the ambient urbanities that encompass them—are materially and symbolically differentiated. At their best, urban enclaves and quarters can represent the heterogeneity of the city, providing neighbourhoods with unique identities that lend a cosmopolitan flair to the overall character of the city. At their worst, enclaves and quarters can entrench inequalities as they limit citizenship, belonging and participation based on socio-economic status, creating urban spaces that buttress themselves from the city beyond rather than embrace its diversity. Examples of such urban territories include ghettos, gentrified residential enclaves, ethnic quarters, red-light zones, creative and cultural quarters (Evans, 2003; Hall, 2013), and gay villages (Bell & Jayne, 2004, p. 1). While the creation of enclaves in the history of South African urban geography has served to segregate individuals and communities along ethnic and racial lines, the contemporary urban quarter in the South African city functions as an important catalyst in the regeneration and commodification of urban space (Rink, 2016). At the same time, the contemporary urban enclave and quarter may perpetuate segregation albeit through socio-economic rather than purely racial or ethnic characteristics (Ballard, 2005). Enclaves and quarters are found in many forms in South African cities, as will be discussed below. They include ethnic enclaves before, during and after apartheid, gated communities, community/city improvement districts, creative precincts, student enclaves (discussed elsewhere in this volume) and cultural quarters. In all of their forms both past and present, urban enclaves and quarters denote the fragmentation of the urban form into distinct spaces for the framing of urban identities and cultures. B. Rink (B) Department of Geography, Environmental Studies & Tourism, University of the Western Cape, Bellville, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_5

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Exploring the South African city through its past and present examples of enclaves and quartering not only provides a glimpse into the development of the urban form and the experience of cities, but it also yields a conceptual lens through which urban change at the neighbourhood scale may be understood. In the contemporary city, urban enclaves and quarters offer possibilities for identity production and consumption, and a space that enables commodification of the urban experience (Bell & Jayne, 2004; Evans, 2003; Hall, 2013). The quarter offers utopian hope in the possibility of a differently-imaged future. The quarter can act as a portal through time and space. It can take you back into history and it can propel you into the future. The quarter can transport you from the city to the ‘village’, and across borders of race, sexuality and socio-economics. The quarter offers these transformative possibilities while the space itself is subject to constant change.

5.2 Definitions and Typologies In order to understand the meaning and experience of such urban spaces, a definition of the terms and history of their use may be illustrative. In the case of both enclaves and quarters, their origins come from the French language. In its most basic definition, an enclave is a portion of territory surrounded by a larger territory whose inhabitants are culturally or ethnically distinct. The term refers to a place that is different in character from those surrounding it. Its origin comes from the French enclaver which means to ‘enclose’ or ‘dovetail’. Although the term has been understood historically to describe a region or territory that is situated within another state but lying outside its jurisdiction and control, an enclave in the context of urban geography refers to a part of the city such as a neighbourhood that has distinctive economic, social and cultural attributes from its surroundings (Flint, 2009, p. 191). A typical example of the enclave in urban historical geography is the Jewish ghetto found in European cities. A more recent example is provided by ethnic enclaves in those parts of South African cities where migrants cluster in response to xenophobia or for better access to cultural, religious and economic resources and opportunities (Thompson & Grant, 2015). This type of enclave will be further discussed below. Although the history of enclaves began as ethnic territories, their development and identity in cities today exceed that. Closely related to the enclave, a quarter refers to a part of a town or city having a particular character or use. Its use in the English language comes from French quartier which refers to a district within a French city. Similar to the enclave, the territory of a quarter is understood to be distinct from the city that borders or surrounds it. But unlike the enclave, quarters need not have an ethnic characteristic, although they frequently do in the case of New Orleans’ French Quarter, New York’s Little Italy, San Francisco’s China Town or any ghetto that is the home of marginalised groups and/or activities. Beyond an ethnic framing, urban quarters can take on historic, touristic or artistic flavour. However, in their present form in cities in South Africa as elsewhere, urban quarters are sites of consumption for the “emerging nouveau riche of the professional, managerial and service classes” (Bell & Jayne,

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2004, p. 1) that enable the commodification of urban life and the promotion and branding of the city (Evans, 2003). Urban quarters function as villages within the city. As Bell and Jayne (2004) contend, these urban villages within the city have as their sole purpose the promotion of conspicuous consumption of art, food, music, fashion, housing and entertainment (Bell & Jayne, 2004, p. 1). Their economic and cultural impact on the city aside, a concern over these urban villages in the city is the way that they limit participation in the city’s economic, cultural and social life to those who can afford it. Having defined the territory of enclaves and quarters, the process of creating such urban spaces must also be recognised. After discussing a range of examples of enclaves and quarters as products of social and economic processes from the South African city below, this chapter will turn to unpacking the process of how such territories are formed. At that point, the related term quartering will illustrate the active process of materially and discursively framing urban space around a particular culture (Bell & Jayne, 2004).

5.3 Enclaves and Quarters in the South African City With an understanding of the definition and history of enclaves and quarters in the urban context, turning our attention to South Africa will highlight unique examples of such territories. South African cities provide exemplars of enclaves and quarters in the form of ethnic enclaves before, during and after apartheid, gated communities, community/city improvement districts, creative precincts, student enclaves and cultural quarters. In all of their forms both past and present, urban enclaves and quarters denote the fragmentation of the urban form into distinct spaces for the framing of urban identities and cultures. Each of these is discussed below under the rubric of three main typologies of enclaves and quarters: ethnic/racial; residential; and creative/culture-based enclaves and quarters.

5.3.1 Ethnic/Racial Enclaves In its design and implementation, the apartheid-era Group Areas in South African cities and homelands themselves represented a disaggregated set of ethnic and racial enclaves. South African legislation that pre-dates apartheid, such as the Slums Act of 1934, played a critical role in the segregation of urban life based on race even though the primary purpose of the legislation was concerned with urban public health. As Parnell (1988) describes it, in spite of the original intentions of the Act, it entrenched separate residential enclaves based on race. Although not in the strict sense of the definition as autonomous or falling outside of the jurisdiction of the state that surrounded them, homelands and race-designated Group Areas similarly distinguished themselves in both form and character from the cities that surrounded them. In their review of the history of urban planning in South Africa, Mabin and Smit (1997)

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demonstrate how urban planning had been used throughout the twentieth century to shape South African cities into distinct enclaves. In spite of the demise of Group Areas in South Africa, the association between race and territory within South African cities remains mostly unchanged. In the present-day South African city, the maintenance of ethnic enclaves persists, although for different reasons than their predecessors. While Cape Town’s Sea Point suburb is seen by many as a Jewish enclave (Bickford-Smith, Van Heyningen, & Worden, 1999); Fordsburg in Johannesburg may be understood as an Indian enclave (Parker, 2018). Using the contemporary South African city as their research field, Thompson and Grant (2015) explore the use of spatial clustering of immigrant communities in Johannesburg as a strategy to both counteract xenophobia and to ensure access to cultural, religious and economic resources and opportunities. For immigrant communities new to South African cities, the choice to settle in homogeneous enclaves provides both familiarity and security in their new urban surroundings.

5.3.2 Residential Enclaves In the wake of apartheid in South Africa, fear of crime has led to the proliferation of fortified enclaves in the form of gated residential communities. While this type of urban enclave is the focus of a separate chapter in this volume, discussion in this context will demonstrate how such communities serve as examples of enclave and quartered urban form. As Caldeira (1996) argues, the enclave of the gated community has “…created a new model of spatial segregation and transformed the quality of public life in many cities around the world. Fortified enclaves are privatized, enclosed, and monitored spaces for residence, consumption, leisure, and work. The fear of violence is one of their main justifications” (1996, p. 303). Making such links between cities, citizenship and violence, Holston and Appadurai (1996) further note that: … people use violence to make claims upon the city and use the city to make violent claims. They appropriate a space to which they then declare they belong; they violate a space which others claim. Such acts generate a city-specific violence of citizenship. Its geography is too legible, too visible to be missed in the abandoned public spaces of the modern city, in its fortified residential enclaves, its division into corporate luxury zones and quarantined war zones, its forbidden sectors of gangs and “armed response” security, its bunkers of fundamentalists, its illegally constructed shanties, its endless neighborhoods of unemployed youth. (1996, p. 202)

Lemanski, Landman, and Durington (2008) explore this unique form of residential enclave development in three South African cities, focusing on the social and spatial phenomenon of residential gated communities in Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town. They argue that gated communities across all three contexts both facilitate and intensify socioeconomic and spatial inequalities that replicate inequalities imposed by apartheid. Although the authors recognise the individual crime-driven rationale for living within such enclaves, they conclude that the collective consequences of gating “…produce a divided city, at odds with the post-apartheid ideals of unity

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and equality” (Lemanski et al., 2008, p. 155). Likewise, Ballard (2005) reveals how gated communities help white South Africans to manage the contradictions of where they aspire to live, and where they actually reside. Ballard argues that in the enclave of gated communities, one is able to opt out of urban life as it currently exists in South African cities. By way of naming conventions, architecture and strict access control, residents of gated communities are able to secede from what is perceived to be the chaotic disorderly city outside their gated compounds. Ballard concludes that the outcome of such enclave development “…is a kind of hybrid of emigration, secession and segregation” that has been coined ‘semigration’ (2005, p. 16). Related to residential enclaves in the form of gated communities, community/city improvement districts (CIDs) and business improvement districts (BIDs)1 provide yet another example of urban territory carved out of the city that is made distinct from the whole. Reflecting on colonial policies in South Africa, where enclaves were created to segregate those at the bottom of the social hierarchy as a means of securing cheap labour, Miraftab (2012) points out that CIDs as a contemporary form of enclave “…construct special locations for those higher up in the social hierarchy to secure and promote spaces of consumption” (Miraftab, 2012, p. 128). In an inversion of colonial practices, but yet with a similar effect, CIDs create semi-autonomous segments of the city that serve as a contemporary strategy of urban governance. CIDs have emerged in post-1994 South Africa as a ubiquitous urban device that intervenes in the messy and increasingly competitive network of neighbourhoods and interests around and within the city (Rink & Gamedze, 2016). Through their primary goals of security, cleansing and promotion, CIDs serve an internal constituency of property owners, residents and a particular class of visitor. Through the additional levy of property taxes, CIDs provide top-up service provision, most visibly through increased private policing and cleansing that target the chaotic uncertainties of the modern city (Miraftab, 2007, 2012). Unlike gated communities, CIDs trade physical barriers in the form of walls and gates for private security that invigilates the territory through 24 hour patrolling and CCTV monitoring. CIDs also rely on control of mobility and its relationship to capital as a primary articulator of belonging (Rink & Gamedze, 2016). The results are similar to their gated relatives, however, in that CIDs establish and reinforce distinct territory in the city that differentiates itself from their surroundings.

5.3.3 Creative Precincts and Cultural Quarters Johannesburg’s inner-city precinct of Maboneng provides an example of how urban space can be re-cast through culture, food, art and creative industries (Gregory, 2016; Walsh, 2013). The case of Maboneng provides an example of how property-led urban renewal and development can transform a slice of the urban fringe in post-industrial 1 This

type of enclave may also serve business interests in the form of the business improvement district (BID) as discussed by Miraftab (2007). In spite of this, the focus of this discussion is on the residential typology.

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decline into an urban enclave for creative industries, arts and entertainment. Meaning ‘place of light’ in Sesotho, Walsh (2013) reveals how Maboneng was consciously created over an existing one. Walsh continues by noting that: In Maboneng, the desire for centrality, to be in the city, has led to huge swathes of urban territory turned into privately controlled, individually conceptualized and corporately branded urban enclaves. The vision of one young man, and the wealth of his international financier, have superimposed a new neighborhood, privately held and managed, over the history and geography of the city (Walsh, 2013, p. 403). In Maboneng, the powerful combination of culture and capital have led to the development of a typology of enclave that we might call the creative precinct or cultural quarter. These types of enclaves rely on global flows of capital and culture through the creative class (Florida, 2002) of artists, hipsters and connoisseurs of urban culture. Similar enclaves of culture and consumption can be found in the rapidly-gentrifying area of Cape Town known as Woodstock, explored by Wenz (2012). Wenz reveals how, in spite of the area’s history of resistance to apartheid Group Areas, present-day Woodstock is being culturally quartered through creative spaces that “…are still located in enclosed block developments, where physical access is controlled and private security firms are operating, clearly demarcating the frontier between the desirable, protected creative enclave and the surrounding area as a dangerous ‘outside’” (Wenz, 2012, p. 25). Thus, like their counterpart residential enclaves, many of those that can be considered creative and/or cultural still rely on regimes of spatial control. Yet other expressions of culture can find their home in urban enclaves and quarters. These include so-called gay villages, a category in which Cape Town’s De Waterkant has been contentiously placed (Elder, 2004; Rink, 2016). The concept of gay enclaves goes back to Levine (1979) when he explored the contention that large concentrations of gay men and lesbians were congregating in major urban centres in the USA during the 1970s, including Boston, New York, Chicago, San Francisco and Los Angeles. What Levine in the late 1970s called ‘gay ghettos’ were later referred to—perhaps in a more positive light—as ‘gay villages’ (Binnie, 2004). These urban ‘villages’ define themselves through clusters of venues that are gay-owned and/or focus on serving a gay2 clientele. Gay villages provide one example of how quarters can serve as specific sites for alternative communal or individual identities (Binnie, 2004) while at the same time they enact their own racial, gender or economic exclusions (Binnie, 2004; Elder, 2004; Visser, 2002).

2 While

gay villages may presumably intend to serve a broad community of sexual dissidents (gay, lesbian, bi-sexual, transgender), Levine (1979) argued that such places were dominated by gay male presence.

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5.4 Cape Town’s Urban Village: De Waterkant’s Quartered Identities Beyond being considered a gay enclave, De Waterkant in Cape Town provides a unique case study of urban space that has witnessed several quartered identities. As discussed elsewhere (Rink, 2008, 2016), De Waterkant’s quartered identities and the processes that shaped them over time illustrate the ways in which enclaves and quarters shape cities. Below I reflect on my research in De Waterkant (Rink, 2008, 2016) to illustrate how quartering can change the form and character of the city over time. The neighbourhood known as De Waterkant occupies a small footprint in the city of Cape Town yet it has been the site of multiple quarterings over the history of its existence. The area is a mixed-use residential, industrial and commercial area of 0.4 km2 situated between Cape Town’s central business district (CBD) and the residential suburb of Green Point. Cape Town’s De Waterkant is an urban quarter that is at the same time charming, historic, sophisticated and cosmopolitan while it is also controversial and exclusive, and some may argue exclusionary. De Waterkant’s quarterings extend beyond that of a gay village that saw the area rise to local and international prominence (Rink, 2008). Apart from being quartered by sexual identity, De Waterkant’s quarterings include its original ethnic quartering characterised Cape Town’s multicultural and racially tenuous past which was dismantled under apartheid. The area now known as De Waterkant started its urban life as an ethnically and racially mixed neighbourhood only steps from Cape Town’s harbour in the early 19th century. The first residents in the area were soldiers from the Scottish Regiment who settled in Loader Street as they returned from the Napoleonic wars during the late 1820s and into the decade of the 1830s. The flurry of building that occurred during that period gave De Waterkant its Georgian architecture that today lends much of the character and sense of history to the area. The cottages in the area were built in long rows along narrow plots—suitable for the Regiment’s soldiers to occupy. It wasn’t simply soldiers and other European immigrants that prompted the need for additional low-cost rental accommodation. The emancipation of slaves in 1838 also contributed to the areas mixed nature, as additional housing stock was required to accommodate those who were free to seek their own homes rather than those in which they were indentured. The heterogeneous profile of the area continued into the late 20th century when the ethnic nature of the quarter was dismantled under apartheid’s Group Areas Act. What followed was a Bohemian quartering that changed racial dynamics and improved housing stock. Crucially, it was during this era in the 1980s that the name ‘De Waterkant’ was conceived by the neighbourhood civic association, referring directly to a street of the same name that runs through the area, but using a Dutch pronoun not in the original street name which itself suggests a European influence or character. Such a naming convention figuratively situates De Waterkant within a particular historical and spatial discourse that is outside of its South African context. As South Africa’s democracy took root, the aforementioned ‘gay village’ quartering allowed new, but limited, expressions of sexual citizenship. De Waterkant was considered by locals

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and international tourists alike to be the heart of ‘Africa’s gay capital’. With the growth of international tourism into the 21st century and intensive development of Green Point in preparation for the 2010 FIFA World Cup, opportunities for further (and more lucrative) property development shifted De Waterkant into a process of ‘de-gaying’ (Visser, 2014) that is evidenced in its most recent quartered identity that of a consumer lifestyle quarter. The consumer lifestyle quartering of De Waterkant is premised upon shopping, dining and entertainment—all which take place in secure, comfortable surroundings that capitalise on invented histories of the old Cape Quarter. This most recent quartering of De Waterkant provides a shopper’s paradise far removed from the fear of crime and violence that infect the city while promoting new notions of consumer citizenship. Whether a gay quarter, an ethnic quarter or a lifestyle quarter, the process of quartering in the case of De Waterkant like many recent cultural quarters is about the production and consumption of place. The result of quartering urban spaces such as De Waterkant are spaces that, while unique and marketable to a city’s image, can result in a fractured urban landscape ‘…characterized by a patchwork quilt of spaces that are physically proximate but institutionally estranged’ (MacLeod & Ward, 2002, p. 164). In the pursuit of urban regeneration, quartering may therefore be a double-edged sword. While such spaces may provide a necessary and dynamic platform for the production and consumption of new forms of urban citizenship, they may nevertheless prove to be exclusionary and interdictory, affecting the free flow of people and ideas, and changing the face of the city itself.

5.5 Conclusion: Enclaves, Quarters and Their Impacts on Cities and Citizenship In the 21st century, urban enclaves and quarters constitute an important catalyst in the regeneration and commodification of urban space in South Africa as elsewhere. At the same time that the resulting enclaves and quarters reflect the shifting identities of the city, they also embody new forms of inclusion and exclusion that characterise cities in the era of globalisation. The examples of enclaves and quartering discussed above provide a framework for understanding not only the product of enclave development and quartering, but the process as well. Through an examination of De Waterkant’s many quartered identities, it is possible to theorise how enclaves are developed and maintained, and how quartering happens. The process is articulated through the drawing and reinforcement of borders, through surveillance by means of private security and related technologies, in the delivery of spectacle, the framing of community, and opportunities for consumption of culture through food, music, shopping and other forms of entertainment. Policy plays a role in all of these articulations, whether through structures such as the Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA), tax incentives such as Johannesburg’s Urban Development Zone (UDZ) property tax incentive (Gregory, 2016; Hoogendoorn & Gregory, 2016) or the Mother City’s

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public-private Cape Town Partnership (Miraftab, 2007) that focuses on economic growth, job creation, building strong trading communities, delivering equitable and effective services, and fostering a creative city (Pirie, 2007, p. 128). In all of these cases, the priority includes the attraction of capital investment, fostering the creative economy, and the development of opportunities to draw tourists and other consumers. Enclaves and quarters have relevance to the modern city in that they are marketed and represented “…as idyllic landscapes to ensure a variety of lifestyle fantasies” (MacLeod & Ward, 2002, p. 154), while “…providing city stakeholders with much of the pleasurable freedom one might ordinarily associate with urban civic life” (p. 154). Urban enclaves and quarters, however, can also prove exclusionary as they buttress themselves from “…the real and perceived threats of another fiercely hostile, dystopian environment ‘out there’” (p. 154). Segmenting the city through enclaves and quarters produces urban spaces that differentiate themselves, but are not necessarily physically separated from the surrounding city. At the same time, however, quartering can also lead to physically fortifying urban spaces in the pursuit of ‘otherness’, leading to isolation and segregation. The quartered city, however, is more than a binary approach to understanding urban spaces through notions of rich versus poor. The city may be quartered through agency on the part of the quarter’s inhabitants (Marcuse, 1989). Quarters attract like communities of people while excluding others at the same time they serve as a locus for the symbolic framing of culture (Bell & Jayne, 2004). As evidenced in the South African examples above, the city may be segmented by ethnic/racial enclaves, residential enclaves in the form of gated communities or CIDs, and creative precincts/cultural quarters. At the same time that urban enclaves and quarters have the potential to exemplify the heterogeneity of the city, drawing attention to unique qualities of cosmopolitan urban life, enclaves and quarters can also entrench inequalities as they limit citizenship, belonging and participation based on socio-economic status, creating urban spaces that buttress themselves from the city beyond rather than embrace its diversity. If the urban form is meant to articulate relationships while it acts as a vast theatre of connection, then urban enclaves and quarters may potentially help or hinder the heterogeneity of urban life as we know it.

References Ballard, R. (2005). Bunkers for the psyche: How gated communities have allowed the privatisation of apartheid in democratic South Africa. In Dark roast occasional papers series, 24. Cape Town: Isandla Institute. Bell, D., & Jayne, M. (2004). Conceptualizing the city of quarters. In D. Bell & M. Jayne (Eds.), City of quarters: Urban villages in the contemporary city (pp. 1–12). Aldershot: Ashgate. Bickford-Smith, V., Van Heyningen, E., & Worden, N. (1999). Cape Town in the twentieth century: An illustrated social history. Cape Town: David Philip Publishers. Binnie, J. (2004). Quartering sexualities: Gay villages and sexual citizenship. In D. Bell & M. Jayne (Eds.), City of quarters: Urban villages in the contemporary city (pp. 163–172). Aldershot: Ashgate.

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Caldeira, T. P. R. (1996). Fortified enclaves: The new urban segregation. Public Culture, 8(2), 303–328. Elder, G. (2004). Love for sale: Marketing gay male p/leisure space in contemporary Cape Town, South Africa. In L. Nelson & J. Seager (Eds.), A companion to feminist geography (pp. 578–589). London: Blackwell Publishing. Evans, G. (2003). Hard-branding the cultural city—From Prado to Prada. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27(2), 417–440. Flint, C. (2009). Enclave. In D. Gregory, R. Johnston, G. Pratt, M. Watts, & S. Whatmore (Eds.), Dictionary of Human Geography (5th ed., p. 191). Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. Florida, R. (2002). The rise of the creative class: And how it’s transforming work, leisure, community and everyday life. New York: Basic Books. Gregory, J. J. (2016). Creative industries and urban regeneration—The Maboneng precinct. Johannesburg. Local Economy, 31(1–2), 158–171. Hall, C. M. (2013). Regeneration and cultural quarters. In M. K. Smith & G. Richards (Eds.), The Routledge handbook of cultural tourism (pp. 332–338). Abingdon: Routledge. Holston, J., & Appadurai, A. (1996). Cities and citizenship. Public Culture, 8(2), 187–204. Hoogendoorn, G., & Gregory, J. (2016). Instagrammers, urban renewal and the Johannesburg inner city. Urban Forum, 27(4), 399–414. Lemanski, C., Landman, K., & Durington, M. (2008). Divergent and similar experiences of ‘gating’ in South Africa: Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town. Urban Forum, 19(2), 133–158. Levine, M. (1979). Gay ghetto. Journal of Homosexuality, 4(4), 363–378. Mabin, A., & Smit, D. (1997). Reconstructing South Africa’s cities? The making of urban planning 1900–2000. Planning Perspectives, 12(2), 193–223. MacLeod, G., & Ward, K. (2002). Spaces of utopia and dystopia: Landscaping the contemporary city. Geografiska Annaler, 84B(3–4), 153–170. Marcuse, P. (1989). ‘Dual city’: A muddy metaphor for a quartered city. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 13(4), 309–344. Miraftab, F. (2007). Governing post apartheid spatiality: Implementing city improvement districts in Cape Town. Antipode, 39(4), 602–626. Miraftab, F. (2012). Colonial present: Legacies of the past in contemporary urban practices in Cape Town, South Africa. Journal of Planning History, 11(4), 283–307. Parker, A. (2018). The spatial stereotype: The representation and reception of urban films in Johannesburg. Urban Studies, 55(9), 2057–2072. Parnell, S. (1988). Racial segregation in Johannesburg: The Slums Act, 1934–1939. South African Geographical Journal, 70(2), 112–126. Pirie, G. (2007). Reanimating a comatose goddess: Reconfiguring central Cape Town. Urban Forum, 18(3), 125–151. Rink, B. (2008). Community as utopia: Reflections on De Waterkant. Urban Forum, 19(2), 205–220. Rink, B. (2016). Quartering the city in discourse and bricks: Articulating urban change in a South African enclave. Urban Forum, 27(1), 19–34. Rink, B., & Gamedze, A. (2016). Mobility and the city improvement district: Frictions in the human-capital mobile assemblage. Mobilities, 11(5), 643–661. Thompson, D. K., & Grant, R. (2015). Enclaves on edge: Strategy and tactics in immigrant business spaces of Johannesburg. Urban Forum, 26(3), 243–262. Visser, G. (2002). Gay tourism in South Africa: issues from the Cape Town experience. Urban Forum, 13(1), 85–94. Visser, G. (2014). Urban tourism and the de-gaying of Cape Town’s DeWaterkant. Urban Forum, 25(4), 469–482. Walsh, S. (2013). We won’t move: The suburbs take back the center in urban Johannesburg. City, 17(3), 400–408. Wenz, L. (2012). Changing tune in Woodstock: Creative industries and local urban development in Cape Town, South Africa. Gateways: International Journal of Community Research and Engagement, 5, 16–34.

Chapter 6

Infrastructure in South African Cities Alex Wafer

6.1 Introduction: What is Infrastructure? This chapter will consider the question of governance; of whose job it is (or should be) to coordinate and maintain urban infrastructures. But before we get there, let us think a little more critically about what infrastructure is. Infrastructure might usefully be thought about as the material substrate of the city, but what makes infrastructures different from the other material objects that inhabit and constitute the form of the city (such as buildings and houses and vehicles) is that infrastructures usually function as connected networks. As the American anthropologist Larkin (2013) has suggested: “[infrastructures] are things, and also the relation between things” (p. 329). In other words, infrastructure is not simply the material objects with which we interact; they become infrastructure when they are connected to and function within broader networks. A pipe only becomes infrastructure when it is considered within a larger network of other pipes and conduits that together function to carry water to people’s homes or run sewage away to water-purification plants. But if we extend our definition of infrastructure to include the relationship between things, we might also want to include in our definition the non-physical relationships that are required to make infrastructural systems function. For the pipes to carry water we also require systems for capturing, controlling and storing water; we require technologies that can pump water to higher elevations; and we require institutions which can coordinate these flows, maintain the pipes and expand the network to cater for the growing urban populations. In short, we might fairly say that infrastructures include a complex network of material and institutional structures that underpins the functioning (and dysfunctioning) of modern cities. To the extent that infrastructures are understood as complex networks, they are also therefore implicated into systems of power and politics. Questions such as who A. Wafer (B) School of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_6

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controls and maintains infrastructures, who gets access to infrastructures, who pays for infrastructure services, and which technologies are invested in (e.g. nuclear power vs. solar power), are all questions related to politics. As we will discuss later in the chapter, the installation by the municipality of pre-paid water meters in many houses in Soweto may be regarded on one hand as a practical solution to the inability of many households to pay monthly electricity bills. The pre-paid meter was advertised as a technology to help households manage their finances. But for many residents of Soweto the pre-paid meter is a political tool to exclude them from accessing an infrastructure that greatly improves their lives, and which they regard as something that they struggled against the racist system of apartheid in order to achieve. In this way, we might regard infrastructures as what the geographer von Schnitzler (2013) calls techno-political networks: i.e. the intersection of the technical/technological and the political. Finally, we need also to consider what infrastructures actually do. Infrastructures coordinate, connect and distribute people, commodities, capital and resources. As such, infrastructures are implicated into what have been called urban metabolisms (see e.g. Gandy, 2004; Kennedy, Pincetl, & Bunje, 2011): i.e. the increasing interest in urban scholarship in thinking about cities as organisms that both consume and excrete resources (fuel, food, energy, people, capital etc.). This is particularly evident when considering the drought in Cape Town in 2018. It was unthinkable before the crisis that a city might run out of water; but since then we have had to confront the reality that cities have a huge impact on the environment, and that their sustainability (let alone their very survival) is dependent on how the in-flows and out-flows are managed (see e.g. Pieterse, Parnell, & Haysom, 2018). In this chapter we will hopefully see that infrastructure is not just the hidden substrate of technical and technological objects which make the modern city function. Infrastructure is a curious thing to study, because it is both object and relationship, both connection and disconnection, both technical process and social network. Infrastructures make the city function, but their embedded material form can also materialise the dysfunction and unsustainability of cities. In the following section we will suggest four reasons why scholars might want to study infrastructure. In the section after that, we will be introduced to four important recent bodies of literature that have emerged from research into infrastructures. In the final section, we will briefly consider the context of infrastructure in South Africa, and think about the implications for our post-apartheid present.

6.2 Why Study Infrastructure? There are many reasons why researching infrastructure may be of interest to a geographer, or indeed to researchers in other disciplines. Here I will highlight four reasons; they are all inter-related but we will consider them separately because there are particular questions that each raise. The first and most obvious reason is that infrastructure is all around us. Infrastructures form a significant part of the materiality

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of the cities that we inhabit. So much so, that the nature and form of these cities is in many ways a product of the infrastructures that have built and been built into them. The development of gas and electrical street lighting in the nineteenth century in many European cities changed the way that people were able to use the city (Bouman, 1987). People could be out at night until late, without fear of crime. Of course, this distribution was not always universal or equitable: high-mast lighting in township areas was designed to give apartheid police panoptic access to townships at night, while ordinary households were denied access to electricity for their own domestic purposes (Bond, 1998). Höhne (2015) and Prestel (2015) have both shown how the development of commuter transport infrastructures in many European and American cities around this time expanded those cities beyond their historical urban limits. This allowed for the development of suburbs far away from the hustle and bustle of the inner-city, as people were able to travel cheaply and easily to and from their workplace. We may notice similar trends in the development of the northern suburbs of Johannesburg, which is a sprawling low-density city by global standards (Beavon, 2004). A city such as Mumbai in India for example, has much higher densities of people per square kilometer (Rao, 2007). These two cities have had very different histories, but one reason for the difference in material form has to do with the expansion of Johannesburg in the era of the motor-car in the middle of the twentieth century. In the 1950 and 1960s, the expansion of the (white) suburbs northwards was accompanied by the expansion of the (black) townships to the south of the city, as the racist ideology of apartheid excluded black South Africans from urban areas. The legacies of apartheid are still evident in the unequal infrastructural networks north and south of the city (Beall, Crankshaw, & Parnell, 2014). The second reason why we study infrastructures has to do with questions of governance. If we are concerned at all with the technical and political challenges of feeding the millions of inhabitants of our cities, with providing them all with fresh drinking water and with reasonable levels of sanitation; if we are interested in questions of how to get the millions of urban inhabitants from their homes to work or school every day, how to coordinate their individual journeys across the city so that they do not all constantly run into one another; and how to provide the electricity that makes these spaces functional; then we are surely fascinated with the often (but not always) invisible infrastructures that make all of this happen. The largest cities in Africa are predicted to grow even larger in the next thirty years (Pieterse & Parnell, 2014). But the recent water crisis in Cape Town, which almost ran out of water in 2017 and 2018, reminds us that it is not enough to build more pipes and lay more cables. The natural environment places significant limits on the capacity of our cities to grow sustainably: now more than ever we need innovative solutions to these urgent political and technical challenges. But as we suggested in the introduction, infrastructures are never neutral. Questions of who gets access and who does not; of the specific technical and technological forms of infrastructural networks; and where responsibility lies for the coordination and maintenance of infrastructural networks, all alert us to importance of exploring the rationalities of infrastructural governance. While the traditional imaginary of infrastructure assumes that the state (either in the form of the municipal government or the national government) is the prime

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organiser of infrastructure—what Mann (2008) has called infrastructural power— in many cities of the global south urban infrastructures are being coordinated on the one hand by the corporatisation and privatisation of infrastructures (Smith, 2004), and on the other hand by people and communities themselves who have to fill in for the absence of formal infrastructure provision (Simone, 2004). Therefore, the third reason why we might study infrastructure is because infrastructure is deeply implicated into the inequalities that define many contemporary cities—especially cities in Africa, many of which were established as spaces of colonial authority and racial distinction. The increasingly urgent distribution of and access to infrastructures can mean that some parts of cities are well-serviced while other parts remain less well-serviced by infrastructures. Kooy and Bakker (2008) are two Canadian geographers who have traced the ways in which colonialism used infrastructure as a way to distinguish between colonizer and colonized: they show how the colonial city was designed in order to provide good access to clean water in the European parts, while in the ‘native’ city access was restricted. We can see this too in the history of South African cities. Johannesburg, perhaps the most archetypal of Apartheid cities, made a clear distinction between white neighbourhoods and other group areas in terms of the services that were provided. But twenty years after apartheid, there are still inequalities in the distribution of and access to infrastructures in the city—despite the resources that have been spent on improving access in under-serviced neighbourhoods. And as more and more people have moved into the city, many have had no choice but to make homes in the informal settlements that surround the city, where access to water is limited and access to electricity is almost non-existent. If we are committed to imagining more equitable and sustainable urban futures then we must surely engage the infrastructural inequalities that characterize many cities in Africa. The fourth reason why studying infrastructure is important, especially in the context of South Africa after apartheid, is the intersection of infrastructure and citizenship (Lemanski, 2018). If we understand citizenship as a particular kind of political subjectivity (i.e. as a particular kind of relationship to power) in which individuals are regarded as bearing particular socially-defined rights, then we are able to argue that society (usually through the institutions of the state) has a responsibility to realise those rights. This is particularly important in South Africa, where the majority was never regarded as citizens with rights. Whereas the legal rights of all citizens are inscribed in the Constitution of South Africa, Holston and Appadurai (1999) argue that substantive citizenship requires more than just legal rights. In other words, for citizenship to be meaningful to it must empower people through giving them real access to civil, political, socio-economic, and cultural opportunities. Substantive citizenship therefore places a moral obligation on the state to actively intervene in people’s lives to improve them. There is clearly still a long way to go to realise substantive citizenship for all South Africans. In fact, for the majority of the urban poor in the cities of the global south, their primary experience of political subjectivity is not through formal legal rights, but through the materiality of infrastructure provision (Chatterjee, 2004). The ability of the urban poor to claim the status of citizenship resides not in their ability to extract concessions from local gate-keepers

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for access to basic services not on the basis of their rights but on their ability to make demands through protest and other forms of civic action (see e.g. Anand, 2011 for a discussion of the ways in which residents of informal settlements in Mumbai are able to access water). So infrastructure is not just about questions of techno-politics and governance; it is also about our relationship to forms of power and authority. It is about the ways in which our (differential) material encounters with the city make us as (unequal) socio-political subjects. In this section we have considered only four possible reasons why studying infrastructure might be not only of interest, but of great urgency in our current context. It is hopefully becoming clear that infrastructure is not simply a technical issue that can be resolved by planners and engineers (although they are very important partners in any infrastructural discussion). Rather, what we require is sensitivity to the social, political and ecological dimensions of infrastructure. In the following section we will consider some of the ways in which geographers have been approaching research on infrastructure, and some of the ways in which research on infrastructure is helping us to answer questions of the very possibility of our urban futures.

6.3 How to Study Infrastructure? As previously noted, there is a rich literature on infrastructure in the discipline of geography, but this has also opened up very fruitful conversations with scholars in other disciplines including planning, anthropology and development studies to name a few. As one might imagine, there are many directions that this research takes. In this chapter I consider just four important directions in the contemporary literature. These are: (1) the techno-politics of infrastructure; (2) urban political ecologies; (3) material instability; and (3) infrastructural lives. I will give an account of some of the key literature in each of these areas, and I will offer a very brief methodological entry-point.

6.3.1 The Technopolitics of Infrastructure Perhaps the most prominent literature on infrastructure in the past decade has been what Larkin (2013) refers to as the technopolitics of infrastructure: i.e. the political rationalities that are embedded in infrastructures. What is of interest to scholars who have contributed to this literature are the many and various ways in which the materiality of infrastructure is not only used to perform a technical or technological function (i.e. techno-), but in so doing is used to perform a political or governmental function (i.e. -politics)—hence the term technopolitics. In some of the literature it is referred to as socio-technical, with the emphasis on the social rather than the political, but the idea of the intersection of technical with non-technical rationalities pertains (see e.g. Amin, 2014). Kooy and Bakker’s (2008) article, which we were introduced to

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in the section above, would be one of the early contributions to this body of literature: remember, they argued that in the colonial city access to water infrastructure was used as a way of distinguishing citizens (who get access to running water) from other kinds of political subjects (who do not deserve access to running water). But perhaps the most important contribution to this body of literature is an article by von Schnitzler (2013) in which she traces the emergence of the pre-paid water-meter in South Africa. In this article she demonstrates how the provision of water to residents of Johannesburg remains unequal: residents of wealth formerly-white suburbs have access to water for which for which they are billed only after they use the water. In poor suburbs such as Soweto, residents receive water through a pre-paid meter, for which they have to buy credit. This means that if you have no money you receive no water. While we might see the pre-paid meter as a technological solution to the delivery of water to poor communities, in fact the pre-paid meter becomes a symbol of unequal citizenship. Von Schintzler argues that for many residents, the promise of equal citizenship after apartheid has been experienced as the ability to pay rather than the ability to claim rights based on the injustices of the past. Another important contribution to this literature is an article by Anand (2011), an anthropologist from India. In this article, Anand looks at the ways in which residents of an informal settlement in Mumbai (a large city in India) access water. While the state does not officially acknowledge the rights of residents to remain permanently in these informal settlements, nevertheless residents are able to pressure local municipal officials into providing water because they represent an important voting constituency. But because the water supply is not formally acknowledged, the municipality can also threaten to cut the supply when the community do not behave in particular ways. In this way, the water infrastructure becomes a tool for serving political and not just technical ends. But infrastructure can serve political purposes not only through their technical or technological characteristics. Larkin (2013) suggests that infrastructures can serve political purposes through their poetic characteristics also. By poetic Larkin refers to the semiotic and aesthetic modes through which infrastructures address subjects. This is especially true when we think about large infrastructures such as airports and high-speed railways. While these may be important economic investments, often their importance lies less in their technical function and more in their symbolic function. Van Der Westhuizen (2007) has shown for example how the Gautrain, an expensive high-speed train connecting Johannesburg and Pretoria to the international airport, is unlikely to ever be profitable. But the political function of the project is designed to project an image of South Africa as a modern African state. Whether or not we share these authors’ assessments, the important outcome of this literature is the recognition that the site of politics often lies within infrastructural networks, and that infrastructural networks are seldom merely technical networks. Much of this literature is influenced by the concept of governmentality (see e.g. Dean, 2010) and the school of thinking called Science and Technology Studies (see e.g. Latour, 1990). STS scholarship was interested initially in the ways that scientific research was influenced by society, politics and culture but has since been radically expanded to thinking about the role of technology in society. Governmentality on

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the other hand is interested in the ways in which forms of power (which can be technologies) produce particular forms of social and political subjectivity. So the example of the pre-paid water meter shows how the water meter not only manages the supply of water to a household, but in the process produces its user as a particular kind of citizen defined by her ability to pay. Thus financial responsibility becomes the rationality that underlies the pre-paid meter as a technology.

6.3.2 Urban Political Ecologies The urban political ecology literature picks up from the literature on the technopolitics of infrastructure, but is particularly interested in the inter-relationship between the technical, the political and the environmental (Robbins, 2011). It emerging from an earlier critical literature on political ecology, which was an attempt to understand the relationship between the environment and the political and social dynamics of development in a post-colonial context, but in more recent years it has been influenced by what is sometimes referred to as the new materialist philosophies of Bruno Latour and Giles Deleuze, two influential French philosophers. One of the most important recent contributions to this body of literature is a book by the American anthropologist Bennet (2009), called Vibrant Matter. In this very theoretically rich volume, Bennet demonstrates how we cannot hope to understand social and political life—and with this the ethical and methodological tools to engage the challenges posed—without recognising the material vitality of the world we inhabit. Bennet’s primary argument is that people and the material worlds they inhabit and with which they interact must be regarded as inter-connected—and must be afforded equal access to justice and equality. In this way she challenges the idea that the environment is somehow separate to the social. While Bennet’s argument exists as a powerful manifesto for an ethics of ecological sustainability, it’s practical application it has been critiqued for its abstraction and idealism (Wilhelm-Solomon, 2017). A more-specifically urban inflection of this literature has recognised the importance of urban metabolisms. In other words, cities are complex assemblages that require feeding in the form of food but also fuel, energy, water etc. They also produce waste, in the form of sewage but also in the form of pollution, plastics and other effluents. Managing these metabolic process requires not only technical solutions (although these are increasingly important) but also social and political solutions (Heynen, 2014). But this also requires a sensitivity to the particularities of place. An important contribution is that made by Lawhon, Ernstson, and Silver (2014), three urban scholars based in Cape Town. In this article the authors make a strong argument that African cities provide a more useful model for imagining sustainable futures than many cities of the global North, because the material, social and ecological collisions in African cities offer new insights into living with scarcity and precarity. The urban political ecology literature has produced many interesting and fruitful trajectories: there are now established bodies of literature on feminist political ecologies, situated political ecology and embodied

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political ecologies to name a few. What all of these bodies of literature share in common, however, is a commitment to the ethical and political proposition that the social, the material and the natural are deeply intertwined into an inter-dependent ecology.

6.3.3 Infrastructural Instability In dialogue with the urban political ecologies literature, but less centrally concerned with the environmental implications, is the literature on material instability. Much of this literature has emerged from scholars engaging with the city of the global south, where infrastructures are seldom simply invisible technical objects like pipes and wires. Rather, they surface and break down in ways which makes everyday life in these cities a constant play between the functional and the work-around, the formal and the informal. Perhaps the most celebrated of authors in this body of literature is the Belgian anthropologist Filip de Boeck, who has worked extensively with the Congolese photographer Sammy Baloji. In their most recent book Suturing the City (2016) they explore the ways in which the unstable and unreliable infrastructures of Kinshasa are nevertheless vital to the functioning of everyday life in that city. But they argue that infrastructural instability does not just make existing infrastructures more unreliable; rather, it can produce new ways in which urban life can emerge: one such example is the pot-hole in the road, which is a nuisance for drivers but an opportunity for vendors to sell snacks and cool-drinks to drivers as the traffic slows down to navigate the broken road. The other key contributor to this literature is the anthropologist Simone, especially his well-cited essay People as Infrastructure (2004). In this essay Simone reflects on the ways in which residents of Johannesburg, most especially those who inhabit the informal areas and economies of the city, are forced to make-do with non-existent, dysfunctional or unreliable infrastructure. In this context, Simone argues, people develop practices and forms of association which effectively take the place of formal networked infrastructures. The South African anthropologist Wilhelm-Solomon (2017) has more recently extended this argument, suggesting that the unstable infrastructural conditions that many people inhabit shapes expectations of citizenship and belonging. Similarly, the American geographer Chance (2015), has shown how communities which survive in the context of infrastructural instability sometimes draw on older infrastructural forms such as fire to make claims on citizenship in the present.

6.3.4 Infrastructural Lives A connected, though nevertheless distinct, body of literature emerges also from scholarly engagements with the materiality of the city of the global south. Whereas the literature on infrastructural instability is focused largely on the empirics

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of people’s efforts to navigate and make meaningful lives in the context of unreliable and dysfunctional infrastructures, other scholars have attempted to develop broader theoretical accounts. Focusing less on the specific material encounters, the contribution of this body of literature has been to think across different contexts to account for the increasing importance of infrastructures in the making of durable lives and livelihoods in the city of the global south. One of the key figures is the British geographer Colin McFarlane, especially his theorisation of infrastructure as assemblage (McFarlane, 2011). Borrowing the term from the French philosopher Deleuze, McFarlane proposes that we think about infrastructures as heterogenous and shifting constellations of social, material and discursive entities. His argument is not simply that this provides a better definition for a complex category, but that such an understanding of infrastructure provides a more appropriate set of empirical, political and ethical tools for understanding the ways in which infrastructures are vital to urban life. Drawing broadly on scholars from the bodies of literature discussed above, this body of literature has provided theoretical robustness to the scholarship on infrastructures.

6.4 Infrastructural Futures? Up to now, we have looked at some of the reasons why scholars might choose to research infrastructures, and we have looked at some of the most important literature that has emerged from these studies. Throughout this chapter, we have thought a little bit about the ways in which we intersect with infrastructures, but we have not looked in specific detail at the South African context. In this final section we will return to our own context to consider some of the key implications—and challenges—to our infrastructural futures. We must remind ourselves that infrastructures are vitally important to urban life. Even if they did not exist a hundred years ago, many infrastructures that we take for granted are so central to urban life that we cannot imagine the city without them. In fact, some are so central that they have been encoded into the constitution as basic human rights. In the more than two decades since the end of apartheid, most of us have become familiar with two phrases that define in many ways the relationship that South Africans have with infrastructure: the first is basic services and second is service delivery protests. Both of these phrases have become part of the language that we use when we talk about cities and urban politics in South Africa, and both speak to the centrality of infrastructure to conceptions of citizenship and belonging in the post-apartheid city (Wafer, 2012). The first of these terms (i.e. basic services) refers to the provision by the state (usually in the form of local government) of essential household infrastructures such as water, sewage and electricity. As we discussed above, this is what we might call substantive citizenship: it is not enough that people have the right in a post-apartheid context to vote every few years. In order to really be empowered as citizens people expect that the state will provide access to those infrastructures that make modern urban life possible.

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This is where the second of the two key phrases enters our everyday lexicon: i.e. service delivery protests. Many communities across South Africa feel that the commitment by the state to provide access to basic services is not being realized effectively or within a reasonable timeframe. People have very different opinions about these protests, especially when they turn violent as they sometimes do. We must remember, however, that the apartheid ended almost twenty-five years ago in 1994. It is certainly the case that some communities have been waiting a very long time to receive adequate access to basic services (Chikulo, 2016; Lodge & Mottiar, 2016). It is certainly true that in a country as wealthy and resource-rich as South Africa it is sometimes hard to understand just why so many people do not have decent access to basic services such as water and electricity, let alone to more advanced forms of infrastructure such as telephone and internet access. The South African Constitution sets out the conditions for obligatory infrastructural interventions by the state. Sections 26 and 27 of the Bill of Rights state: “[…] everyone has the right to have access to adequate housing […] everyone has the right to have access to sufficient food and water; and […] the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realisation of each of these rights” (Constitution of South Africa, 1996). While there is no specific mention of infrastructure in the Bill of Rights, the constitutional obligations were manifested in the Reconstruction and Development Programme which began a massive project of housing and infrastructure provision after 1994. The international Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) also identify the infrastructures of basic services such as water and electricity as important universal goals for the twenty-first century (SDG 6 and 7 speak directly to the provision of water and electricity, while SDG 10 and 11 speak to the goals of reducing inequality and achieving sustainable urban livelihoods). The United Nations also recognizes the right to sufficient, safe, acceptable and physically accessible and affordable water for personal and domestic uses as a Universal Human Right, stating: “the human right to water is indispensable for leading a life in human dignity”. But in both the South African Bill of Rights and in other international agreements there is the acknowledgement that to achieve these goals requires the progressive realization of rights through the development: i.e. states have the right to develop and plan for policies and programs within a reasonable timeframe of delivery, so that there cannot be an expectation of immediate delivery. This recognition of progressive realization provides a crucial link between infrastructure and substantive citizenship: that to make people’s citizenship meaningful requires that we make decisions about and invest resources into infrastructure now, in order that they can be realized in the future. Of course, waiting for delivery is not always comfortable, especially if you are at the bottom of a very long to-do list. The social and political imperatives to extend the provision of infrastructures such as the basic services of water and electricity sit in tension with the economic and technical constraints that the extension of these services imply. But hopefully the discussions in this chapter have demonstrated that the urgency of engaging with infrastructure in the post-apartheid context are not only connected to the political imperatives for restitution of historical injustices (as important as this is in our society). Central to any notion of infrastructural justice

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(if such a phrase makes any sense) must also be questions of governance (i.e. who controls access to and distribution of infrastructures), citizenship (i.e. the possibility of constituting meaningful social and political lives in the city) and sustainability (i.e. the recognition that cities can only exist in harmony with the environment). It is this, more than any other reason, which makes the study of infrastructure so urgent in the present.

References Amin, A. (2014). Lively infrastructure. Theory, Culture & Society, 31, 137–161. Anand, N. (2011). Pressure: The politechnics of water supply in Mumbai. Cultural Anthropology, 26(4), 542–564. Beall, J., Crankshaw, O., & Parnell, S. (2014). Uniting a divided city: Governance and social exclusion in Johannesburg. London: Routledge. Beavon, K. S. O. (2004). Johannesburg: The making and shaping of the city (Vol. 9). Unisa Press. Bennett, J. (2009). Vibrant matter: A political ecology of things. Durham: Duke University Press. Bond, P. (1998, March). Privatisation, participation and protest in the restructuring of municipal services. Urban Forum, 9(1), 37–75. Springer Netherlands. Bouman, M. J. (1987). Luxury and control: The urbanity of street lighting in nineteenth-century cities. Journal of Urban History, 14, 7–37. Chance, K. R. (2015). “Where there is fire, there is politics”: Ungovernability and material life in Urban South Africa. Cultural Anthropology, 30(3), 394–423. Chatterjee, P. (2004). The politics of the governed: Reflections on popular politics in most of the world. New York: Columbia University Press. Chikulo, B. C. (2016). “The smoke that calls”: A review of service delivery protests in South Africa 2005–2014. Journal of Human Ecology, 55(1–2), 51–60. Dean, M. (2010). Governmentality: Power and rule in modern society. London: Sage. De Boeck, F., & Baloji, S. (2016). Suturing the city. Living together in Congo’s urban worlds. London: Autograph ABP. Gandy, M. (2004). Rethinking urban metabolism: Water, space and the modern city. City, 8(3), 363–379. Graham, S., & Marvin, S. (2002). Splintering urbanism: Networked infrastructures, technological mobilities and the urban condition. London: Routledge. Heynen, N. (2014). Urban political ecology I: The urban century. Progress in Human Geography, 38(4), 598–604. Höhne, S. (2015). The birth of the urban passenger: Infrastructural subjectivity and the opening of the New York City subway. City, 19(2–3), 313–321. Holston, J., & Appadurai, A. (1999). Introduction: Cities and citizenship. Cities and citizenship, 1. Kennedy, C., Pincetl, S., & Bunje, P. (2011). The study of urban metabolism and its applications to urban planning and design. Environmental Pollution, 159(8–9), 1965–1973. Kooy, M., & Bakker, K. (2008). Technologies of government: Constituting subjectivities, spaces, and infrastructures in colonial and contemporary Jakarta. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 32(2), 375–391. Larkin, B. (2013). The politics and poetics of infrastructure. Annual Review of Anthropology, 42, 327–343. Latour, B. (1990). Technology is society made durable. The Sociological Review, 38, 103–131. Lawhon, M., Ernstson, H., & Silver, J. (2014). Provincializing urban political ecology: Towards a situated UPE through African urbanism. Antipode, 46(2), 497–516.

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Lemanski, C. (2018). Infrastructural citizenship: Spaces of living in Cape Town, South Africa. In The Routledge handbook on spaces of urban politics. London: Routledge. Lodge, T., & Mottiar, S. (2016). Protest in South Africa: Motives and meanings. Democratization, 23(5), 819–837. Mann, M. (2008). Infrastructural power revisited. Studies in Comparative International Development, 43(3–4), 355. McFarlane, C. (2011). Assemblage and critical urbanism. City, 15(2), 204–224. Pieterse, D. E., & Parnell, S. (2014). Africa’s urban revolution. Zed Books Ltd. Pieterse, E., Parnell, S., & Haysom, G. (2018). African dreams: Locating urban infrastructure in the 2030 sustainable developmental agenda. Area Development and Policy, 3, 149–169. Prestel, J. B. (2015). Hierarchies of happiness: Railway infrastructure and suburban subject formation in Berlin and Cairo around 1900. City, 19(2–3), 322–331. Rao, V. (2007). Proximate distances: The phenomenology of density in Mumbai. Built Environment, 33(2), 227–248. Robbins, P. (2011). Political ecology: A critical introduction (Vol. 16). London: Wiley. Simone, A. (2004). People as infrastructure: intersecting fragments in Johannesburg. Public culture, 16(3), 407–429. Smith, L. (2004). The Murky waters of the second wave of neoliberalism: Corporatization as a service delivery model in Cape Town. Geoforum, 35, 375–393. Van Der Westhuizen, J. (2007). Glitz, glamour and the Gautrain: Mega-projects as political symbols. Politikon, 34(3), 333–351. von Schnitzler, A. (2013). Traveling technologies: Infrastructure, ethical regimes, and the materiality of politics in South Africa. Cultural Anthropology, 28(4), 670–693. Wafer, A. (2012). Discourses of infrastructure and citizenship in post-apartheid Soweto. Urban Forum, 23, 233–243. Wilhelm-Solomon, M. (2017). The ruinous vitalism of the urban form: Ontological orientations in inner-city Johannesburg. Critical African Studies, 9(2), 174–191.

Chapter 7

Cities—Where People and Ecology Meet Francini van Staden

7.1 Urban Ecology: Discipline Development, Concepts and Application The aim of this chapter is to explore the contemporary and complex interactions between urban and ecology, ecological principles that apply and prominent human influences that uniquely shape the Anthropocene as the new geological era. The theoretical roots of urban ecology and how it evolved to become a discipline in its own right are described. Reasons why it is becoming a critical lens for understanding, planning and managing cities that are resilient and adaptive to future changes are explored, most prominently the perspective that humans are intrinsically part of ecosystems. Urban ecology literature is reflected on, including reference to contemporary approaches, current debates and research gaps in urban ecology. The chapter describes key urban ecology concepts and definitions and conclude with a brief overview of current application trends, challenges and future expectations for urban ecology.

7.2 Discipline History and Theory Development Branching from biological sciences, ecology was broadly defined in the late nineteenth century as the scientific study of the interactions between organisms and their environment. Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) is considered the father of Ecology with his quest to determine how organisms are influenced by their environment. In the early days of ecology as a scientific discipline, scholars such as Ernst Haeckel F. van Staden (B) Department of Environmental Affairs and Development Planning, Western Cape Government, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_7

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(1834–1919) recognised ecology as a study of three distinct levels of biological hierarchy: organisms, population of organisms, and communities of populations. How the concept of environment is defined is central to how ecology is understood. In its broadest sense, an organism’s environment includes all elements and phenomena, living (biotic) and non-living (abiotic) that make up the time and space in which the organism is found. A limitation in the twentieth century views of ecology was the exclusion of humans as biological agents within an organism’s environment, a view that has later changed. Soon after the establishment of ecology as a distinct discipline of scientific study, the need for sub-disciplines was recognised. Sub-disciplines place concentrated focus on specific environmental problems and management needs. Some of the ecology sub-disciplines that developed over the past century include systems ecology, biogeography, urban ecology, spatial ecology, evolutionary ecology, quantitative ecology, conservation ecology and sub-disciplines that apply specific methodologies such as ecological modelling. By the early twentieth century, urban ecology was distinguished as a scientific discipline in its own right (McDonnell & Niemelä, 2011) later to branch into various sub-disciplines (Likens, Kinne, & Williams, 1992). From a sociological theoretical lineage, a theory of urban ecology was defined in literature by sociologists Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess in the 1920s proposing that the urban environment reflects its natural counterpart and are similarly regulated by principles that compare to the natural environment. Park and Burgess’ theory of urban ecology recognised the key role of competing land uses as contributing to the structure of cities (Silva, 2013). In the South African context, urban ecology-themed literature date back to before the 1920s. The specific term “urban ecology” is however scarcely applied in South African literature (Cilliers & Siebert, 2012) despite an expanding urban ecology literature baseline for South Africa. One of the earliest contributions to South Africa’s urban ecology literature was the 1902 study of the bird species of Johannesburg and Modderfontein by ornithologist Alwin Karl Haagner. Shortly after this work in the early 1900s, several other researchers published literature on birds within South Africa’s urban environments. Broadly described, the urban environment is the densely populated geographical region which exhibits identifiable districts for urban-related purposes such as industry, business, administration or residential. The urban environment can also be quantitatively defined as the functional region in which at least 85% of the inhabitants are urban residents (OECD, 2015). Within the urban context, the biotic component of the ecosystem expands to include humans or the anthroposphere while the abiotic components are the same as in a non-urban context, including the atmosphere, hydrosphere, lithosphere and pedosphere. As the discipline of urban ecology progressed it became evident that a deeper and wider theoretical understanding is needed of the interplay taking place between man and the natural environment. Contemporary theory development has led to the approach that the city in its entirety becomes the urban ecosystem, both driving and responding to environmental change.

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A milestone in the development of urban ecology as an ecology sub-discipline was the launching of the transdisciplinary Man and Biosphere Programme (MAB) by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) in 1971. This programme’s key purpose was to improve our understanding of the relationship between man and environment. The programme actively united biology, social, economic and education disciplines towards the common and global goal of improving human livelihoods. Much towards a sustainability sense—equitable benefits, safeguarding of natural resources and new economic development goals that would serve social, cultural and environmental purposes. Concurrent to the time during which the MAB Programme was established, a number of prominent South African urban ecology literature works were published. This included the studies by Louw and Meyer (1965) and others on the urban heat island effect in cities Pretoria, Johannesburg (Goldreich, 1970 and others) and Pietermaritzburg (Tyson, 1968). South African urban ecology studies expanded and by the 1990s research included plant use for medicinal purposes in urban areas (Williams, Balkwill, & Witkowski, 1997 and others), agriculture in urban environments (Rogerson, 1993 and others) and urban biodiversity (Wood & Samways, 1991). There is also a marked difference in the foci of South African urban ecology literature based on spatial and geographical contexts of the respective urban environments, which are explored further in this chapter. The South African urban ecology literature has grown significantly in the past fifty years with many recent studies speaking to contemporary urban ecology challenges such as urban ecology patterns arising from historic urban development discrepancies (Goodness & Anderson, 2013), urban centres as launching sites for invasive species (McLean, Gallien, Wilson, Gaertner, & Richardson, 2017), human-environment conflict and management of urban fringe zones (Graham & Ernstson, 2012; Hoffman & O’Riain, 2012), the on-going challenges of creating synergy between human development needs and environmental integrity (Goodness & Anderson, 2013) and the opportunities for urban sustainability through transdisciplinary planning approaches (Cilliers, Du Toit, Cilliers, Drewes, & Retief, 2014). Despite significant expanding of South African urban ecology literature and of which Du Toit (2015) did a comprehensive consolidation, many basic data gaps remain, such as the lack of adequate ecological baseline data for many of South Africa’s smaller municipalities (Cilliers, 2010). The relevance of a transdisciplinary framework is becoming increasingly recognised and is evident in the urban ecology terminology that now readily draws on nonecological disciplines such as urban planning, architecture, economics, engineering and social sciences. This is equally under the influence of various lines of urban ecology inquiry that developed in recent decades, including political ecology and social ecology of place and in response to contemporary problems such as unsustainability, resource inefficiency and climate vulnerability of modern cities which urban ecologists recognise, describe and aim to resolve. Barker (2000) described urban ecology as being neither a natural nor social science, but a recombination of both. One of the key threats to South Africa’s urban ecology is urbanisation without integration of ecology and open spaces in the fast expansion of our urban nodes. Conflict between urban land use, economic development and environmental integrity is

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however a global challenge and therefore not unique to the South African context. This can be considered an example of what is called a ‘wicked problem’, for which there is no one definite way to address the problem and which needs a variety of solutions (Head, 2008). There are other challenges which are more specific to the global South context, including urbanisation and economic development trends that deepen inequality, injustice and poverty. By interweaving sustainability, resilience and new world order thinking as part of urban ecology theory development, urban ecology can play a positive role in developing solutions to these challenging, persistent and wicked problems. From an early sub-discipline of ecology to a major scientific discipline in its own right, urban ecology is now recognised as being well-positioned to guide urban environments in the journey towards a more sustainable world (Wu, 2014).

7.3 Perspectives and Literature The differentiation between traditional and contemporary urban ecology research is marked by a literature shift in discipline perspective. The founding days of urban ecology were influenced by deep-seated ecological prejudice where a reductionist approached framed urban ecology as the study of plants or animals within the urban environment. Humans were not considered biological agents of ecosystems (Rees, 1997) but rather external agents of disturbance (McIntyre, Knowles-Yánez, & Hope, 2008). This framed the ecology in cities approach which comparatively studied the distribution and abundance of biological agents and resulting interactions within the environment such as the influx of non-indigenous species and resulting interactions with the ecological patterns and process (Grimm et al., 2008). Perspectives have changed from this traditional approach and humans are now thought of as key ecosystem drivers that also form part of the whole and evolving ecological systems (Alberti, 2008; Marzluff et al., 2008). This corresponds to the ecology of cities approach which takes a systems approach and considers how the urban system as a whole processes energy and matter (Grimm et al., 2008). Various perspectives can be applied to study the system, such as the ecological effects of landuse changes or the ecological footprints of cities. The ecology of cities approach is informed by economic, social and political drivers, such as models of urban growth, leadership and political will. It prompts the need to understand human behaviour tendencies—why people settle in certain areas such as coastal strips or hillslopes, what economic trends influence the valuation of properties and why urbanisation trends are unequal and unsustainable. However, this approach requires a dramatic shift in how humans are considered. Humans can no longer be considered disturbances to the ecosystem, but rather, central drivers of and limitations to the ecosystem (Padoch, McDonnell, & Pickett, 1993). Through radically expanding the discipline boundaries, the ecology of cities approach shows promise for a wider reaching understanding of urban ecology (McDonnell & Pickett, 1990; Swyngedouw & Ernstson, 2018)

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which can pro-actively influence urban planning that is appropriate to environmental integrity, economic stability and social well-being and justice. With the changing perspective of humans being intrinsically connected to ecosystems, a non-equilibrium paradigm emerged which challenges the equilibrium or ‘balance of nature’ paradigm as described by traditional scholars such as Marsh (1864). The ‘balance of nature’ paradigm proposed that nature maintains stability unless disturbed by human actions. The non-equilibrium paradigm actively pursues the perspective of humans as part of ecosystems (McDonnell, Pickett, & Pouyat, 1993) and therefore agents of ecosystem change. As will be explored later in this chapter, ecosystem change although largely negative, can also be positive. The world has experienced rapid transformation and urbanisation in the past few decades and several scholars are dedicated to urban ecology within the context of such change. Resilience, or the ability to offer a buffer against change, to learn and develop accordingly (Folke et al., 2002) and sustainability, a vision of balance between social well-being, economic development and environmental integrity, are two key concepts that feature prominently in contemporary urban ecology literature. It builds connection between different social and ecological systems. These linkages between society and environment are captured in the concept of social-ecological systems. Socialecological systems are complex systems (Norberg & Cumming, 2008) and identified by its multiple interactions that are dynamic and non-linear and which lends unpredictability and uncertainty to the system. At their core, complex systems are based on change (Brown, 2012). From the functioning of these systems, interactions emerge that cannot be understood by considering society or ecology in isolation, and therefore advancing the ecology of cities approach. This is evident in the application of urban ecology with the multiple linkages that exist between ecology, urban planning and management, socio-political processes and urban expansion or development. Literature however suggests mechanisms and tools for better understanding and dealing with these complex and dynamic urban ecology interactions. Such mechanisms and tools include ecological mapping, valuation of ecosystem services, strategic and collaborative engagement and scenario building and through decision-making that supports inclusive stakeholder participation (Cilliers et al., 2014). Manifesting with uncertainty, climate change is described as one of the world’s most pressing concerns with significant impacts for both natural systems and societies (Hoornweg, Freire, Lee, Bhada-Tata, & Yuen, 2011). The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change defines climate change as attributable to direct and indirect human activities which alter the global atmosphere (UNFCCC, 1992) but natural processes and cycles are not excluded as contributing to climate change (Pachauri et al., 2014). Climate change threats to urban communities are evident; climate disasters are costing urban lives, causing disruption and discomfort. Cities are at the direct receiving end of climate change yet literature suggests that cities have key roles in climate change mitigating and adaptation (Bloomberg, 2015; Lau, 2018; Macchi & Tiepolo, 2014). Mitigation can take place through strengthening green infrastructure and green defences, improving the climate resilience of infrastructure and development, promoting of carbon sequestration through parks and green spaces and mainstreaming resource efficiency throughout society and industry. Adaptation

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to climate change includes more extensive and systemic measures such as innovation in transport and land-use planning for sustainable development. Ensuring sustainable use of ecosystems remains crucial. One way to achieve this is through green infrastructure in spatial planning, which also contributes to city resilience (Tzoulas et al., 2007) as will be explored in more detail in this chapter. Scholars Folke et al. (2011) remind that it is not only climate change impacts that are important but a whole spectrum of environmental changes that are taking place at a global scale and which are not independent from the rapid social changes. South African urban ecology researcher Du Toit highlighted the need for long term ecological data to be utilised for analysing contemporary biodiversity patterns and change (2015). Such long term ecological data is considered crucial for developing countries within the current context of climate change risks, urban population growth and urban sustainability. South Africa in particularly faces this combination of climate change risks (changed rainfall, higher average temperatures, increased likelihood of extreme weather and natural disasters) and urbanisation which requires specific urban adaptation and risk management (Perine & Keuck, 2018). A gap in literature as identified by Alberti (2010) is understanding how patterns of urbanisation and the interactions between urban activities and urban ecosystems, act together to control ecosystem dynamics. Studying landscape functionality in the urban environment can support this. The study by Van der Walt, Cilliers, Du Toit and Kellner (2015) was the first South African study to include a landscape functional analysis as part of studying grassland vegetation diversity and composition along urban gradients. Impacts can be direct, negative and highly noticeable: the change in land cover from a natural to built-up state, habitat fragmentation, loss of biodiversity, genetic isolation, and pollution. The South Africa Environment Outlook Report raises concern about urbanisation trends that reduce the effectiveness of ecosystem services (DEA, 2012), which has a direct impact on biodiversity. Impacts can also be indirect, systemic, and complex to trace. Altered energy flows between system components, altered hydrological and biogeochemical cycles, ecosystem vulnerability, ecosystem hierarchy changes, climate influences and pressure on land resources impact far beyond the urban boundaries (Güneralp & Seto, 2013; Kaufmann et al., 2007). Besides the direct and indirect negative impacts, urban environments can also have positive impacts on ecosystems including beneficial social and economic relationships between urban planning and green infrastructure (Caspersen, Konijnendijk, & Olafsson, 2006). A more critical enquiry into these relationships is found in the political ecology approach. Scholars Ernstson and Swyngedouw (2015) describe major cross sections which will largely influence and require action from the discipline, namely: planetary and uneven distribution, emergence of a multipolar world order, and pervasive socio-ecological change. Responding to the current global trajectory of an unequal and unsustainable world will require new theoretical searching, actions and thought patterns. Scholars Ernstson and Swyngedouw (2015) frame this as urban ecology for an uneven world. Urban political ecology as a line of urban ecology inquiry, considers the social relations (class, gender and race) and political structures that contributed to unjust urban geographies, unequal urbanisation and unequal access to functional environments (Lawhon, Ernstson, & Silver, 2014). Within this inquiry, the city becomes a socio-ecological artefact and urbanisation shaped through

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power relations; differentiation between city and biophysical become less distinct and the city is essentially conceptualised as a metabolic cyborg (Lawhon et al., 2014). Considering the recent theory advancements, the South African urban ecology literature is limited and relies strongly on traditional discipline approaches (Cilliers & Siebert, 2012). Cilliers and Siebert (2012) noted that the focus of urban ecology research differs notably among South Africa’s main cities and is largely due to the biological and geographic diversity of the country. This brings in focus that urban ecology whilst maintaining a whole-system level is also at the same time, specific to the local context. Cape Town’s urban ecology focus is biodiversity and conservation planning around the unique floristic properties of the Western Cape; Durban focus on urban environmental management and green/open space infrastructure management; the Eastern Cape has a social well-being and community benefits focus while the North-West urban ecology research focuses strongly on green infrastructure.

7.4 Current Developments and Debates South Africa’s legacy of apartheid resulted in specific spatial morphologies which have for long shaped settlement design, urban planning, and stand size and continue to shape the urban environment socio-economic gradients (Davies, 1981; Du Toit, 2015). The on-going consequences are of environmental, social and economic nature (Perine & Keuck, 2018). The effect of this spatial history has for example, trickled down to the presence of green infrastructure and nature of neighbourhood gardens. Responding to South African spatial morphologies feature prominently in current literature, practice and debates specifically as the legacy remains an on-going influence on urban ecology, the presence of green infrastructure and biodiversity patterns (Du Toit, 2015; Kuruneri-Chitepo & Shackleton, 2011). A phenomenon of urban ecology and access to urban green space in relation to socio-economic gradient is not unique to South Africa and has been termed as the “luxury effect” in international urban ecology literature (Hope et al., 2008). For a sustainable urban environment, the goal is for benefits of urban ecology to be equitably distributed and thus addressing the imbalance of the luxury effect (Leong, Dunn, & Trautwein, 2018). Civil society also plays an important role in urban ecology intervention efforts such as planting and green space protection with South African research showing early signs that civil-led effort to improve the role of ecology in urban environments can be as effective as expert-led efforts (Anderson, Avlonitis, & Ernstson, 2014). This mirrors international trends and successes of small-scale and neighbourhood and community-led sustainability aims (Carley, 1999). One of the most significant current theoretical developments is the inclusion of environment in urban planning with urban ecology now being considered as a core discipline of urban planning (Silva, 2013) and forming the baseline of contemporary movements such as ‘new urbanism’. Voices McPhearson et al. (2016) are indicating on the opportunity of a new urban systems science generation with expectations for new understandings of ecosystem structure and function in response to global envi-

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ronmental change. With the multiplicity of environmental changes which are largely socio-economically driven, prominent urban resilience voices including Jabareen, Folke and others highlight the complexity of resilience and problems surrounding attempts to promote and assess resilience of cities. Although attempts to correct these theory weaknesses such as the Resilient City Planning Framework (Jabareen, 2013) is available, unified implementation is lacking. Another current development is the advancement of the human-environment geography theory by prominent contemporary urban political ecology scholars including Lawhon, Ernstson and Swyngedouw. These scholars advocate for theory and scope development appropriate to the global South context in which the urban environment must respond to inequality, justice and poverty. This need is crucial as there is a historical disparity and lack of global South urban ecology literature (Du Toit, 2015). This disparity including the vast understudy of urban environmental change at continental level, affects the formulation of appropriate policies to respond to environmental change (Simon, 2013). South African researchers are leading contributors to the global South urban ecology literature body (Du Toit, 2015); and many global South urban ecology gaps must still be addressed. Besides the need for Southern urbanism, other literature gaps include the need to expand power and political structure understandings as underlying the process of unsustainable and unequal urbanisation. Aiming to assign value to ecosystems, the ecosystem services approach is another rapid development from once a purely ecological description to now a progressive framework that is included in urban policies in many settings (Ernstson & Sörlin, 2013). A current debate however, is that a critical reflection on the intertwined context between valuation, socio-political and ecological complexity within the urbanisation context is lacking and that there is a need for social and cultural values in the valuation process (Spash, 2012; Ernstson & Sörlin, 2013). Perhaps one of the key unsettling current debates surrounds the Anthropocene as a new geological era. Scholars Swyngedouw and Ernstson urge a reconceptualisation and radical questioning of all socio-environmental politics, policies and interventions that build a case that humanity could manage ecological systems without fundamental socio-ecological relational change (Swyngedouw & Ernstson, 2018).

7.5 Basic Definitions, Concepts, Categories As the global phenomenon of growing cities continues and rapidly intensifies, understanding the ecological functioning and services of urban ecosystems within the context of the urban change are important for ecologically responsive urban management. There are a number of ecological definitions and concepts that are consistent across different niches of ecology and which contribute to this understanding, as explored in this section.

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7.5.1 Urbanisation Cities are defined by land use and land use conflicts (Ernstson & Sörlin, 2013) followed by patterns of resource consumption and waste production. Cities are powerhouses of resource consumption and waste production and these patterns are the basis of several forms of environmental change (UNEP, 2013). Urbanisation—the expansion of cities—is a social and ecological phenomenon (McIntyre et al. 2008) that affects the urban ecosystem dynamics in various ways. The recent global urbanisation rates have been particularly significant and the UN estimated in 2016 that 54.5% of the global population lived in cities. Projections are that by 2030, 60% of the global population will live in cities (Habitat UN, 2016) and by 2050, the world population would have reached 9.6 billion, the majority of which will live in the urban environment (UN, 2012). South Africa is following the global urbanisation trend and in 2009, more than half of all South Africans lived in cities with predictions that by 2030, more than 70% of South Africa’s national population will live in cities (CoGTA, 2016). Urbanisation is generally perceived a benefit to humanity as it manifests as economic development and poverty reduction, also described as socio-economic development. It however has many negative consequences for ecosystems. It is in particular unplanned urban development as seen in many developing countries that adversely affects ecosystem integrity. Unplanned urban development is often associated with ecologically inappropriate placement of settlements and inadequate or poorly functioning infrastructure and services which worsens pollution levels. In many ways, the changes brought about by urbanisation at an individual city level—including the conflict between natural and urban land uses—can be linked to environmental change at a global scale. Urbanisation reduces natural habitat area with consequences for species numbers and diversity. In the first long-term urban vegetation study for South Africa’s temperate natural grassland, Du Toit (2015) described a significant and negative decline in woody and grassland species richness and highlighted concern for South Africa’s urban grasslands. Urbanisation also creates an opportunity for non-indigenous species to find a new habitat. The role of urbanisation in species diversity is an on-going research topic with some research showing increased species diversity as a result of urbanisation (McKinney, 2008). The composition of species diversity as a result of urbanisation is a likely decline in indigenous species (Tait, Daniels, & Hill, 2005 and others) and an increase in non-indigenous species (McKinney, 2006 and others). The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2005) concluded that the global rise of urbanisation holds significant concerns for ecological sustainability as it often leads to loss of natural ecosystem functioning. A contemporary concern is the uneven and unequal trends of urbanisation. It is suggested that understanding these problematic trends requires a wider theoretical approach with enquiry into the political processes, cultural and regional differentiation that fuel these trends (Ernstson & Swyngedouw, 2015).

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7.5.2 Urban Ecosystem An ecosystem is characterised by the dynamic interactions within and between communities of biotic organisms such as primary producers, decomposers, parasites, and organic matter that constantly transform energy and material within its physical environment or context (Begon, Townsend, & Harper, 2006). This interaction between biotic organisms and non-biotic environment sustains life. The same collective description applies to the urban ecosystem where the city as a whole can be considered as a single ecosystem (Bolund & Hunhammar, 1999) including several sub-ecosystems. Fulfilling system properties, an ecosystem—whether natural or urban—is both a source of resources and a sink for resources. A modern perspective on urban ecology uses this approach to understand how humanity can co-exist with nature, towards global goals of sustainability and resilience (Marzluff et al., 2008). Urban ecosystems can be described in terms of patch dynamics (Pickett & Cadenasso, 2006). Patch dynamics considers the spatio-temporal changes within an ecosystem, and is particularly useful to the urban ecology context where ecosystem elements vary drastically due to human influence. Within the urban context, ecological patches vary in size, diversity, energy flow and characteristics. Urban development also directly alters ecological patch structures by changing connectivity and compositions of ecological patches.

7.5.3 Heterogeneity There is extensive variety in the biophysical and social components that make up the urban ecosystems and this is termed spatial heterogeneity. The mere presence of humans in the urban ecosystem dynamically influences the spatial heterogeneity. Heterogeneity is differentiated from diversity in that it relates to the arrangement of system components whereas diversity relates to the occurrence of system components. Biophysical heterogeneity is the different levels of biological life, between biological hotspots and low concentration or even dead zones (Pickett et al., 2017). Humans introduce heterogeneity in the urban context through land transformation and the introduction of species. Similarly for physical heterogeneity, differentiation is recognised between zones of different temperature and for social heterogeneity, differentiation is often recognised through city planning which identifies urban zones for distinct purposes but also socio-economic patterns which typically distinguish income levels and house prices. What is evident across biology, physical and social heterogeneity is that heterogeneity in the urban context is not stationary and that there are dynamic interactions between heterogeneity across the urban spatial context (McGrath & Shane, 2012). The urban context is characterised by extremely high spatial heterogeneity (Savard, Clergeau, & Mennechez, 2000) due to several distinct land uses intersecting with forms of ecological habitat. When studied from a patch dynamic perspective, the heterogeneity of urban ecosystems indicate on

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various smaller sub-ecosystems that compromise the larger urban ecology system. Such sub-ecosystems can be urban green spaces, urban conservation spaces or even gardens within residential neighbourhoods.

7.5.4 Species-Area Relationship Species-area relationship is the relationship between an area and the number of species found within this area and it serves as an indicator of ecological patterns (Begon et al., 2006). This relationship is often depicted as the species-area curve and single types of species are surveyed to inform the curve. For the urban context, the species-area relationship offers potential insight into habitat heterogeneity, dispersal limitation, loss of species diversity and the influx of non-indigenous species. Dispersion or the movements of organisms affect the spatial pattern of their distribution. Three main patterns of dispersion can be recognised: random, regular or aggregated dispersion (Begon et al., 2006). Urban biodiversity increases where there are high rates of species dispersal, even if these are non-indigenous species. Species richness, or the number of species per given area, is directly linked to ecosystem sustainability and resilience. A question that urban ecologists typically study is whether there is a net gain in species richness as a result of urbanisation.

7.5.5 Urban Ecosystem Dimensions Ecological dimensions including processes, competition, density, invasion, dominance, succession, heterogeneity and connectivity, apply equally to urban ecology (Alberti, 2008; Begon, et al., 2006; Niemelä et al., 2011). In studying ecological dimensions it is evident that there are distinct differences between urban and natural ecosystems, including energy and materials, metabolism, microclimate, fragmentation and pollution. Urban ecologists need to study the urban ecological patterns and processes as this knowledge can guide city managers to develop and implement policies that maximise conservation planning and ecosystem sustainability while equally responding to social and development needs. The concept of an urban-nature gradient is useful in describing how ecology differs between natural and urban contexts. This urban-nature gradient as proposed by Forman and Godron (1986) is a continuum of decreasing human influence, from the point of human dominance (i.e. high ecological impact) to the continuum point of ecological dominance (i.e. low ecological impact). As an example: due to the urban and land transformation context, there is typically a higher level of invasion of non-indigenous species on the urban side of the gradient, compared to the nonurban side of the gradient. The separation of environment and society such as natural and urban contexts are however critiqued by contemporary scholars who view such

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categorisation as false dichotomies that do not support integrated analysis (Loftus, 2012).

7.5.6 Ecosystem Function, Services & Processes Ecological function is a general term referring to a wide range of ecological processes that are influenced by both human and biophysical factors. The outcome of these processes hold direct and indirect benefit for humanity and urban management and are collectively referred to as ecosystem services. In its broadest sense, the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2005) described ecosystem services as all the benefits that people gain from ecosystems. Ecosystem services are directly related to biodiversity levels. Ecosystems with higher biodiversity levels are better able to maintain stability and function (Silva, 2013). Biodiversity conservation as opposed to species conservation is therefore closely linked to an urban ecosystem’s ability to maintain function. Costanza and Folke (1997) categorised ecosystem services according to four categories: provisioning services (water, food, medicine, and raw materials such as timber, plant oils), regulating services (regulation of climate, water, pollutants, mitigating of extreme weather events), cultural services (recreation, education, spiritual value), and supporting services (pollination, species diversity, ecosystem stability). In the urban context, urban green spaces and green infrastructure are the key sources of urban ecosystem services. Although influenced by urban context, the ecological processes within the urban context are similar to that found in the natural context. Weakening of ecosystem services through human actions such as urbanisation should be prevented or carefully managed as it is specifically the regulatory ecosystem services of urban ecosystems that are valuable to urban resilience against climate change and environmental extremes. Ecosystems services have shown to not always be of positive impact to humanity, and these cases are described as ecosystem disservices (von Döhren & Haase, 2015). Ecosystem disservices are particularly evident in the urban context. Examples include damage to infrastructure caused by roots, damage caused to water or other natural resources by non-indigenous and invasive species and health problems caused by pollen.

7.5.7 Habitat Fragmentation Large-scale human activities disrupt ecological habitats to the point where habitats become fragmented. The risk of fragmentation is that species extinction at a local level—the level of the urban environment—is a reality. Although these species may exist elsewhere, the challenge is to re-link the fragmented ecosystems to allow for species distribution and dispersal, which again builds ecosystem sustainability and resilience. Fragmented ecosystems can be linked through dispersal corridors

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but requires knowledge of how the specific ecosystem’s species disperse naturally. Besides direct loss of biodiversity, habitat fragmentation also negatively impact water supply and quality. Increased impermeable surfaces as is associated with the urban context create an urban ecology syndrome of low biodiversity streams with high nutrient and pollutant levels (Grimm et al., 2008). As hydrology systems are linked at a much broader scale, this syndrome ultimately impacts on the conditions of river catchments, wetlands and estuaries far beyond the immediate boundaries of the urban environment. Contemporary urban ecologists understand that healthy urban ecosystems improves ecosystems services to urbanites, which strengthens city resilience. City planning to prevent or restore habitat fragmentation is thus crucial to the current and future management of urban environments. The broad scale view of urban ecology’s role in sustainable water management is particularly relevant to the South African context where water supply to all South Africans remains a challenge. Developing urban green space and green infrastructure innovatively can lessen the impact of the urban ecology syndrome.

7.5.8 Urban Green Space & Green Infrastructure The term urban green space is applied by various disciplines; a single definition is lacking but there are overarching interpretations (Taylor & Hochuli, 2017). Urban green space can be described as waterbodies or vegetated spaces that occur within the urban context. Examples of urban green space extend from single trees and gardens in residential neighbourhoods to urban parks and conservation spaces within the urban context. Urban green spaces can either be planned as such, as is found in parks and gardens or green city corridors, or unplanned spaces such as vacant land or neglected open spaces but which are home to various species, whether naturally occurring or introduced species. Urban green spaces are also positively linked to social well-being as they offer recreational space such as parks, environmental education spaces, bicycle and walking trails and safe environments for citizens to enjoy nature. Unequal distribution of urban green space is not uncommon for many world cities and remain a matter of concern to South African cities with high income urban regions typically having greater coverage of urban greenery and improved access to urban greenery as opposed to lower income regions. Green infrastructure (GI) has a more focused definition in that it is ecosystems or urban green spaces that are consciously planned or designed for improved environmental quality. Scholars Benedict and McMahon (2002) described green infrastructure as an interconnected urban network of green spaces. GI is found in different contexts of the urban environment and for different purposes such as ecological conservation, mitigating urban heat island effects, flood attenuation, wastewater management and air quality improvement. GI can be supported at different levels—city level conservation spaces or individual home level green roofs. It is increasingly recognised that GI has key functions in building resilience in human-dominated

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environments. More tangible benefits of GI include noise levels abatement, property value enhancement, increased community outdoor and physical activity, and corridors promoting species distribution and movement. In South African’s current context, maintenance and long-term integration of green infrastructure and green spaces remain a challenge and one that is hampered by the fast expansion of South Africa’s cities (SACN, 2011, 2016), with corresponding urban ecology sacrifices. This threat spills over to the bigger context of how urban spaces are equipped to respond to climate change, increased poverty and spatial inequality, and the need for green development and resource conservation. These needs can be supported by green infrastructure data and research yet the provisions and use of green infrastructure specific to urban environments in subSaharan Africa are understudied. A study by Shackleton et al. (2018) positively linked urban green infrastructure in small and medium-sized South African towns with multiple urban livelihood and well-being improvements. The study also found that although economically poor, the small and medium-sized South African towns were rich in green infrastructure (Shackleton et al., 2018). This offers significant opportunity for expanding the context and integration of our green infrastructure. There are also examples of successful ecological integration with urban planning, most notably include the development of the Durban Metropolitan Open Space System (D’MOSS) in the 1980s. D’MOSS consists of 78,000 hectares of land, river and coastal land that interlink areas of high biodiversity with an open space network within the metropolitan area.

7.5.9 Policy One of the key areas of application for urban ecology is policy and strategy recommendations (Silva, 2013). Through informing policy, urban ecology becomes applied to policy focus areas such as climate change, biodiversity and resource planning and management, guiding the development of green spaces, promoting biodiversity conservation within cities and supporting waste, pollution and climate change mitigation and adaptation within city management. The prominent urban ecological review work by Du Toit (2015) found a general lack of urban ecological data across South Africa which must be addressed as urban ecological data supports decision-making in response to environmental challenges. Apart from the need for urban ecology research to support urban nature conservation, local urban ecology research can be also applied to respond to complex social and community issues (Du Toit, 2015).

7.6 Urban Ecology Challenges Urban ecology offers insight into how the urban environment can develop equitably to meet human needs while maintaining ecological integrity. The application of

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urban ecology is therefore becoming increasing recognised by urban planners and managers. It can be expected that the city as a complex urban geography space will increasingly be considered as the collective ‘urban ecosystem’ within which the distinction between urban and non-urban may be become less categorised, creating a new urban geography space that responds equally to man and nature. There are however a number of challenges faced. Although increasingly recognised by urban planners and managers, integrating the management of urban ecology particularly towards the goal of urban sustainability, justice and resilience remains a key challenge. The challenge is intensified by the need to manage urban ecology according to local context and local needs without excluding the broader ecology of cities perspective. In the South African context, the general lack of baseline ecological data is major challenge which negatively affects urban strategic planning and urban conservation (Cilliers et al., 2004). The risk is that without ecological understanding and conservation that responds accordingly, the sustainability objectives cannot be fully achieved. Each city has its own unique variables such as a geographic location, natural ecosystem matrixes and socio-economic factors. Urban ecologists therefore need to contribute to the development of management practices with detailed local understanding that will equally support the local ecology and socio-economic environment. Appropriate valuation of urban ecology is part of the understanding needed to support the integration of urban ecology and urban management. Urban green infrastructure and green spaces are still perceived as having reduced or even no monetary value (Cilliers et al., 2015) and as a result, urban ecology remains undervalued. This contributes to the fast rate of land use change under the pressure of urbanisation and economic development with no compensation or trade-off support for ecosystem services. By applying economic valuation and cost-benefit analyses, the monetary value of urban green infrastructure and space can be quantified. For example, the monetary value and benefits of flood attenuation offered by urban ecosystems can be quantified to prove the economic or business case of promoting green infrastructure within the urban context. Assigning monetary value to nature remains under-practiced and even criticised at the risk of commodifying nature (Niemelä et al., 2010). Biodiversity trade-offs is increasingly attempted especially within the environmental management field but remains challenging and there are limited successful South African examples where natural ecosystems were contractually traded for development subjected to the re-establishment of natural ecosystems elsewhere. Continued research is also needed for sound empirical evidence that quantifies the benefits of urban ecosystems which can further its uptake in urban planning and policy. Further research is also needed to overcome the challenge of creating resilient, equitable and just cities. It can be expected that urban ecology will be increasingly applied to how cities are planned and managed in response to critical environmental changes, such as climate change. South Africa and its cities are particularly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change (Macchi & Tiepolo, 2014) with threats to water availability and quality, biodiversity, ecosystem services, coastal development and city resilience and worsened by current unequal development across the country. Urban adaptation and risk management efforts already undertaken in some South

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African cities include water conservation and demand management, green infrastructure development including reforestation and wetland rehabilitation, as well as efforts to fund climate adaptation through financial innovation such as climate funds and green bonds. Urban ecology has a key role to play in climate change mitigation and adaptation especially where green infrastructure fulfil a dual function of supporting built infrastructure while contributing to city resilience. This can lead to new approaches to design and economic valuation of green infrastructure. Funding is however required for these approaches. The South African Green Fund is one example of a contemporary green economy national fund that contributes to filling the gap of unfunded climate change mandates and climate change mitigation-focused projects (Perine & Keuck, 2018). With urbanisation rate forecasts showing no signs of slowing down and as the global world is still heading towards peak urbanisation rates, urban land use can serve multiple resilience-orientated purposes. Resilient-by-design can be included in housing development and transport, meeting energy needs from renewable energy generation such as passive solar design, i.e. rooftop solar photovoltaic (PV) systems or large-scale solar PV and wind generation facilities outside of urban boundaries, and alternative fuels and substitutes from renewable sources such as biofuels. The resilient city of the future will deeply integrate ecosystem services. The challenge is not only to minimise ecological impact because of urban growth, but to appropriately respond to the complex linkages between urban space, socio-political patterns and ecosystem services. For example, urbanisation imposes changes to species richness and physical changes to land use by transforming surfaces from permeable to impermeable. At a large scale, this affects water management, pollution management, and ecological integrity. A traditional disconnect between urban planning and ecology has created a context in which urban development has taken priority over ecosystem services and the challenge is therefore to respond to the need for socio-economic development without losing the benefit of ecosystem services which essentially underpins human well-being. This is particularly relevant to the context of South Africa as a developing country and emerging economy where socio-economic issues are known to take priority over matters of the natural environment and conservation thereof (Goodness & Anderson, 2013). A likely future trend in response to this challenge is more progressive views on ecosystem services and how multiple functions can be maintained through integration of development and ecosystem integrity.

7.7 Future Trends A transdisciplinary trend is emerging that recognises the linkages between several urban and environmental challenges as described in this chapter. This is leading a trend for the urban context to be viewed as an entirely new type of ecological entity (Marzluff et al., 2008). It is supported by the research and industry recognition that urban ecology can play key roles in citizen well-being, economic functionality,

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ecological conservation, environmental management and ultimately city resilience. The trend is likely to bring supporting frameworks that build connections between ecology, urban planning and society. In line with the challenges of creating a sustainable and resilient city and the trend of merging ecosystem services with urban planning and development, eco-city planning is a contemporary approach to urban design thinking. The philosophy of an eco-city envisions that the city is designed to fit rather than be in conflict with ecology. The eco-city balances urban life with atmospheric, water and nutrient cycles and in harmony with the local ecology (Downton, 2008). Ecological functioning is incorporated into the eco-city by establishing and maintaining green park systems within the urban context. Linking ecological thinking and urban planning are key principles of the Habitat III New Urban Agenda (United Nations, 2017) and the Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations, 2015) that promote sustainable and resource efficient developments with co-existing between humanity and environment. At each urban level, eco-city planning links known urban ecology challenges such as air quality, microclimate, pollution, or social well-being to urban function and the opportunities offered by green infrastructure. This trend could see urban developers tapping more aggressively into ecosystem services such as the ability of urban wetlands to fulfil water regulation functions, biodiversity support, protection of urban infrastructure and opportunities for community recreation. It has potential to change the face of urban development, with the help of innovation and technology. ‘Water sensitive urban design’ (WSUD) is an example in that it integrates urban water design and planning with environmental sensitivities including the need for aquatic protection in urban areas (Wong & Brown, 2009). Such integration of ecology and urban planning is likely to strengthen our understanding and application of sustainable development. Eco-city planning is not only a trend that promotes smart and sustainable cities as hubs of ecological connections, but it also responds to the challenge of large and expanding ecology footprints of cities. The methodology of measuring ecological footprint was pioneered by Wackernagel and Rees (1998) and measures humanity’s consumption of resources against the available and limited ecological resources. Ecological footprinting shows carrying capacity and scale issues in relation to human populations and its demands (McIntyre et al., 2008). The ecological footprints of urban areas often extend far beyond urban boundaries (Bolund & Hunhammar, 1999). Apart from being more energy and resource-intensive, urban ecosystems are associated with pollution that are not only foreign to natural ecosystems but are of local, regional and global impact. The waste and pollution, whether solid, liquid or gaseous that are generated or emitted by an urban area, must be absorbed by the urban area’s ecological footprint to remain within environmental limits. None of South Africa’s cities have resource consumption and waste production levels that can be met within its physical urban area. Rather, the ecological footprints of our cities are expanding (SACN, 2016) and this aligns to global trends. Towards the trend of eco-city planning and living within environmental limits, industry drivers that are worth noting include the drive for renewable energy, resource efficiency and sustainable waste practices.

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Awakening an awareness and response within the individual citizen, citizen science—as a means of engaging members of society in scientific research and monitoring—is gaining popularity particularly with smart technology offering innovative data collection options. As a trend, it bears significance to ecology as pro-active and ‘early warning’ action towards species conservation. This is crucial especially because species changes are slow onset, meaning it only becomes widely known information when the risk factor to the species observed is already very high. Citizen science is also fostering a sense of environmental awareness and connection to community, which inspires interest among citizens as to how the city and its ecology are managed. Examples of citizen science including citizen participation in counting species such as trees or birds and not necessarily indigenous or threatened species. It is to be expected that the value of citizen science data to urban ecologists, which aids in urban ecology mapping, monitoring and planning, and the interest from citizens to partake in such scientific research, makes this a trend that will be increasingly noted.

7.8 Conclusion Urban ecosystems remain dominated by a single species—Homo sapiens—that shape the urban ecosystem through direct and indirect relationships and interactions with the abiotic and biotic components of the urban ecosystem. Cities are now the lens through which humanity’s impact on the natural environment has become increasingly in focus, in part because the majority of the world population now live in cities but also because global environmental challenges are intensified at urban scale. It has brought in focus the need to study and respond to urban influence on ecology that extends far beyond the boundaries of the city, or the ecology in cities. Such progress can however not be made in discipline isolation. Urban ecologists are teaming up with urban planners and managers for broader level strategic responses towards sustainable and resilient spaces that are equal urban and ecological. The South African context is fairly unique when considering that its cities consist of diverse communities and with multiple governance challenges. This context creates complexity when ecological services and green infrastructure are considered a luxury and of less pressing concern than addressing spatial inequality, service provision, economic growth and poverty reduction. Although this is a threat to urban ecology, as a discipline, urban ecology has become a transdisciplinary field that has evolved ideally to respond to this exact conflict. The threats and challenges to urban ecology can thus equally be considered as opportunities to address multiple social, economic and environmental challenges simultaneously, advancing cities towards sustainability and resilience. Urban ecology has a critical link to management of urban space which is largely human-driven and therefore, human-managed. The new context of urban ecology as described in this chapter is central to the development of sustainable urban

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solutions—for a future that is environmentally sustained, socially liveable and economically maintained.

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Chapter 8

Secondary Cities in South Africa Ronnie Donaldson, Lochner Marais and Etienne Nel

8.1 Introduction In the 1980s, despite Rondinelli’s leading scholarly work on the intermediate cities (or ‘secondary cities’—the term we have chosen for this chapter) and his call that urban policy attention needed to be focussed on them, this category of cities has not subsequently received sufficient attention—both in research and policy terms. Rondinelli (1983a, b) observed that secondary cities in developing countries have important economic and social functions that can contribute to national development (Hardoy & Satterthwaite, 1986; Richardson, 1981; Rondinelli, 1983a, b). Besides their national and regional functions (particularly their role in rural development), they also have increasing connections to the global economy, with new opportunities but also risks and, in addition, they are often the fastest growing category of settlement type in national urban systems (Bell & Jayne, 2006, 2009; Bolay & Rabinovich, 2004; Rodríguez-Pose & Dahl Fitjar, 2013). The late 1970s to mid-1980s, saw an interest in research on secondary cities, particularly those in the developing world (Hardoy & Satterthwaite, 1986; Rondinelli, 1983a, b), partly due to the failure of 1950 and 1960s economic growth policies that had tried to concentrate large export-oriented, capital-intensive industries into a few regional centres (Rondinelli, 1983a, b). Although this research remains relevant today, it must be acknowledged that the overall national and international context R. Donaldson (B) Department of Geography, University of Stellenbosch, Stellenbosch, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] L. Marais University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] E. Nel Department of Geography, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_8

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has altered because of recent globalisation trends, geopolitics, and changes in the world economy and government. In the nearly three decades from the end of the Cold War, the fall of the Berlin wall and the demise of communism and apartheid, to the formation of new geopolitical entities such as the European Union and BRICS the political world has been fundamentally reshaped (Chen & Kanna, 2012; RodríguezPose & Dahl Fitjar, 2013). In addition, the role of government as the central planning and implementation agency has been considerably reduced in many countries. Urban research in South Africa is largely dominated by work on Cape Town, Johannesburg and Durban, and over the past decade there has been an emerging focus on small towns (Visser, 2013; Visser & Rogerson, 2014). This chapter builds on the small but emerging work on secondary cities over the past few years (Marais, Nel, & Donaldson, 2016) by presenting case studies of six secondary cities in South Africa: the City of Matlosana (Klerksdorp), eMalahleni (Witbank), Emfuleni (Vanderbijlpark and Vereeniging), uMhlathuze (Richards Bay and Empangeni), Polokwane (formerly Pietersburg) and George. First we define a secondary city and then briefly discuss national secondary city strategies. Before the discussion on the case studies we present a brief discussion on where these cities are located in South Africa.

8.2 How Do We Define a Secondary City? As early as the mid-1980s it was noted that there was no agreed-upon definition of what a secondary city is (Hardoy & Satterthwaite, 1986, p. 13), and little progress has been made since then in finding common ground. Further complicating the matter, the literature uses a variety of terms, such as ‘metro towns’, ‘satellite cities’ and ‘middle cities’ and, more commonly, ‘secondary cities’, ‘ordinary cities’, ‘small cities’ and ‘medium-sized cities’ (Roberts, 2014; Robinson, 2006; Van der Merwe, 1992). The term secondary is generally viewed as being broader in scope, implying a city positioned somewhere around the middle level of the national urban hierarchy and playing a supplementary role in respect of functions (Van der Merwe, 1992). In other words, in an urban size hierarchy, such a city will be smaller than a primary city and it will generally be bigger than the typical small town. The earlier literature suggests that a definition of secondary or intermediate cities should take into account four aspects: population, size, function and location (Hardoy & Satterthwaite, 1986; Van der Merwe, 1992) as since confirmed by more recent literature (De Boeck, Cassiman, & Van Wolputte, 2009; Roberts, 2014). To sharpen the definition, various thresholds (usually related to size and function) have been used (Hardoy & Satterthwaite, 1986), but despite some attempts it has not proven possible to identify generalised, globally applicable thresholds for secondary cities’ population growth or economic structure (Satterthwaite, 2006). Indicators commonly used to distinguish a secondary city from a small town are population size, population density and the extent of the built-up area (Van der Merwe, 1992). UN-Habitat defines a secondary city as one with a population of between 100,000 and 500,000 (UNCHS, 2014). Although population size

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is still the determining factor in defining a secondary city, Roberts and Hohmann, (2014) note that, in an age of growing competition, trade, and exchanges between cities globally, the meaning of the term has changed and other indicators are also needed to define it. They are of the opinion that a secondary city will possibly have a population or economy that is between 10 and 65% of the size of those of the nation’s largest city (Roberts & Hohmann, 2014, p. 11). In many cases, the term secondary is used to indicate that the city is big enough to generate its own growth but small enough to avoid some of the negative effects of massive urban agglomeration, such as environmental and social costs experienced in the largest centres (Van der Merwe, 1992). Roberts and Hohmann (2014, p. 3) provide a more recent classification of secondary cities. Three broad spatial categories have been identified: sub-national cities, which are centres of local government, industry, agriculture, tourism and mining; city clusters, consisting of expanded, satellite and new cities surrounding large metros; and economic trade corridors, which are urban growth centres (sometimes called ‘growth poles’) planned or developing along major transport routes (Roberts & Hohmann, 2014). These authors claim, however, that secondary cities differ considerably as regards their functions and the way they are integrated into a system of cities. They distinguish three broad types: lead-secondary cities that have “a strong growth path and a dynamic local economy” and are “well connected nationally and internationally in a system of competitive trade, development, and investment”; secondary cities that represent “the moderate and boomtown economies, driven by migration and a diverse range of economic activities servicing local and national markets”; and “highly depressed cities” with large numbers of urban poor. They divide this third type, which they call “laggards”, into two sub-types: those “experiencing increasing urbanisation, rising poverty, little investment, and scant formal-sector job creation” (like most secondary cities in Africa), and those in economic decline (Roberts & Hohmann, 2014, pp. 4–5).

8.3 Reflections on National Secondary City Strategies National policies in respect of secondary cities have had mixed success. South Korea’s implementation of an effective secondary city strategy has been cited in the literature as a success story (Rondinelli, 1983a). Key to this success was strong political will and administrative capacity in ensuring the implementation of appropriate secondary city strategies. In addition, in order to create an attractive investment environment, the national government made significant investment in infrastructure and social services. In other contexts, when secondary urban areas are close to a larger metropolitan area (Bolay & Rabinovich, 2004) deconcentrating the spatial economy of countries has also shown some success such as in Brazil (World Bank, 2010) and Korea (Henderson, 2002). Another, often cited as a success story, is the Israeli new town programme. However, the political motive in creating settlements outside

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Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, coupled with the high per capita income and the fact that Israel benefits from significant amounts of foreign aid help to explain the relative success of the Israeli programme (Hardoy & Satterthwaite, 1986). There are off course numerous reasons for the failed implementation of secondary city programmes internationally. For example, during the planning phase, status quo analyses were often inadequate, resource estimates were unrealistic and there was a lack of objective criteria employed when determining what a secondary city is. In addition, policies applied were often top-down, sometimes using unviable locations and were not taken seriously by the market; and there was inadequate coordination and insufficient supply of infrastructure to match their newly found status (Otiso, 2005). The fact that few countries in the developing world have a well-developed settlement hierarchy, is a situation which results in an inadequate distribution of services and functions and limited urban-rural linkages (Rondinelli, 1983b). Infrastructure provision is often inadequate (usually in some form of subsidy) where new industrial spaces are created outside core urban areas (Mohan, 1983). These attempts also failed due to poor conceptualization of the growth pole concept and the inability to operationalize policy proposals (Duranton, 2008; Satterthwaite, 2006). According to the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements many secondary cities were defined using an imprecise evaluation of the cities’ existing circumstances and their region of influence, a simplistic understanding of their development, an inadequate interpretation of factors specific to the various centres and an unrealistic understanding of the required investments (UNCHS, 1984). Investing in unsuitable locations and the premature attempts to steer industry away from core areas to secondary cities often ended up being a costly exercise for national governments (Hardoy & Satterthwaite, 1986; Satterthwaite, 2006). Many secondary city policies do not have a long-term vision (which needs to be at least 20 years) (Van der Merwe, 1992) and their strategies are rarely integrated with macro-development and sectoral policies (UNCHS, 1984). Primary city dominance (in terms of population size and economic growth) is another principal reason for the failure of secondary city policies and programmes (Otiso, 2005) where it is argued that government policies and private sector actions (of the economic elites) have an inherent large urban bias.

8.4 Where are the Secondary Cities in South Africa? As a background to the case studies of secondary cities, it is first important to understand the broader context of the post-apartheid South African settlement landscape. In the first few hundred years of European settlement, although colonialism and the discovery of minerals were influential factors, South Africa experienced a fairly ‘natural’ process of urban development. However, this process was interrupted by apartheid-era planning policies from 1948 onwards which included a system of decentralisation subsidies and the creation of homeland cities which distorted the naturally evolving urban spatial economy. The role of apartheid planning in minimising the urbanisation of black South Africans is well captured in the literature

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(see for example Christopher, 1990; Lemon, 1991; Mabin, 1991). The unbalanced economic development, together with the apartheid regime’s prioritisation of homeland development, led to policies of influx control, growth point development and industrial de-concentration distorting urban growth patterns (for example industrial development in Botshabelo and Mdantsane—Lemon, 1991). The basic principle was ruthless, yet simple: keep blacks out of white urban areas. In the process, a number of new towns were developed and the profiles of some existing towns were enhanced. As is well known, these policies were doomed to fail. Dewar, Todes, and Watson (1986) note that after 30 years very few growth points were showing significant success. Today, most of these growth points have collapsed and, with a few exceptions (Marais, Nel & Donaldson, 2016), the long-term viability of the more successful ones remains doubtful. Acknowledging in the early 1990s that the apartheid-based created growth points and decentralisation strategy has failed, the focus then shifted to seeking to understand how secondary cities could help to address urbanisation and regional development. This was during the time of the unbanning of the ANC, scrapping of major apartheid legislation such as the group areas act and the start of a protracted peaceful negotiated settlement towards democracy. Understandably, these events overshadowed the progress made at national level in terms of a policy-making process regarding secondary cities and their role in the national urban system and urbanisation process. Two commissioned research projects were produced in the early 1990s. A key aspect of these reports was the identification of secondary cities. First was a commissioned report by Van der Merwe (1992) to examine the possibility of addressing urbanisation by promoting secondary cities. Using self-selection methodology based on factors such as population size, population growth, ethnic composition, age distribution, literacy and education levels, economic diversity and size of the economically active population, 16 towns were selected as suitable for the project (Fig. 8.1a). The second research project on secondary cities was done by the policy think tank, Urban Foundation in 1994. This project identified 23 secondary cities (on the basis of population size) that together contributed one fifth of South Africa’s economic output, but had been neglected by policymakers (Fig. 8.1b). It was to be almost two decades later that the national policy attention has again been drawn to secondary cities, namely through commissioned research projects on secondary cities done by the South African Cities Network (SACN, 2012, 2013, 2014). The authors were involved in these three projects and the findings from this study forms the basis of this chapter. To understand urban processes, and formulate and monitor policy, city planners need a classification of settlement types (Pacione, 2013). The term secondary cities is commonly used in South Africa because a group of cities are considered to be secondary to metros. ‘Secondary’ indicates both the size of these cities and their position in the settlement hierarchy, though with more emphasis on the former. The populations of our case study municipalities varied between 200,000 and 750,000 at the time of the research in 2013, and in some cases these figures included extensive rural populations. Some of these larger secondary city municipalities are similar in population size to the smaller metros, and they are significantly bigger than the

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Fig. 8.1 Secondary cities as identified in three different reports on secondary cities in South Africa

average small town. Although debates about the city hierarchy in South Africa often focus mainly on issues of size, we argue that the key to understanding secondary cities is the interrelationship between size, function and location (Van der Merwe, 1992). The complexity of settlement classification in South Africa is evident from the number of ways in which settlements are classified, among other, the different ways that municipal legislation, the National Spatial Development Perspective (NSDP), the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) and the National Treasury categorise settlements. The towns or cities identified by the National Treasury as

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secondary cities are seen in Fig. 8.1c (the case studies for our study was based on the National Treasury’s list). Because the category B municipalities differ considerably from one another, the National Treasury segments them into subcategories: secondary cities (B1: n = 21), large towns (B2: n = 29), small towns (B3: n = 111) and rural areas (B4: n = 70). These subcategories were created in order to provide differentiated support to municipalities. Initially, 19 cities were considered B1 municipalities, mainly due to their budget size (SACN, 2012). Later, however, the National Treasury’s ‘Cities Support Programme’ listed 22 cities, including all the provincial capitals that were not classified as metros (National Treasury, 2011). This programme also considered aspects such as population size and economic output, but budget size remained the main criterion.

8.5 The Case of Six South African Secondary Cities The six case studies reported on here—the City of Matlosana (Klerksdorp), eMalahleni (Witbank), Emfuleni (Vanderbijlpark and Vereeniging), uMhlathuze (Richards Bay and Empangeni), Polokwane (formerly Pietersburg) and George— represent a good spread of secondary cities in the country as they are located in six provinces (Box 8.1). Evidence of good governance and management in the case studies is a rarity (SACN, 2012, 2013, 2014): eMalahleni is currently under government administration; Emfuleni has suffered much instability, having had four mayors and five municipal managers between 2005 and 2009; management and governance problems were reported in the City of Matlosana; and Polokwane has historically had its fair share of municipal problems. Furthermore, only two of the cities (George and uMhlathuze) received a clean local government audit for 2013/14. This is clearly not ideal, especially since some of these cities are experiencing either rapid population growth or rapid economic decline, or both, and are thus particularly in need of effective municipal management. Weak local capacity hampers long-term planning and holds back economic growth. South Africa’s increased energy requirements have led to increased coal mining, which has boosted populations in coal mining centres such as eMalahleni and put heavy pressure on local government infrastructure. Areas experiencing economic decline are also under pressure. The City of Matlosana, for example, has been unable to set up an appropriate billing system for its municipal accounts. A particular problem is that, because of mine downscaling, many houses formerly owned by mining companies have been privatised and the city is now struggling to bill them individually. The overall economic growth rate of the country’s metros (3.9% per annum between 1996 and 2011) is more than double that of the six case study cities (1.8% per annum between 1996 and 2011). With the exception of agriculture and public services sectors, the growth rates in the metros consistently higher than in the secondary cities for all sectors. For example, between 1996 and 2011 public services grew by 2.6% per annum in the secondary cities compared to 2.2% in the metros.

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Box 8.1 Case study contexts With a population of just under 400,000 the City of Matlosana, located in the North-West Province, consists of four main urban areas: Klerksdorp, Orkney, Stilfontein and Hartbeesfontein. Klerksdorp was originally developed as a rural service centre providing trade and social services to the surrounding agricultural communities. Goldmining began in the area in late 1800 and around 1940 the towns of Orkney, Stilfontein and Hartbeesfontein were proclaimed. Although some residential development occurred in Klerksdorp as a result of the mining boom, the city has largely retained (and subsequently expanded) its regional service character. By the early 1990s mine downscaling had become a reality: declining gold production and a shrinking economy

EMalahleni which includes Witbank, is the powerhouse of South Africa. Its history has been intertwined with the coal mining industry for more than a century. A small but significant steel industry was also established in the area. South Africa’s economic growth between the early 1990s and 2008 brought an increased need for energy and the coal mining output in the area therefore increased. The current population is estimated at 395,000. A population growth of 3.6% per annum between 2001 and 2011 (significantly higher than the national average) has caused a growth if informal settlements, increased the need for infrastructure and services, and placed a severe burden on this municipality located in Mpumalanga province

Emfuleni is located in the southern part of Gauteng. Its main urban centres are Vereeniging and Vanderbijlpark. The availability of coal led to the establishment of a power station which in turn led to the development of a steel manufacturing industry. With approximately 720,000 people, Emfuleni was scheduled to become a metro by the end of 2016 but this did not happen. The first South African steel mill was built in Vereeniging in the early 1900s and the state corporation ISCOR established its Vanderbijlpark plant there in 1943. ISCOR was privatised at the end of the 1980s, resulting in many job losses. By the early 2000s, foreign shares in ISCOR had exceeded South African shares and the company became part of a multi-national steel corporation (first Mittal Steel and later ArcelorMittal). In contrast to the privatisation at the end of the 1980s, internationalisation has brought some stability to Emfuleni, but the area continues to face risks associated with the steel industry’s dependence on the volatile global market. As with the two mining cities, Matlosana and eMalahleni, there is a concern that some of the multinationals in the area may either close down completely or gradually decrease production because of increased global competition or economic decline

George is located in the Western Cape Province, almost halfway between Cape Town and Port Elizabeth. Before the arrival of European settlers and African groups there were already Khoi settlements in the area. The first Europeans referred to the area as ‘Houtpos’ (place where wood is sourced) and George was formally established by the British in 1811. Initially focused on timber and wood products, George soon also became a rural service centre. After the Second World War, George and the surrounding coastal areas experienced increasing growth in tourism and second-home development. The area’s tourism function received a boost in 1977 when an airport was built owing to the influence of the then member of parliament PW Botha (later State President). The development of the gas and oil fields near Mossel Bay (to the south west of George) in the mid-1980s resulted in an influx of migrants from the Eastern Cape. Since the mid-1990s, George has benefited increasingly from the retirement industry and long-distance tourists, including Europeans who want to escape the northern winter. George’s population is currently around 200,000, with a growth rate of 2% per annum. The city’s future depends on tourism and biodiversity and the municipality’s ability to reconcile the conflicts between the two (continued)

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Box 8.1 (continued) Polokwane is the country’s largest urban area north of the Gauteng conurbation. Once the bastion of Afrikaner nationalism in the north, Polokwane (formerly Pietersburg) is now the provincial capital of Limpopo province. It has acquired a striking urban gloss, as a result of the rapidly rising new middle class and their need for luxury goods. Pietersburg originally established as a rural service centre in 1886. In the late 1980s, an entrepreneurial town clerk helped to initiate two projects that would set the tone for future development: expanding the N1 road through the centre to a four-lane highway and creating a small but significant industrial base. The municipality currently has around 630,000 people, of whom 166,000 live in what is today known as Polokwane City—the remainder living on communal land in the surrounding areas. The city’s importance as a provincial capital can be seen in the large number of provincial government departments headquartered here, many of which used to be in the former homelands. The city has also tried to position itself as a trade destination for countries north of South Africa, with new mall developments that essentially ask ‘Why go to Gauteng if you can get it in Polokwane?’

UMhlathuze is located on the KwaZulu-Natal north coast. It was essentially established as a coal export harbour within the value chain of the mineral-energy complex. UMhlathuze contains two main urban areas: Richards Bay and Empangeni, but like Polokwane a large percentage of the municipality consists of communal land. The modern history of uMhlathuze is linked to the sugar and forestry industries and the deep-water harbour that was developed in the 1970 and 1980s to export coal mined in the Mpumalanga Highveld (eMalahleni and environs). The town of Richards Bay was established in the 1970s as a result of the port, which was developed by drying out the wetlands in the area (something which would now be virtually impossible under current environmental legislation). The municipality is home to about 330,000 people, of whom 48% are urban dwellers (the remainder live on communal land). Despite significant growth in the 1970 and 1980s, the past 20 years have seen very few new industrial developments in Richards Bay. The government’s decision to construct the Coega harbour has directed all port development capital to the Eastern Cape and prevented further expansion of the Richards Bay port. Meanwhile, Durban’s harbour is expanding its capacity and depth, and significant private investment is being made in the Maputo harbour

Source Compiled from Marais, Nel, and Donaldson (2016)

8.6 Location and Locational Interdependence1 When categorising secondary cities, key factors that must be taken into account are their strategic location in relation to large metros, their infrastructure, and resources such as agriculture and mining. Important components of location include transport and communication networks linking a city to its rural hinterland and larger urban areas. In the 1970 and 1980s it was assumed that the “small city near the large metropolis gains most of the benefits of agglomeration without the pains of large size” (Van der Merwe, 1992). Ideally, a secondary city should be close enough to a large urban centre to benefit from developments in that centre but far enough away to 1 In

this section we compare the findings from the six case studies with each other by specifically focussing on location and locational interdependence. (For a discussion on city size, particularly in relation to population and the economy and on city function see Marais et al., 2016).

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avoid full integration with it. Table 8.1 shows that all six cities have a direct link with either agricultural or mining resources, or both. Their location near major transport infrastructure (road, rail, sea and air) has helped to make them larger than small towns. Four of them have direct links with larger metros, and they all have important connections with exploited environmental resources. Size, location and function are interrelated. A locational aspect that particularly distinguishes these cities is that they are more directly related to primary sector industries and the environment than the larger metros with their diversified, service sector focused economies. Mining related activities, for example, play a crucial role in four of the six case study cities (City of Matlosana, eMalahleni, uMhlathuze and Emfuleni). Given their large rural hinterlands all six have substantial agricultural production.

8.7 Strategies In this section we focus on three characteristics related to strategies of secondary cities: small but significant international links, and global links usually by means of one sector; high levels of vulnerability; LED (Local Economic Development) strategies and spatial planning.

8.7.1 Small but Significant International Links, and Global Links Usually by Means of One Sector International connections are pertinent to the six cities in various ways and to differing degrees. In George, for example, the international tourism sector and the phenomenon of European ‘swallows’ visiting there during the South African summer are important. The City of Matlosana and Polokwane have started to transcend international boundaries by doing business with Botswana and Zimbabwe, respectively, and attracting foreign buying power from them. The City of Matlosana’s international connectivity is mainly a result of the extraction and export of gold and uranium and its mining companies are mainly multinational corporations. Approximately 20% of eMalahleni’s coal is exported, and its steel industry also has some minor links to markets in southern and eastern Africa. UMhlathuze, through its port at Richards Bay, has major links to the international aluminium and coal markets and is home to many multinational corporations. Emfuleni also hosts a number of multinational corporations, particularly in the steel industry. Whereas larger metros usually have a range of economic sectors with international links, secondary cities typically have only one or two important international market sectors (such as steel, gold, coal, aluminium or tourism). This makes them vulnerable to external shocks and internal problems related to these specific sectors. They thus face increasing pressure to respond in appropriate (and differentiated) ways related to both institutional support

Regional service centre; historical links with agriculture

Limited agricultural links

Limited agricultural links

Regional service centre; historical links with timber

Regional service centre; historical links with agriculture

Limited agricultural links

City of Matlosana

eMalahleni

Emfuleni

George

Polokwane

uMhlathuze

Source Marais et al. (2016, p. 164)

Dependence on agriculture

City

Port for coal exports

Agricultural products

Wood

Coal/energy;steel

Coal/energy

Gold; uranium; agricultural products

Dependence on resources

Table 8.1 Location attributes for the six secondary cities

To some degree delinked from the economy in KwaZulu-Natal

Linked with Gauteng but fairly peripheral location

Halfway between Cape Town and Port Elizabeth—fairly isolated

Linked with Johannesburg and Ekurhuleni

Close to Tshwane

Almost an extension of the West Rand. Linked to the platinum belt

Proximity of a metropolitan area/degree of isolation

N2 highway; port

N1 highway; airport

N2 highway; airport

N1 and N3 highways; railway link Johannesburg/Durban

N4 highway; railway link to uMhlathuze and Maputo

N12 highway

Proximity to transportation infrastructure

Sensitive biodiversity in the surrounding area

Water shortage

Sensitive biodiversity in the surrounding area

Linked to Vaal River

Linked to farmland and Olifants River

Linked to farmland and Vaal River

Dependence and linkages with the physical environment

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and available finance. According to recent European research, secondary cities that make deliberate attempts to build international networks have the best chance of finding new growth paths (Rodríguez-Pose & Dahl Fitjar, 2013). However, South African secondary cities with international connections may require intensive institutional and strategic support to minimise their vulnerability to global economic shocks and to help them recognise and develop international links.

8.7.2 High Levels of Vulnerability As their economies are generally smaller than those of metros, secondary cities are more dependent on one or two main sectors, such as mining or large-scale manufacturing. This narrow economic base makes many of these cities particularly vulnerable to economic shocks, poor municipal management, poor business-government relations and the impact of sector-specific national government decisions. For example, 45% of eMalahleni’s GVA comes from coal mining and 32% of Emfuleni’s from steel production. Historically, 53% of the City of Matlosana’s GVA (1996 figures) came from gold mining. Even those secondary cities that are less dependent on mining and energy generation face the risks of a narrow economic base. Although George and Polokwane have more diverse economies than the other four case studies, their recent growth relies on high-risk economic sectors. Over the past 20 years, growth in Polokwane has centred largely on its status as the provincial capital and its role as a trading mecca, especially for Zimbabweans. The dependence on administrative jobs linked to being a provincial capital holds risks for the city’s future economic diversification and ability to find new pathways. George has historically been a rural service centre, but tourism and the retirement-related sector are becoming increasingly important. Tourism, especially long-distance tourism, and second homes are heavily dependent on international economic trends, and the retirement sector is largely based on the decreasing ability of the affluent population to afford retirement. The risks associated with the decline of mining are widely discussed in the literature (Rogerson, 2012; Marais 2013a, b). However, less prominent is the notion that mining areas should plan for the eventuality of mine downscaling and closure. It should be accepted that most mining areas are locked into a mining-dependent existence, in terms of both their growth and their inevitable decline.

8.7.3 Spatial Planning The over-emphasis on five-year Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) means that not much long-term planning is being done. Unlike many of the metros, none of the six case study cities has developed strategies looking 20–30 years into the future. This short-term perspective is even more problematic when there is a regime change in local government, even if the change is within the same ruling party. New leaders

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often call for new five-year programmes and plans, with little concern for continuity in meeting or building upon prior goals, and have little focus on maintenance or sustainability. The IDPs are also narrowly focused on service delivery and may even promote micro-development projects in specific ward localities (as is the case in eMalahleni and Emfuleni). Such an approach is not without merit but can mean that the big picture gets lost. The problem with weak strategic planning is that the plans either ignore the basic economic trends or show a limited understanding of the importance of main industries. Some cities have ambitious plans that would be very difficult or impossible to achieve, such as locating airports and logistic hubs in Emfuleni and the City of Matlosana or positioning George as a knowledge-based city. Sometimes the obvious development route is ignored, such as the retirement industry in George or international competitiveness in Emfuleni, neither of which is mentioned in their IDPs. Another example is uMhlathuze’s failure to include the Richards Bay port in its IDP, which perhaps indicates that the port is poorly integrated or controlled independently by Transnet (i.e. without any relation to the city).

8.8 How Important are Secondary Cities for Development in South Africa? We have identified five reasons why secondary city development should be considered important for South Africa. The first reason is connectedness, although in the six case study cities links are limited to one or two specific subsectors of the economy. We have noted that gold, coal and small amounts of steel are exported from the City of Matlosana, eMalahleni, uMhlathuze and Emfuleni. International connectedness in the form of tourism makes George and Polokwane important—both have hosted major international sport events, such as the Rugby World Sevens and the FIFA World Cup, respectively. The second reason is the contribution secondary cities make to the economy— amounting to about 15–18% of the country’s economic output. Of their countrywide economic capabilities, steelmaking in Emfuleni is probably the most notable in terms of meeting local industrial needs. Other mining related capabilities, such as aluminium smelting in uMhlathuze, are also significant. A 20-year review of South Africa’s spatial development divides the country into five distinct categories: inner urban core, outer urban core, semi-periphery, periphery and deep periphery (Harrison, 2013). All six case study cities fall within the first category. They are also considered to be areas with economies of scale in the NSDP, although the economic growth picture within the inner urban core is uneven. National planning decisions and spatial targeting have a direct impact on the economy of these cities. For instance, uMhlathuze’s ability to diversify its economy is directly related to Transnet’s decisions regarding rail upgrades and the expansion of the Richards Bay port functions. And the expansion of these functions is hampered by the lack of

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appropriate cranes and by the government’s decision to invest instead in the Coega port in the Eastern Cape. Further long-term damage could be done to uMhlathuze’s economy if the upgrade of the Gauteng-Durban railway is prioritised above the Mpumalanga-uMhlathuze line. The third reason is the secondary cities’ role in helping to spread development opportunities. Development in South Africa has been spatially uneven, and secondary cities can help to reduce this unevenness, in a natural, unforced way. At a political and policy level, however, in the face of rapidly growing city regions, it appears that emphasis will be on these city regions at the expense of secondary cities and other smaller settlements (Etherington & Jones, 2011). The fourth reason is the secondary cities’ value as regional service centres. Our six case studies all offer public and private schools, public and private hospitals and higher order financial services. George, Polokwane and the City of Matlosana have historically been important for regional service provision and eMalahleni, uMhlathuze and Emfuleni have developed this role more recently as they have expanded. All six are important for the development of their surrounding rural populations. Both Polokwane and uMhlathuze provide rural populations with direct access to urban functions. Although less prominent in this regard, the other four cities are also valuable to their rural surrounds. It is unfortunate that rural development efforts in South Africa seldom consider the potential role of secondary cities in their strategies. Lastly is the important role these cities play in managing urbanisation. A recent study shows it to be similar to the role of the South African metros (Marais & Cloete, 2017). The main difference is the dependence on commodities—the secondary cities are far more vulnerable to commodity price shocks and this makes long-term planning more difficult. In sum, although our secondary cities may not be as important as the main metros they nevertheless play a vital role in national development. They are linked to international, national and regional economies and are important nodes for achieving national development goals. The possibility for migrating from secondary city status to metro status is high on the agendas. However, with the possible exception of Emfuleni the development trajectories of the case study cities do not suggest that they should become metros—rather the reverse. Most are resource dependent centres at the mercy of boom-bust cycles and resource availability and most suffer from weak local government administration. Population and economic growth projections for these cities generally do not suggest rapid increases. Depending as they do on single economic sectors, their lack of economic diversity makes them unsuited to becoming metros.

8.9 Conclusion Overall, we make three related points in this chapter. First, at a global-level secondary cities are becoming more important as the world economy becomes increasingly connected. The international literature indicates that many secondary cities have

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indeed been increasingly linked to the global economy over the past two to three decades. Secondary cities in South Africa are no exception in this regard. This global connectedness is important, not only for the country’s economy, but also in terms of providing local jobs. It is however this global connectedness that renders South African secondary cities vulnerable. These cities seldom have either the appropriate institutional capacity or the planning systems to deal with vulnerability. Institutional support in terms of municipal finance and long-term planning (beyond the five-year cycle) could go a long way towards addressing the concerns associated with being linked to the global economy. Second, secondary cities play important roles in terms of the development of their rural hinterlands and of rural development. These cities provide commercial spaces and services (schools, and health and financial services) to substantial portions of the national population. This dual role assigned to secondary cities can assist in reducing the vulnerability associated with globalisation. Third, secondary cities are useful in terms of distributing the urban population and urban development more equally. Although secondary-city strategies that were specifically planned to fulfil this purpose have seldom succeeded, these cities certainly play a natural role in distributing the South African population across the surface of the country. In conclusion, South African policy makers have embarked on the development of a secondary-city strategy, one that acknowledges the importance of secondary cities for national development. The strategy should however also address some of the vulnerability issues outlined in this chapter. A strategy of this kind should moreover assist these secondary cities to play a more substantial role in the development of their hinterlands (often in terms of rural development).

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Chapter 9

Vulnerability and Adaptation to Climate Change in Urban South Africa Dianne Long and Gina Ziervogel

9.1 Introduction Climate change is a global concern that stems from high concentrations of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions being released into the atmosphere which have consequently changed the composition of the atmosphere and subsequently the regulation of heat energy (Karl, 2003). As a result, climates across the globe are changing and now require human response to reduce our vulnerability to these changes. The concept of vulnerability in the climate change literature is identified as the degree to which humans are exposed to changes in the climate, their degree of sensitivity to these changes, and their capacity to cope with and respond to these changes (Garschagen & Romero-Lankao, 2015). Reducing our vulnerability to climate change is linked to both mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation refers to efforts made to reduce greenhouse gases being emitted into the atmosphere. Efforts to achieve this include, for example, the taxation of high polluting industries and products in order to make pollution too expensive forcing companies to reform (Wirsenius, Hedenus, & Mohlin, 2011). It is clear that although mitigation is imperative, it is insufficient to reduce the impact of climate change. For this reason, adaptation is borne of necessity (Füssel, 2007). Adaptation refers to efforts made to manage or reduce the impacts of climate change and also harness the possibility of exploiting changes for the benefit of society (Victorian Centre for Climate Change Adaptation Research, 2014). Adaptation implementation involves enacting the strategies outlined in planning for adaptation (Taylor, 2016). D. Long (B) Wits School of Education, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] G. Ziervogel Department of Environmental and Geographical Science, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_9

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The impacts of climate change on cities varies globally and ranges from sea level rise, heat waves, flooding and drought among others (Mann et al., 2017; Nicholls & Cazenave, 2010). South Africa, a developing country, is not exempt from these impacts (Kirby, 2014). The impact of changes in the climate vary across the country and range from increased rainfall and extreme rainfall events resulting in flooding in some urban centres to drought in others (Academy of Science South Africa, 2017; City of Johannesburg, 2009; ICLEI Local Governments for sustainability, 2012a; Roberts & O’Donoghue, 2013). Sea level rise is also a growing concern for coastal towns and cities in the country (Cartwright et al., 2013; Roberts, 2008). Therefore, understanding local vulnerabilities, and planning for and implementing urban adaptation as a means to offset some of the impacts of climate change is essential. Responding to climate change in urban centres is imperative as it is these locations where people tend to concentrate leading to vulnerable infrastructure and economic activity (Dlani, Ijeoma, & Zhou, 2015; Walsh et al., 2013). In the case of South Africa, this is exacerbated by the fact that urban centres are experiencing in-migration and population growth; a shortage of financial resources to provide adequate services and infrastructure for its growing populations; poor governance; and sustained and growing inequality that stems from the apartheid legacy (Failing, 2012; Roberts & O’Donoghue, 2013; Taylor, 2016; Walsh et al., 2013). Therefore, reducing vulnerability through adaptation, while still making room for poverty alleviation and job creation is essential (Füssel, 2007; Mukheibir & Ziervogel, 2007; Roberts et al., 2012). In the context of cities, understanding the nature of vulnerability before deciding how to adapt is important, yet the range of information to draw on is often limited depending on the existence of vulnerability assessments. The concept of vulnerability initially emerged from the natural hazards literature and tended to focus on the biophyiscal aspects and the regional scale (Eakin & Luers, 2006). The geographer Gilbert White wrote a chapter titled, Natural Hazards Research (1973), which was developed further by Burton, White and Kates (1978) in a book, Environment as Hazard. Assessment methods were focused on quantitative aspects. Eakin and Luers (2006) argue that two other disciplines have been important in developing the concept of vulnerability further. The political ecology approach responded to the natural hazards approach by emphasising the importance of understanding the social and political aspects more. The questions asked in this approach focused on how people and places are affected differently, with a focus on the household and community level, often prioritising qualitative assessment methods (Eakin & Luers, 2006). Resilience scholars have also engaged with understanding vulnerability, particularly given their interest in adaptive capacity. Their work has looked at the social and ecological system, often at landscape scale, asking how systems change and adapt (Eakin & Luers, 2006). Given this history, there is a rich body of work that has sought to understand and assess vulnerability, but this has also lead to multiple understandings of what vulnerability means, making comparison difficult. In the third and fourth IPCC reports, the definition of vulnerability included exposure to a threat or hazard, how sensitive the system is to that stress and its ability to adapt or recover. Specifically they defined vulnerability as “the degree to which a system is susceptible to, and unable to cope with, adverse effects of climate change,

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including climate variability and extremes” (McCarthy et al., 2001). In the fifth IPCC assessment report, a risk-based approach was taken and the definition changed to exclude exposure and rather see it as external to vulnerability (IPCC, 2014). Although risk is a framing that is widely used in many sectors, the concept of vulnerability brings attention to the social and cultural components of sensitivity to climate stressors as well as the politics and governance that determine the impact that climate events have. The vulnerability framing also focuses on adaptive capacity, which explores responses to reducing vulnerability, which is not a focus in the risk framing. However, the increasing use of climate risk does help to gain attention and get new players on board for adaptation. These different framings can make it challenging to integrate different approaches to adaptation. The range in climate changes across South Africa, and the resultant impacts, such as the contextually specific nature of urban flooding and drought, makes planning a uniformed national response to climate change rather hard. As such the South African government has recognised that climate change needs to be considered at all levels of government, namely national, provincial and local government (Department of Environmental Affairs, 2013). The national policy response to climate change has come in the form of South Africa’s National Climate Change Response Policy, approved in 2011 and formally published as South Africa’s National Climate Change Response White Paper released in 2012, which calls for climate resilient development (Department of Environmental Affairs, 2011, 2013). The role of provincial government, outlined at national policy level, is to develop climate change adaptation strategies that are be used to inform and support local governments. Preparing for climate change adaptation on a local level is identified as crucial for effective adaptation as climate changes will not be uniform at a national or even provincial level (Carmin, Anguelovski, & Roberts, 2012; GIZ, 2016). In the National Climate Change Response White Paper, local government is charged with capacitating resilience through the effective planning of human settlements; urban development; infrastructure and service provision; managing water and electricity usage as well as disaster management, among others (Department of Environmental Affairs, 2013). Local government is expected to plan for climate change by incorporating such concerns into Integrated Development Plans (Department of Environmental Affairs, 2013). Outside of the formal governmental sphere, the role of non-governmental organisations and civil society is also very important when thinking about adapting to climate change (Taylor, 2016). It is essential in light of the current and projected urban impacts of climate change that appropriate urban adaptation measures be implemented. This chapter provides an overview of the progress made to date as it relates to vulnerability assessments, adaptation planning and implementation in South Africa’s urban centres. Although attention needs to be paid to smaller towns, the bulk of both research and adaptation implementation has occurred in South Africa’s larger cities, which are focused on in this chapter.

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9.2 Vulnerability Assessments in Urban South Africa Vulnerability assessments are seen as an important precursor to adaptation responses (Preston, Yuen, & Westaway, 2011). If there is a thorough assessment of who and what is vulnerable to specific climate shocks and stressors, the adaptation responses can then focus on reducing specific vulnerabilities and identify locations to be targeted (Cavan & Kingston, 2012). Although, in theory, this makes sense, much adaptation happens without first assessing vulnerabilities. There is momentum in a certain sector or area or a sense of the vulnerabilities, and so adaptation proceeds without a formal vulnerability assessment. In cities, vulnerability assessments can focus on the city scale or on the sub-city scale in order to prioritise adaptation responses. Undertaking a thorough vulnerability assessment at the city scale requires a large team with diverse expertise that would look at different sectors, their exposure to climate hazards, how sensitive these sectors currently are and the extent to which they have capacity to respond (Cavan & Kingston, 2012). Because of the complexity of undertaking these assessments, they have only recently emerged at the city scale, as seen in an indicator-based vulnerability assessment conducted by Tapia et al. (2017) titled: Profiling urban vulnerabilities to climate change: An indicator-based vulnerability assessment for European cities, in which 571 European cities were assessed (Tapia et al., 2017). In African cities, these city-wide assessments have not been prioritised. Equally, there is no solid body of work capturing urban vulnerability at the community or sub-city scale (Simon & Leck, 2015). Rather, within cities, elements of vulnerability assessments have been undertaken (Simon & Leck, 2015). Some are sector specific, where there is significant work done in a certain sector on understanding the vulnerability to climate hazards. For example, flood risk has been explored in the context of certain informal settlements in Cape Town (Musungu, Motala, & Smit, 2012), as well as local flood risk in Lagos, Nigeria, and understanding local experiences and perspectives on flooding in Warri, Nigeria (Adelekan, 2010; Odemerho, 2015). Despite the recognition that interdisciplinary work is needed, there are still limited examples in African cities where social vulnerability is investigated alongside biophysical vulnerability. In part this may be due to limited capacity to identify and undertake this work and in part the resources required to address interdisciplinary work like this may be missing. The 3rd National Communication for South Africa under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, released in 2017, has a chapter on vulnerability and adaptation of key socio-economic sectors (Department of Environmental Affairs, 2017). A subsection of this chapter focuses on “Urban and rural settlements”. Although this section has little on specific vulnerability assessments, it provides an overview of some of the issues related to urban vulnerability and climate change. Focusing on human settlements, it mentions the various risks to climate variability and change on infrastructure, water and services. It also highlights the importance of understanding the impact of climate on informal settlements where there is already poor service delivery and people living on marginal land. This results

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in high vulnerability to climate hazards. More broadly the section talks about how climate can impact across different sectors in human settlements, including on health, food security, economy and water supply. In relation to the economy, it looks at how weather events can damage infrastructure and assets, and impact on health which can, in turn, increase insurance costs. The Long-Term Adaptation Scenarios (LTAS) Research Program held in June 2013 produced a number of fact sheets (Department of Environmental Affairs, 2014). One of them focused on human settlements and suggested that the following climate change impacts on urban settlements would be of concern: • Direct impacts of weather on construction, electricity generation and other industries, resulting in loss of productivity. • Increased risk of lack in water delivery as a result of increased demand because of higher temperatures and drying conditions. • Increased population size in urban and peri-urban areas, leading to increased pressure on service delivery and competition for resources, as a result of migration from rural areas affected by climate change. • Increased disruptions to transport infrastructure (roads, rails, bridges, airports, tunnels) as a result of extreme weather events. • Increased threat to human health through, for example, increased spread of malaria. • Increased risk of extreme weather events likely to impact informal settlements that are already vulnerable because of limited planning and without extensive services or infrastructure. The South African National Climate Change Response White Paper (Department of Environmental Affairs, 2013) had a focus on urban areas, where it made a number of suggestions around reducing vulnerability. These included: • • • •

Promoting the building of climate resilient infrastructure. Improving climate resilience of low-cost housing. Encouraging water-sensitive urban design (WSUD). Using down-scaled climate projections to provide effective information and assessment tools for land-use planning and urban design.

At the provincial level, in 2005 the Western Cape did a provincial vulnerability assessment (Midgley et al., 2005). Although it is also a broad look at vulnerability across the province, it does reflect on the importance of understanding urban vulnerability. Subsequently, National Government has worked with Provincial government to undertake vulnerability assessments across the country. At the city level, examples of vulnerability assessments can be seen in the City of Joburg Climate Change Adaptation Plan, released in 2009, that looks at sectoral vulnerabilities. Building on these, it uses a risk lens to present specific climate shocks and stressors of concern in the city and then look at how these impacts on certain sectors. For example, the risk due to a change in precipitation is thought to be a big concern for urban flood risk, with a number of areas thought to be a priority for adaptation response. Specifically there was a concern around how flood hazards would damage water supply and sanitation infrastructure as well as cause damage to

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property, personal injury, and loss of livelihood alongside adding to increased traffic congestion and road accidents as examples. In terms of assessing the vulnerabilities, there was an overview of how climate impacts might increase vulnerability to biodiversity or health. But again, little spatial mapping or understanding of the differential vulnerability across the city. This seems to be a similar trend in other South African cities. Although there is a dearth of detailed vulnerability assessments, it does not mean that vulnerability is not considered. However, it does mean that many assumptions might have been made as to the nature of urban vulnerability. More fine-grained understanding of vulnerability across the social and biophysical spectrum could help develop more targeted adaptation strategies. In countries like South Africa, with high levels of inequality, vulnerability assessments are needed that start to capture differential exposure and sensitivity to climate shocks and stressors, in order to build specific capacity in highly vulnerable areas, whether at a sector, spatial or livelihood scale.

9.3 Adaptation Planning in Urban South Africa Urban climate adaptation can be defined as a process that involves deliberate actions being taken to ‘avoid, manage or reduce’ the consequences of climate change, whilst at the same time seeking to grasp opportunities that may arise from these changes (Füssel, 2007; Victorian Centre for Climate Change Adaptation Research, 2014). However, this process is not well defined as adaptive actions that need to be taken differ across regions, countries and even cities, therefore a global or even national unified adaptive response to climate change is inappropriate (Füssel, 2007). While climate change studies have tended to focus on the physical, chemical or biological effects of climate change in isolation, Kelly and Adger (2000) argue that what adaptation studies really need is a full assessment of the impacts of climate change for mankind which will facilitate recovery strategies in the short-term and adaptation in the long-term. Adaptation planning therefore involves in-depth studies of the human nature nexus and the means by which to avoid or reduce the negative consequences of climate change while at the same time exploiting opportunities. There is however some concern that focusing on adaptation limits the focus on mitigation, however, the ideal would be to look at strategies that promote mitigation and adaptation at the same time (Füssel, 2007). An example of such a strategy is urban reforestation which provides a sink to mitigate carbon emissions while at the same time shades and cools the area allowing inhabitants to better cope and adapt to extreme heating events (Füssel, 2007). Planning for adaptation involves understanding the workings of the urban area, the changes in climate and the impacts of these changes (Taylor, 2016). Three of South Africa’s major urban centres have taken planning for climate change adaptation to heart. In the City of Durban, planning for climate change came about in the form of the eThekwini local municipality initiating the Municipality Climate Protection

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Programme in 2000, where the impetus was placed on adaptation rather than mitigation (Roberts, 2008). For the City of Cape Town, urban climate change adaptation planning began in 2006 with the development of a framework for adaptation planning. This framework began with assessing climate trends and future predictions, and formulating a strategy to respond to it. The strategy proposed various adaptation responses and culminated in the implementation of chosen strategies, such as the improvement of construction and building regulations to ensure that health impacts associated with climate change are reduced, this and other strategies are to be monitored and evaluated (Mukheibir & Ziervogel, 2007; Taylor, 2016). The City of Johannesburg developed a Climate Change Adaptation Plan which was released in 2009 (City of Johannesburg, 2009). A key area of concern highlighted in this Plan was the fact that the systems identified as vulnerable to climate change are already severely stressed, such as the storm water drainage systems being inefficient leading to flooding. This makes immediate and effective planning all the more pressing (ICLEI Local Governments for sustainability, 2012a). Planning for adaptation in each of these major urban areas focuses on a sectoral approach, where sectors such as housing, water, coastal zones, and health are assessed and the potential impacts on each of these sectors is subsequently planned for (Carmin et al., 2012; City of Johannesburg, 2009; Taylor, 2016). Where sectors are linked, such as health and housing, planning for adaptation has meant that each of these governmental sectors are to work in unison to adequately plan for adaptation (City of Johannesburg, 2009). As experienced in other urban areas worldwide, government departments working across sectors of governance is much needed, but can be a significant barrier to urban adaptation when it does not happen (Cavan & Kingston, 2012; Measham et al., 2011; Ziervogel & Parnell, 2014). In adaptation planning, urban centres have identified the necessity of adaptation planning within a development framework. Durban, has taken to promoting development that will lead to climate adaptation while at the same time improving infrastructure and service delivery backlogs (Cartwright et al., 2013). An example of such is to promote housing developments that integrate grey water usage to offset potential water shortages (eThekwini Municipality, 2011). The City of Johannesburg stresses the necessity of poverty alleviation when planning for adaptation (City of Johannesburg, 2009). FAC4T, commissioned by the City of Cape Town municipality, in order to streamline planning and implementation has, instead of introducing novel adaptation interventions, identified activities that the city is currently engaged in that can be used as the basis from which to expand the city’s adaptation efforts (Mukheibir & Ziervogel, 2007). The City of Durban, Cape Town, and Johannesburg all identify the important role communities, community organisations, civil society and non-governmental organisations can play in capacitating planning and implementing adaptation strategies. In principle, these cities seek to promote and support these organisations (Archer et al., 2014; Carmin et al., 2012; Cartwright et al., 2013; City of Johannesburg, 2009; ICLEI Local Governments for sustainability, 2012a, b), yet in practice the evidence of this is limited (Douwes, 2018). The most pressing concern for adaptation planning in South African urban centres is arguably the tension that exists between what are seen to be the competing

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priorities of immediate development needs and environmental agendas (Pasquini & Cowling, 2015; Pasquini, Cowling, Ziervogel, 2013; Pasquini, Ziervogel, Cowling, & Shearing, 2015; Roberts, 2010; Ziervogel & Parnell, 2014). In urban centres in South Africa, where high unemployment and the desire to curb inequality necessitates the need for economic growth and job creation, environmental conservation and costly adaptation planning can be seen as a competing imperative (Academy of Science South Africa, 2017; Cartwright et al., 2013; ICLEI Local Governments for sustainability, 2012a; Taylor, Cartwright, & Sutherland, 2014). However, in practice the development agenda is often impeded by climate change, such as the impact of sea level rise on tourism in Durban and flooding impacts in informal settlements. In instances where adaptation planning is understood as a necessity for sustained development, development and adaptation have gone hand in hand (Roberts, 2008). Despite South Africa having the most advanced climate change research agenda on the African continent, transferring this research into actionable governance faces a number of challenges (Ziervogel et al., 2014). One such concern relates to a lack of capacity within government compounded by a shortage of skilled municipal staff with a level of understanding of the science of climate change (Roberts, 2010; Roberts & O’Donoghue, 2013). Additionally, local communities have little to no understanding of climate change and are therefore reluctant to implement what may be deemed unnecessary changes (Madzwamuse, 2010; Walsh et al., 2013). Compounding these concerns is the fact that various governmental sectors have been unable to work together effectively to plan for climate adaptation (Archer et al., 2014; Taylor et al., 2014). This means that inadequate community assessments are being completed which subsequently results in insufficient vulnerability assessments and adaptation planning by local municipalities across all sectors (Roberts, 2010). For effective adaptation planning and implementation to occur concerns such as these need to be dealt with at all levels of government.

9.4 Adaptation Implementation in Urban South Africa Even though adaptation is a new concept setting the agenda for policy planning, it is the actual implementation of adaptation measures that determine the success of the process in its entirety (ICLEI Local Governments for sustainability, 2012a). Adaptation implementation involves enacting the strategies outlined in planning for adaptation that will adjust the choices and actions of those within the urban setting (Taylor, 2016). South Africa has been rather active in planning for urban climate change adaptation, and many projects have been laid out in planning documents that are to be implemented by local municipalities (City of Johannesburg, 2009; Eden District Municipality, 2016; Revi et al., 2014). An example of adaptation strategies in the Western Cape include regular maintenance and upgrading of the storm water drainage systems as well as updating the flood line within urban centres (Pasquini et al., 2015).

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Implementation of some of these planned adaptation strategies, by local governments, have begun to take place in South Africa’s urban environments and in many instances incorporate community involvement. For example numerous community tree planting programmes have been established to ensure reforestation of urban areas occurs by planting indigenous water-wise trees as an adaptation measure to cool buildings and reduce the impact of urban heating (Archer et al., 2014; City of Johannesburg, 2009; Roberts, 2010). In Cape Town, local government has bridged the development adaptation divide and seen to it that community houses in Mamre are retrofitted with ceilings to help insulate community members houses helping them to adjust to temperature changes in the area while at the same time conserving energy needed for development (ICLEI Local Governments for sustainability, 2012a). In the Western Cape many of the local municipalities in the Eden District have identified various strategies for implementation that can address urban climate adaptation (Eden District Municipality, 2016). Some of these include the education of the local community, building fire breaks, and upgrading storm water infrastructure across various local municipalities in the area (Eden District Municipality, 2016). In Durban, planned adaptation implementation has seen the creation of the CommunityEcosystem Based Adaptation Program and the Luganday School Water Harvesting and Micro Agricultural Water Management Technology program to name a few (ICLEI Local Governments for sustainability, 2012b). However, implementation of all identified projects has been slow to be realised. While many of these projects are underway there are a number of projects that have been identified as essential for urban adaptation that are yet to be realised such as the Eden District Municipality updating its health infrastructure to respond to climate related diseases (Eden District Municipality, 2016). Implementation actions for urban adaptation in South Africa have not solely been borne by government alone. There are many instances where local community groups, non-governmental organisations and civil society have gotten involved in implementing various projects. Such initiatives are Food and Trees for Africa, and Greenpop, two organisations focusing on the greening of urban spaces, a strategy identified as crucial in cooling urban spaces prone to extreme heating events (Food & Trees for Africa, 2014; Greenpop, 2018). Furthermore, local non-governmental organisations have taken an active role in helping to educate local communities about climate change; this invariably will make it easier to implement adaptation strategies within these communities of understanding (Earthlife Africa, 2016). The value of these non-governmental organisations and their work with communities cannot be underestimated in South African urban adaptation. While South Africa has been active in the planning and implementation of climate change adaptation strategies there are a number of factors that limit the degree of implementation. Limited human and financial capital mean that implementing adaptation strategies can be difficult to achieve (Roberts, 2010). In addition to this, unrealistic time frames have been highlighted as a reason why local governments have yet to implement their adaptation strategies (Eden District Municipality, 2016). In Durban, simply getting implementation off the ground was fraught with institutional roadblocks, distrust amongst local stakeholders, along with limited motivation

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and a lack of leadership which have stymied the implementation of urban adaptation measures (Archer et al., 2014). In the Eastern Cape, urban adaptation implementation is said to be limited by local skill levels and a lack of community buy-in which are both essential for the implementation and success of urban adaptation strategies (Roberts, 2010). The City of Cape Town has long tried to relocate households from informal settlements that flood frequently, however the success of this has been limited as relocation is difficult (Ziervogel & Smit, 2009). The current disaster relief responses would be more suited to deal with climate impacts if there was a longerterm and more holistic perspective taken, which is often hard to do given the current constraints of the local government system. These cases illustrate that for urban adaptation to be successfully implemented a range of concerns need to be addressed at both the community and government level. The roles being taken up by non-governmental and civil society organisations in implementing programs that will aid in adaptation cannot be overlooked in the South African urban context.

9.5 Where to from Here? Gaps in Knowledge and Recommendations To date we have seen that vulnerability assessments of South African urban centres are sparse and lack integrated social and biophysical assessments. The assessments that have been undertaken are often done by consultants or internally to local government and so are not widely available. Despite limited vulnerability assessments, adaptation planning and implementation have gone ahead. The South African government has developed a National policy aimed at directing the country’s response to climate impacts and in some cases, this has filtered down to the city level. However, these policies lack a detailed level of guidance for local municipalities on how to adapt effectively across the country and therefore, much of the gains made at a local level are in spite of this (du Plessis & Kotzé, 2014). While efforts at adaptation planning and implementation are being made at all levels of government, there is a need to strengthen these efforts and ensure better coordination across spheres. Understanding urban vulnerability better would support this as adaptation strategies and the subsequent implementation of these strategies will be better suited to target those sectors or people who might be most vulnerable. From the inception of vulnerability assessments to the implementation of adaptation strategies, if South Africa is to move forward to effective climate adaptation, we need a common understanding that climate change adaptation can be used to address the often favoured developmental priorities, and that the two need not be seen to be in opposition with one another (Roberts, 2010). Sustainable development seeks to promote development that is ecologically, socially and economically beneficial (Broman & Robèrt, 2017; Missimer, Robèrt, & Broman, 2017). Development that is not adapted to withstand climate impacts cannot be beneficial either socially,

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economically or ecologically. Therefore, for future developments to be considered sustainable, vulnerability assessments and adaptation efforts need to be promoted. The benefit of doing this will be development that promotes a reduction in risk, which in the long term is far more beneficial to society and the economy and therefore far more sustainable in the long-term. Durban, one of South Africa’s key cities in terms local development, housing the country’s largest port, has seen the benefit of being an early adaptor city to climate change, where adaptation is cheaper than disaster response, and as such has implemented various adaptation projects (Roberts, 2010). The benefits of early adaptation should be further studied so as to understand and stress the importance of both vulnerability and adaptation planning and implementation for local governments, community based organisations and non-governmental organisations. Given that the scientific community agrees that climate impacts are likely to increase in severity and frequency, the impacts of climate change on development in South Africa will increase accordingly (ICLEI Local Governments for sustainability, 2012a). Strengthening the understanding of what adaptation is needed, how it might be better planned, financed and implemented in South African urban centres should therefore be a priority. Prioritising this is not an easy endeavour. Given the number of vulnerability assessments that need to be conducted in the country, we do need to consider the impact of funding as a limitation (Roberts, 2010; Mather & Stretch, 2012). Researchers and municipal workers therefore have to complete studies and make decisions that are constrained by their budgets (Mather & Stretch, 2012). However, some South African cities have shown that political buy-in and strong leadership can help to access funding both locally and from international funders (Leck & Roberts, 2015). This supports one of the arguments for increasing political buy in. South Africa, a country prone to variable impacts as a result of global climate change has on a governmental level seen fit to push for adaptation planning and implementation, albeit oftentimes without first assessing the vulnerabilities of the environment and communities living within these environments. In spite of political barriers to adaptation experienced in the country, the South African government and non-governmental organisations have implemented various strategies that will enable urban adaptation to present and future climate changes. While political support and cooperation for the full process of vulnerability assessments to adaptation implementation may be lacking, this will likely change as it seems that political support for adaptation implementation is increasing, as the risk of disasters increase (Roberts, 2010). This was the case in Durban, where a flooding disaster mobilised politicians to reconsider the importance of climate change adaptation (Roberts, 2010). Alongside the growth of vulnerability assessments and adaptation planning and implementation, it is important that we widen the input from participants in assessments, planning and implementation (Ziervogel 2019). A lack of information is arguably a barrier to informed decision-making and can lead to poor vulnerability assessments and adaptation planning and implementation (Mather & Stretch, 2012). Government is not the sole custodian of knowledge and to exclude the expertise of academic researchers, business leaders, or the active citizen, to name a few, will lead

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to decisions being made from a partial and narrow judgement of the situation (Scott & Taylor, 2019). Service providers to government such as town planners, engineers and environmental consultants, who are very much active in practical environmental and developmental decision making, have a wealth of knowledge and expertise that can feed into vulnerability assessments and adaptation planning (Leck and Roberts, 2015). Additionally, in promoting urban adaptation the potential of incorporating private sector actors such as financial institutions and property developers, who are crucial agents of land use change and development, needs to be harnessed (Taylor, Harman, Heyenga, & McAllister, 2012). While the actions of these actors can be regulated to promote adaptation in urban areas, having their buy-in could possibly accelerate adaptation measures in developing urban areas. To exclude such individuals will mean that we exclude many vital participants in climate change adaptation (Carpenter, 2001). In conclusion, it is clear that although significant progress has been made in understanding vulnerability to climate change and planning and implementing adaptation, there is still a long way to go.

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Chapter 10

Crime and Spatiality in South African Cities Gregory D. Breetzke

10.1 Introduction The socio-political history of South Africa makes the country unique from a spatial, and more importantly, urban context. The primary reason for this being the fragmentation of space and the segregation of state-defined population groups into certain spaces under apartheid. Apartheid’s urban spatiality resulted in former ‘whites-only’ urban spaces being favoured in terms of the distribution of social and economic resources. Former ‘non-white’ spaces on the other hand became increasingly marginalised with residents being socially and economically disempowered. More than twenty years into democracy and the South African city is changing. Racial desegregation has resulted in almost every suburb in urban South Africa experiencing rapid change or anticipating it (Mabin, 2005). As a result the South African city is fast losing its original modernist-apartheid features whilst becoming globally and regionally connected and displaying more and more social diversity reminiscent of the post-modern, post-industrial city. Paradoxically however, researchers also note how there is a risk in South Africa for a ‘new apartheid’ to develop where residents increasingly migrate to fortified enclaves (gated communities) throughout cities in the country increasing the polarization of existing social groups (Hentschel, 2015; Lemanski, 2004). This process of ‘resegregation’ (see Donaldson & Kotze, 2006) has racial overtones as neighbourhoods that have previously gone through a cycle of becoming more racially mixed are becoming completely Black African largely due to White flight. These changing social geographies of urban South Africa provide a unique ecological platform to examine possibly the greatest threat facing this fledgling democracy, namely crime. Crime is spatial in nature. Every incident of crime occurs somewhere and as a result it can be mapped with an x and a y co-ordinate. While these co-ordinates G. D. Breetzke (B) Department of Geography, Geoinformatics and Meteorology, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_10

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on their own explain little, it is the spatial patterning of thousands upon thousands of these crime co-ordinates that is key to understanding and explaining criminal behaviour and its development and proliferation in South African cities. Indeed, it is by examining crime in its spatial context that one can truly begin to examine causality and inform criminological theory and primary crime prevention efforts. Over the past two decades geographical information systems (GIS) has become the key tool in the spatial analysis and visualisation of crime. The availability of detailed socio-economic and demographic datasets combined with crime data and improved computerised information technologies permit a large number of quantitative techniques to be used to assess potential cause and effect relationships, particularly in the spatial analysis of crime in cities. The value of GIS in illuminating crime lies not only in crime analysis but in its ability to interact with crime data. A GIS can pull together large quantities of information contained in crime dockets, reports, and captured crime locations and extract data through time, date, modus operandi, crime type queries and queries that are geographically based. Moreover, GIS can be used for operational and tactical purposes by identifying and mapping crime series; as well as in strategic decision-making by supporting decisions on locating police precincts, targeting crime in risky neighbourhoods, and developing problem-orientated policing projects (Chainey & Ratcliffe, 2005). The boom in the use of geospatial technologies to map and analyse crime data has also increased and revived interest in the role that geography as a discipline plays in predicting and preventing crime. Typical ecological or ‘geospatial’ studies of crime are studies in which the units of analysis are spatially defined population aggregates such as wards or neighbourhoods. In social geography, the term ecological has two meanings; on the one hand it refers to the analysis of data relating to aggregates rather than individuals and second, it refers to the investigation of the relationship between people and their urban environment (Evans, 1980). The ecological school stresses the relationship that exists between the environment and crime. Subsequently the causes of crime are to be found in the way space or the geographical areas in which people live and interact (i.e., neighbourhoods), socially create conditions that favour criminal behaviour. In this chapter I examine the important role that geography plays in understanding crime in South Africa. A brief historical overview of the ‘geography of crime’ is outlined before a summarised review of past and present spatial studies of crime in the country are highlighted. The benefits of adopting a geographic approach to primary crime prevention efforts conclude.

10.2 The ‘Geography of Crime’: A Brief History The notion that geography has a role to play in understanding urban crime is not new. Indeed, the spatial-ecological perspectives of crime are noted by Lowman (1986) who provided a detailed 150-year-old history of these perspectives, culminating with the emergence of environmental criminology in the 1980s. It is, however, the initial work

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of social ecologists Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay at the Chicago School of Urban Sociology in the 1920s and 30s that showed how circumstances like deprivation and mobility in neighbourhoods gave rise to crime rather than the neighbourhood’s ethnic make-up, which was the prevailing understanding at the time. In their now seminal work, Shaw and McKay (1942) painstakingly hand mapped the residential locations of thousands of juvenile delinquents in Chicago, Philadelphia and other cities in the United States, and noted how areas with high levels of residential turnover, deprivation and ethnic heterogeneity within cities yielded the highest delinquency rates regardless of the ethnic composition of the people residing there. They suggested that there was a withdrawal in community social control activities in areas with mobile, deprived and diverse populations and this increased the risk of criminality of young people. In short, the same structural processes explained crime and delinquency regardless of the geographic locale under investigation. The work of these structural theorists culminated in the development of their landmark ‘social disorganisation theory’ (Shaw & McKay, 1942), which has provided the empirical basis for contemporary research focusing on placed-based effects on crime rather than person-based effects. The changing nature of cities coupled with the lack of a data set covering an entire city and over multiple years that could test the central tenets of the social disorganisation theory led to the theory largely falling out of favour in criminological research (Bursik, 1988). It was revived in the 1980s with the emergence of a new criminological school of thought, namely environmental criminology. This approach attempted to explain the behaviour of criminals by examining how the geographical areas (or neighbourhoods) in which people lived and interacted created conditions that favoured opportunities for crime and in doing so ‘formalised’ the important role of geography in the criminological literature. Importantly, the region or area under investigation is not simply a spatial location but is a setting in space and time at which three dimensions of crime intersect (the law, the offenders, and the target) and a criminal event occurs. A number of theoretical perspectives are housed within the school of environmental criminology including the routine activities theory (Cohen & Felson, 1979), crime pattern theory (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1981), and rational choice theory (Cornish & Clarke, 1986). According to routine activities theory crime is more likely to occur when there is a convergence in space and time of three essential elements: a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the absence of a capable guardian. Crime pattern theory explores the distribution and interaction of targets, offenders, and opportunities across time and space (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1981) and motivates that offences are most likely to occur where opportunity spaces—places perceived by the offender to contain attractive targets—intersect with awareness spaces—places about which an offender has specific environmental knowledge, for example the surroundings of his or her home. The rational choice approach advances a perspective of crime that considers the situational context in which criminal events transpire (Cornish & Clarke, 1986). This perspective posits that offenders interpret and weigh up the costs and benefits associated with their offending decisions. Whilst distinctively different the overall premise of these ‘spatial theories of crime’ is essentially the same in that they examine how

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the convergence in space and time of a number of factors is more likely to result in the occurrence of a crime. A number of these, and other, theoretical contributions (mostly North American and Western European) have been made to assist in the prescribing of policies that work to reduce crime. While such ‘Western’ theories are potentially limited in their generalisability to other political, social and cultural settings, they do provide a sound empirical base from which to understand South African crime, its causation, spatial distributions and to inform local crime reduction and prevention initiatives. Importantly, most of these theoretical contributions identify neighbourhood-level risk factors for crime and outline place-specific intervention initiatives that could be employed to reduce levels of crime. Crime reduction in this instance refers to diminishing the volume and consequences of crime; whilst crime prevention is concerned with reducing the risk of occurrence and potential seriousness of criminal events by intervening in their causes (Ekblom, 2000). Logically, crime prevention should reduce crime as the reduction of risk of future, potential crime should lead to a reduction in the observable numbers of actual events. The criminological tradition in South Africa has been largely influenced by the theoretical developments in the US and Europe (Willis, Evans, & LaGrange, 1999). Whilst US and Eurocentric criminological theories and practices are axiomatically valuable and have an important role to play in understanding crime phenomena in South Africa, it is equally important to gain local ‘spatial’ insight into crime phenomena in the country and base primary crime prevention efforts on knowledge obtained from local research. In this way the contextual factors and characteristics that are peculiar to South African society, however diverse and eclectic, are taken into consideration. As Agozino (2017, p. 14) succinctly states: “Criminologists should ask less what their discipline could do for Africans and seek more what Africans could teach criminologists.” In South Africa however spatial studies of crime are in their infancy. That is, studies in which crime is physically located, mapped, and analysed. As a result, local researchers are continuously confined to the social conditions—and spatial interpretations—pertinent to ‘Western’ theoretical frameworks when conducting local crime analyses and interpreting criminological findings. This drawback has particular relevance to Black Africans, whose philosophy of crime and justice differs considerably from US and European frameworks (Ovens, 2003). Encouragingly however, over the past decade or so an increasing amount of spatially-based crime research has been forthcoming. A summary of some of the seminal studies in this area is provided in the following section.

10.3 Crime in Urban South Africa Any synopsis of spatial crime research in South Africa is challenging. The reasons for that are manifold and include the fact that crime as a social construct has a complicated history in a South African context. Indeed, under apartheid there is a blurred distinction between political violence and criminal or opportunistic violence.

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Political and criminal violence were two sides of the same coin with the state itself often being a significant source of criminal activity. While this is less of an issue in the post-apartheid era, political violence is still relatively widespread and has been linked to the militarisation of certain provinces during the apartheid period (Bruce, 2013). Second is the under-reporting of crime in the country particularly by the black African, Coloured and Indian populations due largely to mistrust in the South African Police Services (SAPS) (see O’Regan, Pikoli, Bawa, Sidaki, & Dissel, 2014). Under apartheid the former South African Police “protected whites and oppressed blacks” (Adepoju, 2003, p. 17) and the deep animosity between the black population and the police undoubtedly still affects current crime reporting and recording. These issues notwithstanding the results of the studies outlined below still provide vital insight into the nature and spatial distribution of crime and delinquency in cities in the country. This section is divided into two parts. The first sub-section examines the spatial distribution of crime in South Africa while the second sub-section identifies spatial risk factors for crime in cities in the country. The latter is based on an overview of local spatially-based crime research that has been undertaken in the country. Collectively this work highlights the important role that geography plays in creating favourable opportunities for crime in South Africa. It is important to note that this work is not exhaustive but rather represents the seminal pieces of work that have been undertaken in the country since democracy focusing specifically on the spatial dimension of crime.

10.3.1 The Spatial Distribution of Crime The most spatially replete dataset available which provides a description of the spatial distribution of crime in South Africa is disseminated annually by the SAPS. In their annual release the SAPS provides counts of crime occurring throughout the over one thousand police precincts in the country. A number of organisations use these SAPS statistics to create interactive online platforms to view both the latest and historical crime data, the most notable being the Institute for Security Studies’ Crime and Justice Hub (see https://issafrica.org/crimehub). Likewise, numerous researchers have mapped this data at various levels of aggregation ranging from the provincial (Blackmore, 2003; de Kock, 2000) to the police precinct level (Eloff & Prinsloo, 2009; Lancaster & Kamman, 2016) in order to gain a visual perspective of the distribution of crime in the country. The results of these analyses allows researchers to infer, albeit crudely, which areas within the country are at a higher risk for criminal victimisation than others. Despite the general perception in South Africa that crime is ubiquitous (see Gwala, 2007; Olivier, 2014) this is not the case. Indeed, a historical review of crime statistics since democratisation illustrates the escalation of crime in police precincts located primarily in the townships of South Africa (see Breetzke, 2012).

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The latest crime statistics for 2016/17 indicate that the majority of crimes occur in police precincts located in townships near South Africa’s six major metropolitan areas (SAPS, 2017). There is also increasing evidence that crime spatially clusters at the municipal level as well. An examination of the spatial distribution of crime in the city of Tshwane shows that crime does not occur uniformly throughout the city. Tables 10.1, 10.2, and 10.3 outline the percentage of neighbourhoods within Tshwane that account for 50 and 100% of crime from 2002 to 2007. In Tshwane, 26 neighbourhoods (or 7.4% of neighbourhoods) produced 50% of violent crime; Table 10.1 Concentration of violent crime in Tshwane Percentage of neighbourhoods accounting for 50% of violent crime

Percentage of neighbourhoods accounting for 100% of violent crime

All violent crime

7.37 (n = 26)

98.86 (n = 349)

Public violence

5.95 (n = 21)

28.90 (n = 102)

Kidnapping

6.23 (n = 22)

52.41 (n = 185)

Arson

6.80 (n = 24)

74.79 (n = 264)

Common assault

7.08 (n = 25)

98.58 (n = 348)

Assault GBH

7.08 (n = 25)

98.30 (n = 347)

Murder

7.37 (n = 26)

81.59 (n = 288)

Attempted murder

7.65 (n = 27)

90.93(n = 321)

Abduction

7.93 (n = 28)

66.29 (n = 234)

Child abuse

8.50 (n = 30)

54.96 (n = 194)

Culpable homicide

12.18 (n = 43)

80.74 (n = 285)

Table 10.2 Concentration of property crime in Tshwane Percentage of neighbourhoods accounting for 50% of property crime

Percentage of neighbourhoods accounting for 100% of property crime

All property crime

9.07 (n = 32)

98.86 (n = 349)

Shoplifting

2.27 (n = 8)

70.54 (n = 249)

Fraud

3.12 (n = 11)

91.50 (n = 323)

Common robbery

4.53 (n = 16)

95.75 (n = 338)

Cash in transit heists

4.82 (n = 17)

21.25 (n = 75)

Burglary excluding houses

6.80 (n = 24)

93.20 (n = 329)

Theft

7.37 (n = 26)

98.30 (n = 347)

Business robbery

8.22 (n = 29)

72.52 (n = 256)

Theft of car or motorcycle

8.78 (n = 31)

95.75 (n = 338)

House robbery

11.23 (n = 40)

87.82 (n = 310)

Household burglary

12.18 (n = 43)

98.30 (n = 347)

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Table 10.3 Concentration of sexual crime in Tshwane Percentage of neighbourhoods accounting for 50% of sexual crime

Percentage of neighbourhoods accounting for 100% of sexual crime

All sexual crime

7.93 (n = 28)

95.18 (n = 336)

Attempted rape

6.23 (n = 22)

67.99 (n = 240)

Rape

7.37 (n = 26)

93.48 (n = 330)

Indecent assault

8.50 (n = 30)

78.47 (n = 277)

32 neighbourhoods produced 50% of property crime (9.1% of neighbourhoods); and 28 neighbourhoods produced 50% of sexual crime (7.9% of neighbourhoods). Property crime is the most dispersed crime type followed by sexual crime then violent crime. These results indicate the spatially skewed distribution of crime in the city and reinforce the spatially skewed distributions of crime commonly experienced in countries outside the United States including Bangladesh (Dewan, Haider, & Amin, 2013); Ghana (Appiahene-Gyamfi, 2002); Israel (Weisburd & Amram, 2014); and China (Liu, Song, & Xiu, 2016). More recent research has shown how the spatial clustering of crime in South Africa applies not only to the city as a whole but also to neighbourhoods stratified by race. In an examination of crime in Tshwane Breetzke (2018) found that not only is crime spatially concentrated in Black African and ‘Mixed’ neighbourhoods but that crime is spatially skewed within these communities. That is, within White, Black and ‘Mixed’ neighbourhoods’ crime is not uniformly distributed but clusters accordingly. His findings posed serious questions regarding the notion that racial and ethnic inequalities in crime can be attributed solely to disempowerment, inequality, and marginalisation. Other work in Khayelitsha, a township located just outside Cape Town, has also shown how crime not only spatially concentrates but does so with remarkably consistency (see Breetzke & Edelstein, 2019). Examining crime data in Khayelitsha from 2007 to 2015 Breetzke and Edelstein demonstrated that not only does crime spatially cluster in the township but that these clusters are stable over time. Despite some minor fluctuations crime was consistently found to be concentrated in a few number of small areas throughout the eight year study period. This research provided the first empirical evidence for the spatial clustering and stability of crime in a South African context. More work by Snyders and Landman (2018) also found localised spatial clustering of crime in two neighbourhoods in Tshwane but interestingly found a disconnect between crime and residents’ fear of crime. That is, the use and avoidance of places in these neighbourhood did not always relate to the local crime hot-spots. Of course, it should be noted that the majority of studies referred to above are reliant on police-recorded crime data as the sole indicator of crime in their analyses. This is particularly problematic in South Africa in which crime is notoriously underreported (see Breetzke, 2006; Overall, Singh, & Gcina, 2008). This phenomenon is most often exacerbated in township settings in which confidence and trust in the SAPS is sorely lacking (O’Regan et al., 2014). Related to the issue of under-reporting is the

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spatial accuracy of crime incident locations that are recorded. Edelstein (2018) highlights the inaccuracies that are often present when the SAPS capture crime incident locations, particularly in informal areas. This is less of an issue however in studies where crime data is aggregated to a particular spatial unit such as a neighbourhood or municipality. While unfortunate, the underreporting and accurate spatial recording of crime is simply a reality in South Africa with little possibility of recourse. The crime data obtained from the SAPS is however official and the most spatially replete data available in the country by which to conduct analysis and draw inferences.

10.3.2 The Spatial Determinants of Crime Knowing where crime is spatially concentrated at various levels of aggregation is important. But understanding why crime is concentrated in these locations is vital for crime prevention and reduction efforts. Over the past twenty years a number of empirical investigations have been forthcoming attempting to explain the spatial distribution of criminal offences in South Africa using a variety of geospatial and statistical methods. Table 10.4 provides an overview of a select number of these local studies.1 Included in the table is the source of the work; the spatial resolution at which the study was undertaken; the location of the study as well as the contents and main findings. Collectively these studies provide vital insight into the role of geography in understanding criminal activity in the country. According to the literature presented in Table 10.4 (in order of decreasing spatial resolution) a number of factors characterise high crime areas in South Africa. At the broadest provincial level of spatial aggregation Brown (2001) found socio-economic variables such as income, a young population, and low education levels to be more significant determinants of crime than deterrence variables such as conviction, and average length of prison sentence. Also at the provincial level Blackmore (2003) found significant positive effects for the low income per capita, high ratio of woman to men, high degree of urbanisation, high unemployment, and youth variables with high crime levels. Only one third of all crimes, in his study, were found to be sensitive to changes in the quantity of expenditure on total protection services, while education and change in gross domestic product variables yielded non-significant results. At the finer police precinct level Lancaster and Kamman (2016) found that police stations in more urban areas, with more informal housing, more people renting property, a higher percentage of orphans, and that are relatively poor compared to the rest of Gauteng, had a higher murder rate while at the finest sub-place level of aggregation Breetzke (2010a, b) found crime to be positively associated with socioeconomic deprivation, residential mobility and greater familial instability respectively. A number of other 1 It is important to note that there are a number of studies not included in Table 10.4 which have used

GIS to better understand and/or investigate crime activity in South Africa but do not specifically identify spatially-based risk factors for crime and delinquency. These include Cooper, Byleveld, and Schmitz (2001), Schmitz and Stylianides (2002), Schmitz, Cooper, and Quick (2002), and Weir-Smith (2004) among many others.

Spatial resolution

Provincial

– Province – Police station boundary – Municipal

Province area Police station boundary

Magisterial

Police station boundary

Source

Blackmore (2003)

CJCP (2008)c

De Kock (2000)

Brown (2001)

Gilfillan (1999)

Nationwide

Nationwide

Nationwide

Nationwide

Nationwide

Location

Analysed relationship between socio-economic variables from 1996 Census with crime statistics from 1998

Analysed relationship between law enforcement, economic and socio-economic variables from 1994 OHS and 1995 IESe with crime statistics from 1994

Analysed relationship between various socio-economic variables and serious violent crime statistics from 1999

Analysed relationship between measures of inequality and deprivation from the CJCP Youth Study and 2003 NVSd with 2007 crime statistics

Analysed relationship between economic, social and demographic variables from the budget review, 1991 and 1996 Census’, OHSa ’ and LFSb ’ with crime statistics from 1994 to 2001

Contents

Table 10.4 Selected spatial studies of crime in South Africa (in order of coarsest to finest level of aggregation)

(continued)

Found a positive spatial relationship between the prevalence of poverty, low social status, and deficient social structures, and crime

Found that socio-economic variables (income, young population, low education levels) were more significant determinants of crime in South Africa than deterrence variables (conviction, and average length of prison sentence)

Areas experiencing a high and rapid rate of urbanisation, with concomitant social problems such as urban unemployment, informal settlements, high levels of relative deprivation were observed to be associated with crime

Found positive relationship between increased levels of inequality and deprivation and crime

Found significant positive effects for the low income per capita, high ratio of woman to men, high degree of urbanisation, high unemployment, and youth variables with high crime levels

Main findings

10 Crime and Spatiality in South African Cities 163

Spatial resolution

Police station boundary

Police station boundary

Police station boundary

Police station boundary

Source

Schwabe and Schurink (2000)

Hiropolous and Porter (2014)

Eloff and Prinsloo (2009)

Lancaster and Kamman (2016)

Table 10.4 (continued)

Gauteng

Tshwane

Gauteng

Nationwide

Location

Contents

Analysed relationship between socio-demographic variables from 2011 Census and murder for 2014/2015

Analysed relationship between land-use class and crime statistics from 2002 to 2004

Analysed relationship between crime generators and crime attractors informed by crime pattern theory with thefts out of motor vehicles from 2003 to 2013

Analysed socio-demographic variables from 1991 and 1996 Census’ with crime statistics from 1997 to 1999

(continued)

Found that police stations in more urban areas, with more informal housing, more people renting property, a higher percentage of orphans, and that are relatively poor compared to the rest of Gauteng, tend to have a higher murder rate

Found strong association between high density residential land-use classes (typical of informal settlements) and most types of serious violent crime

Thefts out of motor vehicles were found to be concentrated in specific police stations in Gauteng; specifically in police stations within the central business districts of Gauteng, near major roads and shopping malls

Found violent crime to predominate in police stations consisting of people with no housing, and where residents speak predominantly Black African languages, whilst economic crime was dominant in urban areas where there were a high number of Whites

Main findings

164 G. D. Breetzke

Police station boundary

Police station boundary

Sub-place (neighbourhood)

Sub-place (neighbourhood)

Point

Demombynes and Özler (2005)

Haefele (2011)

Breetzke (2010a)

Breetzke (2010b)

Lochner and Zietsman (1998)

Paarl

Tshwane

Tshwane

Cape Town

Nationwide

Location

b Labour

Household Survey Force Survey c Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention (www.cjcp.org.za) d National Victimisation Study e Income and Expenditure Survey

a October

Spatial resolution

Source

Table 10.4 (continued) Contents

Analysed relationship between various morphological characteristics of Paarl with geocoded crime data from 1992 to 1993

Analysed relationship between various socio-structural variables extracted from Census 2001 with violent crime data (2001–2003)

Analysed relationship between various measures of social disorganisation extracted from the 2001 Census and violent crime data (2002–2006)

Analysed relationship between variables informed by the social disorganisation theory with crime statistics from 2009/10

Analysed relationship between economic, and social and demographic variables from the 1996 Census, along with OHS and IES data with crime statistics from 1996

Found crime to be more prominent in the central businessdistrict of Paarl and in business land use classes

Found that neighbourhoods with greater familial instability tend to have greater violent crime rates. Other statistically significant effects were found for young male population, and African immigration

Found crime to be positively associated with socioeconomic deprivation, and residential mobility

Found that low economic status, a mixture of different ethnic groups, disrupted families and broken homes were associated with drug-related crimes

Found local inequality related to higher crime levels. Found little evidence that inequality between racial groups fosters interpersonal conflict at the local level, racial heterogeneity itself is highly correlated with crime

Main findings

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studies have also been undertaken testing some of the well-known ‘Western’ theories of crime in a South African context, with varying levels of success. For example, Breetzke (2010b) found little support for the aforementioned social disorganisation theory when used to explain the spatial causes of crime in Tshwane. He identified a need to supplement neighbourhood-level risk factors for offending with local knowledge when theorising crime and offending in a South African context. Moreover, he attributed the inability of the social disorganisation constructs to account for the spatial distribution of offenders in South Africa to the differing historical contexts and definitions of certain variables applied locally. More recently, Lancaster and Kamman (2016) found that only a quarter of homicides throughout the country could be explained by variables informed by the social disorganisation theory. The applicability of other ‘Western’ spatial theories of crime such as the routine activities theory and rational choice theory in a South African context have been less forthcoming however there is an increasing effort to ‘Africanise’ existing international crime theory (see Agozino, 2003, 2017) and incorporate uniquely local concepts, tenets and principles into their make-up. One finding common throughout these studies listed in Table 10.4 is the spatial association apparent between concentrated disadvantage and crime in the country. Concentrated disadvantage is a term that is synonymous with the social disorganisation theory and generally refers the spatial concentration of poverty and associated social conditions. These have been linked to numerous social and psychological outcomes, including violent crime, and neighbourhood disorder (Parker, Stults, & Rice, 2005; Ross, 2000). The apparent linkage between concentrated disadvantage and crime has led previous researchers to align the current spatial causes of crime in South African cities to apartheid’s urban spatiality (see Breetzke, 2012). That is, the causes of crime are most often spatially concentrated in regions of the city artificially contrived by the former apartheid government. Under apartheid, Black African families were forcibly removed from former Whites-only neighbourhoods and relocated into predominantly outlying rural areas distant and distinct from the White urban core. The result was the creation of so-called ‘townships’. It is the historical neglect of these township communities in terms of the provision of public services, resources and infrastructure which researchers have argued has given rise to an increase in spatial risk factors for crime converging and concentrating in these areas (see Breetzke, 2012). In this context, socio-economic impoverishment, and concentrated disadvantage has colluded to create ecologically isolated and stereotyped communities. While crime does occur in other more developed regions of cities throughout the country, it does disproportionately occur in townships. More than twenty years into democracy and townships are still plagued by concentrated disadvantage. In the township of Khayelitsha for example, almost 40% of residents are unemployed while just under three-quarters of residents survive on less than R3,200 per month (Statistics South Africa, 2011). More than half of all dwellings are informal shacks with almost 40% of residents having no access to piped water and 25% of residents having no access to a flushed toilet (Statistics South Africa, 2011). Unsurprisingly, the Khayelitsha police precinct is among the most violent of all 1138 police precincts in South Africa (SAPS, 2017).

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In truth, there is a complex dichotomous relationship between crime and the urban environment in South Africa. While the South African city is desegregating and losing its original modernist-apartheid features the social geographies for crime and offenders in particular have remained largely unchanged. The pre-1994 urban structure has been largely retained in cities throughout the country despite developmental policies being put in place to rid the country of the socio-spatial distortions of the apartheid-era. A history of social inequalities and segregation has ensured that the spatial distribution of much of the country’s crime and offenders remain distributed along social, economic and racial lines, with persisting geographic parallels to these distributions. However, it is important to note that the distribution of crime and offenders cannot be explained solely in terms of the apartheid meta-narrative. Individual and local circumstances of inhabitants also play a facilitating role in offending together with macro-level forces. But what are the policy implications for such an argument? And, more importantly, is there a solution?

10.4 Theoretical and Practical Implications From a theoretical perspective there are a number of implications. First, the empirical evidence presented in this chapter suggests that socio-economic factors such as poverty, deprivation, residential mobility and family disruption are the main spatial drivers of crime in the country. This largely supports the various spatial theories of crime highlighted earlier. The fact that the results of South African spatial crime research are largely supported by international crime theory is important as it allows relevant role-players that deal with crime prevention in the country to prescribe policies to reduce crime using a theoretical framework with relevance to South Africa. Importantly, a number of crime prevention strategies employed commonly worldwide are based on existing crime theory (Akers, 1973; Sampson & Wilson, 1995; Shaw & McKay, 1942); South Africa could potentially follow suit. Second, the identification of spatial risk factors for crime in South Africa gives the country and its researchers some measure of credibility internationally. The vast majority of existing research in the geography of crime has been carried out in the United States, with some studies conducted in Europe and Asia; studies in other parts of the globe are extremely rare. Incorporating South African content allows for a greater understanding of the generalisability of international spatial crime theories to less developed areas and to areas with markedly different cultural perspectives and ethnocentricities. Finally, it is noticeable that in none of these before-mentioned studies were protective factors for crime explicitly investigated. However it is reasonable to derive protective factors for crime based on the outcome of this work. For example, the finding that an increased number of broken families in neighbourhoods are positively associated with an increase in crime suggests that having both a mother and father in the home can act as a protective factor for crime, all things considered. From a practical perspective the identification of spatial risk factors for crime in South Africa can assist in the prescribing of prevention policies that work to reduce

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this scourge afflicting the country. Reactively, the focus of current crime prevention policy should be on detecting and managing risk. This includes the identification of so-called ‘high-risk’ neighbourhoods; that is, neighbourhoods which contain the most crime; as well as neighbourhoods from which the most offenders emanate. Operationally, the SAPS should implement an aggressive, direct and sustained policing intervention in these neighbourhoods through the use of route and foot patrols; roadblocks, and cordon-and-search and stop-and-search operations. Importantly, these interventions do not necessarily have to take place in neighbourhoods which exhibit the ‘most crime’ or where the ‘most offenders live’ but where the risk of crime occurring or offenders residing is high. Such an intervention would ideally allow the majority of existing law-abiding residents of these communities greater safety; whilst potentially leading to the arrest of perpetrators of crime. Other less punitive approaches to deterring criminal behaviour could also be implemented in ‘high-risk’ neighbourhoods such as crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED). The latter refers to the notion that physical space can be designed to maximise the crime prevention potential of an area. It then involves the development of physical designs that reduce the opportunity for crime to occur. Various CPTED initiatives have been undertaken in a South African context with reasonable success (see Coetzer, 2009; Landman & Kruger, 2009). One notable example is the Violence Prevention through Urban Upgrading (VPUU) programme which is an area-based community development that aims to improve the quality of life for residents in townships using a comprehensive range of urban improvements and social interventions. A recent VPUU development to upgrade the infrastructure in Khayelitsha was found to be a success in uplifting the community (see Turner, 2013), but questions remain about its ability to actually reduce crime in these communities. From a proactive and primary crime prevention perspective, policy makers, intervention developers, funders, researchers and other interested role-players can direct much needed early intervention programmes to neighbourhoods of greatest concern. Again, these interventions would be geographically-targeted; that is, the names and locations of these neighbourhoods would be known and intervention initiatives located there; and secondly, the contents, aims and objectives of these programme would seek to address the neighbourhood-level risk factors for crime specifically identified in these neighbourhoods. For example, as previously mentioned, research has shown how crime is prevalent in areas characterised by a disrupted family. Therefore programmes should be implemented in these specific neighbourhoods aimed at providing support to parents and couples with young children. School based programmes could also be implemented at schools located in these neighbourhoods to engage with learners who may come from broken homes. Emerging research in South Africa suggests that this task would not be too onerous since the location of both violent crime and offenders in cities in South Africa are significantly spatially skewed meaning primary interventions would only need to occur in a relatively low number of neighbourhoods to have a potentially exponential effect. It was demonstrated earlier how most crime in Tshwane (across a range of categories) occur in a low percentage of neighbourhoods in the city (see Tables 10.1, 10.2, and 10.3). This implies that prevention initiatives could be manageably and suitably implemented in

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a relatively low number of neighbourhoods with the greatest effect. In this sense, the strong spatially skewed pattern of crime in cities such as Tshwane could be used as an advantage in the fight against crime in the city. Crime is a daily reality for many South Africans but contrary to popular opinion crime is not insidious and everywhere. Empirical evidence shows that crime is spatially concentrated in a relatively few neighbourhoods across cities in South Africa. As such, reactive and proactive crime prevention efforts should focus on these locations (which are largely known) and focus on addressing spatial risk factors for crime (which are also largely known) in order to for crime, of all types, to be measurably reduced.

10.5 Conclusion With reference to the incidence and nature of crime in South Africa Altbeker (2007) refers to post-apartheid South Africa as a country at war with itself. Comparisons of pre- and post-apartheid crime statistics (incomplete and unreliable as they may be) suggest no significant decline in current crime levels from the highs experienced during the interregnum of 1990–1994. Currently, crime levels remain alarmingly high more than two decades into democracy despite the adoption of a number of crime reduction initiatives since democratisation. For all the ambition of past crime prevention policies they have all largely failed to reduce levels of crime in the country. Explanations for the failure of past crime prevention policies to reduce crime in post-apartheid South African are myriad and include a lack of dedicated government funding (Rauch, 2002), political pandering (Altbeker, 2007), lack of effective coordination and management at both the national and local level (Newham, 2005) as well as a lack of awareness of the importance of geography in tackling crime operationally, tactically and strategically (Breetzke, 2012). The time is right to reexamine current crime prevention policy and consider geography as a discipline that can make a worthwhile contribution to future policy directives. Increasing empirical evidence in the country suggests that crime and geography are inextricably linked which belie attempts to approach crime separately from its geographic context. While it may be dangerous to conflate primary crime prevention with geography, the failure to understand crime and its causes in geographic terms in the country will result in all future policy and prevention discussions taking place in an analytical and empirical vacuum. Past research has identified pivotal and amenable spatial risk factors which increase the risk of crime in communities. Addressing these factors is important and could potentially lower the risk of crime. This is not to say that other cultural, historical, economic, and possibly legal drivers of crime should be ignored but rather this knowledge should be supplemented with a broader understanding of ‘placespecific’ crime risk factors. A principled and holistic crime prevention approach is required that is cognisant of the geography in which crime is occurring throughout the

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country. Whether the development and implementation of such an approach would have any measurable effect on the magnitude and extent of crime in South Africa is uncertain, but if all other attempts have failed, what do we have to lose.

References Adepoju, A. (2003). Continuing and changing configurations of migration to and from the Republic of South Africa. International Migration, 41, 3–28. Agozino, B. (2003). Counter-colonial criminology: A critique of imperialist reason. London, UK: Pluto. Agozino, B. (2017). Editorial: Critical perspectives on deviance and social control in rural Africa. African Journal of Criminology and Justice Studies, 10(1), 1–21. Akers, R. L. (1973). Deviant behavior: A social learning approach. Belmont, UK: Wadsworth. Altbeker, A. (2007). A country at war with itself: South Africa’s crisis of crime. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball. Appiahene-Gyamfi, J. (2002). An analyses of the broad crime trends and patterns in Ghana. Journal of Criminal Justice, 30(3), 229–243. Blackmore, F. L. E. (2003). A panel data analysis of crime in South Africa. South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences, 6(3), 439–458. Brantingham, P. J., & Brantingham, P. L. (1981). Environmental criminology. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Breetzke, G. D. (2006). Geographical Information Systems (GIS) and policing in South Africa: A review. Policing: An International Journal of Policing Strategies and Management, 29(4), 723–740. Breetzke, G. D. (2010a). A socio-structural analysis of crime in the city of Tshwane, South Africa. South African Journal of Science, 106(11), 1–7. Breetzke, G. D. (2010b). Modeling violent crime rates: A test of social disorganization in the city of Tshwane, South Africa. Journal of Criminal Justice, 38(2010), 446–452. Breetzke, G. D. (2012). Understanding the nature of crime in post-apartheid South Africa. Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation, and Culture, 18(3), 1–17. Breetzke, G. D. (2018). The concentration of urban crime in space by race: Evidence from South Africa. Urban Geography, 39(8), 1195–1220. Breetzke, G. D., & Edelstein, I. S. (2019). The spatial concentration of crime in a South African township. Security Journal, 32(1), 63–78. Brown, K. V. (2001). The determinants of crime in South Africa. The South Africa Journal of Economics, 69(2), 269–299. Bruce, D. (2013). A provincial concern? Political killings in South Africa. South African Crime Quarterly, 45, 13–24. Bursik, R. J. (1988). Social disorganization and theories of crime and delinquency: Problems and prospects. Criminology, 26(4), 519–551. Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention (CJCP). (2008). Crime mapping and victimisation tool. Retrieved from http://196.15.148.231:8081/ka-map/. Chainey, S., & Ratcliffe, J. (2005). GIS and crime mapping. UK: Wiley. Coetzer, C. (2009). Crime prevention in neighbourhoods (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Pretoria: University of South Africa. Cohen, L. E., & Felson, M. (1979). Social change and crime rate trends: A routine activity approach. American Sociological Review, 44, 588–608. Cooper, A. K., Byleveld, P., & Schmitz, P. M. U. (2001). Using GIS to reconcile crime scenes with those indicated by serial criminals. Paper presented at the 5th Annual Crime Mapping Research Conference, Dallas, TX.

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O’Regan, C., Pikoli, V., Bawa, N., Sidaki, T., & Dissel, A. (2014). Towards a safer Khayelitsha: The report of the commission of inquiry into allegations of police inefficiency and a breakdown in relations between SAPS and the community in Khayelitsha. Retrieved from http://www. khayelitshacommission.org.za/. Olivier, B. (2014). Crime: There is something rotten in the state of South Africa. Retrieved from http://thoughtleader.co.za/bertolivier/2014/10/27/crime-there-is-something-rotten-in-thestate-of-south-africa/. Ovens, M. (2003). A criminological approach to crime in South Africa. Acta Criminologica, 16(3), 67–80. Overall, C., Singh, S., & Gcina, B. (2008, May/June). Crime mapping and analysis: Filling the gaps. PositionIT, 37–40. Parker, K., Stults, B., & Rice, S. (2005). Racial threat, concentrated disadvantage and social control: Considering the macro level sources of variation in arrests. Criminology, 43(4), 1111–1134. Rauch, J. (2002). Changing step: Crime prevention policy in South Africa. In E. Pelser (Ed.), Crime prevention partnerships: Lessons from practice (pp. 10–26). Institute for Security Studies: Pretoria. Ross, C. E. (2000). Neighborhood disadvantage and adult depression. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 41(2), 177–187. Sampson, R. J., & Wilson, W. J. (1995). Toward a theory of race, crime, and urban inequality. In J. Hagan & R. Peterson (Eds.), Crime and inequality (pp. 37–56). Stanford: Stanford University Press. Schmitz, P. M. U., & Stylianides, T. (2002). Mapping crime levels and court efficiency per magisterial district in South Africa. Paper presented at the 6th Annual International Crime Mapping Research Conference, Denver, Colorado. Schwabe, C. A., & Schurink, W. J. (2000). A Classification of Police Stations in South Africa: Towards a Better Understanding of Crime. Unpublished research report for the South African Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology (DACST), Pretoria. Shaw, C., & McKay, H. D. (1942). Juvenile delinquency and urban areas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Snyders, E., & Landman, K. (2018). Perceptions of crime hot spots and real locations of crime incidents in two South African neighbourhoods. Security Journal, 31(1), 265–282. South African Police Services. (2017). SA crime stats. Retrieved from https://www.saps.gov.za/ services/crimestats.php. Statistics South Africa. (2011). Main place. Retrieved from http://www.statssa.gov.za/?page_id= 4286&id=328. Turner, F. (2013). City says violence prevention efforts are working, but activists sceptical. Retrieved from https://www.groundup.org.za/article/city-says-violence-prevention-effortsworking-activists-sceptical/. Weir-Smith, G. (2004). Crime mobility: Spatial modelling of routine activities of arrestees and substance abusers in South Africa. GeoJournal, 59(3), 209–215. Weisburd, D., & Amram, S. (2014). The law of concentrations of crime at place: The case of Tel Aviv-Jaffa. Police Practice and Research, 15(2), 101–114. Willis, C. L., Evans, T. D., & LaGrange, R. L. (1999). “Down home” criminology: The place of indigenous.

Chapter 11

Leisure Tourism Space and Urban Change: Lessons from Cape Town and Stellenbosch to Contemplate in Urban South Africa Gustav Visser

11.1 Introduction Globally, more than half the world’s population live in urban areas and this figure is set to increase to well over 70% by 2050 (UNWTO, 2017). These urban places are not only home to potential tourists but are tourist destinations in themselves (Ashworth & Page, 2011). Tourism is one of the largest economic systems globally, employing millions (UNWTO, 2017), and the urban aspect thereof has become a central feature of the global tourism system (Chang & Huang, 2004). Urban inhabitants will increasingly share their cities and towns with tourists. This holds all manner of impacts, some very positive and others decidedly negative (Ashworth & Page, 2011). In terms of the development of scholarship, urban tourism has only relatively recently seen sustained academic and policy prominence (Law, 1992, 1993; Page & Hall, 2003). The reason why we need to understand tourism is because of the vast scale of contemporary tourism and the rate at which it has expanded. International arrivals alone reached 1.2 billion in 2015 (UNWTO, 2017). To place this figure in perspective: there were fewer than 25 million such trips worldwide at the end of the Second World War (UNWTO, 2017). It is the growth in urban tourism, however, that has been most striking in the past two decades, internationally (Ashworth & Page, 2011) and in South Africa too (Rogerson & Rogerson, 2017). Similarly, tourism, in its various forms ranging visiting friends and relatives (VFR) (arguably the most important tourism segment) (Rogerson, 2013, 2015a, b; Rogerson & Rogerson, 2014), business tourism (Rogerson, 2015b), its subcomponent, conference and exhibition tourism (Rogerson, 2005), shopping (Rogerson, 2011) to perhaps more peripheral tourism motivators such as “slum/township tourism” (Butler, 2010; Frenzel, 2014; 2018; Hoogendoorn G. Visser (B) Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_11

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& Giddy, 2017) and tourism in secondary cities (Rogerson, 2016) has become a key component of the South African economy and a reality for millions of the country’s citizens in both rural and urban settings (Nunkoo, 2015). Indeed, it has been noted that a diverse (Hoogendoorn & Rogerson, 2015) and changing “city tourism” has emerged (Rogerson & Rogerson, 2017). What might be distilled from this growing body of research is that in the wake of tourism and leisure expansion in South Africa, many urban places—ranging, cities, towns, and hamlets—have undergone sweeping changes in their physical structure, economies, as well as cultural and social meaning (Rogerson & Rogerson, 2019a, b; Rogerson & Visser 2007). A critically important point when thinking about tourism in urban areas is that whatever its motivation and its impacts, they are not uniform and register in different ways in different places.1 As consequence, this chapter does not reflect on all these variations across urban South Africa but is by necessity narrow in focus considering some impacts in the larger Cape Town area. In this regard the chapter provides a pointer to future research in other locations related to the issues raised in this investigation. Drawing on two case studies and distilling the findings of a number of smaller studies’ findings, it is argued that leisure tourism can fundamentally alter the development trajectory of urban spaces. It is moreover suggested that if not well managed, urban tourism can create outcomes that contradict or frustrate urban policy and development outcomes aimed at including diverse communities into broader economic and social urban systems. This chapter comprises four main sections of review and analysis. The context of leisure tourism development in South Africa urban places is first provided, after which some concrete examples are discussed in the following two sections. The final section places these observations on a broader investigatory canvas, arguing that weak management of leisure tourism (and tourism generally) can lead to highly divisive urban spaces and the exclusion of poor urban residents in particular.

11.2 Tourism, the City, and South African Urban Places It is difficult to think that as recently as the early 1980s, Vandermey (1984, p. 123) noted that “urban [leisure or otherwise] tourism has not received extensive recognition in tourism research, policy and planning, yet its current and potential market is great”. It is rather ironic that urban tourism has seen so little attention in mainstream urban studies as it has been part of civilisation for millennia through trade visits and various types of festivals (Law, 1992, 1993). However, since the 1990s, the relative neglect of leisure tourism in cities, towns, and villages, along with the phenomenon of a broader “urban tourism” (with its many variations), and the city 1 The

chapter communicates a particular point and does not address all tourism types, the focus being leisure tourism. Places in urban South Africa namely Johannesburg or other metropoles such as Durban, Pretoria or Port Elizabeth are not included for the sake of word economy and focus. It also does not address business and VFR tourists, who are arguably the most important, especially in Johannesburg, which receives larger numbers of domestic, international and regional African tourists that are the most important.

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as “entertainment machine” (Clarke, 2004) have been addressed in issues relating to tourism in cities in an expanding scholarship (Lew, Hall, & Williams, 2015; Müller, 2019). Taken together, the rate of growth in urban tourism research has been linked to “two real-world phenomena” namely: “escalating demand by tourists for urban historic sights and heritage cities, and concerted efforts by policy makers to focus on the role of tourism in revitalising urban areas and economies” (Chang & Huang, 2004, pp. 223–224). It is the latter desire to revitalise urban areas and stagnant economies that is particularly pertinent to the growth of leisure tourism (and other forms of tourism such as business tourism) in urban places. Since the 1980s, major changes of all types—ranging economies, politics, and the understanding of urban life—have been strongly felt in metropolitan regions in the developed North and more recently in the developing South (Gravari-Barbas & Guinand, 2017; Gotham, 2001). In large part, this was owing to structural shifts in the global economy, changing technology, and reconfigured local and national economies (McDonald, 2008). The advent of post-Fordist economies, for example, led to deindustrialisation and the rise of service-based, consumptive industries (Pratt, 2017). This is seen as a result of various permutations of ‘neo-liberal’ capital (re)accumulation (Harvey, 2005; Mosedale, 2002; Pratt, 2017; Smith, 1996). In terms of urban areas, the city was increasingly seen as an “entertainment machine” (Clarke, 2004), with recreation, leisure, and tourism drawing the creative classes to urban places and new economic opportunities and innovation (Florida, 2002; Pratt 2017). Despite the role of the recreation-leisuretourism-urban space nexus in economic (re)development in urban areas, it has remained on the sidelines of urban theory building in both the Northern and Southern theoretical frames. Echtner and Jamal (1997), Gill (2012) and Saarinen (2019) noted the difficultly with which tourism issues impact mainstream urban geography and planning discourses. This is in part because tourism geography investigations tend to be published in tourism studies journals. But there is also seemingly a longstanding disregard for tourism as a field of investigation in urban theory building and a lack of insight into the extent and depth of tourism’s role in shaping spaces and places (Gill, 2012, Saarinen, 2019 for extensive reviews on this point). For example, the role of leisure and tourism as a place and space maker in the urban South was never mentioned in the more than 50 chapters of The Routledge Handbook on Cities of the Global South (Parnell & Oldfield, 2014). A further recent example, taken from the South–South Africa specifically—of not taking tourism seriously, is Inclusive urban development in South Africa: What does it mean and how can it be measured? (Turok & Visagie, 2018), which also failed to make any reference to tourism. The deep irony here is that the authors of these texts live (as will be shown later) in a city in which tourism has radically reworked the urban morphology and many other dimensions in which they reside. Arguably, the most extensive recent text on leisure tourism and urban spatial restructuring (through gentrification, for example) is Gravari-Barbas and Guinand’s (2017) edited collection that highlights the critically important role of urban tourism in the (re)development of a range of Northern and Southern urban contexts.

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The tourism/leisure system has since the 1950s seen unprecedented growth in most countries on all continents (Law, 1992). This growth in both tourism products and consumers have, for the most part, taken place in urban areas. Tourism has been shaping urban places for many years although its relevance has only recently been acknowledged (Law, 1992, 1993). Similarly, tourism in South Africa has expanded with a key focus on its urban areas (Rogerson & Visser, 2007). The impact of tourism in South Africa has been highly uneven across the urban space economy (Rogerson & Rogerson, 2017; Visser, 2003a, 2016a). This investigation traces some of the development of tourism in urban places in South Africa with two case studies located in Cape Town and Stellenbosch respectively. It is demonstrated how urban tourism can create uneven and exclusionary spaces, and the challenges this presents are outlined. It has, however, immediately to be stressed that cities such as Durban and Johannesburg have also witnessed extensive tourism development in various forms that has equally impacted their morphologies in various ways (Rogerson, 2011). Also, small urban places in the form of dozens of coastal towns, for example, were extensively impacted by tourism development (Visser, 2003a). Here we can think of Cape Town’s Muizenburg, Kalk Bay, and St. James neighbourhoods/hamlets and a number of coastal towns along the East Coast that were popular winter destinations at the turn of the previous century (Visser, 2016a, b). Post-war, the country remained popular among visitors, although Ferrario (1977) noted that by the late 1960s, a saturation point had been reached. In addition, in post-independence Africa, the white colonial tourist market started to diminish and internal political instability and growing rejection of South Africa’s apartheid policies led to diminished tourism numbers (Rogerson, 2011). As a consequence, it has been argued that from the 1970s through to the late 1980s, the tourism sector was the economic sector “most affected by apartheid and subsequent international sanctions” (Visser & Rogerson, 2004, p. 201). Apartheid legislation also circumscribed the potential of domestic tourism as the majority of the population did not have spatial mobility or access to a range of leisure activities and spaces or accommodation, which were deemed the exclusive preserve of the white population (Rogerson & Visser, 2004, 2007). The restrictions that apartheid placed on the mobility of most South Africans significantly curtailed the ability of the national tourism system to develop to its full potential (Rogerson & Visser, 2004). As a result, the broader tourism system represented a fraction of the national economy and did not hold much government policy prominence in any planning frameworks. In retrospect, the first post-apartheid national government noted that tourism had largely been a missed opportunity (Cassim, 1993). This policy omission has, however, been addressed through a range of policy initiatives in the 1990s and early 2000s (Visser, 2016a). Post-apartheid international tourist arrivals currently stands at around 12 million annually, and tourism as an economic driver for development has received considerable policy prominence, now constituting a significant part of the South African economy (accounting for 9.5% of gross domestic product and 10% of all formal employment) (StatsSA, 2019). Correspondingly, there has been a groundswell of academic interest aimed at better understanding the national tourism system (Hoogendoorn & Rogerson, 2015; Visser, 2016a, for reviews).

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A recent review of tourism scholarship in South Africa showed that two types of research have been produced: those focused on particular tourism niches and the spatial location of these investigations (Visser, 2016a). The most important observation in this regard was that current research has seen a significant increase in investigations focusing on tourism in South Africa’s urban spaces. This can be attributed to the tourism system’s expansion of these places over the past two decades. One of the regions most impacted by tourism growth over this period of time has been the City of Cape Town and its surrounding hinterland.

11.3 Leisure Tourism, Cape Town and Urban Change In general, media discourses on tourism in the Western Cape and Cape Town in particular have presented the region as something of the ‘poster-boy’ of successful post-apartheid tourism (in all its dimension ranging VFR to business tourism) expansion (Pirie, 2007). A UNWTO (2017) report analysed the impact of travel and tourism on certain cities in Africa and the Middle East in recent years. It was shown that Cape Town’s tourism sector contributed 7.5% of the city’s gross domestic product (GDP) in 2016, supported by various leisure and tourism types. Yet, this was not the case until fairly recently, and in many ways it is difficult to think that this had not always been the case. The radical reworking of Central Cape Town is no more than two decades in the making and was largely owing to the leisure and tourism experience emanating from the V&A Waterfront and subsequent developments (Visser, 2016b). What is important to note, as highlighted in Ferreira and Visser (2007), is that a political decision was made in the late 1980s to harness leisure and tourism development in the form of the V&A Waterfront as a foil against growing economic decline in central Cape Town in the 1980s. Following its success, the Cape Town International Convention Centre emerged a decade later, resulting in a substantial tourism node on the edge of the CBD. In terms of Cape Town’s recent CBD redevelopment, the following might be highlighted to denote the rapidity of the recreation/leisure/tourism-led transformation of this city centre. As recently as 2004, Dewar (2004, p. 91) argued that “in many respects the Cape Town [CBD] experience mirrors those of central city areas in other major South African cities.” He was of the view that Central Cape Town would follow the general narrative of inner-city decline that had come to characterise the realities of all other major cities in South Africa by the 1990s (Visser, 2003b, c). Yet, the tempo and range of tourism-led redevelopment projects were surprising swift and expansive, as highlighted by Pirie’s (2007, p. 125) Reanimating a comatose goddess: reconfiguring central Cape Town. Subsequently, his ideas were taken forward by Visser and Kotze (2008) who recast these original observations as a classic case of Third Wave Gentrification—developer-led gentrification and latent government support. Central to the analysis was the role of tourism and leisure in the reworking of both the physical and symbolic meaning of Central Cape Town. This idea was expanded on by Bickford-Smith (2009, p. 1763) in his Creating a city of the tourist imagination: The Case of Cape Town, ‘The Fairest Cape of Them All’, a paper in

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which it was argued that “in so far as it thinks of itself at all, Cape Town thinks of itself as a tourist city”. These ideas were subsequently expanded into the notion of tourism-led tourism and a leisure-based redevelopment frontier in Central Cape Town (Visser, 2016a). What is important in Bickford-Smith’s (2009) observations is that the discourse, both public and academic, is a ‘self-awareness’ of the city as a tourism(tic) space and that it mediates the manner in which the city is managed and planned going forward. Visser’s (2016b) investigation, which largely collated recent empirical data on urban renewal in Cape Town, emphasised that tourism is critical in understanding the changing geographies of Central Cape Town way beyond its CBD. In addition, it suggested that these issues had relevance elsewhere in urban South Africa (Visser, 2019). The investigation tracked the progress of leisure and tourism development-led interventions as significant to the redevelopment of central Cape Town. It showed how leisure and tourism nodes evolved. Thereafter, it was argued that these nodes consolidated into leisure and tourism redevelopment frontiers, radically reworking adjacent neighbourhoods and leading to ever larger parts of Central Cape Town effectively becoming exclusionary of most of the city’s population on a range of cultural, economic, and social fronts. This process of recreation, leisure, and tourismled redevelopment frontiers were placed in a spatio-temporal context, depicted in Fig. 11.1. The impact of Cape Town’s radical and swift tourism-led reconfiguration has reverberated across the region, with the adjacent Stellenbosch Winelands and Stellenbosch itself arguably the most impacted. What is significant in this narrative, is that a tourism node in the form of the V&A Waterfront acted as a catalyst to a number of other recreation-, leisure-, and

Fig. 11.1 Tourism- and leisure-led redevelopment frontiers (Visser, 2016b, p. 397)

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tourism-related developments (Ferreira & Visser, 2007). For example, proximity to the Waterfront enabled the (re)development of neighbouring De Waterkant (Visser, 2003b, c) and then morphed into leisure and tourism nodes in close proximity (Visser, 2014). The V&A Waterfront also enabled the location choice of the Cape Town International Convention Centre that in turn resulted in the development of a hotel district on the fringe of the CBD and its expansion into the CBD proper. The potential this unlocked was reflected in the development of a number of restaurants and places of entertainment reaching into the CBD and towards other neighbourhoods stretching towards Table Mountain (Pirie, 2007). The key observation is that tourism nodes developed, started to grow towards one another, and transformed into corridors of tourism-related activities, thereby creating tourism-induced urban redeveloped(ment) surfaces. These impacts started to cascade into areas such as Woodstock, historically a poor working class neighbourhood (Carls, 2016). At issue is that the consolidation of tourism-related functions have had the outcome of property price escalation that in turn initiated the displacement of poor residents and businesses that are focused on these cohorts’ needs. These poor residents has in turn been resettled in places such as Blikkiesdorp some 30 km to the east of the CBD that in turn generated a new, isolated settlement on the periphery of the city (Carls, 2016). The point here is that the impact of tourism development is not only felt in the particular neighbourhood where it occurs but also in spaces elsewhere in the city region. The impact of the V&A Waterfront and the CTICC, for example, ripples to other places such as Stellenbosch. The key observation is that a tourism-related intervention has had a large impact on the morphology of Cape Town far beyond the location from where it started.

11.4 Stellenbosch and Its Leisure Tourism Transformation The theme of tourism leading to exclusionary and repurposed spaces has also been evident in Stellenbosch, a large town 50 km east of Cape Town CBD. Stellenbosch (population ~160,000 for the municipal area as a whole) and its surrounding Winelands are supplementary tourism products for tourists visiting Cape Town. It has historic and heritage value. Established in 1679, its initial purpose was defined by agriculture and administration that expanded in the 1850s to include education, then agribusinesses (early 1900s), and technology (1990s) and finance (2000s) (Donaldson, 2014). In terms of the larger economic structure of Stellenbosch, leisure tourism (and for that matter various other forms thereof) is a decidedly recent entrant to its economic landscape. Although the starting point of tourism could be dated to the early 1970s with the establishment of the Stellenbosch Wine Route comprising only three wine estates, it was only during the 1990s that it became a tourist destination for both domestic and international tourists (Ferreira & Müller, 2013). Using Jansen-Verbeke’s (1997) classification, the primary tourism attractions or products are the Winelands and cultural or historical heritage of both wine estates and central Stellenbosch itself (Donaldson, 2014; Ferreria, 2017). Secondary elements in this

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classification include the tourist accommodation sector and restaurants. One might argue that the region’s restaurants are increasingly becoming a primary tourism product as among the best South African culinary products are to be experienced in this region. In this analysis, the focus falls on these two secondary tourism product providers: guest houses and restaurants. It then proceeds to problematise these broad leisure and tourism products in the reworking of central Stellenbosch. First, attention turns to guest houses in the area, after which restaurants come into view. The first guest houses in the Stellenbosch region were established in the late 1980s (Visser & Van Huyssteen, 1997, 1999). By 1996, there were 29 guest houses in the region, and by 2017, no fewer than 235 (Visser & Eastes 2019) (Fig. 11.2). In terms of the number of rooms available, these have risen from around 350 (1996) to over 3 100 rooms (2017) (Eastes, 2017). Regarding the market segmentation of tourist accommodation, it is noticeable that guest houses are far more dominant than hotels in terms of room numbers and capacity. A key observation (and similar to that made of Cape Town) was the initial development of tourist product nodes, in this case the secondary tourist attractions—guest houses—in Stellenbosch. These nodes were later connected by guest house corridors as new guest houses were established in close proximity to other guest houses. The result was streets consisting of contiguous tourist accommodation. Most recently, these tourist accommodation corridors and nodes have consolidated into whole ‘surfaces’ or ‘sectors’ that have symbolically recast these areas. It has, in addition, removed residential housing stock from the market and placed property price pressure on the surrounding residential neighbourhoods, displacing by association family units that historically lived in the area. Another secondary tourism product provider in Jansen-Verbeke’s (1997) view relates to restaurants. Here the concern is not on the restaurant types, ownership structure, or supply-chains per se, but rather the location of these service providers (the focus here is on central Stellenbosch and excludes Franschhoek and the region as a whole). What is clear, is the dramatic rise in the number of restaurants and new forms of clustering that, for the most part, very closely correlate with those of the guest houses in the central parts of the historic and heritage rich parts of Stellenbosch (Table 11.1 and Fig. 11.3). Also noteworthy is the increasingly dense clustering of restaurants and the idea of particular tourism-related consolidated surfaces that have developed to the exclusion of anything else. Once property has been repurposed to be a restaurant, it is very difficult to use that space for anything else (Visser & Eastes, 2019). The issue at hand is the very significant growth of restaurant numbers and the dense clustering thereof, along with guest houses in the historic core areas and, increasingly so, wine estates, resulting in exclusive tourism spaces. The area excludes most other urban functions, is heavily patrolled in terms of security, and is highly ‘curated’ streetscapes with a very particular aesthetic (Figs. 11.4 and 11.5), some of it totally inauthentic.

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Fig. 11.2 Distribution of guest houses (1994 and 2017) (compiled by author)

Table 11.1 Stellenbosch restaurants by category and location (1988–2017) Restaurant type

Urban

Rural

1988

Urban

Rural

1995

Urban

Rural

2017

General

9

13

13

16

31

Specialised

3

3

7

7

24

8 6

Specialised ethnic

6

8

11

13

21

5

Fast food

5

7

11

11

33

0

Restaurant/pub

2

2

9

9

13

2

Food markets

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

1

3

Estate-based restaurants

n/a

8

n/a

7

n/a

53

Total by location

25

41

51

63

121

78

Total

66

114

199

Sources Adapted from Haasbroek (1988), Middleton (2017), and Rehder (1995)

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Fig. 11.3 Kernel density of restaurants in central Stellenbosch (Sources Compilation adapted from Haasbroek, 1988, Middleton, 2017, Rehder, 1995)

Fig. 11.4 Former electronics store and parking developed in the tourism accommodation and highend trail (Source Author)

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Fig. 11.5 A streetscape totally dominated by tourism functions (Source Author)

11.5 Issues Going Forward It could be argued that there is a lack of mainstream academic interest in South African inner-city renewal in urban and regional planning discourses. The reasons for this difference in academic coverage can only be speculated about, although part of explaining this oversight is the somewhat naïve and narrow idea is that urban recreation, leisure, and tourism are not key drivers in exclusionary urban morphological change in theoretical debates. In addition, inner-city renewal is not currently a major occurrence in metropolitan South Africa. This investigation aimed to provide some reasons for investigating the importance of the broader leisure and tourism economy as a construct in contemplating urban morphological change in Central Cape Town and neighbouring Stellenbosch and, by extension, for other urban areas in South Africa, perhaps in the future. I would even argue that these observations can be extended to many urban places of the global South in general. As seen in Cape Town, once the leisure-tourism-based redevelopment ‘genie’ has been released from the proverbial lantern, controlling it to follow particular trajectories that are, for example pro-poor or inclusive of various societal strata, is difficult, if not impossible. The initial recreation-leisure-tourism function of the V&A Waterfront did not displace any residents or businesses; however, the reverberation effects have been expansive and felt across the greater Cape Town region (cf. Ferreira & Visser, 2007). In this regard scaling leisure and tourism impacts up at a national tourism space economy level is important to consider. From a leisure and tourism perspective “what happens” in Cape Town and Stellenbosch does not stay there—to probably over reach the Los Vegas adage.

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The current direction of development seems to suggest increased exclusion and displacement of the former host communities or meaningful engagement by a broader base of urban residents. This was clearly registered in De Waterkant, the CBD, the Long/Loop/Bree Street precinct, and increasingly in Woodstock. There is gentrification pressure in the Bo-Kaap and the possibility of new-build gentrification in Culemborg and the Voortrekker corridor leading east towards Goodwood. It may also be that there is still some sort of South African exceptionalism at stake in thinking through urban processes. South African cities are to be seen as unique and critiques of this approach to these cities have been made. The lack of research interest in gentrification and leisure-based urban redevelopment of central urban areas that is linked to various forms of identity-based consumption and creative industries suggests that something like this cannot happen in South Africa, or is not that important, because our circumstances are “too unique” and are not like those seen elsewhere. Empirically and theoretically, this investigation suggests that locating the impact of leisure and tourism-led (re)development is tricky. Its impacts can manifest in places and spaces far removed from the actual or initial site of leisure and tourism development. It could be argued that this rings true for countless other spaces in the Western Cape and indeed South Africa, an observation put forward by Ferreira and Visser (2007) some time ago. This remark gestures to at least two levels of thinking. The first is assessing the impact of leisure (and other forms) tourism-led (re)development in a region or even country, and the second is theory-building in more abstract conversations about the city. Although a key theme in this investigation was the explicit or induced exclusion of various people through the prism of class and employment, some other issues ought to be considered. The creation of pathdependent urban morphologies comes to mind. In thinking through the creation of ‘ordinary’ cities (Parnell & Oldfied, 2014), it can be asked in what way they are ordinary if they are framed by second guessing or responding to tourist desires and needs. The changes in the spatial form and function of a significant part (CBD) of the city are developer-led and not one of inclusive planning practices—as much as the urban planning theorists would aim to achieve such goals. The remark speaks to a far larger urban debate, in many ways so forcefully led by South African urban theorists (Parnell & Oldfield, 2014, for a review). Somehow, Southern cities are unique to the extent that Northern theory is somewhat irrelevant to their urban development trajectories in the South. Whilst I certainly support the broader intellectual effort made to give Southern cities a voice in the grand urban theory building debates, it might be useful to consider the utility of these kinds of (Northern) processes and concepts that have unfolded in central Cape Town and Stellenbosch in the light of Northern theory. As has been proposed (Parnell & Oldfield, 2014), by stretching these experiences over larger geographical investigatory terrain, certain issues aiming to deploy (or are already deploying) leisure and tourism as developmental drivers for urban economic growth and renewal can be considered for Southern cities. The concern highlighted here can be scaled up to other African cities, which have developed as vibrant business tourism and leisure destinations. One can think of the cities that have seen significant expansion of various elements of their tourism systems, such as Addis Ababa, Lagos, Luanda and Maputo.

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The development of leisure and tourism nodes as crucial or part concerns, in central city (re)development initiatives in Cape Town and surrounds has shown how urban redevelopment frontiers can develop. Once in place, they provide a base from which other parts of the central city can be (re)imagined in different ways. Underlying this investigation was the notion that those existing and newly created spaces are mostly exclusionary of the earlier host communities or potential participants in those spaces. Whilst these new places and spaces provide opportunity, they do so differentially. The most advantaged are the already advantaged. The worst affected are those that are displaced from places and spaces that once, or for some time, were ‘theirs’. Real economic and social participation in these leisure and tourism-led redevelopment nodes and later frontiers are in the end reserved for those with extensive kinds of capital. The point is to think these issues through in other contexts both in South Africa and the global South in general. Africa has, for example, increasingly started to harness urban and leisure and tourism strategies as ways in which to revive, expand, and build new urban economies as strategies by which to develop or redevelop central city regions. The point of this investigation is that it requires considerable governance skills to try to avert the potential negative consequences of displacement and exclusion of host communities or the general urban population as a whole. Deploying leisure and tourism-led redevelopment interventions in the global South often requires skills that are in short supply in the governance of Southern cities.

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Chapter 12

South Africa’s Key Urban Transport Challenges Tracey McKay

12.1 Introduction Transportation issues across all of South Africa’s cities and towns have a number of characteristics. Firstly, the number of cars and trucks (especially heavy trucks) increases annually and often exceeds road capacity (Goldman & Gorham, 2006; McKay, Simpson, & Patel, 2017). Thus, excessive, recurrent and non-recurrent traffic congestion characterises the major urban areas, although Cape Town and Johannes1 burg suffer the most. This congestion inhibits economic growth and reduces quality of life (Schoeman, 2015). The associated exhaust emissions are also a major source of South Africa’s greenhouse gas production, and contribute to poor local air quality (Tongwane, Piketh, Stevens, & Ramotubei, 2015). Secondly, travel patterns have become increasingly diffuse, with people travelling for both work and non-work purposes (and outside of peak times), yet South Africa’s transit systems have not adapted to this demand (Czeglédy, 2004). Consequently, many urban dwellers do not have reasonable access to many places. High levels of personal mobility, therefore, are limited to those who can afford motorised transportation (Goldman & Gorham, 2006; McKay et al., 2017). Accordingly, transport poverty, which afflicts poor urban residents the most, is another characteristic of the South African city (Lucas, 2011; Stainer, 1999). Transport poverty inhibits resident’s ability to seek work, access community and social services, and constrains participation in urban life. Some may even lose their jobs or resign due to severe transport difficulties. Another form of transport poverty is when people pay more in travel costs than what they can reasonably afford (Lucas, 2011; Gotz et al., 2014). For South Africans, the cost of transportation is excessive, 1 https://businesstech.co.za/news/motoring/223426/this-is-how-long-youll-sit-in-traffic-in-south-

africas-10-major-cities/ (Accessed 25 May 2018). T. McKay (B) Department of Environmental Sciences, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_12

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with estimates that urban South Africans spend over 20% of their disposable income on transport, one of the highest proportions in the developing world (DOT, 2003; StatsSA, 2017). In addition, those who can access transport often face a long commute. These long commutes are not only bad for the environment; it reduces an individuals’ quality of life. Transport poverty afflicts those living on the urban periphery the most, making such residents the least mobile segment of South African urban society, further entrenching their financial insecurity (Turok & Borel-Saladin, 2018). In a study of Orange Farm, a residential area that lies on the periphery of the City of Johannesburg, Lawton (2014), using 2011 GCRO survey data, found that 37% of the residents made no trips at all. Of those who did travel, some 45% spent between 60 and 150 min a day doing so. Travelling was expensive for these residents, with some spending up to R1,500 a month on transport, a considerable amount considering that respondents reported their average monthly household income to be R2,622.00. Yet, despite the lived experiences of poor urban residents, little policy attention has been paid to transport poverty in South Africa (Jennings, 2015; McCray, 2004). In fact, the South African government has largely ignored the mobility needs of urban communities (Lucas, 2011). Of particular concern is the perilous state of the South African urban road network, especially as most urbanites rely on motorised transportation. It is estimated that more than half (60%) of urban road infrastructure is in a poor state of repair (Henderson, 2014). This situation is far worse in the smaller, more impoverished urban areas compared to the metropolitan cities. South Africa’s urban roads are characterised by potholes, cracks, bleeding, and crumbling edges. Such conditions result in motorized vehicles being fuel inefficient, elevated wear and tear costs (such as increased tyre wear), and many road accidents (Steyn, Bean, King, & Komba, 2011). The roads are in this condition partly because South Africa experiences high intensity rainfall events, but also because of a poor water drainage system. Another cause is poor road management; such as roads not been scheduled for maintenance on a regular basis, along with poorly executed repair work, and a shortage of road engineers (Mitchell, 2009, 2013). Lastly, South Africa’s roads are not engineered for the number of vehicles currently using this. This is especially true for the number of heavy trucks on South Africa’s urban roads. Currently, truck transportation dominates freight transportation in South Africa. This was due to wholesale (and unmanaged) deregulation of the sector, with the promulgation of the Road Transport Act No. 74 of 1977; the Transport Deregulation Act No. 80 of 1988, and the Road Traffic Act No. 29 of 1989 (Heggie & Vickers, 1998; Netterberg & de Beer, 2012; Stander & Pienaar, 2002; van der Mescht, 2006). Poor enforcement of the Road Traffic Act (Act No. 93 of 1996) and the associated Road Traffic Regulations, means that truck mass is not policed and there has consequently been excessive growth in the number, size, and weight of heavy trucks on the road. The result is massive road damage and traffic congestion (Fleetwatch, 2001). These trucks are also a danger to other road users (Bosman, 2006; de Beer, Fisher, & Kannemeyer, 2004; Stander & Pienaar, 2005). Another unusual characteristic of the South African city is a costly and long school commuting pattern (de Kadt, Norris, Fleisch, Richter, & Alvanides, 2014;

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Ginsburg, Richter, Fleish, & Norris, 2011; Hofmeyr 2000). With over ten million children in school, the school commute accounts for between 22 and 29% of all daily trips (Behrens, 2004). While some of the commute can be attributed to a desire to access quality education, the nature of the sprawling urban landscape makes the problem structural as well (Moses, van der Berg, & Rich, 2017). Many poor children walk (mostly unaccompanied) long and dangerous paths (between 3 and 6 km a day, distances far too long for young children) to school and back (McKay, 2019). But most children commute to school either by private car or mini-bus taxi, or make use of dedicated school transport vehicles. As a result, the school commute has spawned an entire school transport industry (Behrens & Muchaka, 2011). Thus, an initiative in the Western Cape, involving 230 schools, of walking ‘buses’ where adults chaperone children to school is a rarity, but one that should be replicated across the country if active commuting to school is to be supported2 (Muchaka & Behrens, 2012). Cycling to school is also uncommon. In a study done by Fata (2018) in Orange Farm, Johannesburg, it was found that even when bicycles were sponsored, boys and older children were more likely to use them than girls or younger children. Even then, most only used the bicycles occasionally. Most of the time, crime (fear of theft), poor quality (or non-existent) cycle tracks and fear of traffic, were the main reasons for low levels of use.

12.2 Spatial Apartheid and Urban Sprawl—The Underlying Cause of the Urban Transport Crisis One of the root causes of this urban transport crisis is that South Africa’s cities and towns have been profoundly impacted upon by historic policies of racial segregation and spatial apartheid, such as the implementation of the Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 and the Group Areas Act of 1950. As a result, South African cities now face an atypical urban sprawl problem. Historical segregationist planning located people of colour purposely beyond the urban boundary, with ‘buffer zones’ of mining land, wetlands and industrial zones in between (Donaldson & van der Westhuizen, 2011). Forced removals under apartheid further entrenched this pattern (Gloeck, 2011; Horn, 2009). Another root cause is weak urban land use planning. Many urban planning decisions have been made based on either the ideology of modernism, or the narrow and short-term interests of local level politicians and private property developers (Beavon, 2001; Dewar, 2000; Murray, 2011). Historical low land costs, in conjunction with poor management of the urban boundary, are key drivers of this. Thus, over time, peripheral areas were developed on, and subsequently the local authorities pressurised to incorporate them into the municipal boundaries, expanding the city (Simon, 1992). As a result, single land use planning and single story dwellings dominate the South African urban landscape (Dewar, 2000). In this 2 https://www.westerncape.gov.za/news/media-alert-minister-plato-launches-philippi-east-

walking-bus-initiative (Accessed 31 May 2018).

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regard, spatial segregation and poor urban planning have negatively impacted on South African urban spaces and transportation network (Crankshaw, 1993; Turok, Hunter, Robinson, Swilling, & van Ryneveld, 2011). More recently, massive ongoing urbanization (47% in 1960, vs. 65% in 2016) has placed enormous strain on both the urban housing market, and urban transport infrastructure. Importantly, most of new urban residents live on the urban periphery, in suburbs, informal settlements and low-cost housing (Turok & Borel-Saladin, 2018). This is partly associated with the post-apartheid government policy of acquiring cheap peripheral land for large scale low income development, or spontaneous (and often unauthorized) settlement by impoverished people seeking work and accommodation in the cities (Horn, 2009; Jennings, 2015). Policies such as the Urban Development Framework and the Rural Development Framework have not managed to address the distorted spatial patterns of the past. Some even argue the Development Facilitation Act No. 67 of 1995 (only repealed in 2013) made it worse (Beavon, 2004). Thus, attempts to provide affordable housing, has seen the post-apartheid government default to a model that requites cheap land, which can only be found on the urban edge. In addition, property speculators and developers are, to a large degree, still relentlessly pushing out the urban boundaries (Czeglédy, 2004). Thus, a pattern of extensive suburbanisation of housing, schools, retail complexes and office parks now exists in most of South Africa’s cities (Beavon, 2004; Murray, 2011). So much so that there is an oversupply of office space and many retail outlets in shopping malls are vacant (Kekana, McKay, & Gunter, 2018). Furthermore, ubiquitous peripheral shopping malls and office complexes compete directly with the original CBDs, which have subsequently gone into serious decline (Shaw, 2006). Connectivity to these outlying regional centres of office parks, residential complexes, and shopping malls relies on private transportation. As a result, ubiquitous low-density urban sprawl characterizes South Africa’s cities and towns, and passive urban commuting (in the form of trains, busses, or motorised vehicles) is a prerequisite for most South African urban residents to access work, education, social services, leisure, and goods. Moreover, this urban sprawl strongly inhibits the ability of urban areas to financially support an extensive public transport system of buses and trains. This situation has been exacerbated by historical policies that have systematically under-provisioned effective, efficient and low cost public transport. Rather there has been an overwhelming focus on providing infrastructure for vehicle traffic (Dewar, 2000; McKay et al., 2017; Risimati & Gumbo, 2018). Thus, South Africa has a high rate of private car ownership, with 165 in every 1000 South Africans owning cars; with 90% of South Africa’s urban residents either using private cars, or privately owned and operated ‘mini-bus’ taxis to meet their transport needs. Thus, dependence on private vehicles and the road network is structural (Banister, 2005; Luke, 2018). It also means that South Africans are vulnerable to fuel price increases, as they directly impact on the cost of transport. Such rapid urbanisation, past segregationist urban planning decisions, continued suburbanization, coupled with an extensive post-apartheid housing model has accordingly strengthened the single land use zoning approach, normalised and entrenched low-density housing developments, and has resulted in an ever increas-

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ing geographical spread of South Africa’s cities (Horn, 2009). Providing all South African citizens with affordable spaces and reliable, safe and affordable transport is not going to be possible unless these issues are addressed head-on. One of the biggest problems is that urban sprawl fundamentally undermines the ability of urban residents to adopt active commuting (i.e. walking and cycling inter alia) (Czeglédy, 2004). This chapter will, therefore, now turn to explore the challenges urban residents face with regard to active commuting.

12.3 A Dearth of Active Commuting The promotion of active commuting in South African cities faces a number of notable challenges. Firstly, due to historical legacies and more recent urban sprawl, the distances between work, home and/or services are far too great for people to realistically undertake an active commute—unless it is supplemented and supported by a good public transport system. Secondly, there is a desperate shortage of active commuting infrastructure. South African cities are bereft of sufficient, user friendly and adequately maintained sidewalks, pedestrian crossings, traffic calming measures, pedestrian signage, dedicated bicycle lanes, foot bridges, and pedestrian subways (Janmohammed, 2018). What infrastructure there is must often be shared with informal traders (Fata, 2018). Workplaces also seldom support active commuting, with no bike racks or showers/changing rooms for staff to ‘freshen up’ after a cycle or long walk. Thirdly, active commuters are also exposed to significant danger from vehicular traffic. Figure 12.1 demonstrates some of the challenges faced by pedestrians. User conflict between cyclists/pedestrians and vehicular traffic is also a significant problem. Currently around 5600 pedestrians die on South Africa’s roads annually, double the world average.3 In addition, approximately 300 cyclists die each year on South Africa’s roads.4 Fourthly, the possibility of being a victim of crime and violence (streets are usually poorly lit and poorly policed) makes many avoid active commuting. Lastly, and perhaps most importantly, is that pedestrians and cyclists are not recognized as legitimate users of public roads and sidewalks with legal rights. Rather they have responsibilities (see Table 12.1). So vehicle drivers do not legally have to share public roads with them, and traffic enforcement agencies have no grounds to take drivers to task for poor road etiquette towards pedestrians and cyclists (Czeglédy, 2004). As the regulations in Table 12.1 illustrate, creating a city that is safe for cyclists and pedestrians is a seriously neglected aspect of South African city management. Even enforcement of current laws, such as speeding and reckless driving, both of which seriously endanger pedestrians and cyclists, is pitiful (Walters, 2013). Unless pedestrian friendly policies are adopted, active commuting will not be an option for most urban residents.

3 https://africacheck.org/reports/south-african-road-agency-gets-traffic-deaths-stat-wrong/

(Accessed 24 May 2018). 4 https://www.arrivealive.co.za/Cycling-Fatalities

(Accessed 24 May 2018).

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Fig. 12.1 A typical example of sidewalks used for other purposes, causing this pedestrian to walk in the road, exposing themselves to danger from vehicles. This is a common sight across the length and breadth of the country (Source Author) Table 12.1 The duties of pedestrians • Regulation 316 of the National Road Traffic Act (No. 93 of 1996) sets out the duties of pedestrians when they are on the roadsa • Whenever a sidewalk or footpath borders on the roadway of a public road, a pedestrian shall not walk on such roadway except for the purpose of crossing from one side to the other or for some other sufficient reason • A pedestrian on a public road that has no sidewalk or footpath bordering on the roadway, shall walk as near as is practicable to the edge of the roadway on his/her right-hand side so as to face oncoming traffic on such roadway, except where the presence of pedestrians on the roadway is prohibited by a prescribed traffic sign • No pedestrian shall cross a public road without satisfying himself/herself that the roadway is sufficiently free from oncoming traffic to permit him or her to cross the road in safety • A pedestrian, when crossing a public road by means of a pedestrian crossing or in any other manner, shall not linger but shall proceed with due despatch • No pedestrian on a public road shall conduct himself or herself in such a manner as to, or as is likely to, constitute a source of danger to himself/herself or to other traffic that is or may be on such road • A pedestrian may cross a public road only at a pedestrian crossing or an intersection or at a distance further than 50 m from such pedestrian crossing or intersection a http://www2.saflii.org/za/legis/hist_reg/nrta93o1996rangnr225632/

nrta93o1996rangnr225a4s2006763.html (Accessed 1 June 2018)

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12.4 An Emaciated Public Transport Sector Another characteristic of urban transport in South Africa is that, despite the White Paper on National Transport (1996) and the Land Transport Act of 2009, public transport provision in the form of buses and trains plays only a minor role in terms of overall transport use (Beavon, 2001; CSIR, 2005; Luke, 2018). For example, in Gauteng, South Africa’s most urbanised province and home to some 15 million people or 25% of the total South African population,5 only 3% of all trips taken are by bus and 5% by train (Venter & Badenhorst, 2014). Worse is that many of South Africa’s urban areas (especially the smaller ones) have no bus service to speak of at all. In terms of rail, the commuter rail network was built during the era of segregation and apartheid. Thus, urban railways were conceived of merely as a cheap way to enable black labour, residing in the peripheral townships, to get to work (Pirie, 1991). Even then, however, the long journey was expensive, forcing the Apartheid State to subsidise the commuter fares. Historically, travel on these strictly functional trains was always a struggle, being unbearably overcrowded and dangerous, with patrons often the victims of pick pockets or rape (Alvarez, 1996). Furthermore, interchanges between trunk and branch services were poorly (if at all) planned (Witulski, 1986). In recent times, as outlined earlier on in this chapter, the emphasis has been on road transport, so except for the Gautrain, no new railway lines have been laid, and no new train stations built. Worse is that the post-apartheid government has not invested much in the existing rail network either (Shaw, 2006). For example, the average age of the coaches is 31 years and 39% of the fleet is between 30 and 45 years old (exceeding safety limits regarding maintenance and operations). Many critical signalling systems need to be replaced (Terblans, 2015). Although the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (PRASA) has recently invested in new trains, it appears that much of this investment was diverted to tender fraud. The few new trains that were delivered are not fit-for-purpose and the overall service did not improve at all (Myburgh, 2015). Overall, the urban rail network is run down, unsafe, old; while railway stations are massively underserviced in terms of public toilets and retail services. Trains are often late, vandalised, involved in accidents or vulnerable to incidents of criminality (Myburgh, 2015; Walters, 2008). Access to stations, the punctuality of the trains, and security remain the main concerns of the users.6 This has resulted in a declining market share—down to 14%—compared to other modes of public transport. Despite this, the commuter rail system in South Africa’s six major metropolitan areas transports over 2 million passengers daily, 84% of whom are low income black males (Simpson et al., 2012; Terblans, 2015). Historically, urban rail transport was supplemented by various bus services, some of which were State owned and operated, but most were privately run. These were reliant, however, on State subsidies, because the majority of users 5 https://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/P0302/P03022018.pdf

(Accessed 28 March 2019).

6 https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/cape-town-train-commuters-risk-death-to-get-to-

work-20170824 (Accessed 24 May 2018).

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Fig. 12.2 Bus user waits for a bus in Boksburg, Ekurhuleni a metro in Gauteng (Source Author)

earned too little to pay a full ticket price (McCaul, 1990). These subsidies continue to be paid by either the national Department of Transport or municipalities. But, post 1994, insufficient subsidization by the State has plagued the industry and profit margins are meagre (Walters & Cloete, 2008; Walters, 2010). In addition, the urban bus passenger transport industry is a quasi-monopoly; as it is highly regulated with multiple, costly and hard-to-obtain permits required, making it very difficult for newcomers to enter the market (Turok, 2012). With little competition and guaranteed (but inadequate) subsidies, bus tickets are relatively cheap, but the service remains poor (Brits, 2010). Thus, buses are often overcrowded, unreliable, crime ridden, frequently unroadworthy, uncomfortable, filthy, and have broken seats and windows. As if this was bad enough, long suffering bus passengers usually have a long walk to a bus stop, which is usually characterised by a lack of shelter (see Fig. 12.2) and seating (often due to vandalism).7 In many cases, a ‘bus stop’ is actually just a pole with a sign. This inhibits ridership levels. With low ridership levels, rising operating costs and insufficient subsidies, bus companies are operating at the edge of commercial failure (Walters, 2010).

12.5 The Rise of the Mini-Bus Taxi In this context, South Africa, was ripe for the transport ‘revolution’ that occurred in the late 1970s. This ‘revolution’ was brought about by a loophole in the Road 7 https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2018-01-30-bus-shelter-vandals-leave-officials-

at-wits-end/ (Accessed 24 May 2018).

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Transportation Act (No. 74 of 1977), which allowed privately owned vehicles taxis to carry up to eight paying passengers (Morris, 1990). As such a paratransit service that provides individualized rides without fixed routes, stops, or timetables came into being.8 By the late 1980s, some 30% of Black African commuters abandoned buses and trains. Demand was such that original (Black African) taxi owners were able to upgrade their vehicles to the now common “mini-bus taxi” (which carries between 9 and 15 passengers). As permits were difficult to obtain, most had to operate illegally. This informality and self-regulation still characterises the sector (see Fig. 12.3) (Schalkwyk, 2008). Mini-bus taxis are more expensive than buses and trains as they are not directly subsidized by the State. There are also numerous incidents of violence as operators clash over: routes (which are over traded), taxi rank space and control of the industry (Fourie & Pretorius, 2005; Govender & Allopi, 2006). But, due to informality and a propensity for owners to try and maximize profits, maintenance is weak and many vehicles are unroadworthy. In an attempt to address this, the Taxi Recapitalisation program (TRP) was rolled out in 1999. Eventually, in 2004, the State approved a multi-billion Rand (R7.7 billion) recapitalisation policy (Fourie & Pretorius, 2005). The aim of the program was to improve the quality of the taxi transport in South Africa by: (1) Institutionalising the industry (2) Changing the licensing system; (3) Regulating the industry and (4) Replacing old vehicles with new ones (Mashishi, 2010). This has met with mixed success (Turok, 2012). This was partly because not all the role players within the taxi industry were consulted. But crucially, the

Fig. 12.3 Mini-bus taxi drivers waiting for passengers at their make-shift, informal taxi rank, set up illegally in a residential area of Boksburg, Ekurhuleni, a metro in Gauteng (Source Author)

8 These

taxis only run when there are enough passengers onboard to make the trip worthwhile for the driver (Ehrenreich, 2018).

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focus was on replacing fleets, and not on curbing route overtrading (Fourie & Pretorius, 2005). Consequently, taxi operators now have costly new minibus taxis plying the same overtraded routes, causing profit margins to decline and taxi violence to continue (Walters, 2010).9 Nevertheless, despite the violence, unroadworthiness and (relatively) high cost, minibus taxis are more reliable, more comfortable, cover more routes, and are quicker than buses or trains. Thus, it is estimated that between 50 and 60% of all urban transport trips are made using these mini-bus taxis (Venter & Badenhorst, 2014). Still, they are difficult to find outside of traditional; ‘working hours’ (Boudreaux, 2006). Some of the train and bus transport problems are being addressed by new projects, such as the Gautrain and Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) (Venter, 2011). Thus, it is to these two urban public transport projects that the chapter will now turn. Notably, the Gautrain is only a Gauteng initiative with no similar plans afoot for anywhere else in the country.

12.6 The Gautrain Rapid Rail Link The Gautrain is a rapid rail link between the cities of Johannesburg and Pretoria in Gauteng (Donaldson & van der Westhuizen, 2011). It also connects the two cities to OR Tambo International Airport. In total, the Gautrain has 10 stations—Hatfield, Pretoria, Centurion, Midrand, Marlboro, Sandton, Rosebank, Park, Rhodesfield and OR Tambo International Airport (Kekana et al., 2018). Additional links to eastern Pretoria, the West Rand and Soweto are planned (Gotz et al., 2014). Importantly, the project was conceived as an economic development initiative not a transport one. That is, it was primarily seen as a vehicle to grow the Gauteng economy, create jobs, foster black economic empowerment, support small and medium sized businesses, and promote tourism (Rogerson, 2004). It was also hoped that the various stations would rejuvenate the CBDs of Johannesburg and Pretoria (Musakwa, 2014). This has not been the case, with only the Rosebank station spawning significant property development (Mushongahande, Cloete, & Venter, 2014). In the case of Midrand and Sandton, the Gautrain station appears to have resulted in significant property speculation (Arnold, Le Roux, & Hattingh, 2017). Thus, the need to shift commuting away from road and, thus, ease traffic congestion was never a priority. In that regard, van der Westhuizen (2007) argues that the project was more about political symbolism (such as shifting middle-income perceptions of public transport), than really assisting commuters. Although the Gautrain has reduced traffic congestion a little, and has created jobs, the location of the stations has not solved transport poverty in the province. Some even argue that it has made it worse (Thomas, 2013a). Nor is it properly integrated into the existing transport system or the urban fabric (Turok, 2012). The service itself is viewed 9 https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/bloody-weekend-as-10-people-killed-in-cape-

town-taxi-violence-20180528 (Accessed 4 June 2018).

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as expensive by commuters and frustrating at times, as not enough trains operate on the routes (especially at peak times), and trains schedules are often interrupted due to power stoppages or strike action. Thus, its overall contribution to solving the transport problems of Gauteng is minuscule at best, despite an investment of over R27 billion (Thomas, 2013b; Verduyn, 2018). Although revenue is generated from ticket sales, bus fares and parking fees, the project runs at a loss. As such, the Gauteng Provincial Government heavily subsidies the service10 (Kekana et al., 2018).

12.7 Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) The purpose of the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system is to boost public transport. The BRT initiative hopes to reduce traffic congestion and get people to stop using private cars (Walters, 2013). Various BRTs have been introduced in Johannesburg, Tshwane, and Cape Town in particular. Durban and Ekurhuleni’s BRT is currently under construction, although it is not clear when—or even if—it will be complete (Gotz et al., 2014). The Ekurhuleni one seems to be suspended currently, due to allegations of massive corruption.11 The BRT has dedicated busways, their own bus stops, and routes. Therefore, the BRT system is a standalone one, not integrated with the mini-bus taxi industry, or with housing projects. That is to say, a hub and spoke transport model was not adopted (Venter, 2016). Roughly 120,000 trips are undertaken each day on the BRT (most of which are in peak times only). Thus, most urban residents do not use the BRT, although tickets are cheaper that mini-bus taxis, and most BRT passengers are happy with the service. Low usage levels mean the system is not financially viable.12 Thus, it needs to be heavily subsidized, so much so that some have labelled the BRT a flop (Ludbrook, 2017). As a result, in Johannesburg, the new Democratic Alliance Mayor, Herman Mashaba has granted mini-bus taxis the right to use the BRT lanes.13 In part this is an acknowledgment that in its current configuration, the BRT is highly unlikely to ever achieve its aims (Scorcia & Munoz-Raskin, 2018).

10 https://citizen.co.za/news/south-africa/1716798/da-to-push-for-better-gautrain-subsidy-deal/ (Accessed 18 May 2018). 11 https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/billions-blown-but-buses-remain-bogged-down20180829 (Accessed 29 March 2019). 12 https://www.fin24.com/Economy/bus-rapid-transit-bleeding-cash-20170226-2 (Accessed 1 June 2018). 13 https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2017-09-19-taxi-industry-elated-with-proposalfor-it-to-use-bus-lanes/ (Accessed 4 June 2018).

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12.8 The Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project (GFIP)—Open Urban Road Tolling or E-Tolls While the BRT is found in a number of South African cities, the GFIP is confined to Gauteng. The GFIP was introduced because certain sectors of the State, and SANRAL (The South African National Roads Agency) in particular, believed that one way to solve South Africa’s urban transport problems was to introduce a user pays system for some major urban roads. That is, some have argued that tolling is a way of reducing traffic volumes and encourages people to opt for active commuting or use public transport (Sigurbjörnsdottir et al., 2009). Problematically, this can only be the case if there are alternative routes for motorists to use or if active commuting and public transport is viable, which is not the case in Gauteng (or South Africa for that matter). Tolling is a user pay system, whereby money is (ostensibly) collected to pay for the cost of building and maintaining the road; although when such a road is operated by a private or semi-private entity, profiteering may occur (Taylor, Weinstein & Wachs, 2001). Toll roads are different to public roads which are paid for out of general tax revenue or fuel levies. Traditional ‘boom-down’ tolling—where the driver stops and pays—is not a viable solution for a heavily used urban road, as the associated traffic congestion would cause serious time delays for road users. Thus, when it came to tolling urban roads in Gauteng, SANRAL opted for overhead gantries. Here payment is made using an e-tag, or by taking a photo of the vehicle license plate and sending an invoice the vehicle owner (Serrao & Duvenhage, 2015). Electronic tolling, however, is globally unpopular, with some calling it an invasion of privacy, others decrying system inaccuracies (such as wrong billing of motorists), traffic spill over onto alternative routes, and overpricing (de Palma & Lindsey, 2011; Litman, 2011). SANRAL claimed that the purpose of the GFIP was to upgrade and expand Gauteng’s urban road network. This involved widening the freeways, constructing new roads, improving interchanges, installing traffic-management systems (such as cameras and electronic signs), and an automated toll system. However, continued investment in new and wider roads will not reduce dependence on vehicles, despite vehicle dependence being one of the serious transport problems facing the country (Serrao & Duvenhage, 2015). The first phase of GFIP was completed in 2011 (Turok, 2012). But, opposition from road users, and several court actions delayed its launch (Walters, 2013). Those opposing GFIP, such as OUTA (Opposition to Urban Tolling Alliance),14 argue that the public participation process was flawed; the gantry system is unreliable; the project is unduly expensive15 ; tolling is unnecessary as the fuel levy already ring fences money for roads; diverted traffic will have negative effects on alternative roads; and, finally, it will privatize public roads, thus raising the cost of 14 Now

renamed to the Organisation Undoing Tax Abuse (see https://outa.co.za/).

15 OUTA (2016, 2017) estimates (conservatively) the capital cost alone was approximately R20 bil-

lion, instead of the R11 billion that OUTA estimates should have been charged. Naturally SANRAL disagrees.

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living (Brits, 2010; Venter & Joubert, 2014). It has been argued by Leiman (2003) that tolls are also unfair as light vehicles (motorbikes, cars) subsidize commercial trucks, and heavily used sections of the road subsidize less used sections.16 Leiman (2003) further states that this subsidization of heavy commercial trucks undermines the ability of rail to compete with trucks in terms of transporting goods. As such, cross subsidisation promotes heavy trucking over rail, thus compounding the severe impacts on the state of the nation’s road network, traffic congestion problems, noise pollution, and levels greenhouse gas emissions associated with diesel engines. To date the GFIP suffers from a crisis of legitimacy, with ongoing outrage and opposition to the project from the general public. Motorists feel the billing process is flawed, the generation of revenue from tolls a type of odious taxation, and that enduring concerns relating to inflated costs, collusion and corruption have not been addressed (OUTA, 2016). Consequently, levels of non-compliance stand at around 70–80% of all Gauteng road users.17 It has been argued by some that the GFIP project also resulted in the ruling party losing control of the Tshwane and Johannesburg metros in the 2016 local elections.18 The failure of the GFIP has also had a spill over effect on the Western Cape, where the political party in power in Cape Town, the Democratic Alliance, took SANRAL to court over proposed tolling of urban roads and won.19 Crucially, the notion that tolling urban roads will solve South Africa’s transport problems is fundamentally flawed as the ‘solution’ is still within the paradigm of vehicle dependence and the predict-and-provide model. Importantly, the type of tolls implemented have also done nothing to solve the lack of public transportation (OUTA, 2014).

12.9 Possible Solutions Fundamentally, to solve South Africa’s urban transport challenges, the size and shape of South Africa’s urban spaces need to change. For instance, there needs to be a shift away from single land use to mixed land use planning, whereby schools, shops, offices, recreational facilities, public services and residential accommodation are located far closer to each other. Secondly, housing policies need to deliberately address past racial and class segregation, such as no longer relegating poorer people 16 As tolls are levied on the number of axels, not total load. Total load (and overloading especially) impacts substantially on wear and tear levels of a road. Charging by axel, not load, also incentivizes trucking companies to overload trucks with fewer axels, which has a deleterious effect on the surface of the road and road safety. 17 https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/gauteng-drivers-dont-give-two-hoots-for-etolls-9709924 (Accessed 1 June 2018). 18 https://www.fin24.com/Finweek/Opinion/the-e-bells-toll-for-thee-anc-20160908 (Accessed 4 June 2018). 19 https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/sanral-city-of-cape-town-to-co-operate-after-tollsjudgment-20170212 (Accessed 29 March 2019).

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to the urban edge. In this regard, the launch of various affordable housing units by the City of Johannesburg’s mayor, Herman Mashaba to transform the inner city of Johannesburg is a step in the right direction.20 If this intervention works, and other urban areas follow suit, it is possible that journey times and costs will shrink, public transport will become more financially viable and spatial apartheid somewhat ameliorated. Unfortunately, the vested interests of wealthy property owners may significantly hinder such plans, with various voices already raised to object to the plans Mashaba has for Johannesburg.21 At the same time, unless urban planners focus on densification, and in particular, guard against the expansion of the urban boundary, the full benefits of the suggestions made here will not be reaped. That said, densification needs to be carefully managed to ensure that public open space, green lungs and recreational facilities are not lost. Thus, multi-unit dwellings (such as walk ups) should be prioritised in terms of housing policies. With these measures in place, much of the fundamentals for an affordable, efficient and financially sustainable public transportation systems and active commuting will be in place.

12.10 Conclusion South Africa’s colonial and apartheid history has played a significant role in how her cities evolved: sprawling, suburban, and with poor people on the fringes. Unfortunately, the post-apartheid government has reinforced this pattern, by building low cost housing units on the periphery, and allowing informal settlements to flourish there as well. This urban configuration is at the heart of South Africa’s urban transport crisis. It makes transport costs disproportionately high, and makes it harder to access employment and services. Many live in transport poverty, which for some is so bad they unable to make any trips at all. Great distances, amongst other factors, also inhibits active commuting and the dearth of public transport in the form of buses and trains forces urban residents to rely heavily on private or semi-private motorised transport. South African cities therefore, suffer from a lack of transport connectivity. It also makes South Africa’s cities (and, therefore, the economy as a whole) highly vulnerable to fluctuations in the price of oil and is a significant hindrance to economic growth and the evolution of sustainable cities.

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Chapter 13

Urban Housing in South Africa: The Role of Housing in Development and Transformation Ashley Gunter and Kenneth Manuel

13.1 Introduction During the Apartheid period of South African history, urban areas were segregated by race, white South Africans were given spatial privilege in the city with rights and access to the best places while black, Indian and coloured citizens were pushed to settlements on the edge of urban areas (Feinstein, 2005). The housing condition of urban South Africa thus developed in this segregated spatial system. A modern, urban and suburban housing system, ring fenced and forcibly maintained for white people, while peripheral ‘dormitories’ for black labour were kept at a distance (Crankshaw & Parnell, 1996). At the end of the apartheid system, there was an immediate recognition of the need to provide decent housing for all South Africans (Todes, 2012). This was coupled with the need to redress the warped spatial distribution of people that had been developed by the apartheid spatial planning (Berrisford, 2011). Thus, settlements and housing was seen as a vital element to address historical legacies and was given weighting by being included as a right in the newly written constitution (Tissington, 2011). The role for urban housing in the newly democratic South Africa was to redress past wrongs while building cities that were inclusive and liveable. With a backlog of two million houses, this was a monumental task and the government set out on an ambitious task of building housing in a programme called RDP (Bond & Tait, 1997). However, it quickly became clear that new housing developments were perpetuating the spatial patterns of apartheid and rapid urbanisation of rural communities meant that the formal housing backlog persists decades after the end of apartheid (Gunter, 2013). Urban housing in South Africa remains a collection

A. Gunter (B) · K. Manuel Department of Geography, University of South Africa, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] K. Manuel e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_13

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of ambitious social housing projects, billion rand developments juxtaposed with informal dwellings and urban sprawl (Huchzermeyer & Misselwitz, 2016). What many have termed the housing crisis in South Africa, is indeed a problem, however, the access to informal housing in these African cities provides shelter, access to urban services and a place in the city for millions of urban citizens (Gunter, 2014; Oldfield & Greyling, 2015; Turok & Borel-Saladin, 2016). Without these informal housing markets, South African cities would indeed have a major housing crisis (Gunter & Massey, 2017). While many informal settlements are harsh places to live, the ability to find accommodation in the city is vital for many people, regardless of the state of the housing. Government policy of housing delivery is clearly unable to keep up with the ever-increasing demand for urban housing (Turok, 2016).

13.2 The Creation of a Housing Crisis in South African Cities The spatial legacy of colonial rule and the apartheid system has been the racial segregation of cities (Feinstein, 2005). The apartheid urban planning strategy (as seen elsewhere in this book), was created to separate communities according to race (Christopher, 2001). Legislation such as the group areas act set aside prime land in the urban heartland for use by the ‘white’ population, this was done by either designating this land for ‘Europeans only’ or by actively removing communities or other races and demolishing their neighbours (Maharaj, 2003). Non-white communities were allocated places on the urban periphery, kept in check by a brutal police state and a planning regime that created physical barriers separating communities (Lemon, 1995). The largest and most marginalised communities, those of black Africans were deprived of basic services and while the state did provide some housing stock, the so called African ‘townships’ were sites of deprivation and stifling political control (Rogerson, 1998). The different residential locations set up by apartheid planning where also distinct in the different housing types developed for different populations. White suburbs were characterised by large houses on large plots of land, white inner cities with luxury apartments while African townships were furbished with small homogenous two or three room dwellings on small plots of land and made ‘dormitory’ suburbs (Landman & Napier, 2010). Not only did the spatial planning of the time lead to a crisis where one racial group benefited from prime land and superior housing, other legislation created an artificial limitation on rural/urban migration (Posel, 2004). The influx control act limited the number of African migrants from rural areas, set up artificial ‘homelands’ as reserve labour pools and limited the number of Africans allowed in urban areas and where they could live through legislation such as the group areas act and pass laws (Crush, 1999). The laws placed artificial restrictions on market forces and limited the places individuals could live.

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In 1994, South Africa had its first democratic elections and the country experienced a change in government and governance (Seekings, 2003). The new dispensation inherited a fundamentally flawed urban spatial pattern. South African cities were dysfunctional, spatially sprawled and racially segregated. This dysfunction was becoming clear in the central business district of many cities in the country. As apartheid neared its conclusion, many cites began loosening their grip on racial segregation and began allowing different races to live in the CBD or surrounding suburbs (Morris, 1994). For example, the area of Hillbrow in Johannesburg became classified as desegregated in 1992, allowing for people of different races to move in. This was coupled with a relaxation of movement of people from rural to urban areas. This sudden opening of limited spaces in urban centres created a crisis (Morris, 1994). The influx of previously excluded people into a limited number of locations in urban areas lead to many areas being inundated with demand for property, this lead to overcrowding and in many cases slum conditions (Winkler, 2013). High-rise apartment blocks in many inner cities became the new sites for the struggle for urban housing and unscrupulous landlords exploited the demands. This type of urban housing demand was also playing out in the urban townships surrounding cities. These townships were set up by the apartheid regime to house the urban African population, many areas, such as SOWETO, had become well established by 1994, and attracted a number of people to it (Gilbert & Crankshaw, 1999). Population densities in these settlements have risen quickly as many home owners in the townships have extended or added dwellings onto their property to house rent paying tenants (Gunter & Scheepers, 2012). This densification of the township been enhanced by the rise of informal settlements on the periphery of township developments. The huge demand for housing cannot be met by current government initiatives on housing, and is not being addressed adequately by the housing market, this has created a unique environment for housing in South African urban centres.

13.3 Governments Response to the Housing Crisis One of the earliest commitments of the new democratic government was to ensure the provision of urban housing (Huchzermeyer, 2001). This was enshrined in the new Constitution of the country, the right to housing was espoused as a ‘basic human right’ and raised the expectation of millions of South Africans that the new government would construct and provide millions of social houses (RSA, 1996). While the government has built over two million houses in the past twenty years, the delivery of housing and shelter has not kept up with the demand (Massey & Gunter, 2019). Frustration has grown as housing policies shifted with national government strategies, from the socialist inclined Reconstruction and Growth policy (RDP) to the more neoliberal driven Growth, Employment and

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Redistribution (GEAR) policies until the current Breaking New Ground (BNG) policy currently under use. Yet despite this, there is still a massive housing backlog (Tissington, 2011). The RDP programme was an ambitious project that was developed to address the massive soci-economic challenges left by apartheid. The program set out a number of initiatives to reduce poverty and address the social needs of the majority of the country. The housing program as part of the RDP policy has become synonymous with a specific type of social housing in South Africa, small block brick housing on the urban periphery, as seen in Fig. 13.1. The RDP program saw approximately 1.1 Million houses build from 1994 until 2001, however, in the lead up to the new century, government policy began to take a neoliberal turn (Gunter & Manuel, 2016). RDP was seen as an unsustainable program of social benefits and the government embarked on a new strategy, that of GEAR. Despite the massive social change that RDP achieved, the growth rate and employment rate of the country were still poor. GEAR sought to reduce spending on social programs and focus on the growth of the economy, while this did not see a stop in the construction of state housing, there was a significant slowdown in the number of units built as well as a shift to the private sector for the development of the housing (Streak, 2004). In 2004, the Department of Housing has estimated that since 1994, R29.5 billion had been spent on state-assisted housing investment, with a total of 3 million housing subsidies having been finalised by Department of Human Settlement (2010). This number has increased to 3.9 million housing subsidies approved by 2014, however, the actual number of dwellings being built is significantly less as

Fig. 13.1 A typical RDP house (Source WikiCommons)

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incomplete dwellings and houses (Department of Human Settlement, 2010). The National Treasury has, between 1995 and 2008, payed out R49 billion in housing subsidy (SANT, 2009). This has led to the provision of approximately 2.6 million housing units with on average 200,000 units built per year (SANT, 2009). However, despite this massive building program, from 1994 to 2010 the housing backlog grew, from a backlog of 1.5 million to almost 2.1 million units (Tissington, 2011). While the government built housing stock is now a massive sector in the housing market, millions of South African still have their names on the housing waiting list and the demand continues to grow. The latest policy in housing provision is called ‘Breaking New Ground’, and attempts to bring together public and private sectors to increase the housing provision (Pillay, Tomlinson, & Du Toit, 2006). However, despite these changes in housing policy, the vast majority of housing built by government resembles the RDP housing type from the 1990s. While there are other examples of social housing, for example, Carfax; N1 Project and the Johannesburg Housing Company, the vast majority of government housing has been built on the periphery of urban areas as free standing low quality and small housing. This has only served to exacerbate the spatial inequalities and legacy of the apartheid system (Bradlow, Bolnick, & Shearing, 2011).

13.4 Urban Housing The urban housing market in South Africa covers the full housing typology of housing types (Massey & Gunter, 2019). As a middle income country, the urban housing market is at one end sophisticated and at the other informal. There is an unusual system that relies on demand at all levels. While there is both a thriving formal and informal housing market, the gap between the two sectors has been an issue that government has been trying to address (Lemanski, 2011). This gap market represents an emerging middle-class of urban consumers who cannot afford formal housing, but do not qualify for government housing (although would qualify for a government subsidy as first time buyers. The array of housing needs in Urban South Africa means there are multiple housing types and sectors from informal housing to RDP houses to the formal sector (Gunter, 2013).

13.4.1 Informal Housing Since the end of apartheid, there has been a steady increase in the number of all types of housing, however, the increase in informal housing has been the most notable on urban areas (Lemanski, 2009). Informal settlements, once stringently controlled by the state, have sprung up across the country. These types of settlements are host to rural migrants who were kept out of urban areas by strict racial laws (Rakodi, 2016). They are also home to many undocumented migrants from the rest of Africa, who

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are excluded from formal housing. Informal settlers are protected by a raft of laws that protects their rights to shelter, this is particularly true for settlements that have been in place for a number of years (Luiz & Rycroft, 2018). However, conditions in these settlements are basic and they house the most vulnerable of urban residents (Gunter, 2014). However, these settlements provide shelter and a livelihood to many urban residents and often have a thriving housing market (Gunter & Manuel, 2016). It has been estimated that there are more than 2700 informal settlements in the country, housing upwards of 1 million households (SDI, 2012). It would make this type of settlement one of the most important types of property in the country. However, the overriding reaction to informal settlements form government has been to eliminate them and replace them with RDP housing. While this has proven unsuccessful as a government policy, there has only been limited in situ development strategies from governments (Cirolia, Görgens, van Donk, Smit, & Drimie, 2017). The historical legacy of South Africa has meant that many of the new informal settlements are found on the periphery of the urban setting and often are found on the edgy of township settlements. These settlements thus mirror the apartheid spatial planning and have entrenched spatial inequality (Rogerson, 2016). However, these settlements play a significant role in the lives of the poor and have multiple levels of housing typologies, from the most basic of plastic shelter to brick structures that have amenities and multiple floors. Then informal housing market is equally as diverse, with the market offering rentals of back yard dwellings to the ability to ‘purchase’ a dwelling on squatted land (Gunter, 2014; Lemanski, 2009). The high density of informal dwellings make them able to house a large proportion of the urban population and this is supplemented with backyard shacks, which are informal dwellings found into the yards of formal housing (Lemanski, 2009). This segment of the informal housing market is large and growing. It allows for the informal dwelling to have access to municipal services such as water and sanitation, while providing an income to the owner of the formal dwelling (Turok & BorelSaladin, 2016). This market caters for the needs of the poor, provides them access to basic services but does not require the government to add additional bulk services nor financial institutions to outlay capital for additional housing stock. However, despite the importance of the dwelling type, again, government has not placed much policy significance on the issue. The backyard shack is an economic opportunity for many formal households and there is an increasing number of middle-class owners how are adding informal dwellings to their properties. This represents a market force that is difficult for government to monitor or mange as large suburban houses erect illegal dwellings to house multiple people (Jarbandhan, Viljoen, de Beer, & Blaauw, 2016). This creates a blurring of lines between the formal and informal housing market in South Africa and is a sign of the inability of both government and the private sector to construct sufficient housing to cater for demand.

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13.4.2 Formal Housing While the informal and formal housing market are fundamentally intertwined, the formal housing market in urban South Africa is a large and sophisticated housing market (Cerutti, Dagher, & Dell’Ariccia, 2017). The property market were suppressed during the apartheid period with little external capital and limited interest in South African housing as an investment (Herbert & Murray, 2015). However, soon after the first democratic elections, the suburban housing market in the country had significant price increases. During the early 2000s South Africa had one of the hottest housing markets in the world with annual increases of over 200% (Karwowski, 2018). Leading up until the 2008 global financial crisis, South Africa saw significant increase in property process and a general increase in personal wealth for many (mostly white) property owners. However, the townships were not excluded from the property price increase and the government policy to give tenure and title deeds to millions of residence in townships brought on an emerging property market in the townships and the rise of the township estate agent (Rogerson, 2019). The ability to build equity in the township and the increasing value of township real estate has meant that many township residence have move to suburban areas in the city. This in turn has led to a demand for additional suburban housing. The desire for secure living and the rising problem of crime in cities in South Africa lead to the proliferation of ‘Townhouse’ developments (Blandy, 2018), housing units that are built in a walled complex with multiple units. The townhouse development craze has been a post-apartheid phenomenon with millions of such dwellings being constructed across the country. Entire new suburban areas sprung up with only townhouse developments in them. These spaces are often very exclusionary with only residence and guests allowed into a complex and strict by law governing many aspects of life within an area (Blandy, 2018). The spatial segregation of races in urban South Africa has thus often become a class segregation under the new government.

13.5 The Role of the Formal Financial System No neoliberal housing solution can be separated from the role of the formal financial system. Creating an environment in which formal financial institutions can identify profit areas and drive development is vital in a neoliberal solution. Small scale financial institutions already exist in the form of micro lenders in most townships in Johannesburg (Baumann, 2004). Within this framework of creating formal financing for low cost housing, the government of South Africa is trying to coerce the major banks into becoming involved in the provision of low cost housing loans. In rhetoric this has been successful with the major banks (Nedcor, ABSA, Standard Bank and First National Bank) all committing to provide R54 billion worth of funding to this sector (Buanews, 2007). With ABSA pledging to finance 100,000 low cost houses by

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2010 (Buanews, 2007). There have, however, been few subsequent reports on how many loans of this nature have been provided, with banks stating that they have leant R38 billion to this sector (Department of Human Settlement, 2010). In fact, besides the grandiose news presentations about the commitment, there has been very little subsequent reporting on the nature of formal banking investment in this sector of the market. It is thus unclear where and how this proposed value has been spent. The only noteworthy investment has been ABSA’s R465 million in housing provision in Cosmo city, a mixed income residential settlement in Johannesburg, where the starting price of a house is R250,000 (Haferburg, 2013). Yet despite this commitment to the provision of loans to the sector, the high risk low end property market has been negatively affected by the introduction of the National Credit Act (NCA) and the global housing slump. The NCA has placed restrictions on how banks must provide loans in a responsible manner, and has raised the financial responsibility standards of whom banks will lend to. This has limited the banks sufficiently to stifle property growth in Johannesburg. This creates a scenario where the informal structures of finance become too expensive and the informal market persists. The role of financial institutions thus becomes pivotal in the creation of a formal banking system in low cost housing suburbs. Without the ‘buy in’ from financial institutions, the crisylida capital will not develop into formal capital. It must be noted that this formality does require a form of income from the property owners. However, even at a very low level, wealth creation can begin. As seen in Fig. 13.1, even those earning modest incomes can qualify for a loan, making upgrading or home ownership (at the low cost level) possible (Table 13.1). Yet despite the recognition that loans should be available, the property downturn (both globally and in South Africa) since the end of 2008 has placed sever restrictions on formal finance loaning criteria. In Johannesburg, an expert panel of real estate agents working in township markets were consulted to determine the impact of the property downturn and the introduction of the NCA. This limiting factor shows the reluctance of major banks to fully integrate into the bottom end of the property market. With government lobbying, there is some Table 13.1 Income to loan ration: the gap market

Income

Loan amount

R16,000

R514,949

R12,500

R351,641

R9,000

R253,181

R7,000

R196,000

R4,000

R98,459

R3,000

R70,000

R1,500

R10,000

R500

Do not qualify

Gunter & Scheepers, 2012

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commitment for a property market to flourish; there is a greater need for easily being able to obtain financing.

13.6 Rental Housing It is estimated that 2.8 million households in South Africa rent their accommodation (around 20% of the population) (Gardner, 2009). In many cases residents rent their shacks in informal settlements from landlords (Gunter & Massey, 2017). Most households rent their properties classed as low-income, with approximately 55% of these renting households earning less than R3,500 a month (Gardner, 2009). Much of the rental stock available, however, could be characterised as slum conditions where properties are not adequately maintained, tenants are exploited (and often unfairly evicted), and living conditions are unhealthy and/or dangerous. However, the demand for affordable accommodation is so high that residents often have very little choice but to remain in these spaces. It is anticipated that, for income groups earning between R1,600 and R3,200 per month, formal renting requirements will increase significantly per annum in metropolitan areas (Department of Human Settlements, 2010). There is a significant unmet demand for affordable, quality, well placed rental accommodation in key urban centres. There is also a significant portion of the population who are ‘falling through the crack’ particularly households that earn between R3,500 and R7,000 per month (Gunter, 2014). This part of the population is referred to as the ‘gap market’ in the National Housing Code, however, the Department of Human Settlements defines this group as those earning between R3,500 and R12,500 per month (Department of Human Settlements, 2010). This income group does not qualify for the subsidised housing scheme, but also do not earn enough to secure a formal loan from the bank. High levels of household debt, low earnings, and restrictions placed on lending through the National Credit Act prevent banks from extending credit to this part of the population. The limits faced in this gap market demonstrate the need for affordable housing which caters for those who fall within this bracket.

13.7 The Importance of Tenure With the reluctant role of major banks to financing low cost housing, there are alternative funding sources that the urban poor use. This demonstrates that the capital bound up in low cost property is not dead. Often, capital is found in the form of cash savings that could be used to upgrade or purchase dwellings and loans from micro institutions and family (de Soto, 1989). In a questionnaire administered to low cost property dwellers in Johannesburg, property was seen as having fiscal value, with the vast majority (78%) of participants stating that their property could be sold if they put it on the market (Gunter, 2013).

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100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% House

Apartment

Informal House

Informal Apartment

Fig. 13.2 Owners perceived potential to sell property. Source Gunter (2013)

Figure 13.2 shows that this percentage is weighted towards the more formal dwelling, but within all areas surveyed there is a sense that low cost property has value, although not necessarily found in the formal financial system. Most significantly, in formal settlements, more than 90% of participants thought their properties could be sold. Although even in more informal areas, the majority of participants felt their properties could be traded. This is significant as it demonstrates a Crisylida market in function (Gunter, 2013). A realization that property has value and can even be traded informally without having to function in the formal property market. To realise this value, it is critical that owners are provided with tenure, so they are empowered and are able to utilise the property for income generation.

13.7.1 The Importance of Secure Tenure The residents living in informal settlements are all confronted with similar interrelated problems: the lack of access or limited access to basic services, and they possess no security of tenure. In most cases, their circumstances are dire as they form the poorest segment of the urban population, which makes them vulnerable to external and uncontrollable government policies that could result in them being evicted from their homes (Oldfield & Greyling, 2015). There are many cases where individuals paid for their homes, but due to the mishandling of their personal information, the homes were awarded to different set of owners, resulting in a single home being “co-owned” by two or more individuals (Cousins, 1997). However, within the lowcost housing arena, the middle and upper-middle income groups are well protected

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against evictions, due to their political connections including their cultural and economic capacity to control the situation in their favour (Cousins, 1997). Security of tenure can be achieved through specials arrangements and procedures between the owners and government, resulting in protection against forced evictions becoming a prerequisite before individuals take over ownership. This form of protection would mean that individuals cannot be evicted by an administrative or court decision. The rate at which the informal population is creating low cost housing is overtaking the rate of formal housing provision. If this phenomenon continues to grow unmonitored, the result will be that most of the poor will remain indefinitely without secure tenure (Gunter, 2013). In the South African framework, tenure security means formalising land rights through full formal private tenure; however, ownership is only registered in one person’s name from each household, resulting in the reduced security for women and other members of the family. Furthermore, under the patriarchal tribal system women are not provided equal access to land. However, this could also be due to the men insisting that women remain in rural areas to secure the family homestead, thereby restricting their access to urban houses (Gunter, 2014; Shackleton et al., 2014). The process is known for being biased, as long-standing residents in informal communities have never received houses, while community leaders have received multiple houses. Moreover, the new owners immediately become liable for surcharges such as rates and taxes, including water and electricity; many are unable to afford this. Most people who are legal home owners are unable to occupy their property, as street committees decide and reallocate houses to different occupiers, and in some cases legal home owners are forced to become tenants by such ad hoc committees (Lizarralde & Massyn, 2008). The lack of tenure has impacted socio-economic activities negatively, displacing them to other nearby informal settlements. The small sizes of the houses mean that new landlords are unable to accommodate extended members of their family or tenants, whom they relied on for rental income (Gunter & Massey, 2017). This shows that bestowing ownership upon individuals results in decreasing the security of tenure and negatively affects their socio-economic status. It is critical to remember that property ownership within the black community is never exclusive to one person. It is always shared by multiple members of the family—those living now, those yet to be born, and members who are deceased. This is a concept that modern South African property laws cannot fathom and make adjustments for, but the closest law can come in accommodating such as request is by establishing a family trust (Cousins et al., 2005). Hence, it is vital that home ownership policies need to be reconsidered within the distinct South African context.

13.7.2 The Need for a Policy Change in Tenure Security It is important for the government to relook at home ownership policies as the current one size fits all approach is not a working solution. Many rural and urban owners

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do not have legal recognition of their right to property, resulting in insecurity of tenure. Instead of reformulating policies, an alternative approach could be to pay more attention to existing social practices that have widespread legitimacy (Cousins et al., 2005). The accepted practices in the country’s communal and rural settlements could be a pathway in seeking alternative solutions, such as their social embeddedness and how housing assets help secure livelihoods, including their nature of rights for the owners. The Western approach to property law fails to take into account the unique and distinct cultural and traditional belief systems of the country, which negatively impacts the poorer population groups (Jacobsen, 2003). It would result in damaging the local traditional system and end in failure for the country’s governance structures. Attention should be given to the complex relationship between patriarchal property rights, the investment from the state and the administration processes involved. Consultations and development meetings should take place as a relationship building strategy between the government and tribal leaders to ensure that property laws are aligned with traditional belief systems. Such an approach would extend knowledge and understanding of how ownership should be allocated to individuals (Shisaka, 2003). Furthermore, the inequities in property ownership inherited from the apartheid era continues to be a constraint on the livelihoods of the poor. The central focus should be on implementing and developing large-scale low cost housing projects, which will deliver the required number of homes to new owners. The slow pace of development needs to be urgently readdressed at national level. Furthermore, laws surrounding housing ownership need to be re-examined, because in its current form it is failing to deliver full ownership rights to new home owners. Reform on dominant administrative and legal frameworks for regulating and holding property also need to be modified. This means that “tenure” reform would be a far-reaching and rigorous process to undertake, bringing the entire social and legal framework around which the notions of informal property are constituted needs to be thoroughly examined. Furthermore, it is important for the government to realise that, with its current housing policy, a housing opportunity does not necessarily equate to individuals receiving houses (Financial and Fiscal Commission, 2012). They could be awarded to individuals as subsidy housing, which includes a minimum 40 m2 house or it could come in the form of incremental housing, which provides a serviced site without tenure. The long wait for low-cost houses has created the impression that housing allocation is a rational process, one that prioritises those in greatest need, and those who have been waiting for the subsidised house the longest. However, there is no system which monitors a “waiting list” that allocates houses to people depending on how long they have had to wait, and does not consider geographical location or special needs of individuals (SERI, 2013).

13.8 Conclusion The historical legacy of spatial planning under apartheid has meant the housing market of South Africa is unique and complex (Massey & Gunter, 2019). The spatial

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planning of the apartheid government developed cityscapes that kept people segregated and isolated from one another. This pattern of urban development meant that in the post-apartheid period, housing and settlements took on a multidimensional importance, one that needed to address the housing backlog as well as providing housing that was close to opportunities, connected to the city and addressed the spatial legacies of the past (Huchzermeyer, 2001). Through a variety of policies, the government has intervened by constructing over two million social houses in the last twenty five years. Yet despite this rapid development, the housing backlog continues to grow. This has seen a continuation of the growth of informal settlements and slum housing in South African cities (Lemanski, 2011). Issues of housing tenure, housing finance and location remain central in the housing debate despite the end of apartheid. Housing the urban poor continues to be a problem for cities and without continued commitment, urban housing will be an issue far into the future.

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Chapter 14

Studentification and Urban Change in South Africa James J. Gregory

14.1 Introduction Studentification is a recent addition to urban studies and can be defined as the process of social, cultural, economic and physical changes that occur resulting from the influx of students, usually within privately rented accommodation in neighbourhoods close to higher education institutions (Smith, 2002, 2005). Since the early 2000s the phenomenon has enjoyed growing research interest mostly within the context of university towns and cities in the United Kingdom (UK) (Allison, 2006; Chatterton, 2010; Christie, Munro, & Rettig, 2002; Holdsworth, 2009; Munro, Turok, & Livingston, 2009; Russo & Tatjer, 2007; Smith, 2008). It is argued that the process of studentification has been stimulated by increased student numbers through the neoliberalisation and massification of higher education in the UK since the 1980s. The latter has seen the growth of student numbers outstrip the supply of university-owned accommodation resulting in growing demand for private student accommodation (Chatterton, 2010; Smith, 2009). In the South African context (Akoojee & Nkomo 2007, p. 385) note that “increased student access to higher education institutions has been associated with the recent massification of higher education”. This shift towards greater student intake in South Africa forms part of a global trend of increased access to higher education for improved equality and overall socio-economic transformation. The release of the Education White Paper of 1997 envisaged the transformation of higher education in South Africa. Since then higher education institutions have experienced a rapid intake of students, mostly from previously excluded and disadvantaged backgrounds (Akoojee & Nkomo, 2007; Jansen, 2004).

J. J. Gregory (B) Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, Mahikeng, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_14

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In a report on the provision of student housing in South Africa, the former minister of higher education, Dr. B.E. Nzimande acknowledged that there is a lack of student housing. The minister stated, “it was glaring apparent to me that student housing was a major problem in our public university system and that something needed to be done” (Department of Higher Education and Training, 2011, p. XI). The report continues to confirm that there are major backlogs in the provision of student accommodation. It acknowledges that private sector providers could play a vital role in filling the gap for the provision of affordable student accommodation. Despite this the report also stresses that private student accommodation is unregulated, allowing widespread exploitation of students (Department of Higher Education and Training, 2011). The private sector responded and has been filling the gap in student housing by providing off-campus housing in neighbourhoods close to higher education institutions across South African university towns and cities. Africa Property News (2015, p. 1) reports that “student housing has become a very attractive vocation for the private sector given the severe shortage of it”. Despite increased investment interest, limited research explores the impact of studentification on urban change in the South African context, with exception of case studies in Bloemfontein, Stellenbosch and Braamfontein in Johannesburg (Ackermann & Visser, 2016; Donaldson, Campbel, Benn, & de Jager, 2014; Gregory & Rogerson, 2019; Visser & Kisting, 2019). This chapter will seek to review studentification in the context of urban South Africa. This first section of this chapter reviews the key international debates that have emerged on studentification. The second section offers a brief review of the limited South African literature that exists on studentification. In order to understand the growth of the private student housing market, the third section of this chapter reviews recent historical changes in South Africa’s higher education system. Lastly drawing on government and property research reports and the popular press this chapter seeks to review the growth and development and impact of the private student housing sector in urban South Africa with a particular focus on purpose-built student accommodation (PBSA).

14.2 International Debates on Studentification The process of studentifcation usually involves the in-migration of a transient student population to neighbourhoods near higher education institutions. Students would either reside in privately rented houses in multiple occupation (HMOs) or in purposebuilt student accommodation (PBSA) (Smith, 2002, 2005; Smith & Holt, 2007). Since 2002 the phenomenon has enjoyed growing research interest mostly within the context of university towns and cities in the UK (Brookfield, 2018; Holton, 2016; Hubbard, 2008, 2009; Kinton, Smith, & Harrison, 2016; Munro et al., 2009; Sage, Smith, & Hubbard, 2012a, b, 2013; Smith, 2002, 2005, 2008, 2009; Smith & Holt, 2007; Smith & Hubbard, 2014; Smith, Sage, & Balsdon, 2014). Smith and Holt (2007) acknowledge that limited research is available on studentification beyond the UK, albeit there is growing recognition of this phenomenon elsewhere in

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Europe (Boersma, Langen, & Smets, 2013; Garmendia, Coronado, & Ureña, 2012; Grabkowska & Frankowski, 2016; Fabula, Boros, Kovács, Horváth, & Pál, 2017; Malet Calvo, 2017; Tuncer & ˙Islam, 2017). Beyond the European context the topic has enjoyed interest in Australia (Davison, 2009; Fincher & Shaw, 2009), the United States of America (USA) (Laidley, 2014; Foote, 2017; Pickren, 2012; Woldoff & Weiss, 2018) and to a limited extent in the global South, in China (He, 2015), Kenya (Fedha, Murenga, & Bor, 2017) and South Africa (Ackermann & Visser, 2016; Donaldson et al., 2014; Gregory & Rogerson, 2019; Visser & Kisting, 2019). A key theme within studentification literature that have enjoyed sustained interest explores the interconnections between gentrification and studentification. Conceptually it is within the broader debates on gentrification that the process of studentification has been situated and explored. Some authors (Lees, 2003; Smith & Butler, 2007; Smith & Holt, 2007) argue for an extension of the conceptual meaning of gentrification to include emerging processes of neighbourhood change, such as studentification. Smith et al. (2014) note that the process of studentification has similar outcomes as gentrification. Much like gentrification, studentification can deepen the concentration and segregation of certain population groups within cities, which can lead to increased socio-spatial polarisation (Allen, 2008; Nakazawa, 2017; Smith, 2005). Economically, studentification much like gentrification can stimulate an inflated housing and rental market which can lead to exclusion and displacement of traditional families to increasingly cater for students (Boersma et al., 2013; Munro et al., 2009; Smith, 2008, 2009; Smith & Hubbard, 2014; Smith et al., 2014). Smith and Holt (2007), however, note that one contradiction to gentrification is that in some cases studentification can lead to the physical downgrading of urban space, especially in areas with houses in multiple occupation. In addition, there are negative social and cultural interactions between existing residents and students, causing conflict and breakdown of neighbourliness (Sage et al., 2012a, b). Chatterton (2000) contends that because of the potential conflict the geographies of students have become increasingly politicised and contested. Various authors point out that conflict between communities and students arise from the characteristics that are associated with student lifestyle, examples include; partying, drunkenness and noise pollution (Hubbard 2008; Sage et al., 2012a, b, 2013). Another theme in extant literature investigates the commodification of the student lifestyle. Chatterton (2010) argues that the neoliberalisation of higher education has seen the growth of the student service sector, which includes accommodation, retail and services and the night-time economy. Student lifestyle has become a lucrative sector for corporate investors and seen as a stable niche market for rental income and the additional services students require (Chatterton, 1999, 2000, 2010; Chatterton & Hollands, 2002; Hollands, 2002; Hubbard, 2008). Hubbard (2009) draws attention to the economic opportunity of students who have increasingly gained purchasing power. Smith and Holt (2007) maintain that the ‘manufacturing’ of student districts or enclaves are linked to capitalising on this niche sub-market. Smith and Hubbard (2014) note that the production of ‘student enclaves’ and the commodification of student housing, is seen in the rise of purpose-built student accommodation and a plethora of retail and service offerings geared towards students (Smith & Hubbard,

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2014). Chatterton (1999) focuses on sites of student consumption, linking it back to the conceptual issues surrounding gentrification as these sites of student consumption can lead to exclusion, segregation and displacement. In a more recent review on studentification studies, Nakazawa (2017) cautions that the creation of student districts could lead to geographies of exclusion in cities. The following section shifts to local debates on studentification in South Africa.

14.3 Debates on Studentification in South Africa Limited research has explored the impact of studentification on urban change in the South African context (Ackermann & Visser, 2016; Donaldson et al., 2014). Some attention, however, has been paid to the impact of studentification in Stellenbosch (Visser & Kisting, 2019; Ackermann & Visser, 2016; Benn, 2010; Donaldson et al., 2014) and in Bloemfontein (Ackermann & Visser, 2016). In his master’s thesis, Benn (2010) provides the first analysis of studentification in the South African context and examines the impact of student housing in residential areas located near Stellenbosch University (SU). Benn (2010) records similar trends as experienced in the international literature where the presence of a student population contributes to negative social, physical and cultural changes within residential areas. Both Stellenbosch University and the University of Free State are historically white Afrikaner institutions whose student numbers (like many institutions across South Africa) have doubled over the past 25 years. Both institutions are under pressure for increased access and transformation. In Stellenbosch and Bloemfontein, a shortage of university supplied housing has pushed students into the private student housing market in surrounding residential areas. This process of studentification recorded in Stellenbosch and Bloemfontein is characterised by houses in multiple occupation and has impacted predominantly former white middle-class residential areas. In the case of Stellenbosch, it was found that the local authorities are in support of densification and have policies in place for the rezoning of properties for student housing development. The conversion of properties into houses in multiple occupation has had an impact on heritage properties, in some cases, buildings are left to deteriorate or destroyed in order to motivate for demolition and redevelopment (Donaldson et al., 2014). In Bloemfontein, the process of studentification has been linked to the general or physical decline of residential areas, but there is recognition that students do contribute to the local economy as many retail and service offerings are reliant on or have altered their offerings to capture the student market. Ackermann and Visser (2016), Visser and Kisting (2019) notes, however, that in recent years there has been a shift towards and growth of purpose-built student accommodation suppliers in residential and inner-city areas surrounding higher education institutions across South Africa. According to Ackermann and Visser (2016), houses in multiple occupation have been a popular student housing option in the past but notes that there is increasingly the growth of purpose-built student accommodation providers. Ackermann and Visser (2016, p. 9) state that “PBSA franchises have, in

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the recent past, surged in South Africa, with developments like Unilofts and Campus Key present in several South African cities and towns with universities”. Ackermann and Visser (2016), Visser and Kisting (2019) calls for future investigation on purposebuilt student accommodation across urban and rural South Africa where higher education institutions are present. Gregory and Rogerson (2019) explores studentification and commodification of student lifestyle in Braamfontein, Johannesburg. In Braamfontein there is evidence of the creation of a studentified district, which focuses on the provision of retrofitted and purpose-built student accommodation for over 6700 students. Studentification in Braamfontein has stimulated change in retail and service offerings to cater for the student market. Whilst it can be argued that the development of a student district has contributed to the economic and physical regeneration of a declining commercial node, issues surrounding commercial gentrification and the negative impacts associated with the growth of an unregulated night-time economy can be seen as a destabilising factor within the district (Gregory & Rogerson, 2019). It can be argued that in South Africa the growth of the private student housing sector and the process of studentification is resultant of the massification of higher education over the past 25 years. To understand the growth and development of the private student housing sector in South Africa it is important to examine recent historical changes within the countries higher education system. The following section reviews the macro changes that have occurred in higher education in post-apartheid South Africa.

14.4 Post-apartheid Changes in South Africa’s Higher Education System After the fall of the apartheid regime in 1994, it became an urgent imperative for South Africa’s higher education system to be transformed and more inclusive and this could only be achieved through massification (Akoojee & Nkomo, 2007; Jansen, 2004). According to Akoojee and Nkomo (2007) providing increased access and financing to previously excluded and disadvantaged students became a key component to the transformation of higher education in South Africa. Akoojee and Nkomo (2007, p. 389) note that “it is self-evident that during the apartheid period, university access for black people did not feature as a necessary or appropriate policy option in the same way and degree accorded to white access”. During the apartheid era, except for a few institutions such as the University of Venda, University of Zululand and University of Fort Hare, most institutions across the country catered to a minority white student population (Bunting, 2004). Post-apartheid transformation seeks to redress decades of racial discrimination and unequal access to higher education (Akoojee & Nkomo, 2007). Following the demise of the apartheid regime, a National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE) was established in 1996 and released a detailed report on how South Africa’s

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higher education system would be transformed. The NCHE reported that higher education in South Africa should focus on objectives of economic and social growth and should be structured to cater for a significant increase in the number of people seeking higher education, with a definite emphasis on providing the machinery for increased access (Development Bank of Southern Africa, 2010a, b). According to Cloete (2004, p. 59), “the central proposal of the NCHE was that South African higher education should be massified. Massification was the first policy proposal that attempted to resolve the equity-development tension since increased participation was supposed to provide greater opportunity for access (equity) while also producing high-level skills that were necessary for economic growth”. The NCHE report was subsequently reworked into the White Paper for Higher Education and the Higher Education Act released in 1997. The White Paper for Higher Education specifically highlighted the inequitable distribution of access and opportunity along lines of race, gender, class and geography, with a focus on increasing access to previously discriminated groups and the deracialisation of higher education in South Africa (Cloete, 2004; Development Bank of Southern Africa, 2010a, b; Jansen, 2004). Cloete (2004) states that the late 1990s were characterised by reviewing South Africa’s higher education system and putting new policies in place. It is only post-1999 that policy implementation began to change higher education in South Africa. In 2001 the DHET released the National Plan for Higher Education, which outlined a strategy to reduce the number of public higher education institutions through several mergers, which were approved by 2003 (Jansen, 2004). The mergers effectively reduced 36 universities, technikons and colleges of education to 23 institutions. Three new institutions have been created since increasing the number to 26 (Davids & Waghid, 2016). During apartheid many universities had relative institutional autonomy, the post-apartheid government, however, has taken a more interventionist role to meet the objectives of transformation. Jansen (2004, p. 297) explains that “in a short period of time, the government had intervened quite directly in higher education institutions, both to restore order in organisation but also to require compliance with a new regime of academic regulations”. Jansen (2004) records that from 1993 to 1999 black student enrolment increased by 80% and notes that the majority of black student enrolment has been at historically white higher education institutions. He points to the role of expanded financial aid and relief from debt in providing increased access to higher education. According to Bunting (2004) post-apartheid policies on higher education also stimulated competition amongst institutions to increase their student intake and notes that “institutional competitiveness was fueled by the fact that government funding of higher education was, and still is, based largely on student numbers and that the institutional landscape was thus influenced by the size and shape of student enrolments” (Bunting, 2004, p. 95). Since the end of apartheid in 1994, higher education student enrolment has doubled, increasing from 495,356 students in 1994 to 975,837 students in 2016 at public higher education institutions and an additional 167 408 at private higher education institutions (DHET, 2018; Presidency, 2014) According to the DHET (2018) the National Development Plan has set a target to increase the number of student enrolment to 1.6 million by 2030.

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The massification that has occurred in South Africa’s higher education system over the past 25 years is not unique but reflects the global trend of the neoliberlisation of higher education since the 1980s (Maassen & Cloete, 2004). The neoliberalisation of higher education has seen the growth and extension of a range of student services including the private student housing sector (Clark, 1998; Maassen & Cloete, 2004). The following section reviews the growth of the private student housing sector in South Africa.

14.5 The Growth of Private Student Housing Sector in South Africa The DHET released a comprehensive report in 2011 that reviewed the state of student housing at South Africa’s higher education institutions. This report confirmed major backlogs in the provision of student accommodation and the widespread exploitation of students living in appalling conditions. The DHET recognises the importance of the private sector and states that private providers could play a vital role in filling the gap that exists in the provision of affordable student accommodation (DHET, 2011). The report, however, stresses that some private suppliers of student accommodation are unregulated, where students are exploited and exposed to risk. The DHET (2011) calls for the regulation of private student accommodation and that it is the responsibility of both universities and local municipal authorities to ensure private suppliers are regulated, safe, affordable and offers an academically conducive environment for students. The report cautions that if student housing is not addressed and regulated by institutions and local authorities it could lead to haphazard speculation in property development, which can lead to socio-economic problems in residential areas surrounding higher education institutions. In 2015 an amendment to the Higher Education Act, introduced a policy on the minimum norms and standards for student housing at public universities (South African Government, 2015). Since the release of the DHET’s ministerial review on student housing in 2011, there has been the systematic growth of purpose-built student accommodation suppliers in South Africa’s university towns and cities. Private student housing in the form of houses in multiple occupation or communes have long been a feature around universities in South Africa. It is, however, only since the 2010s that there has been a shift and growth of purpose-built student accommodation suppliers across university towns and cities in South Africa (Ackermann & Visser, 2016; Gregory & Rogerson, 2019; Visser & Kisting, 2019). The purpose-built student accommodation market is starting to emerge as an attractive alternative investment opportunity across sub-Saharan Africa. According to Jones Lang Lasalle (2016), there is a strong demand for this market with an unprecedented increase in the number of student enrolments across sub-Saharan Africa. Chibelushi (2017) reports that demand for purpose-built student accommodation is set to exceed 500,000 beds across sub-Saharan Africa over the next few

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years. Jones Lang Lasalle (2016) revealed that the purpose-built student accommodation market is at an early developmental stage across sub-Saharan Africa and is between 15 and 25 years behind the mature markets in the USA and UK. Despite this lag, in emerging economies such as Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa the demand for purpose-built student accommodation is growing rapidly as an alternative investment opportunity. South Africa is seen as a regional hub for higher education and many students (both local and regional) are attracted to cities such as Johannesburg, Pretoria and Cape Town to access quality higher education. The latter subsequently has led to increased demand for quality student accommodation in South Africa’s university towns and cities and it has stimulated the development of purpose-built student accommodation. In South Africa, there is evidence of a shift from houses in multiple occupation or communes to purpose-built student accommodation in many university towns and cities. In the past, the majority of private student housing was concentrated in lowdensity residential areas surrounding certain universities in the form of communes. However, from the 2010s there has been the systematic growth of purpose-built student accommodation suppliers across most university towns and cities—a trend first noticed by Ackermann and Visser (2016). In South Africa, South Point Properties is the largest provider of purpose-built (and retrofitted) student accommodation with 13,261 beds in 2016 across various cities, other large suppliers include CampusKey, Unilofts and Respublica. The return on investment for purpose-built student accommodation is viewed favourably by investors who are looking for an alternative asset class. The risk is perceived as low due to an acceleration in demand for tertiary education. This market attracts investment because of the relatively stable income and rental growth it offers. In addition, the high occupancy rates and constant supply of tenants add to its attractiveness. Some of the challenges linked to this market are short leasing cycles (10 months), high turnover rates and intensive property management and maintenance services (Jones Lang Lasalle, 2016). In South Africa developers and operators have put student housing portfolios into real estate investment trusts (REITs) (Williams, 2016). Redefine properties, the second largest REIT in South Africa was the first REIT to invest in student housing in 2014 after buying 51% of Respublica student housing. Williams (2016) states that property developers and investors are exploring new and alternative asset classes. Mahlaka (2017) reported that Inkunzi student accommodation fund (ISAF) planned to be the first specialist student housing REIT to list on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE). Unfortunately, in 2018 it failed to list as it was unable to raise sufficient funds (Anderson, 2018). CampusKey a Western Cape-based purpose-built student accommodation supplier and South Point Properties based in Johannesburg aims to list on the JSE in the next few years (Anderson, 2017; Greve, 2015; Kilian, 2017). Large commercial banks such as Standard Bank, ABSA, First National Bank and Nedbank have partnered with developers and have provided loans for the development of purpose-built student accommodation. These transactions signal confidence in the growth of student housing as a recognised asset class in South Africa (Chibelushi, 2017; Jones Lang Lasalle, 2016).

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According to South African Commercial Property News (2011, 2012a, b, c), the rise of purpose-built student accommodation and the retrofitting of old office buildings into student housing contributes to inner city regeneration, and this is particularly evident in the inner-city areas of Johannesburg, Durban and Port Elizabeth. It can be argued that investment in retrofitting old office buildings into student accommodation has the potential to regenerate declining commercial nodes. Gregory and Rogerson (2019) explores studentification in Braamfontein (a commercial node adjacent to Johannesburg’s central business district) where there is evidence of property developers retrofitting old office buildings for student housing. Whilst it can be argued that student housing contributes to urban regeneration in Braamfontein this is paralleled by evidence of commercial gentrification. In Pretoria, Redefine Properties have revitalised Hatfield square and redeveloped it into student housing to accommodate an additional 2200 students in this popular student district (Williams, 2016). One of the current risks involved with higher education in South Africa is the cost of tuition fees which have been prohibitive for many poor and working-class students. Davids and Waghid (2016) notes that protests against rising fees have been a regular occurrence at some institutions since the 1990s, but it is only in 2015 and 2016 with the ‘Fees Must Fall’ movement that it became a nationwide protest against the rising cost of tuition and lack of affordable accommodation (Booysen, 2016). Towards the end of 2017, the African National Congress (ANC) government announced its plans for ‘free education’, which came into effect in January 2018. Muller (2018) states that free education will only benefit first-year students from 2018 who are from poor or working-class families earning less than R350,000 per annum. Muller (2018) questions whether free education will truly benefit poor students as many are still facing a financial shortfall. Whilst funding schemes such as the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) do pay for or partly subsidise the cost of accommodation for poor and working-class students, they are often faced with a financial shortfall, particularly at more expensive institutions (Gregory & Rogerson, 2019). Despite the risk of student protest, the current funding model of NSFAS and other bursaries subsiding and paying for student’s accommodation makes it attractive for private sector investors as it is a projectable and guaranteed income.

14.6 Discussion and Conclusion It is evident that since the late 1990s South Africa’s higher education landscape has been transformed with attention focused on increased access. The massification of higher education over the past two decades and the failure of many higher education institutions to invest in accommodation has led to increased demand for private student housing. Houses in multiple occupation or communes as it is more popularly known in South Africa, have long been a feature in residential areas near higher education institutions. Most scholarly attention in South Africa has focused on the impact of houses in multiple occupation, which has largely been documented as negative, contributing to physical decline in residential areas. Ackermann and Visser (2016), however, do note that despite the physical decline associated with

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houses in multiple occupation, students do contribute to the local economy. By the 2010s there was evidence of the systematic shift and growth of purpose-built student accommodation, which also includes the retrofitting of old office buildings for student accommodation. The shift and growth of purpose-built (and retrofitted) student accommodation have been documented in the popular press in cities such as Johannesburg, Pretoria, Durban, Port Elizabeth and Cape Town. In inner-city areas, it is welcomed and seen as urban regeneration, stimulating renewed investment interest and contributing to sustaining retail and various other services students would require. There is, however, the risk that the concentration of a student population can contribute to socio-economic and spatial polarisation in cities and displace residents or economic activities that do not form part of the student lifestyle. Increased socio-economic polarisation does little to redress South Africa’s socially and economically fragmented cities. Furthermore, purpose-built student accommodation is marketed and priced for a slightly higher-end market, this raises questions around the affordability of this type of student housing as many students come from poor or working-class backgrounds. This is also set against the backdrop of regular protests at universities around the cost of tuition and accommodation. This links with Sage et al. (2013) who noted that purpose-built student accommodation has the potential to exclude and divide students along income and class. This is echoed by Nakazawa (2017) who notes that purpose-built student accommodation and the creation of student districts contributes to geographies of exclusion in cities. South Africa’s national higher education policy environment will continue to focus on increasing student access (DHET, 2018). The sustained and stable growth of student enrolment across the country will see continued investment in purpose-built student accommodation as the market continues to shift and mature. The continued expansion of purpose-built student accommodation will see the rezoning and densification of low-density residential areas near universities. In inner-city environments, the trend is mostly focused on the retrofitting of old office buildings or apartment blocks for student housing. The concentration of a student population into certain areas will stimulate retail and services, as well as an entertainment and night-time economy to cater for student lifestyle consumption. This has the potential to stimulate the local economy, but issues of displacing economic activities that do not fit with student lifestyle consumption could be evident. Furthermore, there is also the seasonality of student spending which can impact the local economy when students are on holiday. It is evident that student geographies have an impact on the urban environment and contribute to urban change. There are, however, many gaps in studentification literature that need to be explored in the South African context. Research is needed on the impact of houses in multiple occupation in cities and towns beyond Stellenbosch and Bloemfontein. The impact of retrofitted and purpose-built student accommodation needs to be explored in both lower density residential areas and inner-city environments near universities. Further investigation is needed to promote more inclusive student housing developments in South Africa’s socio-economically fragmented urban landscape. Lastly, research is needed to understand the affordability of the private student housing sector for South African students who come from poor or working-class families.

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Chapter 15

Gender Inclusivity and Development in South African Public Urban Spaces Mwazvita T. B. Dalu, Amanda Manyani and Current Masunungure

15.1 Introduction Urbanisation is on the increase globally, with the majority of the world’s population now residing within cities and metropoles (United Nations, 2014). Many who venture into the city, especially in the developing world, come into fulfil their developmental needs, specifically to find employment and earn a decent income (Knight & Gulatinaka, 2010). In doing so, however, people have to contend with a heightened fear of crime. Inequalities exist in the fear of crime and personal safety across different genders, different socio-economic classes, and racial groupings. Thus, women and men experience cities differently, and this centres on inequality (Massey, 2014). A better understanding of this experience is important, as it can, or should, therefore, change both the spatial and social structure of the city to better accommodate them (ibid). South Africa is currently the most unequal country in the world and has regressed in addressing the gender gap compared to previous years (Schwab et al., 2017; Sulla & Zikhali, 2018). Socio-economic inequalities and violence are experienced more acutely by urban inhabitants, due to denser populations and a poor sense of community (Muggah, 2012). An analysis of the relation between socioeconomic inequalities and violence, based on survey data from 63 countries, showed that income inequality, low economic development, and high levels of gender inequity were strong positive predictors of rates of violence, including homicides and major assaults (Seedat, Van Niekerk, Jewkes, Suffla, & Ratele, 2009).

M. T. B. Dalu (B) Department of Geography, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] A. Manyani Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa C. Masunungure Sustainability Research Unit, George Campus, Nelson Mandela University, George, South Africa © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_15

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Seedat et al. (2009, p. 1011) highlight that “widespread poverty, unemployment, and income inequality; patriarchal notions of masculinity that valorise toughness, risk-taking, and defence of honour; exposure to abuse in childhood and weak parenting; access to fire arms; widespread alcohol misuse; and weaknesses in the mechanisms of law enforcement”, are the main social dynamics that support gender-based violence in South Africa. As the nature that much gender-based violence takes is mostly sexual, it must be acknowledged that much of this violence occurs in private spaces. According to Mpane and Nsibande (2015) most of the documented violence against women and girls is intimate partner violence which includes forced sex and rape which occurs mostly in private spaces. They do also point out that public spaces, such as schools, are also places where sexual violence against girls and women occurs. The South African government has been criticised for being unable to engage effectively in primary prevention to violence against women, whilst instead concentrating efforts on development of service responses to violence against women (Seedat et al., 2009). One area in which the South African government has been challenged has been the adequate provision of low cost housing to the increasing urban population. It is for this reason that South Africa is home to one of the five largest informal settlements in the world, namely, Khayelitsha, Cape Town (Habitat for Humanity, 2017). It has been recognised that researchers need to find means to better understand the actual contexts in which risk factors act and interact to produce instances of interpersonal violence (Makanga et al., 2017). With a growing concern over a lack of evidence-based studies on proven effectiveness of interventions, as well as resource allocation in South Africa, the chapter attempts a systematic quantitative literature review. Evidence suggests that the gender-differentiated use of public urban spaces has been observed to have developmental implications on the broader society (Jarvis, Cloke, & Kantor, 2009). For instance, a survey done in Vienna revealed that the way in which men and women used public transportation varied. Men used public transport almost exclusively for commuting to and from work, whilst women often had multiple trips to take children to school, getting groceries and going to the doctor (Buehler, Pucher, & Altshuler, 2017). In response to other similar findings within the same context, city planners responded by enhancing urban infrastructure so as to facilitate safe walking environments for women. Improvements included the addition of more street lights and widening of sidewalks to make it easier (and safer) to use these public spaces (ibid.). In the developing regions of the world, there is also an acknowledgment that the city scape is not always conducive for women to pursue work outside the home, often being unsafe. Evidence suggests that the prevalence of acts of sexual violence in public urban spaces of India, for example, has been identified as one of the causes of most women staying at home rather than pursuing day to day activities in the cities, thus having negative developmental consequences on women (D’Silva, 2018). Similar trends can also be observed in South Africa, as this review will highlight. For this reason, the recent Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) have set targets to make all cities eliminate all forms of violence against all

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women and girls in public and private spheres. Many authors have raised criticism against the SDG’s; questioning the potential ability of SDG’s to make a difference on the way people live. On the one hand, Esquivel and Sweetman (2016) argue that SDG’s can result in women’s quality of life being enhanced in the city should civil society groups, including women’s rights groups and feminist movements be involved in policy formulation. Within South Africa, there is a spatial concentration of low-income, unskilled workers in segregated residential quarters within the urban space. This socio-spatial geography of South African cities is a consequence of apartheid, taking the form of residential segregation, buffer zones between races, peripheralisation of the black population and long distances between residence and workplace for black people (Bremner, 2000). Parnell (2003) places the issue of urban segregation as far back as 1910 in Johannesburg as a mining camp, with the Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 being the first of much legislation to enforce urban segregation in South Africa. These segregated spaces act as poverty traps with severe job restrictions, high rates of gender disparities, deteriorated living conditions, social exclusion and marginalisation, and high incidences of crime. Many of these violent crimes however, tend to target women. In South Africa, a third of all women are raped during their lives, and one in every four women is beaten by their partners, placing South Africa at the top of the list for rape and battery in the world (Mpane & Nsibande, 2015). The underprivileged and predominantly black community’s urban space in South Africa was originally designed to accommodate almost exclusively men. This was due to the apartheid laws, such as the Pass laws, along with the bias of type of employment found in the cities, which was predominantly mining. Men would therefore migrate into the cities, and stay in hostels, whilst women were systematically excluded from being in the cities. With the end of the apartheid regime in 1994, however, there has been an increase in black women entering and utilising urban spaces, yet this has not necessarily been accompanied by critical changes in these spaces to facilitate the development and safety of women. After the advent of democracy, black women were finally acknowledged as ‘full citizens’ of South Africa— however, inequality still looms as women’s lived experiences continue to be minimally recognised. While black women are now perceived as insiders (being allowed to attain education, enter the workplaces, etc.), their lived experiences render many of them as simultaneously insiders and outsiders as the spaces that many of them now occupy as “full citizens” continue to be unwelcoming and non-accommodating. This has consequentially resulted in exacerbated vulnerabilities of black women, especially to gender-based violence, as they frequently have to use unsafe spaces in conducting their everyday lives, such as accessing ablution facilities, as will be shown in this chapter. In addition to this, women are greatly underrepresented in many decision-making processes, and this has also been the case in the design of urban space. We therefore highlight how urban space is related to the developmental challenges of black women and is exacerbating vulnerabilities, especially to genderbased violence. Gender equality is important for the realisation of equal rights, opportunities— including economic opportunities; and power and influence in society. Globally, it

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is acknowledged that women are the disadvantaged on the gender balance scale, and this has ultimately resulted in poverty imbalances (UNFPA, 2016). Although men, women and children are affected by gender-based violence, the general consensus is that women and children are disproportionately affected and are more often the victims of assault (Mpane & Nsibande, 2015). The importance of gender equality in the global fight against poverty has been increasingly recognised in recent years (Department of Women, 2015). South Africa has a constitution that supports women rights and empowerment and is intended to ensure that there is gender equality both economically and socially. While the South African constitution supports women’s empowerment, few programmes in the country prioritise women, resulting in women still lagging behind. This is exemplified in education, employment and income, property ownership and access to housing, health and access to basic services such as electricity and water (Department of Women, 2015; StatsSA, 2013). In South Africa, the number of female headed-households has grown from 37.8% in 1996 to 41.9% in 2001(Statistics South Africa, 1998, 2001). Although more women are becoming beneficiaries of formal housing through their status as heads of households, they are often the more ‘permanent’ residents of informal settlements, due to government being unable to keep up with the growing demand for formal housing. As a result, women are being pushed into informal settlements characterised by high crime rates. A consequence of this is that South Africa continues to have one of the highest gender-based violence rates in the world costing the country between R28.4 billion and R42.4 billion per year (KPMG Human and Social Sciences report, 2014). We attempt to show how the current state and use of urban design (physical and natural city infrastructure) accommodates the productive, reproductive and community roles as they attempt to use the space e.g. to access education and work, and relate this to vulnerability to gender-based violence. Following this, we make an attempt here to find any evidence of changes to urban spaces being effected in developing countries in order to reduce the risk of violence against women in public urban spaces with a specific focus on South Africa. To achieve this, we employ a gendered analysis of literature to understand women’s problems needs and access to power and resources within urban spaces in relation to development and vulnerability to gender-based violence. We also query perceptions of safety and well-being of vulnerable gender groups, with our main focus being women. Within the gender analysis framework, we focus on race and socio-economic class differences. We aim to highlight the changes that have or have not occurred within urban spaces that need intervention so as to reduce the risk of gender-based violence, whilst shining light upon the positive changes that are currently reducing risk. We anticipate that this will help South Africa in achieving gender equality goals which are guided by the Bill of Rights (Sects. 9.1, 9.2, 9.3 and 9.4), incorporating the acceptance of equal and inalienable rights of all women and men irrespective of age, class, disability, gender, and race, which is a fundamental tenet under the Constitution of Republic of South Africa, Bill of Rights (Act 108 of 1996). The structure of this chapter is as follows. The first part provides a general introduction of the context of urban space in developed and developing countries,

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narrowing down to the specific context of South Africa. It mentions the challenges of the use of these spaces for women. It then provides some definitions of key terms such as gender-based violence and violence against women. Following this, a reproducible methodological approach (Pickering & Byrne, 2013) was used to review literature over the last decade for papers published between the period 2008 and 2018, with regards to urban space development and gender-based violence. The review aimed to highlight any significant changes to the narratives of safety, specifically as they related to gender-based violence within South African urban spaces. An attempt to deepen our understanding of the magnitude and nature of urban space development and gender-based violence, highlighting any developments that contribute to resolving identified problems, was made. The chapter therefore highlighted the key areas challenging women in urban spaces, and also points to current research gaps that need further attention.

15.2 Overview of Related Literature for the Period 2008–2018 in South Africa A systematic literature search for peer-reviewed scientific publications between 2008 and 2018 from the Clarivate Web of Science (WoS) and Google Scholar was carried out. We considered 14 relevant subject areas provided by WoS that fell within the scope of the study, for example, environmental studies, social sciences, ethnic studies. Subject areas that did not fit within the scope of our study, for example clinical neurology and dermatology, were excluded. A total of 299 published papers were retrieved and full-text papers downloaded, after which the articles were then screened to avoid irrelevant papers. Comparable phrasings and articles that did not meet the classification scheme were removed. In the end, the final paper count yielded a total of 31 papers used for this study.

15.2.1 Classification Scheme The 31 articles were classified into eight deductive themes based on the emphasis of the research topic and the overall scope of the study discussed. These were exclusion and participation, governance, housing, recreation and social relationships, safety measures, transport, violence, and work and employment. The distribution of key themes was further sub-coded according to whether the literature was reporting a problem (negative), or a positive development. The majority of the papers reported negatively on the key themes, with exclusion and participation dominating (23 papers). In terms of the positive reports, governance was reported on positively most frequently. Transport only appeared in one paper.

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15.2.2 Common Themes in Literature 15.2.2.1

Recreation and Social Relationships, Exclusion and Participation

The articles reviewed revealed that the theme of exclusion and participation, recreation and social relationships, safety measures and violence were the most mentioned (Fig. 15.1). This suggests that most studies report how gender influences the inclusion or exclusion, safety and violence aspects of people in various social interactions within urban living settings. For instance, Lemanski (2008) found that the extent of power transfer and knowledge limit participation in infrastructural development projects. She further highlighted that for informal settlements in Cape Town, language and political affiliations, along with race, were significant hindrances to united organisation, excluding others from participation. Furthermore, participation was found to have often been solicited after developments had already been approved. Similarly, Massey (2014) has shown that most women in female-headed households in New Rest and Makhaza, Cape Town, are resorting to counter-conduct by developing places like spaza shops (small convenience stores) and hair salons so as to improve their social networks which have been disrupted by the planning of the urban settlements. Beneficiaries of low cost housing developments are expected in many instances to be passive, and grateful, as they receive houses and services at no financial cost. This lack of participation indirectly fosters poverty, which is a recognised cause of gender-based violence (Seedat et al., 2009). Massey (2013) also highlighted how women continue to be excluded providing a case study of two informal settlement upgrades in Cape Town, where the municipality focus was on engineering design for service provision exclusively. Women’s input in layout and typology was limited to the partnership approach “special projects” in the People’s Housing Process (PHP)

Transport Work and employment

Key Themes

Governance Housing Safety measures Violence

Recreation and social relationships Exclusion and participation 0

5

10

15

20

Frequency of mentions in articles Fig. 15.1 Key themes and frequency of mentions within retrieved articles

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projects, thus, largely excluding women in other urban development projects, which led to their specific developmental needs not being sufficiently met, including those related to personal safety. A direct consequence of continued socio-economic deprivation and the physical separation of the townships from the vibrant economic and social city centre, is significant levels of exclusion of gender groups (Salo, 2009). Specific to townships in Cape Town, black people continue to experience an increased sense of marginality, as residents experience deepening socio-economic impoverishment (ibid). Consequentially, Salo et al., (2010) found that this has resulted in the increased assertion of respectable heterosexual personhoods more forcefully by community members in Cape Town, in an effort to assert their right to be recognised as citizens. This has resulted in increasing hate crimes committed against lesbian women, particularly, in the townships (Salo et al., 2010). The policing of gender roles and socialisation norms in public social places, was also found by Mayeza (2017), whose focus was on playground dynamics. Evidence of bullying of young girls and boys who felt they did not conform to gender norms, in an attempt to exclude them from soccer games, and effectively the soccer field itself, was found. Data from the study showed, that, while some girls accommodated forms of power and domination, girls who resisted boy power and ‘transgressed’ gender ‘boundaries’, were subjected to name calling and teasing. Mayeza (2017) further showed that those boys, who displayed effeminate tendencies and dared to forge friendships with girls, were also derogated. This renders public social spaces such as playgrounds as being unsafe places for those of differing gender groupings, being places of exclusion. This could be a consequence of township learners having fewer opportunities to engage in a variety of organised sport and recreational activities, with organised sporting activities for learners being limited only to soccer and netball, each with strong gender ties. Thus, given the shortage of playgrounds, these spaces are dominated by young males playing soccer, whilst actively excluding women, using the threat of; or actual violence as a mechanism for this exclusion. Some studies report higher incidences of perceived fear of vegetated open spaces amongst women (Adinolfi, Suárez-cáceres, & Cari, 2014; Zhang, Chen, Sun, & Bao, 2013). Adegun (2018) found that more women expressed fear in visiting green spaces with dense pockets of vegetation more than male respondents, and also reported that women and children stayed away from vegetated open spaces in Kya Sands and Ruimsig in the informal settlements of Johannesburg. Another stated challenge in the use of shared social spaces was that of drinking venues. These spaces potentially serve as social spaces that may create a sense of community cohesion and provide opportunities for recreation and socialization that do not otherwise exist in impoverished areas, such as townships. However, reviewed studies showed alcohol to be a significant contributor to gender-based violence in South Africa (e.g. Makanga et al., 2017). Watt et al. (2012) specifically cited alcohol serving venues in urban areas in South Africa as spaces that could contribute to violence against women themselves.

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Governance and Housing

In seeking current governance responses to the infrastructural issues in urban space that render women vulnerable to gender-based violence, while also constraining their development, we found only one specific policy that had been the subject of recent research narratives into urban space, gender-based violence and development. This policy was the National Upgrading Support Programme (NUSP), whose objective was to support the National Department of Human Settlements to implement the Upgrading of Informal Settlement Programme (UISP) (Brown-Luthango, Reyes, & Gubevu, 2017). The development of this policy is thought to be a result of mixed responses on the part of the government to informal settlements which range from denial, eradication, and/or the realisation that there is a need to put a specific policy instrument in place to deal with informal settlements, in particular, in relation to women. Subsequent upgrades resulting from this policy have also been characterised by a mixture of results, some being positive, but most being negative. Positive results were reported in upgrades of informal settlements of Monwabisi Park (Khayelitsha, Cape Town), where residents perceived the incidence of children being sexually assaulted had reduced after upgrades to parks had brought the spaces closer to homes, and within sight of many windows (Brown-Luthango et al., 2017). Upgrades also facilitated greater perceptions of community cohesion and neighbours became more familiar with each other. Massey (2013), however, negatively reports on upgrades on two informal settlements in Cape Town, with evidence showing that the settlements neither enabled nor ensured the maintenance of strong social relationships, which contributed to safety of women. Specifically, >90% of women interviewed in the Cape Town settlements, cited that the upgrades resulted in a lack of meeting spaces for the women, and also resulted in high transport costs. The alternative meeting spaces therefore, became the backs of shacks as opposed to open spaces, therefore compromising safety of women. As such, safety often means a shrunken space for women in urban areas, as highlighted by Hallman et al. (2015). Using participatory mapping techniques, Hallman et al. (2015) showed that relative to Grade 5 students (10–12 years old), wide gender divergence in access to the public sphere was found at Grades 8 and 9 (15–17 years old), as at puberty, girls’ worlds shrink, while boys’ expand. Community area mapped by urban Grades 8 and 9 girls, was only a third to that of male classmates, and twofifths that of Grade 5 girls. Conversely, community area mapped by Grades 8 and 9 boys was twice that of Grade 5 boys. Hallman et al. (2015) concluded that although curtailed spatial access is intended to protect girls, Grades 8 and 9 girls reported most places in their small navigable areas were unsafe. Thus, reducing girls’ access to the public sphere does not increase their perceived safety in urban areas, but may instead limit their access to opportunities for human development. A lack of street lights and an increased number of shebeens (drinking taverns) were also mentioned as threats to safety post-upgrades, although re-blocking was thought to reduce chances of ambushes by violent criminals (Fig. 15.2). The same upgrades and formalisation were, however, blamed for the increases in shebeens and drug dens, which unemployed residents used to make money to pay for service

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Fig. 15.2 Informal settlement in Rustenberg showing no street lighting (Source MTB Dalu)

provision that came with formalisation of informal settlements (ibid). This was linked to higher incidences of domestic violence; an observation made in five other Cape Town townships (Makanga et al., 2017). 15.2.2.3

Transport

This was the least mentioned theme in the reviewed studies. This suggests that in South Africa, the transport sector has not incorporated how gender differences can influence the different needs for transport (Fig. 15.1). It further suggests that the issue is under researched within the area of gender studies and violence. Within the reviewed literature, however, Massey (2013) noted problems with travel for women that were linked to informal settlement upgrades. In her study, women reported safety concerns when having to cut across a park to get to the nearest bus stop. Massey (2013) further reported that the introduction of narrow road systems post-upgrades, meant that outsiders could come into their neighbourhood space unnoticed, posing a serious threat to their safety. Many also reported a loss of livelihoods, which could possibly put them in precarious situations. Mosavel, Ahmed, and Simon (2012) found poverty to be a driver for women’s sexual abuse, where women accompanied taxi drivers for the day, exchanging sexual favours for financial compensation. 15.2.2.4

Infrastructural Improvements

Infrastructural interventions have indirectly addressed violence and injuries. Several of these interventions have focused on the home environment, with some including improved housing provision. South Africa has one of the largest subsidised hous-

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ing programmes in the world (Brown-Luthango et al., 2017). These housing developments are necessary in reducing gender-based violence, as Shortt and Hammett (2013) found, mental health illnesses (including substance abuse and addiction such as alcoholism) are less prevalent in formal housing settings. This could reduce incidences of gender-based violence, as well as increase chances of employment. The more than 2 million houses allocated to poor people since 1994 have, however, been poorly built and are tiny (Seedat et al., 2009). Furthermore, a current housing back log of 3 million low-cost houses countrywide still exists (Sidimba, 2018). The relationship between violence and the condition of the built environment, especially in informal settlements, is expressed as lack of physical infrastructure such as bad lighting and inadequate sanitation, for example, providing opportunities for violence and crime (Brown-Luthango et al., 2017; Fig. 15.2). Women living in informal settlements are particularly vulnerable to rape and other physical assaults while using communal toilet facilities. Poor lighting was a recurring concern for women and was directly linked to incidences of rape in informal settlements (BrownLuthango et al., 2017). A study by Patel (2017) focusing on the public toilet domain, showed that discrimination and violence against transgender people of colour within the bathroom space were common experiences. Many of the new low-cost housing settlements are located on the periphery of the city, far removed from social services and economic opportunities, which means that they have not significantly improved the quality of life of housing beneficiaries (Brown-Luthango et al., 2017). Donaldson et al., (2012), report that the flourishing upcoming black professionals tend to need to move away from the townships, in order to be closer to work, as only one third of the upcoming black professionals were employed in the township area. This, therefore, implies that business districts are still avoiding proximity to townships, and transport links still remain underdeveloped for the most part, due to concerns of safety. Most of the study respondents of the study by Donaldson et al. (2012) also felt that the suburbs were more secure than the townships, in spite of the increase in high walls and security which could be taken as an indication of increasing crime rates. Thus, the foremost dislike of living in a township relates to crime and the lack of safety (87%; ibid).

15.3 Conclusions This chapter revealed that not much research on urban space and gender-based violence as well as gender-focused development is currently available. We found that similar problematic narratives around the themes of exclusion and participation, governance, housing, recreation and social relationships, safety measures, transport and work and employment are still being found in many South African studies. Transport issues were reported negatively post upgrades for women. Upgrades did, however, increase playground safety, and also facilitated a greater sense of community within settlements. Often, recurring issues were observed which included bad lighting, poor sanitation and increasing drinking taverns were identified as posing

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high threats to safety of women, and increasing the risk of gender-based violence. This shows that progress has been slow at best in addressing the safety and developmental needs of women within the urban space. More research is therefore needed in areas such as transport and its relationship to gender, which was found to be an under researched area.

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Chapter 16

Urban Food Security Jane Battersby and Gareth Haysom

16.1 Introduction More than with any other of our biological needs, the choices we make around food affect the shape, style, pulse, smell, look, feel, health, economy, street life and infrastructure of the city (Roberts, 2001, p. 4).

There are few things more essential to human health, community cohesion, and local economies than food. And yet food as a basic need or as an object of focus of urban planning has barely been acknowledged in urban studies. In North America and Europe there has been an upsurge in urban planners focussing on food systems issues, and in the global South an increasing number of food security specialists have begun to shift their attention to urban food insecurity. Despite this emerging interest in urban food security and urban food systems, food remains relatively peripheral to urban debates in South Africa. South Africa’s Integrated Urban Development Framework is meant to “guide the development of inclusive, resilient and liveable urban settlements” (Department of Cooperative Government and Traditional Affairs, 2014, p. 4). However, food is barely mentioned in the document, except to state that the urban growth boundaries proposed in municipal Spatial Development Frameworks need to be maintained to protect prime agricultural land for food security, that road and rail infrastructure should link farmers to food processors, and that food gardens may be useful as community-based activities to provide work experience and basic income. This lack of concerted focus on food is equally evident in the Integrated Development Plans (IDP) for South Africa’s municipalities. The current IDP of the City of Cape Town articulates its mandate in terms of issues it J. Battersby (B) · G. Haysom African Centre for Cities, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] G. Haysom e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_16

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has direct control over, areas of influence and areas of concern. Despite this casting of a wide net of municipal influence, food is mentioned just once, in a footnote (City of Cape Town, 2017).1 This chapter provides a rationale for the inclusion of urban food issues as central to debates on South African urbanism and discussion of why it has historically been omitted from these debates. It then presents data on what is currently known about urban food security and food systems in South African cities, and reflects on what knowledge gaps there are and why these persist. The chapter then concludes with a call for greater inclusion of urban food considerations in core urban research agendas and policy.

16.2 What is Food Security and What is the Food System? South Africa is currently food secure at the national scale. This means that it either produces enough food, or earns a trade surplus from agricultural exports which it can then use to cover the cost of food imports (National Planning Commission, 2013, p. 230). This national-scale food security is vulnerable to a number of external shocks and stresses. For example, both large scale and smallholder agriculture are vulnerable to climate change (Conway et al., 2015). National food security is also impacted by currency fluctuations (Grynberg & Motswapong, 2009), as well as other factor, such as infrastructure deficiencies. At the height of the 2015 drought it became apparent that South Africa’s port infrastructure had been so poorly maintained that it was unable to offload imported maize at a rate that would meet demand (SACN, 2015). However, ensuring national food security does not mean that South Africans experience food security. It is important to differentiate between national and household food security. Household food security is determined by a number of household and extra-household factors, some of which are examined in this chapter. These include low and unpredictable incomes, high costs of living, asset poverty, inequitable infrastructure provision, relative physical and economic accessibility of healthy and less healthy foods, and spatial inequality. The definition of food security has been refined over time from its earliest definition of food security, at the Hot Springs Conference in 1943, which was simply a “secure, adequate and suitable supply of food for everyone” (Weingartner, 2004, p. 4). The definition has shifted from a focus on availability of basic food stuffs to a more politically, economically and culturally nuanced approach. At the 1996 World Food Summit a far wider ranging definition was adopted by UN Agencies, in which food security was defined as “the situation that exists when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food that meets

1 It

is worth noting that eThekwini Municipality has a whole sub-section on food insecurity (eThekwini Municipality, 2017).

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their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life” (Maxwell, 1996, p. 169). This is the most widely used definition of food security, adopted by both policy makers and researchers. Using the 1996 definition the Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) state that food security is built on four pillars: Availability, Accessibility, Utilization, and Stability. “Food availability: The availability of sufficient quantities of food of appropriate quality, supplied through domestic production or imports (including food aid). Food access: Access by individuals to adequate resources (entitlements) for acquiring appropriate foods for a nutritious diet. Entitlements are defined as the set of all commodity bundles over which a person can establish command given the legal, political, economic and social arrangements of the community in which they live (including traditional rights such as access to common resources). Utilization: Utilization of food through adequate diet, clean water, sanitation and health care to reach a state of nutritional well-being where all physiological needs are met. This brings out the importance of non-food inputs in food security. Stability: To be food secure, a population, household or individual must have access to adequate food at all times. They should not risk losing access to food as a consequence of sudden shocks (e.g. an economic or climatic crisis) or cyclical events (e.g. seasonal food insecurity). The concept of stability can therefore refer to both the availability and access dimensions of food security” (FAO, 2006, p. 1). The 1996 definition extends the framing of food insecurity from global or national scales to the household or individual scales. The four pillars provide a useful framework for seeing how household or individual food security is shaped by householdscale factors, but also wider systemic issues within the food system, and even in the urban system. The urban determinants of food insecurity are particularly evident when issues of access (both physical and economic) and utilization are considered. Food security requires not just stable food supply and access, but also stability in supply and access to items that support food preparation and access, such as transport, cooking fuel and water access. However, despite the widespread adoption of this definition and its pillars, there has been very relatively little focus on urban drivers of food insecurity in food security policy globally, and nationally within South Africa. This chapter argues that in order for urban food security to be understood, and incorporated into urban planning and policy, it is essential to have data both on the experience of food security and on the food system conditions that contribute to or undermine food security. The chapter also argues that it is important for urban areas to adopt and implement their mandated responsibilities to address food security in a progressive manner. The High Level Panel of Experts on Food Security and Nutrition (HLPE) definition of a food system is, “A food system gathers all the elements (environment, people, inputs, processes, infrastructures, institutions, etc.) and activities that relate to the production, processing, distribution, preparation and consumption of food, and the outputs of these activities, including socioeconomic and environmental outcomes”

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(HLPE, 2014, p. 12). This definition makes the connection between food security, the food system and the wider set of systems in which food operates. This systems approach therefore provides entry points to bring food into the urban agenda and vice versa.

16.3 Why is Food Security Absent from Urban Policy and Research in South Africa? Given the importance of food security to the well-being of a city’s residents and of the food system to the city’s economy, it is perhaps surprising that there has been so little overt policy or research focuses on urban food issues. It has been stated the municipalities have no direct mandate to address food security. This section uses a discussion of the Constitutional mandates of municipalities to argue that municipalities have mandates that directly and indirectly impact food security across all four pillars. It highlights how food security has been framed by national policies and strategies and suggests that these framings have shaped the perception that municipalities lack a food security mandate.

16.3.1 Constitutional Mandates South Africa’s Constitution recognises the right to food (Section 27.1(b)). The clause obligates government to ensure the progressive realisation of the right to food. The role of municipal government in ensuring this right is not clearly articulated within the Constitution nor in other Acts guiding municipalities. However, all spheres of government are bound by the Constitution and the activities of no sphere should undermine the realisation of this right. This chapter echoes the concern raised by Pothukuchi in relation to planners (Pothukuchi, 2000 in Roberts, 2001), that if cities are not conscious of the food system and their role in shaping it, then their impact will be negative, not just neutral. Although municipal governments generally do not acknowledge the food security or food system mandate, there are a number of powers and functions of municipalities outlined in the Constitution (specifically Schedules 4 and 5, but also in other Chapters) that directly or indirectly impact the food system and therefore food and nutrition security, namely: Licensing and control of undertakings that sell food to the public; local amenities; markets; municipal abattoirs; municipal parks and recreation; public places; refuse removal; street trading. Provincial and municipal government have a number of concurrent legislative competences which are relevant to food security and food systems, namely: Agriculture; consumer protection; disaster management; education at all levels, excluding tertiary education; environment; health services; housing; industrial promotion; pollution control; population development; public

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transport; public works only in respect of the needs of provincial government departments in the discharge of their responsibilities to administer functions specifically assigned to them in terms of the Constitution or any other law; regional planning and development; soil conservation; trade; urban and rural development; welfare services (Battersby, Haysom, Tawodzera, McLachlan, & Crush, 2014, pp. 20–21). There are also “concurrent competencies”, competencies shared by municipal and provincial government in key areas of food systems governance. It has been argued that while concurrent competencies need not lead to poor governance outcomes, but if that concurrency is unmanaged, “it has the potential to produce negative effects” (Chonco, 2015, p. 45). The concurrency of food-system related mandates in conjunction with weakly conceived government policy and programming has led to an absence of pro-active governance of the food system in the interest of food security by municipal governments in South Africa. Further, while the Right to Food is constitutionally guaranteed, in order for the right to become law it will require a court (usually Constitutional Court) to provide a judgment (as was the case with the Grootboom case and the right to shelter). The constitutional mandates described above do not mention food or food security, which creates a vagueness in operationalising the right to food. This lack of clarity is compounded by national policy framings described below.

16.3.2 Food Security and Food System Policy and Strategy in South Africa 16.3.2.1

Integrated Food Security Strategy (2002)

The post-apartheid government’s first attempt to engage food security in a systematic manner was the 2002 Integrated Food Security Strategy (IFSS), which had as its vision, “to attain universal physical, social and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food by all South Africans at all times to meet their dietary and food preferences for an active and healthy life” (DoA, 2002, p. 6). It identified food security as being built on a robust food system. It recognised that in order to improve food security, a multi-departmental approach was necessary. The Strategy therefore called on involvement from the then National Department of Agriculture, the Department of Health, Department of Social Development, and Provincial and Local Government as key institutions. It also called on engagement from six other departments. While the intention was for cross-departmental co-operation and co-ordination, implementation largely fell to the Department of Agriculture (now the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries—DAFF). This had several impacts on efforts to address urban food security. Firstly, although the IFSS speaks of the need to ensure a robust food system, the housing of the strategy in DAFF has led to an overtly production-oriented framing of food security policy and programming (Drimie & Ruysenaar, 2010). Food security is effectively reduced to an availability problem to be

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addressed by support for small holder farmers. Food access is only considered through own production as directly improving accessibility, or perhaps through macroagricultural policy reducing food prices, thus indirectly increasing accessibility. Secondly, Agriculture is a Provincial competence. There is therefore no clear food security role for municipal government in the programming emerging from it. Therefore the mandates established in the constitution are poorly acknowledged by local government and are unfunded by national government. Finally, it means that the kind of data that are collected to assess food security are poorly designed and poorly disaggregated to assess urban food security (Battersby et al., 2014).

16.3.2.2

National Policy on Food and Nutrition Security (2014)

In 2014 the government released a new National Policy on Food and Nutrition Security, which aims to provide a broad framework for the fulfilment of the Constitutional mandates for food security and to “serve as a guide to national, provincial”—and importantly “local government in working towards food and nutrition security at every level” (DAFF, 2014, p. 29) Furthermore it aims to “maximize synergy between the different strategies and programmes of government and civil society” (DAFF, 2014, p. 28). However, it has been widely critiqued as having not been “subject to any public consultation and is utterly deficient in its identification of problems with the food system in South Africa and its failure to develop solutions for the majority of people” (SPII, 2015, p. 1). The Policy was accompanied by an Implementation Plan which was not initially publicly released and has yet to be acted on. The policy was designed to be jointly implemented by the National Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries and the Department of Social Development. As with the IFSS, these departments operate at the national and provincial scales, but have no municipal government representation. Although relative levels of food security in rural and urban areas are noted, there is no focus on urban scale solutions nor is the potential role of municipal government acting within its constitutional mandates mentioned. Like the IFSS the policy has an overwhelming rural, productionist orientation. The policy has been further critiqued for its lack of efforts to address the influence of big business on the food system (Moyo, 2015).

16.3.3 Consequences The framing of food security as a predominantly rural phenomenon to be solved by increased production, is far from uniquely South African (Crush & Riley, 2017). This framing has led to a set of governance effects (impacts on policy and programmatic direction) and knowledge effects (framing concepts and norms) (Davis et al., 2012 in Fukuda-Parr & Orr, 2014). Key areas of the food system (most directly markets, street trading and municipal abattoirs) which shape urban food security are under

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municipal mandates, and yet because of the existing framing of food security by national government, municipalities have not considered themselves to have a food security or food system role. Moreover, the framing of food insecurity as a rural problem to be solved by increased production means that data gathered to monitor food security and food systems has been biased away from urban concerns. As will be demonstrated in the following section, there are considerable gaps in official statistics that would help determine the extent and the food system drivers of urban food insecurity. This further hinders efforts to get the challenge onto the urban policy agenda.

16.4 What Do We Know About Urban Food and Nutrition Insecurity and Urban Food Systems in South Africa? Until very recently there was no large-scale data set disaggregating food security into rural and urban, which left the perception that food security was primarily a rural phenomenon unchallenged. However, the recently released initial findings of a 146country survey by the FAO found that 50% of urban populations in least-developed countries were food insecure, compared with 43% in rural areas (Tefft, Jonasova, Adjao, & Morgan, 2017, p. x). In South Africa there has been consistent evidence from large-scale surveys that urban food insecurity is as significant as rural food insecurity. In their 2009 report, Altman et al. analysed the (2007) General Household Survey and found that, “a very large share of seriously hungry households live in a few urban districts … Counterintuitively, more than 30% of all seriously hungry households lived in Cape Town, Ekurhuleni and Johannesburg in 2007. Over 50% of the seriously hungry could be reached by focusing intervention in these three densely populated urban areas, plus an additional five district municipalities mostly located in the same vicinities” (Altman, Hart, & Jacobs, 2009, p. 17). More recently, the South African National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (SANHANES) found that urban informal areas have the second largest percentage of households experiencing hunger (32.4%), after rural formal areas (37.0%) and the highest prevalence of being at risk of hunger (36.1%) (Shisana et al., 2013, p. 10). A number of South African food security studies have shown very high levels of food insecurity in poor areas of cities. The most commonly used tool to assess food insecurity in these case studies has been the Household Food Insecurity Access Prevalence tool (HFIAP). Eighty percent of the 1040 sampled households in Khayelitsha, Philippi and Ocean View in Cape Town were moderately or severely food insecure (Battersby, 2011), as were 84% of sampled households in a subsequent further study in Masiphumelele, du Noon and Nyanga (also in Cape Town) (Crush & Tawodzera, 2012). In a survey of Orange Farm, Alexandra and the Inner City of Johannesburg (Gauteng) 56% of sampled households fell into this category (Rudolph, Kroll, Ruysenaar, & Dhlamini, 2012), and 87% of sampled households in Msunduzi

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(KwaZulu Natal) (Crush & Caesar, 2014). Food insecurity is experienced in urban settlements of all sizes. For example, a survey in Bophelong in Vanderbijlpark (Gauteng) found 81% of sampled households to be moderately or severely food insecure (Grobler, 2013). It is not possible to generalise from case studies, and so proxy indicators may be useful to obtain a better understanding of the potential extent of urban food security. The Bureau for Food Agricultural Policy (BFAP) found in 2012 that that for a household to consume a “balanced daily food plate” of food, it would have to have an income of around R5,630 (BFAP, 2012, p. 49). This equates to R67,500 per annum. The closest income category boundary used in Census 2011 was R76,400. Using this boundary as a proxy for vulnerability to food insecurity, the proportions of total population of South Africa’s metros vulnerable to food insecurity ranged from 61.4% in Tshwane (Gauteng) to 76% in Buffalo City (Eastern Cape) (SACN, 2015, p. 20). The majority of metropolitan residents must therefore be considered vulnerable to food insecurity. These findings warrant significantly more policy and programmatic attention on urban food insecurity. However, informed by the governance effects of the national and international framing of food insecurity as a rural problem to be addressed by production, the response by municipalities has centred on the promotion of urban agriculture, despite research suggesting that uptake of urban agriculture is far lower than would be expected given the amount of policy and programmatic attention, and that the data to support arguments made about its contribution to food security and livelihoods is extremely limited (SACN, 2015, pp. 24–27). Data on the prevalence of food insecurity tells us little about the experience of food insecurity as determined by availability, accessibility, utilization and stability. This section therefore focuses primarily on data from Cape Town generated by drawing on a suite of food security and food system indicators to better understand the problem. The African Food Security Urban Network (AFSUN) food security survey conducted in Khayelitsha, Philippi and Ocean View used three key food security indicators in combination: Household Food Insecurity Access Prevalence (HFIAP), Months of Adequate Household Provisioning (MAHFP) and Household Dietary Diversity (HDDS). Within the Cape Town study, the average number of months of adequate household food provisioning was 9 months. There were distinct hungry seasons, with inadequate access peaking in January and in the winter months (Battersby, 2011, pp. 15–16). This may seem surprising, given the constant supply of food to cities and the dependence on market sources as the primary source of food. These findings however reflect on how households “choose” to go hungry in order to preserve valued household assets at times of increased household expenditure and reduced household income, as seasonal employment dips over these time periods. In their Food Price Barometer work focusing on poverty in Msunduzi (KwaZulu Natal), PACSA (Pietermaritzburg Agency for Community Social Action) calculated the monthly income needed to buy a minimally nutritious basket of food for a family of five in 2016 as R3,200 (incidentally the rate at which the proposed national minimum wage has been set). They then identified other key costs that urban households must meet, including burial insurance, electricity and water, transport and education costs, and household debt repayments. Food is the one “spongy” cost and so households elect to spend less

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on food. PACSA argue that the minimum income required to meet basic urban living costs and ensure food security in 2016 was therefore R8000, well above the proposed minimum wage (PACSA, 2016, p. 7). Urban food security needs to be understood in the context of the costs of urban life, in which apartheid spatial planning has led to a large proportion of income being spent on transport to get to places of employment (Kerr, 2017). Household Dietary Diversity figures also raise questions about the drivers of food insecurity. Urban residents commonly have higher consumption of saturated fats, sugars, salt and processed foods than their rural counterparts (Drimie, Faber, Vearey, & Nunez, 2013). Dietary quality is therefore an important urban health issue. In the Cape Town AFSUN study, the average HDDS was 6 out of 12, where a score of 6 or less has been proposed as a proxy for malnutrition. The diet recorded was largely non-nutritive. After Cereals, the most commonly consumed food types were foods made with oil, fat, or butter, and foods made with sugar or honey, and other foods (usually tea and coffee) (Battersby, 2011). While a need for nutrition education is often invoked, it is essential to look beyond choice editing and consider how the food system and its interaction with urban infrastructure shape these patterns. The long-term global trend has been for the cost of processed foods to decline and those of fresh produce to increase in real terms (Wiggins & Keats, 2015). In South Africa, a study of the availability and cost of healthier food choices of commonly consumed foods found that the cost of healthier options was always more expensive than the “normal” option. The price differences ranged from 11% (high fat vs. low fat minced beef) to 58% (brick margarine vs. low fat margarine) (Temple & Steyn, 2011). Concerns have been raised that the rapid expansion of supermarkets is making highly processed foods more available in low income areas, precipitating further dietary transitions (Battersby & Peyton, 2014). Beyond the relative physical and economic accessibility of different food types, household food choice is shaped by urban geography in various ways. Commuting times reduce potential food preparation time (Caballero, 2005). Additionally, poor households often lack adequate refrigeration and storage, which impact upon ability to safely store perishable foods. Households therefore make dietary choices to prevent spoilage, increasing the proportion of processed foods consumed and buying perishable foods in smaller units (Ballantine, Rousseau, & Venter, 2008), thus making them unable to take advantage of economies of scale. The challenges of storage and refrigeration combined with income poverty and time poverty fundamentally shape food security and how households engage with the food system. The findings of the AFSUN survey and other work indicate that the vast majority of food consumed was accessed from the market, typically with a monthly shop at a supermarket and day-to-day purchases being made locally from Spaza stores (local informal stores) and street traders. Only 5% of sampled household in Cape Town obtained any food from own production. Given the municipal mandates to govern markets, street trade, municipal roads and public transport there are clearly many potential impacts of municipal governance on food security.

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However, due to the framing of food security and food systems in national policy there is extremely limited government data available to help inform potential urban food governance. The Agricultural Census collects data on commercial-scale agricultural production, but these data are not disaggregated in units that make it possible for cities to track local production. Municipalities hold data on what urban agriculture projects are supported, but not what is being produced or how that food is distributed. Given their environmental health role, municipalities hold data on where licensed food processors are, but not what is being produced. Data collected on informal trade are designed to address issues of legal compliance and livelihoods, not its contribution to food security. Although supermarkets and shopping malls are fundamentally reshaping the local food environment and food security, and their development is subject to municipal planning approval, food security impacts are not considered in the planning process and no records are held of the number of supermarkets. This lack of data on substantial issues impacting food security hampers the potential development of viable urban food security policies and programmes in South African cities. In the last ten years there has been increased research interest in understanding the urban food system and its intersection with food security and urban life, including work on urban food production (e.g. Ruysenaar, 2013), the characteristics and contribution of the informal food retail sector to food security (e.g. Kroll, 2016; Skinner & Haysom, 2016), and the expansion of supermarkets (e.g. Battersby, 2017; Battersby & Peyton, 2014). These bodies of work are beginning to develop an understanding of the ways in which the food system in urban areas can be governed to improve food and nutrition security.

16.5 Conclusion There has been increased research interest in food insecurity in urban South Africa in the last ten years. However, due to the ways in which food security has been framed in national and international policy it has received little concerted policy and planning attention. This lack of policy attention has been compounded by a lack of official data on the nature of urban food security or on the food system conditions that impact food security. Both the governance and knowledge effects of the historical framing of food security need to be addressed if urban food security is to be effectively addressed. This can be achieved by increased critical engagement with urban policy frameworks and generation of robust data to highlight the impact of data gaps in official statistics, and through concerted efforts by the research community to engage all spheres of government.

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Chapter 17

Urban Renewal in South African Cities Ruth Massey

17.1 Introduction Urban renewal has been a prominent feature of city development internationally for a number of years now and is often a high profile and controversial pursuit. Following the Second World War urban policy in the global North (particularly the United Kingdom) focused on modernisation, upgrading, and reconstruction (Couch, Sykes, & Börstinghaus, 2011). In many cities during the 1970s it became evident that new urban policy interventions were needed as cities faced socio-economic inertia and deterioration (Tyler, Warnock, Provins, & Lanz, 2013). Post-Fordist economic restructuring had also led to de-industrialisation and the move from manufacturing as a core economic activity to a growth in services of a tertiary nature. This was also accompanied by the rise in knowledge-based production systems. The inner city and post-industrial spaces became significant areas of focus for development and renewal initiatives (Evans, 2009; He & Gebhardt, 2014). Much of this economic restructuring in cities around the world favoured neoliberal approaches in urban policy development and implementation (Diaz, 2007). These neoliberal urban policies generally focused on ensuring that conditions were constructive for the investment of private capital and the privatisation of government services (Lee, 2007). This led to a significant growth in property and private-led development initiatives, boosted by increased concerns over the scarcity of public funds and the decentralisation of the responsibilities and duties of the State to the local level. The number of public-private partnerships has risen significantly (Peyroux, 2006) coupled with the connection between development and the prospective rise in the value of real-estate. Developer or private institution thus invest in urban development with the express intention of protecting their investment and making a profit (Peyroux, 2006). This approach is primarily focused on securing fiscal interests. The argument exists that there is a R. Massey (B) University of Huddersfield, Queensgate, Huddersfield, UK e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_17

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need for this process to occur in order for renewal and redevelopment to take place as the State is unable to finance such change on its own. These approaches to urban renewal, however, have often lead to social inequality and an increase in segregation (McGregor & McConnachie, 1995). Since the advent of democracy in 1994 South African cities themselves have been part of a large-scale process of renewal—responding to years of neglect and decay, poor planning practices, and ineffective decision-making and leadership. Much of the urban renewal in South African cities, however, demonstrates the country’s move from an economy based on production to one of consumption—a shift which has led to an increase in inequality and exclusion, and a change in the arrangements of urban governance and space in the country. Urban renewal can be divided into two categories—pro-growth and pro-poor. Pro-growth is largely driven by the need for economic expansion and is undertaken, primarily, to promote a positive image of the city and attract outside investment, upper and middle-class residents and tourists. Pro-poor urban renewal is concerned with the improvement of people’s living conditions and livelihoods and includes infrastructure projects, small business enterprise development and social housing schemes. There have been achievements but also failures in the way both pro-poor and pro-growth urban renewal projects and programmes have been rolled out in South Africa. Policies and systems, designed with good intentions, have not necessarily translated into successful implementation or favourable outcomes. While some people and places have benefited, others have faced marginalisation, exclusion, and injustice. While some urban renewal policies and programmes have brought benefits to citizens and city spaces, others have led to segregation, displacement, forced removals and a disregard for the poor, the marginalised, and the informal sector. This chapter discusses both pro-poor (area-based renewal, township renewal, and informal settlement upgrading) and pro-growth (gentrification, inner city renewal, and leisure and tourism) renewal in South African cities. Using the case study of the Langa Quarter in Cape Town the Chapter explores the use of social enterprise initiatives in urban renewal programmes and discusses how this approach can prove useful in addressing both social and economic needs and agendas.

17.2 Urban Renewal: A Note on Definitions Urban renewal can be defined as the redevelopment of city spaces in response to economic, social and physical decline and decay (Richards, 2014). This can include the demolition and/or updating of deteriorating buildings and housing units; and the construction of new developments (including sports stadiums, entertainment centres, shopping and business precincts) (Richards, 2014). Urban renewal can also include the upgrading of old infrastructure such as road networks, electricity power supplies, internet services, water and sanitation pipe lines, and waste water treatment works. Urban renewal is often associated with phrases such as urban regeneration, redevelopment, revitalisation, restructuring, and gentrification. There is some overlap

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between these terms (particularly when referring to urban renewal and urban regeneration) which has sparked much debate internationally around what terminology should be used and in which contexts (Couch, 1990, 2003). In South Africa ‘urban renewal’ is the term most widely used when referring to any form of redevelopment that addresses the deterioration of a city space and which aims to improve the social, economic, and physical environment. This chapter uses the phrases ‘urban renewal’ and ‘urban regeneration’ interchangeably but caution should always be employed when reading and writing within a more international context.

17.3 A Snapshot of the Literature and Research In the global North the topic of urban renewal has been high on the research agenda since the 1960s (Zheng, Shen, & Wang, 2014) and, more recently, in the global South (albeit fairly limited in comparison) (Steinbrink, Haferburg, & Ley, 2011). Books on urban renewal have been written for countries such as the United Kingdom (Jones & Evans, 2013; Roberts & Sykes, 2005; Tallon, 2013) and the United States of America (USA) (Grodach & Ehrenfeucht, 2015; Wagner, Joder, & Mumphrey, 1995) while edited collections such as Fox Gotham (2001), Leary and McCarthy (2013) include a number of case studies from countries such as Turkey, Poland, China, Egypt, South Korea, and Nigeria. Other edited collections on urban renewal include Tallon’s (2010) four volume edited collection titled: Urban Regeneration and Renewal. In South Africa a significant amount of research has taken place on several aspects of urban renewal. Much of this work has focused on Cape Town, Johannesburg, and Durban (Houghton, 2013) as well as on secondary cities such as Bloemfontein. Journal articles on various aspects of urban renewal have been written by Huchzermeyer (2003, 2006, 2011) (informal settlement upgrading); Bethlehem (2013) (inner-city renewal); Visser (2002) (gentrification); Visser (2016) (leisure and tourism led renewal); and Donaldson and Du Plessis (2013) (area-based renewal). Urban renewal has been approached through assessing distinct forms of regeneration for example Huchzermeyer and Karam’s (2006) book: Informal Settlements: A Perpetual Challenge? and Huchzermeyer’s (2004) book: Unlawful Occupation: Informal Settlements and Urban Policy in South Africa and Brazil. Some authors have addressed aspects of urban renewal in individual cities such as Johannesburg (Changing Space, Changing City: Johannesburg after Apartheid—Harrison, Götz, Todes, & Wray, 2014) and Murray’s (2008) book: Taming the Disorderly City. There are various forms of urban renewal taking place in contemporary South Africa. These can be categorised as pro-poor and pro-growth. Where the former focuses on improving and providing basic services such as water, housing, electricity, and sanitation as well as hospitals, clinics, public transport interchanges, and places which facilitate community integration; the latter works to attract external investment and upper to middle income residents to an area.

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17.4 Pro-poor Urban Renewal Urban spaces neglected by the apartheid regime remain largely neglected in current times. The South African government has worked to improve these areas through a number of spatial economic strategies (Donaldson, Du Plessis, Spocter, & Massey, 2013a). This pro-poor urban renewal in South Africa has taken on several forms. These are discussed in the sections below.

17.4.1 Area-Based Renewal The use of area-based approaches (ABA) in urban renewal programmes became a popular policy option internationally during the 1990s and has gone on to become the face of ‘new urban governance’. It includes cooperative partnerships, and intergovernmental and/or public–private sector collaboration in its approach to public administration (Donaldson et al., 2013a). Area-based approaches aim to alter the character of the geographical area through the involvement of residents and various interest groups, embracing a wide range of economic, physical, and social growth and development objectives that are cross cutting and which involve various levels of, and departments within, government (housing, transport, recreation, health, education, sport, and local economic development) (Smith, 1999). Area-based approaches can take on varying institutional forms, “ranging from large partnership structures, involving diverse stakeholders to special-purpose agencies with narrow responsibilities and short time frames” (Turok, 2004, p. 6) and is touted as being only “really appropriate when deprivation and disadvantage can be addressed, in part, within the boundaries of a target area” (Smith, 1999, p. 36). It is crucial that a balance is struck in area-based approaches between social and physical renewal so as to avoid persistent problems such as unemployment and poverty. Community participation in area-based approaches is crucial at all stages of the process. Partnership and interagency cooperation are key but can be difficult in the context of complex systems and requires diverse and comprehensive approaches (Lawless, 2004). Area-based approaches can be seen as experimental policy which require creative thinking and flexible initiatives bespoke to specific geographic areas. In his 2001 State of the Nation address former South African President Thabo Mbeki announced the launch of the Urban Renewal Programme (URP). This was to be an area-based approach designed to address poverty and underdevelopment in targeted areas over a 10-year period. The focus of this programme was to be on poverty alleviation in urban areas that had substantial service backlogs, that were both spatially and economically marginal to central urban economies, and that struggled with social exclusion that was limiting development within communities. Eight nodes were chosen as pilot projects with the hope that this approach would be rolled out to other areas in the future. The eight nodes were KwaMashu and Inanda in

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KwaZulu-Natal; Mdantsane and Motherwell in the Eastern Cape; Khayelitsha and Mitchells Plain in the Western Cape; Alexandra in Gauteng; and Galeshewe in the Northern Cape. During the renewal process investment was channelled into both hard infrastructure and into social interventions. The Khayelitsha business district and Mitchells Plain town centre, for example, received infrastructure upgrades in the form of bridges, a rail extension, pedestrian routes, roads, and public transport interchanges, as well as clinics, social facilities (youth and family centre operations), and housing. Public spaces were also constructed in order to create unique and attractive places for people to gather (both to build social cohesion and facilitate interaction, and to attract investment) (Turok & Watson, 2002). Environmental education programmes and community safety workshops as well as skills development courses were also set up during this process (Urban-Econ, 2011). The renewal programme made sure it involved local residents and various interest groups at each stage of the process and made use of public-private partnerships. It embraced various cross-cutting economic, physical, and social growth and development goals and involved various government departments. This urban renewal process did however face difficulties in terms of meaningful public participation processes, government co-ordination (including timelines, mandates, and budgets), and unmet expectations of the community. Donaldson and Du Plessis (2013) and Donaldson et al. (2013a), as well as Samara (2005) have all undertaken studies on the success and difficulties of the South African area-based urban renewal programme in the Western Cape while Peter (2008) has focused on Mdantsane in the Eastern Cape. Kotze and Mathola (2012) assessed the satisfaction levels and the community’s attitudes towards urban renewal in Alexandra while Thwala (2009) explored the experiences and challenges of community participation in the area. KwaMashu’s urban renewal process was analysed by Godehart (2006) and then by Musakwa (2009) (as part of a doctoral thesis). Mhlekude (2013) assessed the impact of the Mdantsane Urban Renewal Programme on the lives and the livelihoods of beneficiaries (from 2001 to 2011) also as part of a doctoral study at the University of Fort Hare. What all these studies identified was the clear need for meaningful public participation and community capacity building (communication, design and implementation), the involvement of community leaders (which assist in sustainability and community buy-in), the inclusion of both social and local economic development initiatives (along with infrastructure development), integrated settlement design, comprehensive business plans (to assist with securing multi-level government support), a clear institutional vision and mandate for projects, strong leadership and management, the support of public-private partnerships and the inclusion of local businesses. Where these elements were not included an increase in crime and violence was reported as well an eroding of social networks and cultural practices, a breakdown in trust between the community and the government (and, on occasion, with community leaders) and the delivery of infrastructure and services that did not meet the needs of the community.

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17.4.2 Township Renewal Townships were one of the many tools used by the apartheid government to control the population spatially and today these areas continue to deal with the legacy of this destructive and divisive regime. Over and above the area-based approach to the renewal of townships there have been many other methods employed to regenerate these long-neglected spaces. These include Local Economic Development (LED) projects, tourism initiatives, retail, and private sector ventures. Local Economic Development (LED) by definition is an approach where local government, the private sector, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), not-for-profit companies and community members work collaboratively to improve the economic growth, job opportunities, inclusiveness, and competitiveness of a local area (Rogerson, 2010). The strength of these renewal approaches is that they move on from models that are neoliberal and top-down to ones that are local and community-led. They also consider physical, social, economic and environmental realities, are often more inclusive and integrated (with a positive, structured approach), are just and include all stakeholders. Undertaken incorrectly though (i.e. with limited or no community participation, little leadership or vision, and poor integrated design planning) these initiatives can be a destructive force within an urban space. Many of these renewal approaches have been successful chiefly because they have clear leadership systems in place, community participation and buy-in, and make use of local assets, features and novelties in the regeneration process. These renewal initiatives have taken place in a number of township spaces across the country including Seshego (Cloete & Massey, 2017), Soweto (Morontse, 2010; Sibiya, 2012), and Botshabelo (SACN, 2016) to name a few. This renewal has, in some cases, strengthened these areas and shone a spotlight on the role townships play (and perhaps a new role they could play) in the overall fabric of the city and has promoted the integration of these spaces into the larger urban landscape.

17.4.3 Informal Settlement Upgrading Informal settlements offer shelter for a large section of the urban population and are characterised by a lack of basic services (water, electricity, sanitation), informal housing, the illegal occupation of land, and an absence of land tenure. The South African General Household Survey (2016) estimates that 13.9% of households reside in informal dwellings (Statistics South Africa, 2016). This is an increase of 5.6% from 2002 figures. In 2016, roughly 1 in every 5 households in South Africa’s metropolitan areas lived in informal dwellings. High levels of in migration, urbanisation, the legacy of apartheid and colonialism, as well as poor governance and the inability to meet increasing demands for housing have all contributed to this high level of informality (Huchzermeyer, 2014; Watson, 2014). Based on the constitutional right to adequate housing and growing public pressure and dissent, the

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South African government started a process of large-scale formalisation through the provision of housing and infrastructure to informal areas. The South African National Department of Housing’s ‘Breaking New Ground: A Comprehensive Plan for the Creation of Sustainable Human Settlements’ was released in 2004. This policy directive acknowledged that informal settlements had grown significantly since 1994. This resulted in the development and implementation of the Informal Settlement Upgrading Programme (UISP). The Upgrading of Informal Settlement Programme (UISP) affords municipalities the opportunity to apply for funds from the provincial government in order to upgrade informal settlements through an incremental approach (for example: through providing access to basic services and infrastructure, and security of tenure). The programme also provides funding for the creation of ‘site and service’ stands which are connected to both interim and permanent municipal engineering services. The UISP however does not provide funding for the construction of housing. This is to be provided through other national housing programmes (such as the People’s Housing Process). The UISP also provides funding for various forms of community participation during the upgrading process in order to ensure inclusive and participatory processes. The UISP also advocates strongly for in situ upgrading that minimises disruption to social networks and community structures brought about by relocations. The programme also allows for the state to purchase (and, in some cases, expropriate) and rehabilitate land for informal settlement upgrading. Informal settlement upgrading has taken place at varying scales across the country and has taken on various forms (in situ upgrading, relocation to greenfield and brownfield sites, site and service delivery etc.). A few limited examples of informal settlement upgrading include Makhaza and New Rest in Cape Town (Massey, 2013); Slovo Park in Johannesburg (Tissington, 2011); and Freedom Square in Bloemfontein (Marais, Ntema, Cloete, & Lenka, 2018; Ntema, Massey, Marais, Cloete, & Lenka, 2018). The successes and failures of informal settlement upgrading have been researched by a number or scholars including Cirolia, Görgens, van Donk, Smit, and Drimie (2017) who have assessed partnership-based approach to settlement upgrading and Marais and Ntema (2013) who have undertaken a longer-term assessment of this form of renewal. Larger studies have also been done by Huchzermeyer (2004) and Huchzermeyer and Karam (2006). What is clear from these studies is that, while there have been some successes, approaches to upgrading have often led to settlements that have not met the needs of residents, have increased vulnerability, have negatively affected social networks and have jeopardised livelihoods and long-term sustainability. This generally happens when local communities are not involved in the planning and delivery process; upgrading is not done in an integrated way; the quality of construction and infrastructure provision is poor; larger livelihood needs are ignored; and settlement layout interferes with social networks, safety and security needs, and community activities.

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17.5 Pro-growth Urban Renewal Local governments face increasing pressure (largely from National level authorities) to fund their own activities and services as well as attract external investment. This had pushed officials to pursue urban renewal policies and programmes that favour maximum economic growth (often at the expense of social needs and wellbeing of local residents). These pro-growth strategies are discussed below.

17.5.1 Gentrification Gentrification is the renewal/regeneration of a working-class or vacant area which is accompanied by the influx of middle-class or affluent people into the area (Lees, Slater, & Wyly, 2008). This often displaces poorer residents (Visser, 2002). Gentrification takes place globally but has only gained significant traction in South Africa over the past two decades. It is a controversial form of urban renewal which, while profitable for some, often leads to the evictions, forced removal, displacement, and the exclusion of those who cannot afford new rental and property prices, local rates and taxes, and the general cost of living in the renewed areas. As local governments push to make urban areas more profitable and attractive to outside investors, gentrification has become more and more popular in South African cities. Gentrification is taking place in a number of urban spaces including Woodstock (Garside, 1993) and De Waterkant (Visser, 2004) (Cape Town); Maboneng (Gregory, 2016; Nevin, 2014), Braamfontein (Rogerson, 1996), and Parkhurst (Monare, Kotzé, & McKay, 2014) (Johannesburg); and in Westdene (Bloemfontein) (Hoogendoorn & Visser, 2007). Various researchers have critically assessed gentrification and its effect on city spaces and local communities in South Africa (Visser, 2002). They have documented the increase in segregation and urban inequality (Visser & Kotze, 2008), a rise in evictions and city spaces that are now affordable only to an elite few (Kotze, & Van der Merwe, 2000; Visser & Kotze, 2008), as well as the displacement of many residents who have subsequently been relocated to the outskirts of the city (Ah Goo, 2018). Gentrification has also started to take place in smaller town and secondary cities (Donaldson, 2009) as well as township spaces (Lemanski, 2014) with similar consequences. Bo-Kaap in Cape Town has managed to stave off some of the gentrification taking place in the area and its negative consequences (Kotze, 2013; Donaldson et al., 2013b) through considerable community activism and intervention over the years. There have been similar community protests in Woodstock where groups such as ‘Reclaim the City’ [“a movement of tenants and workers campaigning to stop our displacement from well-located areas and secure access to decent affordable housing” (Reclaim the City, 2019, p. 1)] have worked with residents providing support and a platform to voice their concerns.

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17.5.2 Inner City Renewal Inner cities (including Central Business Districts) of South Africa’s larger cities began their decline in the 1970s due to a sharp increase in suburbanisation (encouraged through government incentive schemes), deindustrialisation, and, later, the collapse of apartheid and the advent of ‘white flight’. The decline of inner-city spaces was marked by a waning and eventual withdrawal of property and retail sector investment due to poor public transport links, weak public administration and rigid planning regimes (Bethlehem, 2013). The 1990s saw an increase in capital flight particularly in the residential sector. Businesses moved out of the inner city to new office nodes and retail stores followed to be closer to their clientele. The result was an increase in the number of disused and abandoned inner city buildings. This left these urban spaces open to illegal occupations and a dramatic growth of informal catering and commerce sectors. From 2000 onwards, local municipalities have worked hard to put policies and programmes in place to renew inner cities in South Africa. The chief aim of these renewal initiatives has been to attract public sector investment (both local and foreign) and encourage middle-class and more affluent residents to return to the inner city. Inner city initiatives have been undertaken by private developers and by local government departments (sometimes in partnership) and have had significant and varying effects on communities. Some of these impacts have been the exclusion of the surrounding community, socio-economic marginalisation, the neglect of the need for social housing, forced removals and evictions, and the side-lining of the informal sector. Researchers have explored the inner-city renewal of cities around South Africa including Johannesburg (Hoogendoorn & Gregory, 2016; Rogerson, 2004), Pretoria (Donaldson, Jurgens & Bahr, 2003) Port Elizabeth (Siyongwana & Mayekiso, 2011), Cape Town (Dewar, 2004), and Durban (Grest, 2002; Khosa & Naidoo, 1998). One of the most researched spaces of inner-city renewal is the Maboneng Precinct in Johannesburg (Vejby, 2015). This regeneration has been steered by the ‘creative class’ [theorised as both a socioeconomic class and significant driver of economic development in cities across the world (Florida, 2003)]. The creative class is made up of intellectuals, philosophers, artists and knowledge workers (Peck, 2005) as well as those involved in education, training, the arts, design and music, theatre, and entertainment. Their economic function involves creating new ideas, content and technologies (Florida, 2003). The focus of the regeneration in Maboneng has therefore been on art galleries, small and creative businesses and design companies (Nevin, 2014). It was hoped the credibility of the ‘creative class’ would add to the success of the regeneration and that by attracting creatives to the area a trickledown effect would occur (Gregory, 2016). This has, to some extent, been achieved in Maboneng but has also led to the formation of an economic and social enclave which has separated it from the surrounding area (Walsh, 2013) (including the rise in unaffordable housing, social exclusion, and gentrification).

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The Maboneng Precinct has also taken advantage of the financial opportunities presented by the Urban Development Zone (UDZ) tax incentive (Kluth, 2014). The UDZ is a public sector investment programme aimed at attracting investment through tax incentives in specific zones or ‘empowerment areas’ within South African cities (Sibutu, 2012). This incentive takes the form of an accelerated depreciation allowance that applies to the improvement of buildings that already exist and the development of new buildings (Ramabodu, Kotze, & Verster, 2007). The UDZ was launched by, then Minister of Finance, Trevor Manuel in 2003 and was implemented in 2004. The scheme has recently been extended to 2021 (Propertuity, 2017). The core aim of the UDZ has been to promote inner-city renewal and urban regeneration through private sector property investment and allow for wider economic development and job creation (Ramabodu et al., 2007). The use of the UDZ has facilitated the growth of rental markets, vacancy reductions and increased confidence amongst investors. This has stimulated the retail sector with a number of restaurants, bars, clothing and curio shops moving into the area but has also caused the exclusion of the formal sector operating in the area (Kluth, 2014). Johannesburg and Cape Town’s inner-city areas have made use of City Improvement District (CID) approaches as part of their renewal (CIDs are also known as Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) in other parts of the world). CIDs are defined as “a geographic area within which property owners and/or tenants agree to pay for certain services supplementary to those supplied by the Local Authority and which will enhance the physical and social environment of the area” (CJP, 2001, p. 4). The aim of CIDs is “to maintain and manage the public environment at a superior level and thus enhance their [the majority of the property owners] investments” (KUM, 2005, p. 6). City Improvement Districts (CID) are Not for Profit Companies that both support and participate in the sustainable urban management of public space within their jurisdiction. Property owners agree to contribute to the upliftment of the space in order to both attract the general public and positively impact business and property values. The CID management company renders and manages various services including the cleaning and maintenance of public space and ensuring the safety and security of the CID. They are supplementary services and are provided over and above those delivered by the local municipality (Didier, Morange, & Peyroux, 2013). This approach has been embraced internationally as a response to the increased need for better urban control, area management, management/control of mobility (Rink & Gamedze, 2016), and economic encouragement (Peyroux, 2006, 2008). This approach of managing ‘crime and grime’ can often lead to socio-economic exclusion and segregation. In Maboneng, ‘Public Safety Ambassadors’, the privatized security detail of the Precinct, have been known to remove members of the surrounding community from the area if they are seen to be loitering or undertaking informal trading activities. This form of urban management has led to the differential access in security and an increase in marginalization. This approach has also meant that the wealthier can afford to improve their public spaces while the poor are left to the, currently, inadequate services of the local municipality. This is seen to be a neoliberal approach of privatizing services which, again, encourages investment but side-lines other.

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17.5.3 Leisure and Tourism-Based Renewal Over the past decade leisure and tourism-led urban redevelopment nodes have sprung up in a number of cities across South Africa. These nodes are often accompanied by the seeds of cultural, social and economic re-imagination and can often be linked to the creative and service industries—key drivers in redevelopment. While individuals play a role in this form of urban renewal, there has been an increase in the investment of institutional capital (through property developers and large corporations). Urban tourism has meant that cities have increasingly become ‘entertainment machines’ (Lloyd & Clark, 2001), a catalyst for local governments and private corporations to develop waterfront spaces (such as the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront in Cape Town (Ferreira & Visser, 2007) and the Durban Point Waterfront development (Gounden, 2010), convention centres (Durban International Convention Centre, Gallagher Estate and the Cape Town International Convention Centre), and stadia (Moses Mabhida Stadium (Durban) (Hannan & Sutherland, 2015; Pillay & Bass, 2008) and the Green Point Stadium (Cape Town)). Leisure and tourism-led urban redevelopment opens city spaces up for new imaginings and urban identity, and a number of cities have started to use leisure and tourism strategies as a way to revive, develop and construct new urban economies. The creative class have played a significant role in leisure and tourism-led urban redevelopment, unlocking opportunities for new types of economic sectors. This form of renewal has not taken place exclusively in larger cities but also in secondary cities and small towns such as Clarens, Greyton, Robertson, and Hermanus. While this regeneration has boosted local economies it has also brought about tourism-led gentrification (Donaldson, 2009), exclusion (Donaldson, Spocter, du Plessis, & Van Niekerk, 2012), displacement of existing residents, and economic segregation.

17.6 The Langa Quarter—A Social Enterprise Approach The renewal of city spaces is both valid and necessary but must be undertaken in ways that are context specific, consider physical, social, economic and environmental realities, are fair and equitable, and are inclusive and integrated. While many regeneration initiatives in South African cities have been backed by good intentions and sound policies, they have often led to the exclusion and side-lining of local communities which has widened social inequality, perpetuated segregation of space along class lines, and fuelled social, political and economic instability and division. There has been a long-standing tension between the needs of low-income communities and the desire for economic growth and development in the country. While this could be seen as a barrier the case study of the Langa Quarter (discussed here) provides an example of a hybrid form of regeneration where social entrepreneurship had led to growth and development in the area. This form of local economic development has brought in investment and aided efforts to meet demands for economic growth in the areas while still catering for the needs of the local community and supporting their livelihoods.

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Social enterprises are organizations that use commercial strategies in order to bring about an improvement in the lives and wellbeing of humans and their environment. A social enterprise brings about a balance between making a profit and benefiting a social mission (Katz & Page, 2010). They can be designed as a for-profit or non-profit group but their social mission and impact is at the centre of their efforts as opposed to revenue. This avoids the inflexibility of either a non-profit or for-profit initiative. Social enterprises differ from companies that operate corporate responsibility programs. While a number of commercial companies might see themselves as having social objectives these aims are primarily used to improve perception and financial viability. The term ‘social enterprise’ has philanthropic roots in the United States and has been linked to cooperatives in the United Kingdom, European Union and Asia (Kerlin, 2009) (which has led to a contested heritage). While in the United States the terms is associated with charity through trade, in other countries there is a stronger focus on community organisation, democracy and shared principles as opposed to philanthropy (Kerlin, 2009). Most social enterprises will accept finance as well as other forms of backing from the State but are fundamentally initiatives that seek independence both from the private sector and the State by means of a social economy. Social enterprise has both an open membership and goals that are considered to be in the community/public interest. The Langa Quarter is a 13-street precinct which officially launched in September 2013 and which uses social enterprise tourism to create jobs and develop and grow businesses. It aims to facilitate employment, decrease poverty, enhance the area’s existing assets and empower the community as well as to be a ‘responsible’ tourist destination that promotes enterprise development and social cohesion. The Langa Quarter is the brainchild of Tony Elvin, a social entrepreneur who started the for-profit company and social enterprise iKhaya le Langa. iKhaya le Langa’s headquarters are a repurposed school building in the Langa Quarter and houses Langa’s Center for Enterprise and Entrepreneurship. iKhaya le Langa, in partnership with NonGovernmental Organisations, the community, government and the private sector, works to develop at least one form of enterprise in each of the 350 houses within the Langa Quarter. This seeks to draw some of the tourist money that is spent in Cape Town’s Central Business District into this township space. The Langa Quarter capitalizes on the strengths of the area, including its history, culture, and Jazz music, in order to develop the area with street cafes, music venues and art galleries. In May 2015, with the help of the local municipality and iKhaya le Langa, residents of the Langa Quarter were successful in obtaining land use rights to allow for small business opportunities (such as restaurants and guest houses) in the Precinct. This widened the scope of permitted zoning scheme activities and has allowed for the various activities to take place in the area. This followed a successful pilot project between the local municipality and iKhaya le Langa. Accommodation is provided for tourists by local residents both as a way to make money and as a means to introduce people to township life beyond the perceived safety of a tour bus. Bed and breakfasts are a popular form of accommodation, but the Langa Quarter has also initiated the Langa Quarter’s Homestay Hotel. This is a 44-bedroom ‘hotel’ which has rooms in homes around the area. Since the initiative

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began it has contributed an estimated R100,000 to the 15 households. This is a significant income for an area where most people earn less than R4,000 a month (World Travel Guide, 2016). Airbnb accommodation is also available which has attracted significant international attention (News24, 2017). The Langa Quarter also hosts various events during the year to encourage people to visit the area. These include the Langa Quarter Summer Market which offers a township retail experience and live entertainment (including jazz by local musicians). The market hosts over 40 stalls and sells local goods and crafts as well as local cuisine. In October 2016 Langa hosted the Open Streets initiative as part of the city’s Transport Month. King Langalibalele Drive in Langa (previously known as Washington Street) was closed off to cars and locals and visitors were able to play, cycle, skate, explore, and connect with each other and the space. In 2014 a township arts experience group officially opened a permanent arts route making 10 homes on Rubusana Street into permanent gallery spaces. The Langa Township Art Gallery (Langa TAG) project makes use of 10 homes to display and sell the work of local artists. One of the long high walls serves as a public exhibition space for the abundance of street art. Langa also has an annual street art competition where local artists from the community and the wider Cape Town area display their work on various walls in the area. iKhaya le Langa was officially recognized as a World Design Capital: Cape Town project in 2014. There are a number of small business enterprises operating in the Langa Quarter. These include coffee shops, drinking taverns or bars (known as ‘Shebeens’), hair salons, craft markets, local takeaway outlets and other informal stalls. The Langa Quarter also has informal grills and takeaway/fast food stands. There are plans in the future to have a fully functional visitor’s centre, facility for practitioners and training providers, free wifi access across the Langa Quarter precinct and a formal market square for existing informal traders as well as a business suite at the Ikhaya le Langa centre with bookable conference space and affordable pay as you go office space. Many of these local residents and business initiatives are receiving training (specifically Small, Medium and Micro Enterprises (SMMEs) and tourism related businesses) and are being taught how to use technology to develop their businesses. Direction, vision and leadership are key for success as well as full community ownership and participation. Ensuring a diversity of projects is also crucial to ensure sustainability and resilience as well as the careful consideration of physical, social, economic and environmental realities. These spaces also need to be well located, safe and stable. A strength of using social enterprise for township renewal (and in fact any form of renewal) is that it moves on from models that are neoliberal and top down to an approach that is local, community led, and takes on a bottom up approach. This style of using social enterprise for urban renewal could be applied successfully in other low-income areas in both South Africa and the larger Global South (ensuring, of course, that local contexts are considered and adjusted for).

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17.7 Conclusion South Africa is not an exception in terms of its urban renewal experiences and similar processes are taking place internationally. What is evident though is that urban renewal presents an opportunity for the country to reimagine its city spaces and rethink the role these sites play (and could play) both locally and globally. It affords urban policy makers and planners the chance to trace new development paths (in collaboration with local stakeholders) and redefine what is means to be a ‘World Class’ city. This chapter has discussed both the pro-poor and pro-growth approaches undertaken as part of urban renewal processes in South Africa. What is evident is that there is a very clear danger associated current renewal policies and programmes which ignore public participation processes, have short-term vision and benefits, and that advantage only a select part of the population. It is important that urban spaces in South Africa do not become the domain of an elite few, leaving other citizens ignored and unseen (something that was encouraged under the apartheid regime). This would have a serious effect on the future of South Africa’s cities, widening inequality, furthering segregation and fuelling instability and division. Urban renewal must be undertaken in way that is context specific, integrated, sustainable, and inclusive and does not have to involve choosing economic elements over social ones or vice versa (as demonstrated in the Langa Quarter case study).

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Chapter 18

South Africa’s Urban Future: Challenges and Opportunities Ashley Gunter and Ruth Massey

18.1 Introduction Around the world, urban centers are taking on increasing importance as a growing proportion of the world’s population moves to cities (Drakakis-Smith, 2012). South Africa is no different, with over half of the county’s population living in urban environments. While humanity’s transition to an urban state has been rapid, in South Africa, the political regimes of colonialism and apartheid have left a legacy of cities with distinct spatial patterns. The spatial legacies of apartheid planning created cities in South Africa that were representations of exclusion and oppression. Millions of people were pushed to the urban periphery into ‘townships’ that epitomized the government of the times’ repressive regime (Harrison, Todes, & Watson, 2007). An entire spatial planning theory was developed that used urban spatial planning to reinforce racial segregation. The spatial planning of the apartheid system has created a unique environment for urban settings in the country. People and spaces are isolated, from one another and from economic opportunities. The urban geography of South Africa is rooted in this legacy as it seeks to understand the South African city in their context of history as well as their context of Africa and the globe. This book has sought to unpack the key issues and challenges found in the modern South African city. By looking at the past, present and future of urban spaces, it strives to place the South African city in a central role in shaping the country. From urban development policies to crime and culture, urban settlements in the country shape the lives of millions of people. This means that cities shape the lives of the majority of South Africans. Yet despite their importance, modern South Africa cities face a number of A. Gunter Department of Geography, University of South Africa, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] R. Massey (B) University of Huddersfield, Queens Gate, Huddersfield, UK e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 R. Massey and A. Gunter (eds.), Urban Geography in South Africa, GeoJournal Library, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25369-1_18

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challenges, stemming from the legacies of their apartheid and colonial histories. As with many cities founded by colonial powers, modern South African cities have a legacy of dysfunction. These issues manifest themselves in the urban environment. By unpacking these issues, this book hopes to provide deeper insight into the challenges and possible path forward for urban South Africa. Understanding city spaces is vital in bringing a better life both to communities and individuals. Some of the solutions to the issues are already being implemented by urban governments, policies making cities more resilient to climate change, open to trade and connected to the world are already in place in many cities in the country (Smith, 2003). Our cities are becoming smarter, wealthier and increasingly entrepreneurial. Yet the future of South African cities cannot simply be about economic development. Future South African cities must develop mechanism and strategies that help the urban poor become fully integrated into the urban system. Cities have the potential to uplift the lives of millions, however, the strategies for development need to carefully include paths for development for all people. This chapter will look at what the future might hold for South African cities, it first unpacks some of the key issues that needs to be address in the urban environment and then looks to some key scenarios that could play out in the urban context in South Africa. Finally the chapter will question the path forward for South African cities and how Urban Geography will play a key role in understanding modern South African urban spaces.

18.2 Sustainable Development and Sustainable Cities Cities pose both a threat and an opportunity for achieving sustainability, with a high concentration of people and industry, cities consume vast amounts of natural resources and produce pollution that threaten habitats. It is within these city environments that some of the most innovative approaches to sustainable development have been initiated. From recycling water and waste, to the production of renewable energy, South African cities have led the way in developing initiatives that provide solutions to environmental concerns (Folke et al., 2002). However, cities cannot overcome the challenges of climate change and environmental degradation alone, an integrated contract needs to be developed between cities, countries and global institutions. Urban governments must set policy to ensure that cities play their part in managing the key resources of water, energy, chemicals and food (Agudelo-Vera, Leduc, Mels, & Rijnaarts, 2012). Due to the massive impact that cities place on the environment there is increasing pressure to comply with international climate agreements and meet the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. These policies call for cities to act as agents of change to bring about more sustainable economic, social, technological, cultural, and political sustainable places (UN-HABITAT, 2011). While many urban areas in South Africa seek to embrace these ideals as part of their management strategies, cities have to face a myriad of conflicting demands, to be economically viable; to

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create cities that enable employment; to conserve the natural environment; to be energy efficient; to raise funds; to empower the poor; to be inclusive; to be business friendly to name a few. Within these confines, cities are required to find dynamic solutions that address the challenges they face. Many cities in South Africa are beginning to explore the circular metabolism as a way of becoming sustainable, developing mechanisms that reuse resources, develop urban food gardens, recycle waste and water and deliver urban development on brown fields. These mechanisms are not simply for future mitigation of the challenges of climate change, in 2018, the City of Cape Town experienced its worst water shortage in a hundred years (Luker, & Harris, 2018). Millions of people were placed at risk of not receiving sufficient water to meet their basic needs. This scenario is going to increase in years to come and cities need to establish themselves as resilient to climate change impacts and natural disasters by focusing on how they consume resources. Focusing on the cities circular metabolism can assist in the sustainable use of resources and help urban managers in mitigating the risks that environmental stresses have on urban populations and infrastructure. South African city governments needs to be cognizant of the extreme environmental pressures that changes in climate bring, often without warning, to urban areas. Cities need to think about their resilience to these events and combine this resilience with the practices of sustainable development. Urban development should minimize resource use and repurpose existing urban infrastructure, a process that has not been done in many South Africa inner cities. While South Africa as a middle income country has the wealth to develop infrastructure to stand up to the strains of climate change, many of the urban poor and informal sectors of the city will fall outside of these projects and the formal safety of the city (Schäffler, & Swilling, 2013). These groups of people are the most vulnerable in the city and policy and resilience has to be focused on this group. This is the dichotomy of the South African city, that there is sufficient resources and skill to manage the formal parts of the city, however, the informal, poor and vulnerable are often excluded from this part of the city and thus carry the greatest costs of natural disasters.

18.3 Sustainable Economic Development Cities play a central role in how the country responds to environmental and economic challenges. As South Africa cities pull in migrants, investment and resources their capacity to respond to the need for housing, jobs and infrastructure in a sustainable manner is tested. As cities try and manage the conflicting roles they need to play, they continue to attract migrants from within South Africa and abroad. A limited fiscal capacity means many of the urban poor, including new urban residents, cannot be accommodated within the formal city and are pushed into the informal sector where the potential for exploitation and marginalization are the greatest. While many city managers grapple with creating sustainable urban development, a large part of the economy and urban settlement falls outside of their control within the informal sector. The World Bank points out some of the key issues in South Africa in trying to address this inequality:

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In addressing exclusion the World Bank argues that the imperative is for expanded job creation, most especially for the country’s youth. Several key constraints are identified for the reduction of poverty and inequality in South Africa. These include insufficient skills, the highly skewed distribution of land and productive assets, and low levels of competition and integration into global value chains, which impacts in particular opportunities for small enterprise development. Two further critical issues are the limited or expensive spatial connectivity associated with under-serviced historically disadvantaged settlements and the overarching threats posed to economic and social development in South Africa by the calamity of climate change (World Bank, 2018, p. 2).

Inequality and informality thus represents a significant problem in cities and addressing the challenges faced by the urban poor can greatly reduce these inequalities (World Bank, 2018). Many cities use the provision of basic services to achieve this, however, in South African cities, the prevalence of service delivery protests shows that these services are not delivered sufficiently. Political unrest in the form of service delivery protests demonstrates the lack of political voice that many of the urban poor feel they have. There are regular outbreaks of violence in South Africa over poor service delivery most often centered in cities. These protest represent a desire to be heard and obtain access to resources, from basic services to those that can assist with the development of economic activity such as property and energy. This desire for resources is intrinsically linked to land restitution, the apartheid system limited access to land and resources for the majority of South Africans, cities now need to address this demand for the restitution of resources and land to the poor.

18.4 Land Restitution The urban poor, in South Africa and globally, require cities that are inclusive and provide access to resources. This demand needs to be addressed in the context of creating a sustainable city and in the context of South Africa, needs to be addressed in the context of the historical legacy of apartheid. A sustainable mechanism that can be used to open up access to resources is for individuals to be given access to housing and property tenure. This call resonates in poor communities in many countries and access to tenured property has been seen as a central component of helping individuals out of poverty in a sustainable way. In South Africa, the call for land restitution is loud as land, in both urban and rural settings was often stolen or expropriated from communities under the colonial and apartheid regimes (Maharaj, 1994). For over a century, South African cities policies was the segregation of racial groups and across the country, communities were torn apart as the government forcibly relocated people of colour out of urban areas. There is now a need for social justice for poor urban communities who were relocated to the urban periphery under apartheid and still find themselves marginalized spatially and economically in the post-apartheid era. South African cities have a political and social imperative to address this spatial injustice but have been slow to do so. The City of Cape Town has been notoriously poor at providing low cost

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housing in and near the urban center, while Ekurhuleni has built thousands of low cost social houses on the urban periphery (Goebel, 2007). Urban managers have been slow to change the spatial injustices inherited from the past, the call for the restitution of land has grown and the national government has begun a process to amend the constitution to expropriate land without compensation to give security of tenure to disenfranchised South Africans. The future of South Africa cities will be determined by how the issues of restitution and access to resources is managed. Currently, urban governments have followed a neoliberal trend to policy within the city (Leary, & McCarthy, 2013). This often perpetuates inequality and future cities need to develop pro-poor development strategies that lead to socially just urban development. The future of South African cities in the post-apartheid period, will be to focus on role of poverty and inequality within the city. Cities in South Africa must embrace their context in Africa and become less reliant on planning practice from city in Europe and America. South African cities must reduce the divide between the rich and the poor and integrate cities as single systems where the livelihood of all groups intersects. This will challenge the neoliberal approach to city planning that looks to trickle down wealth (Harvey, 2007). Cities are seen as integrated, holistic and fundamentally connected. An integrated city cannot ignore the plight or the state of climate change or the predominant economic climate. The South African city is also connected both physically and socio-economically to places and cities globally so does not act in isolation to any challenge. The future of South African will be based in the interconnectedness of the city and how places, spaces, the environment and people interact. They must be focused on the plight of the poor in urban centers and recognize that this group has the most to gain and the most to lose from poor urban planning. Despite this need to focus on growth that benefits the poor, there is little certainty in how cities will develop. While there has been a shift to neoliberal policy in most South African cities, there is a national imperative to have pro poor development. The future scenario is unclear and there are a number of paths that cities could take.

18.5 Alternative Futures for South Africa’s Urban Spaces The future of Urban Centers in South Africa is unclear, there are a number of challenges ahead that could have grave consequences for cities, however, the city is well placed to address these challenges. This section looks a four potential scenarios that could be the future of South African Cities: 1. The City of the Future South African cities would embraced the concept that all have the right to the city, through this initiative, they would work on ways to bridge the inequalities between the rich and the poor. Reducing inequality would become a key driver of urban development and planning and the city would legislate for all citizens to have access

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to opportunities. This would include developing affordable housing close to the urban core, building public transport that brings communities together and offering incentives for development on the urban periphery. The urban elite would see value in having integrated public space for all as it could lower crime rates and leads to social cohesion. Public art, festivals and tolerance of other people would become a central part of the cities vision. Infrastructure development would focused on overcoming inequality and corporate partnerships would be built to encourage investment in marginalized communities. The city could become a place of opportunity where the vision of Nelson Mandela is realized, that it belongs to all who live in it. If this scenario were not to take place South Africa may be left with the 3 scenarios below. 2. The Failing City As an emerging economy, South Africa would struggled to increase its economic growth rate and lower unemployment. This situation could continue to play itself out in cities. As the poor and unemployed numbers increase, cities income could decrease, this would lead to lower levels of spending on necessary infrastructure and maintenance. However, despite the decline in spending, the city would continue to draw migrants from rural areas and abroad, with no prospect of finding work in the formal economy, these individuals would find their livelihoods in the informal sector. Wealthy urban residence would remove themselves from public spaces and shun public services. A dual city would develop where the poor are forced into using insufficient public infrastructure while the rich, hidden away in gated estates would be self-reliant with off-grid water and electricity. As the city population grows, infrastructure would deteriorate leading to traffic gridlock, massive slums and declining development. The formal city could become a small area in comparison to the informal city which would provide housing, jobs and income for the vast majority of the city inhabitant, however, very little tax for government. In this scenario, city management and government would have very little control over future development and the city would be informal. 3. The Segregated City The apartheid city was based on racial segregation with physical infrastructure separating people of different races. In this future scenario, the cities of South Africa would move beyond segregation by race by becoming segregated by class. The urban elite would be well served by good infrastructure, supplemented by private facilities and spaces. The city for the elite would has shopping malls, city improvement districts and private policing in public spaces that encourage consumerism. The urban poor would be pushed out of these places by gentrification and find themselves on the urban periphery. While the city government would provide some services to communities, there would be a limit to these services due to constrained budgets. Some of the urban budget would be spent on infrastructure that only caters to the elite, such as high speed rail and sports stadiums for mega events. Service delivery protests would be common, however, due to the segregated nature of the city, the wealthy are not often aware of their existence.

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4. The Corridor City In this final scenario, there would be much progress in trying to integrate different parts of the post-apartheid city. However, for the most part, the spatial patterns of the old city would remain. There would be an increasing attempt by the city government to build bridges and development corridors between the urban core and periphery. This would mean that some communities on the periphery would have improved transport links to the urban core with low-cost housing developed near to opportunities. While infrastructure for the poor would be built, the urban elite would still enjoy a high standard of living and frequent some public spaces, such as parks and beach fronts where the diversity of the city might gather on special occasions. There would still be some inequality but the city government would slowly try to develop economic opportunities on the urban periphery to spread economic wealth. As with any scenario situation, one situation is unlikely to be permanent, as the state of a city is constantly in flux and changing. While South African cities are young, they are resilient in many ways and focused on a future for their citizens. The future of urban South Africa, as with South Africa is promising. Considering that most cities in South Africa are only around a hundred years old, it is amazing the amount of infrastructure, development and opportunities that do exist in them. While these scenarios are all possible futures for South African cities, urban governments and communities can actively work to bring about the best possible scenario. Policies need to be developed that balance both economic growth and propoor initiative. Communities will have to supplement and participate in government initiative with grass root involvement.

18.6 The Future of Urban Spaces in South Africa As cities in South Africa grow, they will continue to grapple with the legacy of apartheid, the development of infrastructure to address the past has contributed to astonishing economic growth, and this has been coupled with massive social programs such as the provision of social housing and income grants making South African cities attractive places to live. This urban development has become a driving force in the South African economy and urban based services, such as finance and retail are now key in driving the national economy forward. The contribution to national GDP from cities is over 50%, clearly showing the importance of these places in the future of economic growth and national prosperity. However, it is not only in the economic sector that cities play an increasing role in shaping futures, from politics to housing provision, urban centers are leading the way in South Africa (Fig. 18.1). From corporations to migrants, South African cities are drawing people and wealth into their sphere of influence and many smaller secondary cities are emerging as drivers of regional growth and development. Rustenburg, for example, has been the fastest growing urban region in South Africa for a number of years with Witbank

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Fig. 18.1 Cities contribution to the SA economy. Source SA Cities Alliance (2016)

and Vereeniging showing leading growth as well (SA Cities Alliance, 2016). The emergence of new and growing urban spaces shows the appeal of these places and their importance in how we address urban issues in the country. There are a number of future trends that are emerging in South African cities that will shape the state and nature of these urban spaces, including: 1. The rising impacts of climate change. Cities are often disproportionally impacted by changes in climate and the associated extreme weather that accompanies it. 2. South African cities and their economies are becoming more integrated and linked to other African cities, during the apartheid period, South Africa limited its links to other African countries, however, the future of South African cities will be their linking and integration in the regional and continental economy. 3. The history of inequality has created cities that have some of the highest levels of inequality in the world. Without addressing the discontentment of this inequality, cities will see increasing levels of crime and political instability. 4. While the demands on cities is growing, the financial constraints on their budgets will increase. Cities futures will be on proving environments that encourage entrepreneurship and grow the local tax base. 5. The growing number of corporate headquarters and offices in secondary cities with an increase in economic activity found in these places. This is often

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linked to regional economic factors, such as mining in Limpopo and with business headquarters in Rustenburg, however, the future of these corporations is intrinsically linked to the city success. The huge demand for urban housing in almost all cities in the country, while the South African department of Housing and local and provincial housing subsidiaries have built millions of houses in urban areas, there is a large and growing demand for housing. This is exasperated by the increase in informal settlements in urban areas. The demand for housing (in low and middle income groups as well as the gap and rental markets) is not being met by neither social housing nor housing developers. Major cities are growing into mega regional urban hubs, this is most noticeable in Gauteng, where the cities of Johannesburg, Tshwane and Ekurhuleni have merged to form one economic hub which is quickly growing to include peripheral cities such as Krugersdorp to the west and Vereeniging to the south. This mega urban center will represent more than 33% of all GDP in South Africa and is of significant importance to the national economy. South African cities are also becoming Internationally renowned as centers of excellence in different fields. The hosting of mega sporting events as well as international conferences has placed cities like Cape Town and Johannesburg on the world circuit of events. The International Convention Center in Cape Town has been labeled as one of the world’s best and South Africa cities are recognized as leaders in regional and international best practice. South African cities are becoming increasingly linked through air and ground transport. Cities’ airports have taken on a role as drivers of economic development and airports in Johannesburg, Ethekwini, Mbombela, Polokwane and Cape Town all have airports linked to international destinations.

South Africa cities are driving economic development in the country and shaping the nature of development as the economy moves to more knowledge-based growth industries. City regions in the country are producing new wealth and attracting regional migration. This is, however, not without its problems as the growth of cities is coupled with increases in informal housing and settlements and pressure on existing infrastructure. While cities play a massive role in development, without proper planning, these cities will continue to have massive inequality.

18.7 Conclusion This book has sought to explore the issues, challenges and opportunities that play out in South African cities. While this is just a snap shot of urban South Africa, the key issues of poverty and inequality, juxtaposed to the wealth and creativity of these cities has been explored. South African cities represent a dynamic and changing space where problems and opportunities come together in a complex environment. From the energy of the informal settlement, to the wealth of corporate headquarters, South

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Africa represents a unique but unexceptional place in the global South. City planners and governments have been actively working to address the spatial inequalities of the past yet despite a quarter of a decade of work, the South African urban landscape is still marred by segregation. If current inequality, injustice, and segregation are not addressed, urban futures in South Africa look bleak for people, their environments, and livelihoods. Cities are, however, well placed to mitigate these problems, by building resilience and focusing on sustainable development, cities will be able to overcome the challenges of the past and provide opportunities for people who live in them. As the urban population of South Africa continues to grow, cities will take on an increasingly important role in the development of the country. It is thus imperative that Geographers develop the skills and knowledge to understand and address the issues facing our urban future.

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